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THE  LIBRARY 

of 
VICTORIA  UNIVERSITY 

Toronto 


Myerstown,  Pennayvlania 


THE  LUTHERAN  MOVEMENT  IN  ENGLAND. 


A   £TUDY   IN    COMPARATIVE    £YMBOLIC£. 


THE 


^UTHERAN  MOVEMENT  IN  ENGLAND 


DURING  THE  REIGNS  OF 


HENRY  VIII.  AND  EDWARD  VI., 


ITS  LITEEAEY  MONUMENTS. 


BY 

HENRY  EYSTER  JACOBS,  D.  D., 

Norton  Professor  of  Systematic  Theology  in  the  Theological  Seminary  of  the 

Evangelical  Lutheran   Church  in  Philadelphia ;    Translator  and 

Editor  of  the  "  Book  of  Concord,"   Schmid s  "  Doctrinal 

Theology  of  the  E-J.  Lutheran  Church"  etc.  etc, 


PHILADELPHIA: 
G.    W.    FREDERICK, 

1890. 


BK 

375 
J33 


Copyrighted,   iSqo,  by  G.  W.  Frederick. 


PEEFACE. 


^INVESTIGATIONS  into  the  history  of  the  English  transla- 
(Q$  tions  of  the  Augsburg  Confession,  made  several  years  ago,  in 
co-operation  with  the  late  Rev.  B.  M.  Schmucker,  D.  D.,  led  the 
writer  into  a  much  wider  field  than  he  had  originally  intended 
to  enter.  Notes  taken,  in  the  beginning,  for  his  own  informa 
tion,  soon  accumulated  to  such  extent,  that  he  embodied  their 
results  in  a  series  of  articles,  that  appeared  in  The  Luiheran  in 
1887.  During  the  preparation  of  the  articles,  every  available 
source  of  information  was  laid  under  contribution  for  additional 
facts.  The  number  of  articles  grew  beyond  expectation.  Re 
quests  having  been  made  from  various  quarters,  that  they  should 
be  published  in  a  more  permanent  form,  this  volume  is  the  result. 
The  material  here  given  has  only  in  part  appeared  before.  Much 
has  been  rewritten,  while  several  of  the  earlier  chapters,  and  near 
ly  all  of  the  latter  part  of  the  book,  are  entirely  new. 

It  will  speak  for  itself.  Its  facts,  supported  by  the  document 
ary  evidence,  will  suggest  their  own  lessons.  It  has  not  been 
written  chiefly  in  a  polemical  interest.  Its  great  end  is  to  pro 
mote  a  thorough  understanding  of  the  historical  relation  of  the 
Lutheran  Church  to  the  various  English-speaking  communions 
of  this  country,  whose  course  has  been  influenced  by  the  history 
of  the  Church  in  England  during  the  Sixteenth  Century, 
vii. 


PREFACE. 


With  so  much  material  on  the  subject,  readily  accessible,  it  is 
surprising  that  a  book  filling  this  place,  has  not  appeared  before. 
English  writers,  however,  as  a  rule,  have  felt  little  interest  in 
acknowledging  their  dependence  on  the  German  Reformation  ; 
a  few,   like  Archbishop  Laurence  and  Archdeacon  Hardwick, 
forming   brilliant   exceptions.     German   writers   have   general 
ly  assumed  that  the  English  could  be  relied  upon  for  the  facts 
of  their'  own  history,  and,  therefore,  have  not  exercised  their 
characteristic  caution,  or  their  customary  practice  of  being  sa  is- 
fied  with  nothing  short  of  the  first  sources.     Although  the  cor 
respondence  of  Luther  and  Melanchthon,  and  that  rich  store 
house  of  documentary  evidence,  Seckendorf's  Historia  Luther- 
anismi  abound  in  most  valuable  information  on  the  subject,  but 
little  attention  has  hitherto  been  given  to  what,  with  a  little  in 
dustry,  could  have  been  drawn  from  their  pages. 

The  time  has  come,  however,  for  a  more  careful  and  thorough 
examination  of  these  facts.     In  this  country,  the  Lutheran  Church 
has  become  a  communion  of  over  a  million  communicants,  and 
not  less  than  four  or  five  millions  of  a  population.     The  English 
language  has  again  become  the  medium  for  the  Lutheran  faith. 
As  the  various  nationalities  which  its  adherents  represent,  merge 
in  the  one  American  nationality,  so  their  various  languages,  soon 
er  or  later,  are  laid  aside  for  the  common  language  of  the  coun 
try.     Even  before  this  process  is  complete,  the  one  medium 
.through  which  those  worshipping  in  different  languages  can  con 
fer  with  and  know  one  another,  must  necessarily  be  the  English. 
The  problem  of  the  hour  for  the  Lutheran  Church  in  America, 
is,  how  to  unite  these  various  elements  in  the  historical  faith  of 
the  Lutheran  Church  as  embodied  in  her  historical  Confessions, 
and  with  the  worship  prescribed  in  her  historical  Liturgies  and 


•   PREFACE.  IX. 

Church  Orders.  As  in  the  earlier  efforts  of  Cranmer,  Fox, 
Barnes,  Coverdale,  Rogers,  Taverner  and  others  in  the  Sixteenth 
Century  in  England,  so  here,  the  English  language  is  again  em 
ployed  to  furnish  the  mould  in  which  Lutheran  Theology  is  to  be 
recast.  In  this  work,  the  historical  connection  is  again  preserv 
ed.  The  good  foundation  then  laid  is  not  to  be  ignored.  We 
gladly  resume  the  undertaking,  at  the  stage  in  which  it  was  left 
by  our  predecessors  in  the  same  field,  and,  with  humble  recogni 
tion  of  their  admirable  success,  take  it  up  simply  where  it  was 
left  incomplete  by  the  intervention  of  the  Calvinistic  reaction, 
during  the  second  period  of  the  reign  of  Edward  VI,  as  exam 
ined  in  these  pages.  But  in  doing  so,  it  becomes  necessary  to 
explain  our  relations  to  the  Church  of  England,  and  to  carefully 
discriminate  between  what  is  common  territory,  and  what  is  pe 
culiar  to  each  Church.  It  is  a  matter,  not  of  regret,  but  of  re 
joicing,  that  the  Church  of  England,  and  her  daughter  in  Amer 
ica,  have  jealously  preserved,  and  heartily  commended  by  con 
stant  usage  so  much  of  the  common  heritage,  not  only  antedat 
ing  the  Reformation  and  extending  even  far  back  beyond  the 
conuptions  of  the  Middle  Ages,  but  also  of  what  they  have  di 
rectly  drawn  from  the  Lutheran  Reformers.  It  must  not,  how 
ever,  be  forgotten  that  the  political  complications,  as  well  as 
other  elements  that  entered,  rendered  the  work  of  the  Lutheran 
Church  in  reforming  the  old  Church  Service  incomplete  in  many 
parts  of  Germany,  and  that  even  among  those  who  have  been 
faithful  Lutherans  in  their  Confessional  position,  there  may  be 
found  those  who  are  ready  to  indiscriminately  censure  what  is 
common  property,  as  though  it  were  alien  to  the  Lutheran 
Church. 

Nor  must  the  aggressive  attitude  of  the  Churches  of  the  Angli- 


X.  PREFACE. 

can  family  be  overlooked.  The  challenge  to  all  other  bodies  of 
Christians  to  establish  their  historical  position,  has  been  bravely 
made,  and,  with  a  determination,  that  shows  that  it  will  not  be 
satisfied  with  skilful  evasions  of  the  question.  It  will  certainly 
be  of  service,  in  giving  this  subject  the  serious  consideration 
which  it  justly  demands,  to  take  into  the  account  all  the  histori 
cal  factors  accessible.  The  effort  to  require  all  movements  at 
union  to  rest  upon  a  clear,  distinct  and  unequivocal  historical 
basis  is  certainly  in  the  right  direction.  It  is  to  be  hoped,  how 
ever,  that  this  principle  will  be  consistently  maintained.  No 
progress  can  be  made,  nor  any  permanent  results  gained,  by  lay 
ing  emphasis  upon  one  class  of  facts,  and  resolutely  closing  the 
eyes  to  another ;  urging  the  examination  of  History  at  one  point, 
and  begging  to  be  excused  from  looking  into  it  at  another.  We 
sincerely  hope  that  this  book  may  inspire  among  our  Lutheran 
people  a  true  respect  for  much  that  is  valuable  and  scholarly,  and 
admirable  in  the  results  of  the  faith  of  the  Reformation  that  have 
abounded  in  the  English  Church  and  her  daughters  in  all  periods 
since ;  and,  that,  on  the  other  hand,  it  may  introduce  some  read 
ers  from  these  communions  to  the  rich  stores  of  gospel  truth, 
with  which  their  fathers  were  familiar,  and  which  have  most  pow 
erfully  influenced  their  entire  career  since. 

The  question  of  the  revision  of  Creeds  and  Confessions,  is 
now  attracting  wide-spread  attention.  This  is  a  critical  age, 
persistently  demanding  all  professions  to  be  put  to  a  rigid  test. 
Much  light  will  be  found  upon  the  subject,  by  a  careful  reading 
of  the  accounts  of  the  discussions  between  the  English  and  the 
Lutheran  theologians,  in  their  several  Conferences.  There  is 
scarcely  an  item  which  enters  into  a  discriminating  view  of  the 
subject  that  was  not  there  anticipated.  There  were  many  hints 


PREFACE.  XI. 

given  then  by  the  Wittenberg  theologians  which  are  just  as  ap 
plicable  to  the  present  situation  and  movements,  in  the  Presby 
terian  and  Lutheran,  as  well  as  the  Episcopal  Church. 

At  the  risk  of  violating  somewhat  the  unity  of  the  subject,  an 
Excursus  on  ''The  Typical  Lutheran  Chief  Service,"  has  been 
introduced.  While  treating  of  the  relation  of  the  English  Ser 
vice  to  the  Lutheran  Orders,  there  seemed  to  be  a  call  for  giving 
some  attention  to  a  Service,  for  whose  explanation  even  Luther 
ans  are  entirely  d  pendent  upon  material  not  found  in  the  Eng 
lish  language. 

Beyond  the  acknowledgment  of  the  generous  aid  rendered  the 
writer,  above  all,  by  the  late  Dr.  B.  M.  Schmucker,  mention 
should  be  made  of  others  to  whose  kindness  he  is  much  indebted. 
Among  them,  he  wishes  especially  to  name  Rev.  Karl  Wolters, 
Pastor  of  St.  Peter's  Church,  Hamburg,  Germany,  who  has  taken 
much  interest  in  making  researches  for  this  book  in  the  Archives 
at  Hamburg.  We  only  regret  that  information  he  communicated 
concerning  the  visit  of  John  ^Epinus,  afterwards  Superintendent 
at  Hamburg,  to  England,  and  his  conferences  with  Henry  VIII, 
on  ecclesiastical  matters,  before  the  sending  of  the  English  Com 
mission  to  Wittenberg,  whose  history  is  given  in  Chapter  IV, 
came  after  that  chapter  had  already  been  set  up.  We  refer  to  it 
for  the  information  of  those  who  may  make  this  volume  the 
starting-point  foi  further  investigations.  Rev.  J.  A.  Seiss,  D.D., 
LL.  D.,  kindly  furnished  his  copy  of  Cranmer's  Catechism,  with 
notes  showing  the  results  of  his  comparisons  with  the  Latin  edi 
tion.  Rev.  Prof.  W.  J.  Mann,  D.  D.,  LL.  D.,  especially  inter 
ested  himself  in  gathering  information  concerning  Ernest  Sarce- 
rius,  the  Nassau  theologian.  Rev.  Prof.  A.  Spaeth,  D.  D.,  has 
freely  given  aid  on  Hymnological  and  Liturgical  questions. 


Xil.  PREFACE. 

Pencil  notes  of  the  late  Rev.  Prof.  C.  P.  Krauth,  D.  D.,  LL.  D., 
on  the  margin  of  books,  now  in  the  Library  of  the  Theological 
Seminary  at  Mt.  Airy,  Philadelphia,  indicate  that  he  had  pro 
gressed  far  in  similar  investigations,  and  have  repeatedly  given 
us  the  clue  to  much  valuable  information. 

In  addition  to  the  many  friends  in  the  Lutheran  Church  who 
have  assured  us  of  their  interest  in  these  studies,  we  wish  especi 
ally  to  recognize  the  courtesy  of  Rev.  Prof.  George  P.  Fisher, 
D.  D.,  LL.  D.,  of  Yale  University,  for  urging  that  they  should 
be  embodied  in  a'volume,  as  well  as  for  his  kind  reference  to 
what  we  had  previously  published  on  the  Anglican  Catechisms, 
in  an  address  delivered  in  the  Autumn  of  1888,  at  Harvard  Uni 
versity. 

Trusting  that  the  facts  here  given  will  contribute  towards  the 
clearer  understanding  of  the  causes  of  difference  among  the  vari 
ous  American  churches,  and,  thus,  in  God's  own  time,  if  possi 
ble,  towards  their  ultimate  adjustment,  we  offer  this  volume  to 
the  calm  and  unprejudiced  consideration  of  thoughtful  readers. 

HENRY  E.  JACOBS. 

Theological  Seminary  of  the  Evangelical  Lutheran  Church 
at  I^hiladelphia  (Mt.  Airy],  July  qth,  1890. 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  I. 
THE  BEGINNINGS  OF  THE  ENGLISH  REFORMATION,     .         .         i 

CHAPTER  II. 
TYNDALE'S  DEPENDENCE  ON  LUTHER,         ...  14 

CHAPTER  III. 
THE  POLITICAL  COMPLICATIONS,       .....       39 

CHAPTER  IV. 
THE  ENGLISH  COMMISSION  TO  WITTENBERG,         .  55 

CHAPTER  V. 
PROGRESS  OF  THE  WAR  FOR  THE  FAITH  IN  ENGLAND,         .       74 

CHAPTER  VI. 
THE  TEN  ARTICLES  OF  1536,  .         .         .         .  88 

CHAPTER  VII. 
THE  BISHOPS'  BOOK  OF  1537, 104 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

THE  ENGLISH  BIBLES  OF  1535  AND  1537,     .         .         .  115 

CHAPTER  IX. 

THE  LUTHERAN  COMMISSION  TO  ENGLAND  OF  1538,  .         .127 
(xiii.) 


XIV.  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  X. 
MORE  LUTHERAN  LITERATURE,  .         .         .         .         .  140 

CHAPTER  XI. 
FRUITLESS  NEGOTIATIONS  OF  1539,  .         .         .         .         .148 

CHAPTER  XII. 
A  LITERARY  FORGERY,       .         .         .         .         .         .  159 

CHAPTER  XIII. 
LUTHER'S  "ST.  ROBERT,"      ......     179 

CHAPTER   XIV. 
CLOSING  EVENTS  OF  HENRY'S  REIGN,          .         .         .  190 

CHAPTER  XV. 
NEW  DIFFICULTIES  IN  THE  REIGN  OF  EDWARD  VI.,  .         .198 

CHAPTER  XVI. 
CONFLICT  OF  THEOLOGICAL  PARTIES  IN  .ENGLAND  DURING 

THE  REIGN  OF  EDWARD  VI.,    ....  206 

CHAPTER  XVII. 
LUTHERAN  SOURCES  OF  THE  BOOK  OF  COMMON  PRAYER,    .     218 

CHAPTER  XVIII. 
THE  LITANY  OF  THE  ENGLISH  CHURCH,       .         .         .  230 

CHAPTER  XIX. 
THE  COMMUNION  SERVICE  OF  THE  ENGLISH  CHURCH,         .     241 

CHAPTER  XX. 
THE  MORNING  AND  EVENING  SERVICES  OF  THE  ENGLISH 


CONTENTS.  XV. 

CHAPTER  XXI. 
THE  ORDER  OF  BAPTISM  IN  THE  ENGLISH  CHURCH,  .         .     253 

CHAPTER  XXII. 
THE  ORDERS  FOR  CONFIRMATION,  MARRIAGE,  VISITATION 

OF  THE  SICK,  BURIAL,      .         .         .         .         .  265 

CHAPTER  XXIII. 
THE  SECOND  PRAYER  BOOK  OF  EDWARD  VI.,    .         .         -275 

CHAPTER  XXIV. 
AN  EXCURSUS  ON  THE  TYPICAL  LUTHERAN  CHIEF  SERVICE,     283 

CHAPTER  XXV. 
THE  ANGLICAN  CATECHISMS, 314 

CHAPTER  XXVI. 
THE  HOMILIES  OF  1547,  ......     333 

CHAPTER  XXVII. 
THE  THIRTY-NINE  ARTICLES, 339 

CHAPTER    XXVIII. 
THE  SUBSEQUENT  HISTORY, 343 

CHAPTER  XXIX. 
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL, .         350 


THE 

LTJTHEBAN  MOVEMENT  IN  ENGLAND 

DURING    THE 

REIGNS  OF  HENRY  VIII.  AND  EDWARD  VI.,  AND  ITS 
LITERARY  MONUMENTS. 


CHAPTER  I. 

THE  BEGINNINGS  OF  THE  ENGLISH  REFORMATION. 

Not  independent  of  the  movement  in  Germany.  Not  due  to  the  controversy 
concerning  the  divorce  of  Henry  VIII.  Preparatory  influences  in  the 
XIV  Century.  Thomas  of  Bpadwardin.  Wiclif.  The  Lollards.  Dean 
Colet.  Erasmus  and  the  New  Learning.  Greeks  and  Trojans.  Froude 
on  the  immediate  effect  of  Luther's  Theses.  The  war  against  Lutheran 
Books.  Warham's  Correspondence.  Henry  VIII  vs.  Luther.  Bishop 
Fisher's  Sermon.  The  Young  "  Lutherans "  of  Cambridge.  Bilney. 
Latimer's  Inaugural  address  against  Melanchthon.  His  Conversion- 
The  House  called  "  Germany."  Stafford,  Barnes,  Coverdale,  etc. 
The  Lutheran  Colony  transferred  to  Cardinal  College,  Oxford.  Clark, 
Cox,  Frith,  etc.  Persecution,  Espionage.  The  Humiliation  of  Barnes. 
Wolsey's  Last  Message.  The  Index  Prohibitorum  of  1529. 

Two  VERY  superficial  theories  concerning  the  English  Refor 
mation  are  current.  One  affirms  that  it  was  a  movement  origi 
nating  almost  entirely  within  the  English  Church,  and  culminat 
ing  in  the  assertion  of  its  independence  of  the  Church  of  Rome 
by  the  casting  off  of  the  yoke  whereby  for  centuries  it  had  been 
unjustly  oppressed,  but  having  little  to  do  with  contemporaneous 
movements  in  Germany.  The  other  regards  its  religious  char 
acter  purely  accidental,  and  ascribes  it  altogether  to  the  quarrel 
of  the  King  of  England  with  the  Pope,  overlooking  the  fact,  that 
the  relation  of  Henry  VIII  to  it  was  a  hinderance  rather  than  an 
advantage,  that  it  began  against  his  will,  and  received  its  great- 

CO 


2  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

est  injury  when  he  became  its  champion.  A  careful  review  of 
the  facts,  shows  first,  that  the  evangelical  leaven  had  been  work 
ing  in  England  for  many  years,  and,  secondly,  that  this  latent 
power  at  length  emerged  into  vigorous  action  and  became  a 
widely-extended  and  deep  movement,  as  it  received  support  from 
the  fearless  testimony  proclaimed  at  Wittenberg,  and  diffused 
among  the  scholars  of  England  by  the  instrumentality  of  the 
press. 

In  the  Fourteenth  Century,  already,  the  way  for  the  Reforma 
tion  had  been  prepared.  Thomas  of  Bradwardin  {Doctor pro- 
fundus),  Professor  in  Merton  College,  Oxford,  and  afterwards 
Archbishop  of  Canterbury  (b.  1290,  d.  1349)  was  the  earnest 
representative  of  Augustinianism,  who  complained  that  "almost 
the  whole  world  had  fallen  into  the  errors  of  Pelagianism,"  and 
started  the  career  of  his  more  eminent  pupil  John  Wiclif.  Wiclif 
spent  the  greater  part  of  his  life  at'  Oxford,  where  in  1363,  he 
became  Professor  of  Divinity.  The  sole  authority  of  the  Holy 
Scriptures  in  matters  of  faith,  the  rejection  of  prayers  to  saints, 
of  purgatory,  of  transubstantiation,  of  the  necessity  of  private 
confession,  the  conception  of  the  Church  on  its.  inner  instead  of 
its  outward  side,  marked  a  new  era,  even  though  his  teaching  on 
justification  and  the  most  closely  allied  doctrines,  was  not  as 
clear.  But  still  wider  influence  was  exerted  by  his  translation  of 
the  Bible,  industriously  circulated  in  short  sections  throughout  all 
England  by  followers  so  numerous,  that  one  writer  says,  that 
every  other  person  met  on  the  road  could  be  so  reckoned.  The 
Lollards,  as  those  whose  interest  had  been  aroused  by  Wiclif, 
were  called,  after  a  continental  sect,  spread  far  and  wide  the  seed 
of  the  future  harvest.  The  Universities  of  Oxford  in  England 
and  of  St.  Andrews  in  Scotland,  became  centers  of  the  move 
ment,  which,  although  externally  suppressed  by  bloody  persecu 
tion,  still  lived  beneath  the  surface.  Although  men  were  con 
signed  to  the  stake  for  such  utterances,  yet  in  1506  we  find  Dean 
Coletof  St.  Paul's,  London,  an  Oxford  alumnus  (d.  1519)  ex 
pounding  the  Scriptures  thrice  a  week  in  the  scientific  form  of 


Beginnings  of  the  English  Reformation.  3 

divinity  lectures.  As  late  as  1521,  the  bishop  of  London  ar 
rested  nearly  five  hundred  Lollards,  who  probably  had  no  con 
nection  with  the  movement  then  beginning  in  Germany. 

To  this  influence  was  added  that  of  "the  New  Learning,"  of 
which  Erasmus  was  the  advocate  at  Cambridge.  It  is  sometimes 
forgotten  that  while  this  great  scholar  belonged  to  Holland,  his 
student  life  was  passed  in  part  at  the  two  distinguished  English 
universities.  He  was  the  intimate  friend  of  Colet,  and,  return 
ing  to  England  in  1510,  was,  for  four  years  from  1511,  Lady 
Margaret  Professor  of  Divinity  and  Lecturer  in  Greek  in  Queen's 
College,  Cambridge.  The  stimulus  which  his  attention  to  the 
original  of  the  New  Testament  gave  his  pupils,  may  be  traced  in 
the  many  eminent  names  of  reformers  hereafter  to  be  noted 
among  them.  Great  teachers  often  inculcate  premises,  whose 
conclusions  are  so  far-reaching  that,  instead  of  drawing  them  for 
themselves,  they  leave  this  work  to  their  pupils.  •  Erasmus  never 
broke  with  Rome ;  but  his  teaching  led  many  to  that  act,  for 
which  he  himself  was  too  feeble,  or,  rather  prepared  them  for  the 
influence  emanating  from  Wittenberg,  The  years  of  his  Cam 
bridge  Professorship  were  not  as  serene  as  this  great  lover  of 
peace  desired.  The  publication  of  his  Greek  New  Testament 
invalidated  the  authority  of  the  Vulgate,  and  aroused  the  appre 
hensions  of  those  who  were  attached  to  the  old  order  of  things. 
The  war  of  words  between  *'  Greeks,"  and  "Trojans"  or 
"  Obscurantists,"  as  the  champions  of  the  new  studies  and  their 
opponents  were  respectively  called,  waxed  fiercer  and  fiercer,  and 
was  of  just  such  character  as  would  excite  the  enthusiasm  of  stu 
dents  at  that  season  of  life  when  they  are  most  apt  to  become  in 
tense  partisans.  When,  therefore,  they  heard  from  him  such 
statements  as  the  following:  "The  Holy  Scriptures,  translated 
into  all  languages  should  be  read  not  only  by  the  Scotch  and 
Irish,  but  even  by  Turks  and  Saracens.  The  husbandman  should 
sing  them  as  he  holds  the  handle  of  his  plough ;  the  weaver  re 
peat  them  as  he  plies  his  shuttle  ;  and  the  wearied  traveler,  halt 
ing  on  his  journey,  refresh  himself  under  some  shady  tree  by 


4  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

these  goodly  narratives,"  *  what  wonder  that  aspirations  were 
excited  for  a  better  order,  wherein  every  Englishman  might  read 
the  Word  of  God  for  himself,  and  that  young  hearts  already  re 
solved,  that  if  God  would  spare  them,  this  should  be  accom 
plished  ? 

Luther's  act  of  October  3ist,  15^7,  was  not  altogether  unex 
pected.  Who  was  to  break  the  silence  and  first  utter  the  protest, 
or  in  what  form  or  place,  it  was  to  be  given,  no  one,  indeed,  could 
divine.  But  many  eyes  were  looking  for  the  crisis,  in  which  the 
oppressed  conscience  would  speak  with  a  power  that  could  not  be 
restrained.  As  Mr.  Froudesays:  "The  thing  which  all  were 
longing  for  was  done,  and  in  two  years  from  that  day,  there  was 
scarcely  perhaps  a  village  from  the  Irish  channel  to  the  Danube, 
in  which  the  name  of  Luther  was  not  familiar  as  a  Avord  of  hope 
and  promise."  2  "As  early  as  1520,  Polydore  Vergil  mentions 
the  importation  into  England  of  a  great  number  of  '  Lutheran 
books.''  To  such  an  extent  were  Luther's  writings  diffused, 
and  with  such  effect,  that  in  March  1521,  Archbishop  Warham 
wrote  to  Cardinal  Wolsey  concerning  the  condition  of  affairs  at 
the  University  of  Oxford,  in  a  letter  which  Sir  William  Ellis, 
formerly  librarian  of  the  British  Museum,  has  published  :* 

"  I  am  enformyd  that  diverse  of  that  Universitie  be  infectyd 
with  the  heresyes  of  Luther  and  others  of  that  sorte,  havyng 
theym  a  grete  nombre  of  books  of  the  saide  perverse  doctrine.  .  . 
It  is  a  sorrowful  thing  to  see  how  gredyly  inconstaunt  men,  and 
specyally  inexpert  youthe,  falleth  to  newe  doctrynes  be  they  never 
so  pestilent.  .  .  Pytie  it  were  that  through  the  lewdnes  of  on  or 
two  cankerd  members,  .  .  the  hole  Universitie  shuld  run  infamy 
of  soo  haynouse  a  cryme,  the  heryng  whereof  shuld  be  right  de 
lectable  and  plesant  to  open  Lutheranes  beyond  the  see.  .  .  If 
all  the  hole  nombyr  of  yong  scolers  suspectyd  in  this  cause  (which 

1  Paradesis  adlect.pium,  Vaughan's  devolutions  in  English  History.  1 : 101. 

J  History  of  England,  II :  40. 

3  Hardwick's  History  of  the  Reformation,  p.  182. 

*   Original  Letters,  First  Series,  1 :  239  sqq. 


Beginnings  of  the  English  Reformation.  5 

as  the  Universitie  writeth  to  me  be  marvelouse  sory  and  repent- 
aunt  that  ever  they  had  any  such  books  or  redde  or  herde  any  of 
Luther's  opynyon)  shulde  IDC  callyd  up  to  London,  yt  shuld  en- 
gendre  grete  obloquy  and  sclandre  to  the  Universite,  bothe  be- 
hyther  the  see  and  beyonde  .  .  the  said  Universite  hathe  de- 
syred  me  to  move  Your  Grace,  to  be  so  good  and  gracyouse  unto 
theym,  to  gyve  in  commission  to  some  sadd  father  which  was 
brought  up  in  the  Univeristie  of  Oxford  to  syt  ther,  and  examyne, 
not  the  hedds,  but  the  novicyes  which  be  not  yet  yet  thoroughly 
cankered  in  the  said  errors.  .  .  Item,  the  said  Universite  hath 
desieryd  me  to  move  your  good  Grace  to  ncte  out,  besyde  werks 
of  Luther  condemyd  alredy,  the  names  all  other  stiche  writers, 
Luther  s  adherents  andfautors"  The  request  for  such  inquisi 
tion  was  in  accordance  with  a  proclamation  which  Warham  had 
succeeded  in  inducing  Wolsey  to  publish,  entitled  "A  commis 
sion  to  warn  all  persons,  both  ecclesiastical  and  secular,  under 
penalty  of  excommunication  and  of  being  dealt  with  as  heretics, 
that,  within  the  time  assigned  [fifteen  days],  they  bring  and  de 
liver  into  the  hands  of  the  bishop  or  his  deputy,  all  writings  ana 
books  of  Martin  Luther,  the  heretic"*  The  proclamation  was 
accompanied  by  the  rehearsal  of  forty-two  alleged  errors  of  Lu 
ther,  quoted  from  the  Papal  bull  of  excommunication,  some  of 
which  are  the  greatest  perversions  of  what  he  taught,  while  oth 
ers,  even  as  stated  by  enemies,  can  condemn  only  those  who  deem 
them  reprehensible,  as  e.  g  :  "32.  In  every  good  work,  the 
just  man  sinneth."  "33.  A  good  work  done  best,  is  a  venial 
sin."  "34.  To  burn  heretics  is  contrary  to  the  will  of  the 
Spirit."  6  The  fact  that  this  demand  to  surrender  the  writings  of 
Luther  was  to  be  read  in  every  church  at  the  time  of  mass,  shows 
the  progress  which  they  had  made  throughout  the  Kingdom. 
The  day  before  this  proclamation,  Fisher,  bishop  of  Rochester, 
had  preached  in  St.  Paul's  "  Again  ye  pernicious  doctryn  of 

5  The  decree  is  given  in  full  in  Strype's  Memorials  of  the  Reformation,  V  : 
332;  Gerdesius,  Hist.  Ref.,  IV:   112. 
6 Strype's  Memorials,  I:  57-61. 


6  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

Martin  Luther."  7  A  week  later,  the  King  himself  sent  a  most 
urgent  letter  to  Lewis,  Duke  of  Bavaria,  insisting  upon  employ 
ing  extreme  measures  against  Luther.8  Nor  must  it  be  forgotten' 
that  the  famous  book  by  which  he  earned  the  title  of  "  Defender 
of  the  Faith,"  but  suffered  for  it  from  Luther's  pen  far  more 
than  he  gained,  belonged  also  to  the  same  year,  1521.  Two 
years  later,  Bishop  Fisher  followed  his  sermon  by  a  treatise 
against  Luther,9  and  Henry  wrote  a  long  letter  to  the  princes  of 
Saxony.  Its  temper  may  be  learned  from  the  following :  "I 
am  compelled  to  admonish  and  exhort  you  that  you  give  your 
attention  at  as  early  a  date  as  possible  to  repressing  that  execra 
ble  sect  of  Luther,  without  the  execution  of  any  one,  if  it  can  be 
done,  or,  with  blood,  if  it  cannot  be  otherwise  accomplished."  10 
In  1524,  when  Hugh  Latimer,  at  that  time,  like  Saul  of  Tarsus,  a 
bitter  zealot  against  the  cause  for  which  he  afterwards  laid  down 
his  life,  availed  himself  of  his  inaugural  address  as  B.  D.  at  Cam 
bridge,  to  make  a  sweeping  attack  upon  the  friends  of  the  revived 
Gospel,  he  chose  as  his  theme :  "Philip  Melanchthon  and  his 
opinions."11 

But  nothing  could  check  the  progress  of  the  truth.  It  swept 
all  obstacles  before  it.  The  young  scholars  of  Cambridge  could 
not  be  suppressed.  Chief  among  them  was  Thomas  Bilney.  The 
story  of  his  conversion,  narrated  by  himself  in  a  letter  written 
from  prison  in  1528,  has  been  summarized  as  follows:  "In 
Trinity  College,  Cambridge,  there  was  a  young  man,  engagad  in 
the  study  of  canon  law,  remarkable  for  his  seriousness,  his  mod 
esty  and  his  conscientiousness.  His  priest  was  to  his  soul,  what 
his  physician  was  to  his  body.  He  often  took  his  place,  pale  and 
anxious,  at  the  feet  of  his  confessor.  But  the  prescriptions  given 
did  not  reach  his  case.  Masses,  vigils,  indulgences  and  free  con 
tributions  in  money,  all  were  tried,  but  the  patient  only  seemed 
to  grow  worse.  At  times  the  thought  would  arise  '  Am  I  in 

7Hardwick,  179.  8  Gerdesius,  IV :  117. 

9  Hardwick,  179.  10  Letter  in  Gerdesius,  IV :  125. 

11  Cooper's  Athence  Cantabrigienses,  1 :  130. 


Beginnings  of  the  English  Reformation.  7 

the  right  path  ?  May  not  the  priest  be  in  error,  or  be  a  self- 
seeker  in  all  that  he  does  ?'  But  the  suspicion  was  instantly  re 
jected  as  a  suggestion  from  the  enemy.  One  day  the  troubled 
scholar  heard  two  friends  talking  of  a  new  book.  The  book  was 
the  Greek  Testament  by  Erasmus,  with  an  elegant  Latin  transla 
tion.  The  scholar  was  pleased  with  the  sound  of  the  Latin,  and 
would  fain  have  taken  up  the  volume,  and  have  examined  it. 
But  he  knew  that  the  authorities  of  the  University  had  condemned 
all  such  books,  and  especially  that  book  as  tending  to  noth 
ing  but  heresy.  He  abstained  ;  but  his  desire  to  look  into  the 
volume  grew  stronger.  He  stole  into  the  house  in  Cambridge, 
where  the  book  was  secretly  sold.  Having  obtained  a  copy,  he 
returned  to  his  room,  to  read  it,  and  the  first  text  that  arrested  his 
attention,  was  :  'This  is"  a  faithful  saying  and  worthy  of  all  ac 
ceptation,'  etc.  This  was  to  the  spirit-worn  student  as  the  voice 
of  an  oracle.  He  pondered  it  and  derived  from  it  what  the 
priestly  impositions  to  which  he  had  so  long  submitted,  had  failed 
to  give  him,  peace  of  conscience  and  enlargement  of  .heart. 
Henceforth  he  sits  at  the  feet  of  his  Lord,  and  of  his  inspired 
messengers."13  "A  perusal  of  Erasmus'  N.  T.  and  the  works 
of  Luther,"  says  the  historian  of  his  University,1*  "taught  him 
other  views  of  religion,  and  he  embraced  the  tenets  of  the  re 
formers,  except  the  denial  of  transubstantiation.  He  labored 
earnestly  to  promulgate  his  views,  and  amongst  those  whom  he 
converted  were  John  Nicholas,  alias  Lambert,  Thomas  Arthur, 
Robert  Barnes,  prior  of  the  Augustinians,  and  Hugh  Latimer. 
Bilney  and  Latimer  visited  and  consoled  the  sick  and  needy,  and 
the  unhappy  inmates  in  the  town  and  country  prisons." 

Latimer's  conversion  also  illustrates  the  connection  with  the 
Lutheran  Reformation,  since  it  was  his  famous  attack  upom  Me- 
lanchthon  above  mentioned,  that  prompted  Bilney  to  hasten  to 
the  study  of  the  young  preacher,  and  beg  him  "  for  God's  sake 

"Foxe's  Acts  and  Monuments,  II :  217;  Gerdesiusj  IV :   129. 

13  Vaughan's  Revolutions  in  English  History,  1 :   104. 

14  Cooper's  Ath.   Cantab.,  1 :  42. 


8  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

to  hear  his  confession."  with  the  result  that  "  from  that  time  for 
ward  he  began  to  smell  the  Word  of  God,  and  forsook  the  school- 
doctors  and  such  fooleries." 

Gradually  the  circle  of  such  men  enlarged.  "There,"  viz.  at 
Cambridge, said  a  Bampton  lecturer  some  few  years  ago,15  "  even 
so  early  as  1528,  had  been  seen  a  little  society  of  religious  men 
who  (like  the  Wesleys  two  hundred  years  later  at  Oxford)  en 
couraged  each  other  in  reading  the  Scriptures,  in  mutual  confes 
sion  and  similar  prescribed  acts  of  personal  piety.  They  visited 
the  prisoners  at  jails ;  they  preached  anew  the  vital  spiritual 
truths — formerly  enshrined,  but  now  obscured  by  the  ritual  and 
ceremonies  of  their  Church ,  and  were  in  short  engaged  in  re 
viving  religion  in  England  under  its  ancient  forms.  The  names 
of  twenty-seven  of  these  men  have  been  preserved  to  us ;  and 
just  as  the  early  Methodists  obtained  the  honors  of  ridicule  and 
social  persecution,  so  the  house  where  these  first  English  Luth 
erans  met,  was  called  '  Germany  '  Fuller  particulars  are  fur 
nished  by  Strype  in  his  "  Life  of  Archbishop  Parker. "  16  "  Park 
er's  lot  was  to  fall  into  the  University  in  those  days,  when  learn 
ing  and  religion  began  to  dawn  there ;  when  divers  godly  men 
resorted  together  for  conference  sake ;  who  also  oftentimes 
flocked  together  in  open  sight,  both  in  the  schools,  and  at  the 
sermons  in  St.  Mary's  and  at  St.  Augustine's,  where  Dr.  Barnes 
was  prior,  and  at  other  disputations.  Of  which  sort  were  sev 
eral  ;  and  of  these  colleges,  especially,  viz.  King's  College, 
Queen's  College,  St.  John's,  Peter  House,  Pembroke  Hall,  Gon- 
well  Hall  and  Benet  College.  Their  meetings  to  confer  and  dis 
course  together  for  edification  and  Christian  knowledge,  were 
chiefly  at  an  house  called  'The  White  Horse,'  which  was,  there 
fore,  afterwards  named  '  Germany '  by  their  enemies.  This 
house  was  chosen  because  they  of  King's  College,  Queen's  Col 
lege  and  St.  John's  might  come  in  with  the  more  privacy  at  the 
back  door." 

15Curteis,  "Dissent  in  its  relation  to  the  Church  of  England,"  p.  56. 

16  P.  12. 


Beginnings  of  the  English    Reformation.  9 

This  company  of  twenty-seven  included  first  of  all  Bilney. 
Next  among  them  is  named  George  Stafford  of  Pembroke  Hall, 
from  1523.  He  had  introduced  an  innovation  by  lecturing  on 
the  Holy  Scriptures,  instead  of  the  "Sentences."  In  his  visita 
tions  to  the  sick,  he  became  infected  with  the  plague,  and  died 
in  1529.  "  There  was  one  of  Clement  Hostel,  called  Sir  Henry, 
the  conjurer,  on  account  of  his  skill  in  the  black  art.  Falling 
sick  of  the  plague,  Mr.  Stafford  visited  him,  argued  on  his  wicked 
life  and  practices,  brought  him  to  repentance,  and  caused  all  his 
conjuring  books  to  be  burned  before  his  face ;  but  Mr.  Stafford 
caught  the  infection,  and  died  thereof  between  igth  of  June  and 
iyth  November  1529."  " 

A  third,  Thomas  Arthur,  was  intimidated  to  take  an  oath, 
"  abjuring  Luther's  opinions,"  from  which  he  does  not  seem  to 
have  recovered,  as  did  several  of  his  comrades.  Of  Robert 
Barnes  and  Hugh  Latimer  we  shall  hear  much  in  what  follows. 
Miles  Coverdale  was  to  acquire  distinction  as  a  translator  of  the 
Bible  and  of  Luther's  hymns.  Paynell  or  Parnell  was  to  be  ac 
tive  in  later  years  as  a  diplomat.  Heynes,  in  1528  was  President 
of  Queen's  College,  and  afterwards  Vice-Chancellor  of  the  Uni 
versity.  He  baptized  Edward  VI.,  was  on  an  embassy  to  France  in 
1525,  and  was  employed  on  various  important  commissions  con 
nected  with  the  reform  of  the  English  Church.  Thixtell  in  1529 
was  a  member  of  commissions  concerning  the  divorce,  and  in 
1 5 3°  was  a  censor  of  publications.  Distinguished  as  a  debater, 
he  continued  to  the  end  a  warm  friend  of  the  Reformation.  The 
son  of  the  Lord  Mayor  of  London  was  in  the  band,  viz.  Thomas 
Allen,  who  comforted  Bilney  in  his  hour  of  martyrdom.  Turner 
was  destined  to  be  the  most  versatile  of  them  all  in  his  scholar 
ship,  a  clergyman,  physician,  member  of  parliament,  botanist, 
ornithologist,  mineralogist,  critic  of  N.  T.  text,  translator  and 
prolific  author  of  both  religious  and  scientific  books. 

There  also  were  Nicholas  Ridley,  the  future  martyr  bishop, 
Edward  Crome  already  a  doctor  of  divinity,  who  had  years  of 

17  Cooper's  Ath.  Cantab.,  p.  39. 


io  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

imprisonment  before  him,  Rudolph  Bradford,  who,  after  exile  for 
circulating  the  New  Testament,  was  to  return  and  aid  in  prepar 
ing  "The  Institution  of  a  Christian  Man,"  Shaxton  and  Skip, 
future  apostates,  and  Sygar  Nicholson,  who  was  treated  with 
much  cruelty  for  having  in  his  house  the  works  of  Luther.18 

Of  this  band  of  twenty-seven,  Skip,  Ridley  and  Heynes  were 
associated  with  Cranmer  in  the  preparation  of  the  liturgy  of  Ed 
ward  VI. 

But  this  group  did  not  comprise  all  "  the  first  English  Luth 
erans"  of  Cambridge  From  Cambridge,  a  colony  of  select 
scholars  had  been  sent  to  Oxford  as  the  nucleus  of  Cardinal  Col 
lege,  founded  by  Wolsey.  We  learn  from  the  notes  in  Ellis:19 
"  Lutheranism  increased  daily  in  the  University  of  Oxford,  and 
chiefly  in  Cardinal  College,  by  certain  of  the  Cantabrigians  that 
then  remained.  The  chiefest  Lutheran  at  this  time  was  John 
Clark,  one  of  the  junior  canons,  to  whose  private  lectures  and 
disputations  in  public,  divers  graduates  and  scholars  of  colleges 
resorted.  So  great  a  respect  had  they  for  his  doctrine  and  ex 
emplary  course  of  life,  that,  they  would  often  recur  to  him  for  reso 
lution  of  doubts.  They  had  also  their  private  meetings,  wherein 
they  conferred  about  the  promotion  of  their  religion.  They 
prayed  together  and  read  certain  books  containing  the  principles 
of  Luther.  .  .  .  Notwithstanding  many  eminent  men  did  dis 
pute  and  preach  in  the  University  against  it,  yet  the  Lutherans 
proceeded,  and  took  all  private  occasions  to  promote  their  doc 
trine." 

Shortly  afterwards  the  Archbishop  of  London  wrote  to  Wolsey : 
"With  respect  to  the  most  accursed  works  of  Luther,  I  have  re 
ceived  through  the  doctor  mentioned  certain  pamphlets  which  I 
will  both  most  diligently  read  and  note  ;  and,  that  I  may  do  this 
the  more  carefully,  I  will  betake  myself  as  soon  as  possible  to  Ox 
ford,  where  I  will  endeavor  carefully  to  examine  some  codices  of 
JohnWiclif."20 

18  Cooper's  Ath.  Cantab.,  1 :  51. 

19  Original  Letters,  Third  Series,  II :  71. 

20  Ellis,  Original  Letters,  Third  Series,  1 :  246. 


Beginnings  of  the  English  Reformation.  1 1 

Among  this  group  of  Lutheran  students,  transferred  from  Cam 
bridge  to  Oxford,  was  Richard  Cox,  afterwards  tutor  to  Edward 
VI.,  Chancellor  of  the  University,  one  of  the  compilers  of  the 
"Book  of  Common  Prayer,"  Bishop  of  Norwich,  and  whose 
exile  under  Mary  was  distinguished  for  his  controversy  with  John 
Knox  at  Frankfort,  and  his  triumph  over  Puritanism.  Another 
was  the  martyr,  John  Frith,  associated  with  Tyndale  in  the  trans 
lation  of  the  Bible,  who  afterwards  accepted  either  the  Zwinglian 
or  Calvinistic  view  of  the  Lord's  Supper.  Richard  Taverner, 
the  translator  of  the  Bible  and  of  the  Augsburg  Confession,  was 
a  third.  Among  the  others  were  Clark,  before  mentioned,  Sum- 
ner,  Betts,  Harmann,  Frier,  Akars,  Godman,  Lawney,  Dominick 
and  Drumm.  The  entire  party  was  arrested  and  imprisoned. 
Some  were  exiled.  Taverner  escaped  by  his  skill  as  a  musician. 
Clark  "  died  in  August  1528,  of  a  distemper  occasioned  by  the 
stench  of  the  prison  in  which  he  was  confined.  In  his  last  mo 
ments  he  was  refused  the  communion,  not  perhaps  as  a  special 
act  of  cruelty,  but  because  the  laws  of  the  Church  would  not  per 
mit  the  holy  thing  to  be  profaned  by  the  touch  of  a  heretic. 
When  he  was  told  it  would  not  be  suffered,  he  said  '  Crede  et 
manducasti.'  '  Sumner  died  from  the  same  cause. 

At  Cambridge,  as  well  as  at  Oxford,  strict  measures  were  taken 
to  suppress  Lutheranism.  Unfortunately,  not  all  its  adherents 
manifested  the  greatest  prudence.  Bilney  and  Latimer,  though 
subject  to  the  closest  surveillance  deserve  credit  for  their  corpse, 
marked  by  sound  judgment  and  discretion.  The  bishop  of  Ely 
endeavored  to  throw  the  latter  off  of  his  guard,  by  entering  un 
expectedly,  with  a  retinue  of  dignitaries,  the  chapel  at  Cam 
bridge  where  he  was  preaching.  With  complete  mastery  of  the 
situation,  the  preacher  adroitly  changed  his  text,  and  spoke  elo 
quently  concerning  the  duty  of  bishops  to  follow  Christ  as  their 
great  model.  Dr.  Robert  Barnes  was  of  another  temperament. 
Vehement,  impulsive,  direct,  he  could  scarcely  be  restrained 
from  at  once  assailing  publicly  all  that  he  felt  to  be  wrong.  In 
December  1525,  he  precipitated  a  crisis  which  ended  in  his  deep 


12  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

humiliation,  by  inveighing  with  most  direct  personalities  against 
the  bishops.  The  truth  seems  to  be  that  he  took  Luther's  ser 
mon  on  the  Epistle  for  the  Fourth  Sunday  in  Advent  (1521), 
and  reproduced  it,  with  some  changes,  for  his  Cambridge  au 
dience.  "  He  so  postilled  the  whole  epistle,"  says  Foxe,  "  fol 
lowing  the  Scripture  and  Luther ' s  postil,  that  for  that  sermon  he 
was  immediately  accused  of  heresy. ' ' 21  Whatever  may  have  been 
the  excellences  of  "St.  Robert,"  as  Luther  called  Barnes  after 
his  death,  he  certainly  did  not  know  how  to  observe  times  and 
seasons.  The  Church  of  England  of  1525  was  not  prepared  for 
what  suited  admirably  an  audience  in  Wittenberg  in  1521.  A 
martyr's  courage  failed  him  at  this  time,  although  fourteen  years 
later,  he  joyfully  maintained  his  fidelity  to  the  Gospel  at  the 
stake.  The  ceremony  of  his  recantation,  February  nth,  1526, 
was  made  as  humiliating  as  possible.  After  a  sermon  preached 
in  St.  Paul's,  London,  by  Bishop  Fisher,  in  the  presence  of 
thirty-six  bishops,  abbots  and  priors  "Against  Luther  and  Dr. 
Barnes,"  he  knelt  and  asked  forgiveness  which  was  granted  with 
the  penance  attached  of  walking  thrice  around  a  blazing  pile  of 
large  basketsful  of  Lutheran  books.  Bilney  and  Arthur  also  were 
unequal  to  the  trial,  into  which  Barnes'  indiscreet  ardor  had 
brought  them.  Latimer  bore  himself  with  such  shrewdness  that, 
instead  of  punishment,  he  received  the  Cardinal's  license  to 
preach  anywhere  in  England. 

The  last  message  of  Cardinal  Wolsey  to  his  sovereign,  sent 
from  his  death-hed,  was  to  "  have  a  vigilant  eye  on  the  new  sect, 
the  Lutherans,  that  it  do  not  increase  through  your  negligence 
in  such  sort  as  you  be  at  length  compelled  to  put  harness  on  your 
back  to  subdue  them. ' ' 

An  "  Index  of  Prohibited  Books  "  of  1529  gives  the  names  of 
the  works  which  had  been  so  diligently  circulated  by  the  young 
scholars  of  these  two  universities  and  their  friends.  It  has  the 
title  "  Libri  sectce  sive  factionis  Luther iance  import  at i  ad  civi- 

21  Acts  and  Monuments;  History  of  (Presbyterian  Board  of  Publication, 
Phil  a.,)  p.  78. 


Beginnings  of  the  English    Reformation.  13 

tatem  London. ' '  After  four  books  of  Wiclif,  it  reads : 
.  "Dr.  Martin  Luther  'Concerning  Good  Works.'  Letter  of 
Luther  to  Pope  Leo  X.  Tessaradecas  Consolatoria  of  Martin 
Luther.  Tract  of  Luther  '  Concerning  Christian  Liberty.'  Ser 
mons  of  Dr.  Martin  Luther.  Exposition  of  the  Epistles  of  St. 
Peter  by  Martin  Luther.  Reply  of  Martin  Luther  to  Barthole- 
mew  Catharinus.  '  Of  the  Works  of  God  '  by  Martin  Cellarius. 
Deuteronomy,  from  the  Hebrew,  with  annotations  of  Martin 
Luther.  Luther's  Catechism  in  Latin  by  J.  Lonicerus.  The 
Prophet  Jonah,  explained  by  Martin  Luther.  Commentary  of 
Martin  Luther  on  the  Epistle  of  Paul  to  the  Galatians.  Selec 
tions  from  the  letters  of  Martin  Luther,  full  of  piety  and  learn 
ing,  with  the  interpretation  of  several  psalms,  Narrations  of 
Posrils  of  Martin  Luther  upon  the  lessons  from  the  Gospels,  etc. 
Sixteen  Conclusions  of  the  reverend  father,  Martin  Luther,  con 
cerning  Faith  and  Ceremonies.  Most  Wholesome  Declaration  of 
the  same  concerning  Faith  and  Works.  Most  Learned  Explana 
tion  of  Ceremonies.  Fifty  Conclusions  by  the  same  for  timid 
consciences.  Luther's  Explanation  of  his  thirteenth  proposition 
'  Concerning  the  Power  of  the  Pope.'  Oration  ot  Didymus 
Faventinus  on  behalf  of  Martin  Luther.  New  narrations  of  Mar 
tin  Luther  on  the  prophet  Jonah.  Judgment  of  Martin  Luther, 
'  Concerning  Monastic  Vows.'  Enchiridion  of  the  Godly  Prayers 
of  Martin  Luther.  Several  brief  sermons  of  Martin  Luther  on 
the  Virgin,  the  Mother  of  God." 

Then  follow  works  of  CEcolampadius,  Billicanus,  Zwingli, 
Bugenhagen,  Bucer,  Regius,  Melanchthon,  Agricola,  Brentz, 
Lambert,  Wessel,  Gochius  and  Carlstadt.23 

Who,  after  reading  this  list  would  venture  to  maintain  that  the 
reformatory  movement  in  England  was  independent  of  that  in 
Germany  ?  It  shows  very  clearly  that  the  theologians  of  Eng 
land  were  keeping  abreast  of  the  entire  development  of  theologi 
cal  literature  on  the  Continent. 

MThis  list  is  found  in  Gerdesius,  IV:  139  sqq.;  Foxe,  "Acts  and 
ments." 


CHAPTER  II. 

TYND ALE'S  DEPENDENCE  ON  LUTHER. 

Tyndale's  Birth  and  Education.  Relation  to  Colet  and  Erasmus.  Early 
Work.  A  significant  Prophecy.  Life  in  London.  Repulsed  by  the 
Lord  Bishop.  Humphrey  Monmouth  and  his  Troubles.  Tyndale  at 
Hamburg.  Was  Tyndale  at  Wittenberg?  Insufficient  arguments  of 
Anderson  and  WTalter.  The  English  Genesis  of  1530  published  by  Lu 
ther's  publisher,  Hans  Luft.  Where  was  Marlboro  ?  The  flight  from 
Cologne.  Two  editions  of  New  Testament,  instead  of  one.  Proclama 
tions  of  Tunstal  and  Warham.  Fifteen  thousand  English  testaments 
sent  from  Germany  to  England.  Arrest  and  execution.  Tyndale's 
translation  and  that  of  Luther.  Testimony  of  Hallam,  Westcott  and  Mom- 
bert.  Tyndale  and  Luther  in  parallel  columns.  His  prefaces  from  Lu 
ther.  "His  glosses  from  Luther.  His  treatise  "  The  Wicked  Mammon," 
from  Luther.  "  The  Obedience  of  a  Christian  Man,"  Anne  Boleyn's 
devotional  manual.  His  "  Exposition  of  the  Sermon  on  the  Mount," 
from  Luther.  Was  Tyndale  a  Lutheran  ?  Arguments  of  Dr.  Eadie 
in  the  negative ;  of  V.  E.  Loscher,  in  the  affirmative. 

AMONG  the  scholars  of  Oxford  and  Cambridge,  there  is  one 
who  had  left  the  Universities  years  before  the  events  just  nar 
rated,  but  whose  influence  from  abroad  was  a  very  important 
factor  in  advancing  the  movement.  His  work  is  so  prominent 
and  far-reaching,  and,  except  in  his  preparation  as  a  student,  so 
isolated  from  the  rest,  until  through  his  translation  of  the  New 
Testament  and  his  various  evangelical  treatises,  he  acted  upon 
his  countrymen,  that  it  justly  requires  separate  treatment.  Wil 
liam  Tyndale  was  a  quiet  and  retired  scholar,  who  wrought  dili 
gently  in  his  study  with  a  fixed  end  in  view  from  which  he  never 
swerved,  and  which  required  his  withdrawal  from  the  intimate 
associations,  and  the  wider  spheres  of  discussion  in  which  others 
felt  called  upon  to  promote  the  same  cause.  He,  therefore,  was 


Tyndale1  s  Dependence  on  Luther.  15 

content  to  stand  during  his  life-time  almost  alone,  in  order  to 
effect  the  Reformation  of  his  country,  and  to  reach  future  gen 
erations  through  the  English  Bible,  which,  even  in  its  present 
form,  is  properly  speaking  his  Bible,  revised. 

Born  probably  about  1484,  on  the  boundary  of  Wales,  he 
was  "brought  up,"  says  Foxe,  "  froma  child  at  the  University  of 
Oxford,  where  he,  by  long  continuance,  grew  and  increased  as 
well  in  the  knowledge  of  tongues  and  other  liberal  arts,  as  spec 
ially  in  the  knowledge  of  the  Scriptures,  to  which  his  mind  was 
singularly  addicted ;  insomuch  that  he,  lying  there  in  Magdalen 
Hall,  read  privily  to  certain  students  and  fellows  of  Magdalen 
College  some  parcel  of  divinity,  instructing  them  in  the  knowl 
edge  and  truth  of  the  scriptures,  whose  manners  also  and  con 
versation,  being  correspondent  to  the  same,  were  such  that  all 
they  that  knew  him,  reputed  and  esteemed  him,  to  be  a  man  of 
most  virtuous  disposition,  and  of  life  unspotted.  Thus  he,  in  the 
University  of  Oxford,  increasing  more  and  more  in  learning, 
and  proceeding  in  degrees  of  the  schools,  spying  his  time,  re 
moved  from  thence  to  the  University  of  Cambridge,  where  after 
he  had  likewise  made  his  abode  a  certain  space,  being  now 
further  ripened  in  the  knowledge  of  God's  Word,  leaving  that 
university  also,  he  resorted  to  one  master  Welsh,  a  Knight  of 
Gloucestershire;  and  was  there  school-master  to  his  children, 
and  in  very  good  favor  with  his  master."  At  Oxford,  he  un 
doubtedly  came  under  the  influence  of  Dean  Colet.  His  removal 
to  Cambridge  "was  probably  for  the  purpose  of  profiting  by 
Erasmus'  lectures,  who  taught  Greek  there  from  1509  till  the  be 
ginning  of  1519;  whereas  there  was  no  regular  Greek  lectureship 
founded  in  Oxford  till  about  1517."  1  At  the  house  of  Sir  John 
Welsh  or  Walsh,  whither  he  went  about  1519,  he  soon  became 
involved  in  controversies  with  the  priests,  translated  against  them 
Erasmus'  "Enchiridion  Militis  "  and  destroyed  their  influence 
with  the  family,  from  which  they  previously  had  derived  large  con- 

1  Walter's  Life  of  Tyndale,  prefixed  to  "  Doctrinal  Treatises  "  (Parker  So 
ciety,)  p.  XV. 


1 6  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

tributions.  He  was  a  zealous  preacher  at  Bristol,  and  was  sum 
moned  to  answer  before  the  chancellor,  but  while  treated  "as 
though  I  had  been  a  dog,"  escaped  punishment.  Shortly  after 
this  it  was,  that  in  a  discussion  with  a  learned,  but  bitter  advo 
cate  of  the  Papacy  he  made  the  often  quoted  remark  that  he  de 
fied  the  Pope  and  all  his  laws,  and,  further  added,  that  if  God 
spared  him  life,  "ere  many  years  he  would  cause  a  boy  that  driv- 
eth  the  plough  to  know  more  of  the  scriptures  than  he  did." 
His  position  becoming  more  and  more  uncomfortable,  and  being 
involved  in  constant  disputes,  he  saw  that  the  evangelical  cause 
was  relatively  helpless  until  the  Bible  could  be  read  by  the  laity 
in  their  own  language.  In  his  "Preface  to  the  Pentateuch,"  he 
says:  "I  perceived  how  that  it  was  impossible  to  establish  the 
lay-people  in  any  truth,  except  the  scripture  were  plainly  laid 
before  their  eyes  in  their  mother-tongue,  that  they  might  see  the 
process,  order  and  meaning  of  the  text.  For  else  whatever  truth 
is  taught  them,  these  enemies  of  all  truth  quench  it  again,  partly 
with  apparent  reasons  of  sophistry,  founded  without  ground  of 
scripture ;  and  partly,  in  juggling  with  the  text,  expounding  it 
in  such  sense  as  is  impossible  to  gather  of  the  text,  if  thou  see  the 
process,  order  and  meaning  thereof."  With  this  end  in  view, 
he  resigned  his  place,  and,  about  1523,  went  to  London,  where, 
relying  upon  an  extravagant  idea  of  the  interest  of  the  Bishop  of 
London,  Tonstall,  in  such  work,  he  hoped  to  receive  a  home  in  his 
house  and  encouragement.  He  carried  with  him,  as  an  evidence 
of  his  scholarship,  a  translation,  which  he  had  made,  of  one  of  the 
orations  of  Isocrates.  But  the  English  Bible  was  not  to  be  trans 
lated  in  an  episcopal  palace.  He  found  no  home  or.  encourage 
ment  where  he  had  expected  it.  The  Lord,  however,  raised  up 
for  him  a  faithful  friend  in  a  wealthy  merchant,  Humphrey  Mon- 
mouth,  who  had  heard  him  preach  in  St.  Dunstan's  church,  and 
provided  for  him  at  his  own  house.  Years  afterwards  Monmouth 
was  imprisoned  for  this  act  of  kindness.  In  his  testimony  in  his 
defence,  he  throws  some  light  upon  Tyndale's  habits :  "He 
studied  most  part  of  the  day  and  of  the  night  at  his  book;  and 


Tyndale  s  Dependence  on  Luther.  17 

he  would  eat  but  sodden  meat,  by  his  good  will,  nor  drink  but 
small  single  beer.  I  never  saw  him  wear  linen  about  him.  .  .  . 
When  I  heard  my  Lord  of  London  preach  at  Paul's  Cross,  that 
Sir  William  Tyndale  had  translated  the  New  Testament  in  Eng 
lish,  and  was  naughtily  translated,  that  was  the  first  time  that 
ever  I  suspected  or  knew  any  evil  by  him." 

Tyndale  soon  found  it  necessary,  in  order  to  prosecute  his 
work  successfully,  to  repair  to  Germany.  Accordingly  about 
May  1524  he  left  London  for  Hamburg.  In  April  1525,  he  is 
known  to  have  been  in  Hamburg.  Had  he  been  there  the  entire 
time,  or  had  he  been  elsewhere  in  the  meantime  ?  Concerning  this, 
there  has  been  a  diversity  of  opinion.  There  has  been  a  widely 
diffused  tradition  that  he  repaired  at  once  from  Hamburg  to  Wit 
tenberg.  All  of  Tyndale's  contemporaries  who  have  written 
concerning  his  movements,  so  affirm.  In  the  articles  against 
Monmouth  in  1528,  he  is  charged  with  aiding  "  Sir  William 
Hutchin,  otherwise  called  Tyndale,"  who  "  went  into  Almayne 
[Germany]  to  Luther,  there  to  study  and  learn  his  sect."  Sir 
Thomas  More  in  his  "Dialogue"  declares  that  ".at  the  time  of 
his  translation  of  the  New  Testament,  Tyndale  was  with  Luther 
at  Wittenberg,  and  the  confederacy  between  him  and  Luther 
was  well  known."  Cocnlaeus  speaks  of  Tyndale  and  Roy  as 
"two  English  apostates  who  had  been  sometime  at  Wittenberg." 
Foxe  in  his  "  Acts  and  Monuments  "  says:  "On  his  first  de 
parting  out  of  the  realm,  Tyndale  took  his  journey  into  the 
further  parts  of  Germany,  as  into  Saxony,  where  he  had  confer 
ence  with  Luther  and  other  learned  men  in  those  quarters." 

Some  writers  of  the  present  century,  especially  Anderson  in 
his  "Annals  of  the  English  Bible,"  and  Walter  in  his  "Life  of 
Tyndale,"  prefixed  to  the  Parker  Society  edition  of  his  works, 
question  his  visit  to  Wittenberg,  but  as  Demaus  *  shows  upon  the 
basis  of  too  wide  an  application  of  a  denial  by  Tyndale  to  the 
charge  of  More.  Tyndale  denies  that  he  was  confederate  with 
Luther.  He  does  not  deny  that  he  was  at  Wittenberg.  "The 

2  William  Tyndale,  A  Biography.    94  sqq. 

3 


1 8  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

truth  is,"  says  Demaus,3  "that  the  whole  of  this  theory  of  Tyn- 
dale's  movements,  constructed,  as  we  have  seen,  in  direct  opposi 
tion  to  all  contemporary  authority,  has  sprung  from  a  narrow 
and  ill -grounded  fear,  that  Tyndale's  reputation  would  be  in 
jured  by  the  admission  of  his  having  been  at  Wittenberg  with 
Luther.  The  admirers  of  our  great  English  translator  have  been 
justly  indignant  at  the  ignorant  misrepresentations  which  have 
sometimes  treated  him  as  a  mere  echo  and  parasite  of  his  Ger 
man  contemporary,  and  in  their  zeal  to  maintain  their  hero's 
originality,  they  have  discarded  ancient  authority,  and  have  de 
nied  that  the  two  Reformers  ever  met.  The  motive  for  such  a 
defence  may  be  praiseworthy,  but  its  wisdom  is  questionable. 
To  maintain,  in  defiance  of  all  contemporary  evidence,  that  Tyn- 
dale  remained  for  a  year  in  a  bustling  commercial  town  where 
there  were  no  printers,  where  he  would  be  disturbed  by  bitter 
quarrels,  and  deprived  of  all  opportunities  of  consulting  books, 
or  conferring  with  friends  that  might  have  aided  him  in  the 
work,  this  is  surely  a  strange  method  of  vindicating  Tyndale ; 
this  is  an  attempt  to  defend  his  originality,  at  the  cost  of  his  good 
sense."  Mr.  Anderson's  theories  about  Tyndale's  residence  in 
Hamburg,  his  ignorance  of  German,  his  never  having  met  Lu 
ther,  are  theories  adopted  in  the  face  6f  all  ancient  testimony.4 

Prof.  Walter's  argument  that  Tyndale's  stay  at  Hamburg  was 
for  the  purpose  of  learning  Hebrew  from  the  numerous  Jews 
*  there,  and  that  proof  of  this  can  be  shown  from  the  fact  that 
whereas  Hebrew  at  that  time  was  not  taught  in  any  English  Univer 
sity,  Tyndale's  progress  becomes  soon  manifest  from  the  insight 
into  the  peculiarities  of  that  language  shown  by  some  remarks  in 
his  "Mammon,"  is  not  con  elusive.  The  passage  would  effectually 
prove  this,  if  that  boolc  were  original  with  Tyndale ;  but  since  it  is 
only  a  translation  from  Luther,  as  will  hereafter  appear,  the  pro 
gress  in  Hebrew  asserted,  cannot  be  shown. 

Dr.  Eadie, 5  while  trying  to  show  that  Tyndale  was  no  Luth- 

8  Ib.  p.  96. 
*  Ib.  P.  495. 


Tyndale 's  Dependence  on  Luther.  19 

eran,  after  weighing  the  evidence,  concludes:  "Arguments 
against  the  visit  to  Wittemberg  are  of  no  great  moment." 

Mr.  George  Offer,  in  the  "  Memoir  of  Tyndale,"  prefixed  to 
a  reprint  of  his  New  Testament  of  1526,  published  by  the  Bag- 
sterssays:  "  It  was  at  Wyttemburg,  that  with  intense  applica 
tion  and  labor,  Tyndale  completed  his  translation  of  thew  New 
Testament. ' ' 

Dr.  Mombert6  says  :  "  In  the  absence  of  positive  historical 
data  it  is  impossible  to  make  a  reliable  positive  statement.  It  is 
probable  that  Tyndale  did  meet  Luther ;  it  is  clear  that  he  used 
Luther's  version,  as  I  expect  to  prove.  .  .  .  The  preponderance 
of  evidence  points  immediately  to  Tyndale's  visit  to  Wittemberg." 
The  same  writer  has  also  conclusively  proved  that  the  statement 
hitherto  current  that  Tyndale's  translation  of  Genesis  of  1530 
was  printed  by  Hans  Luft  at  Marburg  is  incorrect,  the  librarian 
of  the  University  of  Marburg  having  made  a  special  examination 
into  the  matter  in  1881,  with  the  result  that  he  found  that  Hans 
Luft  never  had  a  printing-office  at  Marburg,  and  that  the  album 
of  the  University  has  no  entry  of  the  names  of  Tyndale  and 
Frith.  Hans  Luft,  being  the  famous  Bible  printer  at  Witten 
berg,  the  name  "  Marlborow  in  the  lande  of  Hesse,"  given  as 
his  place  of  printing,  is  in  all  probability  a  pseudonym  to  con 
ceal  the  actual  place,  just  as  he  himself  assumed  the  pseudonym 
of  Hutchyns,  to  thwart  the  designs  of  his  vigilant  enemies. 
Wittenberg,  therefore,  a  second  time  becomes  connected  with 
Tyndale's  work,  and  our  English  Bible.  7 

But  we  have  anticipated  somewhat  the  chronological  order. 
After  returning  from  Wittenberg  to  Hamburg  in  1525,  and  hav 
ing  his  translation  of  the  New  Testiment  finished,  Tyndale  went 
to  Cologne  for  the  purpose  of  having  it  printed.  Here  he  was 
discovered  by  Cochlaeus  an  enemy  of  the  Reformation,  who 
promptly  reported  what  he  had  learned.  The  story  is  interest- 

5  History  of  English  Bible,  1 :  127. 

6  A  Handbook  of  the  English  Versions,  82  sqq. 
TIb.,  pp.  107-115. 


20  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

ing  :  "  Cochlaeus,  intending  to  print  a  work  of  his  own,  had 
gone  to  Cologne,  where  some  of  the  compositors  he  was  about  to 
employ,  in  an  unguarded  moment,  intimated  that  they  were  en 
gaged  in  preparing  a  work  for  two  Englishmen8  lately  arrived 
from  Wyttemberg,  which  would  soon  make  England  Lutheran. 
By  plying  them  with  drink,  he  discovered  that  there  were  in  the 
press  three  thousand  copies  of  the  Lutheran  New  Testament 
translated  into  English.  By  his  efforts,  the  Senate  prohibited 
the  work  from  proceeding  any  further.  It  had  reached  the  sig 
nature  K  in  4to.  Upon  which  the  two  Englishmen,  carrying 
away  with  them  the  sheets  already  finished,  fled  up  the  Rhine  to 
Worms,  in  hope  that,  as  the  inhabitants  were  generally  Lutheran, 
they  might  find  some  printer  to  bring  their  undertaking  to 
completion.."  9 

This  attempt  to  suppress  the  publication  resulted  in  two  sim 
ultaneous  editions,  instead  of  one.  Peter  Schoeffer  of  Worms 
printed  an  octavo  edition,  while,  at  the  same  time,  the  quarto 
edition  was  completed  and  bound.  The  opponents  of  the  Ref 
ormation,  being  on  the  watch  for  the  quarto  editions,  it  was  gen 
erally  intercepted  on  its  way  to  England ;  but  the  octavo  edition, 
iiOt  being  suspected,  made  its  way  for  a  time  without  interfer 
ence.  There  was  no  little  strategy  in  such  procedure. No  less 
than  six  thousand  copies  were  printed  in  these  two  editions 
which  appeared  early  in  1526.  Even  before  this,  December  ad, 
1525,  Dr.  Edward  Lee  writing  from  Bordeaux, 10  warned  Henry 
VIII.  of  what  was  coming : 

"  Please  it  your  Hyghnesse,  moreover,  to  understand  that  I  am 
certainlie  enformed,  as  I  passed  in  this  contree  that  an  English 
man,  your  subject,  at  the  sollicitation  and  instance  of  Luther, 
with  whome  he  is,  hathe  translated  the  Newe  Testament  into 
English,  and  within  fewe  dayes  entendeth  to  arrive  with  the 
same  emprinted  in  England,  I  neede  not  to  advertise  your  Grace 

8  William  Roye  was  Tyndale's  amanuensis. 

9  Ellis  Original  Letters  Third  Series,  II :  88. 

10  Ellis,  Or.  Letters,  II :   71  sqq. 


Tyndale1  s  Dependence  on  Luther.  2I 

what  infection  and  daunger  maye  ensue  heerbie,  if  it  be  not 
withstonded.  This  is  the  next  way  to  fulfill  your  Realme  with 
Lutherians.  For  all  Luther's  perverse  opinions  bee  grownded 
opon  bar  words  of  Scriptur,  not  well  taken  ne  ondrestonded.  All 
our  forfadres,  governors  of  the  churche  of  England,  hathe  with 
all  diligence  forbed  and  eschued  publication  of  Englishe  bibles, 
as  apperethe  in  constitutitions  provinciall  of  the  Churche  of  Eng 
land,  .  .  .  Hidretoo,  blessed  be  God,  your  Realme  is  save  from 
infection  of  Luther's  sect,  as  for  so  mutche  that  althoug  anye 
peradvertur  bee  secretlie  blotted  within,  yet  for  fear  of  your 
royall  Majestic,  wiche  hathe  drawen  his  swerd  in  God's  cause, 
they  dar  not  openlie  avow. ' ' 

It  is  interesting  to  note  that  only  two  months  before  this 
(Sept.  ist,  1525),  Luther  apologizing  to  Henry  VIII  for  his 
attack  upon  his  book,  does  so  by  excusing  the  King  en  the 
ground  that  it  was  not  really  written  by  Henry,  but  by  Sophists 
who  abused  his  title,  especially  as  De  Wette  thinks,  by  the  writer 
of  the  above  letter,  Edward  Lee,  whom  he  ironically  calls  "  Car 
dinal  of  York,"  and  terms  "  that  monster  and  public  odium  of 
God  and  men."  u  May  there  not  be  in  this  at  least  some  indi 
cation  of  indignation  aroused  by  information  given  him,  through 
Tyndale  ?  This  becomes  the  more  probable  when  we  read  in  the 
same  letter  that  Luther  has  been  moved  to  write,  because  he  was 
informed  that  Henry  ".was  beginning  to  favor  the  gospel  and  to 
be  not  a  little  weary  of  such  a  set  of  worthless  fellows."  He 
prays  that  the  Lord  may  continue  the  work  which  he  has  begun,  so 
that  with  a  full  spirit,  he  may  favor  and  obey  the  Gospel." 

In  spite  of  all  efforts  to  suppress  them,  the  copies  of  the  New 
Testament  made  their  way  through  England.  Who  the  trans 
lator  was,  no  one  then  knew.  Some  Lutherans  or  other,  of 
course ;  but  that  was  all.  Henry,  in  his  reply  to  Luther's  letter, 
said  that  Luther  "  lell  into  device  with  one  or  two  lewd  fellows, ' 
born  in  this  our  realm,  for  the  translating  of  the  New  Testament 
into  English."  Tonstal,  Bishop  of  London,  issued  his  prohibi- 

11  De  Wette's  Luther's  Briefen,  III :  24. 


22  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

tion,  October  24th,  1526,  in  which  he  said:  "We,  having  un 
derstanding  by  the  reports  of  divers  credible  persons,  and  also 
by  the  evident  appearance  of  the  matter,  that  many  children  of 
iniquity,  maintainers  of  Luther's  sect,  blinded  through  extreme 
wickedness,  wandering  from  the  way  of  truth  and  the  catholic 
faith,  craftily  have  translated  the  New  Testament  into  our  Eng 
lish  tongue. ' ' 12  This  was  followed  by  a  similar  proclamation  by 
Archbishop  Warham  on  November  3d.  Efforts  were  made  to 
arrest  their  importation  by  destroying  them  as  they  passed 
through  Antwerp  in  the  Netherlands.  But  the  very  proposal,  on 
the  request  of  the  English  government,  to  have  them  made  ille 
gal  there,  brought  to  light  the  fact  that  in  January  1527,  an  en 
terprising  Antwerp  printer  was  at  work  on  a  reprint  for  the  Eng 
lish  market ;  and  the  burgesses  of  that  city  declined  to  interfere 
with  what  would  cripple  any  industry  of  their  citizens.  Then 
Tonstal  devised  another  expedient.  At  great  cost,  he  employed 
agents  to  buy  up  all  copies  as  they  appeared.  This  did  not  di 
minish  the  number  of  copies,  as  the  press  continued  to  send 
them  forth ;  but  proved  of  great  advantage  to  Tyndale  by  giv 
ing  him  the  means  of  life,  while  translating  the  Old  and  re 
vising  the  New  Testament.  The  older  and  less  correct  copies 
were  also  thus  speedily -withdrawn  from  the  ma'rket,  to  give 
place  -to  revised  editions.  By  1530,  no  less  than  six  editions 
of  the  New  Testament  appeared,  numbering  15,000  copies. 
Nevertheless  "so  fierce  and  systematic  was  the  persecution,  that 
there  remains  of  the  first,  one  fragment  only,  which  was  found 
about  thirty  years  ago  attached  to  the  fragment  of  another 
tract ;  of  the  second,  one  copy,  wanting  the  title-page,  and  an 
other  very  imperfect ;  and  of  the  others,  two  or  three  copies, 
which  are  not,  however,  satisfactorily  identified."13  In  1530, 
his  translation  of  the  Pentateuch  appeared,  and,  in  the  follow- 
"  ing  year,  that  of  the  prophet  Jonah.  Other  books  of  the  Old 
Testament  were  translated  but  not  published.  He  was  steadily 

12  Foxe's  Acts  and  Monuments,  IV :  666. 

13  Westcott's  History  of  the  English  Bible,  p.  45. 


Tyndale' s  Dependence  on  Luther.  23 

at  work  upon  the  unfinished  portions  during  his  imprisonment. 
He  was  also  the  author  of  a  number  of  Doctrinal  and  Expository 
treatises,  "A  Pathway  into  Holy  Scripture,"  "The  Wicked 
Mammon,"  "The  Obedience  of  a  Christian  Man,"  "Exposi 
tion  of  First  John,"  "  Exposition  of  the  V,  VI  and  VII  chapters 
of  Matthew." 

His  end  is  well-known.  For  years  living  in  various  places, 
and  under  an  assumed  name,  he  was  diligently  sought  for  by  the 
agents  of  Henry  VIII.  When  the  Reformation  had  progressed 
in  England,  and  the  rupture  with  the  Papacy  seemed  complete, 
he  supposed  it  safe  to  abandon  secrecy,  and  publicly  lived  and  la 
bored  at  Antwerp.  Here  he  was  soon  apprehended  (May  23d  or 
24th,  1535,)  by  the  emissaries  of  the  English  prelates  and  after 
an  imprisonment  of  over  a  year  at  the  castle  of  Vilvorden,  was 
strangled  and  burned,  October  6th,  1536.  Henry  VIII  has 
enough  sins  for  which  to  answer.  We  cannot  hold  him  responsible 
for  this  murder,  upon  the  amount  of  evidence  now  to  be  fur 
nished.14  Persevering  as  had  been  Henry's  endeavor  in  former 
years  to  apprehend  him,  time  had  brought  its  changes.  The 
guilt  must  ultimately  fall  upon  the  Emperor,  Charles  V,  and 
those  from  England,  who  instigated  him  to  the  act. 

We  come  now  to  the  relation  between  the  literary  work  of 
Tyndale,  and  that  of  Luther.  On  the  one  hand,  Tyndale's 
ability  as  an  independent  translator  has  been  denied,  as  by  Hal- 
lam,  who  traces  his  translation  entirely  to  the  Vulgate  and 
Luther ;  on  the  other  hand,  his  indebtedness  to  Luther  has  been 
ignored.  Canon  Westcott,  the  eminent  New  Testament  critic, 
while  endeavoring  to  prove  the  utmost  independence  of  Luther, 
says  that  it  is  impossible  to  read  a  single  chapter  with 
out  noting  that  the  Greek  text  was  directly  used,  and  at  the 
same  time  tracing  the  influence  of  Luther,  together  with  that  of 
the  Vulgate  and  of  Erasmus'  Latin  version. 15  Dr.  Mombert 

14  Demaus'  Life  of  Tyndale,  p.  424. 

15  History  of  English  Bible,  p.  174. 


24  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

makes  a  comparison  of  Luther's  German  and  Tyndale  on  Deu 
teronomy  6  :   6-9,  as  follows  : 16 


6.    Und  diese    Worte,    die   ich  dir 
heute  gebiete,  solist  du  zu  Herzen  neh- 


men. 


7.  Und  solist  sie   deinen    Kindcrn 
scharfen,  und  davoti  reden,  wenn  du 
in  deinem  Hause  sitzest,  oder  auf  dem 
Wege  gehest,  wenn  du  dich  niederle- 

gest,  oder.  auf  si 'chest. 

8.  Und  solist  sie  binden  zum  Zeich- 
en   auf  deine  Hand,  und  sollen  dir 
ein.  Denkmal  vor  deinen  Augen  seyn. 

9.  Und  solist  sie  uber  deines  Hauses 
Pfarten  schreiben  ttnd  an  die  Thore. 


6.  Let  these  words  which  I    com 
mand  thee  this  day  stick  fast  in  thine 
heart. 

7.  And  whet  them  on  thy  children, 
and    talk   of  them  as  thou  sittest   in 
thine    house,  and    as  thy  walkest  by 
the  way,  and  when  thou  liest    down, 
and  when  thou  risest  up. 

8.  And  bind   them  for  a    token  to 
thine  hand,  and  let  them  be  a  remem 
brance  between  thine  eyes. 

9.  And  write   them  on  the    posts 
and  gates  of  thine  house. 

"There  was  nothing,"  says  this  writer,  "in  the  English 
language  he  could  have  used  e  g.,  for  the  rendering  of  the  He 
brew  Shinnaen  by  the  English  '  Whet,'  which  conveys  an  idea 
contained  neither  in  the  Greek  of  the  Septuagint,  nor  the  Latin 
of  the  Vulgate,  but  it  had  been  employed  by  Luther.  Had  he 
been  a  servile  imitator  of  Luther,  he  would  have  rendered,  after 
the  example  of  the  dreadful  translators  of  the  period  :  '  And 
whet  them  in  or  into  thy  children ;'  but  he  knew  that  that 
would  have  violated  the  English  idiom,  and,  therefore,  he  ren 
dered  'whet  on,'  and  he  understood  the  Piel  force  of  the  root 
Shanan.  .  .  .  Again  in  verse  8,  Luther  translates  the  Hebrew 
Letotaphoth  beyn  eynecha  :  '  Denkmaal  vor  deinen  Augen.'  It 
is  evident  that  he  deliberately  gave  preference  to  Luther's  admir 
able  free  rendering,  as  much  superior  to  the  vague  Greek,  and 
still  vaguer  Latin  of  the  literal  Hebrew  '  bands  or  fillets ';  but 
knew  Hebrew  enough  to  perceive  that  '  remembrance  between 
thine  eyes '  conformed  at  once  to  the  Hebrew  and  English 
idioms.  These  two  examples,  I  think,  will  suffice  to  convince 
and  prove  to  scholars,  that  Tyndale  used  Luther  and  understood 
Hebrew." 

"  To  any  scholar,"  says  the  biographer  of  Tyndale,  Rev.  R. 
Demaus,  "who  sits  down  to  collate  with  care  the  versions  of 
the  English  and  German  translators,  two  facts  speedily  become 

16  Handbook  to  English  Version,  p.  115. 


Tyndale  s  Dependence  on  Luther. 


plain  and  indisputable,  viz.,  that  Tyndale  had  Luther's  work  be 
fore  him,  and  constantly  consulted  and  occasionally  adopted  it ; 
and  that  he  never  implicitly  follows  Luther,  but  translates  from 
the  original  with  the  freedom  of  a  man  who  had  a  perfect  confi 
dence  in  his  own  scholarship."  " 

Instances,  however,  may  be  cited*,  where  his  independence  is 
not  as  great  as  is  sometimes  claimed  for  him.  For  instance, 
Luke  22  :  20,  where  Tyndale's  "  blood  which  shall  for  you  be 
shed,"  is  not  English  in  its  order  of  words,  but  is  that  of  Luth 
er's  German ;  while  he  obtains  the  future  by  misunderstanding 
vergossen  wird,  especially  when  compared  with  the  Vulgate 
fundetur.  Here  he  clearly  has  abandoned  the  Greek  in  order 
to  follow  Luther. 1S 

The  indebtedness  of  Tyndale  to  Luther  in  other  respects  than 
as  a  translator  of  the  Bible,  is  very  great.  "The  extent,"  says 
Canon  Westcott,  "  to  which  Tyndale  silently  incorporated  free 
or  verbal  translations  of  passages  from  Luther's  works  into  his  own, 
has  escaped  the  notice  of  his  editors.  To  define  it  accurately 
would  be  a  work  of  very  great  labor,  but  the  result,  as  showing 
the  points  of  contact  and  divergence  in  the  opinions  of  the  two 
great  reformers,  would  be  a  most  instructive  passage  in  the  doc 
trinal  history  of  the  time."  19 

We  give  the  following  examples  : 

I.     PROLOGUES   PREPARED    INTRODUCING   TRANSLATIONS. 

i .    To  the  New  Testament 

Tyndale  (7326.) 

The  Old  Testament  is  a  book, 
wherein  is  written  the  law  of  God, 
and  the  deeds  of  them  which  fulfil 
them,  and  of  them  also  which  fulfil 
them  not. 

The  New  Testament  is  a  book, 
wherein  are  contained  the  promises 
of  God ;  and  the  deeds  of  them  which 


Luther 

Gleichwie  das  Alte  Testament  ist 
ein  Buch,  darinnen  Gottes  Gesetz  und 
Gebot,  daneben  die  Geschichte  beide 
dere.  die  dieselbigen  gehalten  und 
nicht  gehalten  haben,  geschrieben 
sind;  also  ist  das  Neue  Testament  ein 
Buch,  darinnen  das  Evangelium  und 
Gottes  Verheissung,  daneben  auch 


17  William  Tyndale.     A  biography,  p.  237. 

18  Other  examples  may  be  found  in  "  A  Revised  English  Bible,  the  want  of 
the  Church,"  by  John  R.  Beard,  D.  D.,  London,  1^57. 

19  History  of  English  Bible,  p.  192. 


26 


The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 


Geschichte  beide  dere,  die  daran 
glauben  und  nicht  glauben,  gesch- 
rieben  sind.  Uenn  Evangelium  1st  ein 
griechisch  Wort  und  heisst  auf 
Deutsch  gute  Botschaft,  gute  Mahre, 
gute  neue  Zeitung,  gut  Geschrei,  da- 
von  man  singet,  saget  und  frohlich 
1st :  als  da  David  den  grossen  Goliath 
uberwand,  kam  ein  gut  Geschrei  und 
trostliche  neue  Zeitung  unter  das 
jiidische  Volk,  dass  ihr  graulicher 
Feind  erschlagen,  und  sie  erloset,  zu 
Freude  und  Friede  gestellet  waren, 
davon  sie  sungen,  und  sprungen  und 
frohlich  waren. 


believe  them,  or  believe  them  not. 
Evangelion  (that  we  call  Gospel)  is 
a  Greek  word,  and  signifieth  good, 
merry,  glad  and  joyful  tidings,  that 
maketh  a  mans  heart  glad,  and  mak- 
eth  him  sing,  dance,  and  leap  for  joy ; 
as  when  David  had  killed  Goliath, 
the  giant,  came  glad  tidings  unto  the 
Jews,  that  their  fearful  and  cruel  ene 
my  was  slain,  and  they  delivered  out 
of  all  danger ;  for  gladness  whereof, 
they  sung,  danced  and  were  joyful. 


2.    To  Epistle  to  the  Romans. 


Luther 

Diese  Epistel  ist  das  rechte  Haupt- 
stiicke  des  Neuen  Testaments,  und 
das  allerlauterste  Evangelium,  welche 
wohl  wiirdig  und  werth  ist,  dass  sie 
ein  Christenmensch  nicht  allein  von 
Wort  zu  Wort  auswendig  wisse,  son- 
dern  taglich  damit  umbgehe,  als  mit 
taglichem  Brod  der  Seelen.  Denn 
sie  nimmer  kann  zu  viel  und  zu  wohl 
gelesen,  oder  betrachten  werden,  und 
je  mehr  sie  gehandelt  wird,  je  kost- 
licher  sie  wird  und  bass  schmecket. 

Darumb  ich  auch  meinem  Dienst 
dazu  thun  will,  und  durch  diese 
Vorrede  einen  Eingang  dazu  bereiten, 
so  viel  mir  Gott  verleihen  hat,  damit 
sie  deste  bass  von  Jedermann  ver- 
standen  werde.  Denn  sie  bisher  mit 
Glossen  und  mancherlei  Geschwatz 
ubel  vernnstert  ist,  die  doch  an  ihr 
selbs  ein  belles  Licht  ist,  fast  genu- 
gsam,  die  ganze  Schrift  zu  erleuchten. 


Tyndale  (7526.) 

Forasmuch  as  this  Epistle  is  the 
principal  and  most  excellent  part  of 
the  New  Testament,  and  most  pure 
Evangelion,  that  is  to  say,  glad  tid 
ings  and  that  we  call  gospel,  and  also 
is  a  light  and  a  way  unto  the  whole 
scripture ;  I  think  it  meet  that  every 
Christian  man  not  only  know  it,  by 
note  and  without  the  book,  but  also 
exercise  himself  therein  evermore 
continually,  as  with  the  daily  bread  of 
the  soul.  No  man  verily  can  read  it 
too  oft,  or  study  it  too  well;  for  the 
more  it  is  studied,  the  easier  it  is;  the 
more  it  is  chewed,  the  pleasanter  it 
is ;  and  the  more  grandly  it  is  search 
ed,  the  preciouser  things  are  found  in 
it,  so  great  treasure  of  spiritual  things 
lieth  hid  therein.  I  will  therefore  be 
stow  my  labour  and  diligence,  through 
this  little  preface  or  prologue,  to  pre 
pare  a  way  in  thereunto,  so  far  forth 
as  God  shall  give  me  grace,  that  it 
may  be  the  better  understood  of  every 
man  ;  for  it  hath  been  hitherto  evil 
darkened  with  glosses  and  wonderful 
dreams  of  sophisters,  that  no  man 
could  spy  out  the  intent  and  meaning 
of  it ;  which,  nevertheless,  of  itself  is 
a  bright  light,  and  sufficient  to  give 
light  unto  all  Scripture. 


Tyndaie1  s  Dependence  on  Luther. 


27 


3     To  Second  Corinthians. 


Luther 

In  der  ersten  Epistel  hat  S.  Paulus 
die  Korinther  hart  gestrafet  in  vielen 
Stiicken,  und  scharfen  Wein  in  die 
Wunden  gegossen,  und  sie  erschreket; 
nu  aber  ein  Apostel  soil  ein  trost- 
licher  Prediger  sein,  die  erschrocken 
und  bidden  Gewissen  aufzurichten, 
mehr  denn  zu  schrecken :  darumb 
lobet  er  sie  nun  wiederumb  in  dieser 
Epistel,  und  geusset  auch  Ole  in  die 
Wunden,  und  thut  sich  wunderfreund- 
lich  zu  ihnen,  und  heisset  den  Sunder 
mit  Liebe  wieder  aufzunehmen. 

Im  I.  und  2.  Cap.  zeiget  er  seine 
Liebe  gegen  sie,  wie  er  alles  geredt, 
gethan  und  gelitten  habe  zu  ihrem 
Nutz  und  Heil,  dass  sie  ja  sich  alles 
Besten  zu  ihm  versehen  sollen. 

Darnach  preiset  er  das  evangel- 
ische  Ampt,  welchs  das  hoheste  und 
trostlichste  Werk  ist,  zu  Nutz  und 
Heil  der  Gewissen,  und  zeiget  wie 
dasselbige  edler  sei,  denn  das  Geset- 
zes  Ampt,  und  wie  dasselbige  verfol- 
get  wird,  und  doch  zunimpt  an  den 
Glaubigen,  und  eine  Hofthung  machet 
durchs  Kreuz  der  ewigen  Herrlich- 
keit.  Aber  mit  dem  alien  riihret  er 
die  falschen  Apostel,  welche  das 
Gesetz  wider  das  Evangelium  treibet, 
und  eitel  ausserliche  Heiligkeit  (das 
ist,  Heuchelei)  lehreten,  und  liessen 
die  inwendige  Schande  des  Unglau- 
bens  stehen. 


Tyndaie   (1526^ 

As  in  the  first  epistle  he  rebuketh 
the  Corinthians  sharply,  so  in  this  he 
comforteth  them,  and  praiseth  them, 
and  commandeth  him  that  was  ex 
communicated  to  be  received  lovingly 
into  the  congregation  again. 


And  in  the  first  and  second  chap 
ters,  he  showeth  his  love  to  them- 
ward,  how  that  all  that  he  spake,  did, 
or  suffered  was  for  their  sakes,  and 
for  their  salvation. 

Then  in  the  third,  fourth  and  fifth, 
he  praiseth  the  office  of  preaching  the 
Gospel,  above  the  preaching  of  the 
Law ;  and  showeth  that  the  Gospel 
groweth  through  persecution,  and 
through  the  cross,  which  maketh  a 
man  sure  of  eternal  life. 


And  here  and  there,  he  toucheth 
the  false  prophets,  which  studied  to 
turn  the  faith  of  the  people  from 
Christ,  unto  the  works  of  the  Law. 


4     To  Galatians. 


Luther  (1522.} 

Die  Galater  waren  durch  S.  Paul- 
urn,  zu  dem  rechten  Christenglauben, 
und  ins  Evangelium  von  dem  Gesetzt 
gebracht.  Aber  nach  seiner  Abschied 
kamen  die  falschen  Apostel,  die  der 
rechten  Apostel  Jiinger  warden,  und 
wandten  die  Galater  wieder  umb, 
dass  sie  glaubten,  sie  miissten  durch 
des  Gesetzes  Werk  selig  werden,  und 
thaten  Siinde,  wo  sie  nicht  des  Ges 
etzes  Werk  hielten. 


Tyndaie  (1526.} 

After  Paul  had  converted  the  Gala- 
tians,  and  coupled  them  to  Christ,  to 
trust  in  him  only  for  the  remission  of 
sins,  and  hope  of  grace  and  salvation, 
and  was  departed,  there  came  false 
Apostles  unto  them,  and  that,  in  the 
name  of  Peter,  James  and  John,  whom 
they  called  the  high  Apostles,  and 
preached  circumcision  and  the  keep 
ing  of  the  Law,  to  be  saved  by. 


28 


The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 


Luther  (1522.} 

In  dieser  Epistel,  lehret  S.    Paulus 
aufs   erst,   was   das  Evangelium  sei, 


wie  es  allein  von  Gott  in  Ewigkeit 
versehen,  und  durch  Christum  ver- 
dienet  und  ausgegangen  ist,  dass  alle, 
die  daran  glauben,  gerecht,  frumm, 
lebendig,  selig  und  vom  Gesetz, 
Sunde  und  Tod  frei  warden.  Das 
thut  er  durch  die  drei  ersten  Kapitel. 


To  Ephesians. 

Tyndale  (1326) 

In  this  Epistle,  namely  in  the  first 
three  chapters,  Paul  showeth  that  the 


Luther  (fJ22.} 

In  dieser  Epistel,  lobet  und  ermah- 
net  S.  Paulus  die  Philipper,  dass  sie 
bleiben  und  fortfahren  sollen  im 
rechten  Glauben,  und  zunehmen  in 
der  Liebe.  Dieweil  aber  den  Glau 
ben  allezeit  Schaden  thun  die  fal- 
schen  Apostel  und  Werklehrer,  warnet 
er  sie  fur  denselbigen,  und  zeiget 
ihnen  an  mancherlei  Prediger,  etliche 


Gospel  and  grace  thereof,  was  fore 
seen  and  predestinate  of  God  from 
before  the  beginning  and  deserved 
through  Christ,  and  now  at  the  last 
sent  forth,  that  all  men  should  believe 
therein ;  thereby  to  be  justified,  made 
righteous,  living  and  happy ;  and  to 
be  delivered  from  under  the  damna 
tion  of  the  law,  and  captivity  of  cere 
monies. 

6.    To  Philippians 

Tyudale  (1526.} 

Paul  praiseth  the  Philippians,  and 
exhorteth  them  to  stand  fast  in  the 
true  faith  and  to  increase  in  love. 
And  because  that  false  prophets  study 
always  to  impugn  and  destroy  the 
true  faith,  he  warneth  them  of  such 
work -learners,  or  teachers  of  works, 
and  praiseth  Epaphroditus ;  and  all 
this  doth  he  in  the  first  and  second 


gute,  etliche  bose,  auch  sich  selbs  und    chapters, 
seine  Jiinger,  Timotheum  und  Epaph 
roditus;  das  that  er  im  I,  2  Kap. 

Similar  examples  might  be  given  from  the  prologues  to  Colos- 
sians,  i  Thessalonians,  2  Thessalonians,  i  Timothy,  2  Timothy, 
Titus,  Philemon,  i  Peter,  2  Peter,  the  Three  Epistles  of  St. 
John,  and  to  a  less  degree,  i  Corinthians.  The  long  prologue 
to  Hebrews  keeps  in  view  what  Luther's  brief  prologue  suggests, 
and  argues  against  a  statement  of  Luther.  Even  where  his  pro 
logues  do  not  reproduce  similar  prologues  of  Luther,  no  one  who 
knows  the  latter  will  fail  to  see  that  Tyndale  presents  in  another 
form  what  Luther  has  elsewhere  taught.  We  cite,  as  an  example, 
Tyndale's  treated  of  the  allegorical  interpretation  of  Scripture 
in  the  prologue  to  Leviticus,  for  every  statement  of  which  a  cor 
responding  passage  of  Luther  could  be  given.  Peculiar  expres 
sions,  too,  incline  one  greatly  to  most  thoroughly  search  Luther's 
works  for  them,  as  e.  g.  "  The  Holy  Ghost  is  no  dumb  God, 


Tyndale's  Dependence  on  Luther.  29 

nor  a  God  that  goeth  a  mumming."  So,  as  Canon  Westcott20 
has  remarked,  "  Tyndale  at  the  close  of  his  prologue  to  St.  Mat 
thew,  which  is  an  extensive  essay,  reproduces,  in  a  modified 
form,  Luther's  famous  judgment  on  the  relative  worth  of  the 
apostolic  books  in  his  Preface  to  the  New  Testament. ' ' 

Tyndale  (7526.) 

And  thereto  Paul's  Epistles,  with 
the  Gospel  of  John,  and  his  first  epis 
tle,  and  the  first  epistle  of  St.  Peter, 
are  most  pure  Gospel  and  most  plainly 
and  richly  describe  the  glory  of  the 
grace  of  Christ. 


Ltithcr 

Summa,  S.  Johannis  Evangel,  und 
seine  erste  Epistel,  S.  Paulus  Epistel, 
sonderlich  die  zu  den  Romern,  Gala- 
tern,  Ephesern,  und  S.  Peters  erste 
Epistle,  das  sind  die  Biicher,  die  dir 
Christum  zeigen,  und  alles  lehren, 


das  dir  zu  wissen  noth  und  selig  ist. 

The  Appendix  on  "  Repentance  is  only  a  reproduction  of  Lu 
ther's  well-known  discussion  of  metanoia,  with  special  reference 
to  the  defects  of  the  Latin  translation  '  ago  poenitentiam. '  ' 

II.    THE   GLOSSES. 

"  The  marginal  notes,  those  'pestilent  glosses,'  against  which 
the  indignation  of  the  clergy  was  especially  excited,  have  been  to 
a  large  extent  translated  by  Tyndale  from  those  of  Luther.  Not 
that  Tyndale  translated  like  a  servile  imitator,  whose  intellect 
was  too  barren  to  be  capable  of  originality  ;  everywhere  he  uses 
his  own  judgment ;  sometimes  he  curtails  Luther's  notes  ;  some 
times  he  omits  them  ;  often  he  inserts  notes  of  his  own,  and 
these  of  various  kinds,  explanatory  and  doctrinal.  Some  of  the 
longest  of  these  marginal  glosses,  as  well  as  some  of  those  which 
most  emphatically  propound  the  doctrine  of  justification  by  faith, 
are  original  to  Tyndale ;  in  other  cases  the  words  of  Luther 
have  been  expanded,  and  have  formed  not  so  much  the  source 
of  Tyndale's  notes  as  the  nucleus  out  of  which  it  has  grown.  Of 
the  whole  number  of  ninety  marginal  glosses  which  occur  in  the 
fragment  of  Tyndale's  quarto  that  has  come  down  to  us,  fifty-two 
have  been  more  or  less  literally  taken  from  Luther,  and  thirty- 
eight  are  original."  21 

20  History  of  English  Bible,  p.  198. 

21  Demaus,  William  Tyndale.     A  Biography. 


The  Lutlieran  Movement  in  England. 


We  give  two  illustrations  : 

Luther. 

Matth.  5  :  13.  (Das  Salz).  Wenn 
die  Lehrer  aufhoren  Gottes  Wort  zu 
lehren,  miissen  sie  von  Menschen- 
geset/en  iibcrfallen  und  zutreten 
werden. 

Luther. 

Rom.  5  :  14 :  Wie  Adam  uns  mit 
frembder  Siinde,  ohn  unser  Schuld, 
verderbet  hat ;  also  hat  uns  Christus 
mit  frember  Gnade  ohn  unser  Ver- 
dienst  stli^  gemacht. 


Tyndale. 

(SaltV  When  the  preachers  cease 
to  preach  God's  Word,  then  must 
they  need  be  oppressed  and  trod  un 
der  foot  with  man's  traditions. 

Tyndale. 

Adam's  disobedience  damned  us 
all  ere  we  ourselves  wrought  evil ; 
and  Christ's  obedience  saveth  us  all 
ere  we  ourselves  work  any  good. 


III.    THE   WICKED    MAMMON. 

This  is  a  treatise  written  by  Tyndale  at  Worms,  and  published 
under  his  own  name,  May  8th,  1527.  Its  real  theme  is  "  Justi 
fication  by  Faith."  A  number  of  scriptural  texts,  urged  by  the 
Papists  against  this  doctrine,  are  examined  and  explained  in 
an  evangelical  manner.  The  first,  and  the  one  accorded  most 
prominent  treatment  is  "The  Parable  of  the  Unjust  Steward." 
From  beginning  to  end  it  has  Luther's  spirit  and  style. 

A  large  portion  of  it  is  from  Luther's  Sermon  on  the  Ninth 
Sunday  after  Trinity.  We  select  from  pages  that  might  be 
here  inserted,  only  the  passage  on  the  meaning  of  unrighteous 
Mammon,  which  Prof.  Walter  triumphantly  adduces  as  an  indi 
cation  of  Tyndale's  profound  Hebrew  attainments. 22 


Luther 

Auf  erste  :  Mammon  ist  Hebraisch, 
und  heisst  so  viel  als  Reichthumb  oder 
zeitlich  Gut,  namlich  das,  dess  jemand 
ubrig  hat  zu  seinem  stande,  und  damit 
er  dem  andern  wohl  kann  niitz  sein 
ohne  Schaden.  Denn  Hamon  auf 
Hebraisch  heisst  Menge,  oder  grosser 
Hauf  und  viel ;  daraus  wird  denn 
Mahamon  oder  Afammon,  das  ist, 
die  Menge  des  Gutes  oder  Reich- 
thumbs. 


Tyndale 

First,  mammon  is  an  Hebrew  word, 
and  signifieth  riches  or  temporal 
goods;  and,  namely,  all  superfluity, 
and  all  that  is  above  necessity,  and 
that  which  is  required  to  our  neces 
sary  uses;  wherewith  a  man  may 
help  another,  without  undoing  or 
hurting  himself;  for  hamon  in  the 
Hebrew  speech,  signifies  a  multitude 
or  abundance,  or  many ;  and  there 
hence  cometh  mahamon  or  mammon, 
abundance  or  plenteousness  of  goods 
or  riches. 


22  Tyndak's  Doctrinal  Treatises  (Parker  Society),  Note  on  p.  68. 


.  Tyndale'  s  Dependence  on  Luther. 


Aufs  ander  heisst  es  unrecht  Mam 
mon,  nicht  dass  es  mit  unrecht  oder 
Wucher  erworben  sei ;  denn  von  un- 
rechtem  Gut,  kann  man  kein  gut 
Werk  thunn,  sondern  soil  es  wieder- 
geben,  wie  Jesaias  (61,  8)  hat  gesagt. 


Secondarily,  it  is  called  "  unright 
eous  mammon,"  not  because  it  is  got 
unrighteously,  or  with  usury;  for  of 
unrighteous  gotten  goods,  can  no  man 
do  good  works,  but  ought  to  restore 
them  home  again  :  as  it  is  said,  Esay. 
LXI. 


The  entire  book  is  one  of  the  most  devout,  earnest,  and  evan 
gelical  in  the  English  language ;  and  should  be  reprinted  as  a 
most  solid  Lutheran  devotional  work  for  the  people.  On  every 
page  passages  of  great  force  and  beauty  abound,  where  we  feel 
Luther  back  of  them,  even  when  unable  to  trace  them  to  his 
works,  e.  g.  : 

*'  Prayer  is  a  mourning,  a  longing,  and  a  desire  of  the  spirit  to 
God-ward,  for  that  which  she  lacketh ;  as  a  sick  man  mourneth 
and  sorroweth  in  his  heart,  longing  for  health.  Faith  ever  pray- 
eth.  For  after  that  by  faith  we  are  reconciled  to  God,  and  have 
received  mercy  and  forgiveness  of  God,  the  spirit  longeth  and 
thirsteth  for  strength  to  do  the  will  of  God,  and  that  God  may 
be  honored,  his  name  be  hallowed,  and  his  pleasure  and  will  ful 
filled.  The  spirit  waiteth  and  watcheth  on  the  will  of  God,  and 
ever  hath  her  own  fragility  and  weakness  before  her  eyes ; 
and  when  she  seeth  temptation  and  peril  draw  nigh,  she  turneth 
to  God,  and  to  the  testament  that  God  hath  made  to  all  that  be- 
.  lieve  and  trust  in  Christ's  blood." 

"  God  looketh  with  what  heart  thou  workest,  and  not  what 
thou  workest."  "  If  thou  compare  deed  to  deed,  there  is  differ 
ence  betwixt  washing  of  dishes,  and  preaching  of  the  word  of 
God ;  but  as  touching  to  please  God,  none  at  all ;  for  neither 
that,  nor  this  pleaseth,  but  as  far  forth  as  God  hath  chosen  a 
man,  hath  put  his  Spirit  in  him,  and  purified  his  heart  by  faith 
and  trust  in  Christ." 

"Faith,  the  mother  of  all  good  works,  justifieth  us  before  we 
can  bring  forth  any  good  work :  as  the  husband  marrieth  his 
wife  before  he  can  have  any  lawful  children  by  her." 

"  Deeds  are  the  fruits  of  love ;  and  love  is  the  fruit  of  faith. 
Love  and  also  the  deeds  are  great  or  small,  according  to  the 


32  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

proportion  of  faith.  "Where  faith  is  mighty  and  strong,  there  is 
love  fervent,  and  faith  plenteous :  where  faith  is  weak,  there  love 
is  cold,  and  the  deeds  few  and  seldom,  as  flowers  and  blossoms 
in  winter." 

The  following  is  an  echo  of  the  famous  passage  in  Luther's 
Preface  to  Romans  (  O  es  ist  ein  lebendig,  schaftig,  thatig,  machtig 
Ding  /)  .• 

"Faith  is  mighty  in  operation,  full  of  virtue,  and  ever  work 
ing;  which  also  reneweth  a  man,  and  begetteth  him  afresh, 
changeth  him  and  turneth  him  altogether  into  a  new  nature  and 
conversation  ;  so  that  a  man  feeleth  his  heart  altogether  altered 
and  changed,  and  far  otherwise  disposed  than  before,  and  hath 
power  to  love  that  which  before  he  could  not  but  hate,  arid  de- 
lighteth  in  that  which  before  he  abhorred;  and  hateth  that 
which  before  he  could  not  but  love. ' ' 

IV.    The  Obedience  of  a  Christian  Man. 

In  this  treatise,  published  in  1528,  we  have  been  unable  to 
find  any  translations  from  Luther,  although  it  is  probable  that 
they  are  to  be  found.  The  topics  treated  are  those  on  which 
Luther  was  constantly  writing  and  speaking.  It  treats,  first,  of 
the  obedience  which  all  subjects  (children,  wives,  civil  subjects) 
should  yield,  with  an  Appendix  on  "  The  Pope's  False  Power;" 
secondly,  of  the  duties  of  rulers  (fathers,  husbands,  masters,  land 
lords,  kings  and  judges),  with  an  appendix  on  Antichrist;  thirdly, 
the  subjects  of  Penance,  Confession,  Contrition,  Satisfaction, 
Absolution,  Confirmation,  Anointing,  Miracles  and  Worship 
pings  of  Saints,  Prayer,  The  Four  Senses  of  the  Scripture. 

In  1529  Anne  Boleyn  had  a  copy  of  this  book  which  she 
loaned  to  one  of  her  attendants.  It  passed  from  the  attendant 
into  the  hands  of  her  suitor,  and  he  was  detected  with  it.  The 
book  was  seized  and  came  into  the  possession  of  Cardinal 
Wolsey,  from  whom  the  king,  on  the  intercession  of  the  owner, 
obtained  it.  When  he  had  read  it,  he  expressed  his  great  satis 
faction.  Henry  was  especially  delighted  with  the  manner,  in 
which  it  enjoined  the  duty  of  obedience  to  rulers.  "  This  book," 


Tyndale  s  Dependence  on  Luther.  33 

saidhc,  "  is  for  me  and  all  "kings  to  read."  "And  in  a  little  time," 
adds  Strype,  "  the  King,  by  the  help  of  this  virtuous  lady,  by  the 
means  aforesaid,  had  his  eyes  opened  to  the  truth,  to  search  the 
truth,  to  advance  God's  religion  and  glory,  to  abhor  the  pope's 
doctrine."  Alas!  that  it  was  only  the  interest  of  the  stony- 
ground  hearer. 23 

We  cannot  forbear  giving  a  few  paragraphs  of  the  Preface  as 
indicative  of  the  spirit  which  animates  the  book  : 

"  Mark  this :  If  God  send  thee  to  the  sea,  and  promise  to  go 
with  thee,  and  to  bring  thee  safe  to  land,  he  will  raise  up  a 
tempest  against  thee,  to  prove  whether  thou  wilt  abide  by  his 
word ;  and  that  thou  mayest  feel  thy  faith,  and  perceive  his 
goodness.  For  if  it  were  always  fair  weather,  and  thou  never 
brought  into  such  jeopardy,  whence  his  mercy  only  delivered 
thee,  thy  faith  would  be  a  presumption,  and  thou  wouldest  be 
ever  unthankful  to  God  and  merciless  unto  thy  neighbor. 

If  God  promises  riches,  the  way  thereto  is  poverty.  Whom 
he  loves,  him  he  chastens ;  whom  he  exalts,  he  casts  down ;  he 
brings  no  man  to  heaven,  except  he  send  him  to  hell  first ;  when 
he  builds,  he  casts  all  down  first ;  he  is  no  patcher,  he  cannot 
build  on  another's  foundation  ;  he  will  not  work  until  all  be  past 
remedy,  that  men  may  see  how  his  hand,  his  power,  his  mercy, 
his  goodness  and  truth,  have  wrought  altogether. 

Joseph  saw  the  sun  and  moon  and  the  eleven  stars  worshipping 
him.  Nevertheless  ere  that  came  to  pass,  God  laid  him  where 
he  could  see  neither  sun  nor  moon,  neither  any  star  of  the  sky. 
and  that  for  years ;  and  also  undeservedly  :  to  nurture  him,  to 
humble,  to  make  him  meek,  and  to  teach  him  God's  ways,  and 
to  make  him  apt  and  meet  for  the  place  and  honor,  against  he 
came  to  it,  that  he  might  perceive  and  feel  that  it  came  of  God, 
and  that  he  might  be  strong  in  the  Spirit,  to  minister  it  in  a 
godly  manner. 

He  promised  the  children  of  Israel  a  land  with  rivers  of  milk 
and  honey,  but  brought  them  for  the  space  of  forty  years  into  a 

MStrype's  Memorials,  I:  177. 
4 


34  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

land,  where  not  only  rivers  of  milk  and  honey  were  not,  but 
where  so  much  as  a  drop  of  water  was  not. 

He  promised  Daniel  a  kingdom,  and  immediately  stirred  up 
King  Saul  against  him  to  persecute  him ;  to  hunt  him  as  men  do 
hares  with  greyhounds,  and  to  ferret  him  out  of  every  hole,  and 
that  for  the  space  of  many  years.  This  was  to  tame  him,  to  make 
him  meek;  to  kill  his  lusts ;  to  make  him  feel  other  men's  dis 
eases  ;  to  make  him  merciful ;  to  make  him  understand  that  he 
was  made  a  king  to  minister  and  serve  his  brethren,  and  that  he 
should  not  think  that  his  subjects  were  made  to  minister  unto  his 
lusts. 

Tribulation  is  our  right  baptism.  We  that  are  baptised  in 
the  name  of  Christ,  saith  Paul,  are  baplised  to  die  with  him." 

V.  Exposition  of  the  Sermon  on  the  Mount. 

In  November  1530,  during  Bugenhagen's  absence  from  Wit 
tenberg,  Luther  occupied  his  pulpit,  in  which  he  preached  a 
series  of  sermons  on  "  The  Sermon  on  the  Mount."  These  were 
published  in  German  in  1532,  and  in  Latin  in  1533.  In  1532, 
Tyndale's  Exposition  appeared.  George  Joye,  whose  attempt  to 
pirate  Tyndale's  translation  of  the  New  Testament  occasioned 
an  exciting  controversy,  in  Tyndale's  life-time  asserted  that 
"  Luther  made  it,  Tyndale  only  but  translating  and  powdering 
it  here  and  there  with  his  own  fantasies."  This  charge,  how 
ever,  is  at  once  seen  to  be  unjust,  if  we  compare  the  two.  The 
"Exposition"  is  Tyndale's.  The  use  made  of  Luther  is  per 
fectly  legitimate.  But  it  is  equally  clear  that  either  notes  of  Lu 
ther's  discourses,  or  the  printed  volume  were  before  Tyndale, 
and  freely  used.  There  are  not  many  passages,  where  the  cor 
respondence  is  as  close  as  the  following  :  ™ 

Luther  (1332.) 

Gerechtigkeit  muss  an  diesem  Ort 
nicht  heissen  die  christliche  Haupt- 
gerechtigkeit,  dadurch  die  Person 
frumm  und  angenehm  wird  fur  Gott. 


Tyndale 

Righteousness  in  this  place  is  not 
taken  for  the  principal  righteousness 
of  a  Christian  man,  through  which 
the  person  is  good  and  accepted  be- 


"*  Luther's  Works,  Erl.  Ed.,  XLIII :  41. 


Tyndale1  s  Dependence  on  Luther.  35 


fore  God.  For  these  eight  points  are 
but  doctrines  of  the  fruits  and  works 
of  a  Christian  man,  before  which  the 
faith  must  be  there,  to  make  righteous 
without  all  deserving  of  works,  and 
as  a  tree  out  of  which  all  such  fruits 
and  works  must  spring. 


Denn  .  .  diese  acht  Stuck  nicht  An 
ders  sind,  denn  eine  Lehre  von  den 
Friichten  und  guten  Werken  eines 
Christen,  vor  welchen  der  Glaube 
zuvor  muss  da  sein,  als  der  Baum  und 
Hauptstuck,  oder  Summa  seiner  Ge- 
rechtigkeit  und  seligkeit,  ohn  alle 
Werk  und  Verdienst,  daraus  solche 
Stuck  alle  wachsen  und  folgen  mus- 
sen. 

WAS    TYNDALE    A    LUTHERAN? 

Dr.  Eadie,  the  eminent  commentator  of  the  United  Presbyte 
rian  Church  of  Scotland,  urges  that  it  is  a  great  wrong  to  term 
him  such.  M  "It  was  a  mistake  of  no  common  magnitude,"  he 
says,  "  to  associate  the  name  and  work  of  Tyndale  with  the 
name  and  work  of  Luther.  The  mistake,  however,  can  be  easily 
explained,  as  it  was  common  at  the  time  to  call  all  men  Luther 
ans  who  showed  any  leaning  towards  reformation.  The  great 
Reformer  had  so  stamped  an  image  of  himself  upon  the  Teutonic 
movement,  that  similar  tendencies  in  other  lands,  were  vaguely 
named  after  him.  Sir  Thomas  More,  King  Henry,  Lee  and 
Cochlaeus  regarded  Tyndale  as  a  promoter  of  Lutheranism,  and 
his  testament  was  loosely  spoken  of  as  a  translation  of  Luther's 
German  version.  The  title  page  of  Sir  Thomas  More's  Dialogue 
reads:  '  Touching  the  pestilent  sect  of  Luther  and  Tyndale.' 
But  it  is  against  all  evidence  to  call  Tyndale  Lutheran,  or  to  aver 
that  his  purpose  was  to  promote  Lutheranism  in  his  own  country. 
He  was  no  sectarian,  was  never  allied  to  Luther  as  colleague  or 
instrument,  and  nothing  was  farther  from  his  thoughts  than  to 
found  a  sect  and  identify  his  own  name  with  it." 

The  conception  of  "  Lutheran,"  here  presented  by  Dr.  Eadie, 
is  that  of  one  who  went  forth  from  the  Church  of  Rome  "  to 
found  a  sect."  Then,  Luther  himself  was  not  a  Lutheran;  nor 
were  any  of  his  co-laborers  Lutheran.  A  Protestant  theologian 
who  traces  its  beginnings  to  a  movement  in  Germany  to  found  a 
new  sect,  certainly  has  a  strange  view  of  the  Reformation.  The 
name  '  Lutheran/  a  term  of  reproach,  against  which  Luther  pro- 

25  History  of  English  Bible,  1 :    122  sqq. 


36  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

tested  loud  and  long,  became  the  current  name  for  that  pure  Scrip 
tural  doctrine  which  Luther  asserted  and  maintained  in  opposition 
to  the  corruptions  of  the  Papacy.  Even  up  to  the  diet  of  Augsburg, 
the  hope  had  not  altogether  become  extinct  that  the  Roman 
Church  would  yet  return  to  this  doctrine.  The  Lutheran  move 
ment  had  nothing  to  do  with  a  separate  organization,  until  the  act 
of  its  enemies,  in  casting  out  those  who  professed  this  doctrine  as 
heretics,  separated  the  enemies  themselves,  from  the  confessors 
of  the  faith  of  the  Gospel. 

An  appeal  is  made  by  Dr.  Eadie  to  a  "  Protestation,"  by  Tyn- 
dale  in  his  revised  New  Testament  of  1534.  All,  however,  that 
it  shows,  is,  that  it  is  worthy  to  be  placed  alongside  of  similar 
numerous  protestations  of  Luther.  Tyndale  says:  "  I  take  God 
which  alone  seeth  the  heart  to  record  to  my  conscience,  beseech 
ing  Him  that  my  part  be  not  in  the  blood  of  Christ,  if  I  wrote, 
of  all  that  I  have  written,  throughout  all  my  books,  aught  of  an 
evil  purpose  of  envy,  or  malice  to  any  man,  or  to  stir  up  any 
false  doctrine  or  opinion,  in  the  Church  of  Christ ;  or  to  be  au 
thor  of  any  sect ;  or  to  draw  disciples  after  me ;  or  that  I  be  es 
teemed  or  had  in  price  above  the  least  child  that  is  born  ;  save 
only  of  pity  and  compassion  I  had,  on  the  blindness  of  my  breth 
ren,  and  to  bring  them  into  the  knowledge  of  Christ ;  and  to 
make  every  one  of  them,  if  it  were  possible,  as  perfect  as  an  an 
gel  of  heaven ;  and  to  weed  out  all  that  is  not  planted  of  our 
Heavenly  Father,  and  to-  bring  down  all  that  lifted  itself  against 
the  knowledge  of  the  salvation  that  is  in  the  blood  of  Christ." 

But  this  is  only  an  echo  of  what  Luther  wrote  in  1522  :  "I 
beg  of  you,  keep  silent  about  my  name ;  and  call  yourselves  not 
Lutherans,  but  Christians.  What  is  Luther  ?  The  doctrine  is 
not  mine.  I  have  been  crucified  for  no  one.  St.  Paul  (i  Cor. 
4 :  5)  will  not  allow  Christians  to  be  called  Pauline  or  Petrine, 
but  only  Christians.  How  have  I  come  to  it,  that  the  children 
of  Christ  should  be  called  by  my  miserable  name  ?  Not  so,  dear 
friend,  blot  out  party  names,  and  be  called  Christians  from  him 
whose  doctrine  we  have."26  But  this  was  explained  the  very 

26  Erl.  Ed.  22  :  55. 


Tyndale'  s  Dependence  on  Luther.  37 

same  year.  "  True  it  is  that  you  should  not  say :  '  I  am  Luth 
eran,  or  Popish ;'  for  he  has  not  died  for  any  of  you,  neither  is 
he  your  Master,  but  Christ  only,  and  you  should  confess  Christ. 
But  if  you  hold  that  Luther's  doctrine  is  evangelical  and  the 
Pope's  unevangelical,  you  must  not  entirely  reject  Luther  ;  oth 
erwise,  with  him,  you  reject  his  doctrine  which  you  have  learned 
to  know  as  Christ's  doctrine.  You  must  say :  '  Whether  Luther 
be  rascal  or  saint,  matters  not ;  but  his  doctrine  is  not  his,  but 
Christ's  himself.'  You  see  that  the  tyrants  are  trying  not  merely 
to  destroy  Luther,  but  to  exterminate  his  doctrine ;  and  because 
of  the  doctrine,  they  feel  for  you  and  ask  you  whether  you  be 
Lutheran.  Here  truly  you  must  not  waver,  but  must  freely  con 
fess  Christ,  whether  he  have  been  preached  by  Luther,  Claus  or 
George.  The  person,  you  may  let  go ;  but  the  doctrine,  you 
must  confess."  27 

The  question,  then,  is  simply  as  to  whether  the  doctrine  of 
Tyndale  was  the  same  as  that  of  Luther.  Concerning  this,  Val 
entine  Ernst  Loscher  says  :  "  He  who  has  received  his  knowl 
edge  from  Luther's  writings,  and  of  whom  one  has  no  report  that 
he  has  taught  in  any  article  otherwise  than  Luther,  may  justly  be 
accounted  Evangelical  Lutheran,  even  though  he  have  not  lived 
in  full  connection  with  a  Lutheran  congregation,  or  we  do  not 
have  from  him  a  confession  concerning  every  article  in  contro 
versy."  K  Loscher's  information  concerning  Tyndale,  however, 
is  defective.  In  all  the  treatises  we  have  noted,  his  apprehension 
of  the  doctrine  of  justification  by  faith  in  all  its  relations,  and  of 
the  distinction  between  Law  and  Gospel,  drawn  from  Luther,  is 
so  clear  and  full,  as  to  leave  little  to  be  desired  further.  In  the 
"  Obedience  of  a  Christian  Man,"  the  doctrine  of  the  Sacra 
ments  is  not  treated  with  the  same  clearness,  and  a  weakening  is 
already  manifest.  Luther's  statements  concerning  baptism  ap 
pear,  however,  in  the  foreground  :  "  The  washing  without  the 
word  helpeth  not ;  but  through  the  word  it  purifieth  and  cleans- 

"Ib.  28:  316. 

*P  Ausfuhrliche  Historia  Motuuni,  p.  89. 


38  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

eth."  The  influence  of  his  friend  John  Frith,  who  had  embraced 
the  Zwinglian  doctrine  made  Tyndale  hesitate  between  the  two 
sides.  But  he  plead  with  Frith  to  desist  from  controversy :  "Of 
the  presence  of  Christ's  body  in  the  Sacrament,  meddle  as  little 
as  you  can,  that  there  appear  no  division  among  us.  Barnes 
will  be  hot  against  you.  The  Saxons  are  sore  on  the  affirmative; 
whether  constant  or  obstinate,  I  commit  it  to  God.  ...  I  would 
have  the  right  use  preached,  and  the  presence  to  be  an  indiffer 
ent  thing.  .  .  .  To  believe  that  the  body  of  Christ  is  every 
where,  though  it  cannot  be  proved,  hurts  no  man,  that  worships 
him  nowhere  save  in  the  faith  of  his  Gospel."  This  was  written 
in  1532,  two  years  before  his  death.  The  next  year,  Frith's  im 
prisonment  in  England  induced  him  to  write  a  defence  of  his 
friend's  views.  Still  later  he  wrote  the  very  mild  and  moderate 
treatise  called  "A  Brief  Declaration  of  the  Sacraments."  It 
directly  argues  against  the  Lutheran  doctrine.  Frith's  influence 
had  gradually  overcome  that  which  Luther  had  so  completely 
held  over  this  retired  scholar,  while  the  very  extent  of  his  former 
indebtedness  to  Luther,  and  the  exaggeration  of  this  debt  by  ene 
mies,  rendered  him  more  apt  to  find  some  point  on  which  to  as 
sert  his  independence.  But  one  need  only  compare  Tyndale's 
writings  with  Zwingli's,  to  find  how  relatively  thorough  a  Luth 
eran,  the  former  always  remained.  It  was  impossible  for  him  to 
carry  out  to  their  consequences  what  was  involved  in  his  later 
doctrine  of  the  Lord's  Supper. 


CHAPTER  III. 

THE   POLITICAL   COMPLICATIONS. 

Henry  VIII,  a  retarding  factor.  The  Divorce  Question.  Relations  to  Charles 
V  and  Francis  I.  Wolsey's  Antipathy  to  Catherine.  The  Pope's  em 
barrassment.  Wolsey's  Overthrow.  The  Rise  of  Cranmer.  His  Con 
nection  with  the  Cambridge  Lutherans,  and  with  the  Boleyns.  Ambas 
sador  to  Germany.  At  Niimberg.  The  Reformation,  Reformers  and 
Literati  of  Nurnberg.  Cranmer  finds  a  wife  at  Nurnberg.  His  descrip 
tion  of  the  Order  of  Worship  in  one  of  the  Nurnberg  churches.  The 
Brandenburg-Niirnberg  Order  of  1533.  Opinions  of  Theologians  and 
Universities  on  the  Divorce.  Melanchthon's  Diplomacy.  Luther,  the 
Advocate  of  Catherine.  The  Smalcald  League,  and  its  Confessional 
Basis.  Francis  I  and  the  French  Lutherans.  Melanchthon  and  Mar 
garet  of  Navarre.  Henry's  efforts  to  enter  the  League. 

THE  Evangelical  leaven,  thus  working  at  the  English  universi 
ties,  and  carried  forth  thence,  to  return  to  those  centers  with 
increased  power,  was  far  more  influential,  than  either  the  indig 
nation  deeply  felt  at  the  exemption  from  secular  jurisdiction 
claimed  by  the  Romish  clergy,  which  found  expression  especially 
in  the  protests  of  Henry  Standish,  or  the  resentment  of  the  King 
at  the  Pope's  refusal  to  grant  him  a  divorce.  The  latter  factor 
seems  at  first  sight  to  overshadow  all  else,  and  to  have  been  the 
actual  determining  cause  which  effected  the  break  with  Rome. 
No  one  can  deny  that  the  movement  was  thereby  accelerated. 
But  the  interference  of  the  government  on  the  Protestant  side, 
before  this  had  sufficiently  matured  by  a  true  inward  growth,  was 
in  the  end  a  misfortune  rather  than  a  benefit.  If  Henry  had  re 
mained  the  champion  of  Rome  ten  years  longer,  the  independent 
development  of  English  Protestantism  would  have  been  retarded, 
and  been  tempered  by  the  fires  of  persecution  until  it  might  have 
(39) 


40  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

been  ready  for  a  complete  rejection  of  hierarchical  claims  and 
tendencies.  As  things  were,  the  external  rupture  occurring  be 
fore  the  inner  separation  was  complete,  it  had  to  meet  a  crisis 
prematurely,  and  has  ever  since  suffered  from  the  confusion  and 
compromise  between  diametrically  opposing  elements  within  the 
same  communion,  which  resulted. 

The  zeal  of  Henry  VIII  on  the  Pope's  side,  when  Luther's 
hammer  startled  a  sleeping  world,  is  well  known.  His  contro 
versy  with  Luther  in  1521,  instigated  probably  by  Cardinal 
Wolsey,  and  entered  into  by  the  King  in  order  to  exhibit  his 
acquaintance  with  scholastic  theology,  obtained  as  its  reward  the 
Papal  title  of  Defensorfidei,  but  with  it  such  a  severe  handling 
from  the  miner's  son  that  it  is  doubtful  whether  he  felt  himself 
repaid.  Only  a  few  years  elapse,  before  we  find  him  in  negotia 
tion  with  the  Wittenberg  Reformers,  in  order  to  support  himself 
against  the  Pope. 

The  political  -side  of  the  question  is  so  important  as  to  demand 
somewhat  extended  consideration.  Henry  VIII,  had  ascended 
the  throne  of  England  in  1509,  being  at  that  time  eighteen  years 
old.  Seven  years  before,  his  elder  brother  Arthur,  had  died 
after  a  marriage  of  four  months  with  Catherine  of  Aragon, 
daughter  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  of  Spain.  Political  motives 
doubtless  conspired  with  those  of  the  sordid  avarice  generally 
alleged,  viz.,  the  retention  of  the  dowry,  to  influence  Henry 
VII,  to  marry  her  to  his  second  son.  But  as  marriage  with  a 
brother's  wife  was  clearly  forbidden  by  the  canonical  law,  a  dis 
pensation  of  the  Pope  was  asked,  and  readily  granted  in  1503. 
In  1505  already,  when  sixteen  years  old,  Henry  VIII,  had  en 
tered  protest  in  these  words ;  "That  whereas  he,  being  under 
age  was  married  to  the  princess  Katherine,  yet  now  coming  to 
be  of  age,  he  did  not  confirm  that  marriage,  but  retracted  and 
annulled  it,  and  would  not  proceed  in  it,  but  intended  in  full 
form  of  law  to  void  it  and  break  it  off."1  After  his  accession, 
he  had  the  case  learnedly  argued  before  him  on  both  sides.  The 

1  Burnet's  History  of  the  Reformation,  1 :  22. 


The  Political  Complications.  41 

desirability  of  a  close  alliance  with  Spain,  and  the  attractive 
character  of  Catherine,  for  the  time  silenced  all  scruples ;  and  the 
marriage  was  publicly  celebrated  June  jd,  1509.  Two  sons  bom 
of  this  marriage  died  shortly  after  birth.  Only  Mary,  afterwards 
Queen,  survived  infancy. 

It  was  the  great  ambition  of  Henry  to  control  the  politics  of 
Europe.  His  great  rival,  who  in  large  measure  gained  the  posi 
tion  to  which  Henry  aspired,  was  the  Emperor  Charles  V.  In 
Charles'  opinion,  Francis  I  of  France  was  a  more  formidable  an 
tagonist.  Both  rulers,  therefore,  competed  for  Henry's  favor. 
Charles  repeatedly  made  promises  which  were  never  fulfilled. 
Cardinal  Wolsey  was  twice  assured  that  he  would  succeed  to  the 
Papacy  at  the  very  next  vacancy  ;  and  twice,  Charles  saw  to  it 
that  the  promise  was  broken.  In  1522,  Charles  promised  to 
marry  his  cousin,  the  princess  Mary ;  but  five  years  later,  not 
being  inclined  to  wait  for  a  bride  who  was  only  ten  years  old, 
excused  himself  upon  the  ground  that  she  was  the  child  of  an 
unlawful  marriage. 

It  was  not,  then,  a  mere  fancy  for  Anne  Boleyn  which  sug 
gested  the  thought  of  divorce.  The  same  desire  to  secure  an 
undisputed  succession  (for  so  far  England  had  never  been  ruled 
by  a  queen)  which  led  Napoleon  to  his  wrong  against  Josephine, 
undoubtedly  had  much  force,  augmented,  as  it  was,  by  the  su 
perstitious  inferences  which  he  cjrew  from  the  death  of  his  sons, 
as  a  divine  judgment  because  of  the  supposed  unlawful  marriage, 
and  by  the  dogmatic  statements  of  his  favorite  schoolman, 
Thomas  Aquinas.  We  have  no  doubt  that  he  read  every  sen 
tence  of  the  chapters  in  the  supplement  to  the  Summa  Sumnta- 
rum,  treating  "Of  the  Impediments  to  Marriage,"  and  that  his 
eye  lingered  on  the  conclusion  of  Art.  VI.  Quest.  LV.  :  "  Pre 
ceding  affinity  not  only  hinders  marriage  that  is  to  be  contracted 
but  also  destroys  that  which  has  been  already  contracted;"  and 
that  he  weighed  carefully  the  arguments  of  Art.  IX.,  which  insist 
that  the  same  rule  must  be  applied  to  affinity  as  to  consanguinity, 
and  that  in  both  cases,  the  continuance  of  the  marriage,  when 


42  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

the  original  wrong  has  been  discovered,  is  a  mortal  sin.  Not 
necessarily  a  tender  conscience,  but  a  regard  for  that  consistency,. 
in  which,  as  the  sworn  defender  of  Roman  orthodoxy  he  prided 
himself,  contributed  much  to  the  result,  and  led  him  even  to 
doubt  the  Pope's  authority  to  give  any  dispensation. 

But  there  was  a  power  behind  the  throne.  Wolsey's  coarse 
and  licentious  character,  and  his  arrogant  and  arbitrary  proceed 
ings  were  in  the  highest  degree  offensive  to  the  pure  minded 
queen  ;  and  a  personal  antagonism  between  them  was  the  result. 
Besides  she  was  not  without  considerable  political  influence,  the 
Privy  Council  being  summoned  before  her  at  times  for  the  dis 
cussion  of  pending  questions.  She  was  a  Spaniard;  and  her 
sympathies  were  against  France.  It  was  Wolsey's  policy,  at  this 
period,  to  make  the  separation  from  the  Emperor  the  widest,  and, 
if  possible,  to  form  an  alliance  with  France.  "If  a  definitive 
rupture  was  to  take  place  between  England  and  the  Burgundo- 
Spanish  power,  Henry's  marriage  with  Catherine  must  be  dissolved, 
and  room  thus  made  for  a  French  princess.  Wolsey  formed  the 
plan  of  marrying  his  King  in  Catherine's  stead,  with  the  sister  or 
even  the  daughter  of  Francis  I.  When  he  was  in  France  in 
1527,  he  said  to  the  Regent,  the  King's  mother,  that  within  a 
year  she  would  live  to  see  two  things,  the  most  complete  separa 
tion  of  his  sovereign  from  Spain,  and  his  indissoluble  union  with 
France."  2 

Such  being  the  case,  it  was  not  wonderful  that  Wolsey's  influ 
ence  with  his  subordinates,  determined  the  opinion  of  all  the 
bishops  in  England,  the  bishop  of  Rochester  (Fisher)  alone  ex- 
cepted,  in  favor  of  the  divorce.  The  queen,  however,  refused  to 
recognize  any  authority  capable  of  deciding  the  question,  below 
that  of  the  Pope.  Clement  VII  was  reluctant  to  interfere  on 
either  side,  and  advised  Henry  to  act  on  his  own  responsibility ; 
but,  at  length,  after  an  ineffectual  attempt,  through  his  legate, 
Cardinal  Campeggi,  to  induce  Catherine  to  yield  her  claims, 
was  compelled  to  decide  against  the  King,  partly  in  order  to 
J  Ranke's  England,  1 :  122. 


The  Political  Complications.  43 

maintain  the  sanctity  of  papal  dispensations,  and  partly  because 
of  the  overpowering  influence  of  the  Emperor,  who  in  1527  had 
humbled  his  spiritual  father,  captured  Rome  and  held  him  pris 
oner  for  months.  Charles  was  unyielding  in  his  opposition  to 
the  divorce,  not  only  because  of  their  political  rivalry,  but  also 
because  Queen  Catherine  was  his  aunt,  and,  however  inconsistent 
with  his  own  repudiation  of  Princess  Mary  in  1522,  he  regarded 
Henry's  course  as  an  indignity  to  his  family.  As  the  Pope  was 
thus  subservient  to  the  Emperor,  Henry  took  matters  into  his  own 
hands  in  a  sense  far  different  from  that  to  which  he  had  been  pre 
viously  advised  by  the  former.  Wolsey  fell,  horrified  that,  in 
stead  of  a  French  princess,  Anne  Boleyn  was  in  view,  and  Thomas 
Cromwell  rose  (1530).  Archbishop  War  ham  died  ;  and  Cranmer 
was  summoned  from  Germany  to  succeed,  with  much  reluctance, 
to  the  see  of  Canterbury. 

As  this  brings  before  us  the  most  prominent  figure  in  the  Eng 
lish  Reformation,  it  is  fitting  that  some  account  of  Cranmer 
should  be  here  given.  He  was  born  of  an  ancient  family  in 
Nottingham,  July  2d,  1489.  His  boyhood  was  largely  devoted 
to  the  sports  and  exercises  of  the  English  gentry,  to  which  his 
father  belonged.  After  his  father's  death,  he  was  sent,  at  the 
age  of  fourteen,  to  Cambridge,  where,  until  he  was  twenty-two, 
his  attention  was  given  almost  exclusively  to  the  subtilties  of 
scholasticism.  After  1511,  he  fell  under  the  influence  of  Eras 
mus.  "  He  gave  himself  to  the  reading  of  Faber,  Erasmus, 
and  good  Latin  authors,  four  or  five  years  together,  unto  the 
time  that  Luther  began  to  write.  And  then,  considering  what 
great  controversy  was  in  matters  of  religion,  not  only  in  trifles, 
but  in  the  chiefest  articles  of  our  salvation,  be  bent  himself  to 
try  out  the  truth  therein.  And  forasmuch  as  he  perceived  he 
could  not  judge  indifferently  in  such  weighty  matters,  without 
the  knowledge  of  the  Holy  Scriptures ;  therefore,  before  he  was 
infected  with  any  man's  opinions  or  errors,  he  applied  his  whole 
•study  three  years  therein.  After  this,  he  gave  his  mind  to  good 
writers,  both  new  and  old ;  not  rashly  running  over  them ;  for 


44  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

he  was  a  slow  reader,  but  a  diligent  marker  of  whatsoever  he  read, 
seldom  reading  without  pen  in  hand.  And  whatsoever  made 
either  for  the  one  part,  or  the  other,  of  things  in  controversy,  he 
wrote  it  out,  if  it  were  short,  or  at  least  noted  the  author,  and 
the  place,  that  he  might  find  it,  and  write  it  out  at  leisure  ;  which 
was  a  great  help  to  him  in  debating  of  matters  ever  after.  This 
kind  of  study,  he  used  till  he  was  made  doctor  of  divinity : 
which  was  about  the  thirty-fourth  year  of  his  age.  and  about  the 
year  1523."* 

Before  this,  by  marrying,  he  had  lost  his  fellowship  in  Jesus' 
College,  and  became  lecturer  in  another  of  the  colleges  of  Cam 
bridge  ;  but  his  wife  dying,  he  had  soon  been  restored  to  his  old 
fellowship.  He  had  been  selected  among  the  band  of  scholars 
(Clark,  Cox,  Taverner,  etc.,)  to  be  transferred  to  Cardinal  Wol- 
sey's  new  College  at  Oxford,  but  declined.  He  became  lecturer 
on  divinity  in  Jesus'  College,  and  examiner  of  candidates  for 
theological  degrees ;  and  his  examination  laid  special  stress  upon 
the  candidates'  proficiency  in  Holy  Scripture.  At  this  time, 
Henry  called  upon  the  theologians  of  the  Universities  for  their 
opinions  concerning  his  divorce.  Cranmer  was  found  to  be  one 
of  the  few  who  from  the  beginning  favored  it.  The  King  at 
once  demanded  his  services,  and  had  him  assigned  a  home  at 
Durham  with  Sir  Thomas  Boleyn,  father  of  the  future  queen, 
while  he  wrote  a  book  in  the  cause  of  Henry.  Boleyn  was  also 
an  earnest  student  of  the  Word  of  God,  as  Strype 4  quotes  from 
Erasmus,  who,  in  a  letter  to  Sir  Thomas,  says :  "  I  do  the  more 
congratulate  your  happiness,  when  I  observe  the  sacred  scriptures 
to  be  so  dear  to  a  man,  as  you  are,  of  power,  one  of  the  laity  and 
a  courtier."  Cranmer's  home  in  her  father's  house,  had  much 
to  do  with  Anne  Boleyn's  future  connection  with  the  cause  of 
the  Reformation.  After  this,  he  had  to  personally  appear  and 
argue  the  matter  in  both  universities.  We  next  find  him  engaged 
in  answering  a  book  of  Cardinal  Pole's  against  the  divorce.  Then, 

8  Strype's  Memorials  of  Archbishop  Cranmer,  1 :  3. 
*Ib.  p.  8. 


The  Political  Complications.  45 

in  1530,  he  was  sent  on  the  same  mission  to  France,  Italy  and 
Germany.  At  Rome  he  remained  for  several  months,  but  with 
no  success.  He  soon  appears  as  ambassador  from  England  to 
Germany. 

The  Emperor  being  a  long  time  during  the  year  1532  at  Rat- 
isbon  (Regensburg),  in  attendance  on  the  Diet,  Cranmer  was 
with  him  there,  and  made  visits  to  the  city  of  Nurnberg,  fifty- 
three  miles  distant,  to  confer  with  the  Elector  of  Saxony,  where, 
of  course,  he  became  a  deeply  interested  spectator  of  all  the 
changes  which  the  Reformation  had  wrought  in  that  city  since 
its  introduction  in  1524.  At  Nurnberg,  he  found  the  place  of 
which  Luther  had  written,  that  it  "shines  throughout  all  Ger 
many,  like  the  sun  amidst  moon  and  stars,"  and  which  Melanch- 
thon  had  called  "Lumen,  oculum,  decus  et  ornamentum  prae- 
cipuum  Germaniae  "  Longfellow  has  sung  of  it : 

Quaint  old  town  of  toil  and  traffic,  quaint  old  town  of  art  and  song, 
Memories  haunt  thy  pointed  gables,  like  the  rooks  that  round  them  throng : 

Memories  of  the  Middle  Ages,  when  the  emperors,  rough  and  bold, 
Had  their  dwelling  in  thy  castle,  time-defying,  centuries  old. 

In  the  church  of  sainted  Sebald,  sleeps  enshrined  his  holy  dust, 

And,  in  bronze,  the  Twelve  Apostles  guard  from  age  to  age  their  trust 

In  the  church  of  sainted  Lawrence,  stands  a  pix  of  sculpture  rare, 
Like  the  foamy  sheaf  of  fountains,  rising  through  the  painted  air. 

Here  when  Art  was  still  religion,  with  a  simple,  reverent  heart, 
Lived  and  labored  Albrecht  Diirer,  the  Evangelist  of  Art ; 

Emigravit  is  the  inscription  on  the  tombstone  where  he  lies ; 
Dead  he  is  not — but  departed — for  the  artist  never  dies. 

Here  was  the  Gymnasium  that  boasted  of  Melanchthon,  as  its 
founder,  and  at  whose  dedication,  he  had  delivered  the  address. 
Here  Staupitz  had  preached  years  before,  and  Luther  had  visited 
on  his  way  to  Augsburg  in  1518.  It  had  been  the  home  of  the 
humanist  Perkheimer,  who,  on  account  of  his  friendship  for 
Luther,  had  been  named  in  the  Pope's  bull  against  the  reformer. 
Here  Albrecht  Diirer  the  great  painter  had  died  in  1528.  Among 


46  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

those  whom  Cranmer  doubtless  met,  was  the  jurist,  Lazarus 
Spengler,  who  had  been  a  deputy  from  Niirnberg  to  the  Diet  of 
Augsburg  in  1530.  He  was  the  author  of  the  hymn  Durch 
Adam  s  Fall  ist  ganz  rerderbt,  and  had  shared  Perkheimer's 
honor  of  being  included  in  the  bull  against  Luther.  An 
other  celebrity  of  Niirnberg  then  living,  was  Hans  Sachs. 

"  Not  thy  Councils,  not  thy  Kaisers,  win  for  thee  the  world's  regard ; 
But  thy  painter,  Albrecht  Diirer,  and  Hans  S^achs,  thy  cobbler-bard." 

Among  the  theologians,  were  Camerarius,  the  intimate  friend, 
correspondent  and  biographer  of  Melanchthon,  who  was  Profes 
sor  in  the  Gymnasium,  and  also  had  been  a  deputy  to  Augsburg; 
Wenceslaus  Link,  preacher  of  St.  Sebald's  church,  and  the  inti 
mate  friend  of  the  Wittenberg  reformers ;  and  Andrew  Osiander, 
preacher  in  St.  Lorenz  church,  who  had  participated  both  in  the 
Marburg  Colloquy  and  in  the  conferences  of  the  theologians  at 
the  Diet  of  Augsburg,  with  John  Brentz,  sharing  the  part  of  Me- 
lanchthon's  chief  counselor.  With  Osiander,  Cranmer  soon  became 
especially  intimate.  He  persuaded  him  to  write  in  favor  of  Henry's 
divorce,  and  .Cranmer,  in  turn,  urged  the  preparation  for  publica 
tion,  ofOsiander's  "  Harmony  of  the  Gospels."  Then  Osian- 
der's  niece  captivated  the  heart  of  the  English  ambassador,  so 
that  the  future  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  took  to  himself  a  Luth 
eran  wife.  The  intimacy  thus  begun,  was  continued  for  years. 
The  correspondence  was  frequent  and  extended.  Long  after 
wards  (1540)  Cranmer  wrote  to  Osiander  that  he  was  always  re 
proached  for  whatever  faults  could  be  charged  upon  the  German 
reformers,  and  "that  he  was  fain  to  make  the  best  answers  he 
could,  either  out  of  their  books  or  out  of  his  own  invention."  5 

Cranmer's  first  visit  to  Niirnberg  was  before  March  i4th,  and 
even  then,  he  closely  observed  and  criticized  the  Order  of  Ser 
vice  in  use.  We  learn  this  from  an  interesting  letter  of  Sir 
Thomas  Eliot:  "Touching  Nurenberg,  it  is  the  moste  propre 
towne  and  best  ordered  publike  weale  that  ever  I  beheld.  .  .  . 
Although  I  had  a  chaplayn,  yet  could  I  not  be  suffred  to  have 

6  Strype,  Mem.  of  Cranmer,  1 :   180. 


The  Political  Complications.  47 

him  sing  Mass,  but  was  constrayned  to  here  there  Mass,  which  is 
but  one  in  a  churche,  and  that  is  celebrate  in  forme  folowing : 
The  Preeste  in  vestments,  after  oure  manner,  singith  everi  thing 
in  Latine,  as  we  use,  omitting  suffrages.  The  Epistel  he  readeth 
in  Latin.  In  the  meane  time,  the  sub-Deacon  goeth  into  the 
pulpite  and  readeth  to  the  people  the  Epistle  in  their  vulgare ; 
after  thei  peruse  other  things  as  our  prestes  doo.  Than  the 
Preeste  redith  softly  the  Gospell  in  Latine.  In  the  meane  space 
the  Deacon  goeth  into  the  pulpite,  and  aeadith  aloude  the  Gos 
pell  in  the  Almaigne  tung.  Mr.  Cranmere  sayith  it  was  shewid 
to  him  that  in  the  Epistles  and  Gospels,  thei  kept  not  the  ordre 
that  we  doo,  but  doo  peruse  every  daye  one  chapitre  of  the  New 
Testament.  After,  the  preste  and  the  quere  do  sing  the  Credo 
as  we  doo ;  the  secretes  and  preface  they  omitt,  and  the  priest 
singith,  with  a  high  voyce,  the  wordes  of  the  consecration  ;  and 
after  the  Levation,  the  Deacon  torneth  to  the  people,  telling  to 
them  in  Almaigne  tunge  a  longe  process  how  thei  shold  prepare 
theim  selfes  to  the  communion  of  the  flesh  and  blode  of  Christ ; 
and  than  may  every  man  come  that  listith,  without  going  to  any 
confession.  But  I,  lest  I  sholde  be  partaker  of  their-  commun- 
yon,  departid  than,  and  the  Ambassador  of  Fraunce,  which 
caused  all  the  people  in  the  churche  to  wonder  at  us  as  though 
we  had  been  gretter  heretikes  than  thei.  One  thing  liked  me 
well  (to  shew  your  Grace  freely  my  hart.)  All  the  preestes  hadd 
wyves ;  and  thei  were  the  fayrist  women  of  the  towne. ' ' 6 

The  service,  thus  described  was  to  be  replaced  the  next  year 
by  the  Brandenburg-Nurnberg  Kirchenordnung,  in  course  of 
preparation  that  very  summer,  during  which  the  Wiirtemberg  re 
former,  John  Brentz,  spent  six  weeks  in  joint  labor  with  Osiander. 
in  the  very  house  where  Cranmer  met  his  bride.  He  heard  there 
the  Exhortation  to  the  Communion  composed  by  Wolfgang  Vol- 
precht  (f  1528)  who  in  1524,  had  administered  the  Holy  Com 
munion  for  the  first  time  in  both  forms,  to  three  thousand  per 
sons.  This  "Exhortation"  is  familiar  to  us,  from  its  use  in  a 

6  Ellis,  Original  Letters,  III,  vol.  II :  p.  189. 


48  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

somewhat  condensed  form  in  the  "  Church  Book"  and  "  Com 
mon  Order  of  Service." 

Cranmer  having  gained  the  confidence  of  Osiander  was  proba 
bly  admitted  into  the  full  knowledge  of  the  grievances  from 
which  Osiander  was  then  complaining.  Notoriously  arbitrary 
and  head-strong,  he  at  first  had  regarded  it  his  right  to  prepare 
a  liturgy  without  any  aid  or  assistance ;  and  the  interference  of 
Spengler,  in  an  attempt  to  secure  the  co-operation  of  others,  was 
indignantly  resented,  until  Osiander  was  at  length  obliged  to 
yield,  and  Brentzwas  called  in  to  mediate.  Nor  is  it  improbable 
that  Cranmer  learned  much  of  the  details  of  the  work  in  con 
templation  or  even  in  progress.  He  certainly  knew  of  the  great 
desire  of  the  Lutheran  theologians  to  unite  upon  one  Common 
Order  of  Service,  and  thus  remove  the  reproach  that  in  our 
Church,  there  was  nothing  but  disorder.  7  Cranmer's  presence 
in  Niirnberg,  therefore,  was  destined  to  bear  rich  fruit  in  Eng 
land  in  years  to  come. 

AsBucerin  1536  dedicated  to  Cranmer  his  "  Metaphrasis  et 
Enarratio"  on  the  Epistle  to  the  Romans,  in  a  flattering  letter, 
it  is  probable  that  about  the  same  time  as  that  of  the  events  above 
mentioned,  they  also  had  met. 

But  to  return  to  the  question  of  the  divorce.  The  negotiations 
in  which  Cranmer  was  engaged  met  with  varied  results.  Oxford, 
after  three  months  controversy,  decided  just  as  the  King  wished. 
Cambridge,  with  much  difficulty,  was  induced  to  follow,  the  Lu 
theran  element  there  having  been,  in  Burnet's  opinion,  a  most 
serious  obstacle.  Richard  Crook  was  sent  to  Italy  to  make  re 
searches,  examine  Greek  manuscripts,  copy  everything  in  the  Fa 
thers  relating  to  degrees  of  marriage  and  obtain  the  opinions  of 
learned  Jews.  Money  was  freely  used,  and  bought  precisely 
such  opinions  as  suited  Henry.  Franciscans,  Dominicans,  Ser 
vites,  Conventuals,  the  University  of  Padua,  the  divines  of  Bono- 
nia  and  Ferrara,  the  faculty  of  the  Canon  Law  at  Paris,  that  at 
the  Sorbonne,  that  of  Law  at  Angiers,  of  Divinity  of  Bourges, 

7  A  eta  Hist.  Eccles.     XLIX  :  718. 


The  Political  Complications.  49 

and  the  whole  University  of  Toulouse,  coincided  with  won 
derful  harmony.  Among  the  Reformed,  Oecolampadius  favored, 
but  Bucer  opposed  the  king ;  Zwingli  advised  that  the  marriage 
be  dissolved,  yet  with  the  legitimization  of  the  issue  born  in  it- 
Calvin  also  declared  the  marriage  void,  and  advised  that  the 
queen  be  put  away.  Fortified  by  these  opinions,  Cranmer,  who, 
during  his  stay  in  Germany,  had  not  succeeded  in  gaining  for 
his  side  any  Lutheran  opinions,  except  that  of  Osiander,  after 
holding  an  ecclesiastical  court  for  the  trial  of  the  case,  pro 
nounced  the  marriage  null  and  void  (May  23d,  1533).  In  the 
succeeding  year,  1534,  the  Papal  authority  was  completely  abol 
ished  by  the  necessary  legislation,  'The  Act  of  Supremacy," 
investing  the  King  with  the  supreme  headship  on  earth  of  the 
Church  of  England;  while  in  1535,  Crumwell  was  made  vice 
gerent  for  the  King  in  all  ecclesiastical  matters,  outranking  even 
the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury. 

The  Wittenberg  theologians  had  not  been  neglected  in  the  re 
quest  for  opinions  concerning  the  divorce.  In  August  and  Sep 
tember,  1531,  Dr,  Robert  Barnes,  whose  open  advocacy  of  Luth- 
eranism  already  in  1526  has  been  noticed,  appears  at  Wittenberg 
on  a  commission  from  the  king.  Melanchthon's  opinion  of  Aug. 
23d,  shows  the  general  character  of  this  great  scholar  as  an 
ecclesiastical  diplomatist,  in  seeking  a  most  unfortunate  com 
promise  between  two  antagonistic  positions.  First  he  attempts 
to  demonstrate  that  the  prohibition  of  marriage  with  the  wife  of 
a  deceased  brother  given  in  Leviticus,  belongs  to  the  Ceremonial 
Law,  and  is  no  longer  binding.  If  it  were  binding,  he  argues 
that  the  other  provision  compelling  a  brother  to  marry  his  broth 
er's  widow,  if  the  first  marriage  be  without  children,  must  also 
be  enforced.  Regarding  the  marriage,  therefore,  as  entirely 
lawful,  he  urges  that  a  divorce  would  be  sinful,  on  the  ground 
that  the  divine  law  is  immutable  in  its  prohibition  of  divorce 
extra  casum  adulterii.  The  queen  must  always  have  the  place 
of  a  lawful  wife;  and  Mary  be  regarded  a  legitimate  daughter. 
But  if  the  succession  is  to  be  guarded,  he  has  another  remedy  to 
5 


50  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England, 

propose.  "  This  can  be  done  without  any  peril  to  the  conscience 
or  reputation  of  any  one,  by  polygamy  (!  !  !).  Although  I  would 
not  concede  polygamy  as  a  common  matter,  yet  in  this  emergency, 
on  account  of  its  great  advantage  to  the  kingdom,  possibly  on 
account  of  the  conscience  of  the  king,  I  say  that  it  would  be 
safest  for  the  king  to  marry  a  second,  without  repudiating  his 
first  wife.  .  .  .  Abraham,  David  and  other  holy  men  had  many 
wives,"  etc.8  In  our  admiration  of  the  rare  gifts  of  Melanch- 
thon,  and  the  eminent  service  which  he  rendered  the  cause  of 
Christ,  we  ought  not  to  close  our  eyes  to  the  mistakes  into  which 
he  was  often  betrayed  whenever  he  entered  the  field-  of  politics, 
and  allowed  considerations  of  temporary  expediency  to  prevail. 
Luther's  judgment  of  two  weeks  later  shows  how  deeply  he  was 
exercised  by  the  wrong  proposed.  "  If  the  adversaries  carry  the 
king  with  them,  let  our  men  try  with  all  their  might  at  least  to 
keep  the  queen  from  in  any  way  consenting  to  the  divorce.  Let 
her  rather  die  than  become  an  accomplice  to  such  a  crime  in 
God's  sight,  and  let  her  most  firmly  believe  that  she  is  the  true 
and  legitimate  Queen  of  England,  made  so  by  God  himself.  If 
they  cannot  save  the  king  (which  may  God  avert),  let  them  at 
least  save  the  soul  of  the  queen,  so  that  if  the  divorce  cannot  be 
prevented  she  may  bear  this  great  evil  as  her  cross,  but  in  no 
way  approve  or  consent  to  it.  Since  I  can  do  nothing  else,  my 
prayer  is  directed  to  God  that  Christ  may  hinder  this  divorce 
and  make  void  the  counsels  of  Ahithopel  in  persuading  it,  and 
that  the  queen  may  have  firm  faith  and  constant  assurance  that 
she  is  and  will  be  Queen  of  England,  even  though  the  gates  of 
the  world  and  of  hell  may  oppose. "  As  to  the  succession,  Lu-' 
ther  suggests  what  Henry  may  have  recalled  years  afterwards, 
when  he  asks  as  to  what  assurance  the  king  has  that  the  child  of 
any  other  marriage  would  be  a  son.10  While  there  is  one  clause 
in  his  opinion  of  eleven  pages,  declaring  that  even  polygamy 

8  Mel.  Opera,  C.  R.  II :   520-537. 

9  De  Wette's  Luther's  Briefen,  IV :  306. 
10  Ib.  p.  296. 


The  Political  Complications,  51 

would  be  preferable  to  a  divorce,  there  is  no  more  evidence  of 
such  an  expedient  being  seriously  proposed  by  Luther  as  it  was 
by  Melanchthon,  than  that  he  advised  suicide  when  he  declared 
that  the  queen  should  die  rather  than  become  an  accomplice  to  a 
crime.  We  are  at  once  impressed  by  the  candor  of  Luther,  when 
contrasted  with  the  course  of  the  Pope.  The  latter  sought  to 
evade  the  difficulty  by  persuading  the  queen  to  surrender  her 
claims  ;  the  former  urges  that  the  queen  especially  must  be  urged 
not  to  yield  an  hair's-breadth.  To  him  it  is  a  question  neither  of 
ecclesiastical  nor  civil  policy,  but  one  of  fidelity  in  his  testimony 
to  the  truth  involved.  There  is  another  judgment  given  by  the 
entire  body  of  Wittenberg  theologians,  found  in  Burnet's  His 
tory,  Vol.  II :  Doc.  No.  35,  and  in  Melanchthon's  Works,  C.  R. 
II:  523,  which  shows  such  a  divergence  in  the  character  of  the 
arguments  adduced,  so  that  though  the  conclusion  is  the  same, 
some  of  the  premises  have  been  entirely  changed,  that  the  differ 
ence  would  be  inexplicable,  if  we  had  not  the  clue  given  in  Seck- 
endorf,  n  that  in  the  archives  at  Weimar,  the  original  is  dated 
1536,  a  suggestion  which  is  confirmed  by  the  fact  that  it  is  not 
the  single  legate  of  1531,  but  the  three  legates  of  1535  and  1536, 
who  are  there  mentioned. 

These  answers,  however,  did  not  repel  the  king  of  England 
from  seeking  further  aid  at  Wittenberg  when  he  needed  it.  Al 
though  the  Pope  had  been  defied,  Henry  dreaded  far  more  the 
wrath  of  the  Emperor,  and  sought  for  such  Continental  alliances 
as  might  strengthen  his  position.  The  Smalcald  League  had 
been  formed,  March  29th,  1531,  between  the  Lutheran  confed 
erates,  the  Elector  of  Saxony,  the  Dukes  Philip  Ernst  and  Franz 
of  Brunswick-Liineburg,  the  Landgrave  Philip  of  Hesse,  Prince 
Wolfgang  of  Anhalt,  Counts  Gebhardt  and  Albrecht  of  Mans- 
feld,  and  the  cities  of  Strassburg,  Ulm,  Constance,  Reutlingen, 
Memmingen,  Lindau,  Biberach,  Jssni,  Liibeck,  Magdeburg  and 
Bremen.  On  July  23d,  1532,  the  league  concluded  with  the 
Emperor  the  Religious  Peace  of  Nurnberg,  guaranteeing,  until 

"III:  212. 


52  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

the  convening  of  a  General  Council,  peace  to  all  the  Confeder 
ates  by  name,  upon  the  stipulation  that  "they  make  no  further 
and  other  innovation  beyond  the  Confession,  Assent 12  and 
Apology  presented  at  Augsburg,  and  that  which  agrees  therewith, 
according  to  a  lawful,  Christian  and  just  sense,  and  that  they  in 
troduce  no  ceremonies  adverse  to,  or  which  do  not  agree  with 
the  Augsburg  Confession  and  the  Apology. ' ' 13 

These  terms  by  no  means  satisfied  the  Landgrave,  and  a  num 
ber  of  the  theologians,  as  Urbanus  Riegius,  Erhard  Schnepf, 
Antony  Corvinus,  etc.,  who  were  averse  to  the  acceptance  of 
any  pledge  of  peace  which  did  not  secure  protection  also  for  all 
who  should  hereafter  accept  the  Confessional  basis,  Riegius 
maintaining  that  the  peace  proposed  was  worse  than  war.  u  But 
Luther  urged  the  more  moderate  course,  and  succeeded  in  hav 
ing  it  adopted. 15 

The  League  thus  formed  became  a  very  important  factor  in  the 
politics  of  Europe.  It  was  to  the  interest  of  both  Francis  I.  of 
France,  and  Henry  VIII.,  to  have  its  sympathy  and  co-operation 
in  their  plans  against  the  Emperor,  or,  at  least,  to  prevent  its  mem 
bers  from  giving  the  Emperor  their  support.  Francis,  in  order 
to  break  the  confederacy  between  the  Pope  and  the  Emperor, 
had  in  October,  1533,  formed  a  compact  with  the  former  at 
Marseilles,  according  to  which  his  son,  Henry,  married  Cath 
erine  de  Medici,  the  niece  of  the  Pope.  But  his  plans  failed  by 
the  death  of  Clement  VII.  in  the  succeeding  October.  Foiled 
thus  in  his  efforts  to  use  the  Papal  power  against  the  Emperor,  he 
next  turned  to  the  Lutheran  princes.  In  February,  1535,  he 
wrote  to  them  a  long  letter,  among  other  things  apologizing  for 
the  persecution  of  the  French  Lutherans,  by  the  assurance  that 
no  German  within  his  realm  has  suffered. 16  Then  follows  some 

12 "  This  term  added  because  of  those  who  after  the  diet  of  1530,  had  as 
sented  to  the  Confession."     Seckendorf,  III  :  24. 
13  Ib.  pp.  24,  25. 
"  Ib.  p.  22. 

15 Ib.;  De  Wette's  Luther's  Briefen,  IV:    369,  373,  380. 
16  For  letter,  see  C.  R.  II :  828. 


The  Political  Complications.  53 

correspondence  between  Melanchthon  and  Cardinal  Bellay,  re 
sulting  in  an  invitation  to  the  former  to  visit  France  in  order  to 
effect  an  agreement  in  doctrine  with  the  French  theologians. 
Even  prior  to  these  negotiations,  in  the  preceding  August,  Me 
lanchthon,  possibly  at  the  suggestion  of  Margaret  of  Navarre, 
sister  of  Francis,  and  favorably  disposed  to  the  Lutheran  cause, 
had  transmitted  an  outline  of  doctrine  according  to  which  he 
proposed  to  reconcile  the  differences.  But  as  cruelties  towards 
Protestants  in  France  were  not  abated,  and  the  princes  deemed 
the  pledges  even  of  the  Emperor  more  trustworthy  than  any  that 
could  be  offered  by  the  king,  Melanchthon's  desire  to  accept  the 
invitation  was  denied  by  the  Elector.  At  the  meeting  of  the 
Smalcald  League  in  December,  Cardinal  Bellay  is  present  with 
new  propositions,  "  only  to  hear  his  schemes,  intended  purely  for 
political  expediency,  answered  by  the  admirable  Confession  that 
"  the  League  had  been  established  among  them  for  no  other 
reasons  than  for  the  pure  Word  of  God,  and  for  preserving  and 
propagating  the  sound  doctrine  of  faith."  Bent  on  war,  how 
ever,  Francis  at  last  found  an  ally  in  the  Turks ;  and  hostilities 
began  in  1536. 

These  difficulties  of  the  Emperor  were  propitious  to  Henry, 
and  he  hastened  to  make  the  best  of  them.  If  he  could  only  be 
admitted  into  the  Smalcald  League,  and  be  made  its  chief,  he 
imagined  that  he  would  soon  humble  both  Pope  and  Emperor, 
and  that  Francis  also  might  be  made  pay  a  severe  penalty  for  not 
having  espoused  his  cause.  For  the  League  had  begun  to  show 
an  aggressive  spirit.  The  Emperor's  brother,  Ferdinand,  had 
been  compelled  by  the  Landgrave  to  surrender  the  royal  power 
of  Wurtemberg,  and  to  restore  it  to  Duke  Ulrich,  who  in  1534, 
introduced  the  Reformation.  The  League  itself  was  just  about 
extending  its  provisions  to  the  limits  for  which  Riegius  and  his 
associates  had  so  urgently  plead  to  no  effect  in  1532.  The  pur 
pose  was  being  formed  which  at  last  was  regularly  adopted  in 
December,  1535,  in  the  enactment  "  that  all  be  received  into  the 

17  C.  R.  II:   1009  sqq. 


54  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

League  who  have  applied  for  admission,  or  shall  hereafter  apply, 
provided  that  they  purely,  freely  and  openly  confess  God  and  his 
Gospel,  love  peace,  and  live  as  becomes  honorable  and  upright 
men."18 

18  Seckendorf,  III :  loo. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

THE    ENGLISH   COMMISSION   TO   WITTENBERG. 

Preliminary  Negotiations.  Melanchthon's  letter  to  Henry  VIII.  Renewed 
Negotiations,  and  Correspondence.  Melanchthon  invited  to  England. 
The  Augsburg  Confession  as  a  Basis  of  Union.  The  Third  Series  of 
Negotiations.  Sketches  of  Fox  and  Heath.  The  Oration  of  Fox.  The 
The  Thirteen  Articles  of  1535-  Henry  entangled  in  his  own  toils.  The 
Discussions  at  Wittenberg.  Diplomacy  vs.  Faith.  The  Augsburg  Con 
fession  under  Debate.  The  Ambassadors  won.  The  Repetitio.  Chief 
difficulty,  with  the  articles  on  "  Abuses."  Henry  demands  an  Amend 
ment.  The  Convention  at  Frankfort.  The  Proposed  Embassy  to  Eng 
land. 

WE  have  thus  far  noticed  how  the  truly  evangelical  element 
connected  with  the  English  Reformation  was  working  at  those 
great  centers  of  religious  thought  and  life,  the  two  great  Eng 
lish  universities,  notwithstanding  all  the  opposition  which  the 
power  of  the  government  could  interpose,  until  finally  politi 
cal  motives  caused  Henry's  break  with  the  Pope,  and  induced 
him  to  try  to  turn  to  his  own  service,  and  to  control  and 
lead  the  very  movement  against  which  he  had  been  pre 
viously  arrayed.  Unchanged  in  principle,  and  guided  solely  by 
secular  considerations,  he'sought  to  be  the  head  of  Protestantism, 
not  only  in  his  own  land,  but  on  the  Continent,  and  to  direct 
its  course  in  a  channel  far  different  from  that  which  it  first  took, 
when,  with  irrepressible  force,  the  yearning  of  the  heart  for  the 
assurance  of  forgiveness  of  sins  burst  through  the  bonds  which 
had  been  interposed  between  the  sin-burdened  soul  and  its  God. 

In  accordance  with  this  plan  of  Henry  to  become  master  of  the 
Lutheran  Smalcald  League,  Dr.  Robert  Barnes,  was  en  March 
nth,  1535,  once  more  in  Wittenberg.  Melanchthon  writes  on 
(55) 


56  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

that  date  to  his  friend  Camerarius,  and  inserts  several  Greek  sen 
tences  to  the  effect  that  "a  stranger  has  come  to  us,  sent  from 
Britain,  treating  only  of  the  second  marriage  of  the  king ;  but, 
as  he  says,  the  king  has  no  concern  for  the  affairs  of  the  Church," 
and  then  he  adds  in  Latin  :  "  There  is  this  advantage  about  it, 
that  no  cruelty  is  now  exercised  against  those  of  the  purer  doc 
trine."  1  Two  days  later  Melanchthon,  at  the  suggestion  of  Dr. 
Barnes,  wrote  Henry  a  letter 2  whose  terms  of  extravagant  praise 
of  the  king  recall  the  sagacious  diplomat  rather  than  the  sober 
and  discriminating  theologian.  "  Your  Royal  Majesty  ought 
justly  to  be  loved  by  all  good  men  on  account  of  your  eminent 
moderation  and  justice."  His  reign  is  praised  as  "the  golden 
age"  of  Britain.  Then  after  having  completely  fulfilled  in 
many  words  of  flattery,  the  rule  of  the  great  Latin  writer  on  Ora 
tory,  first  to  make  the  hearer  well-disposed,  he  introduces  the  sug 
gestion,  to  which  Archbishop  Laurence  in  his  Bampton  Lectures 
on  The  Thirty-nine  Articles, 3  ascribes  the  origin  of  the  formu 
laries  of  faith  which  were  promulgated  during  the  reign  of 
Henry.  "I  have  no  doubt,"  he  writes,  "  that  the  controversies 
concerning  religion  would  be  mitigated  if  your  Royal  Majesty 
were  to  use  your  authority  both  to  bend  other  kings  to  modera 
tion  and  to  deliberate  with  learned  men  concerning  the  kind  of 
doctrine.  For  it  is  in  no  way  a  doubtful  matter  that  some  abuses 
which  are  not  to  be  dissembled,  have  insinuated  themselves  into 
the  church,  and  that  kings  are  not  taking  pains  to  have  a  simple 
and  sure  form  of  doctrine  issued" ;  and  then  he  adds  that  "care 
ought  to  be  taken  that  cruelty  be  not  inflicted  upon  good  men." 
In  August,  Melanchthon  dedicates  to  Henry  the  edition  of  his 
Loci  of  1535,  not  as  a  patron,  but  as  a  censor,  whom  in  the  most 
courtly  language  he  asks  to  study  and  criticise  the  book.  The 

JC.  R.  TI:  851. 

2  C.  R. II :   861-864. 

3"  Nor  is  it  too  much  to  suppose,  that  the  formularies  of  faith,  which  were 
promulgated  in  the  reign  of  Henry,  originated  in  the  advice  of  Melanchthon, 
as  contained  in  a  letter  to  that  Prince,  dated  March  3,  [13]  1535."  Arch 
bishop  Laurence's  Lectures,  Fourth  Edition,  Oxford,  1853,  p.  200. 


The  English  Commission  to    Wittenberg.  57 

whole  document  is  a  most  earnest  plea  for  attention  above  all 
things  to  reformation  in  doctrine.  "It  is  manifest,"  he  writes, 
"  that  some  chief  articles  of  Christian  doctrine  have  lain  for  a 
long  time  enveloped  in  densest  darkness.  When  the  works  of 
some  learned  and  good  men  began  to  be  produced  from  this,  at 
once  unusual  severity,  unworthy  of  the  lenity  which  should  char 
acterize  the  Church,  began  to  be  exercised.  Not  only  are  good 
and  learned  men  put  to  death,  and  abuses  confirmed,  but  zeal  for 
Christian  doctrine  is  altogether  extinguished." — "Good  and 
wise  princes  should  seek  for  suitable  remedies.  Why  is  it  that 
they  are  under  any  obligations  to  preserve  the  Church  for  poster 
ity?  This  Church  will  indeed  be  rent  asunder  in  infinite  ways, 
unless  some  plan  be  adopted  for  the  propagation  to  posterity,  of  a 
godly  and  sure  form  cf  doctrine."  "I  have  thought  it  of  the 
highest  importance  to  present,  this  document  to  you,  the  most 
learned  of  all  kings,  that  from  it,  rather  than  from  the  calumnies 
of  others,  your  Majesty  may  form  a  judgment  concerning  me,  and 
the  entire  kind  of  doctrine,  with  which  I  am  employed."  4  Dip 
lomatic  as  the  methods  of  Melanchthon  are,  yet  back  of  them  we 
find  the  earnest  effort  to  win  the  king  and  his  kingdom  over  to 
the  truth  of  the  Gospel.  His  heart  is  set  upon  the  propagation 
of  the  pure  doctrine  of  God's  Word,  and  not  upon  any  scheme 
of  ecclesiastical  polity,  or  any  other  external  relations.  The  book 
was  entrusted  to  Alexander  Alesius,  a  Scotchman,  to  carry,  to 
gether  with  a  letter  to  Cranmer,  to  England. 

About  the  middle  of  September,  while  the  plague  was  raging 
at  Wittenberg,  Dr.  Barnes  returned  with  a  three-fold  proposi 
tion  : 

1.  Would  an  embassy  or  ambassador  be  received,  who  would 
be  sent  for  the  purpose  of  conferring  calmly  with  Dr.  Luther  and 
the  others  doctors  concerning  certain  articles  ? 

2.  Would  Melanchthon  be  allowed  to  visit  England,  in   order 
to  confer  with  the  King  ? 

3.  The  King  would  not  be  averse  to  connection  with  the  Smal- 

*C.  R.  II:    921  sqq. 


58  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

cald  League,  provided  a  place  were  accorded  him  proportioned 
to  his  rank,  and  the  articles  of  faith  which  the  League  was 
pledged  to  defend,  were  transmitted  to  him. 

Even  Luther  becomes  sanguine  as  to  the  result,  and  unites 
with  Jonas,  Cruciger  and  Bugenhagen  in  a  most  urgent  petition 
that  the  Elector  give  Dr  Barnes  an  audience.  "Who  knows," 
they  write,  "what  God  will  work?  His  wisdom  is  higher,  and 
his  will  better  than  ours. ' ' 5 

The  Elector's  answer  to  Dr.  Barnes,  of  September  2ist,  is  im 
portant  : 

1.  The  doctors  of  the  University  shall  be  directed  to  meet 
the  proposed  legate,  attentively  hear  him,  and  confer  with  him  in 
the  spirit  of  love. 

2.  The  question  concerning  Melanchthon's  leave  of  absence 
must  be  deferred  until  after  the  return  of  the  other  professors  to 
Wittenberg. 

3.  The  terms  of  the  admission  of  the  King  of  England  into 
the  League  cannot  be  decided  by  the  Elector,  since  he  can  act 
only  for  himself;  and  has  no  authority  to  speak  for  his  colleagues. 
But  one  thing  is  sure.     If  the  King  and  the  Elector  are  to  be 
members  of  the  League  at  the  same  time,  the  former  must  be  pre 
pared  to  cordially  accept  and  subscribe  the  Augsburg  Confession. 
"  We  will  never  reject  the  correct  and  pure  doctrine  of  the  Gos 
pel,  useful  to  the  Church,  which  both  our  Most  Illustrious  Fath 
ers  and  we,  with  the  other  allies,  confessed  at  the  Diet  of  Augs 
burg   before   the  Most  Invincible  Emperor,  our  Most  Clement 
Lord,  and  the  other  princes  and  the  States  of  the  Roman  Em 
pire."  6 

On  leaving,  Dr.  Barnes  took  with  him  a  letter  written  for  the 
Elector  by  Melanchthon,  September  26th,  professing  much  affec 
tion  for  the  king,  not  only  because  of  the  unbroken  friendship 
between  the  rulers  of  Saxony  and  the  Kings  of  England,  but 
chiefly  "since  we  have  learned  that  your  Serene  Highness  is 

5  De  Wette's  Luther's  Briefen,  IV :   633. 
6C.  R.  II:   942. 


The  English   Commission  to    Wittenberg.  59 

possessed  of  a  great  desire  to  reform  the  doctrine  of  religion.  For 
this  is  a  care  especially  worthy  the  highest  kings ;  nor  can  they 
who  govern  states,  render  God  any  service  more  grateful.  Nor 
can  it  be  dissembled  that  many  faults  have  for  many  generations 
insinuated  themselves  into  the  Church,  through  the  negligence 
and  cupidity  of  the  Roman  pontiffs,  and  that  these  have  need  to 
be  corrected.  If  your  Serene  Majesty,  therefore,  will  devote  his 
zeal  to  reforming  the  doctrine  and  correcting  ecclesiastical  abuses, 
he  will  in  the  first  place  .make  a  most  pleasing  sacrifice  to  God, 
and,  in  the  second,  will  deserve  well  from  the  whole  Church, 
and  all  posterity."  T 

A  few  days  later  (October  ist),  Henry,  using  his  new  title  of 
"  Supreme  Head  on  Earth  of  the  English  Church,"  acknowledges 
Melanchthon's  courtesy  in  the  dedication  of  his  Loci,  by  a  brief 
note,  assuring  him  of  the  gratification  it  had  afforded,  compli 
menting  the  author's  learning,  but  affording  no  trace  of  any  se 
rious  attention  paid  to  the  treatment  of  doctrine.8  The  letter 
was  accompanied  by  a  present  of  two  hundred  crowns,  and  the 
promise  that  Crumwell  would  communicate  with  him  further. 
Burnet  regards  Melanchthon's  invitation  to  England  at  this  time, 
simply  as  a  plan  which  Henry  had  adopted  to  counteract  the 
effect  upon  Melanchthon  and  the  Elector,  of  the  similar  invitation 
which  had  been  received  from  the  French  king. 

The  King  of  England  had  thus  far  been  made  to  plainly  un 
derstand  that,  while  the  Lutheran  princes  and  theologians  were 
kindly  disposed  to  the  English  people,  and  deeply  interested  in 
their  welfare,  questions  of  faith  and  the  reformation  in  doctrine 
overshadowed  all  others,  and  no  union  could  be  even  for  a  moment 
entertained  that  had  not  as  its  basis  the  unreserved  acceptance  of 
the  Confessional  basis  laid  at  Augsburg.  This  will  still  further 
appear  in  what  is  to  follow. 

Early  in  November  1535,  there  were  further  conferences  with 
Barnes  and  other  English  legates.9  Melanchthon,  who  so  often 

••  lb.  944. 

8  Ib.  948. 

9  C.  R.  II :  967  sqq. 


60  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

was  called  into  service  to  prepare  State  papers  in  which  religious 
questions  were  involved,  wrote  for  the  Elector  on  November 
i  yth,  a  letter  which  accepted  the  professed  earnestness  of  the 
king,  in  regard  to  a  religious  reform  as  though  it  were  serious, 
and  informed  him  that  so  far  as  he  and  his  associates  were  con 
cerned  their  purpose  is:  "In  this  cause,  nothing  else  but  that 
the  glory  of  Christ  may  be  proclaimed,  and  godly  and  sound 
doctrine,  harmonizing 'with  the  Holy  Scriptures  be  restored  to 
the  whole  world.  .  .  .  Let  not  the  King  of  England  have  the 
least  doubt  but  that  the  confederated  princes  and  states  are  of 
such  a  mind,  that  since,  by  God's  blessing,  they  have  learned  to 
know  the  truth  of  the  gospel,  so  also  they  will  use  all  care  and 
diligence,  throughout  all  life  in  defending  this  holy  and  godly 
doctrine,  and,  by  God's  help,  will  never  depart  from  the  truth 
which  they  have  learned.  It  is,  indeed,  very  agreeable  for  the 
princes  and  confederated  states  to  learn  that  the  King  also  de 
sires  to  aid  the  pure  doctrine ;  and  they  pray  that  he  may  con 
tinue  in  this  opinion."  Then,  after  stating  how  necessary  har 
mony  among  the  members  of  the  League  on  this  subject,  is,  he 
continues :  "  Nor  do  those  embraced  in  this  confederation  have 
among  them  any  dissent  in  doctrine  or  opinions  with  respect  to 
faith,  and  they  hope  by  God's  aid  to  persevere  and  be  harmon 
ious  in  that  doctrine  which  they  confessed  at  the  Diet  of  Augs 
burg  before  the  Emperor  and  the  entire  Roman  Empire." 

They  close  by  expressing  their  great  gratification  that  the  King 
of  England  is  of  such  a  mind  as  to  desire  to  agree  with  them  in 
the  matter  of  Evangelical  religion  and  doctrine,  being  ready  to 
declare,  on  every  possible  occasion  his  favor  in,  and  zeal  for,  this 
most  holy  cause,  as  becomes  a  King  of  Christian  and  evangelical 
doctrine,  and  to  afford  with  the  greatest  diligence  every  means 
for  advancing  the  cause  of  the  Gospel. ' ' 

Two  more  influential  English  commissioners  now  appeared 
upon  the  scene,  representing  more  directly  Henry  than  did  Dr. 
Barnes  in  whom,  the  King  had  thus  far  used  an  agent,  already 
committed  to  Lutheranism,  and  serviceable  chiefly  because  it  was 


The  English   Commission  to    Wittenberg.  61 

supposed  that  he  would  most  likely  be  heard  by  the  Reformers. 
Among  the  English  clergy  of  that  period,  the  names  of  Edward 
Fox  and  Nicholas  Heath,  are  of  the  very  first  rank. 

Fox  was  unquestionably  one  of  the  most  brilliant  men  of  his 
day.  A  graduate  of  Eton  and  Cambridge,  his  very  first  sermon 
had  so  captivated  the  King  that  he  at  once  became  his  chaplain. 
He  had  been  the  King's  Almoner,  as  well  as  Secretary  of  State. 
His  gifts  shone  especially  in  the  pulpit,  where  "his  exposition 
was  so  thorough  and  clear,  that  the  inference  might  be  drawn 
that  all  his  time  was  occupied  with  Biblical  studies ;  his  division 
was  so  analytical,  as  to  give  the  impression  that  his  attention  had 
been  devoted  chiefly  to  Logic ;  while  his  development  was  as 
rich  in  thought,  as  though  he  had  laid  all  the  fathers  and  school 
men  under  contribution."  10 

Cooper,  in  \i\sAthenae  Cantabrigienses,  says,  that  he  was  called 
"  the  wonder  of  the  University  and  darling  of  the  court,  that 
"  he  had  a  vast  capacity  for  business  and  was  an  able  and  suit 
able  negotiator,"  and  that  his  skill  as  a  diplomatist  expressed  it- 
.self  in  several  proverbs  that  have  become  current  phrases  with 
posterity,  as  "  The  surest  way  to  peace  is  a  constant  prepared 
ness  for  war;"  "Two  things  support  a  government;  Gold  to 
reward  its  friends,  and  iron  to  keep  down  its  enemies;"  "  Time 
and  I,  will  challenge  any  in  the  world,"  etc.  He  had  been  sent 
by  Wolsey  to  Rome  in  1518  to  negotiate  with  the  Pope  concern 
ing  the  proposed  divorce.  He  had  been  the  prominent  member 
of  an  embassy  to  France.  He  was  largely  instrumental  in  dis 
covering  Cranmer,  and  starting  the  series  of  events  by  which  the 
latter  became  Primate  of  the  English  Church.  He  had  fought 
the  battle  of  Cambridge  where  after  a  long  resistance,  the  nullity 
of  the  first  marriage  was  affirmed.  Although  greatly  distrusted 
by  the  Elector  and  Melanchthon,  this  visit  to  Germany  seems  to 
have  decided  his  theological  position,  as  after  his  return  to  Eng 
land,  he  becomes  the  leading  representative  of  Lutheran  opinion 

10  H.  L.  Benthem's  Neu-croffnetcr  Engelandischer  Kirch  und  Schulen- 
Staat,  p.  889  sqq. 


62  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

in  the  negotiations  that  follow,  and  in  the  preparation  of  Henry's 
first  formulary ;  even  though  he  be  open  to  the  charge  of  incon 
sistency.  Unfortunately  his  career  was  but  a  brief  one,  as  he 
died  in  1538. 

The  third  of  the  envoys  especially  fascinated  Melanchthon, 
who  in  his  private  letters  cannot  speak  in  sufficiently  high  terms 
of  his  scholarship  and  character.  Nicholas  Heath,  (born  about 
1501),  educated  at  Oxford  and  Cambridge,  had  been  chaplain  to 
Wolsey,  and  at  the  time  when  sent  to  Germany,  was  Heury  VIII's 
own  chaplain.  After  some  wavering,  in  1548  he  identified  him 
self  with  the  Roman  Catholic  side;  in  1555  became  Archbishop 
of  York,  and  afterwards  Lord  High  Chancellor  of  England.  It 
was  Heath  who,  under  the  reign  of  Mary,  was  to  issue  the  writ 
for  the  execution  of  Cranmer,  No  less  than  two  hundred  and 
seventeen  persons  were  to  be  put  to  death  for  Evangelical  con 
victions  when  he  would  hold  the  seal.  The  executor  of  Queen 
Mary,  he  was  made  a  member  of  the  Privy  Council  at  the  begin 
ning  of  the  reign  of  Elizabeth  ;  but  was  soon  committed  to  the 
tower  and  excommunicated.  After  his  release  he  lived  in  retire 
ment  until  his  death  in  1579. 

Such  were  the  ambassadors  with  whom  the  Lutheran  theolo 
gians  were  to  treat.  At  first  Luther  and  Melanchthon  were  di 
rected  to  meet  them  at  Jena,  but  Wittenberg  was  finally  desig 
nated  as  the  place  of  conference.  Meanwhile,  however,  the 
convention  of  the  League  was  held  at  Smalcald.  The  English 
commission  was  present,  and  on  the  24th  of  December,  Fox,  as 
their  spokesman,  delivered  an  oration.  Notes  of  it  were  taken  by 
Spalatin.  He  claimed  that  he  and  his  associates  were  present* 
not  on  behalf  of  a  human  cause,  but  for  the  sake  of  the  Word  of 
God  and  truth.  He  showed  with  what  incredible  zeal  and  love 
in  religious  matters,  their  sovereign  had  been  actuated,  and  how 
anxious  he  was  to  co-operate  with  the  other  princes  in  propagat 
ing  the  pure  knowledge  of  ,God.  The  King,  he  says,  does  not 
heed  the  slanders  which  have  been  published  concerning  the 
members  of  the  League,  but  esteems  them  as  evangelical  men, 


The  English  Commission  to    Wittenberg.  63 

who  would  neither  design,  nor  commit  anything  unworthy  of 
themselves  as  confessors  the  Gospel.  The  King  acknowledges 
the  abuses  in  the  Church  of  England,  and  is  endeavoring  to  re 
form  them.  The  cause  and  work  of  English  Christians  is  the 
same  as  that  of  their  brethren  in  Germany.  They  should  aim  at 
perfect  harmony,  and,  as  its  basis,  should  endeavor  to  come  to 
an  understanding  touching  matters  of  Christian  doctrine.  Con 
cert  of  action  should  also  be  determined,  if  possible,  concerning 
the  proposed  Council.  Peace  and  harmony  of  Christian  doc 
trine  constitute,  however,  the  very  first  thing,  which,  above  all 
others,  is  to  be  settled.  "  Certainly  a  most  admirable  speech ! 

On  the  next  day,  Christmas,  Melanchthon  prepared  a  paper 
for  the  Princes  which,  after  being  amended,  was  adopted,  and  sub 
scribed  both  by  the  Elector  and  Landgrave,  and  the  English 
ambassadors,  as  "The  Thirteen  Articles  of  1535." 

As  the  translation,  given  in  Strype's  Memorials  of  the  Reforma- 
tion,12is  defective,  we  translate  anew  from  the  Corpus  Reforma- 
torum : 13 

"  I.  That  the  Most  Serene  King  promote  the  Gospel  of  Christ, 
and  the  pure  doctrine  of  faith  according  to  the  mode  in  which 
the  Princes  and  confederated  States  confessed  it  in  the  diet  of 
Augsburg,  and  defended  it  according  to  the  published  Apology,  un 
less  perhaps  some  things  meanwhile  justly  seem  to  require  change 
or  correction  from  the  Word  of  God  by  the  common  consent  of 
the  Most  Serene  King,  and  the  princes  themselves. 

II.  Also,  That    the   Most    Serene   King,    together   with   the 
Princes  and  States  confederated,  defend  and  maintain  the  doctrine 
of  the  gospel  mentioned,  and  ceremonies  harmonizing  with  the 
gospel  in  a  future  general  council. 

III.  That  neither  the  Most  Serene  King,  without  the   express 
consent  of  the  confederated  princes  and  states   mentioned,   nor 
the  confederated  princes  and  states  mentioned,  without   the  ex- 

.n  Ib.  pp.  1028  sqq. 
u  Ib.  V  :  pp.  559  sqq. 
13  II :   pp.  1032  sqq. 


64  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

press  consent  of  the  Most  Serene  King  mentioned,  consent  or 
assent  to  any  call  for  a  general  council,  which  the  Pope  of  Rome, 
present  or  future,  or  any  one  else,  whatever  be  the  pretence  of 
authority,  now  makes  or  shall  make,  nor  agree  to  any  place  of  a 
future  Council,  or  to  the  Council  itself,  but  that  all  these  things 
be  conducted  and  done  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  King 
and  princes,  provided,  nevertheless,  that  if  certainly,  and  by  just 
arguments  and  reasons,  it  appear  that  such  a  Christian,  free  and 
general  council  have  been  called,  as  the  confederates  demand  in 
their  answer  to  Peter  Paulus  Vergerius,  the  ambassador  of  the 
Pope  of  Rome,  such  council  is  not  to  be  refused. 

IV.  Also,  if  it  should  happen  that,  without  the  consent  of  the 
Most  Serene  King  and  the  confederated   states,  concerning  the 
place  of  the  council,  or  the  calling  of  the  council,  and  yet,  the 
Pope  of  Rome  and  the  other  princes,  joined  with  him  in  this  matter 
should  determine  to  proceed  to  the  convening  of  the  council  or 
rather  caucus  (conciliabull),  and  that,  too,  in  a  place  upon  which 
the  aforesaid  Most  Serene  King,  princes  and  states  have  not  agreed, 
that  then,  and  in  that  case,  the  aforesaid  Most  Serene  King,  as  well 
as  the  aforesaid  Most  Illustrious  Princes  and  States  confederate  shall 
first  strive  with  all  their  power,  that  such  calling  be  hindered  and 
brought  to  nought,  and  reach  no  result. 

V.  Secondly  that  they  will  make  public  and   formal  protests, 
and,  likewise,  cause  them  to  be  made  by  their  clergy,  by  which 
they  will  both  prove  the  purity  of  their  faith,  and  that  they  dis 
sent  altogether  from  such  convocation,  nor,  if  such  council  ac 
tually  follow,  will  they  be  bound  by  the  decrees  or  constitutions 
of  that  council,  nor,  in  the  future,  will  they,  in  any  way,  obey  the 
same. 

VI.  Besides,  that  they  never  will  obey  or  permit  their  subjects 
to   obey  any  decrees,  mandates  or  sentences,  bulls,   letters   or 
briefs,  from  any  council  thus  convoked  and  held,  or  which  pro 
ceed  in  the  name  of  the  Bishop  of  Rome  himself  or  any  other 
power,  but  that  they  will  account  and  declare  all   such  writings, 
decrees,  bulls  and  briefs  null  and  void,  and,  to  remove  all  scandal, 


The  English   Commission  to    Wittenberg.  65 

will  cause  such  to  be  thus  declared  to  the  people  by  their  bishops 
and  preachers. 

VII.  Also,  that  as  the  Most  Serene  King  is,  by  the  grace  of 
God,  united,  both  in  Christian  doctrine  and  in  its  conftssion  with 
the  confederated  princes  and  states,  so  also  is  he  deemed  worthy, 
on  honorable  conditions,  to  be  associated  with   their  league  in 
such  manner  that  his  Most  Serene  Majesty  obtain  the  name  and 
place  of  Defender  and  Protector  of  said  league. 

VIII.  Also,  that  neither  the  aforesaid  Most  Serene  King,  nor 
the  aforesaid  Most  Illustrious  Princes  or  States  confederated,  ever 
will  recognize,  maintain  or  defend  that  the  primacy  or  monarch 
be  held  to-day  or  ever  hereafter  de  jure,  aivino.     Nor  will   they 
ever  agree  or  concede  that  it  is  expedient  for  the  Christian  State 
that  the  bishop  of  Rome  be  over  all  the  rest,  or  hereafter  exercise, 
in  any  way,  any  jurisdiction  whatever  in  the  realms  or  dominions 
of  the  aforesaid  Kings  and  Princes. 

IX.  Also,  if  it  should  so  happen,  that  war  or  any  other  con 
tention,  whether  on  account  of  religion,  or  even  without   such 
cause,  for  any  other  cause  or  matter  whatsoever,  should  be  excited 
or  carried  on  by  any  prince,  state  or  people,  against  the  aforesaid 
Most  Serene  King,  his  realms,  dominions  or  subjects,  or,  also, 
against  the  aforesaid  Most  Illustrious  Princes  or  States   confeder 
ated,  that  neither  of  the  parties  mentioned  bring  aid,  or  supplies 
against  the  other  party,  nor  by  advice  or  favor,  directly  or  indi 
rectly,  publicly  or  privately,  assist  prince  or  people,  thus  invading 
and  waging  war. 

X.  Also  that  the  Most  Serene  King  see  fit,  for  the  defence  of 
the  league  and  of  the  cause  of  religion,  to  contribute  and  deposit 
with  these  most  illustrious  princes,  sureties  being  afforded,   as   is 
added   below,  the  sum  of   100,000  crowns;  the  half  of  which 
money,  it  shall  be  lawful  for  the   confederates  to  use,  whenever 
there  shall  be  need,  for  the  purpose  of  defence.     The  other  half, 
the  confederates  shall  take  of  such  money,  as  they  themselves 
have  contributed  and  deposited  to  that  sum. 

6 


66  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

XL  That  if  there  be  need  of  a  longer  defence  because  of  the 
continuation  of  war,  or  the  invasion  of  enemies,  in  such  event, 
since  princes  and  confederates  are  under  obligation  not  only  for 
a  further  contribution  of  money,  but  also  for  mutuaj  defence  with 
their  bodies  and  all  their  resources  and  property,  the  Most  Serene 
King  would  not  refuse,  in  urgent  necessity,  to  •  contribute  even 
more,  viz.  a  second  100,000  crowns.  This  money,  nevertheless, 
the  confederates  may  use  to  the  amount  of  one  half,  with  their 
own.  And  should  it  so  happen,  that  the  war  should  end  earlier, 
then  what  is  left  should  be  faithfully  kept,  and  be  mentioned  to 
the  Most  Serene  King  at  the  conclusion  of  the  confederation. 

XII.  That  if  the  King  would  have  it  so  done,  the  Princes  prom 
ise  that  they  will  pledge  with  sufficient  sureties,  not  only  that 
they  will  not  convert  such  money  to  another  use  than  for  the  de 
fence  of  the  league  and  the  cause  of  religion  together  with  their 
own  money,  which  they  contribute  in  such  confederation,  but 
also  that  they  will  faithfully  pay  and  restore  to  the  same  Serene 
Majesty,  whatever  sum  either,  be  not  needed,  or  that  remains 
after  the  defence,  in  case  it  shall  not  have  been  devoted  to 
that  use. 

XIV.  Also,  since  the  Most  Revered  Legates  of  the  Most  Serene 
King  are  to  remain  for  a  time  in  Germany,  and  are  to  confer 
with  men  learned  in  sacred  literature  on  certain  articles,  the 
princes  ask  that  they  would  as  soon  as  possible  inquire  and  learn 
the  mind  and  opinion  of  the  Most  Serene  King,  concerning  the 
conditions  presented  in  the  League,  and,  that  when  they  have 
been  informed  thereon,  they  would  signify  it  to  us,  the  Elector 
of  Saxony,  and  the  Landgrave  of  Hesse.  When  this  is  done,  the 
Princes  will  immediately  send  legates  in  their  own  name  and  that 
of  the  confederated  States,  to  the  Most  Serene  King,  and  among 
them  one  of  eminent  learning,  not  only  to  diligently  confer  with 
His  Most  Serene  Royal  Majesty  on  the  articles  of  Christian  doc 
trine,  and  to  deliberate  faithfully  concerning  changing,  estab 
lishing  and  ordaining  other  ceremonies  in  the  Church,  but  also 


The  English   Commission  to    Wittenberg.  67 

to  agree  and  conclude  with  His  Most  Serene  Majesty  concerning 
all  the  articles  whereof  we  have  spoken." 

Edward  Herefordens, 
Nicolaus  Heyth, 
Antonius  Barns, 

John  Frederick,  Elector.  Philip,  L.  of  Hesse."  u 

The  English  King  was  certainly  placed  in  an  embarassing  po 
sition,  as  men  who  dissemble,  so  often  are.     His  ambassadors' 
word  had  been  received  in  good  faith,  that  he  was  anxious  chiefly 
about  a  reform  of  doctrine,  and  wished  the  aid  of  Lutheran  theo. 
logians  ;  and  accordingly,  .measures  to  which  his  representatives 
feel  themselves  constrained  to  assent,  were  taken  to  aid  him  in 
the  important  work.     Yet  a  letter  of  Crumwell  at  this  time,  pre 
served  in  Burnet, 15  declares:     "  The  King,  knowing  himself  to 
be  the  learnedest  prince  in  Europe,  thought  it  became  not   him 
to  submit  to  them,  but   them  to  submit  to  him."     The  matter 
however,  has  assumed  the  shape  that  Fox  and  Heath,  with  Barnes, 
are  to  spend  several  months  in  theological  conferences  at  Witten 
berg,  studying  the  Augsburg  Confession  and  Apology,  under  the 
instructions  of  Melanchthon,  and  that  then  if  they  can  accept 
such  basis,  some  competent  Lutheran  doctor  is  to   go  to  Eng 
land  to  help  them  to  complet-e  the  work.     So  scheme  was  met  by 
scheme,  the  children  of  light  being  for  once  as  wise  as  the  chil 
dren   of  this  generation  ;  for  the  English  historian  is  perfectly 
justified  in  his  inference,  that  the  coolness  of  the  Elector  came 
from  the  impression,  that  "  the  King  had  only  a  political  design 
in  all  this  negotiation,  intending  to  bring  them  into  a  depend 
ence  on  himself,  without  any  sincere  intentions  with   relation  to 
religion."  16     However,  this  may  be,  the  course  of  our  princes 
and  theologians  in  this  matter  was  perfectly  clear  and  consistent. 
It  was  solely  on  questions  of  religion  that  they  had  been  forced 
into  a  seeming  opposition  to  the  Emperor.     On  these  and  these 

14  C.  R.  II :    1032  sqq.  "  XIII  "  is  not  found  in  th.e  document 

15  Burnefs  History,  II :    698, 
M  Ib.  p.  699, 


68  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

only,  they  were  ready  to  stand  or  fall.  They  were  unwilling  to 
be  embarassed  by  any  alliances  that  were  based  on  any  other 
grounds.  Every  convert  to  these  principles,  even  though  the 
Pope  himself,  they  were  ready  to  welcome  to  the  League  ;  every 
one,  who  sought  the  friendship  of  the  League  from  other  motives, 
whether  he  were  the  King  of  France,  or  the  King  of  England, 
might  as  well  understand  from  the  beginning  that  he  could  not 
enter.  These  religious  principles  on  which  their  League  was 
founded,  they  had  clearly  defined  already  at  Augsburg.  Every 
applicant,  therefore,  was  simply  asked  to  read  the  platform  there 
presented  in  the  Confession  and  Apology ;  and  his  future  relation 
to  the  League  must  be  decided  by  his  willingness  or  unwilling 
ness  to  subscribe  what  was  there  set  forth.  Nor  must  any  oppor 
tunity  of  winning  over  to  the  truth  those  who  had  come  to  them 
from  what  were  probably  other  reasons  than  a  regard  to  God's 
honor,  be  neglected.  They  would  accept  these  ambassadors  on 
their  professions,  however  much  they  distrusted  them,  and  devote 
on  the  part  of  the  theologians,  months  of  time  and  labor,  and  on 
the  part  of  the  Elector,  the  expense  of  the  entertainment  of  royal 
commissioners  in  a  style  becoming  their  rank,  even  though  he 
found  it  a  heavy  burden. 

After  the  adjournment  of  the  Smalcald  League,  the  English 
ambassadors  accordingly  repaired  to  Wittenberg.  The  begin 
ning  of  the  conference  there  was  delayed  until  the  close  of  Jan 
uary,  partially  because  of  the  absence  of  Melanchthon  on  a  tour 
of  investigation  and  counsel  concerning  the  Anabaptists.  An- 
tonius  Musa  wrote  from  Jena  on  the  day  after  Melanchthon's  de 
parture  for  Wittenberg  that  "  he  is  to  discuss  at  Wittenberg  the 
subject  of  '  Private  Mass.'  For  the  King  of  England  has  sent  a 
bishop  with  several  learned  men  to  present  their  argument,  and 
to  endeavor  to  show  that  Private  Mass  ought  to  be  retained.  The 
King  of  England  has  become  a  Lutheran  to  this  extent,  viz.,  that 
since  the  Pope  would  not  approve  his  divorce,  he  has  forbidden 
all  men  in  his  realm  at  the  peril  of  their  lives  to  regard  the  Pope 
as  Supreme  Head  of  the  church,  but  commanded  them  to  regard 


The  English  Commission  to    Wittenberg.  69 

himself  instead.  All  other  papistical  affairs,  monasteries,  masses, 
indulgences,  prayers  for  the  dead,  etc.,  they  not  only  retain  in 
England,  but  even  obstinately  defend.  On  this  account,  ambas 
sadors  have  been  sent  to  fortify  and  defend  masses  in  a  public 
disputation  at  Wittenberg."  "  Even  after  Melanchthon's  return 
however,  on  January  i5th,  there  was  a  reluctance  of  the  ambas 
sadors  to  proceed  to  serious  work.  On  January  2ist,  they  as 
sured  Melanchthon  that  they  were  ready  to  begin  the  discussion 
"  of  each  article  of  doctrine  in  order,"  18  yet  it  is  not  for  weeks 
4hat  they  are  disposed  to  treat  on  any  other  subject  than  the  leg 
itimacy  of  the  king's  divorce.  "They  are  excessively  fond  of 
quibbling,"  Melanchthon  writes.  Luther's  letters  show  how 
greatly  he  was  annoyed  by  their  course.  First,  he  speaks  play 
fully  of  the  great  importance  that  must  be  attached  to  the  opin 
ion  of  himself  and  his  associates,  in  that  while  eleven  universities 
have  already  given  their  decisions,  it  seems  that  all  the  world  will 
be  lost,  "  unless  we  poor  beggars,  the  Wittenberg  theologians,  be 
heard."  19  He  is  determined,  however,  not  to  recede  from  his 
former  opinion  that  the  first  marriage  was  legitimate,  but  "in  other 
respects  I  will  show  myself  not  unfriendly  towards  them,  in  or 
der  that  they  may  not  think  that  we  Germans  are  stone  or  wood." 
Melanchthon  testifies  at  first  that  "Luther  lovingly  embraces 
them,  and  is  even  delighted  by  their  courtesy. ' '  But  he  becomes 
vexed  that  in  three  days  they  do  not  finish  the  entire  matter, 
stating  that  in  four  weeks  he  had  completed  much  more  impor 
tant  business  than  that  which  occupies  them  twelve  years ; 20  and 
is  indignant  at  the  expense  occasioned  the  elector  by  their  enter 
tainment.  21  Melanchthon  grew  weary  of  waiting  for  the  discus 
sion  on  matters  of  doctrine,  and  after  two  weeks  at  Wittenberg 
returns  to  Jena  to  continue  his  conflict  with  the  Anabaptists.  He 

"C. R.  Ill:  12. 

18  Ib.  p.  26. 

19  De  Wette's,  Luther's  Briefen,  IV :   663,  668. 
»C.  R  III:    26. 

21  De  Wette's  Luther's  Briefen,  IV :  671. 


70  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

wrote  to  his  friends  that  nothing  at  all  has  been  under  consider 
ation  but  the  divorce. 22  Heath  followed  Melanchthon  to  Jena. 
The  latter  was  much  gratified  by  the  visit;  and  on  February 
loth,  returned  to  Wittenberg.  The  whole  plan  of  the  English 
ambassadors  was  probably  arranged  for  the  purpose  of  gaining 
time,  so  as  to  receive  instructions  from  England.  They  must 
have  soon  perceived  that  any  attempt  to  have  the  Lutheran  theo 
logians  justify  the  divorce  was  useless.  We  can  scarcely  conceive 
that  they  could  have  had  in  thought  a  bargain  by  which,  if  the 
divorce  were  endorsed  by  the  Lutherans,  every  confessional  re 
quirement  would  then  be  at  once  met  by  the  Anglicans,  and  the 
Augsburg  Confession  and  Apology  be  received  for  the  English 
Church.  It  would  be  a  more  charitable  interpretation  to  re 
gard  the  ambassadors  as  sympathizing  more  or  less  with  the  re 
form  in  doctrine,  and  hoping  to  win  over  their  sovereign  to  the 
faith  which  they  recognize  as  truth,  by  obtaining  from  the  Wit 
tenberg  theologians  a  concession  which  would  have  been  sure  to 
have  greatly  gratified  him.  Had  the  divorce  been  endorsed,  it 
is  probable  that  the  English  Church  would  have  been  pledged  to 
the  Augsburg  Confession  and  the  Apology  ! 

However  this  may  have  been,  the  critical  examination  of  the 
Augsburg  Confession  article  by  article,  and  the  earnest  discus 
sion  of  the  points  of  divergence  began  at  length  shortly  after 
Melanchthon's  second  return,  and  continued  throughout  the  en 
tire  month  of  March.  Strype  is  altogether  in  error,  when  he 
states :  "  The  ambassadors  returned  home  in  January,  excepting 
Fox,  who,  it  seems,  stayed  behind,')23as  both  Melanchthon's  and 
Luther's  letters  of  that  period  will  at  once  show.  Melanchthon 
again  and  again  speaks  of  his  discussions  with  them,  and  especially 
names  Heath  ;  and  at  the  very  close  of  the  month  (March  3oth,) 
writes  :  Sic  me  Angli  exercent,  vix  ut  respirare  liceat  24 

On  the  28th,  of  that  month,  Luther  sent  to  the  Elector  a 
translation  of  the  articles  on  which  they  had  been  able  to  agree, 24 

22  Ib. 

23  Memorials,  I  :   367. 

24  C.  R.  Ill :  53. 


The  English  Commission  to    Wittenberg.  71 

and  stated  that  the  English  ambassadors  before  proceeding 
further,  had  referred  the  last  four  articles  to  the  king,  since  if 
any  serious  modification  of  them  were  required,  further  confer 
ence  was  useless.  Two  days  later,  Melanchthon  wrote  that  "  the 
contention  between  them  had  not  been  light,  but,  nevertheless, 
there  was  an  agreement  concerning  most  things."25  Secken- 
dorf26  gives  more  ample  details:  "  They  made  an  examination 
of  all  the  articles  of  the  Augsburg  Confession,  and  the  opinions 
of  Luther  and  his  colleagues  seem  to  have  been  given  on  all 
things  .  .  .  There  is  extant  a  Repetition  and  Exegesis  of  the 
Augsburg  Confession,  elaborated  by  the  Wittenbergers,  and  re 
ceived  and  carried  home  by  the  Anglican  legates.  ...  In  ad 
dition  to  the  Repetition 27  of  the  Augsburg  Confession,  the  Wit 
tenberg  theologians  elaborated  the  most  troublesome  articles  into 
special  dissertations."  Among  other  stipulations  upon  which 
they  agreed  was  not  only  the  denial  of  the  power  of  the  Pope  by 
divine  law,  but  also  the  promise  that  neither  side  would  under 
any  consideration  maintain  any  pre  eminence  of  the  bishop  of 
Rome  over  other  bishops,  as  useful  or  expedient. 28  Although 
Fox  affirmed  that  there  had  been  an  abrogation  in  England  of 
godless  pontifical  abuses  and  especially  of  indulgences,  Melanch 
thon  in  one  of  the  dissertations  referred  to,  expressed  his  aston 
ishment  that  in  the  English  decree  no  reformation  of  the  abuses 
of  the  Mass  was  proposed.  For  on  reading  Henry's  decree,  the 
Wittenberg  theologians  saw  at  a  glance  that  only  the  less  impor 
tant  had  been  touched  upon,  while  the  chief  abuses  had  all  been 
retained.  ^  Melanchthon  writes  on  the  margin  the  very  signifi 
cant  Greek  words  ouden  hygies,  "  nothing  sound." 

25  Ib.  p.  683. 

26 1    p.  HI.  sq. 

2BIb.  p.  112. 

27  Of  this  "  Repetitio,"  however,  we  can  find  no  trace,  the  document  ordi 
narily  known  as  the  "  Rep.  Aug.  Conf.,"  being  the  Saxon  Confession  of  I551- 
See  Feuerlin,  p.  250.  Strype  regards  it  confined  to  the  doctrine  of  the  Lord's 
Supper. 

29 Seckendorf,  III:    112. 


72  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

During  these  discussions,  Henry's  answer  to  the  "  Articles  of 
1535  "  was  received,  and  his  legates  communicated  its  purport,  ^ 
stating  among  other  things  that  harmony  was  unattainable,  un 
less  "something  first,  in  your  Confession  and  Apology  be  modified 
by  private  conferences  and  friendly  discussions  between  his  and 
your  learned  men,"  and  that  his  Majesty  asks  that  "a  man  of 
eminent  learning  be  sent  to  him,  to  confer  diligently  on  the 
articles  of  Christian  doctrine,  and  changing,  establishing  and 
ordaining  other  ceremonies  in  the  Church." 

April  24th,  the  Protestant  princes  met  at  Frankfort,  and  early 
in  the  month,  the  English  ambassadors  made  preparations  for 
attendance  there.  Because  of  his  distrust  of  the  bishop  of  Here 
ford,  whom  he  evidently  thinks  well  named  Fox,  the  elector  re 
fuses  a  farewell  audience.31  He  writes  however,  April  22d, S2 
that  if  the  King  would  propagate  in  his  kingdom  "  the  pure  doc 
trine  of  the  Christian  religion  according  to  the  Confession  and 
Apology"  and  adopt  ceremonies  in  accordance  with  the  pure 
doctrine  of  the  Gospel,  he  would  use  every  effort  that  the  king 
should  receive  the  title  of  "  Defender  of  the  Evangelical  Faith." 
But  that  "if  the  King  hesitated  about  admitting  into  his  king 
dom  the  pure  doctrine  of  the  Gospel  according  to  the  Confession  and 
Apology"  according  to  the  articles  recently  drawn  up  at  Witten 
berg  ;  the  Elector  could  not  imagine  what  use  it  would  be,  either  for 
the  King  or  his  allies  to  make  a  league  or  exchange  ambassadors. 
In  a  letter  to  Henry  of  the  same  date,  he  assures  him  of  his  good 
will  and  begs  him  to  undertake  the  thorough  reformation  of  the 
English  Church.  Seckendorf33  states  that  the  Elector  en 
deavored  besides  to  have  an  embassy  appointed  to  visit  England, 
composed  of  George,  Prince  of  Anhalt,  Melanchthon  and  Vice- 
chancellor  Francis  Burkhard.  The  Landgrave  proposed  send 
ing  the  theologians  Bucer  and  Schnepf  or  Brentz,and  the  civil 
ians,  Count  Solm  and  Jacob  Sturm.  There  was  some  discus- 

30  C.  R.  Ill:  49. 

^Seckendorf,  III:   III. 

32  C.  R.  Ill :  62. 

33  III:   113. 


The  English  Commission  to    Wittenberg*  73 

sion  among  the  princes  as  to  the  terms  to  be  proposed  by  this 
embassy,  but  they  were  finally  reduced,  first  to  the  acceptance  of 
the  Augsburg  Confession,  unless  amended  from  the  Word  of  God, 
and,  secondly,  its  defence  in  the  coming  Council ;  and,  if  the 
King  did  not  approve  of  the  articles,  to  treat  concerning  mutual 
assistance.  But  as  most  of  the  princes  and  cities  were  averse  to 
any  union  with  the  King  of  England,  the  attempt  was  vain ;  while 
new  events  in  England  suddenly  made  a  very  material  change  in 
the  situation. 


CHAPTER  V. 

PROGRESS    OF   THE   WAR   FOR   THE   FAITH    IN    ENGLAND. 

Conjectures  as  to  the  cause  of  Anne  Boleyn's  fall.  Her  sympathy  with  tne 
Reformation.  Cranmer's  Grief.  Melanchthon's  Indignation.  Melanch- 
thon  warned  by  Barnes  not  to  visit  England.  Antagonistic  Elements 
in  the  English  Church.  Taverner's  English  Augsburg  Confession  and 
Apology.  Convocation  of  Canterbury.  Sensation  caused  by  Latimer's 
Sermon.  The  Sides  drawn.  The  Sixty-Seven  Points.  The  Debates. 
Alexander  Alesius,  and  his  Speech.  Foxe's  Tribute  to  German  Luth- 
eranism. 

IT  is  not  improbable  that  the  fate  of  Anne  Boleyn  was  sealed 
by  Henry's  failure  to  gain  for  his  second  marriage  the  endorse 
ment  of  the  Wittenberg  faculty.  We  have  already  noted  how 
closely  connected  she  was  with  Cranmer,  the  months  which  he 
had  spent  in  her  father's  house,  and  the  effect  of  his  visit.  We 
have  also  seen  that  she  was  a  diligent  reader  of  Evangelical 
books,  surreptitiously  introduced  from  the  Continent,  as  the  dis 
covery  of  her  copy  of  Tyndale's  "  Obedience  of  a  Christian 
Man,"  and  its  influence  upon  Henry,  prove.  She  had  gener 
ously  maintained  a  number  of  scholars  at  the  Universities ;  and 
all  of  them,  among  whom  was  Heath,  were  during  her  life-time 
earnest  champions  of  the  Reformation.  One  of  these  scholars 
was  especially  active  in  circulating  the  works  of  Luther  and  Me- 
lanchthon.  Strype  gives  a  letter  in  which  she  intercedes  for  a 
merchant  in  trouble  for  circulating  the  New  Testament :  "  Anne 
the  queen,  trusty  and  well-beloved,  we  greet  you  well.  And 
whereas  you  be  credibly  en  formed,  that  the  bearer  hereof,  Ry- 
chard  Herman,  merchant  and  citizen  of  Antwerp,  in  Brabant, 
was,  in  the  time  of  the  late  Lord  Cardinal,  put  and  expelled  from 

(74) 


Progress  of  the    War  for  the  Faith.  75 

his  freedom  and  fellowship  of,  and  in  the  English  House  there, 
for  nothing  else,  as  he  affirmeth,  but  only  for  that,  that  he  did 
both  with  his  goods  and  policy,  to  his  great  hurt  and  hindrance 
in  this  world,  help  to  the  setting  forth  of  the  New  Testament  in 
English  ;  we  therefore  desire,  and  instantly  pray  you  with  all 
speed  and  favor  convenient,  ye  woll  cause  this  good  and  honest 
merchant,  being  my  lord's  true,  faithful  and  loving  subject,  to  be 
restored  to  his  pristin  freedom,  liberty  and  fellowship  aforesaid."1 
"  The  Romanists  reckoned  her  (and  that  truly  enough)  a  great 
instrument  in  putting  the  King  forward  to  what  he  had  done  in 
reforming  religion.  Pole,  in  a  letter  to  the  King,  written  within 
two  months  after  her  death,  takes  leave  to  call  her  the  King's 
domestic  evil,  which  God,  as  he  said,  had  rid  him  of ;  and  that 
she  was  thought  to  be  the  cause  of  all  his  evils."  2 

With  such  evidence,  it  is  not  difficult  to  see  how  Cranmer 
could  say  :  '-I  never  had  better  opinion  in  woman  than  I  had 
in  her.  .  .  .  Next  unto  your  grace,  I  was  most  bound  unto  her 
of  all  creatures  living.  ...  I  loved  her  not  a  little  for  the  love 
I  judged  her  to  bear  towards  God  and  his  Gospel."  3 

Although  her  writings  have  no  very  high  authority,  it  is, 
nevertheless,  interesting  to  notice  that  Miss  Benger  in  her 
"Memoirs  of  Anne  Boleyn,"  also  suggests  the  failure  of  the 
Wittenberg  negotiations  as  one  of  the  causes  of  the  Queen's 
downfall.  "  Drs.  Fox  and  Hethe  were  sent  to  Germany,  on  a 
mission  to  the  Lutheran  divines,  with  whom  many  conferences 
took  place,  of  which  the  conclusion  was  little  satisfactory  to  the 
pride  or  prejudices  of  Henry,  since  even  Anne's  popularity  could 
not  entice  them  to  acknowledge  the  legality  of  his  divorce,  and 
neither  arguments  nor  promises  atoned  for  his  rejection  of  the 
Confession  of  Augsburg.  It  is,  however,  more  than  probable, 
these  difficulties  might  have  been  obviated  in  a  subsequent  nego 
tiation,  but  for  the  influence  of  Gardiner,  who  was,  at  the  same 

1  Memorials  of  Reformation,  1 :  446. 

2  Ib.  p.  456. 

sjenkyn's  Cranmer,  I:   164. 


76  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England, 

time,  employed  on  an  embassy  to  France,  which  afforded  him 
facilities  for  counteracting  the  united  efforts  of  Hethe  and  Me- 
lanchthon,  and  rendering  the  whole  plan  abortive.  The  un- 
prosperous  issue  of  the  negotiation,  was  a  severe  disappointment 
to  Anne."* 

The  death  of  Queen  Catherine,  January  6th,  1536,  had  intro 
duced  a  new  situation.     As  his   marriage  to  Anne   Boleyn  was 
regarded  illegal,  not  only  by  the  Pope,  but  also  by  the   Luther 
ans,  the  opportunity  was  now  offered,  if  he  could  in  some   way 
rid   himself  of  her,  to  contract   a  matrimonial  alliance  which 
would  be  undisputed  by  all.     Both  Pope  and    Emperor   might 
thus  be  reconciled,  and  an  unquestioned  succession  be  still  ob 
tained.     Besides,  the  King's  dignity  had  been  offended  by  a  just 
reproof  from  his  queen  ;  and  his  superstitions  had  been   quick 
ened,  as  in  the  former  marriage,  by  the  birth  of  only  princesses. 
These  various  motives  combined   to  induce  him  to  find  some 
ground,  if  possible,  for  a  capital  charge.     The  Queen,  who,  un 
conscious  of  the  processes  already  begun  against  her,  had  sat  by 
his  side  at  the  tournament  at  Greenwich,  May  ist,  dies  eighteen 
days  later  on  the  scaffold.     It  was  a   severe  blow  to  Cranmer. 
"  Do  you  know  what  is  to  happen  to-day?"  the  Primate  asked 
Melanchthon's  pupil,  Alexander  Alesius,  who  was  tarrying  with 
him.     "  No,"  said  Alesius  ;   "  since  the  Queen's  imprisonment, 
I  have  not  left  my  room."     "  She  who  has  been  the  Queen  of 
England  on  earth,"  said  Cranmer,  his  eyes  raised  to  heaven,  and 
his  face  wet  with  tears,  "  will  this  day  be  a   Queen  in  heaven." 
The  Wittenberg  theologians,  notwithstanding  their  position  con 
cerning  the  divorce,  were  so  greatly  shocked  that  they   felt  for 
the  time  as  though  all  further  negotiations  with  Henry  must  end. 
Melanchthon  writes  to  Camerarius,  June  pth  :      "  lam  altogether 
freed   from  anxiety  about  a  journey   to  England.     Since  such 
tragic  calamities  have  occurred  there,  a  great  change  of  plans  has 
followed.     The   late  Queen,  accused  rather  than  convicted   of 
adultery,  has  suffered  the  extreme  penalty.    How  astonishing  the 

4Jenkyn's  Cranmer,  pp.  286  sq- 


Progress  of  the    War  for  the  Faith.  77 

charges,  how  they  declare  to  all  men  God's  wrath,  into  what 
calamities  at  this  time  do  even  the  most  powerful  fall  from  the 
highest  eminence  !  When  I  think  of  these  things,  I  maintain 
that  all  our  troubles  and  dangers  should  be  borne  with  the 
greater  patience."  5  And  in  a  letter  to  Agricola  :  "  How  hor 
ribly  does  this  calamity  disgrace  the  king  !  Such  is  the  evil 
which  the  divorce  has  brought  him  ! "  6  To  Justus  Jonas  also  he 
writes  that  Dr.  Barnes  has  written  to  him  not  to  undertake  the 
voyage  to  Britain.7 

On  the  same  day  on  which  Melanchthon  wrote   these   letters, 
the  Convocation  met  in  England,  at  which  the  first   Confession 
of  the  English  Church  was  framed.     This  is  a  matter  of  such  im 
portance,  that  it  will   aid  us  to  glance  first  at    the  course   of 
ecclesiastical   affairs  in  England,   since  the  Act  of  Supremacy. 
Every  record  of  those  days  bears  the  marks  of  confusion.      "  The 
Old"  and  "  the  New  Learning,"  bothhad  their  warm  adherents. 
There  were  those  urgent  for  a  thorough  reform  of  religion,  prom 
inent  among  whom  were  both  Cranmer   and  Crumwell.     There 
were  others  to  whom  it  seemed  as  though  even    the   Wittenberg 
Reformers  had  not   proceeded  far  enough.     Without  any  fixed 
formulary  by  which  to  guide  them,  they  passed  by  various  grada 
tions  to  Zwinglianism  and  even  Anabaptism,  although  numbering 
among  their  adherents  no  names  of  influence.     The  zeal  of  Lati-. 
mer,  however,  even  then  seems  to  be  beginning  to  carry  him  be 
yond  the  moderation  of  the  Lutheran  Reformation.     Emissaries 
of  the  Pope  were  at  hand,  ready  to  excite  the  people  against  any 
innovations  which   might  be  proposed.     Still  others  vigorously 
defended  the  Supremacy  of  the   King,  and  assailed  the  Pope, 
while  opposing  to  the  very  death  any  change  of  doctrine.     Their 
.ideal  of  the  English  Church  was  simply  the  Mediaeval    Church 
minus  the  Pope.     Their  zeal  for  Roman  orthodoxy  was  made  a 
sufficient  answer  to  the  reproach  of  disloyalty  from  the  successor  of 

Corpus  Rcformatorum  III :  89  sq. 
Mb. 
T  Ib.  p.  90  sq. 


78  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

St.  Peter.  The  Evangelical  element  had  favored  the  divorce  sim 
ply  because  in  it  they  found  an  irreparable  breach  with  the  Papacy. 
These  various  elements  had  necessarily  to  come  into  conflict. 
Martyrs  had  fallen,  like  Sir  Thomas  More  and  Bishop  Fisher, 
because  they  were  faithful  to  the  Pope ;  and  John  Fryth,  soon  to 
be  followed  by  Francis  Lambert,  because  of  ultra-Protestantism. 

BISHOP   GARDINER. 

As  in  all  periods  of  confusion,  there  were  leaders  that  succes 
sively  rose  and  fell,  now  gained  their  point,  and  then  had  to 
submit  to  defeat ;  and,  as  their  fortunes  had  vicissitudes,  so  also 
the  policy  of  the  government  veered  now  to  the  one  side,  and 
then  to  the  other.  The  negotiations  and  deliberations  that  are 
now  to  occur  cannot  be  appreciated  without  some  estimate  of 
the  character  and  influence  of  Stephen  Gardiner.  Three  young 
men  had  grown  up  together  and  been  trained  for  their  future 
work  in  the  household  of  Cardinal  Wolsey,  viz.,  Thomas  More, 
Thomas  Crumwell  and  Stephen  Gardiner.  The  latter  had 
proved  an  apt  pupil  of  his  great  master,  and  become  a  veritable 
second  Wolsey,  only  of  greater  acuteness  and  more  obstinate  will. 
The  Cardinal  was  proud  to  call  him  "  met  dtmidtum, "  "half  of 
my  very  self."  Henry  though  distrusting  him  soon  learned  to 
use  him.  The  young  secretary  was  busy  plotting  with  foreign 
cardinals  for  Wolsey' s  elevation  to  the  Papacy,  and  at  the  same 
time  carrying  on  a  correspondence  for  the  king  on  other  matters, 
which  was  carefully  concealed  from  the  Cardinal's  knowledge. 
With  Fox,  he  had  been  active  in  effecting  the  divorce ;  with 
Fox,  he  had  plead  Henry's  cause  before  the  Pope  in  1528;  with 
Fox,  he  had  brought  Cranmer  to  the  front,  in  order  by  his 
learning  to  support  the  king ;  with  Fox,  he  had  shared  in  the 
honors  of  the  victory  of  Cambridge.  But  he  never  forgave 
Cranmer  for  having  been  preferred  to  him  as  Archbishop  of  Can 
terbury.  As  Bishop  of  Winchester,  as  Secretary  of  State,  as  Am 
bassador  to  France,  as  Lord  Chancellor,  he  henceforth  had  but 
one  purpose,  and  that  was  to  prevent  any  change  within  the  Eng 
lish  Church  beyond  what  had  already  been  effected  by  the  transfer 


Progress  of  the    War  Jor  the  Fmith.  79 

of  the  Supreme  Headship  to  the  King.  "  He  deemed  the  work 
of  reformation  complete,"  says  Archdeacon  Hardwick,  "when 
the  encroachments  of  the  foreign  pontiff  had  been  successfully  re 
sisted."8  No  life  was  so  precious  but  that  it  must  be  sacrificed 
rather  than  be  allowed  to  influence  any  inner  change.  Shakespeare 
did  not  err  when  he  put  into  his  mouth  the  words : 

"  It  will  ne'er  be  well, 

Till  Cranmer,  Crumwell,  her  two  hands  and  she  9 
Sleep  in  their  graves." 

"He  was  vindictive,  ruthless,  treacherous,"  says  Froude,  "of 
clear  eye,  and  hard  heart."10  Such  a  discriminating  jurist  as 
Lord  Campbell  in  his  "  Lives  of  the  Lord  Chancellors,"11  char 
acterizes  him  thus:  "  Of  original  genius,  of  powerful  intellect, 
of  independent  mind,  at  the  same  time,  unfortunately,  of  narrow 
prejudices."  "  He  was  always  a  determined  enemy  of  the  gen 
eral  Lutheran  doctrines ;  but  for  a  while  he  made  his  creed  so 
far  coincide  with  his  interests,  as  to  believe  that  the  Anglican 
Church,  rigidly  maintaining  all  its  ancient  doctrines;  might  be 
severed  from  the  spiritual  dominion  of  the  Pope."  It  was  only 
"  for  a  while;"  as  on  the  accession  of  Mary,  he  had  no  difficulty 
whatever  in  utterly  ignoring  all  that  he  had  written  concerning 
Henry's  true  suppremacy,  and  in  not  only  returning  to  servile 
obedience  to  the  Pope,  but  also  in  wielding  his  power  as  "a 
man  of  many  wiles,"  to  suppress  all  other  authority.  A  true 
Papist  at  heart  through  the  whole  period,  and  the  type  of  a  large 
class  who  still  boast  of  the  independence  of  the  English  Church, 
and  pride  themselves  in  having  nothing  in  common  with  Pro 
testantism  !  To  such  persons,  the  Lutheran  Reformation  is  still 
a  great  offence,  and  all  traces  of  connection  with  it  must  be 
thoroughly  eradicated  ! 

Gardiner  had  not  been  inactive  while  Fox  and  his  associates 

8  Hardwick   "  On  the  Articles"  p.  48. 

9  Anne  Boleyn. 

10  History  of  England,  VI :  370. 
"II:  p.  61,63. 


So  The  Liitheran  Movement  in  England. 

were  conferring  with  the  theologians  at  Wittenberg,  but  from 
France,  where  he  was  watching  the  course  of  Francis,  and  where 
he  had  heard  of  the  proposition  of  a  union  on  the  basis  of  the 
Augsburg  Confession  and  the  Apology,  "  unless  some  things  be 
changed  by  common  consent,"  he  urges  Henry,  not  to  entertain 
such  proposition,  as  "  the  granting  of  this  article  would  bind  the 
King  to  the  sense  of  the  Church  of  Germany,  and  this  would  be 
under  an  obligation,  not  to  make  use  of  the  permissions  of 
revelation."  12 

The  great  significance  of  Gardiner,  however,  becomes  promi 
nent  in  the  series  of  deliberations  we  are  about  considering. 

THE    ENGLISH   AUGSBURG   CONFESSION. 

Cranmer  and  Crumwell  knew  well  the  character  of  the  conflict 
before  them,  and  made  preparations  accordingly.  We  have  no 
record  of  the  precise  circumstances  which  determined  the  publi 
cation  in  1536,  of  Taverner's  translation  of  the  Augsburg  Con 
fession  and  Apology,  recently  brought  to  the  attention  of  the 
Church  by  the  scholarly  researches  of  the  late  Dr.  B.  M.  Sch- 
mucker.  But  when  in  addition  to  the  constant  references  to 
these  confessions  in  the  negotiations  between  the  English  and  the 
German  theologians,  and  the  peremptory  ultimatum  of  the  Elector 
on  the  withdrawal  of  the  English  ambassadors,  that  only  on  such 
basis  could  any  agreement  in  the  future  be  hoped  for,  we  read 
the  speech  of  Bishop  Fox,  in  the  convention  hereafter  to  be  no 
ticed,  in  which  he  glows  with  enthusiasm  over  what  the  German 
theologians  are  doing,  and  trace  the  influence  of  especially  the 
Apology  on  the  English  Ten  Articles  of  1536,  there  seems  little 
doubt  that  it  appeared  prior  to  the  Convocation.  Its  publication 
afterwards  would  not  have  been  opportune,  nor  likely  to  have 
met  the  approval  of  the  government,  in  view  of  the  many  Ro 
mish  errors  still  endorsed  with  emphasis  in  the  same  Janus-faced 
' '  Articles, ' '  which  nevertheless  the  Apology  most  severely  arraigns 
and  refutes.  But,  that  it  was  not  only  for  the  deliberations  of 
theologians  and  princes,  that  this  book  was  published,  its  very 

12  Collier's  Ecc.  History  of  Great  Britain,  II :  323, 


Progress  of  the    War  for  the  Faith.  81 

preface  shows.  Richard  Taverner,  who  even  as  a  youth  at  Ox 
ford,  had  been  persecuted  for  his  sympathy  with  evangelical  doc 
trine,  had  in  view  a  still  greater  range  of  influence,  and  hoped  by 
the  use  of  the  name  of  Crumwell  to  enlist  the  interest  of  a  wide 
circle  of  English  readers.  "  To  the  end,"  he  says,  "that  the 
people,  for  whose  sakes  this  book  was  commanded  to  be  translated, 
may  the  more  greedily  devour  the  same,"  etc.  As  this  transla 
tion  of  the  Augsburg  Confession  has  so  recently  been  reprinted 
and  republished  (Philadelphia,  1888),  further  comment  upon  it 
here  is  needless. 

THE  CONVOCATION  AT  CANTERBURY. 

We  come  now  to  the  formulation  of  the  first  Confession  of  the 
English  Church,  in  the  Southern  Convocation  which  began  its 
sessions  in  St.  Paul's,  London,  June  pth,  1536. 13  On  that  day, 
Hugh  Latimer,  Bishop  of  Worcester,  by  the  appointment  of 
Cranmer  preached  the  opening  sermon.  Latimer,  as  a  youth  at 
Cambridge,  had  distinguished  himself  by  his  zeal  against  Luth- 
eranism,  and  had  taken  as  the  theme  for  his  inaugural  discourse, 
when  in  1524.116  received  the  degree  of  B.  D.,  an  "Examination 
of  the  Theological  Opinions  of  Melanchthon,"  in  which  the  Prae- 
ceptor  Germaniae  was  severely  criticised.  Recognized  on  this 
occasion  by  Bilney  as  a  frank,  able  and  earnest  novice,  whose 
chief  error  was  his  ignorance  of  the  subject  which  he  handled  ; 
a  private  interview  soon  put  him  on  the  track,  which  brought 
him  to  the  lasting  esteem  of  Protestantism,  as  an  eccentric,  but 
godly,  fearless,  and  eloquent  champion  of  the  faith  which  he 
once  assailed.  Latimer  did  nothing  by  halves.  His  opening 
sermon,  which  seems  to  have  continued  through  two  sessions, 
was  a  most  scathing  denunciation  of  the  great  body  of  his  au 
dience  for  their  indifference  to  a  thorough  purging  of  the  Church 
of  England,  from  Pontifical  abuses,  and  while  admirable  as  exhibit 
ing  the  progress  which  the  great  preacher  had  made,  was  not  calcu 
lated  to  prepare  the  minds  of  his  hearers  for  a  calm  and  impar- 

13  History  of  England,  III :  57. 

7 


82  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

tial  consideration  of  the  great  questions  before  them. 

"  The  mass,"  says  Froude,  "  had  been  sung.  The  roll  of  the 
organ  had  died  away.  It  was  the  time  for  the  sermon,  and  Hugh 
Latimer,  Bishop  of  Worcester,  rose  into  the  pulpit.  Nine-tenths 
of  all  those  eyes  which  were  then  fixed  on  him,  would  have  glis 
tened  with  delight,  could  they  have  looked  instead  upon  his 
burning."  His  text  was  "The  Unjust  Steward."  A  few  of  his 
sentences  which  fully  justify  Ranke's  remark,  that  "Latimer 
opened  the  war  in  a  fierce  sermon,"  may  serve  as  a  sample  : 
"What  have  ye  done  these  seven  years  or  more  ?  What  one 
thing  that  the  people  of  England  hath  been  the  better  of  an  hair? 
Ye  have  oft  sat  in  consultation,  but  what  one  thing  is  put  forth, 
whereby  Christ  is  more  glorified  or  else  Christ  made  more  holy  ? 
Then,  after  enumerating  abuses  :  "  Lift  up  your  heads,  brethren ; 
and  see  what  things  are  to  be  reformed  in  the  Church  of  Eng 
land.  Is  it  so  hard  for  you  to  see  the  many  abuses  in  the  clergy, 
the  many  in  the  laity ;  abuses  in  the  court  of  arches,  abuses  in 
the  consistorial  courts  of  bishops ;  in  holidays ,  in  images  and 
pictures,  and  relics,  and  pilgrimages ;  in  religious  rites,  in 
masses,  etc.14 

"  The  sermon,"  continues  Froude,15  "  has  reached  us,  but  the 
audience, — the  five  hundred  fierce,  vindictive  men,  who  suffered 
under  the  preachers'  irony — what  they  thought  of  it ;  with  what 
feelings  on  that  summer  day  the  heated  crowd  scattered  out  of 
the  cathedral,  dispersing  to  their  dinners  among  the  taverns 
in  Fleet  Street  and  Cheapside,  all  this  is  gone,  gone  without  a 
sound.  .  .  .  Not  often  perhaps  has  an  assembly  collected  where 
there  was  such  heat  of  passion,  such  malignity  of  hatred." 

Crumwell  took  the  precaution  of  himself  presiding  over  the 
House  of  Bishops,  as  vicegerent  of  the  King.  Though  two  Arch 
bishops  were  present,  they  were  obliged  to  yield  to  a  layman  ; 
and  when  his  duties  in  parliament  required  his  absence,  he  sent 
another  layman,  Dr.  William  Peter,  to  temporarily  fill  his  place. 

14  Demaus'  Latimer,  pp.  224-8. 
™  History,  III:  61. 


Progress  of  the    War  for  the  Faith.  83 

The  two  sides  were  clearly  drawn.  There  seems  to  be  no  differ 
ence  in  the  classification  that  has  made  : 

PROTESTANTS,  FOR  THE  REFORMATION  :  Thomas  Cranmer, 
Archbishop  of  Canterbury ;  Thomas  Goodrich,  Bishop  of  Ely  ; 
Nicholas  Shaxton,  Bishop  of  Sarum ;  Hugh  Latimer,  Bishop  of 
Worcester;  Edward  Fox,  Bishop  of  Hereford;  John  Hilssey, 
Bishop  of  Rochester  ;  William  Barlow,  Bishop  of  St.  David's. 

HlERARCHISTS,  AGAINST   THE     REFORMATION  :       Edward     Lee, 

Archbishop  of  York ;  John  Stokesley,  Bishop  of  London  ;  Cuth- 
bert  Tunstall,  Bishop  of  Durham  ;  Stephen  Gardiner,  Bishop  of 
Winchester ;  Robert  Sherborne,  Bishop  of  Chichester  ;  Richard 
Nyx,  Bishop  of  Norwich ;  John  Kite,  Bishop  of  Carlisle. 

THE   SIXTY-SEVEN   POINTS. 

While  the  Upper  House,  of  the  Convocation  was  thus  about 
equally  divided,  in  the  Lower  House,  the  hierarchists  were 
largely  in  the  majority.  On  June  23d,  the  Lower  House  accord 
ingly  sends  the  bishops  a  catalogue  of  erroneous  doctrines,  which 
were  publicly  preached  in  the  realm,  and  ironically  declares, 
that  they  are  "worthy  special  reformation."  They  comprise 
sixty-seven  items,  which  are  compared  by  old  Thomas  Fuller16  to 
"Jeremy's  basket  of  figs;  those  that  are  good,  exceeding  gqod, 
those  that  are  bad,  exceeding  bad,  Jer.  24:  3."  It  is  a  strange 
mixture  of  truly  evangelical  statements,  with  exaggerations  and 
fanatical  extravagances,  of  which  some  are  perversions  that  are 
clearly  traceable,  and  others  can  be  explained  by  the  well-known 
law  concerning  the  relation  between  extremes.  Wherever  taught 
they  were  the  penalty  necessarily  to  be  expected  where  the  at 
tempt  is  made  to  suppress  the  true  conservatism  of  evangelical 
teaching.  We  have  found  many  of  the  specifications  presenting 
statements  either  directly  given  in  the  Augsburg  Confession  and 
Apology,  or  else  such  as  have  been  twisted  by  sinister  interpre 
tation. 

The  first  charge  that  the  sacrament  of  the  altar  is  not  to  be  es 
teemed,  is  only  a  perversion  of  what  those  confessions  teach 

16  Church  History  of  Britain,  II :   74. 


84  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

concerning  the  Romish  Mass.  The  second  concerning  Extreme 
Unction  correctly  states  what  is  taught  in  the  Apology.  The 
third,  that  priests  have  no  more  authority  than  laity  to  adminis 
ter  the  Lord's  Supper  is  a  perversion  of  what  may  be  found  in 
the  Apology,  Article  XXII.  The  fourth,  concerning  Confirma 
tion  is  probably  suggested  by  the  Apology's  treatment  of  the 
subject.  The  sixth,  concerning  Anti-Christ  and  the  withholding 
of  the  cup  is  correct  (Apology,  pp.  280,  244).  The  seventh  is 
the  substance  of  Art.  XXIV  in  both  Confession  and  Apology. 
The  eighth  is  especially  interesting  in  its  connection.  "  It  is 
preached  and  taught  that  the  church  which  is  commonly  taken 
for  the  church  is  the  old  synagogue." 

Now  compare  the  Apology,  page  164:  14:  "What  dif- 
erence  will  there  be  between  the  people  of  the  Law  and  the 
Church,  if  the  Church  be  an  outward  polity?"  The  paragraph 
continues:  "  And  that  the  church  is  the  congregation  of  good 
men  only."  With  this,  compare  the  Augsburg  Confession  in 
Taverner's  translation:  "The  church  is  a  congregation  of 
holy  persons."  The  .ninth  item,  concerning  the  Litany,  is  only 
a  misrepresentation  of  what  is  taught  in  Art.  XXI  concerning  the 
Invocation  of  Saints.  The  tenth,  "  that  man  hath  no  free  will " 
at  once  suggests  Article  XVIII.  The  eleventh  seems  at  first 
sight  to  be  an  Anabaptistic  or  Lollard  extravagance:  "That 
God  never  gave  grace  nor  knowledge  of  Holy  Scripture  to  any 
great  estate  or  rich  man ;"  yet  it  is  easily  explained  by  what  the 
confessions,  in  treating  of  the  Freedom  of  the  Will,  declare  con 
cerning  the  impotence  of  those  in  the  highest  station,  especially 
the  learned  of  this  world  without  the  illuminating  work  of  the 
Holy  Spirit,  to  attain  a  knowledge  of  divine  things  ;  the  standard 
of  these  critics,  with  respect  to  eminent  position,  being  that  of 
wealth,  instead  of  learning.  In  the  twelfth,  "that  all  religions 
and  professions  are  clean  contrary  to  Christ's  religion  "  we  find  a 
distortion  and  misapplication  of  Art.  XXVII  "  On  Monastic 
Vows."  The  history  of  the  controversies  concerning  the  Luth 
eran  confessions  in  this  country  will  supply  many  examples  of 


Progress  of  the    War  for  the  Faith.  85 

perversions  and  misinterpretations  no  less  forced  and  absurd, 
Were  it  necessary  we  might  in  the  same  way  continue  the  exami 
nation  of  the  entire  list,  and  though  we  could  not  trace  all,  yet 
we  could  find  the  majority  either  incorrectly  stating  or  misinter 
preting  what  is  taught  in  the  Confession  and  Apology.  This 
catalogue  of  alleged  errors  begins  with  the  sacraments,'  and  first? 
devotes  to  them  seven  paragraphs,  that  had  doubtless  been  the 
first,  and  we  may  even  say,  the  main,  subjects  of  heated  and  pro 
longed  debate  in  the  Upper  House ;  and  nearly  two  weeks  of  the 
session  had  passed  before  this  paper  from  the  Lower  House  ap 
pears. 

DEBATES   AMONG   THE   BISHOPS. 

"  O  !  what  tugging  was  there  betwixt  those  opposite  sides,"  " 
writes  one  in  the  next  century.  Three  speeches  on  the  Protes 
tant  side  are  especially  noticeable.  One  is  that  of  Cranmer,  in 
which  he  urges  the  consideration  of  "the  weighty  controver 
sies,"  which  he  defines  as  not  concerned  about  "  ceremonies  or 
light  things,"  but  such  questions  as  the  following:  "  The  differ 
ence  between  the  Law  and  the  Gospel,  how  to  receive  the  for 
giveness  of  sins,  the  manner  to  comfort  doubtful  and  wavering 
consciences,  the  true  use  of  the  sacraments,  justification  by  faith, 
and  not  by  any  ex  opere  operate  virtue  of  the  sacraments,  what 
are  truly  good  works,  whether  human  traditions  be  binding, 
whether  confirmation,  ordination,  etc.,  should  be  called  sacra 
ments."  18  If  he  had  intended  to  urge  the  adoption  of  the  Apology 
how  could  he  have  introduced  the  subject  better,  or  have  presented 
with  more  correctness  an  outline  of  the  scope  of  its  matchless 
discussions? 

Another  speech  was  that  of  a  Lutheran  scholar,  whom  Me- 
lanchthon  had  sent  from  Wittenberg  to  Crumwell  in  August, 
1535,  as  the  bearer  of  the  presentation  copy  of  his  Loci  to  the 
king,  with  the  endorsement  that  "  he  was  a  man  of  such  learn 
ing,  honor  and  energy  that  he  could  carry  no  recommendation 

"Ib.  P.  75. 

18  See  extract  in  Hard-wick's  Articles,  pp.  52  sq. 


86  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

.higher  than  his  own  virtue."  Alexander  Alesius  (Allan),  born 
in  Edinburgh,  and  Canon  of  St.  Andrew's  had  left  his  country 
because  of  his  faith  in  1532,  studied  at  Wittenberg,  was  the  con 
fidential  friend  of  Melanchthon,  and  after  1540  until  his  death 
in  1565,  Professor  in  the  University  of  Leipzig.  Crumwell  in 
troduced  him  before  the  bishops  to  argue  the  question  of  the 
number  of  the  sacraments,  which  he  did  with  great  vigor  and 
learning,  but  his  presence  provoked  the  bishops,  so  that  Cran- 
mer,  on  the  ground  that  his  life  was  imperilled,  prevailed  on  him 
not  to  return  the  day  after  he  had  begun  his  argument.  Alesius 
himself  narrates  the  occurrence  in  a  document,  part  of  which 
is  published  in  Ellis'  Original  Records.19  The  date  1537 
there  given,  has  led  some  to  infer  that  he  narrates  the  circum 
stances  of  another  conference ;  but  the  error  is,  as  most  writers 
maintain,  most  probably  in  the  year  stated.  His  argument  began : 
"Right  honorable  and  noble  lord,  and  you  most  reverend 
fathers  and  prelates  of  the  church,  although  I  come  unprepared 
unto  this  disputation,  yet  trusting  in  the  aid  of  Christ,  which 
promiseth  to  give  mouth  and  wisdom  unto  us,  when  we  be  re 
quired  of  our  faith,  I  will  utter  my  sentence  and  judgment  of 
this  disputation.  And  I  think  that  my  lord  archbishop  hath  given 
you  a  profitable  exhortation  that  ye  should  first  agree  of  the  sig 
nification  of  a  sacrament :  Whether  ye  will  call  a  sacrament  a 
ceremony  institute  of  Christ  in  the  Gospel  to  signify  a  special  or 
a  singular  virtue  of  the  Gospel,  or  whether  ye  mean  that  every 
ceremony  generally  which  may  be  a  token  or  signification  of  an 
holy  thing,  to  be  a  sacrament.  For  after  the  latter  signification 
I  will  not  stick  to  grant  that  there  be  seven  sacraments  and  more 
too,  if  ye  will."  20  When  Alesius  was  proceeding  to  prove  this 
"not  only  from  Scripture,  but  by  the  old  doctors  and  by  the 
school  writers  also,"  Bishop  Fox  interrupted  him :  "Brother 
Alexander,  contend  not  much  about  the  mind  and  sayings  of 
the  doctors  and  school  writers,  for  ye  know  that  they  in  many 

19  Vol.  Ill:  196  sqq. 

20  Compare  with  this  argument,  Apology,  p.  215. 


Progress  of  the   War  for  the  Faith,  87 

places  do  differ  among  themselves,  and  that  they  are  contrary  to 
themselves  in  almost  every  article.  And  there  is  no  hope  of  any 
concord  if  we  must  lean  to  their  judgment  in  matters  of  contro 
versy.  ' ' 

The  speech  of  Fox,  Bishop  of  Hereford,  who  only  three 
months  before  had  been  conferring  with  Luther  and  Melanch- 
thon  at  Wittenberg,  shows  how  he  had  been  influenced  by  what 
he  had  seen  and  heard  : 

"  Think  not  that  we  can  by  any  sophistical  subtleties  steal  out 
of  the  world  again  the  light  which  every  one  doth  see.  Christ  hath 
so  lightened  the  world  at  this  time  that  the  light  of  the  Gospel 
hath  put  to  flight  all  misty  darkness,  and  it  will  shortly  have  the 
higher  hand  of  all  clouds,  though  we  resist  in  vain  never  so  much. 
The  lay  people  do  know  the  Holy  Scripture  better  than  many  of 
us.  And  the  Germans  have  made  the  text  of  the  Bible  so  plain 
and  easy  by  the  Hebrew  and  the  Greek  tongue  that  now  many 
things  may  be  better  understood  without  any  glosses  at  all  than 
by  all  the  commentaries  of  the  Doctors.  And  moreover  they 
have  so  opened  their  controversies  by  their  writings  that  women 
and  children  may  wonder  at  the  blindness  and  falsehood  that 
hath  been  hitherto.  There  is  'nothing  so  feeble  and  weak,  so 
that  it  be  true,  but  it  shall  find  place  and  be  able  to  stand  against 
all  falsehood.  Truth  is  the  daughter  of  time,  and  time  is  the 
mother  of  truth  :  and  whatsoever  is  besieged  of  truth  cannot  long 
continue ;  and  upon  whose  side  truth  doth  stand,  that  ought  not 
to  be  thought  transitory  as  that  it  will  ever  fall.  All  things  con 
sist  not  in  painted  eloquence  and  strength  of  authority ;  for  the 
truth  is  of  so  great  power  that  it  could  neither  be  resisted  with 
words,  nor  be  overcome  with  any  strength,  but  after  she  hath 
hidden  herself  long,  at  last  she  putteth  up  her  head  and  ap- 
peareth. ' ' 

It  is  also  worthy  of  note  that  Alesius  in  the  account  above  re 
ferred  to,  reports  also  :  "  The  right  noble  Lord  Crumwell  did 
defend  the  pure  doctrine  of  the  Gospel  hard." 


CHAPTER  VI. 

THE    TEN    ARTICLES    OF    1536. 

Thomas  Fuller's  Comparison.  Archbishop  Laurence's  Discovery.  The 
Articles  of  Melanchthonian  Origin.  The  Evidence  in  Parallel  Columns. 
Romish  Leaven.  Explanation  of  Inconsistencies.  Estimates  of  Foxe 
(1559),  Fuller  (1662),  Strype  (1694),  Laurence  (1804),  Lingard  (1819), 
Tracts  for  the  Times  (1836),  Lathbury  (1842),  Hardwick  (1852),  Ranke 
(1859),  Blunt  (1868),  Schaff  (1877),  Geikie  (1879),  Perry  (1879),  Jen 
nings  (1882),  Franklin  (1886).  Canon  Dixon's  criticism  examined. 

THE  result  of  the  Convocation  of  1536  was  the  subscription 
and  publication  of  the  first  English  Confession  :  "  Articles  de 
vised  by  the  Kinges  Highest  Majestic  to  stablyshe  Christen 
Quietnes  and  Unitie  amonge  us,  and  to  avoyde  contentious 
opinions."1  It  is  certainly  a  strange  medley,  combining  the 
evangelical  and  Romish  doctrines  in  such  strange  proportions 
and  with  such  startling  contradictions,  as  to  vividly  recall  the 
Roman  poet's  figure:  •'  If  a  painter  would  put  a  horse's  neck 
to  a  human  head,  and  attach  feathers  to  the  members,"  etc. 
Thomas  Fuller,  writing  a  little  more  than  a  hundred  years  after 
wards  says  :*  "As  when  two  stout  and  sturdy  travelers  meet  to 
gether  and  both  desire  the  way,  yet  neither  are  willing  to  fight 
for  it  in  their  passage,  they  so  shove  and  shoulder  one  another, 
that  dividing  the  way  betwixt  them  both,  yet  neither  get  the 
same ;  so  those  two  opposite  parties  were  fain  at  last  in  a  drawn 
battle  to  part  the  prize  between  them,  neither  of  them  being 

lrThey  may  be  found  in  the  Appendix  to  Burnefs  History  ;  in  Hardwick 's 
Articles;  in  Strypi 's  Memorials ;  in  Fuller's  Church  History;  and  in  Col 
lier's  Church  History. 

2  Church  History,  II :   75. 

(88) 


The  Ten  Articles  of  1536.  89 

conquering  or  conquered  ;  but  a  medley-religion  as  an  expedient 
being  made  up  betwixt  them  both,  to  salve  the  credits  of  both." 
We  defer  making  an  estimate  of  this  unique  document,  until  we 
have  first  examined  its  contents.  The  Melanchthonian  origin 
of  much  that  it  contains  was  asserted  by  Archbishop  Laurence  in 
1804,  because  of  several  sentences  which  he  believed  had  been 
from  Melanchthon's  Loci.  Every  writer  has  peculiar  phrases, 
and  every  teacher  fixed  definitions  which  are  necessarily  repeated 
in  various  connections.  We  propose  to  show  that  the  Apology 
formed  the  ground-work  for  the  articles.  The  Augsburg  Con 
fession  was  also  used  ;  as  well  as  certain  Articles3  which  in  Feb 
ruary,  1536,  Melanchthon  prepared  against  the  Anabaptists. 
One  of  the  papers  which  Melanchthon  himself  wrote  during  the 
March  conferences,  (possibly  the  Repetitio  of  1536,  which  the 
commission  carried  with  them  to  England)  may  have  embodied 
all  these  elements;  or  one  of  the  evangelical  English  theologians 
as  Bishop  Fox,  may  have  prepared  a  document  thoroughly  Luth 
eran  in  its  character.  This  was  then  amended,  and  interpolated 
by  Romanizing  qualifications,  and  supplemented  by  Romanizing 
articles,  possibly  by  the  King's  own  hand,  possibly  by  that  of  hier 
archical  theologians  who  were  scarcely  their  monarch's  equal,  or 
possibly  by  Cranmer's  policy  of  surrendering  much  to  gain  what 
he  regarded  more  for  the  cause  which  he  represented,  until  it  is 
no  wonder  that  its  relation  to  the  Apology  has  not  been  suspected 
by  English  writers.  We  submit  the  evidence  that  has  con 
vinced  us. 

The  "  Ten  Articles  "  are  divided  into  two  sections,  the  first 
treating  of  doctrines,  and  the  second  of  ceremonies.  The  First 
Article,  on  "  The  principal  articles  concerning  our  faith  "  de 
fines  the  relation  of  the  English  Church  to  the  three  oecumenical 
creeds,  and  is  possibly  in  the  main  from  the  pen  of  Melanchthon, 
although  we  have  not  been  able  to  trace  it  more  definitely.  It 
greatly  resembles  the  Introduction  to  the  First  Part  of  the  Con- 
fcssio  Sax  mica  of  1551,  and  both  may  have  a  common  origin. 

8  Corpus  Rcformatoruni  III :   29  sqq. 


9° 


The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 


The  next  three  articles  treat  of  the  Sacraments,  as  this  was  the 
first  subject  of  discussion  in  the  Convocation.  The  very  fact 
that  the  number  of  sacraments  is  here  determined  as  three,  first 
led  us  to  suspect  the  fact  that  the  Apology  was  used  in  its  prep 
aration,  it  being  well-known  that  this  is  the  number  fixed  in  the 
Apology.  The  Sacrament  of  Baptism  is  treated  at  considerable 
length,  principally  in  order  to  prove  the  validity  of  Infant  Bap 
tism.  That  one-seventh  of  the  space  devoted  to  doctrine  should 
be  occupied  with  the  recapitulation  of  arguments  on  a  subject  con 
cerning  which  there  was  no  difference  between  the  two  sides, 
and  no  false  charge  made  in  the  list  of  sixty-ssven  points,  em 
bracing  as  one  would  think,  every  conceivable  item  of  misrepre 
sentation,  will  scarcely  admit  of  any  other  explanation,  than  that 
of  the  controversies  with  Anabaptists  in  Germany,  with  which 
Melanchthon  was  occupied  during  the  presence  of  the  English 
embassy  in  Wittenberg.  Although  Hardwick  says  of  the  Ana 
baptists  :  *  "  Traces  of  them  occur  in  England  as  early  as  1536," 
yet  they  could  not  have  had  such  importance  as  to  have  de 
manded  such  conspicuous  treatment  at  this  time.  Here  we  find 
Melanchthon's  ' '  Adversus  Anabaptistas  "  used. 

ADV.  ANABAPTISTAS.5 
"  Outside  of  the  Christian  Church, 
there  is  no  salvation ;  therefore  chil 
dren  must  be  incorporated  into  the 
Christian  Church.  But  if  children 
are  to  be  members  of  the  Christian 
Church,  they  must  be  cleansed  by  the 
Holy  Ghost  and  baptism.  Therefore 
Christ  says :  "  No  man  can  enter  the 
Kingdom  of  Heaven  except  he  be 
born  again  of  water  and  the  Holy 
Ghost.'  " 


"  It  is  certain  that  the  grace  of 
Christ,  remission  of  sins  and  salva 
tion,  promised  in  the  gospel,  belong 
also  to  children." 


4  History  of  Reformation,  p.  197. 

5  C  orpus  Reformatorum  3  :  33  SAJ. 


TEN  ARTICLES. 

"  The  sacrament  of  baptism  was 
instituted  and  ordained  in  the  New 
Testament  by  our  Saviour  Jesus 
Christ,  as  a  thing  necessary  for  the 
attainment  of  everlasting  life  accord 
ing  JLo  the  saying  of  Christ :  '  No 
man  can  enter  the  Kingdom  of  Hea 
ven  except  he  be  born  of  water  and 
the  Holy  Ghost.  " 


"  It  is  offered  unto  all  men,  as  well 
as  infants  as  such  as  have  the  use  of 
reason,  that  by  baptism  they  shall 
have  remission  of  sins,  and  the  grace 
and  favor  of  God." 


The   Ten  Articles  of  1536. 


TEN  ARTICLES. 


The  traces  of  the  Apology  become  then  more  apparent. 

APOLOGY  (173:  51.) 
Latin  :  "  The  promise  of  salvation 
pertaineth  also  to  little  children." 
German  :  "  The  promises  of  grace 
and  of  the  Holy  Ghost  belong  not 
alone  to  the  old,  but  to  children." 


"  The  promise  of  grace  and  of  ever 
lasting  life  pertaineth  not  only  unto 
such  as  have  the  use  of  reason,  but 
also  to  infants,  innocents  and  chil 
dren." 


Next  the  Augsburg  Confession  is  called  into  service. 

AUGSBURG  CONFESSION  (ART.  II.)  TEN    ARTICLES. 

[Original  Sin]  "  is   truly  sin,  con-        "  Infants  must  needs  be  christened 
demning  and  bringing  eternal  death    because  they  be  born  in   original  sin, 
now    also  upon  all  that  are  not  born    which   sin  must  needs  be  remitted ; 
again  by  baptism  and  the  Holy  Spirit."    which  cannot  be  done  but  by  the  sac 
rament  of  baptism,  whereby  they  re 
ceive  the  Holy  Ghost." 

Passing  to  Article  III,  "The  Sacrament  of  Penance,"  which 
with  certain  qualifications  the  Apology  allows  as  a  sacrament, 
although  with  a  different  conception  of  Poenitentia,  which  is  no 
longer  Penance,  but  Repentance,  the  resemblance  is,  if  anything, 
more  striking. 

.       AUGSBURG  CONF.,  (ART.  XII  :    I.) 

"  Such  as  have  fallen  after  baptism 
may  find  remission  of  sins  at  what 
time  they  are  converted." 


TEN  ARTICLES. 

"  Such  men  which  after  baptism 
fall  again  into  sin  ...  whensoever 
they  convert  themselves  .  .  .  shall 
without  doubt  attain  remission  of 
sins." 

"  The  sacrament  of  perfect  pen 
ance  which  Christ  requireth,  consisteth 
of  three  parts,  that  is  to  say,  contri 
tion,  confession  and  amendment  of 
the  former  life,  and  a  new  obedient 
reconciliation  unto  the  laws  and  will 
of  God,  which  be  called  in  Scripture, 
the  worthy  fruits  of  penance." 


APOLOGY,  (181  :   28.) 

"  We  have  ascribed  to  repentance 
these  two  parts  viz.,  Contrition  and 
faith.  If  any  one  desire  to  add  a 
third,  viz.,  fruits  worthy  of  repentance, 
i.  e.,  a  change  of  the  entire  life  and 
character  for  the  better,  we  will  not 
make  any  opposition." 

[Cf.  Melanchthon's  Examen  Or- 
dinandorum  (1556):  "How  many 
parts  of  repentance  are  there  ?  There 
are  three  :  Contrition,  Faith  and  Obe 
dience.]* 

The  hand  of  the  Romanizing  emendator  is  apparent  in  the 
above  substitution  of  "Confession"  for  "Faith."     As  a  com- 

*  Although  the  Examen  is  twenty  years  later,  we  cite  it  to  show  that  the 
formula  is  Melanchthonian. 


Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 


promise,  he  introduces  "  Faith  "  as  an  element  of  "  Contrition." 
The  "  Contrition  "  of  the  Ten  Articles,  therefore,  is  the  "Re 
pentance  "  of  the  Confession  and  Apology. 

AUGSBURG  CONF.,  (XII  :  3-5.) 
"  Repentance  consisteth  properly 
of  these  two  parts  :  One  is  contrition, 
or  terrors  stricken  into  the  conscience 
through  the  acknowledgment  of  sin  ; 
the  other  is  faith,  which  is  conceived 
by  the  gospel,  or  absolution,  and  doth 
believe  that  for  Christ's  sake  sins  be 
forgiven." 


APOLOGY,  (181  :   29.) 
"  Contrition    is    the    true    terror   of 

conscience   which  feels  that  God  is 

angry  with  sin." 

"  And  this  contrition  occurs  when 

sins   are   censured   from  the  Word  of 

God.  .  .  When  this  is  taught,  it  is  the 

doctrine  of  the  Law." 

APOLOGY,  (183  :  42.) 
"  This    faith  is  nourished    through 
the  declarations  of  the  gospel,  and  the 
use  of  the  sacraments ;   for  these  are 
the  signs  of  the  New  Testament." 


APOLOGY,  (196  :  2.) 
"  We  also  retain  confession,  espe 
cially  on  account  of  the  absolution, 
which  is  the  Word  of  God,  that,  by 
divine  authority,  the  Power  of  the 
Keys  proclaims  concerning  individ 
uals  "  183  :  39 :  "  The  Power  of  the 
Keys  administers  and  presents  the 
gospel  through  absolution." 


TEN    ARTICLES. 

"  Contrition  consisteth  in  two  spe 
cial  parts,  which  must  always  be  con 
joined  together,  and  cannot  be  disse 
vered  ;  that  is  to  say,  the  penitent  and 
contrite  man  must  first  acknowledge 
the  filthiness  and  abomination  of  his 
own  sin  .  .  . ;  the  second  part,  that  is 
to  wit,  a  certain  faith,  trust  and  con 
fidence  of  the  mercy  and  goodness  of 
God,  whereby  the  penitent  must  con 
ceive  certain  hope  and  faith  that  God 
will  forgive  him  his  sins  and  repute 
him  justified,  and  of  the  number  of 
elect,  not  for  the  worthiness  of  any 
merit  or  work  done  by  the  penitent, 
but  for  the  only  merits  of  the  blood 
and  passion  of  our  Saviour  Jesus 
Christ," 

"  Feeling  and  perceiving  in  his 
conscience  that  God  is  angry  with 
him  for  the  same." 

"  Unto  which  knowledge  he  is 
brought  by  hearing  and  considering 
of  the  Will  of  God  declared  in  His 
laws." 

TEN    ARTICLES. 

"  This  certain  faith  is  gotten  and 
also  confirmed  and  made  more  strong 
by  the  applying  of  Christ's  words  and 
promises  of  His  grace  and  favor,  con 
tained  in  His  gospel,  and  the  sacra 
ments  instituted  by  Him  in  the  New 
Testament." 

"  To  attain  this  certain  faith,  the 
second  part  of  penance  is  necessary, 
i.  e.,  confession  to  a  priest."  [Here 
again  in  "priest,"  the  hand  of  the 
emendator  is  seen.]  "  For  the  abso 
lution  given  by  the  priest  was  instituted 
of 'Christ  to  apply  the  promises  of 
God's  grace  and  favor  to  the  penitent." 


The   Ten  Articles  of  1536. 


93 


AUGSBURG  CONK.,  (XXV  :   3.) 
"  Men  are  taught  that  they   should 
not   lightly   regard   absolution,    inas 
much  as  it  is   God's  voice,   and  pro 
nounced  by  God's  command." 

APOLOGY,  (183:  40.) 
"  The  voice  of  the  one  absolving 
must  be  believed  not  otherwise  than 
we  would  believe  a  voice  from  hea 
ven."  Cf.  Aug.  Conf.  xxv.  4:  "  God 
requires  faith,  that  we  believe  that 
absolution  is  a  voice  sounding  from 
heaven." 

There  is  a  very  skillful  combination  of  two  arguments  which  by 
changing  the  emphasis,  and  removing  the  passages  from  their 
connection,  somewhat  changes  the  meaning  of  our  Lutheran 
Confessions : 


"  They  ought  to  believe  that  the 
words  of  absolution  pronounced  by 
the  priest  be  spoken  by  authority  given 
to  him  by  Christ  in  his  gospel." 


"  That  they  ought  and  must  give 
no  less  faith  and  credence  to  the  same 
words  of  absolution  .  .  .  than  unto 
the  very  words  of  God  Himself  if  he 
should  speak  unto  us  out  of  heaven." 


APOLOGY,  (204 :  43.) 
"  Besides  the  death  of  Christ  is   a 
satisfaction  not  only  for  guilt,  but  also 
for  eternal  death." 

(212:    77.) 

"  We  have  already  frequently  testi 
fied,  that  repentance  ought  to  produce 
good  fruits,  and  what  good  fruits  are 
the  ten  commandments  teach,  viz., 
prayer,  thanksgiving,  the  confession 
to  give  to  the 


TEN    ARTICLES. 

•'  Although  Christ  and  his  death  be 
the  sufficient  oblation,  sacrifice,  satis 
faction  and  recompence,  for  which 
God  the  Father  forgiveth  and  remit- 
teth  to  all  sinners  not  only  their  sin, 
but  also  eternal  pain  due  for  the 
same ;  yet  all  men  truly  penitent,  con 
trite  and  confessed,  must  needs  also 
bring  forth  the  fruits  of  penitence, 
that  is  to  say,  prayer,  fastings,  alms, 
deeds,"  etc. 


of   the   gospel 
needy,"  etc. 

The  argument  of  the  Apology  concerning  the  rewards  granted 
the  obedience  of  believers,  not  as  rewards  of  merit,  but  as  the 
promised  free  gifts  of  God's  love,  is  also  dexterously  turned,  to 
a  Romish  interpretation. 


APOLOGY,  (133 :  147.) 
"  Even  we  concede  that  the  pun 
ishments  by  which  we  be  chastised,  are 
mitigated  by  our  prayers  and  good 
works,  and  finally  by  our  entire  re 
pentance,  I  Cor.  II  :  31,  Jer.  15  :  19, 
Zech.  I  :  3." 


TEN    ARTICLES. 

"  By  penance,  and  such  good  works 
of  the  same,  we  shall  not  only  obtain 
everlasting  life,  but  also  we  shall  de 
serve  remission  or  mitigation  of  these 
present  pains  and  afflictions  in  this 
world,  I  Cor.  II  :  31,  Zech.  I  :  3. 


Article  IV.   "  Of  the  Sacrament  of  the  Altar,"  is  very  Me- 
lanchthonian    in   its   style,    but   seems   at    first    sight    to    vary 


94 


The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 


from  the  Lutheran  doctrine  by  maintaining  that,  "under  the 
form  and  figure  of  bread  and  wine  the  very  selfsame  body  and 
blood  of  our  Saviour  Jesus  Christ  is  verily,  substantially,  and 
really  contained  and  comprehended."  Thus  stated,  it  may  be 
regarded  as  teaching  •  impanation.  Yet  the  deviation  from  the 
phraseology  which  Melanchthon  was  in  the  habit  of  using  at 
that  time,  before  it  was  liable  to  be  misinterpreted,  is  compari- 
tively  slight.  Thus  the  Schwabach  Articles  of  Luther  and  Me 
lanchthon,  and  their  associates,  of  October  loth—  i5th,  1529, 
forming  the  groundwork  of  the  first  part  of  the  Augsburg  Con 
fession  read  (Art.  X)  :  "  There  is  truly  present  in  the  bread  and 
wine  the  body  and  blood  of  Christ."6  Melanchthon's  opinion 
concerning  the  Sacramentarians  of  August  ist,  1530,  reads: 
"We  teach  that  Christ's  body  is  truly  and  really  present  with 
the  bread,  or  in  the  bread,"  although  with  the  limitation  :  "We 
reject  the  opinion  of  those  who  say  that  the  body  is  contained  in 
the  bread  like  wine  in  a  goblet."  "We  deny  that  the  body  is 
locally  present  in  the  bread."7  The  "contained  and  compre 
hended"  are  possibly  an  interpolation  and  the  article  in  its 
original  form,  is  possibly  also  from  Melanchthon.  It  does  not 
teach  transubstantiation  as  some  have  inferred. 

In  Article  V,  "  Of  Justification,"  Archbishop  Laurence  found 
the  sentence  by  which  he  connected  the  Articles  with  Melanch 
thon's  Loci. 

MELANCHTHON'S  LOCI 

"  Justification  signifietb  remission 
of  sins  and  the  reconciliation  or  ac 
ceptation  of  a  person  unto  eternal 
life."  (C.  R.  xxi;  412.) 


APOLOGY,  (109  :  37.) 
"  Since  justification  is  reconciliation 
for  Christ's  sake,  we  are  justified  by 
faith,  because  it  is  very  certain  that 
by  faith  alone  the  remission  of  sins  is 
received."  Id.  114:  61 :  "  We  are 
justified  before  God  by  faith  alone, 
because  by  faith  alone  we  receive  re 
mission  of  sins  and  reconciliation." 

6  Book  of  Concord,  (Jacobs),  II :  72. 

7  Ib.  p.  242,  sq. 


TEN   ARTICLES. 

"  Justification  signifieth  remission 
of  sins,  and  our  acceptation  or  recon 
ciliation  into  the  grace  and  favor  of 
God." 


The   Ten  Articles  of  1536,  95 

Even  the  passage  in  the  Apology  which  seems  to  confound 
Justification  with  Renovation,  and  which  finds  its  explanation 
in  the  fact  that  like  the  terms  Regeneration,  Sacrament,  etc., 
the  Protestant  definition  had  not  as  yet  attained  its  fixed  form  as 
determined  in  the  Formula  of  Concord,  is  here  employed  : 


APOLOGY,  (96:  78.) 

1  The  making  of  a    righteous  man 


TEN    ARTICLES. 


"  Our  pei  feet  renovation  in  Christ." 


out  of  an  unrighteous." 

The  correspondence  in  the  definition  of  good  works  is  espe 
cially  marked  : 

APOLOGY,  (85  :   8.)  TEN   ARTICLES. 

"  The  Decalogue  requires  not  only  "  God  necessarily  requireth  of  us  to 
outward  civil  works,  but  also  other  do  good  works  commanded  by  Him ; 
things  placed  far  above  reason,  viz.,  and  that,  not  only  outward  and  civil 
to  truly  fear  God,  to  truly  love  God,  works,  but  also  the  inward  spiritual 
to  truly  call  upon  God,  to  be  truly  motions  and  graces  of  the  Holy 
convinced,  that  God  hears."  Ghost ;  that  is  to  say,  to  dread  and 

fear  God,  to  love  God,  to  have  firm 
confidence  and  trust  in  God,  to  invo- 
cate  and  call  upon  God." 

These  citations  could  be  readily  multiplied  ;  but  what  have 
been  given  are  sufficient  to  establish  the  fact  that  the  evangelical 
statements  of  the  articles  were  taken  not  only  largely  from  the  Apol 
ogy,  but  also  from  the  Augsburg  Confession,  and  other  writings  of 
Melanchthon.  "  It  has  been  denied,"  says  Canon  Dixon  in  his 
recent  "History  of  the  Church  of  England,"  8  "that  there  -was 
any  Lutheranism  in  the  First  English  Confession,  and  certainly 
it  must  not  be  forgotten  that  this  time  the  doctrines  of  Germany 
were  heresy  in  England.  But  with  all  that  is  known  of  Henry's 
negotiations  with  German  princes,  it  seems  impossible  to  explain 
away  the  plain  evidence  which  Laurence  has  brought  to  prove 
that  the  reformed  doctrine  infused  into  the  Confession  came  from 
Germany."  And  yet  Archbishop  Laurence's  inference  was 
based  upon  the  evidence  of  but  one  or  two  sentences !  Mr. 
Froude's  plea  for  Henry  VIII,  on  the  supposition  that  the  deep 
theological  reasoning,  employed  in  the  book,  (which  without 
sufficient  evidence  he  thinks  prepared  by  the  King's  own  hand) 

8 Vol.  I:  p.  418. 


96  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

is  a  complete  refutation  of  the  generally  received  opinion  of  his 
guilt  in  the  execution  of  one  wife,  and  the  marriage  of  another 
only  three  weeks  before,9  of  course  falls  to  the  ground,  when  the 
parts  of  the  Articles  worthy  of  especial  admiration  are  found  to 
be  the  rich  fruit  of  Melanchthon's  labors.  So  far  as  the  articles 
vary  from  the  Apology,  and  the  other  Melanchthonian  docu 
ments,  they  certainly  do  not  exhibit  any  distinguished  merit. 
Ranke  approaches  very  closely  the  true  solution  of  the  origin  of 
the  Ten  Articles  when  he  says  that  the  first  five  have  their  origin 
"  in  the  Augsburg  Confession  or  in  commentaries  on  it."  10 

THE   ROMISH   LEAVEN. 

While  the  main  treatment  in  "The  Ten  Articles"  has  been 
shown  to  be  from  Melanchthon,  yet  a  little  Romish  leaven, 
leavens  the  whole  lump.  Much  that  is  conceded  to  the  Luth 
eran  position  is  neutralized  by  other  statements  to  which  no 
evangelical  Christian  could  knowingly  subscribe.  Scripture  is  to 
be  received  "only  as  the  holy  approved  doctors  of  the  Church 
do  entreat  and  defend  the  same."  Repentance  is  still  "doing 
penance."  Faith  can  be  attained  in  no  other  way  than  through 
Confession  and  Absolution.  The  relation  of  faith  to  justifica 
tion  is  altogether  misinterpreted.  It  is  placed  in  the  same  cate 
gory  with  prayers,  fastings,  works  of  charity,  as  co-ordinate 
means  of  apprehending  the  merits  of  Christ.  While  the  very 
language  of  the  Apology  is  so  freely  appropriated,  the  main 
point  of  the  most  elaborate  chapter  in  that  matchless  document 
is  directly  antagonized,  when,  -'perfect  charity"  with  "  perfect 
faith,"  is  made  a  condition  of  justification.  Prayers  to  the  saints 

9  "  The  King,  then  three  weeks  married  to  Jane  Seymour,  in  the  first  en 
joyment,  as  some  historians  require  us  to  believe,  of  a  guilty  pleasure  pur 
chased  by  an  infamous  murder,  drew  up  with  his  own  hand,  a  body  of  artic 
les,  interesting  as  throwing  light  upon  his  state  of  mind,  and  of  deeper  mo 
ment  as  the  first  authoritative  statement  of  doctrine  in  the  Anglican  Church." 
Froude's  History  of  England,  (London  edition^),  III :  67. 

10 History  of  England,  I:  157.  Cardwell,  Hare,  Jennings  and  other  An 
glican  writers  concede  the  connection  of  the  Articles  with  the  Augsburg 
Confession,  but  know  nothing  of  its  closer  dependence  on  the  Apology. 


The   Ten  Articles  of  1536.  97 

and  Purgatory  are  strenuously  maintained.  The  retention  of 
images  in  the  churches,  and  the  long  list  of  ceremonies  approved, 
are  less  objectionable  features,  as  their  defence  is  accompanied 
with  injunctions  that  the  people  shall  be  taught  "they  have  no 
power  to  remit  sins,  but  only  to  stir  and  lift  up  our  minds  to 
God,"  and  the  "kneeling  to,  and  censing"  of  images  is  for 
bidden. 

ESTIMATES. 

The  evangelical  theologians  of  the  type  of  Cranmer,  Fox,  and 
Latimer,  doubtless  thought  that  so  great  an  advance  had  been 
made  in  the  acceptance  of  the  principles  of  the  Augsburg  Con 
fession,  that  the  Romanizing  elements  interpolated  could  be  al 
lowed  to  stand  and  could  even  be  subscribed,  as  liable,  in  the 
presence  of  the  fuller  light  of  the  truth,  to  gradually  die  out. 
Of  course  such  an  agreement  was  doomed  the  very  moment  it 
was  signed.  Opposing  systems  cannot  he  reconciled  by  com 
promise.  What  is  truth  is  truth,  and  must  disengage  itself  from 
all  compromises  with  error.  Yet  we  must  not  regard  the  Eng 
lish  Lutneran  theologians  of  that  period  mere  temporizers.  Men 
do  not  become  great  reformers  all  at  once  ;  nor  do  they  under 
stand  the  full  force  of  concessions  they  may  be  inclined  to  make 
in  the  interest  of  peace  and  external  harmony.  In  the  begin 
ning,  contradictory  opinions  may  be  held  by  the  same  person,  in 
his  unconsciousness  that  they  are  contradictory.  Luther's 
Ninety-five  Theses  are  as  full  of  contradictions  as  the  "Ten 
Articles,"  and,  therefore,  could  never  have  had  any  permanence 
as  a  Church  Confession.  The  two  elements  which  they  con 
tained  had  to  come  into  conflict,  in  which  the  one  was  to  be 
conquered  and  expelled  by  the  other.  It  has  been  said  that 
when  a  man  is  found  half  way  up  hill,  it  makes  all  the  difference, 
in  judging  him,  if  we  find  from  which  direction  he  has  come; 
and  on  the  same  principle  we  are  not  disposed  to  harshly  con 
demn  those  who  unconsciously  surrendered  the  cardinal  doc 
trines  of  the  Reformation,  while,  at  the  same  time,  confessing  so 
much  that  is  precious.  The  Interim  of  1548  has  sometimes  been 
8 


98  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

compared  with  these  articles,  as  both  being  unfortunate  compro 
mises.  But  the  Interim  was  favored  by  men  who  had  had  the 
full  light  of  Evangelical  truth,  and  had  done  praiseworthy  ser 
vice  in  its  diffusion ;  it  was  a  retrogression  by  which  expelled 
Papacy  was  again  to  be  gradually  introduced  where  the  gospel 
had  been  established;  while  "The  Ten  Articles,"  with  all  their 
objectionable  features  give  royal  endorsement  to  doctrines  here 
tofore  known  as  heresies,  and  secure  their  introduction  in 
churches  where  previously  they  had  never  been  heard.  Luther  ap 
preciated  the  real  conditions  involved  when  a  few  months  before, 
after  the  negotiations  at  Wittenberg  had  ended,  he  wrote  con 
cerning  affairs  in  England  :  "  It  is  indeed  true,  that  we  ought 
to  have  patience  even  though  everything  in  doctrine  be  not 
realized  all  at  once,  (as  this  has  not  occurred  even  among 
us.)"11 

Nevertheless  we  cannot  but  admire  the  consistency  of  Gardi 
ner  on  the  other  side,  in  withholding  his  signature,  however 
strongly  we  may  suspect  that  his  course  was  only  a  stroke  of  pol 
icy.  It  is  well  to  note  some  of  the  various  estimates  placed  upon 
these  articles.  We  must  bear  in  mind  in  so  doing,  that  from  a 
Lutheran  standpoint  some  of  the  principles  maintained,  must 
necessarily  be  seen  in  a  far  different  -light  than  from  a  Reformed 
standpoint.  There  are  some  features  which  the  latter  might 
judge  as  Romanizing,  that  we  do  not  concede  as  such,  however 
we  may  agreee  in  a  joint  condemnation  of  the  articles  on  other 
subjects. 

JOHN  FOXE,  (1559):  "  Wherein  although  there  were  many 
and  great  imperfections,  and  untruths  not  to  be  permitted  in  any 
true  reformed  church,  yet  notwithstanding,  the  king  and  his 
council,  to  bear  with  the  weaklings  which  were  newly  weaned 
from  their  mother's  milk  of  Rome,  thought  it  might  serve  some 
what  for  the  time. ' ' 12 

11  Letter  of  April  2Oth,  to  Vice  Chancellor  Burkhard,  De   Wette's   Briefen, 
IV:  688. 

12  Acts  and  Monuments. 


The  Ten  Articles  of  1536.  99 

THOMAS  FULLER  (1662)  :  "  Some  zealots  of  our  age  will  con 
demn  the  Laodicean  temper  of  the  Protestant  bishops.  Such 
men  see  the  faults  of  the  Reformers,  but  not  the  difficulties  of 
the  Reformation.  These  Protestant  bishops  were  at  this  time  to 
encounter  with  the  Popish  clergy,  equal  in  number,  not  inferior 
in  learning,  but  far  greater  in  power  and  dependencies.  Be 
sides  the  generality  of  the  people  of  the  land,  being  nestled  in 
ignorance  and  superstition,  could  not  on  a  sudden  endure  the 
extremity  of  absolute  Reformation.  Should  our  eyes  be  instantly 
posted  out  of  midnight  into  noonday,  certainly  we  should  be 
blinded  with  the  suddenness  and  excellency  of  the  lustre.  Na 
ture  therefore  hath  wisely  provided  the  twilight  as  a  bridge,  by 
degrees  to  pass  us  from  darkness  to  light."  13 

STRYPE,  (1604):  "We  find,  indeed,  many  Popish  errors 
mixed  with  evangelical  truths  ;  which  must  either  be  attributed 
to  the  defectiveness  of  our  prelate's  knowledge  as  yet  in  true  re 
ligion,  or  being  the  principles  and  opinions  of  the  king,  or  both. 
Let  not  any  be  offended  herewith,  but  let  him  rather  take  notice 
what  a  great  deal  of  gospel  doctrine  came  to  light,  and  not  only 
so,  but  was  owned  and  propounded  by  authority  to  be  believed 
and  practiced.  The  sun  of  truth  was  now  but  rising  and  break 
ing  through  the  mists  of  that  idolatry,  superstition  and  ignorance, 
that  had  so  long  prevailed  in  this  nation  and  the  rest  of  the 
world,  and  was  not  yet  advanced  to  its  meridian  brightness."14 

ARCHBISHOP  LAURENCE,  (1804),  "  Certain  articles  of  religion 
were  drawn  up  and  edited  in  the  king's  name,  which  were  evi 
dently  of  a  Lutheran  tendency."  15 

LINGARD,  (Roman  Catholic,  1819-25):  "Throughout  the 
work  Henry's  attachment  to  the  ancient  faith  is  most  manifest ; 
and  the  only  concession  which  he  makes  to  the  men  of  the  new 
learning,  is  the  order  for  the  removal  of  abuses,  with  perhaps  the 
omission  of  a  few  controverted  subjects."  ** 

18  Church  History,  II :   76. 

^  Memorials  of  Archbishop  Cranmer,  I:  90. 

61  Bampton  Lectures,  p.  201. 

16  History  of  England,  VI :  272. 


too  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

TRACTS  FOR  THE  TIMES,  (1836)  : — "  It  is  now  universally  ad 
mitted  as  an  axiom  in  ecclesiastical  and  political  matters,  that 
sudden  and  violent  changes  must  be  injurious ;  and  though  our 
own  revolution  of  opinion  and  practice  was  happily  slower  and 
more  carefully  considered  than  those  of  our  neighbors,  yet  it  was 
too  much  influenced  by  secular  interest,  sudden  external  events 
and  the  will  of  individuals,  to  carry  with  it  any  vouchers  for  the 
perfection  and  entireness  of  the  religious  system  thence  emerg 
ing.  The  proceedings  for  instance  of  1536  remind  us  at  once 
of  the  dangers  to  which  the  church  was  exposed,  and  of  its  prov 
idential  deliverance  from  the  worst  part  of  them  ;  the  articles 
then  framed,  being  according  to  Burnet,  in  several  places  cor 
rected  by  the  king's  own  hand."  " 

LATHBURY,  (1842)  :  "  Though  much  error  was  retained,  yet 
these  articles  were  calculated  to  advance  the  Reformation,  for 
they  embody  many  sentiments  at  variance  with  the  received  doc 
trines  of  the  Romish  Church.  That  Cranmer  was  concerned  in 
the  preparation  of  these  articles,  there  is  good  reason  to  be 
lieve."18 

HARDWICK,  (1852):  "They  are  the  work  of  a  transition 
period,  of  men  who  had  not  learned  to  contemplate  the  truth  in 
all  the  fulness  of  its  harmonies  and  contrasts,  and  who  conse 
quently  did  not  shrink  from  acquiescing  in  accommodations  and 
concessions  which  to  their  riper  understanding  might  have 
seemed  a  betrayal  of  a  sacred  trust.  .  .  .  They  were  treading 
upon  ground  with  which  few  of  them  were  as  yet  familiar,  and 
we  need  not  wonder  if  they  sometimes  stumbled  or  even  wholly 
lost  their  way.  An  example  of  this  want  of  firmness  may  be 
traced  in  the  conduct  of  Bishop  Latimer.  Although  one  of  the 
sermons  which  he  preached  at  the  assembling  of  the  Convoca 
tion  is  distinguished  by  a  resolute  assault  upon  the  received  doc 
trine  of  purgatory,  he  ultimately  put  his  hand  to  the  statement, 
enjoining  men  to  '  pray  for  the  souls  of  the  departed  in  the 

"Tract  71,  vol.  Ill:  25. 

^  History  of  the  Convocation  of  the  Church  of  England,  p.  126. 


The  Ten  Articles  of  1536.  101 

masses  and  exequies,  and  to  give  alms  to  other  to  pray  for  them, 
whereby  they  may  be  relieved  and  holpen  of  their  pain.'  "  19 

RANKE,  (1859):  "The  first  five  are  taken  from  the  Confes 
sion  .of  Augsburg  or  from  commentaries  on  it ;  as  to  these  the 
Bishop  of  Hereford  [Fox],  agreed  with  the  theologians  of  Wit 
tenberg.  In  the  following  articles,  the  veneration,  even  the 
invocation,  and  n  >  small  part  of  the  existing  ceremonies 
is  allowed — though  in  terms  which  with  all  their  moderation, 
cannot  disguise  the  rejection  of  them  in  principle.  Despite 
these  limitations  the  document  contains  a  clear  adoption  of  the 
principles  of  religious  reform  as  they  were  carried  out  in  Ger 
many."20 

BLUNT,  (1868)  :  "  It  will  be  observed,  that  the  clergy  were 
now  feeling  their  way  to  a  sound  theological  basis  for  the  refor 
mation  of  doctrine.  .  .  .  Both  sides  gave  way  in  some  particu 
lars,  for  the  sake  of  coming  to  a  common  standing  ground."  21 

SCHAFF,  (1877):  "They  are  essentially  Romish,  with  the 
Pope  left  out  in  the  cold.  They  cannot  even  be  called  a  com 
promise  between  the  advocates  of  the  '  old  learning  '  headed  by 
Gardiner,  and  of  the  '  new  learning  '  headed  by  Cranmer."  22 

GEIKIE,  (i879J:  "Like  all  compromises  the  Ten  Articles 
pleased  neither  side. ' ' 23 

PERRY,  (1879)  :  "  ^he  Ten  Articles  were  the  declaration  as 
to  how  far  the  English  Church  was  prepared  to  go  with  the 
Augsburg  Confession."  24 

JENNINGS,  (1882)  :  "In  the  preparation  of  the  Ten  Articles 
the  king  was  helped  probably  by  Cranmer  and  Fox.  Policy  or 
higher  motives  infused  into  this  formulary,  a  spirit  of  concession, 
so  that  while  it  was  a  compliment  to  the  Protestants,  it  enforced 

19  History  of  Articles,  p.  57. 

20  History  of  England,  1 :   157. 

21  Reformation  in  the  Church  of  England,  1 :  443. 

22  Creeds  of  Christendom,  1 :  6ll. 

23  English  Reformation,  p.  286. 

24  History  of  the  Church  of  England,  p.  147. 


io2  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

ton  the  conservative  party  at  home  nothing  which  they  would 
deem  objectionable. ' ' 25 

FRANKLIN,  (in  Church  Cyclopaedia,  1886)  :  '•  The  hands  of 
both  Gardiner  and  Cranmer  appear  in  them  with  not  a  little  of 
the  dash  of  Henry  VIII." 

We  defer,  to  the  last,  the  words  of  Canon  Dixon,  whose  "  His 
tory  of  the  Church  of  England"  in  three  large  octavos,  has 
been  received  with  high  favor  within  that  communion  and  its 
affiliated  branches : 

"  From  the  beginning  to  the  end,  the  English  Confessions, 
(of  which  these  articles  were  the  first)  have  borne  the  impression 
of  a  settled  intention  which  was  such  as  caused  them  to  be  differ 
ent  from  the  curious,  definite  and  longsome  particularity  of  the 
Continent.  They  had  the  design  of  preserving  the  unity  of  the 
English  Church.  This  was  the  characteristic  of  the  nation,  and 
exhibited  an  undeviating  determination  which  has  survived  the 
violence  of  every  age.  .  .  .  Though  he  enslaved  and  robbed  the 
Church  of  which  he  was  the  Supreme  Head,  he  had  no  thought 
of  destroying  her. ' ' 26 

This  is  a  candid  acknowledgment ;  and  it  is  worth  while  not 
only  to  seriously  test  the  assertion  here  made,  that  it  is  the  aim 
of  the  whole  series  of  English  Confession  to  avoid  such  "defi 
nite  particularity"  as  characterizes  the  Lutheran  Confessions, 
but  also,  if  the  statement  be  true,  to  note  the  price  that  is  paid, 
for  readiness  to  accept  even  error,  or  to  subscribe  in  the  same 
document  to  contradictory  and  mutually  exclusive  doctrines,  in 
order  thereby  to  escape  from  the  calamity  of  "  destroying  "  the 
Church.  There  is  also  another  matter  worthy  of  some  thought, 
viz.,  as  to  how  if  a  communion  be  the  Church,  its  clear  and  de 
finite  confession  of  the  truth  can  destroy  it,  when  fo  the  truth  of 
the  Church's  confession  the  promise  is  attached,  that  "  the  gates 
of  hell  shall  not  prevail  against  it  ?' '  Can  any  association  that 
is  in  such  peril  be  the  Church  ? 


K  Ecclesia  Anglicana,  p.  182. 

M  History  of  the  Church  of 'England ",I:  411. 


The  Ten  Articles  of  /5J<5.  103 

There  is  besides  another  important  lesson  here  suggested,  and 
that  is  the  fatality  attending  all  efforts  to  modify  and  adjust  to  pe 
culiar  relations  of  time  and  place  the  unalterable  principles  set 
forth  in  the  Augsburg  Confession  and  Apology. 


CHAPTER 

THE  BISHOPS'  BOOK  OF  1537. 

Failure  of  the  Ten  Articles.  Cranmer  and  Luther's  Catechism.  The  Com 
mission  to  prepare  another  Document.  Cranmer  and  Fox  vs.  Stokesley. 
Indebtedness  of  the  "  Book  "  to  Luther's  Catechisms,  the  Augsburg  Con 
fession,  the  Apology,  and  Luther's  explanation  ofiheslve  Maria.  Other 
Sources.  The  King's  Amendments,  and  Cranmer's  Answer. 

I 

THE  Articles  of  1536,  like  all  compromises,  inspired  no  en 
thusiasm.  They  were  too  Lutheran  for  the  hierarchists ;  they 
were  too  Romish  for  the  Lutherans.  They  were  too  ambiguous 
for  those  whose  •  consciences  demanded  the  clearest  and  most 
definite  answers  to  the  questions  which,  by  the  agency  of  the 
Holy  Spirit,  most  profoundly  move  the  heart.  They  were  too 
meagre,  even  where  they  were  clearest.  They  were  too  theolog 
ical  for  popular  use.  The  evangelical  leaven  was  doubtless 
spreading  among  the  people ;  a  model  of  plain  instruction  to  be 
furnished  pastors  was  much  needed.  There  can  be  no  doubt, 
that  Cranmer,  during  his  stay  in  Germany  in  1531  and  1532, 
and  especially  while  tarrying  with  Osiander  at  Niirnberg,  learned 
to  know  well  Luther's  Catechisms  and  their  vast  influence;  and 
the  result  shows  that  they  gave  an  important  suggestion  concern 
ing  a  new  Confession. 

Early  in  1537,  we  find,  therefore,  a  commission  assembled 
at  Cranmer's  residence,  composed  mostly  of  bishops,  en 
gaged  in  the  preparation  of  a  book  to  be  promulgated  by  auth 
ority,  for  the  purpose  of  meeting  these  various  wants.  Gardiner 
and  Stokesley  were  the  leading  hierarchists.  Cranmer  and  Fox, 
again  headed  the  Lutheranizing  element,  while  Latimer  also  was 

(104) 


The  Bishops*  Book  of  1537.  105 

present  with  his  practical  and  impetuous  mind  vexed  at  the  labor 
spent  in  the  discussion  of  speculative  points  of  theology,  which 
to  him  had  little  interest,  and  longing  to  escape  from  the  tur 
moil  by  once  more  becoming  rector  of  Kingston,  instead  of 
Bishop  of  Worcester.  At  certain  stages  of  the  work,  especially 
that  pertaining  to  the  sacraments,  questions  were  submitted  by 
the  Archbishop  to  which  each  member  of  the  commission  gave 
his  answers  in  writing,  which,  when  gathered,  were  used  in  the 
final  formulation  of  the  document.  It  was  completed  early  in 
the  summer,  and  its  publication  was  superintended  by  Bishop 
Fox.  Although  generally  known  as  "  The  Bishops'  Book,"  its 
proper  title  is  that  of  "Institution  of  a  Christian  Man."  Eras 
mus,  had  published  a  book  with  this  very  same  title  in  1518. 
Tyndale's  book  of  1528  was  "The  Obedience  of  a  Christian 
Man."  Cranmer  is  universally  conceded  to  have  contributed 
by  fa/  the  most  part  to  it,  while  Fox  also  must  have  much  of  the 
credit  for  the  contents,  as  he  was  their  chief  advocate  in  the 
commission.  Although  still  retaining  some  Romish  elements,  it 
was  a  great  triumph  for  the  Lutheran  side,  especially  as  all  oppo 
sition  was  for  the  first  time  silenced,  and  even  Gardiner  added 
his  signature.  "  By  this  work,  the  Reformation  was  placed  on 
the  loftiest  ground  which  it  was  ever  destined  to  reach  during 
the  reign  of  Henry."1  "It  is  altogether  an  illustrious  monu 
ment  of  the  achievements  of  Cranmer  and  his  colleagues  against 
the  intrigues  and  opposition  of  a  party,  formidable  at  once  for 
their  zeal,  number  and  power. ' ' 2 

The  very  list  of  contents  makes  us  suspect  its  origin.  They 
are:  "  i.  The  Apostles'  Creed.  2.  The  Sacraments.  3.  The 
Ten  Commandments.  4.  The  Lord's  Prayer.  5.  The  Ave 
Maria.  6.  Justification.  7.  Purgatory."  This  is  the  frame 
work  of  an  exposition  which  in  ordinary  type  would  form  a  large 
volume.  If  some  of  its  contents  seem  strange,  it  is  well  to  re 
member  that  among  Luther's  earlier  catechetical  works  is  his 

1Le  Bas'  Cranmer,  p.  155. 

s  Wordworth's  Ecclesiastical  Biography,  III:  317. 


io6  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

"  Betbiichlein  "  of  1522,  containing  :  i.  The  Ten  Command 
ments.  2.  The  Apostles'  Creed.  3.  The  Lord's  Prayer.  4. 
The  Ave  Maria;  and  that  Melanchthon's  ' •  Handbiichlein " 
of  1523  contains,  i.  The  Lord's  Prayer,  2.  The  Ave  Maria, 
3.  The  Apostles'  Creed,  etc.  Our  readers  should  remember 
that  the  angelic  salutation  in  Luke  certainly  admits  of  an  evan 
gelical  explanation,  and,  as  such,  is  not  to  be  lightly  esteemed. 

Into  this  scheme,  the  material  of  the  Ten  Articles  wherever 
possible  is  introduced,  occasionally  with  slight  changes,  but  gen 
erally  with  verbal  exactness.  The  exposition  is  to  a  great  extent 
changed  into  the  form  of  a  personal  confession,  prayer,  etc., 
after  the  model  of  Luther's  Small  Catechism.  What  Lohe  says 
of  Luther's  Catechism  :  "  It  is  a  fact  which  no  one  denies,  that 
no  other  catechism  in  the  world  can  be  made  a  prayer  of  but 
this,"  must  be  modified  if  parts  of  the  Bishops'  Book  are  exam- 
amined,  which  are  after  all  nothing  but  paraphrases  of  Luther's 
Catechism,  of  exquisite  beauty,  and  which  should  be  cherished 
as  of  imperishable  worth.  Froude,  writing  entirely  from  a  lit 
erary  standpoint,  pronounces  it3  "in  point  of  language  beyond 
all  question  the  most  beautiful  composition  that  had  as  yet  ap 
peared  in  the  English  language." 

For  those  well  acquainted  with  the  Small  Catechism,  we  need 
only  quote  some  extracts  from  this  second  confession  of  the 
Church  of  England. 

"  I  believe  also  and  confess,  that  among  his  other  creatures  he 
did  create  and  make  me,  and  did  give  unto  me  this  my  soul,  my 
life,  my  body,  wiih  all  the  members  that  I  have,  great  and  small, 
and  all  the  wit,  reason,  knowledge  and  understanding  that  I 
have ;  and  finally  all  other  outward  substance,  possessions  and 
things  that  I  have  or  can  have  in  this  world."  This  is  not  ex 
actly  Luther's  Small  Catechism,  though  the  same  in  substance. 
But  its  correspondence  with  Luther's  Large  Catechism  is  still 
closer,  which  reads  (p.  440).  "  I  believe  that  I  am  a  creature 
of  God,  that  is,  that  he  has  given  and  constantly  preserves  to  me 

8  History  of  England,  III :  229. 


The  Bishops'  Book  of  1537.  107 

my  body,  soul  and  life,  members  great  and  small,  all  rny  senses, 
reason  and  understanding,  food  and  drink,  shelter  and  support, 
wife  and  child,  domestics,  house  and  possessions,  etc. ' ' 

The  Bishops'  Book  continues  : 

"And  I  believe  also  and  profess  that  he  is  my  very  God,  my 
Lord,  and  my  Father,  and  that  I  am  his  servant  and  his  own  son, 
by  adoption  and  grace,  and  the  right  inheritor  of  his  kingdom, 
and  that  it  proceedeth  and  cometh  of  his  mere  goodness  only, 
without  all  my  desert,  that  I  am  in  this  life  preserved  and  kept 
from  dangers  and  perils,  and  that  I  am  sustained,  nourished, 
fed,  clothed,  and  that  I  have  health,  tranquility,  rest,  peace,  or 
any  other  thing  necessary  for  this  corporal  life.  I  acknowledge 
and  confess  that  he  suffereth  and  causeth  the  sun,  the  moon,  the 
stars,  the  day,  the  night,  the  air,  the  fire,  the  water,  the  fowls, 
the  fishes,  the  beasts  and  all  the  fruits  of  the  earth,  to  serve  me 
for  my  profit  and  my  necessity. ' ' 

With  the  latter  sentence  compare  again  Luther's  Large  Cate 
chism  : 

"  He  causeth  all  creatures  to  serve  for  the  necessities  and  uses 
of  life — sun,  moon  and  stars  in  the  firmament,  day  and  night, 
air,  fire,  water,  earth  and  whatever  it  bears  and  produces,  bird 
and  fish,  beasts,  grain  and  all  kinds  of  produce." 

The  exposition  of  the  Second  Article  of  the  Creed  is  of  such 
extraordinary  beauty  and  force,  and  so  happily  expands  the  most 
precious  section  of  our  Catechism,  as  to  justify  a  long  extract. 

"  And  I  believe  also  and  profess  that  Jesus  Christ  is  not  only 
Jesus,  and  Lord  to  all  men  that  believe  in  him,  but  also  that  he 
is  my  Jesus,  my  God,  my  Lord.  For  whereas  of  my  nature  I  was 
born  in  sin,  and  in  the  indignation  and  displeasure  of  God,  and 
was  the  very  child  of  wrath,  condemned  to  everlasting  death, 
subject  and  thrall  to  the  power  of  the  devil,  and  sin,  having  all 
the  principal  parts  or  portions  of  my  soul,  as  my  reason  and  un 
derstanding,  and  my  freewill,  and  all  the  other  portions  of  my 
soul  and  body,  not  only  so  destituted  and  deprived  of  the  gifts 
of  God,  wherewith  they  were  first  endowed,  but  also  so  blinded, 


io8  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

corrupted  and  poisoned  with  error,  ignorance  and  carnal  con 
cupiscence,  that  neither  my  said  powers  could  exercise  the  na 
tural  function  and  office,  for  the  which  they  were  ordained  by 
God  at  the  first  creation,  nor  I  by  them  could  do  or  think  any 
thing  which  might  be  acceptable  to  God,  but  was  utterly  dead  to 
God  and  all  godly  things,  and  utterly  unable  and  insufficient  of 
mine  own  self  to  observe  the  least  part  of  God's  commandments, 
and  utterly  inclined  and  ready  to  run  headlong  into  all  kinds  of  sin 
and  mischief;  I  believe,  I  say,  that  I  being  in  this  case,  Jesus 
Christ,  by  suffering  most  painful  and  shameful  death  upon  the 
cross,  and  by  shedding  of  his  most  precious  blood,  and  by  that 
glorious  victory  which  he  had,  when  he  descending  into  hell,  and 
there  overcoming  both  the  devil  and  death,  rose  again  the  third 
day  from  death  to  life,  and  ascended  into  heaven,  hath  now  pac 
ified  his  Father's  indignation  towards  me,  and  hath  reconciled 
me  again  into  his  favor,  and  that  he  hath  loosed  and  delivered 
me  from  the  tyranny  of  death,  of  the  devil,  and  of  sin,  and  hath 
made  me  so  free  from  them,  that  they  shall  not  finally  hurt  or 
annoy  me.  ...  So  that  now  I  may  boldly  say  and  believe,  as 
indeed  I  do  perfectly  believe,  that  by  his  passion,  his  death,  his 
blood,  and  his  conquering  of  death,  of  sin,  and  of  the  devil,  by 
his  resurrection  and  ascension,  he  hath  made  a  sufficient  expi 
ation  or  propitiation  towards  God,  that  is  to  say,  a  sufficient 
satisfaction  and  recompense,  as  well  as  for  my  original  sin,  as  also 
for  all  the  actual  sins 4  that  ever  I  have  committed,  and  that  I 
am  so  clearly  rid  from  all  the  guilt  of  my  said  offences,  and  from 
the  everlasting  pain  due  for  the  same,  that  neither  sin,  nor  death, 
nor  hell  shall  be  able  or  have  any  power,  to  hurt  me  or  to  let  me, 
but  that  after  this  transistory  life  I  shall  ascend  into  heaven, 
there  to  reign  with  my  Saviour  Christ  perpetually  in  glory  and 
felicity." 

We  find  also  the  following  amplification  of  one  of  the  articles 
in  the  Third  Part  of  the  Creed  : 

"  I  believe  that  in  this  catholic  church,  I,  and  all   the  lively 

4  See  Augsburg  Confession,  Art.  Ill :  3. 


The  Bishops'  Book  of  1337. 


109 


and  quick  members  of  the  same,  shall  continually  and  from  time 
to  time,  so  long  as  we  shall  live  here  on  earth,  obtain  remission 
and  forgiveness  of  all  our  sins  as  well  original  as  actual,5  by  the 
merits  of  Christ's  blood  and  passion,  and  by  the  virtue  and  effi 
cacy  of  Christ's  sacraments,  instituted  by  him  for  that  purpose, 
so  oft  as  we  shall  worthily  receive  the  same. ' ' 

We  add  yet  the  explanation  of  the  First  Commandment, 
which  the  reader  will  do  well  to  compare  with  that  of  Luther  in 
the  Large  Catechism  : 

"  To  have  God  is  not  to  have  him  as  we  have  other  outward 
things,  as  clothes  upon  our  back,  or  treasure  in  our  chests  ;  nor 
also  to  name  him  with  our  mouth,  or  to  worship  him  with  kneel 
ing  or  other  such  gestures ;  but  to  have  him  our  God  is  to  con 
ceive  him  in  our  hearts,  to  cleave  fast  and  surely  unto  him  with 
heart,  and  to  put  all  our  trust  and  confidence  in  him,  to  set  all 
our  thought  and  care  upon  him,  and  to  hang  wholly  on  him,  tak 
ing  him  to  be  infinitely  good  and  merciful  unto  us." 

THE  BISHOPS'  BOOK,  AND  THE  OTHER  LUTHERAN  CONFESSIONS. 

We  find  in  the  Bishops'  Book  traces,  not  only  of  Luther's  Cat 
echisms,  but  also  of  the  other  Lutheran  Confessions  which  were 
then  extant.  Not  only  does  it  incorporate  within  itself  "  The 
Ten  Articles,"  which  are  based  upon  the  Apology  and  the  Augs 
burg  Confession,  but  other  passages  are  directly  taken  from  the 
same  sources. 


AUGSBURG  CONFESSION,  (Art.  V.) 

"  For  the  obtaining  of  this  faith,  the 
ministry  of  teaching  this  gospel,  and 
administering  the  sacraments  was  in 
stituted.  For  by  the  Word  and  Sac 
raments,  as  by  instruments,  the  Holy 
Spirit  is  given  who  worketh  faith." 


BISHOPS'  BOOK. 

"  To  the  attaining  of  which  faith, 
it  is  also  to  be  noted,  that  Christ  hath 
instituted  and  ordained  in  the  world 
but  only  two  means  and  instruments, 
whereof  the  one  is  the  ministration 
of  his  word,  and  the  other  is  the  ad 
ministration  of  his  sacraments  insti 
tuted  by  him  ;  so  that  it  is  not  possi 
ble  to  attain  this  faith,  but  by  one,  or 
both  of  these  two  means.  ' 


6  See  Augsburg  Confession,  Art.  Ill :  3. 


no 


The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 


APOLOGY  (Latin  Eng.  Trans,  p.  163.) 
"  It  says  Catholic  church,  in  order 
that  we  may  not  understand  the 
church  to  be  an  outward  government 
of  certain  nations,  but  rather  men 
scattered  throughout  the  whole  world, 
who  agree  concerning  the  gospel  and 
have  the  same  Christ,  the  same  Holy 
Ghost,  and  the  same  sacraments." 

APOLOGY  (German,  Mueller, p.  153.) 
"  That  no  one  may  think  that  the 
church  is  like  any  other  outward 
polity,  bound  to  to  this  or  that  land, 
kingdom  or  rank,  as  the  Pope  of 
Rome  wants  to  say ;  but  that  it  abides 
certainly  true,  that  that  body  and 
those  men  are  the  true  church,  who 
here  and  there  in  the  world  from  the 
rising  of  the  sun  to  its  setting,  truly 
believe  in  Christ,  who  have  one  Gos 
pel,  one  Christ,  one  Baptism  and  Sac 
rament,  and  are  ruled  by  one  Holy 
Ghost." 

It  will  be  noticed  that  the  English  paraphrase  follows  the 
German  almost  as  closely,  as  the  German  translation  follows  the 
text  of  the  original  Latin. 

The  explanation  of  the  Ave  Maria  shows  traces  of  a  sermon 
of  Luther  of  1523. 6 


"I  believe  that,  this  Holy  Church 
is  catholic,  that  is, to  say,  that  it  can 
not  be  coarcted  or  restrained  within 
the  limits  or  bonds  of  any  one  town, 
city,  province,  region,  or  country;  but 
that  it  is  dispersed  and  spread  univer 
sally  throughout  all  the  whole  world. 
Insomuch  that  in  what  part  soever  of 
the  world — be  it  in  Africa,  Asia,  or 
Europe,  there  may  be  found  any  num 
ber  of  people,  of  what  sort,  state  or 
condition  soever  they  be,  which  do 
believe  in  one  God  the  Father,  Crea 
tor  of  all  things,  and  in  one  Lord 
Jesu  Christ,  his  Son,  and  in  one  Holy 
Ghost,  and  do  also  profess  and  have 
all  one  faith,  one  hope  and  one  char 
ity,  according  as  it  is  prescribed  in 
holy  scripture,  and  do  all  consent  in 
the  true  interpretation  of  the  same 
scripture,  and  in  the  right  use  of  the 
sacraments  of  Christ.'' 


LUTHER. 

Du  siehestu  dass  hierinne  Kein 
Gebet,  sondern  eitel  Lob  und  Ehre 
begriffen  ist.  Gleichiwie  in.denersten 
Worten  des  Vater  Unsers  auch  Kein 
Gebet  ist,  sondern  Lob  und  Ehre 
Gottes,  dass  er  unser  Vater  and  im 
Himmel  sei. 


BISHOPS'  BOOK. 

This  Ave  Maria  is  not  properly  a 
prayer,  as  the  Paternoster  is.  Never 
theless  the  church  hath  used  to  ad 
join  it  to  the  end  of  the  Paternoster, 
as  an  hymn,  laud  and  praise,  partly 
of  our  Lord  and  Saviour  Jesus  Christ, 
for  our  redemption,  and  partly  of  the 
blessed  virgin  for  her  humble  consent. 

Even  the  Smalcald  Articles  which  had  been  subscribed  only 
on  February  22d,  1537,  in  their  completed  form  being  but  four 
months  earlier  than  the  English  Confession  may  have  been  util 
ized.  For  the  resemblance  between  not  only  the  historical  por 
tions  of  Melanchthon's  Appendix  "  On  the  Power  and  Primacy 

6Erlangen  Ed.  xv:  318. 


The  Bishops'  Book  of  1537.  l  x  * 

of  the  Pope,"  but  also  Luther's  treatment  in  Part  II.  Art.  IV., 
and  the  argument  against  the  Papacy  in  the  formula  before  us, 
is  very  marked.  The  Augsburg  Confession,  the  Apology  and  the 
Smalcald  Articles  all  seem  to  have  been  laid  under  contribution 
in  the  preparation  of  the  chapter  on  "  The  Sacrament  of  Orders," 
although  a  hierarchical  doctrine  pervades  it  not  found  in  the 
Lutheran  formularies. *  We  know  that  on  March  5th,  Melanch- 
thon's  paper  on  the  reasons  why  "  the  princes,  estates  and  cities 
of  the  Empire,  professing  the  pure  and  catholic  doctrine  of  the 
Gospel,  declined  to  attend  the  Council  at  Mantua,"  was  signed, 
that  it  was  at  once  published,  and  copies  sent  to  the  Kings  of 
England  and  France,8  that  it  was  "immediately  translated  into 
English,"  9  and  published.  The  translator  was  Miles  Coverdale, 
distinguished  as  a  translator  of  the  Bible.  Such  was  the  impor 
tance  which  the  evangelical  element  of  the  English  Church  then 
attached  to  everything  which  emanated  from  the  Wittenberg 
Faculty.  Even  though  Melanchthon's  "  De  Recusatione  Con- 
citii"  were  not  officially  transmitted  until  November  i4th,  as 
seems  probable  from  a  letter  in  the  Corpus  Reformat^runt,  the 
argument  for  proving  the  dependence  of  the  English  theologians 
is  in  no  way  invalidated. 

Nor  would  time  be  lost,  if  space  permitted,  in  a  careful  exam 
ination  of  the  source  in  Lutheran  authorities  of  much  of  the 
teaching  of  this  book,  even  where  no  special  formulary  has  been 
closely  followed.  Sometimes  it  has  been  regarded  as  receding 
from  "  The  Ten  Articles,"  since  while  the  former,  following 

7  The  argument  is  summarized  by  Hardwick  {History   of  the    Christian 
'Church  during  the  Reformation)  :     "  They  contended  that  the  fabric   of  the 
Papal  monarchy  was  altogether  human  ;  that  its  growth  was  traceable  partly 
to  the  favor  and  indulgence  of  the  Roman  emperors,  and  partly  to   ambitious 
artifices  of  the  popes  themselves ;  that  just  as  men  originally  made  and  sanc 
tioned  it,  so  might  they,  if  occasion  should  arise,  withdraw  from  it  their  con 
fidence,  and  thus  reoccupy  the  ground  on   which  all   Christians  must  have 
stood  anterior  to  the  Middle  Ages." 

8  Corpus  Reformatorum  III :  314. 

9  Hard-wicK1!  Articles,  p.  31. 


112  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

the  Apology,  gives  only  three  sacraments,  the  Bishops'  Book  al 
lows  the  full  number  of  seven  claimed  by  the  Romanists.  But 
the  Rev.  Henry  Jenkyns  who  has  edited  the  works  of  Archbishop 
Cranmer,  found  a  manuscript  in  the  Chapter  House  at  Westmin 
ster  showing  that  this  supposition  is  erroneous.  In  connection 
with  the  Ten  Articles  a  declaration  had  been  made  and  signed  by 
the  evangelical  theologians,  conceding  the  name  of  sacrament  to 
the  four  other  ordinances,  but  with  limitations  which  the  advocates 
of  the  Old  Learning  were  unwilling  to  publish.  In  the  Bishops' 
Book,  what  is  essentially  this  declaration  comes  to  light.  Its 
argument  is  mainly  that  of  the  Apology,  which  is  directed 
entirely  to  the  importance  of  making  a  distinction  between  rites 
instituted  by  God's  command,  in  which,  through  a  visible  ele 
ment,  the  promise  of  the  gratuitous  forgiveness  of  sins  is  sealed, 
and  all  others.  If  this  distinction  be  conceded,  Melanchthon 
maintains  that  it  does  not  make  much  difference  what  is  called  a 
sacrament,  and  suggests  that  even  prayer  and  almsgiving  and 
afflictions  might  be  called  sacraments,  provided  the  distinction  be 
tween  them,  and  what  he  regarded  then  as  three  sacraments,  be 
kept  unimpaired.  So  the  Bishops'  Book  declares  :  "  There  is  a 
difference  between  them  and  the  other  three  sacraments.  First. 
These  three  be  instituted  of  Christ.  Secondly.  They  be  com 
manded  by  Christ  to  be  ministered  and  received  in  their  out 
ward  visible  signs.  Thirdly.  They  have  annexed  and  enjoined 
unto  their  said  visible  signs,  such  spiritual  graces  whereby  our 
sins  be  remitted  and  forgiven,  and  we  be  perfectly  renewed,  re 
generated,  purified,  justified,  so  oft  as  we  worthily  and  duly  re 
ceive  the  same." 

THE   KING'S    AMENDMENTS. 

Without  attempting  an  examination  and  enumeration  of  Ro 
manizing  elements  still  retained,  which  are  principally  those  of 
"  The  Ten  Articles,"  though  to  a  considerable  extent  less,  there 
is  yet  one  item  of  interest  connected  with  its  history,  that  is 
worthy  of  notice.  There  is  in  the  Bodleian  Library  a  copy  of 
"  The  Institution,"  or  Bishops'  Book,  with  marginal  criticisms 


The' Bishops'  Book  0/1537.  JI3 

in  the  handwriting  of  Henry  VIII. ,  and  in  the  Library  of  Corpus 
Christi  College  at  Cambridge,  the  annotations  of  Cranmer  upon 
these  proposed  corrections  of  his  sovereign,  are  to  be  found. 
Henry's  notes  indicate  no  little  critical  ability,  but,  at  the 
same  time,  his  real  want  of  thorough  understanding  or  appreci 
ation  of  the  doctrine  of  the  Gospel  as  there  set  forth.  It  is  his 
main  purpose  to  introduce  limitations  and  qualifications, 
whereby  the  universality  of  the  divine  provisions  and  promises 
maybe  modified,  so  as  to  include,  if  possible,  the  conditions  of  the 
application.  Cranmer  shows  that  he  has  been  a  sufficiently 
faithful  pupil  of  the  Reformers,  to  be  able  with  clearness  and  de 
cision  to  declare  to  his  monarch  the  real  points  of  discrimination 
that  should  be  made.  For  instance,  in  the  explanation  of  the 
First  Article  of  the  Creed,  where  the  Bishops'  Book,  says  :  "He 
is  my  very  God,  my  Lord,  my  Father,  and  that  I  am  his  servant 
and  his  own  son/''  Henry  proposes  to  add  "  as  long  as  I  perse 
vere  in  his  precepts  and  laws."  To  this  Cranmer  would  not 
hear.  The  declaration,  he  maintains,  is  that  of  "  the  very  pure 
Christian  faith  and  hope  which  every  good  Christian  man  ought 
to  profess."  It  belongs  to  the  sphere,  he  says,  of  special  faith, 
and  not  to  that  of  general  faith,  which  even  devils  have.  The 
voice  of  true  faith  claims  God  as  its  own,  without  the  interposi 
tion  of  any  such  condition  ;  although  of  course  when  this  condi 
tion  is  not  present,  the  pure  faith  thus  confessed  is  "only  in  the 
mouth,"  and  not  in  the  heart.  He  maintains  that  every  man 
should  examine  himself  as  to  whether  he  actually  have  "  the 
right  faith  and  sure  trust  of  God's  favor;"  but,  this  done,  "  it 
shall  not  be  necessary  to  interline  or  insert  in  many  places, 
where  we  protest  our  pure  Christian  faith,  these  words  or  sen 
tences,  that  be  newly  added,  namely,  '  I  being  willing  to  follow 
God's  precepts,'  '  I  rejecting  in  my  will  and  heart  the  Devil  and 
his  works,'  '  I  willing  to  return  to  God,'  '  If  I  continue  not  in 
sin,'  'If  I  continue  a  Christian  life.' "  When  the  Second  Ar 
tide  is  reached  "  that  Jesus  is  my  Lord,"  the  king  again  wants 
this  limited  by  the  clause,  "  I  being  Christian,  and  in  will  to  fol- 
9 


ii4  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

low  his  precepts ;"  and  when  it  says  "  I  am  restored  to  the  light 
and  knowledge  of  God,"  he  proposes  the  insertion  of  "Reject 
ing,  in  my  will  and  heart,  the  Devil  and  his  works,"  both  of  which 
receive  a  similar  answer.  There  are  other  corrections  of  the 
king,  showing  more  decidedly  his  essentially  Romanistic  posi 
tion,  as,  for  example,  where  he  qualifies  the  statement,  which  to 
Cranmer  is  so  important,  that  Christ's  sufferings  were  a  satisfac 
tion  for  original  as  well  as  for  all  actual  sins,  by  a" clause  limiting 
the  actual  sins  for  which  atonement  was  made,  to  those  alone 
which  were  committed  "before  my  reconciliation."  Unfortu 
nately,  Cranmer 's  answer  shows  at  this  point  a  weakening,  since 
while  opposing  the  insertion  of  the  qualifying  clause,  he,  at  the 
same  time,  concedes  that  the  propitiation  of  Christ  cannot  be 
extended  to  sins  committed  after  reconciliation, 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

THE   ENGLISH   BIBLES   OF    1535    AND    1537. 

Petition  of  the  Convocation  of  1534.  Miles  Coverdale.  His  Bib'e  of  1535 
from  "  the  Douche  and  Latyn."  His  dependence  on  the  Ziirich  Trans 
lation.  Relation  of  the  Zurich  Translation  to  Luther.  Relation  to 
Tyndale.  Influence  on  the  Authorized  Version.  His  Exposition  of  Ps. 
XXII.,  a  literal  Translation  from  Luther.  His  Hymns,  from  Lutheran 
Sources.  Illustrated  by  a  number  of  Examples.  Herford's  Table  of 
Coverdale's  Hymns,  and  their  German  Originals.  His  Theory  of  their 
Origin.  Matthew's  Bible  of  1537.  John  Rogers.  His  Residence  in 
Wittenberg.  A  Lutheran  Pastor.  The  first  Martyr  under  Mary.  Why 
he  used  a  Pseudonym  ?  Probably  printed  at  Wittenberg. 

WE  leave  for  awhile  the  diplomatic  side  of  the  history  of  the 
English  Reformation,  and  turn  to  the  less  public  sphere,  in  which 
the  quiet  work  of  scholars  from  the  privacy  of  their  studies,  was 
making  itself  felt. 

It  was  one  of  Cranmer's  first  efforts  to  secure  a  complete  trans 
lation  of  the  Bible  into  English,  and  to  authorize  and  promote 
its  circulation  among  the  people.  But,  in  accord  with  the  well- 
known  unwillingness  of  men  to  recede  from  a  false  position,  un 
less  under  some  expedient  whereby  to  give  the  appearance  of 
consistency  to  their  action,  the  Convocation,  in  petitioning  the 
king,  December  loth,  1534,  that  the  Bible  should  be  translated 
by  some  learned  men,  also  asked  that  a  demand  should  be  made 
for  all  books  of  suspected  doctrine,  and  that,  within  three 
months,  they  should  be  surrendered.1  This  was  followed  by  the 
publication,  October  4th,  1535  of  The  Bible:  that  is,  the  holy 

1  Strype's  Memorials  of  Cranmer,  p.  50. 
" 


n6  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

Seripture  of  the  Old  and  New  Testament,  faithfully  translated 
out  of  Douche  and  Latyn  into  Englishe.  MDXXXV.  The 
translator  was  Miles  Coverdale,  afterwards  bishop  of  Exeter. 
Coverdale,  born  about  1488,  was  one  of  the  band  of  Cambridge 
students,  whom  we  have  seen  meeting  for  prayer  and  the  study 
of  the  Bible  and  Luther's  works,  in  the  house  called  "Germany." 
He  had  entered  the  monastery  of  the  Augustinians  at  Cambridge, 
and  there  had  come  under  the  influence  of  its  prior,  Dr.  Robert 
Barnes,  so  active  afterwards  at  Wittenberg,  to  whom  he  ever  re 
mained  a  most  faithful  friend.  When  Dr.  Barnes  was  arrested 
in  1526,  Coverdale  had  voluntarily  accompanied  him,  and 
helped  to  support  him  under  the  trial ;  and  when,  after  his  mar 
tyrdom  in  1540,  his  Confesssion  at  the  stake  was  maliciously  as 
sailed  by  John  Standish,  Coverdale  again  came  nobly  forward, 
and  published  a  book  in  vindication  of  his  deceased  friend. 
He  had  early  formed  the  acquaintance  of  Crumwell,  and  enjoyed 
his  confidence,  as  is  shown  by  letters  which  have  been  preserved, 
and  are  published  in  his  collected  works.  When  Tyndale's  New 
Testament  was  published,  Coverdale  appears  among  those  most 
prominent  in  its  circulation.  For  some  years,  before  the  first 
publication  of  the  Bible,  the  precise  residence  of  Coverdale  is 
not  known.  Foxe,  who  knew  him  well,  states  that  he  was  for  a 
time  with  Tyndale  at  Hamburg,  and  had  assisted  the  latter  in 
the  translation  of  the  Pentateuch.  This  statement,  generally  dis 
credited  by  modern  writers,  is  accepted  by  Westcott.  The  work 
on  his  own  translation  undoubtedly  occupied  his  time  for  years. 
When  the  Convocation  of  December  1534  had,  accordingly, 
passed  the  resolution  above  given,  Crumwell  probably  informed 
him  that  the  time  had  come  for  its  publication.  The  title-page 
gives  no  information  as  to  the  place  where  it  was  printed  and 
published.  Those  who  have  made  a  special  study  of  the  typo 
graphy  of  bibles  of  that  period,  have  no  hesitancy  in  saying  that 
it  came  from  the  press  of  Froschover  of  Zurich,  the.  publisher  of 
the  Zurich  Bible.2  Notwithstanding  the  fact  that  the  title-page  ex- 

2  The  comparison  may  be  made  in  the  library  of  the  Lutheran  Theological 
Seminary  at  Mt.  Airy,  Philadelphia. 


The  English  Bibles  of  1535  and  1537.  117 

pressly  states  the  dependence  of  the  translation  upon  the  (German 
and  Latin  versions,  recent  writers  have  undertaken  to  deny  it. 
Not  only  the  title-page,  but  the  "  Prologue  to  the  Translation  "  is 
against  this  theory.  "To  help  me  herein,"  says  Coverdale,  "  I 
have  had  sundry  translations,  not  only  in  Latin,  but  also  of  the 
Dutch  interpreters,  whom,  because  of  their  singular  gifts  and 
special  diligence  in  the  Bible,  I  have  been  the  more  glad  to  fol 
low  for  the  most  part-" 

In  the  light  of  such  words  by  Coverdale  himself,  Canon  West- 
cott  is  undoubtedly  not  unjust  when  he  says  :  "  His  critics  have 
been  importunately  eager  to  exalt  his  scholarship  at  the  cost  of 
his  honesty.  If  the  title-page,  said  one  who  had  not  seen  it, 
runs  so,  'it  contains  a  very  great  misrepresentation.'  To  an 
other,  the  notice  appears  to  be  a  piece  of  advertising  tact.  Ex 
pediency,  a  third  supposes,  led  Coverdale  to  underrate  his  la 
bors.  And  yet  it  may  be  readily  shown  that  the  words  are  sim 
ply  and  literally  true."3  Ginsburg,  followed  by  Westcott, 
Mombert,  and  others,  has  shown  the  great  dependence  of  Cover- 
dale  upon  the  Zurich  translation  of  the  Bible.  This  is  mainly 
Luther's  translation  of  the  other  books,  with -a  translation  of  the 
prophets  by  Leo  Judae,  2\vingli,  Pellicanus  and  others.  It 
appeared  at  intervals  1524—9,  while  Luther's  Bible  was  not 
complete  until  1534,  the  translation  of  the  prophets  not  having 
been  finished  until  1532.  Coverdale,  therefore,  followed  the 
Zurich  edition,  largely  in  order  to  have  the  benefit  of  that  in 
which  it  anticipated  Luther.  The  direct,  as  well  as  the  indirect 
influence  of  Luther,  may  be  traced.  Tyndale  was  also  laid  un 
der  contribution.  While  some  knowledge  of  the  Hebrew  and 
Greek  original  is  not  denied,  he  followed  closely  preced 
ing  translators  rather  than  ventured  to  .use  his  own  judgment.  * 

3  History  of  the  English  Hible,  p.  213. 

4"  His  Old  Testament  is  not  taken  at  all  from  the  original  Hebrew,  either 
professedly  or  in. fact,  but  is  only  a. secondary  translation,  based  chiefly  on  the 
Swiss-German,  or  Zurich  Bible."  Eadie,  1 :  285.  "  In  every  instance, 
where  he  forsakes  Tyndale,  he  is  led  by  Luther  and  the  Zurich  Bible,"  Ib. 
P-  294. 


n8  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

11  Though  he  is  not  original,  yet  he  was  endowed  with  an  instinct 
of  discrimination  which  is  scarcely  less  precious  than  originality, 
and  a  delicacy  of  ear  which  is  no  mean  qualification  for  a  popu 
lar  translator."5  "No  little  of  that  indefinable  quality  that 
gives  popular  charm  to  our  English  Bible,  and  has  endeared  it  to 
so  many  generations,  is  owing  to  Coverdale.  The  semitones 
in  the  music  of  the  style  are  his  gift.  What  we  mean  will  be 
apparent  to  any  one  who  compares  the  Authorized  Version,  es 
pecially  in  the  Old  Testament,  with  the  exacter  translations  of 
many  of  the  books  which  have  been  made  by  scholars  and  critics. 
Tyndale  gives  us  the  first  great  outline  distinctly  and  wonder 
fully  etched,  but  Coverdale  added  those  minuter  touches  which 
soften  and  harmonize  it.  The  characteristic  features  are  Tyn 
dale' s  in  all  their  boldness  of  form  and  expression,  the  more 
delicate  lines  and  shadings  arc  the  contribution  of  his  successor, 
both  in  his  own  version,  and  in  the  '  Great  Bible.'  "6 

Two  years  afterwards,  in  1537,  two  editions  of  a  reprint  of 
Coverdale's  Bible  of  1535,  were  published  in  London. 

The  same  year,  Coverdale  published  "A  very  excellent 
and  swete  exposition  upon  the  two  and  twentye  Psalme  of  David, 
called  in  latyn  :  Dominus  regit  me,  et  nihil.  Translated  out  of 
hye  Almayne  in  to  Englysheby  Myles  Coverdale,  1537."  This 
is  a  very  literal  translation  of  Luther's  Der  23 st  Psalm  auf 
einen  Abend  iiber  Tisch  nach  dem  Gratias  ausgelegt,  1536." 
This  exposition  was  very  likely  delivered  during  the  stay  of  the 
English  ambassadors  at  Wittenberg.  As  Dr.  Barnes,  Coverdale's 
friend,  was  a  frequent  table  guest  of  Luther,  he  was  possibly  at 
the  table  (iiber  Tiscli)  where  this  explanation  was  given. 

A  still  more  important  work  must  have  been  occupying  him  at 
this  time,  if  not  already  finished.  His  "  Goostly  Psalmes  and 
Spirituale  Songs,  drawn  out  of  the  holy  Scripture  ' '  is  without 
date.  But  as  it  is  on  the  list  of  books  prohibited  by  Henry  VIII 
in  1539,  its  publication  is  necessarily  prior  to  that  date.  It  is 

6  Westcott,  pp.  216,  sq. 

6  Eadie,  The  English  Bible,  1 :  302. 


The  English  Bibles  0/1535  and  1537.  119 

especially  interesting  as  furnishing  the  beginning  for  English 
Hymnody.  They  are  nearly  all  readily  traceable  to  Lutheran 
sources.  We  are  sure  that  a  liberal  selection  from  them  will  be 
appreciated.  Of  Luther's  Komm.  Heiliger  Geist  Herre  Gott. 
there  are  three  translations.  If  the  readily  accessible  rendering 
by  Miss  Winkworth  be  consulted  by  the  English  reader,  he 
will  note  how  nearly  one  of  the  translations  of  the  Sixteenth,  an 
ticipated  that  of  the  Nineteenth  Century  : 

Come,  holy  Spirite,  most  blessed  Lorde, 
Fulfil  our  hartes  nowe  with  thy  grace  ; 
And  make  our  myndes  of  one  accorde, 
Kyndle  them  with  love  in  every  place. 
O  Lorde,  thou  forgevest  our  trespace, 
And  callest  the  folke  of  every  countre 
To  the  ryght  fayth  and  truste  of  thy  grace, 
That  they  may  geve  thankes  and  synge  to  thee, 
Alleluya,  Alleluya. 

O  holy  lyght,  moste  principall, 
The  worde  of  lyfe  shewe  unto  us ; 
And  cause  us  to  knowe  God  over  all 
For  our  owne  Father  most  gracious. 
Lord,  kepe  us  from  lernyng  venymous, 
That  we  may  folowe  no  masters  but  Christe. 
He  is  the  veritie,  his  word  sayth  thus ; 
Cause  us  to  set  in  hym  our  truste. 

Alleluya,  Alleluya. 

O  holy  fyre,  and  conforth  moste  swete, 
Fyll  our  hertes  with  fayth  and  boldnesse, 
To  abide  by  the  in  colde  and  hete, 
Content  to  suffre  for  ryghteousnesse ; 
O  Lord,  geve  strength  to  our  weaknesse, 
And  send  us  helpe  every  houre  ; 
That  we  may  overcome  all  wyckednesse, 
And  brynge  this  olde  Adam  under  thy  power. 
Alleluya,  Alleluya. 

Luther's  summary  in  verse  of  the  Ten  Commandments,  is  an 
other  of  Coverdale's  translations. 


120 


The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 


Mensch,  willt  du  leben  seliglich, 
Und  bei  Gott  bleiben  ewiglich  : 
Sollt  du  halten  die  zehn  Gebot, 
Die  uns  gebeut  unser  Gott. 
Kyrieleis. 


Man,  wylt  thou  live  vertuously, 
And  with  God  reign  eternally, 
Man,   must   thou    keep  these    com 
mandments  ten, 

That  God  commanded  to  all  men. 
Kirielyson. 

Nun  freut  euch  lieben  christen  gmein  appears  in  the  following 
form.  There  is  no  abbreviation  by  Coverdale.  We  select  sev 
eral  stanzas. 

Be  glad  now,  all  ye  Christen  men, 

And  let  us  rejoyce  unfaynedly. 

The  kindnesse  cannot  be  written  with  penne, 

That  we  have  receaved  of  God's  mercy ; 

Whose  love  towards  us  hath  never  ende 

He  hath  done  for  us  as  a  frende  ; 

Now  let  us  thanke  him  hartely. 

I  was  a  prysoner  of  the  devell ; 
With  death,  was  I  also  utterly  lost ; 
My  synnes  drove  me  dayly  to  hell ; 
Therein  was  I  borne  ;  this  may  I  bost. 
I  was  also  in  them  once  ryfe ; 
There  was  no  virtue  in  my  lyfe, 
To  take  my  pleasure  I  spared  no  cost. 

Than  God  eternall  had  pitie  on  me, 

To  ryd  me  fro  my  wyckednesse. 

He  thought  of  his  plenteous  great  mercy, 

And  wolde  not  leave  me  comfortlesse. 

He  turned  to  me  his  fatherly  herte, 

And  wolde  I  shoulde  with  hym  have  parte 

Of  all  his  costly  ryches. 

He  spake  to  his  deare  beloved  Sonne, 

The  time  is  now  to  have  mercye ; 

Thou  must  be  man's  redempcyon, 

And  lowse  hym  from  captivite. 

Thou  must  hym  helpe  from  trouble  of  synne ; 

From  paynfull  death  thou  must  hym  wynne, 

That  he  may  lyve  eternally. 

Luther  s  paraphrase  of  media  vita  is  closely  followed. 


The  English  Biblc-s  of  1535  and  1537. 


121 


Mitten  wir  in  Leben  sind 
Mit  dem  Tod  umfangen  ; 
Wen  such  wir,  der  Hiilfe  thu, 
Dass  wir  Gnad  erlangen  ? 
Das  bist  du,  Herr,  alleine. 
Uns  reuet  unser  Missethat, 
Die  dich,  Herr,  erziirnet  hat. 
Heiliger  Herre  Gott, 
Heiliger  starker  Gott, 
Heiliger,  barmhertziger  Heiland, 
Du  ewiger  Golt, 
Lass  uns  nicht  versinken 
In  des  bittern  Todes  Noth. 
Kyrieleyson. 


In  the  myddest  of  our  lyvynge, 
Deathe  compaseth  us  rounde  about : 
Who  shulde  us  now  sucour  brynge, 
By  whose  grace  we  maye  come  out  ? 
Even,  thou,  Lorde  Jesu,  alone  : 
It  doth  oure  hartes  sore  greve  truly, 
That  we  have  offended  the. 
O  Lord  God,  most  holy, 
O  Lord  God,  most  myghtie, 
O  holy  and  merciful  Savior, 
Thou  most  worthy  God  eternall, 
Suffre  us  not  at  our  laste  houre 
For  any  death  from  the  to  fall. 
Kyrieleyson. 


ON   THE   BIRTH    OF   CHRIST. 


Gelobet  seist  du,  Jesu  Christ, 
Dass  du  Mensch  geboren  bist 
Von  einer  Jungfrau,  das  ist  wahr, 
Des  freuet  sich  der  Engel  Schaar. 
Kyrieleis. 

Des  ewigen  Vaters  einig  Kino*, 
Jetzt  man  in  der  Krippen  findt, 
In  unser  armes  Fleisch  und  Blut, 
Verkleidet  sich  das  ewig  Gut. 
Kyrieleis. 


Now  blessed  be  thou,  Christ  Jesu ; 
Thou  art  man  borne,  this  is  true  : 
The  angels  made  a  merry  noise, 
Yet  we  have  more  cause  to  rejoyse. 
Kyrielyson. 

The  blessed  son  of  God  onely, 
In  a  crybbe  full  poore  dyd  lye  : 
With  oure  poore  flesh  and  our  poore 

bloude, 

Was  clothed  that  everlasting  good. 
Kyrielyson. 


ON   THE   RESURRECTION. 


Christ  lag  in  Todesbanden, 
Fiir  unser  Siind  gegeben, 
Der  ist  wieder  erstanden, 
Und  hat  uns  bracht  das  Leben  : 
Dess  wir  sollen  frohlich  sein, 
Gott  loben  und  dankbar  sein, 
Und  singen  Halleluja. 

Halleluja. 

Es  war  ein  wunderlich  krieg, 
Da  Tod  und  Leben  rungen, 
Dae  Leben  behielt  den  Sieg, 
Es  hat  den  Tod  verschlungen. 
Die  Schrift  hat  verkiindet  das, 
Wie  ein  Tod  den  andern  frass, 
Ein  Spott  aus  dem  Tod  ist  worden, 
Halleluja. 


Chrift  dyed  and  suffred  great  payne, 
For  our  synnes  and  wickednesse ; 
But  he  is  now  risen  agayne, 
To  make  us  full  of  gladnesse. 
Let  us  all  rejoyse  therfore, 
And  geve  him  thanks  for  evermore, 
Synginge  to  him,  Alleluya. 
Alleluya. 

It  was  a  marvelous  great  thynge, 
To  se   how    death   w\th  death   dyd 

fyght ; 

For  the  one  death  gat  the  wynnynge, 
And  the  other  death  lost  his  myght. 
Holy  Scripture  speaketh  of  it, 
How  one  death  another  wolde  byte : 
The   death  of  Christ  hath  wonne  by 

ryght. 

Alleluya, 


122 


The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 


NUNC   DIMITTIS. 


Mit  Fried  und  Freud,  ich  fahr  dahin, 
In  Gottes  Wille. 

Getrost  ist  mir  mein  Herz  und  Sinn, 
Sanft  und  stille. 

Wie  Gott  mir  verheissen  hat ; 

Der  Tod  ist  mein  Schlaf  worden. 


With  peace  and  with  joyfull  gladnesse, 
And  with  a  mery  harte, 
Accerdynge  to  thy  swete  promesse, 
Lorde,  let  me  now  departe : 
Now  geve  me  leave,  that  I  may  dye ; 
For  I  would  be  present  with  the. 


In  Einfeste  Burg,  the  meter  is  adopted,  but  Coverdale  fol 
lows  the  Forty-Sixth  Psalm  more  closely  than  he  does  Luther. 

Oure  God  is  a  defence  and  towre, 

A  good  armoure  and  good  weapen ; 

He  hath  been  ever  oure  helpe  and  sucoure, 

In  all  the  troubles  that  we  have  ben  in. 

Therefore  vvyl  we  never  drede, 

For  any  wonderous  dede 

By  water  or  by  lande, 

In.  hilles  or  the  see  side  : 
Oure  God  hath  them  al  hi  his  hand. 

Of  other  Psalms  paraphrased  by  Luther,  there  are  translations 
of  the  Twelfth  {Ach  Gott  von  Himmel  sieh  darein  )  the  Four 
teenth  (Es  spricht  der  Unweisen  Mund  wohl^)  Sixty-seventh,  One 
hundred  and  twenty-fourth,  One  hundred  and  twenty-eighth,  and 
One  hundred  and  thirtieth. 

"UNTO   THE   TRENTIE." 


Gott  der  Vater  wohn  uns  bei, 
Und  lass  uns  nicht  verderben, 
Mach  uns  aller  Siinden  frei, 
Und  helf  uns  selig  sterben. 

Fur  dem  Teufel  uns  bewahr, 
Halt  uns  bei  festem  Glauben, 
Und  auf  dich  lass  uns  bauen, 
Aus  Herzengrund  vertrauen. 


God  the  Father,  dwell  us  by, 
And  let  us  never  do  amysse ; 
Geve  us  grace  with  wyll  to  dye, 
And  make  us  redy  to  thy  blysse. 

From  the  devel's  myght  and  powre, 
Kepe  us  in  fayth  every  houre ; 
And  ever  let  us  buylde  on  the, 
With  hole  herte  trustynge  stedfastly. 


Another  Lutheran  hymn-writer  from  whom  Coverdale  drew 
was  Paul  Speratus,  from  whom  two  hymns  were  taken  {Es  ist  das 
He.il  uns  Kommen,  "  Kirchenbuch,"  No.  270,  and  In  Gott 
gelaub  ich,  Wackernagel,  Kir chen- Lied,  III:  33.) 

Lawrence  Spengler,  whose  acquaintance  Cranmer  must   have 


The  English  Bibles  of  1535  and  1537.  123 

formed  while  at  Niirnberg,  is  represented  by  his  principal  hymn, 
afterwards  quoted  in  the  Formula  of  Concord  "  Durch  Adam  s 
Fall  ist ganz  vtrderbt  (Kirchenbuch,  No.  271).  Hans  Sachs 
also  furnishes  a  hymn  (  Wack  aiifin  Goltes  Name,  Wackernagel 
III:  58).  Justus  Jonas'  paraphrase  of  Psalm  124,  found  in 
Kirchenbuch,  No  171,  is  also  followed.  Agricola  appears  in 
Ich  ruf  zu  dir,  Herr  Jesu  Christ  (Kirchenbuch  No.  415),  and 
Decius  in  Allein  Gott  in  der  Hoh  sei  Ehr. 

One  of  the  most  interesting  translations  is  that  of  a  Reforma 
tion  hymn,  of  uncertain  authorship,  but  composed  before  the 
Diet  of  Augsburg,  O  Herre  Gott,  Dein  gottlich  Wort  (Kirchen 
buch  ,  No.  191.) 

O  hevenly  Lorde,  thy  godly  worde 
Hath  longe  bene  kepte  alwaye  from  us  : 
But  thorow  thy  grace  now  in  cure  dayes, 
Thou  hast  shewed  the  so  plenteous. 

That  very  well  we  can  now  tell, 
What  thy  apostles  have  written  al  -, 
And  now  we  see  thy  worde  ope-nly 
Hath  geven  anthyechrist  a  great  fall. 

It  is  so  cleare,  as  we  may  heare, 
No  man  by  ryght  can  it  deny, 
That  many  a  yeare  thy  people  deare 
Have  been  begyled  perlously 

With  men  spirituall,  as  we  them  call, 
But  not  of  thy  Spirite  truly ; 
For  more  carnall  are  none  at  al, 
Than  many  of  these  spirites  be. 

They  have  bene  ever  sworne  altogether, 
Theyr  owne  lawes  for  to  kepe  alwaye ; 
But  mercyfull  Lorde,  of  thy  swete  worde 
There  durst  no  man  begynn  to  saye. 

They  durst  them  call  great  heritikes  al, 
That  did  confess  it  stedfastly ; 
For  they  charged,  it  shuld  be  hyd, 
And  not  spoken  of  openly. 


124  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

O  mercyfull  God,  where  was  thy  rod, 
In  punyshynge  soch  great  tyranny  ? 
Why  slept  thou  then,  knowynge  these  men 
Resist  openly  the  veritie  ? 

For  such  a  hymn  semi-papal  England  was  not  yet  prepared,  as 
the  martyrs  of  1540,  and  the  six  Articles  were  yet  to  show. 
That  a  volume  containing  such  an  arraignment  of  much  that 
still  existed,  under  authority  in  England,  and  with  which 
the  king  sympathized,  should  have  been  prescribed,  is  only  what 
could  have  been  expected. 

To  recapitulate :  Of  Coverdale's  forty-one  hymns,  twenty- 
two  are  from  Luther,  two  from  Speratus,  one  each  from  Spen- 
gler,  Sachs,  Agricola,  Justus  Jonas,  Decius,  and  Greiser,  four  are 
well-known  Lutheran  hymns  of  uncertain  origin,  and  seven  we 
have  not  been  able  to  identify,  although  their  entire  structure 
and  spirit  plainly  show  where  they  belong.7 

When,  then,  the  Church  of  England,  and  her  various  daugh 
ters,  cling  so  tenderly  to  the  Psalter  in  the  "Book  of  Common 
Prayer,"  and  prefer  its  animated  and  rythmical  expressions  to 
the  acknowledged  more  accurate  translation  of  the  Authorized 
Version,  the  secret  of  the  charm  is  found  in  the  influence  which 
the  treasures  of  the  first  period  of  Lutheran  hymnology  had  upon 
the  style  of  him  who  came  to  the  work  of  translating  the  Psalter, 
with  the  notes  of  so  many  of  the  masterpieces  of  Luther  and  his 
associates  ringing  in  his  ears,  and  filling  his  heart  with  a  glow  of 
devout  feeling.  Coverdale's  forty-one  hymns  were  probably  the 
growth  of  years.  None  of  the  originals  which  he  translated  is 

7  Reference  may  be  made  to  the  interesting  tables,  tracing  the  origin  of 
Coverdale's  entire  list  by  Prof.  Mitchell  in  The  Academy  for  June  28,  1884; 
and  in  Herford's  Literary  Relations  of  Germany  and  England  in  the  XVI. 
Century  (Cambridge  1886)  pp.  17  sqq.  The  summary  of  the  latter  is  :  From 
the  Latin  6;  from  Luther,  18 ;  Creutziger,  I;  Speratus,  2;  Hegenwalt,  I; 
'Agricola  I ;  Mosbanius,  i ;  Sachs,  I ;  Spengler,  I ;  Dachstein,  I ;  Greiser,  I ; 
Decius,  2;  Anonymous,  5. 


The  English  Bibles  of  fSJS  and  75J7-  I25 


later  than  i53i.8  The  translations  of  the  hymns  and  the  trans 
lation  of  the  Bible  may  have  proceeded  cotemporaneously,  the 
former  having  afforded  a  relief  from  the  severer  work  of  the 
latter. 

We  are  not  through  with  Coverdale,  but  must  interrupt  the 
narrative  at  this  point,  to  consider  another  edition  of  the 
English  Bible,  and  its  translator,  rapidly  following  that  which 
has  just  been  noticed.  John  Rogers,  born  about  1500,  was  an 
other  Alumnus  of  Cambridge  ;  but  does  not  seem  to  have  been 
influenced  by  the  Protestant  movement  until,  after  being  rector 
for  two  years  of  "  Trinity  the  Less,"  in  London,  while  chaplain 
to  the  merchant  adventurers  in  Antwerp,  he  became  intimate  with 
Tyndale.  The  latter  having  been  martyred  October  6th,  1536, 
Rogers  the  succeeding  year  married  Adriana  Pratt  or  de  Wey- 
den,  and  moved  to  Wittenberg.  All  authorities  agree  in  this, 
and  state  that  he  so  thoroughly  mastered  the  German,  that  he 
became  superintendent  or  pastor  of  a  church  at  Wittenberg,  "  to 
which  he  ministered  for  many  years  with  great  ability  and  suc 
cess."  We  can  find  no  trace  of  such  pastorate  among  German 
authorities.  It  may  have  been  a  church  near  Wittenberg  which 
he  served.  Salig  9  states  that  he  was  ordained  at  Wittenberg  ; 
which  necessarily  implies  a  pastoral  rare.  On  his  trial,  10  he  ex 
plained  and  defended  the  order  of  service  used  in  Wittenberg. 
Previously  he  had  translated  and  published  in  English  "  Me- 
lanchthon  on  the  Interim,"  in  connection  with  a  defence  of 
Melanchthon's  course,  then  severely  criticized.  All  these  facts 
show  the  substantial  truth  of  the  cotemporaneous  account.  He 
remained  in  Wittenberg  or  its  neighborhood  from  1537  to  1547 

8"  Of  the  Lutheran  hymnology  of  1524-31,  Coverdale's  '  Goostly  Songs' 
is  a  fair  selection.  .  .  Almost  devoid  of  lyric  faculty,  his  verse  limps  labor 
iously  after  the  stirring  measures  of  Luther.  .  .  He  has  not  the  good  trans 
lator's  sensitiveness  and  elasticity  of  style.  Yet  his  very  sincerity  and  sim 
plicity  often  do  the  work  of  refined  taste."  —  Herford,  pp.  II,  15. 

•II:  491- 

10  British  Reformers,  (PhiladaJ,  p.  9;  Salig,  II  :  491. 


126  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

or  '48.  Returning  on  the  accession  of  Edward  VI.,  in  whose 
reign  he  enjoyed  great  influence,  he  was  the  first  of  the  martyrs 
under  Mary,  having  been  burned  at  Smithfield,  February  4th, 
1555.  The  story  of  his  farewell  to  his  wife  and  eleven  children 
when  on  the  way  to  martyrdom,  is  well  known  to  readers  of  Eng 
lish  history.  His  son,  Daniel,  was  afterwards  educated  in  part 
at  Wittenberg,  some  affirm  at  Melanchthon's  cost,  and  became  a 
distinguished  diplomat  under  Queen  Elizabeth. 

Rogers  fell  heir  to  the  manuscripts  which  Tyndale  left  at  his 
death.  It  is  well  known  how  diligently  employed  he  was  during 
his  imprisonment  in  completing  his  translation  from  the  Hebrew 
of  the  Old  Testament.  As  St.  Paul  sent  from  the  Roman  dun 
geon,  for  his  books  and  parchments,  so  also  Tyndale  had  asked  : 
"I  wish  permission  to  have  a  candle  in  the  evening.  .  .  But 
above  all  I  entreat  .  .  that  he  may  kindly  permit  me  to  have 
my  Hebrew  Bible,  Hebrew  grammar  and  Hebrew  dictionary, 
that  I  may  spend  my  time  with  that  study."  Rogers,  therefore, 
took  the  printed  New  Testament  and  Pentateuch  of  Tyndale, 
added  to  them  Tyndale's  manuscript  translation  from  Joshua  to 
the  end  of  2  Chronicles,  and  completed  the  Bible  by  adopting 
Coverdale's  version  in  what  was  lacking.  Foxe  says:  "He 
added  prefaces  and  notes  out  of  Luther."  Thomas  Matthewe 
was  given  as  the  name  of  the  translator,  possibly  because  he  hesi 
tated  to  claim  as  his  own  what  was  only  a  compilation,  or  be 
cause  the  publishing  of  Tyndale's  name  would  have  prevented  its 
endorsement  and  circulation  in  England.  Some  assume  that 
Thomas  Matthewe  was  the  name  of  the  person  who,  in  the  be 
ginning,  assumed  the  financial  responsibility.  Before  the  print 
ing  was  complete,  the  English  printers,  Grafton  and  Whitchurch, 
became  its  proprietors.  It  was  printed  in  1537.  Dr.  Mombert11 
argues  that  the  printer  was  Hans  Luft,  and  the  place  of  printing 
Wittenberg,  whither  Rogers  moved  that  year.  Thus  the  first 
authorized  version,  of  the  English  Bible,  like  its  two  predeces 
sors,  was  prepared  and  published  under  Lutheran  influences  and 
auspices. 

11  Handbook  of  English  Versions,  p.  176. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

THE   LUTHERAN    COMMISSION   TO   ENGLAND   OF    1538. 

An  ominous  Silence.  Anxiety  of  Melanchthon.  His  letter  to  Henry  VIII. 
His  Criticism  of  the  Ten  Articles.  Henry  seeks  Renewal  of  Negotia 
tions.  Christopher  Mount  at  Brunswick.  Arrangements  for  Conference 
of  1538.  The  Lutheran  Commissioners.  Sketch  of  Myconius.  Luth 
er's  letter  to  Fox.  Death  of  Fox.  Its  Effect  on  the  Lutheran  Move 
ment.  Reception  of  the  Commission.  The  Augsburg  Confession  Dis 
cussed.  Agreement  on  the  Doctrinal  Articles.  Conflict  on  "  Abuses." 
An  Agreement  Imminent.  Henry's  Schemes  to  end  the  Conference. 
The  Commission  withdraws.  Their  admonition.  Handsome  Presents 
for  Inhospitable  Entertainment.  Results.  XIII  Articles  of  1538. 
Relation  to  Augsburg  Confession  shown  in  parallel  columns. 

WHILE  the  English  Bible  was  thus  working  like  leaven  among 
the  English  people,  the  diplomatic  side  of  the  Reformation  was 
also  progressing.  In  chapter  VI.  we  have  traced  the  formulation 
of  "  The  Ten  Articles  "  of  1536,  and  shown  their  relation  to  the 
Augsburg  Confession  and  the  Apology.  It  becomes  an  interest 
ing  subject  of  inquiry  to  note  how  the  movement  in  England, 
in  which  they  originated  was  regarded  by  the  leaders  of  the  Ref 
ormation  in  Germany.  In  reading  their  correspondence,  we 
find  that  for  a  long  time,  they  were  almost  entirely  cut  off  from 
direct  communication  with  England.  Gardiner's  plots  to  defeat 
the  adoption  of  the  Augsburg  Confession  and  Apology  compre 
hended  also  the  prevention  of  any  communication  between  the 
English  party  of  reform  and  those  upon  whose  labors  and  judg 
ment  they  were  so  dependent.  We  have  previously  referred  to 
the  fact  that  after  his  return  to  England,  Dr.  Barnes,  noting 
the  change  that  had  occurred,  wrote  to  Melanchthon  (June, 


128  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

I536),1  not  to  think  of  making  the  visit  to  England,  for  which 
the  king  had  been  so  importunate.  July  3ist,  of  the  same  year, 
Alesius,  desiring  to  send  a  copy  of  "The  Ten  Articles"  to 
Melanchthon,  could  accomplish  his  purpose  only  by  transmit 
ting  it  to  Aepinus,  from  1529  pastor,  and  from  1532  the  Luth 
eran  Superintendent  at  Hamburg,  who  was  on  most  intimate 
terms  with  Crumwell,  and  asking  him  to  have  it  sent  from  Ham 
burg  to  Wittenberg.2  Certainly  it  was  not  the  most  considerate 
treatment  of  the  accomplished  author  from  whose  pen  a  great 
portion  of  "The  Ten  Articles"  was  derived,  that  he  could  re 
ceive  a  copy  in  no  other  way  than  through  such  a  surreptitious 
channel.  But,  to  be  sure,  it  was  the  king's  own  book,  and  "the 
learnedest  prince  in  Christendom,"  could  do  with  it  as  he  saw 
best !  Yet  before  the  Articles  could  reach  Melanchthon,  the 
Elector  of  Saxony  grew  very  indignant  at  the  long  silence. 
Bishop  Fox  was  regarded  by  some  of  the  princes  and  theologians 
as  having  most  shamefully  falsified,  since  his  promises  were  un 
fulfilled.  We  shall  see  later  that  in  this  impression,  Luther  did 
not  share.  July  i2th,  1536,  the  Elector  thought  of  sending 
some  one  to  England  to  find  out  what  was  the  matter,  or  of  re 
questing  Aepinus  to  intercede  with  those  in  authority  there.3 
Six  weeks  more  passed,  and  on  September  ist,  Melanchthon 
wrote  a  letter  for  the  Elector  to  Henry,  in  which  he  said,  among 
other  things : 

"We  do  not  doubt  that  your  Royal  Highness  has  learned 
from  the  Bishop  of  Hereford  what  was  our  will  and  that  of  our 
confederates  at  the  conference  at  Frankfort,  as  well  as  our  dispo 
sition  towards  your  Royal  Highness.  We  are  under  the  impres 
sion,  too,  that  the  letters  which  were  sent,  June  5th,  from  Naum- 
burg  have  been  delivered  to  your  Royal  Highness.  We  expect 
a  reply  from  your  Royal  Highness,  or  at  least  we  hope  that 
the  Bishop  of  Hereford  will  write,  as  we  asked  in  the  letter  from 

1  Corpus  Reformatorum,  III :  89. 

2  Ib.  104. 

3  Seckendorf,  III :  113. 


The  Lutheran  Commission  to  England  of  1538.     1 29 

Naumburg,  informing  us  what  was  the  will  of  your  Royal  High 
ness,  when  he  had  read  the  article*  concerning  doctrine  on  which 
the  legates  and  the  Wittenberg  theologians  had  agreed. ' ' 

At  last  on  November  28th,  Melanchthon  had  received  "  The 
Ten  Articles,"  and  wrote  to  Veit  Dietrich:  "We  have  the 
Anglican  Articles  complete,  which  I  will  have  described  by 
Cruciger ;  they  have  been  put  together  with  the  greatest  confu 
sion.  There  are,  it  is  true,  still  intervals  taken  from  my  affairs. 
But  I  will  write  of  them  at  another  time."  4  Three  days  later, 
he  wrote  to  the  same  correspondent :  "  We  hear  that  in  Eng 
land  everything  is  full  of  seditions.  I  wonder  that  you  have  not 
indicated  with  what  countenance  Dr.  Osiander  has  regarded  the 
picture  of  his  prophecy." 

THE   COMMISSION   OF    1538. 

Henry  at  last  responded,  January  2d,  1538,  in  a  very  concili 
atory  strain.  He  praised  the  course  of  his  German  brethren 
concerning  the  proposed  Council,  thought  that  every  Christian 
man  must  admire  it,  and  hoped  that  by  future  conferences,  with 
the  Divine  assistance,  they  may  come  to  an  agreement,  and  that 
the  pure  doctrine  of  Christ  which  cannot  lie  hidden  long  may  be 
displayed  to  the  salvation  of  all.5  At  the  close  of  the  next  month, 
he  sent  Christopher  Mount  to  the  meeting  of  the  League  at 
Brunswick  with  the  assurance  that  he  would  use  every  effort  for 
the  promotion  and  establishment  of  the  pure  religion,  and  stat 
ing  that  it  was  now  the  time  to  send  the  promised  embassy.5  It 
was  accordingly  determined  to  accept  the  proposition,  and  the 
embassy  was  constituted  by  the  appointment  of  Francis  Burk- 
hard,  Vice  Chancellor  of  Saxony,  George  a  Boyneburg,  LL.  D., 
a  Hessian  nobleman,  and  Frederick  Myconius,  Superintendent 
of  Gotha — a  statesman,  a  jurist  and  a  theologian.  The  very 
constitution  of  the  commission  showed  that  it  was  not  antici- 

4  The  translator  is  compelled  here  to  be  an   interpreter  :     "  De  meis  rebus 
adhuc  quidem  sunt  induciae."     Ib.  p.  192.. 
5Seckendorf,  III:   1 80. 
10 


130  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

pated  to  admit  of  any  compromises.  Melanchthon  was  evi 
dently  kept  at  home  intentionally.  Myconius  (1491-1546)  who 
supplied  his  place,  is  described  as  a  man  of  deep  spirituality,  a 
former  monk,  whose  experience  in  his  search  for  the  assurance 
of  the  forgiveness  of  sins  in  many  respects  resembled  that  of  Lu 
ther,  small  of  stature,  and  for  years  a  victim  of  consumption,  of 
scholarly  habits,  wonderful  energy,  distinguished  executive  abil 
ity,  and  marked  eminence  as  a  public  speaker,  with  Melanch- 
thon's  calm  and  unruffled  disposition,  love  of  peace  and  habits 
of  introspection,  tinged  with  well-tempered  sentiment,  but  with 
out  Melanchthon's  fondness  for  diplomacy, — a  man  deeply  be 
loved  by  both  Luther  and  Melanchthon,  who,  when  the  circum 
stances  demanded  it,  on  more  than  one  occasion,  showed  that  he 
•could  be  a  true  Boanerges,  as  well  as  the  St.  John  of  the 
Lutheran  Reformation.  However  such  a  representative  might 
win  the  love  of  all  with  whom  he  dealt,  he  could  be  implicitly 
relied  upon  not  to  yield  an  hair's  breadth,  as  in  his  inner  expe 
rience  he  had  fought  over  every  point  involved  in  the  contro 
versy,  and  knew  that  life  or  death  hung  upon  them  all.  What 
better  representative  could  be  selected  to  encounter  the  disguised 
Romanism,  than  he  who,  as  a  youth,  still  in  the  toils  of  the  Pa 
pacy,  had  stood  before  Tetzel  begging  an  indulgence  upon  the 
ground  that  to  the  poor  it  must  be  given  gratuitously,  and,  when 
offered  the  price  by  some  of  Tetzel's  attendants,  refusing  it  with 
the  words  :  "  No,  I  purchase  no  forgiveness.  I  must  have  it 
gratuitously,"  and  charging  the  indulgence  vender  to  his  face: 
'  You  will  have  to  give  an  answer  before  God,  if  for  the  sake 
of  a  couple  of  pennies,  you  regard  the  salvation  of  my  soul  of  no 
account." 

LUTHER   ON   BISHOP   FOX. 

Already  on  March  nth,  the  instructions  of  the  commission 
were  prepared.  May  1 2th,  Luther  wrote  a  letter  to  Bishop  Fox 
commending  its  members  to  its  kind  reception.  Alas  the  ac 
complished  prelate  had  died  four  days  before  !  With  his  death, 
Lutheranism  in  England  received  a  blow  from  which  it  never  re. 


The  Lutheran  Commission  to  England  of  1538,     131 

covered.  If  that  same  hand,  whose  chief  work,  one  would  think, 
should  have  been,  to  transmit  the  holiest  office  to  those  who 
were  to  be  the  ambassadors  of  the  Gospel  of  peace  and  love,  but 
which  so  often  touched  the  key  at  whose  signal,  the  friends  of  a 
purified  church,  fell  beneath  the  blows  of  the  executioner,  had 
administered  poison  to  one  whose  power  and  influence  were  too 
great  to  admit  of  his  removal  by  ordinary  methods,  he  could  not 
have  accomplished  his  plans  more  effectually.  Without  the 
vacillation  of  Cranmer,  every  movement  which  the  Bishop  of 
Hereford  had  made,  showed  a  steady  progress  towards  the  ideal 
position.  He  had  greater  depth  of  character,  wider  range  of  ex 
perience,  and  more  facility  and  readiness  as  an  ecclesiastical 
diplomat,  than  the  archbishop.  Besides  he  had  always  access  to 
the  king — a  privilege  which  Cranmer  enjoyed  only  on  rare  oc 
casions.  The  letter  of  Luther  shows  in  what  esteem  the  Re 
former  held  him,  and  fully  counteracts  the  suspicions  felt  by 
Melanchthon,  who,  we  must  acknowledge,  was  readily  deceived 
in  his  estimate  of  men.  Nor  do  Luther's  letters  deal  in  empty 
compliments.  Whatever  he  writes  he  means.  Here  is  his 
letter : 

"  Grace  and  peace  in  Christ  our  Lord.  As  these  men,  our 
friends  and  the  legates  of  the  princes,  are  about  making  a  journey 
to  your  Most  Serene  King,  I  could  not  refrain  from  giving  them 
a  letter  to  you,  dreading  especially  lest  I  might  incur  the  charge 
of  being  an  ungrateful  and  forgetful  man.  For  since,  in  addition 
-to  the  most  agreeable  intimacy  which  we  enjoyed  here,  you  also 
did  ^  me  a  very  great  favor,  and  profited  me  by  your  advice 
against  my  enemy,  the  stone;  it  is  impossible  for  me  to  forget 
you.  Often  has  our  conversation  been  concerning  you,  espe 
cially  since  affairs  have  been  taking  such  turns  in  your  kingdom, 
that  either  you  have  been  unable  to  send  us  letters,  or  when  sent 
they  were  possibly  intercepted.  By  such  suppositions  we  com 
forted  our  anxiety.  For  we  were  hesitating  and  dreading,  lest 
possibly  this  persistent  silence  might  be  a  sign  of  some  sadder 
calamity  against  the  progress  of  the  Gospel.  There  were  some 


132  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

who  imagined  that  your  King,  circumvented  at  some  time  by 
skilful  Romanists  would  return  again  into  favor  with  the  Pope. 
We  here  prayed,  and  amid  hope  and  fear  besought  that  Satan  be 
beaten  under  your  feet.  Neither  are  we  informed  what  is  being 
done,  among  you,  with  respect  to  the  Gospel,  or  how.  But  we 
hope  on  the  return  of  these  legates  to  hear  a  good  report  con 
cerning  your  Anglican  Church  with  respect  to  what  is  verily  the 
Gospel.  How  the  State  and  Church  are  in  Germany,  you  will 
learn  fully  and  thoroughly  from  our  representatives.  The  Lord 
Jesus  Christ  increase  in  you  and  in  us  both  grace  and  his  gilts  to 
the  glory  of  God  the  Father.  Amen.  My  Katie  reverently 
salutes  you.  In  Christ,  farewell.  Your  most  devoted, 

"  MARTIN  LUTHER."  6 
THE  EMBASSY  IN  ENGLAND. 

The  ambassadors  received  a  very  cordial  reception.  They 
were  honored  with  the  embrace  of  the  king,  who  expressed  his 
great  regret  at  the  absence  of  Melanchthon,  but  candidly  stated 
that  there  were  some  points  in  the  articles  of  the  Protestants 
which  he  did  not  approve,  and  that  he  thought  that  they  ought 
to  make  the  platform  sufficiently  broad  that  the  French  also 
might  be  included.  The  ambassadors,  however,  were  duly 
warned  by  the  friends  of  the  Evangelical  cause  that  he  was 
greatly  influenced  by  bishops  opposed  to  the  Gospel,  and  that 
they  should  not  place  much  dependence  upon  his  flattery.7  This 
they  soon  found  to  be  only  too  true. 

Three  bishops  and  four  doctors  of  divinity,  with  Cranmer,  as 
president  of  the  commission,  were  appointed  to  represent  the 
English  side,  while  Dr.  Barnes  was  assigned  by  the  king  a  place 
in  the  conference  on  the  Lutheran  side  !  There  is  perfect  agree 
ment  concerning  the  facts  of  the  Conference.  "The  two  par 
ties  went  together  through  the  Augustan  Confession."  8  ''The 
course  of  the  discussion  was  regulated  by  the  plan  pursued  in  the 

6  De  Wette's  Luther's  Briefen,  V :  no  sq. 

7Seckendorf,  III:   180. 

8  Dixon's  History  of  the  Church  of  England,  Vol.  II :  p  3. 


The  Lutheran  Commission  to  England  of  1538.     133 

Augsburg  Confession."  "The  king  appointed  certain  bishops 
and  doctors,  to  enter  into  conference  and  debate  with  them,  of 
each  of  the  heads  of  Christian  doctrine  contained  in  the  Augus 
tine  Confession,  and  of  divers  abuses  brought  into  the  church."  s 
They  were  not  long  in  coming  to  an  agreement  on  the  Doctrinal 
Articles,  but  after  these  were  finished,  a  disagreement  arose,  the 
Lutherans  insisting  that  the  consideration  of  the  Confession  must 
be  finished,  and  the  articles  on  Abuses  also  included,  while  the 
bishops  were  just  as  urgent  that  the  seven  sacraments  must  form 
the  next  subject  of  consideration.  Back  of  the  bishops  was  the 
king ;  but  the  Lutherans  had  the  satisfaction  of  having  on  their 
side  Cranmer,  who  wrote  with  no  little  feeling  to  Crumwell  con 
cerning  the  course  of  his  associates.  The  fact  could  not  be  con 
cealed  that  it  was  the  intention  of  the  King  by  this  procedure  to 
break  up  the  conference,  which  threatened  to  go  too  far.  It 
actually  began  to  look  as  though,  if  the  discussions  were  to  con 
tinue,  the  whole  Augsburg  Confession  would  be  approved.  Me- 
lanchthon  wrote  to  Brenz  on  the  basis  of  the  reports  received  at 
Wittenberg:  "  There  is  hope  that  the  Anglican  churches  will 
be  reformed,  and  the  doctrine,  and  godly  rights  restored."  10 
Nevertheless  it  would  have  been  a  serious  matter  from  a  political 
standpoint  to  have  dismissed  the  representatives  of  the  Smalcald 
League  too  abruptly.  So  Henry  announced  that  he  himself 
would  undertake  to  answer  the  Lutheran  argument  on  Abuses. 
Cranmer  also  describes  the  entertainment  furnished  the  Luth 
eran  ambassadors  as  being  such  as  would  lead  them  to  desire  a 
summons  homeward  at  the  earliest  moment.  "As  concernyng 
the  Oratours  of  Germanye,  I  am  advertised,  that  thei  are  very 
evill  lodged  where  thei  be  :  For  besides  the  Multitude  of  Ratts, 
daily  and  nyghtly  runnyng  in  their  chambers,  which  is  no.  small 
Disquietnes;  the  Kechyn  standeth  directly  against  their  Parlar, 
where  they  dayly  Dine  and  Supp ;  and  by  reason  thereof,  the 

9  Ilarclwick's  History  of  Articles,  p.  70. 

10  Corpus  Jtcformatorum,  III:  587. 


134  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

House  savoreth  so  yll,  that  it  offendeth  all  Men  that  come  into 
it."11 

The  king  was  trifling ;  and  the  ambassadors  were  quick 
enough  to  perceive  it.  "  He  wants,"  writes  Myconius,  "noth 
ing  else  than  to  sit  as  Antichrist  in  the  temple  of  God,  and  that 
King  Harry  be  Pope.  The  precious  treasures,  the  rich  income 
of  the  Church — these  are  Harry's  Gospel."12  The  Bishop  of 
Hereford  is  no  longer  at  hand  to  plead  for  the  evangelical 
faith  with  his  hardened  monarch.  Political  considerations  have 
again  interfered.  Francis  and  Charles  V.  have  concluded  a 
peace.  Charles  V.  has  sent  a  proposition  to  the  afflicted  wid 
ower  on  the  throne  of  England,  that  his  fourth  wife  should  be 
the  Emperor's  niece.  Henry  interprets  this  as  an  indication 
that  his  power  is  actually  feared  by  the.  Emperor,  and  that  he 
can  now  cope  with  the  Pope  without  bothering  himself  with  the 
terms  of  church  fellowship  which  these  obstinate  and  narrow- 
minded  Lutherans  want  to  impose. 

The  ambassadors  understood  the  situation  and  prepared  to  re 
tire.  Myconius  felt  his  strength  failing,  and  feared  that  if  he 
tarried  much  longer  in  the  fogs  of  London,  his  struggle  for  life 
would  soon  end.  He  wrote  to  Cranmer  September  loth.  "  Al 
though  for  the  sake  of  advancing  Christ's  glory  I  am  ready  also 
to  suffer  all  things ;  yet  since,  in  the  articles  and  summary  of 
Christian  doctrine,  we  have  advanced  so  far  as  to  agree  now 
concerning  the  chief;  and  since,  as  to  what  is  left  touching 
abuses,  we  have  explained  the  opinion  of  our  princes,  doctors, 
churches  and  of  ourselves  both  verbally  and  in  writing,  and  the 
doctors  now  know  our  judgment,  they  will  be  able  also  in  our 
absence  to  weigh  them,  and  to  determine  what  they  see  to  be 
pleasing  to  the  divine  will  and  useful  to  the  church  of  God."  13 
Nor  is  the  official  letter  which  they  left  in  England  without  great 

11  Burnet,  Record  Book  III :  xlviii. 

12  Piper's  " Die  Zetigen  der  Wahrheit"  Vol.  Ill :  p.  445. 

13  Strype's  Memorials,  VI :   139. 


The  Lutheran  Commission  to  England  of  1538.     135 

interest.  We  quote  from  the  summary  of  it  which  the  king  had 
prepared : 

"After  they  had  related  what  was  given  them  in  command 
ment,  and  that  they  had  conferred  of  the  articles  of  the  Chris 
tian  religion  for  two  months  with  some  bishops  and  doctors  of 
divinity,  appointed  them  by  the  King's  Majesty ;  they  doubt 
not  that  a  firm  and  perpetual  concord  betwixt  their  princes  and 
the  king's  majesty,  and  their  bishops,  divines  and  subjects  would 
follow  in  the  doctrine  of  the  gospel,  to  the  praise  of  God,  and 
the  ruin  of  the  Roman  Anti-Christ.  And  because  they  cannot 
stay  for  the  rest  of  the  disputation  concerning  abuses,  before 
they  depart  they  think  it  their  duty  to  declare  their  sentence 
of  some  articles  of  abuses  ;  which,  after  their  departure,  the 
king's  majesty  may  take  care  that  his  bishops  and  divines  confer 
together  of.  They  say,  the  purity  of  doctrine  cannot  be  con 
served,  unless  those  abuses  be  taken  away,  that  fight  with  the 
Word  of  God,  and  have  produced  and  maintained  the  tyranny 
and  idolatry  of  the  Roman  Anti-Christ." 

Yet  when  the  time  for  the  departure  of  the  commission  came,  the 
king  was  profuse  in  compliments.  Writing  to  the  Elector  he 
styled  them  his  "  most  blameless  friends,  who  have  presented 
arguments  so  eminent  in  sound  learning,  wisdom,  uncommon 
candor,  and  supreme  devotion  to  Christian  godliness,  that  their 
intercourse  has  been  in  the  highest  degree  charming  and  agree 
able  to  us,  and  we  entertain  the  well-assured  hope  that,  with 
God's  assistance,  fruit  and  success  will  follow  the  counsels  that 
have  been  begun."  The  Saxon  Vice-Chancellor  took  with  him, 
as  a  memorial  of  his  sumptuous  entertainment,  three  horses  and 
a  carriage  presented  by  the  king.  When,  a  few  weeks  later, 
their  owner  exhibited  them  at  Smalcald,  the  ludicrousness  of  the 
whole  procedure  was  such,  that  Luther  could  not  refrain  from 
some  amusing  remarks,  which  may  be  found  in  his  Table- 
Talk.  u 

The  subject,  however,  has  its  serious  as  well  as  its   humorous 

14  Erlangen  Ed.  Luther's  Works,  Vol.  62,  p.  453. 


136  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

side.  As  Seckendorf  remarks:  "The  just  judgment  of  God 
against  the  horrible  vices  of  the  king  ought  to  be  recognized."  15 
"The  failure  of  these  negotiations  with  the  German  princes 
was  one  of  the  heaviest  blows  sustained  by  the  English  Reforma 
tion  during  the  reign  of  Henry  VIII.  It  both  removed  the  sal 
utary  restraint  hitherto  imposed  on  the  King's  caprices  by  an  un 
willingness  to  break  with  those  who  were  embarked  in  the  same 
cause,  and  it  also  enlisted  his  personal  feelings  on  the  side  of  the 
tenets  he  had  so  zealously  pledged  himself  to  defend."  16 

THE   THIRTEEN   ARTICLES   OF    1538'. 

If  the  question,  then,  be  asked,  why  is  not  the  Church  Of  Eng 
land  a  Lutheran  Church  ?  the  true  answer  is,  Because  a  wicked 
ruler  interfered  within  a  sphere  that  did  not  belong  to  him,  and 
abruptly  terminated  the  measures  of  the  true  representatives  of 
the  Church,  which  clearly  indicated  a  readiness  to  accept  the 
Lutheran  Confessions.17 

This  is  shown  further  by  the  Articles  of  1538,  evidently  drawn 
up  at  the  Conference,  and  preserved  with  other  documents  per 
taining  to  it,  which  were  discovered  about  1830  by  Dr.  Jenkyns 
among  the  manuscripts  of  Cranmer.  They  have  no  weight  ex 
cept  as  historical  evidence  of  the  facts  which  we  are  tracing, 
having  failed  of  their  purpose,  and  not  having  received  any 
formal  sanction.  They  were  filed  away,  to  serve  an  important 
purpose  afterwards  in  the  preparation  of  the  Articles  of  1552, 
through  which  they  continue  to  live  in  the  Thirty-Nine  Articles. 
The  subjects  of  the  articles  are  I.  Of  the  Unity  of  God  and  the 
Trinity  of  Persons.  II.  Of  Original  Sin.  III.  Of  the  Two 
Natures  of  Christ.  IV.  Of  Justification.  V.  Of  the  Church. 
VI.  Of  'Baptism.  VII.  Of  the  Eucharist.  VIII.  Of  Repen- 

15 Vol.  Ill:  p.  180. 

16  Jenkyn's  Cranmer,  I :  xxv. 

17 "  It  is  an  unjust  scandal  of  our  adversaries,  and  a  gross  error  in  ourselves, 
to  compute  the  nativity  of  our  religion  from  Henry  the  Eighth  ;  who,  though 
he  rejected  the  Pope,  refused  not  the  faith  of  Rome." — Sir  Thomas  Browne's 
Religio  Medici,  \  5- 


The  Lutheran  Commission  to  England  of  1338.     137 


tance.  IX.  Of  the  Use  of  the  Sacraments.  X.  Of  the  Ministers 
of  the  Church.  XI.  Of  Ecclesiastical  Rites.  XII.  Of  Civil  Af 
fairs.  XIII.  Of  the  Resurrection  of  Bodies,  and  the  Final 
Judgment. 

The  reader  may  judge  for  himself  how  closely  the  Augsburg 
Confession  is  followed  : 


AUGSBURG  CONFESSION,  (1530). 
Art.  I. 

The  churches  with  common  con 
sent  among  us,  do  teach  that  the  de 
cree  of  the  Nicene  Synod  concerning 
the  unity  of  the  divine  essence  and  of 
the  three  persons  is  true,  and  without 
any  doubt  to  be  believed  :  to  wit.,  that 
there  is  one  divine  essence,  which  is 
called  and  is  God,  eternal,  without 
body,  indivisible,  of  infinite  power, 
wisdom,  goodness;  the  Creator  and 
Preserver  of  all  things  visible  and  in 
visible  ;  and  that  yet  there  be  three 
persons  of  the  same  essence  and  pow 
er,  who  are  also  co-eternal,  the  Fath 
er,  the  Son,  and  the  Holy  Ghost. 

And  they  use  the  name  person  in 
that  signification  which  the  ecclesias 
tical  writers  have  used  it  in  this  cause, 
to  signify,  not  a  part  or  quality  in  an 
other,  but  that  which  properly  sub- 
sisteth. 

They  condemn  all  heresies  which 
have  sprung  up  against  this  article,  as 
the  Manichees,  who  set  down  two 
principles,  good  and  evil ;  in  the 
same  manner,  the  Valentinians,  Ari- 
ans,  Eunomians,  Mahometans  and  all 
such  like. 

They  condemn  also  the  Samosa- 
tenes,  old  and  new  ;  who  when  they 
earnestly  contend  that  there  is  but  one 
person,  do  craftily  and  wickedly  trifle 
after  the  manner  of  Rhetoricians 
about  the  Word  and  the  Holy  Ghost, 
that  they  are  not  distinct  persons,  but 
that  the  Word  signifieth  a  vocal  word, 
and  the  Spirit  a  motion  created  in 
things. 


ARTICLES  (1^38.) 

Art.  I. 

We  judge  that  the  decree  of  the 
Nicene  Synod  concerning  the  unity  of 
the  divine  essence  and  the  three  per 
sons  is  true,  and  without  any  doubt  to 
be  believed  :  to  wit.,  that  there  is  one 
divine  essence,  which  both  is  called 
and  is  God,  eternal,  without  body,  in 
divisible,  of  infinite  power,  wisdom, 
goodness;  the  Creator  and  Preserver 
of  all  things  visible  and  invisible ;  and 
that  yet  there  be  three  persons  of  the 
same  essence  and  power,  and  co-eter 
nal,  the  Father,  the  Son,  and  the 
Holy  Ghost. 

And  we  use  the  name  person  in 
that  signification  which  the  ecclesias 
tical  writers  have  used  in  this  case  to 
signify  not  a  part  or  quality  in  an 
other,  but  that  which  properly  sub- 
sisteth. 

We  condemn  all  heresies  which 
have  sprung  up  against  this  article,  as 
the  Manichees  who  set  down  two 
principles,  a  good  and  an  evil ;  also 
the  Valentinians,  Arians,  Eunomians, 
Mahometans  and  all  such  like. 

We  condemn  also  the  Samosatanes 
old  and  new,  who  when  they  earn 
estly  contend  that  there  is  but  one 
person,  do  craftily  and  wickedly  trifle 
after  the  manner  of  Rhetoricians 
about  the  Word  and  the  Holy  Ghost, 
that  there  are  not  distinct  persons,  but 
that  the  Word  signilieth  a  vocal  word, 
and  the  Spirit  a  motion  created  in 
things. 


138 


The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 


ART.  II. 

Also  they  teach  that  after  Adam's 
fall,  all  men  begotten  after  the  com 
mon  course  of  nature,  are  born  with 
sin  ;  that  is,  without  the  fear  of  God, 
without  trust  in  him,  and  with  fleshly 
appetite  ;  and  that  this  disease  or  origi 
nal  fault  is  truly  sin,  condemning  and 
bringing  eternal  death  now  also  upon 
all  that  are  •  not  born  again  by  bap 
tism  and  the  Holy  Spirit. 


They  condemn  the  Pelagians  and 
others,  who  deny  this  original  fault  to 
be  sin  indeed  ;  and  who,  so  as  to  les 
son  the  glory  of  the  merit  and  benefits 
of  Christ,  argue  that  a  man  may,  by 
the  strength  of  his  own  reason,  be  jus 
tified  before  God. 


ART.  II. 

All  men  begotten  after  the  common 
course  of  nature  are  born  with 
original  sin ;  that  is  with  an  absence 
of  the  original  righteousness  that 
ought  to  be  in  them,18  on  which  ac 
count  they  are  children  of  wrath,  and 
fail  in  knowledge  of  God,  fear  of 
God,  trust  towards  God,  etc.  And 
they  have  fleshly  appetite  conflicting 
with  the  law  of  God ;  and  this  disease 
or  fault  of  origin  is  truly  sin,  con 
demning  and  bringing  eternal  death 
now  also  upon  those  who  are  not 
born  again  by  baptism  and  the  Holy 
Spirit. 

We  condemn  the  Pelagians  and 
others,  who  deny  the  fault  of  origin 
to  be  sin  ;  and  who,  so  as  to  lessen 
the  glory  of  the  merit  and  benefits  of 
Christ  argue  that  man  can  satisfy 
God's  law  by  his  own  natural  strength 
without  the  Holy  Spirit,  and  by  the 
good  works  of  reason  be  pronounced 
righteous  before  God. 


Article  III.  corresponds  to  Article  III.  of  Augsburg  Confes 
sion  except  in  the  second  word,  where  we  find  "  docemus"  in 
stead  of  "  decent."  Art.  IV.  "  Of  Justification  "  is  much  longer 
than  the  corresponding  Article  of  the  Augsburg  Confession, 
which  it  includes  but  amplifies.  The  definition  of  the  "  Ten 
Articles"  is  introduced,  but  so  modified  by  qualifying  clauses 
as  to  bring  it  into  nearer  accord  with  the  Confession.  Objec 
tions  to  the  Lutheran  doctrine  are  also  met  by  the  formulation 
of  the  statement  that  the  faith  described  is  not  inoperative  knowl 
edge,  or  simply  a  knowledge  of  the  articles  of  faith,  etc.  It 
closes  with  a  verbal  reproduction  of  Art.  V.  of  the  Augsburg 
Confession.  Art.  V.  discusses  at  length  the  definition  of  the 
Church  in  harmony  with  the  Lutheran  Confession,  drawing  ma 
terial  both  from  the  Augsburg  Confession  and  the  Apology. 

18  This  variation  from  the  Aug.  Conf.  is  derived  from  the  Apology  (78: 
15) :  "  The  ancient  definition,  understood  aright,  expresses  the  same  thing 
when  it  says  :  '  Original  sin  is  the  absence  of  original  righteousness?  " 


The  Lutheran  Commission  to  England  of  1338.      139 


Art.  VI.  includes  Art.  IX.  of  the  Augsburg  Confession,  and  Art. 
I.  of  "The  Ten  Articles"  of  1536,  concerning  Infant  Baptism, 
taken  as  we  have  seen  from  Melanchthon's  "  Advcrsus  Anabap- 
tistas"  and  adds  a  statement  concerning  Adult  Baptism.  Art. 
VII.  teaches  the  Lutheran  doctrine  of  the  Lord's  Supper  in  the 
terms  agreed  upon  at  Wittenberg  in  1536.  The  only  article  of 
the  "  Repetitio  "  there  framed  of  which  we  have  any  knowledge 
is  quoted  by  Seckendorf : 

ARTICLES  (1538). 
"  Of  the  Eucharist  we  constantly 
believe  and  teach  that  in  the  sacra 
ment  of  the  Body  and  Blood  of  the 
Lord,  Christ's  body  and  blood  are 
truly,  substantially  and  really  present 
under  the  forms  of  bread  and  wine, 
and  that  under  the  same  forms,  they 
are  truly  and  really  tendered  and  dis 
tributed  to  those  who  receive  the  sac 
rament,  whether  good  or  bad." 

Of  the  remaining  Articles,  IX.,  X.  and  the  first  paragraph 
of  XI.  are  substantially  derived  from  the  Augsburg  Confession, 
though  expanding  the  doctrine,  guarding  it  from  misconceptions 
and  answering  objections.  Articles  VIII.  "Of  Repentance," 
XII.,  "Of  Civil  Affairs,"  and  XIII.  "Of  the  Resurrection," 
are  treated  at  much  greater  length,  but  also  bear  clear  marks  of 
the  source  whence  they  come. 


REPETITIO  (1536). 
"  We  constantly  believe  and  teach 
that  in  the  sacrament  of  the  Body  and 
Blood  of  the  Lord,  Christ's  body  and 
blood  are  truly,  substantially  and 
really  present  under  the  forms  of 
bread  and  wine,  and  that  under  the 
same  forms,  they  are  truly  and  cor 
poreally  tendered  and  distributed  to 
all  those  who  receive  the  sacrament." 


CHAPTER  X. 

MORE   ENGLISH   LUTHERAN   LITERATURE. 

The  First  English  Systematic  Theology.  Taverner's  Sarcerius.  Its  Signifi 
cance  and  Purpose.  Connection  between  Myconius  and  Sarcerius. 
Sarcerius  and  the  Reformation  of  Nassau.  Count  William  of  Nassau. 
Sarcerius  as  an  Organizer.  His  Examinations.  His  Skill  as  a  Teacher. 
Relation  to  William  of  Orange.  Henry  VIII's  delight  with  the  Book 
of  Sarcerius.  Letter  of  Sarcerius  to  Henry.  The  Wittenberg  Faculty 
on  Henry's  Study  of  Sarcerius.  Coverdale's  Revision  of  Matthewe's 
Bible  (the  Great  or  Crumwell's  Bible) ;  of  the  Great  Bible  (Cranmer's). 
Taverner's  Revision  of  Matthewe's  Bible. 

WHILE  these  negotiations  were  pending,  (August  i2th,  1538) 
the  first  English  work  on  Systematic  Theology  appeared  in  a 
translation  of  "The  Common  Places"  of  Erasmus  Sarcerius. 
Even  the  German  language  could  not  boast  of  a  Lutheran  sys 
tem  of  theology  as  early  as  this,  which  appeared,  first  in  Latin, 
and  then,  so  soon  afterwards,  in  English.  The  dedication  to 
Henry  VIII,  by  the  translator,  Richard  Taverner,  states  that  it 
was  translated  by  order  of  Crumwell.  "  Now  of  late  he  hath 
impelled  me  to  translate  into  English  this  book  of  Erasmus  Sar 
cerius,  a  treasure  inestimable  unto  Christian  men."  "Whatso 
ever  this  book  is,  like  as  by  the  impulsion  and  commandment 
of  my  said  old  master,  my  Lord  privy  seal,  I  have  translated  it 
into  our  vulgar  tongue ;  so  his  Lordship  hath  willed  me  to  offer 
and  dedicate  the  same  unto  your  most  noble. and  redoubted  Ma 
jesty."  It  is  also  stated  that  this  treatise  of  Sarcerius  was  pre 
ferred  to  the  "Common  Places"  of  Melanchthon,  in  making 
the  selection  of  the  work  to  be  translated,  because  "only  in  this 
they  differ,  that  Melanchthon  directeth  his  style  to  the  under- 

(140) 


More  English  Lutheran  Literature.  141 

standing  only  of  the  learned  persons  well  exercised  in  Scriptures. 
This  tempereth  his  pen  also  to  the  capacity  of  young  students  of 
scripture,  and  such  as  have  not  had  much  exercise  in  the  same." 

We  see,  therefore,  in  this  book,  another  provision  made  for  the 
thorough  reformation  of  the  Church  of  England.  It  was  hoped 
that  entire  harmony  would  be  reached  in  the  confessional  basis 
adopted ;  that,  not  only  the  doctrinal  articles  of  the  Augsburg 
Confession,  but  also  those  on  abuses,  would  be  received ;  and 
that,  then,  since,  in  other  Lutheran  countries,  the  Church  Orders 
contained  a  summary  of  doctrine,  according  to  which  the  pastors 
were  to  conform  their  preaching,  such  a  provision  would  be 
made  in  this  translation  of  Sarcerius.  Myconius,  the  theologian 
of  the  embassy,  possibly  had  recommended  this  course  to  Cran- 
mer  or  Crumwell.  At  the  birth-place  of  Sarcerius,  Annaberg  in 
Saxony,  Myconius  had  not  only  been  educated,  but  had  lived  for 
years  as  a  Franciscan  monk.  Although  Sarcerius  was  ten  years 
younger,  they  had  both  attended  the  same  Latin  school ;  and 
though  scarcely  cotemporary  in  school,  the  son  of  one  of  the 
most  wealthy  and  influential  citizens  of  the  place  could  not  have 
been  unknown  to  the  young  monk  even  in  the  days  of  his  subjec 
tion  to  the  Papacy.  Since  both  were  now  active  in  the  same 
cause,  the  local  attachments  were  not  without  their  influence. 

Just  at  that  time,  Sarcerius  was  engaged,  at  the  call  of  Count 
William,  father  of  the  great  William  of  Orange,  Stadtholder  of 
Holland,  in  re-organizing  the  church  in  Nassau  upon  an  evan 
gelical  basis.  He  had  been  prepared  for  this  work  by  studying 
at  \Vittenberg,  under  Luther  and  Melanchthon  and  by  extensive 
experience  as  a  teacher.  He  had  left  Wittenberg  in  1530,  and, 
from  1530—36,  had  been  Subrector  of  a  Gymnasium  at  Liibeck 
established,  in  1530,  by  Bugenhagen,  with  the  exception  of  sev 
eral  brief  intervals  during  which  he  taught  at  Rostock,  and  at 
Gratz.  Called  as  teacher  to  Nassau  in  1536,  when,  in  1538,  the 
time  had  come  for  a  more  thorough  reformation  of  that  country, 
he  was  appointed  Superintendent  and  at  once  set  vigorously  to 
work. 


142  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

The  story  of  the  preparatory  efforts  at  reformation  in  Nassau  is 
exceedingly  interesting.  Count  William  and  his  family  had 
always  been  on  intimate  terms  with  Charles  V.  ;  and  personal 
considerations  were,  therefore,  an  obstacle  to  his  acceptance 
of  the  purified  Gospel.  But  Tetzel's  sale  of  indulgences  in  his 
realm  had  excited  his  opposition.  He  had  heard  Luther's  de 
fence  at  Worms  with  admiration ;  and,  on  returning  home,  had 
sent  to  the  Elector  Frederick  for  Luther's  writings,  which  Fred 
erick  transmitted  with  the  message:  "By  God's  help,  I  will 
make,  through  these,  a  good  Christian  of  you."  Again  at  the 
Diet  of  Augsburg,  he  was  impressed  by  the  arguments  of  the  re 
formers  ;  but  was  so  much  under  the  influence  of  the  Emperor, 
of  whose  retinue  his  brother  was  a  member,  that,  after  the  diet, 
he  accepted  a  commission  to  Wittenberg,  for  the  purpose,  if  pos 
sible,  of  winning  the  young  elector  from  the  Lutheran  cause. 
But  his  visit  to  Wittenberg,  instead  of  changing  the  elector, 
brought  Count  William  to  a  decision ;  and  he  returned  in  full 
sympathy  with  the  reformers.  Two  evangelical  preachers,  Heil- 
mann  of  Van  Crombach,  and  Leonhard  Mogner,  were  appointed 
by  him  to  important  positions,  the  former,  as  his  chaplain,  at 
Dillenburg,  and  the  latter  at  Siegen,  and  entrusted  with  the  work 
of  preparing  a  new  "  Church  Order,"  which  appeared  in  1531, 
and  abolished  the  grosser  Papistical  abuses.  Entering  the  Smal- 
cald  League  in  1534,  at  Dillenburg  and  Siegen  the  Brandenburg- 
Niirnberg  Order  was  introduced.  Sarcerius'  call  as  a  teacher 
was  to  prepare  for  the  more  radical  changes  to  be  effected  in 
1538.  His  first  work  was  to  thoroughly  instruct  the  pastors.  He 
wras  still  the  accomplished  teacher,  who  regarded  it  his  first  work 
to  drill  his  new  pupils,  the  clergy  of  Nassau,  in  fundamental  defi 
nitions.  Both  at  the  Synods  which  he  held,  and  in  his  visita 
tions,  the  pastors  were  thoroughly  examined,  and  were  expected 
to  show  their  familiarity  with  the  definitions  which  their  Super 
intendent  had  carefully  wrought  out  and  published  for  their  use. 
We  read  in  his  report  to  Count  William  how  he  examined  the 
pastors  "  Concerning  God;  the  Trinity  in  general;  the  Father; 


More  English  Lutheran  Literature.  143 

the  Son ;  the  Holy  Ghost ;  the  holy  angels ;  the  Wicked  Angels ; 
the  Creation  of  man  and  his  Fall ;  the  promise  to  the  Church ; 
the  Law,  and  its  species ;  the  Gospel  and  its  revelation ;  Faith ; 
Justification  and  Life  Everlasting ;  Good  Works ;  the  Cross  ;  the 
Sacraments;  Prayer;  the  Magistracy  and  Ministers;"  and,  then, 
examined  the  people,  to  learn  what  their  pastors  had  taught  them 
on  these  topics.  This  was  certainly  far  more  thorough  than  even 
the  excellent  plan  elsewhere  pursued  of  attaching  to  the  "  Church 
Order"  adopted,  a  simple  outline  of  doctrine  for  the  guidance 
of  pastors.  Besides  as  Gerdesius  remarks,1  the  philosophical 
training  of  Sarcerius  rendered  him  especially  happy  in  his  doc 
trinal  statements.  It  was,  therefore,  one  of  these  books  prepared 
by  Sarcerius  for  his  clergy,  that  Taverner  translated. 

From  the  reprint  ofTaverner's  translation,  published  in  1577, 
when  William  of  Orange  was  in  the  midst  of  his  conflict  with  the 
Duke  of  Alva,  the  placid  but  determined  features  of  this  skilful 
teacher  and  organizer  stand  forth  in  an  excellent  engraving, 
which  we  find  also  precisely  reproduced  in  the  second  volume  of 
Gerdes'  Miscellanies.  Underneath  the  engraving  are  the  Latin 
lines  connecting  the  work  of  Sarcerius  in  the  reformation  of  Nas 
sau,  with  the  work  of  the  son  of  his  patron  in  the  Netherlands. 

Quam  claram  facis,  haec  eadem  NASSAVIA  clarum 

Te  facit ;  et  Scriptis  nobile  nomen  habes ; 
Romanum  oppugnas;  MAGNUS  GUILIELMUS  at  ille 

Hispanum,  Factis  nobile  nomen  habens. 

"  Nassau,  which  thou  dost  make  renowped,  this  maketh  thee  re 
nowned.  By  thy  writings,  thou  hast  a  noble  name ;  thou  at- 
tackest  the  Roman  ;  but  the  GREAT  WILLIAM,  by  his  deeds,  hav 
ing  a  noble  name,  is  attacking  the  Spaniards." 

This  means  simply  that  the  work  begun  by  Sarcerius  was  not 
understood  in  its  full  significance,  until  the  great  struggle  in  the 
Netherlands  occurred.  William  of  Orange,  until  his  fif 
teenth  year,  was  trained  under  the  influences  determined  by  Sar- 

1  Miscellanea  Groningina,  II:  606. 


144  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

cerius ;  his  temporary  Romanism  was  due  to  the  attractions  of  the 
Imperial  Court,  and  the  confidence  of  Charles  V.,  when,  as  a 
youth,  he  became  his  page ;  but  his  sound  Lutheran  early  edu 
cation  at 'length  gained  the  victory  over  the  error  in  which  he  was 
bound.  Nevertheless,  not  being  a  theologian,  the  form  of  Pro 
testantism  of  which  he  was  the  champion  in  that  terrific  struggle, 
was  that  of  Calvinism. 

King  Henry  was  at  first  greatly  delighted  with  this  book  of 
Sarcerius.  In  March  1539,  in  a  conference  at  Frankfort  to  be 
hereafter  mentioned,  his  ambassadors  met  Sarcerius,  and  refer- 
ing  to  the  translation  of  his  book,  induced  him  to  write  a  letter, 
to  be  carried  by  them  to  England.  It  is  as  follows : 

"  Grace  and  peace  from  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ.  Most  Serene 
King :  When  a  few  days  ago,  by  command  of  the  illustrious 
prince,  William  of  Nassau,  my  most  clement  lord,  I  came  to 
Frankfort,  I  found  that  at  the  abode  of  Philip  Melanchthon,  the 
ambassadors  of  your  Serenity,  men  of  high  repute  both  in  doc 
trine  and  in  integrity  of  life ;  who,  since,  among  other  things, 
they  heard  my  name,  asked  whether  I  were  that  Erasmus  Sarce 
rius,  who  had  published  '  a  method  '  upon  the  chief  articles  of 
Scripture,  I  replied  that  I  was  he.  Then  they  at  once  began 
to  tell  me,  that,  by  the  command  of  your  Serenity,  my  method 
had  been  translated  into  the  English  language ;  and  that  I  am 
now  speaking  English.  Then  they  added  that  if  I  would  please 
write  to  your  Serenity,  they  would  see  to  it  that  my  letter  would 
be  delivered.  Although  disinclined  to  follow  their  advice, 
since  I  measured  myself  by  my  own  rule,  i.  e.,  considering  my 
inexperience  and  amount  of  learning  inadequate  to  satisfy  your 
Serenity,  since  you  are  endowed  with  talent  unexcelled  in  acute- 
ness  and  depth  both  of  knowledge  and  judgment,  yet  when  I 
heard  of  the  kindness  of  your  Serenity  towards  all  zealous  for, 
and  lovers  of  the  pure  religi  n,  I  began  to  write  in  my  unlearned 
style,  commending  myself  humbly  to  your  Serenity.  If  I  see 
that  my  writings  please  you,  I  will  see  that  you  shortly  receive 
my  '  Common  Places,  methodically  arranged  '  somewhat  en- 


More  English  Lutheran  Literature.  145 

larged,  more  topics  being  added,  and  also  terms  for  vices,  of 
which  Scripture  makes  mention.  Since  also  in  the  realm  of  your 
Serenity,  the  true  religion  is  now  being  planted,  to  the  glory 
of  God  and  the  benefit  of  men,  I  will  send  also  Postils  upon  the 
Gospels  for  the  Lord's  Days  and  the  Festivals;  as  well  as  upon 
the  Epistles  for  the  Lord's  Days  and  Festivals,  dedicated  to  your 
Serenity^.  The  Lord  keep  your  royal  Majesty  safe  and  secure,  to 
the  glory  of  the  Gospel  and  the  peace  of  the  church.  Frankr 
fort,  March  loth,  1539.  ERASMUS  SARCERIUS." 

A  few  months  later,  (October  2  ad,  1539),  the  Wittenberg 
Faculty,  in  a  paper  to  be  hereafter  more  fully  described,  de 
clared  that  Henry,  with  respect  to  "  The  Six  Articles,"  was  acting 
against  his  conscience,  because  "  he  himself  has  had  a  little  book 
of  Sarcerius  translated  and  printed  in  his  own  language,  which 
he  lias  used  as  a  prayer-book,  wherein  the  matter  is  briefly  pre 
sented."2 

Steadily  also  the  work  of  Bible  revision  and  Bible  circulation 
advanced.  With  Matthews'  or  Rogers'  version,  the  English  Bi 
ble  was  at  last  complete,  but  very  unequal  in  the  merits  of  its 
several  parts,  and  requiring  early  revision.  With  remarkable 
self-abnegation,  Coverdale  undertook  this  work.  That  he  had 
already  prepared  a  translation,  whose  defects  he  thus  acknowl 
edged,  was  with  him  no  consideration.  He  was  content  to  make 
Matthews'  Bible  the  basis.  Paris  was  determined  upon  as  the 
place  of  publication,  and  thither  he  went,  with  his  publisher 
Grafton,  in  May  1538.  Obtaining  a  royal  license  from  the 
French  King,  the  work  of  printing  continued  until  December 
1 7th,  when,  by  the  interference  of  the  French  ecclesiastics  it 
was  prohibited,  editor  and  publisher  compelled  to  flee,  and  the 
sheets  confiscated.  Sold,  however,  for  waste  paper,  instead  of 
being  burned,  the  most  of  them  were  saved ;  and  the  printing 
was  completed  in  April  1539,  the  book  being  called  from  its 
size,  (15  X9  inches)  the  "  GREAT  BIBLE,"  or  Crumwell's  Bible, 
as  it  owed  its  origin  to  the  "Lord  Privy  Seal,"  Copies  were 

2  Corpus  Rcformatorum,  III :   796;  De  Wette's  Luther's  Briefen,  V  :  213. 
II 


146  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

placed  in  every  church  where  parishioners  could  always  have 
access  to  them,  and  where  the  people  would  congregate  in  large 
numbers,  as  successive  readers  would  take  their  turn  in  reading 
aloud  from  the  Word  of  Life.  Almost  everyone  who  could 
command  the  means  sought  a  copy  for  himself.  "Even  little 
boys  flocked  among  the  rest  to  hear  portions  of  the  Holy  Scrip 
ture  read."3 

In  making  this  revision,  Coverdale  omitted  the  polemical 
notes  and  prefaces  of  Rogers,  doubtless  in  order  to  make  the 
edition  less  offensive  to  those  inclined  to  the  old  order.  This  is 
the  edition  from  which  the  Psalter  of  "  The  Book  of  Common 
Prayer,"  was  taken. 

Again,  revising  the  ''Great  Bible"  of  1539,  in  1540  (April, 
July  and  November)  and  in  1541  (November  and  and  Decem 
ber),  Coverdale  gave  the  public  what  is  known  as  Cranmer's  Bi 
ble,  making  many  changes  in  his  previous  work,  and  in  some 
instances  reverting  to  his  older  renderings.  Dr.  Eadie4  has 
reached  the  conclusion  that  though  it  was  a  double  revision  of 
Matthew's  of  1537,  the  Great  Bible  is  not  only  inferior  as  a 
translation,  but  has  interspersed  through  it  a  great  variety  of  par 
aphrastic  and  supplementary  clauses  from  the  Vulgate,  some 
being  preserved  in  the  Bishops." 

The  two  editions  which  are  known  as  Tonstal  and  Heath's,  are 
not  revisions  as  they  profess  to  be,  but  only  Cranmer's  Bible 
with  a  deceiving  title-page.  The  Romish  power  was  in  tempo 
rary  sway,  but  the  king  and  the  people  still  demanded  the  Bible ; 
hence  these  representatives  of  the  hierarchical  party,  unable  to 
prevent  the  demands,  adopted  this  futile  expedient. 

Prior,  however,  to  this,  and  almost  cotemporaneous  with  the 
first  appearance  of  the  "  Great  Bible,"  the  revision  of  Matthews' 
Bible  by  Richard  Taverner,  the  learned  translator  of  the  Augs 
burg  Confession  and  Sarcerius'  "Common  Places,"  was  pub 
lished.  Taverner  was  a  very  accomplished  Greek  scholar,  and 

8  Strype's  Memorials  of  Cranmer,  1 :  142 : 
*  The  English  Bible,  1 :  383. 


More  English  Lutheran  Literature,  147 

a  number  of  his  changes  have  been  incorporated  into  our  Auth 
orized  Version.  His  accuracy  in  the  rendering  of  the  Greek 
article  has  been  especially  noted.  For  this  work,  he  was  im 
prisoned  after  the  death  of  his  friend,  Crumwell. 

But  we  must   not  anticipate  events  too  far.     The  political 
negotiations  of  1539  have  been  already  passed  over. 


CHAPTER  XL 

FRUITLESS   NEGOTIATIONS   OF    1539. 

Pharaoh  again  seeks  Moses.  Conferences  at  Frankfort.  Another  Commis 
sion  asked  for.  Lutherans  decline  to  send  Theologians.  An  Embassy 
of  Civilians.  Melanchthon's  Hopes.  His  long  letters  to  Henry.  Gar 
diner  in  the  Ascendant.  Henry's  Answer  to  the  Articles  "  On  Abuses" 
— "  the  Bloody  Statute  of  the  Six  Articles."  Luther's  Indignation. 
Shall  Melanchthon  go  to  England  ?  Negotiations  concerning  Anne  of 
Cleves.  Firmness  of  the  Elector  of  Saxory.  Opinion  of  the  Wittenberg 
Faculty.  Their  Opinion  adverse  to  further  Negotiations.  Melanch 
thon's  Minute  Review  of  "  the  Six  Articles."  An  Eloquent  Appeal. 

THE  English  King  soon  apprehended  that  he  could  not  afford 
to  be  as  independent  as  he  imagined,  when  he  broke  up  the 
conference  of  1538,  after  the  doctrinal  articles  of  the  Augsburg 
Confession  had  been  received.  Pharaoh  again  seeks  Moses.  A 
cloud  was  rising  on  the  continent,  which  seemed  to  portend  that, 
unless  prompt  measures  be  taken,  the  lightning  of  the  Vatican 
might  yet  strike  England.  Henry  became  uneasy,  lest  the  Lu 
theran  princes  and  the  Emperor  might  reach  an  agreement,  in 
the  conferences  held  at  Frankfort-on-the-Main  from  February  to 
April  1539,  and  that  he  would  be  left  alone  to  oppose  Charles. 
A  formidable  array  of  Lutheran  theologians  were  present  at 
Frankfort ;  among  them  Melanchthon,  Spalatin,  Myconius, 
Aepinus,  Blaurer,  Osiander  and  Sarcerius.  Christopher  Mount 
and  Thomas  Paynel  were  sent  to  represent  the  English  cause. 
They  protested  against  any  action  on  the  part  of  the  Lutheran 
princes  without  a  previous  consultation  with  Henry.  Again  the 
proposition  was  made  that  a  commission  of  theologians  be  sent 
to  England.  To  this,  the  princes  answer  that  it  would  be  use- 

(148) 


Fruitless  Negotiations  of  1539.  149 

less,  since  there  could  be  no  change  from  what  had  been  already 
decided  in  the  conferences  of  1536  at  Wittenberg  with  Fox, 
Heath  and  Barnes ; '  and  give  a  summary  of  the  Scriptural  argu 
ments  against  abuses,  to  aid  the  King  in  coming  to  a  correct  de 
cision.  Until  the  force  of  these  be  conceded,  no  provision  is  to 
be  made  for  negotiations  on  theological  points.  Two  civilians, 
however  were  appointed  to  confer  personally  with  Henry,  ex 
plain  the  situation,  and  arrange  the  preliminaries  for  a  military 
alliance  in  case  they  were  attacked  by  the  same  enemy.  Vice 
Chancellor  Burkhard  and  Ludwig  a  Baumbach  were  designated 
for  such  service  and  proceeded  to  England.  Melanchthon  once 
more  is  hopeful.  It  seems  to  him  as  though  his  scheme,  "  that 
an  agreement  with  respect  to  godly  doctrine  be  established 
among  all  those  churches  which  condemn  the  tyranny  and  god- 
lessness  of  the  Bishop  of  Rome,"  2  had  another  fair  opportunity 
for  consideration.  Henry  had  spoken  to  the  commission  of  1538 
in  such  exalted  terms  of  Melanchthon,  that  the  latter  now  treats 
the  English  monarch  to  two  long  letters  (March  25th,  April 
ist), 3  full  of  those  compliments  in  which  the  king  delighted, 
and  which  the  classical  pen  of  Melanchthon  could  so  gracefully 
give.  He  praises  Henry's  heroic  virtues,  and  compares  him  to 
Achilles.  Melanchthon,  alas,  was  using  carnal  weapons,  instead 
of  those  which  are  mighty  through  God  for  the  pulling  down  of 
strongholds.  Yet,  however  ill-chosen  the  weapons,  there  is  no 
questioning  the  ultimate  purpose  of  his  letters.  He  is  urgent 
that  the  subject  of  abuses  be  at  once  considered.  "Your  High 
ness  has  already  successfully  begun  to  remove  certain  supersti 
tions.  I  ask,  therefore,  that  the  reform  of  the  other  abuses  be 
undertaken."  4  Nor  is  he  content  with  addressing  Henry.  He 
not  only  recalls  his  delightful  intercourse  with  Heath  three  years 
before  and  writes  to  him,  but  also  sends  a  long  communication 

lSeckendorflll:  224;  Strype1*  Memorials,  VI :   156. 
*  Corpus  Reformatorum  III :  p.  672. 
Mb.  pp.  671,682. 
4  Ib.  p.  673. 


150  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

to  Cranmer,  which  while  very  severe  in  its  complaints  of  the 
English  bishops,  bears  testimony  to  the  fidelity  of  Cranmer, 
Crumwell  and  Latimer.  Melanchthon  could  not  have  foreseen 
how  useless  all  these  efforts  would  be.  Since  the  death  of  Fox, 
the  influence  of  Gardiner  outweighs  that  of  Cranmer.  Two 
days'  conference  in  Crumwell's  residence,  May  i6th  and  i8th, 
showed  that  no  agreement  was  possible. 

THE    SIX   ARTICLES   OF    1539. 

The  hierarchial  element  was  rapidly  maturing  its  boldest  mea 
sures,  which  were  to  bring  with  them  persecution  and  martyrdom 
for  some  of  the  more  prominent  champions  of  the  evangelical 
faith.  The  project  of  enforcing  uniformity  in  religion  became  a 
a  matter  of  deliberation  in  Parliament.  The  laymen  in  the 
House  of  Lords  relinquished  the  floor  to  the  bishops.  Cranmer, 
Latimer  and  Shaxton,  supported  feebly  by  Heath,  held  for  days 
a  drawn  battle  with  the  other  side,  led  by  Gardiner  and  Tun- 
stall,  when  the  king  himself  entered  the  arena,  and  spoke  with 
such  decision,  that  Shaxton  alone  remained  firm.  Strype  infers 
that  in  this  discussion,  Cranmer  was  greatly  aided  by  a  little  treatise 
of  Urban  Regius.5  The  bill  of  the  Six  Articles  enforced  belief 
(i)  in  transubstantiation;  (2)  in  non-necessity  of  communion  in 
both  kinds ;  (3)  in  the  sinfulness  of  marriage  after  entering  the 
priesthood ;  (4)  in  the  absolute  obligation  of  vows  of  chastity ; 
(5)  in  the  efficacy  of  private  masses ;  (6)  in  compulsory  auric 
ular  confession.  Disbelief  of  the  first  article  had  attached  to  it 
the  penalty  of  death  at  the  stake  ;  while  the  rejection  of  the  other 
articles  had  a  gradation  of  penalties  attached,  with  death  as  the 
extreme.  It  has  often  been  termed  "  the  bloody  statute  of  the 
Six  Articles,"  or  "the  whipe  with  sixe  strings." 

Such  was  Henry's  answer  to  the  articles  of  the  Augsburg  Con 
fession,  "On  Abuses."  "It  would  be  difficult,"  says  Charles 
Knight, 6  "  to  understand  how  such  a  statute  could  have  passed, 

5  Strype 's  Cranmer,  I:   166. 

6  History  of  England,  (Amer.  ed.)  p.  276. 


Fruitless  Negotiations  of  1539.  151 

if  the  great  body  of  the  people  had  been  inclined  to  a  higher 
species  of  reformation  than  consisted  in  the  destructive  principle 
which  assailed  the  externals  of  the  Church.  Cranmer  was  too 
yielding,  and  Crumwell  too  politic,  to  oppose  the  party  which 
carried  the  statute  backed  by  the  irresistible  force  of  the  king's 
will.  The  subservient  courtiers,  who  had  become  improprietors, 
and  provided  half-starved  monks  to  do  the  service  of  the  altar  at 
the  cheapest  rate,  were  wholly  indifferent  to  the  principles 
through  which  the  continental  reformers  were  daily  waxing  in 
strength."  Cranmer  sends  away  his  wife  to  avoid  the  penalties 
of  the  statute.  Latimer  resigns  his  bishopric.  Alesius  flees  to 
Wittenberg.  Dr.  Barnes,  who  had  been  sent  as  an  ambassador 
by  the  king  to  Hamburg,  does  not  venture  for  awhile  to  return. 

LUTHER'S  OPINION. 

July  1 2th  was  fixed  as  the  date  at  which  the  statute  should  be 
gin  to  be  enforced.  Two  days  before,  Luther  thanks  God 
"  that  he  has  freed  our  Church  from  the  vexatious  King  of  Eng 
land,  who  with  the  greatest  diligence  desired  and  sought  alliance 
with  us,  and  was  not  received ;  undoubtedly  because  God  for 
some  special  purpose  hindered  it,  for  he  has  always  been  incon 
stant  and  vacillating.  I  am  glad  that  we  are  free  from  the  blas 
phemer.  He  wants  to  be  Head  of  the  Church  in  England  with 
out  any  means  sanctioned  by  Christ,  who  will  give  the  title  to  no 
bishop,  however  pious  or  godly  he  may  be,  to  say  nothing  of  any 
king  or  prince.  The  devil  is  driving  this  king,  so  that  he  vexes 
and  martyrs  Christ.  I  am  mortified  and  pained  that  Master 
Philip  M.  has  dedicated  the  most  beautiful  prefaces  and  intro 
ductions  to  the  most  rascally  fellows. ' '  7  About  the  same  time, 
we  find  also  this  estimate  :  "  He  is  still  the  same  King  Harry 
whom  I  portrayed  in  my  first  book.  He  will  indeed  find  his 
judge.  His  plan  never  pleased  me,  in  that  he  wants  to  kill  the 
Pop? 's  body  but  to  keep  his  soul,  i.  e.  his  false  doctrine."*  "  The 

7  Erlangen  Ed.  Luther's  Works,  LXI :   365. 

8  Ib.  p.  304. 


152  77/i?  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

King  of  England  is  an  enemy  to  the  Pope's  person ;  but  not  of 
his  nature  and  doctrine  :  he  kills  only  the  body,  but  lets  the 
soul  live."  9 

A    FAITHFUL   PRINCE. 

But  Luther's  rejoicing  that  he  and  his  colleagues  are  at  last 
done  with  Henry  forever,  is  not  of  long  duration.  Crumwell 
was  defeated,  but  his  influence  with  the  king  was  not  alto 
gether  lost,  and  even  during  that  summer  the  preliminary  nego 
tiations  looking  towards  the  marriage  with  Ana  of  Cleves,  the 
Elector's  sister-in-law,  were  begun.  The  Landgrave  of  Hesse 
was  anxious  for  a  favorable  consideration  of  the  propositions  made 
through  Christopher  Mount ;  but  the  Elector  wished  to  hear 
nothing  more.  Bucer  interposed,  writing  a  long  letter  from 
Strasburg,  describing  the  extremities  to  which  the  friends  of  the 
Gospel  in  England  were  put,  and  begging  that  Melanchthon 
may  be  sent  as  a  special  ambassador  to  use  his  influence  in  a 
personal  interview  with  Henry,  in  order  to  cause  a  cessation 
of  the  persecution.  How  can  we  help  but  admire  the  candor 
of  the  Magnanimous  Christian  prince  in  his  answer  ?  He  has  a 
clear  conscience,  he  says,  that  for  four  or  five  years  he  has  spared 
himself  no  effort  which  might  aid  the  cause  of  religion  in  Eng 
land.  He  had,  at  a  great  expense,  supported  the  Bishop  of  Here 
ford  at  Wittenberg  for  three  months,  and  had  him  instructed 
sufficiently  concerning  the  chief  articles  of  doctrine.  The  bishop 
had  reported  everything  to  the  king,  who  did  not  deign  to  re 
ply.  In  1538  a  commission  had  been  sent  by  him  to  England  ; 
and  another  in  the  present  year — all  to  no  purpose.  He  assured 
the  English  ambassador  that  "  he  received  the  living  Word  of 
God  according  to  the  Augsburg  Confession,  and  thus  publicly 
professed  it,  without  which  there  is  no  true  knowledge  of  God 
or  hope  of  salvation  ;  and  from  this  Confession  he  would  not  recede 
even  though  he  were  compelled  to  lose  life,  and  all  that  he 
had."10 

9Ib.  LX:  217. 

10  Seckendorf,  III :  pp.  225  sq. 


Fruitless  Negotiations  of  1539.  153 

THE   WITTENBERG   FACULTY. 

On  October  22d,  Luther,  Jonas,  Bugenhagen,  and  Melanch- 
thon  sign  a  paper  concerning  further  negotiations  with  Henry, 
from  which  we  give  some  extracts.  Melanchthon  is  supposed  to 
have  composed  it. 

"  Although  in  our  own  persons,  we  shrink  from  no  dangers  or 
labors  ;  yet  in  this  case,  assuredly,  enough  has  been  done  for  the 
instruction  and  admonition  of  the  king,  for  the  following  reasons  : 
St.  Paul  says  that  we  ought  to  receive  the  weak,  but  let  the  ob 
stinate  one  go,  who,  he  says,  is  condemned  by  his  own  judg 
ment,  i.  e.,  one  who  publicly  sins  against  his  conscience.  On 
the  other  hand,  he  who  is  called  '  weak '  will  learn,  and  not  per 
secute  that  which  he  understands,  but  receive,  hold  and  advance 
it.  Yet  that  the  King  of  England  is  acting  against  conscience 
can  be  inferred  from  this,  viz.  :  He  knows  that  our  doctrine 
concerning  the  use  of  the  whole  sacrament,  Confession  and  the 
Marriage  of  Priests  is  true,  or  at  least  that  it  is  not  contrary  to 
God's  Word.  Now  he  says  in  his  Articles  and  in  his  Edict,  that 
some  of  these  points  are  contrary  to  God's  Law.  This  he  says 
undoubtedly  against  his  conscience,  for  many  writings  have  come 
to  him  written  both  publicly  and  also  especially  for  him,  which 
he  has  read.  He  himself  has  had  a  little  book  of  Sarcerius  trans 
lated  and  printed  in  his  own  language,  which  he  has  used  as  a 
prayer-book,  wherein  the  matter  is  briefly  presented.  We  un 
derstand  also  that  he  himself  has  spoken  otherwise  of  this  doc 
trine,  and  among  other  things  has  said  of  the  King  of  France 
that  he  has  done  wrong  in  persecuting  it ;  for  he  understands 
and  knows  that  it  is  right.  Besides  he  has  many  godly  and 
learned  preachers,  as  the  deposed  Bishop  Latimer,  Cranmer  and 
others,  whom  he  has  heard  and  suffered  for  a  period.  And  yet 
in  spite  of  all  this,  he  condemns  this  doctrine  more  severely  than 
the  Pope  himself.  We  therefore  apprehend  that  this  king  is  of 
such  a  mind  as  does  not  seek  God's  glory,  but,  as  he  declared  to 
the  Vice-Chancellor,  wants  to  do  only  what  pleases  himself, 
whereby  he  shows  that  he  does  not  regard  the  doctrine  a  matter 


154  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

of  moment,  and  that  like  Antiochus  and  others,  he  wants  to  es 
tablish  a  religion  of  his  own. 

Secondly,  as  it  is  now  manifest  that  the  king  is  acting  against 
his  conscience,  we  do  not  think  that  it  is  our  duty  to  instruct 
him  anew,  but  we  ought  to  abide  by  the  rule  of  Paul,  which 
teaches  that  the  adversaries  should  be  admonished  twice,  and,  if 
that  do  not  help,  they  should  be  shunned  as  those  who  are  act 
ing  against  conscience.  Such  admonition  has  already  been 
given. 

Besides  we  hear  that  the  king  is  a  sophist  and  glossator,  who 
likes  to  color  all  things  with  his  art  of  making  glosses.  But  one 
who  has  no  delight  in  clear,  plain  truth,  can  easily  twist  matters, 
even  though  he  has  to  tear  his  own  mouth,  like  the  pike,  when 
torn  by  the  hook.  In  Sirach  37,  it  is  written  :  '  God  does  not 
give  grace  to  one  who  uses  sophistry,  and  he  does  not  attain 
wisdom.'  For  there  is  no  end  to  his  hypercriticisms  and  distor 
tions.  Hence  we  cannot  constantly  be  treating  with  such,  and 
especially  as  experience  shows  how  offensive  this  is  to  the  Lord. 
Since  then  the  king  takes  delight  in  such  making  of  glosses,  we 
have  little  hope  that  he  will  allow  himself  to  be  set  right.  Then 
too  we  must  consider  that  the  men  who  have  influence  with  him 
have  no  conscience.  The  Bishop  of  Winchester  [Gardiner]  car 
ries  with  him  throughout  the  country  two  unchaste  women  in 
men's  apparel,  and  yet  judges  that  the  marriage  of  priests  is 
against  God's  law,  and  is  so  arrogant  that  he  says  that  he  will 
publicly  maintain  against  the  whole  world  that  the  proposition  : 
'  By  faith  we  are  justified  '  is  incorrect.  He  is  also  an  extreme 
tyrant,  as  this  year  he  has  had  two  men  burned  for  no  other 
reason  than  alone  for  transubstantiation  ;  so  that  the  saying  is 
true,  that  Lord  and  servant  are  of  like  mind.  From  all  this,  we 
infer  that  up  to  this  time  enough  has  been  done ;  as  we  know 
that  we  have  spoken  faithfully  and  in  a  Christian  way,  and  hold 
that  it  is  no  longer  our  duty  to  make  further  efforts,  for  there  is 
little  hope.  Perhaps  God  does  not  want  his  Gospel  to  be  main 
tained  by  a  king,  who  has  such  a  bad  reputation.  Yet  we  leave 


Fruitless  Negotiations  of  zjjp.  155 

it  to  your  Electoral  Grace's  further  consideration,  as  to  whether 
the  attempt  be  made  still  once  more.  We  would  also  not  fail  to 
make  an  expostulation  with  the  king,  and  to  admonish  him  again 
in  writing.  More  is  not  our  duty.  For  what  Dr.  Bucer  points 
to  :  'Go  into  all  the  world,  and  teach,'  we  are  doing  by  our 
writings.  To  respond  farther  to  a  present  call  is  not  com 
manded  us. 

I,  Philip,  have  written  also  to  the  same  effect  to  Crumwell  and 
the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury.  But  letters  have  come  to  me 
from  England  to  the  effect  that  the  king  receives  my  letters  with 
displeasure  ;  and  hence  it  is  to  be  well  considered  as  to  whether 
though  I  were  in  England,  the  king  would  give  me  an  audience 
or  would  not  direct  me  as  he  did  the  former  ambassadors  to  his 
proud,  unlearned  bishops  with  whom  to  quarrel.  How  acutely 
the  king  disputes  concerning  such  matters  may  be  learned  from 
two  arguments.  Of  good  works  he  argues  thus  :  '  Since  bad 
works  merit  eternal  wrath,  it  must  follow  that  good  works  must 
merit  eternal  salvation  ; '  and  this  argument  I  hear  he  will  not 
suffer  to  be  taken  from  him.  The  other,  concerning  the  mar 
riage  of  priests,  is  this  :  '  If  he  have  the  power  to  give  an  order 
that  one  as  long  as  he  wants  to  be  at  court  is  not  free,  he  has  the 
power  also  to  forbid  priests  from  marrying. '  This  is  the  very 
superlative  of  perspicacity ;  and  hence  he  reviles  and  condemns 
us.  Whether  it  be  possible  to  dispute  with  one  who  resorts  to 
such  arguments,  your  Grace  must  consider."  " 

AN    ELOQUENT  APPEAL. 

Under  date  of  November  ist,  Melanchthon  writes  Henry  a 
letter  which  fills  over  twelve  pages  of  the  book  before  us.  The 
glow  of  a  just  indignation  colors  every  line.  For  once  all  timid 
ity  has  vanished,  and  he  is  bold  as  one  speaking  as  the  oracle 
of  God.  The  Six  Articles  are  reviewed  in  detail,  and  their  de 
fects  elaborately  portrayed.  We  can  quote  only  a  few  passages  : 

11  De  Wette's  Luther's  Briefen,  V  :  213  sqq.;  C.  R.  Ill:  796  sqq. ;  Erl. 
Ed.  Luther 's  Works,  LV :  243  sqq. 


156  More  English  Lutheran  Literature. 

'  I  am  pained  that  you  are  becoming  the  minister  of  another's 
cruelty  and  godlessness.  I  am  pained  that  the  doctrine  of  Christ 
is  being  restrained,  vicious  rites  established,  and  lusts  strengthened. 
I  hear  that  men  of  excellent  learning  and  godliness,  Latimer, 
Shaxton,  Cranmer  and  others,  are  held  in  custody ;  for  them  I 
pray  courage  becoming  Christians.  And  although  nothing  bet 
ter  or  more  glorious  could  happen  to  them  than  to  meet  death 
in  the  confession  of  such  manifest  truth ;  yet  I  do  not  wish  your 
Royal  Highness  to  be  stained  by  the  blood  of  such  men,  I  do 
not  wish  the  lights  of  your  Church  to  be  extinguished,  I  do  not 
wish  such  concession  to  be  made  to  the  godlessness  and  venomous 
Pharisaic  hatred  of  Christ's  enemies,  I  do  not  wish  pleasure  to 
be  afforded  to  the  Roman  Antichrist,  who  delights  in  his  heart 
that  you  are  taking  up  arms  for  him,  and  hopes  by  the  aid  of  the 
bishops  to  regain  easily  that  possession  from  which  he  was  driven 
by  your  honorable  and  godly  counsels.  He  sees  that  the  bish 
ops  are  for  a  time  complying  with  your  will,  but  that  they  are 
joined  to  the  Roman  pontiff.  The  Roman  pontiffs  understand 
these  arts  j  before  these  days,  they  have  made  their  way  out  of 
most  severe  tempests  by  singing."12 

He  argues,  then,  concerning  the  articles  on  "Abuses/'  "In 
the  decree  how  many  things  are  artfully  set  forth  !  '  Confession,' 
it  says,  '  is  necessary,  and  to  be.  retained.'  Why  does  it  not  ex 
pressly  say  that,  according  to  divine  law,  the  enumeration  of 
offences  is  necessary  ?  The  bishops  knew,  that  this  declaration 
is  false ;  the  words,  therefore,  are  made  general,  in  order  that 
darkness  may  be  diffused  over  the  people.  When  they  hear  that 
confession  is  necessary,  they  understand  that  enumeration  of 
offences  is  necessary.  There  are  similar  deceptions  in  the  arti 
cle  '  Of  Private  Masses.'  Even  the  beginning  :  '  It  is  necessary 
to  retain  private  masses, '  is  absolutely  false.  Who  thought  thus 
for  more  than  four  hundred  years  after  the  Apostles,  when  there 
were  no  private  masses?  But  afterward  the  sophisms  followed, 
'  That  by  them  the  people  might  receive  divine  consolations 

12  Corpus  Reformatorum  III :  806. 


Fruitless  Negotiations  0/1539.  157 

and  benefits.'  Why  do  they  not  add  what  these  consolations 
and  benefits  are ?  The  bishops  do  not  mention  "application' 
and  'merit/  because  they  know  that  these  cannot  be  defended. 
They  play  with  words,  in  order  that  they  may  escape,  if  '  appli 
cation  '  be  found  fault  with.  And  yet  they  want  '  application  ' 
to  be  understood  by  the  people  !  They  want  the  idolatrous  idea 
to  be  confirmed  that,  for  some,  this  sacrifice  merits  remission  of 
guilt,  for  others,  an  alleviation  of  all  calamities,  and  finally  brings 
gain  in  business,  and  whatever  the  anxiety  of  men  imagines. 

It  is  a  like  sophism,  when  they  say  that  the  marriage  of  priests 
conflicts  with  divine  law.  They  are  not  ignorant  of  the  passage 
in  Paul :  '  A  bishop  must  be  the  husband  of  one  wife. '  Hence 
they  know  that,  by  divine  law,  marriage  is  allowed.  But  when 
they  say  that  to  this  a  vow  has  been  added,  they  play  with  words ; 
they  do  not  say  that  marriage  is  hindered  by  a  vow,  but  they  ab 
solutely  lay  down  the  proposition,  that  the  marriage  of  priests 
conflicts  with  divine  law.  Then  what  impudence  and  atrocious 
cruelty  they  add,  when  they  order  marriages  to  be  dissolved, 
while  the  sacerdotal  vow,  even  were  it  valid,  would  only  bind 
them  not  to  remain  in  the  ministry,  in  case  they  married.  That 
this  is  the  opinion  of  synods  and  councils,  is  manifest.  O  wicked 
bishops,  O  impudence  of  Winchester  [Gardiner]  who  by  these 
deceptions  imagines  that  he  is  escaping  the  eyes  of  Christ  and 
the  judgment  of  all  the  godly  in  the  entire  world  !" 

What  more  eloquent  than  Melanchthon's  conclusions? 

"Again  I  entreat  you,  for  the  sake  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ, 
to  modify  and  amend  the  decree  of  the  bishops ;  and,  in  this, 
serve  the  glory  of  Christ,  and  have  regard  for  your  salvation  and 
that  of  the  churches.  Be  moved  by  the  prayers  of  many  godly 
men  throughout  the  whole  world,  who  wish  that  kings  apply 
their  influence  to  the  true  reformation  of  the  Church,  and  to 
abolish  godless  services  and  to  defend  the  Gospel.  Look  upon 
those  godly  men  who  are  bound  for  the  sake  of  the  Gospel,  and 
who  are  true  members  of  Christ.  If  the  decree  be  not  changed, 
the  cruelty  of  the  bishops  will  prevail  without  end  in  the  Church. 


158  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

For  the  devil  has  them  as  the  instruments  of  his  fury  and  hatred 
against  Christ;  he  impels  them  to  the  slaughter  of  Christ's 
members.  All  godly  persons  beg  and  beseech  you  not  to  pre 
fer  their  godless  and  cruel  sentences,  and  sophistical  cavils,  to 
our  most  just  intercession.  If  they  gain  from  you  what  they 
ask,  God  will  undoubtedly  grant  you  great  rewards  for  your 
piety,  and  your  virtue  will  be  proclaimed  in  the  writings  and  by 
the  voice  of  the  godly.  For  Christ  will  judge  between  those  do 
ing  well  and  ill  for  his  church. 

As  long  as  literature  shall  live,  the  memory  of  these  important 
affairs  will  be  transmitted  to  posterity.  When  we  serve  the 
glory  of  Christ,  and  our  churches  are  churches  of  Christ,  some 
shall  never  be  wanting  who  shall  be  able  to  advocate  a  godly 
cause,  to  adorn  with  due  praise  those  who  deserve  it,  and  to 
censure  cruelty.  Christ  is  going  about,  hungry,  thirsty,  naked, 
bound,  complaining  of  the  madness  of  pontiffs,  of  the  most  un 
righteous  cruelty  of  many  kings,  begging  that  the  members  of  his 
body  be  not  wounded,  but  that  true  churches  be  defended,  and 
the  Gospel  be  magnified.  To  recognize  Him,  to  receive  Him, 
to  cherish  him — this  is  the  duty  of  a  godly  king,  and  the  worship 
most  pleasing  to  God."  13 

13  Corpus  Reformatorum  III :  8 1 8. 


CHAPTER  XII. 

A   LITERARY   FORGERY. 

Articles  falsely  ascribed  to  Luther  and  Melanchthon  circulated  in  England 
in  1539.  Similar  or  identical  Articles  in  France  in  1535;  also  in  Ger 
many.  Seckendorfs  detailed  examination  presented  in  full.  A  genu 
ine  Paper  on  the  same  topics  by  the  leading  Lutheran  Theologians  in 
1540.  The  Fate  of  the  Six  Articles.  Anne  of  Cleves.  Melanchthon 
writes  once  more  to  Henry.  Negotiations  in  Contemplation.  Argu 
ment  of  the  Wittenberg  Theologians  on  "  Abuses."  Cranmer  intercedes 
for  the  King.  Another  Reaction.  Anne  repudiated.  Fall  of  Crumwell. 
Dr.  Barnes  burned. 

THE  opponents  of  Lutheranism  in  England  resorted  for  its 
suppression  not  only  to  open  violence,  but  al^o  to  arts  not  un 
known  among  politicians  of  the  Nineteenth  Century.  In  No 
vember,  1539,  the  ambassadors  of  the  Elector  of  Saxony  to  Eng 
land  send  to  their  ruler  a  series  of  articles  which  had  been  indus 
triously  circulated  as  the  joint  production  of  Luther  and  Me 
lanchthon,  signed  March,  1539,  and  expressly  recanting  any 
statements  which  had  been  hitherto  made  conflicting  with  them. 
The  document  had  been  used,  it  is  stated,  to  prejudice  the  mind 
of  the  king,  against  the  apparent  vacillation  of  the  Reformers, 
and  thus  to  determine  his  course  in  reference  to  the  Six  Articles. 
Already  in  1535,  Luther  had  complained  that  a  similar  forged 
document,  composed  largely  of  garbled  statements  from  Melanch- 
thon's  writings  had  been  circulated  in  France;  and  hence 
Walch  l  has  inferred  that  the  two  papers  are  identical.  Neither 
without  interest  in  this  connection,  is  Seckendorfs  discovery2 

1  Luther's  Works,  XIX  :  ^2. 

2  III:  p.  228. 

(159) 


160  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

of  a  somewhat  amended  and  interpolated  translation  into  Ger 
man  of  the  articles  preserved  in  the  Archives  at  Weimar,  with 
the  inscription  that  they  had  been  sent  from  the  Elector  to 
Charles  V.  Thus  it  is  probable  that  this  forgery  was  thrice  util 
ized,  viz.  :  in  France,  in  England  and  in  Germany.  We  cannot 
help  but  admire  the  ingenuity  of  the  composer,  so  skillfully  has 
the  work  been  done,  and  so  closely  do  single  statements  read 
like  expressions  occasionally  used  by  the  Wittenbergers. 

As  no  less  an  English  authority  than  Strype,  in  his  "Memo 
rials  of  the  Reformation, ' ' 3  has  been  misled,  and  this  primary 
source  of  information  for  most  English  students  gives  currency 
to  occasional  reiteration  of  these  charges  by  those  not  acquainted 
with  the  facts,  we  give  the  articles  in  full  as  given  by  Strype  in 
the  English  of  that  time,  together  with  Seckendorf's  examination 
of  each  article  separately  : 

"  I.  We  confess  that  there  ought  to  be  a  policy  in  the  church 
and  a  regime.  In  the  which,  there  must  be  bishops ;  who  shall 
have  the  power  of  the  examine,  and  ordinance  of  the  ministra 
tion  of  the  same,  for  to  exercise  the  jurisdiction  of  the.  same; 
who  shall  diligently  see,  that  the  churches  committed  unto  them, 
may  be  truly  instructed  with  pure  and  sincere  doctrine." 

Reply:  "  Luther  and  Melanchthon  never  declared  that  such 
Episcopal  office  was  necessary  as  is  established  in  the  Roman 
Church,  with  all  its  pawer  and  jurisdiction ;  neither  did  they 
acknowledge  an  essential  dictinction  between  bishops  and  pas 
tors  ;  as  is  manifest  from  all  their  writings  which  were  never  re 
called,  and  especially  from  the  treatise  '  On  the  Power  and  Jur 
isdiction  of  Bishops,'  composed  by  Melanchthon  in  the  year 
1537  at  Smalcald,  subscribed  by  Luther,  and  annexed  to  the 
'  Articles,'  which  he  himself  composed.  They  were  willing,  how 
ever,  to  tolerate  bishops,  and  to  comply  with  the  authority  of 
their  external  administration,  provided  they  saw  to  it  that  the 
Word  of  God  was  purely  preached,  and,  abuses  being  removed, 
the  sacraments  be  administered  according  to  Christ's  institution." 

»I:  545  sqq. 


A  Literary  Forgery.  161 

"II.  We  admit  that  it  is  good  and  convenient,  that  in  the 
church,  there  be  a  Bishop  of  Rome,  that  may  be  above  other 
bishops ;  who  may  gather  them  together,  to  see  the  examination 
of  the  doctrine,  and  the  concord  of  such,  as  do  teach  discrepan 
cies  in  the  church.  But  we  admit  not  the  pomp,  riches,  and 
pride  of  the  Bishop  of  Rome ;  who  would  make  realms  subject 
unto  him.  The  which  things  do  neither  help  nor  promote  the 
gospel ;  because  the  Kings  that  have  right  thereto,  may  and  are 
to  rule  the  same. ' ' 

Reply:  "  Luther  was  willing  to  endure  the  Papacy  with  ad 
vantage  to  the  church,  not  even  by  human  law ;  as  is  evident 
from  the  Smalcald  Articles.  Melanchthon,  in  this  matter  of  a 
singular  opinion,  to  which  no  one  assented,  thought  that  some 
thing  could  be  conceded,  but  upon  the  same  condition,  upon 
which  the  Episcopate  could  be  admitted." 

"III.  We  confess,  that  as  concerning  choice  of  meats,  holy 
days  and  ceremonies,  there  might  an  agreement  be  made  easily, 
if  there  could  be  a  concord  in  the  doctrine  of  the  church,  and 
not  such  discrepance  as  there  is.  For  if  there  were  a  concord 
of  doctrine  in  the  church,  we  should  not  think  reasonable  to  di 
vide  us  from  the  church,  seen  [seeing]  that  it  is  not  possible  that 
the  world  might  stand  without  ceremonies  and  man' s  constitutions ; 
seen  that  all  innovations  without  necessity  ought  to  be  excluded ; 
and  that  there  is  no  peril,  to  us  I  mean,  in  the  observation  of  the 
said  ceremonies,  and  men's  constitutions ;  for  that  the  doctrine 
be  purely  handled." 

Reply:  "They  did  not  deny  that  separation  was  necessary 
because  of  ceremonies ;  but  regarded  these  no  less  than  erron 
eous  doctrines  a  sufficient  cause  of  separation,  if  they  tended  to 
superstition  and  idolatry,  and  the  opinion  of  necessity  were  at 
tached  to  them,  from  obligation  of  conscience  and  of  merit  be 
fore -God,  with  injury  to  Christian  and  ecclesiastical  liberty,  in 
view  of  which  it  is  lawful  to  change  rites  for  the  advantage  and 
profit  of  the  church ;  but  they  never  used  the  silly  argument  from 
the  government  of  the  world  to  the  government  of  the  church, 

12 


1 62  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England, 

knowing  well  what  injury  was  introduced  into  the  church 
thereby." 

"  IV.  We  judge  to  be  profitable  that  confession  and  rehearsal 
of  sins  be  made  in  the  church.  For  taking  the  same  away,  the 
doctrine  of  remission  of  sins,  and  of  the  power  of  the  Keys, 
should  be  offuscate  and  taken  away ;  seeing  that  in  the  confession^ 
among  other  things  the  people  ought  to  be  taught,  whence  com- 
eth  the  remission  of  sins.  Provided,  that  there  be  honest  fash 
ion  to  instruct  the  persons  that  be  shriven,  and  that  the  con 
sciences  be  not  overlaid  with  rigorous  and  exact  rehearsal  of  all 
sins." 

Reply :  "  Luther  never  maintained  the  necessity  of  the  enu 
meration  of  sins,  or  said  that,  when  it  was  removed,  the  doctrine 
of  the  remission  of  sins  was  offuscate ;  and,  therefore,  did  not 
censure  other  churches  which,  in  a  diverse  manner,  aimed  at  the 
same  end,  the  preparation  and  excitation  of  the  communicants 
in  repentance  and  faith  being  introduced  in  the  stead  of  particu 
lar  confession." 

"V.  We  believe  that  justification  is  made  by  faith.  Because 
there  be  no  works,  whereby  we  may  satisfy  or  obtain  remission 
of  sins.  Yet  nevertheless  the  same  faith  that  justifies  us,  ought 
not  to  be  idle,  but  adorned  with  good  and  godly  deeds." 

Reply:  "  The  particle  '  alone1  is  craftily  omitted.  Nor  is 
it  more  correct  in  denying  that  by  certain  works  justification 
may  occur.  For  it  is  indicated  that  there  are  works  which  do 
this,  viz;.,  love,  with  which  they  say  that  faith  ought  to  be  fur 
nished,  /.  e.,  as  some  say,  'informed.'  Luther,  however,  ex 
cluded  charity  from  the  act  of  justification  ;  and  maintained  that 
it  was  not  the  form,  bnt  the  effect  and  fruit  of  faith." 

"VI.  We  confess  that  free-will,  holpen  with  the  Holy  Ghost^ 
may  do  somewhat,  whensoever  we  will  withdraw  from  sin." 

Reply  :  "  It  is  doubtful  whether  the  framers  of  these  articles 
understood  them  in  a  sound  sense ;  and  agreed  with  the  evan 
gelicals  concerning  the  co-operation  of  man  after  conversion,  so 
as  to  ascribe  to  God  alone  all  glory  without  the  ascription  of  any 
merit  of  our  own." 


A  Literary  Forgery.  163 

"  VII.  We  confess,  that  after  the  remission  of  sins,  the  Holy 
Ghost  is  given  to  the  man  ;  from  the  which  he  departeth  again, 
as  soon  as  he  committeth  any  deadly  sin." 

Reply :  ''It  should  have  been  added  that  by  repentance,  the 
forgiveness  of  sins  and  the  Holy  Ghost  can  be  recovered,  in  or 
der  that  the  heresy  of  Novatus  might  not  be  imputed  to  the 
evangelicals,  as  their  caluminators  were  wont  to  do." 

"VIII.  We  use  the  fashion  accustomed  in  the  office  of  the 
n.ass.  For  what  should  avail  a  change  of  ceremonies  without 
necessity?  But  we  admit  not  the  privie  masses,  because  they 
have  occasion  of  sundry  abuses.  Because  there  is  an  open  fair 
or  market  made  of  celebration  of  masses." 

Reply :  "  They  did  not  say  that  they  used  '  the  accustomed 
fashion,'  /.  e.  that  introduced  'by  abuse,  but  they  affirmed  that 
they  employed  a  better  one,  the  canon  which  they  mention,  and 
other  forms  and  rites  conflicting  with  orthodoxy  being  removed ; 
nor  did  they  disapprove  only  of  the  traffic  in  masses,  but  its  be 
ing  regarded  a  propitiatory  sacrifice.  Accordingly  they  recalled 
the  mass  to  the  communion  alone,  liberty  being  observed  in  chang 
ing  the  rites  which,  from  the  beginning  they  had  observed  in  or 
der  to  avoid  scandal,  or  in  hope  of  harmony ;  and  this  liberty 
they  also  afterwards  exercised." 

"IX.  We  believe  thus  concerning  the  Lord's  Supper  :  That 
like  as  Christ,  in  his  last  supper  did  give  unto  his  disciples  his 
true  body  to  be  eaten  and  drunken ;  and  so  he  gives  daily  to  us 
his  disciples  and  loyal  men,  as  often  as  we  keep  the  supper,  ac 
cording  to  the  form  commanded,  Accipite  et  comedite,  etc.,  the 
true  body  and  blood  to  be  eaten  and  drunk.  This  is  the  mind 
of  the  three  evangelists  and  St.  Paul.  And  so  their  words  do 
sound  clearly.  Wherefore,  away  with  all  such  erroneous  inter 
pretations  as  are  made  upon  the  said  words. 

We  be  taught  that  Christ  did  give  to  his  disciples  his  body 
and  blood  under  both  species  and  kinds ;  and  that,  therefore, 
we  ought  to  observe  the  same  ;  -as  we  do  indeed.  But  because 
fine  of  the  species  hath  by  men's  constitutions  been  forbidden 


164  7*he  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

by  the  Bishop  of  Rome,  there  might  be  a  remedy  found  without 
peril  or  danger;  so  that  he  that  would,  might  have  both  species  ; 
and  that  there  should  be  a  prohibition  made,  that  the  one  should 
insult  against  the  other." 

"  Reply :  "  They  should  have  added  that  the  dogma  of  tran- 
substantiation  was  rejected  by  the  Evangelicals,  with  all  its  con 
sequences  of  inclusion,  circumgestation,  and  adoration  of  the 
Sacrament.  It  is  also  false  that  communion  under  both  kinds  or 
one  kind,  was  a  matter  of  indifference  to  the  Evangelicals ;  but 
approved  only  the  former,  as  prescribed  by  immutable  divine 
law." 

"  X.  Seen  "  [seeing}  "  that  it  appeareth  by  the  holy  doctors, 
that  the  holy  days  and  feasts  of  saints  have  been  accustomed  to  be 
observed ;  and  as  we  see  as  yet  some  holy  canons  of  that  matter, 
but  it  appeareth  not  that  there  is  made  in  the  same  a  mention  of 
their  invocation  ;  but  it  appeareth  only  by  the  same,  that  they  be 
proposed  unto  us  for  an  example,  to  learn  to  follow  their  lives  and 
conversations,  yet,  nevertheless,  seen  that  by  some  custom,  the 
intercession  of  saints  ought  to  be  admitted,  then  there  should  be 
prayers  made  unto  God,  that  it  might  like  him  to  hear  them  by 
the  intercession  of  some  saints ;  we  affirm  for  a  certainty,  that 
the  saints  do  continually  intercede  for  the  church ;  albeit  the 
Christian  men  ought  to  be  taught,  that  they  shall  not  convert 
the  same  hope  to  the  saints,  which  they  ought  to  have  unto  God. 
Nor  do  we  regret  images  of  Christ  and  the  saints,  but  only  the 
worship  shown  them;  whence  idolatry  sprung." 

Reply  :  "  They  never  affirmed  it  as  a  certainty,  or  an  article 
of  faith  that  the  saints  intercede  for  us ;  Luther  indeed,  in  the 
Smalcald  Articles,  admitted  the  conjecture ;  nevertheless  he 
denied  that  they  should  in  any  way  be  prayed  to  intercede, 
or  that  God  should  be  asked  to  have  respect  to  their  interces 
sion." 

"XI.  Also  we  dampne  not  the  monastery,  or  life  of  such  as 
be  closed  in  the  cloisters ;  but  only  the  trust  that  some  men  have 
put  in  the  regular  observation.  Also  we  reject  the  vows  whicti 


A  Literary  Forgery.  165 

have  been  made  upon  such  things  as  men  cannot  observe.  Yet, 
nevertheless  we  will  not  the  monasteries  be.  put  down  for  the 
same,  but  that  they  be  turned  to  schools ;  in  which  good  doc 
trine  should  be  taught.  And  that  the  pope  may  dispense  with 
'vows;  so  that  it  were  free  for  every  man  to  keep  or  not  keep 
them.  And  so  the  same  should  be  to  the  quiet  and  tranquility 
of  mind,  and  the  vows  should  not  be  the  snares  of  malice." 

Reply:  "The  resort  to  cloisters,  they  did  not  approve,  but 
condemned.  They  maintained  that  the  monastic  life  could  be , 
tolerated,  if  constraint,  the  opinion  of  merit,  idle  begging,  were 
absent,  and  other  abuses  were  removed,  and  the  power  of  enter 
ing  them  be  free,  without  any  regard  to  a  Papal  dispensation." 

"XII.  Then  the  marriage  of  priests  should  be  in  the  Pope's 
hands,  who  might  admit  the  same ;  and  the  concubinate  of  many 
should  be  forgiven ;  for  we  see  few  chaste.  But  if  the  law  to 
contract  should  not  have  place,  then,  for  to  avoid  slander,  there 
should  be  none  advanced  to  the  dignities  ecclesiastical,  but  grave 
persons,  and  of  full  age. ' ' 

Reply:  "  It  is  apparent  that  here  falsehoods  are  fabricated 
with  respect  to  Luther,  as  though  he  would  allow  the  marriage 
of  the  clergy  to  be  referred  to  the  judgment  and  dispensation  of 
the  Pope ;  for  this  he  regarded  a  matter  of  divine  law,  not  only 
allowed,  but  necessary  to  all  who  did  not  possess  the  gift  of  con 
tinence.  The  caution  also  with  respect  to  ecclesiastical  digni 
ties,  that  they  should  be  conferred  upon  none  but  upon  men  of 
advanced  age,  who  could  be  celibate,  is  not  Luther's." 

"  XIII.  We  think  it  best  to  dispute  of  Purgatory  and  pardons, 
in  the  schools,  rather  than,  in  the  pulpit,  to  dispute  of  the  same 
publicly,  without  any  profit ;  so  that  the  markets  and  bargains 
thereof  should  be  avoided.  For  we  do  reject  in  those  things  and 
others,  wherein  we  do  not  agree,  the  abuse  rather  than  the  thing 
itself.  The  which,  nevertheless,  may  be  discussed  and  amended 
by  councils  lawfully  assembled." 

Reply:  "  Purgatory  itself,  and  the  entire  figment  of  Ponti 
fical  indulgences,  Luther,  with  his  associates,  rejected,  as,  among 


1 66  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

other  passages,  is  manifest  in  the  Smalcald  Articles ;  and,  there 
fore,  he  did  not  forbid  that  they  be  refuted  in  the  sermon ;  for 
he  did  this  not  only  with  his  vow,  but  also  in  his  writings. ' ' 

"  XIV.  The  Zwinglians  and  CEcolampadians  have  not  yet  re 
ceived  those  artices,  but  the  simple  people  shall  be  easily  re 
duced,  and  we  trust  that  they  shall  shortly  do  conformable 
thereto." 

Reply :  ' '  Here  Zwingli  and  the  CEcolampadians  are  invidiously 
-cited,  as  though  only  their  followers,  and  not,  likewise,  the  Lu 
therans,  rejected  Pontifical  abuses.  Then,  too,  it  is  false  that  the 
people  were  inclined  to  accept  these  compromises,  or  that, 
through  sermons,  hope  was  offered  them  for  these.  The  con 
trary  was  found  also  after  the  death  of  Luther,  when,  the  edict 
of  Charles  being  published  in  the  year  1548,  a  very  few  ad 
mitted  incrustations  not  unlike  these  which  were  then  invented 
in  England,  and,  although  compelled  by  violence  to  receive 
them,  nevertheless,  in  a  short  time  rejected,  them." 

"XV.  Luther  hath  revoked  all  the  books,  wherein  there  be 
many  things  contrary  to  those  articles,  and  hath  retracted  them 
with  his  own  hands  and  knowledged  his  faults.  In  March  3d, 
MDXXXIX." 

Reply:  "This  is  so  impudently  false,  as  not  to  be  worthy 
of  refutation. ' ' 

Some  of  the  prejudices  against  Lutheranism  in  England  on  the 
part  of  the  more  pronounced  opponents  of  hierarchism,  have  not 
improbably  originated  from  the  false  impressions  produced  by 
this  forgery.  To  have  yielded  as  much  as  this  document  does, 
would  have  been  to  have  given  up  half  the  battle  to  the  Papacy.  It 
was  essentially,  as  Seckendorf  intimates,  what  afterwards  was  so 
stoutly  resisted  by  Lutherans  in  the  Interim.  It  is  amusing  to 
read  Strype's  conclusion  of  the  matter  : 

"  But  these  steps  to  a  good  concord  between  the  king  and  the 
Germans  came  to  nothing;  the  king  taking  some  misconceit 
against  the  Duke  of  Saxony,  because  it  was  said,  he  rather  in- 


A  Literary  Forgery.  167 

clined  to  have  his  sister-in-law,  the  Lady  Anne  of  Cleves,  mar 
ried  in  Germany  than  to  him." 

As  opposed  to  this,  we  have  an  authentic  document  of  Jan 
uary  1 8th,  1540,  in  which  Luther,  Melanchthon,  Jonas,  Bugen- 
hagen,  Myconius,  Sarcerius,  Bucer  and  others  unite  in  stating  to 
the  Elector  the  conditions  upon  which  peace  may  be  made  with 
"  the  bishops." 

They  say  :  "  Since  the  doctrine  in  all  articles  of  the  confes 
sion,  as  it  is  understood  and  taught  in  our  churches,  is  truly  and 
properly  the  sure  Christian  doctrine  of  the  Holy  Gospel,  we 
neither  will,  nor  can  rriake  or  assent  to  any  change  therein. 
Therefore,  if  there  be  a  meeting,  first  of  all  the  doctrine  must  be 
discussed ;  for  if  they  be  silent  concerning  this,  and  still  hold 
their  own,  and  thus  treat  of  an  external,  hypocritical  agreement, 
no  firm  unity  would  follow ;  but  they  must  first  consider  whether 
this  doctrine  be  correct,  and  be  allowed  by  theirs.  If,  perhaps, 
they  give  heed  to  some  articles  and  receive  them  in  a  measure ; 
and  say  that  our  writings  are  numerous  and  dissimilar,  and  there 
fore,  certain  articles  must  be  composed ;  and  also,  perhaps,  cen 
sure  some  so  as  to  patch  and  change  them ;  our  judgment  is, 
that  we  do  not  allow  new,  obscure  and  uncertain  articles  or 
patch-work  to  be  prepared,  but  declare  to  them  that  the  sum  of 
our  doctrine  is  set  forth  in  the  Confession  and  Apology,  from 
whose  doctrine  we  do  not  think  of  departing.  And  if  any  one 
have  any  fault  to  find  therewith,  as  though  it  were  not  sufficiently 
explained  or  were  incorrect,  we  then  offer  ourselves  ready,  with 
all  diligence,  to  show  either  by  writing  or  orally,  what  the  un 
derstanding  is  in  our  churches;  and  so  to  make  answer,  that 
undoubtedly  all  reasonable  and  God-fearing  men  shall  be  sat 
isfied."4 

THE   SIX  ARTICLES 

were  soon  lost  sight  of,  except  as  an  historical  land-mark.     "  Its 
operation  seems  to  have  been  checked  in  part  at  least,  as  early 

*  Corpus  Reformatorum,  III :   129. 


J68  More  English  Lutheran  Literature. 

as  the  following  year."  5  Crumwell's  schemes  were  successful. 
In  spite  of  the  Elector's  persistent  advice  to  the  contrary,  because 
of  which  he  greatly  offended  his  relatives,  the  marriage  of  Henry 
with  the  Elector's  sister-in-law,  Anne  of  Cleves,  was  arranged. 
We  need  not  repeat  the  story  with  which  readers  of  English  his 
tory  are  so  familiar  of  the  flattering  portrait  painted  by  Cranach, 
the  impatience  of  Henry  to  welcome  his  bride,  his  trip  to  the 
coast  to  receive  her,  his  terrible  disappointment,  his  fruitless 
endeavor  to  retract  from  his  engagement  even  after  she  had  en 
tered  England  for  her  marriage,  his  brutal  treatment  of  her,  his 
divorce  on  the  ground  "  that  the  king"*  [poor  innocent  Henry  !] 
"having  married  her  against  his  will,  he  had  not  given  a  pure,  in 
ward  and  complete  consent,"  and  her  silent  dignity  amidst  all 
these  wrongs.  Had  the  Elector's  advice  been  heeded,  this  mor 
tification  would  not  have  been  incurred. 

THE    LUTHERAN    ULTIMATUM. 

However  opposed  the  Elector  had  been  to  the  alliance,  yet 
when  against  his  will  it  was  concluded,  he  was  unwilling  to  lose 
any  opportunity  which  it  would  afford  /or  gaining  an  en 
trance  into  England  of  that  pure  faith  of  the  Gospel  which  had 
been  so  often  repelled  by  the  king.  Hence  contrary  to  all 
former  expectations  of  both  statesmen  and  theologians,  the  pen 
of  Melanchthon  was  once  more  called  into  service,  during  the 
period  after  the  marriage  and  before  the  repudiation  of  Anne 
of  Cleves.  April  i2th,  1540,  he  wrote  a  long  letter  for  the 
Elector's  use,  referring  to  an  oral  statement  made  by  Henry  as  to 
his  hope  that  he  might  yet  become  a  member  of  the  Smalcald 
League,  and  reminding  him  that  the  League  has  no  other  object 
but  that  of  "  the  defence  of  true  doctrine,  and  cases  connected 
therewith,"  and  "if  the  king  wished  to  enter  the  League  for 
other  reasons  than  those  of  religion,  that  this  was  entirely  at  va 
riance  with  the  principles  of  the  League."  The  king  was  se 
verely  rebuked  for  the  infamous  "Six  Articles,"  which  are 

*  Hardwick's  Reformation,  p.  206. 


A  Literary  Forgery.  169 

ascribed  to  "  the  conspiracy  and  artifices  of  bishops  whose  minds 
are  still  imbued  with  veneration  for  Romish  godlessness. "  As, 
however  the  execution  of  the  "  Six  Articles  "  has  been  arrested, 
and  the  king,  on  the  one  hand,  has  expressed  again  his  desire 
that  true  doctrine  be  propagated  in  his  churches,  but,  on  the 
other,  has  stated  that  the  Lutherans  "  in  some  articles  have  ad 
vanced  beyond  bounds,"  the  Elector  has  had  some  theologians 
prepare  a  memorandum  of  the  arguments  on  which  the  articles 
on  abuses  rest  for  the  especial  consideration  of  the  king  and  his 
theologians.  A  conference  between  English  and  German  theo 
logians  is  suggested  to  be  held  at  Guelders,  Hamburg  or  Bremen, 
or  any  other  place  designated  by  the  English  king.  "For  we 
greatly  desire,"  the  letter  continues,  "that  true  and  godly 
agreement  be  established  between  the  Anglican  and  German 
Churches.  Such  a  consummation  would  both  magnify  the  glory 
of  God  and  incite  other  nations.  Accordingly,  in  this  matter, 
we  promise  our  aid  with  all  our  might,  both  because  of  the  glory 
of  God  and  our  own  necessities.  Since,  moreover,  we  are  now 
united  by  a  new  bond  of  relationship,  we  are  especially  desirous 
that  this  union  may  be  of  some  advantage  to  the  Church  of 
Christ,  and  the  State ;  as  these  ought  to  be  the  chief  ends  in 
view  in  the  friendships  of  princes."6  The  memorandum  ac 
companying  the  letter  is  as  follows  : 

"  Writing  of -the  Wittenberg  Theologians  sent  to  the  King  of 
England. 

OF   THE   MASS. 

There  is  no  controversy  concerning  lessons  and  prayers  in  the 
Mass.  For  since  Paul  also  in  public  ceremonies  wanted  some 
holy  lessons,  useful  for  exciting  minds  to  the  fear  of  God  and  to 
faith,  to  be  recited,  and  prayers  and  thanksgiving  to  be  added, 
this  custom  is  not  to  be  abolished,  but  to  be  diligently  main 
tained  in  the  Church.  For,  first,  it  is  especially  profitable  that, 
in  the  common  assembly,  there  be  prayer ;  because  Christ  ex 
pressly  gave  promises  to  the  church,  when  he  said  :  '  If  two 

8  Corpus  Reformat orum^  III :   1007. 


170  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

of  you  shall  agree  on  earth,  as  touching  anything  that  they  ask, 
it  shall  be  done  for  them  of  my  Father  which  is  in  heaven.  For 
where  two  or  three  are  gathered  together  in  my  name,  there  am 
I  in  the  midst  of  them. '  Christ,  therefore,  by  his  most  compre 
hensive  promise,  invites  us  to  join  with  the  Church  in  prayer. 
God  wants  the  Church  to  be  so  bound  together  that  one  be  af 
fected  by  the  necessity  of  the  other,  and  pray  for  the  other,  and 
promises  that  he  will  hear  these  prayers.  The  public  usage  of  the 
Church  in  public  prayers,  in  the  Mass  and  other  ceremonies, 
ought  to  admonish  us  to  learn  this,  and  to  exercise  such  faith. 
Paul  also  in  2  Cor.  I.,  asks  that  prayers  be  made  by  many,  that 
many  in  turn  may  thank  God  for  hearing  prayer,  and  for  look 
ing  upon  the  afflicted.  Then  the  example  of  the  Church  is  most 
useful.  For  it  teaches  many  to  be  themselves  aroused  to  believe 
and  pray,  especially  if  in  the  sermons,  the  people  be  admonished 
concerning  the  promises  made  to  the  Church.  For  thus  they 
will  understand  the  examples  of  others,  and  the  custom  of  the 
Church  will  profit  them  unto  edification,  as  Paul  teaches,  i  Cor. 
14.  Thirdly,  the  example  of  the  Church  serves  to  admonish  in 
dividuals  in  regard  to  what  matters  they  should  be  concerned, 
and  what  they  should  ask.  For  a  people  untaught,  does  not  un 
derstand  public  necessities.  But  there  it  not  only  hears  that 
private  gifts  are  to  be  sought,  but  also  learns  that  each  one  should 
participate  in  the  public  care,  pray  for  the  whole  Church,  that  it 
be  freed  from  errors,  scandals,  dissensions,  godless  services,  that 
true  doctrine  be  propagated,  that  true  worship  be  rendered  God, 
and  we  be  ruled  and  sanctified  by  the  Holy  Ghost.  It  learns 
also  that  prayers  for  bodily  things,  peace,  happy  government, 
harvest,  against  pestilence  and  like  ills,  please  God.  Such  pray 
ers  in  public  ceremonies,  in  the  Mass  and  elsewhere,  we  hold 
were  devoutly  and  necessarily  instituted.  For  it  is  God's  com 
mand,  both  that  we  call  upon  him  in  all  dangers,  and  that,  in 
the  public  rites,  the  people  be  taught  concerning  this  invocation, 
to  learn  to  believe  God,  and  to  seek  and  expect  aid  of  God. 
But  concerning  the  use  of  the  sacrament  of  the  Body  and  Blood 


A  Literary  Forgery.  171 

of  the  Lord  in  the  Mass,  we  disapprove  of  those  who  hold  that 
the  use  of  the  sacrament  is  a  service  to  be  applied  for  others, 
living  and  dead,  and  that  it  merits  for  them  the  remission  of 
guilt  and  punishment,  and  this  too  for  the  work  wrought.  For 
these  things  are  unknown  to  the  Ancient  Church,  and  disagree 
with  the  Holy  Scriptures,  and  obscure  the  doctrine  of  faith,  and 
produce  confidence  in  the  work  of  another.  But  when  Christ 
said:  'This  do  in  remembrance  of  me,'  he  instituted  this  sac 
rament,  that  there  might  be  there  the  remembrance  in  true  faith 
of  his  death  and  of  the  benefits  which,  by  his  death,  he  has  merited. 
And  these  benefits  are  applied  by  the  sacrament  to  the  one  tak 
ing  it,  when,  by  this  remembrance,  it  excites  faith,  which  believes 
that  Christ  truly  bestows  upon  us  his  benefits,  while  he  offers  us 
such  a  testimony  that  he  joins  us  to  himself,  that  he  wishes  to 
keep  us  as  his  members,  that  he  cleanses  us  with  his  blood.  This 
faith,  whereby  the  benefits  of  Christ  are  received,  is  the  spiritual 
worship  of  God,  and  because,  with  this  faith,  thanksgiving  should 
be  joined,  whereby  hearts  truly  give  thanks,  for  the  forgiveness 
of  sins  and  redemption,  to  God  the  Father,  and  our  Lord  Jesus 
Christ,  the  Ancient  Church  called  this  use  of  the  sacraments, 
Eucharist,  as  Cyprian  says  most  sweetly  concerning  communi 
cants  :  '  Piety  dividing  itself  between  what  is  given  and  what  is 
forgiven,  thanks  the  bestower  of  so  abundant  benefit,'  /.  e. 
Piety  considers  both,  viz.,  how  great  the  magnitude  of  the  bene 
fit  bestowed  upon  us,  grace  and  life  eternal,  and,  on  the  other 
hand,  how  great  is  the  magnitude  of  our  evils,  ;.  e.  of  sins  and 
eternal  death.  Ardent  thanksgiving,  therefore,  arises,  when  we 
see  that,  by  unspeakable  clemency,  such  sins  are  remitted  us, 
and  besides  we  are  presented  with  the  Holy  Spirit,  and  the  glory 
of  life  eternal.  And,  in  this  sense,  we  hold  that  this  most  revered 
ceremony  is  called  by  the  holy  Fathers  a  sacrifice,  who  certainly 
did  not  think  that  this  work,  when  applied,  merits  for  others  the 
remission  of  guilt  and  punishment,  and  that,  for  the  work  wrought, 
but  held  that,  in  the  use  of  the  sacrament,  faith  is  to  be  exercised 
and  thanksgiving  to  be  rendered.  Since,  therefore,  Christ  in- 


172  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

stituted  the  use  of  the  sacrament,  that  it  might  be  a  communion, 
in  which  the  sacrament  might  be  administered  to  others,  and 
the  Church,  for  a  long  time,  preserved  this  custom,  and  did  not 
have  private  masses,  we  hold  that  such  rite,  wherein  there  is  a 
communion  of  some,  is  godly  and  in  harmony  with  the  Gospel. 
Then  private  masses  were  wont  to  be  performed  with  the  opinion 
concerning  the  use  of  the  sacrament,  that  it  is  necessary,  that 
this  service  sprang  up  in  the  Church  in  order  to  be  applied  to 
others,  so  that  it  merits  for  them  the  remission  of  guilt  and  pun 
ishment.  Such  masses,  therefore,  are  to  be  abrogated,  and  in 
order  that  these  scandals  be  removed,  and  the  institution  of 
Christ,  viz.  the  communion  be  celebrated,  we  hold  that  no  one 
should  be  compelled  to  celebrate  private  masses.  For  since 
Paul  says  that  they  who  abuse  the  sacrament  are  guilty  of  the 
body  and  blood  of  the  Lord,  the  greatest  care  must  be  taken  that 
the  godly  and  holy  use  be  restored  to  the  gtory  of  Christ  and  the 
profit  of  the  Church. 

OF   BOTH   KINDS. 

There  is  no  doubt  that  the  Ancient  Church,  East  and  West, 
used  both  kinds  of  the  sacrament  of  the  Body  and  Blood  of 
Christ,  viz.  bread  and  wine.  For  Paul  also  testifies  that  this  was 
the  custom  in  the  church  of  the  Corinthians,  and  Christ,  on  in 
stituting  the  sacrament,  ordained  this  use  not  only  for  a  part 
of  the  Church,  viz.  for  the  priests,  but  for  the  whole  Church ;  and 
the  declaration  of  Jerome  and  others  is  extant,  which  shows 
that  this  custom  remained  for  a  long  time  in  the  Church,  and  in 
capitulo.  'We  have  ascertained,'  Gelasius  declared,  'that  both 
kinds  are  taken ;  wherefore  the  recent  prohibition  is  only  a  hu 
man  tradition.'  Hence  it  does  not  have  the  authority  to  change 
an  institution  of  Christ,  nor  are  men  to  be  compelled,  because 
of  a  human  tradition,  to  change,  against  conscience,  a  custom 
delivered  by  Christ,  and  employed  in  the  Ancient  Church,  since 
it  is  manifest  that  this  usage  is  lawful  and  godly. 


A  Literary  Forgery.  173 

OF   THE   MARRIAGE   OF   PRIESTS. 

With  respect  to  virginity  and  continence  and  marriage,  we  fol 
low  and  defend  the  manifest  declaration  of  Paul,  i  Cor.  VII. 
And  as  Christ  praises  eunuchs  who  made  themselves  suclf  for  the 
Kingdom  of  God,  so  we  also  teach  that  the  preservation  of  vir 
ginity  is  a  good  work  and  useful  for  assiduity  in  study,  in  medi 
tation,  in  prayer,  in  ecclesiastical  ministrations;  as  Paul  says 
that  the  husband  cares  for  the  things  which  are  of  the  world,  but 
the  unmarried  for  those  which  are  of  the  Lord.  For  the  husband 
is  hindered  by  domestic  occupations  from  giving  that  uninter 
rupted  attention,  needful  for  studies  and  public  services,  but  the 
unmarried  is  less  employed,  and  can  apply  greater  energy  in 
learning,  teaching  and  other  functions;  and  is  less  distracted  by 
cares.  Therefore  it  is  well  to  choose  and  to  have  in  the  Church 
ministers  entirely  celibate ;  and  they  who  see  that  they  are  fitted, 
are  to  be  exhorted,  by  their  diligence  and  temperance,  to  pre 
serve  the  gift  of  God  because  of  the  advantage  of  the  Church, 
and  are  to  be  taught  that  this  office  pleases  God  and  has  great 
rewards.  But  inasmuch  as  Christ  himself  testifies  that  not  all  are 
fit  for  perpetual  celibacy,  we  hold  that  to  those  who  are  not 
fitted  for  celibacy,  marriage  neither  ought,  nor  can  be  prohibited 
by  a  vow  or  human  law ;  because  a  vow  and  human  laws  cannot 
free  us  from  a  divine  law  and  a  natural  right.  But  it  is  a  divine 
law  that  every  one  who  does  not  have  the  gift  of  continence, 
should,  in  order  to  avoid  fornication,  have  a  wife.  And  the  de 
sire  for  marriage  conformably  to  right  reason,  is  a  right  of  na 
ture.  To  this  natural  affection,  as  it  is  called,  concupiscence  is 
now  added,  which  inflames  nature  the  more  ;  so  that  the  need 
for  marriage  as  a  remedy,  is  the  greater.  The  law,  moreover, 
which  prohibits  marriage  to  priests,  is  purely  a  human  tradition. 
And  further,  this  new  tradition  which  prohibits  marriage  to 
priests,  and  dissolves  contracts,  has  not  originated  from  councils, 
but  from  the  Roman  bishops  alone.  Purity  before  God,  is  not  to 
pollute  the  conscience,  but  to  obey  God ;  wherefore  an  impure 
celibacy  is  not  purity,  and  marriage,  since  it  is  sanctified  by  the 


174  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

Word  of  God,  is  purity.  For  we  certainly  know  that  this  kind 
of  life  pleases  God,  and  it  is*  full  of  the  exercises  of  godliness ; 
and,  accordingly,  for  a  long  time,  the  Church  not  only  in  the 
East,  but  also  in  the  West,  had  married  priests.  History  also 
testifies  that  this  custom  was  changed  in  Spain  and  Germany  by 
violence.  The  Greek  churches  still  have  married  priests ;  and, 
hence,  marriage  is  not  impurity,  or  a  matter  unworthy  of  the 
ministers  of  the  churches.  But  what  examples,  what  impurity, 
what  disgrace  to  the  churches,  the  law  of  the  Bishop  of  Rome 
produced,  is  not  obscure.  Since  the  Divine  Law  enjoins  mar 
riage  upon  those  who  are  not  continent,  we  judge  that 
the  pontifical  prohibition  concerning  celibacy,  is  unlawful,  and 
that  marriage  is  allowed  priests. 

OF   MONASTIC  VOWS. 

There  are  many  important  reasons  why  it  is  necessary  to  sup 
port,  at  the  public  expense,  studious  and  godly  men,  destined 
for  sacred  literature,  in  order  that  the  teachers  of  the  churches 
may  be  derived  thence.  For  since  the  more  destitute  cannot, 
from  their  resources,  bear  the  expense  of  studies,  and  the  rich 
prefer  to  resort  to  other  arts,  whereby  great  honors,  and  great 
rewards  are  offered  in  the  state  ;  it  is  necessary  that  the  Church 
provide  that  some  be  supported  at  the  public  expense,  in  order 
to  give  attention  to  sacred .  literature  and  other  arts  of  which 
the  Church  has  need.  Unless  this  were  done,  the  churches  in 
many  places  would  be  without  pastors.  This  duty  then  is  incum 
bent  upon  kings  and  princes,  that  they  provide  that  pastors  be 
not  lacking  to  the  churches,  and  that  they  supply  the  expenses 
of  teachers  and  scholars.  For  Isaiah,  to  this  end,  calls  kings 
nursing-fathers,  and  queens  nursing-mothers,  in  order  to  teach 
that  kings  and  states  ought  to  defend  teachers,  and  supply  the 
expense.  Neither  is  it  unjust  that  they  whose  studies  are  directed 
to  the  profit  of  the  Church,  be  supported,  in  turn,  by  the 
Church ;  as  Paul  says :  '  Who  goeth  a  warfare  at  his  own 
charges  ?'  Apparently  with  this  design,  in  the  beginning  assem- 


A  Literary  Forgery.  175 

blages  were  instituted  in  colleges  and  monasteries,  in  order  that 
there  might  be  a  large  number  of  those  engaged  in  sacred  litera 
ture,  from  whom  teachers  could  be  chosen  ;  and  to  this,  the  laws 
in  the  code,  and  histories  bear  witness.  For  this  purpose,  there 
fore,  it  is  profitable,  provided  the  godless  opinions  and  services 
be  reformed,  that  colleges  and  monasteries  be  preserved.  Fcr 
it  is  not  enough  that  the  youth  who  are  to  be  employed  here 
after  in  the  government  of  the  Church,  should  learn  literature, 
but  also  should  be  accustomed,  by  discipline  and  godly  exer 
cises,  to  the  love  of  ceremonies  and  to  godliness ;  for  those  not 
trained  by  such  discipline  are  more  profane  than  is  expedient. 
Besides,  the  Church  has  need  of  learned  and  skilful  pastors.  But 
familiar  conversation  with  men  learned  in  spiritual  matters  con 
duces  very  much  to  the  strengthening  of  doctrine  and  the  con 
firming  of  judgments.  For  without  such  intercourse,  no  one 
can  attain  to  solid  learning.  Moreover  if  pastors  be  altogether 
lacking  to  the  churches,  or  the  pastors  be  unlearned  and  inex 
perienced  and  mere  tyros,  what  do  we  suppose  will  be  the  state 
of  the  Church?  There  will  be  devastation  and  barbarism,  and, 
with  literary  pursuits  destroyed,  learning  will  be  extinct.  Paul 
prohibits  the  choice  of  novices,  because  he  knew  that  there  was 
need  of  skilful  and  experienced  teachers.  Nazianzen  deplores 
the  calamity  of  the  Church,  because  they  who  had  not  previously 
learned,  suddenly  became  doctors,  brought  forward  not  by  their 
learning,  but  by  votes.  Basil  says  that  the  doctrine  of  the  emi 
nent  fathers  whom  he  heard,  was  still  resounding  in  his  ears. 
Wherefore  it  is  highly  desirable  that  there  be  such  monasteries, 
in  which  doctrine  may  flourish  and  be  propagated,  youth  be 
properly  trained  and  be  prepared  for  the  service  of  the  Church, 
in  order  that  learned  and  well-trained  doctors  of  the  churches  be 
had.  Such  once  were  the  colleges  of  bishops,  as  is  apparent 
from  the  accounts  of  Ambrose  and  Augustine  and  others,  in 
which  learning  was  for  a  fong  time  propagated.  Afterwards, 
when,  in  such  colleges,  the  pursuits  of  learning  were  neglected,  a 
great  change  of  doctrine  followed,  which  was  of  no  little  injury 


176  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

to  the  Church.     Therefore,  with  the  polity  preserved,   let  the 
opinion  of  colleges  and  monasteries  be  reformed,  let  superstition 
be  removed,  let  godless  services  be  rejected  and  the  pursuits  of 
learning  be  renewed  to  the  profit  of  the  Church.     For   we  hold 
that  the  following  opinions  are  godless,  viz.  that  monastic  vows 
merit  the  forgiveness  of  sins  and  eternal  life,  or  that  they  are 
Christian  righteousness  or  perfection ;  and  while  lawful  vows  are 
to  be  observed,  such  monastic  vows  are  unlawful,  as   are  made 
with  the  false  persuasion  that  works,  devised  without  God's  com 
mand,  are  not  matters  of  indifference,  but  a  service,  and  merit 
the  remission  of  sins  and  eternal  life.     These  vows  are   invalid. 
The   objection   urged  from  Paul  concerning  widows,  that  they 
have  made  void  their  first  faith,  even  though   there  were  vows 
then,  cannot  be  accommodated  to  monastic  vows  of  these  times, 
which,  when  fulfilled  with  a  godless  opinion,  are  not  vows.     For 
they  transfer  the  glory  of  Christ  to  human  observances,  and  ob 
scure  true  worship  in  the  Church,  viz.,  faith  in    Christ  and  the 
good  works  of  one's  calling.     For  who  did  not  prefer  the  obser 
vances  of  the  monks  to  the  office  of  magistrate  and  of  father  ? 
For  these  works,  as  profane  and  unclean,  seemed  scarcely  excu 
sable,  and  faith  was  obscured,  because  they  did  not   teach  that 
forgiveness  of  sins  is  gratuitously  bestowed  for  Christ's  sake,  but 
ascribed  this  honor  to  their  observances.     And  the  rest   of  the 
Church  imitated  these  opinions  and  examples,  and  superstitiously 
thought  that  works  are  services  of  human  traditions,  and   merit 
remission  of  sins  and  life  eternal.     Since,  however,  the   Gospel 
condemns  these  opinions,  monastic  vows,  made  with  this  persua 
sion,  are  manifestly  unlawful.     Besides  not  all  are  fitted  for  per 
petual  continence ;  while  a  vow  should  be  concerning  a  possible 
matter,  and,  it  is  evident  that  many  young  men   and   maidens 
were  forced  into  monasteries,  and  to  make  vows  before  the  just 
age ;  how  great  the  peril  of  which  is,  is  not  obscure.     We  must, 
therefore,  allow  those  preferring  to  live  in  another  kind  of  life, 
to  depart  from  monasteries.     They  also  do  aright  who  leave  the 
monks,  when  they  are  compelled  in  monasteries  to  observe  god- 


A  Literary  Forgery.  177 

less  services,  as  the  abuse  of  masses,  indulgences  and  many  other 
things.  If  any,  however,  adapted  to  monastic  life,  prefer  to  live 
in  these  colleges;  if  their  opinion  and  worship  be  reformed,  and 
they  use  ordinances  as  indifferent  matters,  we  do  not  censure 
them,  and  we  judge  that  many  holy  and  excellent  men  with  this 
intention  lived  a  godly  life  in  monasteries ;  aye,  it  is  even  to  be 
desired,  that  such  colleges  of  doctors  and  godly  men  exist, 
among  whom  the  pursuits  of  Christian  doctrine  may  be  cultiva 
ted  to  the  common  profit  of  the  Church,  and  youths  not  only  be 
instructed  in  learning,  but,  by  godly  exercises  and  this  pedagogy 
of  rites,  be  accustomed  to  godliness,  yet  so  that  they  be  not  held 
entangled  with  vows  to  the  peril  of  conscience.  This  kind  of 
life,  because  directed  to  the  profit  of  the  Church,  to  the  instruc 
tion  and  practice  of  the  congregations,  from  which  doctors  of  the 
churches  can  be  taken,  is  godly  and  pleases  God  ;  for  it  would 
have  services  commanded  of  God.  For  it  is  God's  command 
that  those,  purposing  to  enter  the  ministry,  be  taught  and 
trained ;  and,  for  this  reason,  God  approves  the  pedagogy  of 
rites.  There  may  also  be  colleges  of  nuns,  where  maidens  learn 
literature  and  the  doctrine  of  godliness.  But  young  girls  who 
desire  to  marry  are  not  to  be  retained  in  cloisters,  nor  are  any, 
thereafter,  to  be  burdened  with  vows.  For  the  doctrine  of  Paul 
must  be  retained,  who  advises  virginity  in  such  wise,  as  to  be  un 
willing  that  snares  be  cast  upon  consciences."  7 

We  have  given  this  opinion  of  the  Wittenberg  theologians, 
that  it  may  be  seen  how  the  entire  argument  was  concentrated 
on  "  The  Articles  on  Abuses,"  as  well  as  to  show  the  spirit  and 
thoroughness  of  the  treatment.  Here  were  the  points  from 
which  the  Lutheran  reformers  could  not  recede  a  hair's-breadth ; 
and  which,  at  the  same  time,  Henry  was  not  ready  to  surrender. 
The  doctrinal  articles,  as  we  have  already  learned,  had  been 
already  conceded  by  Henry  and  his  theologians,  under  the  influ 
ence  of  the  able  presentations  of  Myconius  and  his  colleagues. 
As  soon  as  the  articles  on  Abuses  would  be  endorsed  by  the  An- 

7  Ib.  pp.  loio  sqq. 
13 


178  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

glican  authorities,  in  addition  to  the  doctrinal  articles  of  the 
Augsburg  Confession,  a  union  between  the  Lutheran  and  Angli 
can  Churches  could  be  consummated ;  but  until  then,  such 
thoughts  were  useless,  and  all  efforts  for  union  must  be  directed 
towards  the  acceptance  of  those  unalterable  scriptural  principles 
therein  set  forth. 

All  this  was  in  vain.  Cranmer,  under  date  of  May  loth,  tried 
to  apologize  for  his  monarch,  by  recounting  what  great  things 
Henry  had  already  accomplished.  Had  he  not  in  a  short  time 
abolished  the  supremacy  of  the  Pope,  the  worship  of  images,  and 
monasteries  ?  Were  not  these  in  themselves  labors  worthy  of 
Hercules  ?  The  Lutherans  must  have  patience.  All  their  argu 
ments  will  be  carefully  examined,  but  they  must  not  be  offended 
if,  on  some  points,  the  king  dissent,  as  he  himself  is  a  very  learned 
man,  furnished  with  the  highest  critical  acumen  and  soundest 
judgment,  and  besides  this  has  the  aid  of  other  learned  men. 8 

The  breach  was  soon  made  irreparable.  Gardiner  was  master 
of  the  field.  The  repudiation  of  Anne  of  Cleves,  July  loth,  and 
the  formal  divorce,  July  24th,  were  closely  connected  with  the 
arrest  of  Crumwell,  June  ioth,  and  his  execution,  June  28th, 
and  the  martyrdom  at  the  stake,  July  3oth,  of  that  most  pro 
nounced,  though  not  always  judicious  advocate  of  Lutheranism, 
the  intimate  friend  and  table  companion  of  Luther  and  Melanch- 
thon,  who  had  done  all  that  mortal  could,  to  give  England  the 
pure  Gospel  and  to  make  the  Anglican  a  Lutheran  Church,  Dr. 
Robert  Barnes.  This  true  English  Lutheran,  faithful  even  unto 
death,  to  the  principles  he  had  learned  at  Wittenberg,  and  whose 
dying  testimony  was  published  with  an  introduction  by  Luther, 
written  amidst  a  tempest  of  wrath  against  the  royal  murderer  and 
with  many  tears  for  one  whom  he  tenderly  loved,  will  be  noticed 
in  the  next  chapter. 

8  Seckendorf,  III :  261. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 
LUTHER'S  "ST.  ROBERT." 

The  Postils  of  Taverner.  Estimate  of  Crumwell.  Sketch  of  Barnes.  Con 
nection  with  Bugenhagen.  His  XIX,  Theses  of  1531.  His  "  History 
of  the  Popes"  (1536),  with  Luther's  Introduction.  His  efforts  at  litur 
gical  reform.  Controversy  with  Gardiner.  His  "  Confession,"  at  the 
stake.  The  attack  upon  the  "Confession"  by  Standish,  and  the  refu 
tation  of  Standish  by  Coverdale.  Luther's  Introduction  to  the  German 
translation  of  the  "  Confession."  Luther's  estimate  of  Barnes.  His 
contrast  between  Barnes  and  Henry.  Sastrow's  "  Epicedion "  on 
Barnes.  Henry  demands  satisfaction. 

PARALLEL  with  the  diplomatic  negotiations,  proceeded  the 
literary  activity  of  scholars,  to  provide  for  the  thorough  reforma 
tion  of  the  English  Church.  This  was  not  confined  to  the  re 
vision  of  translations  of  the  Bible.  We  have  already  seen  how 
the  Augsburg  Confession  and  Apology,  the  hymns  of  Luther  and 
his  associates,  and  a  Lutheran  system  of  theology  in  Sarcerius' 
"Common  Places,"  were  translated  and  published.  Early  in 
1540,  before  the  fall  of  Crumwell,  another  important  work  ap 
peared.  It  will  be  remembered  that  in  March  1539,  Sarcerius 
wrote  to  Henry  VIII.  from  Frankfort,  offering  to  send  him 
"  Postils  upon  the  Gospels  for  the  Lord's  Days  and  the  Festi 
vals;  as  well  as  upon  the  Epistels  for  the  Lord's  Days,  dedicated 
to  your  Serenity."  The  works  referred  to  were  either  :  "  Pos- 
tilla  in  Evangelia  Dominicalia "  and  "  Postilla  in  Evangelia 
Festivalia,"  1538,  or  "  Expositiones  in  EpistolasDominicales  et 
Festivales,"  or  probably  both.  When,  then,  early  in  1540,  we 
find  a  volume  of  Postils  appearing  in  England  from  the  pen  of 
Richard  Taverner,  the  translator  of  Sarcerius'  "  Common 
079) 


180  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

Places,"  in  the  Preface  to  which  he  disclaims  all  originality  for 
the  most  of  the  work,  the  inference  is  very  naturally  suggested 
that  the  book  comes  from  Sarcerius.  Taverner's  relation  to  it  is 
thus  stated:  "I  was  instantly  required,  to  the  intent  the  Lord 
of  the  harvest  might,  by  this  mean,  thrust  forth  his  laborers  into 
the  harvest,  to  peruse  and  recognize  this  brief  postil  which  was 
delivered  me  of  certain  godly  persons  for  that  purpose  and  in 
tent.  Which  thing  to  my  little  power,  and,  as  the  shortness  of 
time  would  serve,  I  have  done.  And  such  sermons  or  homilies 
as  seemed  to  want,  I  have  supplied,  partly  with  mine  own  indus 
try,  and  partly  with  the  help  of  other  sober  men  which  be  better 
learned  than  myself." 

So,  too,  in  the  Preface  to  the  second  volume,  he  says :  "Sith 
this  Postil  is  by  me  though  not  made,  yet  recognized,  and  in  di 
verse  places  augmented."  The  changes,  modifications  and  ad 
ditions  to  Sarcerius,  cannot  be  determined,  unless  the  two  books 
be  placed  side  by  side.  As  no  copy  of  Sarcerius,  is  at  hand,  we 
cannot  even  affirm  positively  that  he  is  the  author.  But  the  en 
tire  style  and  character  of  the  Postils  betray  their  Germanic  and 
Lutheran  origin.  We  need  refer  to  but  one  instance,  where  on 
the  Gospel  for  the  2nd  Sunday  in  Advent,  we  find  the  sentence  : 
"  The  ancient  serpent  shall  be  loosed  for  a  little  time,  that  is  to 
say,  false  prophets,  heretics,  Anabaptists,  Sacramentaries,  Suar- 
merians"  [Ger.  " Sch warmerei "]  seductors,  "frantikespirites." 
It  is  also  possible  that  the  similar  work  of  Antony  Corvinus  oifCal- 
enberg,  may  have  been  used  as  the  basis. 

But  we  return  to  the  political  crisis  of  1540,  and  the  catastro 
phes  which  it  brought.  It  is  foreign  to  our  purpose  to  enter 
into  a  discussion  concerning  Crumwell,  and  his  fall.  He  was  no 
theologian,  but  a  politician.  A  great  friend  of  the  Lutheran  move 
ment,  there  is  no  evidence  at  hand  to  prove  that  he  regarded  it 
in  any  other  light,  than  as  offering  to  England  an  opportunity 
for  asserting  its  power  in  defiance  of  Pope  and  Emperor. 
Whether  he  really  accepted  with  heart  and  soul  the  faith  of  the 
Gospel,  and  knew  in  his  own  inner  experience  what  the  Luth- 


Luther's  "  St.  Robert"  181 

eran  Reformation  was  designed  first  of  all  and  above  all  to  main 
tain  and  impart,  must  be  referred  to  Him  who  would  have  us 
judge  nothing  before  the  time. 

Twenty  days  after  the  execution  of  Crumwell,  viz.,  on  January 
3<Dth,  1540,  one  of  the  most  prominent  of  English  Lutherans 
bore  his  testimony  at  the  stake. 

Dr.  Robert  Barnes  was  born  about  1495.  At  Cambridge  he 
was  a  fellow  student  of  Miles  Coverdale,  with  whom,  throughout 
his  entire  career,  he  lived  on  terms  of  intimacy,  and  who  most 
earnestly  defended  his  memory  after  his  death.  Converted  to 
the  evangelical  faith  through  Thomas  Bilney,  he  at  first  showed 
a  fanatical  radicalism,  having  on  December  24th,  1525,  preached 
against  the  observance  of  the  great  church  festivals,  and  unseas 
onably  reproduced  Luther's  sermon  for  the  Fourth  Sunday  in 
Advent.  In  a  previous  chapter,  we  told  the  story  of  the  recantation 
of  Lutheranism  which,  in  1526,  he  was  compelled  to  make  under 
penalty  of  the  stake.  The  very  same  year,  however,  it  was  dis 
covered  that  he  was  surreptitiously  circulating  Bibles.  He  be 
came  an  object  of  such  close  surveillance  that  in  1528  he  escaped 
to  Antwerp,  where,  it  is  probable  that  he  was  in  intimate  rela 
tions  with  Rogers,  then  chaplain  there.  He  spent  the  next 
three  years  in  Germany,  part  of  the  time  at  Wittenberg,  where 
he  resided  in  Bugenhagen's  house,  and,  in  order  to  escape  de 
tection,  assumed  the  name  of  Anthonius  Amarius  or  Antonius 
Anglus.  Bugenhagen  being  in  Hamburg,  to  promote  the  Refor 
mation  there  in  1529,  probably  met  Tyndale,  living  then  in  Ham 
burg,  and  if  Foxe's  statement  be  correct,  that  Barnes'  friend, 
Coverdale  was  with  Tyndale  at  that  time,  it  again  connects  them. 
Besides,  the  English  merchant,  Humphrey  Monmouth,  in  whose 
house  in  London,  Tyndale  had  lived,  in  later  years  made  Barnes 
the  executor  of  his  will. 

In  1531  he  published,  at  Wittenberg,  a  defence  of  nineteen 
theses,  to  which  Bugenhagen  furnished  a  preface.  They  were  in 
substance — i.  Faith  alone  justifies.  2.  Christ  made  satisfaction 
not  alone  for  original  sin,  but  for  all  sins.  3.  The  command- 


1 82  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

ments  of  God  cannot  be  observed  from  our  own  powers.  4. 
Free  will  of  its  own  powers  can  do  nothing  but  sin.  5.  The 
righteous  sin  even  in  every  good  work.  6.  The  true  marks  of 
the  Church.  7.  The  power  of  the  keys  depends  upon  the  Word 
of  God,  and  not  upon  man's  power.  8.  Councils  can  err.  9. 
Communion  must  be  administered  under  both  forms.  10.  Hu 
man  ordinances  do  not  bind  the  conscience,  n.  Auricular  con 
fession  is  not  necessary  to  salvation.  12.  It  is  lawful  for  priests 
to  marry.  13.  Monks  are  not  holier  than  laymen.  14.  Chris 
tian  fasting  does  not  consist  in  distinctions  of  meats.  15.  Chris 
tians  keep  holy  and  worship  God  every  day,  and  not  only  on  the 
seventh.  16.  Unjust  Papal  excommunication  does  not  injure 
those  against  whom  it  is  directed.  17.  The  true  body  of  Christ 
is  in  the  sacrament  of  the  altar.  18.  Saints  are  not  tovbe  in 
voked  as  mediators.  19.  The  errors  of  the  Romish  Mass  are 
enumerated. 

The  same  year,  the  King  felt  that  he  needed  Barnes'  services 
in  his  work  of  reorganizing  the  English  Church,  and  persuaded 
him  to  return.  He  was  not  long  in  England  before  the  antago 
nism  to  Gardiner  broke  out  in  a  quarrel  in  which  Barnes'  impet 
uosity  gave  him  the  disadvantage.  As  to  the  point  »of  the  dis 
pute,  viz.,  the  right  to  sue  for  debt,  Gardiner  seems  to  have  had 
the  right  side,  but  his  repugnance  to  the  bishop's  course  with 
reference  to  the  Gospel  was  doubtless  back  of  it.  In  1534,  he 
was  sent  by  Henry  to  Hamburg  as  special  ambassador,  and  sought 
to  effect  an  alliance  with  the  King  of  Denmark.  In  1535,  and 
the  following  year,  he  was,  as  already  stated,  several  times  at 
Wittenberg  on  the  English  Commission.  In  1536,  he  published 
a  "History  of  the  Lives  of  the  Pope?,"  dedicated  to  Henry 
VIII. ,  to  which  Luther  furnished  an  "  Introduction. ' '  In  the  In 
troduction  Luther  says :  "In  the  beginning,  not  being  much 
versed  in  History,  I  attacked  the  Papacy  a  priori,  i.  e.  from  the 
Holy  Scriptures.  Now  I  am  wonderfully  delighted  that  others 
are  doing  the  same  a  posteriori,  i.  e.  from  History.  And  I  think 
I  am  triumphing,  since,  as  the  light  appears,  I  understand  that 


Luther  s  "St.  Robert"  183 

the  histories  agree  with  the  Scriptures.  For  what  I  have  learned 
from  St.  Paul  and  Daniel  as  teachers,  that  the  Pope  is  the  ad 
versary  of  God  and  of  all,  this  history  indicates  with  its  very 
finger,  pointing  out  not  merely  genus  and  species,  but  the  very 
individual."  l 

In  1537,  he  was  executor  for  an  alderman,  Humphrey  Mon- 
mouth,  the  friend  of  Tyndale,  who  left  a  bequest  for  the  singular 
purpose  of  paying  for  the  preaching  of  thirty  sermons,  instead 
of  the  saying  of  thirty  masses.  In  1538  he  became  the  first  to 
introduce  the  saying  of  the  Mass,  and  the  rendering  of  the  Te 
Deum  in  English.  The  next  year  he  was  on  the  commission  for 
the  prosecution  of  the  Anabaptists.  He  was  charged  with  hav 
ing  had  some  part  in  information  against  Lambert  for  denying 
the  doctrine  of  the  real  presence,  although  this  in  no  way  con 
victs  him  of  having  any  share  in  his  condemnation  and  execu 
tion  for  denying  transubstantiation.  In  1539,  he  was  again  in 
Germany,  as  agent  for  Crumwell  in  effecting  the  alliance  with 
Anne  of  Cleves.  During  Lent  of  1540,  in  preaching  in  St. 
Paul's  Cross  Church  with  Gardiner,  they  fell  into  controversy. 
Gardiner  preached  against  Justification  by  Faith  alone,  Barnes, 
when  his  turn  to  preach  came,  not  only  attacked  the  Bishop's 
doctrine,  but  even  inveighed  against  him  personally.  Begging 
pardon  first  privately,  which  was  granted,  then,  after  asking  par 
don  publicly,  in  the  very  same  service  he  preached  on  the  evan 
gelical  side.  His  temporary  waverings  can  be  readily  explained. 
His  ardent  nature  led  him  to  act  hastily  and  rashly,  and  then 
there  was  a  seeming  vacillation,  though  but  for  a  moment,  to  the 
other  side.  Beneath  all,  there  is  a  depth  of  character  unaffected 
by  transient  and  superficial  agitations.  He  had  to  pay  the  pen 
alty  at  Smithfield,  after  the  bill  of  attainder  against  him  had  been 
passed  in  Parliament. 

At  the  stake,  he  made  a  glorious  confession  of  Christ  before 
many  witnesses.  He  bore  his  testimony  against  the  various  Pa 
pal  doctrines,  each  enumerated  in  its  turn. 

1  Seckendorf,  Index  III.,  Anno  1536. 


184  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England, 

"lam  come  hither,"  he  said,  "to  be  burned  as  a  heretic, 
and  you  shall  hear  my  belief,  whereby  you  shall  perceive  what 
erroneous  opinions  I  hold.  God  I  take  to  record,  I  never  to  my 
knowledge,  taught  any  erroneous  doctrine,  but  only  those  things 
which  scripture  led  me  unto,  and  that  in  my  sermons  I  never 
maintained  any  error,  neither  moved  nor  gave  occasion  of  any 
insurrection.  Although  I  have  been  slandered  to  preach  that 
our  lady  was  but  a  saffron  bag,  which  I  utterly  protest  before 
God  that  I  never  meant  it,  nor  preached  it ;  but  all  my  study 
and  diligence  hath  been  utterly  to  confound  and  confute  all  men 
of  that  doctrine,  as  are  those  who  deny  that  our  Saviour  Christ 
did  take  any  flesh  of  the  blessed  Virgin  Mary,  which  sects  I  de 
test  and  abhor.  And  in  this  place  there  have  been  burned  some 
of  them,  whom  I  never  favored  nor  maintained,  but  with  all  dil 
igence  evermore  did  I  study  to  set  forth  the  glory  of  God,  the 
obedience  to  our  sovereign  lord  the  King,  and  the  true  and  sin 
cere  religion  of  Christ — and  now  hearken  to  my  faith. 

I  believe  in  the  holy  and  blessed  Trinity,  three  persons  and 
one  God,  that  created  and  made  all  the  world,  and  that  this 
blessed  Trinity  sent  down  the  second  person,  Jesus  Christ,  into 
the  womb  of  the  most  blessed  and  purest  Virgin  Mary.  And 
here  hear  my  record  that  I  do  utterly  condemn  that  abominable 
and  detestable  opinion  which  saith  that  Christ  took  no  flesh  of 
the  Virgin.  For  I  believe  that  without  man's  will  or  power,  he 
was  conceived  of  the  Holy  Ghost,  and  took  flesh  of  her,  and 
that  he  suffered  hunger,  thirst,  cold,  and  other  passions  of  our 
body,  sin  excepted ;  according  to  the  saying  of  St.  Peter,  he  was 
made  in  all  things  like  to  his  brethren,  except  sin.  And  I  be 
lieve  that  his  death  and  passion  was  the  sufficient  ransom  for  the 
sins  of  all  the  world.  And  I  believe  that  through  his  death,  he 
overcame  sin,  death  and  hell,  and  that  there  is  none  other  satis 
faction  unto  the  Father,  but  this,  his  death  and  passion  only, 
and  that  no  work  of  man  did  deserve  anything  of  God,  but  his 
passion,  as  touching  our  justification.  For  I  know  the  best  work 
ever  I  did,  is  impure  and  imperfect.  For  although  perchance, 


Luther's  "St.  Robert."  185 

you  know  nothing  of  me,  yet  do  I  confess  that  my  thoughts  and 
cogitations  are  innumerable ;  wherefore,  I  beseech  thee,  O  Lord, 
not  to  enter  into  judgment  with  me ;  according  to  the  saying 
of  the  prophet  David  :  '  Enter  not  into  judgment  with  thy  ser 
vant,  O  Lord;'  and  in  another  place,  ' Lord,  if  thou  straitly 
mark  our  iniquities,  who  is  able  to  abide  thy  judgment !'  Where 
fore,  I  trust  in  no  good  work  that  ever  I  did,  but  only  in  the 
death  of  Christ.  I  do  not  doubt  .but  through  him  to  inherit  the 
Kingdom  of  Heaven.  Take  me  not  here  that  I  speak  against 
good  works,  for  they  are  to  be  done,  and  verily  they  that  do 
them  not,  shall  never  come  into  the  Kingdom  of  God.  We 
must  do  them  because  they  are  commanded  us  of  God,  to  show 
and  set  forth  our  profession,  not  to  deserve  or  merit,  for  that  is 
only  the  death  of  Christ. 

I  believe  that  there  is  a  holy  church,  and  a  company  of  all 
them  that  do  profess  Christ ;  and  that  all  that  have  suffered  and 
confessed  his  name,  are  saints ;  and  that  all  they  do  praise  and 
laud  God  in  heaven,  more  than  I,  or  afty  man's  tongue  can  ex 
press,  and  I  have  always  spoken  reverently  and  praised  them,  as 
much  as  scripture  willed  me  to  do.  And  that  our  lady,  I  say, 
was  a  virgin  immaculate  and  undefiled,  and  that  she  is  the  most 
pure  virgin  that  ever  God  created,  and  a  vessel  elect  of  God, 
of  whom  Christ  should  be  born." 

"Then,  there  was  one,"  says  Foxe,  "that  asked  him  his 
opinion  of  praying  to  saints."  Then  said  he  : 

"  Now  of  saints  you  shall  hear  my  opinion  :  I  have  said  be 
fore  some  what  I  think  of  them ;  how  that  I  believe  they  are  in 
heaven  with  God,  and  that  they  are  worthy  of  all  the  honor,  that 
Scripture  willeth  them  to  have.  But  I  say,  throughout  all  scrip 
ture  we  are  not  commanded  to  pray  to  any  saints.  Therefore,  I 
neither  can,  nor  will  preach  unto  you  that  saints  ought  to  be 
prayed  unto ;  for  then  should  I  preach  unto  you  a  doctrine  of 
mine  own  head.  Notwithstandiug,  whether  they  pray  for  us  or 
no,  that  I  refer  to  God  And  if  saints  do  pray  for  us,  then  I 
trust  to  pray  for  you  within  this  half  hour,  master  sheriff,  and  for 


1 86  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

jevery  Christian  man  living  in  the  faith  of  Christ,  and  dying  in 
the  same,  as  a  saint.  Wherefore,  if  the  dead  may  pray  for  the 
quick,  I  will  surely  pray  for  you." 

When  this  testimony  of  Barnes  at  the  stake  was  published,  it 
was  at  once  attacked  by  a  hierarchical  writer,  John  Standish,  to 
whom  Barnes'  old  college  friend,  Miles  Coverdale,  vigorously 
replied.  Standish  examines  Barnes'  confession,  sentence  by 
sentence,  and  Coverdale  just  as  minutely  treats  every  statement 
of  Standish.  The  reply  may  be  found  in  the  second  volume  of 
Coverdale' s  works,  published  by  the  Parker  Society.  In  the 
Preface,  he  says:  "If  Dr.  Barnes  die.d  a  true  Christian  man, 
be  ye  sure  his  death  shall  be  a  greater  stroke  to  hypocrisy, 
than  ever  his  life  could  Lave  been.  If  he  was  falsely  accused  to 
the  King's  highness,  and  so  put  to  death,  woe  shall  come  those 
accusers,  if  they  repent  not  by  times.  And  if  Dr.  Barnes  in  his 
heart,  mouth  and  deed  committed  no  worse  thing  toward  the 
King's  highness,  than  he  committed  against  God  in  these  his 
words  at  his  death,  he  is  like  at  the  latter  day  to  be  a  judge  over 
them  that  were  cause  of  his  death,  if  they  do  not  amend." 

Standish  contemptuously  termed  Barnes'  doctrine  as  the  doc 
trine  of  the  Germans.  Coverdale  is  perfectly  willing  to  bear 
the  reproach,  and  answers  : 

"  As  touching  the  Germans,  their  doctrine  is,  that  when  the 
servants  of  God  have  done  all  that  is  commanded  them,  they 
must  acknowledge  themselves  to  be  unprofitable ;  to  have  occa 
sion  continually  to  cry  unto  God,  and  to  say :  '  O  forgive  us 
our  trespasses;'  to  acknowledge  that  in  their  flesh  dwelleth  no 
good  thing ;  yea,  and  to  confess,  that  though  they  '  delight  in 
the  law  of  God  after  the  inward  man,  yet  there  is  another  law  in 
their  members  which  striveth  against  the  law  of  their  mind.'  .  .  . 
This  is  now  the  doctrine  of  the  Germans  ;  and  thus  taught  also 
St.  Augustine.  .  .  .  Such  doctrine  now,  though  it  be  approved 
both  by  the  holy  scripture  and  by  St.  Augustine,  yet  because  the 
Germans  teach  it,  it  must  needs  be  condemned  of  you  for  an 
error.  I  wonder  ye  condemn  them  not  also  for  holding  so  little 


Luther's  "St.  Robert"  187 

of  the  Pope's  church,  of  his  pardons,  of  his  purgatory;  for  put 
ting  down  his  religions,  his  chauntries,  his  soul-masses  and  di- 
riges,  his  trentals,  pilgrimages,  stations,  etc. ;  for  ministering  the 
sacraments  in  their  mother  tongue,  for  setting  their  priests  daily 
to  preach  the  only  word  of  God,  for  bringing  no  new  customs 
into  the  church ;  for  avoiding  whoredom  and  secret  abomination 
from  among  their  clergy,  as  well  as  among  other ;  for  bringing 
up  their  youth  so  well  in  the  doctrine  of  God,  in  the  knowledge 
of  tongues,  in  other  good  letters  and  honest  occupations,  for 
providing  so  richly  for  their  poor,  needy,  fatherless  and  aged 
people,  etc."2 

The  Confession  of  Barnes  was  published  in  German  at  Witten 
berg,  in  the  very  year  of  his  martyrdom.  Luther's  introduction 
is  of  the  highest  interest.  The  following  is  the  substance  of  it : 

"This  Dr.  Robert  Barnes,  who,  when  with  us,  in  his  remark 
able  humility,  would  not  allow  himself  to  be  called  Doctor,  called 
himself  Antonius  ;  for  which  he  had  his  reasons.  For  previously 
he  had  been  imprisoned  in  England  by  the  holy  bishops,  the  St. 
Papists,  and  had  escaped  with  great  difficulty.  This  Doctor,  I 
say,  we  knew  very  well,  and  it  is  an  especial  joy  to  us  to  hear, 
that  our  good  pious  table  companion,  and  guest  of  our  home, 
has  been  so  graciously  called  upon  by  God  to  shed  his  blood, 
for  His  dear  Son's  sake,  and  to  become  a  holy  martyr.  Thanks, 
praise  and  glory  be  to  the  Father  of  our  dear  Lord  Jesus  Christ, 
that  He  has  permitted  us  to  see  again,  as  in  the  beginning,  the 
times,  wherein  Christians  who  have  eaten  and  drunk  with  us, 
are  taken  before  our  eyes,  and  from  our  eyes  and  sides,  to  become 
martyrs,  i.  e.  to  go  to  Heaven  and  become  saints.  Twenty 
years  ago,  who  would  have  believed  that  Christ  our  Lord  would 
be  so  near  us,  and,  through  His  precious  martyrs  and  dear  saints, 
would  eat  and  drink  and  speak  and  live  at  our  table  and  home  ? 
.  .  .  When  this  holy  martyr,  St.  Robert,  perceived  at  last  that 
his  King  (by  your  permission)  Harry  of  England,  had  become 
hostile  to  the  Pope,  he  returned  to  England,  in  hopes  that  he 

2  Remains  of  Bishop  Coverdale,  pp.  384-86. 


1 88  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England, 

might  plant  the  Gospel  in  his  fatherland ;  and  in  fact  he  was 
successful  in  making  a  beginning,  To  speak  briefly,  it  pleased 
Harry  of  England  to  send  him  to  us  at  Wittenberg  concerning 
the  matrimonial  question  on  which  thirteen  universities  had 
given  their  decision,  and  all  had  given  Harry  the  right  to  repu 
diate  his  Queen,  Catherine,  the  aunt  of  the  Emperor  Charles, 
and  to  take  another. 

"But  when  we  had  disputed,  at  great  length,  and,  at  a  great 
expense  to  His  Electoral  Prince  of  Saxony,  we  found  at  last  that 
Harry  of  England  had  sent  his  embassy, not  because  he  wanted 
to  become  evangelical,  but  in  order  that  we  at  Wittenberg  might 
endorse  his  divorce.  I  was,  therefore,  displeased  that  I  and  the 
other  theologians  had  spent  so  many  weeks  in  useless  labor  with 
them  concerning  religious  matters,  and  I  told  them :  '  Four 
points  your  king  will  not  admit :  The  two  forms  of  the  sacra 
ment — the  marriage  of  priests,  the  doing  away  with  the  Mass, 
and  with  Monasticism.'  'Yes,'  I  continued,  'we  have  spent 
too  long  time  in  defiling  ourselves,  when  we  ought  to  have  known 
from  the  very  beginning,  that,  while  your  king  takes' the  Pope's 
money,  he  retains  his  government.  Harry,  therefore,  is  Pope, 
and  the  Pope  is  Henry  in  England.' 

"  Dr.  Robert  Barnes,  himself,  often  told  me :  '  My  king  does 
not  care  for  religion.'  But  he  so  loved  the  king  and  his  coun 
try,  that  he  was  ready  to  endure  everything,  and  always  was 
meditating  how  to  help  England.  He  always  had  in  his  mouth 
the  words,  'J/yking;'  as  his  confession  shows  that  even  unto 
death  he  showed  all  love  and  fidelity  towards  '  my  king,' — a  ser 
vice  which  Harry  ill  deserved.  Hope  deceived  him ;  for  he  was 
always  hoping  that  his  king  would  at  last  turn  out  well. 

"  Among  other  things,  we  often  disputed  why  the  king  pre 
sumed  to  bear  that  abominable  title :  '  Defender  of  the  faith, 
and  after  Christ  Supreme  and  Immediate  Head  of  the  Anglican 
Church. '  But  as  this  was  generally  the  answer  :  Sic  volo,  sic 
jubeo,  sit  pro  ratione  voluntas,  it  could  no  where  be  better  seen 
that  Squire  Harry  wanted  to  be  God,  and  to  do  as  he  pleased. 


Luther's  "  St.  Robert"  189 

"  The  reason  why  he  was  martyred  is  still  concealed.  For 
Harry  must  be  ashamed  of  himself.  Nevertheless,  what  many 
trustworthy  persons  say  is  like  him,  viz.,  that  Dr.  Barnes  (like 
St.  John  the  Baptist  against  Herod)  testified  against  Harry  and 
would  not  consent  to  his  disgraceful  deed  in  repudiating  Frau- 
lein  von  Jiilich  [Anne  of  Cleves,]  and  taking  another.  For 
whatever  Squire  Harry  wants,  he  makes  an  article  of  faith,  both 
for  life  and  death.  But  we  let  Harry  go  to  his  Harries,  and 
with  his  Harries,  where  they  belong.  We  ought  to  thank  God, 
the  Father  of  all  mercies,  that  He  can  use  such  devils  and  mas 
ques  of  devils  in  so  masterly  a  way,  for  our  salvation  and  that  of 
all  Christians,  and  for  the  punishment  both  of  themselves  and 
of  all  who  are  unwilling  to  learn  to  know  God ;  as  he  has  always 
done  through  great  tyrants.  Yet,  as  St.  Paul  says,  Rom.  viii,  all 
that  occurs  and  is  done  and  is  suffered,  must  work  for  good ; 
and,  on  the  other  hand,  everything  must  serve  for  evil  to 
those  who  persecute  God's  children.  So  also  is  it  with  this  in 
cendiary  Harry,  who,  by  his  wickedness,  is  doing  so  much  good. 
Let  us  praise  and  thank  God;  this  is  a  blessed  time  for  elect 
saints,  but  a  sorrowful  time  for  the  devil,  and  the  blasphemers 
and  enemies  of  God,  to  whom  it  shall  still  be  worse." 

But  Luther  was  not  the  only  one  from  whose  pen  Henry  had 
to  suffer  as  a  penalty  for  this  crime.  A  young  scholar  at  Liibeck, 
John  Sastrow  published  a  poem:  "  Epicedion  Martyris  Christi, 
D.  Roberti  Barnes,  Angli,"  in  which  he  compared  Henry  to 
Busiris.  The  sensitive  King  sent  a  legation  to  Liibeck,  demand 
ing  reparation.  The  Council  excused  Sastrow  on  the  ground  of 
his  youth ;  but  the  printer,  John  Balhorn,  was  banished,  and, 
when  Henry  was  satisfied  by  such  a  vindication,  Balhorn  was 
permitted  after  a  few  months  to  quietly  return.8 

3  Bilder  aus  der  Deutschen  Vergangenheit,  von  Gustav  Freitag,  II :  197. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

CLOSING    EVENTS   OF   HENRY' S   REIGN. 

The  Paradoxes  of  Smithfield.  Tracts  of  Melanchthon  circulated  in  England. 
Imprisonment  of  Publishers,  and  Arrest  of  Readers.  Enforcement  of 
the  Six  Articles.  Popular  Opinion  neutralizes  them.  Two  irresistible 
forces.  The  young  men  of  the  Universities.  The  Diffusion  of  the  Bi 
ble.  Gardiner's  Obstructionist  Policy  overcome.  Spasmodic  Efforts  at 
Persecution.  Plots  against  Cranmer  and  the  Queen.  Negotiations 
again  proposed.  The  Augsburg  Confession  once  more.  The  English 
Embassy  of  1544.  Henry's  Argument  concerning  the  Variata.  Bucer 
intercedes  for  Henry.  The  Elector  of  Sax"ony  immovable.  Henry's 
Advances  repulsed  by  the  Frankfort  Convention  of  1546.  His  Efforts 
with  the  Elector  Palatinate.  Proposition  of  "The  League  Christian." 
His  Death. 

WHEN  Dr.  Barnes  was  burned  at  Smithfield,  there  was  another 
circumstance,  beyond  the  culmination  of  Henry's  wickedness  in 
endeavoring  to  get  rid  of  a  troublesome  witness  of  the  true  faith, 
that  might  well  attract  attention.  Thre -•  Protestants,  including 
Dr.  Barnes,  were  burned;  three  Papists  were  hanged.  "This 
was  caused,"  says  the  English  Church  historian  of  the  next  cen 
tury,  Fuller,  "by  the  difference  of  religions  in  the  king's  privy 
council,  wherein  the  Popish  party  called  for  the  execution  of  the 
Protestants,  whilst  the  Protestant  lords  in  council  (out  of  policy 
to  repress  the  others'  eagerness,  or,  if  that  failed,  out  of  desire  to 
revenge  it)  cried  as  fast  that  the  laws  might  take  effect  on  the 
Papists.  And  whilst  neither  side  was  able  to  save  those  of  his 
own  opinions,  both  had  power  to  destroy  those  of  the  opposite 
party.  They  were  dragged  on  hurdles,  two  and  two,  a  Papist 
and  a  Protestant.  A  stranger  standing  by  did  wonder  (as  well 
he  might)  what  religion  the  king  was  of,  his  sword  cutting  on 

(190) 


Closing  Events  of  Henry 's  Reign.  191 

both  sides."1  Thus  the  fact  is  illustrated,  which  is  often  for 
gotten,  that  doctrinal  indifferentism  when  it  gains  the  power,  is 
just  as  relentless  and  cruel  in  its  persecutions,  as  is  the  narrowest 
adherence  to  traditional  principles. 

Lutheranism,  however,  was  not  completely  crushed,  and  new 
witnesses  were  being  prepared  to  replace  those  who  who  were 
martyred.  Though  the  stream  had  to  force  its  way  under  ground, 
it  .is  destined  soon  to  reappear.  Thomas  Wai  pole  was  brave 
.enough  to  translate  into  English  Melanchthon's  long  letter  to 
the  king  noticed  before,  where  the  reader  may  remember  that 
Melanchthon  arraigns  the  bishops  with  a  severity  that  he  rarely 
used.  Its  thorough  discussion  of  "The  Six  Articles,"  which 
were  now  to  be  again  enforced,  made  it  especially  timely ;  and 
an  evangelical  publisher,  Richard  Grafton,  the  intimate  friend 
of  Coverdale,  was  ready  to  assume  the  risk  of  its  publication, 
although  in  1540  he  had  spent  six  weeks  in  the  Tower  of  London 
for  publishing  Matthews'  Bible.  About  the  same  time,  an  Eng 
lish  translation  of  one  of  Melanchthon's  arguments  sent  Henry 
"On  Marriage  of  Priests,"  made  by  Louis  Beauchame,  was  pub 
lished  by  Hoffe  at  Leipzig,  doubtless  for  circulation  in  England. 
The  circulation  of  the  former  is  at  last  discovered  by  detectives. 
Translator  and  publisher  are  both  arrested  and  imprisoned.  Be 
sides  these,  a  Mrs.  Blage,  a  grocer's  wife  in  Chepe,  who  had 
given  a  copy  to  Cottiswood,  a  priest ;  Cottiswood  who  had  given 
a  copy  to  a  fellow-priest,  Derrick,  and  Derrick  himself,  all  are 
summoned  before  the  Privy  Council,  and  receive  a  warning  con 
cerning  their  offence. 2 

It  was  determined  again  to  rigidly  enforce  "  The  Six  Articles." 
The  Bishop  of  London,  Bonner,  who,  until  he  rose  to  position, 
had  seemed  to  be  on  the  Lutheran  side,  now  began  that  career 
of  persecution,  which,  under  Queen  Mary,  rendered  him  so 
odious  as  the  murderer  of  hundreds,  and,  under  Queen  Elizabeth, 
justly  sent  him  to  the  Tower  to  spend  the  last  ten  years  of  his 

'Vol.  II:  p.  105. 
JDixon,  II:  261. 


1 92  77/i?  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

life  in  imprisonment.  Two  hundred  arrests  were  made  in  Lon 
don  alone.  Among  the  first  brought  to  trial,  was  a  boy  of  fif 
teen,  Richard  Mekins,  whose  conviction  Bonner  is  said  to  have 
secured  by  threatening  the  jury,  and  who  was  either  burned  or 
hanged  at  Smithfield  for  "participating*  in  the  heresies  of 
Barnes."  But  except  in  this  case,  the  juries  were  intractable. 
The  leaven  had  spread  so  far,  that  they  would  not  convict  for 
offences  against  the  Six  Articles.  Three  of  those  arraigned  were 
imprisoned.  Outside  of  London,  there  were  five  executions. 

Nothing,  however,  could  check  the  Reformation.  Two  ele 
ments,  working  silently,  were  far  mightier  than  the  throne  and  the 
hierarchical  bishops  combined.  The  young  men  of  the  Univer 
sities  for  some  years  already  had  been  preponderatingly  on  the 
Evangelical  side  ;  the  English  Bible  was  making  its  influence  felt 
thoughout  the  entire  kingdom.  In  1536,  the  very  year  in  which 
he  had  Taverner  translate  the  Augsburg  Confession,  and  en 
deavored  to  have  it  approved  in  England,  Crumwell  had  secured 
the  issuing  of  the  following  injunction  from  the  king:  "That 
every  parson  or  proprietary  of  any  parish  church  within  the 
realm,  before  August  ist,  should  provide  a  book  of  the  whole 
Bible,  both  in  Latin  and  English,  and  lay  it  in  the  chair  for 
every  man  that  would  look  and  read  therein ;  and  discourage  no 
man  from  reading  any  part  of  the  Bible,  either  in  Latin  or  Eng 
lish,  but  rather  comfort,,  exhort  and  admonish  each  man  to  read 
it  as  the  very  Word  of  God,  and  the  spiritual  food  of  every  man's 
soul. ' '  Day  after  day,  the  churches  were  crowded,  while  the  few 
better  educated  ones  among  the  people,  continued  to  read  to  the 
attentive  multitudes  of  illiterate  men  and  women  about  them. 

Cranmer,  in  1542,  endeavored  in  the  Convocation  to  have  a 
thorough  revision  of  existing  versions  made.  When  this  work 
was  obstructed  by  Gardiner,  he  determined  to  put  it  in  charge 
of  a  commission  from  the  two  Universities;  and  when  the  Con 
vocation  showed  an  unwillingness  to  submit  to  this,  because  the 
young  men  of  the  Universities  were  nearly  all  advocates  of  the 
New  Learning,  the  Primate  threatened  to  prorogue  the  Convo- 


Closing  Events  of  Henry  s  Reign.  193 

cation.  Even  the  year  before,  viz.,  in  1541,  it  was  determined 
to  remove  images  from  the  churches,  and  to  reform  the  Liturgy. 
Several  attempts  were  made  to  revive  the  execution  of  the  Six 
Articles.  Each  time  a  few  martyrs  fell,  and  once  Cranmer  him 
self  was  summoned  before  the  Council,  and  his  enemies  were 
triumphing  in  anticipation  of  their  victory ;  but  his  hold  upon 
the  king  was  still  too  strong.  The  famous  scene  of  Cranmer's 
producing  the  king's  ring,  which  Shakespeare  places  during  the 
life  of  Anne  Boleyn,  is  generally  accepted  as  properly  belonging 
here.  The  king's  last  queen,  Catharine  Parr,  was  an  adherent 
of  the  evangelical  faith,  and  the  story  runs  that  she  herself  nar 
rowly  escaped  being  carried  by  the  plots  of  the  Romanizing  ele 
ment  to  the  fate  of  Anne  Boleyn  ;  but  that,  when  the  critical  mo 
ment  arrived,  she  had  regained  the  graces  of  her  vacillating  hus 
band.  Those  who  had  plotted  against  her,  and  who  had  come  to 
Henry,  at  his  appointment,  to  carry  out  their  schemes,  were  glad 
to  leave  precipitately. 

Near  the  close  of  the  reign,  we  again  find  external  political 
complications  causing  a  re-opening  of  negotiations  with  the  con 
tinental  Lutherans,  and  the  Lutheran  princes  and  states,  at  that 
very  dark  hour  when  perils  were  impending  on  all  sides,  insisting 
once  more  on  the  complete  acceptance  of  the  Augsburg  Confes 
sion  as  an  indispensable  condition  for  even  the  consideration  of 
an  alliance. 

ANOTHER   ENGLISH    EMBASSY. 

The  Peace  of  Crespy,  between  Francis  I.  and  Charles  V.,  Sep 
tember  1 8th,  1544,  had  left  the  King  of  England  in  an  embar 
rassing  predicament.  As  an  ally  of  the  Emperor,  he  had  an 
army  on  French  soil,  which  had  recently  taken  Boulogne,  and 
with  elation  was  pressing  its  advantages,  when  Charles  V.  under 
took  to  make  a  separate  peace,  leaving  Henry  either  single- 
handed  to  conduct  the  war,  or  to  find  his  way  out  of  it  as  best 
he  could.  At  the  same  time,  the  Lutheran  princes  and  States, 
by  whose  co-operation  Charles  V.  had  been  able  to  undertake 
the  French  war,  were  threatened  by  the  new  alliance  of  the  two 
14 


194  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

monarchs,  until  then  at  war  with  one  another,  but  who  were  now 
ready  to  listen  to  the  urgent  appeals  of  the  Pope  to  turn  their  arms 
against  the  Lutheran  heresy.  Under  these  circumstances  the 
negotiations  that  had  so  often  failed  before,  were  once  again  at 
tempted.  Walter  Bucler  and  Christopher  Mount  were  sent  to 
Germany  with  instructions  undated,  but  believed  to  have  been 
written  about  November  i4th,  1544,  five  days  before  the  sum 
mons  to  the  Council  of  Trent  was  issued  by  Paul  III.,  directing 
them  to  confer  with  Duke  Maurice  of  Saxony,  and  Philip,  Land 
grave  of  Hesse,  suggesting  that  overtures  for  some  marriage  con 
nection  with  England  be  made  with  some  German  prince.  The 
Elector  John  Frederick  was  not  to  be  overlooked,  but  Henry's 
experience  in  the  past  doubtless  satisfied  him  that  from  that 
source  he  had  least  to  hope,  and,  hence,  though  the  very  head 
of  the  Smalcald  League,  his  name  appears  only  in  a  subordinate 
position. 

But  it  was  impossible  to  make  any  progress  without  the  con 
sideration  of  the  question  of  religion.  Accordingly,  in  Febru 
ary,  1545,  Henry  himself  writes,  authorizing  them  to  offer  either 
of  his  daughters,  Mary  and  Elizabeth,  in  marriage  to  the  Duke 
of  Holstein,  and  then  gives  more  specific  instructions  concern 
ing  any  doctrinal  tests: 

"  In  case  the  sayd  Landgrave  shall  make  any  mocion  touch 
ing  the  matiers  of  religion,  desyring  that  there  might  be  some 
accord  and  agreement  upon  the  same,  mencioning  peraventure 
the  return  again  from  hens  of  their  last  ambassadie  in  vain ;  to 
that  our  sayd  servaunts  shall  answer,  that  ther  is  no  Prince  nor 
man  in  the  woorlde  that  desyreth  more  the  glorye  of  God,  and 
meaneth  more  the  true  setting  furth  of  His  Woord  than  we  do. 
And  to  thintent  the  same  may  appere  unto  them,  albeit  it  be 
true  in  dede  that  certayn  of  the  Commissioners,  beyng  here  to 
commyn  uppon  maters  of  religion,  the  same  entring  conference 
furst  with  certayn  of  our  learned  men,  and  after  beyng  admitted 
to  commun  with  Ourself,  stoode  more  ernestly  and  vehemently 
uppon  theyr  Confession,  then  to  Us  was  thought  reasonable,  or 


Closing-  Events  of  Henry's  Reign,  195 

that  the  trowth  could  beare,  like  as  sythens  that  time  it  doth 
well  appere,  for  that  there  be  diverse  of  the  same  thinges  where 
in  they  stack  them  fast,  moved  onely  as  said  thereto,  bycause 
theyr  preachers  had  set  fourth  and  tawght  the  same  by  theyr 
said  Confession,  and  now  have  somewhat  more  moderately,  as 
theyr  books  do  testifie,  setfurth  the  same. ' ' 

The  king,  by  these  last  words,  evidently  was  endeavoring  to 
turn  to  his  account  the  Variata  editions  of  the  Augsburg  Con 
fession  of  1540  and  1542.  His  argument  is,  that  if  Melanchthon 
himself  had  found  it  advisable  to  make  changes  in  the  Confes 
sion,  this  proved  only  that  Henry  was  right  in  insisting  at  the 
Conference  of  1538  that  there  be  some  modifications,  and  that 
the  course  of  the  Lutheran  commissioners  at  London,  had  been 
repudiated.  It  shows  Henry's  shrewdness,  and  would  have  been 
unanswerable  where  the  Variata  had  actually  been  adopted. 

He  continues :  "  And  upon  this  manner  of  proceeding  they 
departed,  without  any  such  conclusion  as  with  sum  indifferent ' ' 
[viz.,  unprejudiced]  "  handling  might  have  succeeded  to  the  as 
sured  conjunction  of  Us  and  our  dominions  on  both  partes,  and 
thuniversall  weall  and  quiet  of  all  Christendome ;  yet  forasmuch 
as  we  having  oon  commun  and  certain  enemie,  the  Bishop  of 
Rome,  unto  whose  faccion  no  smale  Princes  be  addicted,  being 
both  of  us  a  like  zele  and  meaning  for  the  right  and  sincere  set 
ting  furth  of  Codes  glorie  and  his  holy  woord,  .  .  .  there  be  no 
nations  in  christendome  so  like  to  agree  as  we  be,  if  the  forsayed 
amitie  beyng  agreed  uppon,  for  that  must  necessarily  be  passed 
out  of  hand,  and  not  be  delay d for  the  disputations  of  the  matters 
of  religion  which  will  require  a  tract  of  time."  s  The  king  is  a 
true  type  of  a  modern  unionist.  He  pleads  for  union  first,  and 
wants  to  postpone  to  the  remote  future  any  understanding  as  to 
the  doctrinal  relations  of  the  parties  concerned,  forgetting  that 
it  is  only  on  doctrinal  grounds,  that  the  Lutherans  are  in  dis 
sent  from  Pope  and  Emperor,  and  for  such  reasons  are  in 
jeopardy. 

8  English  State  Papers,  Henry  VIII.,  vol.  X  :  pp.  282  sqq. 


196  77^  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

There  were  some  who  regarded  this  proposal  on  the  part  of 
the  English  King  with  favor.  "Great  hope,"  says  Secken- 
dorf  "  seemed  to  spring  afresh.  Christopher  Mount  had  much 
to  say  concerning  the  extraordinary  kindness  which  Henry 
showed  Anne  of  Cleves  since  the  divorce,  the  magnificent  style 
in  which  he  supported  her,  the  frequent  presents  he  sent,  his 
constant  solicitude  for  her  health,  etc.  The  execution  of  Crum- 
well  was  charged  against  the  nobles,  that  of  Barnes  to  his  abusive 
attack  upon  Bishop  Gardiner,  the  failure  of  the  negotiations  of 
1538  to  the  fact  that  the  Lutherans  were  represented  by  stiff  and 
obstinate  disputants  like  Burkhard  and  Myconius,  instead  of  by 
Melanchthon  and  Bucer.  Bucer  also  interposed,  with  the  plea 
that  while  all  things  were  not  right  in  England,  yet  that  Henry 
was  nearer  the  Lutheran  princes  than  any  other  king.  Secken- 
dorf  well  notes  that  he  forgets  Denmark  and  Sweden.  But  the 
Elector  of  Saxony  was  again  immovable.  "  He  regarded  the 
King  of  England  an  enemv  of  the  Gospel,  who  had  no  other 
aim  in  Reformation  than  himself  to  become  Head  of  the  Church, 
to  which  he  had  not  been  called  of  God,  and  who  meanwhile 
raged  tyrannically  against  godly  Christians  and  lived  shamefully, 
seeking  in  all  things  only  his  own  advantage."4  At  the  con 
vention  of  Frankfort  in  January,  1546,  where  there  were  present 
not  only  the  members  of  the  Smalcald  League,  but  also  the  dep 
uties  of  Lutheran  princes  and  representatives  of  States  not  in 
cluded  in  the  League,  as  of  the  Elector  of  Brandenburg,  the 
Archbishop  of  Cologne,  the  Duke  of  Prussia,  Niirnberg  and  Ra- 
tisbon,  Henry's  propositions  met  with  no  favor. 

A  few  months  later,  (May,  1546,)  Henry  sent  John  Masone  to 
Heidelberg  to  confer  with  the  Elector  Frederick  II.  of  the  Pala 
tinate,  who  had  lately  become  a  convert  to  Lutheranism,  and 
arrange  a  marriage  between  his  daughter  Mary  and  the  Elector's 
nephew,  Duke  Philip.  The  answer  of  the  Elector  shows  the 
same  spirit  as  throughout  inspired  the  Elector  of  Saxony.  Ma 
sone  reports  : 

*  III :  P.  552. 


Closing  Events  of  Henry's  Reign.  197 

"  Concerning  religion  he  hath  framed  his  conscience  thor 
oughly  to  Confessionem  Augustanam,  and  hath  so  accepted  the 
same  as  he  trusteth  not  to  varrye  from  it  during  life,  which  de 
termination  he  hath  not  rashly  entered  into,  but  with  long  tyme 
and  great  deliberation.  And  to  say  the  trewthe,  if  he  were  de 
termined  to  sende  any  man,  unto  your  Majestic  in  those  matters, 
ht  wotheth  not  where  to  fynde  any  such  indifferent  man,  as  your 
Majestic  seemeth  to  require,  his  hole  provynce  as  well  the  No 
bles  as  the  clergye  and  others  being  so  thoroughly  bent  in  one 
trade.  .  .  .  The  Emperour,  at  his  late  being  at  Spire,  was  in 
hande  with  them  for  the  lyke,  and  hadd  for  answer  that  their 
doctryne  hadd  often  inoughe  ben  disputed  upon,  and  was  wel 
knowen  throughe  the  worlde,  and  they  intended  to  bring  that 
mattier  no  more  in  questyon,  wherein  by  soamuch  tyme  and 
great  deliberation  they  were  thoroughlye  persuaded."  5 

The  King  is  persistent.  A  league  must  be  formed.  Froude 
has  asserted  that  he  assured  Cranmer,  that  he  was  ready  to  make 
further  concessions,  and  to  take  measures  for  a  more  radical  re 
form.  At  any  rate,  his  next  proposition  was  for  the  formation 
of  "  The  League  Christian."  The  Lutheran  commissioners  were 
to  select  the  names  of  ten  or  twelve  learned  men ;  from  this 
number,  Henry  would  select  one  half;  and  then,  they,  with  a 
similar  commission  of  English  theologians,  would  come  to  a  final 
settlement  of  a  doctrinal  basis.  The  King  himself  was  to  par 
ticipate  in  the  deliberations.  It  was  too  late.  The  breaking 
out  of  the  Smalcald  war  early  in  the  summer  interrupted  all 
negotiations ;  and  a  fe'w  months  later,  January  28th,  1547,  the 
reign  of  Henry  VIII.  was  at  an  end. 

6  State  Papers,  Henry  VIII.,  vol.  XI :  pp.  147  sqq. 


CHAPTER  XV. 

NEW   DIFFICULTIES   IN   THE   REIGN   OF   EDWARD   VI. 

Decline  of  Lutheranism  in  Germany.  The  Results  of  the  Battle  of  Miihl- 
berg.  The  Interim.  Melanchthon  wavers.  The  Firmness  of  the  Elec 
tor  of  Saxony.  Influence  of  the  Elector  in  England.  Edward's  con 
gratulatory  Letter.  The  Elector's  Reply.  The  Augsburg  Confession, 
still  the  only  Basis.  League  with  the  Germans  contemplated.  John 
Frederick  to  be  its  Head.  Deaths  of  the  King  of  England,  and  the 
Elector  of  Saxony. 

THE  death  of  Henry  VIII.  removed  the  great  barrier  that  had 
stood  in  the  way  of  the  English  Reformation.  The  two  parties 
that  had  been  held  together  by  his  arbitrary  measures,  were  now 
to  come  to  an  open  rupture.  Cranmer  was  free  to  pursue  his 
own  course.  All  Romish  interests  were  suppressed  during  the 
reign  of  Edward  VI.,  as,  from  the  Roman  Catholic  point  of  view, 
Mary  was  the  rightful  heir,  and  Edward,  a  usurper.  The  king's 
uncle,  the  Duke  of  Somerset,  "  the  Protector,"  was  known  as  an 
ardent  friend  of  the  Reformation;  but  he  concerned  himself 
almost  exclusively  with  the  political  affairs  of  the  kingdom,  leav 
ing  to  Cranmer  the  task  of  the  ecclesiastical  administration. 

Could  this  change  have  been  foreseen  at  any  time  during  the 
preceding  period  from  1535,  the  prediction  would  have  been 
made  that  the  Church  of  England  would  now,  at  last,  become 
Lutheran.  If  we  seek  the  reasons  why  this  expectation  was  not 
fulfilled,  we  must  consider  first  of  all  the  condition,  at  that  time, 
of  the  Lutheran  Church  in  Germany.  Never  was  it  less  able  to 
assert  itself  or  to  impress  its  influence  upon  those  without.  To 
human  eyes,  it  really  seemed  as  though  it  were  on  the  very  verge 
of  destruction.  Looking  back,  we  can  scarcely  imagine  that 


New  Difficulties  in  the  Reign  of  Edward   VI.       199 

only  seventeen  years  had  passed  since  the  Diet  of  Augsburg,  so 
great  has  been  the  fall.  The  transition  has  been  even  more 
rapid.  For  only  a  few  years  before,  with  five  out  of  seven  of  the 
German  electors  on  the  Lutheran  side,  the  prospect  for  its  com 
plete  triumph  was  exceedingly  encouraging. 

Henry  VIII.  died  January  28th,  1547.  Eleven  months  before, 
the  Reformation  had  lost  its  great  pillar,  when  Luther  died,  Feb 
ruary  1 8th,  1546,  and  the  accomplished  but  vacillating  Melanch- 
thon  succeeded  to  a  position,  for  which  his  gifts,  however  emi 
nent  in  other  spheres,  did  not  fit  him.  External  dangers  were 
rapidly  gathering.  The  loyalty  of  the  Lutheran  princes  of  the 
Empire  had  induced  them  to  participate  in  the  war  against 
Francis  I.,  and,  after  they  had  conquered  the  foe  whose  activity 
had  kept  the  Emperor's  hands  from  them,  he  was  at  last  able  to 
make  an  attempt  to  suppress  the  Lutheran  heresy.  This  might 
readily  have  been  repelled,  if  Duke  Maurice  of  Saxony,  influ 
enced  by  motives  of  personal  hostility  against  his  cousin,  the 
Elector  John  Frederick,  had  not  energetically  thrown  himself 
upon  the  side  of  the  Emperor,  even  though  professing  to  be  true 
to  that  faith,  for  whose  destruction  the  war  was  waged. 
April  24th,  1547,  less  than  three  months  after  the  accession  of 
Edward  VI.,  the  battle  of  Miihlberg  was  fought,  and  the  heroic 
and  godly  Elector,  next  to  Luther  perhaps  the  greatest  figure  of 
the  days  of  the  Reformation,  and  the  head  of  the  Smalcald 
League,  who  for  so  many  years  had  been  insisting  on  the  accept 
ance  of  the  entire  Augsburg  Confession,  as  interpreted  by  the 
Apology,  as  the  condition  of  any  further  negotiations  with  Eng 
land,  was  taken  prisoner,  deprived  of  his  electoral  dignity,  de 
spoiled  of  half  his  dominions  and  kept  in  degrading  imprison 
ment  for  the  next  five  years.  Two  months  later  the  Landgrave 
of  Hesse  met  a  similar  fate.  When  Melanchthon  heard  of  the 
Elector's  defeat,  he  at  once  wrote  to  Cruciger  (May  ist)  :  "  I 
see  that  a  change  of  doctrine,  and  new  distractions  in  the  Church 
will  follow,"  *  and  fled,  first  to  Brunswick,  and  then  to  Nordhau- 

1  Corpus  Reformatorum  VI :  p.  532. 


200  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

sen.  After  Wittenberg  was  captured  by  the  Emperor,  and 
placed  in  charge  of  Maurice,  Melanchthon  was  prevailed  upon 
to  return,  although  the  Elector  John  Frederick,  through  his  sons, 
besought  him  to  aid  in  establishing  a  new  University  at  Jena, 
one  of  the  cities  still  left  the  Elector.  Maurice's  exceeding 
kindness  and  his  presents,  as  well  as  his  assurances  that  he  was  still 
devoted  to  the  Lutheran  faith,  seem  to  have  almost  reconciled 
Melanchthon  to  the  changed  circumstances.  Among  the  homes 
offered  him  elsewhere  at  this  time  was  one  in  England.  Octo 
ber  25th,  1547,  he  writes:2  "To-day  I  have  answered  the 
Bishop  of  Canterbury  who  invites  me  to  England." 

Then  came  the  persecutions  connected  with  the  forcing  of  the 
Interim  upon  Lutheran  people.  Charles  V.  dissatisfied  with  the 
uncompromising  spirit  manifested  by  the  Council  of  Trent,  and 
hoping  still  to  maintain  the  unity  of  his  Empire  by  a  compro 
mise  making  some  concessions  to  his  Lutheran  subjects,  caused  a 
document  (the  Augsburg  Interim)  to  be  prepared  by  Agricola,  in 
connection  with  two  Roman  Catholic  theologians,  which,  in  ef 
fect,  reintroduced,  with  a  few  modifications,  the  abominations  of 
the  Papacy.  It  forced  hundreds  of  Lutheran  ministers  into  exile, 
and  entailed  the  greatest  distress  in  various  communities,  espe 
cially  at  Magdeburg  and  Augsburg.  It  was  during  this  persecu 
tion,  that  John  Brentz  showed  himself  such  a  hero  in  Wiirtem- 
berg.  Even  the  Elector  Maurice  was  indignant,  and  would  not 
accept  it  save  with  certain  restrictions.  But  this  did  not 
prevent  Melanchthon  from  a  second  exile,  as  the  Emperor  demand 
ed  that,  because  of  his  opposition,  he  must  be  surrendered  or  ban 
ished.  Maurice  devised  another  expedient  in  the  Leipzig  In 
terim,  which  was  preponderatingly  Lutheran  in  its  statements, 
but  was  so  worded  as  to  give  the  least  offence  to  its  opponents, 
and  which  enjoined  the  use  of  a  number  of  ceremonies,  made 
more  acceptable  by  an  evangelical  explanation,  that  heretofore 
had  been  regarded  badges  of  the  Papists. 

Melanchthon   was  free  to  express  his  preference  for  what  he 

JIb.  P.  714. 


New  Difficulties  in  the  Reign  of  Edward   VI.      201 

regarded  a  more  correct  statement  of  doctrine  and  prescription 
of  usage,  but  at  the  same  time  declared  (January  6th,  1549,) 
that  it  "made  no  change  in  the  Church,"  3  that  its  prescriptions 
were  "tolerable"4  and  that  "  it  is  the  better  course  to  treat 
some  Collies  moderately."5  He  in  no  way  foresaw  the  storm 
which  his  disposition  to  suppress  a  protest  would  call  forth. 

The  Leipzig  Interim  found  no  favor  anywhere  and  all  attempts 
to  introduce  it,  had  to  be  abandoned.  It  is  worth  while  noting 
that  the  entire  history  of  the  Interims  shows  that  the  controversy 
which  had  just  ceased  in  England,  had  been  transferred  to  Ger 
many  ;  and  that  the  policy  of  yielding  certain  matters  to  the 
Papists,  to  secure  outward  unity,  was  only  the  repetition  of  the 
course  of  Henry  VIII.  The  Six  Articles  and  the  Augsburg  In 
terim  belong  together  ;  while  the  Leipzig  Interim  was  also  a  re 
cession  from  the  principle  which  demanded  unconditional  sub 
scription  to  the  Augsburg  Confession  as  the  condition  of  union. 
Just  when  the  English  Church  was  ready  for  the  entrance  of  the 
full  truth,  those  who  were  regarded  the  representatives  of  Luth- 
eranism,  themselves  waver.  Is  it  wonderful,  therefore,  that  a 
more  radical  element  soon  enters,  by  its  more  positive  and  de 
cided  testimony  to  take  the  place  of  such  uncertain  and  wavering 
Lutheranism  ?  Let  any  one  who  who  has  the  curiosity,  look  into 
the  Calendar  of  State  Papers  of  the  reign  of  Edward  VI.,  and  he 
will  note  what  pains  the  authorities  in  England  were  then  taking 
to  be  promptly  and  fully  informed  concerning  what  was  transpir 
ing  on  the  Continent,  and  how  the  weekly  and  almost  daily  dis 
patches  of  such  ambassadors  as  Christopher  Mount,  Sir  John 
Masone  and  Sir  Richard  Morysinne,  supply,  not  only  most  valu 
able  information  concerning  the  ecclesiastical  complications  of 
Germany,  but  even  the  details  of  the  current  gossip  of  courts  and 
cities.  We  can  imagine  the  pain  and  consternation,  with  which 
English  Lutherans  looked  on  the  defection  of  those,  from  whom 

8  VII:   292. 

*Ib.  274, 275. 

'Ib.  275. 


2O2  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

they  had  hoped  for  encouragement  and  sympathy  in  the  better 
times  that  had  now  come  for  them  in  England. 

One  great  figure,  however,  stood  forth  as  a  beacon  light  amidst 
the  storm.  One  heart  rose  superior  to  the  crisis.  The  clearness 
of  the  testimony  of  the  imprisoned  Elector,  upon  whom  even 
sentence  of  death  had  been  passed,  carried  with  it  a  moral  weight 
that  was  felt  throughout  Christendom.  Summoned  before  the 
Emperor  in  1548,  he  was  offered  the  most  favorable  terms,  in  case 
he  would  desist  from  his  error,  and  submit  to  a  council."  His 
answer  is  worthy  of  everlasting  remembrance  :  "I  stand  before 
your  Imperial  Majesty  a  poor  prisoner.  I  do  not  deny  that  I 
have  confessed  the  truth,  and  for  it  have  lost  possessions  and  prop 
erty,  wife  and  child,  land  and  people,  in  short  everything  that  God 
has  given  me  in  the  world.  I  have  noting  left  but  this  impris 
oned  body,  and  even  this  is  not  within  my  power,  but  within  that 
of  your  Majesty.  By  the  truth  which  I  have  confessed,  I  will 
abide,  and  will  suffer,  as  an  example,  whatever  else  God  and  your 
Imperial  Majesty  may  impose."6  The  better  feelings  of  the 
Emperor,  we  are  told,  overcame  him,  and  he  turned  away  to 
hide  his  emotion.  When  the  Interim  was  published,  another 
persistent  effort  was  made  to  secure  the  Elector's  subscription. 
But  he  was  immovable.  "  From  his  youth  he  had  been  instructed 
according  to  the  doctrine  contained  in  the  Augsburg  Confession. 
As  in  his  conscience  he  was  convinced  of  its  truth,  should  he 
yield,  he  could  not  show  himself  grateful  for  such  distinguished 
grace,  nor  could  he  expect  the  inheritance  of  everlasting  life 
which  Christ  promised  those  who  would  confess  him.  But  if  he 
were  to  accept  the  Interim,  he  must  deny  the  Augsburg  Confes 
sion,  whereby  he  would  sin  against  God  for  time  and  to  eternity. 
Nothing  could  be  more  pleasing  to  him  and  his  unwieldy  body 
(for  he  was  corpulent)  than  freedom,  yet,  then,  he  could  not  tes 
tify  with  a  good  conscience  before  God's  judgment  seat  that  he 
had  sought  for  no  comfort  of  this  poor  temporal  life,  but  only 
for  God's  glory  and  the  inheritance  of  life  everlasting."  7  He 

6  Salig's  Historic  des  Aug.  Conf.,  1 :  580. 


New  Difficulties  in  the  Reign  of  Edward   VI.      203 

wrote  also  a  paper  to  be  preserved  as  his  testimony  after  his 
death,  beginning  :  "la  poor  prisoner  in  Babylonian  captivity, 
in  order  that  every  one  may  know  that,  with  God's  help,  I  will 
not  during  my  life  receive  the  Interim,  but  will  abide  faithful  to 
the  Augsburg  Confession,  and  the  other  articles  agreed  upon  at 
Smalcald."8 

When  Maurice  at  last  could  no  longer  suppress  his  indignation 
at  the  manner  in  which  the  Emperor  had  used  him  as  a  tool  to 
destroy  the  Lutheran  faith,  and  in  which  the  most  sacred  pledges 
were  wantonly  broken,  he  sought  to  repair,  to  an  extent,  the 
wrong  in  which  for  years  he  had  participated.  Finding  an  ally 
in  the  King  of  France,  he  so  suddenly  made  war,  that  the  Em 
peror,  surprised,  routed  and  almost  captured  at  Innspruck  in 
1552,  was  glad  to  conclude,  the  same  year,  the  Peace  of  Passau. 
But  even  before  peace  was  forced,  the  Emperor  to  conciliate  his 
subjects  liberated  the  Elector,  who,  nevertheless,  preferred  for 
awhile  to  remain  with  his  late  captor.  When  he  finally  returned 
to  Saxony,  his  course  became  a  regular  triumphal  procession,  as 
the  people  turned  out  in  mass,  to  honor  one  who  had  been  greater 
in  defeat,  than  he  couldhave  been  even  in  victory.  "Everywhere," 
says  Salig,  "he  was  embraced  as  a  father  of  his  country  and  a 
faithful  defender  of  the  Augsburg  Confession,  who,  through  no 
trouble  and  suffering,  could  be  alienated  from  the  truth."  9  Me- 
lanchthon  promptly  wrote  a  long  letter  of  congratulation.  "The 
memory  of  your  confession,  your  troubles  and  liberation,  is  useful 
to  the  Church  both  now  and  to  posterity.  As  that  of  the  Israel 
ites  in  the  fiery  furnace,  or  of  Daniel  among  the  lions,  so  also 
your  example  will,  in  many  ways,  profit  others  for  the  true  knowl 
edge  of  God.  This  honor  is  much  to  be  preferred  to  bloody 
victories  and  triumphs."  10  The  Elector  in  his  courteous  reply 
administers  a  significant  rebuke,  when  he  intimates  that  the  great 
theologian  had  culpably  wavered  and  declares  how  he  had  wished 

8  Cyprian's  Historia  der  Aug.  Conf.,  p.  279. 

9  Salig,  1 :  680. 

10  Corpus  Reformatorum,  VII :   1083. 


204  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

from  his  heart  that  no  change  whatever  had  been  attempted  in 
the  doctrine  as  set  forth  by  Luther  in  1537  at  Smalcald  and  re 
ceived  by  all  preachers  and  pastors  of  the  Augsburg  Confession. 
"  We  have  no  doubt,"  he  says,  "  that  if  such  had  been  the  case, 
the  divisions  and  errors  that  have  occurred  among  the  teachers 
of  the  above  mentioned  Confession,  would,  with  God's  help, 
have  been  removed."  u 

In  England  also,  the  release  of  the  Elector  was  hailed  as  a 
great  victory  for  the  Gospel.  The  despatches  show  that  he  was 
then  regarded  as  the  leader  of  the  Lutheran  cause.  King  Ed 
ward  VI.  also  wrote  a  congratulatory  letter.  The  reply  of  John 
Frederick  (August  22d,  1552)  shows  that  he  still  had  in  mind 
his  old  terms  of  agreement  with  England.  It  would  be  a  great 
gratification  to  have  the  very  letter ;  but,  in  its  absence,  the  ab 
stract  given  in  the  "  Calendar  of  English  State  Papers"12  must 
answer  :  "  Returns  thanks  for  his  Majesty's  letter  from  Petworth 
of  25th  of  July,  delivered  to  him  by  Sir  Richard  Morysinne,  and 
for  his  ready  good  will  towards  him.  Commends  his  Majesty's 
efforts  on  behalf  of  the  Gospel  religion,  and  urges  him  to  continue 
these.  And  whereas  his  Majesty  had  exhorted  him  to  exert  him 
self  towards  procuring  a  suspension  of  controversies  among  the 
professors  of  Protestantism,  declares  that  of  all  things  the  most 
difficult  is  to  settle  religious  differences,  especially  at  this  ad 
vanced  age  of  the  world,  when  every  one  thinks  he  has  found  the 
truth,  lest  the  old  serpent  should  bite  the  heel  of  him  who  tram 
ples  on  him.  These  dissensions  arise  in  consequence  of  many 
being  misled  by  philosophical  speculations  and  civil  wisdom, 
withdrawing  from  the  Confession  of  Augsburg,  which  had  been 
approved  by  the  consent  of  the  most  eminent  theologians.  To 
which,  if  they  had  firmly  adhered,  as  they  ought,  neither  that 
most  mischievous  Zwinglian  sect,  nor  the  Anabaptists,  nor  the 
Antinomians,  nor  the  Adiaphorists,  and  authors  of  change  in  re 
ligion,  would  have  disturbed,  as  they  have  done,  the  best  con- 

11  Ib.  p.  1109. 

12  Calendar,  Edward  VI.  (Foreign)  p.  219. 


New  Difficulties  in  the  Reign  of  Edward   VI.       205 

stituted  churches,  and  inflicted  a  wound  that  seems  almost 
incurable." 

Again  it  began  to  look  as  though  an  Anglo-German  Lutheran 
alliance  might  yet  be  made.  With  John  Frederick  liberated, 
they  had  now  a  leader  who  could  be  trusted,  especially  as  he  was 
supported  by  by  Francis  Burkhard  who,  in  1538,  with  Myconius, 
had  so  nearly  gained  the  victory  in  the  negotiations  in  London. 
Hence  we  find,  in  the  "Calendar"  of  May  25th,  1553,"  the 
record  that  commissioners  appointed  for  the  purpose  recommend 
to  the  Royal  Council  the  formation  of  "a  league  with  the  Ger 
mans,  including  the  Emperor,"  and  "suggest  that  for  the  nam 
ing  of  the  matter,  John  Frederick  is  the  fittest  person  to  hear  of 
it  first ;  because  as  he  cannot  but  like,  so  he  is  better  able  to 
further  it,  than  they,  having  a  man,  Francis  Burkhard,  who  has 
been  thrice  in  England,  as  fit  as  any  in  Germany  to  handle  the 
subject." 

But  this  was  not  to  be.  Providence  again  mysteriously  inter 
fered.  Within  less  than  six  weeks,  (July  5th,  1553)  the  young 
King  of  England  died,  and  the  reign  of  Bloody  Mary  began. 
On  the  third  of  March  following,  the  heroic  Elector,  broken 
down  by  the  severe  sufferings  through  which  he  had  passed,  was 
added  to  "the  noble  army  of  martyrs"  in  the  Church  Tri 
umphant.  When  Amsdorf  visited  him  on  his  death-bed,  to  re 
ceive  his  confession  and  impart  the  consolations  of  the  Gospel, 
he  heard  this  dying  testimony  :  "This  I  know:  Whether  I  live, 
I  live  unto  the  Lord,  or  whether  I  die,  I  die  unto  the  Lord.  Of 
this  I  am  certain. ' '  u 

13  Ib.  Domestic  Series. 

14  Salig,  1 :  68l. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

CONFLICT   OF   THEOLOGICAL   PARTIES     IN    ENGLAND    DURING    THE 
REIGN   OF    EDWARD    VI. 

Effect  of  the  deaths  of  Fox  and  Barnes.  Reaction  against  Transubstantiation. 
Ridley  and  Hooper,  Zwinglians.  Bullinger's  Influence.  John  a  Lasco, 
and  his  congregations.  Polanus  and  the  Flemish  weavers.  Peter  Mar 
tyr  at  Oxford.  His  theological  position.  Bucer  at  Cambridge.  Was 
he  a  Lutheran  ?  Loscher's  Argument.  Correspondence  between  Bucer 
and  Brentz.  Bucer  on  the  Real  Presence.  His  Doctrine  compared 
with  that  of  Martyr.  Switzerland  free  from  the  desolations  of  Smalcald 
War.  English  Negotiations  with  the  Reformed  Cities.  Bullinger  and 
Lady  Jane  Grey.  Calvin's  Correspondence.  Cranmer  yields.  His 
course  explained.  When  and  how  he  became  a  Calvinist  ?  His  Cate 
chism.  Indication  of  process  of  change  afforded  by  Zurich  Letters. 

IN  the  last  chapter,  we  noted  how  the  cause  of  Lutheranism  in 
England  was  weakened  by  its  sad  condition  on  the  Continent  at 
the  time  of  the  Smalcald  War  and  the  Interim.  But  there  were 
other  reasons,  why  it  did  not  gain  the  ascendency.  The  stricter 
Lutherans  of  the  type  of  Bishop  Fox,  and  Dr.  Barnes,  had  de 
parted.  Cranmer,  whose  connection  with  Lutheranism  in  Ger 
many  had  been  maintained,  largely,  through  his  intimate  cor 
respondence  with  Osiander,  felt  the  weakening  influence  of  the 
latter' s  defection  on  the  doctrine  of  Justification,  even  though 
he  had  no  sympathy  for  his  relative's  error;  and,  doubtless,  was 
influenced  by  Osiander' s  increasing  bitterness  against  the  Wit 
tenberg  theologians.  Melanchthon,  to  whom  he  had  looked  for 
advice,  was  also  found  at  this  time  untrustworthy.  A  reaction 
against  Romish  transubstantiation  had  manifested  itself  for  years 
in  the  denial  of  the  doctrine  of  the  real  presence,  one  extreme 
violently  asserted  inevitably  producing  the  other,  especially  as 

(206) 


Conflict  of  Theological  Parties  in  England.         207 

the  leaven  of  Anabaptism  was  to  a  greater  or  less  extent  diffused. 
No  sooner  had  the  reign  of  Edward  begun,  than  iconoclastic  zeal 
was  ready  to  tear  the  crucifixes,  out  of  churches,  and  otherwise 
to  manifest  feeling  that  had  been  suppressed  so  long.  Promi 
nent  leaders  of  the  English  Reformation  had  not  realized  the 
importance  of  the  issue  involved  concerning  the  Lord's  Supper. 
Long  before  this,  Tyndale  had  advised  Frith  not  to  allow  it  to  be 
a  matter  of  discussion.  "Barnes  will  be  hot  against  you.  My 
mind  is,  that  nothing  be  put  forth  till  we  hear  how  you  have 
sped.  I  would  have  right  use  preached,  and  the  presence  to  be 
an  indifferent  thing,  till  the  matter  might  be  reasoned  in  peace 
at  the  leisure  of  both  parties."1  As  early  as  1545,  Nicholas 
Ridley,  afterwards  Bishop  of  London,  especially  distinguished  as 
a  preacher,  and  probably  the  most  learned  divine  in  the  English 
Church  after  the  death  of  Bishop  Fox,  had  been  influenced  by 
one  of  Zwingli's  treatises  against  Luther  and  by  the  study  of 
Ratramnus  to  reject  both  the  Roman  Catholic  and  the  Lutheran 
doctrines.  John  Hoper  or  Hooper,  afterwards  bishop  of  Glou 
cester  and  then  bishop  of  Worcester,  a  former  Cistercian  monk, 
"  infected  with  Lutheran  ism  by  books  brought  from  Germany," 
had  been  driven  by  the  persecutions  concerning  "  The  Six  Arti 
cles,"  from  England  to  Switzerland,  where  he  became  intimate 
with  Bullinger,  the  scholar  and  successor  of  Zwingli,  first  at  Basle, 
and  afterwards  at  Zurich.  The  death  of  Henry  VIII.,  and  ac 
cession  of  Edward,  brought  him  back  to  England,  not  only  as  a 
zealous  advocate  of  Zwinglianism,  but  also  as  an  obstinate  pole 
mic,  giving  great  trouble  to  Cranmer  and  Ridley,  and  most  of 
all  to  Peter  Martyr,  then  Professor  at  Oxford,  who  dreaded  lest 
the  Continental  Reformers  should  be  held  responsible  for  his  ex. 
treme  position.  Although  imprisoned,  because,  when  nominated 
as  bishop,  he  both  refused  to  wear  Episcopal  robes  at  consecra 
tion,  and  in  a  tract  bitterly  attacked  this  custom  as  one  which  he 
regarded  a  relic  of  the  Papacy,  he  yet  had  sufficient  influence  to 
overcome  the  opposition  against  him,  and  to  secure  a  prominent 

-  Jenkyn's  Cranmer 's  Remains,  I :  XX, 


2o8  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

place  the  councils  of  the  English  Church.  He  diligently 
circulated  the  theological  writings  of  his  friend  Bullinger.  Blunt 
traces  to  his  influence  the  order  which  Cranmer  actually  sent  the 
Dean  of  St.  Paul's  in  1552,  "  to  forbid  playing  of  organs  at  di 
vine  services."  Hooper's  disposition  towards  Lutheranism  may 
be  learned  from  a  letter  to  Bullinger  (January  25th,  1546)  in 
which  he  says:  "  The  Count  Palatine  has  lately  provided  for 
the  preaching  of  the  Gospel  throughout  his  dominions :  but  as  far 
as  relates  to  the  eucharist  he  has  descended,  as  the  proverb  has 
it,  from  the  horse  to  the  ass ;  for  he  has  fallen  from  Popery  into 
the  doctrine  of  Luther,  who  is,  in  that  particular,  more  erroneous 
than  all  the  Papists."  (Original  Letters,  I.  38).  How  bitter 
was  the  prejudice  of  Bullinger  against  Lutheranism,  may  be 
learned  from  another  letter  in  the  same  collection  (p.  251),  in 
which  Richard  Hilles  writes  concerning  a  student  at  Strassburg, 
that  Bullinger  had  written  requesting  that  his  lodging  be 
changed,  since  Mr.  Marbach,  with  whom  he  boarded  was  "  not 
one  with  whom  the  father  of  Lewis  would  like  his  son  to  have 
any  intercourse,"  the  reason  being  "  that  Marbach  is  altogether 
a  Lutheran."  It  is  interesting  to  note  the  answer:  "If we 
consider  this,  there  is  no  reason  for  your  friend  Lewis  again  to 
change  his  lodging  ;  since  he  will  have  just  such  another,  if  he 
should  lodge  with  any  learned  man  in  this  place." 

With  the  Interim,  there  were  learned  divines  glad  to  find  a 
refuge  in  England  ;  and  whom  Cranmer  was  glad  to  call  to  assist 
him  in  his  great  work.  Protestants  in  large  numbers  had  con 
gregated  in  London,  driven  from  various  portions  of  the  Conti 
nent.  In  1549,  there  were  no  less  than  four  thousand  Germans 
there.  John  a  Lasco,  was  made  Superintendent  of  the  several 
congregations  of  foreigners,  all  apparently  worshipping  in  one 
church.  A  Lasco  was  a  Polish  nobleman,  not  an  exile,  but  ab 
sent  from  his  country  by  leave  of  his  King,  in  order  to  preach 
the  Gospel.  He  was  an  intimate  friend  of  Erasmus,  whose  lib 
rary  he  had  generously  purchased,  allowing  the  owner  the  use  of 
it  for  the  rest  of  his  life.  He  had  been  converted  to  the  Re- 


Conflict  of  Theological  Parties  in  England.         209 

formed  faith,  and  induced  to  devote  himself  to  the  ministry  by 
Zwingli  at  Basle.  He  was  an  intimate  friend  and  correspondent 
of  Melanchthon.  He  is  described  by  Goebel, 2  as  "in  science 
an  Erasmian,  in  faith  a  Lutheran,  in  cultus  a  Zwinglian,  in  church 
organization  a  Calvinist,  as  a  dogmatician  loose  and  indefinite." 
On  the  doctrine  of  the  Lord's  Supper,  he  was  either  Calvinistic 
or  Zwinglian.  He  supported  Hooper  in  his  controversy,  being 
especially  extreme  in  his  opposition  to  clerical  vestments  and  to 
kneeling  at  the  communion. 

There  was  a  congregation  of  foreigners  at  Glastenbury  in  Som 
ersetshire,  consisting  chiefly  of  weavers  who  had  been  driven  by 
the  Interim  from  Strassburg.  Of  this  congregation,  which  doc- 
trinally  seems  to  have  been  in  sympathy  with  a  Lasco,  Valeran- 
dus  Pollanus  was  pastor. 

Peter  Martyr,  Paul  Fagius  and  Martin  Bucer,  all  from  Strass 
burg,  were  welcomed  to  professorships  of  theology,  Martyr  at 
Oxford,  and  Fagius  and  Bucer  at  Cambridge.  V.  E.  Loscher, 
Walch  and  Buddeus,  all  maintain  that  up  to  this  time  Martyr 
had  been  a  Lutheran, 3  and  a  letter  of  Bucer  to  Brenz  which  we 
shall  shortly  quote,  seems  to  confirm  it.  However  this  may  be, 
in  a  public  disputation  at  Oxford  in  1549,  into  which  he  was 
forced  by  Richard  Smythe,  an  advocate  of  transubstantiation,  he 
virtually  yielded  the  doctrine  of  the  real  presence,  much  to  Bu 
cer' s  dissatisfaction.  Even  this  Buddeus4  explains  as  only  a 

2  Herzog  Real  Eneyclopczdie. 

'Buddeus,  Isagoge,  1120:  "It  has  been  observed  by  learned  men,  that  in 
the  beginning  he  did  not  differ  much  from  the  position  of  Luther,  which  also 
pleased  the  English,  until  at  last  he  went  over  to  the  side  of  Calvin."  Even 
of  his  answer  to  Bishop  Gardiner,  of  1562,  Walch  (£il>l.  Theol.  Sel.  II :  439) 
says  :  "  Previously  he  was  not  alien  to  the  true  doctrine,  but  now  seems  to 
approach  the  opinion  of  those  who  deny  the  real  presence."  The  Calvinistic 
element  in  England,  regarded  him  in  the  same  light.  Burcher  to  Bullinger 
(October  29th.  1548) :  "  The  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  moved,  no  doubt, 
by  the  advice  of  Peter  Martyr,  and  other  Lutherans."  Or.  Letters,  II :  542. 

4  Vita  Petri  Martyris,  per  Josiam  Simler,  iq  Gerdesius'  Misscellanea 
Groningana,\\\:  38,48.  Melchior  AdanCs  Vita  Germ.  Theol.  II :  I3sqq. 

'5 


210  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

temporary  inconsistency.  Martyr  was  the  spiritual  father  of 
Bishop  Jewel,  whose  "Apology"  is  almost  a  symbol  in  the  An 
glican  church.  Jewel  was  Martyr's  pupil,  and  took  down  the 
discussion  with  Smythe.  Driven  from  England  on  the  accession 
of  Mary,  the  charge  of  disloyalty  to  the  Augsburg  Confession 
was  made  against  him  at  Strassburg.  His  answer  shows  how  he 
wished  to  be  regarded  as  subscribing  to  the  confession,  while,  he 
tried  to  read  into  it  a  Calvinistic  interpretation.  Writing  to  the 
Senate,  "he  professed  that  he  cheerfully  embraced  the  Augsburg 
Confession,  and  whatever  does  not  differ  therefrom,  provided  it 
be  correctly  understood ;  and  that,  if  there  were  need,  he  would 
maintain  them  with  all  his  might."  Concerning  the  Wittenberg 
Concord  between  Luther  and  Bucer,  he  replied  "  that  to  this  he 
had  not  subscribed ;  that  it  could  not  be  conceded  by  the  Word 
of  God  and  conscience,  that  those  destitute  of  true  faith,  in  par 
taking  of  the  sacraments,  receive  the  true  body  of  Christ."  As 
years  advanced,  his  opposition  to  Lutheranism  increased,  and  in 
1561,  in  negotiations  at  the  Colloquy  of  Paissy,  with  the  King 
of  Navarre,  "when  he  was  asked  his  judgment  concerning  the 
Augsburg  Confession,  he  answered  that  the  Word  of  God  seems 
to  us  sufficient,  as  it  clearly  contains  all  things  which  pertain  to 
salvation.  For  even  if  that  Confession  be  received,  reconcili 
ation  with  the  Romanists  will  not  follow ;  since  they  proscribe 
it  as  heretical."  5  He  ended  his  life  as  Professor  at  Zurich. 

Fagius  was  known  to  have  very  decided  Lutheran  sympathies, 
but  was  more  distinguished  as  an  Old  Testament  scholar  than  as 
dogmatician,  or  ecclesiastical  leader,  and  died  before  he  could 
enter  upon  his  duties. 

Bucer  had  endeavored  to  mediate  between  Lutheranism  and 
Zwinglianism.  In  1536,  however,  he  had  come  to  an  under 
standing  with  Luther  and  Melanchthon  in  "the  Wittenberg 
Concord,"  in  which  the  Lutheran  doctrine  of  the  Lord's  Supper 
was  subscribed,  Bucer  reserving  the  nature  of  the  communion  of 
the  unworthy  as  a  point  not  yet  settled  in  his  mind.  In  subse- 

5  Isagoge  p.  1 1 20. 


Conflict  of  Theological  Parties  in  England.         211 

quent  years,  he  does  not  seem  to  have  materially  varied  from 
this  position.  Loscher,  in  his  Ausfuhrliche  Hiitoria  Motuum, 
devotes  an  entire  chapter,  to  prove  that  "  although  with  consider 
able  weakness,  he  is,  nevertheless,  to  be  reckoned  among  evangel 
ical  Lutherans."  '  Hard  wick  pronounces  him  "a  moderate  Lu 
theran,  and,  as  such,  decided  in  his  opposition  to  the  school  of 
Hooper. "  7  It  is  certain,  however,  that  the  very  point  in  which 
he  failed  at  Wittenberg  in  1536,  continued  to  render  the  transi 
tion  to  the  Calvin istic  doctrine  very  easy.  Possibly  he  attempted 
to  render  the  Lutheran  doctrine  more  acceptable  to  Calvinists 
by  concessions,  or  possibly  he  was  never  entirely  in  the  clear  as 
to  what  was  involved  in  statements  which  he  maintained.  In 
"  the  Sententious  Sayings  of  Master  Martin  Bucer  upon  the 
Lord's  Supper,"8  of  1550,  written  while  professor  at  Oxford, 
there  is  much  that,  if  taken  by  itself,  would  seem  to  be  an  entire 
surrender  to  Calvinism,  e.  g.,  (22)  "There  is  no  presence  of 
Christ  in  the  Supper,  but  only  in  the  lawful  use  thereof,  and  such 
as  is  obtained  and  gotten  by  faith  only.11  (33):  "I  define  or 
determine  Christ's  presence,  howsoever  we  perceive  it,  either  by 
the  sacraments  or  by  the  word  of  the  Gospel,  to  be  only  the  at 
taining  and  perceiving  of  the  commodities  we  have  by  Christ,  both 
God  and  man,  which  is  our  Head  reigning  in  heaven,  dwelling 
and  living  in  us,  -which  presence  we  have  by  no  worldly  means, 
but  we  have  it  by  faith."  A  letter,  however,  of  Bucer  to  Brentz, 
May  i5th,  1550, 9  apologizing  for  Peter  Martyr's  discussion  is  in 
a  different  key.  He  writes,  as  in  full  harmony  with  Brentz, 
whose  strict  Lutheranism  has  never  been  questioned,  and  as 
though  discussions  were  in  progress,  in  which  the  Lutheran  doc- 
was  vigorously  assailed,  and  he  were  being  overpowered.  This 
is  the  letter :  "  With  respect  to  the  book  of  Dr.  Martyr,  I  un 
doubtedly  have  as  much  regret  as  any  one  else ;  but  the  discus- 

6  Atisfiikrliche  Historia,  II :  27. 

7  History  of  Reformation,  p.  220. 

8  Strype's  Memorials  of  Archbishop  Cranmer,  II:  597  sqq. 
9Anecdota  Jjrentiana,  p.  304, 


212  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

sion  was  announced  and  the  proposition  formulated  before  I  had 
arrived  in  England.  At  my  advice,  he  has  introduced  much  in 
his  preface,  whereby  he  expresses  more  fully  his  faith  in  the 
presence  of  Christ.  With  the  heads  of  government,  they  have 
much  weight  who  contract  their  ministry  within  a  narrow  sphere, 
and  are  not  anxious  about  restoring  the  discipline  of  the  church ; 
the  violence  of  these  has  also  to  certain  extent  influenced  this 
friend  of  ours.  While  he  was  with  us,  all  things  were  presented 
more  correctly  and  amply.  In  wishing  to  prevent  us  from  inclu 
ding  in  the  bread,  our  Lord  taken  from  Heaven,  and  from  giving 
him  to  men  to  be  eaten  without  faith,  which  none  of  us  imagines, 
they  fall  into  the  error  of  including  him  in  a  fixed  place  in  Hea 
ven,  although  for  this  they  are  absolutely  without  Scripture  tes 
timony,  and  of  his  presentation  and  presence  in  the  Supper  they 
speak  so  feebly  (yea  they  do  not  even  mention  these  words),  that 
they  seem  to  hold  that  in  the  Supper  nothing  but  bread  and  wine 
are  distributed.  Our  simple  position,  as  held  by  me,  no  one  as 
yet  has  reproved,  nor  have  I  heard  of  any  one  able  to  refute  it 
by  any  firm  declaration  from  Scripture.  Neither  as  yet  has  any 
such  attempt  been  made.  Their  chief  argument  is  :  '  The  mys 
teries  of  Christ  ought  to  be  intelligibly  explained.'  They  would 
be  correct  in  saying  this,  if  they  were  to  add  :  '  To  faith,  not 
to  reason.'  They  now  assume  that  it  can  in  no  way  be  under 
stood  how  Christ  is  now  circumscribed  in  a  physical  place  in 
Heaven ;  and  since  he  is  thus  in  Heaven  (which  they  assume  not 
only  without  any  warrant,  but  even  without  any  firm  reason),  it 
cannot  be  understood  how  the  same  body  of  Christ  is  in  Heaven 
and  in  the  Supper.  When,  then  we  say  that  in  the  Supper  none 
should  suppose  a  local  presence  of  Christ,  they  again  say  that 
the  body  of  Christ  cannot  be  understood  to  be  anywhere,  unless 
its  presence  be  that  of  local  circumscription.  The  substance  of 
their  argument,  therefore,  is :  '  Reason  does  not  perceive  what 
you  teach  concerning  the  presentation  and  presence  of  Christ  in 
the  Supper,  and  hence  it  is  not  true.  The  Scripture  passages 
which  seem  to  prove  it,  must  be  understood  otherwise.'  Let  us 


Conflict  of  Theological  Parties  in  England.         213 

pray  for  them.  Thus  far  I  have  met  no  true  Christians  who  were 
not  entirely  satisfied  with  our  simplicity  in  this  matter." 

So  important  was  Bucer,  until  his  death  in  February,  1551,03 
one  of  the  chief  advisers  of  Cranmer  in  the  determination  of  the 
formularies  of  this  period,  that  we  add  yet  the  explanation  of  his 
inconsistencies  given  by  Loscher :  "  We  must  not  deny  that  he 
resorted  to  many  worldly  counsels  from  carnal  prudence,  mingled 
with  love  for  peace,  which  were  of  great  damage  to  the  Evangel 
ical  Lutheran  Church,  that  he  had  too  little  zeal  for  truth  in  the 
doctrine  of  the  Lord's  Supper,  that  in  the  side-questions  per 
taining  to  the  Lord's  Supper  he  was  still  not  in  the  clear,  that 
he  always  had  a  penchant  for  seeking  to  reconcile  the  two  con 
tradictories.  'The  body  of  Christ  is  substantially  present,  etc.,' 
and  '  The  body  of  Christ  is  not •  substantially  present,  etc.,'  an 
impossible  work,  at  which,  nevertheless,  he  labored  until  the 
close  of  his  life.  Yet  these  points  must  not  be  mingled  with  the 
chief  question,  in  the  investigation  of  historical  truth."  10 

It  is  certain,  however,  that  the  Anti-Lutheran  element  in  Eng 
land  regarded  him  an  exponent  of  Lutheranism,  and  were 
anxious  that  he  should  be  displaced,  as  the  following  shows : 

"Bucer  has  a  most  dangerous  relapse  into  his  old  disease. 
Richard  writes  that  there  is  little  or  no  hope  of  his  recovery.  In 
case  of  his  death,  England  will  be  happy,  and  more  favored  than 
all  other  countries,  in  having  been  delivered  in  the  same  year, 
from  two  men  of  most  pernicious  talent,  namely  Paul  Fagius  and 
Bucer."  (Burcher  to  Bullinger,  April  2oth,  1550)."  So  after 
Bucer's  death  :  "  The  death  of  Bucer  affords  England  the  great 
est  possible  opportunity  of  concord.  If  you  know  any  one  qual 
ified  for  so  important  an  office,  pray  inform  me."  (Or.  Letters, 
p.  678). 

There  were  political  considerations  which  increased  the  infiu- 

w  Aiisfuhr.  Ilistor.  II :  26  sq.  For  additional  information  concerning  Bu 
cer's  theological  position,  see  my  edition  of  "  Book  of  Concord,"  Vol.  II :  p. 
253  sqq.,  and  the  authorities  there  cited. 

n  Original  Letters,  II :  662. 


214  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England, 

ence  of  the  anti-Lutheran  element  in  the  Church  of  England. 
While  Lutheranism  seemed  to  be  almost  ruined  by  the  Smalcald 
war  and  the  Interim,  there  was  peace  in  Switzerland.  Francis 
I.  held  the  Roman  Catholic  cantons  back  from  supporting 
Charles  V.,  and,  however  much  they  sympathized  with  the  Em 
peror,  they  were  powerless  to  aid  him.  Hence  Zurich  and  Ge 
neva  knew  nothing  of  the  persecutions  that  overwhelmed  Wit 
tenberg  and  other  Lutheran  centers.  The  English  court  sought, 
therefore,  an  alliance  with  the  Reformed  cities.  Thus,  October 
2oth,  1549,  Edward  VI,  writes  to  the  Senate  of  Zurich:  "We 
have  understood  by  the  frequent  letters  of  our  faithful  and  be 
loved  servant,  Christopher  Mount,  both  your  favorable  disposi 
tion  towards  us,  and  ready  inclination  to  deserve  well  of  us.  In 
addition  to  which,  there  is  Also  a  mutual  agreement  between  us 
concerning  the  Christian  religion  and  true  godliness,  which  ought 
to  render  this  friendship  of  ours,  by  God's  blessing,  yet  more 
intimate."  12 

Those  high  in  position  in  the  State  were  also  in  frequent  cor 
respondence  with  the  Reformed  leaders  in  Switzerland.  Bui- 
linger  was  directing  the  studies  of  Lady  Jane  Grey.  Thus,  July 
1 2th,  1551,  she  writes  to  him  in  reference  to  her  Hebrew,  and 
pays  this  tribute  to  the  Swiss  theologian  :  "  Oh,  happy  me  to  be 
possessed  of  such  a  friend,  and  so  wise  a  counsellor,  and  to  be 
connected  by  ties  of  intimacy  and  friendship  with  so  learned  a 
man,  so  pious  a  divine,  and  so  intrepid  a  champion  of  true  re 
ligion."13  Calvin  was  in  correspondence  with  the  Lord  Pro 
tector,  w  the  young  king, 15  and  Cranmer, 16  giving  them  in  long 
and  tedious  letters,  a  great  deal  of  advice.  There  are  published 
in  the  "  Original  Letters,"  chiefly  from  the  archives  at  Zurich,  no 
less  than  one  hundred  and  seventy  letters  written  to  Bullinger 
alone,  during  the  six  years  of  Edward's  reign,  by  friends  in  Eng- 

12  Original  Letters  relative  to  the  English  Reformation,  Vol.  I :  I. 

13  Ib.  p.  5. 

14  Ib.  Vol.  II :  p.  704. 

15  Ib.  p.  707. 

16  Ib.  p.  711. 


Conflict  of  Theological  Parties  in  England.        215 

land,  most  of  whom  were  exerting  all  their  power  to  transplant 
thither  the  theology  of  Switzerland.  Every  change  and  waver 
ing  in  Cranmer  that  can  in  any  way  be  noticed,  is  promptly  and 
faithfully  reported  at  headquarters  in  Zurich. 

It  is  no  wonder,  then,  that  a  man  of  the  temperament  and  dis 
position  of  Archbishop  Cranmer,  pressed  on  every  side,  grad 
ually  yielded  to  Calvinism,  just  as  during  Henry's  reign  he  had 
so  often  allowed  his  better  judgment  to  succumb  for  a  time  to 
Romanizing  tendencies.  His  change  must  not  entirely  be 
ascribed  to  vacillation  amidst  fixed  principles.  In  himself  there 
existed  simultaneously  the  contradictory  positions,  which  had 
never  been  thoroughly  fought  over  in  his  own  experience.  We 
would  not  question  his  sincerity ;  but  again  and  again  when  he 
firmly  maintained  a  doctrine,  he  seems  not  to  have  understood 
it  in  its  relations.  With  Fox  and  Crumwell  and  Barnes  to  aid 
him,  he  was  a  Lutheran  ;  deprived  of  them,  he  drifted  between 
the  conflicting  elements,  in  hope  of  a  better  day  when  he 
thought  he  would  be  able  to  act  with  less  embarrassment.  But 
when  these  came  with  new  complications,  "he  considered," 
says  Dr.  Jenkyns,  "  the  exchange  from  the  long  established  and 
absolute  sway  of  Henry,  to  the  new  and  unsettled  authority  of 
Edward,  as  a  loss,  rather  than  a  gain  to  the  cause  of  the  reforma 
tion.  He  may  perhaps  have  been  mistaken  in  this  view ;  the  flexi 
bility  of  the  son  may  in  truth  have  been  no  less  favorable  to  the 
construction  of  a  new  system,  than  the  obstinacy  of  the  father  to 
the  demolition  of  the  old  one.  But  the  inference  is  almost  un 
avoidable,  that  the  difficulties  of  his  situation  under  Henry  were 
less,  and  under  Edward  greater,  than  is  usually  supposed." 
The  precise  time  when  the  Archbishop  became  a  Calvinist  on 
the  doctrine  of  the  Lord's  Supper  cannot  be  accurately  deter 
mined.  He  himself  stated  that  it  was  through  Ridley's  argu 
ments  that  the  change  in  his  opinion  began. 18  Although  in  the 

17  Remains  of  Thomas  Cranmer,  D.  D.,  I :  p.  xliv. 

18  "  Dr.  Ridley  did  confer  with  me,  and  by  sundry  persuasions    and  auth 
orities  of  doctors,  drew  me  quite  from  my  opinion."     Examination,  Jenkyns 
IV:  97. 


216  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

preface  to  the  Embden  edition  of  the  defence,  generally  ascribed 
to  his  intimate  friend,  Sir  John  Cheke,  tutor  to  Edward  VI., 
this  change  is  assigned  to  the  year  1546,  this  probably  marks 
only  the  beginning,  especially  as  the  Niirnberg  Kinderpredigtcn, 
improperly  known  as  the  Catechism  of  Justus  Jonas'  because  of 
Jonas'  Latin  version,  which  he  translated  in  1548,  and,  which  in 
English,  is  usually  designated  Cranmer's  Catechism,  not  only 
teaches  most  emphatically  the  Lutheran  doctrine,  but  also  con 
tains  verbatim  Luther's  Small  Catechism.  Here  the  Zurich  let 
ters  are  of  service : 

1548,  August  ist.  Traheran  to  Bullinger  :  "All  our  coun 
trymen  who  are  sincerely  favorable  to  the  restoration  of  truth 
entertain  in  all  respects  like  opinions  with  you.  I  except  the 
archbishop  of  Canterbury,  and  Latimer,  and  a  very  few  learned 
men  besides. ' ' 19 

August  1 8th.  John  ab  Ulmis  to  Bullinger:  "  He  has  lately 
published  a  Catechism,  in  which  he  not  only  approved  that  foul 
and  sacrilegious  transubstantiation  of  the  papists  in  the  holy  sup 
per  of  our  Saviour,  but  all  the  dreams  of  Luther  seem  to  him 
sufficiently  well-grounded,  perspicuous  and  bold."  20 

October  29th.  John  Burcher  to  Bullinger:  "The  arch 
bishop  of  Canterbury,  moved  no  doubt  by  the  advice  of  Peter 
Martyr  and  other  Lutherans,  has  ordered  a  catechism  of  some 
Lutheran  opinion,  to  be  translated  and  published  in  our  lan 
guage.  This  little  book  has  occasioned  no  little  discord,"  21 

September  28th.  Traheran  to  Bullinger:  "Latimer  has 
come  over  to  our  opinion  respecting  the  true  doctrine  of  the 
Eucharist,  together  with  the  archbishop  of  Canterbury,  and  the 
other  bishops,  who  heretofore  seemed  to  be  Lutherans. ' ' 22 

November  2yth.  "  Even  Cranmer,  by  the  goodness  of  God, 
and  the  instrumentality  of  that  most  upright  and  judicious  man, 

19  Original  Letters^  I :  p.  320. 
»IbII:  p.  381. 
21  Ib.  p.  643. 
aa  Ib.  I :  p.  322. 


Conflict  of  Theological  Parties  in  England.        217 

Master  John  a  Lasco,  is  in  a  great  measure  recovered  from  his 
dangerous  lethargy. ' ' 33 

December  27th.  Hooper  to  Bullinger:  "The  archbishop 
of  Canterbury  entertains  right  views  as  to  the  nature  of  Christ's 
presence  in  the  Supper,  and  is  now  very  friendly  towards  my 
self."  M 

December  3 1 st.  Traheran  to  Bullinger:  "The  archbishop 
of  Canterbury,  contrary  to  general  expectation,  most  openly, 
firmly  and  learnedly  maintained  your  opinion  on  this  subject.  I 
perceive  that  //  is  all  over  with  Lutheranism,  now  that  those  who 
were  considered  its  principal  and  almost  only  supporters,  have 
altogether  come  over  to  our  side."  a 

50  Ib.  II:  p.  383. 

24  Ib.  I :  p.  73- 

25  Ib.  p.  323. 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

LUTHERAN   SOURCES   OF   THE   BOOK   OF   COMMON   PRAYER. 

Uniformity  of  Worship  in  the  Western  Church,  prior  to  the  Reformation,  only 
relative.  Influence  of  Reformation  on  present  Roman  Order.  Groups 
of  Liturgies.  Sources  of  the  Roman  Liturgy.  Confession  of  the  Open 
ing  of  the  Reformation.  The  old  English  Orders.  The  three-fold  task 
of  the  Reformers  of  the  Service.  Introduction  of  the  Vernacular.  De 
velopment  of  the  Lutheran  Service.  Luther's  Reformation  of  the  Ser 
vice.  Principles  laid  down  in  his  Formula  Missae  of  1523.  The  old 
Worship,  not  to  be  abolished.  Scripture-lessons,  Sermons  and  Hymns  to 
be  in  German.  Luther's  German  Mass  of  1526.  German,  Latin,  Greek, 
Hebrew  may  all  be  used  in  the  same  service,  if  there  be  those  who  un 
derstand  them.  Translation  of  New  Testament  of  1523.  Hymns,  mostly 
of  I524-  Formula  of  Baptism,  1523.  Translation  of  revised  Mass,  1526. 
Bugenhagen's  order  of  1524.  The  Niirnberg  Service.  Volprecht. 
Doeber's  Mass,  1525.  Osiander's  Order  of  Baptism,  1529.  Branden- 
burg-Niirnberg  Order,  1533.  Reformation  of  Cologne,  1543  (Bucer, 
Me'anchthon,  Sarcerius).  Its  Sources.  Order  of  Morning  Service  in 
three  typical  Lutheran  Liturgies.  The  tentative  Order  of  Bucer  in 
the  Strassburg  Agende  of  1524. 

IF,  however,  those  who  controlled  the  work  of  the  reorgani 
zation  of  the  English  Church,  after  many  vacillations,  at  last 
failed  in  a  full  appreciation  and  confession  of  the  Lutheran  faith, 
the  results  of  the  first  glow  of  awakening  love  for  the  Gospel  in 
England  and  of  years  of  contact  and  negotiation  with  the  lead 
ers  of  the  Lutheran  Reformation  in  Germany,  have  not  been 
without  fruit,  but  have  left  their  permanent  record  in  the  great 
ecclesiastical  documents  which  are  the  glory  and  pride  of  the 
English  Church,  and  upon  which  its  very  existence  depends. 
Turn  where  we  may  in  the  history  or  the  worship  of  the  English 
Church  and  its  descendants,  we  meet  at  every  step  with  what 

(218) 


Lutheran  Sources  of  the  Book  of  Common  Prayer.  219 

they  owe  to  that  memorable  time,  and  to  the  incomplete  and 
greatly  embarrassed  work  of  the  first  English  Lutherans.  We 
have  already  traced  the  origin  of  the  English  Bible  to  German 
soil,  and  Lutheran  influences.  We  now  enter  upon  the  exami 
nation  of  the  influence  of  Lutheranism  upon  the  worship  of  the 
English  Church. 

It  is  a  great  misconception  to  imagine  that  prior  to  the  Refor 
mation,  the  worship  in  the  Western  Church,  was  uniform.     Uni 
formity  of  worship,  like  the  subjection  of  the  churches  of  the  va 
rious  countries  to  the  see  of  Rome,  was  a  gradual  growth.     The 
uniformity  in  the  Romish  Church  of  to-day,  is,  in  large  measure, 
the  result  of  the  Council  of  Trent,  and  even  now,  is  not  entirely 
absolute,  as  e.  g.  the  continuance  of  the  Mozarabic  Liturgy  at 
Toledo  in  Spain  still  attests.     Liturgiologists  classify  the  various 
liturgies  into  groups,  and  in  the  Gallican  group  trace  a  very  de 
cided  oriental  influence,  some  conjecturing  that  their  origin  was 
at  Ephesus.     The  Roman  Liturgy,  Mss.  of  which  as  far  back  as 
the  Ninth  Century  remain,  representing  or  purporting  to  repre 
sent  the  Liturgy,  as  current  under  Leo  I.  (440-61,  Sacramenta- 
riunt   Leonianuni)  Gelasius    (492—96,  Sacr    Gelasianum)    and 
Gregory  the  Great  (590-604),  continued  to  press  its  way,  espe 
cially  in   accordance  with  the   schemes  of  Gregory,  in    some 
places  entirely  supplanting  other  liturgies,   in   others  adopting 
some  of  their  features,  and  in  still  others  only   engrafting  some 
of  its  own  features  upon  liturgies  which  it  could   not   supplant. 
Hence  at  the  opening  of  the  Reformation,  there  was  much  con 
fusion.     Niirnberg    and    Bamberg   are  only   thirty-three    miles 
apart;  and  yet   the  Niirnberg  Missal  of  1484  differs   from  the 
Bamberg  Missal  of  1492  in  the  very  first  Gospel   lesson  that  is 
given,  viz.  that  for  the  First  Sunday  in  Advent,  where  Niirnberg 
had  yielded  to   the  prevailing  practice  of  Rome  by  surrender 
ing  Matth-  21  :   i  sqq.  for  Luke  21  :   25  sqq.,  a  change  which 
affected  the  Gospel  for  every  Sunday  in  Advent.     The  old  con 
flict  between  the  Gallican  and  the  Roman  Missal  had  not  been 
fully  decided  ;  and,  therefore,  some  of  the  discrepancies  in  the 


220  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

services  of  Lutheran  churches  in  various  lands,  may  be  traced 
back  to  discrepancies  in  the  Ante-Reformation  services  which 
they  undertook  to  reform. 

In  England  also,  when  the  Reformation  opened,  the  various 
dioceses  had  divergent  orders,  as  the  proportion  of  Rome  or  Gal- 
lican  elements  was  more  or  less  decided.  The  chief  of  these  are 
the  Missals  according  to  the  use  of  Sarum  (Salisbury),  Bristol, 
York,  etc.,  the  former  of  which  dating  back  to  1085,  is  the  best 
representative  of  liturgies  of  the  English  type.  . 

Upon  the  basis  of  these  liturgies,  therefore,  the  Reformers  both 
on  the  Continent  and  in  England,  had  alike  to  labor  in  provid 
ing  for  the  reformation  of  public  worship.  They  had  a  three 
fold  work  to  perform :  first,  to  translate  the  service  which  up  to 
this  time  had  been  exclusively  Latin ;  secondly,  to  correct  Ro 
mish  errors  by  omission  and  amendment ;  thirdly,  to  supplement 
what  was  lacking,  by  reintroducing  whatever  was  wholesome  in  the 
service  of  the  Early  Church  that  had  fallen  into  disuse,  and  by 
inserting  whatever  changed  circumstances  rendered  needful,  in 
order  to  guard  against  prevalent  abuses. 

As  long  as  public  worship  was  congregational,  it  had  been 
conducted  in  the  language  of  the  people ;  only  when  it  ceased 
to  be  congregational,  and  became  a  work  of  the  priests  for  the 
congregation,  could  a  language  unknown  to  the  people  become 
that  of  the  entire  service.  The  dominancy  of  the  Romish,  over 
the  provincial  liturgies,  and  the  fact  that  all  the  culture  of  the 
West  was  Latin,  explain  how  it  supplanted  all  other  languages. 

Luther  soon  felt  the  necessity  of  reintroducing  the  vernacular. 
We  can  trace  his  desire  for  it,  to  a  statement  in  his  sermon  of 
1520  on  the  Mass.  During  his  absence  at  the  Wartburg,  Carl- 
stadt  having  radically  changed  the  service,  on  his  return  he 
began  to  reform  it  upon  conservative  principles.  Even  then, 
he  recognized  the  fact  that  it  was  impossible  at  one  stroke,  to  at 
tain  everything  desirable,  and  that  the  work  must  be  gradually 
wrought.  This  is  shown  very  clearly  in  his  "  Formula  of  the 
Mass"  of  1523,  where  he  begins  by  saying:  "I  have  not  ex- 


Lutheran  Sources  of  the  Book  of  Common  Prayer.   221 

changed  old  things  for  new,  always  hesitating,  both  because  of 
minds  weak  in  faith,  who  could  not  be  suddenly  freed  of  what 
is  old  and  established  by  custom,  and  with  whom  so  recent  and 
unusual  a  mode  of  worshipping  God  could  not  be  introduced ; 
and  especially  because  of  frivolous  and  fastidious  spirits,  who, 
without  faith,  and  without  mind,  rush  forward,  and  delight  in 
novelty  alone,  and  then  grow  nauseated  with  whatever  ceases  to 
be  new ;  as  the  latter  class  of  men  give  more  trouble  than  others, 
in  other  matters,  so,  in  holy  things,  they  are  most  troublesome 
and  intolerable,  although,  while  ready  to  burst  with  wrath,  I  am 
compelled  to  endure  them,  unless  willing  to  remove,  the  Gospel 
itself  from  the  .public.  But  since  there  is  now  hope,  that  the 
hearts  of  many  have  been  illumined  and  strengthened  by  the 
grace  of  God,  and  the  subject  itself  demands,  that  scandals  be 
removed  from  the  Kingdom  of  Christ,  something  must  be  at 
tempted  in  Christ's  name.  .  .  .  First  of  all,  we,  therefore,  pro 
fess  that  it  has  never  been  our  intention  to  entirely  abolish  all  wor 
ship  of  God,  but  only  to  reform  that  in  use,  which  has  been  cor 
rupted  by  the  worst  additions,  and  to  demonstrate  its  godly 
use."  1  He  asks,  therefore,  only  that  the  Scripture-lessons  and 
sermons  be  in  German,  and  that  after  the  Gradual,  and  the 
Sanctus  and  Agnus  Dti  in  the  Communion  Service,  German 
hymns,  as  far  as  possible,  be  sung.  But. he  realizes  the  poverty 
of  the  German  as  yet  in  hymns ;  and  hence  he  felt  himself  so 
soon  constrained  to  provide  by  his  own  pen,  for  this  want  in  pub 
lic  worship 

Three  years  later,  (1526),  in  his  German  Mass  he  has  directed 
that  the  most  of  the  liturgical  acts  shall  be  in  German,  but  "  for 
the  sake  of  the  youth,"  wishes  part  of  the  service  still  to  be  in 
Latin.  For,  it  must  not  be  forgotten  that  the  pupils  of  the 
schools,  where  the  Latin  was  faithfully  taught,  up  to  through  the 
Gymnasia,  were  compelled  to  take  their  places  in  the  choirs,  and 
daily,  at  Matins  and  Vespers,  to  chant  the  Psalms,  as  well  as  to 

1  A  full  translation  of  Luther's  Formula  may  be  found  in  Lutheran  Church 
Review  for  1889  and  1890. 


222  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

aid  in  the  regular  Sunday  services.  So,  too,  the  Apology  says  : 
"  We  retain  the  Latin  language,  on  account  of  those  who  are 
learning  and  understand  Latin,  and  we  mingle  with  it  German 
hymns,  in.  order  that  the  people  also  may  have  something  to 
learn,  and  by  which  faith  and  fear  may  be  called  forth.  It  has 
nowhere  been  written  or  represented  that  the  act  of  hearing  les 
sons,  not  understood,  profits  men,  or  that  ceremonies  profit,  not 
because  they  teach  or  admonish,  but  ex  opere  operate,  because 
they  are  thus  performed  or  looked  upon.  Away  with  such  phari- 
saic  opinion  !"  But  wherever  a  language  be  understood  and 
edify,  there  Luther  would  give  it  a  place  in  the  service :  "Were 
I  able,  and  the  Greek  and  Hebrew  were  as  common  as  the 
Latin,  and  had  in  them  as  much  fine  music  and  song  as  the  Latin 
has,  Mass  would  be  held,  sung  and  read  one  Sunday  after  the 
other,  in  all  four  languages,  German,  Latin,  Greek,  Hebrew.  I 
have  no  regard  for  those  who  are  so  devoted  to  but  one  language, 
and  despise  all  others ;  for  I  would  like  to  educate  youth  and 
men,  who  might  be  of  service  to  Christ  and  converse  with  men, 
also  in  foreign  lands,  so  that  it  might  not  be  with  us,  as  with  the 
Waldenses  and  Bohemians,  who  have  so  confined  their  faith  to 
their  own  language,  that  they  cannot  speak  intelligently  and 
clearly  with  any  one,  until  he  first  learn  their  language.  But  the 
Holy  Ghost  did  not  so  in  the  beginning.  He  did  not  wait,  un 
til  the  whole  world  came  to  Jerusalem  and  learned  Hebrew, 
but  he  gave  various  tongues  for  the  ministry  of  the  Word,  that 
the  Apostles  might  speak  wherever  they  went.  This  example  I 
prefer  following ;  and  it  is  also  proper  that  the  youth  be  prac 
ticed  in  several  languages ;  for  who  knows  how  God  may  use 
them  in  time?" 

Accordingly  he  provided  for  the  service  in  German,  first  of  all 
by  his  translation  of  the  New  Testament  of  1523;  then,  by  his 
hymns,  the  first  of  which  were  composed  the  same  year,  and 
twenty-one  of  the  thirty-seven  which  he  wrote  having  originated 
in  1524;  by  his  German  forms  for  Baptism  (Taufbuchlein)  of 
1523  ;  and  his  translation  of  the  revised  Masss  in  1526.  His 


Lutheran  Sources  of  the  Book  of  Common  Prayer.  223 

colleague,  Bugenhagen,  was  likewise  active  in  similar  work,  by 
his  Order  of  Service  of  1524.  On  the  Twentieth  Sunday  after 
Trinity,  1525,  the  Mass  was  said  for  the  first  time  in  German  at 
Wittenberg. 

Niirnberg,  whose  intimate  relations  with  the  English  Reforma 
tion,  because  of  the  connection  between  Osiander  and  Cranmer, 
has  been  already  noticed,  requires  special  consideration  in  this 
connection.     Here  Wolfgang  Volprecht,  Prior  of  the  Augustinian 
cloister,  (d.  1528)  on  Maunday  Thursday  1523,  administered  the 
communion  in  both  forms  to  members  of  his  order,  and  on  Eas 
ter,  1524,  to  three  thousand  persons.     In  1525,  Doeber's  Evan 
gelical  Mass  was  introduced.     In  1529,  Osiander  published   an 
Order  of  Baptism,   partly  translated  from  the  Bamberg  Order, 
and   partly  taken  from  Luther's   Taufbilchlein.     In   1533,    the 
very  important  Brandenburg-Nurnberg  Agende   was  published, 
having  been  prepared,  as  we  have  before  seen,  by  Osiander,  with 
the  assistance  of  Brentz,  and  having  been  submitted  to,  and  re 
ceived  the  endorsement  of  the  Wittenberg  Faculty.     It  is  the 
model,  after  which  many  succeeding  Lutheran  liturgies  were  con 
structed,  holding   a  place,  in   the  first  rank,  for  conservatism, 
purity  of  doctrine  and  correctness  of  usage.     Altogether  between 
1523  and  1555,  Augusti  asserts  that  there  were  published  one 
hundred  and  thirty-two  Lutheran  Agende  and  Kirchenordnungen. 
Their  great  variety  is  partly  explained  by  historical  and  local 
relations,  but,  at  the  same,   indicates  that  the  Lutheran  Church 
lays  less  emphasis  upon  external  uniformity,   than  upon  fidelity 
to  the  common   Evangelical  principle.     These  orders  may  be 
distributed  into  three  classes  :     i.  Those  pure  in  doctrine,  but 
adhering  most  strictly  to  the  received  Roman  forms.     Of  these, 
Mark-Brandenburg,  of  1540,  the  Pfalz-Neuberg  and  the  Austrian 
of   1571,  are   types.     2.  Those  of  the   Saxon  Lutheran   type, 
among  which  Luther's  Formula  of  the  Mass  is  most  prominent. 
Among  them  are  the  Prussian  (1525),  the  various   orders  pre 
pared  by  Bugenhagen,  as  Brunswick  (1528),   Hamburg  (1529), 
Minden  and  Gottingen  (1530),  Liibeck  (1531),  Soest  (1532), 


224  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England, 

Bremen  (1534),  Pomerania,  (1535),  the  Brandenburg-Nurnberg 
(1533),  Hanover  (1536),  Herzog  Heinrich  of  Saxony  (1539), 
Mecklenburg  (1540),  etc.  3.  Those  which  mediate  between  the 
Lutheran  and  the  Reformed  type,  as  Bucer's  in  Strassburg;  the 
Wiirttemberg  Orders,  and,  to  a  greater  or  less  extent,  the  orders 
of  S.  W.  Germany  in  general. 

Of  these,  there  is  one  that  exerted  an  especial  influence  above 
all  the  rest,  upon  the  orders  of  the  English  Church,  viz.,  the  Lit 
urgy  for  the  Reformation  of  Cologne  of  1543.  Hermann  the 
Archbishop  and  Elector  of  Cologne,  having  become  a  convert  to 
the  Lutheran  faith,  expected  to  reform  the  churches  in  his  realm 
according  to  the  Lutheran  doctrine;  and,  at  his  request,  a 
Church  Constitution,  with  orders  of  Service,  was  drawn  up  by 
Bucer,  and  thoroughly  revised  by  Melanchthon,  with  the  aid  of 
Sarcerius  and  others.  It  is  derived  chiefly  from  the  Branden 
burg-Nurnberg  order  of  1533,  and  the  orders  of  Herzog  Hein 
rich,  of  Saxony,  prepared  by  Justus  Jonas  in  1536,  and  published, 
after  revision  by  Cruciger,  Myconius,  etc.,  in  1539,  and  of 
Hesse  Cassel,  (Kymens)  of  1539.  Carefully  guarding  against 
any  explicit  statements  of  a  polemical  character  towards  both  the 
Romanists  and  the  Reformed,  it  did  not  meet  with  the  favor  of 
Luther,  who  demanded  that  beyond  the  positive  presentation 
of  doctrine  in  the  service,  the  negative  should  also  be  unmis 
takably  expressed,  and,  therefore,  had  not  patience  to  read  it 
thoroughly. 

The  Order  of  Morning  Service,  (Hauptgottesdierut)  as  given 
in  these  typical  Lutheran  liturgies,  is  as  follows  : 

i.  LUTHER'S  GERMAN  MASS,  (1526). 

1.  A  Spiritual  Song  or  Psalm  in  German,  as  "  I  will  bless  the 
Lord  at  all  times."     (Ps.  34). 

2.  Kyrie  Eleison,  three,  not  nine  times. 

3.  A  Collect,  as  follows  : 

"  O  God,  the  Protector  of  all  that  trust  in  Thee,  without  whom 
nothing  is  strong,  nothing  is  holy,"  etc. 

4.  The  Epistle. 


Lutfaran  Sources  of  the  Book  of  Common  Prayer.  225 

5.  A  German  Hymn  :     "  Nun  bitten  wir  den  Heiligen  Geist," 
or  some  other. 

6.  The  Gospel. 

7.  The  Creed   in   German  :     "  Wir   glauben   all  in  einem 
Gott." 

8.  Sermon  on  the  Gospel  for  the  day. 

9.  Paraphrase  of  the  Lord's  Prayer,  and  Exhortation  to  the 
Communion. 

10.  Words  of  Institution. 

11.  Agnus  Dei  in  German  :   "  O  Lamm  Gottes  unschuldig" 

12.  Distribution. 

13.  Collect: 

"Almighty  God,  we  thank  Thee  that  Thou  has  refreshed  us 
with  this  salutary  gift,  and  we  beseech  Thy  mercy  graciously  to 
strengthen  us  in  faith  towards  The?,  and  in  fervent  love  towards 
one  another,"  etc. 

XIV.  Benediction. 

II.    BRANDENBURG-NiiRNBERG,    (1533.) 

i .  When  the  priest  comes  to  the  altar,  he  may  say  the  Confiteor. 
2.  Introit  or  German  Hymn.  3.  Kyrie.  4.  Gloria  in  Excel- 
sis.  5.  " The  Lord  be  with  you,"  etc.  6.  One  or  more  col 
lects,  according  to  the  occasion.  7.  A  chapter  from  the  Epis 
tles  of  Paul,  Peter  or  John.  8.  Hallelujah,  with  its  versicle,  or  a 
Gradual,  from  Holy  Scripture.  9.  A  chapter  from  the  Gospels, 
or  Acts.  10.  The  Creed,  n.  Sermon.  12.  Exhortation.  13. 
Words  of  Institution.  14.  Sanctus.  15.  Lord's  Prayer,  16. 
"The  Peace  of  the  Lord,"  etc.  17.  Distribution,  accompanied 
by  the  singing  of  the  "  A%nus  Dei''  18.  Prayer  of  thanks 
giving:  "Almighty  and  everlasting  God,  we  heartily  thank 
Thee,"  etc. 

"Almighty  God,  we  thank  Thee,"  as  in  Luther's  German 
Mass.  19.  Benedicamus.  20,  Benediction. 

"  The  Lord  bless  thee,"  etc. ;  or,  "  God  be  merciful  unto  us, 
and  bless  us,"  etc. ;  or,  "  God,  the  Father,  Son  and  Holy 
Ghost,  bless  and  keep  us ;"  or  "The  blessing  of  God  the  Fa- 
16 


226  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

ther,  and  of  the  Son  and  of  the  Holy  Ghost,  be  and  abide  with 
us  all.     Amen." 

in.  SAXONY  (Hetzog  ffeinrich,  1539). 

i.  Introit  de  tempore.  2.  Kyrie  Eleison.  3.  Gloria  in 
Excelsis.  4.  Creed  (Wir  glauberi).  5.  Sermon.  6.  Saluta 
tion.  7.  Sursum  Corda.  8.  Prefaces.  7.  Sanctus.  8.  Admo 
nition  with  Paraphrase  of  Lord's  Prayer,  or  Lord's  Prayer  un- 
paraphrased  alone.  4.  Admonition  with  Words  of  Institution, 
or  Words  of  Institution  alone.  10.  Agnus  Dei,  on  Festivals,  or 
if  there  be  many  communicants,  n.  At  close  of  Communion, 
Thanksgiving  Collect : 

"Almighty  God,"  as  in  Luther's  Mass,  or  " Ach  du  lieber 
Herre  Gott."  12.  Benediction. 

IV.    REFORMATION   OF   COLOGNE,  (1543). 

i.  Public  Confession. 

"  I  will  confess  my  transgression,  etc.  Almighty  and  eternal 
God  and  Father,  we  confess  and  lament  that  we  are  -conceived 
and  born  in  sin,  and  are  full  of  ignorance  and  unbelief  of  Thy 
divine  Word ;  that  we  are  ever  inclined  to  all  evil  and  averse  to 
all  good ;  that  we  transgress  thy  holy  commandments  without 
end ;  and  that  thereby  we  have  incurred  everlasting  death,  and 
our  corruption  ever  increaseth.  But  we  are  sorry,  and  crave 
Thy  grace  and  help.  Have  mercy  upon  us  all,  O  most  merciful 
God  and  Father,  through  Thy  Son,  and  Lord  Jesus  Christ. 
Grant  unto  us  Thy  Holy  Spirit,  that  we  may  learn  our  sins,  and 
thoroughly  lament  and  acknowledge  our  unrighteousness ; 
and  with  true  faith  accept  Thy  grace  and  forgiveness  in 
Christ,  our  Lord,  Thy  dear  Son ;  so  that  we  may  die  more  and 
more  unto  sin,  and  live  a  new  life  in  Thee,  and  may  serve  and 
please  Thee,  to  Thy  glory  and  the  profit  of  Thy  Church.  Amen. 

2.  Consolation  of  the  Gospel. 

Hear  the  Consolation  of  the  Gospel :     John  3  :   1 6 ;   i  Tim. 
1:15;  John  3  :  35,  36 ;  Acts  10 :  43 ;   i  John  2  :   1,2. 

3.  Absolution. 


Lutheran  Sources  of  the  Book  of  Common  Prayer.   227 

Our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  hath  left  to  his  Church  the  great  conso 
lation  in  that  he  hath  enjoined  his  ministers  to  remit  sins  unto 
all  those  who  are  sorry  for  their  sins,  and  in  faith  and  repentance 
desire  to  amend,  and  hath  promised  that  unto  all  such,  their 
sins  shall  be  forgiven  in  Heaven.  Upon  this  gracious  com 
mand  and  consolation  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  I  announce  unto 
all  those  who  are  penitent  for  their  sins,  console  themselves  in 
our  Lord  Christ,  and  thus  desire  to  amend  their  lives,  the  remis 
sion  of  all  their  sins,  with  the  assurance  of  divine  grace,  and 
eternal  life,  through  Jesus  Christ,  our  Lord.  Amen. 

4.  Introit.  5.  Kyrie.  6.  Gloria  in  Excelsis.  7.  "  The  Lord 
be  with  you."  8.  Collect.  9.  Epistle.  10.  Hallelujah,  Grad 
ual  or  Sequence,  n.  Gospel.  12.  Exposition  of  Gospel  (Ser 
mon).  13.  General  Prayer: 

"Almighty  and  everlasting  God  and  Father,  Thou  hast  com 
manded  us  through  Thy  dear  Son  and  his  Apostles,  to  come  unto 
Thee  in  His  name,  and  hast  promised,  that  whatsoever  we,  when 
thus  assembled,  ask  Thee  in  his  name,  Thou  wilt  graciously  grant ; 
we  pray  Thee,  in  the  name  of  Thy  Son,  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ, 
first  that  Thou  would  graciously  forgive  us  all  our  sin  and  misdeeds 
which  we  confess  unlo  Thee,"  etc. 

14.  Creed,  during  the  singing  of  which  the  offerings  are 
gathered.  15.  Warning  against  unworthy  reception  of  the 
Lord's  Supper.  16.  "  The  Lord  be  with  you,"  etc.  17.  "  Lift 
up  your  hearts,"  etc.  18.  "Let  us  give  thanks,"  etc.  19.  "It 
is  truly  meet,  right  and  salutary,"  etc.  20.  Sanctus.  21.  Words 
of  Institution.  22.  Lord's  Prayer.  23.  "The  Peace  of  the 
Lord,"  etc.  24.  Distribution,  during  which  the  Agnus  Dei  is 
sung.  25.  "  The  Lord  be  with  you,"  etc.  26.  Collects,  as  in 
Brandenburg-Niirnberg.  27.  Benediction,  as  in  Brandenburg- 
Nurnberg. 

To  these,  we  add  Bucer's  tentative,  but  still  earlier  work,  in  the 
Strassburg  Mass  of  1524,  although  published  without  authority. 
This  is  of  especial  interest,  because  of  Bucer's  connection  both 
with  the  Reformation  of  Cologne,  and  the  Revision  of  I  Edward 
VI. 


228  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

i.  In  the  Name  of  the  Father,  and  of  the  Son  and  of  the 
Holy  Ghost.  Amen.  2.  Kneeling.  I  said,  I  will  confess  my 
sins  unto  the  Lord.  And  Thou  forgavest,  etc.  I,  a  poor  sin 
ner,  confess  to  God  Almighty,  that  I  have  grievously  sinned  by 
trangression  of  his  commandment,  that  I  have  done  much  which 
I  should  have  left  undone,  and  that  I  have  left  much  undone 
which  I  should  have  done,  by  unbelief  and  want  of  confidence 
towards  God,  and  by  lack  of  love  toward  my  neighbor.  For 
this,  my  guilt,  whereof  God  knows,  I  grieve.  Be  gracious,  be 
merciful  to  me,  a  poor  sinner.  Amen.  3.  This  is  a  faithful 
saying,  and  worthy  of  all  acceptation,  etc.  This  I  believe. 
Help,  Thou,  mine  unbelief,  and  save  me.  Amen.  4.  The 
priest  then  says  to  the  people :  God  be  gracious,  and  have 
mercy  upon  us  all.  5.  The  Introit,  or  a  Psalm.  6.  Kyrie  Elei- 
son.  7.  Gloria  in  Excelsis.  8.  Salutation.  9.  Collect,  or 
Common  Prayer.  10.  Epistle,  n.  Hallelujah.  12.  Gospel. 
13.  Sermon.  14.  Apostles' or  Nicene  Creed.  15.  Admonition 
to  Prayer.  16.  Sursum  Corda.  17.  Prefaces.  18.  Sanctus 
with  Benedictus.  19.  Prayer :  Almighty,  Merciful  Father, 
as  Thy  Son  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  hath  promised  that  what  we  ask 
in  His  Name,  etc.  19.  Words  of  Institution.  20.  How  great 
is  Thy  goodness,  in  that  Thou  not  only  hath  forgiven  us  our  sins, 
without  any  merit  of  our  own,  but  that  Thou  hath  given  us  as  an 
assurance  thereof,  the  memorial  of  the  Body  and  Blood  of  our 
Lord  Jesus  Christ  in  the  bread  and  wine,  as  Thou  art  wont  to 
seal  other  promises  by  outward  signs.  Therefore  we  have  now 
great  and  irrefutable  assurance  of  Thy  grace,  and  know  that  we 
are  Thy  children,  Thine  heirs,  and  coheirs  with  Christ,  and  that 
we  may  pray  freely  as  Thine  only  begotten  Son  hath  taught  us, 
saying:  Our  Father,  etc.  21.  Lord,  Deliver  us  from  enemies, 
seen  and  unseen,  from  the  devil,  the  world  and  our  own  flesh. 
Through  Christ,  our  Lord.  Amen.  22.  Agnus  Dei.  23. 
Lord  Jesus,  Christ,  Thou  Son  of  the  Living  God,  who,  by  thy 
Father's  will,  and  with  the  working  of  the  Holy  Ghost,  hath,  by 
Thy  death,  brought  the  world  to  life ;  deliver  us,  by  this  Thy 


Lutheran  Sources  of  the  Book  of  Common  Prayer.  229 

holy  Body  and  Blood,  from  all  our  unrighteousness  and  wicked 
ness,  and  grant  that  we  may  alway  obey  Thy  commandments, 
and  never  be  separated  from  Thee  eternally.  Amen.  24.  Ad 
monition  to  the  profitable  remembrance  of  Christ's  Death.  25. 
Distribution,  with  the  words  alone  of  the  Evangelists  or  Paul. 
27.  Thanksgiving  Hymn  : 

"  Gott  sei  gelobet  und  gebenedeiet 

Der  unS  selber  hat  gespeiset 

Mit  seinem  Fleische  und  mit  seinem  Blute,  et."    (Luther). 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 

THE  LITANY  OF  THE   ENGLISH   CHURCH. 

Provision  for  the  reading  of  Scripture  Lessons  in  English.  Introduction  of 
Homilies.  Purification  of  the  Mass,  a  gradual  Process.  Revision  of  the 
Litany.  The  old  English  Litany  (1410).  Luther's  Revision  (1529). 
Cranmer's  of  1544,  from  the  Reformation  of  Cologne  (1543),  and  this 
from  Luther.  Earlier  Revision  of  Marshall  (1535),  also  follows  Luther. 
Luther's  and  Marshall's  in  parallel  columns.  Hilsey's  Revision  of  1539, 
dependent  on  Marshall.  Luther's  changes  in  the  Litany,  transferred  to 
England,  examined  in  detail.  Dr.  Blunt's  singular  mistake. 

As  with  the  German,  so  with  the  English  Reformation,  the 
first  step  in  reforming  the  service,  was  to  provide  what  is  the 
chief  part  of  the  service,  the  Holy  Scriptures,  in  the  language  of 
the  people.  We  have  noted  the  difficulties  attending  the  trans 
lation  of  the  Bible,  and  how  it  gradually  overcome  opposition. 
First  we  find  a  proclamation  of  the  King,  of  November  1 4th, 
1539,  (1538)  "  allowing  private  persons  to  buy  Bibles,  and  keep 
them  in  their  houses."  *  Eighteen  months  later,  May  5th,  1541 
(1540),  all  curates  were  commanded,  under  penalty  of  a  fine  of 
forty  shillings  a  month,  to  set  up  Bibles  in  their  church,  in  a 
convenient  place  for  the  people  to  read.  In  St.  Paul's,  London, 
six  Bibles  were  thus  provided.*  But  in  accordance  with  his  vacil 
lations,  two  years  later,  the  king  took  measures  again  to  suppress 
their  circulation,  and  Grafton,  the  publisher,  was  committed  to 
the  Fleet  for  six  weeks,  and  released  only  on  condition  that  he 
would  "neither  sell  nor  imprint  any  more  Bibles,  till  the  King 
and  clergy  should  agree  upon  a  translation.  .  .  And  from  hence- 

1  Strype's  Cranmer,  III :  387. 
J  Strype's  Cranmer,  1 :  191  sq. 


V 

The  Litany  of  the  English  Church.  231 

forth  the  Bible  was  stopped  during  the  remainder  of  King 
Henry's  reign."  s 

In  1542,  however,  the  Convocation  ordered  that  "one  chap 
ter  of  the  New  Testament  in  English ' '  should  be  read  every 
Sunday  and  holidays,  and  "when  the  New  Testament  was 
through,  then  to  begin  the  Old."4  Provision  was  made  for 
Homilies  at  the  same  time.  Every  morning  and  evening,  one 
chapter  of  the  New  Testament  was  to  be  read  in  each  parish. 
Provision  was  also  made  that  "all  mass  books,  antiphoners, 
porturses  in  the  church  of  England  should  be  corrected,  re 
formed  and  castigated  from  all  manner  of  mention  of  the  Bishop 
of  Rome's  name ;  and  from  all  apocryphas,  feigned  legends,  su 
perstitions  oraisons,  collects,  versiclesand  responses."6 

Nothing,  however,  in  the  way  of  liturgical  reform  was  effected 
during  Henry's  reign,  except  in  the  Litany.  The  Litany  was 
the  processional  prayer  of  the  Early  Church,  used  especially  on 
occasions  of  great  or  impending  calamity,  appointed  as  early  as 
A.  D.  450  by  Mamertus,  Bishop  of  Vienna,  for  the  three  days 
before  Ascension  Day,  known  as  Rogation  Days.  It  was  used 
also  at  other  times,  especially  during  Lent,  and  had  a  powerful 
hold  upon  the  people.  It  was  not  strange,  therefore,  that  in 
1544,  Cranmer  undertook  to  revise  it;  for  it  had  forced  itself 
into  the  language  of  the  people  long  before  the  Reformation, 
filled,  however,  with  all  the  abominations  of  the  worship  of 
saints. 

In  an  English  Primer,  according  to  Dr.  Maskel's  conjecture 
of  about  1410,  it  is  found,  in  a  form,  of  which  the  following  are 
some  of  the  petitions  : 

"  Lord  :  Have  mercy  upon  us. 

Christ :  Have  mercy  upon  us. 

Christ :  Hear  us. 

God  the  Father  of  Heavens  :  Have  mercy  upon  us. 

8  Ib.  p.  194. 

4  Strype's  Henry  VIII.,  1 :  602. 

6  Ib.  p.  601. 


232  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

God  the  Son,  azenhier  of  the  world :  Have  mercy  upon  us. 

God,  the  Holy  Ghost :  Have  mercy  upon  us. 

The  Holy  Trinity  of  God  :  Have  mercy  upon  us. 

From  fleshly  desires :  Goqd  Lord,  deliver  us. 

From  wrath  and  hate  and  all  evil  will :  Good  Lord,  deliver  us. 

From  pestilence  of  pride  and  blindness  of  heart :  Good  Lord,  deliver  us. 

From  sudden  and  unadvised  death :  Good  Lord,  deliver  us. 

From  lightning  and  tempest :  Good  Lord,  deliver  us. 

From  covetousness  of  vain  glory :  Good  Lord,  deliver  us. 

By  the  privity  of  thine  holy  incarnation. 

By  thy  holy  nativity. 

By  thy  blessed  circumcision  and  Baptism. 

By  thy  fasting  and  much  other  penance  doing. 

By  thy  blessed  burying. 

By  thy  glorious  rising  from  death. 

By  thy  marvelous  stigying  to  Heaven. 

By  the  grace  of  the  Holy  Ghost,  the  Comforter. 

In  the  hour  of  our  death. 

In  the  day  of  doom." 

They  are  accompanied  by  such  petitions  as : 
"  St.  Mary :  pray  for  us. 
Holy  Virgin  of  virgins  :  pray  for  us. 
St.  Michael :  pray  for  us. 
St.  Gabriel :  pray  for  us. 
St.  Raphael :  pray  for  us. 
All  holy  angels  and  archangels :  pray  for  us. 
All  orders  of  holy  spirits  :  pray  for  us. 
St.  John  the  Baptist :  pray  for  us. 
All  holy  patriarchs  and  prophets  :  pray  for  us. 
•  St.  Peter,  Paul,  Andrew,  John,  James,  Philip,  etc. 
All  holy  apostles  and  martyrs." 

Down  to 

"  St.  Mary  the  Egyptian,  Perpetua,  Anne,  Catherine,  Margaret,  Agatha, 
Agnes,  Felicitas,"  etc. 

As  early  as  1521,  when  Luther  was  summoned  to  Worms,  a 
Litany  (Litany  for  the  Germans) 6  was  adapted  at  Wittenberg 

6  This  is  found  in  Luther's  Works,  Walch's  Ed.  XV :  2174  sqq.  Litanei, 
das  ist,  demiithiger  Gebet  zu  dem  dreieinigen  Gott,  fur  Deutschland,  gehalten 
in  einer  gewissen  beruhmten  Stadt  in  Deutschland  am  Aschermittwoch. 


The  Litany  of  the  English  Church.  233 

into  a  prayer  for  Luther's  cause.  Its  petitions  are  not  alto 
gether  free  from  the  Romish  leaven  and  sound  very  strangely : 
"  Christ,  hear  the  Germans."  God,  the  Father  in  heaven,  have 
mercy  upon  the  Germans. "  "St.  Raphael,  pray  for  the  Ger 
mans."  "All  holy  angels  and  archangels,  pray  for  the  Ger 
mans."  "From  all  evil,  help  the  Germans."  "From  those 
who  come  to  us  in  sheep's  clothing,  but  inwardly  are  ravening 
wolves,  help  the  Germans."  "  From  the  horrible  threats,  bulls 
and  banns  of  the  Pope,  protect  the  Germans,  Lord  God/' 
"  From  all  godless  and  heretical  doctrine,  cleanse  the  schools, 
dear  Lord  God.  "  From  all  unspiritual  questions,  protect  the 
theologians,  dear  Lord  God."  "  From  all  evil  suspicions  against 
Lutheranism,  free  the  minds  of  the  great."  "  We,  Germans,  do 
beseech  Thee  to  hear  us."  "To  guard  and  protect  Martin  Lu 
ther,  the  firm  pillar  of  the  Christian  faith,  as  he  will  soon  enter 
Worms,  from  all  Venetian  poison."  "To  support  that  valiant 
German  Knight,  Ulrich  von  Hutten,  Luther's  trusted  friend,  in 
his  good  purpose,  and  render  him  steadfast  in  the  work  under 
taken  for  Luther."  "  To  testify  to  the  Italians,  Lombards  and 
Romans,  that  Thou  art  Lord  God."  "And  graciously  to  hear 
us,  Germans."  The  accompanying  Psalm  begins:  "Make 
haste,  O  God,  to  deliver  us  Germans."  This  may  be  character 
ized  as  a  popular  adaptation  of  the  of  Litany,  in  violation  of 
churchly  taste  and  character.  Nevertheless  it  indicated  that  the 
Litany  could  readily  be  utilized  in  the  service  of  the  purified 
faith.  Before  March  i3th,  1529,  Luther  had  revised  the  Litany, 
in  both  German  and  Latin,  and  introduced  it,  as  revised,  into 
the  service  at  Wittenberg.  He  writes  that  the  Latin  was  com 
monly  chanted  after  the  sermon  on  Sunday  by  the  school  boys. 
He  is  quoted  as  saying  that  it  was,  next  to  the  Lord's  Prayer,  the 
best  that  could  be  prated.  Cranmer  follows  Luther  closely, 
either  immediately,  or  through  the  Litany  in  the  Reformation 
of  Cologne,  which  is  Luther's.  "The  whole  Litany  very  much 
resembles  that  of  Hermann,  the  reforming  Archbishop  of  Co 
logne."7  He  "had  before  him  the  litany  formed  upon  the 

7  The  Prayer  Book  Interleaved,  p.  77. 


234 


The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 


same  ancient  model,  by  Melanchthon  and  Bucer  (1543)  for  Her 
mann."  8  Both  the  writers  from  whom  these  statements  are  de 
rived,  have  overlooked  Luther's  earlier  work,  of  which  Cranmer 
probably  heard  during  his  abode  in  Germany.  Dr.  Blunt  knows 
of  Luther's  Litany,  but  thinks  that  its  date  was  1543. 

The  relation  of  Cranmer's  work  to  Luther's,  becomes  manifest 
when  we  examine  the  manner  in  which  the  Reformed  Anglican 
Litany  attained  its  present  form.  In  1535  already,  a  translation 
of  the  chief  parts  of  the  service,  as  a  private  attempt  at  its  refor 
mation,  known  as  Marshall's  Primer,  was  published.  It  retains, 
in  the  Litany,  the  intercession  of  saints.  With  these  omitted, 
it  will  be  seen  at  a  glance  how  closely  it  corresponds  to  Luther's 
Latin  Litany. 


Luther,  1529. 

Kyrie,   Eleison. 
Christe,    Eleison. 
Kyrie,   Eleison. 
Christe,   Eleison. 
Pater  de  coelis  Deus, 

Fili  redemptor  mundi  Deus, 
Spirite  sancte  Deus,  Miserere  nobis. 


Propitius  esto. 
Parce  nobis,  Domine. 
Propitius  esto, 
Libera  nos,  Domine. 
Ab  omni  peccato, 
Ab  omni  errore, 
Ab  omni  malo, 
Ab  insidiis  diaboli, 


Marshall, 

Lord,  have  mercy  upon  us. 
Christ,  have  mercy  upon  us. 
Lord,  have  mercy  upon  us. 

God  the  Father  of  heavens,  have 
mercy  upon  us. 

God  the  Redeemer  of  this  world, 
have  mercy  upon  us. 

God  the  Holy  Ghost,  have  mercy 
upon  us. 

The  Holy  Trinity  in  one  Godhead, 
have  mercy  upon  us. 

Be  merciful  to  us, 

And  spare  us,  Lord. 

Be  merciful  to  us. 

And  deliver  us,  Lord. 

From  all  sin, 

From  all  error, 

From  all  evil, 

From  all  crafty  trains  of  the  evil, 

From  the  eminent  peril  of  sin, 

From  the  posession  of  devils, 

From  the  spirit  of  fornication, 

From  the  desire  of  vain  glory, 

From  the  uncleanness  of  mind  and 
body, 

From  unclean  thoughts, 

From  the  blindness  of  the  heart, 


8  Procter's  History  of  Book  of  Common  Prayer,  p.  17. 


Fhe  Litany  of  the  English  Church. 


235 


Luther,  15 
A  subitanea  et  improvisa  morte, 

A  peste  et  fame, 

A  bello  et  caede, 

A  seditione  et  simultate, 

A  fulgure  et  tempestatibus, 

A  morte  perpetua  ; 

Per  mysteriumsanctae  incarnationis 
tuae, 

Per  sanctam  nativitatem  tuam, 

Per  baptismum,  jejunium  et  tenta- 
tiones^tuas, 

Per  agoniam  et  sudorem  tuum 
sanguineum, 

Per  crucem  et  passionem  tuam, 

Per  mortem  et  sepulturam  tuam, 

Per  resurrectionem  et  ascensionem 
tuam, 

Per  adventum  Spiritus  Sancti, 
Paracleti  ; 

In  omni  tempore  tribulationis  nos- 
trae, 

In  omni  tempore  felicitatis  nostrae, 

In  hora  mortis, 

In  die  judicii, 

Libera,  nos,  Domine. 

Peccatores, 

Te  rogamus,  audi  nos  ; 

Ut  ecclesiam  tuam  sanctam  Catho- 
licain  regere  et  gubernare  digneris  ; 

Ut  cunctos  Episcopos,  Pastores  et 
Ministros  ecclesiae  in  sano  verbo  et 
sancta  vita  servare  digneris  ; 


Ut  sectas  et  omnia  scandala  tollere 
digneris; 

Ut  errantes  et  seductos  reducere  in 
viam  veritatis ; 

Ut   Satanam     sub   pedibus   nostris 
conterere  digneris ; 

Ut    operarios    fideles    in    messem 
tuam  mittere  digneris : 


Marshall,  1535. 

From  sudden  and  unprovided 
death, 

From  pestilence  and  famine, 

From  all  mortal  war, 

From  lightning  and  tempestuous 
weathers, 

From  seditions  and  schisms, 

From  everlasting  death  ; 

By  the  privy  mystery  of  thy  holy 
incarnation, 

By  thy  holy  nativity, 

By  thy  baptism,  fastings  and  temp 
tations, 

By  thy  painful  agony  in  sweating 
blood  and  water, 

By  the  pains  and  passions  on  thy 
cross, 

By  thy  death  and  burying, 

By  thy  resurrection  and   ascension, 

By  the  coming  of  the  Holy  Ghost ; 
In  the  time  of  tribulations, 

In  the  time  of  our  felicity, 

In  the  hour  of  death, 

In  the  day  of  judgment; 

Deliver  us,  Lord. 

We  sinners, 

Pray  thee  to  hear  us,  Lord. 

That  it  may  please  thee,  Lord,  to 
govern  and  lead  thy  Holy  Catholic 
Church ; 

That  thou  vouchsafe  that  our  bish 
ops,  pastors  and  ministers  of  thy 
Church,  may  in  holy  life,  and  in  thy 
sound  and  whole  word,  feed  thy  peo 
ple; 

That  thou  vouchsafe  that  all  per 
verse  secrets  and  slanders  may  be 
avoided ; 

That  thou  vouchsafe,  that  all  which 
do  err  and  be  deceived  may  be  re 
duced  into  the  way  of  verity ; 

That  thou  vouchsafe,  that  we  may 
the  devil,  with  all  his  pomps,  crush 
under  foot ; 

That  thou  vouchsafe  to  send  us 
plenty  of  faithful  workmen  into  thy 
harvest ; 


236 


The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 


Luther, 

Ut  incrementum  Verbi  et  fructum 
Spiritus  cunctis  audientibus  donare 
digneris ; 


Ut  lapses  erigere,  et  stantes  com- 
fortare  digneris ; 

Ut  pusillanimos,  et  tentatos  con- 
solari  et  adjuvare,  digneris  ; 

Ut  regibus  et  principibus  cunctis 
pacem  et  concordiam  donare  digneris ; 

Ut  Principem  nostrum  cum  suis 
praesidibus  dirigere  et  tueri  digneris  ; 


Ut  Magistratui  et  plebi  nostrae  bene- 
dicere  et  custodire  digneris  ; 

Ut  efflictos  et  periclitantes  respicere 
et  salvare  digneris ; 


Ut  praegnantibus  et  lactentibus 
felicem  partum  et  incrementum  lar- 
gire  digneris ; 

Ut  infantes  et  aegros  fovere  et  cus 
todire  digneris ; 

Ut  captives  liberare  digneris  ; 

Ut  pupillos  et  viduas  protegere  et 
providere  digneris ; 

Ut  cunctis  homnibus  misereri  djgne- 
ris  ; 

Ut  hostibus,  persecutoribus,  et  cal- 
umniatoribus  nostris  ignoscere  et  eos 
convertere  digneris; 

Ut  fruges  terrae  dare  et  conservare 
digneris ; 

Ut  nos  custodire  digneris ; 
Te  rogamus,  audi  nos. 


Agne  Dei,  qui  tollis  peccata  mundi, 
Miserere  nobis. 


Marshall, 

That  thou  vouchsafe,  Lord,  to  give 
the  hearers  of  thy  word  lively  grace 
to  understand  it,  and  to  work  there 
after  by  the  virtue  of  the  Holy  Ghost ; 

That  all  extreme  poverty,  thou 
please,  Lord,  to  recomfort ; 

That  they  which  are  weak  in  vir 
tue,  and  soon  overcome  in  temptation, 
thou,  of  thy  mercy,  wilt  help  and 
strengthen  them ; 

That  thou  vouchsafe  to  give  univer 
sal  peace  amongst  all  kings  and  other 
rulers ; 

That  thou  vouchsafe  to  preserve 
our  most  gracious  sovereign  lord  and 
King,  Henry  VIII,  his  most  gracious 
queen  Anne,  all  their  posterity,  aid 
ers,  helpers  and  true  subjects; 

That  our  ministers  and  governors 
may  virtuously  rule  thy  people ; 

That  thy  people  in  affliction,  or  in 
peril  and  danger,  by  fire,  water,  or 
land,  thou  wilt  vouchsafe  to  defend 
and  preserve ; 

That  teeming  women  may  have 
joyful  speed  in  their  labor ; 

That  all  young  orphans  and  sick 
people,  thou  please,  Lord,  to  nourish 
and  provide  for; 

That  all  being  captive,  or  in  pris 
ons,  thou  wilt  send  deliverance ; 


That  unto  all  people,  Lord,  thou 
wilt  show  thine  inestimable  mercy  ; 

That  thou  wilt  forgive  all  warriors, 
persecutors,  and  to  convert  them  to 
grace ; 

That  the  fruits,  Lord,  on  the  earth, 
may  give  good  increase,  and  that  thou 
wilt  conserve  them ; 

That  Thou,  Lord,  wilt  hear  our 
Prayer ; 

We  pray  Thee  to  hear  us. 

O  the  very  Son  of  God, 

We  pray  Thee  to  hear  us. 

O  Lamb  of  God,  which  taketh  away 
the  sins  of  the  world, 

Have  mercy  on  us. 


The  Litany  of  the  English  Church. 


237 


Luther,  1529. 
Agne  Dei,  etc. 
Miserere,  etc 
Agne  Dei,  etc. 
Dona  nobis  pacem. 
Christe,  Exaudi  nos. 
Kyrie,  Eleison. 
Christe,  Eleison. 
Kyrie,  Eleison.     Amen. 
Pater  noster,  etc. 

Vers,  Domine,  non  secundum  fec- 
cata  nostra  facias  nobis. 

Ans,  Neque  secundum  iniquitates 
nostras,  retribuas  nobis. 

Deus  misericors  Pater,  qui  contri- 
torum  non  despicis  gemitum,  et 
moerentium  non  spernis  afFectum, 
adesto  precibus  nostris  quas  in  afflic- 
tionibus,  quae  jugiter  nos  premunt, 
coram  te  effundimus,  casque  clementer 
exaudi,  etc. 


Vers.  Peccavimus,  Domine,  cum 
Patribus  nostris. 

Ans.  Injuste  egimus,  iniquitatem 
fecimus. 

Deus,  qui  deliquentes  perire  non 
pateris,  donee  convertantur  et  vivant, 
debitam,  quaesumus,  peccatis  nostris 
suspende  vindictara,  et  praesta  propi- 
tius,  ne  dessimulatio  cumulet  ultion- 
em,  sed  tua  pro  peccatis  nostris 
misericordia  semper  abundet. 

Luther  adds  three  collects  : 
"  Omnipotens  aeterne  Deus,  cujus 
Spiritu;"  "Omnipotens  Deus,  qui 
nos  in  tantis  periculis  constitutes ;" 
and  "  Parce,  Domine,  parce  pec 
catis." 


Marshall, 
O  Lamb  of  God,  etc. 
Have  mercy  on  us,  etc. 
O  Lamb  of  God,  etc. 
Give  peace  and  rest  upon  us. 


O  Lord,  hear  thou  my  prayer 
That  my  calling  may  come  unto  thee. 

O  Omnipotent  and  merciful  God, 
the  Father  eternal,  which  dost  not 
despise  us  sinners,  bewailing  with 
contrite  heart  for  offending  the  high 
majesty,  we  pray  thee,  by  thy  holy 
grace  and  mercy,  to  draw  us  near  to 
thee,  to  hear  our  prayers,  to  forgive 
our  offences,  and  to  comfort  us  in  our 
afflictions,  etc. 

We  have  sinned  -with  our  forefath 
ers. 

Iniquity  have  -we  wrought  -with  un 
just  living. 

Lord,  God,  which  dost  not  suffer 
sinners  to  perish  and  die  in  their 
works,  but  rather  wilt  that  they  shall 
convert  and  live,  we  humbly  pray 
thee  to  forgive  us  now,  while  we  have 
time  and  space.  And  give  us  grace 
that  we  do  not  abound  in  sin,  nor  in 
iniquity,  no  more,  lest  Thou,  Lord,  be 
wroth  with  us,  etc. 

Marshall  adds  one  collect : 

"  O  most  high   and    mighty    Lord 

God  and  King  of  peace,"   etc. ,  for  the 

King  and  counsellors,  etc. 


In  1539,  Bishop  Hilsey,  of  Rochester,  at  the  commandment 
of  Crumwell,  prepared  a  "Primer,"  giving  us  the  first  official 
form  of  the  Reformed  English  Litany.  It  very  closely  follows 
Marshall,  reducing  the  number  of  saints,  but  including  the  arch 
angels,  apostles,  evangelists  and  a  few  martyrs,  confessors  and 
virgins.  In  other  respects,  the  correspondence  with  Luther  of 


238  The  Lutheran.  Movement  in  England. 

1529,  'while  not  as   close,  in  general  continues.     The  closing 
collects  differ. 

In  the  Litany  prepared  in  1544,  which  is  that  of  the   Book 
of  Common  Prayer,  the  simple  Kyrie  was  omitted,  and  a  begin 
ning  made  with  its  expanded  paraphrase,  to  -which   "miserable 
sinners  ' '  was  added,  the  dogmatic  statement   of  the  procession 
being  inserted  in  the  third  petition.     The  Ne  reminiscaris  was 
transferred  from  the  close  of  the  Penitential  Psalms,  to  the  begin 
ning  of  the  deprecations.     The  deprecations  themselves  are  multi 
plied  from  the  pre-Reformation  English  Litanies.  Luther's  Litany, 
after  the  Roman,  furnished :      "From  Sin."    Luther's    German 
Litany  of  1529,  suggested  the  double  translation  of  "  Insidiis  " 
as  "  crafts  and  assaults  "   (Trug  und List*)   "  of  the  devil,"  and, 
as  in  1535,  the  translation  of  " perpetua"  as  *'  everlasting'1  (fur 
den  ewigen  Tod}.     A  more  accurate  rendering  of  the  Latin    of 
1529,  than  that  of  Marshall  gives  "From  battle  and  murder" 
"  Sudden  and  unforseen  death,"  found  even  in  Sarum,  however, 
has  been  changed  into   "Sudden,"  while  Luther's  German,  fol 
lowed  by  Reformation  of  Cologne,  has  made  it  "  bo  sen  schnellen 
Tod."     The  Obsecrations  almost  precisely  reproduce  Luther's 
Latin,  adding  however  "Circumcision,"    changing    "Tempta 
tions"  into  the  singular,  and  omitting  "Comforter"  from  "By 
the   coming   of  the  Holy   Ghost."     The  intercessions  are   ex 
panded,  and  the  order  is  changed  for  apparent  reasons.     While 
Luther's  Litany  defers  praying  for  temporal  rulers  until  the  tenth 
intercession,  the  Litany  of  1544?  according  to  Henry's   preten 
sions  as  Head  of  the  Church,  inserts  five  petitions  for  him  before 
that  for  bishops  and  pastors.     In  the  American  "Book  of  Com 
mon  Prayer,"  this  inversion  has  not  been  changed,  and  prayers 
for  temporal,  are  made  in  Episcopal  churches   before  those  for 
spiritual  rulers,  even  with  the  assumption  which  the  change  de 
clares  no  longer  received.     The  "  Bishops,  Priests  and  deacons  " 
of  the  Prayer  Book  are  the  "  Bishoffe,  Pfarrherr  und  Kirchen- 
diener"  of  Luther's  German.    Concerning  the  petition  :     "To 
give  to  all  thy  people  an  increase  of  grace,"  Blunt  says:     "A 


The  Litany  of  the  English  Church.  239 

beautiful  combination  of  the  passage  about  the  good  ground  with 
James  i:  21  and  Gal.  5:  22.  Its  date  is  1544."  Cf.  how 
ever  Luther  (1529)  above  :  "  Ut  incrementum  Vtrbi"  etc.  So 
also  all  the  clauses  which  he  is  unable  to  trace  to  earlier  English 
Litanies  or  Roman  use,  and  assigns  to  1544;  but  which  are 
found  already  in  the  Primer  of  1535.  Marshall's  probable  misun 
derstanding  of  Luther's  Latin  is  rectified  in  the  petition  :  "  That 
it  may  please  Thee  to  strengthen  such  as  do  stand,  and  to  com 
fort  and  help  the  weak-hearted,  and  to  ra;se  up  them  that  fall." 
So  also  Luther  is  again  more  accurately  rendered  in  the  "  To 
beat  down  Satan  under  our  feet,"  and  while  not  precisely,  yet 
far  more  nearly  than  in  1535,  in  the  clause  :  "To  succour,  help 
and  comfort."  Of  the  intercession  :  "  To  defend  and  provide 
for  the  fatherless  children  and  widows,  and  all  that  are  desolate 
and  oppressed, ' '  Blunt  says  :  ' '  One  of  the  tenderest  petitions  in 
the  Prayer  Book,  and  full  of  touching  significance,  as  offered  to 
Him  who  entrusted  His  Mother  to  His  Apostle.  It  was  placed 
here  in  1544  (the  words  being  clearly  suggested  by  such  passages 
as  Ps.  146:  9;  Jer.  49:  n)."  Again  Luther  has  been  over 
looked,  even  though  Hermann  of  Cologne,  is  referred  to  :  "  Ut 
pupillos  ei  viduas  protegere  et  providcre. "  So  in  the  next  peti 
tion,  "expressing"  as  the  same  author  says,  "the  same  all 
comprehensive  charity,"  Cranmer  turned  from  Marshall  to  Luther, 
and  translated  literally:  "  Tb'  t  it  may  please  thee,  to  have 
mercy  upon  all  men."  The  aa,me  may  be  said  of  the  next 
petition. 

The  versicle  and  collect  that  directly  follow  the  Litany,  are 
from  Luther.  Dr.  Blunt  gives  the  form  of  the  collect  from  the 
Sarum  Mass  in  his  parallel  with  the  English ;  but  Cranmer  fol- 
loweu  Luther  with  all  his  variations  from  that  text.  Into  that 
co'iect,  Luther  inserts,  or  follows  an  ther  text  that  inserts: 
'  Misericors  Pater"  and  the  English  Litany  reads  :  "  O  God, 
Merciful  Father."  Sarum  reads  :  quas pietati  tuae  pro  tribu- 
lationc  nostra  offerimus ;  Luther  :  quas  in  afflictionibus  quae 
jugitct  nos  premunt  cor  am  te  effundimus;"  and  then,  the  English 


240  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

Litany;  "That  we  make  before  thee  in  all  our  troubles  and 
adversities  whensover  they  oppress  us."  Sarum  reads: — 
"  Imp  to  rante  s  ut  nos  clementer  respicias;"  Luther:  "  Ensque 
clementer  exaudi;"  and  then,  the  English  Litany:  "  And  gra 
ciously  hear  us. "  It  is  certainly  very  patronizing  for  Dr.  Blunt 
to  remark  :  "  Hermann's  and  Luther's  form  is  very  like  ours. ' ' 9 
But  it  is  still  more  surprising  to  read  his  remark :  "  It  is  some 
what  doubtful  whether  in  the  case  ot  the  Litany,  our  English 
form  was  not  in  reality  the  original  01  that  in  Hermann's 
book  !  !  "  In  a  foot-note,  he  adds  that  ''  Cranmer  had  married 
a  niece  of  Osiander,  who  is  said  to  have  prepared  the  Nuremberg 
formularies  for  Luther"  etc.  Can  it  be,  that  any  one  could 
think  of  tracing  the  liturgical  reformation  of  the  Lutheran 
Church,  in  this  way,  to  an  English  source  >  It  certainly  is  in 
verting  history  1 

The  English  Litany  thus  formed  was  set  forth  for  public  use, 
June  nth,  1544.  With  it  ended  the  work  of  liturgical  reform 
in  the  reign  of  Henry  VIII.,  the  Primer  of  1545  excepted,  which 
has  significance  only  as  an  aid  to  the  more  thorough  preparation 
of  what  was  to  follow,  and  not  for  its  influence  on  public  wor 
ship. 

9  Introduction  to  "  Annotated  Book  of  Common  Prayer"  p.  xxvii. 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

THE   COMMUNION   SERVICE   OF   THE   ENGLISH   CHURCH. 

*  The  Order  of  March  1548.  First  Exhortation  traced  to  Cassel  Order  of  1539. 
Second,  from  Volprecht  of  Niirnberg,  1524.  Idea  of  the  Admonition 
from  the  Cassel  Order.  Prayer  of  Confession  from  the  Cologne  Order. 
Absolution  compared  with  that  of  Cologne,  in  parallel  columns.  Origin 
of  the  Formula  of  Distribution.  Expansion  of  this  in  1549.  Later  Cal- 
vinistic  Modifications.  Hilles'  Testimony  of  1549. 

THE  death  of  Henry,  and  the  accession  of  Edward,  at  length 
gave  Crumwell  the  opportunity  to  carry  out  his  plans  of  a  thor 
ough  reform  of  the  liturgical  and  doctrinal  formulas.  After 
giving  his  first  attention,  in  lack  of  a  ministry  properly  trained 
in  purity  of  doctrine,  to  the  preparation  of  "Homilies,"  to  fur 
nish  the  churches  with  sound  preaching,  and,  of  a  Catechism, 
for  the  instruction  of  children,  he  began  the  reformation  of  the 
Communion  Service.  For  this  purpose,  a  commission  of  bishops 
assembled  in  January,  1548  ;  and  early  in  March,  the  results  of 
their  deliberations  were  published,  that  the  formula  might  be  in 
troduced  the  succeeding  Easter.  It  was  a  mere  temporary  pro 
vision  to  supplement  the  Latin  Mass  ;  but  has  left  its  impression 
upon  the  service  afterwards  provided.  It  begins  with  an  exhor 
tation  to  be  made  by  the  minister,  "the  next  Sunday,  or  holy 
day  or  at  the  least  one  day  before  he  shall  minister  the  com 
munion."  This  exhortation  is  constructed  after  the  model  of  the 
first  exhortation  in  the  Reformation  of  Cologne,  which,  in  turn, 
was  taken  from  the  Cassel  Order  of  1539.  The  second  exhorta 
tion, the  third  in  the  Book  of  Common  Prayer,  was  constructed  after 
the  model  of  the  second  in  the  Reformation  of  Cologne,  which 
is  the  Niirnberg  Exhortation  of  Volprecht  (1524).  Then  fol- 
17  (241) 


242  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

lowed  a  warning  :  "If  any  man  here  be  an  open  blasphemer, 
an  advouterer,  in  malice  or  envy,  or  any  other  notable  crime," 
etc,  which  follows  the  idea  of  the  conclusion  of  the  Cassel  Ex 
hortation,  where  the  offences  against  each  commandment  are 
briefly  enumerated,  and  those  guilty  of  such  sins,  and  impeni 
tent,  are  urged  not  to  come  to  communion.  The  prayer  of  confes 
sion  is  an  adaptation  of  that  in  the  Reformation  of  Cologne,  as 
contained  in  the  order  given  above.  The  "Absolution"  is  a 
free  rendering  of  the  Reformation  of  Cologne. 


Unser  lieber  Herre  Jesu  hat  seiner 
Kirchen  den  hohen  trost  verlassen, 
das  er  seinen  dieneren  betbhlen  hatt, 
alien  denen,  welche  ihre  siinden 
leidt  sindt,  im  glauben  und  vertrauen, 
und  sich  zu  besseren  begehren  die 


Our  blessed  Lord,  who  hath  left 
power  to  his  Church,  to  absolve  peni 
tent  sinners  from  their  sins,  and  to  re 
store  to  the  grace  of  the  Heavenly 
Father  such  as  truly  believe  in  Christ, 
etc. 


siind  zuverzeihen,  etc. 

The  "comfortable  words"  are  taken  from  .ne  same  source, 
where,  however,  they  precede  the  Absolution.  "The  prayer  of 
humble  access  "  seems  to  have  been  derived  from  another  source. 
The  formula  of  distribution  adopts  from  the  Niirnberg  formula, 
the  clauses  "which  was  given  for  thee,"  " which  was  shed  for 
thee,"  etc.,  unknown  to  the  Mass,  Roman  and  Sarum.  This 
addition  was  in  accordance  with  Luther's  declaration  in  the 
Small  Catechism,  that  the  words  "given  and  shed  for  you," 
were  besides  the  bodily  eating  and  drinking  the  principal  parts 
of  the  Sacrament,  and  with  the  prescription  of  the  Reformation 
of  Cologne  that  "ministers  should  always  admonish  the  people 
with  great  earnestness  to  lay  to  heart  the  words  '  given  for  you,' 
'shed  for  you  for  the  remisssion  of  sins.' '  In  other  respects 
the  formula  resembles  that  of  Schw.-Hal.  (Brentz)  of  1543: 
"  The  body  of  our  Lord  Christ,  preserve  thee  unto  everlasting 
life.  The  blood  of  our  Lord  Christ  cleanse  thee  from  all  thy 
sins.  Amen;"  the  English  formula  of  1548  being:  "The 
body  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  which  was  given  for  thee,  pre 
serve  thy  body  unto  everlasting  life.  The  blood  of  our  Lord 
Jesus  Christ,  which  was  shed  for  thee,  preserve  thy  soul  to  ever 
lasting  life." 


The  Communion  Service  of  the  English  Church.    243 

This  form  was  expanded  into  that  of  the  Book  of  Common 
Prayer  of  1549,  where  the  Communion  Service  takes  the  follow 
ing  form : 

i.  Collect  for  Purity.  (From  Sar.  and  Rom.  Missals.)  2. 
Kyrie.  3.  Gloria  in  Excelsis.  4.  Salutation  and  Response.  5. 
Collect  for  day,  with  one  for  the  King.  6.  Epistle.  7.  Gos 
pel.  8.  Nicene  Creed.  9.  Exhortation  (based  on  Volprecht's). 
10.  Passages  of  Scripture,  instead  of  Offertory,  n.  Salutation 
and  Response.  12.  Sursum  Corda.  13.  Preface.  14.  Sanc- 
tus.  15.  Prayer  of  Consecration,  including  words  of  institu 
tion  (modelled  after  Sarum,  and  also  following,*  in  part,  Cassel 
and  Cologne),  closing  with  the  Lord's  Prayer.  16.  Pax.  17. 
Christ  our  Paschal  Lamb,  is  offered  up,  etc.  18.  Invitation. 
19.  Confession  (Cologne).  20.  Absolution  (Cologne).  21. 
Comfortable  Words  (Cologne).  22.  Prayer  of  Humble  Access 
(Eastern).  23.  Distribution,  during  which  the  Agnus  Dei  is 
sung.  24.  Scripture  passages  after  Communion.  25.  Salutation. 
26.  Prayer  of  Thanksgiving  from  the  Brandenburg-Nurnberg 
Order. 


Brandenburg- Nilrnberg,  1533. 
O  Almechtigcr  ewiger  Gott,  wir 
sagen  deiner  Gotlichen  miltigkeit  lob 
und  danck,  das  du  uns  mil  dem  hayl- 
samen  flaysch  und  blut,  deines  ayni- 
gen  Suns  Jesu  Christi,  unsers  Hernn 
gespeyst  und  getrenckt  hat,  etc. 


ist  Edward,  1549. 
Almighty  and  everlasting  God,  we 
most  heartily  thank  thee,  for  that  thou 
hast  vouchsafed  to  feed  us  in  these 
holy  Mysteries,  with  the  spiritual  food 
of  the  most  precious  body  and  blood 
of  thy  Son,  our  Saviour  Jesus  Christ, 


etc. 

The  increasing  influence  of  Calvinism  is  shown  in  1552  by  the 
insertion  of  the  Ten  Commandments,  probably  as  Procter  sup 
poses  from  the  formula  of  Pollanus,  but  having  the  precedent  of 
the  Lutheran  Order  of  Frankfort,  1530,  and  the  change  of  the 
words  of  distribution  into  "Take  and  eat  this,  in  remembrance 
that  Christ  died  for  thee,  and  feed  on  him  in  thy  heart  by  faith, 
with  thanksgiving."  "Drink  this,  in  remembrance  that  Christ's 
blood  was  shed  for  thee,  and  be  thankful."  In  1559  both  form 
ulas  were  combined.  In  1552  the  Lord's  Prayer  was  transferred 
to  the  post-communion  service,  and  the  Gloria  in  Excehis  placed 
after  the  Brandenbuig-Niirnberg  Thanksgiving  Collect. 


244  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

It  is  certainly  not  remarkable  that  in  June  1549,  four  days  be 
fore  the  first  Book  of  Edward  appeared,  Hilles  wrote  to  Bullin- 
ger  concerning  the  "Order  of  Communion:"  "We  have  a 
uniform  communion  of  the  eucharist  throughout  the  entire  realm, 
yet  after  the  manner  of  the  Niirnberg  churches  and  some  of  the 
Saxons.  The  bishops  and  magistrates,  present  no  obstruction  to 
the  Lutherans."  1  The  most  un-Lutheran  part  is  the  Consecra- 
tory  Prayer,  where  prayer  for  saints,  and  other  Romanizing  ele 
ments  still  remain,  the  formula  of  Cologne  being  followed  only 
in  its  beginning. 

1  Original  Letters,  CXXI. ;  also  in  Procter,  p.  26. 


CHAPTER  XX. 

THE   MORNING   AND    EVENING   SERVICES  OF  THE  ENGLISH  CHURCH. 

The  Ancient  Matin  Service.  The  Lutheran  Revision  of  the  Matin  Service. 
Luther's  Explanation  of  its  parts.  The  typical  Lutheran  Ma,tin  Service 
and  that  of  Edward  VI.;  in  parallel  columns.  The  earlier  English  Ma 
tin  Service.  The  Vesper  Service  of  I  Edward  VI.  Kliefoth's  Expla 
nation  of  the  Structure  of  the  Lutheran  Matin  and  Vesper  Services.  I. 
Edward's  Substitution  of  Psalms  for  Introits  according  to  Luther's 
Formula  Missae  of  1523.  Not  followed  by  the  Lutheran  churches. 
Loss  of  Introits  by  English  Church.  The  Collects  in  the  Lutheran  Or 
ders.  Why  the  English  Church  anticipated  the  Lutheran,  in  revision 
of  the  ancient  Collects.  New  Collects.  Gospels  and  Epistles  in  the 
two  systems.  Minor  Variations  explained.  How  the  English  Orders 
sometimes  follow  Luther,  where  he  has  not  been  followed  in  the  Luth 
eran  Church. 

IN  noticing  the  later  changes  in  the  Communion  Service,  we 
have  anticipated  the  historical  order.  The  commission  which 
prepared  the  temporary  order  for  communion,  continued  its  la 
bors,  and  by  the  close  of  the  year  had  the  entire  book  ready  to 
be  submitted  to  the  King,  by  whom  it  was  laid  before  Parlia 
ment,  and  was  finally  published,  Pentecost,  1549  (June  Qth). 
The  chief  members  of  the  commission  besides  Cranmer,  "were 
probably  Ridley,  Goodrich,  Holbeach,  May,  John  Taylor, 
Haynes  and  Cox."  (Procter.) 

The  "Order  for  Daily  Morning  Prayer"  of  the  English 
Church  does  not  grow,  like  the  Hauptgottcsdienst  of  the  Lutheran 
Church,  entirely  from  the  Communion  Service  or  Mass  of  the 
Ancient  Church  but  from  its  Matin  Service,  to  which  it  appends 
that  of  the  Mass.  The  Matin  was  the  early  service  before  day,  pro- ' 
vided  not  for  the  laity,  but  for  the  clergy  alone.  From  the  very 
(245) 


246 


The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 


beginning,  Luther  pointed  out  the  great  profit  which  would  be 
derived  by  an  adjustment  of  it  to  the  uses  of  schools,  (1523). 
"  For  Matins,  of  three  lessons  .  .  are  nothing  but  words  of  di 
vine  Scripture ;  and  it  is  beautiful,  yea,  necessary  that  the  boys 
be  accustomed  to  reading  and  hearing  the  Psalms  and  the  lessons 
of  the  Holy  Scriptures."  (1526):  "Early,  about  five  or  six, 
several  psalms  are  sung  as  at  Mass  ;  then  there  is  a  sermon  on  the 
Epistle  for  the  day,  chiefly  for  the  sake  of  domestics,  that  they 
may  be  cared  for  and  hear  God's  Word,  since  they  cannot  attend 
other  preaching.  Afterwards  there  is  an  antiphon,  and  the 
Te  deurn  laudamus,  Benedictus,  with  the  Lord's  Prayer,  Collects 
and  the  Benedicamu*  domine." 

This  simple  service  is  almost  precisely  that  of  the  Prayer  Book 
of  1549.  It  is  interesting  to  compare  it  with  the  old  Lutheran 
Matin  Service  given  in  Lohe's  Agende. 


Lutheran. 

[Schleswig-Holstein  (Bugenhagen, 
1542)  begins  with,  Creed;  Lord's 
Prayer  ] 

O  Lord,  Open  thou  my  lips 

And  my  mouth  shall,  etc. 

O  God,  make  speed  to,  etc. 

O  Lord,  make  haste  to,  etc. 

Gloria  Patri. 

Hallelujah. 

Venite,  Ps.  XCV. 

Gloria  Patri. 

Hymn 

O  satisfy  us  early  with  thy,  etc. 

And  we  will  be  glad,  etc. 

One  to  three  psalms. 

Gloria  Patri  at  end  of  each. 

First  Lesson. 

["  Ordinarily  from  the  Old  Testa 
ment,"  Prussian  KO,  1525.] 

Te  Deum. 

Second  Lesson. 

Benedictus. 

Kyrie. 

Lord's  Prayer. 


ist  Edward  VI. 


Lord's  Prayer. 

O  Lord,  open  thou  my  lips 

And  my  mouth  shall  show,  etc. 

O  God,  make  speed  to  save  me. 

O  Lord,  make  haste  to  help  me. 

Gloria  Patri. 

Hallelujah. 

Venite,  Ps  XCV. 

Gloria  Patri. 


Certain  psalrns. 

Gloria  Patri  at  end  of  each. 

Old  Testament  Lesson. 


Te  Deum  or  Benedicite. 

New  Testament  Lesson. 1 

Benedictus. 

Kyrie. 

Creed. 


JCf.  direction  from  Schleswig-Holstein,  1542:     "The  Lessons  should  be 
taken  only  from  .the  Bible,!,  e.  from.the  Old  and  New  Testaments  " 


Morning  and  Evening  Services  of  English  Church.   247 


Versicle  and  Response. 
Salutation  and  Response. 
Several    Collects,   the    first 
for  the  day. 

Salutation  and  Response. 
Benediction. 


being 


Lord's  Prayer. 
Versicles  and  Responses. 
Salutation  and  Response. 
Collect  of  day,  followed  by  collect 
for  peace  and  for  grace.  , 


Let  this  be  compared  with  the  far  more  complex  Matin  Ser 
vice  in  Bishop  Hilsey's  Primer  of  1539,  or  Henry's  of  1545,  and 
the  determining  influence  of  the  Lutheran  liturgies  will  be 
apparent. 

The  same  may  be  said  of  the  Order  for  Evensong  of  1549. 
We  give  it  for  comparison  with  the  Vesper  Service,  familiar  to 
many  of  our  readers  from  its  place  in  the  Common  Order  of  the 
Lutheran  Church  : 

Lord's  Prayer.  O  God,  make  speed  to  save  us.  O  Lord, 
make  haste  to  help  us.  Gloria  Patri.  Hallelujah.  Psalms  in 
Order.  Old  Testament  Lesson.  Magnificat.  New  Testament 
Lesson.  Nunc  Dimittis.  Same  suffrages  as  at  Matins.  Collects. 

Concerning  the  structure  of  the  Lutheran  Matin  and  Vesper 
Services,  which  have  been  thus  followed  by  the  Church  of  Eng 
land,  Kliefoth 2  has  some  observations  that  may  be  of  importance 
to  our  readers : 

• '  The  Matins  begin  with  an  introduction  consisting  of  the 
Domine  labia  mea,  Dtus  in  adjutorium  and  Vtnite,  in  which 
God  is,  on  the  one  hand,  invoked  to  grant  his  aid  against  all 
enemies  and  hindrances  to  the  preaching  of  his  Word ;  and  the 
congregation,  on  the  other  hand,  is  invited,  by  such  proclama 
tion  and  confession,  to  call  upon  the  Lord.  Then  follows  the 
psalmody,  consisting  of  Psalms  1-109  in  order,  and  when  they  are 
finished,  beginning  anew.  While,  however,  the  contents  of  the 
psalms  are  general  and  always  identical,  regard  to  the  facts  of 
salvation  which  the  day  affords  in  accordance  with  the  order 
of  the  Church  Year,  is  had  by  the  antiphons  which  they  include. 
Following  the  psalmody  is  the  reading  of  Scripture  ;  the  entire 
Scripture  is  read  continuously,  but,  again,  with  regard  to 

2  LiturgiscJu  Abhandliyigen,  VIII.,  179  sqq. 


248  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

the  Church  Year,  the  chief  facts  or  fundamental  thoughts  con 
tained  in  what  is  read  being  always  presented  by  the  responsories. 
But  after  the  congregation  has  been  fed  by  the  Word  of  God 
•in  the  two-fold  form  of  psalmody  and  lesson,  it  allows  the  Word 
of  God  to  bring  forth  fruit ;  and  such  fruit  appears  in  the  hym- 
nody.  The  Te  Deum  and  the  Benedictus,  or  a  hymn  and  the  . 
Benedictus,  or  a  hymn  and  the  Athanasian  Creed  are  sung ;  for 
in  singing  the  Athanasian  Creed  or  Te  Deum  or  Benedictus,  we 
make  confession  of  our  acceptance  of  the  salvation  which  has 
been  heard  from  the  Word  of  God,  and  bring  the  sacrifice  of  the 
fruit  of  our  lips ;  since  when  a  hymn  or  the  Te  Deum  or  the  Ben- 
tdictus  is  sung,  God  and  his  salvation  is  praised  and  the  sacri 
fices  of  thanksgiving  are  offered.  At  the  same  time,  this 
hymnody  gives  Matins  the  character  of  Morning  Worship, 
since  a  morning  hymn  is  naturally  chosen.  But  a  Christian  not 
only  has  to  thank  and  praise  God ;  hence,  following  the  hymn  is 
the  act  of  supplication  ;  in  the  Kyrie,  God's  mercy  is  implored, 
the  Lord's  Prayer,  the  common  prayer  of  all  children  of  God  is 
prayed,  and  finally  everything  is  summarized  in  the  Collect, 
which,  since  it  is  de  temper  e,  recurs  again  to  the  particular  fact 
of  salvation  given  in  the  Church  Year,  and  presented  already  by 
the  antiphons  of  the  psalms  and  the  hymn.  Nothing  then  re 
mains,  but  finally  in  the  Benedicamus,  to  implore  God's  bless 
ing.  All  this  is  both  liturgically  and  musically  connected  in  the 
closest  and  most  beautiful  manner;  between  the  various  parts, 
there  ascends  unto  Heaven,  at  intervals  (after  the  Deus  in  adju- 
torium,  after  the  Psalms,  after  the  responsories,  after  the  Bene- 
dictu^)  the  Gloria  Patri,  bearing  the  whole  as  a  morning  offering 
to  the  throne  of  grace.  The  Matin  Service,  therefore,  can  be 
simply  arranged  in  the  succession  of:  "Introduction,  Psalmody, 
Lessons,  Hymnody,  Prayer  and  Conclusion." 

We  find  precisely  the  same  succession  in  Vespers.  The  dis 
tinction  is  confined  to  the  somewhat  briefer  arrangement  of  the 
introduction,  the  use  of  the  Vesper  (Ps.  110-150)  instead  of  the 
Matin  psalms,  and  the  difference  of  Hymnody.  The  last  is 


Morning  and  Evening  Services  of  English  Church.   249 

the  most  important  distinction  between  Vespers  and  Matins,  as 
it  is  given  thereby  the  character  of  an  Evening  Service  of  Prayer. 
In  Vespers,  it  is  not  the  jubilant  Te  Deum,  nor  the  morning 
hymns,  but  the  Magnificat  and  the  Nunc  Dimittis  and  evening 
hymns,  that  are  sung ;  and  the  Nunc  dinriltis  is  a  hymn  of  part 
ing,  for  the  close  of  the  day,  as  well  as  for  the  close  of  life. 
Thus  there  is  in  Lutheran  Matins  and  Vespers,  a  structure  just  as 
thoughful,  as  in  the  chief  service.  It  has  here  just  as  fixed  an 
order  and  organization,  and,  yet,  with  this,  provision  is  made 
for  the  richest  impartation  of  the  entire  divine  word,  and  the 
most  careful  adaptation  to  the  peculiarities  of  the  seasons  and 
days  of  the  Church  Year." 

Next  to  the  orders  for  "  Matins  and  Evensong  throughout  the 
year,"  the  Liturgy  of  1549  gives  the  variable  parts  of  the  service 
for  each  day  of  the  Church  Year. 

The  Introits  are  not  those  of  the  Roman  or  Sarum  Missals,  but 
entire  psalms,  viz.,  i.  Sunday  in  Advent,  Psalm  i.  2d,  Ps.  120. 
3d,  Ps.  4.  4th,  Ps.  5.  Christmas  Day,  At  First  Communion,  Ps. 
98  ;  At  Second  Communion,  Ps.  8.  St.  Stephen's  Day,  Ps. 
52,  etc. 

This  change  was  made  according  to  Luther's  advice  in  1523, 
when  in  his  "  Formula  Missae"  he  writes  :  "  We  would  pref<r 
psalms."  In  this,  however,  he  was  not  followed  by  the  Luth 
eran  churches  generally.  The  liturgy  of  Schwabach  Hall  of  1526, 
however,  directs  that  for  the  Introit,  psalms  be  sung.  In  the 
Lutheran  Church,  the  retention  of  the  Introit  was  attended  with 
no  little  difficulty.  It  was  sung  neither  by  the  pastor,  nor  by 
the  people,  but  by  the  choir ;  as  announcing  to  both  the  leading 
thought  that  the  Lord  had  for  his  Church  on  that  day.  There 
was  much  trouble  encountered  in  its  translation.  In  the  Latin, 
each  Introit  had  its  own  musical  arrangement,  and  to  such  a  de 
gree  was  the  effort  made  to  give  each  word  and  shade  of  thought 
its  proper  tone,  that  it  is  impossible  to  sing  the  Introits  transla 
ted  into  German,  according  to  the  setting  which  they  have  in 
Latin. 3  For  a  time  in  some  orders,  the  Introit  of  the  leading 

8  Kliefoth's  Litiirgische  Abhandlnngen,  VI :  224. 


250  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

festivals  was  used  on  the  Sundays  belonging  to  the  period  of 
which  it  was  the  center,  thus  rendering  such  difficulties  less  nu 
merous.  But  they  all  were  finally  overcome ;  and  the  Luth 
eran  Service  rejoices  in  the  retention  of  the  old  Introits.  In  the 
English  Church,  the  substitution  of  the  Psalms  was  unsatisfac 
tory,  for  the  reason  that  no  series  of  Psalms  can.  be  used  to 
express  the  precise  thought  of  each  Sunday  and,  therefore,  in  the 
revision  of  1552,  they  fell  out.  Wheatly  has  some  just  observa 
tions  on  the  defect  caused  by  this  suppression  of  the  Introits.* 

As  with  the  Introits,  so  with  the  Collects,  the  Lutheran  Orders 
encountered  peculiar  difficulties  in  adapting  them  to  the  revised 
service.  They  are  in  the  original  so  condensed,  and  so  much 
of  the  form  often  depends  upon  alliteration  and  other  peculiari 
ties  not  readily  translatable,  that  time  was  required  for  this  work. 
Besides  this,  in  a  number,  though,  as  Luther  remarks  in  his  For 
mula  Missae,  not  in  most  of  those  for  Sunday,  unevangelical  doc 
trine  had  entered,  of  which  they  had  to  be  purged.  In  the  Ro 
man  Church,  contrary  to  the  order  of  Gregory  where  but  one 
occurs,  three  Collects  were  read  together,  the  first  being  that  of 
the  day.  Luther  insisted  that  there  should  be  one  Collect,  and, 
for  the  time,  thought  that  this,  instead  of  being  varied  every 
Sunday,  should  be  more  frequently  repeated,  in  order  that  the 
people,  by  becoming  familiar  with  it,  might  the  more  heartily  en 
ter  into  its  spirit.  The  Brandenburg-Nlirnberg  Order  contains, 
therefore,  eighteen  Collects,  without  designation  of  day,  one  each 
for  the  Birth  of  Christ,  the  Passion  of  Christ,  Easter,  Ascension 
Day,  Whitsunday,  Trinity,  the  Coming  of  God's  Kingdom,  the 
Doing  of  God's  Will,  and  two  Pro  pace.  Soon  the  attempt 
was  made  to  compose  anew  Collects  for  each  Sunday,  the  most 
noted  being  those  of  Veit  Dietrich,  pastor  of  St.  Sebald's  Niirn- 
berg,  (Wittenberg,  1541,)  and  of  Johann  Matthesius,  (Niirnberg, 
1 5  68,)  a  rich  collection  for  all  Sundays  and  Festivals  appearing  also 
in  the  Oesterreich  unter  Ems  Order  of  1571.  The  Lutheran 
Church  was,  therefore,  anticipated  by  the  Church  of  England, 

*  Rational  Illustration  of  Book  of  Common  Prayer^  p.  205. 


Morning  and  Evening  Services  of  English  Church.  251 

in  the  work  of  the  more  complete  revision  of  the  old  Collects. 
This  was  undoubtedly  owing  partly  to  the  far  greater  ease  with 
which  translations  of  prayers  could  be  made  from  Latin  into 
English,  than  from  Latin  into  German,  the  Latin  elements  in 
the  English  offering  much  aid ;  for  it  must  not  be  forgotten  that, 
in  devotional  language,  only  the  very  simplest  words  are  allow 
able,  and  a  single  technical  and  scientific  term,  on  the  one  hand, 
or  a  colloquial  phrase,  on  the  other,  would  mar  an  entire  Collect. 
The  compilers  of  the  Book  of  1549,  however,  also  followed  the 
example  of  the  Lutheran  reformers  of  the  Service,  in  substituting 
for  the  old  Collects  a  number  which  they  either  composed  or,  in 
some  cases,  probably  derived  from  Lutheran  sources.  The  new 
Collects  of  1549  are  those  for  I.,  II.  Advent,  Second  for  Christ 
mas  day,  Quinquagesima,  Ash  Wednesday,  I.  Lent,  I.,  II.  p. 
Easter,  Sts.  Thomas,  Matthias,  Mark,  Philip  and  James,  Barna 
bas,  John  the  Baptist,  Peter,  James  the  Apostle,  Matthew,  Luke, 
Simon  and  Jude  and  All  Saints',  Days,  changes  being  made  in 
those  for  Sexagesima,  Sunday  p.  Ascension,  Conversion  of  St. 
Paul  and  St.  Bartholomew. 

The  Gospels  and  Epistles  of  I.  Edward  VI.  and  of  the  Luth 
eran  Orders,  exhibit  only  a  few  variations.  Some  of  these  are 
more  noticeable  in  the  Second  Book  (1552),  as  e.  g.  where  in  the 
First  Book,  provision  is  made  for  two  communion  services  on 
Christmas  and  Easter,  double  sets  of  lessons  are  given,  in  the 
Second  Book,  with  only  one  Communion  Service,  the  lessons  for 
the  second  Christmas  Service,  and  for  the  first  Easter  Service  are 
adopted,  while  the  permanent  lessons  in  the  Lutheran  Church 
become  those  for  first  Christmas  Service,  and  the  second  Easter 
Service.  These  differences  thus  are  entirely  those  of  a  later 
time.  Luther  in  1524*  gave  Heb.  i  :  1-12,  and  John  i  :  1-14, 
as  the  lessons  for  High  Mass,  on  Christmas  the  Day  after  the  proper 
lessons  for  Tit.  2  :  11-15  and  Luke  2  :  1-14-  The  use  of  Sam m 
shows  the  former  lessons  as  those  for  Christmas  at  Midnight,  and 
the  latter  as  those  for  the  third  mass. 

*Erl.Ed.  LXIII:   175. 


252  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

The  Gospels  and  Epistles  of  the  four  Sundays  in  Advent  in 
the  Lutheran  and  Anglican  Churches  differ  from  those  in  the  Ro 
man  Missal,  the  latter  omitting  the  pericope  of  our  Lord's  trum- 
phal  entry,  and  the  corresponding  epistle  on  I.  Advent,  and 
transferring  thither  the  lessons  for  II.  Advent ;  and  then  transfer- 
ing  to  II.  Advent,  those  of  III.  Advent ;  to  III.  Advent,  those  of 
IV.  Advent ;  and  as  those  for  IV.  Advent,  prescribing  Luke  3  :  i 
sqq.  for  the  Gospel,  and  i  Cor.  4 :  i  sq.  for  Epistle, — a  modern 
change  on  the  part  of  Rome,  contrary  to  the  testimony  of  the  older 
Orders.  So  too  especially  in  the  latter  part  of  the  Church  Year, 
Rome  has  made  many  changes  in  the  lessons  of  the  Ancient 
Church,  which  the  Lutheran  Church  has  retained. 

On  the  Sunday  after  Christmas,  I.  Edward  introduced,  instead 
of  the  Gospel  of  both  the  Sarum  and  Lutheran  Orders,  the  Gospel 
for  Christinas  eve,  and  the  Midnight  Christmas  Service,  Matth. 
i :  i  sqq.,  services  for  which  the  English  Reformers  made  no 
provision,  but  whose  Gospel  they  deemed  it  important  to  retain. 
For  Palm  Sunday,  Luther  in  1524  prescribed  two  Gospels,6  one 
for  the  day  generally  used  in  the  Lutheran  Church ;  the  other  for 
the  Mass,  Matth.  26,  27,  adopted  by  I.  Edward,  and  also  even  to 
the  present  used  in  many  Lutheran  churches,  as  part  of  the  Pas 
sion  History.  If  we  find  a  divergence  on  XXV.  Sunday  p. 
Trinity  between  the  lessons  of  the  two  Churches,  a  reference  to 
Luther,  1524,  shows  that  those  prescribed  by  him  are  the  same 
as  those  of  I.  Edward,  viz.,  Epistle:  Jerem.  23:  5-8;  Gospel: 
John  6;  5-14. 7  That  is,  the  difference  is,  that  the  English  Re 
formers  followed  Luther's  "  Register  of  Epistles  and  Gospels," 
while  the  Lutheran  Orders  followed  those  adopted  by  Luther  in 
his  Postils. 

6  Erl.  Ed.  LXIII:  192. 

7  Ib.  p.  218. 


CHAPTER  XXI. 

THE  ORDER  OF   BAPTISM   IN  THE   ENGLISH   CHURCH. 

Archbishop  Laurence's  Testimony.  The  English  Introduction,  with  Luth 
eran  Sources.  The  Rubrics  traced  to  Lutheran  Orders.  The  English 
Baptismal  Exhortation,  with  its  original  in  parallel  columns.  Palmer's 
difficulty  explained.  A  prayer  from  Luther.  Blunt,  Palmer,  Procter 
on  the  Prayer.  Hofling's  Investigations.  The  Sign  of  the  Cross  and  ac 
companying  words,  from  the  Cologne  Order.  The  Exorcism,  from  Lu 
ther.  Palmer  on  the  Lutheran  origin  of  what  follows.  History  of  clos 
ing  Collect.  An  Address,  from  Osiander.  Development  of  Address  in 
Brandenburg-Niirnberg,  Cassel,  Wiirtemberg  and  I.  Edward  VI.  Bap 
tism  in  Private  Houses.  Conditional  Baptism. 

CONCERNING  the  Order  for  the  Ministration  of  Baptism,  Arch 
bishop  Laurence  says : l  "  The  office  of  our  own  Church  is  prin 
cipally  borrowed  from  the  Lutherans."  Dr.  Blakeney,  with  like 
frankness:  "The  address  is  borrowed,  to  a  great  extent,  from 
the  Reformed  Service  of  Cologne.  .  .  The  first  prayer  is  derived 
from  a  form  which  is  attributed  to  Luther.  .  .  In  the  selection 
of  the  Gospel,  our  Reformers  have  followed  not  the  Sarum  office 
.  .  but  the  Cologne.  .  .  The  collect  is  taken  from  the  same 
service,"2  etc.  So  Blunt,  Campion  andBeaumont,  Warren,  etc., 
etc.  That  Archbishop  Laurence  is  right  in  saying  that  it  was 
principally  borrowed,  from  the  Lutherans,  will  be  manifest  on  an 
examination  of  the  Order  of  1549. 

1  Bampton  Lectures,  p.  183. 

2  The  Book  of  Common   Prayer  in  its  History  and  Interpretation,  p.  510 
sqq. 

(253) 


254  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

"  OF   THE   ADMINISTRATION   OF   PUBLIC   BAPTISM,    TO   BE   HELD 
IN   THE   CHURCH. 

"  It  appeareth  by  ancient  writers,  that  the  Sacrament  of  Bap 
tism  in  the  old  time,  was  not  commonly  ministered  but  at  two 
times  in  the  year,  at  Easter  and  Whitsuntide,  at  which  times  it 
was  openly  ministered  in  the  presence  of  all  the  congregation." 

Schw.Hall  (1526,  Brentz) :  "In  the  first  churches,  only  two  times 
were  appointed  for  Baptism,  Easter  and  Pentecost."  , 

Cologne  (1543):  "It  is  known  that  the  ancients  baptized  only  on 
Easter  and  Pentecost." 

Nassau  (1536,  Sarcerius) :  "  Baptism  should  be  administered  on  fes 
tival  days,  before  the  assembled  congregation." 

"  Which  custom  (now  being  grown  out  of  use)  although  it 
cannot  for  many  considerations  be  well  restored  again,  yet  it  is 
thought  good  to  follow  the  same  as  near  as  conveniently  may  be : 
Wherefore  the  people  are  to  be  admonished,  that  it  is  most  con 
venient  that  Baptism  should  not  be  ministered,  but  upon  Sun 
days  and  other  holy  days,  when  the  most  number  of  people  may 
come  together." 

Cologne,  (1543)  :  "  But  since  it  perhaps  would  not  be  so  suitable  to 
restore  such  times  to  their  old  position,  Holy  Baptism,  if  the  children  be 
not  sickly,  and  there  be  anxiety  about  deferring  it  unto  the  holy  day, 
must  not  be  given  until  the  holy  days  when  the  people  and  church  of 
God  are  together." 

Cf.  Wiirtemb.  (1553  but,  doubtless,  from  an  earlier  Order) :  "  Nev 
ertheless  we  deem  it  more  profitable  that,  except  from  the  necessity  of 
their  weakness,  children  should  be  presented  for  Baptism,  not  at  the  time 
when  there  are  no  church  assemblies,but  on  a  Sunday,  or  other  festival 
days,  or  upon  a  weekday,  where  there  be  preaching,  or  a  large  number 
of  people  come  together." 

"  As  well  for  that  the  congregation  there  present  may  testify 
the  receiving  of  them,  that  be  newly  baptized,  into  the  number 
of  Christ's  Church,  as  also  because  in  the  Baptism  of  Infants, 
every  man  present  may  be  put  in  remembrance  of  his  own  pro 
fession  made  to  God  in  his  Baptism." 

Schw,  Hall  (1526)  :  "  Whereby  they  not  only  do  a  kindness  unto  the 
child  by  public  prayer,  but  every  one  is  admonished  of  his  Baptism,  that 
he  direct  his  life  accordingly." 


The  Order  of  Baptism  in  the  English  Church.     255 

Sax.  Vis.  Articles  (1528) :  Thus  Baptism  is  not  only  a  sign  to  chil 
dren,  but  also  draws  and  admonishes  adults  to  repentance."  Cf. 
Wilrtemb.  (1553). 

For  which  cause  also,  it  is  expedient  that  Baptism  be  minis 
tered  in  the  English  tongue. 

Schw.  Hall  (1526)  :  "  It  is  not  only  useless,  but  unreasonable  to  bap 
tize  in  a  strange  language." 

Wurtemb.  (1537) :    "  Baptism  should  be  ministered  in  German.". 

"  Nevertheless  (if  necessity  so  require)  children  ought  at  all 
times  to  be  baptized,  either  at  the  church  or  else  at  home." 

Schw  Hall  (1526)  :  "  Baptism  may,  as  necessity  requires,  be  admin 
istered  at  all  times  and  places  " 

Nassau  (1536) :  "  Baptism  should  be  administered  on  festival  days 
before  the  assembled  congregation,  but  dare  not  be  denied  sick  chil 
dren." 

Cologne  (1543)  :  "  Where  there  be  not  danger  of  death  .  .  where 
the  child  be  not  sickly.  .  .  But  if  this  cannot  be,  the  child  shall  be  bap 
tized  at  any  time  when  brought.  For,  without  Holy  Baptism,  they 
must  not  be  allowed,  so  far  as  we  concerned,  to  depart." 

The  rubric  directs  that  information  of  the  desire  to  have  the 
child  baptized,  be  given,  "overnight  or  in  the  morning,"  while 
the  Reformation  of  Cologne  prescribes  that  it  be  given  "in  good 
time."  The  question  is  first  asked  whether  the  child  be  bap 
tized  or  not,  evidently  in  order  that  where  Lay  or  Noth-taufe 
have  occurred,  parents  may  be  prevented  from  any  such  erron 
eous  practice  as  that  of  a  supposed  rebaptism.  Such  practice  the 
Prussian  Order  of  1525  explicitly  forbids,  as  "  a  blasphemy  of  holy 
baptism."  Hence  the  Brandenburg-Niirnberg  Order  of  1533  ex 
plicitly  states  :  "The  priest  shall  first  ask,  whose  the  child  is, 
what  it  shall  be  named,  and  whether  it  have  received  Jachlaufe, " 
(Lay  Baptism),  and  the  Reformation  of  Cologne  :  "The  pas 
tors  should  ask  whether  in  haste  they  have  before  received  Bap 
tism",  or,  as  it  is  called,  genothtavft  sein.  For  if  this  have  oc 
curred  according  to  the  proper  order,  the  pastors  should  main 
tain  the  order." 

The  service  begins  with  an  Exhortation,  which  most  English 


256 


The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 


writers  trace  to  the  Reformation  of  Cologne.  It  is  unworthy  of 
Blunt's  scholarship  that  he  tries  to  resolve  the  connection  of  the 
two  formulas  into  a  mere  suggestion.  Nor  does  he  seem  to  be 
acquainted  with  more  than  the  opening  sentence.  The  exhorta 
tion  is  older  than  the  Reformation  of  Cologne.  In  its  first  form, 
it  was  prepared  by  Luther  in  1521,  was  repeated  in  a  number 
of  the  older  Orders,  as  the  Saxon  of  1539,  and  the  Pomeranian 
of  1542,  and  was  amplified  and  combined  with  a  similar  Exhorta 
tion  from  Brandenburg- Nurnberg  of  1533,  in  Mark-Brandenburg, 
1540,  Schw.  Hall,  1543,  Ott-Heinrich,  1543,  and  Reformation  of 
Cologne,  1543.  This  Exhortation,  in  the  various  forms  in  which 
it  occurs  in  the  Lutheran  Orders,  may  be  found  in  Hofling's  D»s 
Sacrament  der  1  aufe. 3  The  compilers  of  the  English  formula 
seem  to  have  had  Luther's  original  formula  before  them,  which 
they  greatly  condensed. 

Luther  (1321). 

Dear  friends  in  Christ :  We  hear 
daily  out  of  the  Word  of  God,  and 
learn  by  our  own  experience,  that  we 
all  from  the  fall  of  Adam,  are  con 
ceived  and  born  in  sin,  wherein,  be 
ing  under  the  wrath  of  God,  we  must 
have  been  condemned  and  lost  eter 
nally,  except  we  be  delivered  by  the 
only  begotten  Son  of  God,  our  Lord 
Jesus  Christ. 

I  beseech  you,  therefore,  that,  from 
Christian  love,  ye  earnestly  intercede 
for  this  child  with  our  Lord  God,  that 
ye  bring  it  to  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ, 
and  unite  in  imploring  for  it  the  for 
giveness  of  sins  and  entrance  into  the 
Kingdom  of  Grace  and  Salvation. 


/.  Edward  VI., 
Dear  beloved  :     Forasmuch  as 


all  men 

be  conceived 

and  born  in  sin,  and  that  no  man  born 
in  sin  can  enter  into  the  Kingdom  of 
God,  except  he  be  regenerate  and 
born  anew  of  water  and  the  Holy 
Ghost ; 

I  beseech  you  to  call  upon  God  the 
Father,  through  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ, 
that  of  his  bounteous  mercy,  he  will 
grant  to  these  children  that  thing 
which,  by  nature,  they  cannot  have, 
that  is  to  say,  that  they  may  be  baptized 
with  the  Holy  Ghost,  and  received 
into  Christ's  holy  church,  and  be 
made  lively  members  of  the  same. 

Palmer  says  of  this  :  "  We  can  perhaps  scarcely  find  any  par 
allel  to  this  amongst  the  primitive  rituals  of  the  church,  except  in 
those  of  the  churches  of  Gaul.  The  Gothic  and  ancient  Gallican 
liturgies  published  by  Thomasius  and  Mabillon,  prescribe  an  ad- 

8  Vol.  II  :  64  sqq. 


The  Order  of  Baptism  in  the  English  Church.      257 

dress  or  preface  of  this  kind  at  the  very  commencement  of  the 
office  of  baptism. ' '  But  the  example  which  he  gives  shows  only 
a  very  remote  resemblance.  It  is :  "Beloved  brethren,  let  us  in 
the  holy  administration  of  the  present  Mystery,  humbly  beseech 
our  Almighty  Creator  and  Saviour  who  has  deigned  by  his  grace 
to  restore  the  adornments  of  nature,  lost  by  the  fall,  to  impart 
his  virtue  to  these  waters,  both  that  the  presence  of  the  Triune 
Majesty  may  assist  in  producing  the  effect  of  most  holy  regener 
ation,"  etc.  The  reader  will  see  how  little  influence  such  an 
Exhortation  could  have  had,  either  on  Luther,  or  on  the  English 
reformers. 

Concerning  the  prayer  which  followed,  there  can  be  no  ques 
tion  that  it  comes  from  Luther.  Blunt  says  : 5  "  This  prayer  is 
not  derived  from  the  old  office  of  the  English  Church,  but  is 
probably  of  great  antiquity.  Luther  translated  it  into  German 
from  the  ancient  Latin  [?]  in  1523,  and  it  appears  again  in  his 
revised  baptismal  book  of  1524.  From  thence  it  was  transferred 
to  the  Niirnberg  office,  and  appears  in  the  Consultation  of  Arch 
bishop  Hermann  in  1545  [?].  The  latter  was  translated  into 
English  in  1547,  and  the  prayer,  as  it  stands  in  the  Prayer  Book 
of  1549,  is  almost  indentical  with  this  translation  as  given 
above,"  i.  e.  the  prayer  in  I.  Edward.  This  prayer  was  some 
what  abbreviated  in  II.  Edward,  1552,  and,  therefore,  also  in 
the  English  Book  as  now  known.  Palmer,  after  all  his  labor  to 
find  the  "original,"  from  which  Luther  translated,  gives  a 
prayer  from  the  Gothic  Missal,  in  which  there  is  one  clause  of 
eight  words  similar:  "O  God  who  didst  sanctify  the  river 
Jordan  for  the  salvation  of  souls. ' '  Procter 8  frankly  says : 
"The  first  prayer  seems  to  have  been  originally  composed  by 
Luther." 

Hofling,  after  the  most  thorough  search  among  the  Mediaeval 
Agende,  has  failed  to  find  a  trace  of  this  prayer.     Its  absence 

*  Origines  Liturgicae,  II :   172. 

5  Annotated  Book  of  Common  Prayer,  p.  218. 

6  On  the  Book  of  Common  Prayer,  p.  364. 

18 


258  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

from  the  Romanizing  Protestant  liturgies  is  also  significant. 
He  concludes,  therefore,  that,  although  in  Luther's  Taufbiichlein 
of  1523,  everything  else  has  been  translated,  "the  hypothesis 
of  Luther's  authorship  has  most  foundation.  This  excellent 
prayer  has  also,  within  the  sphere  of  the  Lutheran  Church,  not 
merely  the  most  extensive  diffusion,  but  also  the  most  permanent 
acceptance  and  adoption."  7 

As  given  in  the  first  English  Prayer  Book,  it  reads  : 
"  Almighty  and  everlasting  God,  which  of  thy  justice  didst 
destroy  by  floods  of  water  the  whole  world,  for  sin,  except  eight 
persons,  whom  of  thy  mercy  (the  same  time)  thou  didst  save  in 
the  Ark ;  and  when  thou  didst  drown  in  the  Red  Sea  wicked 
King  Pharao,  with  all  his  army,  yet  (at  the  same  time)  thou  didst 
lead  thy  people  the  children  of  Israel,  safely  through  the  midst 
thereof ;  whereby  thou  didst  figure  the  washing  of  thy  holy  bap 
tism  ;  and  by  the  baptism  of  thy  well-beloved  Son  Jesus  Christ, 
thou  didst  sanctify  the  flood  Jordan  and  all  other  waters  to  this 
mystical  washing  away  of  sin  ;  we  beseech  thee  (for  thy  infinite 
mercies)  that  thou  wilt  mercifully  look  upon  these  children,  and 
sanctify  them  with  thy  Holy  Ghost,  that  by  this  wholesome  laver 
of  regeneration,  whatsoever  sin  is  in  them,  may  be  washed  clean 
away ;  that  they,  being  delivered  from  thy  wrath,  may  be  re 
ceived  into  the  ark  of  Christ's  Church,  and  so  saved  from  perish 
ing  :  and  being  fervent  in  spirit,  steadfast  in  faith,  joyful  through 
hope,  rooted  in  charity,  may  ever  serve  thee  :  And  finally  attain 
to  everlasting  life,  with  all  thy  holy  and  chosen  people." 

The  use  of  the  sign  of  the  cross  at  this  point,  the  manner  in 
which  it  was  made  and  almost  the  very  words  follow  the  Refor 
mation  of  Cologne.  The  precious  collect  that  .follows  is  from 
the  old  offices  :  "  Deus,  immortale  prafsidium"  "  O  God,  du 
unsterblicher  Trost."  "Almighty  and  immortal  God,  the  aid 
of  all  that  need,"  etc.  In  the  ancient  service,  it  belonged  to 
the  order  for  the  Baptism  of  adults.  Luther  transferred  it  to  In^ 
fant  Baptism. 

7  Das  Sacrament  der  Tattfe,  Vol.  II :  p.  53  sq. 


The  Order  of  Baptism  in  the  English   Church.     259 

Even  the  Exorcism  which  Luther  transferred  from  the  Order 
for  Adult  Baptism,  is  retained.  The  single  sentence  of  the  Ref 
ormation  of  Cologne,  and  Brandenburg-Niirnberg,  was  not  suffi 
cient,  and  to  it  was  added  the  substance  of  Luther's  vigorous 
formula  of  1524 : 


Luther,  1523. 

Darum,  du  leidiger   [Vermaledey- 
ter,    Mk-Br.,   1540]    Teufel,  erkenne 


/.  Edward  VI.,  1549. 
Therefore,  thou   cursed  spirit,    re 
member  thy  sentence,  etc. 


dein  Urtheil,  etc. 

Blunt,  who  regrets  its  omission  in  later  editions,  throws  the 
blame  upon  "the  half-sceptical  Germanism  of  Bucer  !" 

The  Gospel  read  was,  in  the  ante-Reformation  offices,  from 
Matth.  19:  13-15.  The  English  Reformers  followed  the  Refor 
mation  of  Cologne,  which  in  turn  followed  Luther,  in  substitut- 
ting  Mark  10:  13-16. 

Palmer8  explains  what  immediately  succeeds  :  "  The  address 
and  collects  which  follow  the  Gospel,  and  terminate  the  Intro 
duction  of  the  baptismal  office,  do  not  occur  in  the  ancient  offi 
ces  of  the  Ancient  Church,  as  far  as  I  can  perceive.  .  .  The 
forms  themselves  are  in  part  taken  from  the  Ritual  of  Hermann 
of  Cologne."  He  should  have  said,  that  the  Collect  "  Almighty 
and  everlasting  God,  heavenly  Father  "  is  a  literal  translation, 
only  a  qualifying  clause  of  the  Lutheran  Order  being  suppressed. 

The  rest  of  the  service  is  almost  precisely  that  of  Luther.  The 
closing  Collect  which  at  one  time  was  the  subject  of  much  con 
troversy  in  the  Church  of  England,  originally  was  used  in  the 
baptism  of  proselytes  in  connection  with  the  chrism  that  followed 
baptism : 

"  Almighty  God,  Father  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  who  hath 
regenerated  trjee  of  water  and  the  Holy  Ghost,  and  hath  given 
unto  thee  remission  of  all  thy  sins,  anointeth  thee  with  the 
unction  of  salvation  unto  everlasting  life,  in  the  name  of  Jesus 
Christ,  our  Lord.  Amen." 

"Almighty  God,  grant  unto  them,  remission  of  all  sins,  send, 

•II:  p.  176. 


260  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

Lord,  upon  them,  the  Holy  Ghost,  the  Comforter,  and  give  them 
the  spirit  of  wisdom  and  understanding,"  etc. 

Luther,  in  1523,  when  his  revision  of  the  old  order,  was  as  yet 
only  tentative,  retained  the  chrism  and  therefore  left  the  Collect 
in  its  first  form,  only  translating  it.  This  Order  was  retained  by 
Mk-Brandenburg,  1540,  and  Ott-Heinrich,  1543.  The  English 
Commission  retained  the  chrism,  modifying  the  form  only  by 
the  change  of  the  conclusion  into  "vouchsafe  to  anoint thee, 
with  the  unction  of  his  Holy  Ghost,  and  bring  thee  to  the  in 
heritance  of  everlasting  life."  Luther,  however,  in  1526,  had 
omitted  the  chrism,  and  amended  the  Collect  accordingly,  being 
followed  in  this  by  Brandenburg-Nurnberg,  into  the  simpler 
form  :  "  And  who  hath  forgiven  thee  all  thy  sins,  strengthen 
thee  by  his  grace  unto  everlasting  life."  Had  the  more  thor 
ough  Lutheran  revision  been  followed  by  Cranmer  and  his  asso 
ciates,  the  subsequent  revision  in  the  English  Prayer  Book, 
which  has  greatly  marred  it,  might  have  been  prevented. 

The  address  to  the  Sponsors,  while  derived  partially  from  the 
Sarum  and  York  Uses,  is  far  more  dependent  upon  the  formula 
originally  introduced  by  Osiander  in  1524,  into  his  Taufbuchr? 
and  thence  adopted  by  the  Brandenburg-Nurnberg  Order  of 
1533.  The  Cassel  Order  of  1539,  shows  other  points  of  resem 
blance,  which  reach  a  more  complete  development  in  the  Wur- 
temberg  Order  of  1553. 

I.  Edw.  (1549).  "  Forasmuch  as  this  child  hath  promised  by 
you  his  sureties  to  renounce  the  devil  and  all  his  works,  to  be 
lieve  in  God  and  to  serve  him ;  ye  must  remember,  that  it  is 
your  parts  and  duties  to  see  that  this  infant  be  taught,  so  soon  as 
he  shall  be  able  to  learn  what  a  solemn  vow,  promise  and  profes 
sion,  he  hath  here  made  by  you.  And  that  he  may  know  these 
the  better,  ye  shall  call  upon  him  to  hear  sermons,  and  chiefly 
ye  shall  provide  that  he  may  learn  the  Creed,  the  Lord's  Prayer 
and  the  Ten  Commandments  in  the  vulgar  tongue,  and  all  other 
things  which  a  Christian  ought  to  know  and  believe  to  his  soul's 

9  Richter's  Kirchenordnungen,  1 :  10. 


The  Order  of  Baptism  in  tJie  English  Church.     261 

health  ;  and  that  this  child  may  be  virtuously  brought  up  to  lead  a 
godly  and  a  Christian  life  ;  remembering  always  that  baptism 
doth  represent  unto  us  our  profession,  which  is,  to  follow  the  ex 
ample  of  our  Saviour  Christ,  and  to  be  made  like  unto  him ; 
that,  as  he  died  and  rose  again  for  us,  so  should  we,  who  are  bap 
tized,  die  from  sin,  and  rise  again  from  righteousness ;  contin 
ually  modifying  our  evil  and  corrupt  affections,  and  daily  pro 
ceeding  in  all  virtue  and  godliness  of  living." 

Brandenburg-Niirnberg,  (1533):  "  I  beseech  you  from  Chris 
tian  love,  as  to  what  ye  have  now  done  in  Baptism,  in  the  place 
of  this  child,  that  if  it  be  deprived  of  its  parents  by  death  or  other 
misfortune,  before  it  come  to  the  use  of  reason,  ye  diligently  and 
faithfully  instruct  and  teach  it,  first  the  Ten  Commandments,  in 
order  that  thereby  it  may  learn  to  know  God's  Will,  and  its  sins; 
then,  the  Creed,  whereby  we  receive  grace,  the  forgiveness 
of  sins,  and  the  Holy  Ghost ;  lastly,  also  the  Lord's  Prayer,  in 
order  that  it  may  call  upon  God,  and  pray  to  him  for  aid  to  with 
stand  Satan,  and  to  lead  a  Christian  life,  until  God  shall  fulfil 
that  which  he  has  now  begun  in  Baptism,  and  it  shall  be  eternally 
saved." 

If  we  find  nothing  in  Brandenburg-Niirnberg,  corresponding 
to  the  closing  words  from  "  Remembering,"  etc.,  anyone  who  is 
familiar  with  the  close  of  Luther's  treatment  of  Baptism,  in  his 
Catechism,  knows  whence  they  are  derived. 

The  corresponding  Wurtemberg  admonition  of  four  years  later 
is  so  rich  and  beautiful  that  it  is  here  added.  It  almost  precisely 
corresponds  with  the  Cassel  Order  of  1539,  and  therefore,  in  its 
most  essential  features,  was  in  the  hands  of  the  English  Com 
mission. 

"  Ye  all,  parents  and  relatives  of  this  child,  and  as  many  as  be 
here  present,  should  now  acknowledge  and  regard  this  child 
since  Holy  Baptism,  as  none  else  than  a  ch'ld  of  the  Almighty, 
and  a  member  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  whom  also  the  angels  of 
God's  serve,  in  no  wise  doubting  that  whatsoever  ye  do  this 
child,  whether  ill  or  good,  that  ye  do  God  Himself,  and  our 


262  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

Lord  Jesus  Christ.  Nor  should  effort  or  labor  be  spared  by  any 
one,  according  to  his  calling  and  relation  with  this  child,  to 
bring  it  up  well  for  the  Lord  and  to  instruct  and  teach  it,  to  ob 
serve  all  that  the  Lord  has  commanded  us  to  be  observed ;  and 
accordingly,  ye  parents,  relatives  and  sponsors  should  spare  no 
pains,  and  have  the  child,  so  soon  as  it  have  attained  the  proper 
age,  faithfully  brought  to  the  church  for  catechetical  instruction, 
in  order  that  it  may  learn  thoroughly  what  great  and  inexpressi 
ble  gifts  have  been  bestowed  and  transmitted  it  in  Holy  Bap 
tism,  and  then,  in  the  church,  willingly  and  cordially  and  cor 
dially  confess  and  affirm  for  itself  its  faith,  and  in  act  and  deed 
renounce  the  devil  and  the  world,  with  all  their  works  and  lusts, 
and  declare  that  it  will  abide  by  the  Lord  and  his  Holy  Church, 
in  entire  obedience  to  his  Holy  Gospel,  live  faithfully  to  our  Lord 
Christ  unto  the  end,  and,  as  a  living  member  of  Christ,  and 
faithful  branch  of  Christ's  vine,  bring  forth  much  fruit  to  the 
glory  of  God,  and  the  advancement  of  his  Holy  Church. 
Amen." 

Passing  to  the  Order  "  Of  them  that  be  in  Private  Houses  in 
time  of  Necessity,"  the  dependence  is  no  less  manifest.  With 
out  entering  into  all  the  details  of  the  service,  a  few  of  the  main 
features  may  suffice. 

I.  Edward  :  "  They  shall  warn  them  that  without  great  cause, 
and  necessity,  they  baptize  not  children  at  home  in  their  houses. 
And  when  great  need  shall  compel  them  so  to  do,  that  then  they 
minister  on  this  fashion  : 

First  let  them  that  be  present  tall  upon  God  for  his  grace,  and 
say  the  Lord's  Prayer,  if  the  time  will  suffer.  And  then  one  of 
them  shall  name  the  child,  and  dip  him  in  water,  or  pour  water 
upon  him,  saying  these  words  :  '  I  baptize  thee  in  the  name  of 
the  Father,  and  of  the  Son,  and  of  the  Holy  Ghost.  Amen.' 
And  let  them  not  doubt  but  that  the  child  so  baptized  is  lawfully 
and  sufficiently  baptized,  and  ought  not  to  be  baptized  again,  in 
the  church.  But  yet  nevertheless,  if  the  child  which  is  after  this 
sort  baptized,  do  afterwards  live,  it  is  expedient  that  he  be 


The  Order  of  Baptism  in  the  English  Church,     263 


brought  into  the  church,  to  the  intent  that  the  priest  may  ex 
amine  and  try  whether  the  child  be  lawfully  baptized  or  no." 

Compare  this  now  with  Reformation  cf  Cologne  (1543,  on  the 
basis  of  the  Saxon  Order  of  1539,  the  Wiirtemberg  of  1536,  and 
Hamburg  of  1529) : 

"The  pastors  should  instruct  the  people  in  their  sermons,  that 
they  should  not  readily  hasten  to  Nothtaufe,  unless  extreme  neces 
sity  require,  that  baptism  be  administered,  and  if  so  that  they  must 
first  call  upon  our  Lord  God,  pray  the  Lord's  Prayer,  and  then 
baptize  the  child,  as  Christ  commanded  his  apostles,  in  the  name 
of  the  Father,  and  of  the  Son  and  of  the  Holy  Ghost,  nothing 
doubting  that  the  child  is  properly  and  sufficiently  baptized,  and 
should  not  be  baptized  again  in  the  church,  or  otherwise.  Yet 
such  child  if  it  live,  should  be  brought  into  the  church,  that  the 
pastor  may  ask  the  people  whether  they  be  certain  that  the  child 
have  been  properly  baptized." 


Reformation  of  Cologne, 
The  Pastor  shall  ask  further : 

Through  whom  was  this  done  ? 
And  who  were  present  ? 

Whether  they  who  baptized  the 
child,  called  properly  upon  the  name 
of  the  Lord  ? 

And  baptized  the  child  with  wa 
ter  ? 

In  the  name  of  the  Father,  and  of 
the  Son  and  of  the  Holy  Ghost  ? 

Whether  they  know  that  these 
words  were  used  according  to  Christ's 
command  ? 

Now,  my  dear  friends,  I  declare 
that  ye  have  done  right  and  well,  in 
doing  all  this  in  the  Name,  and  ac 
cording  to  the  command  of  our  Lord 
Jesus  Christ. 

The  rest  of  this  service  is  a  repetition  of  what  is  found  in  the 
order  for  Public  Baptism.  The  form  for  "  Conditional  Bap 
tism:"  "  If  thou  be  not  baptized  already,"  etc.,  is  not  in  ac 
cordance  with  the  Cologne  Order,  although  the  act  is.  It  was 


I.  Edward, 

The  Priest  shall  examine  them 
further : 

By  whom  the  child  was  baptized  ? 

Who  was  present,  when  the  child 
was  baptized  ? 

Whether  they  called  upon  God  for 
grace  and  succour  in  that  necessity  ? 

With  what  thing  or  what  matter 
they  did  baptize  the  child  ? 

With  what  words  the  child  was 
baptized  ? 

Whether  they  think  the  child  to  be 
lawfully  and  perfectly  baptized  ? 

I  certify  you  that  in  this  case  ye 
have  done  well,  and  according  unto 
due  order,  concerning  the  baptizing 
of  this  child. 


264  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England, 

prescribed  in  the  ancient  orders,  and  afterwards  endorsed  by  the 
Council  of  Trent.  The  old  Lutheran  Orders  vary.  The  Reforma 
tion  of  Hesse  (1526)  and  Hamburg  (1529)  presents  it,  while  that 
of  Schleswig-Holstein  (1542,  Bugenhagen)  expressly  forbids  it. 
Cologne  and  Saxony,  simply  say  that  the  child  shall  be  baptized, 
precisely  as  though  it  were  known  to  be  not  baptized. 


CHAPTER  XXII. 

THE   ORDERS   FOR   CONFIRMATION,    MARRIAGE,  VISITATION   OF 
THE   SICK,    BURIAL. 

Rome's  Exaltation  of  Confirmation  to  a  Sacrament,  explained.  Chemnitz  on 
Confirmation.  Examinations  in  Lutheran  and  English  Orders.  Cate 
chisms  of  the  two  Orders.  The  Anglican  Collect  derived  from  the  Co 
logne  and  Cassel  Orders.  The  Act  of  Confirmation  and  its  Words.  The 
Marriage  Ceremony.  The  old  English  Orders.  Amendments  and  Ad 
ditions  from  the  Lutheran  Orders.  The  "  Visitation  of  Sick "  and 
"Burial"  as  likewise  modified.  Dr.  Cardwell's  Testimony. 

CONFIRMATION,  although  now  universally  practiced  in  the 
Lutheran  Church,  and  highly  esteemed  as  a  most  valuable  eccle 
siastical  rite,  for  a  long  time  fell  into  disrepute,  in  the  reaction 
from  the  Romish  overestimate  of  its  importance,  and  the  errors 
and  superstitions  connected  with  it.  Rome,  without  any  Scrip 
tural  authority,  urged  its  necessity,  and  raised  it,  to  the  place  of  a 
Sacrament ;  made  the  chrism  an  essential,  if  not  the  most  impor 
tant  part ;  and  so  exalted  it,  as  to  disparage  the  efficacy  of  Bap 
tism.  How  thoroughly  Rome  undermines  the  value  of  Baptism, 
both  by  her  doctrine  of  Penance  and  of  Confirmation,  is  not 
generally  understood.  Baptism,  with  her,  is  the  sacrament  for 
the  beginning  of  the  Christian  life ;  but  its  influence  is  evanes 
cent,  and  other  sacraments  bring  comfort  to  the  more  mature 
Christian.  The  great  end  of  its  teaching  to  those  who  have  been 
baptized,  is  not,  therefore,  daily  to  return  to  God's  covenant  in 
baptism  ;  but  to  seek  new  ordinances  in  which  a  new  covenant  is 
made.  As  Chemnitz  has  stated,  the  error  was  "  that  in  Baptism, 
the  Holy  Spirit  is  given  solely  for  regeneration,  but  that,  for 

(265) 


266  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

other  necessary  gifts,  he  is  not  given  in  Baptism,  but   only  in 
Confirmation."  1 

The  disuse  of  Confirmation,  therefore,  speedily  followed,  when 
there  was  an  embarrassment  in  retaining  it  without  continuing  in 
the  minds  of  the  people  the  false  estimate.  Nevertheless,  it  did 
not  become  entirely  obsolete  throughout  the  Sixteenth  Century. 
The  writer  above  mentioned,  the  greatest  theologian  of  the  Lu 
theran  Church,  in  his  "Refutation  of  the  Council  of  Trent," 
presents  the  Lutheran  view  of  Confirmation,  as  follows:  "  Our 
writers  have  frequently  shown,  that,  with  the  useless,  superstitions 
and  unscriptural  traditions  removed,  the  rite  of  Confirmation 
may  be  used  after  a  godly  manner,  and  in  harmony  with  Scrip 
ture,  so  that  they  who  have  been  baptized  in  infancy  (for  such  is 
now  the  state  of  the  Church),  when  they  have  attained  to  years 
of  discretion,  may  diligently  be  instructed  in  a  fixed  and  simple 
catechism  of  Church  doctrine.  And  when  they  seem  to  have  at- 
•  tained  the  elements  in  a  moderate  degree,  they  are  afterwards 
presented  to  the  bishop  and  the  Church ;  and  there  the  child, 
baptized  in  infancy,  is  first  admonished,  in  a  brief  and  simple 
exhortation,  concerning  his  baptism,  viz.,  how,  why  and  into 
what  he  was  baptized, what  the  Holy  Trinity  conferred  and  sealed 
upon  him  in  Holy  Baptism,  viz.,  the  covenant  of  peace,  and  the 
compact  of  grace ;  how  renunciation  of  Satan,  profession  of  faith 
and  promise  of  obedience  were  there  made.  2.  The  child 
makes  a  public  profession  of  its  own  before  the  entire  Church.  3. 
He  is  asked  concerning  the  chief  topics  of  Christian  doctrine, 
and  answers  to  each ;  or  if  he  do  not  understand,  is  more  cor 
rectly  instructed.  4.  He  is  admonished,  and,  by  this  profession, 
proclaims  that  he  dissents  from  all  heathen,  fanatical  and  profane 
opinions.  5.  An  earnest  exhortation  is  added  from  the  Word 
of  God,  to  persevere  in  the  covenant  of  Baptism,  and  in  that 
doctrine  and  faith,  and  by  advancing  to  be  gradually  confirmed. 
6.  Public  prayer  is  made  for  these  children  that  God  would 
deign  to  govern,  preserve  and  confirm  them  in  this  profession. 

1  Ex.  Condi.  Trid.  1 :  296. 


The  Orders  J or  Confirmation,  Marriage,  &c.        267 

To  which  prayer,  the  laying  on  of  hands  may,  without  super 
stition,  be  added.  Nor  is  the  prayer  vain ;  for  it  is  based  on  the 
promises  concerning  the  gift  of  perseverance  and  the  grace  of 
Confirmation.  Such  rite  of  Confirmation  would  confer  great 
profit  for  the  edification  of  the  young  and  the  entire  Church." 

Although  this  was  published  nearly  thirty  years  after  I.  Ed 
ward,  it  shows  the  estimate  of  Confirmation  which  thus  far  had 
obtained.  Even  Confirmation  by  a  bishop  or  superintendent  is 
here  allowed,  although,  in  the  same  connection,  the  error  of  the 
Council  of  Trent,  is  shown,  in  anathematizing  all  other  than 
episcopal  Confirmation  ;  for  if  any  priest,  or,  even  in  case  of  ne 
cessity  a  layman,  may  baptize,  while  only  a  bishop  may  confirm, 
Confirmation,  the  human  rite,  is  elevated  above  Baptism,  the  di 
vine  ordinance. 

The  order  for  Confirmation,  of  the  English  book,  agrees  with 
the  preceding  Lutheran  Orders,  in  requiring  a  knowledge  of  the 
Creed,  the  Lord's  Prayer  and  the  Ten  Commandments.  No 
one,  in  either  communion,  was  to  be  admitted  without  an  exami 
nation  concerning  these  parts  of  the  Catechism.  See  Luther's 
vigorous  language,  in  the  beginning  of  his  Preface  to  the  Small 
Catechism.  So  Brandenburg -Niirnberg  :  "  Those  who  neither 
can,  nor  will  learn  the  Ten  Commandments,  Creed  and  Lord's 
Prayer,  shall  not  be  admitted  to  the  sacrament."  Hence  the 
most  diligent  examination  is  uniformly  required  before  the  first 
communion.  The  Private  Confession,  then  prevalent  in  the  Lu 
theran  Church  gave  pastors  the  opportunity  for  such  examina 
tion,  and  hence  rendered  the  desire  for  such  public  rite  as  that 
of  Confirmation  less  urgent.  Afterwards  there  came  a  time  when 
Private  Confession  had  fallen  into  disuse ;  and  then,  the  need 
of  some  such  ceremony  as  Confirmation,  on  the  eve  of  the  first 
admission  to  communion,  asserted  itself,  and  brought  about  its 
restoration.  Nevertheless,  as  the  above  extract  from  Chemnitz  in 
dicates,  the  public  examination  was  by  no  means  unusual,  pro 
vision  being  made  for  it  especially  in  such  Orders  as  furnish  the 
Common  Prayer  so  much  material,  as  the  Cassel  Order  of  1539, 


268  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England, 

and  the  much  quoted  Reformation  of  Cologne.  "  Before  all  the 
congregation"  (Cassel,  Cologne),  "public  in  the  church  be 
fore  the  people"  (Ott-Heinrich,  1543)  is  the  very  language  of 
those  old  Orders. 

I.  Edward  places  the  examination  in  charge  of  the  bishop. 
Cologne  says  that  "  this  work  would  be  especially  appropriate  to 
the  bishops,  if  the  dioceses  were  not  so  large,"  and  assigns  it  to 
a   "Visitator,"  the  pastor,  however,  asking  the  questions.   Mark- 
Brandenburg  (1540),  notwithstanding  its  Romanizing  reputation, 
says  :      "  Since,  thank  God,  the  population  in  our  lands  is  great, 
and  the  bishops  few,  so  that  there  will  be  too  many  for  them  to 
hear  and   instruct  each  one,  they  may  commit  this  to  their  pas 
tors.     Nevertheless  we  think  it  well,  that  whenever  Confirmation 
by  the  pastors  occur,  some  one  of  those  learned  be  with  them  to 
see  that  the  pastors  attend  to  it  properly,  and  do  not  reintroduce 
former  abuses  or  carelessness ;"  and  the  Reformation  of  Cologne: 
"It  is  not  the  prerogative  of  bishops,  so  that  no  one  else  may 
administer  it,  as  baptism  which  is  more,  is  administered  by  ordi 
nary  ministers,  yea,  in  case  of  necessity,  by  any  Christian."     It 
is  assigned  to  bishops  only  "  that  they  may  learn  to  know  their 
hearers  and  especially  the  young  people."     It  would  not  be  diffi 
cult  to  reconstruct  the  first  three  rubrics  of  the  first  English  book 
from  the  Cologne  Order,  and  the  final  one  is  thoroughly  Lutheran 
in  doctrine,  although  we  cannot  trace  its  origin.     The  Catechism 
which    follows    "to   be  learned  of  every  child,  before  he  be 
brought  to  be  confirmed  of  the  bishops,"  we  treat  of  in  a  sepa 
rate  chapter.     It  is  sufficient  here  to  say,  that  Cologne  is   again 
followed   by  the  introduction  of  the  Catechism  in  this  place,  as 
well  as  in  its  subject  matter.     Of  the  two  Collects  in   the  first 
English  Order,  the  first  was  the  second  prayer   in   connection 
with  the  unction  at  Adult  Baptism  in  the   ante-reformation  Or 
ders;  and  the  second,  "Almighty,  everlasting  God,"  is  conceded 
by  most  English  authorities  to  be  from   the   Cologne  Order. 
The  prayer  from  the  Eighth  Century  of  Egbert,  bishop  of  York, 
which   Palmer   gives  as  its  source,  has  only  the  faintest  resem- 


The  Orders  for  Confirmation,  Marriage,  &c.      269 

blance.  It  is  found  also  in  the  Cassel  Order  of  1539,  and,  thence, 
has  been  traced  by  Hofling 2  to  Bucer.  In  various  revisions,  it 
is  generally  found  in  the  Lutheran  formularies,  and  "can  with 
difficulty  be  supplanted  by  any  other,  since  it  is  excellent."3 
The  act  of  Confirmation  in  I.  Edward,  was  according  to  that  of 
the  ancient  form:  "I  sign  thee  with  the  sign  of  the  holy 
cross,"  etc.,  and  was  replaced  in  II.  Edward  (1552)  by  the 
prayer  said  by  the  bishop  while  his  hands  rested  upon  the  one 
confirmed  :  "  Defend,  O  Lord,  this  child  with  thy  heavenly 
grace,  that  he  may  continue  thine  forever  and  daily  increase  in 
thy  Holy  Spirit,  more  and  more,  until  he  come  unto  thy  everlast 
ing  kingdom."  This  also  comes  from  the  Cassel  and  Cologne 
Orders  :  "  Receive  the  Holy  Ghost,  as  thy  protection  and  de 
fence  against  all  evil,  and  thy  strength  and  aid  unto  all  good, 
from  the  gracious  hand  of  God  the  Father,  Son  and  Holy  Ghost. 
Amen." 

The  Marriage  ceremony  in  the  English  Book,  is  to  a  large 
extent  from  the  old  English,  with  very  important  additions 
introduced  from  the  Lutheran  Orders.  The  opening  address, 
which  has  been  left  unchanged  in  succeeding  revisions  in  Eng 
land,  has  been  much  condensed  in  the  American  edition.  In 
the  Sarum  Order,  the  address  read  : 

"  Brethren,  \ve  are  gathered  together  in  the  sight  of  God,  and  his  angels, 
and  all  the  saints,  in  the  face  of  the  Church,  to  join  together  two  persons, — to 
wit,  this  man  and  this  woman,  that,  whatsover  they  have  done  aforetime 
henceforth  they  may  be  one  body,  yet  two  souls,  in  the  faith  and  law  of  God, 
["  to  knyt  these  two  bodyes  togyder."  York  Use]  to  the  end  they  may  to 
gether  attain  eternal  life." 

This  was  condensed  into  an  introduction  : 

"  Dearly  beloved  friends,  we  are  gathered  together  here  in  the  sight  of 
God,  and  in  the  face  of  his  congregation  to  join  together  this  man  and  this 
woman  in  holy  matrimony." 

The  resemblance  to  the  Introduction  of  the  Reformation  of 
Cologne  fully  justified  the  retention  of  the  old  formula.  It  ran  : 

2  II :  366 ;  Lobe's  Agende,  II :  47. 
slb. 


270  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

•'  Ye  appear  before  God  our  Heavenly  Father,  and  Christ  Jesus,  our  Lord, 
and  his  Church,"  etc. 

What  follows  is  chiefly  a  condensation  of  the  long  address  in 
Schwab-Hall  of  1543,  no  precedent  for  it  being  found  in  the 
older  English  Orders.  It  follows  the  order  and  uses  the  very 
language  of  this  liturgy  of  Brentz. 

ENGLISH  PRAYER  BOOK  (1549)  :  "  Which  is  an  honorable 
estate  instituted  of  God  in  Paradise,  *  in  the  time  of  man's  inno- 
cency,  signifying  unto  us  the  mystical  union  that  is  betwixt 
Christ  and  his  Church ; 5  which  holy  estate  Christ  adorned  and 
beautified  with  his  presence,  and  first  miracle  that  he  wrought  in 
Cana  of  Galilee, 6  and  is  commended  of  St.  Paul  to  be  honor 
able  among  all  men ;  and  therefore  is  not  to  be  enterprised  or 
taken  in  hand  unadvisedly,  lightly  or  wantonly, 7  to  satisfy  men's 
carnal  lusts  and  appetites, 8  like  brute  beasts  that  have  no  under 
standing,  but  reverently,  discreetly,  advisedly,  soberly  and  in  the 
fear  of  God. 9  One  cause  was  the  procreation  of  children,  to 

4ScHW-HALL,  (1543) :  "For  the  Marriage  estate  has  not  been  devised 
by  human  reason,  but  was  found  and  instituted  by  God  himself  in  Paradise." 

5  From  Collect  at  close  of  Osiander's  ("1526)  and  Luther's  (1529).  Branden- 
burg-Niirnberg,  (1533),  Schw.  Hall,  (1543),  Cologne,  (1543),  and  most  Lu 
theran  Orders  :     "  Wherein  the  Sacrament  of  Thy  dear  Son,  Jesus  Christ  and 
the  Church,  his  Bride,  is  signified  unto  us."     There  is  a   similar  Collect  in 
Sarum,  from  the  Gelasian  Sacramentary  :     "  Who  hast  consecrated  the   state 
of  matrimony  to  such  an  excellent  mystery,  that  in  it    is  signified  the   sacra 
mental  union  and  marriage  of  Christ  and  the  Church." 

6  Schw.  Hall :     "  This  estate,  the  Son  of  God,  our  Lord  Jesus    Christ,  so 
highly  esteemed,  that  not  only  when  bidden,  with  his  Mother  and    disciples, 
did  he  honor  the  marriage  with  his  first  miracle."     Cassel,  (1539),    Cologne, 
(1543) :     "  Who  also  honored  and  richly  adorned  the  marriage  estate  by  his 
presence." 

7  Osiander  (1524),  Brandenburg-Niirnberg  (1533) :     "  To  the  end  that  this 
may  not  be  done  without  understanding  of  the  WTord  of  God,  as  do  unbe 
lievers." 

8  Schw.  Hall,  (1543) :     "  For  it  has  not  been  instituted  for  worldly  or  car 
nal  wantonness." 

9  See  4- 


The  Orders  for  Confirmation,   Marriage,  &c.       271 

be  brought  up  in  the  fear  of  and  nurture  of  the  Lord,  and  praise 
of  God. 10  Secondly,  it  was  ordained  for  a  remedy  against  sin, 
and  to  avoid  fornication,  that  such  persons  as  be  married  might 
live  chastely  in  matrimony,  u  and  keep  themselves  undefiled 
members  of  Christ's  body. 12  Thirdly,  for  the  mutual  society, 
help  and  comfort,  that  the  one  ought  to  have  of  the  other,  both 
in  prosperity  and  adversity."  13 

The  Exhortation  that,  "if  any  can  show  just  cause,  why  they 
may  not,  lawfully,  be  joined  together,  let  him  now  speak," 
is  partly  according  to  the  older  English  Orders,  but  the  words  : 
"Or  else  hereafter  forever  hold  his  peace,"  come  from  Osi- 
ander's  Orders  of  1526,  followed  by  Brand-Numb.  (1533), 
Mark-Brandenburg  (1540),  Ott-Heinrich  (1543), Cologne  (1543), 
etc.  :  "  If  any  one  hath  aught  to  say  thereon,  let  him  speak  in 
time,  or  afterward  be  silent,  and  refrain  from  interposing  any 
hindrance."  In  the  Lutheran  Orders,  however,  this  declaration 
is  made  in  connection  with  the  publication  of  the  banns.  The 
questions  addressed  bride  and  groom,  follow  the  York  and  Sarum 
Orders,  the  earlier  Lutheran  forms  being  much  briefer,  although, 
in  this,  the  later  Orders  of  the  Sixteenth  Century  more  nearly  ap 
proach  the  English.  The  Lutheran  custom  generally  provided 
for  the  use  of  the  ring,  but  without  any  words  concerning  the 
ring,  on  the  part  of  those  being  married.  Osiander  (1526)  fol- 

10  Schw.  Hall :     "  That  therein  children  might  be  brought  up  by  their  pa 
rents  to  the  glory  and  knowledge  of  God,  and  the  doctrine  of  the  true   Chris 
tian  faith  might  be  transmitted  from  children  to  children's   children,  and  be 
diffused  and  maintained  throughout  the  world,  unto  the  Last  Day.     For  Gcd 
has  not  created  man  to  live  a  beastly  life  here  on  earth,  and  to  care  only  for 
that  which  is  earthly,  but  that  he  may  learn  to  know  God." 

11  Schw.  Hall :     "  God  has  appointed  and  ordained  matrimony,  that  every 
form  of  unchastity  might  be  avoided.1' 

12  Schw.  Hall :     "  And  besides  God  wishes  the  love  and  communion  of  his 
Son,  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  with  the  Christian  Church,  as  his  Bride,  to  be  thus 
known  and  represented." 

13  The  thought  probably  enters  here,  as  Schw.  Hall  ends  with  the  predic 
tion  of  the  cross,  and  the  divine  comfort  under  it. 


272  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

lowed  by  Brandenburg-Niirnberg,  etc.,  prescribes  that  first  the 
groom  shall  say  after  the  minister  :  " I,  N.,  take  thee  N.  to  my 
wedded  wife,  and  plight  thee  my  troth,"  and  then  the  bride 
also,  in  the  same  way,  plights  her  troth  to  her  wedded  hus 
band. 

We  are  compelled  here  to  dispel  an  illusion  which  has  misled 
some  of  the  English  writers  on  the  Prayer  Book.  Palmer  u  says : 
"  The  succeeding  rites  in  which  the  priest,  with  a  certain  formu 
lary,  joins  their  right  hands  together,  and  afterwards  pronounces 
the  marriage  to  be  complete,  are  perhaps  peculiar  to  the  Church 
of  England."  Blunt :  "  This  is  a  noble  peculiarity  of  the  Eng 
lish  rite,  though  probably  derived  .originally  from  Archbishop 
Hermann's  Consultation."  'The  hint  thus  given,  however,  at 
once  destroys  the  idea  of  peculiarity.  The  sentence  "What 
God  hath  joined  together,  let  no  man  put  asunder,"  is  found  in 
every  Lutheran  Order  which  we  have  examined,  from  Osiander's 
of  1526,  on  :  "  Was  Gott  zusammen  gtfus,ft  hat,  sol  Kein 
Mensch  scheiden. ' ' 15  Nor  have  we  to  search  long  for  the  decla 
ration,  unknown  to  the  old  Orders. 


Luther '  s  Traubuchletn,  1529. 
Weil  dann  Hans  N.  und  Greta  N. 
einander  zur  Ehe  begehre,  auch  die 
Ehe  Einander  versprochen,  und 
solches  hie  offentlich  fur  Gott  und 
seinen  Gemein  bekennet,  darauf  die 
hande  und  Trauringe  einander  gege- 
ben  haben,  so  spreche  ich  sie  ehelich 
zusammen,  im  Namen  Gottes  des 
Vaters,  und  des  Sohnes,  und  des 
Heiligen  Geistes.  Amen. 


English  Book. 

Forasmuch  as  N.  and  N.  have  con 
sented  together  in  holy  wedlock,  and 
have  witnessed  the  same  here  before 
God  and  this  company ;  and  thereto 
have  given  and  pledged  their  troth 
either  to  other,  and  have  declared  the 
same  by  giving  and  receiving  gold 
and  silver,  and  by  joining  of  hands.  I 
pronounce  that  they  be  man  and  wife 
together;  In  the  Name  of  the  Fa 


ther,  etc. 

In  accordance  with  Osiander's  Order,  and  the  "Lutheran  Orders 
in  general,  following  it,  Psalm  128  was  designated  as  the  first 
to  be  sung.  Cologne  give  Ps.  127  first,  and  then  Ps-  128. 

The  English  Service  closes  with  a  long  Address  to  "  All  ye 
which  be  married,  or  which  intend  to  take  the  holy  estate  of 

U2:  217. 

15  Annotated  Book  of  Common  Prayer,  p.  270. 


The  Orders  for  Confirmation,  Marriage,  &c.       273 

marriage  upon  you,"  which  is  only  an  elaboration  of  the  portion 
of  the  Address  in  Luther's  Order,  beginning  :  "  Since  ye  both 
now  are  given  in  marriage,  in  God's  name,  hear  first  the  com 
mand  of  God  touching  this  estate,"  etc. 

In  the  Order  for  "Visitation  of  the  Sick,"  the  most  impor 
tant  feature  derived  from  a  Lutheran  source  is  the  "Exhorta 
tion."  The  ancient  Exhortation  from  the  old  Orders  quoted  by 
Palmer,  Blunt,  Procter,  etc.,  has  little  more  resemblance  to  that 
of  the  English  book,  than  that  it  is  an  exhortation  to  a  sick  per 
son.  The  compilers  of  the  English  book  adopted  that  in  the 
Reformation  of  Cologne,  originally  found  in  the  Saxon  Order 
of  1539,  condensing  and  very  freely  rendering  it,  rather  follow 
ing  the  thought  than  the  words.  The  two  exhortations  begin : 


Saxon,   1539- 

Dear  friend:  Since  our  Lord 
Jesus  Christ  hath  visited  you  with 
bodily  sickness,  in  order  that  you  may 
take  to  heart  God's  will,  know  :  First, 
that  such  bodily  sickness  come  to  us 
from  God  for  no  other  causes,  etc. 


English, 

Dearly  beloved:  Know  this,  that 
Almighty  God  is  the  Lord  over  life 
and  death.  .  .  Wherefore  whatsoever 
your  sickness  is,  know  you  certainly 
that  it  is  God's  visitation.  And  for 
what  cause  soever  this  sickness  is  sent 


unto  you,  etc. 

The  Order  for  the  "Burial  of  the  Dead,"  has  been  much 
changed  in  the  English  book,  since  I.  Edward  VI.  Prior  to  the 
same  period,  the  Lutheran  Orders  also  have  a  relatively  less  com 
plete  development.  The  essential  features  however  are  the  same. 
They  retain  from  the  old  Orders :  "I  am  the  resurrection  and 
the  life,"  "In  the  midst  of  life,  we  are  in  death,"  "Blessed 
are  the  dead  that  die  in  the  Lord," — and  the  lesson  i  Cor.  15  : 
20  sqq.  The  first  Collect:  "Almighty  God,  we  give  thee 
hearty  thanks,"  which  Palmer  declares  to  be  of  modern  origin — 
we  find  in  the  Reformation  of  Cologne.  The  concluding  Collect 
for  the  forgiveness  and  peace  of  the  departed  is  not  found  in  any 
Lutheran  authorities  examined,  as  it  retains  Romish  error.  The 
first  Collect,  now  found  in  the  Anglican  Order,  was  in  I.  Edward 
VI.,  in  the  "Celebration  of  the  Holy  Communion  when  there  is 
a  burial  of  the  dead."  It  occurs  in  the  burial  service  of  Lower 
Saxony  (1585),  as  "  O  Herr  Jesu  Christe,  der  du  bist  der  Anfer- 


274  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England, 

stehung  u.  das  Leben"  from  which  it  would  be  interesting  to 
trace  it  to  its  source. 

Such  was  in  general  the  First  Book  of  Edward  VI.  Dr.  Card- 
well  is  right  in  saying:  "The  new  Liturgy  was  greatly  in 
debted,  wherever  it  deviated  from  the  ancient  breviaries,  to  the 
progress  made  upon  the  continent  in  religious  worship."  After 
alluding  to  its  indebtedness  to  the  Reformation  of  Cologne, 
he  adds :  "In  the  Occasional  Offices,  it  is  clear  on  examination 
that  they  were  indebted  to  the  labors  of  Melanchthon  and  Bucer, 
and  through  them  to  the  older  Liturgy  of  Niirnberg,  which  those 
reformers  were  instructed  to  follow. ' ' 16 

16  The  Two  Liturgies  of  Edward  VI.  contrasted,  Preface,  xv.  sq. 


CHAPTER  XXIII. 

THE   SECOND    PRAYER   BOOK   OF    EDWARD   VI, 

The  Calvinistic  Reaction.  The  "  Censures  "  of  Bucer  and  Martyr.  Orders 
of  Pollanus  and  A  Lasco.  The  "  Confession"  introduced.  Its  derivation. 
Mistake  of  English  Liturgiolists.  Traced  to  Bucer's  Strassburg  Order  of 
1524.  Revisions  of  Bucer's  Formula  by  Calvin  and  Zwingli.  Source 
of  the  "Absolution.'1  Other  changes.  The  Ten  Commandments  in 
the  Communion  Service.  The  General  Prayer.  The  original  in  its  un- 
abbrevated  form  in  Cassel,  Cologne,  and  Calvin's  condensation,  given  in 
full.  Results  of  the  Revision  of  1552.  Hardwick's  Testimony. 

THE  Book  of  1549  was  found  in  some  of  its  features  to  be  un 
satisfactory.  As  shown  in  the  preceding  pages,  a  number  of 
causes  combined  to  increase  the  influence  of  Calvinism  in  Eng 
land.  Cranmer  himself  first  wavered  and  then  succumbed. 
The  first  book  was  too  Lutheran,  and  besides,  like  in  all  such 
movements,  much  was  suggested  by  the  experience  of  its  use. 
The  history  of  the  revision  does  not  concern  us  ;  we  have  to  do 
only  with  the  results  attained.  The  general  facts  are  well  known. 
Cranmer  was  again  at  the  head  of  the  commission.  Bucer  and 
Martyr,  then  Professors  at  Cambridge  and  Oxford,  prepared 
"  Censures"  of  the  First  Book,  (published  about  January  1552) 
while  the  French  Order  of  Pollanus,  and  the  German  of  A  Lasco 
had  also  been  published  and  afforded  suggestions.  Coverdale 
had  translated  it  into  Latin  for  Calvin's  examination.  The  new 
book  thus  prepared  was  issued  in  September  1552.  The  Preface 
disclaims  any  very  important  changes  from  the  First  Book. 

The  first  difference  appears  in  the  introduction  of  a  confes 
sional  service  before  the  regular  morning  service.  The  ancient 
Orders  provided  such  service  for  the  priest  who  was  to  minister, 

(^75) 


276  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

in  order  that,  before  coming  to  the  holy  mysteries,  he  might 
himself  privately  confess  and  be  absolved.  The  public  service 
of  the  Mass,  however,  began  with  the  Introit,  and  in  this  the 
Lutheran 'Orders  had  made  no  change,  although  subsequently  be 
coming  general,  especially  when  private  confession  lost  its  position, 
or  a  corresponding  Saturday  evening  service  was  disused.  The 
English  authorities  are  much  perplexed  as  to  the  origin  of  the 
Confessional  Service  introduced  in  1552,  and  still  retained.  The 
usual  explanation  is  that  it  was  suggested  by  the  Orders  of  Polla- 
nus  and  A  Lasco.  "The  hint  was  taken  from  two  books  of  Ser 
vice,  used  by  congregations  of  refugees  in  England."1  The 
formula  of  Pollanus  has  been  traced  by  Archbishop  Laurence 2  to 
Calvin.  Pollanus  had  succeeded  Calvin  as  pastor  at  Strassburg, 
and  had  thence  emigrated  with  his  congregation  to  Glastonbury 
in  Somersetshire.  The  formula  is  the  same  as  that  prescribed 
by  Calvin  for  the  church  of  Geneva  in  1545. 3  It  resembles  that 
prepared  by  Zwingli  for  Zurich  and  Berne  in  1536.*  But  its 
sources  are  still  more  remote.  In  June  1524,  Bucer,  whose  influ 
ence  on  the  Book  of  Common  Prayer  enters  at  so  many  points, 
had  prepared  a  Reformation  of  the  Mass,  which  he  published, 
as  his  biographer  Baum  says,  without  the  knowledge  or  consent 
of  the  clergy  of  Strassburg,  who,  in  a  radical  reaction  against 
Rome,  were  opposed  to  any  fixed  form.5  This  Order  was,  at  the 
close  of  the  same  year,  reported  in  abstract  to  Luther  by  the 
council  of  the  city,  as  in  use  in  their  churches.  It  is  here  given 
with  the  others  above  mentioned. 

STRASSBURG   ORDER    (1524). 

"  In  the  Name  of  the  Father,  and  of  the  Son,  and  of  the  Holy 
Ghost.     Amen. 

Confess  unto  God  the  Lord ;  for  he  is  good,  and  his  mercy  is 

1  Procter,  p.  48. 

*  Bampton  Lectures,  p.  209. 

3  Niemyers  Coll.  Conf.,  p.  171. 

4  Ib.  p.  73- 

5  Baum's  Capita  and  Bucer,  p.  266. 


The  Second  Prayer  Book  of  Edward   VI.  277 

unto  everlasting.  I  said  I  will  confess  my  transgressions  unto 
the  Lord ;  and  Thou  forgavest  the  iniquity  of  my  sin. 

I,  a  poor  sinful  man,  confess  unto  God  Almighty,  that  I  have 
grievously  sinned  by  the  transgression  of  his  commandments, 
that  I  have  done  much  that  I  should  have  left  undone,  and  that 
I  have  left  undone  much  that  I  should  have  done,  by  unbelief 
and  distrust  of  God,  and  weakness  of  love  towards  my  fellow- 
servants  and  neighbors ;  for  which,  as  I  acknowledge  myself 
guilty  before  God,  I  grieve.  Be  gracious  unto  me ;  be  merciful 
unto  me,  a  poor  sinner.  Amen. 

This  is  a  faithful  saying  and  worthy  of  all  acceptation  that 
Christ  Jesus  came  into  the  world  to  save  sinners,  of  whom  I  am 
chief  This  I  believe.  Lord,  help  my  unbelief  and,  save  me. 
Amen. 

The  priest  then  says  to  the  people  :  God  be  gracious  and 
merciful  unto  us  all.  Amen." 

Then  come  the  Introit  and  the  Mass  proper. 

CALVIN'S  ORDER  (1545). 

"  Our  help  is  in  the  Name  of  the  Lord,  who  made  heaven  and 
earth.  Amen. 

Brethren,  let  us  each  place  himself  before  the  Lord,  and  con 
fess  his  sins,  following  me  in  these  words  : 

O  Lord  God,  Eternal  and  almighty  Father,  we  acknowledge 
and  frankly  confess  before  Thy  Holy  Majesty  that  we  have  been 
conceived  as  miserable  sinners,  and  have  been  born  in  iniquity 
and  depravity,  prone  to  wickedness,  useless  unto  every  good 
work,  and  that,  being  vicious,  we  do  not  cease  to  transgress  Thy 
holy  commandments.  Wherefore  we  would  receive  destruction 
from  Thy  just  judgment.  But,  Lord,  we  sincerely  lament  that 
we  have  offended  Thee  ;  we  condemn  ourselves  and  our  offences, 
seeking  in  true  penitence  for  Thy  grace  to  relieve  our  misery. 
Deem  us,  therefore,  O  Most  kind  and  merciful  Father,  worthy 
of  Thy  mercy,  for  the  sake  of  Thy  Son,  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ. 
Blotting  cut  all  our  offences  and  washing  away  all  our  filth,  in- 


278  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

crease  in  us  daily  the  gifts  of  Thy  Holy  Spirit,  so  thatr  from  our 
hearts,  acknowledging  our  iniquity,  we  may  be  more  and  more 
dissatisfied  with  ourselves,  and  thus  be  aroused  to  true  repent 
ance  ;  and  mortifying  ourselves,  with  all  our  sins,  may  oring  forth 
fruits  of  righteousness  and  innocency  grateful  unto  Thee,  Through 
Jesus  Christ  our  Lord." 

Then  follows  a  Psalm.     There  is  no  absolution. 

The  form  of  Pollanus  (1551)  varies  only  in  a  few  words,  but 
adds:  "Absolution.  Here  the  Pastor  recites  to  the  people  in 
the  Name  of  the  Father,  and  of  the  Son,  and  of  the  Holy  Ghost, 
a  passage  of  Holy  Scripture  concerning  the  remission  of  sins." 

Upon  the  basis,  then,  chiefly  of  the  Strassburg  form,  together 
with  that  of  Calvin  and  of  the  Reformation  of  Cologne,  used 
in  the  Preparatory  Servic0,  the  English  Confessional  Prayer  was 
constructed.  "We  have  erred  and  strayed  like  lost  sheep  "  was 
probably  suggested  by  the  shorter  Prayer,  before  Communion, 
of  the  Cassel  and  Cologne  Orders.6  The  Absolution  was  taken 
from  that  in  the  Preparatory  Service  of  the  Reformation  of  Co 
logne,  Bucer's  earlier  and  later  work  being  thus  combined. 

The  other  important  changes  in  the  Matin  Service,  were  in 
making  \h&  Jubilate  alternate  with  the  Benedictus,  and  in  chang 
ing  the  Apostles  Creed  from  directly  after,  to  directly  before  the 
Kyrie.  By  those  who  refer  to  the  American  "  Book  of  Common 
Prayer,"  this  cannot  be  traced,  since  the  American  revisers  have 
still  further  mutilated  the  old  Matin  Service  by  omitting  the 
Kyrie  and  the  Lord's  Prayer;  the  latter,  doubtless,  because  it 
had  already  been  used,  out  of  its  place,  after  the  Absolution. 

In  the  Communion  Service,  the  Kyrie  disappears,  and  the 
Gloria  in  JExcelsis  is  transferred  to  the  Post  Communion  Ser 
vice.  The  Ten  Commandments,  we  have  seen  above,  are  in 
serted,  not  simply  as  Blunt  suggests  after  "  the  jejune  liturgy  of 
Pullain  "  (Pollanus),  since  they  are  found  in  the  Roman  Mass, 
and  the  Liturgy  of  Frankfort-on-the-Maine  of  1530. T  "Glory 

6  "  Deine  zerstreuete  Schaflein" 

7  Richter's  KO.  p.  141. 


The  Second  Prayer  Book  of  Edward   VI.  279 

be  to  thee,  O  Lord,"  after  the  reading  of  the  Gospel;  is  omitted. 
The  Nicene  Creed  reappears,  as  the  proper  Creed  for  the  Com 
munion  Service.  The  direction  that  the  sermon  shall  follow  the 
Creed,  disappears.  The  Admonition  of  I.  Edward,  is  transferred 
to  a  later  place  ;  so  also  the  Salutation,  Sursum  Corda,  and  the 
words:  "  It  is  meet,  right  and  our  bounden  duty."  What  in 
I.  Edward  VI.  is  in  another  place  as  the  "  Consecratory  Prayer," 
is  now  changed  into  a  prayer  for  the  Church  and  rulers — the 
Cassel-Cologne  Order  being  more  closely  followed,  and  the  Ro 
manizing  taint  of  the  First  Book  being  excluded.  This  Cassel- 
Cologne  prayer  was  already  outlined  by  Bucer  in  his  Strassburg 
Mass  of  1524.  We  translate  it,  unabridged,  from  Cassel  (1539) 
as  the  form,  in  which  Cranmer  and  his  associates  used  it. 

"  Almighty,  Everlasting  and  Gracious  God  and  Father,  Thou  hast  command 
ed  us  through  Thy  dear  Son  and  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  and  his  holy  apostles,  to 
assemble  ourselves  before  Thee  in  His  Name,  and  hast  promised  that  whatso 
ever  we  thus  unitedly  pray  Thee  in  His  Name,  Thou  wouldst  graciously  give. 
We  pray  Thee,  therefore,  through  the  same  Thy  dear  Son,  our  only  Saviour; 
first,  that  Thou  wouldst  graciously  forgive  us  all  our  sins  and  offences,  which  we 
here  all  confess  and  acknowledge  before  Thee,  and  that  Thy  just  wrath, 
which,  by  our  grievous  transgressions,  we  have  merited,  Thou  wouldst  gra 
ciously  turn  away  from  us,  for  the  sake  of  the  Blood  and  precious  Satisfaction 
of  Thy  Son,  our  Mediator.  Strengthen  also  Thy  Holy  Spirit  within  us,  that 
we  may  wholly  surrender  ourselves  to  Thy  good  pleasure,  that,  now  and 
ever,  we  may  pray  Thee  in  all  true  faith  for  ourselves  and  others,  and  may 
richly  obtain  Thy  help  and  grace. 

We  pray  Thee  also  especially  for  Thy  Church  and  congregation.  Deliver 
it  from  all  wolves  and  hirelings,  who  desolate  it,  and,  by  their  corruptions, 
array  themselves  against  Thee.  Grant  and  sustain  godly  and  faithful  pastors, 
through  whom  all  Thy  scattered  sheep  may  be  brought  back  unto  Thy  dear 
Son,  the  Chief  Shepherd  and  Bishop  of  our  souls,  and  into  his  true  commu 
nion,  that  there  may  be  one  Shepherd  and  one  fold. 

We  pray  Thee  for  all  rulers,  Emperors,  Kings,  princes  and  lords,  and  es 
pecially  for  those  of  our  land,  and  the  counsellors  and  magistrates  of  this  city. 
Grant  and  increase  unto  them  all  grace  to  rule,  that  they  may  acknowledge 
and  embrace  Christ  Thy  Son  our  Lord,  as  One  to  whom  Thou  hast  given  all 
power  in  Heaven  and  Earth,  and  that  they  may  so  govern  their  subjects,  as 
Thy  creatures  and  children  ;  that  we,  here  and  everywhere,  may  lead  a  quiet 
and  peaceful  life  in  all  godliness  and  honesty. 


280  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

We  pray  Thee  further,  Holy  Father,  for  all  men,  even  for  those  estranged 
from  Thy  Kingdom.  Draw  unto  Thy  Son  our  Saviour,  all  those  who  flee 
from  Him,  and  those  whom  Thou  hast  drawn  to  Him  and  enlightened,  grant 
that  they  now  may  know  to  find  in  Him  alone  the  forgiveness  of  sins  and 
all  good.  Strengthen  them,  in  this  knowledge,  and  make  it  ever  more  ac 
tive  within  them,  unto  all  good  works. 

We  pray  Thee  also,  Gracious  God  and  Father,  for  all  upon  whom  Thou 
hast  imposed  any  special  chastisement.  Whether  it  be  by  poverty,  exile, 
sickness,  or  any  other  distress  ard  trial,  give  them  to  recognize  Thy  gracious 
fatherly  hand,  comfort  and  deliver  them  from  all  evil,  and  grant  that  they  may 
acknowledge  and  consider  in  every  chastisement,  that  they  have  deserved  what 
is  far  more  grievous,  and  thus  may  be  turned  the  sooner  and  the  more  com 
pletely  from  all  evil  unto  Thine  alone  good  will. 

Finally,  we  pray  Thee,  Everlasting  and  Faithful  God  and  Father,  that,  as 
we  are  here  assembled  in  Thy  Divine  Presence,  for  Thy  Holy  Word,  Prayer 
and  the  Holy  Sacraments,  enlighten  the  eyes  of  our  understanding,  and  grant 
we  may  acknowledge  and  remember,  that  we,  alas  !  of  ourselves  and  from  our 
parents,  are  of  such  perverse  and  condemned  nature,  that  in  our  flesh  and 
blood,  we  cannot  inherit  Thy  Kingdom  of  righteousness  and  blessedness ; 
that  we  can  deserve  nothing  but  eternal  wrath  and  all  misery;  but  that 
Thou,  Gracious  God,  out  of  thy  boundless  mercy,  didst  regard  our  misery  and 
corruption,  and  didst  will  that  Thy  Eternal  Word,  Thy  dear  Son,  shouldst  be 
come  flesh  and  our  brother,  whereby  flesh  and  blood  again  might  become  holy, 
and  we,  poor  condemned  men,  might  be  renewed  and  sanctified  again  through 
Him,  unto  Thine  image  and  unto  all  Thy  divine  will  and  good  pleasure. 
Therefore  he  giveth  us  to  eat  and  to  drink,  in  his  Holy  Sacrament,  that  very 
holy  flesh  and  blood  which  he  hath  offered  upon  the  cross  unto  the  Father 
for  our  sins,  and  whereby  he  hath  paid  the  ransom  for  all  our  sins,  and 
reconciled  us  unto  Thee,  in  order  that  he  might  live  in  us,  and  we,  in  him, 
might  live  a  holy  and  godly  life.  Grant,  Heavenly  Father,  that  we  may  ac 
knowledge  all  this,  in  true  living  faith,  and,  now  and  at  all  times,  meditate 
thereon,  that,  renouncing  reason  and  all  wicked  lusts,  we  may  devote  our 
selves  entirely  unto  Thy  dear  Son,  our  Lord  and  Saviour,  seek  and  obtain  all 
help  and  consolation  in  Him  alone,  and  in  His  death  and  resurrection  ;  and 
may  now  receive  his  holy  Body  and  Blood  with  all  thankfulness,  and  wor 
ship  and  praise  Thee,  because  of  His  bitter  suffering  and  death,  His  Heavenly 
governance,  and  the  gift  of  Himself  which  he  makes  unto  us,  for  food  and 
drink,  unto  life  everlasting." 

The  prayer  ends  with  a  brief  paraphrase  of  the  Lord's  Prayer. 
Both  in  Cassel  and  Cologne,  there  is  a  shorter  form  of  this 
prayer. 


The  Second  Prayer  Book  of  Edward   VI.  281 

"  Merciful  God,  Heavenly  Father,  Thou  hast  promised  that  if  we  come  to 
gether  in  the  Name  of  Thy  dear  Son,  our  Lord  and  Saviour,  Jesus  Christ," 
etc. 

Calvin  has  appropriated  the  thoughts,  but  rewrought  the  lan 
guage  in  the  form,  prepared  for  Geneva  (1545),  which  begins: 

"  Almighty  God,  Heavenly  Father,  Thou  hast  promised  us  that  Thou  wilt 
hear  the  prayers  which  we  offer  Thee  in  the  Name  of  Thy  dear  Son  and  Lord 
Jesus  Christ ;  and  we  have  learned  both  of  Him  and  of  His  Apostles,  that 
we  should  come  together  in  one  place  and  in  his  Name,  the  promise  being  given 
that  He  will  be  present  with  us  to  intercede  with  Thee  for  us,  and  obtain  all 
things  which,  with  one  consent,  we  ask  of  Thee  on  Earth. 

First,  Thou  hast  commanded  us  to  pray  for  those  whom  Thou  hast  ap 
pointed  over  us  as  rulers  and  governors ;  then  to  approach  Thee  as  suppli 
ants  for  all  things  necessary  unto  Thy  people  and  all  mortals.  Since,  then 
we  have  come  into  Thy  presence,  relying  upon  Thy  holy  commands  and 
promises,  assembled  in  the  Name  of  Thy  Son  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  we  as 
suppliants,  sincerely  beseech  Thee,  O  God  and  Father,  in  the  Name  of  the 
same,  our  only  Saviour  and  Mediator,  so  deign  to  forgive  our  sins  and  to  turn 
our  hearts  unto  Thee,  that  we  may  call  upon  thee,,"  etc. 

Calvin  presents,  at  length,  the  topics,  in  the  same  order,  as  in 
Cassel,  except  that  he  prays  for  rulers  before  praying  for  the 
Church.  His  prayer  ends  also  with  the  Confession  of  sin,  original 
and  actual,  and  the  paraphrase  of  the  Lord's  Prayer.  From 
these  sources,  therefore,  the  prayer  was  condensed  : 

"  Almighty  and  Everliving  God,  which  by  thy  holy  apostle  hast  taught  us 
to  make  prayers  and  supplications,  and  to  give  thanks  for  all  men  ;  we  hum 
bly  beseech  Thee  most  mercifully  to  receive  our  prayers  which  we  offer  unto 
Thy  divine  Majesty,"  etc. 

The  latter  part  of  the  prayer  in  I.  Edward,  containing  the 
Words  of  Institution,  is  transferred  to  another  part  of  the  service. 
The  modification  here  of  the  formula  of  distribution  has  been 
noticed  in  a  preceding  chapter. 

The  only  change  in  the  Vesper  Service,  was  in  the  insertion  of 
"O  Lord  open  thou  my  lips,"  etc.,  from  the  Matin  Service,  the 
omission  of  the  Hallelujah,  and  the  provision  that  the  Psalm 
Cantate  Domino  (XCVIII.)  may  alternate  with  the  Mrgnificat 


282  77/i?  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

and  the  Deus  Misereatur  (Ps.  XVII.)  with  the  Nunc  Dimittis. 
The  Athanasian  Creed  was  retained  as  in  I.  Edward  VI. 

In  the  Baptismal  Service,  the  Exorcism  was  omitted,  the  sign 
of  the  cross  changed  to  after  the  baptism,  Luther's  Collect  ab 
breviated,  the  thanksgiving  Collect  rewrought,  the  Lord's  Prayer 
and  Creed  after  the  Exhortation  omitted,  several  Collects  from 
the  former  Order  for  Consecration  of  the  Font  introduced,  etc. 
In  the  Burial  Service,  prayers  for  the  dead  were  suppressed,  etc., 
details  interesting  in  the  history  of  the  Book,  but  whose  exami 
nation  lies  outside  of  the  scope  of  our  undertaking.  The  result 
of  the  revision  was,  on  the  one  hand,  to  remove  a  number  of  Ro 
manizing  elements,  but,  on  the  other,"  to  sacrifice  much  of  its 
Lutheran  to  a  Calvinistic  Spirit,  and  to  make  changes  which  se 
riously  impaired  the  service  as  an  organism. 

Archdeacon  Hardwick  has  well  said:  "His"  (Cranmer's) 
"Lutheran  predilections  are  also  manifested  in  the  formation 
of  the  First  Service  Book  of  Edward  VI.,  put  forth  in  the  month 
of  June,  1549;  for,  like  the  corresponding  work  of  the  Saxon 
Reformers,  our  own  is  derived  almost  entirely  from  the  ancient 
or  mediaeval  Liturgies,  and,  in  no  inconsiderable  degree,  through 
the  medium  of  a  Lutheran  compilation,  itself  based  upon  the 
older  Offices  of  Nuremberg."8 

8  History  of  the  XXXIX  Articles,  p.  80. 


CHAPTER  XXIV. 

AN    EXCURSUS   ON   THE   TYPICAL   LUTHERAN   CHIEF   SERVICE. 

Application  of  the  Evangelical  Principle  to  the  Sphere  of  Worship.  The 
distinctive  features  of  the  Lutheran  Service.  The  Sacramental  and 
Sacrificial  factors  with  respect  to  the  Roman,  the  Reformed  and  the  Lu 
theran  Services. 

THE  "  COMMON  SERVICE  "  examined.  Preparatory  Service  of  Confession.  Its 
Origin ;  its  Structure.  The  Declaration  of  Grace.  No  Absolution.  The 
Declaration  analyzed. 

THE  SERVICE  PROPER.  First  Act— THE  WORD  :  Part  I.  A.  The  In- 
troit.  Agreement  of  Lutheran  Orders.  Origin.  Structure.  When 
and  by  whom  chanted.  B.  The  Kyrie.  Relation  to  Introit.  No  Con 
fession  of  Sin.  C.  The  Gloria  in  Excelsis.  Significance  of  its  place- 
Its  Structure.  Its  Origin.  Part  II.  A.  The  Salutation.  Where  only 
to  be  used.  B.  The  Collects.  The  Oremus.  Why  called  Collect. 
Origin.  Structure.  C.  The  Epistle.  The  New  Testament  Law.  D. 
The  Hallelujah.  Significance  of  its  place.  Luther's  Rule.  Graduals,  Se 
quences,  etc.  E.  The  Gospel  Origin  of  attending  Responses.  Part 
III.  A.  The  Creed.  Variations  in  its  place,  and  its  significance  as  so 
changed.  Lutheran  Orders  prefer  the  Nicene  Creed.  B.  The  Ser 
mon.  The  Explanation  of  the  Gospel.  Votum.  C.  Offertory.  Improp 
erly  so  called.  D.  General  Prayer.  Analogy  of  Roman  Mass.  Em 
phasizes  the  Church  as  the  Communion  of  Saints.  Various  forms  used. 
Luther's  Litany  greatly  enriches  the  ancient  Litany.  Structure.  Not 
a  mere  penitential  prayer. 

Second  Act— THE  COMMUNION  :  The  Lutheran  Conception  of  the  Commu 
nion,  in  its  relation  to  the  Word.  Communion,  not  to  be  separated  from 
the  Preaching  Service  Part  I.  INTRODUCTION.  A.  Salutation  B. 
Preface.  C.  Sanctus  Structure  and  Significance  Meaning  of  the 
"  Benedictus."  D.  Exhortation.  Origin  (Volprecht,  Niirnberg,  1525) 
Unliturgical.  Why  retained?  Part  II  CONSECRATION.  A.  The 
Lord's  Praver.  Not  properly  consecratory.  Why  the  Lord's  Prayer  is 

(283) 


284  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

used?  B.  Words  of  Institution.  Meaning  of  their  recitation  in  this 
place.  C  The  Pax.  Luther's  Explanation.  Part  III.  THE  DIS 
TRIBUTION.  A.  Agnus  Dei.  Origin.  The  Dona  nobis ;  when  intro 
duced,  and  what  it  signifies.  B.  Distribution  Proper.  Meaning  of 
the  words.  Luther's  addition.  Benediction.  Is  "true"  to  be  used? 
Consecration  not  complete  until  in  the  Distribution.  Part  IV.  Post  Com 
munion  .  A.  The  Nunc  Dimittis.  In  the  oldest,  but  not  the  most  Or 
ders.  Significance.  B.  Versicle.  C.  Collect.  D.  Benedicamus. 

The  First  Part  of  Service,  variable ;  the  Second  part,  fixed.  Exceptions.  Klie- 
foth's  Comments.  Simpler  Services  for  villages  and  country  churches.  A 
typical  Simple  Service. 

THE  tracing  of  the  relation  between  the  Orders  of  Edward  VI. 
and  those  of  the  Lutheran  Church,  having  led  to  the  incidental 
discussion  of  various  details  of  the  latter,  it  may  not  be  out  of 
place  to  introduce  here  a  brief  presentation  of  the  Chief  Service 
(Haupt%otte$ditnsf),  as  it  has  attained  a  fixed  form,  where  the 
reformation  of  the  ancient  Orders  of  public  worship  upon  the 
principles  laid  down  by  Luther  and  his  associates,  has  been  car 
ried  out.  We,  of  course,  fail  to  find  any  form  so  rigidly  fixed, 
and  uniformly  used,  as  the  Roman  Order.  In  the  various  Lu 
theran  countries,  the  application  of  the  same  principles  was  mod 
ified  by  varying  circumstances,  as  Romanizing  or  Reformed  in 
fluences,  or,  as  in  South-Western  Germany,  even  the  prejudices 
diffused  by  Carlstadt,  through  his  connection  with  Strassburg, 
are  traceable.  Then,  as  even  the  principles  themselves  were 
more  strongly  or  more  feebly  apprehended,  there  were  varying 
results.  The  application  and  elaboration  of  the  evangelical 
principle/  within  the  sphere  of  worship,  could  not  be  realized  at  one 

1  This  principle  within  the  sphere  of  worship,  is  that  the  public  worship 
does  not  in  itself  convey  the  forgiveness  of  sins,  and  the  blessings  of  salva 
tion.  These  are  found  only  in  the  gracious  assurances  of  the  Gospel,  which 
are  appropriated  only  by  faith.  This  principle  had  to  assert  itself  against  the 
Romish  error  that  the  public  service  was  an  institution  appointed  by  God,  di 
rectly  conditioning  salvation.  The  Public  Service,  according  to  the  evangeli 
cal  principle  is  not  a  means  of  grace,  as  Rome  makes  it ;  but  a  means,  through 
which  the  means  of  grace,  Word  and  Sacrament,  are  brought  to  men.  In  it, 
the  Holy  Spirit  comes  to  men,  as  Word  and  Sacrament  are  administered ; 


Excursus  on  the  Typical  Lutheran  Chief  Service.     285 

stroke,  but  only  through  a  gradual  process.  In  the  consideration 
of  a  typical  Lutheran  service,  we  must  constantly  eliminate  from 
any  given  Orders  the  factors  pertaining  to  historical  and  local 
relations,  and  having,  therefore,  only  transitory  significance. 
We  will  follow  here  "The  Common  Order  of  Service,"  which 
three  of  the  Lutheran  General  Bodies  in  America,  have  agreed 
upon  as  exhibiting  the  Consensus  of  the  pure  Lutheran  litur 
gies  of  the  Sixteenth  Century. 

Preliminary,  however,  to  the  examination  of  the  Service,  it  is 
important  to  keep  in  mind  a  principle  marking  the  worship  of 
the  different  Confessions,  which  Dr.  Kliefoth  has  discussed  at 
length  in  his  Liturgische  Abhandlungin,  and  whom  we  shall 
mainly  follow  here.  In  all  true  worship  of  God,  two  things  are 
implied,  viz.,  God  offers  and  communicates,  and  man  not  only 
receives  what  God  offers,  but  also  returns  something  to  God. 
The  former  is  the  sacramental ;  the  latter,  the  sacrificial  element 
in  worship.  A  sacrament  may,  in  a  wide  sense,  be  defined  as  "a 
ceremony  in  which  God  gives  that  which  the  promise  attached 
thereto  offers. ' '  Thus  Baptism  is  no  act  of  ours,  but  one  which 
God  brings  to  us,  and  through  which  he  bestows  upon  us  the 
blessings  announced  at  the  institution  of  Baptism.  The  Son  of 
God  was  not  content  with  providing  for  us  salvation  by  his  sac 
rifice  on  the  cross  ;  but  he  has  ordained  means  whereby  the  effi 
cacy  of  his  sacrifice,  is  applied.  The  Lord's  Supper  was  insti- 

and  men,  in  turn,  through  the  Holy  Spirit,  attending  Word  and  Sacraments, 
receives  what  the  Holy  Spirit  offers.  The  perfection  of  the  liturgical  Service 
depends,  therefore,  upon  the  provision  made  for  this  constant  reciprocation, 
God  giving  and  man  receiving,  like  the  two  sides  of  one  breath.  There 
could  be  no  such  conception  of  the  Service  where  everything  was  spoken  in  a 
language  not  understood.  Nor  could  it  occur,  where  the  doctrine  of  the  con 
stant  presence  of  the  Holy  Spirit  with  the  Word  and  Sacraments  was  denied, 
and  an  inner  Word  made  the  more  prominent  and  important.  All  questions, 
then,  concerning  places,  times,  forms  and  books  of  worship,  fall  under  the 
category  of  adiaphora ;  they  are  of  value,  not  in  themselves,  but  in  the 
degree  that  they  promote  true  worship,  i.  e.  edification  from  Word  and  Sac 
rament,  and  invocation  of  God  based  thereon.  Cf.  Koestlin's  Geschichte 
des  Christlichen  Gottesdienstes  (PVeiburg,  1887),  pp.  152  sqq. 


286  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

tuted  not  that  we  might  thereby  bring  anything  to  Christ,  but 
that  he  might  bring  something  to  us.  So  the  reading  and 
preaching  of  the  Word,  bring  with  them  the  very  grace  which 
the  Word  proclaims. 

The  sacrificial  element  is  when  we  bring  something  to  God. 
There  are  two  forms  of  sacrifice,  the  propitiatory  and  the  eu- 
charistic.  Under  the  New  Testament,  there  is  but  one  propitia 
tory  sacrifice,  viz.,  that  of  our  Lord  and  Saviour  Jesus  Christ, 
made  by  both  his  active  and  passive  obedience  throughout  life, 
and  finally  offered  once  for  all  upon  the  altar  of  the  cross.  Eu- 
charistic  sacrifices  are  those  of  prayer,  praise  a.nd  thanksgiving, 
made  in  response  to  what  is  given  us  in  Word  and  sacraments. 

In  every  true  act  of  worship,  there  is  a  reciprocation  between 
the  sacramental  and  sacrificial  elements.  God  gives  through 
Word  and  sacraments  ;  and  we  give  back  to  him  in  prayer  and 
praise.  The  fundamental  element  in  every  Service  must  be  the 
sacramental ;  for  God  must  give  to  us,  before  our  faith  can  render 
worship,  good  works,  etc.  Hence  the  fundamental  principle 
of  Lutheran  worship  is  that  the  individual  Service  must  never 
consist  merely  of  sacrificial  parts,  but  must  always  have  some 
thing  sacramental,  /'.  e.  the  application  of  Word  and  Sacraments. 
For  the  sacramental  is  the  divine  address ;  and  the  sacrificial, 
the  human  answer. 

In  the  Romish  worship,  the  sacramental  element  was  crowded 
out  by  the  sacrificial.  The  Mass,  instead  of  being  a  sacrament, 
was  made  a  sacrifice ;  and  that,  too,  a  propitiatory  sacrifice. 
By  becoming  a  sacrifice,  it  ceased  to  be  a  real  means  of  grace. 
God's  act,  they  changed  into  man's  work.  Man's  believing  and 
thankful  reception  they  transformed  into  a  meritorious  transac 
tion  whereby  to  purchase  grace.  Hence  participation  in  the 
Eucharist  was  regarded  unimportant.  If  it  be  a  sacrifice  made 
for  us,  even  our  presence  is  unnecessary.  So  the  Word  need  not 
be  understood  when  read.  Presence,  at  its  public  reading, 
whatever  the  language,  becomes  a  propitiatory  act. 

In  the  Reformed  Church,  the  sacramental  was  also  crowded 


Excursus  on  the  Typical  Lutheran  Chief  Service.     287 

out  by  the  sacrificial  element ;  but  in  another  way.  In  antago 
nizing  the  Romish  propitiatory-sacrifice,  they  make  the 
Service  almost  entirely  Eucharistic-sacrificial.  As  is  well  known, 
Zwingli  denied  the  reality  of  means  of  grace.  The  application 
of  grace  is  conceived  of  as  occurring  immediately  from  Spirit  to 
spirit.  The  constant  presence  of  the  Holy  Spirit  with  the  Word 
and  Sacraments  is  denied.  All  liturgical  acts  are  expressions 
of  faith  already  wrought.  The  sacraments  offer  nothing  from 
the  Lord,  but  the  faith  or  piety  of  those  celebrating  them.  The 
Word  does  not  bring  the  Spirit ;  but  the  Spirit  brings  the  Word. 
Through  the  exposition  of  the  Word,  the  preacher  simply  gives 
testimony  as  to  his  faith.  Believers  come  together  chiefly  by 
common  prayer,  confession,  praise,  thanksgiving,  etc.,  to  exer 
cise  their  faith. 

The  Lutheran  Church,  laying  emphasis  upon  both  elements, 
provides  for  both,  throughout  every  part  of  her  Service.  They 
interpenetrate  each  other,  the  sacramental  always  evoking  the 
sacrificial-eucharistic,  and  the  sacrificial-eucharistic  never  occur- 
ing  except  as  the  sacramental  has  preceded.  And  yet,  as  we 
shall  see,  certain  parts  of  the  Service  are  predominantly  sacra 
mental,  and  others  predominantly  sacrificial. 

With  this  principle  understood,  we  proceed  to  the  presentation 
of  the  Service  : 

I.  THE  PREPARATORY  SERVICE 
A.    Confession. 

In  the  name  of  the  Father,  and  of  the  Son,  and  of  the  Holy  Ghost.    Amen. 

Beloved  in  the  Lord  !  Let  us  draw  near  with  a  true  heart,  and  confess 
our  sins  unto  God,  our  Father,  beseeching  him,  in  the  name  of  our  Lord 
Jesus  Christ,  to  grant  us  forgiveness. 

Our  help  is  in  the  name  of  the  Lord. 

Who  made  heaven  and  earth. 

I  said,  I  will  confess  my  transgressions  unto  the  Lord. 

And  thou  forgavest  the  iniquity  of  my  sin. 

Almighty  God,  our  Maker  and  Redeemer,  we  poor  sinners  confess  unto 
thee,  that  we  are  by  nature  sinful  and  unclean,  and  that  we  have. sinned 
against  thee  by  thought,  word  and  deed.  Wherefore  we  flee  for  refuge  to 


288  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

thine  infinite  mercy,  seeking  and  imploring  thy  grace,  for  the  sake  of  our  Lord 
Jesus  Christ.  O  most  merciful  God,  who  hast  given  thine  only  begotten  Son 
to  die  for  us,  have  mercy  upon  us,  and  for  his  sake,  grant  us  remission  of  all  our 
sins ;  and,  by  thy  Holy  Spirit,  increase  in  us  true  knowledge  of  thee,  and  of  thy 
will,  and  true  obedience  to  thy  word,  to  the  end  that  by  thy  grace  we  may 
come  to  everlasting  life,  through  Jesus  Christ,  our  Lord.  Amen. 

This  does  not  belong  to  the  Service  properly  so  called.  The 
Service  of  the  Mass  does  not  have  it  as  such.  The  Consensus  of 
the  Lutheran  liturgies  of  the  Sixteenth  Century  does  not  contain 
it.  It  has  its  origin  in  the  Confiteor  or  Praeparutio  in  Missam,  said 
by  the  officiating  priest  for  himself,  first  secretly,  but  in  course 
of  time,  publicly,  before  beginning  the  service.2  Thence  revised, 
so  as  to  exclude  the  Roman  errors,  it  was  transferred  to  a  num 
ber,  but  not  the  majority,  of  the  Lutheran  services.  Thus  the 
Brandenburg-Nurnberg  Order  begins:  "When  the  priest 
comes  to  the  altar,  he  may  say  the  Confiteor,  or  whatever  his 
meditation  suggests."  Even  an  earlier  Order  (Strassburg,  1524) 
prescribes  it  in  a  form  similar  to  that  here  given.3  The  form 
adopted  is  that  of  Mecklenburg,  155 2. 4  The  structure  of  the 
Confession  is  not  manifest  in  the  English  translation.  The  Ger 
man  is  :  "  Ich  armer  siindigtr  Mensch"  showing  that  it  is  the 
officiating  minister,  who  begins  under  the  deep  sense  of  his  un- 
worthiness  of  that  which  his  office  communicates  (Is.  6  :  5  sq.). 
Then,  in  the  second  part  of  the  prayer,  the  people  join,  or  as  in 
the  Meckenburg  Order,  a  second  minister.  There  is  also  pro 
gress  in  the  thought.  The  first  is  a  general  prayer  for  God's 
mercy ;  the  second,  passing  to  what  is  more  specific,  presents 
the  plan  of  salvation,  with  the  prayer  that  God  would  fulfil  his 

2  Confiteor  Deo  Omnipotent!,  beatae  Mariae  semper  virgini,  beato  Michaeli 
archangelo  .  .  omnibus  sanctis  et  vobis,  fratres,  quia  peccavi  nimis  cogitatione, 
verbo   et  opere.     Mea  culpa,  mea  culpa,  mea  maxima  culpa.     Ideo  precor 
beatam  Mariam  semper  virginem — et  vos  fratres  orare  pro  me  ad  Dominum, 
Deum  nostrum.     Then  his  fellow  ministrants  continue  :     Misereatur  tui  Om- 
nipotens  Deus,  ct  dimissis  peccatis  tuis  perducat  te  ad  vitam  aeternam. 

3  See  above  Chapter  xxii. 

4  Richter,  11:122. 


Excursus  on  the  Typical  Lutheran  Chief  Service.     289 

promises  connected  with  that  plan.  The  second  petition  has 
almost  the  force  of  an  absolution  by  his  congregation,  of  the  min 
ister  who  has  prayed  the  first  petition,  and,  at  the  same  time,  joins 
therewith  the  congregation's  prayer  for  the  same  blessing.  In 
the  first  petition, a  most  important  addition  has  been  made  to  the 
Confiteor  of  the  Roman  Order,  in  that  Original  Sin  is  included, 
and  made  prominent.  The  German  traces  sin  from  the  act  to  its 
source  in  Original  Sin  ;  the  English  begins  with  the  source,  and 
shows  how  it  has  developed  in  outward  manifestations. 

B.      The  Declaration  of  Grace. 

Almighty  God ;  our  heavenly  Father,  hath  had  mercy  upon  us,  and  given 
His  only  Son  to  die  for  us,  and  for  His  sake  forgiveth  us  all  our  sins.  To 
them  that  believe  on  His  Name,  He  also  giveth  power  to  become  the  sons 
of  God,  and  bestoweth  upon  them  His  Holy  Spirit.  He  that  believeth,  and 
is  baptized  shall  be  saved.  Grant  this,  O  Lord,  unto  us  all.  Amen. 

In  this  form,  the  declaration  is  found  in  Mecklenburg,  1552. 
It  is  often,  but  improperly,  -called  an  absolution.  An  absolu 
tion  is,  however,  the  individualization  of  the  general  promise 
of  the  Gospel,  the  application  to  the  individual  of  the  forgive 
ness  which  is  offered  to  all.  Such  absolution  cannot  be  spoken 
to  an  entire  congregation,  or  even  to  two  or  three  persons,  but 
only  to  one.  In  a  wide  sense,  the  term  general,  as  distinguished 
from  private  or  personal,  absolution  may  be  used.  But  such  gen 
eral  absolution  occurs  wherever  the  Word  of  God  is  preached. 
Any  other  form  of  general  absolution  detracts  either  from  preach 
ing,  on  the  one  hand,  or  from  the  personal  absolution  on  the 
other.  The  subject  was  involved  in  controversy  at  Niirnberg  in 
1533,  where  Brentz  and  Osiander  objected  to  the  custom  which 
previously  obtained.5  Brentz  urged  that  it  could  not  be  a  true 
absolution,  since  it  is  nowhere  read  in  Scripture,  that  a  mixed 
assembly  could  be  absolved,  in  which  are  found  unbelievers,  fan 
atics,  impenitents,  adulterers,  usurers,  drunkards,  murderers,  and 
where  none  asks  for  absolution  ;  that  such  absolution  would  be 

6  For  details  see  KKefotht  II :  335  sqq, 
20 


290  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

either  conditional,  /.  e.  I  absolve  you,  if  you  have  repentance 
and  faith,  or  unconditional,  /.  e.  I  absolve,  you  whether  you  have 
or  have  not  repentance  and  faith.  But  a  conditional  absolution 
is  no  absolution ;  and  an  unconditional  absolution  of  such  kind, 
"is  a  lie  and  blasphemy."  Luther  and  the  Wittenberg  Faculty 
tried  to  mediate  between  the  two  sides.6  But  Brentz  more  con 
sistently  carried  out  the  Lutheran  principle.  In  the  Reformed 
churches,  the  public  absolution  is  not  objectional,  since,  accord 
ing  to  the  Reformed  conception,  the  absolution  does  not 
communicate  that  which  it  announces. 

We  have  here,  therefore,  not  an  absolution,  but  only  a  declara 
tion  of  the  Order  of  Salvation,  and  its  general  offer  to  the  sinners 
who  have  confessed.  A  more  admirable  and  thoroughly  logical 
statement  could  scarcely  be  framed  : 

1.  God's  General  Benevolence.     His  Antecedent  Will. 

(«.)  His  pity  for  fallen  man.  "  Hath  had  mercy  upon  us," 
/'.  e.  from  all  eternity,  as  he  foresaw  our  fall. 

($.)  His  provision  for  man's  recovery. 

"And  given  his  only  son  to  die  for  us." 

(c.~)  The  fruits  of  this  mercy  and  redemption. 

"  For  his  sake  forgiveth  us  all  our  sins."  All  being  redeemed 
by  Christ,  all  through  Christ  are  potentially  forgiven.  There  is 
forgiveness  for  all,  though  all  do  not  avail  themselves  of  it. 

2.  *God' s  Special  Benevolence.     His  Consequent  Will. 

(#.)  The  Manner;  (<£.)  The  Means,  by  which  the  forgiveness 
provided  for  all  is  bestowed.  The  manner — Faith,  Regener 
ation,  the  Holy  Spirit.  The  means — Faith,  Baptism. 

3.  Prayer  that  the  Holy  Spirit  may  work  this  faith,  and  apply 
to  each  heart  the  forgiveness  which,  for  Christ's  sake,  belongs 
to  it. 

In  Dober's  Mass  (1525)  where  the  outlines  of  this  form  are 
found,  it  ends :  "  Be  it  to  each  according  to  his  faith.  Pray 
God  for  me.  I  also  will  do  likewise."  (Lohe). 

6  See  De  Wette's  Luther's  Briefen>  IV :  480  sqq. 


Excursus  on  the  Typical  Lutheran  Chief  Service.     291 

THE   SERVICE   PROPER. 

Lohe  has  said  that  every  complete  Service  is  a  mountain  with 
two  summits :  The  preaching  of  the  Word  is  one,  the  adminis 
tration  of  the  sacrament  is  the  other.  As  Sinai  is  higher  than 
Horeb,  so  the  latter  rises  above  the  former.  We  reach  both  by 
a  gradual  .".scent. 

First  Act— The   Word. 

Part  I.  A.  The  Introii.  The  normal  Lutheran  service  al 
ways  begins  with  the  Introit,  "In  this  there  is  complete  agree 
ment  among  all  Lutheran  Orders  until  the  middle  of  the 
XVII.  Century"  (Kliefoth),  the  only  exceptions  being  in  the 
occasional  use  of  introductory  hymns  or  psalms,  and  the  confes 
sional  service  just  considered.  To  what  has  been  already  said  in 
chapter  XX.,  we  add  the  following: 

The  Introits  appear  first  in  Gregory  the  Great,  and  in  the  es 
sential  form  which  they  have  since  had.  Every  Introit  consists 
of  three  parts :  An  Antiphon,  a  Psalm  and  the  Gloria  Patri. 
The  Antiphon  presents,  by  means  of  a  brief  passage  of  Scripture 
(with  a  few  exceptions  from  the  Psalms),  the  leading  thought  of 
the  particular  day.  The  Psalm  is  a  brief  passage  from  the  Psalms, 
in  which  the  joy  of  the  heart  at  what  the  Antiphon  announces, 
finds  expression.  Originally  an  entire  Psalm  was  chanted  here. 
This  usage  can  be  traced  from  the  fact  that,  of  the  sixty-one 
Introits  included  in  the  appended  table,  fiftv-two  have  as  the 
Psalm-verse,  the  first  verse  of  the  Psalm  used,  the  intention  gen 
erally  being  that  the  entire  Psalm  should  follow.  Where  the 
verse  is  not  the  first  of  a  Psalm,  the  Introit,  as  a  rule,  has  begun 
with  the  first  verse,  or  first  and  second  verses,  which  is  then 
followed  by  the  rest  of  the  Psalm. 


292  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 


TABLE   OF   INTROITS. 

Antiphon. 

Psalm. 

I.  Sunday  in  Advent. 

Ps.  25  :  1-3  a. 

25: 

4- 

{Zach.  9  :  4. 

II.         "       « 

Is.  30:  30. 

80: 

I. 

Is.  30  :  29. 

III.         "       « 

Phil.  4  :  4-6. 

85  : 

i. 

IV.          "       "         « 

Is.  45  :  8. 

19  : 

i. 

Christmas. 

Is.  9  :  6. 

98: 

i. 

Sunday  after  Christmas. 

(Ps.  93  :  5,  2). 

95  : 

i. 

Circumcision. 

(Ps.  8:  1,4). 

Is.  63  : 

1  6. 

Epiphany. 

Mai.  3:  I. 

Ps.  72  : 

i. 

I.  Sunday  after  Epiphany. 

f  Is.  6:  I. 
\  Rev.  19  :  6. 

100  : 

i. 

jj          «         «             << 

Ps.  66  :  4. 

66: 

I,   2. 

III.,  IV.,  V.    "             " 

Ps.  97  :  7,  8- 

97  : 

I. 

VI.  Sunday     «            « 

Ps.  77  :  18. 

84: 

I. 

Septuagesima, 

Ps.  18  :  5,  6. 

18: 

1,2. 

Sexagesima. 

Ps.  44  :  23-25. 

44  : 

I. 

Quinquagesima, 

Ps.  31  :   2,  3. 

3i  : 

I. 

Ash  Wednesday. 

Ps.  57:  2;  I  b. 

57: 

i  a. 

I.  Sunday  in  Lent. 

Ps.  91  :    15,  16. 

91  : 

i. 

[  ]                     it             U         « 

Ps.  25  :  6,  2  b.,  22. 

25: 

i. 

III.      "     "   " 

Ps.  25  :  15,  16. 

25: 

i. 

IV.          "       "     " 

Is.  66  :  10. 

122 

:  i. 

V.         "       "     « 

Ps.  43  :  i,  2. 

43  = 

3- 

VI.          "       "     " 

Ps.  22  :  19,  21. 

22  : 

i. 

Monday  in  Holy  Week. 

Ps.  35  :  I,  2. 

35: 

3- 

Tuesday  and  Thursday  in'H.W. 

Gal.  6  :  14. 

46: 

i. 

Wednesday  in  Holy  Week. 

Phil.  2  :  10,  8. 

5: 

I,  2. 

Good  Friday. 

Is.  53  :  3-6. 

5: 

I,  2. 

(Ps.  139=18,  5,  6. 

139: 

I,  2. 

Easter. 

or, 

I  Luke  24  :  6  a.,  5  b.,  6  b.,  7. 

8: 

5  b.,6a. 

First  Sunday  after  Easter. 

I  Pet.  2  :  2. 

81  : 

i. 

Second     "         "         " 

Ps.  33:5,6. 

33  : 

i. 

Third        "         "         " 

Ps.  66  :   i,  2. 

66; 

3- 

Fourth      "         "         " 

Ps  98  :  I  a.,  2  b. 

98: 

i  b. 

Fifth         "         "         " 

Is.  48  :  20. 

100  : 

i. 

Ascension  Day. 

Acts  i  :  II. 

47: 

i. 

Sunday  after  Ascension. 

Ps.  27  :  7,  9. 

27: 

I. 

Excursus  on  the  Typical  Lutheran  Chief  Service.     293 


Whitsunday. 
Trinity  Sunday. 

Antiphon, 
(  Wisd.  I  :  7  a. 
\  Ps.  68  :  3. 
f  Partly  from  Job  12:6. 
|  Partly  ecclesiastical. 
-I           or, 
Is.  6  :  3. 
[Rom.  II  :  36. 

Psalm. 
68:  i. 

8:1 
8:  i. 

First  Sunday  after  Trinity. 

Ps-  13  =  5,  6. 

13:1. 

Second     "         " 

" 

Ps   18  :  18  b.,  19. 

18  :  i,  2  a. 

Third        "         " 

H 

Ps.  25  :  16,  18. 

25  :  i,  2  a. 

Fourth      "         " 

U 

Ps.  27  :  I,  2. 

27  =  3- 

Fifth 

ll 

Ps.  27  :  7,  9  b. 

27  :  i  a. 

Sixth 

« 

Ps.  28  :  8,  9. 

28:1. 

Seventh    "         " 

« 

Ps.  47  :  i. 

47:3- 

Eighth      " 

H 

Ps.  48  :  9,  10. 

48  :  i. 

Ninth        "         " 

« 

Ps.  54--  4,5- 

54  :  ! 

Tenth        "         " 

« 

Ps  55:  1  6,  i8a,  19  a.,  22  a 

55  =  r 

Eleventh  "         " 

U 

Ps  68:  5  b.,  6  a.,  35  b 

68:  i 

Twelfth     "         " 

« 

Ps.  70:  i,  2  a. 

70  :  2  b. 

Thirteenth  Sunday  after  Trinity. 

Ps.  74  :  20  a.,  21  a.,  23  a. 

74:  i. 

Fourteenth       " 

«              « 

Ps.  84  :  9,  10  a. 

84:  i. 

Fifteenth          " 

«              << 

Ps.  86  :  I  a.,  2  b.,  3. 

86:4. 

Sixteenth          " 

ft             « 

Ps.  86:  3,  5. 

86  :  i  a. 

Seventeenth     " 

«              « 

Ps.  119  :  137,  124. 

119  :  i. 

Eighteenth       " 

«            « 

Eccles.  36:  16,  17  a 

122  :  i. 

f  Ps.  35  :  3  b. 

Nineteenth  Sunday  alter  Trinity. 

J  Ps.  34:   17. 

78:1. 

(  Ps.  48  :  14  a. 

f  Dan.  9  :  14  b. 

Twentieth  Sunday  after  Trinity. 

I  Song  of  the  Three  Children 
\  Ps.  119:  124.         [3:  20. 
IPs  51:   I- 

48:  i. 

Twenty-first  Sunday  aft.  Trinity, 

,     Esther  13:  9,  10,  n. 

119:  i. 

Twenty-second  " 

tt         it 

Ps.  130:  3,4. 

130:  i,  2  a. 

Twenty-third      " 

«         « 

Jer.  29:  II,  12,  14. 

85:1. 

Twenty-fourth    " 

«         « 

Ps.  95  :  6,  7. 

95:  i. 

Twenty-fifth        " 

u          « 

Ps.  31  :  9  a.,  15  b. 

31  :  i. 

Twenty-sixth      " 

«          i( 

Ps.  54:  1,2. 

54=5- 

Twenty-seventh  or  whenever  last  Sunday  occurs,  repeat  Introit  for  Twenty- 
third. 


294  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

The  Introit  was  chanted  as  the  minister  entered  the  church. 
Some  derived  the  name,  from  the  fact  that  originally  a  Psalm 
was  sung  by  the  choir,  as  the  people  entered.  The  Antiphon 
was  chanted  by  the  choir,  representing  the  chorus  of  angels  that 
chanted  at  Bethlehem,  or,  as  Gerbert  suggests,  the  chorus  of  Old 
Testament  prophets,7  and  the  Psalm  formed  the  response  of  the 
congregation.  The  chanting  of  the  Introit  by  the  congregation, 
was  deemed  inappropriate,  since  it  is  its  office  to  announce  to 
the  congregation  what  God  has  for  it  on  that  day.  The  opening 
word  for  the  Introit  gave  the  name  of  the  day.  Hence  Cantatf, 
Rogate,  Jubilate,  Sundays.  The  Gloria  Patri  follows  every 
Psalm,  and  hance  its  position  here,  after  the  Psalm-verse.  Orig 
inally  its  form  was:  "  Glory  to  the  Father,  through  the  Son,  in 
the  Holy  Ghost,"  or  "Glory  to  the  Father,  in  the  Son,  and  the 
Holy  Ghost."  But  from  the  time  of  the  Arian  controversy,  it 
assumed  its  present  form.  So  also  "As  it  was  in  the  begin 
ning,"  etc.,  was  added  first  in  the  East,  and  afterwards  in  the 
West,  as  the  Council  of  Vaison  (A.  D.  529)  declares:  "Be 
cause  of  the  craftiness  of  heretics,  maintaining  that  the  Son  of 
God  was  not  always  with  the  Father,  but  had  begun  to  be  in 
time." 

B.  THE  KYRIE.  The  glory  of  the  divine  goodness  manifested 
by  what  the  Introit  has  announced,  has  been  celebrated  in  the 
Gloria  Patri.  But  the  greater  the  manifestation  of  divine  good 
ness,  the  deeper  the  humiliation.  The  Kyrie  is  not  a  confession 
of  sin,  but  a  confession  of  wretchedness  to  be  borne  as  a  conse 
quence  of  sin  now  forgiven,  as  long  as  life  lasts,  Rom.  7:  24. 
When  the  blind  man  cried  out  "Thou  Son  of  David,  have 
mercy  on  me,"  Matth.  9:  27,  he  did  not  confess  his  sins,  but 
prayed  that  his  infirmity  might  be  removed.  So  we  also  pray 
for  the  removal  of  the  blindness  which  obstructs  from  us  the  full 
light  of  heavenly  grace.  Even  amidst  the  glory  of  New  Testa 
ment  light,  the  sighing  of  the  Old  Testament  prophets  is  heard. 

7 "  The  choir  as  the  voice  of  the  Church  Universal,  specifically  of  the  O. 
T.  Church."  Schoeberlein  Liturgische  Ausbau,  p.  246. 


Excursus  on  the  Typical  Lutheran  Chief  Service.     295 

Is.  33  :  2  :  "  O  Lord  be  gracious  unto  us ;  we  have  waited  for 
thee."  From  the  Kyrie,  the  Litany  seems  to  have  originated, 
(Calvor).  According  to  pre-Reformation  practice,  the  Kyrie  is 
sometimes  said  in  Greek  in  our  Lutheran  churches.  The  reason 
may  be  learned  from  that  suggested  by  Bona  for  its  use  in  Greek 
in  the  Roman  Mass.  "The  Latins  say  the  Kyrie  in  Greek; 
they  also  say  Amen,  Hallelujah,  Sabaoth,  and  Hosanna  in  He 
brew,  perhaps  to  show  that  there  is  one  Church,  consisting  first 
of  Hebrews  and  Greeks,  and  then  also  of  Latins."  He  adds 
that  thus  the  mysteries  of  the  faith  are  transmitted  in  the  three 
tongues  in  which  the  superscription  above  the  cross  was  written, 
and  quotes  from  Augustine  (Epistle  178),  that  "just  as  by  the 
term  Homoousion  one  substance  of  the  Trinity  is  believed  by  all 
the  faithful,  so  by  the  Kyrie  Eleison  the  nature  of  one  God  is  be 
sought  by  all  Latins  and  barbarians,  to  be  merciful."  In  per 
fect  harmony  with  this,  Bugenhagen  says  in  the  Brunswick  Order 
of  1531  :  "It  would  be  well  that,  as  we  do  not  change  the  He 
brew  words  'Amen,1  '  Hallelujah, '  'Hosanna,*  after  the  exam 
ple  of  the  Holy  Apostles,  who  although  in  the  New  Testament, 
they  wrote  Greek,  did  not  change  those  words ;  so  also  we  would 
translate  the  Kyrie  Eleison  and  Christe  Eleison,  which  are 
Greek,  into  German.  .  .  By  Greek  writing,  the  whole  New 
Testament  has  been  produced,  and  we  dare  not  so  completely 
cast  aside  everything  that  is  Greek.  You  can  easily  understand, 
unless  you  obstinately  despise  it,  when  you  are  once  told  that 
'  Kyrie  Eleison '  means  '  Lord,  have  mercy,'  and  '  Christe  Elei 
son,1  'Christ,  have  mercy.'  But  if  you  want  to  be  so  rigidly 
German,  you  must  not  even  say  '  Christ,  have  mercy,'  but  '  Du 
Gesalbtcr,  have  mercy.'  ' 

C.  The  GLORIA  IN  EXCELSIS.  The  minister  now  comforts  the 
congregation.  He  has  gone  down  with  them  into  the  depths 
of  their  wretchedness,  and  now,  from  these  depths,  he  looks  up, 
and  bids  them  look  up  with  him,  "unto  the  hills  whence  cometh 
their  help."  At  once,  faith  in  the  hearts  of  the  people  is  roused 
to  action,  and  takes  the  word  from  God's  lips.  First,  in  the  song 


296  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

of  the  angels,  they  celebrate  the  divine  goodness.  Then  again, 
the  contrast  between  God's  Love  and  their  disposition  towards 
it,  awakens  within  the  Gloria  a  second  Kyrie.  Then  once  more, 
the  thought  of  their  own  need  is  forgotten,  as  the  song  of  tri 
umph  in  the  three-fold  ascription  of  Glory  to  Christ  alone,  ends 
the  strain.  The  '-'Gloria  Major"  is  without  doubt  one  of  the 
very  oldest  hymns  of  the  Christian  Church.  It  is  sometimes, 
though  without  sufficient  evidence,  ascribed  to  Bishop  Teles- 
phorus  (127-138),  by  others,  to  Hilary,  bishop  of  Poictiers 
(t368),  although  it  is  probably  earlier.  It  is  found  in  the 
"Apostolical  Constitutions"  (Second  or  Third  Century), 
which  sufficiently  establishes  its  Eastern  origin.  It  occurs  there 
in  the  following  form  :  "  Glory  "be  to  God  in  the  highest,  and 
upon  earth  peace,  good-will  among  men.  We  praise  Thee,  we 
glorify  Thee,  we  worship  Thee  by  Thy  great  High  Priest ;  Thee, 
who  art  the  true  God,  who  art  the  One  Unbegotten,  the  only 
accessible  Being.  For  Thy  great  glory,  O  Lord  and  heavenly 
King,  O  God  the  Father  Almighty,  O  Lord  God,  the  Father 
of  Christ,  the  immaculate  Lamb,  who  taketh  away  the  sin  of  the 
world,  receive  our  prayer,  Thou  that  sittest  upon  the  cherubim. 
For  thou  only  art  holy,  Thou  only  art  the  Lord  Jesus,  the  Christ 
of  the  God  of  all  created  nature,  and  our  King,  by  whom  glory, 
honor  and  worship  be  to  Thee."  Luther  says  that  it  neither 
grew,  nor  was  made  upon  earth,  but  came  directly  from  Heaven. 

With  the  Gloria  in  Excelsis,  the  first  part  of  the  act  of  the 
Word  ceases.  The  congregation  has  been  prepared  for  the 
Word  itself,  and  then  proceeds  to  its  reception.  The  sacrificial 
element  has  thus  far  prevailed.  Now  the  sacramental  is  to  pre 
ponderate. 

Part  II. — A. — THE  SALUTATION  introduces  the  sacramental 
part  of  the  Service,  whether  it  be  the  administration  of  Word  or 
Sacrament,  that  is  to  follow.  Through  his  minister,  Christ  sa 
lutes  us  when  about  to  make  his  abode  within  us.  Thus  the  an 
gel  to  the  virgin,  Luke  i  :  23.  The  Response  follows  Ruth  2  :  4, 
or  2  Tim.  4 ;  22.  The  Salutation  and  Response  are  not,  however, 


Excursus  on  the  Typical  Lutheran  Chief  Service.     297 

confined  to  the  sacramental  act.  As  seen  in  the  Matin  and 
Vesper  Services,  they  belong  to  the  Collects.  "  By  this  frequent 
repetition  of  this  greeting  and  Response,  the  bonds  of  love  and 
unity  between  pastor  and  people  are  tied  anew."  (Lohe). 
"  The  meaning  is :  '  May  the  Lord  abide  in  you,  and  give  effi 
cacy  to  your  petitions  '  (Durandus),  or  the  priest  says  that  he  is 
at  peace  with  both  clergy  and  people  (Damianus),  or  the  atten 
tion  is  aroused  to  prayer  (Rupertus) ;  for  it  is  not  God  nor 
Christ,  but  '  the  Lord  be  with  you,'  since  '  Lord  '  signifies  power 
(Turrecrem)."  (Gavanti).  The  minister  prays  for  his  people. 
The  people  pray  for  their  minister ;  and  then  they  unitedly  pray 
for  one  another. 

B.  THE  COLLECTS.  The  "Let  us  pray,"  indicates  that  the 
people  are  to  join  in  the  prayer,  which  may  be  done  either  silently 
or  in  subdued  voice.  Again  we  refer  to  what  is  said  in  Chapter 
XX.  As  the  Collect  is  to  be  a  prayer  of  the  people,  the  earlier 
Lutheran  Orders  evidently  restricted  the  number,  in  order  that 
those  well  known  to  the  people  might  be  used.  As  originally  in 
the  Gregorian  Order,  only  one  Collect  was  to  be  used.  The 
meaning  of  the  term  is  not  certain.  It  is  either  the  united  or  the 
collected  prayer  of  the  entire  congregation — the  minister  has 
prayed  for  his  people  in  the  Salutation,  and  they  have  prayed  for 
the  minister  in  the  Response — or  a  prayer  made  by  a  collected 
congregation,  or  a  prayer  that  collects  and  concentrates  the 
thought  of  Gospel  and  Epistle.  Its  office  here  is  to  prepare  the 
congregation  for  the  reception  of  the  special  Word,  pertaining  to 
the  day,  announced  by  the  Introit,  and  now  about  to  be  read. 

The  Collects  for  the  Sundays  and  chief  festivals  are  almost  en 
tirely  of  Pre-Reformation  origin,  from  the  Leonine  (440),  Ge- 
lasian  (492),  and  Gregorian  (596)  Sacramentaries. 

The  following  may  be  noted,  as  Leonine :  III.  Sunday  after 
Easter,  IV.  XII.  and  XIII.  after  Trinity.  Gelasian  :  II.,  III., 
IV.  Advent,  Christmas  Eve,  Christmas  Day,  I.  Other  Collect 
for  Advent,  Palmarum,  Easter  Eve,  Easter  Day,  II.,  IV.  V.  after 
Easter,  Sunday  after  Ascension,  I.,  III..  V.,  VI,  VII.,  VIII., 


298  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

IX.,  X.,  XL,  XIV.,  XV.,  XVII.,  XVIII. ,  XIX.,  XX.  after 
Trinity.  Gregorian  :  I.  Advent,  Sunday  after  Christmas,  II. 
Other  Collect  for  Advent,  Epiphany,  I.,  II.,  III.,  IV.,  V.  after 
Epiphany,  Septuagesima,  Sexagesima,  Quinquagesima,  II.,  III., 
IV.,  V.  Sundays  in  Lent,  Monday,  Tuesday  and  Wednesday  in 
Holy  Week.  Other  Easter  Collects,  I.  after  Easter,  I.  for  As 
cension,  Whitsunday,  Monday,  in  WThitsun-week,  XVI.,  XXL, 
XXII. ,  XXIII  ,  XXIV.  after  Trinity.8  In  comparing  them  with 
the  Anglican  Collects,  it  must  be  remembered  that,  after  the 
Third  Sunday  after  Trinity,  the  Anglican  Collects  fall  one  Sun 
day  behind,  and  that  elsewhere,  as  in  the  first  three  Sundays  in 
Advent,  the  Anglicans  have  composed  new  Collects,  while  we 
retain  the  ancient  Collects. 

The  structure  of  the  Collect  is  always  the  same.  It  embraces 
one  main  petition,  consists  of  but  one  sentence,  asks  through  the 
merits  of  Christ,  and  ends  with  an  ascription  to  the  Holy  Trin 
ity.  Its  parts  as  well  analyzed  by  English  writers,  such  as  Neale,9 
are:  i.  Invocation.  2.  Antecedent  Reason.  3.  Petition.  [4. 
Benefit].  5.  Conclusion,  The  fourth  part  is  not  always  found. 
The  conclusions  are  uniform  even  when  not  so  designated.  If  to 
the  Father :  "Per  Dominum  nostrum  Jesum  Christum,  Filium 
tuum,  qui  tecum  vivit  et  regnat  in  unitate  Spiritus  sancti,  Deus 
per  omnia  saecula  saeculorum;"  if  to  the  Son:  "qui  vivis  et 
fegnas  cum  Deo  Patre  in  unitate,"  etc.  "That  no  prejudice 
may  be  shown  the  other  persons  of  the  Godhead,  not  addressed 
in  the  prayer."  (Gavanti). 

There  are  no  versicles  for  the  Collects  at  this  part  of  the  ser 
vice.  The  Collect  is  followed  by  the  "Amen,"  to  be  said  or 

8  From  Gerbert's  Monumenta  veteris  Liturgiae  Alemannicae,  supplemented 
by  Muratori's  Liturgia  Romana. 

9  The  distribution  can  be  traced,  as  far  back  as  Thomas  Aquinas  (Summa 
Summarum.     2,  2.  Q.  83,  Art.  XVII.,)  who  tries  to  apply  to  it  I   Tim.  2 : 
I.     He  says  :     "  In  the  Collect  for  Trinity  Sunday,   'Almighty  and  Ever 
lasting  God '  pertains  to  the  raising  of  the  mind  to  God ;  '  Who  hast  given 
unto  us  Thy  servants]  pertains  to  thanksgiving ;  '  We  beseech  Thee  that  Thou 
ivouldest  keep]  pertains  to  petition  j  '  Through  our  Lord]  to  supplication." 


Excursus  on  the  Typical  Lutheran  Chief  Service,     299 

sung  by  the  congregation,  according  to  i  Cor.  14 :  10;  Neh.  8  :  6. 
THE  LESSONS.  That  there  are  two  lessons,  the  Epistle 
and  the  Gospel,  is  traceable  to  the  Service  of  the  synagogue, 
where  on  every  Sabbath,  a  lesson  from  the  Law  and  one  from 
the  prophets,  was  read.  The  entire  Pentateuch  was  divided  into 
sections  corresponding  to  the  weeks  of  the  year,  so  that  it  was 
annually  read  through. 

C.  THE  EPISTLE  is  the  Word  of  the  Christian  Law ;  with  all 
its  greater  depth  and  breadth  as  set  forth  in  the  New  Testament. 
In  his  first  liturgical  writing,  the  Formula  Missae,  Luther  has 
not  understood  this,  when  he  attacks  the  selections  made,  on  the 
ground  that  they  are  not  such  epistle  lessons  as  treat  of  faith  and 
Christ. 

"The  Epistle  which  is  read  before  the  Gospel  pertains  to  the 
ministry  of  John."  (Gerbert  Monumenta  Veteris  Ltturgtae, 
III:  151).  The  Epistle  is  taken  sometimes  from  the  Old,  and 
sometimes  from  the  New  Testament.  For  John  was  the  way  be 
tween  those.who  preceded  and  followed,  intermediate  between 
Apostles  and  Prophets.  For  the  Law  and  Prophets  were  until 
John.  ' What  is  the  Law,'  asks  Justin  Martyr.  'The  Gospel 
which  is  proclaimed.  What  is  the  Gospel  The  Law  which  is 
fulfilled.'  St.  Augustine:  'In  the  Old  and  New  Testaments  the 
things  are  the  same ;  but  there  they  are  adumbrated,  here  re 
vealed ;  there  prefigured,'  here  manifested.  On  Lord's  Days 
the  Epistle  is  conformed  to  the  Law  from  the  New  Testament, 
since  now  we  are  under  the  law  of  grace,  which,  since  the  resur 
rection,  the  Lord's  Day  represents,  and  which  now  illumines  the 
whole  world.  The  Epistle  precedes  :  i.  Because  it  designates 
the  office  which  John  exercised  before  Christ ;  for  he  went  be 
fore  the  face  of  the  Lord  to  prepare  his  ways.  (Rupert,  Inno 
cent,  Alex,  de  Ales.,  Durand.)  2.  Because  the  Apostles  were 
sent  two  and  two  before  the  Lord.  (Alcuiri).  3.  Because  God 
does  not  make  the  manifestation  of  his  power  and  goodness  all 
at  once ;  but  first  less,  and  afterwards  more.  What  he  spoke 
himself  contains  more  perfect  manifestation  than  what  he  spoke 


300  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

by  the  Apostles.  4.  That  the  mind  of  the  hearers  may  advance 
from  the  reception  of  what  is  less  to  what  is  greater,  and  thus 
gradually  ascend  from  the  lowest  to  the  highest  (Walafried 
Strabo.)  (J.  S.  Durantus,  De  Ritibus  Ecc.  Catholicae.}* 

D.  Hallelujah.  With  the  consciousness  of  the  forgiveness 
of  sins  imparted  by  the  preceding  part  of  the  Service,  the  con 
gregation  receives  even  the  Law  with  joy.  Having  in  view  the 
Gospel  which  is  still  to  be  read,  the  Law  has  lost  its  terrors ;  it 
is  written  in  the  heart,  Heb.  8  :  10,  and  hence  is  greeted  with 
an.exultant  "Hallelujah." 

This  is  an  inheritance  from  the  Jewish  Church,  and  hence 
comes  appropriately  after  the  Christian  Law.  So  often  does  it 
occur  in  Ps.  113-118,  that  this  section  of  the  Psalms  is  often 
called  "The  Great  Hallelujah."  It  is  probable  that  the  latter 
portion  of  this  (Ps.  115-118)  was  chanted  by  our  Lord  as  "the 
hymn,"  at  the  last  passover.  Thus  it  points  to  his  sacrifice.  In 
Rev.  19  :  i,  it  is  the  triumphant  hymn  of  the  hosts  of  Heaven. 
Hence  it  is  not  translated,  since  it  belongs  no  more  to  any  par 
ticular  language  of  earth,  but  to  the  vocabulary  of  spiritually 
minded  men  and  angels.  This  explains  Luther's  rule  that  it 
must  never  be  omitted  from  the  service.  "  Ailelujah  enim  vox 
perpetua  est  ecclesiae,  sicut perpctua  est  memoria  passionis  et  vie. 
totiae  ejus."  Later  Lutheran  usage,  following  that  of  the  early 
Church,  has  sanctioned  its  suppression  during  the  Passion  Season, 
upon  the  principle  that  Luther's  rule,  if  strictly  applied,  would 
forbid  all  penitential  services. 

In  connection  with  the  Hallelujah,  a  prolific  musical  and  poe 
tical  growth  of  graduals,  sequences,  proses,  tracts  and  hymns 
arose.  They  prolonged  and  complicated  the  Service.  Even 
Cardinal  Bona  maintains  that  "some  very  foolish  ones  crept 
in."10  But  the  chief  objection  was  the  doctrinal  impurity  by 
which  they  were  pervaded..  Some  of  our  best  hymns  came  from 
this  source.  Luther  translated  a  number  of  them ;  and  if  a  pure 

9  £  ditto  Lugduni,  1675,  p.  241. 

10  Rerum  Liturgicarum  Libri,  III :  141. 


Excursus  on  the  Typical  Lutheran  Chief  Service.     30  r 

hymnody  of  sufficient  extent  could  have  arisen,  the  Hallelujah 
would  have  had  more  extensive  supplement  than  now.  In  his 
formula  Missae,  Luther  specifies  a  few  whose  retention  he  ap 
proved. 

E.  The  Gospel.     Here  we  find  not  only  the  summit  of  the 
First  Act  reached,  but  the  saving  deed  which  the  day  celebrates, 
is  clearly  declared.     It  is  no  longer  the  Apostolic  doctrine  con 
cerning  Christ,  but   it  is  Christ  Himself  who  is  evidently  set 
forth.     We  see  Him  in  all  his  concrete  personality  move  before 
us ;  we  hear  his  very  words.     Hence  we  rise  in  reverent  ador 
ation.     In  former  days,  men  of  war  unsheathed  their  swords  and 
listened  with   drawn  weapons,  ready  to  defend  the  truth  of  that 
which  was  heard.     Elsewhere,  weapons  previously  in  hand,  were 
laid  down,  in  adoration  of  the  Great  Conqueror,  before  whose 
words  all  earthly  power  must  yield.     The  infirm  laid  away  their 
staffs,  and  listened  with  uncovered  heads.     In  the  Ethiopic  Or 
der,  the  Gospel  was  introduced  by  the  words  :     "  Arise  and  hear 
the  Gospel  and  good  message  of  our  Lord   and  Saviour  Jesus 
Christ." 

F.  "  Glory  be  to  Thee,  O  Lord,"  not  only  expresses  the  first 
bound  of  joy  at  the  very  announcement  of  a  message  from  the 
Lord,  but  also  enables  the  congregation  to  rise  without  any  awk 
ward  break  in  the  Service. 

"Praise  be  to  Thee,  O  Lord,"  is  usual  in  our  Lutheran  litur. 
gies.  It  is  an  appropriate  doxology  in  response  to  the  Gospel, 
and  marks  the  close  of  the  second  part  of  the  Act  of  the  Word. 
Those  who  superficially  'object  to  it,  that  it  sounds  as  though  the 
people  were  thankful  that  an  end  had  come  to  the  lesson,  may 
answer  whether  then  the  singing  of  a  doxology  at  the  close  of  the 
Service,  would  not  mean  that  the  people  are  thankful  that  a  te 
dious  sermon  has  ended.  Profafte  criticism  can  ridicule  any 
thing  sacred. 

PART  III.  A.  THE  CREED.  This  is  introductory  and  subordi 
nate  to  the  Sermon.  In  a  few  Orders,  it  directly  follows;  but  in 
most,  it  precedes.  In  the  latter  case,  its  office  is  to  give  a  sum- 


302  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

mary  of  the  faith  as  a  whole  before  the  minister  expands  the  part 
contained  in  the  Gospel  for  the  day.  The  whole  horizon  of  the 
faith  sweeps  before  the  view,  and,  then,  the  hearers  are  prepared 
to  enter  the  one  limited  part.  Where  it  follows  the  Sermon,  as 
in  the  Reformation  of  Cologne,  it  is  as  the  affirmative  answer  to 
the  Sermon.  Another  explanation  is  sometimes  given  :  "The 
Creed  is  recited  after  the  Gospel,  that  while,  by  the  Holy  Gos 
pel,  there  is  faith  unto  righteousness  \  by  the  Creed,  there  may 
be  confession  with  the  mouth  unto  salvation."  (Durandus). 
"After  Christ  has  spoken  to  his  people,  it  is  proper  for  them  to 
express  their  belief  the  more  ardently  and  intently,  as  it  is  writ 
ten  in  the  Gospel  of  John  that  they  did,  who  had  heard  the  word 
from  the  Samaritan  woman."  (Gerbert). 

The  Creed  generally  prescribed  in  Lutheran  Liturgies,  is  the 
Nicene.  There  is  precedent  for  the  Apostles'  Creed,  and  that, 
too,  in  the  earlier  Orders,  Doeber's  (1525)  and  Bugenhagen's,  of 
the  same  year ;  but  this  is  rare.  The  Apostles'  Creed,  as  the 
Baptismal  Confession,  belongs  properly  to  the  Baptismal  Service, 
and  the  subordinate  weekly  and  daily  services.  The  Nicene 
Creed  is  the  Communion  Confession,  and  belongs  whenever  this 
is  administered ;  the  two  Creeds  corresponding  to  the  two  Sac 
raments.  Luther's  metrical  version  of  the  Nicene,  was  more  com 
mon  and  occasionally,  even  the  Athanasian  was  used,  as  on  Trin 
ity  Sunday  and  at  Ordinations.  The  Te  Deum  also  was  used 
at  times.  Because  of  its  confessional  character,  the  latter  was 
sometimes  called  the  "  Ambrosian-Augustinian  Symbol." 

B.  THE  SERMON.  A  number  of  our  Orders  provide  for  this 
under  the  direction  :  "  Explanation  of  the  Gospel."  The  whole 
Service  is  thrown  into  confusion,  if  that  towards  which  its  several 
parts  lead  be  neglected,  and  some  other  than  the  focal  topic  be 
introduced.  Not  that  which  for  the  moment  is  nearest  the  heart 
of  the  minister,  nor  that  which  is  nearest  the  heart  of  the  indi 
vidual  members,  but  that  which  is  so  arranged  that  the  entire 
contents  of  the  divine  Word  are  unfolded  and  communicated  in 
a  complete  cycle,  will  afford  most  permanent  edification,  and 


Excursus  on  the  Typical  Lutheran  Chief  Service.     303 

maintain  the  interest  of  devout  people.  The  service  of  the  min 
ister  on  the  pulpit  ends  with  the  Votum,  intended  to  summon 
the  people  to  join  in  the  succeeding  psalmody,  with  which  they 
are  occupied,  while  he  descends  from  the  pulpit,  and  takes  his 
place  before  the  altar. 

C.  THE  OFFERTORY.     This  is  so  different  from  the  Offertory 
in  the  Roman  Mass,  that  it  seems  scarcely  proper  to   retain  the 
name.     As  we  use  it,  the  reference  is   to  psalmody,    "adapted 
either  to  the  Sermon,  or  to  repentance,  or  to  the  Holy  Supper." 
(Calvor). 

D.  THE  GENERAL  PRAYER.     Here  the  analogy  of  the  Roman 
Mass  has  been  followed.     The  General  Prayer  has  its   origin  in 
the  long  series  of  petitions  attached  to   the  Roman  Offertory, 
which  were  mostly  connected  with  the  worship  of  saints,  prayers 
for  the  dead,  etc.     The  Lutheran  Ghurch,  going  back  to  a  purer 
tradition,  and  eliminating  these  elements,  found  this  the  proper 
place  to  pray  for  all  sorts  and  conditions  of  men.     For  the   cry 
of  repentance  has  led  to  the  thought  that  there  are  others   com 
prehended  in  the  same  sin,  the  same  redemption,  and   the  same 
forgiveness. 

The  office  of  the  General  Prayer  is,  therefore,  to  present  most 
forcibly  the  Church  as  the  communion  of  saints,  where  the  end 
of  all  our  prayers  for  men,  is  that  they  may  be  brought  to  repent 
ance  and  faith,  and,  through  repentance  and  faith,  experience 
the  fullness  of  the  divine  blessings,  both  temporal  and  eternal. 
Luther  presented,  as  a  proper  form  for  general  prayer,  a  paraphrase 
of  the  Lord's  Prayer,  expanding  its  petitions  at  length,  and  was 
followed  in  this  by  a  number  of  Orders.  Elsewhere  the  Litany 
or  the  Te  Deum  was  used,  or  several  Collects  were  combined,  as 
in  the  Brandenburg-Niirnberg  of  1533.  The  first  General  Prayer 
of  the  Common  Service  is,  except  the  first  paragraph,  in  the  Strass- 
burg  Order  of  1598,  and  is  probably  considerably  older.  In  its 
main  features,  it  is  found  in  the  Austrian  Order  of  1571. 

The  Litany,  presented  for  use  in  many  of  the  Orders,  where 
there  is  no  communion,  was  greatly  changed  by  Luther  in  his  re- 


304  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

vision  of  1529,  as  shown  above  in  Chapter  XVIII.  He  trans 
posed  "  from  all  sin  "  to  before  "all  evil ;"  inserted  "  by  thine 
agony  and  bloody  sweat,",  "in  all  time  of  our  tribulation,  in  all 
time  of  our  prosperity;"  changed  to  its  present  form,  "  to  pre 
serve  all  pastors  and  ministers,"  etc. ;  and  either  originated  or 
greatly  enlarged  all  the  intercessions  of  the  same  group.  In  the 
second  group,  only  the  first  intercession  is  in  the  Roman  Mass ; 
the  rest  are  by  Luther.  The  third  group  is  entirely  by  Luther. 
In  the  fourth,  he  amended  "omnibus  benefactoribus"  so  as  to 
read  "  hostibus,  persecutoribus  et  calumniatoribus  nostris"  i.  e. 
where  the  old  Litany  reads  :  "  To  repay  everything  good  to  our 
benefactors,"  Luther  reads:  "To  forgive  our  enemies,  perse 
cutors  and  slanderers,  and  to  turn  their  hearts."  This  is  a  fulfil 
ment  of  the  passage  :  "Ye  have  heard  that  it  hath  been  said  by 
them  of  old,  etc.,  but  I  say' unto  you,"  Matth.  5  :  21  sqq.  The 
prayers  at  the  close  of  the  Litany,  he  reduced  to  the  form  of 
Collects,  and  greatly  changed.  Thus,  except  at  the  beginning, 
it  is  almost  a  new  Litany.  Its  structure  has  been  analyzed  as 
follows:  i.  The  Simple  Kyrie.  2.  Invocations.  3.  Depreca 
tions,  beginning  "from."  4.  Obsecrations,  beginning  "by" 
and  '  in."  5.  Intercessions,  through  the  prayer  for  "ene 
mies."  6.  Supplications,  for  "  fruits  of  the  earth,"  and  "an 
swer  to  prayer."  7.  The  expanded  Kyrie.  8.  Simple  Kyrie. 
9.  Lord's  Prayer.  10.  Versicles,  and  Collects.  "It  is  the 
general  prayer  of  the  Christian  Church  under  all  necessities  and 
conditions.  We  must  carefully  avoid  narrowing  its  significance. 
It  is  not  e.  g.  a  mere  penitential  prayer ;  like  every  true  prayer, 
it  contains  this  element,  but  is  not  confined  to  this.  It  is  a 
prayer  in  every  necessity,  not  only  against  sin,  but  also  against 
all  evil.  It  is  not  a  mere  cry  of  anguish,  belonging  only  to 
times  of  trouble ;  it  is  a  prayer  not  merely  against  all  evil,  but 
for  all  good.  The  Pomeranian  Agende  goes  so  far  as  to  pre 
scribe  the  Litany  for  the  Saturday  Vesper  Service  in  the  place 
of  the  Magnificat,  and  to  have  it  sung  in  one  and  the  same 
week-day  Service  with,  and,  that  too,  even  before  the  Te 


Excursus  on  the  Typical  Lutheran  Chief  Service.     306 

Z)fum."  10    Luther  pronounced  it,  next  the  Lord's  Prayer,  the 
very  best  that  could  be  made. 

SECOND   ACT.       THE   COMMUNION. 

On  the  relation  of  the  Communion,  to  the  rest  of  the  Service  : 
"  To  Luther,  Word  and  Sacraments  are  the  objective  founda 
tions  of  the  Church,  and,  accordingly,  the  objective  factors 
cf  the  Service,  as  the  means  of  grace  whereby  the  individual 
comes  into  possession  of  the  blessings  of  salvation  ;  the  Lord's 
Supper  especially  as  a  sacrament  i?  regarded  not  merely  the  high 
est  and  most  impressive  announcement  and  assurance  of  grace 
but  also  as  the  objective  sealing  of  grace.  Hence  the  Lord's 
Supper  forms  the  summit  of  the  Service,  as  well  on  its  objective, 
as  on  its  subjective  side  :  inasmuch  as  in  the  celebration  of  the 
sacrament  the  gracious  declaration  of  the  Gospel  is  completed 
and  given  especial  power,  and  the  appropriation  of  salvation  on 
the  part  of  the  congregation  is  accomplished.  Hence  while  the 
Service  has  indeed  to  Luther  the  office  of  instructing  in  salvation, 
so  far  as  he  keeps  the  preaching  of  the  Word  in  view,  he  regards  it 
also  as  a  sealing  of  salvation,  a  communication  of  grace,  not 
merely  in  the  Lord's  Supper,  but  also  in  the  Word.  He,  therefore, 
finds  the  sum  and  summit  of  the  entire  Service  in  the  Communion, 
in  the  Eucharist."  n 

For  this  reason,  the  separation  of  the  communion  from  the 
preaching  Service,  is  entirely  foreign  to  the  spirit  of  the  Gospel 
as  apprehended  by  the  Lutheran  Church.  The  "  Communion 
Address,"  which  replaces  the  Sermon  in  some  churches,  is  an 
importation  from  the  Reformed  Church,  and  cannot  be  liturgi- 
cally  justified.  There  is  no  proper  Service,  without  the  preach 
ing  of  the  Word  ; 12  there  is  no  complete  Service,  without  Word 
and  Sacrament. 

Parti.  Introduction — A.  SALUTATION,  as  in  beginning  of  Act 
I.,  Part  I.  "  May  he  be  present  by  his  grace,  who  is  always 

10  Kliefoth's  Liturgische  Abhandlungen,  VIII.  (V)  p.  71. 

11  Koestlin's  Geschichte  des  Christlichen  Gottesdiensts, 

12  See  Luther's  Von  Ordenung  Gottesdiensts. 

21 


306  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

present  by  his  Omnipotence.  For  not  all  are  with  him  in  the 
manner  in  which  he  said  :  "  Lo,  I  am  with  you  alway,  nor  is  He 
with  all,  in  the  manner  of  which  we  say  :  '  The  Lord  be  with 
you.'  '  (Durandus). 

B.  THE  PREFACE.  This  is  the  oldest  and  most  unchanged  form 
of  the  Service.  It  was  in  use  already  in  the  time  of  Tertullian. 
It  begins  with  the  Sursum  Corda,  continues  in  the  Gratias,  and 
is  then  embodied  in  the  Dignum  etjustum,  with  special  (' proper'} 
prefaces  for  the  chief  festivals,  chiefly  from  the  Gregorian  Sac- 
ramentary. 

(").  The  SURSUM  CORDA,  found  in  the  Greek  form:  avto  rd? 
xapdiaq'  /jirjdsv  pji'i/ov  rrfr/ffafffte.  "Lift  up  your  hearts;  think 
of  nothing  earthly. ' '  An  exposition  of  this  is  giv*n  by  Cyprian 
in  his  treatise  "On  the  Lord's  Prayer:"  "When  we  stand 
praying,  beloved  brethren,  we  ought  to  be  watchful  and  earnest 
with  our  whole  heart  intent  on  our  prayers.  Let  all  carnal  and 
worldly  thoughts  pass  away,  nor  let  the  soul  at  that  time  think 
on  anything,  but  the  object  only  of  its  prayer.  For  this  reason 
also  the  priest,  by  way  of  preface  before  his  prayer,  prepares  the 
minds  of  the  brethren  by  saying  'Lift  up  your  hearts/  that  so 
upon  the  people's  answer  :  'We  lift  them  up  unto  the  Lord,' 
he  may  be  reminded  that  he  himself  ought  to  think  of  nothing 
but  the  Lord.  How  can  you  ask  to  be  heard  of  God,  when  you 
yourself  do  not  hear  yourself?"  Cyril :  "  It  is  necessary  at  that 
important  hour  to  lift  our  hearts  to  God,  and  not  to  sink  them 
to  earth  and  earthly  things.  In  this  sentence,  therefore,  we  are 
commanded  to  relinquish,  in  that  hour,  all  cares  and  domestic 
anxieties,  and  to  have  the  heart  in  Heaven  with  God,  the  Lover 
of  the  human  race."  Augustine  :  "  The  hearts  of  believers  are 
in  Heaven,  because  daily  directed  towards  Heaven,  when  the  priest 
says  :  '  Lift  up  your  hearts,'  and  they  confident  reply  :  '  We  lift 
them  up  unto  the  Lord. '  ' 

(£.)  Augustine's  explanation  of  the  GRATIAS,  is  :  "  That  we  lift 
up  our  hearts  to  the  Lord  is  by  God's  gift ;  for  which  gift,  then,, 
we  are  bidden  to  give  thanks  to  our  Lord  God." 


Excursus  on  the  Typical  Lutheran  Chief  Service.     307 

(r.)  DIGNUM:  "  To  praise  God  above  all  things  is  meet,  so 
far  as  God  is  concerned  ;  for  he  is  our  Lord  God  ;  it  is  just,  so 
far  as  we  are  concerned  ;  because  \ve  are  his  people.  It  is  meet, 
because  Thou  hast  made  us  by  Thy  pure  will ;  it  is  just,  because 
Thou  hast  redeemed  us  by  Thy  pure  mercy ;  it  is  right,  because 
Thou  dost  gratuitously  justify  us ;  it  is  sahttary,  because  Thou 
dost  perpetually  glorify  us."  (Innocentius,  quoted  by  Du- 
randus). 

C.  THE  SANCTUS.     Having  offered  numerous  petitions  for  the 
Church  on  earth,  the  congregation  of  believers  now  unites  with 
the  Church  in  Heaven  which  does  not  need  its  prayers,  in  the  an 
gelic  trisagion.     For  it  is  about  to  sit  in  heavenly   places   with 
Christ  Jesus.     The  Benedictus  from  the  Great   Hallelujah   (Ps. 
118:   26)  of  the  Passover,  added  to  the  Sane f us,  tells  that  Christ 
is  now  coming  to  his  people  through  his   real  presence  in    the 
Lord's  Supper.     They  are  to  eat  and  drink  in  remembrance  not 
of  an  absent,  but  of  a  truly  present,  though  unseen  Lord.   Hence 
they  exclaim  :    "  Blessed  be  he  that  cometh  in  the  name'  of  the 
Lord — Hosanna."     As  the  Sanctus  emphasizes  the  divine,  the 
Benedictus  emphasizes  the  human  nature  of  of  our   Lord.     Lu 
ther  separated  the  Sanctus  from  the  Preface,  in  order  probably 
to  bring  the  Benedictus  directly  before  the  Consecration.     The 
Hosanna  is  found  in  the  earliest  Communion  Service  on  record, 
viz  ,  that  in  "  The  Teaching  of  the  Twelve  Apostles."  (Chapter 
IX.,  §6). 

D.  THE  EXHORTATION.     Composed  by  Volprecht    of  Niirn- 
berg,  1525,  is  unliturgical,  and  causes  a  break  in  the  Service; 
since  this  is  not  the  place  for  preaching.     It  was  prepared  to  an 
swer   the  necessity  for  instructing  the  people,    who   had   been 
raised  under  Romish  error,    concerning  the  true  significance  of 
the   Lord's   Supper.     In  the  original,  it  is  much  longer.     The 
edifying  character  of  its  teaching  has  made  it  especially  dear  to 
the  Lutheran  Church,   and,   even  when  not  used,  its  presence 
in  the    book   gives  an    excellent  practical    exposition    of    the 
doctrine    of   the  Lord's  Supper.     The  Exhortation    took    the 


308  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England, 

place  of  the  Sancta  Sanciis,  TO.  ayta  ro:q  ayiot<;,  of  the  early 
Church,  /.  f.  "Holy  things  for  holy  persons."  "If  any  one 
be  not  holy,  let  him  not  approach.  He  does  not  say  '  abso 
lutely  free  from  sin,'  but  '  holy;'  for  not  absolute  freedom  from 
sin,  but  the  presence  of  the  Spirit,  makes  holy."  (Chrysostom). 

PART  IJ.     CONSECRATION. 

The  Consecration  properly  speaking  consists  only  of  the  Words 
of  Institution.  Accedit  verbum  ad  elementum  etfit  sacramentum. 
But  without  prayer,  we  cannot  come  at  Christ's  invitation,  to 
partake  of  what  He  is  about  to  give. 

A.  THE  LORD'S  PRAYER.     This  prayer  is  not  really  conse- 
cratory,  so  far  as  the  elements  are  concerned ;  but  it  is  conse- 
cratory  of  the  believers  who  are  ready  to  receive  the  heavenly 
blessings.      We  have   heard:     "Blessed  is  he  that  cometh  in 
the  name  of  the  Lord;"    and    in   the   Lord's   Prayer,  we    go 
forth  to  meet  the  coming  King.      "  That  a  prayer  given  by  the 
Lord  is  preferred  to  any  furnished  by  the  Church,  is   explained 
because  at  this  center  of  the  communion  act,  we  prefer  to  deal 
with  the  Lord  alone  and  to  use  no  words  other  than  his."  I3     The 
doxology  to  the  Prayer   is  here  omitted.     That  it  is  not  simply 
the  prayer   of  the  officiating  minister  is  manifest  from  the  Ore- 
mus  :  '"Let  us   pray."14     The  Lord's  Prayer,  however  highly 
prized  in  the   Lord's  Supper,    is   not   an   essential   part;  and, 
hence,  is  omitted  in  a  few  Orders. 

B.  THE  WORDS  OF  INSTITUTION.     As  they  here  occur,  they 
are  not  offered  to   the   congregation    to  awaken   their    faith; 
but  are   recited  to  the  Lord,  in    connection  with  the   Lord's 
Prayer,    as  a  part  of  the  act   of  prayer.     Hence  the   minister 
turns,    not  towards    the  congregation,   but  towards  the    altar, 
as  he  reads  the  words.     The  significance  of  the  entire  act   is 
as  though  he   were   to  say:     "O  Lord,   we    come  at  Thine 
invitation ;  for  here  are  Thy  gracious  words,  unto   which  Thou 
wilt  assuredly  be  faithful."     Great  stress  is  laid  upon  the  neces- 

»  Kliefoth,  VIII.  (V.)  96. 

"  See  above,  Act  I.,  Part  II.,  B. 


Excursus  on  the  Typical  Lutheran  Chief  Service,     309 

sity  for  clearness  and  distinctness  in  the  utterance,  as  over 
against  the  inaudible  mumbling  of  the  Romish  administration 
of  the  Mass.  The  raising  of  chalice  and  paten  was  intended  to 
render  everything  visible  as  well  as  audible. 

C.  THE  PAX.  Of  this.  Luther  says  :  "  It  is  truly  the  voice  of 
the  Gospel  announcing  the  forgiveness  of  sins,  the  only  and  most 
worthy  preparation  for  the  Lord'sTable, provided  it  be  apprehended 
by  faith,  in  no  respect  different  than  if  it  proceeded  from  the  mouth 
of  Christ.  Hence  I  want  it  announced  with  face  towards  the 
people.  It  is  an  absolution  of  the  communicants  from  sin,"  /".  c. 
"  Come  hither,  and  receive  from  God's  own  Word,  and  through 
the  pledges  of  the  very  body  and  blood,  which  have  been  given 
for  thy  sins,  the  peace  of  God  which  is  in  reality  made  ready  for 
thee." 

PART    III.       THE   DISTRIBUTION. 

A.  The  AGNUS  DEI,  sung  during  the  Service,  is  said  to  have 
been  introduced  by  Pope  Sergius  I.  (687-700).     It  is  based   on 
John  1 :   29.     The  Dona  nobis  paccm  ("Give  us  thy  peace") 
has  been  introduced  since  the  XI.   Century ;  and   is  a  reminis 
cence  of  the  wars  and  general  disorder  of  that  disturbed  period. 
In  the  Lateran  Church  at  Rome,  Alt  says  that  the  old  form, 
without  the  Dona,  is  still  maintained  ;  as  the  Church  should  be 
an  image  of  the  heavenly  Jerusalem,  where  already  all  is  peace. 
In  the  Lutheran  Service,  it  is  a  beautiful  response  to  the  Pax : 

God' s  Word :     "  The  Peace  of  the  Lord  be  with  you  alway." 
Man's  Answer:    Ah,   Lord,  Thou    knowest   how  we  need 

what  Thou  dost  here  offer.     "  O  Lamb  of  God,  have  mercy  on 

me."     "  Grant  me  this,  Thy  peace." 

B.  THE  DISTRIBUTION  PROPER.     Then  the  Lord  says :   "  Here 
is  that  for  which  thou  prayest.     Thou  hast  been   redeemed   by 
Christ's  blood.     Here  is  the   very  Body  and   the  very  Blood 
which  purchased  thy   forgiveness   and   salvation.     Just  as   cer 
tainly  as  they  are  here  offered  thee,  just  so  certainly  art  thou   a 
redeemed  sinner,    for  whom  God  has  only  thoughts  of   love. 
Come,  receive  what  God  has  provided   thee.     "Take  and  eat, 


310  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

this  is  the  Body  of  Christ,  given  for  thee."  Take  me  at  my 
word,  and  receive  my  peace. 

"Given  for  thee,"  is  an  addition  to  the  formula,  referred  to 
Luther. 15  The  Catechism  tells  us  that  the  "  for  you,"  are  "the 
chief  things  in  the  sacrament,"  and  "require  truly  believing 
hearts."  "  For  thee,"  as  a  formula  of  distribution  is  preferable 
to  "for  you,"  since  it  is  the  office  of  the  sacrament  to  indivi 
dualize  grace. 

The  Benediction  is  found  in  Luther's  German  Mass  of  1526. 
"  Preserve  you  in  true  faith,"  is  better  than  "  in  the  true  faith," 
as  the  reference  is  to  the  personal  faith  of  the  believer. 

The  introduction  in  the  same  Orders  of  "  true  "  before  Body 
and  Blood,  is  traced  no  further  than  a  Brandenburg-Niirnberg 
Agende  of  1591,  and  then  to  the  Coburg  of  1626. 16  The  in 
troduction  of  a  confessional  statement  reflecting  the  violent  con 
troversies  of  the  times,  seems  out  of  place,  in  that  moment,  when, 
of  all  others,  the  soul  is  alone  with  its  Saviour.  The  acceptance 
of  what  such  formula  declares,  should  be  presupposed  in  every 
administration. 

The  sacramental  union  occurs  in  the  sacramental  action,  and, 
therefore,  neither  until,  nor  after  the  taking  and  eating.  The 
consecration  is,  therefore,  not  completed  until  in  the  distribu 
tion.  In  his  earlier  liturgical  writings,  Luther  advises  strongly 
that  the  bread  shall  be  consecrated  and  distributed  before  the 
wine  is  consecrated.  He  argues  that  this  occurred  at  the  insti 
tution  of  the  Lord's  Supper.  This  practice  preserves  the  unity 
of  the  consecration  and  distribution.  It  is  adopted  in  the  com 
munion  of  the  sick. 

PART   IV.       POST   COMMUNION. 

A.  The  Nunc  Dimittis  is  found  at  this  part  of  the  Service  in 
the  oldest  Lutheran  liturgies  (Bugenhagen,  1524;  Dober,  1525; 
Strassburg,  1525),  although  not  generally  adopted  in  the  XVI. 

15  It  is  not  however  without  precedent  in  the  Oriental    Liturgies,  although 
not  in  this  precise  form  :     "  Which  shall  be  given  for  you."     (Mozarabic). 
w  Kliefoth  VIII.,  (V.)  p.  125 


Excursus  on  the  Typical  Lutheran  Chief  Service.     311 

Century.  Casaubon,  quoted  by  Calvor,  traces  it  to  the  Liturgy 
of  Chrysostom,  adding  :  "In  most  Protestant  churches,  the  en 
tire  action  of  the  celebration  of  the  Lord's  Supper,  is  concluded 
with  this  hymn,  which  the  people  chant  on  bended  knees — 
which  is  a  most  beautiful  and  holy  institution." 

The  peace  offered  in  the  "Pax,"  prayed  for  in  the  "Agnus 
Dei"  received  in  the  "Distribution"  is  now  thankfully  ac 
knowledged,  "  Now  lettest  Thou  Thy  servant  depart  in  peace." 
The  child  of  God  is  as  near  Heaven  as  he  can  be  in  this  life ; 
nearer  yet  he  one  day  shall  be,  when  this  sinful  flesh  is  entirely 
put  off.  He  is  ready  for  the  blessed  exchange  this  very  mo 
ment,  as  he  also  is  ready  for  everything  assigned  by  his  Lord. 
Whithersoever  the  Lord  sends  him,  will  he  go  ;  whatsoever  the 
Lord  commands  him,  will  he  do.  For  the  peace  of  God  is  his ; 
and  the  salvation  of  God  is  a  possession,  whereof  he  is  so  fully 
conscious  that  he  can  exclaim  :  "Mine  eyes  have  seen  Thy 
salvation." 

The  use  of  the  Nunc  Dimittis  accords  with  the  practice  at  the 
institution,  Matth.  26 :  30  :  "  When  they  had  sung  a  hymn, 
they  went  out  into  the  mount  of  Olives." 

B.  THE  VERSICLE.     The  Nunc  Dimittis,  however,  is  indivi 
dual.     The   thanksgiving  is  yet  to  be  rendered  by  the  entire 
congregation.     This   is  introduced  by  the  versicle,  which  ap 
pears  first   in  the  Coburg  KO  of  1626,  and  afterwards  was  gen 
erally  introduced  into  Lutheran  liturgies. 

C.  THE  COLLECT.     That  adopted  in  the  "  Common  Service" 
is  from  Luther's  German  Mass  of  1526,  replacing  the  Post-Com 
munion    of  the  Roman  Mass  which   abounded  in  doctrinal  cor 
ruptions.     That  heretofore  used  in  the  English  churches  of  the 
General  Council  is  from  the   Brandenburg-Niirnberg  Order  of 
i533>  which,  as  seen  elsewhere,   has  reappeared,  in  a  revised 
form,  in  the  Book  of  Common  Prayer. 

D.  THE  BENEDICAMUS  is  found  already  in  the  liturgy  of  Chrys 
ostom.     The   Romish  Mass  has  it:   " Benedicamus  Domino." 


312  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

"Deo  Gratias."    "  Gott  sei  gtlobet  und  gebenedeiet"  is  a  Ger 
man  metrical  rendering. 

Of  the  Service  as  a  whole,  it  may  be  said  that  the  First  Act  is 
variable,  the  Second  invariable  in  its  parts.  In  the  First,  there  is 
a  constant  change  according  to  the  day  or  season  of  the  Church 
Year.  In  the  Second,  whatever  be  the  day  or  season,  the  uni 
formity  is  almost  complete.  The  only  exception  to  the  varia 
tions  of  the  First  Act,  is  the  permanence  of  Kyrie,  Gloria  in  Ex- 
celsis,  and  Creed.  The  only  exceptions  to  the  permanence  of 
the  Second  Act,  are  the  "  Proper ' '  Prefaces,  and,  where  the  music 
is  thoroughly  elaborated,  the  melodies  of  the  Sanctus,  Agnus 
Dei  and  Benedicamus,  changing  according  to  the  season  of  the 
Church  Year. 

"  In  a  series  of  acts,  covering  thousands  of  years,"  says  Klie- 
foth,  "  God  has  borne  his  testimony  to  men,  and  has  spoken  to 
them  in  thousands  of  words.  So  also  every  one  of  the  people 
that  enters  God's  house,  brings  with  him  an  entire  world  of  cares 
and  blessings,  joys,  necessities,  and  sins.  Varied,  too,  and 
manifold,  are  the  ways  in  which  the  Word  of  God  finds  men,  and 
man  finds  himself  related  to  the  Word.  It  is  right,  therefore, 
that  the  Act  of  the  Word  should  present  the  saving  deeds  of  God 
to  men  in  their  ever  fresh  richness,  and  thus  lead  men  to  salva 
tion.  But  all  the  acts  of  God,  and  all  the  cares  and  hopes  of  the 
human  breast,  have  one  goal ;  so  also  all  divine  services  and  all 
divine  dealings  with  men,  lead  to  but  one  goal :  Redemption 
through  the  Blood  of  Christ.  Hence  it  is  proper,  that  the  act  of 
the  Service  which  gives  his  Blood,  and,  in  it,  the  forgiveness  of 
sins,  life  and  salvation,  should  also  be  externally  one  and  the 
same,  offering  the  one  thing  for  all  in  but  one  form."17 

Another  general  remark  is  necessary.  From  the  very  begin 
ning,  the  Lutheran  Orders  recognize  that  a  difference  must  be 
made  between  the  cities  where  the  necessary  musical  resources 
are  at  hand  for  the  full  rendering  of  the  Service,  and  the  vil- 

"VIII,  (V.)  148  sq. 


Excursus  on  the  Typical  Lutheran  Chief  Service.     313 

lages  and  country  where  they  are  absent.  Care  was  taken  that  a 
modified  Service  should  be  provided,  in  which  the  structure  of 
the  full  Service  and  the  significance  of  its  parts  were  preserved 
unbroken.  The  following  is  a  type:  i.  German  Hymn.  2. 
Kyrie.  3.  Hymn — metrical  version  of  the  Gloria  in  Excelsis. 
4.  Salutation.  5.  Collect.  6.  Epistle.  7.  Hymn.  8.  Gos 
pel.  9  Metrical  rendering  of  the  Creed.  10.  Sermon,  u. 
General  Prayer.  12.  Hymn.  13.  Preface.  14.  Exhortation. 
15.  Lord's  Prayer.  16.  Words  of  Institution.  17.  Distribu 
tion  during  the  singing  of  "  Christi,  Du  Lamm  Gottes."  18. 
Post  Communion.  19.  Benediction.  20.  Closing  Hymn. 
(Liineberg,  Calenberg,  etc.) 


CHAPTER  XXV. 

THE   ANGLICAN   CATECHISMS. 

Cranmer's  Catechism  of  1548,  a  translation  of  the  Niirnberg  Catechism  of 
1533.  Changes  by  Cranmer.  Cranmer's  Version  of  Luther's  Catechism, 
in  full.  The  Niirnberg  Catechism's  theory  of  "  Apostolic  Succession." 
— Archdeacon  Hook's  mistake.  Becon's  Catechism  dependent  on  Lu 
ther.  The  Catechism  of  Dr.  John  Brentz  (1527),  the  Cassel  Catechism 
(1539),  Revision  of  the  Casael  Catechism  in  Reformation  of  Cologne 
(1543).  The  Church  Catechism  compared  with  those  of  Brentz,  Cassel- 
Cologne  and  Luther.  Catechisms  of  Ponet  and  Nowell. 

THE  Church  Catechism  is  a  part  of  the  Book  of  Common 
Prayer,  being  included  in  the  Order  for  Confirmation.  But  so 
•  important  is  the  history  of  the  development,  that  it  requires  sep 
arate  treatment.  We  have  already  noticed  the  "  Bishop's  Book  " 
or  "Institution  of  a  Christian  Man  "  of  1537,  and  shown  its  de 
pendence  on  Luther's  Catechisms. 

CRANMER'S  CATECHISM. 

In  1548  Cranmer  made  another  attempt  to  supply  the  want  of 
a  popular  book  of  religious  instruction,  which  was  published  un 
der  the  following  title : 

"  CATECHISMUS  ; 

That  is  to  say  a  shorte  Introduction  into  Christian  Religion  for  the  synguler 
commoditie  and  profyte  of  childre  end  yong  people.  Set  forth  by  the  moste 
reverende  father  in  God  Thomas  Archbyshop  of  Canterbury,  Primate  of  all 
England  and  Metropolitane.  Gualterus  Lynne  excudebat,  1548." 

It  was  introduced  by  a  dedicatory  letter  to  to  Edward  VI.,  in 
which,  after  referring  to  the  deplorable  ignorance  of  the  people, 
and  the  king's  desire  to  remedy  it,  he  continues  :  "  I  knowing 


The  Anglican  Catechisms.  315 

my  selfe  as  a  subjecte  greatly  bounden  to  set  forward  the  same, 
am  persuaded  that  thys  my  smal  trauyall  in  thys  behalfe  taken, 
shall  not  a  lytle  helpe  the  sooner  to  brynge  to  passe  your  godly 
purpose."  Although  the  sub-title,  /.  e.,  the  title  above  the  Pre 
face,  in  the  words,  "oversene  and  corrected  by  the  moste  rev- 
erende  father  in  God,  the  Archebyshoppe  of  Canterburie,"  gives 
the  hint  that  it  was  not  original,  Burnet  has  entirely  overlooked 
this,  in  the  statement  that  the  Catechism  "was  wholly  his  own 
without  the  concurrence  of  any  others."  At  his  examination 
on  his  trial  at  Oxford,  Cranmer  testified  that  he  had  translated 
the  Catechism  from  Justus  Jonas;  in  his  "Defence"  concern 
ing  the  Lord's  Supper,  he  speaks  of  it  as  "a  catechism  by  me 
translated,"  while  the  testimony  of  one  of  his  chaplains,  Dr. 
Rowland  Taylor,  that  "he  made  a  catechism  to  be  translated 
into  English,"  seems  to  imply  that  the  translation  was  made  un* 
der  his  supervision.  Bishop  Gardiner  already  gives  the  key  to 
this  Catechism  of  Justus  Jonas,  when  in  his  "  Explication  and 
Assertion  of  the  true  Catholique  Faith,  he  says:  "Justus  Jonas 
hath  translated  a  catechisme  out  of  Douch  into  Latin,  taught  in 
the  city  of  Noremberge  in  Germanye,  where  Hosiander  is  chiefe 
preacher — which  catechisme  was  translated  into  English  in  this 
auctor's  name  about  two  yeares  paste."  * 

The  Latin  Catechism  of  Justus  Jonas  mentioned  is  that  whose 
title  is  given  in  Feuerlin's  Bib.  Symb.  (p.  260)  : 

"  II 22.  Catechismus  pro  pueris  et  juventute  in  Ecclesiis  et  ditione  HI. 
Principum  Marchionum  Brandeborgensium  et  inclyti  senatus  Norimbergensis 
breviter  conscriptus,  e  germanico  latine  redditus  per  Justum  Jonam,  addita 
epistola  de  laude  Decalogise.  Viteberg,  1539,  8." 

Strype's  statement2  that  it  was  made  by  Justus  Jonas,  Jr.,  is 
incorrect.  It  is  nothing  more  than  the  Sermons  on  the  Cate- 

1  Quoted  in  Burton's  Cranmer's  Catechism,  Oxford,  1829,  pp.  v.  vi.  A 
more  accessible  editon  of  Cranmer's  Catechism,  with  the  part  concerning  the 
Sacraments  and  the  Power  of  the  Keys  omitted,  and  the  orthography  mod 
ernized,  was  published  by  the  Presbyterian  Board  of  Publication,  Philadel 
phia,  1842,  in  their  series  of  writings  of  the  British  Reformers,  among  the  se 
lections  from  Cranmer. 

1  Strype's  Cranmer,  1 :  227. 


3i 6  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

chism,  originally  appended  to  the  Brandenburg-Niirnberg  Kirch- 
tnordnung  of  1533,  and  frequently  republished  since.  The 
Kirchenordnung  was  the  joint  work  of  Osiander  and  Brentz.  It 
is  not  improbable  that  it  was  in  preparation  while  Cranmer  was 
an  inmate  of  Osiander 's  house. 

The  changes  made  by  Cranmer  are  very  slight.  The  chief  are 
the  addition  of  fourteen  pages  on,  "  Thou  shalt  not  make  unto 
thee  any  graven  image," — foretokening  the  adoption  of  the 
Calvinistic  division  of  the  commandments — and  of  a  page  on 
the  Introduction  to  the  Lord's  Prayer;  the  omission  of  nineteen 
lines  on  the  Second,  of  three  lines  on  the  Fourth,  and  of  a  page 
on  the  Seventh  commandment ;  of  six  lines  and  a  repetition,  on 
the  Third  Article  of  the  Creed,  and  of  a  paragraph  of  fifteen 
lines,  on  Baptism.  When  it  is  borne  in  mind  that,  in  the  edition 
mentioned,  the  English  Catechism  fills  two  hundred  and  fourteen 
pages,  it  will  be  noticed  that  the  Archbishop  left  the  body  of  the 
Brandenburg-Niirnberg  Explanation  untouched. 

A  striking  feature  of  the  Brandenburg-Niirnberg  Explanation 
is,  that  at  the  close  of  each  sermon  the  words  of  Luther's  Small 
Catechism  are  always  recalled,  as  the  sum  of  what  has  been  said. 
Its  method  is  synthetic.  Instead  of  beginning  with  Luther,  it 
discusses  the  various  parts  contained  in  each  answer,  and  then 
only  at  the  conclusion  brings  them  together.  We  give  as  an 
example  the  close  of  the  Sermon  on  Baptism : 

"  Wherefore,  good  children,  learne  these  thinges  dilygentlye,  and  when 
ye  be  demaunded,  What  is  baptisme,  Then  you  shal  answer,  Baptism  is  not 
water  alone,  but  is  water  inclosed  and  joyned  to  the  word  of  God  and  to  the 
covenante  of  God's  promise." 

By  bringing  these  summaries  together,  we  may,  therefore,  con 
struct  Luther's  Catechism,  in  the  earliest  English  form,  thus  far 
discovered,  as  follows : 


The  Anglican  Catechisms.  317 

CRANMER'S  LUTHER'S  CATECHISM. 

I.   THE  TEN   COMMANDMENTS. 

I. 

In  this  precept  we  be  commaunded  to  feare  and  love  God  with  al  oure 
fcarte,  and  to  put  our  whole  trust  and  confidence  in  him. 

II. 

We  ought  to  love  and  feare  God  above  al  thyng,  and  not  to  abuse  his  name 
to  idolatrie,  charmes,  periure,  othes,  curses,  nbaldrye,  and  scoffes,  that  undre 
the  pretence  and  coloure  of  his  name  we  begile  no  man  by  swearynge,  for- 
swearynge,  and  lyinge,  but  in  al  our  nedes  we  should  cal  vpon  hym,  magnifie 
and  prayse  him,  and  with  oure  tongues  confesse,  utter  and  declare  our  faythe 
in  him  and  his  doctrine. 

in. 

We  ought  to  feare  and  love  our  Lord  God  above  all  thinges,  to  heare  dili 
gently  and  reveiently  his  holy  worde,  and  with  all  diligence  to  follow  the 
same. 

IV. 

We  ought  to  love  and  dreade  our  Lorde  God,  and  for  his  sake  to  honoure 
oure  parentes,  teachers,  masters  and  governors,  to  obey  them  and  in  no  wise 

despise  them. 

v. 

We  ought  to  love  and  dreade  our  Lorde  God  above  all  thinges,  so  that  for 
hys  sake  we  hurt  not  our  neyghbour,  nether  in  his  name,  goodes,  cattel,  life 
or  body,  but  that  we  ayde,  comforte,  and  succour  him  in  all  hys  necessities, 
troubles  and  afflictions. 

VI. 

We  ought  above  all  thynges  to  love  and  dreade  our  Lord  God,  and  for  his 
sake  to  lyve  chastly  in  wil,  worde  and  dede,  and  every  man  is  bownde  to 

love  and  cheryse  his  wife. 

VII. 

We  ought  to  feare  and  love  our  Lord  God  above  al  thinges,  and  for  hys 
sake  willingly  to  absteine  from  our  neyghbor's  goodes  and  cattell,  to  take 
nothing  from  him,  but  to  helpe  him  in  his  neede,  and  to  defende  and  aug 
ment  his  ryches  and  commodities. 

VIII. 

We  ought  to  feare  and  love  oure  Lorde  God  above  all  thynges,  and  for  his 
sake  to  absteyne  from  all  lyinge,  backe  bytynge,  slaunderynge,  and  yll  re- 
portynge,  by  the  whiche  oure  neyghbour's  good  name,  fame  and  credit  may 
be  impeched  or  decayed,  and  rather  to  excuse,  hydde  or  gentely  to  enter- 
prete  another  manne's  faute,  then  maliciously  to  make  the  wourste  of  the 


318  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

same,  and  wyth  the  loude  trumpe  of  our  tongue  to  blaste  it   abrode,  to  the 
knowledge  of  all  the  towne  or  place  wherein  we  dwel. 

IX. 

We  oughte  to  feare  and  love  our  Lorde  God  above  all  thynges,  and  for  hys 
sake  so  to  chastise  cure  eyes  and  lustes,  that  we  desyer  not  oure  neyghboure's 
house,  nor  other  thynge  belongynge  unto  hym,  but  helpe  him  (as  muche  as 
shall  lye  in  us),  to  retayne  and  kepe  hys  landes,  goodes  and  all  that  is  his. 

X. 

We  ought  to  feare  and  love  our  Lord  God  above  al  thinges,  and  for  his 
sake  willyngly  to  absteyne  from  our  neighbour's  wife,  familie,  goodes  and 
cattel,  and  to  helpe  hym  as  muche  as  lyeth  in  vs,  that  he  may  kepe  and  pos- 
sesse  the  same.  • 

II.     THE   CREED. 

I. 

I  beleve  that  God  the  Father  hath  made  me  and  al  creatures  in  heaven 
and  earth,  that  he  hath  gyven  to  me  and  conserveth  my  bodye  and  soule, 
reason,  senses,  eyes,  eares,  and  all  my  other  members.  And  I  beleve  that 
the  same  almightye  Lorde  and  God  doth  dayly  gyve  to  me  and  to  us  all, 
meat,  dryncke,  cloth,  wife,  children,  house,  lande,  riches,  cattell,  and  all 
thynges  necessarye  to  the  mayntenaunce  of  our  lyves,  and  that  he  doth  dayly 
defende,  kepe  and  preserue  vs  from  all  perell,  and  delyver  vs  from  all  evel. 
And -all  thys  he  dooth  of  hys  owne  mere  mercie  and  goodnes,  without  our 
worthynes  or  deseruynges.  For  the  which  benefites  it  is  our  dutie  to  render 
to  hym  continuall  and  everlastyng  thankes,  to  obey  hym  in  all  thynges,  and 
to  take  hede  thatt  we  be  not  unkynde  to  hym,  that  hath  shewed  so  greate 
kyndnes  towardes  vs. 

II. 

I  beleve  that  Jesus  Christ,  veray  God,  begotten  of  God  the  Father,  and 
and  verye  manne,  borne  of  the  Virgin  Marie,  is  my  Lorde,  whiche  by  hys 
precyouse  bloode  and  holy  passyon,  hath  redeemed  me,  a  myserable  and 
damned  wretch,  from  all  my  synnes,  frome  death  eternall,  and  from  the  tyr- 
annie  of  the  Devell,  that  I  should  be  his  own  true  subject,  and  lyve  within  his 
kyngdome,  and  serve  hym,  in  a  newe  everlastynge  lyfe  and  iustice,  even  as 
oure  Lorde  Christe,  after  he  rose  from  deathe  to  lyfe,  lyveth  and  raygneth 
everlastyngly. 

ill. 

I  beleve,  that  neither  by  man's  strength,  power  or  wysdome,  neyther  by 
myne  owne  endeavor,  nor  compass  of  myn  owne  reason,  I  am  able  to  beleve 
in  Jesus  Christ,  or  come  unto  hym.  But  the  Holy  Goost  did  call  me  by  the 
worde  of  the  gospell,  and  with  the  giftes  of  his  grace,  he  hath  hitherto  en- 


The  Anglican  Catechisms,  319 

dowed  me,  and  halowed  me,  and  in  the  true  faith,  he  hathe  hitherto  pre 
served  and  confirmed  me,  and  this  he  hath  not  done  only  to  me,  but  also  he 
calleth  and  gathereth  togyther  in  the  unitye  of  one  faith  and  one  baptisme, 
all  the  vniversal  churche,  that  is  here  on  earth,  and  he  halloweth,  kepeth  and 
preserveth  the  same,  in  the  true  knowlege  of  Christ,  and  faith  in  his  promy- 
ses.  And  in  this  churche,  he  giveth  free  and  generall  pardon,  to  me  and  to 
al  that  beleve  in  him,  of  al  our  synnes,  offences  and  trespasses,  and  at  the 
last  day  he  shall  rayse  me,  and  all  other  that  be  deade,  and  all  that  dyed  in 
the  true  faith  of  Jesus  Christ,  he  shall  glorifye  in  the  lyfe  everlastyng. 

III.    THE   LORD'S    PRAYER. 


The  name  of  God  of  it  selfe  is  holy,  but  here  we  do  aske,  that  it  be  hal 
owed  of  vs.  And  when  you  be  asked,  how  it  is  halowed  of  us,  answere, 
whan  the  worde  of  God  is  puerly  and  syncerelye  taught,  when  we  leade  our 
lyfe  in  this  worlde  holyly  and  godly,  as  it  becommeth  the  veray  true  children 
of  God.  Here  in  this  point  succour  us,  good  Lorde,  helpe  us,  O  heavenly 
Father.  For  he  that  either  teacheth  or  liveth  otherwise  than  the  worde  of 
God  requireth,  he  dyshonoreth  and  polluteth  the  worde  of  God. 

II. 

The  kyngdom  of  God  commeth  of  it  celfe,  without  our  prayer,  but  here  we 
pray  that  it  may  com  to  vs.  Whiche  commeth  to  passe,  whan  the  heavenly 
Father  gyveth  vs  his  spirite,  to  beleve  his  holye  word,  to  lyve  wel  and  godly, 
here  in  his  churche,  for  a  tyme,  and  after  in  heaven  for  ever. 

in. 

Althoughe  God's  holy  wyll  be  done  without  our  praier,  yet  we  pray  that  it 
may  be  done  in  vs,  and  fulfylled  amonge  vs  here  in  earth.  Whiche  is  done, 
whan  God  doeth  overthrow  and  destroy  the  wicked  counsels  of  the  Devell, 
of  worldley  people,  and  of  oure  owne  fleshe  (which  do  all  that  lieth  in  theim, 
to  let  and  hynder  the  kyngedome  of  God,  and  the  halowynge  of  his  name)  and 
doeth  kepe  vs  in  the  true  knowledge  of  hys  worde,  in  the  lyvely  fayth  of 
Christ,  in  hys  love  and  obedience  of  his  commandments.  For  this  is  the 
holye  and  perfecte  wyll  of  God,  whiche  God  graunte  vs  to  keape  nowe  and 
ever.  Amen. 

IV. 

God  doeth  sufficientlye  provyde  for  vs  meate  and  lyvyng  without  our 
desyre,  neverthelesse  we  desyre  hym,  to  graunt  vs,  that  we  maye  knowe 
that  we  have  all  thynges  at  his  handes,  that  we  may  gyve  to  him  due  thankes 
for  the  same.  And  yf  further  anye  man  wyll  aske  you,  what  is  mente  by  his 
worde,  oure  dayly  breade,  you  answere  that  by  dayly  breade  is  understande 


320  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

all  thinges  necessarie  for  cure  ly  vynge,  as  meate,  drynke,  clothe,  house,  lande, 
cattell,  monye,  housholde  stuff,  a  good  wyfe,  obedient  children,  trustye  ser- 
vantes,  good  governors,  a  well  ordered  common  wealth,  common  pease  and 
tranquilitie,  seasonable  wether,  holsome  ayer,  health  of  body,  constant  frendes, 
honest  neighbours,  and  suche  lyke  thynges,  whereby  we  maye  leade  in  thys 
worlde  a  godly  and  quiet  lyfe. 

V. 

Herein  we  desyere  that  our  heavenly  Father  wil  not  Inke  upon  our  synnes, 
and  for  them,  cast  vs  awaye.  For  we  have  not  deserved  those  greate  gyftes 
and  grace  whiche  we  desir  at  God's  hands,  nor  be  not  worthye  to  have  the 
same,  but  we  desyer  God,  that  althoughe  we  dayly  offend  him,  and  deserve 
grevous  punishmentes  for  our  synnes,  yet  he  of  hys  mere  grace  and  mercie  wil 
heare  our  prayers,  and  frely  forgyve  us  cure  offences  And  we  offer  our 
selves  for  his  sake  from  the  botome  of  our  heartes  to  forgyve  them  that  have 
offended  vs. 

VI. 

God  tempteth  no  man.  But  here  we  praye,  that  God  wil  kepe  and  defende 
vs,  that  the  Devel,  the  world  and  the  fleshe  deceave  us  not,  and  leadde  us 
not  into  ungodlynes,  ydolatrie,  blasphemie,  desperation,  and  other  horrible 
synnes.  And  althoughe  we  be  tempted  with  these  synnes,  yet  we  desyer 
God,  that  at  length  we  may  overcome  them,  and  triumphe  over  them,  by 
the  helpe  and  assistence  of  the  Holy  Cost. 

VII. 

Herein  we  generally  desyre  our  heavenly  Father,  to  delyver  us  from  all 
e veil  and  perell,  bothe  of  body,  soule,  lande,  catell  and  riches.  And  that 
when  we  shall  lye  on  oure  deathbed,  he  wyll  than  graunt  us  a  good  houre, 
that  we  maye  departe  oute  of  this  vale  of  miserie,  in  his  favour,  and  from  this 
transitorie  lyfe,  enter  into  life  everlastynge.  The  whiche  God  graunte  us  all. 
Amen. 

IV.    BAPTISM. 

i. 

Baptism  is  not  water  alone,  but  it  is  water  enclosed  and  ioyned  to  the 
worde  of  God,  and  the  covenante  of  God's  promyse.  And  these  be  the 
wordes,  whereby  our  Lorde  Jesus  Christ  did  ordeine  baptisme,  which  be 
written  in  the  laste  chapter  of  Saint  Mathew.  Go  and  teache  al  nations, 
baptisynge  them  in  the  name  of  the  Father,  and  the  Sonne,  and  the  Holy 
Ghost. 

n. 

And  when  you  shal  be  asked  what  auayleth  baptisme  ?  you  shal  answere  : 
Baptisme  worketh  forgyvnes  of  synne,  it  delyvereth  from  the  kyngdome  of  the 


The  Anglican   ^Catechisms.  321 

Devel,  and  from  death,  and  giveth  lyfe  and  everlastyng  salvation,  to  all  them 
that  beleue  these  wordes  of  Christ,  and  promyse  of  God,  which  are  written  in 
the  laste  chapter  of  Sainct  Marke  his  gospell,  He  that  wil  beleue,  and  be 
baptised,  shall  be  saved.  But  he  that  wil  not  beleue  shall  be  damned. 

in. 

Yf  a  man  aske  you,  how  can  water  brynge  to  passe  so  great  thynges  ?  ye 
shall  answer.  Uerely  the  water  worketh  not  these  thynges,  but  the  worde  of 
God,  whiche  is  joyned  to  the  water,  and  fayth  whiche  dothe  beleue  the  worde 
of  God.  For  without  the  worde  of  God,  water  is  water,  and  not  baptisme, 
but  when  the  worde  of  the  lyuing  God  is  joyned  to  the  water,  then  it  is  bap 
tisme,  and  water  of  wonderful  holsomnes,  and  the  bath  of  regeneration, 
through  the  Holy  Ghost,  as  Sainte  Paul  writeth.  God  saved  vs  by  the  bath 
of  regeneration,  and  renewyng  of  the  Holy  Ghost,  whom  he  powred  upon  vs, 
plenteously  by  Jesus  Christ  our  Saviour,  that  we  beyng  made  righteous  by  his 
grace,  maye  be  heyres  of  everlastyng  lyfe 

[In- another  connection:  "  But  peradventure  some  wil  saye.  Howe  can 
water  worke  so  greate  thynges  ?  To  whome  I  answere,  that  it  is  not  the  wa 
ter  that  dothe  these  thinges,  but  the  almyghtie  worde  of  God  (whiche  is  knyt 
and  joyned  to  the  water),  and  faith,  which  receyueth  God's  worde  and  pro 
myse.  For  without  the  worde  of  God,  water  is  water,  .and  not  baptisme. 
But  when  the  worde  of  the  living  God  is  added,  and  ioyned  to  the  water, 
then  it  is  the  bathe  of  regeneration,  and  baptisme  water,  and  the  lyuely 
sprynge  of  eternall  salvation,  and  a  bathe  that  wassheth  our  soules  by  the 
Holy  Ghoste,  as  saynct  Paule  calleth  it  saying  :  God  hath  saved  vs  thorowe 
hys  mercye,  by  the  bathe  of  regeneration,  and  renewyng  of  the  Holy  Gost, 
whome  he  hath  poured  vpon  vs  plenteously,  by  Jesus  Christ  oure  Savioure, 
that  we  beynge  made  ryghtuous  by  his  grace,  maye  be  heyres  of  everlasting 
lyfe.  This  is  a  sure  and  trewe  worde."] 

IV. 

Yf  a  man  aske  you,  what  doth  the  baptisynge  in  the  water  betoken  ?  aun- 
swere  ye,  it  betokeneth,  that  olde  Adam  with  all  synnes  and  euel  desyers, 
ought  daylye  to  be  kylled  in  vs,  by  trewe  contricion  and  repentance ;  that  he 
may  rise  againe  from  death,  and  after  he  is  risen  with  Christ,  may  be  a  new 
man,  a  new  creature,  and  may  liue  everlastyngly  in  God,  and  before  God,  in 
rightuousnes  and  holynes.  As  saincte  Paule  wryteth,  saying.  All  we  that 
are  baptized,  are  buried  with  Christ  in  to  death,  that  as  Christ  rose  agayne, 
by  the  glorie  of  his  Father,  so  we  also  should  walke  in  newnes  of  lyfe. 
v.  THE  LORD'S  SUPPER. 

Yt  is  the  trew  body  and  trew  bloude  of  our  Lorde  Jesus  Christe  which 
was  ordeyned  by  Christ  him  selfe,  to  be  eaten  and  dronken  of  vs   Christen 
22 


322  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England, 

people,  vnder  the  forme  of  brede  and  wyne.  Furthermore,  yf  any  man  wil 
aske  ye,  wher  is  this  written  ?  ye  shall  answer.  These  be  the  wordes  which 
the  holy  Evangelistes  Mathewe,  Marke,  Luke  and  the  Apostle  Paul  do  writ. 
Our  Lorde  Jesus  Christ  the  same  nyght,  etc. 


Furthermore  yf  any  man  aske  ye,  what  auayleth  it,  thus  to  eate  and 
drynke  ?  ye  shall  answer.  These  wordes  do  declare  what  profit  we  receave 
thereby,  my  bodye  which  is  given  for  you,  my  bloude  whiche  is  shed  for 
you,  for  the  forgyuenes  of  synnes.  By  the  whiche  wordes  Christe  declareth, 
that  by  this  sacrament  and  wordes  of  promyse,  are  gyuen  to  us,  remission  of 
synnes,  lyfe  and  salvation.  For  whereas  forgyuenes  of  synne  is,  ther  is  also 
lyfe  and  salvation. 

III. 

Againe  yf  a  man  wil  go  further  with  you,  and  aske  you.  How  can  bodily 
eatyng  and  drynkynge  have  so  greate  strength  and  operation  ?  ye  shall  an 
swer.  To  eate  and  to  drynke,  doth  not  worke  so  great  thynges,  but  this 
worde  and  promyse  of  God,  my  bodye  which  was  giuen  for  you,  my  bloude 
whiche  was  shede  for  you,  for  the  remission  of  sinnes.  This  worde  of  God 
is  added  to  the  outward  sygnes,  as  the  chiefc  thing  in  this  sacramente.  He 
that  beleueth  these  wordes,  he  hath  that  thing,  whiche  the  wordes  do  pro 
myse,  that  is  to  saye,  forgyvenes  of  his  synnes. 

IV. 

Besydes  this,  yf  a  man  aske  of  you,  who  be  they,  that  do  worthily  receave 
this  sacrament  ?  ye  shal  answere.  That  fastyng,  abstinence  and  suche  other 
lyke,  do  perteyne  and  are  profitable  for  an  outward  discypline  or  chastice- 
ment  of  the  bodye.  But  he  receaueth  the  sacrament  worthily,  that  hath  faith 
to  beleve  these  wordes.  My  bodye  whiche  was  gyven  for  you,  my  bloude 
whiche  was  shed  for  you,  for  the  remission  of  synnes.  But  he  that  belueth 
not  the  wordes,  or  doubteth  of  them,  he  receaueth  the  Lorde's  supper  un 
worthily.  For  this  worde,  gyven  for  you,  doth  require  a  faithful  and  be- 
leuyng  harte. 

How  little  this  origin  of  Cranmer's  Catechism  has  been  known 
to  the  more  distinguished  scholars  of  the  English  Church,  may  be 
illustrated  by  a  singular  error  of  the  late  Dr.  W.  F.  Hook,  Dean 
of  Chichester,  author  of  the  "  Lives  of  the  Archbishops  of  Can 
terbury,"  (12  vols  ,  8vo.),  "  Church  Dictionary,"  etc.  In  his 
sermon  on  "  A  Call  to  Union  on  the  Principles  of  the  English 
Reformation,"  published  in  Vol.  II.  of  "Tracts  for  the  Times, " 


The  Anglican  Catechisms.  323 

he  cites  Cranmer  with  the  greatest  assurance,  as  an  advocate  of 
the  doctrine  of  Apostolical  Succession,  and  attempts  to  substan 
tiate  his  position  by  a  quotation  in  the  Appendix  (p.  103  sqq.), 
from  what  he  calls  "  Cranmer's  Sermon  on  the  Apostolic  Suc 
cession  and  Power  of  the  Keys  "  To  one  not  understanding 
the  historical  relations,  he  must  seem  to  prove  his  point.  But 
alas  !  the  words  are  not  Cranmer's.  They  are  only  a  section 
of  this  Lutheran  Catechism,  translated  from  the  German  with 
almost  verbal  exactness.  The  reader,  familiar  with  Luther's 
writings,  at  once  sees  at  the  basis  of  the  Brandenburg-Niirnberg 
explanation  of  this  section,  a  portion  of  Luther's  argument  in 
his  book  "  Von  der  Winkelmesse,"  published  the  same  year, 
1533,  translated  into  Latin  also  by  Justus  Jonas,  and  in  another 
part  of  which  he  maintains  the  identity  of  bishops  and  presby 
ters.  It  is  the  strong  emphasis  that  those  who  preach  must  be 
rightly  called,  and  that  the  Apostolic  mode  of  -recognizing  this 
call,  and  formally  inducting  men  into  office  was  only  by  the  lay 
ing  on  of  hands,  and,  as  Luther  says,  "neither  by  chrism  or 
butter,"  that  misled  Dr.  Hook.  The  following  passage  of 
"  Cranmer  "  could  not  be  misleading,  when  used  under  the  cir 
cumstances  of  the  time  and  place  of  its  composition  in  Germany, 
though  when  tranferred  to  another  land  and  tongue,  and  applied 
in  other  relations,  a  more  careful  guarding  of  some  of  its  state 
ments  would  be  necessary.  As  it  is,  nothing  is  intimated  of  "an 
Episcopal  Succession . ' ' 

Darnach  haben  die  Apostel  andern  frommen  heyligen  leuten  solchs  pre- 
digampt  auch  mitgethailt  und  befohlen,  sonderlich  an  den  orten,  da  schon 
Christen  warcn,  und  Prediger  bedorftten,  und  doch  die  Apostel  selbs  bey 
ihnen  nicht  bleyben  konten,  dann  sie  musten  immer  weyter  ziehen,  und  an 
andern  orten  auch  predigen,  Wo  sie  nun  fromme  heylige  leut  funden,  die 
zum  Predigampt  tiiglich  waren,  denselbigen  legten  sie  die  hende  aufT,  und 
theyleten  ihn  den  heyligen  Geist  mit,  wie  sie  ihn  von  Christo  zii  solchem 
ampt  auch  hetten  empfangen,  dieselbigen  waren  dann  auch  richtc  ordentliche 
beruffene  Prediger,  gleich  so  wol  als  die  Apostel  selbs,  wie  das  alles  der 
heylig  Paulus  in  den  Episteln  zum  Timotheus  klarlich  an/eygt.  Und  ist  also 
das  Predigampt,  das  Christus  unser  Herr  selbs  angefangen,  eingesetzt,  und 
verordnet  hat,  immer  von  einem  auff  den  andern  kommen,  durch  das  auffle- 


324  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

gen  der  hende,  und  mittheylen  des  Heiligcn  Geists,  bis  auff  disc  stund.  Und 
das  ist,  auch  die  rechte  weyhe,  damit  man  die  Priester  weyhen  sol,  und 
allweg  geweyhet  hat,  und  sol  noch  also  bleyben,  dann  das,  was  man  sonsf 
fur  andere  Ceremonien  darbey  hat  getrieben,  die  sein  on  not,  von  menschen 
erfunden,  und  hinzu  gesetzt  warden. 

BECON'S  CATECHISM. 

Dr.  Burton*  has  conjectured  that  Cranmer's  Catechism  was 
translated  for  him  by  one  of  his  chaplains,  and  mentions  Taylor, 
Ponet  or  Poinet,  and  Becon,  as  possible  translators.  Both  Ponet 
and  Becon  have  left  catechisms  of  which  they  were  themselves 
the  authors.  As  the  former  gives  no  indication  of  any  influence 
on  the  part  of  Luther's  Catechism,  or  the  Brandenburg-Niirn- 
berg  Explanation,  and  the  latter  shows  their  traces  on  almost 
every  page;  of  these  three,  Thomas  Becon  was  probably  the 
chaplain  who  performed  the  work,  or  aided  the  Archbishop  in  it. 
He  was  born  in  1511.  B.  A.  Cambridge,  1530-31 ;  was  a  dili 
gent  hearer  of  Hugh  Latimer;  took  orders  in  1538;  was  brought 
before  Privy  Council  in  1541,  on  charge  of  heresy,  and  recanted, 
but  under  an  assumed  name  continued  by  his  pen  to  disseminate 
the  principles  of  the  Reformation.  Was  again  compelled  to  ab 
jure  in  1543.  His  books  were  prohibited  by  a  proclamation, 
July  8th,  1546.  Chaplain  to  Cranmer  from  March  24th,  1547.  In 
the  tower  after  Mary's  accession  from  August  i6th,  1553 — March 
22d,  1554-  An  exile  at  Strassburg  and  Marburg.  Books  again 
prohibited  by  a  proclamation,  June  i3th,  1555.  Returned  to 
England  at  Elizabeth's  accession,  and,  after  being  rector  in  a 
number  of  parishes,  died  July  2d,  1567.*  His  works  in  two  vol 
umes  were  republished  by  the  Parker  Society  in  1844.  While 
his  career  shows  great  weakness  and  vacillation  in  the  presence 
of  danger,  his  writings  are  among  the  most  profoundly  spiritual 
which  the  English  Church  has  produced.  His  Catechism,  pre 
pared  for  his  children,  is  without  date,  and  while  its  very  first 
words  are  :  "Though  I  be  small  in  quantity,"  contains  more 

8  Cranmer's  Catechism,  viii. 

*  Cooper's  Athena  Cantabrigienses,  Art.  Becon. 


The  Anglican  Catechisms.  325 

matter5  than  our  entire  "Book  of  Concord,"  and  is,  in  fact,  an 
extended  system  of  theology.  It  is  evidently  of  later  origin 
than  Ponet's,  as  it  shows  the  change  in  the  order  of  parts,  which 
it  enumerates,  as:  I.  Repentance.  II.  Faith.  III.  Law.  IV. 
Prayer.  V.  Sacraments.  VI.  Offices  of  all  degrees.  It  is  an 
independent  development  by  one  in  whose  mind  and  heart, 
Luther's  explanations,  often  in  their  very  words,  are  deeply  fixed 
and  who  with  great  freedom,  expands  and  developes  what  he  has 
drawn  from  this  source  and  thoroughly  assimilated.6  The  traces 
of  the  Calvinistic  movement,  however,  are  very  apparent. 

On  the  Lord's  Supper,  the  Calvinistic  influence  leaves  only  a 
few  traces  of  Luther.  The  last  part  of  Becon's  Catechism  is  oc 
cupied  with  the  Haustafel,  amplified  and  explained. 

THE   CHURCH    CATECHISM, 

which  appeared  originally  in  the  liturgy  of  Edward  VI.  of  1549, 
and  which,  with  the  addition  of  Bishop  Overall  on  the  Sacra 
ments  made  in  1604,  is  contained  in  the  Book  of  Common 
Prayer,  belongs  to  another  class  of  Catechisms.  It  is  a  Catechism 
of  the  Brentian  type,  which  begins  with  Baptism,  and  then  de 
duces,  from  the  profession  made  in  Baptism,  the  several  parts  of 
the  Catechism.  John  Brentz,  the  Suabian  Lutheran  Reformer 
published  a  Catechism,  probably  first  in  1527-28.  Another  Ger 
man  edition  was  published  in  1536.  The  first  Latin  edition 
(1551-2)  is  before  us,  from  which  we  translate: 

BRENTZ' s  CATECHISM. 

What  is  your  religion  ? 
The  Christian  religion. 
Why? 

Because  I  believe  in  Jesus  Christ,  and  was  baptized  in  the  name  of  Jesus 
Christ. 

What  is  Baptism  ? 

A  sacrament  or  divine  seal,  whereby  God  the  Father,  through  Jesus  Christ, 

5  In  Parker  Society  edition  410  pp.  8vo.  58  lines  to  the  page. 

6  The  evidence  for  this  will  be  found  in  Lutheran  Church  Review,  for  July, 
1888,  pp.  174  sqq. 


326  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

with  the  Holy  Ghost,  surely  testifieth  that  God  is  propitious  to  him  who  is 
baptized,  and  out  of  gratuitous  kindness  forgiveth  him  his  sins  for  Christ's 
sake,  and  adopteth  him  as  son  and  heir  of  all  heavenly  benefits. 

Recite  the  passages  of  Scripture  which  prove  the  institution  of  the  sacra 
ment. 

Matt.  28:  19,  20;  Mark  1 6  :  15,  16. 

Recite  the  Symbol  of  faith. 

I  believe  in  God  the  Father,  etc. 

Of  what  profit  is  this  faith  ? 

That,  for  the  sake  of  Jesus  Christ,  I  am  reckoned  by  it,  righteous  and  holy 
before  God,  and  there  is  given  me  the  spirit  of  prayer  and  of  calling  upon 
God  as  Father,  and  of  ordering  my  life  according  to  God's  commandments. 

In  what  prayer,  are  you  wont  to  call  upon  God  ? 

The  Lord's  Prayer,  which  Christ  hath  taught  us. 

Recite  the  Lord's  Prayer. 

Our  Father,  etc. 

What  are  the  Commandments  of  God  ? 

Those  contained  in  the  Ten  Commandments. 

Recite  the  Ten  Commandments 

I  am  the  Lord  thy  God,  etc. 

For  what  purpose  were  the  Ten  Commandments  given  ? 

First,  that  from  them  we  may  learn  to  recognize  our  sins.  Secondly,  that 
from  them  we  may  learn  what  works  please  God,  and  are  to  be  done,  that 
we  may  lead  an  honorable  life. 

Can  we,  by  our  works,  perfectly  fulfil  God's  commandments? 

In  no  way.  For  our  works  are  not  perfectly  good,  and  we  have  been  con 
ceived  and  born  in  sin.  But  to  provide  for  our  salvation,  our  Lord  God  hath 
given  us  his  Only-begotten  Son,  Jesus  Christ,  who  did  no  sin  and  most  per 
fectly  fulfilled  all  of  God's  commandments.  If,  therefore,  we  believe  in  Jesus 
Christ,  God  with  his  gratuitous  favor  reckons  us  for  Christ's  sake,  just  as 
though  we  ourselves  had  fulfilled  all  of  God's  commandments. 

Why  ought  we  to  do  good  works  ? 

Not  that,  by  our  works,  we  may  make  satisfaction  for  sins  and  merit  life 
eternal,  For  Christ  alone  hath  made  satisfaction  for  our  sins,  and  merited 
for  us  life  eternal.  But  we  should  do  good  works,  that  by  them  we  may  at 
test  our  faith,  and  render  thanks  to  our  Lord  God  for  his  benefits. 

Wrhat  must  be  done  to  strengthen  our  faith  in  adversity,  and  receive  conso 
lation  in  affliction  ? 

We  must  use  the  Lord's  Supper. 

What  is  the  Lord's  Supper  ? 


The  Anglican   Catechisms.  327 

A  sacrament  or  divine  seal,  whereby  Christ  truly  presenteth,  offereth  and 
giveth  us,  with  the  bread  and  wine,  his  Body  and  Blood,  and  certifieth  to  us 
that  our  sins  are  remitted  us,  and  that  the  right  to  life  eternal  belongeth  to  us. 

Recite  the  Words  of  Institution. 

Our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  etc. 

What  arc  the  Keys  of  the  King  of  Heaven  ? 

The  Ministry  of  proclamation  of  the  Gospel  concerning  Jesus  Christ. 

Recite  from  the  Evangelists  some  passages,  in  which  Jesus  Christ  hath  in 
stituted  the  Ministry  of  preaching  his  Gospel. 

Luke  10 :   16;    Matth.  16  :  19;  John  20:  22,23. 

A  comparison  made  with  variations  of  the  older  editions,  as 
given  in  Hofling's  Sacrament  der  Taufe,  II.  :  326,  327,  shows 
no  important  changes,  so  far  as  the  subject  here  treated  is  con 
cerned.  The  Catechism  of  Brentz  was  adopted  by,  and  included 
in  the  Church  Constitution  for  Schwabisch-Hall  of  1543. 

In  1539,  when  a  Church  Constitution  was  prepared  for  the  Lu 
theran  churches  in  Cassel  (Hesse  Cassel),  an  Order  for  Confirma 
tion  was  inserted,  including  a  brief  Catechism  to  be  used,  at  a 
public  examination,  immediately  preceding  and  in  connection 
with  the  Confirmation.  In  1543* this  Cassel  Order  for  Confirma 
tion  was  adopted,  with  some  slight  changes,  in  the  famous  book 
prepared  by  Melanchthon  and  Bucer  for  the  Reformation  of  Co 
logne,  which  became  so  important  in  the  preparation  of  the 
Book  of  Common  Prayer,  Bucer  himself  being  Professor  at  Cam 
bridge  while  the  work  was  in  progress.  This  Catechism  follows 
the  model  of  Brentz. 

THE   CASSEL   CATECHISM. 

Art  thou  a  Christian  ? 

Yes. 

Whence  dost  thou  know  this  ? 

Because  I  have  been  baptized  in  the  name  of  God  the  Father,  Son  and 
Holy  Ghost. 

What  dost  thou  believe  of  God  the  Father,  Son  and  Holy  Ghost  ? 

All  that  the  Articles  of  the  Creed  contain. 

How  do  they  run  ? 

I  believe  in  God  the  Father,  etc. 

What  dost  thou  mean,  then,  in  confessing  God  the  Father,  Son  and  Holy 
Ghost  ? 


328  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

That  there  are  three  persons  and  yet  one  God,  of  one  nature  and  power. 

Why  dost  thou  say  :  God  is  Almighty  and  that  he  is  CreatoV  of  all  things  ? 

That  God  is,  doeth  and  giveth  all  good,  hath  made  all  things  from  noth 
ing,  and  maintaineth  and  preserveth  them;  He  also  is  present,  by  His  power, 
to  all  things,  and  worketh  all  in  all,  from  His  only  good  and  righteous  will 
and  counsel. 

What  dost  thou  understand  in  the  Second  Article,  of  Christ  our  Lord  ? 

That,  through  Adam,  we  are  so  corrupt  that  no  angel  or  man  could  pay  the 
price  of  our  sins,  but  the  Eternal  Word  and  Son  of  God,  had,  and  willed  to 
become,  flesh,  and  was  born  a  true  man,  yet  without  all  sin,  by  the  Holy  Ghost 
of  the  Virgin  Mary.  By  his  death,  He  hath  paid  the  price  for  all  our  sins, 
and  by  His  resurrection  and  ascension  hath  placed  us  again  in  a  heavenly  na 
ture  to  whom  the  Father  hath  given  all  power  in  Heaven  and  on  earth,  etc. 

After  a  similar  long  explanation  of  Article  III,  the  question  is 
asked  : 

Art  thou  in  the  church  and  congregation  of  Christ  ? 

Yes. 

How  didst  thou  enter  therein  ? 

By  Holy  Baptism. 

What  is  it  ? 

The  washing  of  regeneration,  wherein  I  was  washed  from  inborn  sin,  in 
corporated  with  Christ  my  Lord,  and  clothed  in  Him. 

Wilt  thou  remain  in  this  fellowship  ? 

Yes,  by  the  help  of  God,  eternally. 

Questions  are  then  asked  and  answered  concerning  the  duties 
which  this  fellowship  within  the  church  through  baptism  brings. 
Then  follow  several  concerning  the  Lord's  Supper,  and  the  du 
ties  pertaining  to  its  fellowship.  There  is  no  allusion  to  either 
the  Ten  Commandments  or  the  Lord's  Prayer. 

HERMANN'S  CONSULTATION. 

The  Cassel  Catechism,  as  revised  and  introduced  into  the  Con 
sultation  of  Cologne,  translated  into  English,  and  published  in 
1548,  varies  somewhat  from  the  above,  as  may  be  learned  from 
extracts  given  in  Blunt's  Annotated  Book  of  Common  Prayer, 
and  Campion's  and  Beaumont's  Prayer  Book  Interleaved. 

Demaunde.     Dost  thou  profess  thyself  to  be  a  Christian  ? 

Answer.  I  profess. 


The  Anglican   Catechisms.  329 

D.  What  is  it  to  be  a  Christian  ? 

A.  To  be  borne  agayne  in  Christ,  and  to  have  remission  of  synnes,  and 
participation  of  everlastyng  lyfe  through  him. 

D.  Whereby  trustest  thou  that  these  thynges  be  given  thee  ? 

A.  Because  I  am  baptized  in  the  name  of  the  father,  the  sonne,  and  the 
holye  gost. 

D.  What  belevest  thou  of  God  the  father,  the  sonne,  and  the  holy  gost  ? 

A    The  same  that  the  articles  of  our  crede  do  comprehend. 

D.  Rehearse  them. 

A.  I  do  believe  in  God,  etc. 
******  **  *  * 

D.  Doeth  that  please  thee  then,  and  doest  thou  allowe  it,  and  wilt  thou  con 
tinue  in  the  same,  that  thy  godfathers  promysed  and  professed  in  thy  name 
at  holy  baptisme,  when  in  thy  steede  they  renounced  Satan,  and  the  world, 
and  bound  thee  to  Christe  and  to  this  congregation,  that  thou  shouldst  be 
thorowlie  obedient  to  the  Gospel  ? 

A.  I  allow  these  things,  and  by  the  healpe  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christe,  I 
will  continue  in  the  same  unto  thende. 

We  give  the  old  English  rendering,  quoted  by  the  English 
writers  on  the  "Book  of  Common  Prayer,"  in  order  that  it  may 
appear  in  what  form  it  was  present  to  the  compilers  of  that  book, 
although  a  comparision  of  the  original,  with  the  Cassel  Catechism 
shows  no  variation  in  the  introductory  questions.  The  same 
writers  might  have  added,  that,  after  the  question,  whether  the 
catechumen  would  abide  by  all  that  was  promised  by  his  spon 
sors,  the  Order  of  Hermann  continues : 

Q.  Dost  thou  renounce,  now  and  here,  before  the  eyes  of  God  and  his 
Church,  with  thine  own  heart  and  mouth,  Satan  and  all  his  works  ?  Ans. 
I  renounce.  Q.  Also  the  world  and  all  its  lusts  ?  A.  I  renounce.  Q.  And 
dost  thou  surrender  thyself  in  all  obedience  to  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  and  his 
holy  Church  ?  A.  I  surrender.  Q.  How  wast  thou  first  received  by  God 
unto  sonship,  and  into  his  Church  ?  A.  By  Holy  Baptism,  *  *  .  Q.  Wilt 
thou  continue  in  this  fellowship  of  the  Lord  unto  thine  end  ?  A.  Yes,  by  the 
Lord's  help,  unto  eternity. 

If  now  we  turn  to  "The  Church  Catechism,"  found  in  the 
Book  of  Common  Prayer,"  its  close  dependence  upon  the  Bren- 
tian  type  of  Lutheran  Catechisms  is  very  manifest.  It  is  in  vain 
for  the  writers  of  the  Church  of  England  to  plead  that  the  com- 


33° 


The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 


pilers  of  "The  Book  of  Common  Prayer,"  found  only  the  hint 
there.' 

The  order  of  parts  first  of  all  shows  this : 


Church  Catechism. 

1549- 
Baptism. 
Creed. 

Commandments. 
Lord's  Prayer. 

1604. 
Baptism. 
Lord's  Supper. 


Brentz. 


tism. 
Creed. 

Lord's  Prayer. 
Commandments. 


Cassel-  Cologne. 

Baptism. 
Creed. 


L6*rd's  Supper. 


Lord's  Supperl 

But  beyond  this,  the  thought  that  underlies  the  entire  devel 
opment,  if  compared  with  the  Catechisms  above  given,  will  be 
seen  to  be  taken  from  them.  Even  where  Brentz  and  the  Cassel 
Catechism  have  nothing  to  say  concerning  the  relation  of  spon 
sors  to  Baptism,  the  thought  with  which  the  Church  Catechism 
opens,  comes  from  Hermann's  Consultation  We  can  trace  also 
some  of  the  very  brief  explanations,  back  through  Cranmer's,  to 
Luther's  Catechism. 

FIRST    COMMANDMENT. 


Cranmer1*  Luther, 
We    be  commanded   to  feare  and 
love  God  with  al  oure  hearte  and   to 
put  our  whole  trust  and  confidence  in 
him. 


Church   Catechism. 
My  duty  towards  God  is  to  believe 
in  him,  to  fear  him,  and  to  love  him 
with  all  my  heart,  [and]   to   put  my 
whole  trust  in  him. 


Cranmer's  Luther. 

To  call  upon  hym, 
magnifie  and  prayse 
him. 


SECOND   CQMMANDMENT. 

Luther. 

To  call  upon  him 
.  .  .  and  worship  him, 
with  prayer,  praise  and 
thanksgiving. 


Church   Catechism. 
To     worship     him, 


to 


give    him  thanks,   and  to 
call  upon  him. 


7  "  The  idea  is  probably  due  to  Hermann's  Consultation.  No  part,  how 
ever,  of  our  Catechism  was  borrowed  from  this  source."  Procter,  History  of 
the  Book  of  Common  Prayer,  p.  389.  "  As  the  same  arrangement  is  found  in 
Hermann's  Consultation,  the  notion  of  an  authoritative  form  of  instrnction  to 
be  thus  inserted  in  the  Ritual,  was  probably  derived  from  that  source.  There 
is  no  resemblance,  however,  between  the  English  and  foreign  formularies." 
Trollope  on  the  Liturgy,  p.  233. 


The  Anglican  Catechisms.  331 


THIRD   COMMANDMENT. 


Cranmer's  Luther. 
To  heare  diligently  and   reverently 
his  holy  worde,  and  with  al  diligence 
to  folow  the  same. 


Church   Catechism. 
To  honor  his  holy  Name  and  his 
Word,  and  to  serve  him  truly  all    the 
days  of  my  life. 


FOURTH    COMMANDMENT. 


Cranmer's  Luther. 
To   honoure  oure   parentes,  teach 
ers,  masters  and  governors,  to  obey 
them  and  in  no  wise  despise  them. 


Church    Catechism. 
To  love,  honor  and  succour  my   fa 
ther  and  mother  ...  to  submit   my 
self  to  all  governors,  teachers,  spiritual 


pastors  and  masters. 

EIGHTH    COMMANDMENT. 


Cranmer's  Luther. 
To  absteyne  from  all  liynge,  back- 
bytyng,  slaunderynge. 


Church  Catechism. 
To    keep    my    tongue    from    evil- 
speaking,  lying  and  slandering. 


PONET'S   AND    NOWELL  S    CATECHISMS. 

The  Church  Catechism,  being  only  a  formula  for  the  public 
examination  of  catechumens  belonging  to  the  Order  for  Confir 
mation,  was  deemed  inadequate  for  full  instruction,  and,  hence, 
as  the  Calvinistic  tendency  strengthened,  there  were  various  ef 
forts  to  provide  a  substitute  for  Cranmer's  ample  Lutheran  ex 
planation.  The  first  of  these,  known  as  Edward  VI.  's  Cate 
chism,  is  generally  ascribed  to  Bishop  Ponet  or  Poinet.  It  was 
first  published  in  1553,  in  connection  with  the  Articles  of  Reli 
gion  of  1552.  Ponet,  one  of  Cranmer's  chaplains,  was  bishop 
of  Rochester  after  1550,  and  in  1551  succeeded  Gardiner  as 
Bishop  of  Winchester.  He  fled  to  Strassburgon  the  accession  of 
Mary,  where  he  died  in  1556.  The  Catechism  is  even  polemical 
in  its  attitude  towards  Lutheranism,  devoting  a  large  page  and  a 
quarter  to  discussing  the  impossibility  of  the  presence  of  the 
Body  of  Christ  on  earth.  It  treats  in  order,  the  Ten  Command 
ments,  the  Creed,  and  the  Lord's  Prayer.  Although  published  by 
authority,  it  did  not  answer  its  purpose,  and  soon  was  lost  in  ob 
scurity.  Before  its  republication  in  the  "  Liturgies  of  Edward 
VI.,"  issued  by  the  Parker  Society,  it  was  almost  impossible  even 
for  scholars  to  find  a  copy. 


33 2  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

A  far  more  important  work  is  the  Catechism  of  Alexander 
Nowell  (1507-1601),  Dean  of  St.  Paul's  and  Prolocutor  of  the 
Convocation  under  Elizabeth  that  revised  the  Articles  of  Edward 
VI.  There  are,  in  fact,  three  Catechisms  which  bear  his  name, 
but  his  Large  Catechism  is  what  is  generally  so  known.  It  was 
published  in  1570,  and  follows  the  order  of  the  Ten  Command 
ments,  Creed,  Lord's  Prayer  and  Sacraments.  It  combines  the 
ological  exactness  with  catechetical  skill.  It  appropriates  some 
of  Poinet's  material,  but  is  still  more  dependent  upon  Calvin's 
Institutes,  whose  order  it  follows,  and  whose  very  language  it 
frequently  uses,  as  we  could  readily  show.  In  some  parts  it  is 
not  without  controversial  bitterness  and  unfairness,  where  it 
touches  points  on  which  the  antagonisms  to  Lutheranism  are  es 
pecially  prominent.  Bishop  Overall's  additions  in  1604  to 
"  The  Church  Catechism,"  were  derived  from  Nowell.  It  is  a 
significant  fact  that  the  English  translator  of  this  Catechism,  in 
1570,  Thomas  Norton,  was  the  translator  also  of  the  first  English 
edition  of  Calvin's  Institutes.  It  is  worthy  of  examination 
whether  there  be  not  a  close  relationship  between  Nowell' s  work 
and  Calvin's  Catechism  of  1536,  which  was  afterwards  sup 
planted  by  the  Catechismus  Genevensis  (1538.) 


CHAPTER  XXVI. 

THE   HOMILIES   OF    1547. 

Taverner's  Postils,  a  temporary  Expedient.  Preparation  of  an  authorized 
Book.  Reasons  for  its  Unpopularity.  Merits  and  Defects.  Permanent 
Results.  Symbolical  Authority.  Homily  on  "  The  Salvation  of  Man 
kind  "  examined.  Sources  whence  it  was  compiled.  Indebtedness  of 
other  Homilies.  Homilies  of  the  Reign  of  Queen  Elizabeth. 

THE  line  of  the  liturgical  development  of  the  English  Church, 
has  led  us  some  years  beyond  the  period  of  the  English  Hom 
ilies  Taverner,  as  we  have  seen,  had  already  made  a  temporary 
effort  to  supply  the  lack  of  preaching,  by  the  preparation  of 
"Postils,"  to  be  used  for  this  purpose.  A  more  formal  and 
complete  work  was  to  appear  later.  Ordered  by  Convocation  in 
1542,  it  seems  to  have  been  completed  in  1543,  and,  then,  after 
awaiting  revision  for  several  years,  finally  appeared  in  the  sum 
mer  of  1547.  A  second  edition  was  issued  the  same  year.  One 
of  the  Homilies  was  to  be  read  "  every  Sunday  at  high  mass," 
"except  a  sermon  be  preached,"  and,  then,  the  Homily  had  to 
be  read  the  succeeding  Sunday.  When  the  Homilies  had  all  been 
read,  the  clergyman  was  to  begin  the  volume  anew,  and  read 
and  re-read  it,  until  he  received  further  instructions.  The  book, 
though  highly  commended  by  Bucer,  from  Strassburg,  did  not 
prove  popular.  Sometimes  when  read,  "there  would  be  such 
talking  and  babbling  in  the  church,  that  nothing  could  be  heard. 
And  if  the  parish  were  better  affected,  and  the  priest  not  so,  he 
would  'so  hauk  and  chop  it,'  that  it  were  as  good  for  them  to  be 
without  it,  as  for  any  word  that  could  be  understood."1  No 

1  Strype's  Memorials  of  the  Reformation,  II :  49. 
(333) 


334  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

wonder.  For,  first,  the  book  reflected  the  inconsistent  position 
of  the  English  Church,  the  advocates  of  the  various  tendencies 
having  taken  part  in  its  preparation,  and  the  evangelical  posi 
tion  of  Cranmer  being  balanced  by  the  hierarchical  position  of 
Bonner.  Even  though  there  be  few  direct  antagonisms,  the 
very  mode  of  treatment  was  affected.  Secondly,  the  Homilies 
are  not  popular,  but  largely  didactic  in  their  character.  The 
doctrinal  Homilies  are  essays  in  Dogmatic  Theology,  burdened 
with  technical  terms  and  abounding  in  arguments  from  the  Fath 
ers:  and  even  those  of  a  more  practical  nature  show  the  hand 
of  the  student  cloistered  among  books,  rather  than  that  of  one 
who  had  much  experience  in  the  care  of  souls.  There  is,  in  this 
respect,  a  great  contrast  between  them,  and  the  expositions  of 
doctrine  for  plain  pastors  which  are  found  in  the  introduction  to 
so  many  of  our  Lutheran  Church  Orders.  Thirdly,  they  entirely 
ignored  the  Church  Year,  and  caused  an  interruption  of  the  true 
idea  of  the  Service,  which,  even  though  it  may  be  borne  occasion 
ally,  nevertheless,  when  occurring  as  a  rule  becomes  awkward  and 
tedious.  They  exhibit  no  progressive  unfolding  of  the  life  of 
Christ.  Compared  with  the  earlier  effort  of  Taverner,  there  was 
here  by  no  means  an  improvement. 

Although,  the  Homilies  did  not  long  serve  the  purpose 
for  which  they  were  composed,  and  as  sermons  were  failures ; 
yet  their  importance  as  theological  treatises,  must  not  be  over 
looked.  Art.  XXXIV,  of  the  Church  of  England  and  of  the  Pro 
testant  Episcopal  Church  of  America,  gives  them,  with  the  later 
Homilies  of  Queen  Elizabeth,  symbolical  authority;  and  Art. 
XI.  gives  still  more  emphasis  to  one  particular  Homily.  To  the 
study  of  this  Homily,  thus  officially  endorsed,  which  was  con 
structed  from  Lutheran  material,  John  Wesley  ascribed  the  ori 
gin  of  the  Methodistic  movement.  Cranmer  seems  to  have  en 
deavored  in  those  which  he  prepared,  to  clearly  explain  and  de 
fend  at  length  the  cardinal  doctrines  of  Sin  and  Grace,  and  espe 
cially  that  of  Justification  by  Faith  alone  without  works.  No  doc 
ument  that  has  come  into  our  hands,  shows  that  he  has  merely 


The  Homilies  of 


335 


translated.  Yet  his  close  dependence  not  only  in  order 
of  treatment,  and  of  thought,  but  also  in  language,  cannot  be 
questioned.  The  order  with  which  the  opening  Homilies  are 
arranged,  shows  that  Osiander's  influence  has  wrought  here,  as 
elsewhere,  upon  his  relative.  If  the  Homilies  begin  :  I.  The 
Reading  and  Knowledge  of  Holy  Scripture  ;  II.  the  Misery  of 
all  Mankind ;  III.  the  Salvation  of  all  Mankind ;  IV.  True 
and  Living  Faith  ;  the  Brandenburg-Nilrnberg  Instruction  pro 
ceeds  :  I.  Of  Doctrine  ;  the  Old  and  New  Testaments.  II.  Peni 
tence,  the  Law;  III.  the  Gospel,  etc.  In  many  of  the 
Homilies,  we  do  not  claim  any  Lutheran  elements.  Patristic 
and  scholastic  learning,rather  than  the  "  New  Learning,"  are  fre 
quently  manifested.  But  examining  especially  that  on  the  "  Sal 
vation  of  Mankind  by  only  Christ  our  Saviour,"  we  at  once  find 
that  we  are  treading  the  same  ground  as  that  traversed  when 
the  "  Common  Prayer  "  was  examined. 

The  opening  sentence  of  the  Homily  is  taken  directly  or  indi 
rectly  from  the  Schwabach  Articles  of  Luther  and  Melanchthon 
of  October  i5th,  1529. 

Schwabach  Articles.  (Art.  V.) 
Because  all  men  be  sinners,  subject 
to  sin  and  to  death,  besides  to  the 
devil,  therefore  can  no  man  by  his 
own  strength  or  good  works,  deliver 
himself  thence,  so  that  he  may  again 
be  made  righteous  or  godly ;  yea,  he 
cannot  even  prepare  or  dispose  him 
self  for  righteousness,  but  the  more  he 
attempts  to  deliver  himself,  the  worse 
it  is  for  him.  But  that  the  only  way 
to  righteousness  and  deliverance  from 
sin  and  death  is,  if,  without  all  merits 
or  works,  we  believe  in  the  Son  of 
God  who  suffered  for  us.  .  .  For  God 
regards  as  righteous  and  godly  all 
those  who  have  this  faith  in  his  Son, 
that,  for  his  Son's  sake,  they  are  re 
ceived  into  grace. 

Cf.  also  Apology  of  Augsburg  Confession,  p.  90 :  §  40.  The 
close  of  the  paragraph  introduces  the  very  language  of  Art.  III. 


Homily, 

Because  all  men  be  sinners  and 
offenders  against  God,  and  breakers 
of  his  Law  and  commanclments,there- 
fore  can  no  man  by  his  own  works, 
acts  and  deeds  (seem  they  never  so 
good)  be  justified,  and  made  righteous 
before  God  ;  but  every  man  of  neces 
sity  is  constrained  to  seek  for  another 
righteousness  or  justification,  to  be  re 
ceived  at  God's  own  hands,  in  such 
things  as  he  hath  offended.  And 
this  justification  or  righteousness, 
which  we  so  receive  of  God's  mercy 
and  Christ's  merit,  embraced  by  faith, 
is  taken,  accepted  and  allowed  of 
God,  for  our  perfect  and  full  justifica 
tion. 


336  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

of  the  Augsburg  Confession,  supplementing  it,  however,  by  a  clause 
referring  to  the  "  Active  Obedience"  of  Christ.  This  is  a  matter 
of  much  interest,  since  the  doctrine  of  the  "Active  Obedience" 
has  generally  been  traced  to  Flaciusin  1552,  who  is  said  to  have 
formulated  it,  in  order  to  counteract  the  error  of  Osiander  on 
Justification.2  This  Homily  of  1547,  however,  says  that  God 
sent  his  only  Son  "  to  fulfil  the  Law  for  us  and  to  make  a  sacri 
fice,"  and  a  few  pages  later  :  "  Christ  is  now  the  righteousness 
of  them  that  truly  do  believe  in  him.  He  for  them  paid  their 
ransom  by  his  death.  He  for  them  fulfilled  the  Law  in  his  life. 
So  that  now  in  him,  and  by  him,  every  true  Christian  man  may 
be  called  a  fulfiller  of  the  Law;  forasmuch  as  that  which  their  in 
firmity  lacked,  Christ's  justice  hath  supplied."  But  the  doctrine 
of  the  "Active  Obedience,"  was  derived  from  the  Reformation 
of  Cologne,  which,  in  turn,  had  taken  it  from  B  •  andenburg- Niirn- 
berg  of  1533,  where  even  Osiander  had  assisted  in  formulating 
the  following :  "  First,  he  directed  all  his  life  according  to  the 
will  of  the  Father,  did  for  us  what  we  were  obliged,  and  yet  were 
unable,  to  do,  and  fulfilled  the  Law  and  all  righteousness  for  our 
good,  as  He  himself  says,  Matth.  5  :  17,  and  Paul  says,  Gal.  4  : 
4 ;  i  Cor.  i  :  30 ;  Phil.  3  :  9.  Secondly,  he  took  upon  himself 
all  our  sins,  and  bore  and  suffered  all  that  was  due  us,  John  i  : 
29;  Is.  53;  4-6;  Rom.  8:  32;'  Gal.  3:  13." 

The  statement  of  the  Augsburg  Confession  that  Christ  was  "a 
sacrifice  not  only  for  original  guilt,  but  also  for  all  actual  sins," 
carries  Cranmer  at  once,  in  thought,  to  Art.  IX.  of  the  Con 
fession. 


Aug.   Con/.,  Art.  IX. 
Children  are  to  be    baptized,    who 
by  baptism,  being  offered  to  God,  are 
received  into  God's  favor. 

And  then  to  Art.  XII. 


Homily. 

Infants  being  baptized  .  .  are,  by 
this  sacrifice  washed  from  their  sins, 
brought  to  God's  favor. 


2  See  Schmid's  Dogmatik,  English  Translation,  First  Edition,  pp.  377  sqq., 
Second  Edition,  pp.  360  sqq. 


The  Homilies  of  1547.  337 


Aug.   Con/.,  Art  XII. 
Such   as   have  fallen  after  baptism, 
may   find  remission  of  sins  at  what 
time  they  are  converted. 


Homily. 

They  which  in  act  or  deed  do  sin 
after  baptism,  when  they  turn  again 
to  God  unfeignedly,  they  are  like 
wise  washed  by  this  sacrifice  from 
their  sins.3 

Then  after  two  passages  of  Scripture  are  cited,  another  of  Me- 
lanchthon's  statements  appears. 


Melanchthon's  Loci  Comm.  (De 
Evangelic). 

Justification  is  given  freely,  that  is, 
not  on  account  of  our  worth,  yet  there 
must  be  a  ransom  for  us. 


Homily. 

Although  this  justification  be  free 
unto  us,  yet  it  cometh  not  so  freely 
unto  us,  that  there  is  no  ransom  paid 
therefor. 


After  proving  and  illustrating  this  statement,  Cranmer  con 
tinues  : 

"  The  Apostle  toucheth  specially  three  things,  which  must  go 
together  in  our  Justification  ;  upon  God's  part,  his  great  mercy 
and  grace ;  upon  Christ's  part,  justice,  /.  e.  the  satisfaction  of 
God's  justice  or  the  price  of  our  redemption  by  the  offering 
of  his  Body,  and  shedding  of  his  Blood  .  .  ;  and  upon  our  part, 
true  and  lively  faith." 

The  Apology  (1531)  had  said : 

"  As  often  as  we  speak  of  Justifying  Faith,  we  must  keep  in 
mind  that  these  three  objects  concur :  the  promise  and  that  too 
gratuitous,  and  the  merits  of  Christ,  as  the  price  and  propitia 
tion.  This  promise  is  received  by  faith "  (p.  92:  §53). 
"Which1'  [faith]  "yet  is  not  ours,  but  by  God's  working  in 
us."  continues  the  Homily.  "It  is  not  my  doing,  not  my  pre 
senting  or  giving,  not  my  work  or  preparation,"  says  the  Apol 
ogy  (p.  91  :  §  48).  "  Faith  doth  not  shut  out  repentance,  hope, 
love,"  says  the  Homily.  "Love  and  works  ought  to  follow 
faith.  Wherefore,  they  are  not  excluded,"  says  the  Apology. 
"It  excludeth  them,"  says  the  Homily,  "so  we  may  not  do 
them,  to  this  intent,  to  be  made  good  by  doing  of  them." 
"Confidence  in  the  merit  of  love  or  of  works,"  says  the  Apol 
ogy,  "is  excluded  in  Justification." 

8  Cf.  above  chapter.     The  Ten  Articles. 
23 


338  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

It  is  unnecessary  to  illustrate  further.  The  Homilies  "  Of  our 
Salvation  "  and  "  Of  Faith,"  are  almost  mosaics  of  passages  from 
approved  Lutheran  authorities.  We  would  not  infer  that  they 
were  mechanically  joined  together ;  but  that  they  were  deeply 
fixed  in  the  mind  of  the  writer,  were  thoroughly  assimilated  and 
flowed  forth  almost  spontaneously  from  his  pen  Nevertheless 
this,  in  no  way  diminishes  the  extent  of  the  indebtedness. 

We  recognize  also  many  corresponding  similarities  in  the 
Homily  "  Of  Good  Works,"  and,  to  a  less  extent,  in  that  "Of 
Christian  Love  and  Charity. ' '  Those  first  mentioned,  are  worthy 
of  far  wider  study  than  has  been  accorded  them.  They  are 
among  the  most  valuable  memorials  which  the  struggle  of  the 
Gospel  for  the  English  Church,  has  left  to  succeeding  genera 
tions,  and,  as  models  of  a  pure  and  eloquent  English  style,  are 
scarcely  to  be  surpassed.  Among  those  added  in  the  next  reign, 
were  the  two  of  Taverner  on  the  Death  and  Resurrection  of 
Christ.  The  great  devotion  of  the  author  to  Lutheranism  has 
been  previously  shown,  in  connection  with  what  has  been  said 
concerning  his  translation  of  the  Augsburg  Confession  and  the 
Apology. 


CHAPTER   XXVII. 

THE    THIRTY-NINE   ARTICLES. 

Archdeacon  Hardwick's  Researches.  Dr.  SchafPs  "  Creeds  of  Christen 
dom."  Retrospect  to  Preparatory  Work  in  the  preceding  Reign.  The 
XLII.  Articles  of  1552.  Revision  under  Queen  Elizabeth.  Table 
showing  the  parts  of  each  article  taken  from  the  Augsburg  Confession, 
Apology,  Smalcald  Articles  and  Wurtemberg  Confession. 

THE  minute  investigations  which  Archdeacon  Hardwick  has 
made,  and  whose  results  are  embodied  in  his  well-known  "  His 
tory  of  the  Articles  of  Religion,"  relieve  us  of  the  necessity  of 
any  extended  examination.  So  thorough  has  been  his  work, 
and  so  full  his  treatment  of  the  relation  of  the  articles  of  his 
Church  to  the  Augsburg  and  •  Wurtemberg  Confessions,  that,  it 
will  supply  the  most  needed  information  concerning  what  yet 
remains.  He  has  overlooked,  however,  the  connection  of  the 
Articles  with  the  Apology  and  Smalcald  Articles.  The  first  vol 
ume  of  Dr.  SchafFs  "Creeds  of  Christendom"  also  presents  a 
very  satisfactory  summary.  The  pamphlet  of  Dr.  Morris  has 
collected  the  statements  of  many  English  writers  on  the  fact, 
which  no  scholar,  or  well-informed  person  will  any  longer  ven 
ture  to  dispute,  that  the  Thirty-Nine  Articles  are  of  Lutheran 
origin. 

We  have  above  traced  the  history  of  the  Wittenberg  negotia 
tions  of  1535-6,  the  Ten  Articles  of  1536,  the  Memoranda  of 
1538,  etc.  After  the  accession  of  Edward,  Cranmer  seems  to 
have  delayed  the  preparation  of  a  Confession,  possibly  in  the 
hope  that  the  various  Protestant  communions  might  be  induced 
tu  unite  in  one  common  Confession  against  Rome. 
(339) 


34°  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

The  first  sketch  of  the  English  Articles  was  made  in  the  sum 
mer  of  1551,  chiefly,  as  cotemporaries  affirm,  by  Cranmer  him 
self.  This  rough  draft  was  submitted  to  the  bishops  throughout 
the  country,  and  after  receiving  their  suggestions,  was  submit 
ted  to  two  learned  laymen,  Sir  William  Cecil  and  Sir  John 
Cheke.  Then  it  was  submitted  to  the  King,  and  referred  to  his 
six  chaplains,  among  whom  was  John  Knox.  Revised  again  by 
Cranmer,  the  Articles  finally  were  issued  with  authority  in  1553. * 
In  the  previous  year,  however,  they  seem  to  have  been  privately 
circulated.  They  are  known  as  the  XLII.  Articles  of  1552. 

Ten  years  later,  after  the  accession  of  Elizabeth  had  restored 
the  Reformation  in  England,  Archbishop  Parker  undertook  a  re 
vision  of  the  XLII.  Articles,  in  which  he  made  free  use  of  the 
Wiirtemberg  Confession2  prepared  by  Dr.  John  Brentz  in  1551, 
and  published  under  the  authority  of  Duke  Christopher,  for  sub 
mission  to  the  Council  of  Trent.  The  document,  thus  completed, 
'is  known  as  the  XXXIX.  Articles  of  1562.  It  omitted  the  loth, 
1 6th,  igth  and  4ist  articles  of  1552,  and  introduced  as  new  art 
icles,  the  $th,  1 2th,  29th  and  3oth.  The  Convocation  did  not 
ratify  the  last  three,  and  the  2gth  was  omitted  during  printing, 
making  the  number  actually  only  thirty-eight.  But  in  1571, 
when  the  final  revision  occurred,  the  2gth  was  reintro- 
duced,  and  then  the  entire  document,  receiving  the  sanction 
of  Parliament,  was  made  obligatory  upon  the  clergy.  The  fol 
lowing  table  will  show  the  relation  of  the  several  Articles  to  the 
Lutheran  formularies. 

I.  Aug.  Conf.,  Art.  I. ;  XIII.  Articles,  1538. 

II.  Aug.  Conf.,  III. ;  XIII.  Articles  1538;  Revision  of  1562 
introduced  :   "  Begotten  from  everlasting  of  the  Father,  the  very 
and  eternal  God  of  one  substance  with  the  Father,"   from  the 
Wiirtemberg  Confession. 

1  For  details,  see  Hard-wick,  pp.  84  sqq. 

J "  All  the  alterations  are  drawn  chiefly  from  the  Wiirtemberg  Confession," 
Adolphus,  Compendium   Theologicum,  p.  438. 


The   Thirty-Nine  Articles.  341 

III.  and  IV.  Each   following  a  clause  in   Aug.    Conf.,   Art. 
III.,  but  not  identical  with  the  Confession. 

V.  Wurtemberg  Confession,  Art.  III.     Not  in  1552. 

VI.  [V.  of  1552.] 


VII.  [VI.  of  1552.] 

VIII.  [VII.  1552].     Articles  of  1536,  I.    Saxon  Arts.,  (1551, 
Melanchthon),  I. 

IX.  [VIII.,  1552].  Aug.  Conf.,  II.  ;  XIII.  Articles  (1538),  II. 

X.  [IX].    Former  Sentence  from  close  of  Art.  Ill,,  Wurtem 
berg  Confession  ;   "  the  latter  almost  verbatim  from   St.   Augus 
tine." 

XI.  Aug.  Conf.  IV. ;  Arts,  of  1536,  V. ;  XIII.  Arts.,  IV.    See 
preceding  chapter  on  Homilies. 

XII.  Hardwick  refers  this  in  part  to  the  Wurtemberg  Confes 
sion.     It  is  nearer  the  argument  of  the  Apology  which  in  fact  it 
condenses,  and  may  possibly  be  connected  with  the  Homilies. 
Almost  the  very  words  of  Apology  ho \vever  reappear,    p.    139: 

§  i?2- 

XIII.  [XII].     Also  condensing  the  thought  of  the  Apology, 

pp.  89;   147  sqq. ;  230. 

XIV.  [XII].  Apology,  285  :   24,  25. 

XV.  [XIV].  Amplifying  a  thought  of  Aug.  Conf.,  Art.  II. 

XVI.  [XV].  Partly  from  Aug.  Conf.,  Art.  XII. 

XVII.  — 
XVIII.- 

XIX.  [XX].  Aug.  Conf.,  Art.  VII;  XIII.  Arts.,  V. 

XX.  [XXI].   Cf.  Aug.  Conf.,  Art.  XXVIII.     Melanchthon's 
Appendix  to  Smalcald  Articles,  II. 

XXI.  [XXII.]— 

XXII.  [XXIII].     Possibly  from  Smalcald  Articles,   Part   II : 
Art.  II.,  §  12.     "  Purgatory  and  every  solemnity,  rite,  and  pro 
fit  connected -with  it,  is  to  be  regarded  nothing  but   a  spectre 
of  the  devil.     ("  Mera  diaboU  larva)  "     Eng.  Art:   "  Res  est 
futilis" 


342  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

XXIII.  [XXIV].     Based  on  Aug.   Conf ,  Art.  XIV. ;  XIII. 
Arts.,  X. 

XXIV.  [XXV].  Cf.  Apology,  259  :  4 

XXV.  [XXIV].    Based  on  Aug.  Conf.,   Art.   XIII. ;  XIII. 
Arts.,  IX. 

XXVI.  [XXV].  Aug.  Conf.  Art.  VIII;  XIII.  Arts.,X. 

XXVII.  [XXVIII].    The  Articles  of  1536  and  1538,  based  on 
Augsburg  Confession  and  Melanchthon  "Against   the  Anabap 
tists,"  were  probably,  as  Hardwick  supposes,  before  the  compiler; 
but  there  was  a  very  decided  weakening  to  conform  it   to  the 
Calvinistic  doctrine. 

XXVIII.  (XXIX) —(Calvinistic). 

XXIX.  § Calvinistic.     First  published  in  1571. 

XXX.  Cf.  Aug.  Conf.,  Art.  XXII.     Added  in  1562. 
XXX.  (XXX).     Based  on  Aug.  Conf.,  Art.  XXIV  :  22-27. 

XXXII.  (XXXI)     Cf.  Aug.  Conf.,  Art.  XXIII:  3  sqq. 

XXXIII.  (XXXII).  -       w 

XXXIV.  (XXXIII).     Based   on  Aug.  Conf.  Art.    XV.   Cf. 
Apology,  Art.  XV:   i,  3,  8,  51. 

XXXV.  (XXXIV) 

XXXVI.  (XXXV).  - 

XXXVII.  (XXXVI).     Partly  from  Aug.  Conf.,  Art.  XVI. 

XXXVIII.  (XXXVII).     Partly  from  Aug.  Conf.,  Art.   XVI, 
and  its  explanation  by  Apology,  Art.  XVI :  36,  61,  etc. 

XXXIX.  (XXXVIII).     From  same  Article. 

The  suppressed  Art.  XLI.  of  1552  was  based  on  Aug.    Conf., 
Art.  II. 


CHAPTER   XXVIII. 

THE   SUBSEQUENT   HISTORY. 

The  Refugees  of  Mary's  reign.  The  Congregations  of  Exiles  at  Frankfort- 
on-the-Main.  The  Revised  Service.  John  Knox.  The  Conflict  be 
tween  Puritanism  and  the  adherents  of  the  Prayer-Book.  Dr.  Richard 
Cox.  Knox  withdraws.  A  Question  as  to  Lutheran  Baptism.  Calvin 
at  Frankfort.  His  later  opinion  of  the  Augsburg  Confession.  An  An 
glican  Theological  Seminary  at  Frankfort.  Kindness  shown  the  refu 
gees.  Archbishop  Grindal.  Duke  Christopher  of  Wiirtemberg.  Bishop 
Aylmer  at  Jena ;  nearly  becomes  Schnepf's  successor  as  a  member  of  the 
theological  Faculty.  The  Restoration  under  Elizabeth.  Robert  Brown 
and  the  "  Independents*  The  fate  of  English  Lutheranism.  Its  con 
tinued  Influence.  Accession  of  the  House  of  Hanover.  New  attempts 
at  examination  of  historical  relations.  Pufendorfs  Principles.  Con 
clusion. 

THE  limit  fixed  for  this  survey  has  been  the  close  of  the  reign 
of  Edward  VI.,  with  a  reference  to  the  permanent  memorials 
of  the  Lutheran  movement  which  remain.  Another  interesting 
field  opens  to  the  historical  student  in  the  development  of  the 
English  Church  among  the  bands  of  exiles  scattered  on  the  Con 
tinent  during  the  Marian  persecution.  Mary  came  to  the  throne, 
July  5th,  1553.  Before  her  former  coronation,  in  October,  the 
leaders  of  the  evangelical  movement  had,  with  only  one  or  two 
exceptions,  been  deprived  of  their  positions  and  cast  into  prison. 
Cranmer  was  sent  to  the  Tower  September  i4th.  During  the 
same  month,  Polanus  with  his  congregation  of  exiles  fled  to 
Frankfort-on-the-Main.  Here  the  chief  Lutheran  pastor  was 
Hardtmann  Beyer,  distinguished  for  nis  courage  and  zeal  in  the 
days  of  the  Interim,  an  alumnus  of  Wittenberg,  and  frequently 
(343) 


344  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

mentioned  in  the  correspondence  of  Luther  and  Melanchthon. 
They  were  kindly  received,  and  were  given  the  Weissfrauen- 
kirche  for  their  services,  which  were  begun  in  the  French  lan 
guage,  April  2ist.  They  were  followed  (June  2yth)  by  a  num 
ber  of  English  Protestants  who  were  given  the  same  church  for 
services  in  English  at  a  different  hour,  William  Whittingham, 
brother-in-law  of  Calvin,  being  their  first  pastor.  One  year  la 
ter,  (June  1555),  John  a  Lasco  and  his  congregation  came,  and 
they  worshipped  in  the  same  place  in  the  Dutch  language.  Very 
soon  a  controversy  began  among  the  English.  The  Calvinistic 
party  had  fretted  even  in  England,  that  the  revision  of  the  Book 
of  Common  Prayer  in  1552,  was  not  more  radical.  A  new  Ser 
vice  was  prepared.  It  "was  concluded  that  the  answeringe 
alowde  after  the  Minister  shulde  not  be  vsed,  the  letanye,  sur 
plice  and  many  other  thinges  also  omitted.  The  Minister  in 
place  off  the  Englishe  Confession  shulde  vse  another,  bothe  off 
more  effecte,  and  also  framed  according  to  the  state  and  time. 
And  the  same  ended,  the  people  do  singe  a  psalme  in  meetre  in 
a  plaine  tune  .  .  that  don,  the  minister  to  praye  for  thessistance 
off  gods  holie  spirite  and  so  to  proceade  to  the  sermon.  After 
the  sermon,  a  generall  praier  for  all  estates  and  for  oure  countrie 
of  Englande  was  also  devised,  at  thende  off  whiche  praier,  was 
coined  the  lords  praier,  and  a  rehearsall  of  tharticles  off  oure  be- 
lieff,  which  ended  the  people  to  singe  an  other  psalme  as  afore. 
Then  the  minister  pronouncinge  this  blessinge :  The  peace  of 
God,  etc."  1  John  Knox  was  called  from  Geneva  to  take  charge 
of  this  congregation,  and  accepted,  being  its  pastor  from  No 
vember  155410  March  1555.  But  this  change  of  the  Service 
proved  too  radical,  and  caused  a  reaction.  More  exiles  sympa 
thizing  with  a  more  conservative  course  arrived  from  England. 
Knox  was  strengthened  by  the  interference  of  Calvin.  In  March 
1555,  Dr.  Richard  Cox  arrived.  He- was  one  of  the  band  of  first 
English  Lutherans  at  Cambridge,  mentioned  in  the  beginning 

1  A  Brief  Discourse  of  the  Troubles  begun    at  Frankfort,    1554.     Reprint 
London  1846,  p.  VII. 


The  Subsequent  History.  345 

of  this  book,  and  had  actively  co-operated  in  the  preparation  of 
the  principal  English  formularies,  especially  the  Book  of  Com 
mon  Prayer.  Heat  once  antagonized  Knox.  "The  sundaie 
folovvinge,  one  off  his  company  withowt  the  knowleg  off  the  con 
gregation  gate  upp  suddainly  into  the  pulpit,  redd  the  lettany, 
and  D.  Cox  withe  his  companie  answered  alowde,  whereby  the 
determination  of  the  churche  was  broken."  2  Such  is  the  record 
of  the  one  side.  In  two  weeks  time,  Knox  had  left  Frankfort. 
Thus  the  struggle  between  Puritanism  and  the  English  Church 
began  in  Lutheran  Germany,  and  was  to  be  tranferred  to  Eng 
land  for  fuller  development  during  the  reign  of  Elizabeth.  The 
congregation  was  hopelessly  divided.  One  party  would  not  al 
low  the  English  minister  to  baptize  their  children.  They  car 
ried  them  to  the  Lutheran  ministers.  Then  came  another  con 
troversy.  Peter  Martyr  was  called  upon  to  prepare  an  opinion 
on  the  question:  "An  liceat  hominibus  evangelicis  baptismum 
a  Lutheranis  accipi. "  "May  evangelical  men  receive  baptism 
from  Lutherans?"  He  thought  not.  This  did  not  settle  matters, 
and  he  had  to  write  again  to  the  effect,  that  while  "he  would 
not  say  it  was  unlawful,  yet  he  disliked  the  practice."  Here 
are  a  few  of  Martyrs  arguments  :  "  Since  the  Lutheran  faith  and 
ours  is  diverse,  we  cannot  commit  ours  to  be  sealed  by  the  Lu 
therans.  .  .  What  advantage  or  spiritual  edification  is  had  from 
baptism  sought  for  at  the  hands  of  the  Lutherans  ?  The  salva 
tion  of  your  infants  is  not  imperilled  if  they  die  without  baptism, 
since  neither  the  grace  of  God,  nor  the  effects  of  predestination 
are  to  be  bound  to  external  things  and  sacraments."8  Calvin 
himself  repaired  to  Frankfort  in  1556.  He  avoided  the  Luth 
eran  pastors,  his  relations  towards  Lutheranism  having  changed 
some  three  years  previously.  A  few  years  later,  he  wrote  to  the 
Prince  of  Conde,  "the  Confession  of  Augsburg  is  neither  flesh 
nor  fish,  and  is  the  cause  of  great  schisms  and  debates  among  the 

*  Ib.  XXXVIII. 

•Strype's  Cranmer,  III :   162  sqq. 


346  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

Germans;"  *  and  to  Admiral  Coligny : 5  "  It  is  such  a  meagre 
composition,  so  feeble  and  so  obscure,  that  it  is  impossible  to 
stop  short  at  its  conclusions."6  Thus  Puritanism  showed  in  its 
very  outstart  the  same  hostility  to  Lutheranism,  as  to  the  Eng 
lish  formularies  drawn  from  Lutheran  sources. 

The  other  portion  of  the  congregation  found,  with  little  diffi 
culty,  sufficient  material  among  its  members  for  a  theological 
faculty,  and  established  for  the  time  a  Seminary,  with  Dr.  Horn, 
previously  Dean  of  Durham,  for  Hebrew ;  Dr.  John  Mullins  for 
Greek,  Dr.  Traheron,  previously  Dean  of  Chichester,  for  Di 
vinity. 

Not  only  at  Frankfort,  but  also  in  Reformed  centers,  English 
exiles  received  kind  treatment.  Frankfort,  however,  is  of  most 
importance  in  its  historical  relations.  Dr.  Edmund  Grindal, 
Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  1576-83,  bears  most  emphatic  testi 
mony  to  its  influence  on  the  later  history  of  the  English  Church  : 
"  That  England  had  so  many  bishops  and  other  ministers  of 
God's  Word,  which  at  that  day  preached  the  pure  doctrine  of  the 
Gospel,  was  owing  to  Strasburgh,  Zurich,  Basel  Worms,  but 
above  all  the  rest,  to  Frankfort.  You  received  our  people  to 
harbor,  and,  being  received,  embraced  them  with  the  highest  hu 
manity,  and  defended  them  with  your  authority.  And  if  we  should 
not  acknowledge  and  speak  of  this  piety  of  yours,  we  were,  of  all 
mankind,  the  most  ungrateful."7  His  biographer  says:  "In 
truth,  the  remembrance  of  the  former  kindness,  received  by  him 
and  the  rest  of  the  exiles  in  Germany,  under  Queen  Mary,  stuck 
close  upon  his  grateful  mind ;  and  he  thought  he  could  not  suf 
ficiently  express  it  upon  all  occasions."8  Duke  Christopher, 
of  Wiirtemberg,  the  prince  for  whom  Dr.  John  Brentz  prepared 
the  Wiirtemberg  Confession,  and  distinguished  for  his  decided 

4  Sept.  24th,  1561.     Letters. 
6  May  loth,  1563.    -See  Letters. 
6Strypc's  Memorials,  V  :  71. 
T  Strype's  Grindal,  p.  1 6. 
8Ib.  p.  182. 


The  Subsequent  History,  347 

Lutheran  convictions,  was  held  in  particularly  grateful  recogni 
tion,  because  of  his  kindness  to  the  exiles.  '  The  Duke  had 
been  very  kind  unto  the  English  exiles,  having  at  one  time  be 
stowed  among  them  at  Strasburgh  four  or  five  hundred  dollars, 
besides  more  given  to  them  at  Frankfort."  '  This  act  was  duly 
acknowledged  by  Queen  Elizabeth,  when  the  Duke  sent  a  repre 
sentative  to  England  in  1563,  and  by  Bishop  Grindal  who  en 
tertained  him  and  discussed  with  him  Brentz's  doctrine  of  the 
Omnipresence  of  Christ's  humanity,  which  the  Duke  cordially 
approved.  "  But  this  without  heat.  They  were  contented  to 
hear  one  another's  arguments,  and  each  to  suffer  other  to  abound 
in  his  own  sense. ' ' 10 

Of  John  Aylmer,  Lord  Bishop  of  London  in  the  reign  of 
Queen  Elizabeth,  we  are  told  that  he  improved  the  time  of  his 
exile  by  attending  the  University  of  Jena,  and  that  he  came  near 
becoming  the  Professor  of  Hebrew  in  that  institution.  "  He 
should,  if  he  had  not  come  away,"  says  his  biographer,  "have 
had  the  Hebrew  lecture  there  which  Snepphinus  [Erhard  Schnepf  J 
had,  having  been  entertained  there  to  read  in  that  University 
both  Greek  and  Latin,  and  with  the  good  love  of  those  famous 
men,  Flacius  Illyricus,  Victorius  Strigelus,  D.  Schnepphinus 
(whom  they  termed  the  other  Luther),  with  divers  others. ' '  " 

But  on  the  accession,  of  Elizabeth,  all  elements  again 
were  found  in  the  Church  of  England,  and  the  former  system 
of  compromise  continued,  postponing,  although  not  averting, 
the  crisis  which  at  length  came,  in  the  entire  separation  of'Pres- 
byterianism,  and  the  Westminister  formularies  of  the  next  cen 
tury.  The  "  Independent  "  ("  Congregationalist  ")  movement 
of  Robert  Brown,  which  sent  the  Pilgrim  fathers  to  America  be 
gan  as  early  as  1571.  While  it  repudiated  Calvin's  theory  of 
Church  government,  it  was  in  other  respects  a  development  of  the 
Calvinistic  principles  that  had  entered  the  Church  of  England 

9Th.  p.  132. 

10  Ib. 

11  Strype's  Life  of  Bp.  Aylmer,  pp.  10  sq. 


348  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

during  the  reign  of  Edward,  but  whose  development  had  been 
greatly  stimulated  by  the  closer  contact  with  Calvinistic  centers 
during  the  succeeding  reign.  Between  Hierarchism  and  Puri 
tanism,  Lutheranism  seemed  to  have  been  completely  overcome. 
But  it  continued  to  live  in  the  Liturgy  and  other  formularies, 
and  though  checked  in  its  course  by  foreign  principles  with 
which  it  is  mingled,  occasionally  started  some  evangelical 
movement,  which,  however,  from  lack  of  intelligent  consistency, 
fell  short  of  a  true  and  thorough  reformation.  Such  was  the 
Methodistic  movement,  which  soon  became  one  sided,  and  so 
concentrated  its  force  only  on  a  few  points  of  faith  and  life,  that 
John  Wesley  whose  work  was  especially  that  of  awakening  and 
arousing  the  slumbering  conscience,  in  his  later  years  was  surprised 
that  in  his  earlier  years  he  could  have  so  warmly  commended 
Luther  on  Galatians. 

When  the  Lutheran  House  of  Hanover  was  called  to  the  Eng 
lish  throne,  again  the  question  of  the  relation  of  the  Church  of 
England  to  the  Lutheran  Church  became  a  matter  of  consider 
ation.  It  was  in  this  interest,  that  Theophilus  Dorrington,  Rec 
tor  of  Wittresham  in  Kent,  published  a  translation  of  a  posthu 
mous  book  of  Baron  Pufendorf  with  the  title  :  "A  view  of  the 
Principles  of  the  Lutheran  Churches ;  showing  how  far  they 
agree  with  the  Church  of  England ;  being  a  seasonable  essay  to 
wards  the  uniting  of  Protestants  upon  the  accession  of  His  Ma 
jesty,  King  George  to  the  throne  of  these  Kingdoms.  London, 
1714."  The  book  was  written  by  Pufendorf,  not  with  respect 
to  the  Church  of  England,  but  to  exhibit  the  reasons  why  there 
could  be  no  union  between  the  Lutherans  and  the  Romish 
Church,  and  what  difficulties  there  were  in  the  way  of  a  uniting  of 
Protestants.  Mr.  Dorrington  says  in  his  Preface  :  "  I  thought  that 
it  might  be  of  use  to  us  in  England,  to  understand  and  know  the 
principles  and  practices  of  the  Lutheran  churches  (which  are  the 
true  Protestant  churches  beyond  the  seas)  better  than  for  aught 
I  can  find  we  commonly  do." 

This  statement  we  would  particularly  commend  to  the  mem- 


The  Subsequent  History.  349 

bers  of  the  Church  of  England  and  her  affiliated  churches  of  to 
day.  The  close  dependence  of  the  English  Church  on  the  work 
of  the  Lutheran  Reformers,  which  has  been  above  shown,  cer 
tainly  calls  for  more  extensive  acknowledgement  and  remem 
brance.  Here  in  America,  the  two  churches  have  again  been 
brought  into  close  local  relation.  Each  must  justify  before  God 
and  men  the  reason  for  its  separate  existence  ;  and  this  requires 
of  necessity  the  careful  and  thorough  review  of  historical  rela 
tions  and  connections.  In  such  review,  the  questions  formerly 
at  issue  may  be  judged  without  that  violence  done  conscience  by 
the  sacrilegious  interference  of  a  godless  King,  which  English 
writers  universally  so  deeply  lament  and  condemn.  The  work 
begun  by  Cranmer  may  here  be  carried  to  its  desired  conclusion. 
The  Lutheran  Church  should  also  recognize  the  many  elements 
of  strength  and  edification  in  the  English  Church;  and  judge 
with  discrimination  her  noble  formularies.  Any  claim,  however, 
to  the  acknowledgement  of  a  succession  of  bishops  as  a  mark  of 
the  Church  cannot  be  conceded  without  abandoning  Art.  VII. 
of  the  Augsburg  Confession,  upon  which,  even  in  the  time  of 
Henry  VIII.,  there  seems  to  have  been  no  controversy.  The 
various  other  English  communions  that  have  originated  by  a  re 
action  against  hierarchical  elements,  retained  by  the  incomplete 
ness  of  the  reformation  of  the  English  Church,  can  be  judged 
with  the  greater  charity.  The  attainment  of  an  ultimate  union 
of  Protestants  does  not  lie  in  the  way  of  ignoring,  but  of 
bravely  facing,  differences,  and  examining  the  grounds  of  their 
origin.  It  is  to  humbly  contribute  something  to  such  attain 
ment,  that  we  have  prepared  the  foregoing  summary  of  facts. 


CHAPTER  XXIX. 

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL. 
Sixty-five  English  Lutheran  Books  of  the  XVI.  Century. 

No  BETTER  indication  of  the  extent  of  the  influence  of  the 
Lutheran  Reformation  upon  that  in  England  can  be  given,  than 
that  afforded  by  the  subjoined  list.  It  probably  might  be  largely 
increased  by  more  extensive  researches : 

SOME    ENGLISH    LUTHERAN    BOOKS   OF   THE    SIXTEENTH    CENTURY. 

1536.  The  Confessyon  of  the  Fayth  of  the  Germaynes,  ex 
hibited  to  the  Most  Victorious  Emperour  Charles  the  V.,  in  the 
Councill  or  Assemble  holden  at  Augusta,  the  yere  of  our  Lord, 
1530.  To  which  is  added  the  Apologie  of  Malancthon,  who 
defendeth  with  Reasons  invincible  the  aforesayd  Confessyon, 
translated  by  Richard  Taverner,  at  the  commandment  of  his  Mas 
ter,  the  ryght  honourable  Master  Thomas  Cromwel,  chefe  secre- 
tare  to  the  Kynges  Grace.  London,  Robert  Redman. 

1536.  A  compendious  letter  which  John   Pomerane — curate 
of  the  congregacion  of  Wittenberge  sent  to  the  faithful!  christen 
congregacion  in  England.     London,  Richard  Charlton. 

1537.  How  and  whither  a  Christian  man  ought   to  flye  the 
horrible  plage   of  the   pestilence.     A  sermon  out    of  the  third 
Psalme  :   Qui  habitat  in  adjutorio  altissimi.     By  Andrew  Osian- 
der.     Translated  out  of  the  hye  Almayne  by  Miles   Coverdale. 
London,  Richard  Charlton. 

1537.  M.  Luther's  exposition  of  the  Twenty-third  Psalm, 
translated  from  the  German  by  Miles  Coverdale.  Southwark, 
John  Nicholson. 

(35°) 


Bibliographical.  35 1 

1537.  The  causes  why  the  Germanes  will  not   go  nor  con- 
sente  onto  the  councill  which  Paul  the  3  now  Bp.  of  Rome,  hath 
called  to  be  kept  at  Mantua  in  Italy,  and  to  begynne  the  23  daye 
of  Maye.     Southwark,  James  Nicholson. 

Before  1548.  The  Apology  of  the  Germans  against  the  Coun 
cil  of  Mantua.  Translated  by  Miles  Coverdale. 

1538.  Common  places  of  scripture  orderly  and  after  a  com 
pendious  forme  of  teachyng  set    forth.     By  Erasmus  Sarcerius. 
Translated  into  English  by  R.  Taverner.     London,  J.  Byddell. 

1541.  A  very  godly  defense  full  of  lerning,  defending  the 
marriage  of  priests,  gatthered  by  Philip  Melancthon,  and  sent 
unto  the  Kyng  of  England,  Henry  the  aight.     Translated  out  of 
Latine  into  the  English  by   Lewis  Beauchame.     Lipse,  Printed 
by  Ulryght  Hoffe. 

1542.  The  acts  of  the  disputation  in  the  cowncell  of  the  em- 
pyre,  holden  at  Regenspurg ;   that  is  to  say,  all  the  artycles  con 
cerning  the  christen  relygion,  both  agreed  upon  and  not  agreed 
upon,  even  as  they  were  proposed  of  the  emperour  unto  the   no 
bles  of  the  empire,  to  be  judged,  delebered   and  debated,  etc. 
Translated  out  of  Latyne  into  English  by  Mylys  Coverdale. 

1544.  De  Libertate  Christiana.     The  liberty   of  a  Christian 
Man.     Cum  priveligio  regali.     A  lytle  worke  moost  necessary  to 
be  knowen,  of  the  freedome  and  bondage  of  the  soule  and  body. 
God   save   the  Kynge.     Imprynted  at   the  same   by  me   John 
Byddell. 

1545.  The  dysclosyng  of  the  canon  of  ye  popysh  Masse,  with 
a  sermon  annexed  unto  it,  of  ye  famous  clerk  of  worthy  memory 
D.  Marten  Luther.  *     Apocal.  XVIII:   "Come  away  from  hyr 
my  people,  that  ye  be  not  partakers  in  her  synnes. ' '     Imprinted 
have  at  al  Papiste,  By  me  Hans  hitprycke. 

1545.  The  exposicion  of  Daniel  the  Prophete,  gathered  out 
of  P.  Melancton.  Printed  at  Geneva,  afterwards  in  London, 
Edward  Whitchurch. 

1  Archbishop  Laurence  comments  on  this  title  to  show  how  much  greater  in 
England  was  the  influence  of  Luther  than  that  of  Calvin. — Bampton  Lectures, 
P-  235. 


35 2  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

1546.  The  true  hystorie  of  the  christen   departynge   of  the 
reverende  man  D.  Martyne  Luther,  collected  by  Justus  Jonas, 
Michael  Celius,  and  Joannes  Aurifaber,  whych   were  thereat,  & 
translated  into  Englysh  by  Johan  Bale. 

1547.  The  Epistle  of  P.  Melancton  made  unto  Kynge  Henry 
the  Eighth,  for  the  revokynge  and  abolishing  of  the  six   articles 
set  forth  and  enacted  by  the  craftie  meanes  and  procurement  of 
certeyne  of  our  prelates  of  the  clergie,  translated  out  of  laten  in 
to  Englishe  by  J.  C.  Weesell. 

1547.  A  Simple  and  religious  consultation  of  vs  Herman  by 
the  grace  of  God,  Archbishop  of  Colone,  and  prince  Electour, 
&c.,  by  what  means  a  Christian  reformation,    and,   founded   in 
God's  Word,  of  doctrine,   administration  of  the   devine  sacra- 
mentes,  of  ceremonies,  and  how  the  holy  cure  of  soules  and  other 
ecclesiastical  ministries,  may  be  begun  among  men  committed  to 
our  pastorall  charge.     Imprinted  in  the  yere  of  our  Lord    1547. 
The  XXX.  of  October,  I.  P. 

1548.  Of  the  true  auctorities  of  the  churche,  compyled  by 
the  excellent  learned  man  Philippe  Melancthon,  and  dedicate 
unto  the  noble  Duke  off  Prussia,  newly  translated  out  of  the 
Latin  into  Englyshe.     Ipswich,  John  Owen. 

1548.  The  Justification  of  Man  by  faith  only.  By  Philip 
Melanchthon.  Translated  by  Nicholas  Lesse.  Greenwich, 
William  Powell. 

1548.  Conjectures  of  the  end  of  the  World,  gathered  out  of 
the  scriptures  by  A.  Osiander,  and  translated  by  G.  Joye. 

1548.  A  declaration  of  the  twelve  articles  of  the  christen 
faythe  with  annotations  of  the  holy  scriptures  where  they  be 
grounded  in.  By  D.  Urban' Regium.  Richard  Jugge  for  Geu- 
alter  Lynne. 

1548.  The  Olde  Learning  and  the  newe  compared  together, 
whereby  it  may  be  easely  knowen  which  of  them  is  better  and 
more  agreyng  wyth  the  everlasting  word  of  God.  Newly  cor 
rected  and  augmented  by  Wyllyam  Turner.  Translated  from 
Urban  Regius.  London,  Robert  Stoughton. 


Bibliographical,  353 

1548.  A  lytle  Treatise  after  the  maner  of  an  Epistle  wryten 
by  the  famouse  clerk  Doctor  Urban  Regius  to  his  friend,  about 
the  causes  of  the  great  controversy,  that  hath  been  &  is  yet  in 
the  Christian  church. 

1548.  A  frutefull  and  godly  exposition  and  declaration  of 
.  of  the  Kyngdom  of  Christ,  and  of  the  Christen  lybertye,  made 
upon  the  words  of  the  Prophete  Jeremye  in  the  XXIII  chapter 
with  an  exposycyon  of  the  VIII.  Psalme,  intreatyng  of  the  same 
matter,  by  the  famous  clerke  Doctor  Martyn  Luther,  whereunto 
is  annexed  a  godly  sermon  of  Doctor  Urbanus  Regius,  upon  the 
IX  chapyter  of  Mathewe,  of  the  woman  that,  had  an  isseu  of 
blood,  &  of  the  ruler's  daughter,  newly  translated  out  of  the 
hyghe  Almayne.  Imprinted  for  Gwalter  Lynne. 

1548.  The  chiefe  and  pryncyple  Articles  of  the  Christen 
faythe,  to  holde  against  the  Pope  and  al  Papistes,  and  the  gates 
of  hell,  with  other  thre  very  profitable  and  necessary  bokes,  the 
names  of  tytles  whereof  are  conteyned  in  the  leafe  next  follow- 
ynge.  Made  by  Doctor  Marten  Luther.  To  the  reader.  In 
thys  boke  shal  your  fynde  Christian  Reader  the  ryght  probation 
of  the  righte  Olde  Catholyke  church,  and  of  the  newe  false 
church,  whereby  eyther  of  them  is  to  be  knowen.  Reade  and 
iudge.  London,  Gualter  Lynne. 

1548.  M.  Luther's  sermon  of  the  Keys,  and  of  Absolution, 
on  John  XX:  21,  22.  Translated  by  R.  Argentine,  Ipswich, 
An.  Scoloker. 

1548.  Melanchthon,  his  waying  and  considering  of  the  In 
terim,  translated  by  John  Rogers.  London,  Edward  Whitchurch. 

1548.  Catechism,  set  forth  by  Thomas  Archbyshop  of  Can 
terbury  [Translated  from  the  Brandenberg-Niirnberg  Kinder- 
predigten.~\ 

1548.  A  simple  and  religious  consultation  of  vs  Harma  by 
the  grace  of  God,  Archbishop  of  Colone,  etc. 

About  1548.  Herman,  archbishop  of  Colen,  Of  the  right 
institution  of  baptism  ;  also  a  treatise  of  matrimony,  and  buriall 

the  dead  by  Wolph.  Muscul.  Translated  by  Richard  Rice. 
24 


354  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

Before  1549.  The  Confessyon  of  Fayth,  deliwered  to  the 
Emperour  Charles  the  Vth.  by  the  Lordes  of  Germany,  written 
in  Latyn  by  Phylyppe  Melancthon,  arid  translated  into  English 
by  Robert  Syngylton.  Printed  by  John  Mychell,  Canterbury. 

1549.  A  briefe  collection  of  all  such  of  the  scriptures  as  do 
declare  ye  most  blessed  and  happye  estate  of  them  that  be  vyset- 
ed  with  syckness  and  other  visitations  of  God,  and  of  them  that 
be  departinge  out  of  this  lyfe,  wyth  most  godly  prayers  and  gen 
eral  confessions,  very  expedient  and  mete  to  be  read  to  all  sicke 
persons,  to  make  them  wyllynge  to  dye.     Whereunto  are  added 
two  fruitfull  and  comfortable  sermons  made  by  the  famouse  clarke 
doctor  Martin  Luther,  verye  mete  also  to  be  reade  at  the  buri- 
alles.     Ecclesiastes  VII.     Imprinted  on  Somer's  Kaye. 

1550.  The  censure  of  J[ohn]  B[rentz]  in  the  cases  whiche 
are  concerning  matrimony. 

1556.  A  very  fruitfull  exposition  upou  the  syxte  chapter  of 
Saynte  John,  divided  into  X  Homelies  or  Sermons.  Written  in 
Latyn  by  the  ryghte  excellent  Master  John  Brehcius,  and  trans 
lated  into  English  by  Richard  Shirrye,  London.  9  April,  1550. 

1550.  A  treatise  of  the  argumentis  of  the  old  and  new  Tes- 
ment,  by  John  Brentius :  translated  by  John  Calcaskie.  Lon 
don,  Richard  Charlton. 

1550.  A  homelye  of  the  Resurrection  of  Christe  by  John 
Brentius,  translated  by  Thomas  Sampson.  London,  Richard 
Charlton. 

1550.  A  Godlye  treatyse  of  Prayer,  translated  into  Englishe 
by  John  Bradforde.  From  the  Latin  of  P.  Melancthon.  [Also 
in  1589,  John  Wight,  Publisher.] 

1554.  Preface  of  Melancthon  to  "A  Faithful  Admonition 
of  a  certain  true  Pastor  and  Prophet  sent  unto  the  Germans. ' ' 

1561.  A  famous  and  godly  history,  contaynyng  the  lyves  and 
actes  of  three  renowned  reformers  of  the  Christian  church,  Mar- 
tine  Luther,  John  Ecolampadius  and  Huldericke  Zuinglius  :  the 
declaration  of  Martin  Luthers  faythe  before  the  Emperour  Charles 
the  fyft,  and  the  illustre  estates  of  the  empyre  of  German  ye,  wyth 


Bibliograph  ical.  355 

an  oration  of  hys  death :  all  set  forth  in  Latin  by  Philip  Me- 
lancthon,  Wolfgangus  Faber,  Capito,  Simon  Grineusand  Oswald 
Miconius.  Newly  Englished  by  Henry  Bennett,  Collesian.  Lon 
don,  John  Sampson. 

1566.  P.  Melancton  upon  the  VIII  chapter  of  Paules  epistles 
to  the  Romanes,  Whether  it  be  mortall  sin  to  transgress  civil 
lawes. 

1569.  The  Miseries  of  schoolmasters,  uttered  in  a  Latine 
Oration  made  by  the  famous  clearke,  Philip  Melanchthon.  Lon 
don,  Henry  Denham. 

15  70.  Newes  from  Niniue  to  Englande  brought  by  the  proph- 
ete  Jonas.  By  Brentius;  translated  by  Thomas  Tinime,  Minister. 

1573.  An  Exposition  of  Solomon's  Booke,  called  Ecclesias- 
tes  or  the  Preacher.  By  Martin  Luther.  London,  John  Day. 

1573.  A  Commentarie  of  M.  Doctor  Martin  Luther  on  the 
epistle  of  St.  Paul  to  the  Galatians.  London,  Thos.  Vautrollier. 
[In  the  library  of  British  Museum,  there  are  English  editions  of 
Luther  on  Galatians  of  1577,  1580,  1588,  1616.] 

1577.  M.  Luther's  Exposition  on  130  Psame.  Translated  by 
Thos.  Potter.  London,  Hugh  Shyngleton. 

1577.  A  commentaire  upon  the  fiftene  psalmes  callel  Psalmi 
Graduum,  that  is  Psalmes  of  Dygrees :  faithfully  copied  out  of 
the  lectures  of  D.  Martin  Luther. — Translated  out  of  the  Latin 
by  Henry  Bull.  Cum  priveligio.  London,  Thos.  Vautrollier. 

1577.  A  commentarie  of  M.  Doctor  Martin  Luther  upon  the 
epistle  of  Paul  to  the  Galathians  first  collected  and  gathered 
word  by  word  out  of  his  preaching,  and  now  out  of  Latine  faith 
fully  translated  into  English  for  the  unlearned.  Diligently  re 
vised,  corrected  and  newly  imprinted  again.  Cum  priveligio. 
London,  Thos.  Vautrollier.  [See  above  1573-] 

1577.  A  newe  worek  concernyng  both  parties  of  the  Sacra 
ment  to  be  receyved  of  the  lay  people  as  well  as  under  the  kynde 
of  breade,  with  certen  other  articles,  of  bysshops,  the  chapters 
whereof  are  conteyned  in  the  next  leafe :  made  by  Philip  Me 
lanchthon  and  now  translated  out  of  the  Latyn.  London,  Rich- 


356  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

ard  Jugge.  [Of  this  translation,  there  were  earlier  editions, 
Basle,  probably  1543,  and  London,  probably  1560.  See  cata 
logue  of  books  published  prior  to  1640,  in  Library  of  British 
Museum] 

1578.  A  very  comfortable  and  necessary  sermon  in  these  our 
dayes,  made  by  the  right  reverend  father  and  faithful  servant  of 
Jesus  Christ  Martin  Luther,  concernyng  the  coming  of  our  Sa 
viour  Christ  to  Judgement,  and  the  signes  that  go  before  the  last 
day.  Whiche  sermon  is  an  exposition  of  the  Gospell  appointed 
to  be  read  in  the  church  on  the  second  Sunday  in  Advent,  and 
is  now  newly  translated  out  of  the  Latin  into  English,  and  some- 
thyng  augmented  and  enlarged  by  the  translator  with  certaine 
notes  in  the  margent.  Imprinted  cum  gratia  et  priveligio — 
Majestatis,  London,  John  Byddell. 

1578.  M.  Luther  on  Is.  ix:  2-7;  being  a  prophecie  of  Christ, 
wherein  the  conquest  of  Christ  and  his  members  over  sin,  Death 
and  Sathan  is  declared.  London,  H.  Bynneman  for  Gregory 
Seaton. 

1578.  Special  and  chosen  sermons  of  D.  Martin  Luther,  col 
lected  out  of  his  writings  and  preachings.  Englished  by  W.  C. 
(Will  Gace).  [These  34  sermons  are  dedicated  "To — Syr 
Thomas  Heneage. ' '  He  was  fined  for  printing  this  book  with 
out  license,  xs.  Another  edition  1581.] 

1578.  A  Right  Comfortable  Treatise  containing  fourteen 
pointes  of  consolation  for  them  that  labor  and  are  laden.  Writ 
ten  by  D.  Martin  Luther  to  Prince  Frederick  Duke  of  Saxony, 
he  being  sore  sicke,  thereby  to  comfort  him  in  the  time  of  his 
great  distress,  Englished  by  W.  Gace.  [Another  edition  1580.] 

1578.  The  sermon  which  Christ  made  on  the  way  to  Emaus 
to  those  two  sorrowful  disciples,  set  down  in  a  dialogue  by  D. 
Urbane  Regius,  wherein  he  hath  gathered  and  expounded  the 
chief  prophecies  of  the  old  Testament  concerning  Christ.    Lon 
don,  John  Day.     [Another  edition  1612.] 

1579.  Phil.  Melangton,  his  praiers,  translated  by  Richard 
Robinson.     London,  Henry  Denham. 


Bibliographical,  357 

1580.  A  Right  Godly  and  Learned  discourse  upon  the  booke 
of  Ester.     Written  in  latin  by  J.  Brentius,  and  new  turned  into 
English  by  J.  Harrison.     London. 

1581.  A  commentarie  or  exposition  upon  the  twoo  Epistles 
generall  of  Saint  Peter  and  that  of  Saint  Jude.     First  faithfullie 
gathered  out  of  the  Lectures  and  Preachings  of  that  worthie  In- 
strumente  in  Goddes  Churche,  Doctour  Martine  Luther.     And 
now  out  of  the  Latine,  for  the  singuler  benefite  and  comfort  of 
the  Godlie,  familiarle  translated  into  Englishe  by  Thomas  New 
ton.     Imprinted  for  Abr.  Veale  in  Paule's  church  yard. 

1581.  A  Manuell  of  Christian  praiers  by  divers  devout  and 
godly  men,  as  Calvin,  Luther,  Melangton,  etc.,  augmented  and 
amended  by  Abr.  Fleming.  London,  Henry  Denham. 

1581.  Singuler  and  fruitfull  manner  of  prayer  used  byD.  M. 
Luther,  paraphrastically  written  on  the  Lordes  praier,  beliefe  and 
the  commandements. 

1582.  A  descouerse  and  batterie  of  the  great  Fort  of  unwrit 
ten  Traditions,  otherwise,  An  examination  of  the  Councill  of 
Trent,  touching  the  decree  of  traditions.     Done  by  Martinus 
Chemnitius  in  Latine,  and  translated  into  Englishe  by  R.  V. 
London,  Thos.  Purfoot. 

1583.  A  declaration  made  by  the  Archbishop  of  Collen,  opon 
the  deede  of  his  marriage.  Sent  to  the  States  of  his  Archbishop- 
rike     According  to  the  coppie  Imprented  at  Collen,  1583.  Lon 
don  :  Printed  by  John  Woolfe,  1583. 

1588.  Luther's  sermon  on  the  Angels.  London,  Hugh 
Syngelton. 

1588.  An  instruccyon  of  christen  faythe  how  to  be  bolde 
upon  the  promyse  of  God  and  not  to  doubte  of  our  salvacyon, 
made  by  Urbanus  Regius.  Translated  into  englyshe.  Dedicated 
by  J.  Fox  the  translator.  Londown,  Hugh  Syngelton 

1590.  A  homelie  or  sermon  of  the  good  and  evill  Angell ; 
on  the  18  Mat.,  ver.  10,  Preached  at  Zelle  in  Saxony,  1537.  By 
Urbanus  Regius.  First  translated  by  Richard  Robinson,  citizen 
of  London.  Licensed  in  1582.  [Another  edition  in  1593,] 
John  Charleswood,  London. 


358  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England. 

1584.  Solace  of  Sion,  and  Joy  of  Jerusalem,  being  an  expo- 
siton  on  the  LXXXIII  Psalm.  Translated  into  English  by  R. 
Robinson. 

1596.  The  force  of  Faith,  containing  a  most  sweet'and  com 
fortable  treatise  of  the  divine  talke  between  Christ  and  the  wom 
an  of  Canaan.  Also  a  Dialogue  between  a  sorrowfull  sinner,  and 
God's  word  concerning  him.  Written  in  Latin  by  Nicholas  Sel- 
neccerus.  Translated  by  R.  M.  Printed  for  Chr.  Hunt. 

WITHOUT  DATE. 

A  fruitfull  sermon  of  D.  Martin  Luther  concerning  Matrimo 
ny,  taken  out  of  the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews. 

Declaration  of  the  Order  that  the  churches  in  Denmarke  and 
many  other  places  in  Germany  do  use,  not  onely  at  the  holye 
Supper,  but  also  at  Baptisme.  By  Miles  Coverdale.  Printed 
beyond  the  sea. 

A  brefe  and  playne  declaratyon  of  the  dewty  of  married  folkes, 
gathered  out  of  the  holy  scriptures,  and  set  forth  in  the  almayne 
tonge  by  Hermon  Arcbyshop  of  Cologne,  whiche  wylled  all  the 
hosholdes  of  his  flocke  to  have  the  same  in  their  bedchambers  as 
a  mirror  or  glasse  dayly  to  loke  in,  etc.  Newly  translated  into 
ye  Englishe  tonge  by  Hans  Dekyn  Imprynte — in  Temestrete 
by  Hughe  Syngyleton,  at  the  dobbel  hoad,  over  agaynst  the 
Stylyarde. 


INDEX. 


Absolution,  93,  278. 

Abuses,  Articles  of  Augsburg  Confession  on,  133,  141,  150,  156,  177  sq. 

Active  Obedience  of  Christ,  336. 

Adiaphorists,  204. 

Adult  Baptism,  258  sq. 

Aepinus,  John,  Superintendent  at  Hamburg  (b.  1499,  d.  1553),  128,  148. 

Agende,  Mediaeval,  257. 

Agnus  Dei,  221,  309. 

Agricola  (Schneider)  John,  (of  Eisleben,  b.  1492,  d.  1566),  13,  76,  123,200. 

Alcuin  (b.  735,  d.  804)  299. 

Alesius,  Alexander,  Professor  at  Leipzig,  (b.  1500,  d.  1565), .57,  76,  85,  87, 
128,  151. 

Allen  Thomas  (d.  1558),  9. 

Alva,  Duke  of,  (b.  1508,  d.  1582),  143. 

Amsdorf,  von,  Nicholas  (b.  1483,  d.   1565),  205. 

Anabaptism,  68,  77,  89,  90,  139,  180,  183,  204,  267,  342. 

Anderson,  Christopher,  (b.  1782,  d.  1852).     His  "  Annals  of  the  English  Bi 
ble,"  17  sq. 

Annaberg  (town  in  Saxony),  141. 

Anne  Boleyn,  (b.  1507,  d.  1536),  32,  41,  43,  44,  74-76,  193. 

Anne  of  Cleves  (b.  1515,  d.  1557),  152,  167,  168,  178,  183, 189,  196. 

Anti-Christ,  134,  135,  156. 

Antinomians,  204. 

Antiphons,  291. 

Antwerp,  125,  181. 

Apology  of  the  Augsburg  Confession  (1531),  52,  63,  67,  68,  70,  72, 80, 83  sq., 
89,  91-96,  103,  109,  IIO-H2,  127,  138,  167, 179,  199,  335,  341  sq. 

Apostolical  Constitutions,  The,  296. 

Apostolical  Succession,  323  sq. 

Aquinas,  Thomas,  {Doctor  angelicus,  b.  1227,  d.  1274),  41,  298. 

Argentine  R.,  353. 

(359) 


360  Index. 

Arthur,  Prince,  brother  of  Henry  VIII.,  (b.  1486,  d.  1502),  40. 
Arthur,  Thomas,  (d.  1532),  7,  9,  12. 
Articles,  on  Abuses,  see  Abuses. 

Six,  The  (1539),  145  sq.,  150-155,  159,  167  sqq.,  191  sqq.,  2OI. 

Ten,  The  (1536),  80,  88-104, 128,  138,  139. 

Thirteen,  The  (1535),  63. 

Thirteen.  The  (1538),  136-139. 

Thirty-Nine,  The  (1563;,  136,  339-42. 

Forty-two  (1553),  340. 
Augsburg,  200. 
Augsburg  Confession,  (153°),  52»  63,  67  sq.,  70-3,  75,80,83  8^,91-3,96  sq., 

101,  103,  109,  III,  127,  132  sq.,  136-9,  141,  146,  148,  150,  152,  167, 

178  sq.,  192,  195,  197,  199,  201-4,  210,  336-42,  349,  350,  354. 
Augsburg,  Diet,  (1530),  142. 
Augusti,  Prof.  C.  J.  W.  (b.  1771,  d.  1841),  223. 
Augustine,  St.  (b.  354,  d.  430),  306,  341. 
Augustinianism,  2. 

Aurifaber,  Johann  (b.  1517,  d.  1568),  352. 
Austrian  "  Order  of  Service,"  (1571),  250,  303. 
Authorized  Version,  (1611),  147. 
Aylmer,  John,  Bishop  of  London,  (b.  1521,  d.  1594),  347. 

Balhorn,  John  (Printer),  189. 
Bamberg  Missal,  219. 
Bamberg  Order,  223. 
Baptism,  Order  of,  253-8. 

Ten  Articles  on  90. 

Tyndale  on,  37. 

Barlow,  Wm.,  Bishop  of  St.  David's,  afterwards  of  Chichester,  (d.  1568),  83. 
Barnes,  Robert  (b.  1495  martyr,  d.  1540),  7,  8,  9,  II,  12,  49,  55-60,  67,  76, 

Il6,  llS,  127,  132  sq..  149,  151,  178,  181-92,  196,  206  sq.,  215. 
Basle,  346. 

Baum,  John  William  (Biographer  of  Bucer\  276. 
Baumbach  von,  Ludwig,  149. 
Beauchame,  Louis,  191. 
Becon,  Thomas,  (b.  1511,  d.  1567),  324  sq. 
Benedicamus,  311  sqq. 

Benger,  Elizabeth  Ogilvy  (b.  1778,  d.  1827),  75. 
Berne  (Switzerland),  276. 
Beyer  Hardtmann  (b.  1516,  d.  1577),  343. 
Bible,  English,  14,  115-26,  145-7. 


Index,  361 

Billican,  Theobald  (d.  1559),  13. 

Bilney,  Thomas  (b.  1500,  martyr  1531),  6  sq.,  n  sq.,  l8l. 

Bishops,  Luther  and  Melanchthon  on,  160. 

Bishops'  Book  of  1537,  104-14,  314. 

Blakeney,  Richard  Paul  (b.  1820,  d.  1884)  253. 

Blage,  Mrs.  191. 

Blaurer,  Ambrose  (b.  1492,  d.  1567),  148. 

Blunt,  John  Henry  (b.  1823,  d.  1884),  loi,  208,  234,  238-40,  253,  257,  259, 

272  sq.,  328. 

Boleyn,  Anne,  see  Anne  Boleyn. 
Boleyn,  Sir  Thomas  (b.  1477,  d.  1539),  44. 
Bona,  Giovanni,  Cardinal  (b.  1609,  d.  1674),  300. 
Bonner,  Edmund,  Bishop  of  London  (b.  1490,  d.  1569),  191  sq.,  334. 
Boyneburg,  a,  George,  LL.  D.  (a  Hessian  diplomatist),  129. 
Bradford,  Rudolph,  10. 

Bradwardin,  Thomas  of,  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  (b.  1290,  d.  1348),  2. 
Brandenburg,  Elector  of  (1546),  196. 

Brandenburg- Niirnberg  Kinder  Predigten  (1533),  4,  316. 
Brandenburg- Niirnberg  Order  (Osiander,  Brentz,  1533),  47,  142,  223-5,  243> 

250,  255  sq.,  259  sqq.,  267,  270  sqq.,  282,  289,  303,  310,  316,  335  sq. 
Bremen,  169. 
Brentz,  Dr.  John,  the  Swabian  Reformer  (b.  1499,  d.  1570),  13,  46  sqq.,  72, 

200,209,211,  222,  242,  270,  289  sq.,  325,  340,  342.  354,  355,  357. 

His  Catechism,  325-7. 
Bristol,  Use  of,  220. 

Browne,  Robert,  Founder  of  "  Independents"  (b.  1550,  d.  1631),  347. 
Browne  Sir  Thomas  (b.  1605,  d.  1682),  138. 
Brunswick,  199. 
Bucer  (Kuhhorn\  Dr.  Martin  (b.  1491,  d.  1551),  13,  48,  72,  152,  155,  167, 

196,  209-213,  224,  227,  234,  259,  26p.  274  sqq.,  278  sq.,  327,  333. 
Bucler,  Walter,  194. 

Buddeus,  Dr.  J.  F.  (b.  1667,  d.  1729),  209. 
Bugenhagen,  Dr.  John,  Pomeranus  (b.  1485,  d.  1558),  13,  58, 153,  167,  187 

223,  240,  302,  310,  350. 
Bull,  Henry  (d.  1575)  355. 

Bullinger,  Henry,  the  Swiss  Reformer  (b.  1504,  d.  1574),  207  sq.,  213-17,244. 
Burcher,  213  sq. 

Burials,  Orders  for,  273  sq.  [2O5- 

Burkhard,  Francis,  Vice-Chancellor  (b.  1504,  d.  1560),  72, 129, 149, 153, 196, 
Bumet,  Gilbert,  Bishop  of  Salisbury  (b.  1643,  d.  1715),  48,  59,  67,  loo. 


362  Index  t 

Calcaskie,  John,  354.  [349. 

Calvin,  Dr.  John,  (b.  1509,  d.  1564),  214,  275,  277  sq.,  281,  337,  344  sq.,  347, 

Calvinism,  243,  342,  344,  347. 

Calvor,  Kaspar  (b.  1650,  d.  1725),  295,  303. 

Cambridge,  University  of,  3,  6,  8,  lo,  II,  14  sq.,  43  sq.,  48,  6l  sq.,  117,  125, 

181,  192,209,275,327,344. 

Camerarius  (Liebhard),  Dr.  Joachim  (b.  1500,  d.  1574),  46,  56,  76. 
Campeggi,  Lorenzo  Cardinal  (b.  1474,  d.  1539),  42. 
Campion  and  Beaumont's  "  Prayer- Book  Interleaved,"  253,  328. 
Cardwell,  Dr.  Edward  (b.  1787,  d.  1861),  87  sqq. 
Carlstadt  (Bodenstein)  Dr.  Andrew  (b.  1483,  d.  1541),  13,  220,  284. 
Cassel  (Hesse)  Catechism  (1539),  327  sq. 

Cassel  (Hesse)  Order  (1539),  224,  241  sq.,  260  sq.,  267  sqq.,  278-81,  327. 
Catechism  in  Confirmation,  267. 

Anglican,  314. 

Calvin's,  332. 

Genevan,  332. 

Luther's,  104-9. 

Nowel  and  Ponet's,  331.  [188. 

Catherine  of  Aragon,  Queen  of  England  (b.  1486,  d.  1536),  40  sqq.,  49  sq.,  76, 
Catherine  de  Medici  (b.  1519,  d.  1589),  52. 

Catherine  Parr,  Sixth  Queen  of  Henry  VIII.  (b.  1513,  d.  1548),  193. 
Celius,  Michael,  Court-Preacher  at  Mansfeld,  (1546),  352. 
Cecil,  Sir  William,  340. 

Cellarius  (Kellner)  Martin  (b.  1499,  d.  1564),  13. 
Ceremonies,  161-163. 
"  Charity,"  in  Justification,  96. 
Charles  V.,  Emperor  (b.  1500,  d.  1558),  41,  43,  134, 142, 144, 148,  160,  166, 

188,  193,  200,  202  sqq..  214. 

Chemnitz,  Dr.  Martin  (b.  1522,  d.  1586),  on  Confirmation,  285. 
Cheke,  Sir  John  (b.  1514,  d.  1557),  216,  340. 
Christ,  Vicarious  Satisfaction  of,  93,  114,  181,  184. 
Christopher,  Duke  of  Wiirtemberg  (b.  1515,  d.  1568),  342,  346  sq. 
Chrysostom,  John  (b.  350,  d.  407),  308. 
Church,  The,  Definition  of,  84,  Iio,  185. 

Marks  of,  182. 

Clark  or  Clerke,  John  (at  Cambridge,  1525),  10,  II,  44. 
Clement  VII.  (Pope  1523-34),  42,  52. 
Coburg  Order  (1626),  310. 

Cochlseus  (Dobeneck)  John  (b.  1479,  d-  J552)>  J7>  *9>  35- 
Colet,  John,  Dean  of  St.  Paul's  (b.  1466,  d.  1519),  2,  15. 


Index.  363 

Coligny,  Admiral  (b.  1517,  martyr  1572),  346. 

Collects,  250,  251,  297,  311. 

Cologne,  Hemann  of  (b.  1477,  d.  1552,  Elector  and  Archbishop,  1515-1546), 

196,  224,  233  sq.,  239  sq.,  253,  328,  336,  352,  353,  357  sq. 
Order  of  (i543)»  224,  226  sq.,  241  sq.,  244,  253-9,  263  sq.,  268-74, 
278-80,  302,  327  sq.,  336. 

Commission,  English  to  Wittenberg  (1536),  55-73. 
Lutheran  to  England  (1538),  127-139. 
English  and  Lutheran,  at  Frankfort  (1539),  148  sq. 

Common  Prayer,  Book  of,  II,  124,  218-34,  243. 

Communion  in  Both  Kinds,  164,  178  sqq.,  182. 

Communion  Service  of  Edward  VI.,  278. 

in  Lutheran  Orders,  305 

Conde,  Prince  of,  345. 

Conditional  Baptism,  263  sq. 

Confession,  Augsburg,  see  Augsburg. 
Saxon, see  Saxon. 

Confession,  to  a  Priest,  92,  153,  156,  162. 

Confessional  Basis,  52,  58  sqq.,  63,  67,  70-3,  80,  103,  132  sqq.,  141,  169  sqq., 
177,  194  sq.,  197,  203. 

Confessional  Service  of  II.  Edward  VI.  (1552),  276. 

Confirmation,  265-9. 

Confiteor,  The,  288  sq. 

Congregationalists,  347. 

Consecration  of  Elements,  308. 

Convocation,  English,  77,  8l,  83,  88,  loo,  115,  in6,  192,  23!,  342. 

Corvinus,  Antony  (b.  1501,  d.  1553),  52,  180. 

Cottiswood,  191. 

Councils,  not  infallible,  182. 

Cox,  Dr.  Richard,  Bishop  of  Ely  (b.  1499,  d.  1581),  II,  44,  245,  344  sq. 

Cranach,  Lucas  (b.  1472,  d.  1533),  168. 

Cranmer,  Thomas,  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  (b.  1489,  martyr  1556),  43  sqq., 
57,  6l  sq.,  74,  76  sq.,  79  sq.,  83,  85,  89,  97,  100-05,  II2>  IIS>  I22, 
131  sq.,  134,  136,  141,  150  sq.,  153,  155  sq.,  178, 192  sq.,  197  sq.,  200, 
206,  214,  215-7,  223,  231,  233  sq.,  239  sq.,  245, 275, 279,  314  sqq.,  334, 

336>  339  sq.,  343- 
Creed  in  the  Service,  301  sq. 
Creed,  Catechetical  Exposition  of,  106  sqq. 
Crespy,  Peace  of  (1544),  193. 
Crome,  Edward  (d.  1562),  9. 
Crook  or  Croke,  Richard  (b.  1489,  d.  1558),  48. 


364  Index. 

Cross,  Sign  of,  258. 

Cruciger,  Caspar  (b.  1504,  d.  1548),  5-8,  124,  129,  199,  224. 
Crumwell,  Thomas  (b.  1490,  d.  1540),  43,  49,  59,  67,  77-80,  82,  86  sq.,  128, 
140  sq.,  145,  147,  150  sqq.,  155,  168,  178-81,  183,  192,  196,  215,  237, 

241,  350- 

Cyprian,  Bishop  of  Carthage  (b.  200,  d.  258),  306. 
Cyril  of  Jerusalem  (b.  315,  d.  386),  306. 

Dachstein,  Wolfgang,  German  Hymn-writer  (d.  1530),  124. 

Damianus,  Peter  (b.  1007,  d.  1072),  297. 

Days,  Distinction  of,  182. 

Decius  (Hovesch)  Nicholas,  German  Hymn-writer  (d.  1541),  123,  124. 

Demaus  on  Tyndale's  Relation  to  Luther,  24  sq. 

Denmark,  Alliance  with,  182. 

Derrick,  191. 

Dietrich,  Veit  (Luther's  amanuensis,  afterwards  pastor  of  St.  Sebald's,  Niirn- 

berg,  b.  1507,  d.  1549),  129,  250. 
Dixon,  R.  W.,  Dean  (b.  1833),  95,  IO2. 
Dober's  Mass,  223,  290,  302,  310. 
Dorrington,  Thomas,  348. 
Dtirer,  Albrecht  (b.  1471,  d.  1528),  45. 
Durandus,  William  (b.  1237,  d.  1296),  297,  299,  302,  306  sq. 

Eadie,  John  (b.  1810,  d.  1876),  18,  35,  117,  146. 

Easter,  a  season  for  Baptism,  254. 

Edward  VI.  (b.  1537,  d.  1553,  reigned  from  1547),  9,  n,  198-205,  214  sq., 

241,  314,  343- 

First  Book  of,  243  sq.,  246,  249,  251-3,  257,  200,  202  sq.,  282. 

Second  Book  of,  251,  257,  269,  275,  281,  344. 

Egbert,  Archbishop  of  York  (d.  767),  Prayer  of,  268.  347. 

Elizabeth,  Queen  (b.  1533,  d.  1603,  reigned  from  1558),  126,  191,  194,  342, 
Ellis,  Sir  Henry  (b.  1777,  d.  1869),  86. 
English,  Melanchthon  speaks,  144. 

Erasmus  (Gerard)  Desiderius  (b.  1465,  d.  1536),  3,  7,  15,23,435^,  105,  208. 
Ethiopic  Order,  301. 
Evening  Service,  245-52. 
Excommunication,  Papal,  182. 
Exhortation  in  the  Communion  Service,  30^. 
Exorcism,  259,  282. 
Extreme  Unction,  84. 

Faber,  Jacob,  Stapulensis  (b.  1450,  d.  1536),  43. 

Fagius  (Biicher)  Paul,  (Prof,  in  Cambridge,  b.  1504,  d.  1549), 


Index.  365 

Faith,  92,  96,  109,  181. 

and  Works,  Tyndale  on,  31  sq. 
Fasting,  182. 

Ferdinand  I.,  of  Germany  (b.  1503,  d.  1564),  53. 
Fisher,  John,  Bishop  of  Rochester  (b.  1459,  d.  1535),  5,  6,  12,  42. 
Flacius  Illyricus  (b.  1520,  d.  1575),  347. 
Forgery,  A  Literary,  159-178. 
Forty-two  Articles,  136. 
Fox,  Edward,  Bishop  of  Hereford  (b.  1496,  d.  1538),  6l  sq.,  67,  70, 75,  78, 

80,  83,  86  sq.,  89,  97,  101,   104  sq.,   128,   130  sq.,  134,  149,  150,  152, 

207,  215. 

Foxe,  John  (b  1517,  d.  1587),  12,  15,  98,  181,  185. 
France,  Spurious  Articles  in,  159. 
Francis  I.  (of  France,  b.  1494,  d.  IS47  ;  King  from  ISI5)>  41  sq-»  S2  S(l->  8° 

134,  145,  153,  193,  199,  203,214. 
Frankfort  on  the -Main,  Conferences  at,  1536 — 72,  128. 

1539—144,  148. 
1546 — 196. 

Exiles  at,  343,  344,  346  sq. 
Order  of (1530),  243,  278. 

Frederick  III.,  the  Wise,  Elector  of  Saxony  (b.  1463,  d.  1525),  142. 
Frederick  II.,  Elector  Palatine  (b.  1482,  d.  1556),  196. 
Freedom  of  the  will,  84,  162,  182. 
French  Lutherans,  52- 

Frith,  John  (b.  1503,  martyr  1533),  II,  38,  78,  207. 
Froschauer,  Christopher  (Publisher  at  Zurich,  b.  1485,  d,  1564),  116. 
Froude,  J.  A.  (b.  1818),  quoted  4,  79,  82,  95  sq.,  197. 
Fuller,  Thomas  (b.  1608,  d.  1661),  88,  99,  190. 
Gace,  William  (Translator),  356. 
Gallican  Liturgies,  219. 

Missals,  219. 
Gardiner,  Stephen,  Bishop  of  Winchester  (b.  1495,  d.  1555),  75,  78  sq.,  83, 

98,  101  sq.,  104  sq.,  127,  150,  154,  157,  178,  182  sq.,  192,  196,  315. 
Gavanti,  Bartholomew  (b.  1570,  d.  1638),  297  sq. 
Geikie,  Cunningham  (b.  1824),  loi. 
Gelasius  I.  (Pope  492-6),  219,  297. 
Geneva,  214,  276,  281,344. 

George  of  Anhalt,  Bishop  and  Prince  (b.  1507,  d.  1553)  72. 
George  I.  of  England  (b.  1 660,  d.  1727,  reigned  from  1714),  34^. 
Gerbert,  Martin,  Baron  of  Homan  (b.  1720,  d.  1793),  294,  298,  299,  302. 
Gerdesius,  Dr.  Daniel  (b.  1698,  d.  1765),  143. 


366  Index  > 

Germans,  The,  Coverdale  on,  186. 

Fox  on,  87. 

Litany  of,  232  sq. 
Germany,  the  house  called,  8. 

Orders  of  South-Western,  284. 
Ginsburg,  Christian  D.,  117. 
Glastenbury,  209,  276. 
Gloria  in  Excelsis,  295.  • 

Patri,  294. 

Glosses,  Tyndale's,  29  sqq. 
Gochius,  John  (d.  1475),  13. 
Goebel,  Maximilian,  209. 
Good  Works,  37,  95,  155,  182,  185. 
Goodrich,  Thomas,  Bishop  of  Ely  (b.  1480,  d.  1554),  83. 
Gospels  and  Epistles,  252. 
Grace,  Declaration  of,  289  sq. 
Gradual,  The,  221. 

Grafton,  Richard  (Publisher,  d.  1572),  145,  191,  230. 
Gratias,  The,  306. 
"Great  Bible,  The,"  (1539-41),  118. 
Gregory  the  Great  (b.  550,  d.  604),  219,  250,  291,  297. 
Greiser  (Greiter)  Matth.,  (d.  1550),  124. 
Grey,  Lady  Jane  (b.  1537,  d.  1554),  214. 

Grindal,  Edmund,  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  (b.  1519,  d.  1583),  346  sq. 
Guelders,  169. 

Hallam,  Henry  (b.  1777,  d.  1859),  23. 

Hallelujah,  The,  300. 

Hamburg,  17,  116,  128,  151,  169,  181  sq.,  263. 

Hanover,  House  of,  348.  [339,  342. 

Hardwick,  Charles,  Archdeacon  (b.  1821,  d.  1859),  79,  100,  III,  211,  282, 

Hare,  Julius  Clark  (b.  1795,'  d.  1855),  96. 

Heath,  Nicholas  (b.  1501,  d.  1579),  61  sq.,  67,  70,  74-6,  146,  149  sq. 

Hegenwald,  Erhard,  M.  D.,  (Wiirtemberg  Hymn-writer),  124  sq. 

Heidelberg,  196. 

Heilmann,  142. 

Henry  II,  King  of  France  (b.  1518,  d.  1559,  reigned  from  1547),  52. 

Henry  VIII,  King  of  England  (b.  1491,  d.  1547,  reigned  from  1509),  I,  39-? 
44,  46,  48-60,  62-69,  71-80,  89,  95  sq.,  99,  105,  112-14,  128  sq.,  132- 
6,  140,  144  sq.,  148-58,  i68sq.,  177-9,  !82,  187-99,  2°7,  215,  231, 
238,  241,  349. 


Index.  367 

Herford,  Charles  H.,  124. 

Hermann,  Archbishop  of  Cologne,  see  Cologne. 

Hermann,  Rychard  (Merchant),  74. 

Herzog,  Heinrich,  of  Saxony,  Order  of  (1539),  224,  226,  256,  273. 

Hesse  Cassel,  Order  of  (1539),  see  CasseJ. 

Heynes,  Simon  (d.  1552),  9,  10,  245. 

Hilary  of  Poictiers  (d.  366),  296. 

Hilles,  (Hills  or  Hils)  Richard,  (London  Merchant),  208,  244. 

Hilsey,  John,  Bishop  of  Rochester  (d    1538),  83,  237,  247. 

Hofling,  Dr.  J.  W.  F.  (b.  1802,  d.  1853),  256  sq.,  269,  327. 

Hoffe,  Ubright  (Leipzig  Publisher),  191. 

Holbeach,  Laurence,  245. 

Holstein,  Duke  of  (1545),  194. 

Homilies  of  the  Church  of  England,  231,  241,  333-8. 

Hook,  Dr.  W.  F.,  Dean  of  Chichester  (b.  1768,  d.  1875),  322.  [217. 

Hoper  or  Hooper,  John,  Bishop  of  Worcester  (b.  1495,  martyr  1555),  207-11, 

Home,  Dr.   Robert,   Dean  of  Durham,  Bishop  of  Winchester  (b.  1519,  d. 

1579),  346. 
Hymns  from  the  German,  119-123. 

Christ  lag  in  Todesbanden. 

Durch  Adam's  Fall  ist  ganz  verderbt. 

Einfeste  Burg  ist  unser  Got*. 

Es  ist  das  Heil  uns  Kommen. 

Gelobet  seist  du  Jesu  Christ. 

Gott  der  Voter  wohn  uns  bei. 

In  Gott  gelaub  ich 

IComm,  Heiliger  Geist,  Herre  Gott. 

Mensch,  wilt  du  leben  seliglich. 

Mit  Fried  und  Freud,  ich  fahr  dahin. 

Mitten  wir  im  Leben  sind. 

Nun  freut  euch  lieben  Christen. 

Incarnation,  The,  347. 

Index  Prohibitorum,  12. sq. 

Independents  (Congregationalists),  347. 

Indulgences,  130. 

Innspruck,  Battle  of  (1552),  203. 

"  Institution  of  a  Christian  Man,"  105,  314. 

Interim  of  1548,  97  sq.,  125,  1 66,  201-3,  2°8  sq.,  214,  343. 

Introits,  249  sq.,  276,  291-4. 

Invocation  of  Saints,  .164,  .182,  185. 


368  Index. 

Jane  Seymour,  Queen  (d.  1537),  96. 

Jena,  University  of,  200,  347. 

Jenkyns,  Rev.  Henry,  112,  136,  215. 

Jennings,  101. 

Jewel,  John,  Bishop  of  Salisbury  (b.  1522,  d.  1571),  210. 

John  Frederick,  Elector  of  Saxony  (b.  1503,  d.  1554,  Elector  from  1532),  67, 

128,  159,  1 66,  194,  199,  200-05. 
Jonas,  Dr.  Justus  (b.  1493,  d.  1555),  76,  123,  153,  167,  216,  224,  315,  352. 

J*.*3»5- 

Joye,  George  (d.  1553),  34- 
Juda,  Leo  (b.  1482,  d.  1542),  117. 
Justification,  Definition  of,  95,  138. 
Condition  of,  96,  162. 
Justin  Martyr  (b.  103,  martyr  165),  299. 

Keys,  Power  of,  182. 

Kite,  John,  Bishop  of  Carlisle  (d.  1537),  83. 

Kliefoth,  Dr.  Theodore  (b.  1810),  247  sq.,  285,  291,  312. 

Knight,  Charles  (b.  1791,  d.  1873),  I5°- 

Knox,  Dr.  John  (b.  1505,  d.  1572),  n,  340,  342,  344. 

Kostlin,  Dr.  Heinrich  A.  (now  Prof,  at  Friedberg),  285. 

Kymaeus,  John  (b.  1498,  d.  1552),  224. 

Kyrie,  294  sq. 

Lambert,  Francis  (b.  1486,  martyr  1530),  7,  13,  18,  183. 

Language  of  Public  Service,  222,  260. 

Lasco  a,  John  (b.  1499,  d.  1560),  208,  217,  275  sq.,  344. 

Lathbury,  Thomas  (b.  1798,  d.  1865),  100. 

Latimer,  Hugh,  Bishop  of  Worcester  (b.  1491,  martyr  1555),  6sq.,  II  sq.,  77, 

81-3,  97,  100,  104  sq.,  150  sq.,  153,  216. 
Latin  Versions  of  the  Bible,  117. 
Laurence,  Richard,  Archbishop  of  Cashel  (b.  1760,  d.  1839),  56,  89,  94  sq., 

99,  253,  278. 

"  League,  The  Christian,"  197. 
Learning  the  Old  and  the  New,  3,  77>  192- 

Lee,  Edward,  Archbishop  of  York  (b.  1482,  d.  1544),  20,  21,  35,  83. 
Leo  I.  (Pope  440,  d.  461),  219,  297. 
Leonine  Sacramentary,  297. 
Lesse,  Nicholas  (Translator),  352. 
Lessons,  299. 

Lewis,  Duke  of  Bavaria  and  Count  Palatine  (d.  1534),  J. 
Lingard,  John  (b.  1771,  d.  1851),  99. 


Index.  369 

Link,  Wenceslaus  (b.  1483,  d.  1547),  46. 
Litany,  84,  230-41,  303  sq.,  344. 
Liturgies,  Gallican,  219,  256. 

Gothic,  256. 

Mozarabic,  219. 

Roman,  219. 

Lobe,  William  (b.  1808,  d.  1872),  106,  246,  290  sq.,  297. 
Lollards,  2,  3,  84. 

Longfellow,  H.  W.  (b.  1807,  d.  1882),  his  poem  on  Nurnberg,  45. 
Lonicerus  (b.  1557,  d.  1590),  13. 
Liibeck,  147. 

Luft,  Hans  (b.  1495,  d.  1584),  19,  126. 

Luther,  Dr.  Martin  (b.  1484,  d.  1546),  4-7,  9-13,  17-32,  34-38,40.43,  45,  5<>, 
51,  57,  58,  62,  69-71,  74,  94,  98, 104,  106  sq.,  no,  117-122, 124,  126, 
i3°-32>  135>  I5I-3,  159-67,  X78,  181  sq.,  187-9,  210, 220-26,  233-40, 
251-3,  256-60,  272,  284,  290,  296,  300-5,  309  sq.,  316-325,  330,  344. 
Lutheran,  35-38,  68,  211,  213. 

Baptism,  Is  it  valid?  345. 

Orders  Classified,  223. 
Lutherans,  4,  6,  10,  21,  36,  52. 

Mabillon,  John  (b.  1632,  d.  1707),  256. 

Magdeburg,  200. 

Mamertus  of  Vienna  (d.  475),  231. 

Mammon,  Luther  and  Tyndale  on,  30  sq. 

Mantua,  Council  at,  III,  351. 

Marbach,  John  (b.  1521,  d.  1581),  208. 

Margaret  of  Navarre  (b.  1492,  d.  1577),  53. 

Mark-Brandenburg  Order  (1540),  223,  256,  260,  268,  271. 

Marlborow,  19. 

Marriage,  with  brother  of  deceased  husband,  40  sqq.,  49  sqq. 

of  priests,  153,  157,  165,  182. 

Order,  269-72. 

Marshall's  Primer  (1535),  234,237. 

Martyr  Peter  (b.  1500,  d.  1562),  207,  209-11,  216,  275,  344. 
Mary,  Queen  (b.  1516,  d.  1558,  reigned  from  1553),  41,  43,  49,  62,  79,  126, 

191,  194,  198,  205,  210,  343. 
Masone,  John  (d.  1566),  196,  201. 
Maskell,  William  (b.  1814), 
Mass,  Luther's  Formula  of,  220,  249. 

Sermon  on  (1520),  220. 


370  Index. 

Mass,  Roman,  182. 
Masses,  Private,  156. 
Mathesius,  John  (b.  1504,  d.  1564),  250. 
Matins,  246  sq.,  249. 

Matthews,  Thomas  (Pseudonym),  126,  145  sq.,  191. 
Maurice,  Duke  of  Saxony  (b.  1521,  d.  1553),  194,  199  sq.,  203. 
May,  William  (d.  1560),  245. 
Mecklenburg  Order  (1552),  288  sq. 
Mekins,  Richard  (martyr,  1540).  192. 

Melanchthon,  Dr.  Philip  (b.  1497,  d.  1560),  13,  49-51,  53,  55-59,  61-63,  67' 
72,  76  sq.,  8l,  86,  89-96,  125-131,  139,  141, 148-67,  199  sq.,  206,  224, 
337-  341  sq.,  344- 
Methodists,  8. 
Missals,  Bamberg,  219. 

Gallican,  219. 

Gothic,  251. 

Nurnberg,  219. 

Roman,  219,  249,  252. 
Mitchell,  Prof.,  124. 

Moebanus,  Ambrose  (b.  1494,  d.  1554),  124. 
Mogner,  Leonard  (Pastor  at  Siegrau),  142. 
Mombert,  Dr.  J.  I.  (b.  1829),  19  sq.,  24,  117,  126. 
Monasticism,  165,  174  sq.,  182. 

Monmouth,  Humphrey  (London  Alderman,  d.  1537),  16,  181,  183. 
More,  Sir  Thomas  (b.  1480,  d.  1534),  17,  35,  78. 
Morning  Service,  245-252. 
Morris,  Dr.  John  G.  (b.  1803),  339. 
Morysinne  (Morrison),  Sir  Richard  (d.  1556),  201,  204. 

Mount  (Mont),  Dr.  Christopher,  (d.  1572),  129, 148,  152,  194,  196,  2OI,  214. 
Mozarabic  Liturgy,  219,  310. 
Muhlberg,  Battle  of  (1547).  *99- 
Mullins,  John  (d.  1591),  346. 

Muratori,  Ludovico  Antonio  (b.  1672,  d.  1750),  298. 
Musculus,  Wolfgang  (b.  1497,  d.  1563),  353. 

Myconius,  Frederick  (b.  1491,  d.  1546),  129-134,  141,  148,   167,  177,  196, 
205,224. 

Nassau,  Reformation  in,  141. 

Church  Order,  142  sq.,  254  sq. 
Naumburg,  128  sq. 
Navarre,  King  of  (1561),  210. 


Index.  371 

New  Learning,  The.  3,  77,  192,  352. 

Nicholas,  John..  7. 

Nicholson,  Sygar,  1C 

Nordhausen,  199. 

Norton,  Thomas,  (b.  1532,  d.  1584),  332. 

Nolh-Taufe,  255,  262  sq. 

Nowell,  Alexander  (b.  1507,  d.  1601),  332. 

Novatus,  Heresy  of,  163. 

Nurnberg,  45  sqq.,  104,  123,  196,  223,  244,  250,  274,  289,  307,  315. 

Kinder- Predigten,  216. 

Order  of  Service,  46,  240-2,  257,  282. 

Peace  of,  5 1 
Nunc  Dimittis,  310. 
Nyx,  Richard,  Bishop  of  Norwich  (d.  1536),  83. 

"  Obedience  of  a  Christian  Man,"  32  sqq.,  37,  105. 

Occasional  Offices,  274. 

QEcolampadius,  John  (b.  1482,  d.  1531),  49,  354. 

Offertory,  303. 

Order,  Common,  of  Service,  48,  285. 

Orders,  Sacrament  of,  in. 

Original  Sin,  91,  137  sq. 

Osiander,  Andrew  (b.  1498,  d.  1552),  46  sqq.,  104,  129,  148,  206,  223,  240, 

260,  270-2,  289,  315,  335  sq.,  352. 
Ott-Heinrich  Order  (1543),  256,  260,  268,  271. 
Overall,  John,  Bishop  of  Lichfield  (b.  1559,  d.  1619),  332. 
Oxford,  University  of,  2,  4,  8,  IO,  14  sq.,  44,  48,  62,  192,  209,  275. 

Paissy,  Colloquy  of  (1561),  210. 

Palmer,  William  (b.  1803),  256  sq.,  259,  268,  272  sq. 

Papacy,  161,  182. 

Parker,  Matthew,  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  (b.  1504,  d.  1575),  8. 

Passau,  Peace  of  (1552)^  203. 

Paul  III.  (b.  1466,  Pope  1534,  d.  1549),  194. 

Pax,  The,  in  the  Communion  Service,  309. 

Paynell,  Thomas  (d.  1563),  9,  148. 

Pellicanus,  Conrad  (b.  1478,  d.  1566),  117. 

Penance,  Sacrament  of,  91. 

Perry,  George  S.,  101. 

Peter,  Dr.  William,  82. 

Philip,  Landgrave  of  Hesse  (b.  1504,  d.  1567),  67,  152,  194,  197. 

Pirkheimer,  Willibald  (b.  1470,  d.  1531),  45. 


372  Index. 

Pole,  Reginald,  Cardinal  (b.  1500,  d.  1558),  44,  75. 
Pollanus  (Poullain),  Valerandus  (d.  1558),  343, 
Polydore,  Vergil  (b.  1470,  d.  1550),  4. 
Polygamy,  Melanchthon  on,  50. 
Pomeranian  Order  of  1542,  304. 
Ponet  (Poinet),  John  (d.  1556),  331. 
Potter,  Thomas,  355. 
Prayer,  Tyndale  on,  31. 

Confessional,  278,  281  sq. 

General,  303. 

Preface,  The,  in  the  Service,  306. 
Preparatory  Service,  278,  287. 
Prologues,  Fyndale's,  25  sq. 
Private  Baptism,  262. 

Confession,  267. 

Mass,  68. 

Procter,  Frances,  243,  257,  273,  330. 
Prussian  Order,  223,  255. 
Psalter  of  "  Common  Prayer,''  124. 
Public  Baptism,  263  sq. 

Puflfendorf,  Samuel,  Baron  (b.  1632,  d.  1694),  348. 
Purgatory,  165. 
Puritanism,  n,  346. 

Ranke,  Leopold  von  (b.  1795,  d.  1886),  96,  101. 

Ratisbon  (Regensburg),  Diet  of  (1532),  45,  196,  351. 

Reformation,  English,  Theories  of,  I . 

Regius,  Urban  (b.  1490,  d.  1541),  13,  52  sq.,  352  sq.,  356  sq. 

Repentance,  93,  96. 

Repetitio  of  1536,  89. 

Repetition  of  Augsburg  Confession,  71. 

Rice,  Richard,  353. 

Ridley,  Nicholas,  Bishop  of  London  (b.  1500,  d.  1555),  9  sq.,  207,  215,  245. 

Ring,  The,  in  the  Marriage  Ceremony,  271. 

Robinson,  Richard,  357  sq. 

Rogers,  Daniel  (b.  1538,  d.  1591),  126. 

John  (b.  1500  or  1509,  martyr  1555),  125  sq.,  145  sq.,  l8L 
Roman  Liturgies  and  Missals,  219. 
Romish  Leaven  in  the  X  Articles,  96. 
Rostock,  141. 

Roy,  William  (martyr,  1531),  17. 
Rupertus  (d.  911),  297,  299. 


Index.  373 

Sachs,  Hans  (b.  1494,  d.  1576),  46,  123  sq. 

Sacrament,  Definition  of,  86,  112. 

Sacramental  and  Sacrificial  Elements  of  Worship,  285  sqq. 

Sacramentarians,  94,  1 80,  297. 

Salig,  Christian  August  (b.  1692,  d.  1738),  125,  203. 

Salutation,  The,  296,  365. 

Sampson,  Thomas  (b.  1517,  d.  1589),  354. 

Sanctus,  The,  221,307.  [35*- 

Sarcerius,  Erasmus  (b.  1501,  d.  1559),  I4°>  146,  148, 153.  l67j  r79.  l8o»  224, 

Sarum,  Use  of,  220,  239,  242,  251  sqq.,  260,  269,  271. 

Sastrow,  Earth.  John  (b.  1520),  179. 

Saxon  Order  of  1539,  256,  273,  see  Herzog-Heinrich. 

Visitation  Articles,  255. 

Articles  of  1551,  341. 

Lower,  Order  of  (1585),  273. 
Schaff,  Dr.  Philip  (b.  1819),  101,  339. 
Schmucker.  Dr.  Beale  Melanchthon  (b.  1827,  d.  1888),  80. 
Schnepff,  Erhard  (b.  1495,  d.  1558),  52,  72,  347. 
Schceberlein,  Dr.  Ludwig  Frederick  (b.  1813,  d.  1881),  294. 
Schceffer,  P.  (b.  1430,  d.  1503),  20. 
Schwabach  Articles  (1529),  91,  335. 

Schwabach-Hall  Order  (1543),  242,  249,  254-6,  270  sq.,  327. 
"  Schwarmerians,"  1 80. 

Scotland,  Reformation  in,  2.  [I9^- 

Seckendorf,  Veit  Ludwig  von  (b.  1626,  d.  1692),  71  sq.,  136,  139,  159,  166, 
Selnecker,  Nicholas  (b.  1530,  d.  1592),  358. 
Sermon,  The,  302. 

Service,  The  Lutheran  Chief,  283-313. 

Seymour,  Edward,  Duke  of  Somerset  (b.  1500,  d.  1552),  198,  214. 
Shakespeare,  193. 

Shaxton,  Nicholas,  Bishop  of  Salisbury  (d.  1556),  10,  83,  150,  156. 
Sherborne,  Robert,  Bishop  of  Chichester  (d.  1536),  83. 
Shirrye,  Richard  (martyr,  1556),  354. 
Sick,  Visitation  of  the,  273. 

Six  Articles,  The,  145  sq.,  150-9,  167  sqq.,  191  sqq.,  201. 
Sixty-seven  Points,  The,  83. 
Skip,  John,  Bishop  of  Hereford  (d.  1552),  IO. 
Smalcald  Articles,  no  sq.,  160  sq.,  164,  166,  203,  341. 
League,  51-62,  142,  168, 194,  196,  199. 
War,  197,  214. 
Smithfield,  183. 


374  Index. 

Smythe,  Richard  (d.  1563),  20934. 

Solm,  Count  (d.  1545),  72. 

Somerset,  Duke  of,  see  Seymour,  Edward. 

Spalatin,  Dr.  George  (b.  1484,  d.  1545),  62,  148. 

Spengler,  Lazarus  (b.  1479,  d.  1534),  46,  122,  124. 

Speratus,  Paul  (b.  1484,  d.  1551),  122,  124. 

Sponsors,  Address  to,  260. 

St.  Andrew's,  University  of,  2. 

St.  Lawrence's,  Niirnberg,  45  sq. 

St.  Paul's,  London,  2,  5,  12,  230. 

St.  Sebald's,  Niirnberg,  45  sq.,  250. 

Stafford,  George  (d.  1529),  9. 

Standish,  Dr.  Henry  (d.  1535),  39. 

Dr.  John  (b.  1509,  d.  1570),  186. 
Staupitz,  Dr.  John  (d.  1524),  45. 

Stolcesley,  John,  Bishop  of  London  (d.  1539),  83,  104. 
Strassburg,  152,  208-10,  333,  346  sq. 

Mass  (1524),  227-9,  276-9,  303. 
Strigel,  Victor  (b.  1514,  d.  1569),  347. 
Strype,  John  (b.  1643,  d.  1737),  74,  99,  150,  160,  166,  315. 
Sturm,  Jacob  (b.  1489,  d.  1553),  72. 
Sumner  (d.  1523),  II. 
Surplice,  344. 
Sursum  Corda,  306. 
Syngylton,  Robert  (Translator  of  Augsburg  Confession,  hanged  March  7th, 

1544),  354- 
Synods  in  Nassau,  147. 

Taverner,  Richard  (b.  1505,  d.  1575),  n,  44,  80  sq.,  140,  143,  146  sq.,  179, 

I92,337,35i- 

Taylor,  John,  Bishop  of  Lincoln  (d.  1554),  245. 
Te  Deum,  183,  302  sqq. 

Telesphorus  (Bishop  of  Rome  128-139),  296. 
Ten  Articles  of  1536,  80,  88-104,  I28,  138  sq. 
Testament,  Erasmus'  New,  3,  7. 

Tetzel,  Dr.  John  (b.  between  1450  and  '60,  d.  1519),  130,  142. 
Thirteen  Articles  of  1535,  63. 

1538,  136-9- 

Thirty-Nine  Articles,  136,  339-42. 
Thixtell,  9. 
Toledo,  219. 


Index. 


375 


Tonstall,  Cuthbert,  Bishop  of  London  (b.  1475,  d.  1559),  16,  21,  83, 146,  150. 
Tracts  for  the  Times  (1833-41),  loo. 

Traheron,  Bartholomew  (Dean  of  Chichester,  1550),  216  sq. 
Transubstantiation,  164. 

Trent,  Council  of  (1545-63),  194,  200,  219,  264,  267,  342,  357. 
Trinity,  137,  184. 
Trollope,  William,  330. 
Turner,  Wyllyam  (d.  1568),  9,  352. 

Turrecremata  (Torquemada)  Juan  de  (b.  1388,  d.  1468),  297. 
Twelve  Apostles,  Teaching  of,  306. 

Tyndale,  Wiliiam  (b.  1484,  martyr  1536),  u,  14-39,  74,  105, 116-8, 126, 181, 
183,  207. 

Ulmis  ab,  John,  216. 

Ulrich,  Duke  of  Wiirtemberg  (b.  1487,  duke  from  1503,  d.  1550), 

Vergerius,  Peter  Paul  (b.  1498,  d.  1565),  64. 
Vespers,  221,  247  sqq.,  281. 
Vestments,  Episcopal,  207. 
Votum,  The,  303. 

Walch,  Dr.  J.  G.  (b.  1693,  d.  1775),  159,  209. 

"VValpole,  Thomas,  191. 

Walter,  Henry,  17  sq.,  30. 

Warham,  William,  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  (b.  1450,  d.  1532),  4,  22,  43. 

VVartburg,  220. 

Weimar  Archives,  160. 

Welsh,  Sir  John,  15. 

Wesleys,  The,  8,  348. 

Wessel,  John  (b.  1420,  d.  1489),  13. 

Wescott,  Dr.  Brooke  Foss,  Bishop  of  Durham,  (b.  1825),  23,  25,  29,  116  sq. 

Wheatly,  Charles  (b.  1686,  d.  1742),  250. 

Whitsunday,  a  time  for  Baptism,  254. 

Whittingham,  Dr.  \Villiam  (b.  1524,  d.  1579),  344. 

Wiclif,  John  (b.  1324,  d.  1384),  2,  10,  13. 

William,  Count  of  Nassau,  141  sq.,  144. 

William,  Prince  of  Orange  (b.  1533,  assassinated  1584),  141,  143. 

Winkworth,  Catherine  (b.  1825),  119. 

Wittenberg,  Barnes  at,  181  sq. 

Beyer  at,  343. 

Captured,  200. 

Concord,  210  sq. 


376  Index- 

Wittenberg,  Faculty,  74-7,  80,  101,  129,  145,  169,  177,  223. 

Negotiations  at  (1536),  55,  62,  68,  74,  144,  152. 

Rogers  at,  125  sq. 

Sarcerius  at,  141. 

Wolsey,  Cardinal  Thomas  (b.  1471,  d.  1530),  4,  10,  12,  32,  41-3,  6l,  78. 
Worms,  Luther  at,  (1521),  192. 
Wiirtemberg  Confession  (1552),  339,  341,  346. 
Order  (1553),  254  sq.,  260-3. 

York,  Use  of,  220,  260,  271. 

Zurich,  210,  214  sq.,  276,  346. 

Bible,  Il6sq. 
Zwingli,  Ulricb.  (b.  1484,  d.  1531),  38,  49,  117,  166,  207,  209,  276,  287,  354.