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Myerstown, Pennayvlania 










Norton Professor of Systematic Theology in the Theological Seminary of the 

Evangelical Lutheran Church in Philadelphia ; Translator and 

Editor of the " Book of Concord," Schmid s " Doctrinal 

Theology of the E-J. Lutheran Church" etc. etc, 





Copyrighted, iSqo, by G. W. Frederick. 


^INVESTIGATIONS into the history of the English transla- 
(Q$ tions of the Augsburg Confession, made several years ago, in 
co-operation with the late Rev. B. M. Schmucker, D. D., led the 
writer into a much wider field than he had originally intended 
to enter. Notes taken, in the beginning, for his own informa 
tion, soon accumulated to such extent, that he embodied their 
results in a series of articles, that appeared in The Luiheran in 
1887. During the preparation of the articles, every available 
source of information was laid under contribution for additional 
facts. The number of articles grew beyond expectation. Re 
quests having been made from various quarters, that they should 
be published in a more permanent form, this volume is the result. 
The material here given has only in part appeared before. Much 
has been rewritten, while several of the earlier chapters, and near 
ly all of the latter part of the book, are entirely new. 

It will speak for itself. Its facts, supported by the document 
ary evidence, will suggest their own lessons. It has not been 
written chiefly in a polemical interest. Its great end is to pro 
mote a thorough understanding of the historical relation of the 
Lutheran Church to the various English-speaking communions 
of this country, whose course has been influenced by the history 
of the Church in England during the Sixteenth Century, 


With so much material on the subject, readily accessible, it is 
surprising that a book filling this place, has not appeared before. 
English writers, however, as a rule, have felt little interest in 
acknowledging their dependence on the German Reformation ; 
a few, like Archbishop Laurence and Archdeacon Hardwick, 
forming brilliant exceptions. German writers have general 
ly assumed that the English could be relied upon for the facts 
of their own history, and, therefore, have not exercised their 
characteristic caution, or their customary practice of being sa is- 
fied with nothing short of the first sources. Although the cor 
respondence of Luther and Melanchthon, and that rich store 
house of documentary evidence, Seckendorf s Historia Luther- 
anismi abound in most valuable information on the subject, but 
little attention has hitherto been given to what, with a little in 
dustry, could have been drawn from their pages. 

The time has come, however, for a more careful and thorough 
examination of these facts. In this country, the Lutheran Church 
has become a communion of over a million communicants, and 
not less than four or five millions of a population. The English 
language has again become the medium for the Lutheran faith. 
As the various nationalities which its adherents represent, merge 
in the one American nationality, so their various languages, soon 
er or later, are laid aside for the common language of the coun 
try. Even before this process is complete, the one medium 
.through which those worshipping in different languages can con 
fer with and know one another, must necessarily be the English. 
The problem of the hour for the Lutheran Church in America, 
is, how to unite these various elements in the historical faith of 
the Lutheran Church as embodied in her historical Confessions, 
and with the worship prescribed in her historical Liturgies and 


Church Orders. As in the earlier efforts of Cranmer, Fox, 
Barnes, Coverdale, Rogers, Taverner and others in the Sixteenth 
Century in England, so here, the English language is again em 
ployed to furnish the mould in which Lutheran Theology is to be 
recast. In this work, the historical connection is again preserv 
ed. The good foundation then laid is not to be ignored. We 
gladly resume the undertaking, at the stage in which it was left 
by our predecessors in the same field, and, with humble recogni 
tion of their admirable success, take it up simply where it was 
left incomplete by the intervention of the Calvinistic reaction, 
during the second period of the reign of Edward VI, as exam 
ined in these pages. But in doing so, it becomes necessary to 
explain our relations to the Church of England, and to carefully 
discriminate between what is common territory, and what is pe 
culiar to each Church. It is a matter, not of regret, but of re 
joicing, that the Church of England, and her daughter in Amer 
ica, have jealously preserved, and heartily commended by con 
stant usage so much of the common heritage, not only antedat 
ing the Reformation and extending even far back beyond the 
conuptions of the Middle Ages, but also of what they have di 
rectly drawn from the Lutheran Reformers. It must not, how 
ever, be forgotten that the political complications, as well as 
other elements that entered, rendered the work of the Lutheran 
Church in reforming the old Church Service incomplete in many 
parts of Germany, and that even among those who have been 
faithful Lutherans in their Confessional position, there may be 
found those who are ready to indiscriminately censure what is 
common property, as though it were alien to the Lutheran 

Nor must the aggressive attitude of the Churches of the Angli- 


can family be overlooked. The challenge to all other bodies of 
Christians to establish their historical position, has been bravely 
made, and, with a determination, that shows that it will not be 
satisfied with skilful evasions of the question. It will certainly 
be of service, in giving this subject the serious consideration 
which it justly demands, to take into the account all the histori 
cal factors accessible. The effort to require all movements at 
union to rest upon a clear, distinct and unequivocal historical 
basis is certainly in the right direction. It is to be hoped, how 
ever, that this principle will be consistently maintained. No 
progress can be made, nor any permanent results gained, by lay 
ing emphasis upon one class of facts, and resolutely closing the 
eyes to another ; urging the examination of History at one point, 
and begging to be excused from looking into it at another. We 
sincerely hope that this book may inspire among our Lutheran 
people a true respect for much that is valuable and scholarly, and 
admirable in the results of the faith of the Reformation that have 
abounded in the English Church and her daughters in all periods 
since ; and, that, on the other hand, it may introduce some read 
ers from these communions to the rich stores of gospel truth, 
with which their fathers were familiar, and which have most pow 
erfully influenced their entire career since. 

The question of the revision of Creeds and Confessions, is 
now attracting wide-spread attention. This is a critical age, 
persistently demanding all professions to be put to a rigid test. 
Much light will be found upon the subject, by a careful reading 
of the accounts of the discussions between the English and the 
Lutheran theologians, in their several Conferences. There is 
scarcely an item which enters into a discriminating view of the 
subject that was not there anticipated. There were many hints 


given then by the Wittenberg theologians which are just as ap 
plicable to the present situation and movements, in the Presby 
terian and Lutheran, as well as the Episcopal Church. 

At the risk of violating somewhat the unity of the subject, an 
Excursus on The Typical Lutheran Chief Service," has been 
introduced. While treating of the relation of the English Ser 
vice to the Lutheran Orders, there seemed to be a call for giving 
some attention to a Service, for whose explanation even Luther 
ans are entirely d pendent upon material not found in the Eng 
lish language. 

Beyond the acknowledgment of the generous aid rendered the 
writer, above all, by the late Dr. B. M. Schmucker, mention 
should be made of others to whose kindness he is much indebted. 
Among them, he wishes especially to name Rev. Karl Wolters, 
Pastor of St. Peter s Church, Hamburg, Germany, who has taken 
much interest in making researches for this book in the Archives 
at Hamburg. We only regret that information he communicated 
concerning the visit of John ^Epinus, afterwards Superintendent 
at Hamburg, to England, and his conferences with Henry VIII, 
on ecclesiastical matters, before the sending of the English Com 
mission to Wittenberg, whose history is given in Chapter IV, 
came after that chapter had already been set up. We refer to it 
for the information of those who may make this volume the 
starting-point foi further investigations. Rev. J. A. Seiss, D.D., 
LL. D., kindly furnished his copy of Cranmer s Catechism, with 
notes showing the results of his comparisons with the Latin edi 
tion. Rev. Prof. W. J. Mann, D. D., LL. D., especially inter 
ested himself in gathering information concerning Ernest Sarce- 
rius, the Nassau theologian. Rev. Prof. A. Spaeth, D. D., has 
freely given aid on Hymnological and Liturgical questions. 


Pencil notes of the late Rev. Prof. C. P. Krauth, D. D., LL. D., 
on the margin of books, now in the Library of the Theological 
Seminary at Mt. Airy, Philadelphia, indicate that he had pro 
gressed far in similar investigations, and have repeatedly given 
us the clue to much valuable information. 

In addition to the many friends in the Lutheran Church who 
have assured us of their interest in these studies, we wish especi 
ally to recognize the courtesy of Rev. Prof. George P. Fisher, 
D. D., LL. D., of Yale University, for urging that they should 
be embodied in a volume, as well as for his kind reference to 
what we had previously published on the Anglican Catechisms, 
in an address delivered in the Autumn of 1888, at Harvard Uni 

Trusting that the facts here given will contribute towards the 
clearer understanding of the causes of difference among the vari 
ous American churches, and, thus, in God s own time, if possi 
ble, towards their ultimate adjustment, we offer this volume to 
the calm and unprejudiced consideration of thoughtful readers. 


Theological Seminary of the Evangelical Lutheran Church 
at I^hiladelphia (Mt. Airy], July qth, 1890. 







THE TEN ARTICLES OF 1536, . . . . 88 



THE ENGLISH BIBLES OF 1535 AND 1537, . . . 115 






A LITERARY FORGERY, . . . . . . 159 

LUTHER S "ST. ROBERT," ...... 179 












OF THE SICK, BURIAL, . . . . . 265 




THE HOMILIES OF 1547, ...... 333 










Not independent of the movement in Germany. Not due to the controversy 
concerning the divorce of Henry VIII. Preparatory influences in the 
XIV Century. Thomas of Bpadwardin. Wiclif. The Lollards. Dean 
Colet. Erasmus and the New Learning. Greeks and Trojans. Froude 
on the immediate effect of Luther s Theses. The war against Lutheran 
Books. Warham s Correspondence. Henry VIII vs. Luther. Bishop 
Fisher s Sermon. The Young " Lutherans " of Cambridge. Bilney. 
Latimer s Inaugural address against Melanchthon. His Conversion- 
The House called " Germany." Stafford, Barnes, Coverdale, etc. 
The Lutheran Colony transferred to Cardinal College, Oxford. Clark, 
Cox, Frith, etc. Persecution, Espionage. The Humiliation of Barnes. 
Wolsey s Last Message. The Index Prohibitorum of 1529. 

Two VERY superficial theories concerning the English Refor 
mation are current. One affirms that it was a movement origi 
nating almost entirely within the English Church, and culminat 
ing in the assertion of its independence of the Church of Rome 
by the casting off of the yoke whereby for centuries it had been 
unjustly oppressed, but having little to do with contemporaneous 
movements in Germany. The other regards its religious char 
acter purely accidental, and ascribes it altogether to the quarrel 
of the King of England with the Pope, overlooking the fact, that 
the relation of Henry VIII to it was a hinderance rather than an 
advantage, that it began against his will, and received its great- 


2 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

est injury when he became its champion. A careful review of 
the facts, shows first, that the evangelical leaven had been work 
ing in England for many years, and, secondly, that this latent 
power at length emerged into vigorous action and became a 
widely-extended and deep movement, as it received support from 
the fearless testimony proclaimed at Wittenberg, and diffused 
among the scholars of England by the instrumentality of the 

In the Fourteenth Century, already, the way for the Reforma 
tion had been prepared. Thomas of Bradwardin {Doctor pro- 
fundus), Professor in Merton College, Oxford, and afterwards 
Archbishop of Canterbury (b. 1290, d. 1349) was the earnest 
representative of Augustinianism, who complained that "almost 
the whole world had fallen into the errors of Pelagianism," and 
started the career of his more eminent pupil John Wiclif. Wiclif 
spent the greater part of his life at Oxford, where in 1363, he 
became Professor of Divinity. The sole authority of the Holy 
Scriptures in matters of faith, the rejection of prayers to saints, 
of purgatory, of transubstantiation, of the necessity of private 
confession, the conception of the Church on its. inner instead of 
its outward side, marked a new era, even though his teaching on 
justification and the most closely allied doctrines, was not as 
clear. But still wider influence was exerted by his translation of 
the Bible, industriously circulated in short sections throughout all 
England by followers so numerous, that one writer says, that 
every other person met on the road could be so reckoned. The 
Lollards, as those whose interest had been aroused by Wiclif, 
were called, after a continental sect, spread far and wide the seed 
of the future harvest. The Universities of Oxford in England 
and of St. Andrews in Scotland, became centers of the move 
ment, which, although externally suppressed by bloody persecu 
tion, still lived beneath the surface. Although men were con 
signed to the stake for such utterances, yet in 1506 we find Dean 
Coletof St. Paul s, London, an Oxford alumnus (d. 1519) ex 
pounding the Scriptures thrice a week in the scientific form of 

Beginnings of the English Reformation. 3 

divinity lectures. As late as 1521, the bishop of London ar 
rested nearly five hundred Lollards, who probably had no con 
nection with the movement then beginning in Germany. 

To this influence was added that of "the New Learning," of 
which Erasmus was the advocate at Cambridge. It is sometimes 
forgotten that while this great scholar belonged to Holland, his 
student life was passed in part at the two distinguished English 
universities. He was the intimate friend of Colet, and, return 
ing to England in 1510, was, for four years from 1511, Lady 
Margaret Professor of Divinity and Lecturer in Greek in Queen s 
College, Cambridge. The stimulus which his attention to the 
original of the New Testament gave his pupils, may be traced in 
the many eminent names of reformers hereafter to be noted 
among them. Great teachers often inculcate premises, whose 
conclusions are so far-reaching that, instead of drawing them for 
themselves, they leave this work to their pupils. Erasmus never 
broke with Rome ; but his teaching led many to that act, for 
which he himself was too feeble, or, rather prepared them for the 
influence emanating from Wittenberg, The years of his Cam 
bridge Professorship were not as serene as this great lover of 
peace desired. The publication of his Greek New Testament 
invalidated the authority of the Vulgate, and aroused the appre 
hensions of those who were attached to the old order of things. 
The war of words between * Greeks," and "Trojans" or 
" Obscurantists," as the champions of the new studies and their 
opponents were respectively called, waxed fiercer and fiercer, and 
was of just such character as would excite the enthusiasm of stu 
dents at that season of life when they are most apt to become in 
tense partisans. When, therefore, they heard from him such 
statements as the following: "The Holy Scriptures, translated 
into all languages should be read not only by the Scotch and 
Irish, but even by Turks and Saracens. The husbandman should 
sing them as he holds the handle of his plough ; the weaver re 
peat them as he plies his shuttle ; and the wearied traveler, halt 
ing on his journey, refresh himself under some shady tree by 

4 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

these goodly narratives," * what wonder that aspirations were 
excited for a better order, wherein every Englishman might read 
the Word of God for himself, and that young hearts already re 
solved, that if God would spare them, this should be accom 
plished ? 

Luther s act of October 3ist, 15^7, was not altogether unex 
pected. Who was to break the silence and first utter the protest, 
or in what form or place, it was to be given, no one, indeed, could 
divine. But many eyes were looking for the crisis, in which the 
oppressed conscience would speak with a power that could not be 
restrained. As Mr. Froudesays: "The thing which all were 
longing for was done, and in two years from that day, there was 
scarcely perhaps a village from the Irish channel to the Danube, 
in which the name of Luther was not familiar as a Avord of hope 
and promise." 2 "As early as 1520, Polydore Vergil mentions 
the importation into England of a great number of Lutheran 
books. To such an extent were Luther s writings diffused, 
and with such effect, that in March 1521, Archbishop Warham 
wrote to Cardinal Wolsey concerning the condition of affairs at 
the University of Oxford, in a letter which Sir William Ellis, 
formerly librarian of the British Museum, has published :* 

" I am enformyd that diverse of that Universitie be infectyd 
with the heresyes of Luther and others of that sorte, havyng 
theym a grete nombre of books of the saide perverse doctrine. . . 
It is a sorrowful thing to see how gredyly inconstaunt men, and 
specyally inexpert youthe, falleth to newe doctrynes be they never 
so pestilent. . . Pytie it were that through the lewdnes of on or 
two cankerd members, . . the hole Universitie shuld run infamy 
of soo haynouse a cryme, the heryng whereof shuld be right de 
lectable and plesant to open Lutheranes beyond the see. . . If 
all the hole nombyr of yong scolers suspectyd in this cause (which 

1 Paradesis adlect.pium, Vaughan s devolutions in English History. 1 : 101. 

J History of England, II : 40. 

3 Hardwick s History of the Reformation, p. 182. 

* Original Letters, First Series, 1 : 239 sqq. 

Beginnings of the English Reformation. 5 

as the Universitie writeth to me be marvelouse sory and repent- 
aunt that ever they had any such books or redde or herde any of 
Luther s opynyon) shulde IDC callyd up to London, yt shuld en- 
gendre grete obloquy and sclandre to the Universite, bothe be- 
hyther the see and beyonde . . the said Universite hathe de- 
syred me to move Your Grace, to be so good and gracyouse unto 
theym, to gyve in commission to some sadd father which was 
brought up in the Univeristie of Oxford to syt ther, and examyne, 
not the hedds, but the novicyes which be not yet yet thoroughly 
cankered in the said errors. . . Item, the said Universite hath 
desieryd me to move your good Grace to ncte out, besyde werks 
of Luther condemyd alredy, the names all other stiche writers, 
Luther s adherents andfautors" The request for such inquisi 
tion was in accordance with a proclamation which Warham had 
succeeded in inducing Wolsey to publish, entitled "A commis 
sion to warn all persons, both ecclesiastical and secular, under 
penalty of excommunication and of being dealt with as heretics, 
that, within the time assigned [fifteen days], they bring and de 
liver into the hands of the bishop or his deputy, all writings ana 
books of Martin Luther, the heretic"* The proclamation was 
accompanied by the rehearsal of forty-two alleged errors of Lu 
ther, quoted from the Papal bull of excommunication, some of 
which are the greatest perversions of what he taught, while oth 
ers, even as stated by enemies, can condemn only those who deem 
them reprehensible, as e. g : "32. In every good work, the 
just man sinneth." "33. A good work done best, is a venial 
sin." "34. To burn heretics is contrary to the will of the 
Spirit." 6 The fact that this demand to surrender the writings of 
Luther was to be read in every church at the time of mass, shows 
the progress which they had made throughout the Kingdom. 
The day before this proclamation, Fisher, bishop of Rochester, 
had preached in St. Paul s " Again ye pernicious doctryn of 

5 The decree is given in full in Strype s Memorials of the Reformation, V : 
332; Gerdesius, Hist. Ref., IV: 112. 
6 Strype s Memorials, I: 57-61. 

6 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

Martin Luther." 7 A week later, the King himself sent a most 
urgent letter to Lewis, Duke of Bavaria, insisting upon employ 
ing extreme measures against Luther. 8 Nor must it be forgotten 
that the famous book by which he earned the title of " Defender 
of the Faith," but suffered for it from Luther s pen far more 
than he gained, belonged also to the same year, 1521. Two 
years later, Bishop Fisher followed his sermon by a treatise 
against Luther, 9 and Henry wrote a long letter to the princes of 
Saxony. Its temper may be learned from the following : "I 
am compelled to admonish and exhort you that you give your 
attention at as early a date as possible to repressing that execra 
ble sect of Luther, without the execution of any one, if it can be 
done, or, with blood, if it cannot be otherwise accomplished." 10 
In 1524, when Hugh Latimer, at that time, like Saul of Tarsus, a 
bitter zealot against the cause for which he afterwards laid down 
his life, availed himself of his inaugural address as B. D. at Cam 
bridge, to make a sweeping attack upon the friends of the revived 
Gospel, he chose as his theme : "Philip Melanchthon and his 
opinions." 11 

But nothing could check the progress of the truth. It swept 
all obstacles before it. The young scholars of Cambridge could 
not be suppressed. Chief among them was Thomas Bilney. The 
story of his conversion, narrated by himself in a letter written 
from prison in 1528, has been summarized as follows: "In 
Trinity College, Cambridge, there was a young man, engagad in 
the study of canon law, remarkable for his seriousness, his mod 
esty and his conscientiousness. His priest was to his soul, what 
his physician was to his body. He often took his place, pale and 
anxious, at the feet of his confessor. But the prescriptions given 
did not reach his case. Masses, vigils, indulgences and free con 
tributions in money, all were tried, but the patient only seemed 
to grow worse. At times the thought would arise Am I in 

7 Hardwick, 179. 8 Gerdesius, IV : 117. 

9 Hardwick, 179. 10 Letter in Gerdesius, IV : 125. 

11 Cooper s Athence Cantabrigienses, 1 : 130. 

Beginnings of the English Reformation. 7 

the right path ? May not the priest be in error, or be a self- 
seeker in all that he does ? But the suspicion was instantly re 
jected as a suggestion from the enemy. One day the troubled 
scholar heard two friends talking of a new book. The book was 
the Greek Testament by Erasmus, with an elegant Latin transla 
tion. The scholar was pleased with the sound of the Latin, and 
would fain have taken up the volume, and have examined it. 
But he knew that the authorities of the University had condemned 
all such books, and especially that book as tending to noth 
ing but heresy. He abstained ; but his desire to look into the 
volume grew stronger. He stole into the house in Cambridge, 
where the book was secretly sold. Having obtained a copy, he 
returned to his room, to read it, and the first text that arrested his 
attention, was : This is" a faithful saying and worthy of all ac 
ceptation, etc. This was to the spirit-worn student as the voice 
of an oracle. He pondered it and derived from it what the 
priestly impositions to which he had so long submitted, had failed 
to give him, peace of conscience and enlargement of .heart. 
Henceforth he sits at the feet of his Lord, and of his inspired 
messengers." 13 "A perusal of Erasmus N. T. and the works 
of Luther," says the historian of his University, 1 * "taught him 
other views of religion, and he embraced the tenets of the re 
formers, except the denial of transubstantiation. He labored 
earnestly to promulgate his views, and amongst those whom he 
converted were John Nicholas, alias Lambert, Thomas Arthur, 
Robert Barnes, prior of the Augustinians, and Hugh Latimer. 
Bilney and Latimer visited and consoled the sick and needy, and 
the unhappy inmates in the town and country prisons." 

Latimer s conversion also illustrates the connection with the 
Lutheran Reformation, since it was his famous attack upom Me- 
lanchthon above mentioned, that prompted Bilney to hasten to 
the study of the young preacher, and beg him " for God s sake 

"Foxe s Acts and Monuments, II : 217; Gerdesiusj IV : 129. 

13 Vaughan s Revolutions in English History, 1 : 104. 

14 Cooper s Ath. Cantab., 1 : 42. 

8 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

to hear his confession." with the result that " from that time for 
ward he began to smell the Word of God, and forsook the school- 
doctors and such fooleries." 

Gradually the circle of such men enlarged. "There," viz. at 
Cambridge, said a Bampton lecturer some few years ago, 15 " even 
so early as 1528, had been seen a little society of religious men 
who (like the Wesleys two hundred years later at Oxford) en 
couraged each other in reading the Scriptures, in mutual confes 
sion and similar prescribed acts of personal piety. They visited 
the prisoners at jails ; they preached anew the vital spiritual 
truths formerly enshrined, but now obscured by the ritual and 
ceremonies of their Church , and were in short engaged in re 
viving religion in England under its ancient forms. The names 
of twenty-seven of these men have been preserved to us ; and 
just as the early Methodists obtained the honors of ridicule and 
social persecution, so the house where these first English Luth 
erans met, was called Germany Fuller particulars are fur 
nished by Strype in his " Life of Archbishop Parker. " 16 " Park 
er s lot was to fall into the University in those days, when learn 
ing and religion began to dawn there ; when divers godly men 
resorted together for conference sake ; who also oftentimes 
flocked together in open sight, both in the schools, and at the 
sermons in St. Mary s and at St. Augustine s, where Dr. Barnes 
was prior, and at other disputations. Of which sort were sev 
eral ; and of these colleges, especially, viz. King s College, 
Queen s College, St. John s, Peter House, Pembroke Hall, Gon- 
well Hall and Benet College. Their meetings to confer and dis 
course together for edification and Christian knowledge, were 
chiefly at an house called The White Horse, which was, there 
fore, afterwards named Germany by their enemies. This 
house was chosen because they of King s College, Queen s Col 
lege and St. John s might come in with the more privacy at the 
back door." 

15 Curteis, "Dissent in its relation to the Church of England," p. 56. 

16 P. 12. 

Beginnings of the English Reformation. 9 

This company of twenty-seven included first of all Bilney. 
Next among them is named George Stafford of Pembroke Hall, 
from 1523. He had introduced an innovation by lecturing on 
the Holy Scriptures, instead of the "Sentences." In his visita 
tions to the sick, he became infected with the plague, and died 
in 1529. " There was one of Clement Hostel, called Sir Henry, 
the conjurer, on account of his skill in the black art. Falling 
sick of the plague, Mr. Stafford visited him, argued on his wicked 
life and practices, brought him to repentance, and caused all his 
conjuring books to be burned before his face ; but Mr. Stafford 
caught the infection, and died thereof between igth of June and 
iyth November 1529." " 

A third, Thomas Arthur, was intimidated to take an oath, 
" abjuring Luther s opinions," from which he does not seem to 
have recovered, as did several of his comrades. Of Robert 
Barnes and Hugh Latimer we shall hear much in what follows. 
Miles Coverdale was to acquire distinction as a translator of the 
Bible and of Luther s hymns. Paynell or Parnell was to be ac 
tive in later years as a diplomat. Heynes, in 1528 was President 
of Queen s College, and afterwards Vice-Chancellor of the Uni 
versity. He baptized Edward VI., was on an embassy to France in 
1525, and was employed on various important commissions con 
nected with the reform of the English Church. Thixtell in 1529 
was a member of commissions concerning the divorce, and in 
1 5 3 was a censor of publications. Distinguished as a debater, 
he continued to the end a warm friend of the Reformation. The 
son of the Lord Mayor of London was in the band, viz. Thomas 
Allen, who comforted Bilney in his hour of martyrdom. Turner 
was destined to be the most versatile of them all in his scholar 
ship, a clergyman, physician, member of parliament, botanist, 
ornithologist, mineralogist, critic of N. T. text, translator and 
prolific author of both religious and scientific books. 

There also were Nicholas Ridley, the future martyr bishop, 
Edward Crome already a doctor of divinity, who had years of 

17 Cooper s Ath. Cantab., p. 39. 

io The Lutheran Movement in England. 

imprisonment before him, Rudolph Bradford, who, after exile for 
circulating the New Testament, was to return and aid in prepar 
ing "The Institution of a Christian Man," Shaxton and Skip, 
future apostates, and Sygar Nicholson, who was treated with 
much cruelty for having in his house the works of Luther. 18 

Of this band of twenty-seven, Skip, Ridley and Heynes were 
associated with Cranmer in the preparation of the liturgy of Ed 
ward VI. 

But this group did not comprise all " the first English Luth 
erans" of Cambridge From Cambridge, a colony of select 
scholars had been sent to Oxford as the nucleus of Cardinal Col 
lege, founded by Wolsey. We learn from the notes in Ellis: 19 
" Lutheranism increased daily in the University of Oxford, and 
chiefly in Cardinal College, by certain of the Cantabrigians that 
then remained. The chiefest Lutheran at this time was John 
Clark, one of the junior canons, to whose private lectures and 
disputations in public, divers graduates and scholars of colleges 
resorted. So great a respect had they for his doctrine and ex 
emplary course of life, that, they would often recur to him for reso 
lution of doubts. They had also their private meetings, wherein 
they conferred about the promotion of their religion. They 
prayed together and read certain books containing the principles 
of Luther. . . . Notwithstanding many eminent men did dis 
pute and preach in the University against it, yet the Lutherans 
proceeded, and took all private occasions to promote their doc 

Shortly afterwards the Archbishop of London wrote to Wolsey : 
"With respect to the most accursed works of Luther, I have re 
ceived through the doctor mentioned certain pamphlets which I 
will both most diligently read and note ; and, that I may do this 
the more carefully, I will betake myself as soon as possible to Ox 
ford, where I will endeavor carefully to examine some codices of 
JohnWiclif." 20 

18 Cooper s Ath. Cantab., 1 : 51. 

19 Original Letters, Third Series, II : 71. 

20 Ellis, Original Letters, Third Series, 1 : 246. 

Beginnings of the English Reformation. 1 1 

Among this group of Lutheran students, transferred from Cam 
bridge to Oxford, was Richard Cox, afterwards tutor to Edward 
VI., Chancellor of the University, one of the compilers of the 
"Book of Common Prayer," Bishop of Norwich, and whose 
exile under Mary was distinguished for his controversy with John 
Knox at Frankfort, and his triumph over Puritanism. Another 
was the martyr, John Frith, associated with Tyndale in the trans 
lation of the Bible, who afterwards accepted either the Zwinglian 
or Calvinistic view of the Lord s Supper. Richard Taverner, 
the translator of the Bible and of the Augsburg Confession, was 
a third. Among the others were Clark, before mentioned, Sum- 
ner, Betts, Harmann, Frier, Akars, Godman, Lawney, Dominick 
and Drumm. The entire party was arrested and imprisoned. 
Some were exiled. Taverner escaped by his skill as a musician. 
Clark " died in August 1528, of a distemper occasioned by the 
stench of the prison in which he was confined. In his last mo 
ments he was refused the communion, not perhaps as a special 
act of cruelty, but because the laws of the Church would not per 
mit the holy thing to be profaned by the touch of a heretic. 
When he was told it would not be suffered, he said Crede et 
manducasti. Sumner died from the same cause. 

At Cambridge, as well as at Oxford, strict measures were taken 
to suppress Lutheranism. Unfortunately, not all its adherents 
manifested the greatest prudence. Bilney and Latimer, though 
subject to the closest surveillance deserve credit for their corpse, 
marked by sound judgment and discretion. The bishop of Ely 
endeavored to throw the latter off of his guard, by entering un 
expectedly, with a retinue of dignitaries, the chapel at Cam 
bridge where he was preaching. With complete mastery of the 
situation, the preacher adroitly changed his text, and spoke elo 
quently concerning the duty of bishops to follow Christ as their 
great model. Dr. Robert Barnes was of another temperament. 
Vehement, impulsive, direct, he could scarcely be restrained 
from at once assailing publicly all that he felt to be wrong. In 
December 1525, he precipitated a crisis which ended in his deep 

12 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

humiliation, by inveighing with most direct personalities against 
the bishops. The truth seems to be that he took Luther s ser 
mon on the Epistle for the Fourth Sunday in Advent (1521), 
and reproduced it, with some changes, for his Cambridge au 
dience. " He so postilled the whole epistle," says Foxe, " fol 
lowing the Scripture and Luther s postil, that for that sermon he 
was immediately accused of heresy. 21 Whatever may have been 
the excellences of "St. Robert," as Luther called Barnes after 
his death, he certainly did not know how to observe times and 
seasons. The Church of England of 1525 was not prepared for 
what suited admirably an audience in Wittenberg in 1521. A 
martyr s courage failed him at this time, although fourteen years 
later, he joyfully maintained his fidelity to the Gospel at the 
stake. The ceremony of his recantation, February nth, 1526, 
was made as humiliating as possible. After a sermon preached 
in St. Paul s, London, by Bishop Fisher, in the presence of 
thirty-six bishops, abbots and priors "Against Luther and Dr. 
Barnes," he knelt and asked forgiveness which was granted with 
the penance attached of walking thrice around a blazing pile of 
large basketsful of Lutheran books. Bilney and Arthur also were 
unequal to the trial, into which Barnes indiscreet ardor had 
brought them. Latimer bore himself with such shrewdness that, 
instead of punishment, he received the Cardinal s license to 
preach anywhere in England. 

The last message of Cardinal Wolsey to his sovereign, sent 
from his death-hed, was to " have a vigilant eye on the new sect, 
the Lutherans, that it do not increase through your negligence 
in such sort as you be at length compelled to put harness on your 
back to subdue them. 

An " Index of Prohibited Books " of 1529 gives the names of 
the works which had been so diligently circulated by the young 
scholars of these two universities and their friends. It has the 
title " Libri sectce sive factionis Luther iance import at i ad civi- 

21 Acts and Monuments; History of (Presbyterian Board of Publication, 
Phil a.,) p. 78. 

Beginnings of the English Reformation. 13 

tatem London. After four books of Wiclif, it reads : 
. "Dr. Martin Luther Concerning Good Works. Letter of 
Luther to Pope Leo X. Tessaradecas Consolatoria of Martin 
Luther. Tract of Luther Concerning Christian Liberty. Ser 
mons of Dr. Martin Luther. Exposition of the Epistles of St. 
Peter by Martin Luther. Reply of Martin Luther to Barthole- 
mew Catharinus. Of the Works of God by Martin Cellarius. 
Deuteronomy, from the Hebrew, with annotations of Martin 
Luther. Luther s Catechism in Latin by J. Lonicerus. The 
Prophet Jonah, explained by Martin Luther. Commentary of 
Martin Luther on the Epistle of Paul to the Galatians. Selec 
tions from the letters of Martin Luther, full of piety and learn 
ing, with the interpretation of several psalms, Narrations of 
Posrils of Martin Luther upon the lessons from the Gospels, etc. 
Sixteen Conclusions of the reverend father, Martin Luther, con 
cerning Faith and Ceremonies. Most Wholesome Declaration of 
the same concerning Faith and Works. Most Learned Explana 
tion of Ceremonies. Fifty Conclusions by the same for timid 
consciences. Luther s Explanation of his thirteenth proposition 
Concerning the Power of the Pope. Oration ot Didymus 
Faventinus on behalf of Martin Luther. New narrations of Mar 
tin Luther on the prophet Jonah. Judgment of Martin Luther, 
Concerning Monastic Vows. Enchiridion of the Godly Prayers 
of Martin Luther. Several brief sermons of Martin Luther on 
the Virgin, the Mother of God." 

Then follow works of CEcolampadius, Billicanus, Zwingli, 
Bugenhagen, Bucer, Regius, Melanchthon, Agricola, Brentz, 
Lambert, Wessel, Gochius and Carlstadt. 23 

Who, after reading this list would venture to maintain that the 
reformatory movement in England was independent of that in 
Germany ? It shows very clearly that the theologians of Eng 
land were keeping abreast of the entire development of theologi 
cal literature on the Continent. 

M This list is found in Gerdesius, IV: 139 sqq.; Foxe, "Acts and 



Tyndale s Birth and Education. Relation to Colet and Erasmus. Early 
Work. A significant Prophecy. Life in London. Repulsed by the 
Lord Bishop. Humphrey Monmouth and his Troubles. Tyndale at 
Hamburg. Was Tyndale at Wittenberg? Insufficient arguments of 
Anderson and W T alter. The English Genesis of 1530 published by Lu 
ther s publisher, Hans Luft. Where was Marlboro ? The flight from 
Cologne. Two editions of New Testament, instead of one. Proclama 
tions of Tunstal and Warham. Fifteen thousand English testaments 
sent from Germany to England. Arrest and execution. Tyndale s 
translation and that of Luther. Testimony of Hallam, Westcott and Mom- 
bert. Tyndale and Luther in parallel columns. His prefaces from Lu 
ther. "His glosses from Luther. His treatise " The Wicked Mammon," 
from Luther. " The Obedience of a Christian Man," Anne Boleyn s 
devotional manual. His " Exposition of the Sermon on the Mount," 
from Luther. Was Tyndale a Lutheran ? Arguments of Dr. Eadie 
in the negative ; of V. E. Loscher, in the affirmative. 

AMONG the scholars of Oxford and Cambridge, there is one 
who had left the Universities years before the events just nar 
rated, but whose influence from abroad was a very important 
factor in advancing the movement. His work is so prominent 
and far-reaching, and, except in his preparation as a student, so 
isolated from the rest, until through his translation of the New 
Testament and his various evangelical treatises, he acted upon 
his countrymen, that it justly requires separate treatment. Wil 
liam Tyndale was a quiet and retired scholar, who wrought dili 
gently in his study with a fixed end in view from which he never 
swerved, and which required his withdrawal from the intimate 
associations, and the wider spheres of discussion in which others 
felt called upon to promote the same cause. He, therefore, was 

Tyndale 1 s Dependence on Luther. 15 

content to stand during his life-time almost alone, in order to 
effect the Reformation of his country, and to reach future gen 
erations through the English Bible, which, even in its present 
form, is properly speaking his Bible, revised. 

Born probably about 1484, on the boundary of Wales, he 
was "brought up," says Foxe, " froma child at the University of 
Oxford, where he, by long continuance, grew and increased as 
well in the knowledge of tongues and other liberal arts, as spec 
ially in the knowledge of the Scriptures, to which his mind was 
singularly addicted ; insomuch that he, lying there in Magdalen 
Hall, read privily to certain students and fellows of Magdalen 
College some parcel of divinity, instructing them in the knowl 
edge and truth of the scriptures, whose manners also and con 
versation, being correspondent to the same, were such that all 
they that knew him, reputed and esteemed him, to be a man of 
most virtuous disposition, and of life unspotted. Thus he, in the 
University of Oxford, increasing more and more in learning, 
and proceeding in degrees of the schools, spying his time, re 
moved from thence to the University of Cambridge, where after 
he had likewise made his abode a certain space, being now 
further ripened in the knowledge of God s Word, leaving that 
university also, he resorted to one master Welsh, a Knight of 
Gloucestershire; and was there school-master to his children, 
and in very good favor with his master." At Oxford, he un 
doubtedly came under the influence of Dean Colet. His removal 
to Cambridge "was probably for the purpose of profiting by 
Erasmus lectures, who taught Greek there from 1509 till the be 
ginning of 1519; whereas there was no regular Greek lectureship 
founded in Oxford till about 1517." 1 At the house of Sir John 
Welsh or Walsh, whither he went about 1519, he soon became 
involved in controversies with the priests, translated against them 
Erasmus "Enchiridion Militis " and destroyed their influence 
with the family, from which they previously had derived large con- 

1 Walter s Life of Tyndale, prefixed to " Doctrinal Treatises " (Parker So 
ciety,) p. XV. 

1 6 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

tributions. He was a zealous preacher at Bristol, and was sum 
moned to answer before the chancellor, but while treated "as 
though I had been a dog," escaped punishment. Shortly after 
this it was, that in a discussion with a learned, but bitter advo 
cate of the Papacy he made the often quoted remark that he de 
fied the Pope and all his laws, and, further added, that if God 
spared him life, "ere many years he would cause a boy that driv- 
eth the plough to know more of the scriptures than he did." 
His position becoming more and more uncomfortable, and being 
involved in constant disputes, he saw that the evangelical cause 
was relatively helpless until the Bible could be read by the laity 
in their own language. In his "Preface to the Pentateuch," he 
says: "I perceived how that it was impossible to establish the 
lay-people in any truth, except the scripture were plainly laid 
before their eyes in their mother-tongue, that they might see the 
process, order and meaning of the text. For else whatever truth 
is taught them, these enemies of all truth quench it again, partly 
with apparent reasons of sophistry, founded without ground of 
scripture ; and partly, in juggling with the text, expounding it 
in such sense as is impossible to gather of the text, if thou see the 
process, order and meaning thereof." With this end in view, 
he resigned his place, and, about 1523, went to London, where, 
relying upon an extravagant idea of the interest of the Bishop of 
London, Tonstall, in such work, he hoped to receive a home in his 
house and encouragement. He carried with him, as an evidence 
of his scholarship, a translation, which he had made, of one of the 
orations of Isocrates. But the English Bible was not to be trans 
lated in an episcopal palace. He found no home or. encourage 
ment where he had expected it. The Lord, however, raised up 
for him a faithful friend in a wealthy merchant, Humphrey Mon- 
mouth, who had heard him preach in St. Dunstan s church, and 
provided for him at his own house. Years afterwards Monmouth 
was imprisoned for this act of kindness. In his testimony in his 
defence, he throws some light upon Tyndale s habits : "He 
studied most part of the day and of the night at his book; and 

Tyndale s Dependence on Luther. 17 

he would eat but sodden meat, by his good will, nor drink but 
small single beer. I never saw him wear linen about him. . . . 
When I heard my Lord of London preach at Paul s Cross, that 
Sir William Tyndale had translated the New Testament in Eng 
lish, and was naughtily translated, that was the first time that 
ever I suspected or knew any evil by him." 

Tyndale soon found it necessary, in order to prosecute his 
work successfully, to repair to Germany. Accordingly about 
May 1524 he left London for Hamburg. In April 1525, he is 
known to have been in Hamburg. Had he been there the entire 
time, or had he been elsewhere in the meantime ? Concerning this, 
there has been a diversity of opinion. There has been a widely 
diffused tradition that he repaired at once from Hamburg to Wit 
tenberg. All of Tyndale s contemporaries who have written 
concerning his movements, so affirm. In the articles against 
Monmouth in 1528, he is charged with aiding " Sir William 
Hutchin, otherwise called Tyndale," who " went into Almayne 
[Germany] to Luther, there to study and learn his sect." Sir 
Thomas More in his "Dialogue" declares that ".at the time of 
his translation of the New Testament, Tyndale was with Luther 
at Wittenberg, and the confederacy between him and Luther 
was well known." Cocnlaeus speaks of Tyndale and Roy as 
"two English apostates who had been sometime at Wittenberg." 
Foxe in his " Acts and Monuments " says: "On his first de 
parting out of the realm, Tyndale took his journey into the 
further parts of Germany, as into Saxony, where he had confer 
ence with Luther and other learned men in those quarters." 

Some writers of the present century, especially Anderson in 
his "Annals of the English Bible," and Walter in his "Life of 
Tyndale," prefixed to the Parker Society edition of his works, 
question his visit to Wittenberg, but as Demaus * shows upon the 
basis of too wide an application of a denial by Tyndale to the 
charge of More. Tyndale denies that he was confederate with 
Luther. He does not deny that he was at Wittenberg. "The 

2 William Tyndale, A Biography. 94 sqq. 


1 8 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

truth is," says Demaus, 3 "that the whole of this theory of Tyn- 
dale s movements, constructed, as we have seen, in direct opposi 
tion to all contemporary authority, has sprung from a narrow 
and ill -grounded fear, that Tyndale s reputation would be in 
jured by the admission of his having been at Wittenberg with 
Luther. The admirers of our great English translator have been 
justly indignant at the ignorant misrepresentations which have 
sometimes treated him as a mere echo and parasite of his Ger 
man contemporary, and in their zeal to maintain their hero s 
originality, they have discarded ancient authority, and have de 
nied that the two Reformers ever met. The motive for such a 
defence may be praiseworthy, but its wisdom is questionable. 
To maintain, in defiance of all contemporary evidence, that Tyn- 
dale remained for a year in a bustling commercial town where 
there were no printers, where he would be disturbed by bitter 
quarrels, and deprived of all opportunities of consulting books, 
or conferring with friends that might have aided him in the 
work, this is surely a strange method of vindicating Tyndale ; 
this is an attempt to defend his originality, at the cost of his good 
sense." Mr. Anderson s theories about Tyndale s residence in 
Hamburg, his ignorance of German, his never having met Lu 
ther, are theories adopted in the face 6f all ancient testimony. 4 

Prof. Walter s argument that Tyndale s stay at Hamburg was 
for the purpose of learning Hebrew from the numerous Jews 
* there, and that proof of this can be shown from the fact that 
whereas Hebrew at that time was not taught in any English Univer 
sity, Tyndale s progress becomes soon manifest from the insight 
into the peculiarities of that language shown by some remarks in 
his "Mammon," is not con elusive. The passage would effectually 
prove this, if that boolc were original with Tyndale ; but since it is 
only a translation from Luther, as will hereafter appear, the pro 
gress in Hebrew asserted, cannot be shown. 

Dr. Eadie, 5 while trying to show that Tyndale was no Luth- 

8 Ib. p. 96. 
* Ib. P . 495. 

Tyndale s Dependence on Luther. 19 

eran, after weighing the evidence, concludes: "Arguments 
against the visit to Wittemberg are of no great moment." 

Mr. George Offer, in the " Memoir of Tyndale," prefixed to 
a reprint of his New Testament of 1526, published by the Bag- 
sterssays: " It was at Wyttemburg, that with intense applica 
tion and labor, Tyndale completed his translation of thew New 

Dr. Mombert 6 says : " In the absence of positive historical 
data it is impossible to make a reliable positive statement. It is 
probable that Tyndale did meet Luther ; it is clear that he used 
Luther s version, as I expect to prove. . . . The preponderance 
of evidence points immediately to Tyndale s visit to Wittemberg." 
The same writer has also conclusively proved that the statement 
hitherto current that Tyndale s translation of Genesis of 1530 
was printed by Hans Luft at Marburg is incorrect, the librarian 
of the University of Marburg having made a special examination 
into the matter in 1881, with the result that he found that Hans 
Luft never had a printing-office at Marburg, and that the album 
of the University has no entry of the names of Tyndale and 
Frith. Hans Luft, being the famous Bible printer at Witten 
berg, the name " Marlborow in the lande of Hesse," given as 
his place of printing, is in all probability a pseudonym to con 
ceal the actual place, just as he himself assumed the pseudonym 
of Hutchyns, to thwart the designs of his vigilant enemies. 
Wittenberg, therefore, a second time becomes connected with 
Tyndale s work, and our English Bible. 7 

But we have anticipated somewhat the chronological order. 
After returning from Wittenberg to Hamburg in 1525, and hav 
ing his translation of the New Testiment finished, Tyndale went 
to Cologne for the purpose of having it printed. Here he was 
discovered by Cochlaeus an enemy of the Reformation, who 
promptly reported what he had learned. The story is interest- 

5 History of English Bible, 1 : 127. 

6 A Handbook of the English Versions, 82 sqq. 
T Ib., pp. 107-115. 

20 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

ing : " Cochlaeus, intending to print a work of his own, had 
gone to Cologne, where some of the compositors he was about to 
employ, in an unguarded moment, intimated that they were en 
gaged in preparing a work for two Englishmen 8 lately arrived 
from Wyttemberg, which would soon make England Lutheran. 
By plying them with drink, he discovered that there were in the 
press three thousand copies of the Lutheran New Testament 
translated into English. By his efforts, the Senate prohibited 
the work from proceeding any further. It had reached the sig 
nature K in 4to. Upon which the two Englishmen, carrying 
away with them the sheets already finished, fled up the Rhine to 
Worms, in hope that, as the inhabitants were generally Lutheran, 
they might find some printer to bring their undertaking to 
completion.." 9 

This attempt to suppress the publication resulted in two sim 
ultaneous editions, instead of one. Peter Schoeffer of Worms 
printed an octavo edition, while, at the same time, the quarto 
edition was completed and bound. The opponents of the Ref 
ormation, being on the watch for the quarto editions, it was gen 
erally intercepted on its way to England ; but the octavo edition, 
iiOt being suspected, made its way for a time without interfer 
ence. There was no little strategy in such procedure. No less 
than six thousand copies were printed in these two editions 
which appeared early in 1526. Even before this, December ad, 
1525, Dr. Edward Lee writing from Bordeaux, 10 warned Henry 
VIII. of what was coming : 

" Please it your Hyghnesse, moreover, to understand that I am 
certainlie enformed, as I passed in this contree that an English 
man, your subject, at the sollicitation and instance of Luther, 
with whome he is, hathe translated the Newe Testament into 
English, and within fewe dayes entendeth to arrive with the 
same emprinted in England, I neede not to advertise your Grace 

8 William Roye was Tyndale s amanuensis. 

9 Ellis Original Letters Third Series, II : 88. 

10 Ellis, Or. Letters, II : 71 sqq. 

Tyndale 1 s Dependence on Luther. 2I 

what infection and daunger maye ensue heerbie, if it be not 
withstonded. This is the next way to fulfill your Realme with 
Lutherians. For all Luther s perverse opinions bee grownded 
opon bar words of Scriptur, not well taken ne ondrestonded. All 
our forfadres, governors of the churche of England, hathe with 
all diligence forbed and eschued publication of Englishe bibles, 
as apperethe in constitutitions provinciall of the Churche of Eng 
land, . . . Hidretoo, blessed be God, your Realme is save from 
infection of Luther s sect, as for so mutche that althoug anye 
peradvertur bee secretlie blotted within, yet for fear of your 
royall Majestic, wiche hathe drawen his swerd in God s cause, 
they dar not openlie avow. 

It is interesting to note that only two months before this 
(Sept. ist, 1525), Luther apologizing to Henry VIII for his 
attack upon his book, does so by excusing the King en the 
ground that it was not really written by Henry, but by Sophists 
who abused his title, especially as De Wette thinks, by the writer 
of the above letter, Edward Lee, whom he ironically calls " Car 
dinal of York," and terms " that monster and public odium of 
God and men." u May there not be in this at least some indi 
cation of indignation aroused by information given him, through 
Tyndale ? This becomes the more probable when we read in the 
same letter that Luther has been moved to write, because he was 
informed that Henry ".was beginning to favor the gospel and to 
be not a little weary of such a set of worthless fellows." He 
prays that the Lord may continue the work which he has begun, so 
that with a full spirit, he may favor and obey the Gospel." 

In spite of all efforts to suppress them, the copies of the New 
Testament made their way through England. Who the trans 
lator was, no one then knew. Some Lutherans or other, of 
course ; but that was all. Henry, in his reply to Luther s letter, 
said that Luther " lell into device with one or two lewd fellows, 
born in this our realm, for the translating of the New Testament 
into English." Tonstal, Bishop of London, issued his prohibi- 

11 De Wette s Luther s Briefen, III : 24. 

22 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

tion, October 24th, 1526, in which he said: "We, having un 
derstanding by the reports of divers credible persons, and also 
by the evident appearance of the matter, that many children of 
iniquity, maintainers of Luther s sect, blinded through extreme 
wickedness, wandering from the way of truth and the catholic 
faith, craftily have translated the New Testament into our Eng 
lish tongue. 12 This was followed by a similar proclamation by 
Archbishop Warham on November 3d. Efforts were made to 
arrest their importation by destroying them as they passed 
through Antwerp in the Netherlands. But the very proposal, on 
the request of the English government, to have them made ille 
gal there, brought to light the fact that in January 1527, an en 
terprising Antwerp printer was at work on a reprint for the Eng 
lish market ; and the burgesses of that city declined to interfere 
with what would cripple any industry of their citizens. Then 
Tonstal devised another expedient. At great cost, he employed 
agents to buy up all copies as they appeared. This did not di 
minish the number of copies, as the press continued to send 
them forth ; but proved of great advantage to Tyndale by giv 
ing him the means of life, while translating the Old and re 
vising the New Testament. The older and less correct copies 
were also thus speedily -withdrawn from the ma rket, to give 
place -to revised editions. By 1530, no less than six editions 
of the New Testament appeared, numbering 15,000 copies. 
Nevertheless "so fierce and systematic was the persecution, that 
there remains of the first, one fragment only, which was found 
about thirty years ago attached to the fragment of another 
tract ; of the second, one copy, wanting the title-page, and an 
other very imperfect ; and of the others, two or three copies, 
which are not, however, satisfactorily identified." 13 In 1530, 
his translation of the Pentateuch appeared, and, in the follow- 
" ing year, that of the prophet Jonah. Other books of the Old 
Testament were translated but not published. He was steadily 

12 Foxe s Acts and Monuments, IV : 666. 

13 Westcott s History of the English Bible, p. 45. 

Tyndale s Dependence on Luther. 23 

at work upon the unfinished portions during his imprisonment. 
He was also the author of a number of Doctrinal and Expository 
treatises, "A Pathway into Holy Scripture," "The Wicked 
Mammon," "The Obedience of a Christian Man," "Exposi 
tion of First John," " Exposition of the V, VI and VII chapters 
of Matthew." 

His end is well-known. For years living in various places, 
and under an assumed name, he was diligently sought for by the 
agents of Henry VIII. When the Reformation had progressed 
in England, and the rupture with the Papacy seemed complete, 
he supposed it safe to abandon secrecy, and publicly lived and la 
bored at Antwerp. Here he was soon apprehended (May 23d or 
24th, 1535,) by the emissaries of the English prelates and after 
an imprisonment of over a year at the castle of Vilvorden, was 
strangled and burned, October 6th, 1536. Henry VIII has 
enough sins for which to answer. We cannot hold him responsible 
for this murder, upon the amount of evidence now to be fur 
nished. 14 Persevering as had been Henry s endeavor in former 
years to apprehend him, time had brought its changes. The 
guilt must ultimately fall upon the Emperor, Charles V, and 
those from England, who instigated him to the act. 

We come now to the relation between the literary work of 
Tyndale, and that of Luther. On the one hand, Tyndale s 
ability as an independent translator has been denied, as by Hal- 
lam, who traces his translation entirely to the Vulgate and 
Luther ; on the other hand, his indebtedness to Luther has been 
ignored. Canon Westcott, the eminent New Testament critic, 
while endeavoring to prove the utmost independence of Luther, 
says that it is impossible to read a single chapter with 
out noting that the Greek text was directly used, and at the 
same time tracing the influence of Luther, together with that of 
the Vulgate and of Erasmus Latin version. 15 Dr. Mombert 

14 Demaus Life of Tyndale, p. 424. 

15 History of English Bible, p. 174. 

24 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

makes a comparison of Luther s German and Tyndale on Deu 
teronomy 6 : 6-9, as follows : 16 

6. Und diese Worte, die ich dir 
heute gebiete, solist du zu Herzen neh- 


7. Und solist sie deinen Kindcrn 
scharfen, und davoti reden, wenn du 
in deinem Hause sitzest, oder auf dem 
Wege gehest, wenn du dich niederle- 

gest, oder. auf si chest. 

8. Und solist sie binden zum Zeich- 
en auf deine Hand, und sollen dir 
ein. Denkmal vor deinen Augen seyn. 

9. Und solist sie uber deines Hauses 
Pfarten schreiben ttnd an die Thore. 

6. Let these words which I com 
mand thee this day stick fast in thine 

7. And whet them on thy children, 
and talk of them as thou sittest in 
thine house, and as thy walkest by 
the way, and when thou liest down, 
and when thou risest up. 

8. And bind them for a token to 
thine hand, and let them be a remem 
brance between thine eyes. 

9. And write them on the posts 
and gates of thine house. 

"There was nothing," says this writer, "in the English 
language he could have used e g., for the rendering of the He 
brew Shinnaen by the English Whet, which conveys an idea 
contained neither in the Greek of the Septuagint, nor the Latin 
of the Vulgate, but it had been employed by Luther. Had he 
been a servile imitator of Luther, he would have rendered, after 
the example of the dreadful translators of the period : And 
whet them in or into thy children ; but he knew that that 
would have violated the English idiom, and, therefore, he ren 
dered whet on, and he understood the Piel force of the root 
Shanan. . . . Again in verse 8, Luther translates the Hebrew 
Letotaphoth beyn eynecha : Denkmaal vor deinen Augen. It 
is evident that he deliberately gave preference to Luther s admir 
able free rendering, as much superior to the vague Greek, and 
still vaguer Latin of the literal Hebrew bands or fillets ; but 
knew Hebrew enough to perceive that remembrance between 
thine eyes conformed at once to the Hebrew and English 
idioms. These two examples, I think, will suffice to convince 
and prove to scholars, that Tyndale used Luther and understood 

" To any scholar," says the biographer of Tyndale, Rev. R. 
Demaus, "who sits down to collate with care the versions of 
the English and German translators, two facts speedily become 

16 Handbook to English Version, p. 115. 

Tyndale s Dependence on Luther. 

plain and indisputable, viz., that Tyndale had Luther s work be 
fore him, and constantly consulted and occasionally adopted it ; 
and that he never implicitly follows Luther, but translates from 
the original with the freedom of a man who had a perfect confi 
dence in his own scholarship." " 

Instances, however, may be cited*, where his independence is 
not as great as is sometimes claimed for him. For instance, 
Luke 22 : 20, where Tyndale s " blood which shall for you be 
shed," is not English in its order of words, but is that of Luth 
er s German ; while he obtains the future by misunderstanding 
vergossen wird, especially when compared with the Vulgate 
fundetur. Here he clearly has abandoned the Greek in order 
to follow Luther. 1S 

The indebtedness of Tyndale to Luther in other respects than 
as a translator of the Bible, is very great. "The extent," says 
Canon Westcott, " to which Tyndale silently incorporated free 
or verbal translations of passages from Luther s works into his own, 
has escaped the notice of his editors. To define it accurately 
would be a work of very great labor, but the result, as showing 
the points of contact and divergence in the opinions of the two 
great reformers, would be a most instructive passage in the doc 
trinal history of the time." 19 

We give the following examples : 


i . To the New Testament 

Tyndale (7326.) 

The Old Testament is a book, 
wherein is written the law of God, 
and the deeds of them which fulfil 
them, and of them also which fulfil 
them not. 

The New Testament is a book, 
wherein are contained the promises 
of God ; and the deeds of them which 


Gleichwie das Alte Testament ist 
ein Buch, darinnen Gottes Gesetz und 
Gebot, daneben die Geschichte beide 
dere. die dieselbigen gehalten und 
nicht gehalten haben, geschrieben 
sind; also ist das Neue Testament ein 
Buch, darinnen das Evangelium und 
Gottes Verheissung, daneben auch 

17 William Tyndale. A biography, p. 237. 

18 Other examples may be found in " A Revised English Bible, the want of 
the Church," by John R. Beard, D. D., London, 1^57. 

19 History of English Bible, p. 192. 


The Lutheran Movement in England. 

Geschichte beide dere, die daran 
glauben und nicht glauben, gesch- 
rieben sind. Uenn Evangelium 1st ein 
griechisch Wort und heisst auf 
Deutsch gute Botschaft, gute Mahre, 
gute neue Zeitung, gut Geschrei, da- 
von man singet, saget und frohlich 
1st : als da David den grossen Goliath 
uberwand, kam ein gut Geschrei und 
trostliche neue Zeitung unter das 
jiidische Volk, dass ihr graulicher 
Feind erschlagen, und sie erloset, zu 
Freude und Friede gestellet waren, 
davon sie sungen, und sprungen und 
frohlich waren. 

believe them, or believe them not. 
Evangelion (that we call Gospel) is 
a Greek word, and signifieth good, 
merry, glad and joyful tidings, that 
maketh a mans heart glad, and mak- 
eth him sing, dance, and leap for joy ; 
as when David had killed Goliath, 
the giant, came glad tidings unto the 
Jews, that their fearful and cruel ene 
my was slain, and they delivered out 
of all danger ; for gladness whereof, 
they sung, danced and were joyful. 

2. To Epistle to the Romans. 


Diese Epistel ist das rechte Haupt- 
stiicke des Neuen Testaments, und 
das allerlauterste Evangelium, welche 
wohl wiirdig und werth ist, dass sie 
ein Christenmensch nicht allein von 
Wort zu Wort auswendig wisse, son- 
dern taglich damit umbgehe, als mit 
taglichem Brod der Seelen. Denn 
sie nimmer kann zu viel und zu wohl 
gelesen, oder betrachten werden, und 
je mehr sie gehandelt wird, je kost- 
licher sie wird und bass schmecket. 

Darumb ich auch meinem Dienst 
dazu thun will, und durch diese 
Vorrede einen Eingang dazu bereiten, 
so viel mir Gott verleihen hat, damit 
sie deste bass von Jedermann ver- 
standen werde. Denn sie bisher mit 
Glossen und mancherlei Geschwatz 
ubel vernnstert ist, die doch an ihr 
selbs ein belles Licht ist, fast genu- 
gsam, die ganze Schrift zu erleuchten. 

Tyndale (7526.) 

Forasmuch as this Epistle is the 
principal and most excellent part of 
the New Testament, and most pure 
Evangelion, that is to say, glad tid 
ings and that we call gospel, and also 
is a light and a way unto the whole 
scripture ; I think it meet that every 
Christian man not only know it, by 
note and without the book, but also 
exercise himself therein evermore 
continually, as with the daily bread of 
the soul. No man verily can read it 
too oft, or study it too well; for the 
more it is studied, the easier it is; the 
more it is chewed, the pleasanter it 
is ; and the more grandly it is search 
ed, the preciouser things are found in 
it, so great treasure of spiritual things 
lieth hid therein. I will therefore be 
stow my labour and diligence, through 
this little preface or prologue, to pre 
pare a way in thereunto, so far forth 
as God shall give me grace, that it 
may be the better understood of every 
man ; for it hath been hitherto evil 
darkened with glosses and wonderful 
dreams of sophisters, that no man 
could spy out the intent and meaning 
of it ; which, nevertheless, of itself is 
a bright light, and sufficient to give 
light unto all Scripture. 

Tyndaie 1 s Dependence on Luther. 


3 To Second Corinthians. 


In der ersten Epistel hat S. Paulus 
die Korinther hart gestrafet in vielen 
Stiicken, und scharfen Wein in die 
Wunden gegossen, und sie erschreket; 
nu aber ein Apostel soil ein trost- 
licher Prediger sein, die erschrocken 
und bidden Gewissen aufzurichten, 
mehr denn zu schrecken : darumb 
lobet er sie nun wiederumb in dieser 
Epistel, und geusset auch Ole in die 
Wunden, und thut sich wunderfreund- 
lich zu ihnen, und heisset den Sunder 
mit Liebe wieder aufzunehmen. 

Im I. und 2. Cap. zeiget er seine 
Liebe gegen sie, wie er alles geredt, 
gethan und gelitten habe zu ihrem 
Nutz und Heil, dass sie ja sich alles 
Besten zu ihm versehen sollen. 

Darnach preiset er das evangel- 
ische Ampt, welchs das hoheste und 
trostlichste Werk ist, zu Nutz und 
Heil der Gewissen, und zeiget wie 
dasselbige edler sei, denn das Geset- 
zes Ampt, und wie dasselbige verfol- 
get wird, und doch zunimpt an den 
Glaubigen, und eine Hofthung machet 
durchs Kreuz der ewigen Herrlich- 
keit. Aber mit dem alien riihret er 
die falschen Apostel, welche das 
Gesetz wider das Evangelium treibet, 
und eitel ausserliche Heiligkeit (das 
ist, Heuchelei) lehreten, und liessen 
die inwendige Schande des Unglau- 
bens stehen. 

Tyndaie (1526^ 

As in the first epistle he rebuketh 
the Corinthians sharply, so in this he 
comforteth them, and praiseth them, 
and commandeth him that was ex 
communicated to be received lovingly 
into the congregation again. 

And in the first and second chap 
ters, he showeth his love to them- 
ward, how that all that he spake, did, 
or suffered was for their sakes, and 
for their salvation. 

Then in the third, fourth and fifth, 
he praiseth the office of preaching the 
Gospel, above the preaching of the 
Law ; and showeth that the Gospel 
groweth through persecution, and 
through the cross, which maketh a 
man sure of eternal life. 

And here and there, he toucheth 
the false prophets, which studied to 
turn the faith of the people from 
Christ, unto the works of the Law. 

4 To Galatians. 

Luther (1522.} 

Die Galater waren durch S. Paul- 
urn, zu dem rechten Christenglauben, 
und ins Evangelium von dem Gesetzt 
gebracht. Aber nach seiner Abschied 
kamen die falschen Apostel, die der 
rechten Apostel Jiinger warden, und 
wandten die Galater wieder umb, 
dass sie glaubten, sie miissten durch 
des Gesetzes Werk selig werden, und 
thaten Siinde, wo sie nicht des Ges 
etzes Werk hielten. 

Tyndaie (1526.} 

After Paul had converted the Gala- 
tians, and coupled them to Christ, to 
trust in him only for the remission of 
sins, and hope of grace and salvation, 
and was departed, there came false 
Apostles unto them, and that, in the 
name of Peter, James and John, whom 
they called the high Apostles, and 
preached circumcision and the keep 
ing of the Law, to be saved by. 


The Lutheran Movement in England. 

Luther (1522.} 

In dieser Epistel, lehret S. Paulus 
aufs erst, was das Evangelium sei, 

wie es allein von Gott in Ewigkeit 
versehen, und durch Christum ver- 
dienet und ausgegangen ist, dass alle, 
die daran glauben, gerecht, frumm, 
lebendig, selig und vom Gesetz, 
Sunde und Tod frei warden. Das 
thut er durch die drei ersten Kapitel. 

To Ephesians. 

Tyndale (1326) 

In this Epistle, namely in the first 
three chapters, Paul showeth that the 

Luther (fJ22.} 

In dieser Epistel, lobet und ermah- 
net S. Paulus die Philipper, dass sie 
bleiben und fortfahren sollen im 
rechten Glauben, und zunehmen in 
der Liebe. Dieweil aber den Glau 
ben allezeit Schaden thun die fal- 
schen Apostel und Werklehrer, warnet 
er sie fur denselbigen, und zeiget 
ihnen an mancherlei Prediger, etliche 

Gospel and grace thereof, was fore 
seen and predestinate of God from 
before the beginning and deserved 
through Christ, and now at the last 
sent forth, that all men should believe 
therein ; thereby to be justified, made 
righteous, living and happy ; and to 
be delivered from under the damna 
tion of the law, and captivity of cere 

6. To Philippians 

Tyudale (1526.} 

Paul praiseth the Philippians, and 
exhorteth them to stand fast in the 
true faith and to increase in love. 
And because that false prophets study 
always to impugn and destroy the 
true faith, he warneth them of such 
work -learners, or teachers of works, 
and praiseth Epaphroditus ; and all 
this doth he in the first and second 

gute, etliche bose, auch sich selbs und chapters, 
seine Jiinger, Timotheum und Epaph 
roditus; das that er im I, 2 Kap. 

Similar examples might be given from the prologues to Colos- 
sians, i Thessalonians, 2 Thessalonians, i Timothy, 2 Timothy, 
Titus, Philemon, i Peter, 2 Peter, the Three Epistles of St. 
John, and to a less degree, i Corinthians. The long prologue 
to Hebrews keeps in view what Luther s brief prologue suggests, 
and argues against a statement of Luther. Even where his pro 
logues do not reproduce similar prologues of Luther, no one who 
knows the latter will fail to see that Tyndale presents in another 
form what Luther has elsewhere taught. We cite, as an example, 
Tyndale s treated of the allegorical interpretation of Scripture 
in the prologue to Leviticus, for every statement of which a cor 
responding passage of Luther could be given. Peculiar expres 
sions, too, incline one greatly to most thoroughly search Luther s 
works for them, as e. g. " The Holy Ghost is no dumb God, 

Tyndale s Dependence on Luther. 29 

nor a God that goeth a mumming." So, as Canon Westcott 20 
has remarked, " Tyndale at the close of his prologue to St. Mat 
thew, which is an extensive essay, reproduces, in a modified 
form, Luther s famous judgment on the relative worth of the 
apostolic books in his Preface to the New Testament. 

Tyndale (7526.) 

And thereto Paul s Epistles, with 
the Gospel of John, and his first epis 
tle, and the first epistle of St. Peter, 
are most pure Gospel and most plainly 
and richly describe the glory of the 
grace of Christ. 


Summa, S. Johannis Evangel, und 
seine erste Epistel, S. Paulus Epistel, 
sonderlich die zu den Romern, Gala- 
tern, Ephesern, und S. Peters erste 
Epistle, das sind die Biicher, die dir 
Christum zeigen, und alles lehren, 

das dir zu wissen noth und selig ist. 

The Appendix on " Repentance is only a reproduction of Lu 
ther s well-known discussion of metanoia, with special reference 
to the defects of the Latin translation ago poenitentiam. 


" The marginal notes, those pestilent glosses, against which 
the indignation of the clergy was especially excited, have been to 
a large extent translated by Tyndale from those of Luther. Not 
that Tyndale translated like a servile imitator, whose intellect 
was too barren to be capable of originality ; everywhere he uses 
his own judgment ; sometimes he curtails Luther s notes ; some 
times he omits them ; often he inserts notes of his own, and 
these of various kinds, explanatory and doctrinal. Some of the 
longest of these marginal glosses, as well as some of those which 
most emphatically propound the doctrine of justification by faith, 
are original to Tyndale ; in other cases the words of Luther 
have been expanded, and have formed not so much the source 
of Tyndale s notes as the nucleus out of which it has grown. Of 
the whole number of ninety marginal glosses which occur in the 
fragment of Tyndale s quarto that has come down to us, fifty-two 
have been more or less literally taken from Luther, and thirty- 
eight are original." 21 

20 History of English Bible, p. 198. 

21 Demaus, William Tyndale. A Biography. 

The Lutlieran Movement in England. 

We give two illustrations : 


Matth. 5 : 13. (Das Salz). Wenn 
die Lehrer aufhoren Gottes Wort zu 
lehren, miissen sie von Menschen- 
geset/en iibcrfallen und zutreten 


Rom. 5 : 14 : Wie Adam uns mit 
frembder Siinde, ohn unser Schuld, 
verderbet hat ; also hat uns Christus 
mit frember Gnade ohn unser Ver- 
dienst stli^ gemacht. 


(SaltV When the preachers cease 
to preach God s Word, then must 
they need be oppressed and trod un 
der foot with man s traditions. 


Adam s disobedience damned us 
all ere we ourselves wrought evil ; 
and Christ s obedience saveth us all 
ere we ourselves work any good. 


This is a treatise written by Tyndale at Worms, and published 
under his own name, May 8th, 1527. Its real theme is " Justi 
fication by Faith." A number of scriptural texts, urged by the 
Papists against this doctrine, are examined and explained in 
an evangelical manner. The first, and the one accorded most 
prominent treatment is "The Parable of the Unjust Steward." 
From beginning to end it has Luther s spirit and style. 

A large portion of it is from Luther s Sermon on the Ninth 
Sunday after Trinity. We select from pages that might be 
here inserted, only the passage on the meaning of unrighteous 
Mammon, which Prof. Walter triumphantly adduces as an indi 
cation of Tyndale s profound Hebrew attainments. 22 


Auf erste : Mammon ist Hebraisch, 
und heisst so viel als Reichthumb oder 
zeitlich Gut, namlich das, dess jemand 
ubrig hat zu seinem stande, und damit 
er dem andern wohl kann niitz sein 
ohne Schaden. Denn Hamon auf 
Hebraisch heisst Menge, oder grosser 
Hauf und viel ; daraus wird denn 
Mahamon oder Afammon, das ist, 
die Menge des Gutes oder Reich- 


First, mammon is an Hebrew word, 
and signifieth riches or temporal 
goods; and, namely, all superfluity, 
and all that is above necessity, and 
that which is required to our neces 
sary uses; wherewith a man may 
help another, without undoing or 
hurting himself; for hamon in the 
Hebrew speech, signifies a multitude 
or abundance, or many ; and there 
hence cometh mahamon or mammon, 
abundance or plenteousness of goods 
or riches. 

22 Tyndak s Doctrinal Treatises (Parker Society), Note on p. 68. 

. Tyndale s Dependence on Luther. 

Aufs ander heisst es unrecht Mam 
mon, nicht dass es mit unrecht oder 
Wucher erworben sei ; denn von un- 
rechtem Gut, kann man kein gut 
Werk thunn, sondern soil es wieder- 
geben, wie Jesaias (61, 8) hat gesagt. 

Secondarily, it is called " unright 
eous mammon," not because it is got 
unrighteously, or with usury; for of 
unrighteous gotten goods, can no man 
do good works, but ought to restore 
them home again : as it is said, Esay. 

The entire book is one of the most devout, earnest, and evan 
gelical in the English language ; and should be reprinted as a 
most solid Lutheran devotional work for the people. On every 
page passages of great force and beauty abound, where we feel 
Luther back of them, even when unable to trace them to his 
works, e. g. : 

* Prayer is a mourning, a longing, and a desire of the spirit to 
God-ward, for that which she lacketh ; as a sick man mourneth 
and sorroweth in his heart, longing for health. Faith ever pray- 
eth. For after that by faith we are reconciled to God, and have 
received mercy and forgiveness of God, the spirit longeth and 
thirsteth for strength to do the will of God, and that God may 
be honored, his name be hallowed, and his pleasure and will ful 
filled. The spirit waiteth and watcheth on the will of God, and 
ever hath her own fragility and weakness before her eyes ; 
and when she seeth temptation and peril draw nigh, she turneth 
to God, and to the testament that God hath made to all that be- 
. lieve and trust in Christ s blood." 

" God looketh with what heart thou workest, and not what 
thou workest." " If thou compare deed to deed, there is differ 
ence betwixt washing of dishes, and preaching of the word of 
God ; but as touching to please God, none at all ; for neither 
that, nor this pleaseth, but as far forth as God hath chosen a 
man, hath put his Spirit in him, and purified his heart by faith 
and trust in Christ." 

"Faith, the mother of all good works, justifieth us before we 
can bring forth any good work : as the husband marrieth his 
wife before he can have any lawful children by her." 

" Deeds are the fruits of love ; and love is the fruit of faith. 
Love and also the deeds are great or small, according to the 

32 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

proportion of faith. "Where faith is mighty and strong, there is 
love fervent, and faith plenteous : where faith is weak, there love 
is cold, and the deeds few and seldom, as flowers and blossoms 
in winter." 

The following is an echo of the famous passage in Luther s 
Preface to Romans ( O es ist ein lebendig, schaftig, thatig, machtig 
Ding /) . 

"Faith is mighty in operation, full of virtue, and ever work 
ing; which also reneweth a man, and begetteth him afresh, 
changeth him and turneth him altogether into a new nature and 
conversation ; so that a man feeleth his heart altogether altered 
and changed, and far otherwise disposed than before, and hath 
power to love that which before he could not but hate, arid de- 
lighteth in that which before he abhorred; and hateth that 
which before he could not but love. 

IV. The Obedience of a Christian Man. 

In this treatise, published in 1528, we have been unable to 
find any translations from Luther, although it is probable that 
they are to be found. The topics treated are those on which 
Luther was constantly writing and speaking. It treats, first, of 
the obedience which all subjects (children, wives, civil subjects) 
should yield, with an Appendix on " The Pope s False Power;" 
secondly, of the duties of rulers (fathers, husbands, masters, land 
lords, kings and judges), with an appendix on Antichrist; thirdly, 
the subjects of Penance, Confession, Contrition, Satisfaction, 
Absolution, Confirmation, Anointing, Miracles and Worship 
pings of Saints, Prayer, The Four Senses of the Scripture. 

In 1529 Anne Boleyn had a copy of this book which she 
loaned to one of her attendants. It passed from the attendant 
into the hands of her suitor, and he was detected with it. The 
book was seized and came into the possession of Cardinal 
Wolsey, from whom the king, on the intercession of the owner, 
obtained it. When he had read it, he expressed his great satis 
faction. Henry was especially delighted with the manner, in 
which it enjoined the duty of obedience to rulers. " This book," 

Tyndale s Dependence on Luther. 33 

saidhc, " is for me and all "kings to read." "And in a little time," 
adds Strype, " the King, by the help of this virtuous lady, by the 
means aforesaid, had his eyes opened to the truth, to search the 
truth, to advance God s religion and glory, to abhor the pope s 
doctrine." Alas! that it was only the interest of the stony- 
ground hearer. 23 

We cannot forbear giving a few paragraphs of the Preface as 
indicative of the spirit which animates the book : 

" Mark this : If God send thee to the sea, and promise to go 
with thee, and to bring thee safe to land, he will raise up a 
tempest against thee, to prove whether thou wilt abide by his 
word ; and that thou mayest feel thy faith, and perceive his 
goodness. For if it were always fair weather, and thou never 
brought into such jeopardy, whence his mercy only delivered 
thee, thy faith would be a presumption, and thou wouldest be 
ever unthankful to God and merciless unto thy neighbor. 

If God promises riches, the way thereto is poverty. Whom 
he loves, him he chastens ; whom he exalts, he casts down ; he 
brings no man to heaven, except he send him to hell first ; when 
he builds, he casts all down first ; he is no patcher, he cannot 
build on another s foundation ; he will not work until all be past 
remedy, that men may see how his hand, his power, his mercy, 
his goodness and truth, have wrought altogether. 

Joseph saw the sun and moon and the eleven stars worshipping 
him. Nevertheless ere that came to pass, God laid him where 
he could see neither sun nor moon, neither any star of the sky. 
and that for years ; and also undeservedly : to nurture him, to 
humble, to make him meek, and to teach him God s ways, and 
to make him apt and meet for the place and honor, against he 
came to it, that he might perceive and feel that it came of God, 
and that he might be strong in the Spirit, to minister it in a 
godly manner. 

He promised the children of Israel a land with rivers of milk 
and honey, but brought them for the space of forty years into a 

M Strype s Memorials, I: 177. 

34 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

land, where not only rivers of milk and honey were not, but 
where so much as a drop of water was not. 

He promised Daniel a kingdom, and immediately stirred up 
King Saul against him to persecute him ; to hunt him as men do 
hares with greyhounds, and to ferret him out of every hole, and 
that for the space of many years. This was to tame him, to make 
him meek; to kill his lusts ; to make him feel other men s dis 
eases ; to make him merciful ; to make him understand that he 
was made a king to minister and serve his brethren, and that he 
should not think that his subjects were made to minister unto his 

Tribulation is our right baptism. We that are baptised in 
the name of Christ, saith Paul, are baplised to die with him." 

V. Exposition of the Sermon on the Mount. 

In November 1530, during Bugenhagen s absence from Wit 
tenberg, Luther occupied his pulpit, in which he preached a 
series of sermons on " The Sermon on the Mount." These were 
published in German in 1532, and in Latin in 1533. In 1532, 
Tyndale s Exposition appeared. George Joye, whose attempt to 
pirate Tyndale s translation of the New Testament occasioned 
an exciting controversy, in Tyndale s life-time asserted that 
" Luther made it, Tyndale only but translating and powdering 
it here and there with his own fantasies." This charge, how 
ever, is at once seen to be unjust, if we compare the two. The 
"Exposition" is Tyndale s. The use made of Luther is per 
fectly legitimate. But it is equally clear that either notes of Lu 
ther s discourses, or the printed volume were before Tyndale, 
and freely used. There are not many passages, where the cor 
respondence is as close as the following : 

Luther (1332.) 

Gerechtigkeit muss an diesem Ort 
nicht heissen die christliche Haupt- 
gerechtigkeit, dadurch die Person 
frumm und angenehm wird fur Gott. 


Righteousness in this place is not 
taken for the principal righteousness 
of a Christian man, through which 
the person is good and accepted be- 

"* Luther s Works, Erl. Ed., XLIII : 41. 

Tyndale 1 s Dependence on Luther. 35 

fore God. For these eight points are 
but doctrines of the fruits and works 
of a Christian man, before which the 
faith must be there, to make righteous 
without all deserving of works, and 
as a tree out of which all such fruits 
and works must spring. 

Denn . . diese acht Stuck nicht An 
ders sind, denn eine Lehre von den 
Friichten und guten Werken eines 
Christen, vor welchen der Glaube 
zuvor muss da sein, als der Baum und 
Hauptstuck, oder Summa seiner Ge- 
rechtigkeit und seligkeit, ohn alle 
Werk und Verdienst, daraus solche 
Stuck alle wachsen und folgen mus- 


Dr. Eadie, the eminent commentator of the United Presbyte 
rian Church of Scotland, urges that it is a great wrong to term 
him such. M "It was a mistake of no common magnitude," he 
says, " to associate the name and work of Tyndale with the 
name and work of Luther. The mistake, however, can be easily 
explained, as it was common at the time to call all men Luther 
ans who showed any leaning towards reformation. The great 
Reformer had so stamped an image of himself upon the Teutonic 
movement, that similar tendencies in other lands, were vaguely 
named after him. Sir Thomas More, King Henry, Lee and 
Cochlaeus regarded Tyndale as a promoter of Lutheranism, and 
his testament was loosely spoken of as a translation of Luther s 
German version. The title page of Sir Thomas More s Dialogue 
reads: Touching the pestilent sect of Luther and Tyndale. 
But it is against all evidence to call Tyndale Lutheran, or to aver 
that his purpose was to promote Lutheranism in his own country. 
He was no sectarian, was never allied to Luther as colleague or 
instrument, and nothing was farther from his thoughts than to 
found a sect and identify his own name with it." 

The conception of " Lutheran," here presented by Dr. Eadie, 
is that of one who went forth from the Church of Rome " to 
found a sect." Then, Luther himself was not a Lutheran; nor 
were any of his co-laborers Lutheran. A Protestant theologian 
who traces its beginnings to a movement in Germany to found a 
new sect, certainly has a strange view of the Reformation. The 
name Lutheran/ a term of reproach, against which Luther pro- 

25 History of English Bible, 1 : 122 sqq. 

36 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

tested loud and long, became the current name for that pure Scrip 
tural doctrine which Luther asserted and maintained in opposition 
to the corruptions of the Papacy. Even up to the diet of Augsburg, 
the hope had not altogether become extinct that the Roman 
Church would yet return to this doctrine. The Lutheran move 
ment had nothing to do with a separate organization, until the act 
of its enemies, in casting out those who professed this doctrine as 
heretics, separated the enemies themselves, from the confessors 
of the faith of the Gospel. 

An appeal is made by Dr. Eadie to a " Protestation," by Tyn- 
dale in his revised New Testament of 1534. All, however, that 
it shows, is, that it is worthy to be placed alongside of similar 
numerous protestations of Luther. Tyndale says: " I take God 
which alone seeth the heart to record to my conscience, beseech 
ing Him that my part be not in the blood of Christ, if I wrote, 
of all that I have written, throughout all my books, aught of an 
evil purpose of envy, or malice to any man, or to stir up any 
false doctrine or opinion, in the Church of Christ ; or to be au 
thor of any sect ; or to draw disciples after me ; or that I be es 
teemed or had in price above the least child that is born ; save 
only of pity and compassion I had, on the blindness of my breth 
ren, and to bring them into the knowledge of Christ ; and to 
make every one of them, if it were possible, as perfect as an an 
gel of heaven ; and to weed out all that is not planted of our 
Heavenly Father, and to- bring down all that lifted itself against 
the knowledge of the salvation that is in the blood of Christ." 

But this is only an echo of what Luther wrote in 1522 : "I 
beg of you, keep silent about my name ; and call yourselves not 
Lutherans, but Christians. What is Luther ? The doctrine is 
not mine. I have been crucified for no one. St. Paul (i Cor. 
4 : 5) will not allow Christians to be called Pauline or Petrine, 
but only Christians. How have I come to it, that the children 
of Christ should be called by my miserable name ? Not so, dear 
friend, blot out party names, and be called Christians from him 
whose doctrine we have." 26 But this was explained the very 

26 Erl. Ed. 22 : 55. 

Tyndale s Dependence on Luther. 37 

same year. " True it is that you should not say : I am Luth 
eran, or Popish ; for he has not died for any of you, neither is 
he your Master, but Christ only, and you should confess Christ. 
But if you hold that Luther s doctrine is evangelical and the 
Pope s unevangelical, you must not entirely reject Luther ; oth 
erwise, with him, you reject his doctrine which you have learned 
to know as Christ s doctrine. You must say : Whether Luther 
be rascal or saint, matters not ; but his doctrine is not his, but 
Christ s himself. You see that the tyrants are trying not merely 
to destroy Luther, but to exterminate his doctrine ; and because 
of the doctrine, they feel for you and ask you whether you be 
Lutheran. Here truly you must not waver, but must freely con 
fess Christ, whether he have been preached by Luther, Claus or 
George. The person, you may let go ; but the doctrine, you 
must confess." 27 

The question, then, is simply as to whether the doctrine of 
Tyndale was the same as that of Luther. Concerning this, Val 
entine Ernst Loscher says : " He who has received his knowl 
edge from Luther s writings, and of whom one has no report that 
he has taught in any article otherwise than Luther, may justly be 
accounted Evangelical Lutheran, even though he have not lived 
in full connection with a Lutheran congregation, or we do not 
have from him a confession concerning every article in contro 
versy." K Loscher s information concerning Tyndale, however, 
is defective. In all the treatises we have noted, his apprehension 
of the doctrine of justification by faith in all its relations, and of 
the distinction between Law and Gospel, drawn from Luther, is 
so clear and full, as to leave little to be desired further. In the 
" Obedience of a Christian Man," the doctrine of the Sacra 
ments is not treated with the same clearness, and a weakening is 
already manifest. Luther s statements concerning baptism ap 
pear, however, in the foreground : " The washing without the 
word helpeth not ; but through the word it purifieth and cleans- 

"Ib. 28: 316. 

*P Ausfuhrliche Historia Motuuni, p. 89. 

38 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

eth." The influence of his friend John Frith, who had embraced 
the Zwinglian doctrine made Tyndale hesitate between the two 
sides. But he plead with Frith to desist from controversy : "Of 
the presence of Christ s body in the Sacrament, meddle as little 
as you can, that there appear no division among us. Barnes 
will be hot against you. The Saxons are sore on the affirmative; 
whether constant or obstinate, I commit it to God. ... I would 
have the right use preached, and the presence to be an indiffer 
ent thing. . . . To believe that the body of Christ is every 
where, though it cannot be proved, hurts no man, that worships 
him nowhere save in the faith of his Gospel." This was written 
in 1532, two years before his death. The next year, Frith s im 
prisonment in England induced him to write a defence of his 
friend s views. Still later he wrote the very mild and moderate 
treatise called "A Brief Declaration of the Sacraments." It 
directly argues against the Lutheran doctrine. Frith s influence 
had gradually overcome that which Luther had so completely 
held over this retired scholar, while the very extent of his former 
indebtedness to Luther, and the exaggeration of this debt by ene 
mies, rendered him more apt to find some point on which to as 
sert his independence. But one need only compare Tyndale s 
writings with Zwingli s, to find how relatively thorough a Luth 
eran, the former always remained. It was impossible for him to 
carry out to their consequences what was involved in his later 
doctrine of the Lord s Supper. 



Henry VIII, a retarding factor. The Divorce Question. Relations to Charles 
V and Francis I. Wolsey s Antipathy to Catherine. The Pope s em 
barrassment. Wolsey s Overthrow. The Rise of Cranmer. His Con 
nection with the Cambridge Lutherans, and with the Boleyns. Ambas 
sador to Germany. At Niimberg. The Reformation, Reformers and 
Literati of Nurnberg. Cranmer finds a wife at Nurnberg. His descrip 
tion of the Order of Worship in one of the Nurnberg churches. The 
Brandenburg-Niirnberg Order of 1533. Opinions of Theologians and 
Universities on the Divorce. Melanchthon s Diplomacy. Luther, the 
Advocate of Catherine. The Smalcald League, and its Confessional 
Basis. Francis I and the French Lutherans. Melanchthon and Mar 
garet of Navarre. Henry s efforts to enter the League. 

THE Evangelical leaven, thus working at the English universi 
ties, and carried forth thence, to return to those centers with 
increased power, was far more influential, than either the indig 
nation deeply felt at the exemption from secular jurisdiction 
claimed by the Romish clergy, which found expression especially 
in the protests of Henry Standish, or the resentment of the King 
at the Pope s refusal to grant him a divorce. The latter factor 
seems at first sight to overshadow all else, and to have been the 
actual determining cause which effected the break with Rome. 
No one can deny that the movement was thereby accelerated. 
But the interference of the government on the Protestant side, 
before this had sufficiently matured by a true inward growth, was 
in the end a misfortune rather than a benefit. If Henry had re 
mained the champion of Rome ten years longer, the independent 
development of English Protestantism would have been retarded, 
and been tempered by the fires of persecution until it might have 

40 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

been ready for a complete rejection of hierarchical claims and 
tendencies. As things were, the external rupture occurring be 
fore the inner separation was complete, it had to meet a crisis 
prematurely, and has ever since suffered from the confusion and 
compromise between diametrically opposing elements within the 
same communion, which resulted. 

The zeal of Henry VIII on the Pope s side, when Luther s 
hammer startled a sleeping world, is well known. His contro 
versy with Luther in 1521, instigated probably by Cardinal 
Wolsey, and entered into by the King in order to exhibit his 
acquaintance with scholastic theology, obtained as its reward the 
Papal title of Defensorfidei, but with it such a severe handling 
from the miner s son that it is doubtful whether he felt himself 
repaid. Only a few years elapse, before we find him in negotia 
tion with the Wittenberg Reformers, in order to support himself 
against the Pope. 

The political -side of the question is so important as to demand 
somewhat extended consideration. Henry VIII, had ascended 
the throne of England in 1509, being at that time eighteen years 
old. Seven years before, his elder brother Arthur, had died 
after a marriage of four months with Catherine of Aragon, 
daughter of Ferdinand and Isabella of Spain. Political motives 
doubtless conspired with those of the sordid avarice generally 
alleged, viz., the retention of the dowry, to influence Henry 
VII, to marry her to his second son. But as marriage with a 
brother s wife was clearly forbidden by the canonical law, a dis 
pensation of the Pope was asked, and readily granted in 1503. 
In 1505 already, when sixteen years old, Henry VIII, had en 
tered protest in these words ; "That whereas he, being under 
age was married to the princess Katherine, yet now coming to 
be of age, he did not confirm that marriage, but retracted and 
annulled it, and would not proceed in it, but intended in full 
form of law to void it and break it off." 1 After his accession, 
he had the case learnedly argued before him on both sides. The 

1 Burnet s History of the Reformation, 1 : 22. 

The Political Complications. 41 

desirability of a close alliance with Spain, and the attractive 
character of Catherine, for the time silenced all scruples ; and the 
marriage was publicly celebrated June jd, 1509. Two sons bom 
of this marriage died shortly after birth. Only Mary, afterwards 
Queen, survived infancy. 

It was the great ambition of Henry to control the politics of 
Europe. His great rival, who in large measure gained the posi 
tion to which Henry aspired, was the Emperor Charles V. In 
Charles opinion, Francis I of France was a more formidable an 
tagonist. Both rulers, therefore, competed for Henry s favor. 
Charles repeatedly made promises which were never fulfilled. 
Cardinal Wolsey was twice assured that he would succeed to the 
Papacy at the very next vacancy ; and twice, Charles saw to it 
that the promise was broken. In 1522, Charles promised to 
marry his cousin, the princess Mary ; but five years later, not 
being inclined to wait for a bride who was only ten years old, 
excused himself upon the ground that she was the child of an 
unlawful marriage. 

It was not, then, a mere fancy for Anne Boleyn which sug 
gested the thought of divorce. The same desire to secure an 
undisputed succession (for so far England had never been ruled 
by a queen) which led Napoleon to his wrong against Josephine, 
undoubtedly had much force, augmented, as it was, by the su 
perstitious inferences which he cjrew from the death of his sons, 
as a divine judgment because of the supposed unlawful marriage, 
and by the dogmatic statements of his favorite schoolman, 
Thomas Aquinas. We have no doubt that he read every sen 
tence of the chapters in the supplement to the Summa Sumnta- 
rum, treating "Of the Impediments to Marriage," and that his 
eye lingered on the conclusion of Art. VI. Quest. LV. : " Pre 
ceding affinity not only hinders marriage that is to be contracted 
but also destroys that which has been already contracted;" and 
that he weighed carefully the arguments of Art. IX., which insist 
that the same rule must be applied to affinity as to consanguinity, 
and that in both cases, the continuance of the marriage, when 

42 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

the original wrong has been discovered, is a mortal sin. Not 
necessarily a tender conscience, but a regard for that consistency,. 
in which, as the sworn defender of Roman orthodoxy he prided 
himself, contributed much to the result, and led him even to 
doubt the Pope s authority to give any dispensation. 

But there was a power behind the throne. Wolsey s coarse 
and licentious character, and his arrogant and arbitrary proceed 
ings were in the highest degree offensive to the pure minded 
queen ; and a personal antagonism between them was the result. 
Besides she was not without considerable political influence, the 
Privy Council being summoned before her at times for the dis 
cussion of pending questions. She was a Spaniard; and her 
sympathies were against France. It was Wolsey s policy, at this 
period, to make the separation from the Emperor the widest, and, 
if possible, to form an alliance with France. "If a definitive 
rupture was to take place between England and the Burgundo- 
Spanish power, Henry s marriage with Catherine must be dissolved, 
and room thus made for a French princess. Wolsey formed the 
plan of marrying his King in Catherine s stead, with the sister or 
even the daughter of Francis I. When he was in France in 
1527, he said to the Regent, the King s mother, that within a 
year she would live to see two things, the most complete separa 
tion of his sovereign from Spain, and his indissoluble union with 
France." 2 

Such being the case, it was not wonderful that Wolsey s influ 
ence with his subordinates, determined the opinion of all the 
bishops in England, the bishop of Rochester (Fisher) alone ex- 
cepted, in favor of the divorce. The queen, however, refused to 
recognize any authority capable of deciding the question, below 
that of the Pope. Clement VII was reluctant to interfere on 
either side, and advised Henry to act on his own responsibility ; 
but, at length, after an ineffectual attempt, through his legate, 
Cardinal Campeggi, to induce Catherine to yield her claims, 
was compelled to decide against the King, partly in order to 
J Ranke s England, 1 : 122. 

The Political Complications. 43 

maintain the sanctity of papal dispensations, and partly because 
of the overpowering influence of the Emperor, who in 1527 had 
humbled his spiritual father, captured Rome and held him pris 
oner for months. Charles was unyielding in his opposition to 
the divorce, not only because of their political rivalry, but also 
because Queen Catherine was his aunt, and, however inconsistent 
with his own repudiation of Princess Mary in 1522, he regarded 
Henry s course as an indignity to his family. As the Pope was 
thus subservient to the Emperor, Henry took matters into his own 
hands in a sense far different from that to which he had been pre 
viously advised by the former. Wolsey fell, horrified that, in 
stead of a French princess, Anne Boleyn was in view, and Thomas 
Cromwell rose (1530). Archbishop War ham died ; and Cranmer 
was summoned from Germany to succeed, with much reluctance, 
to the see of Canterbury. 

As this brings before us the most prominent figure in the Eng 
lish Reformation, it is fitting that some account of Cranmer 
should be here given. He was born of an ancient family in 
Nottingham, July 2d, 1489. His boyhood was largely devoted 
to the sports and exercises of the English gentry, to which his 
father belonged. After his father s death, he was sent, at the 
age of fourteen, to Cambridge, where, until he was twenty-two, 
his attention was given almost exclusively to the subtilties of 
scholasticism. After 1511, he fell under the influence of Eras 
mus. " He gave himself to the reading of Faber, Erasmus, 
and good Latin authors, four or five years together, unto the 
time that Luther began to write. And then, considering what 
great controversy was in matters of religion, not only in trifles, 
but in the chiefest articles of our salvation, be bent himself to 
try out the truth therein. And forasmuch as he perceived he 
could not judge indifferently in such weighty matters, without 
the knowledge of the Holy Scriptures ; therefore, before he was 
infected with any man s opinions or errors, he applied his whole 
study three years therein. After this, he gave his mind to good 
writers, both new and old ; not rashly running over them ; for 

44 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

he was a slow reader, but a diligent marker of whatsoever he read, 
seldom reading without pen in hand. And whatsoever made 
either for the one part, or the other, of things in controversy, he 
wrote it out, if it were short, or at least noted the author, and 
the place, that he might find it, and write it out at leisure ; which 
was a great help to him in debating of matters ever after. This 
kind of study, he used till he was made doctor of divinity : 
which was about the thirty-fourth year of his age. and about the 
year 1523."* 

Before this, by marrying, he had lost his fellowship in Jesus 
College, and became lecturer in another of the colleges of Cam 
bridge ; but his wife dying, he had soon been restored to his old 
fellowship. He had been selected among the band of scholars 
(Clark, Cox, Taverner, etc.,) to be transferred to Cardinal Wol- 
sey s new College at Oxford, but declined. He became lecturer 
on divinity in Jesus College, and examiner of candidates for 
theological degrees ; and his examination laid special stress upon 
the candidates proficiency in Holy Scripture. At this time, 
Henry called upon the theologians of the Universities for their 
opinions concerning his divorce. Cranmer was found to be one 
of the few who from the beginning favored it. The King at 
once demanded his services, and had him assigned a home at 
Durham with Sir Thomas Boleyn, father of the future queen, 
while he wrote a book in the cause of Henry. Boleyn was also 
an earnest student of the Word of God, as Strype 4 quotes from 
Erasmus, who, in a letter to Sir Thomas, says : " I do the more 
congratulate your happiness, when I observe the sacred scriptures 
to be so dear to a man, as you are, of power, one of the laity and 
a courtier." Cranmer s home in her father s house, had much 
to do with Anne Boleyn s future connection with the cause of 
the Reformation. After this, he had to personally appear and 
argue the matter in both universities. We next find him engaged 
in answering a book of Cardinal Pole s against the divorce. Then, 

8 Strype s Memorials of Archbishop Cranmer, 1 : 3. 
*Ib. p. 8. 

The Political Complications. 45 

in 1530, he was sent on the same mission to France, Italy and 
Germany. At Rome he remained for several months, but with 
no success. He soon appears as ambassador from England to 

The Emperor being a long time during the year 1532 at Rat- 
isbon (Regensburg), in attendance on the Diet, Cranmer was 
with him there, and made visits to the city of Nurnberg, fifty- 
three miles distant, to confer with the Elector of Saxony, where, 
of course, he became a deeply interested spectator of all the 
changes which the Reformation had wrought in that city since 
its introduction in 1524. At Nurnberg, he found the place of 
which Luther had written, that it "shines throughout all Ger 
many, like the sun amidst moon and stars," and which Melanch- 
thon had called "Lumen, oculum, decus et ornamentum prae- 
cipuum Germaniae " Longfellow has sung of it : 

Quaint old town of toil and traffic, quaint old town of art and song, 
Memories haunt thy pointed gables, like the rooks that round them throng : 

Memories of the Middle Ages, when the emperors, rough and bold, 
Had their dwelling in thy castle, time-defying, centuries old. 

In the church of sainted Sebald, sleeps enshrined his holy dust, 

And, in bronze, the Twelve Apostles guard from age to age their trust 

In the church of sainted Lawrence, stands a pix of sculpture rare, 
Like the foamy sheaf of fountains, rising through the painted air. 

Here when Art was still religion, with a simple, reverent heart, 
Lived and labored Albrecht Diirer, the Evangelist of Art ; 

Emigravit is the inscription on the tombstone where he lies ; 
Dead he is not but departed for the artist never dies. 

Here was the Gymnasium that boasted of Melanchthon, as its 
founder, and at whose dedication, he had delivered the address. 
Here Staupitz had preached years before, and Luther had visited 
on his way to Augsburg in 1518. It had been the home of the 
humanist Perkheimer, who, on account of his friendship for 
Luther, had been named in the Pope s bull against the reformer. 
Here Albrecht Diirer the great painter had died in 1528. Among 

46 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

those whom Cranmer doubtless met, was the jurist, Lazarus 
Spengler, who had been a deputy from Niirnberg to the Diet of 
Augsburg in 1530. He was the author of the hymn Durch 
Adam s Fall ist ganz rerderbt, and had shared Perkheimer s 
honor of being included in the bull against Luther. An 
other celebrity of Niirnberg then living, was Hans Sachs. 

" Not thy Councils, not thy Kaisers, win for thee the world s regard ; 
But thy painter, Albrecht Diirer, and Hans S^achs, thy cobbler-bard." 

Among the theologians, were Camerarius, the intimate friend, 
correspondent and biographer of Melanchthon, who was Profes 
sor in the Gymnasium, and also had been a deputy to Augsburg; 
Wenceslaus Link, preacher of St. Sebald s church, and the inti 
mate friend of the Wittenberg reformers ; and Andrew Osiander, 
preacher in St. Lorenz church, who had participated both in the 
Marburg Colloquy and in the conferences of the theologians at 
the Diet of Augsburg, with John Brentz, sharing the part of Me- 
lanchthon s chief counselor. With Osiander, Cranmer soon became 
especially intimate. He persuaded him to write in favor of Henry s 
divorce, and .Cranmer, in turn, urged the preparation for publica 
tion, ofOsiander s " Harmony of the Gospels." Then Osian- 
der s niece captivated the heart of the English ambassador, so 
that the future Archbishop of Canterbury took to himself a Luth 
eran wife. The intimacy thus begun, was continued for years. 
The correspondence was frequent and extended. Long after 
wards (1540) Cranmer wrote to Osiander that he was always re 
proached for whatever faults could be charged upon the German 
reformers, and "that he was fain to make the best answers he 
could, either out of their books or out of his own invention." 5 

Cranmer s first visit to Niirnberg was before March i4th, and 
even then, he closely observed and criticized the Order of Ser 
vice in use. We learn this from an interesting letter of Sir 
Thomas Eliot: "Touching Nurenberg, it is the moste propre 
towne and best ordered publike weale that ever I beheld. . . . 
Although I had a chaplayn, yet could I not be suffred to have 

6 Strype, Mem. of Cranmer, 1 : 180. 

The Political Complications. 47 

him sing Mass, but was constrayned to here there Mass, which is 
but one in a churche, and that is celebrate in forme folowing : 
The Preeste in vestments, after oure manner, singith everi thing 
in Latine, as we use, omitting suffrages. The Epistel he readeth 
in Latin. In the meane time, the sub-Deacon goeth into the 
pulpite and readeth to the people the Epistle in their vulgare ; 
after thei peruse other things as our prestes doo. Than the 
Preeste redith softly the Gospell in Latine. In the meane space 
the Deacon goeth into the pulpite, and aeadith aloude the Gos 
pell in the Almaigne tung. Mr. Cranmere sayith it was shewid 
to him that in the Epistles and Gospels, thei kept not the ordre 
that we doo, but doo peruse every daye one chapitre of the New 
Testament. After, the preste and the quere do sing the Credo 
as we doo ; the secretes and preface they omitt, and the priest 
singith, with a high voyce, the wordes of the consecration ; and 
after the Levation, the Deacon torneth to the people, telling to 
them in Almaigne tunge a longe process how thei shold prepare 
theim selfes to the communion of the flesh and blode of Christ ; 
and than may every man come that listith, without going to any 
confession. But I, lest I sholde be partaker of their- commun- 
yon, departid than, and the Ambassador of Fraunce, which 
caused all the people in the churche to wonder at us as though 
we had been gretter heretikes than thei. One thing liked me 
well (to shew your Grace freely my hart.) All the preestes hadd 
wyves ; and thei were the fayrist women of the towne. 6 

The service, thus described was to be replaced the next year 
by the Brandenburg-Nurnberg Kirchenordnung, in course of 
preparation that very summer, during which the Wiirtemberg re 
former, John Brentz, spent six weeks in joint labor with Osiander. 
in the very house where Cranmer met his bride. He heard there 
the Exhortation to the Communion composed by Wolfgang Vol- 
precht (f 1528) who in 1524, had administered the Holy Com 
munion for the first time in both forms, to three thousand per 
sons. This "Exhortation" is familiar to us, from its use in a 

6 Ellis, Original Letters, III, vol. II : p. 189. 

48 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

somewhat condensed form in the " Church Book" and " Com 
mon Order of Service." 

Cranmer having gained the confidence of Osiander was proba 
bly admitted into the full knowledge of the grievances from 
which Osiander was then complaining. Notoriously arbitrary 
and head-strong, he at first had regarded it his right to prepare 
a liturgy without any aid or assistance ; and the interference of 
Spengler, in an attempt to secure the co-operation of others, was 
indignantly resented, until Osiander was at length obliged to 
yield, and Brentzwas called in to mediate. Nor is it improbable 
that Cranmer learned much of the details of the work in con 
templation or even in progress. He certainly knew of the great 
desire of the Lutheran theologians to unite upon one Common 
Order of Service, and thus remove the reproach that in our 
Church, there was nothing but disorder. 7 Cranmer s presence 
in Niirnberg, therefore, was destined to bear rich fruit in Eng 
land in years to come. 

AsBucerin 1536 dedicated to Cranmer his " Metaphrasis et 
Enarratio" on the Epistle to the Romans, in a flattering letter, 
it is probable that about the same time as that of the events above 
mentioned, they also had met. 

But to return to the question of the divorce. The negotiations 
in which Cranmer was engaged met with varied results. Oxford, 
after three months controversy, decided just as the King wished. 
Cambridge, with much difficulty, was induced to follow, the Lu 
theran element there having been, in Burnet s opinion, a most 
serious obstacle. Richard Crook was sent to Italy to make re 
searches, examine Greek manuscripts, copy everything in the Fa 
thers relating to degrees of marriage and obtain the opinions of 
learned Jews. Money was freely used, and bought precisely 
such opinions as suited Henry. Franciscans, Dominicans, Ser 
vites, Conventuals, the University of Padua, the divines of Bono- 
nia and Ferrara, the faculty of the Canon Law at Paris, that at 
the Sorbonne, that of Law at Angiers, of Divinity of Bourges, 

7 A eta Hist. Eccles. XLIX : 718. 

The Political Complications. 49 

and the whole University of Toulouse, coincided with won 
derful harmony. Among the Reformed, Oecolampadius favored, 
but Bucer opposed the king ; Zwingli advised that the marriage 
be dissolved, yet with the legitimization of the issue born in it- 
Calvin also declared the marriage void, and advised that the 
queen be put away. Fortified by these opinions, Cranmer, who, 
during his stay in Germany, had not succeeded in gaining for 
his side any Lutheran opinions, except that of Osiander, after 
holding an ecclesiastical court for the trial of the case, pro 
nounced the marriage null and void (May 23d, 1533). In the 
succeeding year, 1534, the Papal authority was completely abol 
ished by the necessary legislation, The Act of Supremacy," 
investing the King with the supreme headship on earth of the 
Church of England; while in 1535, Crumwell was made vice 
gerent for the King in all ecclesiastical matters, outranking even 
the Archbishop of Canterbury. 

The Wittenberg theologians had not been neglected in the re 
quest for opinions concerning the divorce. In August and Sep 
tember, 1531, Dr, Robert Barnes, whose open advocacy of Luth- 
eranism already in 1526 has been noticed, appears at Wittenberg 
on a commission from the king. Melanchthon s opinion of Aug. 
23d, shows the general character of this great scholar as an 
ecclesiastical diplomatist, in seeking a most unfortunate com 
promise between two antagonistic positions. First he attempts 
to demonstrate that the prohibition of marriage with the wife of 
a deceased brother given in Leviticus, belongs to the Ceremonial 
Law, and is no longer binding. If it were binding, he argues 
that the other provision compelling a brother to marry his broth 
er s widow, if the first marriage be without children, must also 
be enforced. Regarding the marriage, therefore, as entirely 
lawful, he urges that a divorce would be sinful, on the ground 
that the divine law is immutable in its prohibition of divorce 
extra casum adulterii. The queen must always have the place 
of a lawful wife; and Mary be regarded a legitimate daughter. 
But if the succession is to be guarded, he has another remedy to 

50 The Lutheran Movement in England, 

propose. " This can be done without any peril to the conscience 
or reputation of any one, by polygamy (! ! !). Although I would 
not concede polygamy as a common matter, yet in this emergency, 
on account of its great advantage to the kingdom, possibly on 
account of the conscience of the king, I say that it would be 
safest for the king to marry a second, without repudiating his 
first wife. . . . Abraham, David and other holy men had many 
wives," etc. 8 In our admiration of the rare gifts of Melanch- 
thon, and the eminent service which he rendered the cause of 
Christ, we ought not to close our eyes to the mistakes into which 
he was often betrayed whenever he entered the field- of politics, 
and allowed considerations of temporary expediency to prevail. 
Luther s judgment of two weeks later shows how deeply he was 
exercised by the wrong proposed. " If the adversaries carry the 
king with them, let our men try with all their might at least to 
keep the queen from in any way consenting to the divorce. Let 
her rather die than become an accomplice to such a crime in 
God s sight, and let her most firmly believe that she is the true 
and legitimate Queen of England, made so by God himself. If 
they cannot save the king (which may God avert), let them at 
least save the soul of the queen, so that if the divorce cannot be 
prevented she may bear this great evil as her cross, but in no 
way approve or consent to it. Since I can do nothing else, my 
prayer is directed to God that Christ may hinder this divorce 
and make void the counsels of Ahithopel in persuading it, and 
that the queen may have firm faith and constant assurance that 
she is and will be Queen of England, even though the gates of 
the world and of hell may oppose. " As to the succession, Lu- 
ther suggests what Henry may have recalled years afterwards, 
when he asks as to what assurance the king has that the child of 
any other marriage would be a son. 10 While there is one clause 
in his opinion of eleven pages, declaring that even polygamy 

8 Mel. Opera, C. R. II : 520-537. 

9 De Wette s Luther s Briefen, IV : 306. 
10 Ib. p. 296. 

The Political Complications, 51 

would be preferable to a divorce, there is no more evidence of 
such an expedient being seriously proposed by Luther as it was 
by Melanchthon, than that he advised suicide when he declared 
that the queen should die rather than become an accomplice to a 
crime. We are at once impressed by the candor of Luther, when 
contrasted with the course of the Pope. The latter sought to 
evade the difficulty by persuading the queen to surrender her 
claims ; the former urges that the queen especially must be urged 
not to yield an hair s-breadth. To him it is a question neither of 
ecclesiastical nor civil policy, but one of fidelity in his testimony 
to the truth involved. There is another judgment given by the 
entire body of Wittenberg theologians, found in Burnet s His 
tory, Vol. II : Doc. No. 35, and in Melanchthon s Works, C. R. 
II: 523, which shows such a divergence in the character of the 
arguments adduced, so that though the conclusion is the same, 
some of the premises have been entirely changed, that the differ 
ence would be inexplicable, if we had not the clue given in Seck- 
endorf, n that in the archives at Weimar, the original is dated 
1536, a suggestion which is confirmed by the fact that it is not 
the single legate of 1531, but the three legates of 1535 and 1536, 
who are there mentioned. 

These answers, however, did not repel the king of England 
from seeking further aid at Wittenberg when he needed it. Al 
though the Pope had been defied, Henry dreaded far more the 
wrath of the Emperor, and sought for such Continental alliances 
as might strengthen his position. The Smalcald League had 
been formed, March 29th, 1531, between the Lutheran confed 
erates, the Elector of Saxony, the Dukes Philip Ernst and Franz 
of Brunswick-Liineburg, the Landgrave Philip of Hesse, Prince 
Wolfgang of Anhalt, Counts Gebhardt and Albrecht of Mans- 
feld, and the cities of Strassburg, Ulm, Constance, Reutlingen, 
Memmingen, Lindau, Biberach, Jssni, Liibeck, Magdeburg and 
Bremen. On July 23d, 1532, the league concluded with the 
Emperor the Religious Peace of Nurnberg, guaranteeing, until 

"III: 212. 

52 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

the convening of a General Council, peace to all the Confeder 
ates by name, upon the stipulation that "they make no further 
and other innovation beyond the Confession, Assent 12 and 
Apology presented at Augsburg, and that which agrees therewith, 
according to a lawful, Christian and just sense, and that they in 
troduce no ceremonies adverse to, or which do not agree with 
the Augsburg Confession and the Apology. 13 

These terms by no means satisfied the Landgrave, and a num 
ber of the theologians, as Urbanus Riegius, Erhard Schnepf, 
Antony Corvinus, etc., who were averse to the acceptance of 
any pledge of peace which did not secure protection also for all 
who should hereafter accept the Confessional basis, Riegius 
maintaining that the peace proposed was worse than war. u But 
Luther urged the more moderate course, and succeeded in hav 
ing it adopted. 15 

The League thus formed became a very important factor in the 
politics of Europe. It was to the interest of both Francis I. of 
France, and Henry VIII., to have its sympathy and co-operation 
in their plans against the Emperor, or, at least, to prevent its mem 
bers from giving the Emperor their support. Francis, in order 
to break the confederacy between the Pope and the Emperor, 
had in October, 1533, formed a compact with the former at 
Marseilles, according to which his son, Henry, married Cath 
erine de Medici, the niece of the Pope. But his plans failed by 
the death of Clement VII. in the succeeding October. Foiled 
thus in his efforts to use the Papal power against the Emperor, he 
next turned to the Lutheran princes. In February, 1535, he 
wrote to them a long letter, among other things apologizing for 
the persecution of the French Lutherans, by the assurance that 
no German within his realm has suffered. 16 Then follows some 

12 " This term added because of those who after the diet of 1530, had as 
sented to the Confession." Seckendorf, III : 24. 
13 Ib. pp. 24, 25. 
" Ib. p. 22. 

15 Ib.; De Wette s Luther s Briefen, IV: 369, 373, 380. 
16 For letter, see C. R. II : 828. 

The Political Complications. 53 

correspondence between Melanchthon and Cardinal Bellay, re 
sulting in an invitation to the former to visit France in order to 
effect an agreement in doctrine with the French theologians. 
Even prior to these negotiations, in the preceding August, Me 
lanchthon, possibly at the suggestion of Margaret of Navarre, 
sister of Francis, and favorably disposed to the Lutheran cause, 
had transmitted an outline of doctrine according to which he 
proposed to reconcile the differences. But as cruelties towards 
Protestants in France were not abated, and the princes deemed 
the pledges even of the Emperor more trustworthy than any that 
could be offered by the king, Melanchthon s desire to accept the 
invitation was denied by the Elector. At the meeting of the 
Smalcald League in December, Cardinal Bellay is present with 
new propositions, " only to hear his schemes, intended purely for 
political expediency, answered by the admirable Confession that 
" the League had been established among them for no other 
reasons than for the pure Word of God, and for preserving and 
propagating the sound doctrine of faith." Bent on war, how 
ever, Francis at last found an ally in the Turks ; and hostilities 
began in 1536. 

These difficulties of the Emperor were propitious to Henry, 
and he hastened to make the best of them. If he could only be 
admitted into the Smalcald League, and be made its chief, he 
imagined that he would soon humble both Pope and Emperor, 
and that Francis also might be made pay a severe penalty for not 
having espoused his cause. For the League had begun to show 
an aggressive spirit. The Emperor s brother, Ferdinand, had 
been compelled by the Landgrave to surrender the royal power 
of Wurtemberg, and to restore it to Duke Ulrich, who in 1534, 
introduced the Reformation. The League itself was just about 
extending its provisions to the limits for which Riegius and his 
associates had so urgently plead to no effect in 1532. The pur 
pose was being formed which at last was regularly adopted in 
December, 1535, in the enactment " that all be received into the 

17 C. R. II: 1009 sqq. 

54 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

League who have applied for admission, or shall hereafter apply, 
provided that they purely, freely and openly confess God and his 
Gospel, love peace, and live as becomes honorable and upright 
men." 18 

18 Seckendorf, III : loo. 



Preliminary Negotiations. Melanchthon s letter to Henry VIII. Renewed 
Negotiations, and Correspondence. Melanchthon invited to England. 
The Augsburg Confession as a Basis of Union. The Third Series of 
Negotiations. Sketches of Fox and Heath. The Oration of Fox. The 
The Thirteen Articles of 1535- Henry entangled in his own toils. The 
Discussions at Wittenberg. Diplomacy vs. Faith. The Augsburg Con 
fession under Debate. The Ambassadors won. The Repetitio. Chief 
difficulty, with the articles on " Abuses." Henry demands an Amend 
ment. The Convention at Frankfort. The Proposed Embassy to Eng 

WE have thus far noticed how the truly evangelical element 
connected with the English Reformation was working at those 
great centers of religious thought and life, the two great Eng 
lish universities, notwithstanding all the opposition which the 
power of the government could interpose, until finally politi 
cal motives caused Henry s break with the Pope, and induced 
him to try to turn to his own service, and to control and 
lead the very movement against which he had been pre 
viously arrayed. Unchanged in principle, and guided solely by 
secular considerations, he sought to be the head of Protestantism, 
not only in his own land, but on the Continent, and to direct 
its course in a channel far different from that which it first took, 
when, with irrepressible force, the yearning of the heart for the 
assurance of forgiveness of sins burst through the bonds which 
had been interposed between the sin-burdened soul and its God. 

In accordance with this plan of Henry to become master of the 
Lutheran Smalcald League, Dr. Robert Barnes, was en March 
nth, 1535, once more in Wittenberg. Melanchthon writes on 

56 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

that date to his friend Camerarius, and inserts several Greek sen 
tences to the effect that "a stranger has come to us, sent from 
Britain, treating only of the second marriage of the king ; but, 
as he says, the king has no concern for the affairs of the Church," 
and then he adds in Latin : " There is this advantage about it, 
that no cruelty is now exercised against those of the purer doc 
trine." 1 Two days later Melanchthon, at the suggestion of Dr. 
Barnes, wrote Henry a letter 2 whose terms of extravagant praise 
of the king recall the sagacious diplomat rather than the sober 
and discriminating theologian. " Your Royal Majesty ought 
justly to be loved by all good men on account of your eminent 
moderation and justice." His reign is praised as "the golden 
age" of Britain. Then after having completely fulfilled in 
many words of flattery, the rule of the great Latin writer on Ora 
tory, first to make the hearer well-disposed, he introduces the sug 
gestion, to which Archbishop Laurence in his Bampton Lectures 
on The Thirty-nine Articles, 3 ascribes the origin of the formu 
laries of faith which were promulgated during the reign of 
Henry. "I have no doubt," he writes, " that the controversies 
concerning religion would be mitigated if your Royal Majesty 
were to use your authority both to bend other kings to modera 
tion and to deliberate with learned men concerning the kind of 
doctrine. For it is in no way a doubtful matter that some abuses 
which are not to be dissembled, have insinuated themselves into 
the church, and that kings are not taking pains to have a simple 
and sure form of doctrine issued" ; and then he adds that "care 
ought to be taken that cruelty be not inflicted upon good men." 
In August, Melanchthon dedicates to Henry the edition of his 
Loci of 1535, not as a patron, but as a censor, whom in the most 
courtly language he asks to study and criticise the book. The 

J C. R. TI: 851. 

2 C. R. II : 861-864. 

3 " Nor is it too much to suppose, that the formularies of faith, which were 
promulgated in the reign of Henry, originated in the advice of Melanchthon, 
as contained in a letter to that Prince, dated March 3, [13] 1535." Arch 
bishop Laurence s Lectures, Fourth Edition, Oxford, 1853, p. 200. 

The English Commission to Wittenberg. 57 

whole document is a most earnest plea for attention above all 
things to reformation in doctrine. "It is manifest," he writes, 
" that some chief articles of Christian doctrine have lain for a 
long time enveloped in densest darkness. When the works of 
some learned and good men began to be produced from this, at 
once unusual severity, unworthy of the lenity which should char 
acterize the Church, began to be exercised. Not only are good 
and learned men put to death, and abuses confirmed, but zeal for 
Christian doctrine is altogether extinguished." "Good and 
wise princes should seek for suitable remedies. Why is it that 
they are under any obligations to preserve the Church for poster 
ity? This Church will indeed be rent asunder in infinite ways, 
unless some plan be adopted for the propagation to posterity, of a 
godly and sure form cf doctrine." "I have thought it of the 
highest importance to present, this document to you, the most 
learned of all kings, that from it, rather than from the calumnies 
of others, your Majesty may form a judgment concerning me, and 
the entire kind of doctrine, with which I am employed." 4 Dip 
lomatic as the methods of Melanchthon are, yet back of them we 
find the earnest effort to win the king and his kingdom over to 
the truth of the Gospel. His heart is set upon the propagation 
of the pure doctrine of God s Word, and not upon any scheme 
of ecclesiastical polity, or any other external relations. The book 
was entrusted to Alexander Alesius, a Scotchman, to carry, to 
gether with a letter to Cranmer, to England. 

About the middle of September, while the plague was raging 
at Wittenberg, Dr. Barnes returned with a three-fold proposi 
tion : 

1. Would an embassy or ambassador be received, who would 
be sent for the purpose of conferring calmly with Dr. Luther and 
the others doctors concerning certain articles ? 

2. Would Melanchthon be allowed to visit England, in order 
to confer with the King ? 

3. The King would not be averse to connection with the Smal- 

*C. R. II: 921 sqq. 

58 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

cald League, provided a place were accorded him proportioned 
to his rank, and the articles of faith which the League was 
pledged to defend, were transmitted to him. 

Even Luther becomes sanguine as to the result, and unites 
with Jonas, Cruciger and Bugenhagen in a most urgent petition 
that the Elector give Dr Barnes an audience. "Who knows," 
they write, "what God will work? His wisdom is higher, and 
his will better than ours. 5 

The Elector s answer to Dr. Barnes, of September 2ist, is im 
portant : 

1. The doctors of the University shall be directed to meet 
the proposed legate, attentively hear him, and confer with him in 
the spirit of love. 

2. The question concerning Melanchthon s leave of absence 
must be deferred until after the return of the other professors to 

3. The terms of the admission of the King of England into 
the League cannot be decided by the Elector, since he can act 
only for himself; and has no authority to speak for his colleagues. 
But one thing is sure. If the King and the Elector are to be 
members of the League at the same time, the former must be pre 
pared to cordially accept and subscribe the Augsburg Confession. 
" We will never reject the correct and pure doctrine of the Gos 
pel, useful to the Church, which both our Most Illustrious Fath 
ers and we, with the other allies, confessed at the Diet of Augs 
burg before the Most Invincible Emperor, our Most Clement 
Lord, and the other princes and the States of the Roman Em 
pire." 6 

On leaving, Dr. Barnes took with him a letter written for the 
Elector by Melanchthon, September 26th, professing much affec 
tion for the king, not only because of the unbroken friendship 
between the rulers of Saxony and the Kings of England, but 
chiefly "since we have learned that your Serene Highness is 

5 De Wette s Luther s Briefen, IV : 633. 
6 C. R. II: 942. 

The English Commission to Wittenberg. 59 

possessed of a great desire to reform the doctrine of religion. For 
this is a care especially worthy the highest kings ; nor can they 
who govern states, render God any service more grateful. Nor 
can it be dissembled that many faults have for many generations 
insinuated themselves into the Church, through the negligence 
and cupidity of the Roman pontiffs, and that these have need to 
be corrected. If your Serene Majesty, therefore, will devote his 
zeal to reforming the doctrine and correcting ecclesiastical abuses, 
he will in the first place .make a most pleasing sacrifice to God, 
and, in the second, will deserve well from the whole Church, 
and all posterity." T 

A few days later (October ist), Henry, using his new title of 
" Supreme Head on Earth of the English Church," acknowledges 
Melanchthon s courtesy in the dedication of his Loci, by a brief 
note, assuring him of the gratification it had afforded, compli 
menting the author s learning, but affording no trace of any se 
rious attention paid to the treatment of doctrine. 8 The letter 
was accompanied by a present of two hundred crowns, and the 
promise that Crumwell would communicate with him further. 
Burnet regards Melanchthon s invitation to England at this time, 
simply as a plan which Henry had adopted to counteract the 
effect upon Melanchthon and the Elector, of the similar invitation 
which had been received from the French king. 

The King of England had thus far been made to plainly un 
derstand that, while the Lutheran princes and theologians were 
kindly disposed to the English people, and deeply interested in 
their welfare, questions of faith and the reformation in doctrine 
overshadowed all others, and no union could be even for a moment 
entertained that had not as its basis the unreserved acceptance of 
the Confessional basis laid at Augsburg. This will still further 
appear in what is to follow. 

Early in November 1535, there were further conferences with 
Barnes and other English legates. 9 Melanchthon, who so often 

lb. 944. 

8 Ib. 948. 

9 C. R. II : 967 sqq. 

60 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

was called into service to prepare State papers in which religious 
questions were involved, wrote for the Elector on November 
i yth, a letter which accepted the professed earnestness of the 
king, in regard to a religious reform as though it were serious, 
and informed him that so far as he and his associates were con 
cerned their purpose is: "In this cause, nothing else but that 
the glory of Christ may be proclaimed, and godly and sound 
doctrine, harmonizing with the Holy Scriptures be restored to 
the whole world. . . . Let not the King of England have the 
least doubt but that the confederated princes and states are of 
such a mind, that since, by God s blessing, they have learned to 
know the truth of the gospel, so also they will use all care and 
diligence, throughout all life in defending this holy and godly 
doctrine, and, by God s help, will never depart from the truth 
which they have learned. It is, indeed, very agreeable for the 
princes and confederated states to learn that the King also de 
sires to aid the pure doctrine ; and they pray that he may con 
tinue in this opinion." Then, after stating how necessary har 
mony among the members of the League on this subject, is, he 
continues : " Nor do those embraced in this confederation have 
among them any dissent in doctrine or opinions with respect to 
faith, and they hope by God s aid to persevere and be harmon 
ious in that doctrine which they confessed at the Diet of Augs 
burg before the Emperor and the entire Roman Empire." 

They close by expressing their great gratification that the King 
of England is of such a mind as to desire to agree with them in 
the matter of Evangelical religion and doctrine, being ready to 
declare, on every possible occasion his favor in, and zeal for, this 
most holy cause, as becomes a King of Christian and evangelical 
doctrine, and to afford with the greatest diligence every means 
for advancing the cause of the Gospel. 

Two more influential English commissioners now appeared 
upon the scene, representing more directly Henry than did Dr. 
Barnes in whom, the King had thus far used an agent, already 
committed to Lutheranism, and serviceable chiefly because it was 

The English Commission to Wittenberg. 61 

supposed that he would most likely be heard by the Reformers. 
Among the English clergy of that period, the names of Edward 
Fox and Nicholas Heath, are of the very first rank. 

Fox was unquestionably one of the most brilliant men of his 
day. A graduate of Eton and Cambridge, his very first sermon 
had so captivated the King that he at once became his chaplain. 
He had been the King s Almoner, as well as Secretary of State. 
His gifts shone especially in the pulpit, where "his exposition 
was so thorough and clear, that the inference might be drawn 
that all his time was occupied with Biblical studies ; his division 
was so analytical, as to give the impression that his attention had 
been devoted chiefly to Logic ; while his development was as 
rich in thought, as though he had laid all the fathers and school 
men under contribution." 10 

Cooper, in \i\sAthenae Cantabrigienses, says, that he was called 
" the wonder of the University and darling of the court, that 
" he had a vast capacity for business and was an able and suit 
able negotiator," and that his skill as a diplomatist expressed it- 
.self in several proverbs that have become current phrases with 
posterity, as " The surest way to peace is a constant prepared 
ness for war;" "Two things support a government; Gold to 
reward its friends, and iron to keep down its enemies;" " Time 
and I, will challenge any in the world," etc. He had been sent 
by Wolsey to Rome in 1518 to negotiate with the Pope concern 
ing the proposed divorce. He had been the prominent member 
of an embassy to France. He was largely instrumental in dis 
covering Cranmer, and starting the series of events by which the 
latter became Primate of the English Church. He had fought 
the battle of Cambridge where after a long resistance, the nullity 
of the first marriage was affirmed. Although greatly distrusted 
by the Elector and Melanchthon, this visit to Germany seems to 
have decided his theological position, as after his return to Eng 
land, he becomes the leading representative of Lutheran opinion 

10 H. L. Benthem s Neu-croffnetcr Engelandischer Kirch und Schulen- 
Staat, p. 889 sqq. 

62 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

in the negotiations that follow, and in the preparation of Henry s 
first formulary ; even though he be open to the charge of incon 
sistency. Unfortunately his career was but a brief one, as he 
died in 1538. 

The third of the envoys especially fascinated Melanchthon, 
who in his private letters cannot speak in sufficiently high terms 
of his scholarship and character. Nicholas Heath, (born about 
1501), educated at Oxford and Cambridge, had been chaplain to 
Wolsey, and at the time when sent to Germany, was Heury VIII s 
own chaplain. After some wavering, in 1548 he identified him 
self with the Roman Catholic side; in 1555 became Archbishop 
of York, and afterwards Lord High Chancellor of England. It 
was Heath who, under the reign of Mary, was to issue the writ 
for the execution of Cranmer, No less than two hundred and 
seventeen persons were to be put to death for Evangelical con 
victions when he would hold the seal. The executor of Queen 
Mary, he was made a member of the Privy Council at the begin 
ning of the reign of Elizabeth ; but was soon committed to the 
tower and excommunicated. After his release he lived in retire 
ment until his death in 1579. 

Such were the ambassadors with whom the Lutheran theolo 
gians were to treat. At first Luther and Melanchthon were di 
rected to meet them at Jena, but Wittenberg was finally desig 
nated as the place of conference. Meanwhile, however, the 
convention of the League was held at Smalcald. The English 
commission was present, and on the 24th of December, Fox, as 
their spokesman, delivered an oration. Notes of it were taken by 
Spalatin. He claimed that he and his associates were present* 
not on behalf of a human cause, but for the sake of the Word of 
God and truth. He showed with what incredible zeal and love 
in religious matters, their sovereign had been actuated, and how 
anxious he was to co-operate with the other princes in propagat 
ing the pure knowledge of ,God. The King, he says, does not 
heed the slanders which have been published concerning the 
members of the League, but esteems them as evangelical men, 

The English Commission to Wittenberg. 63 

who would neither design, nor commit anything unworthy of 
themselves as confessors the Gospel. The King acknowledges 
the abuses in the Church of England, and is endeavoring to re 
form them. The cause and work of English Christians is the 
same as that of their brethren in Germany. They should aim at 
perfect harmony, and, as its basis, should endeavor to come to 
an understanding touching matters of Christian doctrine. Con 
cert of action should also be determined, if possible, concerning 
the proposed Council. Peace and harmony of Christian doc 
trine constitute, however, the very first thing, which, above all 
others, is to be settled. " Certainly a most admirable speech ! 

On the next day, Christmas, Melanchthon prepared a paper 
for the Princes which, after being amended, was adopted, and sub 
scribed both by the Elector and Landgrave, and the English 
ambassadors, as "The Thirteen Articles of 1535." 

As the translation, given in Strype s Memorials of the Reforma- 
tion, 12 is defective, we translate anew from the Corpus Reforma- 
torum : 13 

" I. That the Most Serene King promote the Gospel of Christ, 
and the pure doctrine of faith according to the mode in which 
the Princes and confederated States confessed it in the diet of 
Augsburg, and defended it according to the published Apology, un 
less perhaps some things meanwhile justly seem to require change 
or correction from the Word of God by the common consent of 
the Most Serene King, and the princes themselves. 

II. Also, That the Most Serene King, together with the 
Princes and States confederated, defend and maintain the doctrine 
of the gospel mentioned, and ceremonies harmonizing with the 
gospel in a future general council. 

III. That neither the Most Serene King, without the express 
consent of the confederated princes and states mentioned, nor 
the confederated princes and states mentioned, without the ex- 

. n Ib. pp. 1028 sqq. 
u Ib. V : pp. 559 sqq. 
13 II : pp. 1032 sqq. 

64 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

press consent of the Most Serene King mentioned, consent or 
assent to any call for a general council, which the Pope of Rome, 
present or future, or any one else, whatever be the pretence of 
authority, now makes or shall make, nor agree to any place of a 
future Council, or to the Council itself, but that all these things 
be conducted and done with the advice and consent of the King 
and princes, provided, nevertheless, that if certainly, and by just 
arguments and reasons, it appear that such a Christian, free and 
general council have been called, as the confederates demand in 
their answer to Peter Paulus Vergerius, the ambassador of the 
Pope of Rome, such council is not to be refused. 

IV. Also, if it should happen that, without the consent of the 
Most Serene King and the confederated states, concerning the 
place of the council, or the calling of the council, and yet, the 
Pope of Rome and the other princes, joined with him in this matter 
should determine to proceed to the convening of the council or 
rather caucus (conciliabull), and that, too, in a place upon which 
the aforesaid Most Serene King, princes and states have not agreed, 
that then, and in that case, the aforesaid Most Serene King, as well 
as the aforesaid Most Illustrious Princes and States confederate shall 
first strive with all their power, that such calling be hindered and 
brought to nought, and reach no result. 

V. Secondly that they will make public and formal protests, 
and, likewise, cause them to be made by their clergy, by which 
they will both prove the purity of their faith, and that they dis 
sent altogether from such convocation, nor, if such council ac 
tually follow, will they be bound by the decrees or constitutions 
of that council, nor, in the future, will they, in any way, obey the 

VI. Besides, that they never will obey or permit their subjects 
to obey any decrees, mandates or sentences, bulls, letters or 
briefs, from any council thus convoked and held, or which pro 
ceed in the name of the Bishop of Rome himself or any other 
power, but that they will account and declare all such writings, 
decrees, bulls and briefs null and void, and, to remove all scandal, 

The English Commission to Wittenberg. 65 

will cause such to be thus declared to the people by their bishops 
and preachers. 

VII. Also, that as the Most Serene King is, by the grace of 
God, united, both in Christian doctrine and in its conftssion with 
the confederated princes and states, so also is he deemed worthy, 
on honorable conditions, to be associated with their league in 
such manner that his Most Serene Majesty obtain the name and 
place of Defender and Protector of said league. 

VIII. Also, that neither the aforesaid Most Serene King, nor 
the aforesaid Most Illustrious Princes or States confederated, ever 
will recognize, maintain or defend that the primacy or monarch 
be held to-day or ever hereafter de jure, aivino. Nor will they 
ever agree or concede that it is expedient for the Christian State 
that the bishop of Rome be over all the rest, or hereafter exercise, 
in any way, any jurisdiction whatever in the realms or dominions 
of the aforesaid Kings and Princes. 

IX. Also, if it should so happen, that war or any other con 
tention, whether on account of religion, or even without such 
cause, for any other cause or matter whatsoever, should be excited 
or carried on by any prince, state or people, against the aforesaid 
Most Serene King, his realms, dominions or subjects, or, also, 
against the aforesaid Most Illustrious Princes or States confeder 
ated, that neither of the parties mentioned bring aid, or supplies 
against the other party, nor by advice or favor, directly or indi 
rectly, publicly or privately, assist prince or people, thus invading 
and waging war. 

X. Also that the Most Serene King see fit, for the defence of 
the league and of the cause of religion, to contribute and deposit 
with these most illustrious princes, sureties being afforded, as is 
added below, the sum of 100,000 crowns; the half of which 
money, it shall be lawful for the confederates to use, whenever 
there shall be need, for the purpose of defence. The other half, 
the confederates shall take of such money, as they themselves 
have contributed and deposited to that sum. 


66 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

XL That if there be need of a longer defence because of the 
continuation of war, or the invasion of enemies, in such event, 
since princes and confederates are under obligation not only for 
a further contribution of money, but also for mutuaj defence with 
their bodies and all their resources and property, the Most Serene 
King would not refuse, in urgent necessity, to contribute even 
more, viz. a second 100,000 crowns. This money, nevertheless, 
the confederates may use to the amount of one half, with their 
own. And should it so happen, that the war should end earlier, 
then what is left should be faithfully kept, and be mentioned to 
the Most Serene King at the conclusion of the confederation. 

XII. That if the King would have it so done, the Princes prom 
ise that they will pledge with sufficient sureties, not only that 
they will not convert such money to another use than for the de 
fence of the league and the cause of religion together with their 
own money, which they contribute in such confederation, but 
also that they will faithfully pay and restore to the same Serene 
Majesty, whatever sum either, be not needed, or that remains 
after the defence, in case it shall not have been devoted to 
that use. 

XIV. Also, since the Most Revered Legates of the Most Serene 
King are to remain for a time in Germany, and are to confer 
with men learned in sacred literature on certain articles, the 
princes ask that they would as soon as possible inquire and learn 
the mind and opinion of the Most Serene King, concerning the 
conditions presented in the League, and, that when they have 
been informed thereon, they would signify it to us, the Elector 
of Saxony, and the Landgrave of Hesse. When this is done, the 
Princes will immediately send legates in their own name and that 
of the confederated States, to the Most Serene King, and among 
them one of eminent learning, not only to diligently confer with 
His Most Serene Royal Majesty on the articles of Christian doc 
trine, and to deliberate faithfully concerning changing, estab 
lishing and ordaining other ceremonies in the Church, but also 

The English Commission to Wittenberg. 67 

to agree and conclude with His Most Serene Majesty concerning 
all the articles whereof we have spoken." 

Edward Herefordens, 
Nicolaus Heyth, 
Antonius Barns, 

John Frederick, Elector. Philip, L. of Hesse." u 

The English King was certainly placed in an embarassing po 
sition, as men who dissemble, so often are. His ambassadors 
word had been received in good faith, that he was anxious chiefly 
about a reform of doctrine, and wished the aid of Lutheran theo. 
logians ; and accordingly, .measures to which his representatives 
feel themselves constrained to assent, were taken to aid him in 
the important work. Yet a letter of Crumwell at this time, pre 
served in Burnet, 15 declares: " The King, knowing himself to 
be the learnedest prince in Europe, thought it became not him 
to submit to them, but them to submit to him." The matter 
however, has assumed the shape that Fox and Heath, with Barnes, 
are to spend several months in theological conferences at Witten 
berg, studying the Augsburg Confession and Apology, under the 
instructions of Melanchthon, and that then if they can accept 
such basis, some competent Lutheran doctor is to go to Eng 
land to help them to complet-e the work. So scheme was met by 
scheme, the children of light being for once as wise as the chil 
dren of this generation ; for the English historian is perfectly 
justified in his inference, that the coolness of the Elector came 
from the impression, that " the King had only a political design 
in all this negotiation, intending to bring them into a depend 
ence on himself, without any sincere intentions with relation to 
religion." 16 However, this may be, the course of our princes 
and theologians in this matter was perfectly clear and consistent. 
It was solely on questions of religion that they had been forced 
into a seeming opposition to the Emperor. On these and these 

14 C. R. II : 1032 sqq. " XIII " is not found in th.e document 

15 Burnefs History, II : 698, 
M Ib. p. 699, 

68 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

only, they were ready to stand or fall. They were unwilling to 
be embarassed by any alliances that were based on any other 
grounds. Every convert to these principles, even though the 
Pope himself, they were ready to welcome to the League ; every 
one, who sought the friendship of the League from other motives, 
whether he were the King of France, or the King of England, 
might as well understand from the beginning that he could not 
enter. These religious principles on which their League was 
founded, they had clearly defined already at Augsburg. Every 
applicant, therefore, was simply asked to read the platform there 
presented in the Confession and Apology ; and his future relation 
to the League must be decided by his willingness or unwilling 
ness to subscribe what was there set forth. Nor must any oppor 
tunity of winning over to the truth those who had come to them 
from what were probably other reasons than a regard to God s 
honor, be neglected. They would accept these ambassadors on 
their professions, however much they distrusted them, and devote 
on the part of the theologians, months of time and labor, and on 
the part of the Elector, the expense of the entertainment of royal 
commissioners in a style becoming their rank, even though he 
found it a heavy burden. 

After the adjournment of the Smalcald League, the English 
ambassadors accordingly repaired to Wittenberg. The begin 
ning of the conference there was delayed until the close of Jan 
uary, partially because of the absence of Melanchthon on a tour 
of investigation and counsel concerning the Anabaptists. An- 
tonius Musa wrote from Jena on the day after Melanchthon s de 
parture for Wittenberg that " he is to discuss at Wittenberg the 
subject of Private Mass. For the King of England has sent a 
bishop with several learned men to present their argument, and 
to endeavor to show that Private Mass ought to be retained. The 
King of England has become a Lutheran to this extent, viz., that 
since the Pope would not approve his divorce, he has forbidden 
all men in his realm at the peril of their lives to regard the Pope 
as Supreme Head of the church, but commanded them to regard 

The English Commission to Wittenberg. 69 

himself instead. All other papistical affairs, monasteries, masses, 
indulgences, prayers for the dead, etc., they not only retain in 
England, but even obstinately defend. On this account, ambas 
sadors have been sent to fortify and defend masses in a public 
disputation at Wittenberg." " Even after Melanchthon s return 
however, on January i5th, there was a reluctance of the ambas 
sadors to proceed to serious work. On January 2ist, they as 
sured Melanchthon that they were ready to begin the discussion 
" of each article of doctrine in order," 18 yet it is not for weeks 
4 hat they are disposed to treat on any other subject than the leg 
itimacy of the king s divorce. "They are excessively fond of 
quibbling," Melanchthon writes. Luther s letters show how 
greatly he was annoyed by their course. First, he speaks play 
fully of the great importance that must be attached to the opin 
ion of himself and his associates, in that while eleven universities 
have already given their decisions, it seems that all the world will 
be lost, " unless we poor beggars, the Wittenberg theologians, be 
heard." 19 He is determined, however, not to recede from his 
former opinion that the first marriage was legitimate, but "in other 
respects I will show myself not unfriendly towards them, in or 
der that they may not think that we Germans are stone or wood." 
Melanchthon testifies at first that "Luther lovingly embraces 
them, and is even delighted by their courtesy. But he becomes 
vexed that in three days they do not finish the entire matter, 
stating that in four weeks he had completed much more impor 
tant business than that which occupies them twelve years ; 20 and 
is indignant at the expense occasioned the elector by their enter 
tainment. 21 Melanchthon grew weary of waiting for the discus 
sion on matters of doctrine, and after two weeks at Wittenberg 
returns to Jena to continue his conflict with the Anabaptists. He 

"C. R. Ill: 12. 

18 Ib. p. 26. 

19 De Wette s, Luther s Briefen, IV : 663, 668. 
C. R III: 26. 

21 De Wette s Luther s Briefen, IV : 671. 

70 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

wrote to his friends that nothing at all has been under consider 
ation but the divorce. 22 Heath followed Melanchthon to Jena. 
The latter was much gratified by the visit; and on February 
loth, returned to Wittenberg. The whole plan of the English 
ambassadors was probably arranged for the purpose of gaining 
time, so as to receive instructions from England. They must 
have soon perceived that any attempt to have the Lutheran theo 
logians justify the divorce was useless. We can scarcely conceive 
that they could have had in thought a bargain by which, if the 
divorce were endorsed by the Lutherans, every confessional re 
quirement would then be at once met by the Anglicans, and the 
Augsburg Confession and Apology be received for the English 
Church. It would be a more charitable interpretation to re 
gard the ambassadors as sympathizing more or less with the re 
form in doctrine, and hoping to win over their sovereign to the 
faith which they recognize as truth, by obtaining from the Wit 
tenberg theologians a concession which would have been sure to 
have greatly gratified him. Had the divorce been endorsed, it 
is probable that the English Church would have been pledged to 
the Augsburg Confession and the Apology ! 

However this may have been, the critical examination of the 
Augsburg Confession article by article, and the earnest discus 
sion of the points of divergence began at length shortly after 
Melanchthon s second return, and continued throughout the en 
tire month of March. Strype is altogether in error, when he 
states : " The ambassadors returned home in January, excepting 
Fox, who, it seems, stayed behind, )23 as both Melanchthon s and 
Luther s letters of that period will at once show. Melanchthon 
again and again speaks of his discussions with them, and especially 
names Heath ; and at the very close of the month (March 3oth,) 
writes : Sic me Angli exercent, vix ut respirare liceat 24 

On the 28th, of that month, Luther sent to the Elector a 
translation of the articles on which they had been able to agree, 24 

22 Ib. 

23 Memorials, I : 367. 

24 C. R. Ill : 53. 

The English Commission to Wittenberg. 71 

and stated that the English ambassadors before proceeding 
further, had referred the last four articles to the king, since if 
any serious modification of them were required, further confer 
ence was useless. Two days later, Melanchthon wrote that " the 
contention between them had not been light, but, nevertheless, 
there was an agreement concerning most things." 25 Secken- 
dorf 26 gives more ample details: " They made an examination 
of all the articles of the Augsburg Confession, and the opinions 
of Luther and his colleagues seem to have been given on all 
things . . . There is extant a Repetition and Exegesis of the 
Augsburg Confession, elaborated by the Wittenbergers, and re 
ceived and carried home by the Anglican legates. ... In ad 
dition to the Repetition 27 of the Augsburg Confession, the Wit 
tenberg theologians elaborated the most troublesome articles into 
special dissertations." Among other stipulations upon which 
they agreed was not only the denial of the power of the Pope by 
divine law, but also the promise that neither side would under 
any consideration maintain any pre eminence of the bishop of 
Rome over other bishops, as useful or expedient. 28 Although 
Fox affirmed that there had been an abrogation in England of 
godless pontifical abuses and especially of indulgences, Melanch 
thon in one of the dissertations referred to, expressed his aston 
ishment that in the English decree no reformation of the abuses 
of the Mass was proposed. For on reading Henry s decree, the 
Wittenberg theologians saw at a glance that only the less impor 
tant had been touched upon, while the chief abuses had all been 
retained. ^ Melanchthon writes on the margin the very signifi 
cant Greek words ouden hygies, " nothing sound." 

25 Ib. p. 683. 

26 1 p. HI. sq. 

2B Ib. p. 112. 

27 Of this " Repetitio," however, we can find no trace, the document ordi 
narily known as the " Rep. Aug. Conf.," being the Saxon Confession of I55 1 - 
See Feuerlin, p. 250. Strype regards it confined to the doctrine of the Lord s 

29 Seckendorf, III: 112. 

72 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

During these discussions, Henry s answer to the " Articles of 
1535 " was received, and his legates communicated its purport, ^ 
stating among other things that harmony was unattainable, un 
less "something first, in your Confession and Apology be modified 
by private conferences and friendly discussions between his and 
your learned men," and that his Majesty asks that "a man of 
eminent learning be sent to him, to confer diligently on the 
articles of Christian doctrine, and changing, establishing and 
ordaining other ceremonies in the Church." 

April 24th, the Protestant princes met at Frankfort, and early 
in the month, the English ambassadors made preparations for 
attendance there. Because of his distrust of the bishop of Here 
ford, whom he evidently thinks well named Fox, the elector re 
fuses a farewell audience. 31 He writes however, April 22d, S2 
that if the King would propagate in his kingdom " the pure doc 
trine of the Christian religion according to the Confession and 
Apology" and adopt ceremonies in accordance with the pure 
doctrine of the Gospel, he would use every effort that the king 
should receive the title of " Defender of the Evangelical Faith." 
But that "if the King hesitated about admitting into his king 
dom the pure doctrine of the Gospel according to the Confession and 
Apology" according to the articles recently drawn up at Witten 
berg ; the Elector could not imagine what use it would be, either for 
the King or his allies to make a league or exchange ambassadors. 
In a letter to Henry of the same date, he assures him of his good 
will and begs him to undertake the thorough reformation of the 
English Church. Seckendorf 33 states that the Elector en 
deavored besides to have an embassy appointed to visit England, 
composed of George, Prince of Anhalt, Melanchthon and Vice- 
chancellor Francis Burkhard. The Landgrave proposed send 
ing the theologians Bucer and Schnepf or Brentz,and the civil 
ians, Count Solm and Jacob Sturm. There was some discus- 

30 C. R. Ill: 49. 

^Seckendorf, III: III. 

32 C. R. Ill : 62. 

33 III: 113. 

The English Commission to Wittenberg* 73 

sion among the princes as to the terms to be proposed by this 
embassy, but they were finally reduced, first to the acceptance of 
the Augsburg Confession, unless amended from the Word of God, 
and, secondly, its defence in the coming Council ; and, if the 
King did not approve of the articles, to treat concerning mutual 
assistance. But as most of the princes and cities were averse to 
any union with the King of England, the attempt was vain ; while 
new events in England suddenly made a very material change in 
the situation. 



Conjectures as to the cause of Anne Boleyn s fall. Her sympathy with tne 
Reformation. Cranmer s Grief. Melanchthon s Indignation. Melanch- 
thon warned by Barnes not to visit England. Antagonistic Elements 
in the English Church. Taverner s English Augsburg Confession and 
Apology. Convocation of Canterbury. Sensation caused by Latimer s 
Sermon. The Sides drawn. The Sixty-Seven Points. The Debates. 
Alexander Alesius, and his Speech. Foxe s Tribute to German Luth- 

IT is not improbable that the fate of Anne Boleyn was sealed 
by Henry s failure to gain for his second marriage the endorse 
ment of the Wittenberg faculty. We have already noted how 
closely connected she was with Cranmer, the months which he 
had spent in her father s house, and the effect of his visit. We 
have also seen that she was a diligent reader of Evangelical 
books, surreptitiously introduced from the Continent, as the dis 
covery of her copy of Tyndale s " Obedience of a Christian 
Man," and its influence upon Henry, prove. She had gener 
ously maintained a number of scholars at the Universities ; and 
all of them, among whom was Heath, were during her life-time 
earnest champions of the Reformation. One of these scholars 
was especially active in circulating the works of Luther and Me- 
lanchthon. Strype gives a letter in which she intercedes for a 
merchant in trouble for circulating the New Testament : " Anne 
the queen, trusty and well-beloved, we greet you well. And 
whereas you be credibly en formed, that the bearer hereof, Ry- 
chard Herman, merchant and citizen of Antwerp, in Brabant, 
was, in the time of the late Lord Cardinal, put and expelled from 


Progress of the War for the Faith. 75 

his freedom and fellowship of, and in the English House there, 
for nothing else, as he affirmeth, but only for that, that he did 
both with his goods and policy, to his great hurt and hindrance 
in this world, help to the setting forth of the New Testament in 
English ; we therefore desire, and instantly pray you with all 
speed and favor convenient, ye woll cause this good and honest 
merchant, being my lord s true, faithful and loving subject, to be 
restored to his pristin freedom, liberty and fellowship aforesaid." 1 
" The Romanists reckoned her (and that truly enough) a great 
instrument in putting the King forward to what he had done in 
reforming religion. Pole, in a letter to the King, written within 
two months after her death, takes leave to call her the King s 
domestic evil, which God, as he said, had rid him of ; and that 
she was thought to be the cause of all his evils." 2 

With such evidence, it is not difficult to see how Cranmer 
could say : -I never had better opinion in woman than I had 
in her. . . . Next unto your grace, I was most bound unto her 
of all creatures living. ... I loved her not a little for the love 
I judged her to bear towards God and his Gospel." 3 

Although her writings have no very high authority, it is, 
nevertheless, interesting to notice that Miss Benger in her 
"Memoirs of Anne Boleyn," also suggests the failure of the 
Wittenberg negotiations as one of the causes of the Queen s 
downfall. " Drs. Fox and Hethe were sent to Germany, on a 
mission to the Lutheran divines, with whom many conferences 
took place, of which the conclusion was little satisfactory to the 
pride or prejudices of Henry, since even Anne s popularity could 
not entice them to acknowledge the legality of his divorce, and 
neither arguments nor promises atoned for his rejection of the 
Confession of Augsburg. It is, however, more than probable, 
these difficulties might have been obviated in a subsequent nego 
tiation, but for the influence of Gardiner, who was, at the same 

1 Memorials of Reformation, 1 : 446. 

2 Ib. p. 456. 

s jenkyn s Cranmer, I: 164. 

76 The Lutheran Movement in England, 

time, employed on an embassy to France, which afforded him 
facilities for counteracting the united efforts of Hethe and Me- 
lanchthon, and rendering the whole plan abortive. The un- 
prosperous issue of the negotiation, was a severe disappointment 
to Anne."* 

The death of Queen Catherine, January 6th, 1536, had intro 
duced a new situation. As his marriage to Anne Boleyn was 
regarded illegal, not only by the Pope, but also by the Luther 
ans, the opportunity was now offered, if he could in some way 
rid himself of her, to contract a matrimonial alliance which 
would be undisputed by all. Both Pope and Emperor might 
thus be reconciled, and an unquestioned succession be still ob 
tained. Besides, the King s dignity had been offended by a just 
reproof from his queen ; and his superstitions had been quick 
ened, as in the former marriage, by the birth of only princesses. 
These various motives combined to induce him to find some 
ground, if possible, for a capital charge. The Queen, who, un 
conscious of the processes already begun against her, had sat by 
his side at the tournament at Greenwich, May ist, dies eighteen 
days later on the scaffold. It was a severe blow to Cranmer. 
" Do you know what is to happen to-day?" the Primate asked 
Melanchthon s pupil, Alexander Alesius, who was tarrying with 
him. " No," said Alesius ; " since the Queen s imprisonment, 
I have not left my room." " She who has been the Queen of 
England on earth," said Cranmer, his eyes raised to heaven, and 
his face wet with tears, " will this day be a Queen in heaven." 
The Wittenberg theologians, notwithstanding their position con 
cerning the divorce, were so greatly shocked that they felt for 
the time as though all further negotiations with Henry must end. 
Melanchthon writes to Camerarius, June pth : " lam altogether 
freed from anxiety about a journey to England. Since such 
tragic calamities have occurred there, a great change of plans has 
followed. The late Queen, accused rather than convicted of 
adultery, has suffered the extreme penalty. How astonishing the 

4 Jenkyn s Cranmer, pp. 286 sq- 

Progress of the War for the Faith. 77 

charges, how they declare to all men God s wrath, into what 
calamities at this time do even the most powerful fall from the 
highest eminence ! When I think of these things, I maintain 
that all our troubles and dangers should be borne with the 
greater patience." 5 And in a letter to Agricola : " How hor 
ribly does this calamity disgrace the king ! Such is the evil 
which the divorce has brought him ! " 6 To Justus Jonas also he 
writes that Dr. Barnes has written to him not to undertake the 
voyage to Britain. 7 

On the same day on which Melanchthon wrote these letters, 
the Convocation met in England, at which the first Confession 
of the English Church was framed. This is a matter of such im 
portance, that it will aid us to glance first at the course of 
ecclesiastical affairs in England, since the Act of Supremacy. 
Every record of those days bears the marks of confusion. " The 
Old" and " the New Learning," bothhad their warm adherents. 
There were those urgent for a thorough reform of religion, prom 
inent among whom were both Cranmer and Crumwell. There 
were others to whom it seemed as though even the Wittenberg 
Reformers had not proceeded far enough. Without any fixed 
formulary by which to guide them, they passed by various grada 
tions to Zwinglianism and even Anabaptism, although numbering 
among their adherents no names of influence. The zeal of Lati-. 
mer, however, even then seems to be beginning to carry him be 
yond the moderation of the Lutheran Reformation. Emissaries 
of the Pope were at hand, ready to excite the people against any 
innovations which might be proposed. Still others vigorously 
defended the Supremacy of the King, and assailed the Pope, 
while opposing to the very death any change of doctrine. Their 
.ideal of the English Church was simply the Mediaeval Church 
minus the Pope. Their zeal for Roman orthodoxy was made a 
sufficient answer to the reproach of disloyalty from the successor of 

Corpus Rcformatorum III : 89 sq. 
T Ib. p. 90 sq. 

78 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

St. Peter. The Evangelical element had favored the divorce sim 
ply because in it they found an irreparable breach with the Papacy. 
These various elements had necessarily to come into conflict. 
Martyrs had fallen, like Sir Thomas More and Bishop Fisher, 
because they were faithful to the Pope ; and John Fryth, soon to 
be followed by Francis Lambert, because of ultra-Protestantism. 


As in all periods of confusion, there were leaders that succes 
sively rose and fell, now gained their point, and then had to 
submit to defeat ; and, as their fortunes had vicissitudes, so also 
the policy of the government veered now to the one side, and 
then to the other. The negotiations and deliberations that are 
now to occur cannot be appreciated without some estimate of 
the character and influence of Stephen Gardiner. Three young 
men had grown up together and been trained for their future 
work in the household of Cardinal Wolsey, viz., Thomas More, 
Thomas Crumwell and Stephen Gardiner. The latter had 
proved an apt pupil of his great master, and become a veritable 
second Wolsey, only of greater acuteness and more obstinate will. 
The Cardinal was proud to call him " met dtmidtum, " "half of 
my very self." Henry though distrusting him soon learned to 
use him. The young secretary was busy plotting with foreign 
cardinals for Wolsey s elevation to the Papacy, and at the same 
time carrying on a correspondence for the king on other matters, 
which was carefully concealed from the Cardinal s knowledge. 
With Fox, he had been active in effecting the divorce ; with 
Fox, he had plead Henry s cause before the Pope in 1528; with 
Fox, he had brought Cranmer to the front, in order by his 
learning to support the king ; with Fox, he had shared in the 
honors of the victory of Cambridge. But he never forgave 
Cranmer for having been preferred to him as Archbishop of Can 
terbury. As Bishop of Winchester, as Secretary of State, as Am 
bassador to France, as Lord Chancellor, he henceforth had but 
one purpose, and that was to prevent any change within the Eng 
lish Church beyond what had already been effected by the transfer 

Progress of the War Jor the Fmith. 79 

of the Supreme Headship to the King. " He deemed the work 
of reformation complete," says Archdeacon Hardwick, "when 
the encroachments of the foreign pontiff had been successfully re 
sisted." 8 No life was so precious but that it must be sacrificed 
rather than be allowed to influence any inner change. Shakespeare 
did not err when he put into his mouth the words : 

" It will ne er be well, 

Till Cranmer, Crumwell, her two hands and she 9 
Sleep in their graves." 

"He was vindictive, ruthless, treacherous," says Froude, "of 
clear eye, and hard heart." 10 Such a discriminating jurist as 
Lord Campbell in his " Lives of the Lord Chancellors," 11 char 
acterizes him thus: " Of original genius, of powerful intellect, 
of independent mind, at the same time, unfortunately, of narrow 
prejudices." " He was always a determined enemy of the gen 
eral Lutheran doctrines ; but for a while he made his creed so 
far coincide with his interests, as to believe that the Anglican 
Church, rigidly maintaining all its ancient doctrines; might be 
severed from the spiritual dominion of the Pope." It was only 
" for a while;" as on the accession of Mary, he had no difficulty 
whatever in utterly ignoring all that he had written concerning 
Henry s true suppremacy, and in not only returning to servile 
obedience to the Pope, but also in wielding his power as "a 
man of many wiles," to suppress all other authority. A true 
Papist at heart through the whole period, and the type of a large 
class who still boast of the independence of the English Church, 
and pride themselves in having nothing in common with Pro 
testantism ! To such persons, the Lutheran Reformation is still 
a great offence, and all traces of connection with it must be 
thoroughly eradicated ! 

Gardiner had not been inactive while Fox and his associates 

8 Hardwick " On the Articles" p. 48. 

9 Anne Boleyn. 

10 History of England, VI : 370. 
"II: p. 61,63. 

So The Liitheran Movement in England. 

were conferring with the theologians at Wittenberg, but from 
France, where he was watching the course of Francis, and where 
he had heard of the proposition of a union on the basis of the 
Augsburg Confession and the Apology, " unless some things be 
changed by common consent," he urges Henry, not to entertain 
such proposition, as " the granting of this article would bind the 
King to the sense of the Church of Germany, and this would be 
under an obligation, not to make use of the permissions of 
revelation." 12 

The great significance of Gardiner, however, becomes promi 
nent in the series of deliberations we are about considering. 


Cranmer and Crumwell knew well the character of the conflict 
before them, and made preparations accordingly. We have no 
record of the precise circumstances which determined the publi 
cation in 1536, of Taverner s translation of the Augsburg Con 
fession and Apology, recently brought to the attention of the 
Church by the scholarly researches of the late Dr. B. M. Sch- 
mucker. But when in addition to the constant references to 
these confessions in the negotiations between the English and the 
German theologians, and the peremptory ultimatum of the Elector 
on the withdrawal of the English ambassadors, that only on such 
basis could any agreement in the future be hoped for, we read 
the speech of Bishop Fox, in the convention hereafter to be no 
ticed, in which he glows with enthusiasm over what the German 
theologians are doing, and trace the influence of especially the 
Apology on the English Ten Articles of 1536, there seems little 
doubt that it appeared prior to the Convocation. Its publication 
afterwards would not have been opportune, nor likely to have 
met the approval of the government, in view of the many Ro 
mish errors still endorsed with emphasis in the same Janus-faced 
Articles, which nevertheless the Apology most severely arraigns 
and refutes. But, that it was not only for the deliberations of 
theologians and princes, that this book was published, its very 

12 Collier s Ecc. History of Great Britain, II : 323, 

Progress of the War for the Faith. 81 

preface shows. Richard Taverner, who even as a youth at Ox 
ford, had been persecuted for his sympathy with evangelical doc 
trine, had in view a still greater range of influence, and hoped by 
the use of the name of Crumwell to enlist the interest of a wide 
circle of English readers. " To the end," he says, "that the 
people, for whose sakes this book was commanded to be translated, 
may the more greedily devour the same," etc. As this transla 
tion of the Augsburg Confession has so recently been reprinted 
and republished (Philadelphia, 1888), further comment upon it 
here is needless. 


We come now to the formulation of the first Confession of the 
English Church, in the Southern Convocation which began its 
sessions in St. Paul s, London, June pth, 1536. 13 On that day, 
Hugh Latimer, Bishop of Worcester, by the appointment of 
Cranmer preached the opening sermon. Latimer, as a youth at 
Cambridge, had distinguished himself by his zeal against Luth- 
eranism, and had taken as the theme for his inaugural discourse, 
when in 1524.116 received the degree of B. D., an "Examination 
of the Theological Opinions of Melanchthon," in which the Prae- 
ceptor Germaniae was severely criticised. Recognized on this 
occasion by Bilney as a frank, able and earnest novice, whose 
chief error was his ignorance of the subject which he handled ; 
a private interview soon put him on the track, which brought 
him to the lasting esteem of Protestantism, as an eccentric, but 
godly, fearless, and eloquent champion of the faith which he 
once assailed. Latimer did nothing by halves. His opening 
sermon, which seems to have continued through two sessions, 
was a most scathing denunciation of the great body of his au 
dience for their indifference to a thorough purging of the Church 
of England, from Pontifical abuses, and while admirable as exhibit 
ing the progress which the great preacher had made, was not calcu 
lated to prepare the minds of his hearers for a calm and impar- 

13 History of England, III : 57. 


82 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

tial consideration of the great questions before them. 

" The mass," says Froude, " had been sung. The roll of the 
organ had died away. It was the time for the sermon, and Hugh 
Latimer, Bishop of Worcester, rose into the pulpit. Nine-tenths 
of all those eyes which were then fixed on him, would have glis 
tened with delight, could they have looked instead upon his 
burning." His text was "The Unjust Steward." A few of his 
sentences which fully justify Ranke s remark, that "Latimer 
opened the war in a fierce sermon," may serve as a sample : 
"What have ye done these seven years or more ? What one 
thing that the people of England hath been the better of an hair? 
Ye have oft sat in consultation, but what one thing is put forth, 
whereby Christ is more glorified or else Christ made more holy ? 
Then, after enumerating abuses : " Lift up your heads, brethren ; 
and see what things are to be reformed in the Church of Eng 
land. Is it so hard for you to see the many abuses in the clergy, 
the many in the laity ; abuses in the court of arches, abuses in 
the consistorial courts of bishops ; in holidays , in images and 
pictures, and relics, and pilgrimages ; in religious rites, in 
masses, etc. 14 

" The sermon," continues Froude, 15 " has reached us, but the 
audience, the five hundred fierce, vindictive men, who suffered 
under the preachers irony what they thought of it ; with what 
feelings on that summer day the heated crowd scattered out of 
the cathedral, dispersing to their dinners among the taverns 
in Fleet Street and Cheapside, all this is gone, gone without a 
sound. . . . Not often perhaps has an assembly collected where 
there was such heat of passion, such malignity of hatred." 

Crumwell took the precaution of himself presiding over the 
House of Bishops, as vicegerent of the King. Though two Arch 
bishops were present, they were obliged to yield to a layman ; 
and when his duties in parliament required his absence, he sent 
another layman, Dr. William Peter, to temporarily fill his place. 

14 Demaus Latimer, pp. 224-8. 
History, III: 61. 

Progress of the War for the Faith. 83 

The two sides were clearly drawn. There seems to be no differ 
ence in the classification that has made : 

Archbishop of Canterbury ; Thomas Goodrich, Bishop of Ely ; 
Nicholas Shaxton, Bishop of Sarum ; Hugh Latimer, Bishop of 
Worcester; Edward Fox, Bishop of Hereford; John Hilssey, 
Bishop of Rochester ; William Barlow, Bishop of St. David s. 


Archbishop of York ; John Stokesley, Bishop of London ; Cuth- 
bert Tunstall, Bishop of Durham ; Stephen Gardiner, Bishop of 
Winchester ; Robert Sherborne, Bishop of Chichester ; Richard 
Nyx, Bishop of Norwich ; John Kite, Bishop of Carlisle. 


While the Upper House, of the Convocation was thus about 
equally divided, in the Lower House, the hierarchists were 
largely in the majority. On June 23d, the Lower House accord 
ingly sends the bishops a catalogue of erroneous doctrines, which 
were publicly preached in the realm, and ironically declares, 
that they are "worthy special reformation." They comprise 
sixty-seven items, which are compared by old Thomas Fuller 16 to 
"Jeremy s basket of figs; those that are good, exceeding gqod, 
those that are bad, exceeding bad, Jer. 24: 3." It is a strange 
mixture of truly evangelical statements, with exaggerations and 
fanatical extravagances, of which some are perversions that are 
clearly traceable, and others can be explained by the well-known 
law concerning the relation between extremes. Wherever taught 
they were the penalty necessarily to be expected where the at 
tempt is made to suppress the true conservatism of evangelical 
teaching. We have found many of the specifications presenting 
statements either directly given in the Augsburg Confession and 
Apology, or else such as have been twisted by sinister interpre 

The first charge that the sacrament of the altar is not to be es 
teemed, is only a perversion of what those confessions teach 

16 Church History of Britain, II : 74. 

84 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

concerning the Romish Mass. The second concerning Extreme 
Unction correctly states what is taught in the Apology. The 
third, that priests have no more authority than laity to adminis 
ter the Lord s Supper is a perversion of what may be found in 
the Apology, Article XXII. The fourth, concerning Confirma 
tion is probably suggested by the Apology s treatment of the 
subject. The sixth, concerning Anti-Christ and the withholding 
of the cup is correct (Apology, pp. 280, 244). The seventh is 
the substance of Art. XXIV in both Confession and Apology. 
The eighth is especially interesting in its connection. " It is 
preached and taught that the church which is commonly taken 
for the church is the old synagogue." 

Now compare the Apology, page 164: 14: "What dif- 
erence will there be between the people of the Law and the 
Church, if the Church be an outward polity?" The paragraph 
continues: " And that the church is the congregation of good 
men only." With this, compare the Augsburg Confession in 
Taverner s translation: "The church is a congregation of 
holy persons." The .ninth item, concerning the Litany, is only 
a misrepresentation of what is taught in Art. XXI concerning the 
Invocation of Saints. The tenth, " that man hath no free will " 
at once suggests Article XVIII. The eleventh seems at first 
sight to be an Anabaptistic or Lollard extravagance: "That 
God never gave grace nor knowledge of Holy Scripture to any 
great estate or rich man ;" yet it is easily explained by what the 
confessions, in treating of the Freedom of the Will, declare con 
cerning the impotence of those in the highest station, especially 
the learned of this world without the illuminating work of the 
Holy Spirit, to attain a knowledge of divine things ; the standard 
of these critics, with respect to eminent position, being that of 
wealth, instead of learning. In the twelfth, "that all religions 
and professions are clean contrary to Christ s religion " we find a 
distortion and misapplication of Art. XXVII " On Monastic 
Vows." The history of the controversies concerning the Luth 
eran confessions in this country will supply many examples of 

Progress of the War for the Faith. 85 

perversions and misinterpretations no less forced and absurd, 
Were it necessary we might in the same way continue the exami 
nation of the entire list, and though we could not trace all, yet 
we could find the majority either incorrectly stating or misinter 
preting what is taught in the Confession and Apology. This 
catalogue of alleged errors begins with the sacraments, and first ? 
devotes to them seven paragraphs, that had doubtless been the 
first, and we may even say, the main, subjects of heated and pro 
longed debate in the Upper House ; and nearly two weeks of the 
session had passed before this paper from the Lower House ap 


" O ! what tugging was there betwixt those opposite sides," " 
writes one in the next century. Three speeches on the Protes 
tant side are especially noticeable. One is that of Cranmer, in 
which he urges the consideration of "the weighty controver 
sies," which he defines as not concerned about " ceremonies or 
light things," but such questions as the following: " The differ 
ence between the Law and the Gospel, how to receive the for 
giveness of sins, the manner to comfort doubtful and wavering 
consciences, the true use of the sacraments, justification by faith, 
and not by any ex opere operate virtue of the sacraments, what 
are truly good works, whether human traditions be binding, 
whether confirmation, ordination, etc., should be called sacra 
ments." 18 If he had intended to urge the adoption of the Apology 
how could he have introduced the subject better, or have presented 
with more correctness an outline of the scope of its matchless 

Another speech was that of a Lutheran scholar, whom Me- 
lanchthon had sent from Wittenberg to Crumwell in August, 
1535, as the bearer of the presentation copy of his Loci to the 
king, with the endorsement that " he was a man of such learn 
ing, honor and energy that he could carry no recommendation 

"Ib. P . 75. 

18 See extract in Hard-wick s Articles, pp. 52 sq. 

86 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

.higher than his own virtue." Alexander Alesius (Allan), born 
in Edinburgh, and Canon of St. Andrew s had left his country 
because of his faith in 1532, studied at Wittenberg, was the con 
fidential friend of Melanchthon, and after 1540 until his death 
in 1565, Professor in the University of Leipzig. Crumwell in 
troduced him before the bishops to argue the question of the 
number of the sacraments, which he did with great vigor and 
learning, but his presence provoked the bishops, so that Cran- 
mer, on the ground that his life was imperilled, prevailed on him 
not to return the day after he had begun his argument. Alesius 
himself narrates the occurrence in a document, part of which 
is published in Ellis Original Records. 19 The date 1537 
there given, has led some to infer that he narrates the circum 
stances of another conference ; but the error is, as most writers 
maintain, most probably in the year stated. His argument began : 
"Right honorable and noble lord, and you most reverend 
fathers and prelates of the church, although I come unprepared 
unto this disputation, yet trusting in the aid of Christ, which 
promiseth to give mouth and wisdom unto us, when we be re 
quired of our faith, I will utter my sentence and judgment of 
this disputation. And I think that my lord archbishop hath given 
you a profitable exhortation that ye should first agree of the sig 
nification of a sacrament : Whether ye will call a sacrament a 
ceremony institute of Christ in the Gospel to signify a special or 
a singular virtue of the Gospel, or whether ye mean that every 
ceremony generally which may be a token or signification of an 
holy thing, to be a sacrament. For after the latter signification 
I will not stick to grant that there be seven sacraments and more 
too, if ye will." 20 When Alesius was proceeding to prove this 
"not only from Scripture, but by the old doctors and by the 
school writers also," Bishop Fox interrupted him : "Brother 
Alexander, contend not much about the mind and sayings of 
the doctors and school writers, for ye know that they in many 

19 Vol. Ill: 196 sqq. 

20 Compare with this argument, Apology, p. 215. 

Progress of the War for the Faith, 87 

places do differ among themselves, and that they are contrary to 
themselves in almost every article. And there is no hope of any 
concord if we must lean to their judgment in matters of contro 

The speech of Fox, Bishop of Hereford, who only three 
months before had been conferring with Luther and Melanch- 
thon at Wittenberg, shows how he had been influenced by what 
he had seen and heard : 

" Think not that we can by any sophistical subtleties steal out 
of the world again the light which every one doth see. Christ hath 
so lightened the world at this time that the light of the Gospel 
hath put to flight all misty darkness, and it will shortly have the 
higher hand of all clouds, though we resist in vain never so much. 
The lay people do know the Holy Scripture better than many of 
us. And the Germans have made the text of the Bible so plain 
and easy by the Hebrew and the Greek tongue that now many 
things may be better understood without any glosses at all than 
by all the commentaries of the Doctors. And moreover they 
have so opened their controversies by their writings that women 
and children may wonder at the blindness and falsehood that 
hath been hitherto. There is nothing so feeble and weak, so 
that it be true, but it shall find place and be able to stand against 
all falsehood. Truth is the daughter of time, and time is the 
mother of truth : and whatsoever is besieged of truth cannot long 
continue ; and upon whose side truth doth stand, that ought not 
to be thought transitory as that it will ever fall. All things con 
sist not in painted eloquence and strength of authority ; for the 
truth is of so great power that it could neither be resisted with 
words, nor be overcome with any strength, but after she hath 
hidden herself long, at last she putteth up her head and ap- 

It is also worthy of note that Alesius in the account above re 
ferred to, reports also : " The right noble Lord Crumwell did 
defend the pure doctrine of the Gospel hard." 



Thomas Fuller s Comparison. Archbishop Laurence s Discovery. The 
Articles of Melanchthonian Origin. The Evidence in Parallel Columns. 
Romish Leaven. Explanation of Inconsistencies. Estimates of Foxe 
(1559), Fuller (1662), Strype (1694), Laurence (1804), Lingard (1819), 
Tracts for the Times (1836), Lathbury (1842), Hardwick (1852), Ranke 
(1859), Blunt (1868), Schaff (1877), Geikie (1879), Perry (1879), Jen 
nings (1882), Franklin (1886). Canon Dixon s criticism examined. 

THE result of the Convocation of 1536 was the subscription 
and publication of the first English Confession : " Articles de 
vised by the Kinges Highest Majestic to stablyshe Christen 
Quietnes and Unitie amonge us, and to avoyde contentious 
opinions." 1 It is certainly a strange medley, combining the 
evangelical and Romish doctrines in such strange proportions 
and with such startling contradictions, as to vividly recall the 
Roman poet s figure: If a painter would put a horse s neck 
to a human head, and attach feathers to the members," etc. 
Thomas Fuller, writing a little more than a hundred years after 
wards says :* "As when two stout and sturdy travelers meet to 
gether and both desire the way, yet neither are willing to fight 
for it in their passage, they so shove and shoulder one another, 
that dividing the way betwixt them both, yet neither get the 
same ; so those two opposite parties were fain at last in a drawn 
battle to part the prize between them, neither of them being 

lr They may be found in the Appendix to Burnefs History ; in Hardwick s 
Articles; in Strypi s Memorials ; in Fuller s Church History; and in Col 
lier s Church History. 

2 Church History, II : 75. 


The Ten Articles of 1536. 89 

conquering or conquered ; but a medley-religion as an expedient 
being made up betwixt them both, to salve the credits of both." 
We defer making an estimate of this unique document, until we 
have first examined its contents. The Melanchthonian origin 
of much that it contains was asserted by Archbishop Laurence in 
1804, because of several sentences which he believed had been 
from Melanchthon s Loci. Every writer has peculiar phrases, 
and every teacher fixed definitions which are necessarily repeated 
in various connections. We propose to show that the Apology 
formed the ground-work for the articles. The Augsburg Con 
fession was also used ; as well as certain Articles 3 which in Feb 
ruary, 1536, Melanchthon prepared against the Anabaptists. 
One of the papers which Melanchthon himself wrote during the 
March conferences, (possibly the Repetitio of 1536, which the 
commission carried with them to England) may have embodied 
all these elements; or one of the evangelical English theologians 
as Bishop Fox, may have prepared a document thoroughly Luth 
eran in its character. This was then amended, and interpolated 
by Romanizing qualifications, and supplemented by Romanizing 
articles, possibly by the King s own hand, possibly by that of hier 
archical theologians who were scarcely their monarch s equal, or 
possibly by Cranmer s policy of surrendering much to gain what 
he regarded more for the cause which he represented, until it is 
no wonder that its relation to the Apology has not been suspected 
by English writers. We submit the evidence that has con 
vinced us. 

The " Ten Articles " are divided into two sections, the first 
treating of doctrines, and the second of ceremonies. The First 
Article, on " The principal articles concerning our faith " de 
fines the relation of the English Church to the three oecumenical 
creeds, and is possibly in the main from the pen of Melanchthon, 
although we have not been able to trace it more definitely. It 
greatly resembles the Introduction to the First Part of the Con- 
fcssio Sax mica of 1551, and both may have a common origin. 

8 Corpus Rcformatoruni III : 29 sqq. 


The Lutheran Movement in England. 

The next three articles treat of the Sacraments, as this was the 
first subject of discussion in the Convocation. The very fact 
that the number of sacraments is here determined as three, first 
led us to suspect the fact that the Apology was used in its prep 
aration, it being well-known that this is the number fixed in the 
Apology. The Sacrament of Baptism is treated at considerable 
length, principally in order to prove the validity of Infant Bap 
tism. That one-seventh of the space devoted to doctrine should 
be occupied with the recapitulation of arguments on a subject con 
cerning which there was no difference between the two sides, 
and no false charge made in the list of sixty-ssven points, em 
bracing as one would think, every conceivable item of misrepre 
sentation, will scarcely admit of any other explanation, than that 
of the controversies with Anabaptists in Germany, with which 
Melanchthon was occupied during the presence of the English 
embassy in Wittenberg. Although Hardwick says of the Ana 
baptists : * " Traces of them occur in England as early as 1536," 
yet they could not have had such importance as to have de 
manded such conspicuous treatment at this time. Here we find 
Melanchthon s Adversus Anabaptistas " used. 

" Outside of the Christian Church, 
there is no salvation ; therefore chil 
dren must be incorporated into the 
Christian Church. But if children 
are to be members of the Christian 
Church, they must be cleansed by the 
Holy Ghost and baptism. Therefore 
Christ says : " No man can enter the 
Kingdom of Heaven except he be 
born again of water and the Holy 
Ghost. " 

" It is certain that the grace of 
Christ, remission of sins and salva 
tion, promised in the gospel, belong 
also to children." 

4 History of Reformation, p. 197. 

5 C orpus Reformatorum 3 : 33 SAJ. 


" The sacrament of baptism was 
instituted and ordained in the New 
Testament by our Saviour Jesus 
Christ, as a thing necessary for the 
attainment of everlasting life accord 
ing JLo the saying of Christ : No 
man can enter the Kingdom of Hea 
ven except he be born of water and 
the Holy Ghost. " 

" It is offered unto all men, as well 
as infants as such as have the use of 
reason, that by baptism they shall 
have remission of sins, and the grace 
and favor of God." 

The Ten Articles of 1536. 


The traces of the Apology become then more apparent. 

APOLOGY (173: 51.) 
Latin : " The promise of salvation 
pertaineth also to little children." 
German : " The promises of grace 
and of the Holy Ghost belong not 
alone to the old, but to children." 

" The promise of grace and of ever 
lasting life pertaineth not only unto 
such as have the use of reason, but 
also to infants, innocents and chil 

Next the Augsburg Confession is called into service. 


[Original Sin] " is truly sin, con- " Infants must needs be christened 
demning and bringing eternal death because they be born in original sin, 
now also upon all that are not born which sin must needs be remitted ; 
again by baptism and the Holy Spirit." which cannot be done but by the sac 
rament of baptism, whereby they re 
ceive the Holy Ghost." 

Passing to Article III, "The Sacrament of Penance," which 
with certain qualifications the Apology allows as a sacrament, 
although with a different conception of Poenitentia, which is no 
longer Penance, but Repentance, the resemblance is, if anything, 
more striking. 


" Such as have fallen after baptism 
may find remission of sins at what 
time they are converted." 


" Such men which after baptism 
fall again into sin ... whensoever 
they convert themselves . . . shall 
without doubt attain remission of 

" The sacrament of perfect pen 
ance which Christ requireth, consisteth 
of three parts, that is to say, contri 
tion, confession and amendment of 
the former life, and a new obedient 
reconciliation unto the laws and will 
of God, which be called in Scripture, 
the worthy fruits of penance." 

APOLOGY, (181 : 28.) 

" We have ascribed to repentance 
these two parts viz., Contrition and 
faith. If any one desire to add a 
third, viz., fruits worthy of repentance, 
i. e., a change of the entire life and 
character for the better, we will not 
make any opposition." 

[Cf. Melanchthon s Examen Or- 
dinandorum (1556): "How many 
parts of repentance are there ? There 
are three : Contrition, Faith and Obe 

The hand of the Romanizing emendator is apparent in the 
above substitution of "Confession" for "Faith." As a com- 

* Although the Examen is twenty years later, we cite it to show that the 
formula is Melanchthonian. 

Lutheran Movement in England. 

promise, he introduces " Faith " as an element of " Contrition." 
The " Contrition " of the Ten Articles, therefore, is the "Re 
pentance " of the Confession and Apology. 

" Repentance consisteth properly 
of these two parts : One is contrition, 
or terrors stricken into the conscience 
through the acknowledgment of sin ; 
the other is faith, which is conceived 
by the gospel, or absolution, and doth 
believe that for Christ s sake sins be 

APOLOGY, (181 : 29.) 
" Contrition is the true terror of 

conscience which feels that God is 

angry with sin." 

" And this contrition occurs when 

sins are censured from the Word of 

God. . . When this is taught, it is the 

doctrine of the Law." 

APOLOGY, (183 : 42.) 
" This faith is nourished through 
the declarations of the gospel, and the 
use of the sacraments ; for these are 
the signs of the New Testament." 

APOLOGY, (196 : 2.) 
" We also retain confession, espe 
cially on account of the absolution, 
which is the Word of God, that, by 
divine authority, the Power of the 
Keys proclaims concerning individ 
uals " 183 : 39 : " The Power of the 
Keys administers and presents the 
gospel through absolution." 


" Contrition consisteth in two spe 
cial parts, which must always be con 
joined together, and cannot be disse 
vered ; that is to say, the penitent and 
contrite man must first acknowledge 
the filthiness and abomination of his 
own sin . . . ; the second part, that is 
to wit, a certain faith, trust and con 
fidence of the mercy and goodness of 
God, whereby the penitent must con 
ceive certain hope and faith that God 
will forgive him his sins and repute 
him justified, and of the number of 
elect, not for the worthiness of any 
merit or work done by the penitent, 
but for the only merits of the blood 
and passion of our Saviour Jesus 

" Feeling and perceiving in his 
conscience that God is angry with 
him for the same." 

" Unto which knowledge he is 
brought by hearing and considering 
of the Will of God declared in His 


" This certain faith is gotten and 
also confirmed and made more strong 
by the applying of Christ s words and 
promises of His grace and favor, con 
tained in His gospel, and the sacra 
ments instituted by Him in the New 

" To attain this certain faith, the 
second part of penance is necessary, 
i. e., confession to a priest." [Here 
again in "priest," the hand of the 
emendator is seen.] " For the abso 
lution given by the priest was instituted 
of Christ to apply the promises of 
God s grace and favor to the penitent." 

The Ten Articles of 1536. 


" Men are taught that they should 
not lightly regard absolution, inas 
much as it is God s voice, and pro 
nounced by God s command." 

APOLOGY, (183: 40.) 
" The voice of the one absolving 
must be believed not otherwise than 
we would believe a voice from hea 
ven." Cf. Aug. Conf. xxv. 4: " God 
requires faith, that we believe that 
absolution is a voice sounding from 

There is a very skillful combination of two arguments which by 
changing the emphasis, and removing the passages from their 
connection, somewhat changes the meaning of our Lutheran 
Confessions : 

" They ought to believe that the 
words of absolution pronounced by 
the priest be spoken by authority given 
to him by Christ in his gospel." 

" That they ought and must give 
no less faith and credence to the same 
words of absolution . . . than unto 
the very words of God Himself if he 
should speak unto us out of heaven." 

APOLOGY, (204 : 43.) 
" Besides the death of Christ is a 
satisfaction not only for guilt, but also 
for eternal death." 

(212: 77.) 

" We have already frequently testi 
fied, that repentance ought to produce 
good fruits, and what good fruits are 
the ten commandments teach, viz., 
prayer, thanksgiving, the confession 
to give to the 


Although Christ and his death be 
the sufficient oblation, sacrifice, satis 
faction and recompence, for which 
God the Father forgiveth and remit- 
teth to all sinners not only their sin, 
but also eternal pain due for the 
same ; yet all men truly penitent, con 
trite and confessed, must needs also 
bring forth the fruits of penitence, 
that is to say, prayer, fastings, alms, 
deeds," etc. 

of the gospel 
needy," etc. 

The argument of the Apology concerning the rewards granted 
the obedience of believers, not as rewards of merit, but as the 
promised free gifts of God s love, is also dexterously turned, to 
a Romish interpretation. 

APOLOGY, (133 : 147.) 
" Even we concede that the pun 
ishments by which we be chastised, are 
mitigated by our prayers and good 
works, and finally by our entire re 
pentance, I Cor. II : 31, Jer. 15 : 19, 
Zech. I : 3." 


" By penance, and such good works 
of the same, we shall not only obtain 
everlasting life, but also we shall de 
serve remission or mitigation of these 
present pains and afflictions in this 
world, I Cor. II : 31, Zech. I : 3. 

Article IV. " Of the Sacrament of the Altar," is very Me- 
lanchthonian in its style, but seems at first sight to vary 


The Lutheran Movement in England. 

from the Lutheran doctrine by maintaining that, "under the 
form and figure of bread and wine the very selfsame body and 
blood of our Saviour Jesus Christ is verily, substantially, and 
really contained and comprehended." Thus stated, it may be 
regarded as teaching impanation. Yet the deviation from the 
phraseology which Melanchthon was in the habit of using at 
that time, before it was liable to be misinterpreted, is compari- 
tively slight. Thus the Schwabach Articles of Luther and Me 
lanchthon, and their associates, of October loth i5th, 1529, 
forming the groundwork of the first part of the Augsburg Con 
fession read (Art. X) : " There is truly present in the bread and 
wine the body and blood of Christ." 6 Melanchthon s opinion 
concerning the Sacramentarians of August ist, 1530, reads: 
"We teach that Christ s body is truly and really present with 
the bread, or in the bread," although with the limitation : "We 
reject the opinion of those who say that the body is contained in 
the bread like wine in a goblet." "We deny that the body is 
locally present in the bread." 7 The "contained and compre 
hended" are possibly an interpolation and the article in its 
original form, is possibly also from Melanchthon. It does not 
teach transubstantiation as some have inferred. 

In Article V, " Of Justification," Archbishop Laurence found 
the sentence by which he connected the Articles with Melanch 
thon s Loci. 


" Justification signifietb remission 
of sins and the reconciliation or ac 
ceptation of a person unto eternal 
life." (C. R. xxi; 412.) 

APOLOGY, (109 : 37.) 
" Since justification is reconciliation 
for Christ s sake, we are justified by 
faith, because it is very certain that 
by faith alone the remission of sins is 
received." Id. 114: 61 : " We are 
justified before God by faith alone, 
because by faith alone we receive re 
mission of sins and reconciliation." 

6 Book of Concord, (Jacobs), II : 72. 

7 Ib. p. 242, sq. 


" Justification signifieth remission 
of sins, and our acceptation or recon 
ciliation into the grace and favor of 

The Ten Articles of 1536, 95 

Even the passage in the Apology which seems to confound 
Justification with Renovation, and which finds its explanation 
in the fact that like the terms Regeneration, Sacrament, etc., 
the Protestant definition had not as yet attained its fixed form as 
determined in the Formula of Concord, is here employed : 

APOLOGY, (96: 78.) 

1 The making of a righteous man 


" Our pei feet renovation in Christ." 

out of an unrighteous." 

The correspondence in the definition of good works is espe 
cially marked : 


" The Decalogue requires not only " God necessarily requireth of us to 
outward civil works, but also other do good works commanded by Him ; 
things placed far above reason, viz., and that, not only outward and civil 
to truly fear God, to truly love God, works, but also the inward spiritual 
to truly call upon God, to be truly motions and graces of the Holy 
convinced, that God hears." Ghost ; that is to say, to dread and 

fear God, to love God, to have firm 
confidence and trust in God, to invo- 
cate and call upon God." 

These citations could be readily multiplied ; but what have 
been given are sufficient to establish the fact that the evangelical 
statements of the articles were taken not only largely from the Apol 
ogy, but also from the Augsburg Confession, and other writings of 
Melanchthon. " It has been denied," says Canon Dixon in his 
recent "History of the Church of England," 8 "that there -was 
any Lutheranism in the First English Confession, and certainly 
it must not be forgotten that this time the doctrines of Germany 
were heresy in England. But with all that is known of Henry s 
negotiations with German princes, it seems impossible to explain 
away the plain evidence which Laurence has brought to prove 
that the reformed doctrine infused into the Confession came from 
Germany." And yet Archbishop Laurence s inference was 
based upon the evidence of but one or two sentences ! Mr. 
Froude s plea for Henry VIII, on the supposition that the deep 
theological reasoning, employed in the book, (which without 
sufficient evidence he thinks prepared by the King s own hand) 

8 Vol. I: p. 418. 

96 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

is a complete refutation of the generally received opinion of his 
guilt in the execution of one wife, and the marriage of another 
only three weeks before, 9 of course falls to the ground, when the 
parts of the Articles worthy of especial admiration are found to 
be the rich fruit of Melanchthon s labors. So far as the articles 
vary from the Apology, and the other Melanchthonian docu 
ments, they certainly do not exhibit any distinguished merit. 
Ranke approaches very closely the true solution of the origin of 
the Ten Articles when he says that the first five have their origin 
" in the Augsburg Confession or in commentaries on it." 10 


While the main treatment in "The Ten Articles" has been 
shown to be from Melanchthon, yet a little Romish leaven, 
leavens the whole lump. Much that is conceded to the Luth 
eran position is neutralized by other statements to which no 
evangelical Christian could knowingly subscribe. Scripture is to 
be received "only as the holy approved doctors of the Church 
do entreat and defend the same." Repentance is still "doing 
penance." Faith can be attained in no other way than through 
Confession and Absolution. The relation of faith to justifica 
tion is altogether misinterpreted. It is placed in the same cate 
gory with prayers, fastings, works of charity, as co-ordinate 
means of apprehending the merits of Christ. While the very 
language of the Apology is so freely appropriated, the main 
point of the most elaborate chapter in that matchless document 
is directly antagonized, when, - perfect charity" with " perfect 
faith," is made a condition of justification. Prayers to the saints 

9 " The King, then three weeks married to Jane Seymour, in the first en 
joyment, as some historians require us to believe, of a guilty pleasure pur 
chased by an infamous murder, drew up with his own hand, a body of artic 
les, interesting as throwing light upon his state of mind, and of deeper mo 
ment as the first authoritative statement of doctrine in the Anglican Church." 
Froude s History of England, (London edition^), III : 67. 

10 History of England, I: 157. Cardwell, Hare, Jennings and other An 
glican writers concede the connection of the Articles with the Augsburg 
Confession, but know nothing of its closer dependence on the Apology. 

The Ten Articles of 1536. 97 

and Purgatory are strenuously maintained. The retention of 
images in the churches, and the long list of ceremonies approved, 
are less objectionable features, as their defence is accompanied 
with injunctions that the people shall be taught "they have no 
power to remit sins, but only to stir and lift up our minds to 
God," and the "kneeling to, and censing" of images is for 


The evangelical theologians of the type of Cranmer, Fox, and 
Latimer, doubtless thought that so great an advance had been 
made in the acceptance of the principles of the Augsburg Con 
fession, that the Romanizing elements interpolated could be al 
lowed to stand and could even be subscribed, as liable, in the 
presence of the fuller light of the truth, to gradually die out. 
Of course such an agreement was doomed the very moment it 
was signed. Opposing systems cannot he reconciled by com 
promise. What is truth is truth, and must disengage itself from 
all compromises with error. Yet we must not regard the Eng 
lish Lutneran theologians of that period mere temporizers. Men 
do not become great reformers all at once ; nor do they under 
stand the full force of concessions they may be inclined to make 
in the interest of peace and external harmony. In the begin 
ning, contradictory opinions may be held by the same person, in 
his unconsciousness that they are contradictory. Luther s 
Ninety-five Theses are as full of contradictions as the "Ten 
Articles," and, therefore, could never have had any permanence 
as a Church Confession. The two elements which they con 
tained had to come into conflict, in which the one was to be 
conquered and expelled by the other. It has been said that 
when a man is found half way up hill, it makes all the difference, 
in judging him, if we find from which direction he has come; 
and on the same principle we are not disposed to harshly con 
demn those who unconsciously surrendered the cardinal doc 
trines of the Reformation, while, at the same time, confessing so 
much that is precious. The Interim of 1548 has sometimes been 

98 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

compared with these articles, as both being unfortunate compro 
mises. But the Interim was favored by men who had had the 
full light of Evangelical truth, and had done praiseworthy ser 
vice in its diffusion ; it was a retrogression by which expelled 
Papacy was again to be gradually introduced where the gospel 
had been established; while "The Ten Articles," with all their 
objectionable features give royal endorsement to doctrines here 
tofore known as heresies, and secure their introduction in 
churches where previously they had never been heard. Luther ap 
preciated the real conditions involved when a few months before, 
after the negotiations at Wittenberg had ended, he wrote con 
cerning affairs in England : " It is indeed true, that we ought 
to have patience even though everything in doctrine be not 
realized all at once, (as this has not occurred even among 
us.)" 11 

Nevertheless we cannot but admire the consistency of Gardi 
ner on the other side, in withholding his signature, however 
strongly we may suspect that his course was only a stroke of pol 
icy. It is well to note some of the various estimates placed upon 
these articles. We must bear in mind in so doing, that from a 
Lutheran standpoint some of the principles maintained, must 
necessarily be seen in a far different -light than from a Reformed 
standpoint. There are some features which the latter might 
judge as Romanizing, that we do not concede as such, however 
we may agreee in a joint condemnation of the articles on other 

JOHN FOXE, (1559): " Wherein although there were many 
and great imperfections, and untruths not to be permitted in any 
true reformed church, yet notwithstanding, the king and his 
council, to bear with the weaklings which were newly weaned 
from their mother s milk of Rome, thought it might serve some 
what for the time. 12 

11 Letter of April 2Oth, to Vice Chancellor Burkhard, De Wette s Briefen, 
IV: 688. 

12 Acts and Monuments. 

The Ten Articles of 1536. 99 

THOMAS FULLER (1662) : " Some zealots of our age will con 
demn the Laodicean temper of the Protestant bishops. Such 
men see the faults of the Reformers, but not the difficulties of 
the Reformation. These Protestant bishops were at this time to 
encounter with the Popish clergy, equal in number, not inferior 
in learning, but far greater in power and dependencies. Be 
sides the generality of the people of the land, being nestled in 
ignorance and superstition, could not on a sudden endure the 
extremity of absolute Reformation. Should our eyes be instantly 
posted out of midnight into noonday, certainly we should be 
blinded with the suddenness and excellency of the lustre. Na 
ture therefore hath wisely provided the twilight as a bridge, by 
degrees to pass us from darkness to light." 13 

STRYPE, (1604): "We find, indeed, many Popish errors 
mixed with evangelical truths ; which must either be attributed 
to the defectiveness of our prelate s knowledge as yet in true re 
ligion, or being the principles and opinions of the king, or both. 
Let not any be offended herewith, but let him rather take notice 
what a great deal of gospel doctrine came to light, and not only 
so, but was owned and propounded by authority to be believed 
and practiced. The sun of truth was now but rising and break 
ing through the mists of that idolatry, superstition and ignorance, 
that had so long prevailed in this nation and the rest of the 
world, and was not yet advanced to its meridian brightness." 14 

ARCHBISHOP LAURENCE, (1804), " Certain articles of religion 
were drawn up and edited in the king s name, which were evi 
dently of a Lutheran tendency." 15 

LINGARD, (Roman Catholic, 1819-25): "Throughout the 
work Henry s attachment to the ancient faith is most manifest ; 
and the only concession which he makes to the men of the new 
learning, is the order for the removal of abuses, with perhaps the 
omission of a few controverted subjects." ** 

18 Church History, II : 76. 

^ Memorials of Archbishop Cranmer, I: 90. 

61 Bampton Lectures, p. 201. 

16 History of England, VI : 272. 

too The Lutheran Movement in England. 

TRACTS FOR THE TIMES, (1836) : " It is now universally ad 
mitted as an axiom in ecclesiastical and political matters, that 
sudden and violent changes must be injurious ; and though our 
own revolution of opinion and practice was happily slower and 
more carefully considered than those of our neighbors, yet it was 
too much influenced by secular interest, sudden external events 
and the will of individuals, to carry with it any vouchers for the 
perfection and entireness of the religious system thence emerg 
ing. The proceedings for instance of 1536 remind us at once 
of the dangers to which the church was exposed, and of its prov 
idential deliverance from the worst part of them ; the articles 
then framed, being according to Burnet, in several places cor 
rected by the king s own hand." " 

LATHBURY, (1842) : " Though much error was retained, yet 
these articles were calculated to advance the Reformation, for 
they embody many sentiments at variance with the received doc 
trines of the Romish Church. That Cranmer was concerned in 
the preparation of these articles, there is good reason to be 
lieve." 18 

HARDWICK, (1852): "They are the work of a transition 
period, of men who had not learned to contemplate the truth in 
all the fulness of its harmonies and contrasts, and who conse 
quently did not shrink from acquiescing in accommodations and 
concessions which to their riper understanding might have 
seemed a betrayal of a sacred trust. . . . They were treading 
upon ground with which few of them were as yet familiar, and 
we need not wonder if they sometimes stumbled or even wholly 
lost their way. An example of this want of firmness may be 
traced in the conduct of Bishop Latimer. Although one of the 
sermons which he preached at the assembling of the Convoca 
tion is distinguished by a resolute assault upon the received doc 
trine of purgatory, he ultimately put his hand to the statement, 
enjoining men to pray for the souls of the departed in the 

"Tract 71, vol. Ill: 25. 

^ History of the Convocation of the Church of England, p. 126. 

The Ten Articles of 1536. 101 

masses and exequies, and to give alms to other to pray for them, 
whereby they may be relieved and holpen of their pain. " 19 

RANKE, (1859): "The first five are taken from the Confes 
sion .of Augsburg or from commentaries on it ; as to these the 
Bishop of Hereford [Fox], agreed with the theologians of Wit 
tenberg. In the following articles, the veneration, even the 
invocation, and n > small part of the existing ceremonies 
is allowed though in terms which with all their moderation, 
cannot disguise the rejection of them in principle. Despite 
these limitations the document contains a clear adoption of the 
principles of religious reform as they were carried out in Ger 
many." 20 

BLUNT, (1868) : " It will be observed, that the clergy were 
now feeling their way to a sound theological basis for the refor 
mation of doctrine. . . . Both sides gave way in some particu 
lars, for the sake of coming to a common standing ground." 21 

SCHAFF, (1877): "They are essentially Romish, with the 
Pope left out in the cold. They cannot even be called a com 
promise between the advocates of the old learning headed by 
Gardiner, and of the new learning headed by Cranmer." 22 

GEIKIE, (i879J: "Like all compromises the Ten Articles 
pleased neither side. 23 

PERRY, (1879) : " ^he Ten Articles were the declaration as 
to how far the English Church was prepared to go with the 
Augsburg Confession." 24 

JENNINGS, (1882) : "In the preparation of the Ten Articles 
the king was helped probably by Cranmer and Fox. Policy or 
higher motives infused into this formulary, a spirit of concession, 
so that while it was a compliment to the Protestants, it enforced 

19 History of Articles, p. 57. 

20 History of England, 1 : 157. 

21 Reformation in the Church of England, 1 : 443. 

22 Creeds of Christendom, 1 : 6ll. 

23 English Reformation, p. 286. 

24 History of the Church of England, p. 147. 

io2 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

t on the conservative party at home nothing which they would 
deem objectionable. 25 

FRANKLIN, (in Church Cyclopaedia, 1886) : The hands of 
both Gardiner and Cranmer appear in them with not a little of 
the dash of Henry VIII." 

We defer, to the last, the words of Canon Dixon, whose " His 
tory of the Church of England" in three large octavos, has 
been received with high favor within that communion and its 
affiliated branches : 

" From the beginning to the end, the English Confessions, 
(of which these articles were the first) have borne the impression 
of a settled intention which was such as caused them to be differ 
ent from the curious, definite and longsome particularity of the 
Continent. They had the design of preserving the unity of the 
English Church. This was the characteristic of the nation, and 
exhibited an undeviating determination which has survived the 
violence of every age. . . . Though he enslaved and robbed the 
Church of which he was the Supreme Head, he had no thought 
of destroying her. 26 

This is a candid acknowledgment ; and it is worth while not 
only to seriously test the assertion here made, that it is the aim 
of the whole series of English Confession to avoid such "defi 
nite particularity" as characterizes the Lutheran Confessions, 
but also, if the statement be true, to note the price that is paid, 
for readiness to accept even error, or to subscribe in the same 
document to contradictory and mutually exclusive doctrines, in 
order thereby to escape from the calamity of " destroying " the 
Church. There is also another matter worthy of some thought, 
viz., as to how if a communion be the Church, its clear and de 
finite confession of the truth can destroy it, when fo the truth of 
the Church s confession the promise is attached, that " the gates 
of hell shall not prevail against it ? Can any association that 
is in such peril be the Church ? 

K Ecclesia Anglicana, p. 182. 

M History of the Church of England ",I: 411. 

The Ten Articles of /5J<5. 103 

There is besides another important lesson here suggested, and 
that is the fatality attending all efforts to modify and adjust to pe 
culiar relations of time and place the unalterable principles set 
forth in the Augsburg Confession and Apology. 



Failure of the Ten Articles. Cranmer and Luther s Catechism. The Com 
mission to prepare another Document. Cranmer and Fox vs. Stokesley. 
Indebtedness of the " Book " to Luther s Catechisms, the Augsburg Con 
fession, the Apology, and Luther s explanation ofiheslve Maria. Other 
Sources. The King s Amendments, and Cranmer s Answer. 


THE Articles of 1536, like all compromises, inspired no en 
thusiasm. They were too Lutheran for the hierarchists ; they 
were too Romish for the Lutherans. They were too ambiguous 
for those whose consciences demanded the clearest and most 
definite answers to the questions which, by the agency of the 
Holy Spirit, most profoundly move the heart. They were too 
meagre, even where they were clearest. They were too theolog 
ical for popular use. The evangelical leaven was doubtless 
spreading among the people ; a model of plain instruction to be 
furnished pastors was much needed. There can be no doubt, 
that Cranmer, during his stay in Germany in 1531 and 1532, 
and especially while tarrying with Osiander at Niirnberg, learned 
to know well Luther s Catechisms and their vast influence; and 
the result shows that they gave an important suggestion concern 
ing a new Confession. 

Early in 1537, we find, therefore, a commission assembled 
at Cranmer s residence, composed mostly of bishops, en 
gaged in the preparation of a book to be promulgated by auth 
ority, for the purpose of meeting these various wants. Gardiner 
and Stokesley were the leading hierarchists. Cranmer and Fox, 
again headed the Lutheranizing element, while Latimer also was 


The Bishops* Book of 1537. 105 

present with his practical and impetuous mind vexed at the labor 
spent in the discussion of speculative points of theology, which 
to him had little interest, and longing to escape from the tur 
moil by once more becoming rector of Kingston, instead of 
Bishop of Worcester. At certain stages of the work, especially 
that pertaining to the sacraments, questions were submitted by 
the Archbishop to which each member of the commission gave 
his answers in writing, which, when gathered, were used in the 
final formulation of the document. It was completed early in 
the summer, and its publication was superintended by Bishop 
Fox. Although generally known as " The Bishops Book," its 
proper title is that of "Institution of a Christian Man." Eras 
mus, had published a book with this very same title in 1518. 
Tyndale s book of 1528 was "The Obedience of a Christian 
Man." Cranmer is universally conceded to have contributed 
by fa/ the most part to it, while Fox also must have much of the 
credit for the contents, as he was their chief advocate in the 
commission. Although still retaining some Romish elements, it 
was a great triumph for the Lutheran side, especially as all oppo 
sition was for the first time silenced, and even Gardiner added 
his signature. " By this work, the Reformation was placed on 
the loftiest ground which it was ever destined to reach during 
the reign of Henry." 1 "It is altogether an illustrious monu 
ment of the achievements of Cranmer and his colleagues against 
the intrigues and opposition of a party, formidable at once for 
their zeal, number and power. 2 

The very list of contents makes us suspect its origin. They 
are: " i. The Apostles Creed. 2. The Sacraments. 3. The 
Ten Commandments. 4. The Lord s Prayer. 5. The Ave 
Maria. 6. Justification. 7. Purgatory." This is the frame 
work of an exposition which in ordinary type would form a large 
volume. If some of its contents seem strange, it is well to re 
member that among Luther s earlier catechetical works is his 

1 Le Bas Cranmer, p. 155. 

s Wordworth s Ecclesiastical Biography, III: 317. 

io6 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

" Betbiichlein " of 1522, containing : i. The Ten Command 
ments. 2. The Apostles Creed. 3. The Lord s Prayer. 4. 
The Ave Maria; and that Melanchthon s Handbiichlein " 
of 1523 contains, i. The Lord s Prayer, 2. The Ave Maria, 
3. The Apostles Creed, etc. Our readers should remember 
that the angelic salutation in Luke certainly admits of an evan 
gelical explanation, and, as such, is not to be lightly esteemed. 

Into this scheme, the material of the Ten Articles wherever 
possible is introduced, occasionally with slight changes, but gen 
erally with verbal exactness. The exposition is to a great extent 
changed into the form of a personal confession, prayer, etc., 
after the model of Luther s Small Catechism. What Lohe says 
of Luther s Catechism : " It is a fact which no one denies, that 
no other catechism in the world can be made a prayer of but 
this," must be modified if parts of the Bishops Book are exam- 
amined, which are after all nothing but paraphrases of Luther s 
Catechism, of exquisite beauty, and which should be cherished 
as of imperishable worth. Froude, writing entirely from a lit 
erary standpoint, pronounces it 3 "in point of language beyond 
all question the most beautiful composition that had as yet ap 
peared in the English language." 

For those well acquainted with the Small Catechism, we need 
only quote some extracts from this second confession of the 
Church of England. 

" I believe also and confess, that among his other creatures he 
did create and make me, and did give unto me this my soul, my 
life, my body, wiih all the members that I have, great and small, 
and all the wit, reason, knowledge and understanding that I 
have ; and finally all other outward substance, possessions and 
things that I have or can have in this world." This is not ex 
actly Luther s Small Catechism, though the same in substance. 
But its correspondence with Luther s Large Catechism is still 
closer, which reads (p. 440). " I believe that I am a creature 
of God, that is, that he has given and constantly preserves to me 

8 History of England, III : 229. 

The Bishops Book of 1537. 107 

my body, soul and life, members great and small, all rny senses, 
reason and understanding, food and drink, shelter and support, 
wife and child, domestics, house and possessions, etc. 

The Bishops Book continues : 

"And I believe also and profess that he is my very God, my 
Lord, and my Father, and that I am his servant and his own son, 
by adoption and grace, and the right inheritor of his kingdom, 
and that it proceedeth and cometh of his mere goodness only, 
without all my desert, that I am in this life preserved and kept 
from dangers and perils, and that I am sustained, nourished, 
fed, clothed, and that I have health, tranquility, rest, peace, or 
any other thing necessary for this corporal life. I acknowledge 
and confess that he suffereth and causeth the sun, the moon, the 
stars, the day, the night, the air, the fire, the water, the fowls, 
the fishes, the beasts and all the fruits of the earth, to serve me 
for my profit and my necessity. 

With the latter sentence compare again Luther s Large Cate 
chism : 

" He causeth all creatures to serve for the necessities and uses 
of life sun, moon and stars in the firmament, day and night, 
air, fire, water, earth and whatever it bears and produces, bird 
and fish, beasts, grain and all kinds of produce." 

The exposition of the Second Article of the Creed is of such 
extraordinary beauty and force, and so happily expands the most 
precious section of our Catechism, as to justify a long extract. 

" And I believe also and profess that Jesus Christ is not only 
Jesus, and Lord to all men that believe in him, but also that he 
is my Jesus, my God, my Lord. For whereas of my nature I was 
born in sin, and in the indignation and displeasure of God, and 
was the very child of wrath, condemned to everlasting death, 
subject and thrall to the power of the devil, and sin, having all 
the principal parts or portions of my soul, as my reason and un 
derstanding, and my freewill, and all the other portions of my 
soul and body, not only so destituted and deprived of the gifts 
of God, wherewith they were first endowed, but also so blinded, 

io8 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

corrupted and poisoned with error, ignorance and carnal con 
cupiscence, that neither my said powers could exercise the na 
tural function and office, for the which they were ordained by 
God at the first creation, nor I by them could do or think any 
thing which might be acceptable to God, but was utterly dead to 
God and all godly things, and utterly unable and insufficient of 
mine own self to observe the least part of God s commandments, 
and utterly inclined and ready to run headlong into all kinds of sin 
and mischief; I believe, I say, that I being in this case, Jesus 
Christ, by suffering most painful and shameful death upon the 
cross, and by shedding of his most precious blood, and by that 
glorious victory which he had, when he descending into hell, and 
there overcoming both the devil and death, rose again the third 
day from death to life, and ascended into heaven, hath now pac 
ified his Father s indignation towards me, and hath reconciled 
me again into his favor, and that he hath loosed and delivered 
me from the tyranny of death, of the devil, and of sin, and hath 
made me so free from them, that they shall not finally hurt or 
annoy me. ... So that now I may boldly say and believe, as 
indeed I do perfectly believe, that by his passion, his death, his 
blood, and his conquering of death, of sin, and of the devil, by 
his resurrection and ascension, he hath made a sufficient expi 
ation or propitiation towards God, that is to say, a sufficient 
satisfaction and recompense, as well as for my original sin, as also 
for all the actual sins 4 that ever I have committed, and that I 
am so clearly rid from all the guilt of my said offences, and from 
the everlasting pain due for the same, that neither sin, nor death, 
nor hell shall be able or have any power, to hurt me or to let me, 
but that after this transistory life I shall ascend into heaven, 
there to reign with my Saviour Christ perpetually in glory and 

We find also the following amplification of one of the articles 
in the Third Part of the Creed : 

" I believe that in this catholic church, I, and all the lively 

4 See Augsburg Confession, Art. Ill : 3. 

The Bishops Book of 1337. 


and quick members of the same, shall continually and from time 
to time, so long as we shall live here on earth, obtain remission 
and forgiveness of all our sins as well original as actual, 5 by the 
merits of Christ s blood and passion, and by the virtue and effi 
cacy of Christ s sacraments, instituted by him for that purpose, 
so oft as we shall worthily receive the same. 

We add yet the explanation of the First Commandment, 
which the reader will do well to compare with that of Luther in 
the Large Catechism : 

" To have God is not to have him as we have other outward 
things, as clothes upon our back, or treasure in our chests ; nor 
also to name him with our mouth, or to worship him with kneel 
ing or other such gestures ; but to have him our God is to con 
ceive him in our hearts, to cleave fast and surely unto him with 
heart, and to put all our trust and confidence in him, to set all 
our thought and care upon him, and to hang wholly on him, tak 
ing him to be infinitely good and merciful unto us." 


We find in the Bishops Book traces, not only of Luther s Cat 
echisms, but also of the other Lutheran Confessions which were 
then extant. Not only does it incorporate within itself " The 
Ten Articles," which are based upon the Apology and the Augs 
burg Confession, but other passages are directly taken from the 
same sources. 


" For the obtaining of this faith, the 
ministry of teaching this gospel, and 
administering the sacraments was in 
stituted. For by the Word and Sac 
raments, as by instruments, the Holy 
Spirit is given who worketh faith." 


" To the attaining of which faith, 
it is also to be noted, that Christ hath 
instituted and ordained in the world 
but only two means and instruments, 
whereof the one is the ministration 
of his word, and the other is the ad 
ministration of his sacraments insti 
tuted by him ; so that it is not possi 
ble to attain this faith, but by one, or 
both of these two means. 

6 See Augsburg Confession, Art. Ill : 3. 


The Lutheran Movement in England. 

APOLOGY (Latin Eng. Trans, p. 163.) 
" It says Catholic church, in order 
that we may not understand the 
church to be an outward government 
of certain nations, but rather men 
scattered throughout the whole world, 
who agree concerning the gospel and 
have the same Christ, the same Holy 
Ghost, and the same sacraments." 

APOLOGY (German, Mueller, p. 153.) 
" That no one may think that the 
church is like any other outward 
polity, bound to to this or that land, 
kingdom or rank, as the Pope of 
Rome wants to say ; but that it abides 
certainly true, that that body and 
those men are the true church, who 
here and there in the world from the 
rising of the sun to its setting, truly 
believe in Christ, who have one Gos 
pel, one Christ, one Baptism and Sac 
rament, and are ruled by one Holy 

It will be noticed that the English paraphrase follows the 
German almost as closely, as the German translation follows the 
text of the original Latin. 

The explanation of the Ave Maria shows traces of a sermon 
of Luther of 1523. 6 

"I believe that, this Holy Church 
is catholic, that is, to say, that it can 
not be coarcted or restrained within 
the limits or bonds of any one town, 
city, province, region, or country; but 
that it is dispersed and spread univer 
sally throughout all the whole world. 
Insomuch that in what part soever of 
the world be it in Africa, Asia, or 
Europe, there may be found any num 
ber of people, of what sort, state or 
condition soever they be, which do 
believe in one God the Father, Crea 
tor of all things, and in one Lord 
Jesu Christ, his Son, and in one Holy 
Ghost, and do also profess and have 
all one faith, one hope and one char 
ity, according as it is prescribed in 
holy scripture, and do all consent in 
the true interpretation of the same 
scripture, and in the right use of the 
sacraments of Christ. 


Du siehestu dass hierinne Kein 
Gebet, sondern eitel Lob und Ehre 
begriffen ist. Gleichiwie in.denersten 
Worten des Vater Unsers auch Kein 
Gebet ist, sondern Lob und Ehre 
Gottes, dass er unser Vater and im 
Himmel sei. 


This Ave Maria is not properly a 
prayer, as the Paternoster is. Never 
theless the church hath used to ad 
join it to the end of the Paternoster, 
as an hymn, laud and praise, partly 
of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, 
for our redemption, and partly of the 
blessed virgin for her humble consent. 

Even the Smalcald Articles which had been subscribed only 
on February 22d, 1537, in their completed form being but four 
months earlier than the English Confession may have been util 
ized. For the resemblance between not only the historical por 
tions of Melanchthon s Appendix " On the Power and Primacy 

6 Erlangen Ed. xv: 318. 

The Bishops Book of 1537. l x * 

of the Pope," but also Luther s treatment in Part II. Art. IV., 
and the argument against the Papacy in the formula before us, 
is very marked. The Augsburg Confession, the Apology and the 
Smalcald Articles all seem to have been laid under contribution 
in the preparation of the chapter on " The Sacrament of Orders," 
although a hierarchical doctrine pervades it not found in the 
Lutheran formularies. * We know that on March 5th, Melanch- 
thon s paper on the reasons why " the princes, estates and cities 
of the Empire, professing the pure and catholic doctrine of the 
Gospel, declined to attend the Council at Mantua," was signed, 
that it was at once published, and copies sent to the Kings of 
England and France, 8 that it was "immediately translated into 
English," 9 and published. The translator was Miles Coverdale, 
distinguished as a translator of the Bible. Such was the impor 
tance which the evangelical element of the English Church then 
attached to everything which emanated from the Wittenberg 
Faculty. Even though Melanchthon s " De Recusatione Con- 
citii" were not officially transmitted until November i4th, as 
seems probable from a letter in the Corpus Reformat^runt, the 
argument for proving the dependence of the English theologians 
is in no way invalidated. 

Nor would time be lost, if space permitted, in a careful exam 
ination of the source in Lutheran authorities of much of the 
teaching of this book, even where no special formulary has been 
closely followed. Sometimes it has been regarded as receding 
from " The Ten Articles," since while the former, following 

7 The argument is summarized by Hardwick {History of the Christian 
Church during the Reformation) : " They contended that the fabric of the 
Papal monarchy was altogether human ; that its growth was traceable partly 
to the favor and indulgence of the Roman emperors, and partly to ambitious 
artifices of the popes themselves ; that just as men originally made and sanc 
tioned it, so might they, if occasion should arise, withdraw from it their con 
fidence, and thus reoccupy the ground on which all Christians must have 
stood anterior to the Middle Ages." 

8 Corpus Reformatorum III : 314. 

9 Hard-wicK 1 ! Articles, p. 31. 

112 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

the Apology, gives only three sacraments, the Bishops Book al 
lows the full number of seven claimed by the Romanists. But 
the Rev. Henry Jenkyns who has edited the works of Archbishop 
Cranmer, found a manuscript in the Chapter House at Westmin 
ster showing that this supposition is erroneous. In connection 
with the Ten Articles a declaration had been made and signed by 
the evangelical theologians, conceding the name of sacrament to 
the four other ordinances, but with limitations which the advocates 
of the Old Learning were unwilling to publish. In the Bishops 
Book, what is essentially this declaration comes to light. Its 
argument is mainly that of the Apology, which is directed 
entirely to the importance of making a distinction between rites 
instituted by God s command, in which, through a visible ele 
ment, the promise of the gratuitous forgiveness of sins is sealed, 
and all others. If this distinction be conceded, Melanchthon 
maintains that it does not make much difference what is called a 
sacrament, and suggests that even prayer and almsgiving and 
afflictions might be called sacraments, provided the distinction be 
tween them, and what he regarded then as three sacraments, be 
kept unimpaired. So the Bishops Book declares : " There is a 
difference between them and the other three sacraments. First. 
These three be instituted of Christ. Secondly. They be com 
manded by Christ to be ministered and received in their out 
ward visible signs. Thirdly. They have annexed and enjoined 
unto their said visible signs, such spiritual graces whereby our 
sins be remitted and forgiven, and we be perfectly renewed, re 
generated, purified, justified, so oft as we worthily and duly re 
ceive the same." 


Without attempting an examination and enumeration of Ro 
manizing elements still retained, which are principally those of 
" The Ten Articles," though to a considerable extent less, there 
is yet one item of interest connected with its history, that is 
worthy of notice. There is in the Bodleian Library a copy of 
" The Institution," or Bishops Book, with marginal criticisms 

The Bishops Book 0/1537. JI 3 

in the handwriting of Henry VIII. , and in the Library of Corpus 
Christi College at Cambridge, the annotations of Cranmer upon 
these proposed corrections of his sovereign, are to be found. 
Henry s notes indicate no little critical ability, but, at the 
same time, his real want of thorough understanding or appreci 
ation of the doctrine of the Gospel as there set forth. It is his 
main purpose to introduce limitations and qualifications, 
whereby the universality of the divine provisions and promises 
maybe modified, so as to include, if possible, the conditions of the 
application. Cranmer shows that he has been a sufficiently 
faithful pupil of the Reformers, to be able with clearness and de 
cision to declare to his monarch the real points of discrimination 
that should be made. For instance, in the explanation of the 
First Article of the Creed, where the Bishops Book, says : "He 
is my very God, my Lord, my Father, and that I am his servant 
and his own son/ Henry proposes to add " as long as I perse 
vere in his precepts and laws." To this Cranmer would not 
hear. The declaration, he maintains, is that of " the very pure 
Christian faith and hope which every good Christian man ought 
to profess." It belongs to the sphere, he says, of special faith, 
and not to that of general faith, which even devils have. The 
voice of true faith claims God as its own, without the interposi 
tion of any such condition ; although of course when this condi 
tion is not present, the pure faith thus confessed is "only in the 
mouth," and not in the heart. He maintains that every man 
should examine himself as to whether he actually have " the 
right faith and sure trust of God s favor;" but, this done, " it 
shall not be necessary to interline or insert in many places, 
where we protest our pure Christian faith, these words or sen 
tences, that be newly added, namely, I being willing to follow 
God s precepts, I rejecting in my will and heart the Devil and 
his works, I willing to return to God, If I continue not in 
sin, If I continue a Christian life. " When the Second Ar 
tide is reached " that Jesus is my Lord," the king again wants 
this limited by the clause, " I being Christian, and in will to fol- 

ii4 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

low his precepts ;" and when it says " I am restored to the light 
and knowledge of God," he proposes the insertion of "Reject 
ing, in my will and heart, the Devil and his works," both of which 
receive a similar answer. There are other corrections of the 
king, showing more decidedly his essentially Romanistic posi 
tion, as, for example, where he qualifies the statement, which to 
Cranmer is so important, that Christ s sufferings were a satisfac 
tion for original as well as for all actual sins, by a" clause limiting 
the actual sins for which atonement was made, to those alone 
which were committed "before my reconciliation." Unfortu 
nately, Cranmer s answer shows at this point a weakening, since 
while opposing the insertion of the qualifying clause, he, at the 
same time, concedes that the propitiation of Christ cannot be 
extended to sins committed after reconciliation, 



Petition of the Convocation of 1534. Miles Coverdale. His Bib e of 1535 
from " the Douche and Latyn." His dependence on the Ziirich Trans 
lation. Relation of the Zurich Translation to Luther. Relation to 
Tyndale. Influence on the Authorized Version. His Exposition of Ps. 
XXII., a literal Translation from Luther. His Hymns, from Lutheran 
Sources. Illustrated by a number of Examples. Herford s Table of 
Coverdale s Hymns, and their German Originals. His Theory of their 
Origin. Matthew s Bible of 1537. John Rogers. His Residence in 
Wittenberg. A Lutheran Pastor. The first Martyr under Mary. Why 
he used a Pseudonym ? Probably printed at Wittenberg. 

WE leave for awhile the diplomatic side of the history of the 
English Reformation, and turn to the less public sphere, in which 
the quiet work of scholars from the privacy of their studies, was 
making itself felt. 

It was one of Cranmer s first efforts to secure a complete trans 
lation of the Bible into English, and to authorize and promote 
its circulation among the people. But, in accord with the well- 
known unwillingness of men to recede from a false position, un 
less under some expedient whereby to give the appearance of 
consistency to their action, the Convocation, in petitioning the 
king, December loth, 1534, that the Bible should be translated 
by some learned men, also asked that a demand should be made 
for all books of suspected doctrine, and that, within three 
months, they should be surrendered. 1 This was followed by the 
publication, October 4th, 1535 of The Bible: that is, the holy 

1 Strype s Memorials of Cranmer, p. 50. 

n6 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

Seripture of the Old and New Testament, faithfully translated 
out of Douche and Latyn into Englishe. MDXXXV. The 
translator was Miles Coverdale, afterwards bishop of Exeter. 
Coverdale, born about 1488, was one of the band of Cambridge 
students, whom we have seen meeting for prayer and the study 
of the Bible and Luther s works, in the house called "Germany." 
He had entered the monastery of the Augustinians at Cambridge, 
and there had come under the influence of its prior, Dr. Robert 
Barnes, so active afterwards at Wittenberg, to whom he ever re 
mained a most faithful friend. When Dr. Barnes was arrested 
in 1526, Coverdale had voluntarily accompanied him, and 
helped to support him under the trial ; and when, after his mar 
tyrdom in 1540, his Confesssion at the stake was maliciously as 
sailed by John Standish, Coverdale again came nobly forward, 
and published a book in vindication of his deceased friend. 
He had early formed the acquaintance of Crumwell, and enjoyed 
his confidence, as is shown by letters which have been preserved, 
and are published in his collected works. When Tyndale s New 
Testament was published, Coverdale appears among those most 
prominent in its circulation. For some years, before the first 
publication of the Bible, the precise residence of Coverdale is 
not known. Foxe, who knew him well, states that he was for a 
time with Tyndale at Hamburg, and had assisted the latter in 
the translation of the Pentateuch. This statement, generally dis 
credited by modern writers, is accepted by Westcott. The work 
on his own translation undoubtedly occupied his time for years. 
When the Convocation of December 1534 had, accordingly, 
passed the resolution above given, Crumwell probably informed 
him that the time had come for its publication. The title-page 
gives no information as to the place where it was printed and 
published. Those who have made a special study of the typo 
graphy of bibles of that period, have no hesitancy in saying that 
it came from the press of Froschover of Zurich, the. publisher of 
the Zurich Bible. 2 Notwithstanding the fact that the title-page ex- 

2 The comparison may be made in the library of the Lutheran Theological 
Seminary at Mt. Airy, Philadelphia. 

The English Bibles of 1535 and 1537. 117 

pressly states the dependence of the translation upon the (German 
and Latin versions, recent writers have undertaken to deny it. 
Not only the title-page, but the " Prologue to the Translation " is 
against this theory. "To help me herein," says Coverdale, " I 
have had sundry translations, not only in Latin, but also of the 
Dutch interpreters, whom, because of their singular gifts and 
special diligence in the Bible, I have been the more glad to fol 
low for the most part-" 

In the light of such words by Coverdale himself, Canon West- 
cott is undoubtedly not unjust when he says : " His critics have 
been importunately eager to exalt his scholarship at the cost of 
his honesty. If the title-page, said one who had not seen it, 
runs so, it contains a very great misrepresentation. To an 
other, the notice appears to be a piece of advertising tact. Ex 
pediency, a third supposes, led Coverdale to underrate his la 
bors. And yet it may be readily shown that the words are sim 
ply and literally true." 3 Ginsburg, followed by Westcott, 
Mombert, and others, has shown the great dependence of Cover- 
dale upon the Zurich translation of the Bible. This is mainly 
Luther s translation of the other books, with -a translation of the 
prophets by Leo Judae, 2\vingli, Pellicanus and others. It 
appeared at intervals 15249, while Luther s Bible was not 
complete until 1534, the translation of the prophets not having 
been finished until 1532. Coverdale, therefore, followed the 
Zurich edition, largely in order to have the benefit of that in 
which it anticipated Luther. The direct, as well as the indirect 
influence of Luther, may be traced. Tyndale was also laid un 
der contribution. While some knowledge of the Hebrew and 
Greek original is not denied, he followed closely preced 
ing translators rather than ventured to .use his own judgment. * 

3 History of the English Hible, p. 213. 

4 " His Old Testament is not taken at all from the original Hebrew, either 
professedly or in. fact, but is only a. secondary translation, based chiefly on the 
Swiss-German, or Zurich Bible." Eadie, 1 : 285. " In every instance, 
where he forsakes Tyndale, he is led by Luther and the Zurich Bible," Ib. 
P- 294. 

n8 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

11 Though he is not original, yet he was endowed with an instinct 
of discrimination which is scarcely less precious than originality, 
and a delicacy of ear which is no mean qualification for a popu 
lar translator." 5 "No little of that indefinable quality that 
gives popular charm to our English Bible, and has endeared it to 
so many generations, is owing to Coverdale. The semitones 
in the music of the style are his gift. What we mean will be 
apparent to any one who compares the Authorized Version, es 
pecially in the Old Testament, with the exacter translations of 
many of the books which have been made by scholars and critics. 
Tyndale gives us the first great outline distinctly and wonder 
fully etched, but Coverdale added those minuter touches which 
soften and harmonize it. The characteristic features are Tyn 
dale s in all their boldness of form and expression, the more 
delicate lines and shadings arc the contribution of his successor, 
both in his own version, and in the Great Bible. " 6 

Two years afterwards, in 1537, two editions of a reprint of 
Coverdale s Bible of 1535, were published in London. 

The same year, Coverdale published "A very excellent 
and swete exposition upon the two and twentye Psalme of David, 
called in latyn : Dominus regit me, et nihil. Translated out of 
hye Almayne in to Englysheby Myles Coverdale, 1537." This 
is a very literal translation of Luther s Der 23 st Psalm auf 
einen Abend iiber Tisch nach dem Gratias ausgelegt, 1536." 
This exposition was very likely delivered during the stay of the 
English ambassadors at Wittenberg. As Dr. Barnes, Coverdale s 
friend, was a frequent table guest of Luther, he was possibly at 
the table (iiber Tiscli) where this explanation was given. 

A still more important work must have been occupying him at 
this time, if not already finished. His " Goostly Psalmes and 
Spirituale Songs, drawn out of the holy Scripture is without 
date. But as it is on the list of books prohibited by Henry VIII 
in 1539, its publication is necessarily prior to that date. It is 

6 Westcott, pp. 216, sq. 

6 Eadie, The English Bible, 1 : 302. 

The English Bibles 0/1535 and 1537. 119 

especially interesting as furnishing the beginning for English 
Hymnody. They are nearly all readily traceable to Lutheran 
sources. We are sure that a liberal selection from them will be 
appreciated. Of Luther s Komm. Heiliger Geist Herre Gott. 
there are three translations. If the readily accessible rendering 
by Miss Winkworth be consulted by the English reader, he 
will note how nearly one of the translations of the Sixteenth, an 
ticipated that of the Nineteenth Century : 

Come, holy Spirite, most blessed Lorde, 
Fulfil our hartes nowe with thy grace ; 
And make our myndes of one accorde, 
Kyndle them with love in every place. 
O Lorde, thou forgevest our trespace, 
And callest the folke of every countre 
To the ryght fayth and truste of thy grace, 
That they may geve thankes and synge to thee, 
Alleluya, Alleluya. 

O holy lyght, moste principall, 
The worde of lyfe shewe unto us ; 
And cause us to knowe God over all 
For our owne Father most gracious. 
Lord, kepe us from lernyng venymous, 
That we may folowe no masters but Christe. 
He is the veritie, his word sayth thus ; 
Cause us to set in hym our truste. 

Alleluya, Alleluya. 

O holy fyre, and conforth moste swete, 
Fyll our hertes with fayth and boldnesse, 
To abide by the in colde and hete, 
Content to suffre for ryghteousnesse ; 
O Lord, geve strength to our weaknesse, 
And send us helpe every houre ; 
That we may overcome all wyckednesse, 
And brynge this olde Adam under thy power. 
Alleluya, Alleluya. 

Luther s summary in verse of the Ten Commandments, is an 
other of Coverdale s translations. 


The Lutheran Movement in England. 

Mensch, willt du leben seliglich, 
Und bei Gott bleiben ewiglich : 
Sollt du halten die zehn Gebot, 
Die uns gebeut unser Gott. 

Man, wylt thou live vertuously, 
And with God reign eternally, 
Man, must thou keep these com 
mandments ten, 

That God commanded to all men. 

Nun freut euch lieben christen gmein appears in the following 
form. There is no abbreviation by Coverdale. We select sev 
eral stanzas. 

Be glad now, all ye Christen men, 

And let us rejoyce unfaynedly. 

The kindnesse cannot be written with penne, 

That we have receaved of God s mercy ; 

Whose love towards us hath never ende 

He hath done for us as a frende ; 

Now let us thanke him hartely. 

I was a prysoner of the devell ; 
With death, was I also utterly lost ; 
My synnes drove me dayly to hell ; 
Therein was I borne ; this may I bost. 
I was also in them once ryfe ; 
There was no virtue in my lyfe, 
To take my pleasure I spared no cost. 

Than God eternall had pitie on me, 

To ryd me fro my wyckednesse. 

He thought of his plenteous great mercy, 

And wolde not leave me comfortlesse. 

He turned to me his fatherly herte, 

And wolde I shoulde with hym have parte 

Of all his costly ryches. 

He spake to his deare beloved Sonne, 

The time is now to have mercye ; 

Thou must be man s redempcyon, 

And lowse hym from captivite. 

Thou must hym helpe from trouble of synne ; 

From paynfull death thou must hym wynne, 

That he may lyve eternally. 

Luther s paraphrase of media vita is closely followed. 

The English Biblc-s of 1535 and 1537. 


Mitten wir in Leben sind 
Mit dem Tod umfangen ; 
Wen such wir, der Hiilfe thu, 
Dass wir Gnad erlangen ? 
Das bist du, Herr, alleine. 
Uns reuet unser Missethat, 
Die dich, Herr, erziirnet hat. 
Heiliger Herre Gott, 
Heiliger starker Gott, 
Heiliger, barmhertziger Heiland, 
Du ewiger Golt, 
Lass uns nicht versinken 
In des bittern Todes Noth. 

In the myddest of our lyvynge, 
Deathe compaseth us rounde about : 
Who shulde us now sucour brynge, 
By whose grace we maye come out ? 
Even, thou, Lorde Jesu, alone : 
It doth oure hartes sore greve truly, 
That we have offended the. 
O Lord God, most holy, 
O Lord God, most myghtie, 
O holy and merciful Savior, 
Thou most worthy God eternall, 
Suffre us not at our laste houre 
For any death from the to fall. 


Gelobet seist du, Jesu Christ, 
Dass du Mensch geboren bist 
Von einer Jungfrau, das ist wahr, 
Des freuet sich der Engel Schaar. 

Des ewigen Vaters einig Kino*, 
Jetzt man in der Krippen findt, 
In unser armes Fleisch und Blut, 
Verkleidet sich das ewig Gut. 

Now blessed be thou, Christ Jesu ; 
Thou art man borne, this is true : 
The angels made a merry noise, 
Yet we have more cause to rejoyse. 

The blessed son of God onely, 
In a crybbe full poore dyd lye : 
With oure poore flesh and our poore 


Was clothed that everlasting good. 


Christ lag in Todesbanden, 
Fiir unser Siind gegeben, 
Der ist wieder erstanden, 
Und hat uns bracht das Leben : 
Dess wir sollen frohlich sein, 
Gott loben und dankbar sein, 
Und singen Halleluja. 


Es war ein wunderlich krieg, 
Da Tod und Leben rungen, 
Dae Leben behielt den Sieg, 
Es hat den Tod verschlungen. 
Die Schrift hat verkiindet das, 
Wie ein Tod den andern frass, 
Ein Spott aus dem Tod ist worden, 

Chrift dyed and suffred great payne, 
For our synnes and wickednesse ; 
But he is now risen agayne, 
To make us full of gladnesse. 
Let us all rejoyse therfore, 
And geve him thanks for evermore, 
Synginge to him, Alleluya. 

It was a marvelous great thynge, 
To se how death w\th death dyd 

fyght ; 

For the one death gat the wynnynge, 
And the other death lost his myght. 
Holy Scripture speaketh of it, 
How one death another wolde byte : 
The death of Christ hath wonne by 




The Lutheran Movement in England. 


Mit Fried und Freud, ich fahr dahin, 
In Gottes Wille. 

Getrost ist mir mein Herz und Sinn, 
Sanft und stille. 

Wie Gott mir verheissen hat ; 

Der Tod ist mein Schlaf worden. 

With peace and with joyfull gladnesse, 
And with a mery harte, 
Accerdynge to thy swete promesse, 
Lorde, let me now departe : 
Now geve me leave, that I may dye ; 
For I would be present with the. 

In Einfeste Burg, the meter is adopted, but Coverdale fol 
lows the Forty-Sixth Psalm more closely than he does Luther. 

Oure God is a defence and towre, 

A good armoure and good weapen ; 

He hath been ever oure helpe and sucoure, 

In all the troubles that we have ben in. 

Therefore vvyl we never drede, 

For any wonderous dede 

By water or by lande, 

In. hilles or the see side : 
Oure God hath them al hi his hand. 

Of other Psalms paraphrased by Luther, there are translations 
of the Twelfth {Ach Gott von Himmel sieh darein ) the Four 
teenth (Es spricht der Unweisen Mund wohl^) Sixty-seventh, One 
hundred and twenty-fourth, One hundred and twenty-eighth, and 
One hundred and thirtieth. 


Gott der Vater wohn uns bei, 
Und lass uns nicht verderben, 
Mach uns aller Siinden frei, 
Und helf uns selig sterben. 

Fur dem Teufel uns bewahr, 
Halt uns bei festem Glauben, 
Und auf dich lass uns bauen, 
Aus Herzengrund vertrauen. 

God the Father, dwell us by, 
And let us never do amysse ; 
Geve us grace with wyll to dye, 
And make us redy to thy blysse. 

From the devel s myght and powre, 
Kepe us in fayth every houre ; 
And ever let us buylde on the, 
With hole herte trustynge stedfastly. 

Another Lutheran hymn-writer from whom Coverdale drew 
was Paul Speratus, from whom two hymns were taken {Es ist das uns Kommen, " Kirchenbuch," No. 270, and In Gott 
gelaub ich, Wackernagel, Kir chen- Lied, III: 33.) 

Lawrence Spengler, whose acquaintance Cranmer must have 

The English Bibles of 1535 and 1537. 123 

formed while at Niirnberg, is represented by his principal hymn, 
afterwards quoted in the Formula of Concord " Durch Adam s 
Fall ist ganz vtrderbt (Kirchenbuch, No. 271). Hans Sachs 
also furnishes a hymn ( Wack aiifin Goltes Name, Wackernagel 
III: 58). Justus Jonas paraphrase of Psalm 124, found in 
Kirchenbuch, No 171, is also followed. Agricola appears in 
Ich ruf zu dir, Herr Jesu Christ (Kirchenbuch No. 415), and 
Decius in Allein Gott in der Hoh sei Ehr. 

One of the most interesting translations is that of a Reforma 
tion hymn, of uncertain authorship, but composed before the 
Diet of Augsburg, O Herre Gott, Dein gottlich Wort (Kirchen 
buch , No. 191.) 

O hevenly Lorde, thy godly worde 
Hath longe bene kepte alwaye from us : 
But thorow thy grace now in cure dayes, 
Thou hast shewed the so plenteous. 

That very well we can now tell, 
What thy apostles have written al -, 
And now we see thy worde ope-nly 
Hath geven anthyechrist a great fall. 

It is so cleare, as we may heare, 
No man by ryght can it deny, 
That many a yeare thy people deare 
Have been begyled perlously 

With men spirituall, as we them call, 
But not of thy Spirite truly ; 
For more carnall are none at al, 
Than many of these spirites be. 

They have bene ever sworne altogether, 
Theyr owne lawes for to kepe alwaye ; 
But mercyfull Lorde, of thy swete worde 
There durst no man begynn to saye. 

They durst them call great heritikes al, 
That did confess it stedfastly ; 
For they charged, it shuld be hyd, 
And not spoken of openly. 

124 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

O mercyfull God, where was thy rod, 
In punyshynge soch great tyranny ? 
Why slept thou then, knowynge these men 
Resist openly the veritie ? 

For such a hymn semi-papal England was not yet prepared, as 
the martyrs of 1540, and the six Articles were yet to show. 
That a volume containing such an arraignment of much that 
still existed, under authority in England, and with which 
the king sympathized, should have been prescribed, is only what 
could have been expected. 

To recapitulate : Of Coverdale s forty-one hymns, twenty- 
two are from Luther, two from Speratus, one each from Spen- 
gler, Sachs, Agricola, Justus Jonas, Decius, and Greiser, four are 
well-known Lutheran hymns of uncertain origin, and seven we 
have not been able to identify, although their entire structure 
and spirit plainly show where they belong. 7 

When, then, the Church of England, and her various daugh 
ters, cling so tenderly to the Psalter in the "Book of Common 
Prayer," and prefer its animated and rythmical expressions to 
the acknowledged more accurate translation of the Authorized 
Version, the secret of the charm is found in the influence which 
the treasures of the first period of Lutheran hymnology had upon 
the style of him who came to the work of translating the Psalter, 
with the notes of so many of the masterpieces of Luther and his 
associates ringing in his ears, and filling his heart with a glow of 
devout feeling. Coverdale s forty-one hymns were probably the 
growth of years. None of the originals which he translated is 

7 Reference may be made to the interesting tables, tracing the origin of 
Coverdale s entire list by Prof. Mitchell in The Academy for June 28, 1884; 
and in Herford s Literary Relations of Germany and England in the XVI. 
Century (Cambridge 1886) pp. 17 sqq. The summary of the latter is : From 
the Latin 6; from Luther, 18 ; Creutziger, I; Speratus, 2; Hegenwalt, I; 
Agricola I ; Mosbanius, i ; Sachs, I ; Spengler, I ; Dachstein, I ; Greiser, I ; 
Decius, 2; Anonymous, 5. 

The English Bibles of fSJS an d 7 5J7- I2 5 

later than i53i. 8 The translations of the hymns and the trans 
lation of the Bible may have proceeded cotemporaneously, the 
former having afforded a relief from the severer work of the 

We are not through with Coverdale, but must interrupt the 
narrative at this point, to consider another edition of the 
English Bible, and its translator, rapidly following that which 
has just been noticed. John Rogers, born about 1500, was an 
other Alumnus of Cambridge ; but does not seem to have been 
influenced by the Protestant movement until, after being rector 
for two years of " Trinity the Less," in London, while chaplain 
to the merchant adventurers in Antwerp, he became intimate with 
Tyndale. The latter having been martyred October 6th, 1536, 
Rogers the succeeding year married Adriana Pratt or de Wey- 
den, and moved to Wittenberg. All authorities agree in this, 
and state that he so thoroughly mastered the German, that he 
became superintendent or pastor of a church at Wittenberg, " to 
which he ministered for many years with great ability and suc 
cess." We can find no trace of such pastorate among German 
authorities. It may have been a church near Wittenberg which 
he served. Salig 9 states that he was ordained at Wittenberg ; 
which necessarily implies a pastoral rare. On his trial, 10 he ex 
plained and defended the order of service used in Wittenberg. 
Previously he had translated and published in English " Me- 
lanchthon on the Interim," in connection with a defence of 
Melanchthon s course, then severely criticized. All these facts 
show the substantial truth of the cotemporaneous account. He 
remained in Wittenberg or its neighborhood from 1537 to 1547 

8 " Of the Lutheran hymnology of 1524-31, Coverdale s Goostly Songs 
is a fair selection. . . Almost devoid of lyric faculty, his verse limps labor 
iously after the stirring measures of Luther. . . He has not the good trans 
lator s sensitiveness and elasticity of style. Yet his very sincerity and sim 
plicity often do the work of refined taste." Herford, pp. II, 15. 

II: 491- 

10 British Reformers, (PhiladaJ, p. 9; Salig, II : 491. 

126 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

or 48. Returning on the accession of Edward VI., in whose 
reign he enjoyed great influence, he was the first of the martyrs 
under Mary, having been burned at Smithfield, February 4th, 
1555. The story of his farewell to his wife and eleven children 
when on the way to martyrdom, is well known to readers of Eng 
lish history. His son, Daniel, was afterwards educated in part 
at Wittenberg, some affirm at Melanchthon s cost, and became a 
distinguished diplomat under Queen Elizabeth. 

Rogers fell heir to the manuscripts which Tyndale left at his 
death. It is well known how diligently employed he was during 
his imprisonment in completing his translation from the Hebrew 
of the Old Testament. As St. Paul sent from the Roman dun 
geon, for his books and parchments, so also Tyndale had asked : 
"I wish permission to have a candle in the evening. . . But 
above all I entreat . . that he may kindly permit me to have 
my Hebrew Bible, Hebrew grammar and Hebrew dictionary, 
that I may spend my time with that study." Rogers, therefore, 
took the printed New Testament and Pentateuch of Tyndale, 
added to them Tyndale s manuscript translation from Joshua to 
the end of 2 Chronicles, and completed the Bible by adopting 
Coverdale s version in what was lacking. Foxe says: "He 
added prefaces and notes out of Luther." Thomas Matthewe 
was given as the name of the translator, possibly because he hesi 
tated to claim as his own what was only a compilation, or be 
cause the publishing of Tyndale s name would have prevented its 
endorsement and circulation in England. Some assume that 
Thomas Matthewe was the name of the person who, in the be 
ginning, assumed the financial responsibility. Before the print 
ing was complete, the English printers, Grafton and Whitchurch, 
became its proprietors. It was printed in 1537. Dr. Mombert 11 
argues that the printer was Hans Luft, and the place of printing 
Wittenberg, whither Rogers moved that year. Thus the first 
authorized version, of the English Bible, like its two predeces 
sors, was prepared and published under Lutheran influences and 

11 Handbook of English Versions, p. 176. 



An ominous Silence. Anxiety of Melanchthon. His letter to Henry VIII. 
His Criticism of the Ten Articles. Henry seeks Renewal of Negotia 
tions. Christopher Mount at Brunswick. Arrangements for Conference 
of 1538. The Lutheran Commissioners. Sketch of Myconius. Luth 
er s letter to Fox. Death of Fox. Its Effect on the Lutheran Move 
ment. Reception of the Commission. The Augsburg Confession Dis 
cussed. Agreement on the Doctrinal Articles. Conflict on " Abuses." 
An Agreement Imminent. Henry s Schemes to end the Conference. 
The Commission withdraws. Their admonition. Handsome Presents 
for Inhospitable Entertainment. Results. XIII Articles of 1538. 
Relation to Augsburg Confession shown in parallel columns. 

WHILE the English Bible was thus working like leaven among 
the English people, the diplomatic side of the Reformation was 
also progressing. In chapter VI. we have traced the formulation 
of " The Ten Articles " of 1536, and shown their relation to the 
Augsburg Confession and the Apology. It becomes an interest 
ing subject of inquiry to note how the movement in England, 
in which they originated was regarded by the leaders of the Ref 
ormation in Germany. In reading their correspondence, we 
find that for a long time, they were almost entirely cut off from 
direct communication with England. Gardiner s plots to defeat 
the adoption of the Augsburg Confession and Apology compre 
hended also the prevention of any communication between the 
English party of reform and those upon whose labors and judg 
ment they were so dependent. We have previously referred to 
the fact that after his return to England, Dr. Barnes, noting 
the change that had occurred, wrote to Melanchthon (June, 

128 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

I536), 1 not to think of making the visit to England, for which 
the king had been so importunate. July 3ist, of the same year, 
Alesius, desiring to send a copy of "The Ten Articles" to 
Melanchthon, could accomplish his purpose only by transmit 
ting it to Aepinus, from 1529 pastor, and from 1532 the Luth 
eran Superintendent at Hamburg, who was on most intimate 
terms with Crumwell, and asking him to have it sent from Ham 
burg to Wittenberg. 2 Certainly it was not the most considerate 
treatment of the accomplished author from whose pen a great 
portion of "The Ten Articles" was derived, that he could re 
ceive a copy in no other way than through such a surreptitious 
channel. But, to be sure, it was the king s own book, and "the 
learnedest prince in Christendom," could do with it as he saw 
best ! Yet before the Articles could reach Melanchthon, the 
Elector of Saxony grew very indignant at the long silence. 
Bishop Fox was regarded by some of the princes and theologians 
as having most shamefully falsified, since his promises were un 
fulfilled. We shall see later that in this impression, Luther did 
not share. July i2th, 1536, the Elector thought of sending 
some one to England to find out what was the matter, or of re 
questing Aepinus to intercede with those in authority there. 3 
Six weeks more passed, and on September ist, Melanchthon 
wrote a letter for the Elector to Henry, in which he said, among 
other things : 

"We do not doubt that your Royal Highness has learned 
from the Bishop of Hereford what was our will and that of our 
confederates at the conference at Frankfort, as well as our dispo 
sition towards your Royal Highness. We are under the impres 
sion, too, that the letters which were sent, June 5th, from Naum- 
burg have been delivered to your Royal Highness. We expect 
a reply from your Royal Highness, or at least we hope that 
the Bishop of Hereford will write, as we asked in the letter from 

1 Corpus Reformatorum, III : 89. 

2 Ib. 104. 

3 Seckendorf, III : 113. 

The Lutheran Commission to England of 1538. 1 29 

Naumburg, informing us what was the will of your Royal High 
ness, when he had read the article* concerning doctrine on which 
the legates and the Wittenberg theologians had agreed. 

At last on November 28th, Melanchthon had received " The 
Ten Articles," and wrote to Veit Dietrich: "We have the 
Anglican Articles complete, which I will have described by 
Cruciger ; they have been put together with the greatest confu 
sion. There are, it is true, still intervals taken from my affairs. 
But I will write of them at another time." 4 Three days later, 
he wrote to the same correspondent : " We hear that in Eng 
land everything is full of seditions. I wonder that you have not 
indicated with what countenance Dr. Osiander has regarded the 
picture of his prophecy." 


Henry at last responded, January 2d, 1538, in a very concili 
atory strain. He praised the course of his German brethren 
concerning the proposed Council, thought that every Christian 
man must admire it, and hoped that by future conferences, with 
the Divine assistance, they may come to an agreement, and that 
the pure doctrine of Christ which cannot lie hidden long may be 
displayed to the salvation of all. 5 At the close of the next month, 
he sent Christopher Mount to the meeting of the League at 
Brunswick with the assurance that he would use every effort for 
the promotion and establishment of the pure religion, and stat 
ing that it was now the time to send the promised embassy. 5 It 
was accordingly determined to accept the proposition, and the 
embassy was constituted by the appointment of Francis Burk- 
hard, Vice Chancellor of Saxony, George a Boyneburg, LL. D., 
a Hessian nobleman, and Frederick Myconius, Superintendent 
of Gotha a statesman, a jurist and a theologian. The very 
constitution of the commission showed that it was not antici- 

4 The translator is compelled here to be an interpreter : " De meis rebus 
adhuc quidem sunt induciae." Ib. p. 192.. 
5 Seckendorf, III: 1 80. 

130 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

pated to admit of any compromises. Melanchthon was evi 
dently kept at home intentionally. Myconius (1491-1546) who 
supplied his place, is described as a man of deep spirituality, a 
former monk, whose experience in his search for the assurance 
of the forgiveness of sins in many respects resembled that of Lu 
ther, small of stature, and for years a victim of consumption, of 
scholarly habits, wonderful energy, distinguished executive abil 
ity, and marked eminence as a public speaker, with Melanch- 
thon s calm and unruffled disposition, love of peace and habits 
of introspection, tinged with well-tempered sentiment, but with 
out Melanchthon s fondness for diplomacy, a man deeply be 
loved by both Luther and Melanchthon, who, when the circum 
stances demanded it, on more than one occasion, showed that he 
could be a true Boanerges, as well as the St. John of the 
Lutheran Reformation. However such a representative might 
win the love of all with whom he dealt, he could be implicitly 
relied upon not to yield an hair s breadth, as in his inner expe 
rience he had fought over every point involved in the contro 
versy, and knew that life or death hung upon them all. What 
better representative could be selected to encounter the disguised 
Romanism, than he who, as a youth, still in the toils of the Pa 
pacy, had stood before Tetzel begging an indulgence upon the 
ground that to the poor it must be given gratuitously, and, when 
offered the price by some of Tetzel s attendants, refusing it with 
the words : " No, I purchase no forgiveness. I must have it 
gratuitously," and charging the indulgence vender to his face: 
You will have to give an answer before God, if for the sake 
of a couple of pennies, you regard the salvation of my soul of no 


Already on March nth, the instructions of the commission 
were prepared. May 1 2th, Luther wrote a letter to Bishop Fox 
commending its members to its kind reception. Alas the ac 
complished prelate had died four days before ! With his death, 
Lutheranism in England received a blow from which it never re. 

The Lutheran Commission to England of 1538, 131 

covered. If that same hand, whose chief work, one would think, 
should have been, to transmit the holiest office to those who 
were to be the ambassadors of the Gospel of peace and love, but 
which so often touched the key at whose signal, the friends of a 
purified church, fell beneath the blows of the executioner, had 
administered poison to one whose power and influence were too 
great to admit of his removal by ordinary methods, he could not 
have accomplished his plans more effectually. Without the 
vacillation of Cranmer, every movement which the Bishop of 
Hereford had made, showed a steady progress towards the ideal 
position. He had greater depth of character, wider range of ex 
perience, and more facility and readiness as an ecclesiastical 
diplomat, than the archbishop. Besides he had always access to 
the king a privilege which Cranmer enjoyed only on rare oc 
casions. The letter of Luther shows in what esteem the Re 
former held him, and fully counteracts the suspicions felt by 
Melanchthon, who, we must acknowledge, was readily deceived 
in his estimate of men. Nor do Luther s letters deal in empty 
compliments. Whatever he writes he means. Here is his 
letter : 

" Grace and peace in Christ our Lord. As these men, our 
friends and the legates of the princes, are about making a journey 
to your Most Serene King, I could not refrain from giving them 
a letter to you, dreading especially lest I might incur the charge 
of being an ungrateful and forgetful man. For since, in addition 
-to the most agreeable intimacy which we enjoyed here, you also 
did ^ me a very great favor, and profited me by your advice 
against my enemy, the stone; it is impossible for me to forget 
you. Often has our conversation been concerning you, espe 
cially since affairs have been taking such turns in your kingdom, 
that either you have been unable to send us letters, or when sent 
they were possibly intercepted. By such suppositions we com 
forted our anxiety. For we were hesitating and dreading, lest 
possibly this persistent silence might be a sign of some sadder 
calamity against the progress of the Gospel. There were some 

132 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

who imagined that your King, circumvented at some time by 
skilful Romanists would return again into favor with the Pope. 
We here prayed, and amid hope and fear besought that Satan be 
beaten under your feet. Neither are we informed what is being 
done, among you, with respect to the Gospel, or how. But we 
hope on the return of these legates to hear a good report con 
cerning your Anglican Church with respect to what is verily the 
Gospel. How the State and Church are in Germany, you will 
learn fully and thoroughly from our representatives. The Lord 
Jesus Christ increase in you and in us both grace and his gilts to 
the glory of God the Father. Amen. My Katie reverently 
salutes you. In Christ, farewell. Your most devoted, 


The ambassadors received a very cordial reception. They 
were honored with the embrace of the king, who expressed his 
great regret at the absence of Melanchthon, but candidly stated 
that there were some points in the articles of the Protestants 
which he did not approve, and that he thought that they ought 
to make the platform sufficiently broad that the French also 
might be included. The ambassadors, however, were duly 
warned by the friends of the Evangelical cause that he was 
greatly influenced by bishops opposed to the Gospel, and that 
they should not place much dependence upon his flattery. 7 This 
they soon found to be only too true. 

Three bishops and four doctors of divinity, with Cranmer, as 
president of the commission, were appointed to represent the 
English side, while Dr. Barnes was assigned by the king a place 
in the conference on the Lutheran side ! There is perfect agree 
ment concerning the facts of the Conference. "The two par 
ties went together through the Augustan Confession." 8 The 
course of the discussion was regulated by the plan pursued in the 

6 De Wette s Luther s Briefen, V : no sq. 

7 Seckendorf, III: 180. 

8 Dixon s History of the Church of England, Vol. II : p 3. 

The Lutheran Commission to England of 1538. 133 

Augsburg Confession." "The king appointed certain bishops 
and doctors, to enter into conference and debate with them, of 
each of the heads of Christian doctrine contained in the Augus 
tine Confession, and of divers abuses brought into the church." s 
They were not long in coming to an agreement on the Doctrinal 
Articles, but after these were finished, a disagreement arose, the 
Lutherans insisting that the consideration of the Confession must 
be finished, and the articles on Abuses also included, while the 
bishops were just as urgent that the seven sacraments must form 
the next subject of consideration. Back of the bishops was the 
king ; but the Lutherans had the satisfaction of having on their 
side Cranmer, who wrote with no little feeling to Crumwell con 
cerning the course of his associates. The fact could not be con 
cealed that it was the intention of the King by this procedure to 
break up the conference, which threatened to go too far. It 
actually began to look as though, if the discussions were to con 
tinue, the whole Augsburg Confession would be approved. Me- 
lanchthon wrote to Brenz on the basis of the reports received at 
Wittenberg: " There is hope that the Anglican churches will 
be reformed, and the doctrine, and godly rights restored." 10 
Nevertheless it would have been a serious matter from a political 
standpoint to have dismissed the representatives of the Smalcald 
League too abruptly. So Henry announced that he himself 
would undertake to answer the Lutheran argument on Abuses. 
Cranmer also describes the entertainment furnished the Luth 
eran ambassadors as being such as would lead them to desire a 
summons homeward at the earliest moment. "As concernyng 
the Oratours of Germanye, I am advertised, that thei are very 
evill lodged where thei be : For besides the Multitude of Ratts, 
daily and nyghtly runnyng in their chambers, which is no. small 
Disquietnes; the Kechyn standeth directly against their Parlar, 
where they dayly Dine and Supp ; and by reason thereof, the 

9 Ilarclwick s History of Articles, p. 70. 

10 Corpus Jtcformatorum, III: 587. 

134 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

House savoreth so yll, that it offendeth all Men that come into 
it." 11 

The king was trifling ; and the ambassadors were quick 
enough to perceive it. " He wants," writes Myconius, "noth 
ing else than to sit as Antichrist in the temple of God, and that 
King Harry be Pope. The precious treasures, the rich income 
of the Church these are Harry s Gospel." 12 The Bishop of 
Hereford is no longer at hand to plead for the evangelical 
faith with his hardened monarch. Political considerations have 
again interfered. Francis and Charles V. have concluded a 
peace. Charles V. has sent a proposition to the afflicted wid 
ower on the throne of England, that his fourth wife should be 
the Emperor s niece. Henry interprets this as an indication 
that his power is actually feared by the. Emperor, and that he 
can now cope with the Pope without bothering himself with the 
terms of church fellowship which these obstinate and narrow- 
minded Lutherans want to impose. 

The ambassadors understood the situation and prepared to re 
tire. Myconius felt his strength failing, and feared that if he 
tarried much longer in the fogs of London, his struggle for life 
would soon end. He wrote to Cranmer September loth. " Al 
though for the sake of advancing Christ s glory I am ready also 
to suffer all things ; yet since, in the articles and summary of 
Christian doctrine, we have advanced so far as to agree now 
concerning the chief; and since, as to what is left touching 
abuses, we have explained the opinion of our princes, doctors, 
churches and of ourselves both verbally and in writing, and the 
doctors now know our judgment, they will be able also in our 
absence to weigh them, and to determine what they see to be 
pleasing to the divine will and useful to the church of God." 13 
Nor is the official letter which they left in England without great 

11 Burnet, Record Book III : xlviii. 

12 Piper s " Die Zetigen der Wahrheit" Vol. Ill : p. 445. 

13 Strype s Memorials, VI : 139. 

The Lutheran Commission to England of 1538. 135 

interest. We quote from the summary of it which the king had 
prepared : 

"After they had related what was given them in command 
ment, and that they had conferred of the articles of the Chris 
tian religion for two months with some bishops and doctors of 
divinity, appointed them by the King s Majesty ; they doubt 
not that a firm and perpetual concord betwixt their princes and 
the king s majesty, and their bishops, divines and subjects would 
follow in the doctrine of the gospel, to the praise of God, and 
the ruin of the Roman Anti-Christ. And because they cannot 
stay for the rest of the disputation concerning abuses, before 
they depart they think it their duty to declare their sentence 
of some articles of abuses ; which, after their departure, the 
king s majesty may take care that his bishops and divines confer 
together of. They say, the purity of doctrine cannot be con 
served, unless those abuses be taken away, that fight with the 
Word of God, and have produced and maintained the tyranny 
and idolatry of the Roman Anti-Christ." 

Yet when the time for the departure of the commission came, the 
king was profuse in compliments. Writing to the Elector he 
styled them his " most blameless friends, who have presented 
arguments so eminent in sound learning, wisdom, uncommon 
candor, and supreme devotion to Christian godliness, that their 
intercourse has been in the highest degree charming and agree 
able to us, and we entertain the well-assured hope that, with 
God s assistance, fruit and success will follow the counsels that 
have been begun." The Saxon Vice-Chancellor took with him, 
as a memorial of his sumptuous entertainment, three horses and 
a carriage presented by the king. When, a few weeks later, 
their owner exhibited them at Smalcald, the ludicrousness of the 
whole procedure was such, that Luther could not refrain from 
some amusing remarks, which may be found in his Table- 
Talk. u 

The subject, however, has its serious as well as its humorous 

14 Erlangen Ed. Luther s Works, Vol. 62, p. 453. 

136 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

side. As Seckendorf remarks: "The just judgment of God 
against the horrible vices of the king ought to be recognized." 15 
"The failure of these negotiations with the German princes 
was one of the heaviest blows sustained by the English Reforma 
tion during the reign of Henry VIII. It both removed the sal 
utary restraint hitherto imposed on the King s caprices by an un 
willingness to break with those who were embarked in the same 
cause, and it also enlisted his personal feelings on the side of the 
tenets he had so zealously pledged himself to defend." 16 


If the question, then, be asked, why is not the Church Of Eng 
land a Lutheran Church ? the true answer is, Because a wicked 
ruler interfered within a sphere that did not belong to him, and 
abruptly terminated the measures of the true representatives of 
the Church, which clearly indicated a readiness to accept the 
Lutheran Confessions. 17 

This is shown further by the Articles of 1538, evidently drawn 
up at the Conference, and preserved with other documents per 
taining to it, which were discovered about 1830 by Dr. Jenkyns 
among the manuscripts of Cranmer. They have no weight ex 
cept as historical evidence of the facts which we are tracing, 
having failed of their purpose, and not having received any 
formal sanction. They were filed away, to serve an important 
purpose afterwards in the preparation of the Articles of 1552, 
through which they continue to live in the Thirty-Nine Articles. 
The subjects of the articles are I. Of the Unity of God and the 
Trinity of Persons. II. Of Original Sin. III. Of the Two 
Natures of Christ. IV. Of Justification. V. Of the Church. 
VI. Of Baptism. VII. Of the Eucharist. VIII. Of Repen- 

15 Vol. Ill: p. 180. 

16 Jenkyn s Cranmer, I : xxv. 

17 " It is an unjust scandal of our adversaries, and a gross error in ourselves, 
to compute the nativity of our religion from Henry the Eighth ; who, though 
he rejected the Pope, refused not the faith of Rome." Sir Thomas Browne s 
Religio Medici, \ 5- 

The Lutheran Commission to England of 1338. 137 

tance. IX. Of the Use of the Sacraments. X. Of the Ministers 
of the Church. XI. Of Ecclesiastical Rites. XII. Of Civil Af 
fairs. XIII. Of the Resurrection of Bodies, and the Final 

The reader may judge for himself how closely the Augsburg 
Confession is followed : 

Art. I. 

The churches with common con 
sent among us, do teach that the de 
cree of the Nicene Synod concerning 
the unity of the divine essence and of 
the three persons is true, and without 
any doubt to be believed : to wit., that 
there is one divine essence, which is 
called and is God, eternal, without 
body, indivisible, of infinite power, 
wisdom, goodness; the Creator and 
Preserver of all things visible and in 
visible ; and that yet there be three 
persons of the same essence and pow 
er, who are also co-eternal, the Fath 
er, the Son, and the Holy Ghost. 

And they use the name person in 
that signification which the ecclesias 
tical writers have used it in this cause, 
to signify, not a part or quality in an 
other, but that which properly sub- 

They condemn all heresies which 
have sprung up against this article, as 
the Manichees, who set down two 
principles, good and evil ; in the 
same manner, the Valentinians, Ari- 
ans, Eunomians, Mahometans and all 
such like. 

They condemn also the Samosa- 
tenes, old and new ; who when they 
earnestly contend that there is but one 
person, do craftily and wickedly trifle 
after the manner of Rhetoricians 
about the Word and the Holy Ghost, 
that they are not distinct persons, but 
that the Word signifieth a vocal word, 
and the Spirit a motion created in 

ARTICLES (1^38.) 

Art. I. 

We judge that the decree of the 
Nicene Synod concerning the unity of 
the divine essence and the three per 
sons is true, and without any doubt to 
be believed : to wit., that there is one 
divine essence, which both is called 
and is God, eternal, without body, in 
divisible, of infinite power, wisdom, 
goodness; the Creator and Preserver 
of all things visible and invisible ; and 
that yet there be three persons of the 
same essence and power, and co-eter 
nal, the Father, the Son, and the 
Holy Ghost. 

And we use the name person in 
that signification which the ecclesias 
tical writers have used in this case to 
signify not a part or quality in an 
other, but that which properly sub- 

We condemn all heresies which 
have sprung up against this article, as 
the Manichees who set down two 
principles, a good and an evil ; also 
the Valentinians, Arians, Eunomians, 
Mahometans and all such like. 

We condemn also the Samosatanes 
old and new, who when they earn 
estly contend that there is but one 
person, do craftily and wickedly trifle 
after the manner of Rhetoricians 
about the Word and the Holy Ghost, 
that there are not distinct persons, but 
that the Word signilieth a vocal word, 
and the Spirit a motion created in 


The Lutheran Movement in England. 


Also they teach that after Adam s 
fall, all men begotten after the com 
mon course of nature, are born with 
sin ; that is, without the fear of God, 
without trust in him, and with fleshly 
appetite ; and that this disease or origi 
nal fault is truly sin, condemning and 
bringing eternal death now also upon 
all that are not born again by bap 
tism and the Holy Spirit. 

They condemn the Pelagians and 
others, who deny this original fault to 
be sin indeed ; and who, so as to les 
son the glory of the merit and benefits 
of Christ, argue that a man may, by 
the strength of his own reason, be jus 
tified before God. 


All men begotten after the common 
course of nature are born with 
original sin ; that is with an absence 
of the original righteousness that 
ought to be in them, 18 on which ac 
count they are children of wrath, and 
fail in knowledge of God, fear of 
God, trust towards God, etc. And 
they have fleshly appetite conflicting 
with the law of God ; and this disease 
or fault of origin is truly sin, con 
demning and bringing eternal death 
now also upon those who are not 
born again by baptism and the Holy 

We condemn the Pelagians and 
others, who deny the fault of origin 
to be sin ; and who, so as to lessen 
the glory of the merit and benefits of 
Christ argue that man can satisfy 
God s law by his own natural strength 
without the Holy Spirit, and by the 
good works of reason be pronounced 
righteous before God. 

Article III. corresponds to Article III. of Augsburg Confes 
sion except in the second word, where we find " docemus" in 
stead of " decent." Art. IV. " Of Justification " is much longer 
than the corresponding Article of the Augsburg Confession, 
which it includes but amplifies. The definition of the " Ten 
Articles" is introduced, but so modified by qualifying clauses 
as to bring it into nearer accord with the Confession. Objec 
tions to the Lutheran doctrine are also met by the formulation 
of the statement that the faith described is not inoperative knowl 
edge, or simply a knowledge of the articles of faith, etc. It 
closes with a verbal reproduction of Art. V. of the Augsburg 
Confession. Art. V. discusses at length the definition of the 
Church in harmony with the Lutheran Confession, drawing ma 
terial both from the Augsburg Confession and the Apology. 

18 This variation from the Aug. Conf. is derived from the Apology (78: 
15) : " The ancient definition, understood aright, expresses the same thing 
when it says : Original sin is the absence of original righteousness? " 

The Lutheran Commission to England of 1338. 139 

Art. VI. includes Art. IX. of the Augsburg Confession, and Art. 
I. of "The Ten Articles" of 1536, concerning Infant Baptism, 
taken as we have seen from Melanchthon s " Advcrsus Anabap- 
tistas" and adds a statement concerning Adult Baptism. Art. 
VII. teaches the Lutheran doctrine of the Lord s Supper in the 
terms agreed upon at Wittenberg in 1536. The only article of 
the " Repetitio " there framed of which we have any knowledge 
is quoted by Seckendorf : 

ARTICLES (1538). 
" Of the Eucharist we constantly 
believe and teach that in the sacra 
ment of the Body and Blood of the 
Lord, Christ s body and blood are 
truly, substantially and really present 
under the forms of bread and wine, 
and that under the same forms, they 
are truly and really tendered and dis 
tributed to those who receive the sac 
rament, whether good or bad." 

Of the remaining Articles, IX., X. and the first paragraph 
of XI. are substantially derived from the Augsburg Confession, 
though expanding the doctrine, guarding it from misconceptions 
and answering objections. Articles VIII. "Of Repentance," 
XII., "Of Civil Affairs," and XIII. "Of the Resurrection," 
are treated at much greater length, but also bear clear marks of 
the source whence they come. 

REPETITIO (1536). 
" We constantly believe and teach 
that in the sacrament of the Body and 
Blood of the Lord, Christ s body and 
blood are truly, substantially and 
really present under the forms of 
bread and wine, and that under the 
same forms, they are truly and cor 
poreally tendered and distributed to 
all those who receive the sacrament." 



The First English Systematic Theology. Taverner s Sarcerius. Its Signifi 
cance and Purpose. Connection between Myconius and Sarcerius. 
Sarcerius and the Reformation of Nassau. Count William of Nassau. 
Sarcerius as an Organizer. His Examinations. His Skill as a Teacher. 
Relation to William of Orange. Henry VIII s delight with the Book 
of Sarcerius. Letter of Sarcerius to Henry. The Wittenberg Faculty 
on Henry s Study of Sarcerius. Coverdale s Revision of Matthewe s 
Bible (the Great or Crumwell s Bible) ; of the Great Bible (Cranmer s). 
Taverner s Revision of Matthewe s Bible. 

WHILE these negotiations were pending, (August i2th, 1538) 
the first English work on Systematic Theology appeared in a 
translation of "The Common Places" of Erasmus Sarcerius. 
Even the German language could not boast of a Lutheran sys 
tem of theology as early as this, which appeared, first in Latin, 
and then, so soon afterwards, in English. The dedication to 
Henry VIII, by the translator, Richard Taverner, states that it 
was translated by order of Crumwell. " Now of late he hath 
impelled me to translate into English this book of Erasmus Sar 
cerius, a treasure inestimable unto Christian men." "Whatso 
ever this book is, like as by the impulsion and commandment 
of my said old master, my Lord privy seal, I have translated it 
into our vulgar tongue ; so his Lordship hath willed me to offer 
and dedicate the same unto your most noble. and redoubted Ma 
jesty." It is also stated that this treatise of Sarcerius was pre 
ferred to the "Common Places" of Melanchthon, in making 
the selection of the work to be translated, because "only in this 
they differ, that Melanchthon directeth his style to the under- 


More English Lutheran Literature. 141 

standing only of the learned persons well exercised in Scriptures. 
This tempereth his pen also to the capacity of young students of 
scripture, and such as have not had much exercise in the same." 

We see, therefore, in this book, another provision made for the 
thorough reformation of the Church of England. It was hoped 
that entire harmony would be reached in the confessional basis 
adopted ; that, not only the doctrinal articles of the Augsburg 
Confession, but also those on abuses, would be received ; and 
that, then, since, in other Lutheran countries, the Church Orders 
contained a summary of doctrine, according to which the pastors 
were to conform their preaching, such a provision would be 
made in this translation of Sarcerius. Myconius, the theologian 
of the embassy, possibly had recommended this course to Cran- 
mer or Crumwell. At the birth-place of Sarcerius, Annaberg in 
Saxony, Myconius had not only been educated, but had lived for 
years as a Franciscan monk. Although Sarcerius was ten years 
younger, they had both attended the same Latin school ; and 
though scarcely cotemporary in school, the son of one of the 
most wealthy and influential citizens of the place could not have 
been unknown to the young monk even in the days of his subjec 
tion to the Papacy. Since both were now active in the same 
cause, the local attachments were not without their influence. 

Just at that time, Sarcerius was engaged, at the call of Count 
William, father of the great William of Orange, Stadtholder of 
Holland, in re-organizing the church in Nassau upon an evan 
gelical basis. He had been prepared for this work by studying 
at \Vittenberg, under Luther and Melanchthon and by extensive 
experience as a teacher. He had left Wittenberg in 1530, and, 
from 153036, had been Subrector of a Gymnasium at Liibeck 
established, in 1530, by Bugenhagen, with the exception of sev 
eral brief intervals during which he taught at Rostock, and at 
Gratz. Called as teacher to Nassau in 1536, when, in 1538, the 
time had come for a more thorough reformation of that country, 
he was appointed Superintendent and at once set vigorously to 

142 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

The story of the preparatory efforts at reformation in Nassau is 
exceedingly interesting. Count William and his family had 
always been on intimate terms with Charles V. ; and personal 
considerations were, therefore, an obstacle to his acceptance 
of the purified Gospel. But Tetzel s sale of indulgences in his 
realm had excited his opposition. He had heard Luther s de 
fence at Worms with admiration ; and, on returning home, had 
sent to the Elector Frederick for Luther s writings, which Fred 
erick transmitted with the message: "By God s help, I will 
make, through these, a good Christian of you." Again at the 
Diet of Augsburg, he was impressed by the arguments of the re 
formers ; but was so much under the influence of the Emperor, 
of whose retinue his brother was a member, that, after the diet, 
he accepted a commission to Wittenberg, for the purpose, if pos 
sible, of winning the young elector from the Lutheran cause. 
But his visit to Wittenberg, instead of changing the elector, 
brought Count William to a decision ; and he returned in full 
sympathy with the reformers. Two evangelical preachers, Heil- 
mann of Van Crombach, and Leonhard Mogner, were appointed 
by him to important positions, the former, as his chaplain, at 
Dillenburg, and the latter at Siegen, and entrusted with the work 
of preparing a new " Church Order," which appeared in 1531, 
and abolished the grosser Papistical abuses. Entering the Smal- 
cald League in 1534, at Dillenburg and Siegen the Brandenburg- 
Niirnberg Order was introduced. Sarcerius call as a teacher 
was to prepare for the more radical changes to be effected in 
1538. His first work was to thoroughly instruct the pastors. He 
w r as still the accomplished teacher, who regarded it his first work 
to drill his new pupils, the clergy of Nassau, in fundamental defi 
nitions. Both at the Synods which he held, and in his visita 
tions, the pastors were thoroughly examined, and were expected 
to show their familiarity with the definitions which their Super 
intendent had carefully wrought out and published for their use. 
We read in his report to Count William how he examined the 
pastors " Concerning God; the Trinity in general; the Father; 

More English Lutheran Literature. 143 

the Son ; the Holy Ghost ; the holy angels ; the Wicked Angels ; 
the Creation of man and his Fall ; the promise to the Church ; 
the Law, and its species ; the Gospel and its revelation ; Faith ; 
Justification and Life Everlasting ; Good Works ; the Cross ; the 
Sacraments; Prayer; the Magistracy and Ministers;" and, then, 
examined the people, to learn what their pastors had taught them 
on these topics. This was certainly far more thorough than even 
the excellent plan elsewhere pursued of attaching to the " Church 
Order" adopted, a simple outline of doctrine for the guidance 
of pastors. Besides as Gerdesius remarks, 1 the philosophical 
training of Sarcerius rendered him especially happy in his doc 
trinal statements. It was, therefore, one of these books prepared 
by Sarcerius for his clergy, that Taverner translated. 

From the reprint ofTaverner s translation, published in 1577, 
when William of Orange was in the midst of his conflict with the 
Duke of Alva, the placid but determined features of this skilful 
teacher and organizer stand forth in an excellent engraving, 
which we find also precisely reproduced in the second volume of 
Gerdes Miscellanies. Underneath the engraving are the Latin 
lines connecting the work of Sarcerius in the reformation of Nas 
sau, with the work of the son of his patron in the Netherlands. 

Quam claram facis, haec eadem NASSAVIA clarum 

Te facit ; et Scriptis nobile nomen habes ; 
Romanum oppugnas; MAGNUS GUILIELMUS at ille 

Hispanum, Factis nobile nomen habens. 

" Nassau, which thou dost make renowped, this maketh thee re 
nowned. By thy writings, thou hast a noble name ; thou at- 
tackest the Roman ; but the GREAT WILLIAM, by his deeds, hav 
ing a noble name, is attacking the Spaniards." 

This means simply that the work begun by Sarcerius was not 
understood in its full significance, until the great struggle in the 
Netherlands occurred. William of Orange, until his fif 
teenth year, was trained under the influences determined by Sar- 

1 Miscellanea Groningina, II: 606. 

144 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

cerius ; his temporary Romanism was due to the attractions of the 
Imperial Court, and the confidence of Charles V., when, as a 
youth, he became his page ; but his sound Lutheran early edu 
cation at length gained the victory over the error in which he was 
bound. Nevertheless, not being a theologian, the form of Pro 
testantism of which he was the champion in that terrific struggle, 
was that of Calvinism. 

King Henry was at first greatly delighted with this book of 
Sarcerius. In March 1539, in a conference at Frankfort to be 
hereafter mentioned, his ambassadors met Sarcerius, and refer- 
ing to the translation of his book, induced him to write a letter, 
to be carried by them to England. It is as follows : 

" Grace and peace from our Lord Jesus Christ. Most Serene 
King : When a few days ago, by command of the illustrious 
prince, William of Nassau, my most clement lord, I came to 
Frankfort, I found that at the abode of Philip Melanchthon, the 
ambassadors of your Serenity, men of high repute both in doc 
trine and in integrity of life ; who, since, among other things, 
they heard my name, asked whether I were that Erasmus Sarce 
rius, who had published a method upon the chief articles of 
Scripture, I replied that I was he. Then they at once began 
to tell me, that, by the command of your Serenity, my method 
had been translated into the English language ; and that I am 
now speaking English. Then they added that if I would please 
write to your Serenity, they would see to it that my letter would 
be delivered. Although disinclined to follow their advice, 
since I measured myself by my own rule, i. e., considering my 
inexperience and amount of learning inadequate to satisfy your 
Serenity, since you are endowed with talent unexcelled in acute- 
ness and depth both of knowledge and judgment, yet when I 
heard of the kindness of your Serenity towards all zealous for, 
and lovers of the pure religi n, I began to write in my unlearned 
style, commending myself humbly to your Serenity. If I see 
that my writings please you, I will see that you shortly receive 
my Common Places, methodically arranged somewhat en- 

More English Lutheran Literature. 145 

larged, more topics being added, and also terms for vices, of 
which Scripture makes mention. Since also in the realm of your 
Serenity, the true religion is now being planted, to the glory 
of God and the benefit of men, I will send also Postils upon the 
Gospels for the Lord s Days and the Festivals; as well as upon 
the Epistles for the Lord s Days and Festivals, dedicated to your 
Serenity^. The Lord keep your royal Majesty safe and secure, to 
the glory of the Gospel and the peace of the church. Frankr 
fort, March loth, 1539. ERASMUS SARCERIUS." 

A few months later, (October 2 ad, 1539), the Wittenberg 
Faculty, in a paper to be hereafter more fully described, de 
clared that Henry, with respect to " The Six Articles," was acting 
against his conscience, because " he himself has had a little book 
of Sarcerius translated and printed in his own language, which 
he lias used as a prayer-book, wherein the matter is briefly pre 
sented." 2 

Steadily also the work of Bible revision and Bible circulation 
advanced. With Matthews or Rogers version, the English Bi 
ble was at last complete, but very unequal in the merits of its 
several parts, and requiring early revision. With remarkable 
self-abnegation, Coverdale undertook this work. That he had 
already prepared a translation, whose defects he thus acknowl 
edged, was with him no consideration. He was content to make 
Matthews Bible the basis. Paris was determined upon as the 
place of publication, and thither he went, with his publisher 
Grafton, in May 1538. Obtaining a royal license from the 
French King, the work of printing continued until December 
1 7th, when, by the interference of the French ecclesiastics it 
was prohibited, editor and publisher compelled to flee, and the 
sheets confiscated. Sold, however, for waste paper, instead of 
being burned, the most of them were saved ; and the printing 
was completed in April 1539, the book being called from its 
size, (15 X9 inches) the " GREAT BIBLE," or Crumwell s Bible, 
as it owed its origin to the "Lord Privy Seal," Copies were 

2 Corpus Rcformatorum, III : 796; De Wette s Luther s Briefen, V : 213. 

146 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

placed in every church where parishioners could always have 
access to them, and where the people would congregate in large 
numbers, as successive readers would take their turn in reading 
aloud from the Word of Life. Almost everyone who could 
command the means sought a copy for himself. "Even little 
boys flocked among the rest to hear portions of the Holy Scrip 
ture read." 3 

In making this revision, Coverdale omitted the polemical 
notes and prefaces of Rogers, doubtless in order to make the 
edition less offensive to those inclined to the old order. This is 
the edition from which the Psalter of " The Book of Common 
Prayer," was taken. 

Again, revising the Great Bible" of 1539, in 1540 (April, 
July and November) and in 1541 (November and and Decem 
ber), Coverdale gave the public what is known as Cranmer s Bi 
ble, making many changes in his previous work, and in some 
instances reverting to his older renderings. Dr. Eadie 4 has 
reached the conclusion that though it was a double revision of 
Matthew s of 1537, the Great Bible is not only inferior as a 
translation, but has interspersed through it a great variety of par 
aphrastic and supplementary clauses from the Vulgate, some 
being preserved in the Bishops." 

The two editions which are known as Tonstal and Heath s, are 
not revisions as they profess to be, but only Cranmer s Bible 
with a deceiving title-page. The Romish power was in tempo 
rary sway, but the king and the people still demanded the Bible ; 
hence these representatives of the hierarchical party, unable to 
prevent the demands, adopted this futile expedient. 

Prior, however, to this, and almost cotemporaneous with the 
first appearance of the " Great Bible," the revision of Matthews 
Bible by Richard Taverner, the learned translator of the Augs 
burg Confession and Sarcerius "Common Places," was pub 
lished. Taverner was a very accomplished Greek scholar, and 

8 Strype s Memorials of Cranmer, 1 : 142 : 
* The English Bible, 1 : 383. 

More English Lutheran Literature, 147 

a number of his changes have been incorporated into our Auth 
orized Version. His accuracy in the rendering of the Greek 
article has been especially noted. For this work, he was im 
prisoned after the death of his friend, Crumwell. 

But we must not anticipate events too far. The political 
negotiations of 1539 have been already passed over. 



Pharaoh again seeks Moses. Conferences at Frankfort. Another Commis 
sion asked for. Lutherans decline to send Theologians. An Embassy 
of Civilians. Melanchthon s Hopes. His long letters to Henry. Gar 
diner in the Ascendant. Henry s Answer to the Articles " On Abuses" 
" the Bloody Statute of the Six Articles." Luther s Indignation. 
Shall Melanchthon go to England ? Negotiations concerning Anne of 
Cleves. Firmness of the Elector of Saxory. Opinion of the Wittenberg 
Faculty. Their Opinion adverse to further Negotiations. Melanch 
thon s Minute Review of " the Six Articles." An Eloquent Appeal. 

THE English King soon apprehended that he could not afford 
to be as independent as he imagined, when he broke up the 
conference of 1538, after the doctrinal articles of the Augsburg 
Confession had been received. Pharaoh again seeks Moses. A 
cloud was rising on the continent, which seemed to portend that, 
unless prompt measures be taken, the lightning of the Vatican 
might yet strike England. Henry became uneasy, lest the Lu 
theran princes and the Emperor might reach an agreement, in 
the conferences held at Frankfort-on-the-Main from February to 
April 1539, and that he would be left alone to oppose Charles. 
A formidable array of Lutheran theologians were present at 
Frankfort ; among them Melanchthon, Spalatin, Myconius, 
Aepinus, Blaurer, Osiander and Sarcerius. Christopher Mount 
and Thomas Paynel were sent to represent the English cause. 
They protested against any action on the part of the Lutheran 
princes without a previous consultation with Henry. Again the 
proposition was made that a commission of theologians be sent 
to England. To this, the princes answer that it would be use- 


Fruitless Negotiations of 1539. 149 

less, since there could be no change from what had been already 
decided in the conferences of 1536 at Wittenberg with Fox, 
Heath and Barnes ; and give a summary of the Scriptural argu 
ments against abuses, to aid the King in coming to a correct de 
cision. Until the force of these be conceded, no provision is to 
be made for negotiations on theological points. Two civilians, 
however were appointed to confer personally with Henry, ex 
plain the situation, and arrange the preliminaries for a military 
alliance in case they were attacked by the same enemy. Vice 
Chancellor Burkhard and Ludwig a Baumbach were designated 
for such service and proceeded to England. Melanchthon once 
more is hopeful. It seems to him as though his scheme, " that 
an agreement with respect to godly doctrine be established 
among all those churches which condemn the tyranny and god- 
lessness of the Bishop of Rome," 2 had another fair opportunity 
for consideration. Henry had spoken to the commission of 1538 
in such exalted terms of Melanchthon, that the latter now treats 
the English monarch to two long letters (March 25th, April 
ist), 3 full of those compliments in which the king delighted, 
and which the classical pen of Melanchthon could so gracefully 
give. He praises Henry s heroic virtues, and compares him to 
Achilles. Melanchthon, alas, was using carnal weapons, instead 
of those which are mighty through God for the pulling down of 
strongholds. Yet, however ill-chosen the weapons, there is no 
questioning the ultimate purpose of his letters. He is urgent 
that the subject of abuses be at once considered. "Your High 
ness has already successfully begun to remove certain supersti 
tions. I ask, therefore, that the reform of the other abuses be 
undertaken." 4 Nor is he content with addressing Henry. He 
not only recalls his delightful intercourse with Heath three years 
before and writes to him, but also sends a long communication 

l Seckendorflll: 224; Strype 1 * Memorials, VI : 156. 
* Corpus Reformatorum III : p. 672. 
Mb. pp. 671,682. 
4 Ib. p. 673. 

150 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

to Cranmer, which while very severe in its complaints of the 
English bishops, bears testimony to the fidelity of Cranmer, 
Crumwell and Latimer. Melanchthon could not have foreseen 
how useless all these efforts would be. Since the death of Fox, 
the influence of Gardiner outweighs that of Cranmer. Two 
days conference in Crumwell s residence, May i6th and i8th, 
showed that no agreement was possible. 


The hierarchial element was rapidly maturing its boldest mea 
sures, which were to bring with them persecution and martyrdom 
for some of the more prominent champions of the evangelical 
faith. The project of enforcing uniformity in religion became a 
a matter of deliberation in Parliament. The laymen in the 
House of Lords relinquished the floor to the bishops. Cranmer, 
Latimer and Shaxton, supported feebly by Heath, held for days 
a drawn battle with the other side, led by Gardiner and Tun- 
stall, when the king himself entered the arena, and spoke with 
such decision, that Shaxton alone remained firm. Strype infers 
that in this discussion, Cranmer was greatly aided by a little treatise 
of Urban Regius. 5 The bill of the Six Articles enforced belief 
(i) in transubstantiation; (2) in non-necessity of communion in 
both kinds ; (3) in the sinfulness of marriage after entering the 
priesthood ; (4) in the absolute obligation of vows of chastity ; 
(5) in the efficacy of private masses ; (6) in compulsory auric 
ular confession. Disbelief of the first article had attached to it 
the penalty of death at the stake ; while the rejection of the other 
articles had a gradation of penalties attached, with death as the 
extreme. It has often been termed " the bloody statute of the 
Six Articles," or "the whipe with sixe strings." 

Such was Henry s answer to the articles of the Augsburg Con 
fession, "On Abuses." "It would be difficult," says Charles 
Knight, 6 " to understand how such a statute could have passed, 

5 Strype s Cranmer, I: 166. 

6 History of England, (Amer. ed.) p. 276. 

Fruitless Negotiations of 1539. 151 

if the great body of the people had been inclined to a higher 
species of reformation than consisted in the destructive principle 
which assailed the externals of the Church. Cranmer was too 
yielding, and Crumwell too politic, to oppose the party which 
carried the statute backed by the irresistible force of the king s 
will. The subservient courtiers, who had become improprietors, 
and provided half-starved monks to do the service of the altar at 
the cheapest rate, were wholly indifferent to the principles 
through which the continental reformers were daily waxing in 
strength." Cranmer sends away his wife to avoid the penalties 
of the statute. Latimer resigns his bishopric. Alesius flees to 
Wittenberg. Dr. Barnes, who had been sent as an ambassador 
by the king to Hamburg, does not venture for awhile to return. 


July 1 2th was fixed as the date at which the statute should be 
gin to be enforced. Two days before, Luther thanks God 
" that he has freed our Church from the vexatious King of Eng 
land, who with the greatest diligence desired and sought alliance 
with us, and was not received ; undoubtedly because God for 
some special purpose hindered it, for he has always been incon 
stant and vacillating. I am glad that we are free from the blas 
phemer. He wants to be Head of the Church in England with 
out any means sanctioned by Christ, who will give the title to no 
bishop, however pious or godly he may be, to say nothing of any 
king or prince. The devil is driving this king, so that he vexes 
and martyrs Christ. I am mortified and pained that Master 
Philip M. has dedicated the most beautiful prefaces and intro 
ductions to the most rascally fellows. 7 About the same time, 
we find also this estimate : " He is still the same King Harry 
whom I portrayed in my first book. He will indeed find his 
judge. His plan never pleased me, in that he wants to kill the 
Pop? s body but to keep his soul, i. e. his false doctrine."* " The 

7 Erlangen Ed. Luther s Works, LXI : 365. 

8 Ib. p. 304. 

152 77/i? Lutheran Movement in England. 

King of England is an enemy to the Pope s person ; but not of 
his nature and doctrine : he kills only the body, but lets the 
soul live." 9 


But Luther s rejoicing that he and his colleagues are at last 
done with Henry forever, is not of long duration. Crumwell 
was defeated, but his influence with the king was not alto 
gether lost, and even during that summer the preliminary nego 
tiations looking towards the marriage with Ana of Cleves, the 
Elector s sister-in-law, were begun. The Landgrave of Hesse 
was anxious for a favorable consideration of the propositions made 
through Christopher Mount ; but the Elector wished to hear 
nothing more. Bucer interposed, writing a long letter from 
Strasburg, describing the extremities to which the friends of the 
Gospel in England were put, and begging that Melanchthon 
may be sent as a special ambassador to use his influence in a 
personal interview with Henry, in order to cause a cessation 
of the persecution. How can we help but admire the candor 
of the Magnanimous Christian prince in his answer ? He has a 
clear conscience, he says, that for four or five years he has spared 
himself no effort which might aid the cause of religion in Eng 
land. He had, at a great expense, supported the Bishop of Here 
ford at Wittenberg for three months, and had him instructed 
sufficiently concerning the chief articles of doctrine. The bishop 
had reported everything to the king, who did not deign to re 
ply. In 1538 a commission had been sent by him to England ; 
and another in the present year all to no purpose. He assured 
the English ambassador that " he received the living Word of 
God according to the Augsburg Confession, and thus publicly 
professed it, without which there is no true knowledge of God 
or hope of salvation ; and from this Confession he would not recede 
even though he were compelled to lose life, and all that he 
had." 10 

9 Ib. LX: 217. 

10 Seckendorf, III : pp. 225 sq. 

Fruitless Negotiations of 1539. 153 


On October 22d, Luther, Jonas, Bugenhagen, and Melanch- 
thon sign a paper concerning further negotiations with Henry, 
from which we give some extracts. Melanchthon is supposed to 
have composed it. 

" Although in our own persons, we shrink from no dangers or 
labors ; yet in this case, assuredly, enough has been done for the 
instruction and admonition of the king, for the following reasons : 
St. Paul says that we ought to receive the weak, but let the ob 
stinate one go, who, he says, is condemned by his own judg 
ment, i. e., one who publicly sins against his conscience. On 
the other hand, he who is called weak will learn, and not per 
secute that which he understands, but receive, hold and advance 
it. Yet that the King of England is acting against conscience 
can be inferred from this, viz. : He knows that our doctrine 
concerning the use of the whole sacrament, Confession and the 
Marriage of Priests is true, or at least that it is not contrary to 
God s Word. Now he says in his Articles and in his Edict, that 
some of these points are contrary to God s Law. This he says 
undoubtedly against his conscience, for many writings have come 
to him written both publicly and also especially for him, which 
he has read. He himself has had a little book of Sarcerius trans 
lated and printed in his own language, which he has used as a 
prayer-book, wherein the matter is briefly presented. We un 
derstand also that he himself has spoken otherwise of this doc 
trine, and among other things has said of the King of France 
that he has done wrong in persecuting it ; for he understands 
and knows that it is right. Besides he has many godly and 
learned preachers, as the deposed Bishop Latimer, Cranmer and 
others, whom he has heard and suffered for a period. And yet 
in spite of all this, he condemns this doctrine more severely than 
the Pope himself. We therefore apprehend that this king is of 
such a mind as does not seek God s glory, but, as he declared to 
the Vice-Chancellor, wants to do only what pleases himself, 
whereby he shows that he does not regard the doctrine a matter 

154 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

of moment, and that like Antiochus and others, he wants to es 
tablish a religion of his own. 

Secondly, as it is now manifest that the king is acting against 
his conscience, we do not think that it is our duty to instruct 
him anew, but we ought to abide by the rule of Paul, which 
teaches that the adversaries should be admonished twice, and, if 
that do not help, they should be shunned as those who are act 
ing against conscience. Such admonition has already been 

Besides we hear that the king is a sophist and glossator, who 
likes to color all things with his art of making glosses. But one 
who has no delight in clear, plain truth, can easily twist matters, 
even though he has to tear his own mouth, like the pike, when 
torn by the hook. In Sirach 37, it is written : God does not 
give grace to one who uses sophistry, and he does not attain 
wisdom. For there is no end to his hypercriticisms and distor 
tions. Hence we cannot constantly be treating with such, and 
especially as experience shows how offensive this is to the Lord. 
Since then the king takes delight in such making of glosses, we 
have little hope that he will allow himself to be set right. Then 
too we must consider that the men who have influence with him 
have no conscience. The Bishop of Winchester [Gardiner] car 
ries with him throughout the country two unchaste women in 
men s apparel, and yet judges that the marriage of priests is 
against God s law, and is so arrogant that he says that he will 
publicly maintain against the whole world that the proposition : 
By faith we are justified is incorrect. He is also an extreme 
tyrant, as this year he has had two men burned for no other 
reason than alone for transubstantiation ; so that the saying is 
true, that Lord and servant are of like mind. From all this, we 
infer that up to this time enough has been done ; as we know 
that we have spoken faithfully and in a Christian way, and hold 
that it is no longer our duty to make further efforts, for there is 
little hope. Perhaps God does not want his Gospel to be main 
tained by a king, who has such a bad reputation. Yet we leave 

Fruitless Negotiations of zjjp. 155 

it to your Electoral Grace s further consideration, as to whether 
the attempt be made still once more. We would also not fail to 
make an expostulation with the king, and to admonish him again 
in writing. More is not our duty. For what Dr. Bucer points 
to : Go into all the world, and teach, we are doing by our 
writings. To respond farther to a present call is not com 
manded us. 

I, Philip, have written also to the same effect to Crumwell and 
the Archbishop of Canterbury. But letters have come to me 
from England to the effect that the king receives my letters with 
displeasure ; and hence it is to be well considered as to whether 
though I were in England, the king would give me an audience 
or would not direct me as he did the former ambassadors to his 
proud, unlearned bishops with whom to quarrel. How acutely 
the king disputes concerning such matters may be learned from 
two arguments. Of good works he argues thus : Since bad 
works merit eternal wrath, it must follow that good works must 
merit eternal salvation ; and this argument I hear he will not 
suffer to be taken from him. The other, concerning the mar 
riage of priests, is this : If he have the power to give an order 
that one as long as he wants to be at court is not free, he has the 
power also to forbid priests from marrying. This is the very 
superlative of perspicacity ; and hence he reviles and condemns 
us. Whether it be possible to dispute with one who resorts to 
such arguments, your Grace must consider." " 


Under date of November ist, Melanchthon writes Henry a 
letter which fills over twelve pages of the book before us. The 
glow of a just indignation colors every line. For once all timid 
ity has vanished, and he is bold as one speaking as the oracle 
of God. The Six Articles are reviewed in detail, and their de 
fects elaborately portrayed. We can quote only a few passages : 

11 De Wette s Luther s Briefen, V : 213 sqq.; C. R. Ill: 796 sqq. ; Erl. 
Ed. Luther s Works, LV : 243 sqq. 

156 More English Lutheran Literature. 

I am pained that you are becoming the minister of another s 
cruelty and godlessness. I am pained that the doctrine of Christ 
is being restrained, vicious rites established, and lusts strengthened. 
I hear that men of excellent learning and godliness, Latimer, 
Shaxton, Cranmer and others, are held in custody ; for them I 
pray courage becoming Christians. And although nothing bet 
ter or more glorious could happen to them than to meet death 
in the confession of such manifest truth ; yet I do not wish your 
Royal Highness to be stained by the blood of such men, I do 
not wish the lights of your Church to be extinguished, I do not 
wish such concession to be made to the godlessness and venomous 
Pharisaic hatred of Christ s enemies, I do not wish pleasure to 
be afforded to the Roman Antichrist, who delights in his heart 
that you are taking up arms for him, and hopes by the aid of the 
bishops to regain easily that possession from which he was driven 
by your honorable and godly counsels. He sees that the bish 
ops are for a time complying with your will, but that they are 
joined to the Roman pontiff. The Roman pontiffs understand 
these arts j before these days, they have made their way out of 
most severe tempests by singing." 12 

He argues, then, concerning the articles on "Abuses/ "In 
the decree how many things are artfully set forth ! Confession, 
it says, is necessary, and to be. retained. Why does it not ex 
pressly say that, according to divine law, the enumeration of 
offences is necessary ? The bishops knew, that this declaration 
is false ; the words, therefore, are made general, in order that 
darkness may be diffused over the people. When they hear that 
confession is necessary, they understand that enumeration of 
offences is necessary. There are similar deceptions in the arti 
cle Of Private Masses. Even the beginning : It is necessary 
to retain private masses, is absolutely false. Who thought thus 
for more than four hundred years after the Apostles, when there 
were no private masses? But afterward the sophisms followed, 
That by them the people might receive divine consolations 

12 Corpus Reformatorum III : 806. 

Fruitless Negotiations 0/1539. 157 

and benefits. Why do they not add what these consolations 
and benefits are ? The bishops do not mention "application 
and merit/ because they know that these cannot be defended. 
They play with words, in order that they may escape, if appli 
cation be found fault with. And yet they want application 
to be understood by the people ! They want the idolatrous idea 
to be confirmed that, for some, this sacrifice merits remission of 
guilt, for others, an alleviation of all calamities, and finally brings 
gain in business, and whatever the anxiety of men imagines. 

It is a like sophism, when they say that the marriage of priests 
conflicts with divine law. They are not ignorant of the passage 
in Paul : A bishop must be the husband of one wife. Hence 
they know that, by divine law, marriage is allowed. But when 
they say that to this a vow has been added, they play with words ; 
they do not say that marriage is hindered by a vow, but they ab 
solutely lay down the proposition, that the marriage of priests 
conflicts with divine law. Then what impudence and atrocious 
cruelty they add, when they order marriages to be dissolved, 
while the sacerdotal vow, even were it valid, would only bind 
them not to remain in the ministry, in case they married. That 
this is the opinion of synods and councils, is manifest. O wicked 
bishops, O impudence of Winchester [Gardiner] who by these 
deceptions imagines that he is escaping the eyes of Christ and 
the judgment of all the godly in the entire world !" 

What more eloquent than Melanchthon s conclusions? 

"Again I entreat you, for the sake of our Lord Jesus Christ, 
to modify and amend the decree of the bishops ; and, in this, 
serve the glory of Christ, and have regard for your salvation and 
that of the churches. Be moved by the prayers of many godly 
men throughout the whole world, who wish that kings apply 
their influence to the true reformation of the Church, and to 
abolish godless services and to defend the Gospel. Look upon 
those godly men who are bound for the sake of the Gospel, and 
who are true members of Christ. If the decree be not changed, 
the cruelty of the bishops will prevail without end in the Church. 

158 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

For the devil has them as the instruments of his fury and hatred 
against Christ; he impels them to the slaughter of Christ s 
members. All godly persons beg and beseech you not to pre 
fer their godless and cruel sentences, and sophistical cavils, to 
our most just intercession. If they gain from you what they 
ask, God will undoubtedly grant you great rewards for your 
piety, and your virtue will be proclaimed in the writings and by 
the voice of the godly. For Christ will judge between those do 
ing well and ill for his church. 

As long as literature shall live, the memory of these important 
affairs will be transmitted to posterity. When we serve the 
glory of Christ, and our churches are churches of Christ, some 
shall never be wanting who shall be able to advocate a godly 
cause, to adorn with due praise those who deserve it, and to 
censure cruelty. Christ is going about, hungry, thirsty, naked, 
bound, complaining of the madness of pontiffs, of the most un 
righteous cruelty of many kings, begging that the members of his 
body be not wounded, but that true churches be defended, and 
the Gospel be magnified. To recognize Him, to receive Him, 
to cherish him this is the duty of a godly king, and the worship 
most pleasing to God." 13 

13 Corpus Reformatorum III : 8 1 8. 



Articles falsely ascribed to Luther and Melanchthon circulated in England 
in 1539. Similar or identical Articles in France in 1535; also in Ger 
many. Seckendorfs detailed examination presented in full. A genu 
ine Paper on the same topics by the leading Lutheran Theologians in 
1540. The Fate of the Six Articles. Anne of Cleves. Melanchthon 
writes once more to Henry. Negotiations in Contemplation. Argu 
ment of the Wittenberg Theologians on " Abuses." Cranmer intercedes 
for the King. Another Reaction. Anne repudiated. Fall of Crumwell. 
Dr. Barnes burned. 

THE opponents of Lutheranism in England resorted for its 
suppression not only to open violence, but al^o to arts not un 
known among politicians of the Nineteenth Century. In No 
vember, 1539, the ambassadors of the Elector of Saxony to Eng 
land send to their ruler a series of articles which had been indus 
triously circulated as the joint production of Luther and Me 
lanchthon, signed March, 1539, and expressly recanting any 
statements which had been hitherto made conflicting with them. 
The document had been used, it is stated, to prejudice the mind 
of the king, against the apparent vacillation of the Reformers, 
and thus to determine his course in reference to the Six Articles. 
Already in 1535, Luther had complained that a similar forged 
document, composed largely of garbled statements from Melanch- 
thon s writings had been circulated in France; and hence 
Walch l has inferred that the two papers are identical. Neither 
without interest in this connection, is Seckendorfs discovery 2 

1 Luther s Works, XIX : ^2. 

2 III: p. 228. 


160 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

of a somewhat amended and interpolated translation into Ger 
man of the articles preserved in the Archives at Weimar, with 
the inscription that they had been sent from the Elector to 
Charles V. Thus it is probable that this forgery was thrice util 
ized, viz. : in France, in England and in Germany. We cannot 
help but admire the ingenuity of the composer, so skillfully has 
the work been done, and so closely do single statements read 
like expressions occasionally used by the Wittenbergers. 

As no less an English authority than Strype, in his "Memo 
rials of the Reformation, 3 has been misled, and this primary 
source of information for most English students gives currency 
to occasional reiteration of these charges by those not acquainted 
with the facts, we give the articles in full as given by Strype in 
the English of that time, together with Seckendorf s examination 
of each article separately : 

" I. We confess that there ought to be a policy in the church 
and a regime. In the which, there must be bishops ; who shall 
have the power of the examine, and ordinance of the ministra 
tion of the same, for to exercise the jurisdiction of the. same; 
who shall diligently see, that the churches committed unto them, 
may be truly instructed with pure and sincere doctrine." 

Reply: " Luther and Melanchthon never declared that such 
Episcopal office was necessary as is established in the Roman 
Church, with all its pawer and jurisdiction ; neither did they 
acknowledge an essential dictinction between bishops and pas 
tors ; as is manifest from all their writings which were never re 
called, and especially from the treatise On the Power and Jur 
isdiction of Bishops, composed by Melanchthon in the year 
1537 at Smalcald, subscribed by Luther, and annexed to the 
Articles, which he himself composed. They were willing, how 
ever, to tolerate bishops, and to comply with the authority of 
their external administration, provided they saw to it that the 
Word of God was purely preached, and, abuses being removed, 
the sacraments be administered according to Christ s institution." 

I: 545 sqq. 

A Literary Forgery. 161 

"II. We admit that it is good and convenient, that in the 
church, there be a Bishop of Rome, that may be above other 
bishops ; who may gather them together, to see the examination 
of the doctrine, and the concord of such, as do teach discrepan 
cies in the church. But we admit not the pomp, riches, and 
pride of the Bishop of Rome ; who would make realms subject 
unto him. The which things do neither help nor promote the 
gospel ; because the Kings that have right thereto, may and are 
to rule the same. 

Reply: " Luther was willing to endure the Papacy with ad 
vantage to the church, not even by human law ; as is evident 
from the Smalcald Articles. Melanchthon, in this matter of a 
singular opinion, to which no one assented, thought that some 
thing could be conceded, but upon the same condition, upon 
which the Episcopate could be admitted." 

"III. We confess, that as concerning choice of meats, holy 
days and ceremonies, there might an agreement be made easily, 
if there could be a concord in the doctrine of the church, and 
not such discrepance as there is. For if there were a concord 
of doctrine in the church, we should not think reasonable to di 
vide us from the church, seen [seeing] that it is not possible that 
the world might stand without ceremonies and man s constitutions ; 
seen that all innovations without necessity ought to be excluded ; 
and that there is no peril, to us I mean, in the observation of the 
said ceremonies, and men s constitutions ; for that the doctrine 
be purely handled." 

Reply: "They did not deny that separation was necessary 
because of ceremonies ; but regarded these no less than erron 
eous doctrines a sufficient cause of separation, if they tended to 
superstition and idolatry, and the opinion of necessity were at 
tached to them, from obligation of conscience and of merit be 
fore -God, with injury to Christian and ecclesiastical liberty, in 
view of which it is lawful to change rites for the advantage and 
profit of the church ; but they never used the silly argument from 
the government of the world to the government of the church, 


1 62 The Lutheran Movement in England, 

knowing well what injury was introduced into the church 

" IV. We judge to be profitable that confession and rehearsal 
of sins be made in the church. For taking the same away, the 
doctrine of remission of sins, and of the power of the Keys, 
should be offuscate and taken away ; seeing that in the confession^ 
among other things the people ought to be taught, whence com- 
eth the remission of sins. Provided, that there be honest fash 
ion to instruct the persons that be shriven, and that the con 
sciences be not overlaid with rigorous and exact rehearsal of all 

Reply : " Luther never maintained the necessity of the enu 
meration of sins, or said that, when it was removed, the doctrine 
of the remission of sins was offuscate ; and, therefore, did not 
censure other churches which, in a diverse manner, aimed at the 
same end, the preparation and excitation of the communicants 
in repentance and faith being introduced in the stead of particu 
lar confession." 

"V. We believe that justification is made by faith. Because 
there be no works, whereby we may satisfy or obtain remission 
of sins. Yet nevertheless the same faith that justifies us, ought 
not to be idle, but adorned with good and godly deeds." 

Reply: " The particle alone 1 is craftily omitted. Nor is 
it more correct in denying that by certain works justification 
may occur. For it is indicated that there are works which do 
this, viz;., love, with which they say that faith ought to be fur 
nished, /. e., as some say, informed. Luther, however, ex 
cluded charity from the act of justification ; and maintained that 
it was not the form, bnt the effect and fruit of faith." 

"VI. We confess that free-will, holpen with the Holy Ghost^ 
may do somewhat, whensoever we will withdraw from sin." 

Reply : " It is doubtful whether the framers of these articles 
understood them in a sound sense ; and agreed with the evan 
gelicals concerning the co-operation of man after conversion, so 
as to ascribe to God alone all glory without the ascription of any 
merit of our own." 

A Literary Forgery. 163 

" VII. We confess, that after the remission of sins, the Holy 
Ghost is given to the man ; from the which he departeth again, 
as soon as he committeth any deadly sin." 

Reply : It should have been added that by repentance, the 
forgiveness of sins and the Holy Ghost can be recovered, in or 
der that the heresy of Novatus might not be imputed to the 
evangelicals, as their caluminators were wont to do." 

"VIII. We use the fashion accustomed in the office of the 
n.ass. For what should avail a change of ceremonies without 
necessity? But we admit not the privie masses, because they 
have occasion of sundry abuses. Because there is an open fair 
or market made of celebration of masses." 

Reply : " They did not say that they used the accustomed 
fashion, /. e. that introduced by abuse, but they affirmed that 
they employed a better one, the canon which they mention, and 
other forms and rites conflicting with orthodoxy being removed ; 
nor did they disapprove only of the traffic in masses, but its be 
ing regarded a propitiatory sacrifice. Accordingly they recalled 
the mass to the communion alone, liberty being observed in chang 
ing the rites which, from the beginning they had observed in or 
der to avoid scandal, or in hope of harmony ; and this liberty 
they also afterwards exercised." 

"IX. We believe thus concerning the Lord s Supper : That 
like as Christ, in his last supper did give unto his disciples his 
true body to be eaten and drunken ; and so he gives daily to us 
his disciples and loyal men, as often as we keep the supper, ac 
cording to the form commanded, Accipite et comedite, etc., the 
true body and blood to be eaten and drunk. This is the mind 
of the three evangelists and St. Paul. And so their words do 
sound clearly. Wherefore, away with all such erroneous inter 
pretations as are made upon the said words. 

We be taught that Christ did give to his disciples his body 
and blood under both species and kinds ; and that, therefore, 
we ought to observe the same ; -as we do indeed. But because 
fine of the species hath by men s constitutions been forbidden 

164 7*he Lutheran Movement in England. 

by the Bishop of Rome, there might be a remedy found without 
peril or danger; so that he that would, might have both species ; 
and that there should be a prohibition made, that the one should 
insult against the other." 

" Reply : " They should have added that the dogma of tran- 
substantiation was rejected by the Evangelicals, with all its con 
sequences of inclusion, circumgestation, and adoration of the 
Sacrament. It is also false that communion under both kinds or 
one kind, was a matter of indifference to the Evangelicals ; but 
approved only the former, as prescribed by immutable divine 

" X. Seen " [seeing} " that it appeareth by the holy doctors, 
that the holy days and feasts of saints have been accustomed to be 
observed ; and as we see as yet some holy canons of that matter, 
but it appeareth not that there is made in the same a mention of 
their invocation ; but it appeareth only by the same, that they be 
proposed unto us for an example, to learn to follow their lives and 
conversations, yet, nevertheless, seen that by some custom, the 
intercession of saints ought to be admitted, then there should be 
prayers made unto God, that it might like him to hear them by 
the intercession of some saints ; we affirm for a certainty, that 
the saints do continually intercede for the church ; albeit the 
Christian men ought to be taught, that they shall not convert 
the same hope to the saints, which they ought to have unto God. 
Nor do we regret images of Christ and the saints, but only the 
worship shown them; whence idolatry sprung." 

Reply : " They never affirmed it as a certainty, or an article 
of faith that the saints intercede for us ; Luther indeed, in the 
Smalcald Articles, admitted the conjecture ; nevertheless he 
denied that they should in any way be prayed to intercede, 
or that God should be asked to have respect to their interces 

"XI. Also we dampne not the monastery, or life of such as 
be closed in the cloisters ; but only the trust that some men have 
put in the regular observation. Also we reject the vows whicti 

A Literary Forgery. 165 

have been made upon such things as men cannot observe. Yet, 
nevertheless we will not the monasteries be. put down for the 
same, but that they be turned to schools ; in which good doc 
trine should be taught. And that the pope may dispense with 
vows; so that it were free for every man to keep or not keep 
them. And so the same should be to the quiet and tranquility 
of mind, and the vows should not be the snares of malice." 

Reply: "The resort to cloisters, they did not approve, but 
condemned. They maintained that the monastic life could be , 
tolerated, if constraint, the opinion of merit, idle begging, were 
absent, and other abuses were removed, and the power of enter 
ing them be free, without any regard to a Papal dispensation." 

"XII. Then the marriage of priests should be in the Pope s 
hands, who might admit the same ; and the concubinate of many 
should be forgiven ; for we see few chaste. But if the law to 
contract should not have place, then, for to avoid slander, there 
should be none advanced to the dignities ecclesiastical, but grave 
persons, and of full age. 

Reply: " It is apparent that here falsehoods are fabricated 
with respect to Luther, as though he would allow the marriage 
of the clergy to be referred to the judgment and dispensation of 
the Pope ; for this he regarded a matter of divine law, not only 
allowed, but necessary to all who did not possess the gift of con 
tinence. The caution also with respect to ecclesiastical digni 
ties, that they should be conferred upon none but upon men of 
advanced age, who could be celibate, is not Luther s." 

" XIII. We think it best to dispute of Purgatory and pardons, 
in the schools, rather than, in the pulpit, to dispute of the same 
publicly, without any profit ; so that the markets and bargains 
thereof should be avoided. For we do reject in those things and 
others, wherein we do not agree, the abuse rather than the thing 
itself. The which, nevertheless, may be discussed and amended 
by councils lawfully assembled." 

Reply: " Purgatory itself, and the entire figment of Ponti 
fical indulgences, Luther, with his associates, rejected, as, among 

1 66 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

other passages, is manifest in the Smalcald Articles ; and, there 
fore, he did not forbid that they be refuted in the sermon ; for 
he did this not only with his vow, but also in his writings. 

" XIV. The Zwinglians and CEcolampadians have not yet re 
ceived those artices, but the simple people shall be easily re 
duced, and we trust that they shall shortly do conformable 

Reply : Here Zwingli and the CEcolampadians are invidiously 
-cited, as though only their followers, and not, likewise, the Lu 
therans, rejected Pontifical abuses. Then, too, it is false that the 
people were inclined to accept these compromises, or that, 
through sermons, hope was offered them for these. The con 
trary was found also after the death of Luther, when, the edict 
of Charles being published in the year 1548, a very few ad 
mitted incrustations not unlike these which were then invented 
in England, and, although compelled by violence to receive 
them, nevertheless, in a short time rejected, them." 

"XV. Luther hath revoked all the books, wherein there be 
many things contrary to those articles, and hath retracted them 
with his own hands and knowledged his faults. In March 3d, 

Reply: "This is so impudently false, as not to be worthy 
of refutation. 

Some of the prejudices against Lutheranism in England on the 
part of the more pronounced opponents of hierarchism, have not 
improbably originated from the false impressions produced by 
this forgery. To have yielded as much as this document does, 
would have been to have given up half the battle to the Papacy. It 
was essentially, as Seckendorf intimates, what afterwards was so 
stoutly resisted by Lutherans in the Interim. It is amusing to 
read Strype s conclusion of the matter : 

" But these steps to a good concord between the king and the 
Germans came to nothing; the king taking some misconceit 
against the Duke of Saxony, because it was said, he rather in- 

A Literary Forgery. 167 

clined to have his sister-in-law, the Lady Anne of Cleves, mar 
ried in Germany than to him." 

As opposed to this, we have an authentic document of Jan 
uary 1 8th, 1540, in which Luther, Melanchthon, Jonas, Bugen- 
hagen, Myconius, Sarcerius, Bucer and others unite in stating to 
the Elector the conditions upon which peace may be made with 
" the bishops." 

They say : " Since the doctrine in all articles of the confes 
sion, as it is understood and taught in our churches, is truly and 
properly the sure Christian doctrine of the Holy Gospel, we 
neither will, nor can rriake or assent to any change therein. 
Therefore, if there be a meeting, first of all the doctrine must be 
discussed ; for if they be silent concerning this, and still hold 
their own, and thus treat of an external, hypocritical agreement, 
no firm unity would follow ; but they must first consider whether 
this doctrine be correct, and be allowed by theirs. If, perhaps, 
they give heed to some articles and receive them in a measure ; 
and say that our writings are numerous and dissimilar, and there 
fore, certain articles must be composed ; and also, perhaps, cen 
sure some so as to patch and change them ; our judgment is, 
that we do not allow new, obscure and uncertain articles or 
patch-work to be prepared, but declare to them that the sum of 
our doctrine is set forth in the Confession and Apology, from 
whose doctrine we do not think of departing. And if any one 
have any fault to find therewith, as though it were not sufficiently 
explained or were incorrect, we then offer ourselves ready, with 
all diligence, to show either by writing or orally, what the un 
derstanding is in our churches; and so to make answer, that 
undoubtedly all reasonable and God-fearing men shall be sat 
isfied." 4 


were soon lost sight of, except as an historical land-mark. " Its 
operation seems to have been checked in part at least, as early 

* Corpus Reformatorum, III : 129. 

J 68 More English Lutheran Literature. 

as the following year." 5 Crumwell s schemes were successful. 
In spite of the Elector s persistent advice to the contrary, because 
of which he greatly offended his relatives, the marriage of Henry 
with the Elector s sister-in-law, Anne of Cleves, was arranged. 
We need not repeat the story with which readers of English his 
tory are so familiar of the flattering portrait painted by Cranach, 
the impatience of Henry to welcome his bride, his trip to the 
coast to receive her, his terrible disappointment, his fruitless 
endeavor to retract from his engagement even after she had en 
tered England for her marriage, his brutal treatment of her, his 
divorce on the ground " that the king"* [poor innocent Henry !] 
"having married her against his will, he had not given a pure, in 
ward and complete consent," and her silent dignity amidst all 
these wrongs. Had the Elector s advice been heeded, this mor 
tification would not have been incurred. 


However opposed the Elector had been to the alliance, yet 
when against his will it was concluded, he was unwilling to lose 
any opportunity which it would afford /or gaining an en 
trance into England of that pure faith of the Gospel which had 
been so often repelled by the king. Hence contrary to all 
former expectations of both statesmen and theologians, the pen 
of Melanchthon was once more called into service, during the 
period after the marriage and before the repudiation of Anne 
of Cleves. April i2th, 1540, he wrote a long letter for the 
Elector s use, referring to an oral statement made by Henry as to 
his hope that he might yet become a member of the Smalcald 
League, and reminding him that the League has no other object 
but that of " the defence of true doctrine, and cases connected 
therewith," and "if the king wished to enter the League for 
other reasons than those of religion, that this was entirely at va 
riance with the principles of the League." The king was se 
verely rebuked for the infamous "Six Articles," which are 

* Hardwick s Reformation, p. 206. 

A Literary Forgery. 169 

ascribed to " the conspiracy and artifices of bishops whose minds 
are still imbued with veneration for Romish godlessness. " As, 
however the execution of the " Six Articles " has been arrested, 
and the king, on the one hand, has expressed again his desire 
that true doctrine be propagated in his churches, but, on the 
other, has stated that the Lutherans " in some articles have ad 
vanced beyond bounds," the Elector has had some theologians 
prepare a memorandum of the arguments on which the articles 
on abuses rest for the especial consideration of the king and his 
theologians. A conference between English and German theo 
logians is suggested to be held at Guelders, Hamburg or Bremen, 
or any other place designated by the English king. "For we 
greatly desire," the letter continues, "that true and godly 
agreement be established between the Anglican and German 
Churches. Such a consummation would both magnify the glory 
of God and incite other nations. Accordingly, in this matter, 
we promise our aid with all our might, both because of the glory 
of God and our own necessities. Since, moreover, we are now 
united by a new bond of relationship, we are especially desirous 
that this union may be of some advantage to the Church of 
Christ, and the State ; as these ought to be the chief ends in 
view in the friendships of princes." 6 The memorandum ac 
companying the letter is as follows : 

" Writing of -the Wittenberg Theologians sent to the King of 


There is no controversy concerning lessons and prayers in the 
Mass. For since Paul also in public ceremonies wanted some 
holy lessons, useful for exciting minds to the fear of God and to 
faith, to be recited, and prayers and thanksgiving to be added, 
this custom is not to be abolished, but to be diligently main 
tained in the Church. For, first, it is especially profitable that, 
in the common assembly, there be prayer ; because Christ ex 
pressly gave promises to the church, when he said : If two 

8 Corpus Reformat orum^ III : 1007. 

170 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

of you shall agree on earth, as touching anything that they ask, 
it shall be done for them of my Father which is in heaven. For 
where two or three are gathered together in my name, there am 
I in the midst of them. Christ, therefore, by his most compre 
hensive promise, invites us to join with the Church in prayer. 
God wants the Church to be so bound together that one be af 
fected by the necessity of the other, and pray for the other, and 
promises that he will hear these prayers. The public usage of the 
Church in public prayers, in the Mass and other ceremonies, 
ought to admonish us to learn this, and to exercise such faith. 
Paul also in 2 Cor. I., asks that prayers be made by many, that 
many in turn may thank God for hearing prayer, and for look 
ing upon the afflicted. Then the example of the Church is most 
useful. For it teaches many to be themselves aroused to believe 
and pray, especially if in the sermons, the people be admonished 
concerning the promises made to the Church. For thus they 
will understand the examples of others, and the custom of the 
Church will profit them unto edification, as Paul teaches, i Cor. 
14. Thirdly, the example of the Church serves to admonish in 
dividuals in regard to what matters they should be concerned, 
and what they should ask. For a people untaught, does not un 
derstand public necessities. But there it not only hears that 
private gifts are to be sought, but also learns that each one should 
participate in the public care, pray for the whole Church, that it 
be freed from errors, scandals, dissensions, godless services, that 
true doctrine be propagated, that true worship be rendered God, 
and we be ruled and sanctified by the Holy Ghost. It learns 
also that prayers for bodily things, peace, happy government, 
harvest, against pestilence and like ills, please God. Such pray 
ers in public ceremonies, in the Mass and elsewhere, we hold 
were devoutly and necessarily instituted. For it is God s com 
mand, both that we call upon him in all dangers, and that, in 
the public rites, the people be taught concerning this invocation, 
to learn to believe God, and to seek and expect aid of God. 
But concerning the use of the sacrament of the Body and Blood 

A Literary Forgery. 171 

of the Lord in the Mass, we disapprove of those who hold that 
the use of the sacrament is a service to be applied for others, 
living and dead, and that it merits for them the remission of 
guilt and punishment, and this too for the work wrought. For 
these things are unknown to the Ancient Church, and disagree 
with the Holy Scriptures, and obscure the doctrine of faith, and 
produce confidence in the work of another. But when Christ 
said: This do in remembrance of me, he instituted this sac 
rament, that there might be there the remembrance in true faith 
of his death and of the benefits which, by his death, he has merited. 
And these benefits are applied by the sacrament to the one tak 
ing it, when, by this remembrance, it excites faith, which believes 
that Christ truly bestows upon us his benefits, while he offers us 
such a testimony that he joins us to himself, that he wishes to 
keep us as his members, that he cleanses us with his blood. This 
faith, whereby the benefits of Christ are received, is the spiritual 
worship of God, and because, with this faith, thanksgiving should 
be joined, whereby hearts truly give thanks, for the forgiveness 
of sins and redemption, to God the Father, and our Lord Jesus 
Christ, the Ancient Church called this use of the sacraments, 
Eucharist, as Cyprian says most sweetly concerning communi 
cants : Piety dividing itself between what is given and what is 
forgiven, thanks the bestower of so abundant benefit, /. e. 
Piety considers both, viz., how great the magnitude of the bene 
fit bestowed upon us, grace and life eternal, and, on the other 
hand, how great is the magnitude of our evils, ;. e. of sins and 
eternal death. Ardent thanksgiving, therefore, arises, when we 
see that, by unspeakable clemency, such sins are remitted us, 
and besides we are presented with the Holy Spirit, and the glory 
of life eternal. And, in this sense, we hold that this most revered 
ceremony is called by the holy Fathers a sacrifice, who certainly 
did not think that this work, when applied, merits for others the 
remission of guilt and punishment, and that, for the work wrought, 
but held that, in the use of the sacrament, faith is to be exercised 
and thanksgiving to be rendered. Since, therefore, Christ in- 

172 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

stituted the use of the sacrament, that it might be a communion, 
in which the sacrament might be administered to others, and 
the Church, for a long time, preserved this custom, and did not 
have private masses, we hold that such rite, wherein there is a 
communion of some, is godly and in harmony with the Gospel. 
Then private masses were wont to be performed with the opinion 
concerning the use of the sacrament, that it is necessary, that 
this service sprang up in the Church in order to be applied to 
others, so that it merits for them the remission of guilt and pun 
ishment. Such masses, therefore, are to be abrogated, and in 
order that these scandals be removed, and the institution of 
Christ, viz. the communion be celebrated, we hold that no one 
should be compelled to celebrate private masses. For since 
Paul says that they who abuse the sacrament are guilty of the 
body and blood of the Lord, the greatest care must be taken that 
the godly and holy use be restored to the gtory of Christ and the 
profit of the Church. 


There is no doubt that the Ancient Church, East and West, 
used both kinds of the sacrament of the Body and Blood of 
Christ, viz. bread and wine. For Paul also testifies that this was 
the custom in the church of the Corinthians, and Christ, on in 
stituting the sacrament, ordained this use not only for a part 
of the Church, viz. for the priests, but for the whole Church ; and 
the declaration of Jerome and others is extant, which shows 
that this custom remained for a long time in the Church, and in 
capitulo. We have ascertained, Gelasius declared, that both 
kinds are taken ; wherefore the recent prohibition is only a hu 
man tradition. Hence it does not have the authority to change 
an institution of Christ, nor are men to be compelled, because 
of a human tradition, to change, against conscience, a custom 
delivered by Christ, and employed in the Ancient Church, since 
it is manifest that this usage is lawful and godly. 

A Literary Forgery. 173 


With respect to virginity and continence and marriage, we fol 
low and defend the manifest declaration of Paul, i Cor. VII. 
And as Christ praises eunuchs who made themselves suclf for the 
Kingdom of God, so we also teach that the preservation of vir 
ginity is a good work and useful for assiduity in study, in medi 
tation, in prayer, in ecclesiastical ministrations; as Paul says 
that the husband cares for the things which are of the world, but 
the unmarried for those which are of the Lord. For the husband 
is hindered by domestic occupations from giving that uninter 
rupted attention, needful for studies and public services, but the 
unmarried is less employed, and can apply greater energy in 
learning, teaching and other functions; and is less distracted by 
cares. Therefore it is well to choose and to have in the Church 
ministers entirely celibate ; and they who see that they are fitted, 
are to be exhorted, by their diligence and temperance, to pre 
serve the gift of God because of the advantage of the Church, 
and are to be taught that this office pleases God and has great 
rewards. But inasmuch as Christ himself testifies that not all are 
fit for perpetual celibacy, we hold that to those who are not 
fitted for celibacy, marriage neither ought, nor can be prohibited 
by a vow or human law ; because a vow and human laws cannot 
free us from a divine law and a natural right. But it is a divine 
law that every one who does not have the gift of continence, 
should, in order to avoid fornication, have a wife. And the de 
sire for marriage conformably to right reason, is a right of na 
ture. To this natural affection, as it is called, concupiscence is 
now added, which inflames nature the more ; so that the need 
for marriage as a remedy, is the greater. The law, moreover, 
which prohibits marriage to priests, is purely a human tradition. 
And further, this new tradition which prohibits marriage to 
priests, and dissolves contracts, has not originated from councils, 
but from the Roman bishops alone. Purity before God, is not to 
pollute the conscience, but to obey God ; wherefore an impure 
celibacy is not purity, and marriage, since it is sanctified by the 

174 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

Word of God, is purity. For we certainly know that this kind 
of life pleases God, and it is* full of the exercises of godliness ; 
and, accordingly, for a long time, the Church not only in the 
East, but also in the West, had married priests. History also 
testifies that this custom was changed in Spain and Germany by 
violence. The Greek churches still have married priests ; and, 
hence, marriage is not impurity, or a matter unworthy of the 
ministers of the churches. But what examples, what impurity, 
what disgrace to the churches, the law of the Bishop of Rome 
produced, is not obscure. Since the Divine Law enjoins mar 
riage upon those who are not continent, we judge that 
the pontifical prohibition concerning celibacy, is unlawful, and 
that marriage is allowed priests. 


There are many important reasons why it is necessary to sup 
port, at the public expense, studious and godly men, destined 
for sacred literature, in order that the teachers of the churches 
may be derived thence. For since the more destitute cannot, 
from their resources, bear the expense of studies, and the rich 
prefer to resort to other arts, whereby great honors, and great 
rewards are offered in the state ; it is necessary that the Church 
provide that some be supported at the public expense, in order 
to give attention to sacred . literature and other arts of which 
the Church has need. Unless this were done, the churches in 
many places would be without pastors. This duty then is incum 
bent upon kings and princes, that they provide that pastors be 
not lacking to the churches, and that they supply the expenses 
of teachers and scholars. For Isaiah, to this end, calls kings 
nursing-fathers, and queens nursing-mothers, in order to teach 
that kings and states ought to defend teachers, and supply the 
expense. Neither is it unjust that they whose studies are directed 
to the profit of the Church, be supported, in turn, by the 
Church ; as Paul says : Who goeth a warfare at his own 
charges ? Apparently with this design, in the beginning assem- 

A Literary Forgery. 175 

blages were instituted in colleges and monasteries, in order that 
there might be a large number of those engaged in sacred litera 
ture, from whom teachers could be chosen ; and to this, the laws 
in the code, and histories bear witness. For this purpose, there 
fore, it is profitable, provided the godless opinions and services 
be reformed, that colleges and monasteries be preserved. Fcr 
it is not enough that the youth who are to be employed here 
after in the government of the Church, should learn literature, 
but also should be accustomed, by discipline and godly exer 
cises, to the love of ceremonies and to godliness ; for those not 
trained by such discipline are more profane than is expedient. 
Besides, the Church has need of learned and skilful pastors. But 
familiar conversation with men learned in spiritual matters con 
duces very much to the strengthening of doctrine and the con 
firming of judgments. For without such intercourse, no one 
can attain to solid learning. Moreover if pastors be altogether 
lacking to the churches, or the pastors be unlearned and inex 
perienced and mere tyros, what do we suppose will be the state 
of the Church? There will be devastation and barbarism, and, 
with literary pursuits destroyed, learning will be extinct. Paul 
prohibits the choice of novices, because he knew that there was 
need of skilful and experienced teachers. Nazianzen deplores 
the calamity of the Church, because they who had not previously 
learned, suddenly became doctors, brought forward not by their 
learning, but by votes. Basil says that the doctrine of the emi 
nent fathers whom he heard, was still resounding in his ears. 
Wherefore it is highly desirable that there be such monasteries, 
in which doctrine may flourish and be propagated, youth be 
properly trained and be prepared for the service of the Church, 
in order that learned and well-trained doctors of the churches be 
had. Such once were the colleges of bishops, as is apparent 
from the accounts of Ambrose and Augustine and others, in 
which learning was for a fong time propagated. Afterwards, 
when, in such colleges, the pursuits of learning were neglected, a 
great change of doctrine followed, which was of no little injury 

176 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

to the Church. Therefore, with the polity preserved, let the 
opinion of colleges and monasteries be reformed, let superstition 
be removed, let godless services be rejected and the pursuits of 
learning be renewed to the profit of the Church. For we hold 
that the following opinions are godless, viz. that monastic vows 
merit the forgiveness of sins and eternal life, or that they are 
Christian righteousness or perfection ; and while lawful vows are 
to be observed, such monastic vows are unlawful, as are made 
with the false persuasion that works, devised without God s com 
mand, are not matters of indifference, but a service, and merit 
the remission of sins and eternal life. These vows are invalid. 
The objection urged from Paul concerning widows, that they 
have made void their first faith, even though there were vows 
then, cannot be accommodated to monastic vows of these times, 
which, when fulfilled with a godless opinion, are not vows. For 
they transfer the glory of Christ to human observances, and ob 
scure true worship in the Church, viz., faith in Christ and the 
good works of one s calling. For who did not prefer the obser 
vances of the monks to the office of magistrate and of father ? 
For these works, as profane and unclean, seemed scarcely excu 
sable, and faith was obscured, because they did not teach that 
forgiveness of sins is gratuitously bestowed for Christ s sake, but 
ascribed this honor to their observances. And the rest of the 
Church imitated these opinions and examples, and superstitiously 
thought that works are services of human traditions, and merit 
remission of sins and life eternal. Since, however, the Gospel 
condemns these opinions, monastic vows, made with this persua 
sion, are manifestly unlawful. Besides not all are fitted for per 
petual continence ; while a vow should be concerning a possible 
matter, and, it is evident that many young men and maidens 
were forced into monasteries, and to make vows before the just 
age ; how great the peril of which is, is not obscure. We must, 
therefore, allow those preferring to live in another kind of life, 
to depart from monasteries. They also do aright who leave the 
monks, when they are compelled in monasteries to observe god- 

A Literary Forgery. 177 

less services, as the abuse of masses, indulgences and many other 
things. If any, however, adapted to monastic life, prefer to live 
in these colleges; if their opinion and worship be reformed, and 
they use ordinances as indifferent matters, we do not censure 
them, and we judge that many holy and excellent men with this 
intention lived a godly life in monasteries ; aye, it is even to be 
desired, that such colleges of doctors and godly men exist, 
among whom the pursuits of Christian doctrine may be cultiva 
ted to the common profit of the Church, and youths not only be 
instructed in learning, but, by godly exercises and this pedagogy 
of rites, be accustomed to godliness, yet so that they be not held 
entangled with vows to the peril of conscience. This kind of 
life, because directed to the profit of the Church, to the instruc 
tion and practice of the congregations, from which doctors of the 
churches can be taken, is godly and pleases God ; for it would 
have services commanded of God. For it is God s command 
that those, purposing to enter the ministry, be taught and 
trained ; and, for this reason, God approves the pedagogy of 
rites. There may also be colleges of nuns, where maidens learn 
literature and the doctrine of godliness. But young girls who 
desire to marry are not to be retained in cloisters, nor are any, 
thereafter, to be burdened with vows. For the doctrine of Paul 
must be retained, who advises virginity in such wise, as to be un 
willing that snares be cast upon consciences." 7 

We have given this opinion of the Wittenberg theologians, 
that it may be seen how the entire argument was concentrated 
on " The Articles on Abuses," as well as to show the spirit and 
thoroughness of the treatment. Here were the points from 
which the Lutheran reformers could not recede a hair s-breadth ; 
and which, at the same time, Henry was not ready to surrender. 
The doctrinal articles, as we have already learned, had been 
already conceded by Henry and his theologians, under the influ 
ence of the able presentations of Myconius and his colleagues. 
As soon as the articles on Abuses would be endorsed by the An- 

7 Ib. pp. loio sqq. 

178 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

glican authorities, in addition to the doctrinal articles of the 
Augsburg Confession, a union between the Lutheran and Angli 
can Churches could be consummated ; but until then, such 
thoughts were useless, and all efforts for union must be directed 
towards the acceptance of those unalterable scriptural principles 
therein set forth. 

All this was in vain. Cranmer, under date of May loth, tried 
to apologize for his monarch, by recounting what great things 
Henry had already accomplished. Had he not in a short time 
abolished the supremacy of the Pope, the worship of images, and 
monasteries ? Were not these in themselves labors worthy of 
Hercules ? The Lutherans must have patience. All their argu 
ments will be carefully examined, but they must not be offended 
if, on some points, the king dissent, as he himself is a very learned 
man, furnished with the highest critical acumen and soundest 
judgment, and besides this has the aid of other learned men. 8 

The breach was soon made irreparable. Gardiner was master 
of the field. The repudiation of Anne of Cleves, July loth, and 
the formal divorce, July 24th, were closely connected with the 
arrest of Crumwell, June ioth, and his execution, June 28th, 
and the martyrdom at the stake, July 3oth, of that most pro 
nounced, though not always judicious advocate of Lutheranism, 
the intimate friend and table companion of Luther and Melanch- 
thon, who had done all that mortal could, to give England the 
pure Gospel and to make the Anglican a Lutheran Church, Dr. 
Robert Barnes. This true English Lutheran, faithful even unto 
death, to the principles he had learned at Wittenberg, and whose 
dying testimony was published with an introduction by Luther, 
written amidst a tempest of wrath against the royal murderer and 
with many tears for one whom he tenderly loved, will be noticed 
in the next chapter. 

8 Seckendorf, III : 261. 


The Postils of Taverner. Estimate of Crumwell. Sketch of Barnes. Con 
nection with Bugenhagen. His XIX, Theses of 1531. His " History 
of the Popes" (1536), with Luther s Introduction. His efforts at litur 
gical reform. Controversy with Gardiner. His " Confession," at the 
stake. The attack upon the "Confession" by Standish, and the refu 
tation of Standish by Coverdale. Luther s Introduction to the German 
translation of the " Confession." Luther s estimate of Barnes. His 
contrast between Barnes and Henry. Sastrow s " Epicedion " on 
Barnes. Henry demands satisfaction. 

PARALLEL with the diplomatic negotiations, proceeded the 
literary activity of scholars, to provide for the thorough reforma 
tion of the English Church. This was not confined to the re 
vision of translations of the Bible. We have already seen how 
the Augsburg Confession and Apology, the hymns of Luther and 
his associates, and a Lutheran system of theology in Sarcerius 
"Common Places," were translated and published. Early in 
1540, before the fall of Crumwell, another important work ap 
peared. It will be remembered that in March 1539, Sarcerius 
wrote to Henry VIII. from Frankfort, offering to send him 
" Postils upon the Gospels for the Lord s Days and the Festi 
vals; as well as upon the Epistels for the Lord s Days, dedicated 
to your Serenity." The works referred to were either : " Pos- 
tilla in Evangelia Dominicalia " and " Postilla in Evangelia 
Festivalia," 1538, or " Expositiones in EpistolasDominicales et 
Festivales," or probably both. When, then, early in 1540, we 
find a volume of Postils appearing in England from the pen of 
Richard Taverner, the translator of Sarcerius " Common 

180 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

Places," in the Preface to which he disclaims all originality for 
the most of the work, the inference is very naturally suggested 
that the book comes from Sarcerius. Taverner s relation to it is 
thus stated: "I was instantly required, to the intent the Lord 
of the harvest might, by this mean, thrust forth his laborers into 
the harvest, to peruse and recognize this brief postil which was 
delivered me of certain godly persons for that purpose and in 
tent. Which thing to my little power, and, as the shortness of 
time would serve, I have done. And such sermons or homilies 
as seemed to want, I have supplied, partly with mine own indus 
try, and partly with the help of other sober men which be better 
learned than myself." 

So, too, in the Preface to the second volume, he says : "Sith 
this Postil is by me though not made, yet recognized, and in di 
verse places augmented." The changes, modifications and ad 
ditions to Sarcerius, cannot be determined, unless the two books 
be placed side by side. As no copy of Sarcerius, is at hand, we 
cannot even affirm positively that he is the author. But the en 
tire style and character of the Postils betray their Germanic and 
Lutheran origin. We need refer to but one instance, where on 
the Gospel for the 2nd Sunday in Advent, we find the sentence : 
" The ancient serpent shall be loosed for a little time, that is to 
say, false prophets, heretics, Anabaptists, Sacramentaries, Suar- 
merians" [Ger. " Sch warmerei "] seductors, "frantikespirites." 
It is also possible that the similar work of Antony Corvinus oifCal- 
enberg, may have been used as the basis. 

But we return to the political crisis of 1540, and the catastro 
phes which it brought. It is foreign to our purpose to enter 
into a discussion concerning Crumwell, and his fall. He was no 
theologian, but a politician. A great friend of the Lutheran move 
ment, there is no evidence at hand to prove that he regarded it 
in any other light, than as offering to England an opportunity 
for asserting its power in defiance of Pope and Emperor. 
Whether he really accepted with heart and soul the faith of the 
Gospel, and knew in his own inner experience what the Luth- 

Luther s " St. Robert" 181 

eran Reformation was designed first of all and above all to main 
tain and impart, must be referred to Him who would have us 
judge nothing before the time. 

Twenty days after the execution of Crumwell, viz., on January 
3<Dth, 1540, one of the most prominent of English Lutherans 
bore his testimony at the stake. 

Dr. Robert Barnes was born about 1495. At Cambridge he 
was a fellow student of Miles Coverdale, with whom, throughout 
his entire career, he lived on terms of intimacy, and who most 
earnestly defended his memory after his death. Converted to 
the evangelical faith through Thomas Bilney, he at first showed 
a fanatical radicalism, having on December 24th, 1525, preached 
against the observance of the great church festivals, and unseas 
onably reproduced Luther s sermon for the Fourth Sunday in 
Advent. In a previous chapter, we told the story of the recantation 
of Lutheranism which, in 1526, he was compelled to make under 
penalty of the stake. The very same year, however, it was dis 
covered that he was surreptitiously circulating Bibles. He be 
came an object of such close surveillance that in 1528 he escaped 
to Antwerp, where, it is probable that he was in intimate rela 
tions with Rogers, then chaplain there. He spent the next 
three years in Germany, part of the time at Wittenberg, where 
he resided in Bugenhagen s house, and, in order to escape de 
tection, assumed the name of Anthonius Amarius or Antonius 
Anglus. Bugenhagen being in Hamburg, to promote the Refor 
mation there in 1529, probably met Tyndale, living then in Ham 
burg, and if Foxe s statement be correct, that Barnes friend, 
Coverdale was with Tyndale at that time, it again connects them. 
Besides, the English merchant, Humphrey Monmouth, in whose 
house in London, Tyndale had lived, in later years made Barnes 
the executor of his will. 

In 1531 he published, at Wittenberg, a defence of nineteen 
theses, to which Bugenhagen furnished a preface. They were in 
substance i. Faith alone justifies. 2. Christ made satisfaction 
not alone for original sin, but for all sins. 3. The command- 

1 82 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

ments of God cannot be observed from our own powers. 4. 
Free will of its own powers can do nothing but sin. 5. The 
righteous sin even in every good work. 6. The true marks of 
the Church. 7. The power of the keys depends upon the Word 
of God, and not upon man s power. 8. Councils can err. 9. 
Communion must be administered under both forms. 10. Hu 
man ordinances do not bind the conscience, n. Auricular con 
fession is not necessary to salvation. 12. It is lawful for priests 
to marry. 13. Monks are not holier than laymen. 14. Chris 
tian fasting does not consist in distinctions of meats. 15. Chris 
tians keep holy and worship God every day, and not only on the 
seventh. 16. Unjust Papal excommunication does not injure 
those against whom it is directed. 17. The true body of Christ 
is in the sacrament of the altar. 18. Saints are not to v be in 
voked as mediators. 19. The errors of the Romish Mass are 

The same year, the King felt that he needed Barnes services 
in his work of reorganizing the English Church, and persuaded 
him to return. He was not long in England before the antago 
nism to Gardiner broke out in a quarrel in which Barnes impet 
uosity gave him the disadvantage. As to the point of the dis 
pute, viz., the right to sue for debt, Gardiner seems to have had 
the right side, but his repugnance to the bishop s course with 
reference to the Gospel was doubtless back of it. In 1534, he 
was sent by Henry to Hamburg as special ambassador, and sought 
to effect an alliance with the King of Denmark. In 1535, and 
the following year, he was, as already stated, several times at 
Wittenberg on the English Commission. In 1536, he published 
a "History of the Lives of the Pope?," dedicated to Henry 
VIII. , to which Luther furnished an " Introduction. In the In 
troduction Luther says : "In the beginning, not being much 
versed in History, I attacked the Papacy a priori, i. e. from the 
Holy Scriptures. Now I am wonderfully delighted that others 
are doing the same a posteriori, i. e. from History. And I think 
I am triumphing, since, as the light appears, I understand that 

Luther s "St. Robert" 183 

the histories agree with the Scriptures. For what I have learned 
from St. Paul and Daniel as teachers, that the Pope is the ad 
versary of God and of all, this history indicates with its very 
finger, pointing out not merely genus and species, but the very 
individual." l 

In 1537, he was executor for an alderman, Humphrey Mon- 
mouth, the friend of Tyndale, who left a bequest for the singular 
purpose of paying for the preaching of thirty sermons, instead 
of the saying of thirty masses. In 1538 he became the first to 
introduce the saying of the Mass, and the rendering of the Te 
Deum in English. The next year he was on the commission for 
the prosecution of the Anabaptists. He was charged with hav 
ing had some part in information against Lambert for denying 
the doctrine of the real presence, although this in no way con 
victs him of having any share in his condemnation and execu 
tion for denying transubstantiation. In 1539, he was again in 
Germany, as agent for Crumwell in effecting the alliance with 
Anne of Cleves. During Lent of 1540, in preaching in St. 
Paul s Cross Church with Gardiner, they fell into controversy. 
Gardiner preached against Justification by Faith alone, Barnes, 
when his turn to preach came, not only attacked the Bishop s 
doctrine, but even inveighed against him personally. Begging 
pardon first privately, which was granted, then, after asking par 
don publicly, in the very same service he preached on the evan 
gelical side. His temporary waverings can be readily explained. 
His ardent nature led him to act hastily and rashly, and then 
there was a seeming vacillation, though but for a moment, to the 
other side. Beneath all, there is a depth of character unaffected 
by transient and superficial agitations. He had to pay the pen 
alty at Smithfield, after the bill of attainder against him had been 
passed in Parliament. 

At the stake, he made a glorious confession of Christ before 
many witnesses. He bore his testimony against the various Pa 
pal doctrines, each enumerated in its turn. 

1 Seckendorf, Index III., Anno 1536. 

184 The Lutheran Movement in England, 

"lam come hither," he said, "to be burned as a heretic, 
and you shall hear my belief, whereby you shall perceive what 
erroneous opinions I hold. God I take to record, I never to my 
knowledge, taught any erroneous doctrine, but only those things 
which scripture led me unto, and that in my sermons I never 
maintained any error, neither moved nor gave occasion of any 
insurrection. Although I have been slandered to preach that 
our lady was but a saffron bag, which I utterly protest before 
God that I never meant it, nor preached it ; but all my study 
and diligence hath been utterly to confound and confute all men 
of that doctrine, as are those who deny that our Saviour Christ 
did take any flesh of the blessed Virgin Mary, which sects I de 
test and abhor. And in this place there have been burned some 
of them, whom I never favored nor maintained, but with all dil 
igence evermore did I study to set forth the glory of God, the 
obedience to our sovereign lord the King, and the true and sin 
cere religion of Christ and now hearken to my faith. 

I believe in the holy and blessed Trinity, three persons and 
one God, that created and made all the world, and that this 
blessed Trinity sent down the second person, Jesus Christ, into 
the womb of the most blessed and purest Virgin Mary. And 
here hear my record that I do utterly condemn that abominable 
and detestable opinion which saith that Christ took no flesh of 
the Virgin. For I believe that without man s will or power, he 
was conceived of the Holy Ghost, and took flesh of her, and 
that he suffered hunger, thirst, cold, and other passions of our 
body, sin excepted ; according to the saying of St. Peter, he was 
made in all things like to his brethren, except sin. And I be 
lieve that his death and passion was the sufficient ransom for the 
sins of all the world. And I believe that through his death, he 
overcame sin, death and hell, and that there is none other satis 
faction unto the Father, but this, his death and passion only, 
and that no work of man did deserve anything of God, but his 
passion, as touching our justification. For I know the best work 
ever I did, is impure and imperfect. For although perchance, 

Luther s "St. Robert." 185 

you know nothing of me, yet do I confess that my thoughts and 
cogitations are innumerable ; wherefore, I beseech thee, O Lord, 
not to enter into judgment with me ; according to the saying 
of the prophet David : Enter not into judgment with thy ser 
vant, O Lord; and in another place, Lord, if thou straitly 
mark our iniquities, who is able to abide thy judgment ! Where 
fore, I trust in no good work that ever I did, but only in the 
death of Christ. I do not doubt .but through him to inherit the 
Kingdom of Heaven. Take me not here that I speak against 
good works, for they are to be done, and verily they that do 
them not, shall never come into the Kingdom of God. We 
must do them because they are commanded us of God, to show 
and set forth our profession, not to deserve or merit, for that is 
only the death of Christ. 

I believe that there is a holy church, and a company of all 
them that do profess Christ ; and that all that have suffered and 
confessed his name, are saints ; and that all they do praise and 
laud God in heaven, more than I, or afty man s tongue can ex 
press, and I have always spoken reverently and praised them, as 
much as scripture willed me to do. And that our lady, I say, 
was a virgin immaculate and undefiled, and that she is the most 
pure virgin that ever God created, and a vessel elect of God, 
of whom Christ should be born." 

"Then, there was one," says Foxe, "that asked him his 
opinion of praying to saints." Then said he : 

" Now of saints you shall hear my opinion : I have said be 
fore some what I think of them ; how that I believe they are in 
heaven with God, and that they are worthy of all the honor, that 
Scripture willeth them to have. But I say, throughout all scrip 
ture we are not commanded to pray to any saints. Therefore, I 
neither can, nor will preach unto you that saints ought to be 
prayed unto ; for then should I preach unto you a doctrine of 
mine own head. Notwithstandiug, whether they pray for us or 
no, that I refer to God And if saints do pray for us, then I 
trust to pray for you within this half hour, master sheriff, and for 

1 86 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

jevery Christian man living in the faith of Christ, and dying in 
the same, as a saint. Wherefore, if the dead may pray for the 
quick, I will surely pray for you." 

When this testimony of Barnes at the stake was published, it 
was at once attacked by a hierarchical writer, John Standish, to 
whom Barnes old college friend, Miles Coverdale, vigorously 
replied. Standish examines Barnes confession, sentence by 
sentence, and Coverdale just as minutely treats every statement 
of Standish. The reply may be found in the second volume of 
Coverdale s works, published by the Parker Society. In the 
Preface, he says: "If Dr. Barnes die.d a true Christian man, 
be ye sure his death shall be a greater stroke to hypocrisy, 
than ever his life could Lave been. If he was falsely accused to 
the King s highness, and so put to death, woe shall come those 
accusers, if they repent not by times. And if Dr. Barnes in his 
heart, mouth and deed committed no worse thing toward the 
King s highness, than he committed against God in these his 
words at his death, he is like at the latter day to be a judge over 
them that were cause of his death, if they do not amend." 

Standish contemptuously termed Barnes doctrine as the doc 
trine of the Germans. Coverdale is perfectly willing to bear 
the reproach, and answers : 

" As touching the Germans, their doctrine is, that when the 
servants of God have done all that is commanded them, they 
must acknowledge themselves to be unprofitable ; to have occa 
sion continually to cry unto God, and to say : O forgive us 
our trespasses; to acknowledge that in their flesh dwelleth no 
good thing ; yea, and to confess, that though they delight in 
the law of God after the inward man, yet there is another law in 
their members which striveth against the law of their mind. . . . 
This is now the doctrine of the Germans ; and thus taught also 
St. Augustine. . . . Such doctrine now, though it be approved 
both by the holy scripture and by St. Augustine, yet because the 
Germans teach it, it must needs be condemned of you for an 
error. I wonder ye condemn them not also for holding so little 

Luther s "St. Robert" 187 

of the Pope s church, of his pardons, of his purgatory; for put 
ting down his religions, his chauntries, his soul-masses and di- 
riges, his trentals, pilgrimages, stations, etc. ; for ministering the 
sacraments in their mother tongue, for setting their priests daily 
to preach the only word of God, for bringing no new customs 
into the church ; for avoiding whoredom and secret abomination 
from among their clergy, as well as among other ; for bringing 
up their youth so well in the doctrine of God, in the knowledge 
of tongues, in other good letters and honest occupations, for 
providing so richly for their poor, needy, fatherless and aged 
people, etc." 2 

The Confession of Barnes was published in German at Witten 
berg, in the very year of his martyrdom. Luther s introduction 
is of the highest interest. The following is the substance of it : 

"This Dr. Robert Barnes, who, when with us, in his remark 
able humility, would not allow himself to be called Doctor, called 
himself Antonius ; for which he had his reasons. For previously 
he had been imprisoned in England by the holy bishops, the St. 
Papists, and had escaped with great difficulty. This Doctor, I 
say, we knew very well, and it is an especial joy to us to hear, 
that our good pious table companion, and guest of our home, 
has been so graciously called upon by God to shed his blood, 
for His dear Son s sake, and to become a holy martyr. Thanks, 
praise and glory be to the Father of our dear Lord Jesus Christ, 
that He has permitted us to see again, as in the beginning, the 
times, wherein Christians who have eaten and drunk with us, 
are taken before our eyes, and from our eyes and sides, to become 
martyrs, i. e. to go to Heaven and become saints. Twenty 
years ago, who would have believed that Christ our Lord would 
be so near us, and, through His precious martyrs and dear saints, 
would eat and drink and speak and live at our table and home ? 
. . . When this holy martyr, St. Robert, perceived at last that 
his King (by your permission) Harry of England, had become 
hostile to the Pope, he returned to England, in hopes that he 

2 Remains of Bishop Coverdale, pp. 384-86. 

1 88 The Lutheran Movement in England, 

might plant the Gospel in his fatherland ; and in fact he was 
successful in making a beginning, To speak briefly, it pleased 
Harry of England to send him to us at Wittenberg concerning 
the matrimonial question on which thirteen universities had 
given their decision, and all had given Harry the right to repu 
diate his Queen, Catherine, the aunt of the Emperor Charles, 
and to take another. 

"But when we had disputed, at great length, and, at a great 
expense to His Electoral Prince of Saxony, we found at last that 
Harry of England had sent his embassy, not because he wanted 
to become evangelical, but in order that we at Wittenberg might 
endorse his divorce. I was, therefore, displeased that I and the 
other theologians had spent so many weeks in useless labor with 
them concerning religious matters, and I told them : Four 
points your king will not admit : The two forms of the sacra 
ment the marriage of priests, the doing away with the Mass, 
and with Monasticism. Yes, I continued, we have spent 
too long time in defiling ourselves, when we ought to have known 
from the very beginning, that, while your king takes the Pope s 
money, he retains his government. Harry, therefore, is Pope, 
and the Pope is Henry in England. 

" Dr. Robert Barnes, himself, often told me : My king does 
not care for religion. But he so loved the king and his coun 
try, that he was ready to endure everything, and always was 
meditating how to help England. He always had in his mouth 
the words, J/yking; as his confession shows that even unto 
death he showed all love and fidelity towards my king, a ser 
vice which Harry ill deserved. Hope deceived him ; for he was 
always hoping that his king would at last turn out well. 

" Among other things, we often disputed why the king pre 
sumed to bear that abominable title : Defender of the faith, 
and after Christ Supreme and Immediate Head of the Anglican 
Church. But as this was generally the answer : Sic volo, sic 
jubeo, sit pro ratione voluntas, it could no where be better seen 
that Squire Harry wanted to be God, and to do as he pleased. 

Luther s " St. Robert" 189 

" The reason why he was martyred is still concealed. For 
Harry must be ashamed of himself. Nevertheless, what many 
trustworthy persons say is like him, viz., that Dr. Barnes (like 
St. John the Baptist against Herod) testified against Harry and 
would not consent to his disgraceful deed in repudiating Frau- 
lein von Jiilich [Anne of Cleves,] and taking another. For 
whatever Squire Harry wants, he makes an article of faith, both 
for life and death. But we let Harry go to his Harries, and 
with his Harries, where they belong. We ought to thank God, 
the Father of all mercies, that He can use such devils and mas 
ques of devils in so masterly a way, for our salvation and that of 
all Christians, and for the punishment both of themselves and 
of all who are unwilling to learn to know God ; as he has always 
done through great tyrants. Yet, as St. Paul says, Rom. viii, all 
that occurs and is done and is suffered, must work for good ; 
and, on the other hand, everything must serve for evil to 
those who persecute God s children. So also is it with this in 
cendiary Harry, who, by his wickedness, is doing so much good. 
Let us praise and thank God; this is a blessed time for elect 
saints, but a sorrowful time for the devil, and the blasphemers 
and enemies of God, to whom it shall still be worse." 

But Luther was not the only one from whose pen Henry had 
to suffer as a penalty for this crime. A young scholar at Liibeck, 
John Sastrow published a poem: " Epicedion Martyris Christi, 
D. Roberti Barnes, Angli," in which he compared Henry to 
Busiris. The sensitive King sent a legation to Liibeck, demand 
ing reparation. The Council excused Sastrow on the ground of 
his youth ; but the printer, John Balhorn, was banished, and, 
when Henry was satisfied by such a vindication, Balhorn was 
permitted after a few months to quietly return. 8 

3 Bilder aus der Deutschen Vergangenheit, von Gustav Freitag, II : 197. 



The Paradoxes of Smithfield. Tracts of Melanchthon circulated in England. 
Imprisonment of Publishers, and Arrest of Readers. Enforcement of 
the Six Articles. Popular Opinion neutralizes them. Two irresistible 
forces. The young men of the Universities. The Diffusion of the Bi 
ble. Gardiner s Obstructionist Policy overcome. Spasmodic Efforts at 
Persecution. Plots against Cranmer and the Queen. Negotiations 
again proposed. The Augsburg Confession once more. The English 
Embassy of 1544. Henry s Argument concerning the Variata. Bucer 
intercedes for Henry. The Elector of Sax"ony immovable. Henry s 
Advances repulsed by the Frankfort Convention of 1546. His Efforts 
with the Elector Palatinate. Proposition of "The League Christian." 
His Death. 

WHEN Dr. Barnes was burned at Smithfield, there was another 
circumstance, beyond the culmination of Henry s wickedness in 
endeavoring to get rid of a troublesome witness of the true faith, 
that might well attract attention. Thre - Protestants, including 
Dr. Barnes, were burned; three Papists were hanged. "This 
was caused," says the English Church historian of the next cen 
tury, Fuller, "by the difference of religions in the king s privy 
council, wherein the Popish party called for the execution of the 
Protestants, whilst the Protestant lords in council (out of policy 
to repress the others eagerness, or, if that failed, out of desire to 
revenge it) cried as fast that the laws might take effect on the 
Papists. And whilst neither side was able to save those of his 
own opinions, both had power to destroy those of the opposite 
party. They were dragged on hurdles, two and two, a Papist 
and a Protestant. A stranger standing by did wonder (as well 
he might) what religion the king was of, his sword cutting on 


Closing Events of Henry s Reign. 191 

both sides." 1 Thus the fact is illustrated, which is often for 
gotten, that doctrinal indifferentism when it gains the power, is 
just as relentless and cruel in its persecutions, as is the narrowest 
adherence to traditional principles. 

Lutheranism, however, was not completely crushed, and new 
witnesses were being prepared to replace those who who were 
martyred. Though the stream had to force its way under ground, 
it .is destined soon to reappear. Thomas Wai pole was brave 
.enough to translate into English Melanchthon s long letter to 
the king noticed before, where the reader may remember that 
Melanchthon arraigns the bishops with a severity that he rarely 
used. Its thorough discussion of "The Six Articles," which 
were now to be again enforced, made it especially timely ; and 
an evangelical publisher, Richard Grafton, the intimate friend 
of Coverdale, was ready to assume the risk of its publication, 
although in 1540 he had spent six weeks in the Tower of London 
for publishing Matthews Bible. About the same time, an Eng 
lish translation of one of Melanchthon s arguments sent Henry 
"On Marriage of Priests," made by Louis Beauchame, was pub 
lished by Hoffe at Leipzig, doubtless for circulation in England. 
The circulation of the former is at last discovered by detectives. 
Translator and publisher are both arrested and imprisoned. Be 
sides these, a Mrs. Blage, a grocer s wife in Chepe, who had 
given a copy to Cottiswood, a priest ; Cottiswood who had given 
a copy to a fellow-priest, Derrick, and Derrick himself, all are 
summoned before the Privy Council, and receive a warning con 
cerning their offence. 2 

It was determined again to rigidly enforce " The Six Articles." 
The Bishop of London, Bonner, who, until he rose to position, 
had seemed to be on the Lutheran side, now began that career 
of persecution, which, under Queen Mary, rendered him so 
odious as the murderer of hundreds, and, under Queen Elizabeth, 
justly sent him to the Tower to spend the last ten years of his 

Vol. II: p. 105. 
J Dixon, II: 261. 

1 92 77/i? Lutheran Movement in England. 

life in imprisonment. Two hundred arrests were made in Lon 
don alone. Among the first brought to trial, was a boy of fif 
teen, Richard Mekins, whose conviction Bonner is said to have 
secured by threatening the jury, and who was either burned or 
hanged at Smithfield for "participating* in the heresies of 
Barnes." But except in this case, the juries were intractable. 
The leaven had spread so far, that they would not convict for 
offences against the Six Articles. Three of those arraigned were 
imprisoned. Outside of London, there were five executions. 

Nothing, however, could check the Reformation. Two ele 
ments, working silently, were far mightier than the throne and the 
hierarchical bishops combined. The young men of the Univer 
sities for some years already had been preponderatingly on the 
Evangelical side ; the English Bible was making its influence felt 
thoughout the entire kingdom. In 1536, the very year in which 
he had Taverner translate the Augsburg Confession, and en 
deavored to have it approved in England, Crumwell had secured 
the issuing of the following injunction from the king: "That 
every parson or proprietary of any parish church within the 
realm, before August ist, should provide a book of the whole 
Bible, both in Latin and English, and lay it in the chair for 
every man that would look and read therein ; and discourage no 
man from reading any part of the Bible, either in Latin or Eng 
lish, but rather comfort,, exhort and admonish each man to read 
it as the very Word of God, and the spiritual food of every man s 
soul. Day after day, the churches were crowded, while the few 
better educated ones among the people, continued to read to the 
attentive multitudes of illiterate men and women about them. 

Cranmer, in 1542, endeavored in the Convocation to have a 
thorough revision of existing versions made. When this work 
was obstructed by Gardiner, he determined to put it in charge 
of a commission from the two Universities; and when the Con 
vocation showed an unwillingness to submit to this, because the 
young men of the Universities were nearly all advocates of the 
New Learning, the Primate threatened to prorogue the Convo- 

Closing Events of Henry s Reign. 193 

cation. Even the year before, viz., in 1541, it was determined 
to remove images from the churches, and to reform the Liturgy. 
Several attempts were made to revive the execution of the Six 
Articles. Each time a few martyrs fell, and once Cranmer him 
self was summoned before the Council, and his enemies were 
triumphing in anticipation of their victory ; but his hold upon 
the king was still too strong. The famous scene of Cranmer s 
producing the king s ring, which Shakespeare places during the 
life of Anne Boleyn, is generally accepted as properly belonging 
here. The king s last queen, Catharine Parr, was an adherent 
of the evangelical faith, and the story runs that she herself nar 
rowly escaped being carried by the plots of the Romanizing ele 
ment to the fate of Anne Boleyn ; but that, when the critical mo 
ment arrived, she had regained the graces of her vacillating hus 
band. Those who had plotted against her, and who had come to 
Henry, at his appointment, to carry out their schemes, were glad 
to leave precipitately. 

Near the close of the reign, we again find external political 
complications causing a re-opening of negotiations with the con 
tinental Lutherans, and the Lutheran princes and states, at that 
very dark hour when perils were impending on all sides, insisting 
once more on the complete acceptance of the Augsburg Confes 
sion as an indispensable condition for even the consideration of 
an alliance. 


The Peace of Crespy, between Francis I. and Charles V., Sep 
tember 1 8th, 1544, had left the King of England in an embar 
rassing predicament. As an ally of the Emperor, he had an 
army on French soil, which had recently taken Boulogne, and 
with elation was pressing its advantages, when Charles V. under 
took to make a separate peace, leaving Henry either single- 
handed to conduct the war, or to find his way out of it as best 
he could. At the same time, the Lutheran princes and States, 
by whose co-operation Charles V. had been able to undertake 
the French war, were threatened by the new alliance of the two 

194 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

monarchs, until then at war with one another, but who were now 
ready to listen to the urgent appeals of the Pope to turn their arms 
against the Lutheran heresy. Under these circumstances the 
negotiations that had so often failed before, were once again at 
tempted. Walter Bucler and Christopher Mount were sent to 
Germany with instructions undated, but believed to have been 
written about November i4th, 1544, five days before the sum 
mons to the Council of Trent was issued by Paul III., directing 
them to confer with Duke Maurice of Saxony, and Philip, Land 
grave of Hesse, suggesting that overtures for some marriage con 
nection with England be made with some German prince. The 
Elector John Frederick was not to be overlooked, but Henry s 
experience in the past doubtless satisfied him that from that 
source he had least to hope, and, hence, though the very head 
of the Smalcald League, his name appears only in a subordinate 

But it was impossible to make any progress without the con 
sideration of the question of religion. Accordingly, in Febru 
ary, 1545, Henry himself writes, authorizing them to offer either 
of his daughters, Mary and Elizabeth, in marriage to the Duke 
of Holstein, and then gives more specific instructions concern 
ing any doctrinal tests: 

" In case the sayd Landgrave shall make any mocion touch 
ing the matiers of religion, desyring that there might be some 
accord and agreement upon the same, mencioning peraventure 
the return again from hens of their last ambassadie in vain ; to 
that our sayd servaunts shall answer, that ther is no Prince nor 
man in the woorlde that desyreth more the glorye of God, and 
meaneth more the true setting furth of His Woord than we do. 
And to thintent the same may appere unto them, albeit it be 
true in dede that certayn of the Commissioners, beyng here to 
commyn uppon maters of religion, the same entring conference 
furst with certayn of our learned men, and after beyng admitted 
to commun with Ourself, stoode more ernestly and vehemently 
uppon theyr Confession, then to Us was thought reasonable, or 

Closing- Events of Henry s Reign, 195 

that the trowth could beare, like as sythens that time it doth 
well appere, for that there be diverse of the same thinges where 
in they stack them fast, moved onely as said thereto, bycause 
theyr preachers had set fourth and tawght the same by theyr 
said Confession, and now have somewhat more moderately, as 
theyr books do testifie, setfurth the same. 

The king, by these last words, evidently was endeavoring to 
turn to his account the Variata editions of the Augsburg Con 
fession of 1540 and 1542. His argument is, that if Melanchthon 
himself had found it advisable to make changes in the Confes 
sion, this proved only that Henry was right in insisting at the 
Conference of 1538 that there be some modifications, and that 
the course of the Lutheran commissioners at London, had been 
repudiated. It shows Henry s shrewdness, and would have been 
unanswerable where the Variata had actually been adopted. 

He continues : " And upon this manner of proceeding they 
departed, without any such conclusion as with sum indifferent 
[viz., unprejudiced] " handling might have succeeded to the as 
sured conjunction of Us and our dominions on both partes, and 
thuniversall weall and quiet of all Christendome ; yet forasmuch 
as we having oon commun and certain enemie, the Bishop of 
Rome, unto whose faccion no smale Princes be addicted, being 
both of us a like zele and meaning for the right and sincere set 
ting furth of Codes glorie and his holy woord, . . . there be no 
nations in christendome so like to agree as we be, if the forsayed 
amitie beyng agreed uppon, for that must necessarily be passed 
out of hand, and not be delay d for the disputations of the matters 
of religion which will require a tract of time." s The king is a 
true type of a modern unionist. He pleads for union first, and 
wants to postpone to the remote future any understanding as to 
the doctrinal relations of the parties concerned, forgetting that 
it is only on doctrinal grounds, that the Lutherans are in dis 
sent from Pope and Emperor, and for such reasons are in 

8 English State Papers, Henry VIII., vol. X : pp. 282 sqq. 

196 77^ Lutheran Movement in England. 

There were some who regarded this proposal on the part of 
the English King with favor. "Great hope," says Secken- 
dorf " seemed to spring afresh. Christopher Mount had much 
to say concerning the extraordinary kindness which Henry 
showed Anne of Cleves since the divorce, the magnificent style 
in which he supported her, the frequent presents he sent, his 
constant solicitude for her health, etc. The execution of Crum- 
well was charged against the nobles, that of Barnes to his abusive 
attack upon Bishop Gardiner, the failure of the negotiations of 
1538 to the fact that the Lutherans were represented by stiff and 
obstinate disputants like Burkhard and Myconius, instead of by 
Melanchthon and Bucer. Bucer also interposed, with the plea 
that while all things were not right in England, yet that Henry 
was nearer the Lutheran princes than any other king. Secken- 
dorf well notes that he forgets Denmark and Sweden. But the 
Elector of Saxony was again immovable. " He regarded the 
King of England an enemv of the Gospel, who had no other 
aim in Reformation than himself to become Head of the Church, 
to which he had not been called of God, and who meanwhile 
raged tyrannically against godly Christians and lived shamefully, 
seeking in all things only his own advantage." 4 At the con 
vention of Frankfort in January, 1546, where there were present 
not only the members of the Smalcald League, but also the dep 
uties of Lutheran princes and representatives of States not in 
cluded in the League, as of the Elector of Brandenburg, the 
Archbishop of Cologne, the Duke of Prussia, Niirnberg and Ra- 
tisbon, Henry s propositions met with no favor. 

A few months later, (May, 1546,) Henry sent John Masone to 
Heidelberg to confer with the Elector Frederick II. of the Pala 
tinate, who had lately become a convert to Lutheranism, and 
arrange a marriage between his daughter Mary and the Elector s 
nephew, Duke Philip. The answer of the Elector shows the 
same spirit as throughout inspired the Elector of Saxony. Ma 
sone reports : 

* III : P . 552. 

Closing Events of Henry s Reign. 197 

" Concerning religion he hath framed his conscience thor 
oughly to Confessionem Augustanam, and hath so accepted the 
same as he trusteth not to varrye from it during life, which de 
termination he hath not rashly entered into, but with long tyme 
and great deliberation. And to say the trewthe, if he were de 
termined to sende any man, unto your Majestic in those matters, 
ht wotheth not where to fynde any such indifferent man, as your 
Majestic seemeth to require, his hole provynce as well the No 
bles as the clergye and others being so thoroughly bent in one 
trade. . . . The Emperour, at his late being at Spire, was in 
hande with them for the lyke, and hadd for answer that their 
doctryne hadd often inoughe ben disputed upon, and was wel 
knowen throughe the worlde, and they intended to bring that 
mattier no more in questyon, wherein by soamuch tyme and 
great deliberation they were thoroughlye persuaded." 5 

The King is persistent. A league must be formed. Froude 
has asserted that he assured Cranmer, that he was ready to make 
further concessions, and to take measures for a more radical re 
form. At any rate, his next proposition was for the formation 
of " The League Christian." The Lutheran commissioners were 
to select the names of ten or twelve learned men ; from this 
number, Henry would select one half; and then, they, with a 
similar commission of English theologians, would come to a final 
settlement of a doctrinal basis. The King himself was to par 
ticipate in the deliberations. It was too late. The breaking 
out of the Smalcald war early in the summer interrupted all 
negotiations ; and a fe w months later, January 28th, 1547, the 
reign of Henry VIII. was at an end. 

6 State Papers, Henry VIII., vol. XI : pp. 147 sqq. 



Decline of Lutheranism in Germany. The Results of the Battle of Miihl- 
berg. The Interim. Melanchthon wavers. The Firmness of the Elec 
tor of Saxony. Influence of the Elector in England. Edward s con 
gratulatory Letter. The Elector s Reply. The Augsburg Confession, 
still the only Basis. League with the Germans contemplated. John 
Frederick to be its Head. Deaths of the King of England, and the 
Elector of Saxony. 

THE death of Henry VIII. removed the great barrier that had 
stood in the way of the English Reformation. The two parties 
that had been held together by his arbitrary measures, were now 
to come to an open rupture. Cranmer was free to pursue his 
own course. All Romish interests were suppressed during the 
reign of Edward VI., as, from the Roman Catholic point of view, 
Mary was the rightful heir, and Edward, a usurper. The king s 
uncle, the Duke of Somerset, " the Protector," was known as an 
ardent friend of the Reformation; but he concerned himself 
almost exclusively with the political affairs of the kingdom, leav 
ing to Cranmer the task of the ecclesiastical administration. 

Could this change have been foreseen at any time during the 
preceding period from 1535, the prediction would have been 
made that the Church of England would now, at last, become 
Lutheran. If we seek the reasons why this expectation was not 
fulfilled, we must consider first of all the condition, at that time, 
of the Lutheran Church in Germany. Never was it less able to 
assert itself or to impress its influence upon those without. To 
human eyes, it really seemed as though it were on the very verge 
of destruction. Looking back, we can scarcely imagine that 

New Difficulties in the Reign of Edward VI. 199 

only seventeen years had passed since the Diet of Augsburg, so 
great has been the fall. The transition has been even more 
rapid. For only a few years before, with five out of seven of the 
German electors on the Lutheran side, the prospect for its com 
plete triumph was exceedingly encouraging. 

Henry VIII. died January 28th, 1547. Eleven months before, 
the Reformation had lost its great pillar, when Luther died, Feb 
ruary 1 8th, 1546, and the accomplished but vacillating Melanch- 
thon succeeded to a position, for which his gifts, however emi 
nent in other spheres, did not fit him. External dangers were 
rapidly gathering. The loyalty of the Lutheran princes of the 
Empire had induced them to participate in the war against 
Francis I., and, after they had conquered the foe whose activity 
had kept the Emperor s hands from them, he was at last able to 
make an attempt to suppress the Lutheran heresy. This might 
readily have been repelled, if Duke Maurice of Saxony, influ 
enced by motives of personal hostility against his cousin, the 
Elector John Frederick, had not energetically thrown himself 
upon the side of the Emperor, even though professing to be true 
to that faith, for whose destruction the war was waged. 
April 24th, 1547, less than three months after the accession of 
Edward VI., the battle of Miihlberg was fought, and the heroic 
and godly Elector, next to Luther perhaps the greatest figure of 
the days of the Reformation, and the head of the Smalcald 
League, who for so many years had been insisting on the accept 
ance of the entire Augsburg Confession, as interpreted by the 
Apology, as the condition of any further negotiations with Eng 
land, was taken prisoner, deprived of his electoral dignity, de 
spoiled of half his dominions and kept in degrading imprison 
ment for the next five years. Two months later the Landgrave 
of Hesse met a similar fate. When Melanchthon heard of the 
Elector s defeat, he at once wrote to Cruciger (May ist) : " I 
see that a change of doctrine, and new distractions in the Church 
will follow," * and fled, first to Brunswick, and then to Nordhau- 

1 Corpus Reformatorum VI : p. 532. 

200 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

sen. After Wittenberg was captured by the Emperor, and 
placed in charge of Maurice, Melanchthon was prevailed upon 
to return, although the Elector John Frederick, through his sons, 
besought him to aid in establishing a new University at Jena, 
one of the cities still left the Elector. Maurice s exceeding 
kindness and his presents, as well as his assurances that he was still 
devoted to the Lutheran faith, seem to have almost reconciled 
Melanchthon to the changed circumstances. Among the homes 
offered him elsewhere at this time was one in England. Octo 
ber 25th, 1547, he writes: 2 "To-day I have answered the 
Bishop of Canterbury who invites me to England." 

Then came the persecutions connected with the forcing of the 
Interim upon Lutheran people. Charles V. dissatisfied with the 
uncompromising spirit manifested by the Council of Trent, and 
hoping still to maintain the unity of his Empire by a compro 
mise making some concessions to his Lutheran subjects, caused a 
document (the Augsburg Interim) to be prepared by Agricola, in 
connection with two Roman Catholic theologians, which, in ef 
fect, reintroduced, with a few modifications, the abominations of 
the Papacy. It forced hundreds of Lutheran ministers into exile, 
and entailed the greatest distress in various communities, espe 
cially at Magdeburg and Augsburg. It was during this persecu 
tion, that John Brentz showed himself such a hero in Wiirtem- 
berg. Even the Elector Maurice was indignant, and would not 
accept it save with certain restrictions. But this did not 
prevent Melanchthon from a second exile, as the Emperor demand 
ed that, because of his opposition, he must be surrendered or ban 
ished. Maurice devised another expedient in the Leipzig In 
terim, which was preponderatingly Lutheran in its statements, 
but was so worded as to give the least offence to its opponents, 
and which enjoined the use of a number of ceremonies, made 
more acceptable by an evangelical explanation, that heretofore 
had been regarded badges of the Papists. 

Melanchthon was free to express his preference for what he 

J Ib. P . 714. 

New Difficulties in the Reign of Edward VI. 201 

regarded a more correct statement of doctrine and prescription 
of usage, but at the same time declared (January 6th, 1549,) 
that it "made no change in the Church," 3 that its prescriptions 
were "tolerable" 4 and that " it is the better course to treat 
some Collies moderately." 5 He in no way foresaw the storm 
which his disposition to suppress a protest would call forth. 

The Leipzig Interim found no favor anywhere and all attempts 
to introduce it, had to be abandoned. It is worth while noting 
that the entire history of the Interims shows that the controversy 
which had just ceased in England, had been transferred to Ger 
many ; and that the policy of yielding certain matters to the 
Papists, to secure outward unity, was only the repetition of the 
course of Henry VIII. The Six Articles and the Augsburg In 
terim belong together ; while the Leipzig Interim was also a re 
cession from the principle which demanded unconditional sub 
scription to the Augsburg Confession as the condition of union. 
Just when the English Church was ready for the entrance of the 
full truth, those who were regarded the representatives of Luth- 
eranism, themselves waver. Is it wonderful, therefore, that a 
more radical element soon enters, by its more positive and de 
cided testimony to take the place of such uncertain and wavering 
Lutheranism ? Let any one who who has the curiosity, look into 
the Calendar of State Papers of the reign of Edward VI., and he 
will note what pains the authorities in England were then taking 
to be promptly and fully informed concerning what was transpir 
ing on the Continent, and how the weekly and almost daily dis 
patches of such ambassadors as Christopher Mount, Sir John 
Masone and Sir Richard Morysinne, supply, not only most valu 
able information concerning the ecclesiastical complications of 
Germany, but even the details of the current gossip of courts and 
cities. We can imagine the pain and consternation, with which 
English Lutherans looked on the defection of those, from whom 

8 VII: 292. 

*Ib. 274, 275. 

Ib. 275. 

2O2 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

they had hoped for encouragement and sympathy in the better 
times that had now come for them in England. 

One great figure, however, stood forth as a beacon light amidst 
the storm. One heart rose superior to the crisis. The clearness 
of the testimony of the imprisoned Elector, upon whom even 
sentence of death had been passed, carried with it a moral weight 
that was felt throughout Christendom. Summoned before the 
Emperor in 1548, he was offered the most favorable terms, in case 
he would desist from his error, and submit to a council." His 
answer is worthy of everlasting remembrance : "I stand before 
your Imperial Majesty a poor prisoner. I do not deny that I 
have confessed the truth, and for it have lost possessions and prop 
erty, wife and child, land and people, in short everything that God 
has given me in the world. I have noting left but this impris 
oned body, and even this is not within my power, but within that 
of your Majesty. By the truth which I have confessed, I will 
abide, and will suffer, as an example, whatever else God and your 
Imperial Majesty may impose." 6 The better feelings of the 
Emperor, we are told, overcame him, and he turned away to 
hide his emotion. When the Interim was published, another 
persistent effort was made to secure the Elector s subscription. 
But he was immovable. " From his youth he had been instructed 
according to the doctrine contained in the Augsburg Confession. 
As in his conscience he was convinced of its truth, should he 
yield, he could not show himself grateful for such distinguished 
grace, nor could he expect the inheritance of everlasting life 
which Christ promised those who would confess him. But if he 
were to accept the Interim, he must deny the Augsburg Confes 
sion, whereby he would sin against God for time and to eternity. 
Nothing could be more pleasing to him and his unwieldy body 
(for he was corpulent) than freedom, yet, then, he could not tes 
tify with a good conscience before God s judgment seat that he 
had sought for no comfort of this poor temporal life, but only 
for God s glory and the inheritance of life everlasting." 7 He 

6 Salig s Historic des Aug. Conf., 1 : 580. 

New Difficulties in the Reign of Edward VI. 203 

wrote also a paper to be preserved as his testimony after his 
death, beginning : "la poor prisoner in Babylonian captivity, 
in order that every one may know that, with God s help, I will 
not during my life receive the Interim, but will abide faithful to 
the Augsburg Confession, and the other articles agreed upon at 
Smalcald." 8 

When Maurice at last could no longer suppress his indignation 
at the manner in which the Emperor had used him as a tool to 
destroy the Lutheran faith, and in which the most sacred pledges 
were wantonly broken, he sought to repair, to an extent, the 
wrong in which for years he had participated. Finding an ally 
in the King of France, he so suddenly made war, that the Em 
peror, surprised, routed and almost captured at Innspruck in 
1552, was glad to conclude, the same year, the Peace of Passau. 
But even before peace was forced, the Emperor to conciliate his 
subjects liberated the Elector, who, nevertheless, preferred for 
awhile to remain with his late captor. When he finally returned 
to Saxony, his course became a regular triumphal procession, as 
the people turned out in mass, to honor one who had been greater 
in defeat, than he couldhave been even in victory. "Everywhere," 
says Salig, "he was embraced as a father of his country and a 
faithful defender of the Augsburg Confession, who, through no 
trouble and suffering, could be alienated from the truth." 9 Me- 
lanchthon promptly wrote a long letter of congratulation. "The 
memory of your confession, your troubles and liberation, is useful 
to the Church both now and to posterity. As that of the Israel 
ites in the fiery furnace, or of Daniel among the lions, so also 
your example will, in many ways, profit others for the true knowl 
edge of God. This honor is much to be preferred to bloody 
victories and triumphs." 10 The Elector in his courteous reply 
administers a significant rebuke, when he intimates that the great 
theologian had culpably wavered and declares how he had wished 

8 Cyprian s Historia der Aug. Conf., p. 279. 

9 Salig, 1 : 680. 

10 Corpus Reformatorum, VII : 1083. 

204 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

from his heart that no change whatever had been attempted in 
the doctrine as set forth by Luther in 1537 at Smalcald and re 
ceived by all preachers and pastors of the Augsburg Confession. 
" We have no doubt," he says, " that if such had been the case, 
the divisions and errors that have occurred among the teachers 
of the above mentioned Confession, would, with God s help, 
have been removed." u 

In England also, the release of the Elector was hailed as a 
great victory for the Gospel. The despatches show that he was 
then regarded as the leader of the Lutheran cause. King Ed 
ward VI. also wrote a congratulatory letter. The reply of John 
Frederick (August 22d, 1552) shows that he still had in mind 
his old terms of agreement with England. It would be a great 
gratification to have the very letter ; but, in its absence, the ab 
stract given in the " Calendar of English State Papers" 12 must 
answer : " Returns thanks for his Majesty s letter from Petworth 
of 25th of July, delivered to him by Sir Richard Morysinne, and 
for his ready good will towards him. Commends his Majesty s 
efforts on behalf of the Gospel religion, and urges him to continue 
these. And whereas his Majesty had exhorted him to exert him 
self towards procuring a suspension of controversies among the 
professors of Protestantism, declares that of all things the most 
difficult is to settle religious differences, especially at this ad 
vanced age of the world, when every one thinks he has found the 
truth, lest the old serpent should bite the heel of him who tram 
ples on him. These dissensions arise in consequence of many 
being misled by philosophical speculations and civil wisdom, 
withdrawing from the Confession of Augsburg, which had been 
approved by the consent of the most eminent theologians. To 
which, if they had firmly adhered, as they ought, neither that 
most mischievous Zwinglian sect, nor the Anabaptists, nor the 
Antinomians, nor the Adiaphorists, and authors of change in re 
ligion, would have disturbed, as they have done, the best con- 

11 Ib. p. 1109. 

12 Calendar, Edward VI. (Foreign) p. 219. 

New Difficulties in the Reign of Edward VI. 205 

stituted churches, and inflicted a wound that seems almost 

Again it began to look as though an Anglo-German Lutheran 
alliance might yet be made. With John Frederick liberated, 
they had now a leader who could be trusted, especially as he was 
supported by by Francis Burkhard who, in 1538, with Myconius, 
had so nearly gained the victory in the negotiations in London. 
Hence we find, in the "Calendar" of May 25th, 1553," the 
record that commissioners appointed for the purpose recommend 
to the Royal Council the formation of "a league with the Ger 
mans, including the Emperor," and "suggest that for the nam 
ing of the matter, John Frederick is the fittest person to hear of 
it first ; because as he cannot but like, so he is better able to 
further it, than they, having a man, Francis Burkhard, who has 
been thrice in England, as fit as any in Germany to handle the 

But this was not to be. Providence again mysteriously inter 
fered. Within less than six weeks, (July 5th, 1553) the young 
King of England died, and the reign of Bloody Mary began. 
On the third of March following, the heroic Elector, broken 
down by the severe sufferings through which he had passed, was 
added to "the noble army of martyrs" in the Church Tri 
umphant. When Amsdorf visited him on his death-bed, to re 
ceive his confession and impart the consolations of the Gospel, 
he heard this dying testimony : "This I know: Whether I live, 
I live unto the Lord, or whether I die, I die unto the Lord. Of 
this I am certain. u 

13 Ib. Domestic Series. 

14 Salig, 1 : 68l. 



Effect of the deaths of Fox and Barnes. Reaction against Transubstantiation. 
Ridley and Hooper, Zwinglians. Bullinger s Influence. John a Lasco, 
and his congregations. Polanus and the Flemish weavers. Peter Mar 
tyr at Oxford. His theological position. Bucer at Cambridge. Was 
he a Lutheran ? Loscher s Argument. Correspondence between Bucer 
and Brentz. Bucer on the Real Presence. His Doctrine compared 
with that of Martyr. Switzerland free from the desolations of Smalcald 
War. English Negotiations with the Reformed Cities. Bullinger and 
Lady Jane Grey. Calvin s Correspondence. Cranmer yields. His 
course explained. When and how he became a Calvinist ? His Cate 
chism. Indication of process of change afforded by Zurich Letters. 

IN the last chapter, we noted how the cause of Lutheranism in 
England was weakened by its sad condition on the Continent at 
the time of the Smalcald War and the Interim. But there were 
other reasons, why it did not gain the ascendency. The stricter 
Lutherans of the type of Bishop Fox, and Dr. Barnes, had de 
parted. Cranmer, whose connection with Lutheranism in Ger 
many had been maintained, largely, through his intimate cor 
respondence with Osiander, felt the weakening influence of the 
latter s defection on the doctrine of Justification, even though 
he had no sympathy for his relative s error; and, doubtless, was 
influenced by Osiander s increasing bitterness against the Wit 
tenberg theologians. Melanchthon, to whom he had looked for 
advice, was also found at this time untrustworthy. A reaction 
against Romish transubstantiation had manifested itself for years 
in the denial of the doctrine of the real presence, one extreme 
violently asserted inevitably producing the other, especially as 


Conflict of Theological Parties in England. 207 

the leaven of Anabaptism was to a greater or less extent diffused. 
No sooner had the reign of Edward begun, than iconoclastic zeal 
was ready to tear the crucifixes, out of churches, and otherwise 
to manifest feeling that had been suppressed so long. Promi 
nent leaders of the English Reformation had not realized the 
importance of the issue involved concerning the Lord s Supper. 
Long before this, Tyndale had advised Frith not to allow it to be 
a matter of discussion. "Barnes will be hot against you. My 
mind is, that nothing be put forth till we hear how you have 
sped. I would have right use preached, and the presence to be 
an indifferent thing, till the matter might be reasoned in peace 
at the leisure of both parties." 1 As early as 1545, Nicholas 
Ridley, afterwards Bishop of London, especially distinguished as 
a preacher, and probably the most learned divine in the English 
Church after the death of Bishop Fox, had been influenced by 
one of Zwingli s treatises against Luther and by the study of 
Ratramnus to reject both the Roman Catholic and the Lutheran 
doctrines. John Hoper or Hooper, afterwards bishop of Glou 
cester and then bishop of Worcester, a former Cistercian monk, 
" infected with Lutheran ism by books brought from Germany," 
had been driven by the persecutions concerning " The Six Arti 
cles," from England to Switzerland, where he became intimate 
with Bullinger, the scholar and successor of Zwingli, first at Basle, 
and afterwards at Zurich. The death of Henry VIII., and ac 
cession of Edward, brought him back to England, not only as a 
zealous advocate of Zwinglianism, but also as an obstinate pole 
mic, giving great trouble to Cranmer and Ridley, and most of 
all to Peter Martyr, then Professor at Oxford, who dreaded lest 
the Continental Reformers should be held responsible for his ex. 
treme position. Although imprisoned, because, when nominated 
as bishop, he both refused to wear Episcopal robes at consecra 
tion, and in a tract bitterly attacked this custom as one which he 
regarded a relic of the Papacy, he yet had sufficient influence to 
overcome the opposition against him, and to secure a prominent 

- Jenkyn s Cranmer s Remains, I : XX, 

2o8 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

place the councils of the English Church. He diligently 
circulated the theological writings of his friend Bullinger. Blunt 
traces to his influence the order which Cranmer actually sent the 
Dean of St. Paul s in 1552, " to forbid playing of organs at di 
vine services." Hooper s disposition towards Lutheranism may 
be learned from a letter to Bullinger (January 25th, 1546) in 
which he says: " The Count Palatine has lately provided for 
the preaching of the Gospel throughout his dominions : but as far 
as relates to the eucharist he has descended, as the proverb has 
it, from the horse to the ass ; for he has fallen from Popery into 
the doctrine of Luther, who is, in that particular, more erroneous 
than all the Papists." (Original Letters, I. 38). How bitter 
was the prejudice of Bullinger against Lutheranism, may be 
learned from another letter in the same collection (p. 251), in 
which Richard Hilles writes concerning a student at Strassburg, 
that Bullinger had written requesting that his lodging be 
changed, since Mr. Marbach, with whom he boarded was " not 
one with whom the father of Lewis would like his son to have 
any intercourse," the reason being " that Marbach is altogether 
a Lutheran." It is interesting to note the answer: "If we 
consider this, there is no reason for your friend Lewis again to 
change his lodging ; since he will have just such another, if he 
should lodge with any learned man in this place." 

With the Interim, there were learned divines glad to find a 
refuge in England ; and whom Cranmer was glad to call to assist 
him in his great work. Protestants in large numbers had con 
gregated in London, driven from various portions of the Conti 
nent. In 1549, there were no less than four thousand Germans 
there. John a Lasco, was made Superintendent of the several 
congregations of foreigners, all apparently worshipping in one 
church. A Lasco was a Polish nobleman, not an exile, but ab 
sent from his country by leave of his King, in order to preach 
the Gospel. He was an intimate friend of Erasmus, whose lib 
rary he had generously purchased, allowing the owner the use of 
it for the rest of his life. He had been converted to the Re- 

Conflict of Theological Parties in England. 209 

formed faith, and induced to devote himself to the ministry by 
Zwingli at Basle. He was an intimate friend and correspondent 
of Melanchthon. He is described by Goebel, 2 as "in science 
an Erasmian, in faith a Lutheran, in cultus a Zwinglian, in church 
organization a Calvinist, as a dogmatician loose and indefinite." 
On the doctrine of the Lord s Supper, he was either Calvinistic 
or Zwinglian. He supported Hooper in his controversy, being 
especially extreme in his opposition to clerical vestments and to 
kneeling at the communion. 

There was a congregation of foreigners at Glastenbury in Som 
ersetshire, consisting chiefly of weavers who had been driven by 
the Interim from Strassburg. Of this congregation, which doc- 
trinally seems to have been in sympathy with a Lasco, Valeran- 
dus Pollanus was pastor. 

Peter Martyr, Paul Fagius and Martin Bucer, all from Strass 
burg, were welcomed to professorships of theology, Martyr at 
Oxford, and Fagius and Bucer at Cambridge. V. E. Loscher, 
Walch and Buddeus, all maintain that up to this time Martyr 
had been a Lutheran, 3 and a letter of Bucer to Brenz which we 
shall shortly quote, seems to confirm it. However this may be, 
in a public disputation at Oxford in 1549, into which he was 
forced by Richard Smythe, an advocate of transubstantiation, he 
virtually yielded the doctrine of the real presence, much to Bu 
cer s dissatisfaction. Even this Buddeus 4 explains as only a 

2 Herzog Real Eneyclopczdie. 

Buddeus, Isagoge, 1120: "It has been observed by learned men, that in 
the beginning he did not differ much from the position of Luther, which also 
pleased the English, until at last he went over to the side of Calvin." Even 
of his answer to Bishop Gardiner, of 1562, Walch (il>l. Theol. Sel. II : 439) 
says : " Previously he was not alien to the true doctrine, but now seems to 
approach the opinion of those who deny the real presence." The Calvinistic 
element in England, regarded him in the same light. Burcher to Bullinger 
(October 29th. 1548) : " The Archbishop of Canterbury, moved, no doubt, 
by the advice of Peter Martyr, and other Lutherans." Or. Letters, II : 542. 

4 Vita Petri Martyris, per Josiam Simler, iq Gerdesius Misscellanea 
Groningana,\\\: 38,48. Melchior AdanCs Vita Germ. Theol. II : I3sqq. 


210 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

temporary inconsistency. Martyr was the spiritual father of 
Bishop Jewel, whose "Apology" is almost a symbol in the An 
glican church. Jewel was Martyr s pupil, and took down the 
discussion with Smythe. Driven from England on the accession 
of Mary, the charge of disloyalty to the Augsburg Confession 
was made against him at Strassburg. His answer shows how he 
wished to be regarded as subscribing to the confession, while, he 
tried to read into it a Calvinistic interpretation. Writing to the 
Senate, "he professed that he cheerfully embraced the Augsburg 
Confession, and whatever does not differ therefrom, provided it 
be correctly understood ; and that, if there were need, he would 
maintain them with all his might." Concerning the Wittenberg 
Concord between Luther and Bucer, he replied " that to this he 
had not subscribed ; that it could not be conceded by the Word 
of God and conscience, that those destitute of true faith, in par 
taking of the sacraments, receive the true body of Christ." As 
years advanced, his opposition to Lutheranism increased, and in 
1561, in negotiations at the Colloquy of Paissy, with the King 
of Navarre, "when he was asked his judgment concerning the 
Augsburg Confession, he answered that the Word of God seems 
to us sufficient, as it clearly contains all things which pertain to 
salvation. For even if that Confession be received, reconcili 
ation with the Romanists will not follow ; since they proscribe 
it as heretical." 5 He ended his life as Professor at Zurich. 

Fagius was known to have very decided Lutheran sympathies, 
but was more distinguished as an Old Testament scholar than as 
dogmatician, or ecclesiastical leader, and died before he could 
enter upon his duties. 

Bucer had endeavored to mediate between Lutheranism and 
Zwinglianism. In 1536, however, he had come to an under 
standing with Luther and Melanchthon in "the Wittenberg 
Concord," in which the Lutheran doctrine of the Lord s Supper 
was subscribed, Bucer reserving the nature of the communion of 
the unworthy as a point not yet settled in his mind. In subse- 

5 Isagoge p. 1 1 20. 

Conflict of Theological Parties in England. 211 

quent years, he does not seem to have materially varied from 
this position. Loscher, in his Ausfuhrliche Hiitoria Motuum, 
devotes an entire chapter, to prove that " although with consider 
able weakness, he is, nevertheless, to be reckoned among evangel 
ical Lutherans." Hard wick pronounces him "a moderate Lu 
theran, and, as such, decided in his opposition to the school of 
Hooper. " 7 It is certain, however, that the very point in which 
he failed at Wittenberg in 1536, continued to render the transi 
tion to the Calvin istic doctrine very easy. Possibly he attempted 
to render the Lutheran doctrine more acceptable to Calvinists 
by concessions, or possibly he was never entirely in the clear as 
to what was involved in statements which he maintained. In 
" the Sententious Sayings of Master Martin Bucer upon the 
Lord s Supper," 8 of 1550, written while professor at Oxford, 
there is much that, if taken by itself, would seem to be an entire 
surrender to Calvinism, e. g., (22) "There is no presence of 
Christ in the Supper, but only in the lawful use thereof, and such 
as is obtained and gotten by faith only. 11 (33): "I define or 
determine Christ s presence, howsoever we perceive it, either by 
the sacraments or by the word of the Gospel, to be only the at 
taining and perceiving of the commodities we have by Christ, both 
God and man, which is our Head reigning in heaven, dwelling 
and living in us, -which presence we have by no worldly means, 
but we have it by faith." A letter, however, of Bucer to Brentz, 
May i5th, 1550, 9 apologizing for Peter Martyr s discussion is in 
a different key. He writes, as in full harmony with Brentz, 
whose strict Lutheranism has never been questioned, and as 
though discussions were in progress, in which the Lutheran doc- 
was vigorously assailed, and he were being overpowered. This 
is the letter : " With respect to the book of Dr. Martyr, I un 
doubtedly have as much regret as any one else ; but the discus- 

6 Atisfiikrliche Historia, II : 27. 

7 History of Reformation, p. 220. 

8 Strype s Memorials of Archbishop Cranmer, II: 597 sqq. 
9 Anecdota Jjrentiana, p. 304, 

212 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

sion was announced and the proposition formulated before I had 
arrived in England. At my advice, he has introduced much in 
his preface, whereby he expresses more fully his faith in the 
presence of Christ. With the heads of government, they have 
much weight who contract their ministry within a narrow sphere, 
and are not anxious about restoring the discipline of the church ; 
the violence of these has also to certain extent influenced this 
friend of ours. While he was with us, all things were presented 
more correctly and amply. In wishing to prevent us from inclu 
ding in the bread, our Lord taken from Heaven, and from giving 
him to men to be eaten without faith, which none of us imagines, 
they fall into the error of including him in a fixed place in Hea 
ven, although for this they are absolutely without Scripture tes 
timony, and of his presentation and presence in the Supper they 
speak so feebly (yea they do not even mention these words), that 
they seem to hold that in the Supper nothing but bread and wine 
are distributed. Our simple position, as held by me, no one as 
yet has reproved, nor have I heard of any one able to refute it 
by any firm declaration from Scripture. Neither as yet has any 
such attempt been made. Their chief argument is : The mys 
teries of Christ ought to be intelligibly explained. They would 
be correct in saying this, if they were to add : To faith, not 
to reason. They now assume that it can in no way be under 
stood how Christ is now circumscribed in a physical place in 
Heaven ; and since he is thus in Heaven (which they assume not 
only without any warrant, but even without any firm reason), it 
cannot be understood how the same body of Christ is in Heaven 
and in the Supper. When, then we say that in the Supper none 
should suppose a local presence of Christ, they again say that 
the body of Christ cannot be understood to be anywhere, unless 
its presence be that of local circumscription. The substance of 
their argument, therefore, is : Reason does not perceive what 
you teach concerning the presentation and presence of Christ in 
the Supper, and hence it is not true. The Scripture passages 
which seem to prove it, must be understood otherwise. Let us 

Conflict of Theological Parties in England. 213 

pray for them. Thus far I have met no true Christians who were 
not entirely satisfied with our simplicity in this matter." 

So important was Bucer, until his death in February, 1551,03 
one of the chief advisers of Cranmer in the determination of the 
formularies of this period, that we add yet the explanation of his 
inconsistencies given by Loscher : " We must not deny that he 
resorted to many worldly counsels from carnal prudence, mingled 
with love for peace, which were of great damage to the Evangel 
ical Lutheran Church, that he had too little zeal for truth in the 
doctrine of the Lord s Supper, that in the side-questions per 
taining to the Lord s Supper he was still not in the clear, that 
he always had a penchant for seeking to reconcile the two con 
tradictories. The body of Christ is substantially present, etc., 
and The body of Christ is not substantially present, etc., an 
impossible work, at which, nevertheless, he labored until the 
close of his life. Yet these points must not be mingled with the 
chief question, in the investigation of historical truth." 10 

It is certain, however, that the Anti-Lutheran element in Eng 
land regarded him an exponent of Lutheranism, and were 
anxious that he should be displaced, as the following shows : 

"Bucer has a most dangerous relapse into his old disease. 
Richard writes that there is little or no hope of his recovery. In 
case of his death, England will be happy, and more favored than 
all other countries, in having been delivered in the same year, 
from two men of most pernicious talent, namely Paul Fagius and 
Bucer." (Burcher to Bullinger, April 2oth, 1550)." So after 
Bucer s death : " The death of Bucer affords England the great 
est possible opportunity of concord. If you know any one qual 
ified for so important an office, pray inform me." (Or. Letters, 
p. 678). 

There were political considerations which increased the infiu- 

w Aiisfuhr. Ilistor. II : 26 sq. For additional information concerning Bu 
cer s theological position, see my edition of " Book of Concord," Vol. II : p. 
253 sqq., and the authorities there cited. 

n Original Letters, II : 662. 

214 The Lutheran Movement in England, 

ence of the anti-Lutheran element in the Church of England. 
While Lutheranism seemed to be almost ruined by the Smalcald 
war and the Interim, there was peace in Switzerland. Francis 
I. held the Roman Catholic cantons back from supporting 
Charles V., and, however much they sympathized with the Em 
peror, they were powerless to aid him. Hence Zurich and Ge 
neva knew nothing of the persecutions that overwhelmed Wit 
tenberg and other Lutheran centers. The English court sought, 
therefore, an alliance with the Reformed cities. Thus, October 
2oth, 1549, Edward VI, writes to the Senate of Zurich: "We 
have understood by the frequent letters of our faithful and be 
loved servant, Christopher Mount, both your favorable disposi 
tion towards us, and ready inclination to deserve well of us. In 
addition to which, there is Also a mutual agreement between us 
concerning the Christian religion and true godliness, which ought 
to render this friendship of ours, by God s blessing, yet more 
intimate." 12 

Those high in position in the State were also in frequent cor 
respondence with the Reformed leaders in Switzerland. Bui- 
linger was directing the studies of Lady Jane Grey. Thus, July 
1 2th, 1551, she writes to him in reference to her Hebrew, and 
pays this tribute to the Swiss theologian : " Oh, happy me to be 
possessed of such a friend, and so wise a counsellor, and to be 
connected by ties of intimacy and friendship with so learned a 
man, so pious a divine, and so intrepid a champion of true re 
ligion." 13 Calvin was in correspondence with the Lord Pro 
tector, w the young king, 15 and Cranmer, 16 giving them in long 
and tedious letters, a great deal of advice. There are published 
in the " Original Letters," chiefly from the archives at Zurich, no 
less than one hundred and seventy letters written to Bullinger 
alone, during the six years of Edward s reign, by friends in Eng- 

12 Original Letters relative to the English Reformation, Vol. I : I. 

13 Ib. p. 5. 

14 Ib. Vol. II : p. 704. 

15 Ib. p. 707. 

16 Ib. p. 711. 

Conflict of Theological Parties in England. 215 

land, most of whom were exerting all their power to transplant 
thither the theology of Switzerland. Every change and waver 
ing in Cranmer that can in any way be noticed, is promptly and 
faithfully reported at headquarters in Zurich. 

It is no wonder, then, that a man of the temperament and dis 
position of Archbishop Cranmer, pressed on every side, grad 
ually yielded to Calvinism, just as during Henry s reign he had 
so often allowed his better judgment to succumb for a time to 
Romanizing tendencies. His change must not entirely be 
ascribed to vacillation amidst fixed principles. In himself there 
existed simultaneously the contradictory positions, which had 
never been thoroughly fought over in his own experience. We 
would not question his sincerity ; but again and again when he 
firmly maintained a doctrine, he seems not to have understood 
it in its relations. With Fox and Crumwell and Barnes to aid 
him, he was a Lutheran ; deprived of them, he drifted between 
the conflicting elements, in hope of a better day when he 
thought he would be able to act with less embarrassment. But 
when these came with new complications, "he considered," 
says Dr. Jenkyns, " the exchange from the long established and 
absolute sway of Henry, to the new and unsettled authority of 
Edward, as a loss, rather than a gain to the cause of the reforma 
tion. He may perhaps have been mistaken in this view ; the flexi 
bility of the son may in truth have been no less favorable to the 
construction of a new system, than the obstinacy of the father to 
the demolition of the old one. But the inference is almost un 
avoidable, that the difficulties of his situation under Henry were 
less, and under Edward greater, than is usually supposed." 
The precise time when the Archbishop became a Calvinist on 
the doctrine of the Lord s Supper cannot be accurately deter 
mined. He himself stated that it was through Ridley s argu 
ments that the change in his opinion began. 18 Although in the 

17 Remains of Thomas Cranmer, D. D., I : p. xliv. 

18 " Dr. Ridley did confer with me, and by sundry persuasions and auth 
orities of doctors, drew me quite from my opinion." Examination, Jenkyns 
IV: 97. 

216 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

preface to the Embden edition of the defence, generally ascribed 
to his intimate friend, Sir John Cheke, tutor to Edward VI., 
this change is assigned to the year 1546, this probably marks 
only the beginning, especially as the Niirnberg Kinderpredigtcn, 
improperly known as the Catechism of Justus Jonas because of 
Jonas Latin version, which he translated in 1548, and, which in 
English, is usually designated Cranmer s Catechism, not only 
teaches most emphatically the Lutheran doctrine, but also con 
tains verbatim Luther s Small Catechism. Here the Zurich let 
ters are of service : 

1548, August ist. Traheran to Bullinger : "All our coun 
trymen who are sincerely favorable to the restoration of truth 
entertain in all respects like opinions with you. I except the 
archbishop of Canterbury, and Latimer, and a very few learned 
men besides. 19 

August 1 8th. John ab Ulmis to Bullinger: " He has lately 
published a Catechism, in which he not only approved that foul 
and sacrilegious transubstantiation of the papists in the holy sup 
per of our Saviour, but all the dreams of Luther seem to him 
sufficiently well-grounded, perspicuous and bold." 20 

October 29th. John Burcher to Bullinger: "The arch 
bishop of Canterbury, moved no doubt by the advice of Peter 
Martyr and other Lutherans, has ordered a catechism of some 
Lutheran opinion, to be translated and published in our lan 
guage. This little book has occasioned no little discord," 21 

September 28th. Traheran to Bullinger: "Latimer has 
come over to our opinion respecting the true doctrine of the 
Eucharist, together with the archbishop of Canterbury, and the 
other bishops, who heretofore seemed to be Lutherans. 22 

November 2yth. " Even Cranmer, by the goodness of God, 
and the instrumentality of that most upright and judicious man, 

19 Original Letters^ I : p. 320. 
IbII: p. 381. 
21 Ib. p. 643. 
aa Ib. I : p. 322. 

Conflict of Theological Parties in England. 217 

Master John a Lasco, is in a great measure recovered from his 
dangerous lethargy. 33 

December 27th. Hooper to Bullinger: "The archbishop 
of Canterbury entertains right views as to the nature of Christ s 
presence in the Supper, and is now very friendly towards my 
self." M 

December 3 1 st. Traheran to Bullinger: "The archbishop 
of Canterbury, contrary to general expectation, most openly, 
firmly and learnedly maintained your opinion on this subject. I 
perceive that // is all over with Lutheranism, now that those who 
were considered its principal and almost only supporters, have 
altogether come over to our side." a 

50 Ib. II: p. 383. 

24 Ib. I : p. 73- 

25 Ib. p. 323. 



Uniformity of Worship in the Western Church, prior to the Reformation, only 
relative. Influence of Reformation on present Roman Order. Groups 
of Liturgies. Sources of the Roman Liturgy. Confession of the Open 
ing of the Reformation. The old English Orders. The three-fold task 
of the Reformers of the Service. Introduction of the Vernacular. De 
velopment of the Lutheran Service. Luther s Reformation of the Ser 
vice. Principles laid down in his Formula Missae of 1523. The old 
Worship, not to be abolished. Scripture-lessons, Sermons and Hymns to 
be in German. Luther s German Mass of 1526. German, Latin, Greek, 
Hebrew may all be used in the same service, if there be those who un 
derstand them. Translation of New Testament of 1523. Hymns, mostly 
of I5 2 4- Formula of Baptism, 1523. Translation of revised Mass, 1526. 
Bugenhagen s order of 1524. The Niirnberg Service. Volprecht. 
Doeber s Mass, 1525. Osiander s Order of Baptism, 1529. Branden- 
burg-Niirnberg Order, 1533. Reformation of Cologne, 1543 (Bucer, 
Me anchthon, Sarcerius). Its Sources. Order of Morning Service in 
three typical Lutheran Liturgies. The tentative Order of Bucer in 
the Strassburg Agende of 1524. 

IF, however, those who controlled the work of the reorgani 
zation of the English Church, after many vacillations, at last 
failed in a full appreciation and confession of the Lutheran faith, 
the results of the first glow of awakening love for the Gospel in 
England and of years of contact and negotiation with the lead 
ers of the Lutheran Reformation in Germany, have not been 
without fruit, but have left their permanent record in the great 
ecclesiastical documents which are the glory and pride of the 
English Church, and upon which its very existence depends. 
Turn where we may in the history or the worship of the English 
Church and its descendants, we meet at every step with what 


Lutheran Sources of the Book of Common Prayer. 219 

they owe to that memorable time, and to the incomplete and 
greatly embarrassed work of the first English Lutherans. We 
have already traced the origin of the English Bible to German 
soil, and Lutheran influences. We now enter upon the exami 
nation of the influence of Lutheranism upon the worship of the 
English Church. 

It is a great misconception to imagine that prior to the Refor 
mation, the worship in the Western Church, was uniform. Uni 
formity of worship, like the subjection of the churches of the va 
rious countries to the see of Rome, was a gradual growth. The 
uniformity in the Romish Church of to-day, is, in large measure, 
the result of the Council of Trent, and even now, is not entirely 
absolute, as e. g. the continuance of the Mozarabic Liturgy at 
Toledo in Spain still attests. Liturgiologists classify the various 
liturgies into groups, and in the Gallican group trace a very de 
cided oriental influence, some conjecturing that their origin was 
at Ephesus. The Roman Liturgy, Mss. of which as far back as 
the Ninth Century remain, representing or purporting to repre 
sent the Liturgy, as current under Leo I. (440-61, Sacramenta- 
riunt Leonianuni) Gelasius (49296, Sacr Gelasianum) and 
Gregory the Great (590-604), continued to press its way, espe 
cially in accordance with the schemes of Gregory, in some 
places entirely supplanting other liturgies, in others adopting 
some of their features, and in still others only engrafting some 
of its own features upon liturgies which it could not supplant. 
Hence at the opening of the Reformation, there was much con 
fusion. Niirnberg and Bamberg are only thirty-three miles 
apart; and yet the Niirnberg Missal of 1484 differs from the 
Bamberg Missal of 1492 in the very first Gospel lesson that is 
given, viz. that for the First Sunday in Advent, where Niirnberg 
had yielded to the prevailing practice of Rome by surrender 
ing Matth- 21 : i sqq. for Luke 21 : 25 sqq., a change which 
affected the Gospel for every Sunday in Advent. The old con 
flict between the Gallican and the Roman Missal had not been 
fully decided ; and, therefore, some of the discrepancies in the 

220 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

services of Lutheran churches in various lands, may be traced 
back to discrepancies in the Ante-Reformation services which 
they undertook to reform. 

In England also, when the Reformation opened, the various 
dioceses had divergent orders, as the proportion of Rome or Gal- 
lican elements was more or less decided. The chief of these are 
the Missals according to the use of Sarum (Salisbury), Bristol, 
York, etc., the former of which dating back to 1085, is the best 
representative of liturgies of the English type. . 

Upon the basis of these liturgies, therefore, the Reformers both 
on the Continent and in England, had alike to labor in provid 
ing for the reformation of public worship. They had a three 
fold work to perform : first, to translate the service which up to 
this time had been exclusively Latin ; secondly, to correct Ro 
mish errors by omission and amendment ; thirdly, to supplement 
what was lacking, by reintroducing whatever was wholesome in the 
service of the Early Church that had fallen into disuse, and by 
inserting whatever changed circumstances rendered needful, in 
order to guard against prevalent abuses. 

As long as public worship was congregational, it had been 
conducted in the language of the people ; only when it ceased 
to be congregational, and became a work of the priests for the 
congregation, could a language unknown to the people become 
that of the entire service. The dominancy of the Romish, over 
the provincial liturgies, and the fact that all the culture of the 
West was Latin, explain how it supplanted all other languages. 

Luther soon felt the necessity of reintroducing the vernacular. 
We can trace his desire for it, to a statement in his sermon of 
1520 on the Mass. During his absence at the Wartburg, Carl- 
stadt having radically changed the service, on his return he 
began to reform it upon conservative principles. Even then, 
he recognized the fact that it was impossible at one stroke, to at 
tain everything desirable, and that the work must be gradually 
wrought. This is shown very clearly in his " Formula of the 
Mass" of 1523, where he begins by saying: "I have not ex- 

Lutheran Sources of the Book of Common Prayer. 221 

changed old things for new, always hesitating, both because of 
minds weak in faith, who could not be suddenly freed of what 
is old and established by custom, and with whom so recent and 
unusual a mode of worshipping God could not be introduced ; 
and especially because of frivolous and fastidious spirits, who, 
without faith, and without mind, rush forward, and delight in 
novelty alone, and then grow nauseated with whatever ceases to 
be new ; as the latter class of men give more trouble than others, 
in other matters, so, in holy things, they are most troublesome 
and intolerable, although, while ready to burst with wrath, I am 
compelled to endure them, unless willing to remove, the Gospel 
itself from the .public. But since there is now hope, that the 
hearts of many have been illumined and strengthened by the 
grace of God, and the subject itself demands, that scandals be 
removed from the Kingdom of Christ, something must be at 
tempted in Christ s name. . . . First of all, we, therefore, pro 
fess that it has never been our intention to entirely abolish all wor 
ship of God, but only to reform that in use, which has been cor 
rupted by the worst additions, and to demonstrate its godly 
use." 1 He asks, therefore, only that the Scripture-lessons and 
sermons be in German, and that after the Gradual, and the 
Sanctus and Agnus Dti in the Communion Service, German 
hymns, as far as possible, be sung. But. he realizes the poverty 
of the German as yet in hymns ; and hence he felt himself so 
soon constrained to provide by his own pen, for this want in pub 
lic worship 

Three years later, (1526), in his German Mass he has directed 
that the most of the liturgical acts shall be in German, but " for 
the sake of the youth," wishes part of the service still to be in 
Latin. For, it must not be forgotten that the pupils of the 
schools, where the Latin was faithfully taught, up to through the 
Gymnasia, were compelled to take their places in the choirs, and 
daily, at Matins and Vespers, to chant the Psalms, as well as to 

1 A full translation of Luther s Formula may be found in Lutheran Church 
Review for 1889 and 1890. 

222 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

aid in the regular Sunday services. So, too, the Apology says : 
" We retain the Latin language, on account of those who are 
learning and understand Latin, and we mingle with it German 
hymns, in. order that the people also may have something to 
learn, and by which faith and fear may be called forth. It has 
nowhere been written or represented that the act of hearing les 
sons, not understood, profits men, or that ceremonies profit, not 
because they teach or admonish, but ex opere operate, because 
they are thus performed or looked upon. Away with such phari- 
saic opinion !" But wherever a language be understood and 
edify, there Luther would give it a place in the service : "Were 
I able, and the Greek and Hebrew were as common as the 
Latin, and had in them as much fine music and song as the Latin 
has, Mass would be held, sung and read one Sunday after the 
other, in all four languages, German, Latin, Greek, Hebrew. I 
have no regard for those who are so devoted to but one language, 
and despise all others ; for I would like to educate youth and 
men, who might be of service to Christ and converse with men, 
also in foreign lands, so that it might not be with us, as with the 
Waldenses and Bohemians, who have so confined their faith to 
their own language, that they cannot speak intelligently and 
clearly with any one, until he first learn their language. But the 
Holy Ghost did not so in the beginning. He did not wait, un 
til the whole world came to Jerusalem and learned Hebrew, 
but he gave various tongues for the ministry of the Word, that 
the Apostles might speak wherever they went. This example I 
prefer following ; and it is also proper that the youth be prac 
ticed in several languages ; for who knows how God may use 
them in time?" 

Accordingly he provided for the service in German, first of all 
by his translation of the New Testament of 1523; then, by his 
hymns, the first of which were composed the same year, and 
twenty-one of the thirty-seven which he wrote having originated 
in 1524; by his German forms for Baptism (Taufbuchlein) of 
1523 ; and his translation of the revised Masss in 1526. His 

Lutheran Sources of the Book of Common Prayer. 223 

colleague, Bugenhagen, was likewise active in similar work, by 
his Order of Service of 1524. On the Twentieth Sunday after 
Trinity, 1525, the Mass was said for the first time in German at 

Niirnberg, whose intimate relations with the English Reforma 
tion, because of the connection between Osiander and Cranmer, 
has been already noticed, requires special consideration in this 
connection. Here Wolfgang Volprecht, Prior of the Augustinian 
cloister, (d. 1528) on Maunday Thursday 1523, administered the 
communion in both forms to members of his order, and on Eas 
ter, 1524, to three thousand persons. In 1525, Doeber s Evan 
gelical Mass was introduced. In 1529, Osiander published an 
Order of Baptism, partly translated from the Bamberg Order, 
and partly taken from Luther s Taufbilchlein. In 1533, the 
very important Brandenburg-Nurnberg Agende was published, 
having been prepared, as we have before seen, by Osiander, with 
the assistance of Brentz, and having been submitted to, and re 
ceived the endorsement of the Wittenberg Faculty. It is the 
model, after which many succeeding Lutheran liturgies were con 
structed, holding a place, in the first rank, for conservatism, 
purity of doctrine and correctness of usage. Altogether between 
1523 and 1555, Augusti asserts that there were published one 
hundred and thirty-two Lutheran Agende and Kirchenordnungen. 
Their great variety is partly explained by historical and local 
relations, but, at the same, indicates that the Lutheran Church 
lays less emphasis upon external uniformity, than upon fidelity 
to the common Evangelical principle. These orders may be 
distributed into three classes : i. Those pure in doctrine, but 
adhering most strictly to the received Roman forms. Of these, 
Mark-Brandenburg, of 1540, the Pfalz-Neuberg and the Austrian 
of 1571, are types. 2. Those of the Saxon Lutheran type, 
among which Luther s Formula of the Mass is most prominent. 
Among them are the Prussian (1525), the various orders pre 
pared by Bugenhagen, as Brunswick (1528), Hamburg (1529), 
Minden and Gottingen (1530), Liibeck (1531), Soest (1532), 

224 The Lutheran Movement in England, 

Bremen (1534), Pomerania, (1535), the Brandenburg-Nurnberg 
(1533), Hanover (1536), Herzog Heinrich of Saxony (1539), 
Mecklenburg (1540), etc. 3. Those which mediate between the 
Lutheran and the Reformed type, as Bucer s in Strassburg; the 
Wiirttemberg Orders, and, to a greater or less extent, the orders 
of S. W. Germany in general. 

Of these, there is one that exerted an especial influence above 
all the rest, upon the orders of the English Church, viz., the Lit 
urgy for the Reformation of Cologne of 1543. Hermann the 
Archbishop and Elector of Cologne, having become a convert to 
the Lutheran faith, expected to reform the churches in his realm 
according to the Lutheran doctrine; and, at his request, a 
Church Constitution, with orders of Service, was drawn up by 
Bucer, and thoroughly revised by Melanchthon, with the aid of 
Sarcerius and others. It is derived chiefly from the Branden 
burg-Nurnberg order of 1533, and the orders of Herzog Hein 
rich, of Saxony, prepared by Justus Jonas in 1536, and published, 
after revision by Cruciger, Myconius, etc., in 1539, and of 
Hesse Cassel, (Kymens) of 1539. Carefully guarding against 
any explicit statements of a polemical character towards both the 
Romanists and the Reformed, it did not meet with the favor of 
Luther, who demanded that beyond the positive presentation 
of doctrine in the service, the negative should also be unmis 
takably expressed, and, therefore, had not patience to read it 

The Order of Morning Service, (Hauptgottesdierut) as given 
in these typical Lutheran liturgies, is as follows : 


1. A Spiritual Song or Psalm in German, as " I will bless the 
Lord at all times." (Ps. 34). 

2. Kyrie Eleison, three, not nine times. 

3. A Collect, as follows : 

" O God, the Protector of all that trust in Thee, without whom 
nothing is strong, nothing is holy," etc. 

4. The Epistle. 

Lutfaran Sources of the Book of Common Prayer. 225 

5. A German Hymn : " Nun bitten wir den Heiligen Geist," 
or some other. 

6. The Gospel. 

7. The Creed in German : " Wir glauben all in einem 

8. Sermon on the Gospel for the day. 

9. Paraphrase of the Lord s Prayer, and Exhortation to the 

10. Words of Institution. 

11. Agnus Dei in German : " O Lamm Gottes unschuldig" 

12. Distribution. 

13. Collect: 

"Almighty God, we thank Thee that Thou has refreshed us 
with this salutary gift, and we beseech Thy mercy graciously to 
strengthen us in faith towards The?, and in fervent love towards 
one another," etc. 

XIV. Benediction. 


i . When the priest comes to the altar, he may say the Confiteor. 
2. Introit or German Hymn. 3. Kyrie. 4. Gloria in Excel- 
sis. 5. " The Lord be with you," etc. 6. One or more col 
lects, according to the occasion. 7. A chapter from the Epis 
tles of Paul, Peter or John. 8. Hallelujah, with its versicle, or a 
Gradual, from Holy Scripture. 9. A chapter from the Gospels, 
or Acts. 10. The Creed, n. Sermon. 12. Exhortation. 13. 
Words of Institution. 14. Sanctus. 15. Lord s Prayer, 16. 
"The Peace of the Lord," etc. 17. Distribution, accompanied 
by the singing of the " A%nus Dei 18. Prayer of thanks 
giving: "Almighty and everlasting God, we heartily thank 
Thee," etc. 

"Almighty God, we thank Thee," as in Luther s German 
Mass. 19. Benedicamus. 20, Benediction. 

" The Lord bless thee," etc. ; or, " God be merciful unto us, 
and bless us," etc. ; or, " God, the Father, Son and Holy 
Ghost, bless and keep us ;" or "The blessing of God the Fa- 

226 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

ther, and of the Son and of the Holy Ghost, be and abide with 
us all. Amen." 

in. SAXONY (Hetzog ffeinrich, 1539). 

i. Introit de tempore. 2. Kyrie Eleison. 3. Gloria in 
Excelsis. 4. Creed (Wir glauberi). 5. Sermon. 6. Saluta 
tion. 7. Sursum Corda. 8. Prefaces. 7. Sanctus. 8. Admo 
nition with Paraphrase of Lord s Prayer, or Lord s Prayer un- 
paraphrased alone. 4. Admonition with Words of Institution, 
or Words of Institution alone. 10. Agnus Dei, on Festivals, or 
if there be many communicants, n. At close of Communion, 
Thanksgiving Collect : 

"Almighty God," as in Luther s Mass, or " Ach du lieber 
Herre Gott." 12. Benediction. 


i. Public Confession. 

" I will confess my transgression, etc. Almighty and eternal 
God and Father, we confess and lament that we are -conceived 
and born in sin, and are full of ignorance and unbelief of Thy 
divine Word ; that we are ever inclined to all evil and averse to 
all good ; that we transgress thy holy commandments without 
end ; and that thereby we have incurred everlasting death, and 
our corruption ever increaseth. But we are sorry, and crave 
Thy grace and help. Have mercy upon us all, O most merciful 
God and Father, through Thy Son, and Lord Jesus Christ. 
Grant unto us Thy Holy Spirit, that we may learn our sins, and 
thoroughly lament and acknowledge our unrighteousness ; 
and with true faith accept Thy grace and forgiveness in 
Christ, our Lord, Thy dear Son ; so that we may die more and 
more unto sin, and live a new life in Thee, and may serve and 
please Thee, to Thy glory and the profit of Thy Church. Amen. 

2. Consolation of the Gospel. 

Hear the Consolation of the Gospel : John 3 : 1 6 ; i Tim. 
1:15; John 3 : 35, 36 ; Acts 10 : 43 ; i John 2 : 1,2. 

3. Absolution. 

Lutheran Sources of the Book of Common Prayer. 227 

Our Lord Jesus Christ hath left to his Church the great conso 
lation in that he hath enjoined his ministers to remit sins unto 
all those who are sorry for their sins, and in faith and repentance 
desire to amend, and hath promised that unto all such, their 
sins shall be forgiven in Heaven. Upon this gracious com 
mand and consolation of our Lord Jesus Christ, I announce unto 
all those who are penitent for their sins, console themselves in 
our Lord Christ, and thus desire to amend their lives, the remis 
sion of all their sins, with the assurance of divine grace, and 
eternal life, through Jesus Christ, our Lord. Amen. 

4. Introit. 5. Kyrie. 6. Gloria in Excelsis. 7. " The Lord 
be with you." 8. Collect. 9. Epistle. 10. Hallelujah, Grad 
ual or Sequence, n. Gospel. 12. Exposition of Gospel (Ser 
mon). 13. General Prayer: 

"Almighty and everlasting God and Father, Thou hast com 
manded us through Thy dear Son and his Apostles, to come unto 
Thee in His name, and hast promised, that whatsoever we, when 
thus assembled, ask Thee in his name, Thou wilt graciously grant ; 
we pray Thee, in the name of Thy Son, our Lord Jesus Christ, 
first that Thou would graciously forgive us all our sin and misdeeds 
which we confess unlo Thee," etc. 

14. Creed, during the singing of which the offerings are 
gathered. 15. Warning against unworthy reception of the 
Lord s Supper. 16. " The Lord be with you," etc. 17. " Lift 
up your hearts," etc. 18. "Let us give thanks," etc. 19. "It 
is truly meet, right and salutary," etc. 20. Sanctus. 21. Words 
of Institution. 22. Lord s Prayer. 23. "The Peace of the 
Lord," etc. 24. Distribution, during which the Agnus Dei is 
sung. 25. " The Lord be with you," etc. 26. Collects, as in 
Brandenburg-Niirnberg. 27. Benediction, as in Brandenburg- 

To these, we add Bucer s tentative, but still earlier work, in the 
Strassburg Mass of 1524, although published without authority. 
This is of especial interest, because of Bucer s connection both 
with the Reformation of Cologne, and the Revision of I Edward 

228 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

i. In the Name of the Father, and of the Son and of the 
Holy Ghost. Amen. 2. Kneeling. I said, I will confess my 
sins unto the Lord. And Thou forgavest, etc. I, a poor sin 
ner, confess to God Almighty, that I have grievously sinned by 
trangression of his commandment, that I have done much which 
I should have left undone, and that I have left much undone 
which I should have done, by unbelief and want of confidence 
towards God, and by lack of love toward my neighbor. For 
this, my guilt, whereof God knows, I grieve. Be gracious, be 
merciful to me, a poor sinner. Amen. 3. This is a faithful 
saying, and worthy of all acceptation, etc. This I believe. 
Help, Thou, mine unbelief, and save me. Amen. 4. The 
priest then says to the people : God be gracious, and have 
mercy upon us all. 5. The Introit, or a Psalm. 6. Kyrie Elei- 
son. 7. Gloria in Excelsis. 8. Salutation. 9. Collect, or 
Common Prayer. 10. Epistle, n. Hallelujah. 12. Gospel. 
13. Sermon. 14. Apostles or Nicene Creed. 15. Admonition 
to Prayer. 16. Sursum Corda. 17. Prefaces. 18. Sanctus 
with Benedictus. 19. Prayer : Almighty, Merciful Father, 
as Thy Son our Lord Jesus Christ hath promised that what we ask 
in His Name, etc. 19. Words of Institution. 20. How great 
is Thy goodness, in that Thou not only hath forgiven us our sins, 
without any merit of our own, but that Thou hath given us as an 
assurance thereof, the memorial of the Body and Blood of our 
Lord Jesus Christ in the bread and wine, as Thou art wont to 
seal other promises by outward signs. Therefore we have now 
great and irrefutable assurance of Thy grace, and know that we 
are Thy children, Thine heirs, and coheirs with Christ, and that 
we may pray freely as Thine only begotten Son hath taught us, 
saying: Our Father, etc. 21. Lord, Deliver us from enemies, 
seen and unseen, from the devil, the world and our own flesh. 
Through Christ, our Lord. Amen. 22. Agnus Dei. 23. 
Lord Jesus, Christ, Thou Son of the Living God, who, by thy 
Father s will, and with the working of the Holy Ghost, hath, by 
Thy death, brought the world to life ; deliver us, by this Thy 

Lutheran Sources of the Book of Common Prayer. 229 

holy Body and Blood, from all our unrighteousness and wicked 
ness, and grant that we may alway obey Thy commandments, 
and never be separated from Thee eternally. Amen. 24. Ad 
monition to the profitable remembrance of Christ s Death. 25. 
Distribution, with the words alone of the Evangelists or Paul. 
27. Thanksgiving Hymn : 

" Gott sei gelobet und gebenedeiet 

Der unS selber hat gespeiset 

Mit seinem Fleische und mit seinem Blute, et." (Luther). 



Provision for the reading of Scripture Lessons in English. Introduction of 
Homilies. Purification of the Mass, a gradual Process. Revision of the 
Litany. The old English Litany (1410). Luther s Revision (1529). 
Cranmer s of 1544, from the Reformation of Cologne (1543), and this 
from Luther. Earlier Revision of Marshall (1535), also follows Luther. 
Luther s and Marshall s in parallel columns. Hilsey s Revision of 1539, 
dependent on Marshall. Luther s changes in the Litany, transferred to 
England, examined in detail. Dr. Blunt s singular mistake. 

As with the German, so with the English Reformation, the 
first step in reforming the service, was to provide what is the 
chief part of the service, the Holy Scriptures, in the language of 
the people. We have noted the difficulties attending the trans 
lation of the Bible, and how it gradually overcome opposition. 
First we find a proclamation of the King, of November 1 4th, 
1539, (1538) " allowing private persons to buy Bibles, and keep 
them in their houses." * Eighteen months later, May 5th, 1541 
(1540), all curates were commanded, under penalty of a fine of 
forty shillings a month, to set up Bibles in their church, in a 
convenient place for the people to read. In St. Paul s, London, 
six Bibles were thus provided.* But in accordance with his vacil 
lations, two years later, the king took measures again to suppress 
their circulation, and Grafton, the publisher, was committed to 
the Fleet for six weeks, and released only on condition that he 
would "neither sell nor imprint any more Bibles, till the King 
and clergy should agree upon a translation. . . And from hence- 

1 Strype s Cranmer, III : 387. 
J Strype s Cranmer, 1 : 191 sq. 


The Litany of the English Church. 231 

forth the Bible was stopped during the remainder of King 
Henry s reign." s 

In 1542, however, the Convocation ordered that "one chap 
ter of the New Testament in English should be read every 
Sunday and holidays, and "when the New Testament was 
through, then to begin the Old." 4 Provision was made for 
Homilies at the same time. Every morning and evening, one 
chapter of the New Testament was to be read in each parish. 
Provision was also made that "all mass books, antiphoners, 
porturses in the church of England should be corrected, re 
formed and castigated from all manner of mention of the Bishop 
of Rome s name ; and from all apocryphas, feigned legends, su 
perstitions oraisons, collects, versiclesand responses." 6 

Nothing, however, in the way of liturgical reform was effected 
during Henry s reign, except in the Litany. The Litany was 
the processional prayer of the Early Church, used especially on 
occasions of great or impending calamity, appointed as early as 
A. D. 450 by Mamertus, Bishop of Vienna, for the three days 
before Ascension Day, known as Rogation Days. It was used 
also at other times, especially during Lent, and had a powerful 
hold upon the people. It was not strange, therefore, that in 
1544, Cranmer undertook to revise it; for it had forced itself 
into the language of the people long before the Reformation, 
filled, however, with all the abominations of the worship of 

In an English Primer, according to Dr. Maskel s conjecture 
of about 1410, it is found, in a form, of which the following are 
some of the petitions : 

" Lord : Have mercy upon us. 

Christ : Have mercy upon us. 

Christ : Hear us. 

God the Father of Heavens : Have mercy upon us. 

8 Ib. p. 194. 

4 Strype s Henry VIII., 1 : 602. 

6 Ib. p. 601. 

232 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

God the Son, azenhier of the world : Have mercy upon us. 

God, the Holy Ghost : Have mercy upon us. 

The Holy Trinity of God : Have mercy upon us. 

From fleshly desires : Goqd Lord, deliver us. 

From wrath and hate and all evil will : Good Lord, deliver us. 

From pestilence of pride and blindness of heart : Good Lord, deliver us. 

From sudden and unadvised death : Good Lord, deliver us. 

From lightning and tempest : Good Lord, deliver us. 

From covetousness of vain glory : Good Lord, deliver us. 

By the privity of thine holy incarnation. 

By thy holy nativity. 

By thy blessed circumcision and Baptism. 

By thy fasting and much other penance doing. 

By thy blessed burying. 

By thy glorious rising from death. 

By thy marvelous stigying to Heaven. 

By the grace of the Holy Ghost, the Comforter. 

In the hour of our death. 

In the day of doom." 

They are accompanied by such petitions as : 
" St. Mary : pray for us. 
Holy Virgin of virgins : pray for us. 
St. Michael : pray for us. 
St. Gabriel : pray for us. 
St. Raphael : pray for us. 
All holy angels and archangels : pray for us. 
All orders of holy spirits : pray for us. 
St. John the Baptist : pray for us. 
All holy patriarchs and prophets : pray for us. 
St. Peter, Paul, Andrew, John, James, Philip, etc. 
All holy apostles and martyrs." 

Down to 

" St. Mary the Egyptian, Perpetua, Anne, Catherine, Margaret, Agatha, 
Agnes, Felicitas," etc. 

As early as 1521, when Luther was summoned to Worms, a 
Litany (Litany for the Germans) 6 was adapted at Wittenberg 

6 This is found in Luther s Works, Walch s Ed. XV : 2174 sqq. Litanei, 
das ist, demiithiger Gebet zu dem dreieinigen Gott, fur Deutschland, gehalten 
in einer gewissen beruhmten Stadt in Deutschland am Aschermittwoch. 

The Litany of the English Church. 233 

into a prayer for Luther s cause. Its petitions are not alto 
gether free from the Romish leaven and sound very strangely : 
" Christ, hear the Germans." God, the Father in heaven, have 
mercy upon the Germans. " "St. Raphael, pray for the Ger 
mans." "All holy angels and archangels, pray for the Ger 
mans." "From all evil, help the Germans." "From those 
who come to us in sheep s clothing, but inwardly are ravening 
wolves, help the Germans." " From the horrible threats, bulls 
and banns of the Pope, protect the Germans, Lord God/ 
" From all godless and heretical doctrine, cleanse the schools, 
dear Lord God. " From all unspiritual questions, protect the 
theologians, dear Lord God." " From all evil suspicions against 
Lutheranism, free the minds of the great." " We, Germans, do 
beseech Thee to hear us." "To guard and protect Martin Lu 
ther, the firm pillar of the Christian faith, as he will soon enter 
Worms, from all Venetian poison." "To support that valiant 
German Knight, Ulrich von Hutten, Luther s trusted friend, in 
his good purpose, and render him steadfast in the work under 
taken for Luther." " To testify to the Italians, Lombards and 
Romans, that Thou art Lord God." "And graciously to hear 
us, Germans." The accompanying Psalm begins: "Make 
haste, O God, to deliver us Germans." This may be character 
ized as a popular adaptation of the of Litany, in violation of 
churchly taste and character. Nevertheless it indicated that the 
Litany could readily be utilized in the service of the purified 
faith. Before March i3th, 1529, Luther had revised the Litany, 
in both German and Latin, and introduced it, as revised, into 
the service at Wittenberg. He writes that the Latin was com 
monly chanted after the sermon on Sunday by the school boys. 
He is quoted as saying that it was, next to the Lord s Prayer, the 
best that could be prated. Cranmer follows Luther closely, 
either immediately, or through the Litany in the Reformation 
of Cologne, which is Luther s. "The whole Litany very much 
resembles that of Hermann, the reforming Archbishop of Co 
logne." 7 He "had before him the litany formed upon the 

7 The Prayer Book Interleaved, p. 77. 


The Lutheran Movement in England. 

same ancient model, by Melanchthon and Bucer (1543) for Her 
mann." 8 Both the writers from whom these statements are de 
rived, have overlooked Luther s earlier work, of which Cranmer 
probably heard during his abode in Germany. Dr. Blunt knows 
of Luther s Litany, but thinks that its date was 1543. 

The relation of Cranmer s work to Luther s, becomes manifest 
when we examine the manner in which the Reformed Anglican 
Litany attained its present form. In 1535 already, a translation 
of the chief parts of the service, as a private attempt at its refor 
mation, known as Marshall s Primer, was published. It retains, 
in the Litany, the intercession of saints. With these omitted, 
it will be seen at a glance how closely it corresponds to Luther s 
Latin Litany. 

Luther, 1529. 

Kyrie, Eleison. 
Christe, Eleison. 
Kyrie, Eleison. 
Christe, Eleison. 
Pater de coelis Deus, 

Fili redemptor mundi Deus, 
Spirite sancte Deus, Miserere nobis. 

Propitius esto. 
Parce nobis, Domine. 
Propitius esto, 
Libera nos, Domine. 
Ab omni peccato, 
Ab omni errore, 
Ab omni malo, 
Ab insidiis diaboli, 


Lord, have mercy upon us. 
Christ, have mercy upon us. 
Lord, have mercy upon us. 

God the Father of heavens, have 
mercy upon us. 

God the Redeemer of this world, 
have mercy upon us. 

God the Holy Ghost, have mercy 
upon us. 

The Holy Trinity in one Godhead, 
have mercy upon us. 

Be merciful to us, 

And spare us, Lord. 

Be merciful to us. 

And deliver us, Lord. 

From all sin, 

From all error, 

From all evil, 

From all crafty trains of the evil, 

From the eminent peril of sin, 

From the posession of devils, 

From the spirit of fornication, 

From the desire of vain glory, 

From the uncleanness of mind and 

From unclean thoughts, 

From the blindness of the heart, 

8 Procter s History of Book of Common Prayer, p. 17. 

Fhe Litany of the English Church. 


Luther, 15 
A subitanea et improvisa morte, 

A peste et fame, 

A bello et caede, 

A seditione et simultate, 

A fulgure et tempestatibus, 

A morte perpetua ; 

Per mysteriumsanctae incarnationis 

Per sanctam nativitatem tuam, 

Per baptismum, jejunium et tenta- 

Per agoniam et sudorem tuum 

Per crucem et passionem tuam, 

Per mortem et sepulturam tuam, 

Per resurrectionem et ascensionem 

Per adventum Spiritus Sancti, 
Paracleti ; 

In omni tempore tribulationis nos- 

In omni tempore felicitatis nostrae, 

In hora mortis, 

In die judicii, 

Libera, nos, Domine. 


Te rogamus, audi nos ; 

Ut ecclesiam tuam sanctam Catho- 
licain regere et gubernare digneris ; 

Ut cunctos Episcopos, Pastores et 
Ministros ecclesiae in sano verbo et 
sancta vita servare digneris ; 

Ut sectas et omnia scandala tollere 

Ut errantes et seductos reducere in 
viam veritatis ; 

Ut Satanam sub pedibus nostris 
conterere digneris ; 

Ut operarios fideles in messem 
tuam mittere digneris : 

Marshall, 1535. 

From sudden and unprovided 

From pestilence and famine, 

From all mortal war, 

From lightning and tempestuous 

From seditions and schisms, 

From everlasting death ; 

By the privy mystery of thy holy 

By thy holy nativity, 

By thy baptism, fastings and temp 

By thy painful agony in sweating 
blood and water, 

By the pains and passions on thy 

By thy death and burying, 

By thy resurrection and ascension, 

By the coming of the Holy Ghost ; 
In the time of tribulations, 

In the time of our felicity, 

In the hour of death, 

In the day of judgment; 

Deliver us, Lord. 

We sinners, 

Pray thee to hear us, Lord. 

That it may please thee, Lord, to 
govern and lead thy Holy Catholic 
Church ; 

That thou vouchsafe that our bish 
ops, pastors and ministers of thy 
Church, may in holy life, and in thy 
sound and whole word, feed thy peo 

That thou vouchsafe that all per 
verse secrets and slanders may be 
avoided ; 

That thou vouchsafe, that all which 
do err and be deceived may be re 
duced into the way of verity ; 

That thou vouchsafe, that we may 
the devil, with all his pomps, crush 
under foot ; 

That thou vouchsafe to send us 
plenty of faithful workmen into thy 
harvest ; 


The Lutheran Movement in England. 


Ut incrementum Verbi et fructum 
Spiritus cunctis audientibus donare 
digneris ; 

Ut lapses erigere, et stantes com- 
fortare digneris ; 

Ut pusillanimos, et tentatos con- 
solari et adjuvare, digneris ; 

Ut regibus et principibus cunctis 
pacem et concordiam donare digneris ; 

Ut Principem nostrum cum suis 
praesidibus dirigere et tueri digneris ; 

Ut Magistratui et plebi nostrae bene- 
dicere et custodire digneris ; 

Ut efflictos et periclitantes respicere 
et salvare digneris ; 

Ut praegnantibus et lactentibus 
felicem partum et incrementum lar- 
gire digneris ; 

Ut infantes et aegros fovere et cus 
todire digneris ; 

Ut captives liberare digneris ; 

Ut pupillos et viduas protegere et 
providere digneris ; 

Ut cunctis homnibus misereri djgne- 
ris ; 

Ut hostibus, persecutoribus, et cal- 
umniatoribus nostris ignoscere et eos 
convertere digneris; 

Ut fruges terrae dare et conservare 
digneris ; 

Ut nos custodire digneris ; 
Te rogamus, audi nos. 

Agne Dei, qui tollis peccata mundi, 
Miserere nobis. 


That thou vouchsafe, Lord, to give 
the hearers of thy word lively grace 
to understand it, and to work there 
after by the virtue of the Holy Ghost ; 

That all extreme poverty, thou 
please, Lord, to recomfort ; 

That they which are weak in vir 
tue, and soon overcome in temptation, 
thou, of thy mercy, wilt help and 
strengthen them ; 

That thou vouchsafe to give univer 
sal peace amongst all kings and other 
rulers ; 

That thou vouchsafe to preserve 
our most gracious sovereign lord and 
King, Henry VIII, his most gracious 
queen Anne, all their posterity, aid 
ers, helpers and true subjects; 

That our ministers and governors 
may virtuously rule thy people ; 

That thy people in affliction, or in 
peril and danger, by fire, water, or 
land, thou wilt vouchsafe to defend 
and preserve ; 

That teeming women may have 
joyful speed in their labor ; 

That all young orphans and sick 
people, thou please, Lord, to nourish 
and provide for; 

That all being captive, or in pris 
ons, thou wilt send deliverance ; 

That unto all people, Lord, thou 
wilt show thine inestimable mercy ; 

That thou wilt forgive all warriors, 
persecutors, and to convert them to 
grace ; 

That the fruits, Lord, on the earth, 
may give good increase, and that thou 
wilt conserve them ; 

That Thou, Lord, wilt hear our 
Prayer ; 

We pray Thee to hear us. 

O the very Son of God, 

We pray Thee to hear us. 

O Lamb of God, which taketh away 
the sins of the world, 

Have mercy on us. 

The Litany of the English Church. 


Luther, 1529. 
Agne Dei, etc. 
Miserere, etc 
Agne Dei, etc. 
Dona nobis pacem. 
Christe, Exaudi nos. 
Kyrie, Eleison. 
Christe, Eleison. 
Kyrie, Eleison. Amen. 
Pater noster, etc. 

Vers, Domine, non secundum fec- 
cata nostra facias nobis. 

Ans, Neque secundum iniquitates 
nostras, retribuas nobis. 

Deus misericors Pater, qui contri- 
torum non despicis gemitum, et 
moerentium non spernis afFectum, 
adesto precibus nostris quas in afflic- 
tionibus, quae jugiter nos premunt, 
coram te effundimus, casque clementer 
exaudi, etc. 

Vers. Peccavimus, Domine, cum 
Patribus nostris. 

Ans. Injuste egimus, iniquitatem 

Deus, qui deliquentes perire non 
pateris, donee convertantur et vivant, 
debitam, quaesumus, peccatis nostris 
suspende vindictara, et praesta propi- 
tius, ne dessimulatio cumulet ultion- 
em, sed tua pro peccatis nostris 
misericordia semper abundet. 

Luther adds three collects : 
" Omnipotens aeterne Deus, cujus 
Spiritu;" "Omnipotens Deus, qui 
nos in tantis periculis constitutes ;" 
and " Parce, Domine, parce pec 

O Lamb of God, etc. 
Have mercy on us, etc. 
O Lamb of God, etc. 
Give peace and rest upon us. 

O Lord, hear thou my prayer 
That my calling may come unto thee. 

O Omnipotent and merciful God, 
the Father eternal, which dost not 
despise us sinners, bewailing with 
contrite heart for offending the high 
majesty, we pray thee, by thy holy 
grace and mercy, to draw us near to 
thee, to hear our prayers, to forgive 
our offences, and to comfort us in our 
afflictions, etc. 

We have sinned -with our forefath 

Iniquity have -we wrought -with un 
just living. 

Lord, God, which dost not suffer 
sinners to perish and die in their 
works, but rather wilt that they shall 
convert and live, we humbly pray 
thee to forgive us now, while we have 
time and space. And give us grace 
that we do not abound in sin, nor in 
iniquity, no more, lest Thou, Lord, be 
wroth with us, etc. 

Marshall adds one collect : 

" O most high and mighty Lord 

God and King of peace," etc. , for the 

King and counsellors, etc. 

In 1539, Bishop Hilsey, of Rochester, at the commandment 
of Crumwell, prepared a "Primer," giving us the first official 
form of the Reformed English Litany. It very closely follows 
Marshall, reducing the number of saints, but including the arch 
angels, apostles, evangelists and a few martyrs, confessors and 
virgins. In other respects, the correspondence with Luther of 

238 The Lutheran. Movement in England. 

1529, while not as close, in general continues. The closing 
collects differ. 

In the Litany prepared in 1544, which is that of the Book 
of Common Prayer, the simple Kyrie was omitted, and a begin 
ning made with its expanded paraphrase, to -which "miserable 
sinners was added, the dogmatic statement of the procession 
being inserted in the third petition. The Ne reminiscaris was 
transferred from the close of the Penitential Psalms, to the begin 
ning of the deprecations. The deprecations themselves are multi 
plied from the pre-Reformation English Litanies. Luther s Litany, 
after the Roman, furnished : "From Sin." Luther s German 
Litany of 1529, suggested the double translation of " Insidiis " 
as " crafts and assaults " (Trug und List*) " of the devil," and, 
as in 1535, the translation of " perpetua" as * everlasting 1 (fur 
den ewigen Tod}. A more accurate rendering of the Latin of 
1529, than that of Marshall gives "From battle and murder" 
" Sudden and unforseen death," found even in Sarum, however, 
has been changed into "Sudden," while Luther s German, fol 
lowed by Reformation of Cologne, has made it " bo sen schnellen 
Tod." The Obsecrations almost precisely reproduce Luther s 
Latin, adding however "Circumcision," changing "Tempta 
tions" into the singular, and omitting "Comforter" from "By 
the coming of the Holy Ghost." The intercessions are ex 
panded, and the order is changed for apparent reasons. While 
Luther s Litany defers praying for temporal rulers until the tenth 
intercession, the Litany of 1544? according to Henry s preten 
sions as Head of the Church, inserts five petitions for him before 
that for bishops and pastors. In the American "Book of Com 
mon Prayer," this inversion has not been changed, and prayers 
for temporal, are made in Episcopal churches before those for 
spiritual rulers, even with the assumption which the change de 
clares no longer received. The " Bishops, Priests and deacons " 
of the Prayer Book are the " Bishoffe, Pfarrherr und Kirchen- 
diener" of Luther s German. Concerning the petition : "To 
give to all thy people an increase of grace," Blunt says: "A 

The Litany of the English Church. 239 

beautiful combination of the passage about the good ground with 
James i: 21 and Gal. 5: 22. Its date is 1544." Cf. how 
ever Luther (1529) above : " Ut incrementum Vtrbi" etc. So 
also all the clauses which he is unable to trace to earlier English 
Litanies or Roman use, and assigns to 1544; but which are 
found already in the Primer of 1535. Marshall s probable misun 
derstanding of Luther s Latin is rectified in the petition : " That 
it may please Thee to strengthen such as do stand, and to com 
fort and help the weak-hearted, and to ra ; se up them that fall." 
So also Luther is again more accurately rendered in the " To 
beat down Satan under our feet," and while not precisely, yet 
far more nearly than in 1535, in the clause : "To succour, help 
and comfort." Of the intercession : " To defend and provide 
for the fatherless children and widows, and all that are desolate 
and oppressed, Blunt says : One of the tenderest petitions in 
the Prayer Book, and full of touching significance, as offered to 
Him who entrusted His Mother to His Apostle. It was placed 
here in 1544 (the words being clearly suggested by such passages 
as Ps. 146: 9; Jer. 49: n)." Again Luther has been over 
looked, even though Hermann of Cologne, is referred to : " Ut 
pupillos ei viduas protegere et providcre. " So in the next peti 
tion, "expressing" as the same author says, "the same all 
comprehensive charity," Cranmer turned from Marshall to Luther, 
and translated literally: " Tb t it may please thee, to have 
mercy upon all men." The aa,me may be said of the next 

The versicle and collect that directly follow the Litany, are 
from Luther. Dr. Blunt gives the form of the collect from the 
Sarum Mass in his parallel with the English ; but Cranmer fol- 
loweu Luther with all his variations from that text. Into that 
co iect, Luther inserts, or follows an ther text that inserts: 
Misericors Pater" and the English Litany reads : " O God, 
Merciful Father." Sarum reads : quas pietati tuae pro tribu- 
lationc nostra offerimus ; Luther : quas in afflictionibus quae 
jugitct nos premunt cor am te effundimus;" and then, the English 

240 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

Litany; "That we make before thee in all our troubles and 
adversities whensover they oppress us." Sarum reads: 
" Imp to rante s ut nos clementer respicias;" Luther: " Ensque 
clementer exaudi;" and then, the English Litany: " And gra 
ciously hear us. " It is certainly very patronizing for Dr. Blunt 
to remark : " Hermann s and Luther s form is very like ours. 9 
But it is still more surprising to read his remark : " It is some 
what doubtful whether in the case ot the Litany, our English 
form was not in reality the original 01 that in Hermann s 
book ! ! " In a foot-note, he adds that Cranmer had married 
a niece of Osiander, who is said to have prepared the Nuremberg 
formularies for Luther" etc. Can it be, that any one could 
think of tracing the liturgical reformation of the Lutheran 
Church, in this way, to an English source > It certainly is in 
verting history 1 

The English Litany thus formed was set forth for public use, 
June nth, 1544. With it ended the work of liturgical reform 
in the reign of Henry VIII., the Primer of 1545 excepted, which 
has significance only as an aid to the more thorough preparation 
of what was to follow, and not for its influence on public wor 

9 Introduction to " Annotated Book of Common Prayer" p. xxvii. 



* The Order of March 1548. First Exhortation traced to Cassel Order of 1539. 
Second, from Volprecht of Niirnberg, 1524. Idea of the Admonition 
from the Cassel Order. Prayer of Confession from the Cologne Order. 
Absolution compared with that of Cologne, in parallel columns. Origin 
of the Formula of Distribution. Expansion of this in 1549. Later Cal- 
vinistic Modifications. Hilles Testimony of 1549. 

THE death of Henry, and the accession of Edward, at length 
gave Crumwell the opportunity to carry out his plans of a thor 
ough reform of the liturgical and doctrinal formulas. After 
giving his first attention, in lack of a ministry properly trained 
in purity of doctrine, to the preparation of "Homilies," to fur 
nish the churches with sound preaching, and, of a Catechism, 
for the instruction of children, he began the reformation of the 
Communion Service. For this purpose, a commission of bishops 
assembled in January, 1548 ; and early in March, the results of 
their deliberations were published, that the formula might be in 
troduced the succeeding Easter. It was a mere temporary pro 
vision to supplement the Latin Mass ; but has left its impression 
upon the service afterwards provided. It begins with an exhor 
tation to be made by the minister, "the next Sunday, or holy 
day or at the least one day before he shall minister the com 
munion." This exhortation is constructed after the model of the 
first exhortation in the Reformation of Cologne, which, in turn, 
was taken from the Cassel Order of 1539. The second exhorta 
tion, the third in the Book of Common Prayer, was constructed after 
the model of the second in the Reformation of Cologne, which 
is the Niirnberg Exhortation of Volprecht (1524). Then fol- 
17 (241) 

242 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

lowed a warning : "If any man here be an open blasphemer, 
an advouterer, in malice or envy, or any other notable crime," 
etc, which follows the idea of the conclusion of the Cassel Ex 
hortation, where the offences against each commandment are 
briefly enumerated, and those guilty of such sins, and impeni 
tent, are urged not to come to communion. The prayer of confes 
sion is an adaptation of that in the Reformation of Cologne, as 
contained in the order given above. The "Absolution" is a 
free rendering of the Reformation of Cologne. 

Unser lieber Herre Jesu hat seiner 
Kirchen den hohen trost verlassen, 
das er seinen dieneren betbhlen hatt, 
alien denen, welche ihre siinden 
leidt sindt, im glauben und vertrauen, 
und sich zu besseren begehren die 

Our blessed Lord, who hath left 
power to his Church, to absolve peni 
tent sinners from their sins, and to re 
store to the grace of the Heavenly 
Father such as truly believe in Christ, 

siind zuverzeihen, etc. 

The "comfortable words" are taken from .ne same source, 
where, however, they precede the Absolution. "The prayer of 
humble access " seems to have been derived from another source. 
The formula of distribution adopts from the Niirnberg formula, 
the clauses "which was given for thee," " which was shed for 
thee," etc., unknown to the Mass, Roman and Sarum. This 
addition was in accordance with Luther s declaration in the 
Small Catechism, that the words "given and shed for you," 
were besides the bodily eating and drinking the principal parts 
of the Sacrament, and with the prescription of the Reformation 
of Cologne that "ministers should always admonish the people 
with great earnestness to lay to heart the words given for you, 
shed for you for the remisssion of sins. In other respects 
the formula resembles that of Schw.-Hal. (Brentz) of 1543: 
" The body of our Lord Christ, preserve thee unto everlasting 
life. The blood of our Lord Christ cleanse thee from all thy 
sins. Amen;" the English formula of 1548 being: "The 
body of our Lord Jesus Christ, which was given for thee, pre 
serve thy body unto everlasting life. The blood of our Lord 
Jesus Christ, which was shed for thee, preserve thy soul to ever 
lasting life." 

The Communion Service of the English Church. 243 

This form was expanded into that of the Book of Common 
Prayer of 1549, where the Communion Service takes the follow 
ing form : 

i. Collect for Purity. (From Sar. and Rom. Missals.) 2. 
Kyrie. 3. Gloria in Excelsis. 4. Salutation and Response. 5. 
Collect for day, with one for the King. 6. Epistle. 7. Gos 
pel. 8. Nicene Creed. 9. Exhortation (based on Volprecht s). 
10. Passages of Scripture, instead of Offertory, n. Salutation 
and Response. 12. Sursum Corda. 13. Preface. 14. Sanc- 
tus. 15. Prayer of Consecration, including words of institu 
tion (modelled after Sarum, and also following,* in part, Cassel 
and Cologne), closing with the Lord s Prayer. 16. Pax. 17. 
Christ our Paschal Lamb, is offered up, etc. 18. Invitation. 
19. Confession (Cologne). 20. Absolution (Cologne). 21. 
Comfortable Words (Cologne). 22. Prayer of Humble Access 
(Eastern). 23. Distribution, during which the Agnus Dei is 
sung. 24. Scripture passages after Communion. 25. Salutation. 
26. Prayer of Thanksgiving from the Brandenburg-Nurnberg 

Brandenburg- Nilrnberg, 1533. 
O Almechtigcr ewiger Gott, wir 
sagen deiner Gotlichen miltigkeit lob 
und danck, das du uns mil dem hayl- 
samen flaysch und blut, deines ayni- 
gen Suns Jesu Christi, unsers Hernn 
gespeyst und getrenckt hat, etc. 

ist Edward, 1549. 
Almighty and everlasting God, we 
most heartily thank thee, for that thou 
hast vouchsafed to feed us in these 
holy Mysteries, with the spiritual food 
of the most precious body and blood 
of thy Son, our Saviour Jesus Christ, 


The increasing influence of Calvinism is shown in 1552 by the 
insertion of the Ten Commandments, probably as Procter sup 
poses from the formula of Pollanus, but having the precedent of 
the Lutheran Order of Frankfort, 1530, and the change of the 
words of distribution into "Take and eat this, in remembrance 
that Christ died for thee, and feed on him in thy heart by faith, 
with thanksgiving." "Drink this, in remembrance that Christ s 
blood was shed for thee, and be thankful." In 1559 both form 
ulas were combined. In 1552 the Lord s Prayer was transferred 
to the post-communion service, and the Gloria in Excehis placed 
after the Brandenbuig-Niirnberg Thanksgiving Collect. 

244 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

It is certainly not remarkable that in June 1549, four days be 
fore the first Book of Edward appeared, Hilles wrote to Bullin- 
ger concerning the "Order of Communion:" "We have a 
uniform communion of the eucharist throughout the entire realm, 
yet after the manner of the Niirnberg churches and some of the 
Saxons. The bishops and magistrates, present no obstruction to 
the Lutherans." 1 The most un-Lutheran part is the Consecra- 
tory Prayer, where prayer for saints, and other Romanizing ele 
ments still remain, the formula of Cologne being followed only 
in its beginning. 

1 Original Letters, CXXI. ; also in Procter, p. 26. 



The Ancient Matin Service. The Lutheran Revision of the Matin Service. 
Luther s Explanation of its parts. The typical Lutheran Ma,tin Service 
and that of Edward VI.; in parallel columns. The earlier English Ma 
tin Service. The Vesper Service of I Edward VI. Kliefoth s Expla 
nation of the Structure of the Lutheran Matin and Vesper Services. I. 
Edward s Substitution of Psalms for Introits according to Luther s 
Formula Missae of 1523. Not followed by the Lutheran churches. 
Loss of Introits by English Church. The Collects in the Lutheran Or 
ders. Why the English Church anticipated the Lutheran, in revision 
of the ancient Collects. New Collects. Gospels and Epistles in the 
two systems. Minor Variations explained. How the English Orders 
sometimes follow Luther, where he has not been followed in the Luth 
eran Church. 

IN noticing the later changes in the Communion Service, we 
have anticipated the historical order. The commission which 
prepared the temporary order for communion, continued its la 
bors, and by the close of the year had the entire book ready to 
be submitted to the King, by whom it was laid before Parlia 
ment, and was finally published, Pentecost, 1549 (June Qth). 
The chief members of the commission besides Cranmer, "were 
probably Ridley, Goodrich, Holbeach, May, John Taylor, 
Haynes and Cox." (Procter.) 

The "Order for Daily Morning Prayer" of the English 
Church does not grow, like the Hauptgottcsdienst of the Lutheran 
Church, entirely from the Communion Service or Mass of the 
Ancient Church but from its Matin Service, to which it appends 
that of the Mass. The Matin was the early service before day, pro- 
vided not for the laity, but for the clergy alone. From the very 


The Lutheran Movement in England. 

beginning, Luther pointed out the great profit which would be 
derived by an adjustment of it to the uses of schools, (1523). 
" For Matins, of three lessons . . are nothing but words of di 
vine Scripture ; and it is beautiful, yea, necessary that the boys 
be accustomed to reading and hearing the Psalms and the lessons 
of the Holy Scriptures." (1526): "Early, about five or six, 
several psalms are sung as at Mass ; then there is a sermon on the 
Epistle for the day, chiefly for the sake of domestics, that they 
may be cared for and hear God s Word, since they cannot attend 
other preaching. Afterwards there is an antiphon, and the 
Te deurn laudamus, Benedictus, with the Lord s Prayer, Collects 
and the Benedicamu* domine." 

This simple service is almost precisely that of the Prayer Book 
of 1549. It is interesting to compare it with the old Lutheran 
Matin Service given in Lohe s Agende. 


[Schleswig-Holstein (Bugenhagen, 
1542) begins with, Creed; Lord s 
Prayer ] 

O Lord, Open thou my lips 

And my mouth shall, etc. 

O God, make speed to, etc. 

O Lord, make haste to, etc. 

Gloria Patri. 


Venite, Ps. XCV. 

Gloria Patri. 


O satisfy us early with thy, etc. 

And we will be glad, etc. 

One to three psalms. 

Gloria Patri at end of each. 

First Lesson. 

[" Ordinarily from the Old Testa 
ment," Prussian KO, 1525.] 

Te Deum. 

Second Lesson. 



Lord s Prayer. 

ist Edward VI. 

Lord s Prayer. 

O Lord, open thou my lips 

And my mouth shall show, etc. 

O God, make speed to save me. 

O Lord, make haste to help me. 

Gloria Patri. 


Venite, Ps XCV. 

Gloria Patri. 

Certain psalrns. 

Gloria Patri at end of each. 

Old Testament Lesson. 

Te Deum or Benedicite. 

New Testament Lesson. 1 




J Cf. direction from Schleswig-Holstein, 1542: "The Lessons should be 
taken only from .the Bible,!, e. from.the Old and New Testaments " 

Morning and Evening Services of English Church. 247 

Versicle and Response. 
Salutation and Response. 
Several Collects, the first 
for the day. 

Salutation and Response. 


Lord s Prayer. 
Versicles and Responses. 
Salutation and Response. 
Collect of day, followed by collect 
for peace and for grace. , 

Let this be compared with the far more complex Matin Ser 
vice in Bishop Hilsey s Primer of 1539, or Henry s of 1545, and 
the determining influence of the Lutheran liturgies will be 

The same may be said of the Order for Evensong of 1549. 
We give it for comparison with the Vesper Service, familiar to 
many of our readers from its place in the Common Order of the 
Lutheran Church : 

Lord s Prayer. O God, make speed to save us. O Lord, 
make haste to help us. Gloria Patri. Hallelujah. Psalms in 
Order. Old Testament Lesson. Magnificat. New Testament 
Lesson. Nunc Dimittis. Same suffrages as at Matins. Collects. 

Concerning the structure of the Lutheran Matin and Vesper 
Services, which have been thus followed by the Church of Eng 
land, Kliefoth 2 has some observations that may be of importance 
to our readers : 

The Matins begin with an introduction consisting of the 
Domine labia mea, Dtus in adjutorium and Vtnite, in which 
God is, on the one hand, invoked to grant his aid against all 
enemies and hindrances to the preaching of his Word ; and the 
congregation, on the other hand, is invited, by such proclama 
tion and confession, to call upon the Lord. Then follows the 
psalmody, consisting of Psalms 1-109 i n order, and when they are 
finished, beginning anew. While, however, the contents of the 
psalms are general and always identical, regard to the facts of 
salvation which the day affords in accordance with the order 
of the Church Year, is had by the antiphons which they include. 
Following the psalmody is the reading of Scripture ; the entire 
Scripture is read continuously, but, again, with regard to 

2 LiturgiscJu Abhandliyigen, VIII., 179 sqq. 

248 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

the Church Year, the chief facts or fundamental thoughts con 
tained in what is read being always presented by the responsories. 
But after the congregation has been fed by the Word of God 
in the two-fold form of psalmody and lesson, it allows the Word 
of God to bring forth fruit ; and such fruit appears in the hym- 
nody. The Te Deum and the Benedictus, or a hymn and the . 
Benedictus, or a hymn and the Athanasian Creed are sung ; for 
in singing the Athanasian Creed or Te Deum or Benedictus, we 
make confession of our acceptance of the salvation which has 
been heard from the Word of God, and bring the sacrifice of the 
fruit of our lips ; since when a hymn or the Te Deum or the Ben- 
tdictus is sung, God and his salvation is praised and the sacri 
fices of thanksgiving are offered. At the same time, this 
hymnody gives Matins the character of Morning Worship, 
since a morning hymn is naturally chosen. But a Christian not 
only has to thank and praise God ; hence, following the hymn is 
the act of supplication ; in the Kyrie, God s mercy is implored, 
the Lord s Prayer, the common prayer of all children of God is 
prayed, and finally everything is summarized in the Collect, 
which, since it is de temper e, recurs again to the particular fact 
of salvation given in the Church Year, and presented already by 
the antiphons of the psalms and the hymn. Nothing then re 
mains, but finally in the Benedicamus, to implore God s bless 
ing. All this is both liturgically and musically connected in the 
closest and most beautiful manner; between the various parts, 
there ascends unto Heaven, at intervals (after the Deus in adju- 
torium, after the Psalms, after the responsories, after the Bene- 
dictu^) the Gloria Patri, bearing the whole as a morning offering 
to the throne of grace. The Matin Service, therefore, can be 
simply arranged in the succession of: "Introduction, Psalmody, 
Lessons, Hymnody, Prayer and Conclusion." 

We find precisely the same succession in Vespers. The dis 
tinction is confined to the somewhat briefer arrangement of the 
introduction, the use of the Vesper (Ps. 110-150) instead of the 
Matin psalms, and the difference of Hymnody. The last is 

Morning and Evening Services of English Church. 249 

the most important distinction between Vespers and Matins, as 
it is given thereby the character of an Evening Service of Prayer. 
In Vespers, it is not the jubilant Te Deum, nor the morning 
hymns, but the Magnificat and the Nunc Dimittis and evening 
hymns, that are sung ; and the Nunc dinriltis is a hymn of part 
ing, for the close of the day, as well as for the close of life. 
Thus there is in Lutheran Matins and Vespers, a structure just as 
thoughful, as in the chief service. It has here just as fixed an 
order and organization, and, yet, with this, provision is made 
for the richest impartation of the entire divine word, and the 
most careful adaptation to the peculiarities of the seasons and 
days of the Church Year." 

Next to the orders for " Matins and Evensong throughout the 
year," the Liturgy of 1549 gives the variable parts of the service 
for each day of the Church Year. 

The Introits are not those of the Roman or Sarum Missals, but 
entire psalms, viz., i. Sunday in Advent, Psalm i. 2d, Ps. 120. 
3d, Ps. 4. 4th, Ps. 5. Christmas Day, At First Communion, Ps. 
98 ; At Second Communion, Ps. 8. St. Stephen s Day, Ps. 
52, etc. 

This change was made according to Luther s advice in 1523, 
when in his " Formula Missae" he writes : " We would pref<r 
psalms." In this, however, he was not followed by the Luth 
eran churches generally. The liturgy of Schwabach Hall of 1526, 
however, directs that for the Introit, psalms be sung. In the 
Lutheran Church, the retention of the Introit was attended with 
no little difficulty. It was sung neither by the pastor, nor by 
the people, but by the choir ; as announcing to both the leading 
thought that the Lord had for his Church on that day. There 
was much trouble encountered in its translation. In the Latin, 
each Introit had its own musical arrangement, and to such a de 
gree was the effort made to give each word and shade of thought 
its proper tone, that it is impossible to sing the Introits transla 
ted into German, according to the setting which they have in 
Latin. 3 For a time in some orders, the Introit of the leading 

8 Kliefoth s Litiirgische Abhandlnngen, VI : 224. 

250 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

festivals was used on the Sundays belonging to the period of 
which it was the center, thus rendering such difficulties less nu 
merous. But they all were finally overcome ; and the Luth 
eran Service rejoices in the retention of the old Introits. In the 
English Church, the substitution of the Psalms was unsatisfac 
tory, for the reason that no series of Psalms can. be used to 
express the precise thought of each Sunday and, therefore, in the 
revision of 1552, they fell out. Wheatly has some just observa 
tions on the defect caused by this suppression of the Introits.* 

As with the Introits, so with the Collects, the Lutheran Orders 
encountered peculiar difficulties in adapting them to the revised 
service. They are in the original so condensed, and so much 
of the form often depends upon alliteration and other peculiari 
ties not readily translatable, that time was required for this work. 
Besides this, in a number, though, as Luther remarks in his For 
mula Missae, not in most of those for Sunday, unevangelical doc 
trine had entered, of which they had to be purged. In the Ro 
man Church, contrary to the order of Gregory where but one 
occurs, three Collects were read together, the first being that of 
the day. Luther insisted that there should be one Collect, and, 
for the time, thought that this, instead of being varied every 
Sunday, should be more frequently repeated, in order that the 
people, by becoming familiar with it, might the more heartily en 
ter into its spirit. The Brandenburg-Nlirnberg Order contains, 
therefore, eighteen Collects, without designation of day, one each 
for the Birth of Christ, the Passion of Christ, Easter, Ascension 
Day, Whitsunday, Trinity, the Coming of God s Kingdom, the 
Doing of God s Will, and two Pro pace. Soon the attempt 
was made to compose anew Collects for each Sunday, the most 
noted being those of Veit Dietrich, pastor of St. Sebald s Niirn- 
berg, (Wittenberg, 1541,) and of Johann Matthesius, (Niirnberg, 
1 5 68,) a rich collection for all Sundays and Festivals appearing also 
in the Oesterreich unter Ems Order of 1571. The Lutheran 
Church was, therefore, anticipated by the Church of England, 

* Rational Illustration of Book of Common Prayer^ p. 205. 

Morning and Evening Services of English Church. 251 

in the work of the more complete revision of the old Collects. 
This was undoubtedly owing partly to the far greater ease with 
which translations of prayers could be made from Latin into 
English, than from Latin into German, the Latin elements in 
the English offering much aid ; for it must not be forgotten that, 
in devotional language, only the very simplest words are allow 
able, and a single technical and scientific term, on the one hand, 
or a colloquial phrase, on the other, would mar an entire Collect. 
The compilers of the Book of 1549, however, also followed the 
example of the Lutheran reformers of the Service, in substituting 
for the old Collects a number which they either composed or, in 
some cases, probably derived from Lutheran sources. The new 
Collects of 1549 are those for I., II. Advent, Second for Christ 
mas day, Quinquagesima, Ash Wednesday, I. Lent, I., II. p. 
Easter, Sts. Thomas, Matthias, Mark, Philip and James, Barna 
bas, John the Baptist, Peter, James the Apostle, Matthew, Luke, 
Simon and Jude and All Saints , Days, changes being made in 
those for Sexagesima, Sunday p. Ascension, Conversion of St. 
Paul and St. Bartholomew. 

The Gospels and Epistles of I. Edward VI. and of the Luth 
eran Orders, exhibit only a few variations. Some of these are 
more noticeable in the Second Book (1552), as e. g. where in the 
First Book, provision is made for two communion services on 
Christmas and Easter, double sets of lessons are given, in the 
Second Book, with only one Communion Service, the lessons for 
the second Christmas Service, and for the first Easter Service are 
adopted, while the permanent lessons in the Lutheran Church 
become those for first Christmas Service, and the second Easter 
Service. These differences thus are entirely those of a later 
time. Luther in 1524* gave Heb. i : 1-12, and John i : 1-14, 
as the lessons for High Mass, on Christmas the Day after the proper 
lessons for Tit. 2 : 11-15 and Luke 2 : 1-14- The use of Sam m 
shows the former lessons as those for Christmas at Midnight, and 
the latter as those for the third mass. 

*Erl.Ed. LXIII: 175. 

252 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

The Gospels and Epistles of the four Sundays in Advent in 
the Lutheran and Anglican Churches differ from those in the Ro 
man Missal, the latter omitting the pericope of our Lord s trum- 
phal entry, and the corresponding epistle on I. Advent, and 
transferring thither the lessons for II. Advent ; and then transfer- 
ing to II. Advent, those of III. Advent ; to III. Advent, those of 
IV. Advent ; and as those for IV. Advent, prescribing Luke 3 : i 
sqq. for the Gospel, and i Cor. 4 : i sq. for Epistle, a modern 
change on the part of Rome, contrary to the testimony of the older 
Orders. So too especially in the latter part of the Church Year, 
Rome has made many changes in the lessons of the Ancient 
Church, which the Lutheran Church has retained. 

On the Sunday after Christmas, I. Edward introduced, instead 
of the Gospel of both the Sarum and Lutheran Orders, the Gospel 
for Christinas eve, and the Midnight Christmas Service, Matth. 
i : i sqq., services for which the English Reformers made no 
provision, but whose Gospel they deemed it important to retain. 
For Palm Sunday, Luther in 1524 prescribed two Gospels, 6 one 
for the day generally used in the Lutheran Church ; the other for 
the Mass, Matth. 26, 27, adopted by I. Edward, and also even to 
the present used in many Lutheran churches, as part of the Pas 
sion History. If we find a divergence on XXV. Sunday p. 
Trinity between the lessons of the two Churches, a reference to 
Luther, 1524, shows that those prescribed by him are the same 
as those of I. Edward, viz., Epistle: Jerem. 23: 5-8; Gospel: 
John 6; 5-14. 7 That is, the difference is, that the English Re 
formers followed Luther s " Register of Epistles and Gospels," 
while the Lutheran Orders followed those adopted by Luther in 
his Postils. 

6 Erl. Ed. LXIII: 192. 

7 Ib. p. 218. 



Archbishop Laurence s Testimony. The English Introduction, with Luth 
eran Sources. The Rubrics traced to Lutheran Orders. The English 
Baptismal Exhortation, with its original in parallel columns. Palmer s 
difficulty explained. A prayer from Luther. Blunt, Palmer, Procter 
on the Prayer. Hofling s Investigations. The Sign of the Cross and ac 
companying words, from the Cologne Order. The Exorcism, from Lu 
ther. Palmer on the Lutheran origin of what follows. History of clos 
ing Collect. An Address, from Osiander. Development of Address in 
Brandenburg-Niirnberg, Cassel, Wiirtemberg and I. Edward VI. Bap 
tism in Private Houses. Conditional Baptism. 

CONCERNING the Order for the Ministration of Baptism, Arch 
bishop Laurence says : l " The office of our own Church is prin 
cipally borrowed from the Lutherans." Dr. Blakeney, with like 
frankness: "The address is borrowed, to a great extent, from 
the Reformed Service of Cologne. . . The first prayer is derived 
from a form which is attributed to Luther. . . In the selection 
of the Gospel, our Reformers have followed not the Sarum office 
. . but the Cologne. . . The collect is taken from the same 
service," 2 etc. So Blunt, Campion andBeaumont, Warren, etc., 
etc. That Archbishop Laurence is right in saying that it was 
principally borrowed, from the Lutherans, will be manifest on an 
examination of the Order of 1549. 

1 Bampton Lectures, p. 183. 

2 The Book of Common Prayer in its History and Interpretation, p. 510 

( 2 53) 

254 The Lutheran Movement in England. 


" It appeareth by ancient writers, that the Sacrament of Bap 
tism in the old time, was not commonly ministered but at two 
times in the year, at Easter and Whitsuntide, at which times it 
was openly ministered in the presence of all the congregation." 

Schw.Hall (1526, Brentz) : "In the first churches, only two times 
were appointed for Baptism, Easter and Pentecost." , 

Cologne (1543): "It is known that the ancients baptized only on 
Easter and Pentecost." 

Nassau (1536, Sarcerius) : " Baptism should be administered on fes 
tival days, before the assembled congregation." 

" Which custom (now being grown out of use) although it 
cannot for many considerations be well restored again, yet it is 
thought good to follow the same as near as conveniently may be : 
Wherefore the people are to be admonished, that it is most con 
venient that Baptism should not be ministered, but upon Sun 
days and other holy days, when the most number of people may 
come together." 

Cologne, (1543) : " But since it perhaps would not be so suitable to 
restore such times to their old position, Holy Baptism, if the children be 
not sickly, and there be anxiety about deferring it unto the holy day, 
must not be given until the holy days when the people and church of 
God are together." 

Cf. Wiirtemb. (1553 but, doubtless, from an earlier Order) : " Nev 
ertheless we deem it more profitable that, except from the necessity of 
their weakness, children should be presented for Baptism, not at the time 
when there are no church assemblies,but on a Sunday, or other festival 
days, or upon a weekday, where there be preaching, or a large number 
of people come together." 

" As well for that the congregation there present may testify 
the receiving of them, that be newly baptized, into the number 
of Christ s Church, as also because in the Baptism of Infants, 
every man present may be put in remembrance of his own pro 
fession made to God in his Baptism." 

Schw, Hall (1526) : " Whereby they not only do a kindness unto the 
child by public prayer, but every one is admonished of his Baptism, that 
he direct his life accordingly." 

The Order of Baptism in the English Church. 255 

Sax. Vis. Articles (1528) : Thus Baptism is not only a sign to chil 
dren, but also draws and admonishes adults to repentance." Cf. 
Wilrtemb. (1553). 

For which cause also, it is expedient that Baptism be minis 
tered in the English tongue. 

Schw. Hall (1526) : " It is not only useless, but unreasonable to bap 
tize in a strange language." 

Wurtemb. (1537) : " Baptism should be ministered in German.". 

" Nevertheless (if necessity so require) children ought at all 
times to be baptized, either at the church or else at home." 

Schw Hall (1526) : " Baptism may, as necessity requires, be admin 
istered at all times and places " 

Nassau (1536) : " Baptism should be administered on festival days 
before the assembled congregation, but dare not be denied sick chil 

Cologne (1543) : " Where there be not danger of death . . where 
the child be not sickly. . . But if this cannot be, the child shall be bap 
tized at any time when brought. For, without Holy Baptism, they 
must not be allowed, so far as we concerned, to depart." 

The rubric directs that information of the desire to have the 
child baptized, be given, "overnight or in the morning," while 
the Reformation of Cologne prescribes that it be given "in good 
time." The question is first asked whether the child be bap 
tized or not, evidently in order that where Lay or Noth-taufe 
have occurred, parents may be prevented from any such erron 
eous practice as that of a supposed rebaptism. Such practice the 
Prussian Order of 1525 explicitly forbids, as " a blasphemy of holy 
baptism." Hence the Brandenburg-Niirnberg Order of 1533 ex 
plicitly states : "The priest shall first ask, whose the child is, 
what it shall be named, and whether it have received Jachlaufe, " 
(Lay Baptism), and the Reformation of Cologne : "The pas 
tors should ask whether in haste they have before received Bap 
tism", or, as it is called, genothtavft sein. For if this have oc 
curred according to the proper order, the pastors should main 
tain the order." 

The service begins with an Exhortation, which most English 


The Lutheran Movement in England. 

writers trace to the Reformation of Cologne. It is unworthy of 
Blunt s scholarship that he tries to resolve the connection of the 
two formulas into a mere suggestion. Nor does he seem to be 
acquainted with more than the opening sentence. The exhorta 
tion is older than the Reformation of Cologne. In its first form, 
it was prepared by Luther in 1521, was repeated in a number 
of the older Orders, as the Saxon of 1539, and the Pomeranian 
of 1542, and was amplified and combined with a similar Exhorta 
tion from Brandenburg- Nurnberg of 1533, in Mark-Brandenburg, 
1540, Schw. Hall, 1543, Ott-Heinrich, 1543, and Reformation of 
Cologne, 1543. This Exhortation, in the various forms in which 
it occurs in the Lutheran Orders, may be found in Hofling s Ds 
Sacrament der 1 aufe. 3 The compilers of the English formula 
seem to have had Luther s original formula before them, which 
they greatly condensed. 

Luther (1321). 

Dear friends in Christ : We hear 
daily out of the Word of God, and 
learn by our own experience, that we 
all from the fall of Adam, are con 
ceived and born in sin, wherein, be 
ing under the wrath of God, we must 
have been condemned and lost eter 
nally, except we be delivered by the 
only begotten Son of God, our Lord 
Jesus Christ. 

I beseech you, therefore, that, from 
Christian love, ye earnestly intercede 
for this child with our Lord God, that 
ye bring it to the Lord Jesus Christ, 
and unite in imploring for it the for 
giveness of sins and entrance into the 
Kingdom of Grace and Salvation. 

/. Edward VI., 
Dear beloved : Forasmuch as 

all men 

be conceived 

and born in sin, and that no man born 
in sin can enter into the Kingdom of 
God, except he be regenerate and 
born anew of water and the Holy 
Ghost ; 

I beseech you to call upon God the 
Father, through our Lord Jesus Christ, 
that of his bounteous mercy, he will 
grant to these children that thing 
which, by nature, they cannot have, 
that is to say, that they may be baptized 
with the Holy Ghost, and received 
into Christ s holy church, and be 
made lively members of the same. 

Palmer says of this : " We can perhaps scarcely find any par 
allel to this amongst the primitive rituals of the church, except in 
those of the churches of Gaul. The Gothic and ancient Gallican 
liturgies published by Thomasius and Mabillon, prescribe an ad- 

8 Vol. II : 64 sqq. 

The Order of Baptism in the English Church. 257 

dress or preface of this kind at the very commencement of the 
office of baptism. But the example which he gives shows only 
a very remote resemblance. It is : "Beloved brethren, let us in 
the holy administration of the present Mystery, humbly beseech 
our Almighty Creator and Saviour who has deigned by his grace 
to restore the adornments of nature, lost by the fall, to impart 
his virtue to these waters, both that the presence of the Triune 
Majesty may assist in producing the effect of most holy regener 
ation," etc. The reader will see how little influence such an 
Exhortation could have had, either on Luther, or on the English 

Concerning the prayer which followed, there can be no ques 
tion that it comes from Luther. Blunt says : 5 " This prayer is 
not derived from the old office of the English Church, but is 
probably of great antiquity. Luther translated it into German 
from the ancient Latin [?] in 1523, and it appears again in his 
revised baptismal book of 1524. From thence it was transferred 
to the Niirnberg office, and appears in the Consultation of Arch 
bishop Hermann in 1545 [?]. The latter was translated into 
English in 1547, and the prayer, as it stands in the Prayer Book 
of 1549, is almost indentical with this translation as given 
above," i. e. the prayer in I. Edward. This prayer was some 
what abbreviated in II. Edward, 1552, and, therefore, also in 
the English Book as now known. Palmer, after all his labor to 
find the "original," from which Luther translated, gives a 
prayer from the Gothic Missal, in which there is one clause of 
eight words similar: "O God who didst sanctify the river 
Jordan for the salvation of souls. Procter 8 frankly says : 
"The first prayer seems to have been originally composed by 

Hofling, after the most thorough search among the Mediaeval 
Agende, has failed to find a trace of this prayer. Its absence 

* Origines Liturgicae, II : 172. 

5 Annotated Book of Common Prayer, p. 218. 

6 On the Book of Common Prayer, p. 364. 


258 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

from the Romanizing Protestant liturgies is also significant. 
He concludes, therefore, that, although in Luther s Taufbiichlein 
of 1523, everything else has been translated, "the hypothesis 
of Luther s authorship has most foundation. This excellent 
prayer has also, within the sphere of the Lutheran Church, not 
merely the most extensive diffusion, but also the most permanent 
acceptance and adoption." 7 

As given in the first English Prayer Book, it reads : 
" Almighty and everlasting God, which of thy justice didst 
destroy by floods of water the whole world, for sin, except eight 
persons, whom of thy mercy (the same time) thou didst save in 
the Ark ; and when thou didst drown in the Red Sea wicked 
King Pharao, with all his army, yet (at the same time) thou didst 
lead thy people the children of Israel, safely through the midst 
thereof ; whereby thou didst figure the washing of thy holy bap 
tism ; and by the baptism of thy well-beloved Son Jesus Christ, 
thou didst sanctify the flood Jordan and all other waters to this 
mystical washing away of sin ; we beseech thee (for thy infinite 
mercies) that thou wilt mercifully look upon these children, and 
sanctify them with thy Holy Ghost, that by this wholesome laver 
of regeneration, whatsoever sin is in them, may be washed clean 
away ; that they, being delivered from thy wrath, may be re 
ceived into the ark of Christ s Church, and so saved from perish 
ing : and being fervent in spirit, steadfast in faith, joyful through 
hope, rooted in charity, may ever serve thee : And finally attain 
to everlasting life, with all thy holy and chosen people." 

The use of the sign of the cross at this point, the manner in 
which it was made and almost the very words follow the Refor 
mation of Cologne. The precious collect that .follows is from 
the old offices : " Deus, immortale prafsidium" " O God, du 
unsterblicher Trost." "Almighty and immortal God, the aid 
of all that need," etc. In the ancient service, it belonged to 
the order for the Baptism of adults. Luther transferred it to In^ 
fant Baptism. 

7 Das Sacrament der Tattfe, Vol. II : p. 53 sq. 

The Order of Baptism in the English Church. 259 

Even the Exorcism which Luther transferred from the Order 
for Adult Baptism, is retained. The single sentence of the Ref 
ormation of Cologne, and Brandenburg-Niirnberg, was not suffi 
cient, and to it was added the substance of Luther s vigorous 
formula of 1524 : 

Luther, 1523. 

Darum, du leidiger [Vermaledey- 
ter, Mk-Br., 1540] Teufel, erkenne 

/. Edward VI., 1549. 
Therefore, thou cursed spirit, re 
member thy sentence, etc. 

dein Urtheil, etc. 

Blunt, who regrets its omission in later editions, throws the 
blame upon "the half-sceptical Germanism of Bucer !" 

The Gospel read was, in the ante-Reformation offices, from 
Matth. 19: 13-15. The English Reformers followed the Refor 
mation of Cologne, which in turn followed Luther, in substitut- 
ting Mark 10: 13-16. 

Palmer 8 explains what immediately succeeds : " The address 
and collects which follow the Gospel, and terminate the Intro 
duction of the baptismal office, do not occur in the ancient offi 
ces of the Ancient Church, as far as I can perceive. . . The 
forms themselves are in part taken from the Ritual of Hermann 
of Cologne." He should have said, that the Collect " Almighty 
and everlasting God, heavenly Father " is a literal translation, 
only a qualifying clause of the Lutheran Order being suppressed. 

The rest of the service is almost precisely that of Luther. The 
closing Collect which at one time was the subject of much con 
troversy in the Church of England, originally was used in the 
baptism of proselytes in connection with the chrism that followed 
baptism : 

" Almighty God, Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, who hath 
regenerated trjee of water and the Holy Ghost, and hath given 
unto thee remission of all thy sins, anointeth thee with the 
unction of salvation unto everlasting life, in the name of Jesus 
Christ, our Lord. Amen." 

"Almighty God, grant unto them, remission of all sins, send, 

II: p. 176. 

260 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

Lord, upon them, the Holy Ghost, the Comforter, and give them 
the spirit of wisdom and understanding," etc. 

Luther, in 1523, when his revision of the old order, was as yet 
only tentative, retained the chrism and therefore left the Collect 
in its first form, only translating it. This Order was retained by 
Mk-Brandenburg, 1540, and Ott-Heinrich, 1543. The English 
Commission retained the chrism, modifying the form only by 
the change of the conclusion into "vouchsafe to anoint thee, 
with the unction of his Holy Ghost, and bring thee to the in 
heritance of everlasting life." Luther, however, in 1526, had 
omitted the chrism, and amended the Collect accordingly, being 
followed in this by Brandenburg-Nurnberg, into the simpler 
form : " And who hath forgiven thee all thy sins, strengthen 
thee by his grace unto everlasting life." Had the more thor 
ough Lutheran revision been followed by Cranmer and his asso 
ciates, the subsequent revision in the English Prayer Book, 
which has greatly marred it, might have been prevented. 

The address to the Sponsors, while derived partially from the 
Sarum and York Uses, is far more dependent upon the formula 
originally introduced by Osiander in 1524, into his Taufbuchr? 
and thence adopted by the Brandenburg-Nurnberg Order of 
1533. The Cassel Order of 1539, shows other points of resem 
blance, which reach a more complete development in the Wur- 
temberg Order of 1553. 

I. Edw. (1549). " Forasmuch as this child hath promised by 
you his sureties to renounce the devil and all his works, to be 
lieve in God and to serve him ; ye must remember, that it is 
your parts and duties to see that this infant be taught, so soon as 
he shall be able to learn what a solemn vow, promise and profes 
sion, he hath here made by you. And that he may know these 
the better, ye shall call upon him to hear sermons, and chiefly 
ye shall provide that he may learn the Creed, the Lord s Prayer 
and the Ten Commandments in the vulgar tongue, and all other 
things which a Christian ought to know and believe to his soul s 

9 Richter s Kirchenordnungen, 1 : 10. 

The Order of Baptism in tJie English Church. 261 

health ; and that this child may be virtuously brought up to lead a 
godly and a Christian life ; remembering always that baptism 
doth represent unto us our profession, which is, to follow the ex 
ample of our Saviour Christ, and to be made like unto him ; 
that, as he died and rose again for us, so should we, who are bap 
tized, die from sin, and rise again from righteousness ; contin 
ually modifying our evil and corrupt affections, and daily pro 
ceeding in all virtue and godliness of living." 

Brandenburg-Niirnberg, (1533): " I beseech you from Chris 
tian love, as to what ye have now done in Baptism, in the place 
of this child, that if it be deprived of its parents by death or other 
misfortune, before it come to the use of reason, ye diligently and 
faithfully instruct and teach it, first the Ten Commandments, in 
order that thereby it may learn to know God s Will, and its sins; 
then, the Creed, whereby we receive grace, the forgiveness 
of sins, and the Holy Ghost ; lastly, also the Lord s Prayer, in 
order that it may call upon God, and pray to him for aid to with 
stand Satan, and to lead a Christian life, until God shall fulfil 
that which he has now begun in Baptism, and it shall be eternally 

If we find nothing in Brandenburg-Niirnberg, corresponding 
to the closing words from " Remembering," etc., anyone who is 
familiar with the close of Luther s treatment of Baptism, in his 
Catechism, knows whence they are derived. 

The corresponding Wurtemberg admonition of four years later 
is so rich and beautiful that it is here added. It almost precisely 
corresponds with the Cassel Order of 1539, and therefore, in its 
most essential features, was in the hands of the English Com 

" Ye all, parents and relatives of this child, and as many as be 
here present, should now acknowledge and regard this child 
since Holy Baptism, as none else than a ch ld of the Almighty, 
and a member of our Lord Jesus Christ, whom also the angels of 
God s serve, in no wise doubting that whatsoever ye do this 
child, whether ill or good, that ye do God Himself, and our 

262 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

Lord Jesus Christ. Nor should effort or labor be spared by any 
one, according to his calling and relation with this child, to 
bring it up well for the Lord and to instruct and teach it, to ob 
serve all that the Lord has commanded us to be observed ; and 
accordingly, ye parents, relatives and sponsors should spare no 
pains, and have the child, so soon as it have attained the proper 
age, faithfully brought to the church for catechetical instruction, 
in order that it may learn thoroughly what great and inexpressi 
ble gifts have been bestowed and transmitted it in Holy Bap 
tism, and then, in the church, willingly and cordially and cor 
dially confess and affirm for itself its faith, and in act and deed 
renounce the devil and the world, with all their works and lusts, 
and declare that it will abide by the Lord and his Holy Church, 
in entire obedience to his Holy Gospel, live faithfully to our Lord 
Christ unto the end, and, as a living member of Christ, and 
faithful branch of Christ s vine, bring forth much fruit to the 
glory of God, and the advancement of his Holy Church. 

Passing to the Order " Of them that be in Private Houses in 
time of Necessity," the dependence is no less manifest. With 
out entering into all the details of the service, a few of the main 
features may suffice. 

I. Edward : " They shall warn them that without great cause, 
and necessity, they baptize not children at home in their houses. 
And when great need shall compel them so to do, that then they 
minister on this fashion : 

First let them that be present tall upon God for his grace, and 
say the Lord s Prayer, if the time will suffer. And then one of 
them shall name the child, and dip him in water, or pour water 
upon him, saying these words : I baptize thee in the name of 
the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost. Amen. 
And let them not doubt but that the child so baptized is lawfully 
and sufficiently baptized, and ought not to be baptized again, in 
the church. But yet nevertheless, if the child which is after this 
sort baptized, do afterwards live, it is expedient that he be 

The Order of Baptism in the English Church, 263 

brought into the church, to the intent that the priest may ex 
amine and try whether the child be lawfully baptized or no." 

Compare this now with Reformation cf Cologne (1543, on the 
basis of the Saxon Order of 1539, the Wiirtemberg of 1536, and 
Hamburg of 1529) : 

"The pastors should instruct the people in their sermons, that 
they should not readily hasten to Nothtaufe, unless extreme neces 
sity require, that baptism be administered, and if so that they must 
first call upon our Lord God, pray the Lord s Prayer, and then 
baptize the child, as Christ commanded his apostles, in the name 
of the Father, and of the Son and of the Holy Ghost, nothing 
doubting that the child is properly and sufficiently baptized, and 
should not be baptized again in the church, or otherwise. Yet 
such child if it live, should be brought into the church, that the 
pastor may ask the people whether they be certain that the child 
have been properly baptized." 

Reformation of Cologne, 
The Pastor shall ask further : 

Through whom was this done ? 
And who were present ? 

Whether they who baptized the 
child, called properly upon the name 
of the Lord ? 

And baptized the child with wa 
ter ? 

In the name of the Father, and of 
the Son and of the Holy Ghost ? 

Whether they know that these 
words were used according to Christ s 
command ? 

Now, my dear friends, I declare 
that ye have done right and well, in 
doing all this in the Name, and ac 
cording to the command of our Lord 
Jesus Christ. 

The rest of this service is a repetition of what is found in the 
order for Public Baptism. The form for " Conditional Bap 
tism:" " If thou be not baptized already," etc., is not in ac 
cordance with the Cologne Order, although the act is. It was 

I. Edward, 

The Priest shall examine them 
further : 

By whom the child was baptized ? 

Who was present, when the child 
was baptized ? 

Whether they called upon God for 
grace and succour in that necessity ? 

With what thing or what matter 
they did baptize the child ? 

With what words the child was 
baptized ? 

Whether they think the child to be 
lawfully and perfectly baptized ? 

I certify you that in this case ye 
have done well, and according unto 
due order, concerning the baptizing 
of this child. 

264 The Lutheran Movement in England, 

prescribed in the ancient orders, and afterwards endorsed by the 
Council of Trent. The old Lutheran Orders vary. The Reforma 
tion of Hesse (1526) and Hamburg (1529) presents it, while that 
of Schleswig-Holstein (1542, Bugenhagen) expressly forbids it. 
Cologne and Saxony, simply say that the child shall be baptized, 
precisely as though it were known to be not baptized. 



Rome s Exaltation of Confirmation to a Sacrament, explained. Chemnitz on 
Confirmation. Examinations in Lutheran and English Orders. Cate 
chisms of the two Orders. The Anglican Collect derived from the Co 
logne and Cassel Orders. The Act of Confirmation and its Words. The 
Marriage Ceremony. The old English Orders. Amendments and Ad 
ditions from the Lutheran Orders. The " Visitation of Sick " and 
"Burial" as likewise modified. Dr. Cardwell s Testimony. 

CONFIRMATION, although now universally practiced in the 
Lutheran Church, and highly esteemed as a most valuable eccle 
siastical rite, for a long time fell into disrepute, in the reaction 
from the Romish overestimate of its importance, and the errors 
and superstitions connected with it. Rome, without any Scrip 
tural authority, urged its necessity, and raised it, to the place of a 
Sacrament ; made the chrism an essential, if not the most impor 
tant part ; and so exalted it, as to disparage the efficacy of Bap 
tism. How thoroughly Rome undermines the value of Baptism, 
both by her doctrine of Penance and of Confirmation, is not 
generally understood. Baptism, with her, is the sacrament for 
the beginning of the Christian life ; but its influence is evanes 
cent, and other sacraments bring comfort to the more mature 
Christian. The great end of its teaching to those who have been 
baptized, is not, therefore, daily to return to God s covenant in 
baptism ; but to seek new ordinances in which a new covenant is 
made. As Chemnitz has stated, the error was " that in Baptism, 
the Holy Spirit is given solely for regeneration, but that, for 


266 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

other necessary gifts, he is not given in Baptism, but only in 
Confirmation." 1 

The disuse of Confirmation, therefore, speedily followed, when 
there was an embarrassment in retaining it without continuing in 
the minds of the people the false estimate. Nevertheless, it did 
not become entirely obsolete throughout the Sixteenth Century. 
The writer above mentioned, the greatest theologian of the Lu 
theran Church, in his "Refutation of the Council of Trent," 
presents the Lutheran view of Confirmation, as follows: " Our 
writers have frequently shown, that, with the useless, superstitions 
and unscriptural traditions removed, the rite of Confirmation 
may be used after a godly manner, and in harmony with Scrip 
ture, so that they who have been baptized in infancy (for such is 
now the state of the Church), when they have attained to years 
of discretion, may diligently be instructed in a fixed and simple 
catechism of Church doctrine. And when they seem to have at- 
tained the elements in a moderate degree, they are afterwards 
presented to the bishop and the Church ; and there the child, 
baptized in infancy, is first admonished, in a brief and simple 
exhortation, concerning his baptism, viz., how, why and into 
what he was baptized, what the Holy Trinity conferred and sealed 
upon him in Holy Baptism, viz., the covenant of peace, and the 
compact of grace ; how renunciation of Satan, profession of faith 
and promise of obedience were there made. 2. The child 
makes a public profession of its own before the entire Church. 3. 
He is asked concerning the chief topics of Christian doctrine, 
and answers to each ; or if he do not understand, is more cor 
rectly instructed. 4. He is admonished, and, by this profession, 
proclaims that he dissents from all heathen, fanatical and profane 
opinions. 5. An earnest exhortation is added from the Word 
of God, to persevere in the covenant of Baptism, and in that 
doctrine and faith, and by advancing to be gradually confirmed. 
6. Public prayer is made for these children that God would 
deign to govern, preserve and confirm them in this profession. 

1 Ex. Condi. Trid. 1 : 296. 

The Orders J or Confirmation, Marriage, &c. 267 

To which prayer, the laying on of hands may, without super 
stition, be added. Nor is the prayer vain ; for it is based on the 
promises concerning the gift of perseverance and the grace of 
Confirmation. Such rite of Confirmation would confer great 
profit for the edification of the young and the entire Church." 

Although this was published nearly thirty years after I. Ed 
ward, it shows the estimate of Confirmation which thus far had 
obtained. Even Confirmation by a bishop or superintendent is 
here allowed, although, in the same connection, the error of the 
Council of Trent, is shown, in anathematizing all other than 
episcopal Confirmation ; for if any priest, or, even in case of ne 
cessity a layman, may baptize, while only a bishop may confirm, 
Confirmation, the human rite, is elevated above Baptism, the di 
vine ordinance. 

The order for Confirmation, of the English book, agrees with 
the preceding Lutheran Orders, in requiring a knowledge of the 
Creed, the Lord s Prayer and the Ten Commandments. No 
one, in either communion, was to be admitted without an exami 
nation concerning these parts of the Catechism. See Luther s 
vigorous language, in the beginning of his Preface to the Small 
Catechism. So Brandenburg -Niirnberg : " Those who neither 
can, nor will learn the Ten Commandments, Creed and Lord s 
Prayer, shall not be admitted to the sacrament." Hence the 
most diligent examination is uniformly required before the first 
communion. The Private Confession, then prevalent in the Lu 
theran Church gave pastors the opportunity for such examina 
tion, and hence rendered the desire for such public rite as that 
of Confirmation less urgent. Afterwards there came a time when 
Private Confession had fallen into disuse ; and then, the need 
of some such ceremony as Confirmation, on the eve of the first 
admission to communion, asserted itself, and brought about its 
restoration. Nevertheless, as the above extract from Chemnitz in 
dicates, the public examination was by no means unusual, pro 
vision being made for it especially in such Orders as furnish the 
Common Prayer so much material, as the Cassel Order of 1539, 

268 The Lutheran Movement in England, 

and the much quoted Reformation of Cologne. " Before all the 
congregation" (Cassel, Cologne), "public in the church be 
fore the people" (Ott-Heinrich, 1543) is the very language of 
those old Orders. 

I. Edward places the examination in charge of the bishop. 
Cologne says that " this work would be especially appropriate to 
the bishops, if the dioceses were not so large," and assigns it to 
a "Visitator," the pastor, however, asking the questions. Mark- 
Brandenburg (1540), notwithstanding its Romanizing reputation, 
says : " Since, thank God, the population in our lands is great, 
and the bishops few, so that there will be too many for them to 
hear and instruct each one, they may commit this to their pas 
tors. Nevertheless we think it well, that whenever Confirmation 
by the pastors occur, some one of those learned be with them to 
see that the pastors attend to it properly, and do not reintroduce 
former abuses or carelessness ;" and the Reformation of Cologne: 
"It is not the prerogative of bishops, so that no one else may 
administer it, as baptism which is more, is administered by ordi 
nary ministers, yea, in case of necessity, by any Christian." It 
is assigned to bishops only " that they may learn to know their 
hearers and especially the young people." It would not be diffi 
cult to reconstruct the first three rubrics of the first English book 
from the Cologne Order, and the final one is thoroughly Lutheran 
in doctrine, although we cannot trace its origin. The Catechism 
which follows "to be learned of every child, before he be 
brought to be confirmed of the bishops," we treat of in a sepa 
rate chapter. It is sufficient here to say, that Cologne is again 
followed by the introduction of the Catechism in this place, as 
well as in its subject matter. Of the two Collects in the first 
English Order, the first was the second prayer in connection 
with the unction at Adult Baptism in the ante-reformation Or 
ders; and the second, "Almighty, everlasting God," is conceded 
by most English authorities to be from the Cologne Order. 
The prayer from the Eighth Century of Egbert, bishop of York, 
which Palmer gives as its source, has only the faintest resem- 

The Orders for Confirmation, Marriage, &c. 269 

blance. It is found also in the Cassel Order of 1539, and, thence, 
has been traced by Hofling 2 to Bucer. In various revisions, it 
is generally found in the Lutheran formularies, and "can with 
difficulty be supplanted by any other, since it is excellent." 3 
The act of Confirmation in I. Edward, was according to that of 
the ancient form: "I sign thee with the sign of the holy 
cross," etc., and was replaced in II. Edward (1552) by the 
prayer said by the bishop while his hands rested upon the one 
confirmed : " Defend, O Lord, this child with thy heavenly 
grace, that he may continue thine forever and daily increase in 
thy Holy Spirit, more and more, until he come unto thy everlast 
ing kingdom." This also comes from the Cassel and Cologne 
Orders : " Receive the Holy Ghost, as thy protection and de 
fence against all evil, and thy strength and aid unto all good, 
from the gracious hand of God the Father, Son and Holy Ghost. 

The Marriage ceremony in the English Book, is to a large 
extent from the old English, with very important additions 
introduced from the Lutheran Orders. The opening address, 
which has been left unchanged in succeeding revisions in Eng 
land, has been much condensed in the American edition. In 
the Sarum Order, the address read : 

" Brethren, \ve are gathered together in the sight of God, and his angels, 
and all the saints, in the face of the Church, to join together two persons, to 
wit, this man and this woman, that, whatsover they have done aforetime 
henceforth they may be one body, yet two souls, in the faith and law of God, 
[" to knyt these two bodyes togyder." York Use] to the end they may to 
gether attain eternal life." 

This was condensed into an introduction : 

" Dearly beloved friends, we are gathered together here in the sight of 
God, and in the face of his congregation to join together this man and this 
woman in holy matrimony." 

The resemblance to the Introduction of the Reformation of 
Cologne fully justified the retention of the old formula. It ran : 

2 II : 366 ; Lobe s Agende, II : 47. 
s lb. 

270 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

Ye appear before God our Heavenly Father, and Christ Jesus, our Lord, 
and his Church," etc. 

What follows is chiefly a condensation of the long address in 
Schwab-Hall of 1543, no precedent for it being found in the 
older English Orders. It follows the order and uses the very 
language of this liturgy of Brentz. 

ENGLISH PRAYER BOOK (1549) : " Which is an honorable 
estate instituted of God in Paradise, * in the time of man s inno- 
cency, signifying unto us the mystical union that is betwixt 
Christ and his Church ; 5 which holy estate Christ adorned and 
beautified with his presence, and first miracle that he wrought in 
Cana of Galilee, 6 and is commended of St. Paul to be honor 
able among all men ; and therefore is not to be enterprised or 
taken in hand unadvisedly, lightly or wantonly, 7 to satisfy men s 
carnal lusts and appetites, 8 like brute beasts that have no under 
standing, but reverently, discreetly, advisedly, soberly and in the 
fear of God. 9 One cause was the procreation of children, to 

4 ScHW-HALL, (1543) : "For the Marriage estate has not been devised 
by human reason, but was found and instituted by God himself in Paradise." 

5 From Collect at close of Osiander s ("1526) and Luther s (1529). Branden- 
burg-Niirnberg, (1533), Schw. Hall, (1543), Cologne, (1543), and most Lu 
theran Orders : " Wherein the Sacrament of Thy dear Son, Jesus Christ and 
the Church, his Bride, is signified unto us." There is a similar Collect in 
Sarum, from the Gelasian Sacramentary : " Who hast consecrated the state 
of matrimony to such an excellent mystery, that in it is signified the sacra 
mental union and marriage of Christ and the Church." 

6 Schw. Hall : " This estate, the Son of God, our Lord Jesus Christ, so 
highly esteemed, that not only when bidden, with his Mother and disciples, 
did he honor the marriage with his first miracle." Cassel, (1539), Cologne, 
(1543) : " Who also honored and richly adorned the marriage estate by his 

7 Osiander (1524), Brandenburg-Niirnberg (1533) : " To the end that this 
may not be done without understanding of the W T ord of God, as do unbe 

8 Schw. Hall, (1543) : " For it has not been instituted for worldly or car 
nal wantonness." 

9 See 4- 

The Orders for Confirmation, Marriage, &c. 271 

be brought up in the fear of and nurture of the Lord, and praise 
of God. 10 Secondly, it was ordained for a remedy against sin, 
and to avoid fornication, that such persons as be married might 
live chastely in matrimony, u and keep themselves undefiled 
members of Christ s body. 12 Thirdly, for the mutual society, 
help and comfort, that the one ought to have of the other, both 
in prosperity and adversity." 13 

The Exhortation that, "if any can show just cause, why they 
may not, lawfully, be joined together, let him now speak," 
is partly according to the older English Orders, but the words : 
"Or else hereafter forever hold his peace," come from Osi- 
ander s Orders of 1526, followed by Brand-Numb. (1533), 
Mark-Brandenburg (1540), Ott-Heinrich (1543), Cologne (1543), 
etc. : " If any one hath aught to say thereon, let him speak in 
time, or afterward be silent, and refrain from interposing any 
hindrance." In the Lutheran Orders, however, this declaration 
is made in connection with the publication of the banns. The 
questions addressed bride and groom, follow the York and Sarum 
Orders, the earlier Lutheran forms being much briefer, although, 
in this, the later Orders of the Sixteenth Century more nearly ap 
proach the English. The Lutheran custom generally provided 
for the use of the ring, but without any words concerning the 
ring, on the part of those being married. Osiander (1526) fol- 

10 Schw. Hall : " That therein children might be brought up by their pa 
rents to the glory and knowledge of God, and the doctrine of the true Chris 
tian faith might be transmitted from children to children s children, and be 
diffused and maintained throughout the world, unto the Last Day. For Gcd 
has not created man to live a beastly life here on earth, and to care only for 
that which is earthly, but that he may learn to know God." 

11 Schw. Hall : " God has appointed and ordained matrimony, that every 
form of unchastity might be avoided. 1 

12 Schw. Hall : " And besides God wishes the love and communion of his 
Son, our Lord Jesus Christ with the Christian Church, as his Bride, to be thus 
known and represented." 

13 The thought probably enters here, as Schw. Hall ends with the predic 
tion of the cross, and the divine comfort under it. 

272 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

lowed by Brandenburg-Niirnberg, etc., prescribes that first the 
groom shall say after the minister : " I, N., take thee N. to my 
wedded wife, and plight thee my troth," and then the bride 
also, in the same way, plights her troth to her wedded hus 

We are compelled here to dispel an illusion which has misled 
some of the English writers on the Prayer Book. Palmer u says : 
" The succeeding rites in which the priest, with a certain formu 
lary, joins their right hands together, and afterwards pronounces 
the marriage to be complete, are perhaps peculiar to the Church 
of England." Blunt : " This is a noble peculiarity of the Eng 
lish rite, though probably derived .originally from Archbishop 
Hermann s Consultation." The hint thus given, however, at 
once destroys the idea of peculiarity. The sentence "What 
God hath joined together, let no man put asunder," is found in 
every Lutheran Order which we have examined, from Osiander s 
of 1526, on : " Was Gott zusammen gtfus,ft hat, sol Kein 
Mensch scheiden. 15 Nor have we to search long for the decla 
ration, unknown to the old Orders. 

Luther s Traubuchletn, 1529. 
Weil dann Hans N. und Greta N. 
einander zur Ehe begehre, auch die 
Ehe Einander versprochen, und 
solches hie offentlich fur Gott und 
seinen Gemein bekennet, darauf die 
hande und Trauringe einander gege- 
ben haben, so spreche ich sie ehelich 
zusammen, im Namen Gottes des 
Vaters, und des Sohnes, und des 
Heiligen Geistes. Amen. 

English Book. 

Forasmuch as N. and N. have con 
sented together in holy wedlock, and 
have witnessed the same here before 
God and this company ; and thereto 
have given and pledged their troth 
either to other, and have declared the 
same by giving and receiving gold 
and silver, and by joining of hands. I 
pronounce that they be man and wife 
together; In the Name of the Fa 

ther, etc. 

In accordance with Osiander s Order, and the "Lutheran Orders 
in general, following it, Psalm 128 was designated as the first 
to be sung. Cologne give Ps. 127 first, and then Ps- 128. 

The English Service closes with a long Address to " All ye 
which be married, or which intend to take the holy estate of 

U 2: 217. 

15 Annotated Book of Common Prayer, p. 270. 

The Orders for Confirmation, Marriage, &c. 273 

marriage upon you," which is only an elaboration of the portion 
of the Address in Luther s Order, beginning : " Since ye both 
now are given in marriage, in God s name, hear first the com 
mand of God touching this estate," etc. 

In the Order for "Visitation of the Sick," the most impor 
tant feature derived from a Lutheran source is the "Exhorta 
tion." The ancient Exhortation from the old Orders quoted by 
Palmer, Blunt, Procter, etc., has little more resemblance to that 
of the English book, than that it is an exhortation to a sick per 
son. The compilers of the English book adopted that in the 
Reformation of Cologne, originally found in the Saxon Order 
of 1539, condensing and very freely rendering it, rather follow 
ing the thought than the words. The two exhortations begin : 

Saxon, 1539- 

Dear friend: Since our Lord 
Jesus Christ hath visited you with 
bodily sickness, in order that you may 
take to heart God s will, know : First, 
that such bodily sickness come to us 
from God for no other causes, etc. 


Dearly beloved: Know this, that 
Almighty God is the Lord over life 
and death. . . Wherefore whatsoever 
your sickness is, know you certainly 
that it is God s visitation. And for 
what cause soever this sickness is sent 

unto you, etc. 

The Order for the "Burial of the Dead," has been much 
changed in the English book, since I. Edward VI. Prior to the 
same period, the Lutheran Orders also have a relatively less com 
plete development. The essential features however are the same. 
They retain from the old Orders : "I am the resurrection and 
the life," "In the midst of life, we are in death," "Blessed 
are the dead that die in the Lord," and the lesson i Cor. 15 : 
20 sqq. The first Collect: "Almighty God, we give thee 
hearty thanks," which Palmer declares to be of modern origin 
we find in the Reformation of Cologne. The concluding Collect 
for the forgiveness and peace of the departed is not found in any 
Lutheran authorities examined, as it retains Romish error. The 
first Collect, now found in the Anglican Order, was in I. Edward 
VI., in the "Celebration of the Holy Communion when there is 
a burial of the dead." It occurs in the burial service of Lower 
Saxony (1585), as " O Herr Jesu Christe, der du bist der Anfer- 

274 The Lutheran Movement in England, 

stehung u. das Leben" from which it would be interesting to 
trace it to its source. 

Such was in general the First Book of Edward VI. Dr. Card- 
well is right in saying: "The new Liturgy was greatly in 
debted, wherever it deviated from the ancient breviaries, to the 
progress made upon the continent in religious worship." After 
alluding to its indebtedness to the Reformation of Cologne, 
he adds : "In the Occasional Offices, it is clear on examination 
that they were indebted to the labors of Melanchthon and Bucer, 
and through them to the older Liturgy of Niirnberg, which those 
reformers were instructed to follow. 16 

16 The Two Liturgies of Edward VI. contrasted, Preface, xv. sq. 



The Calvinistic Reaction. The " Censures " of Bucer and Martyr. Orders 
of Pollanus and A Lasco. The " Confession" introduced. Its derivation. 
Mistake of English Liturgiolists. Traced to Bucer s Strassburg Order of 
1524. Revisions of Bucer s Formula by Calvin and Zwingli. Source 
of the "Absolution. 1 Other changes. The Ten Commandments in 
the Communion Service. The General Prayer. The original in its un- 
abbrevated form in Cassel, Cologne, and Calvin s condensation, given in 
full. Results of the Revision of 1552. Hardwick s Testimony. 

THE Book of 1549 was found in some of its features to be un 
satisfactory. As shown in the preceding pages, a number of 
causes combined to increase the influence of Calvinism in Eng 
land. Cranmer himself first wavered and then succumbed. 
The first book was too Lutheran, and besides, like in all such 
movements, much was suggested by the experience of its use. 
The history of the revision does not concern us ; we have to do 
only with the results attained. The general facts are well known. 
Cranmer was again at the head of the commission. Bucer and 
Martyr, then Professors at Cambridge and Oxford, prepared 
" Censures" of the First Book, (published about January 1552) 
while the French Order of Pollanus, and the German of A Lasco 
had also been published and afforded suggestions. Coverdale 
had translated it into Latin for Calvin s examination. The new 
book thus prepared was issued in September 1552. The Preface 
disclaims any very important changes from the First Book. 

The first difference appears in the introduction of a confes 
sional service before the regular morning service. The ancient 
Orders provided such service for the priest who was to minister, 


276 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

in order that, before coming to the holy mysteries, he might 
himself privately confess and be absolved. The public service 
of the Mass, however, began with the Introit, and in this the 
Lutheran Orders had made no change, although subsequently be 
coming general, especially when private confession lost its position, 
or a corresponding Saturday evening service was disused. The 
English authorities are much perplexed as to the origin of the 
Confessional Service introduced in 1552, and still retained. The 
usual explanation is that it was suggested by the Orders of Polla- 
nus and A Lasco. "The hint was taken from two books of Ser 
vice, used by congregations of refugees in England." 1 The 
formula of Pollanus has been traced by Archbishop Laurence 2 to 
Calvin. Pollanus had succeeded Calvin as pastor at Strassburg, 
and had thence emigrated with his congregation to Glastonbury 
in Somersetshire. The formula is the same as that prescribed 
by Calvin for the church of Geneva in 1545. 3 It resembles that 
prepared by Zwingli for Zurich and Berne in 1536.* But its 
sources are still more remote. In June 1524, Bucer, whose influ 
ence on the Book of Common Prayer enters at so many points, 
had prepared a Reformation of the Mass, which he published, 
as his biographer Baum says, without the knowledge or consent 
of the clergy of Strassburg, who, in a radical reaction against 
Rome, were opposed to any fixed form. 5 This Order was, at the 
close of the same year, reported in abstract to Luther by the 
council of the city, as in use in their churches. It is here given 
with the others above mentioned. 


" In the Name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy 
Ghost. Amen. 

Confess unto God the Lord ; for he is good, and his mercy is 

1 Procter, p. 48. 

* Bampton Lectures, p. 209. 

3 Niemyers Coll. Conf., p. 171. 

4 Ib. p. 73- 

5 Baum s Capita and Bucer, p. 266. 

The Second Prayer Book of Edward VI. 277 

unto everlasting. I said I will confess my transgressions unto 
the Lord ; and Thou forgavest the iniquity of my sin. 

I, a poor sinful man, confess unto God Almighty, that I have 
grievously sinned by the transgression of his commandments, 
that I have done much that I should have left undone, and that 
I have left undone much that I should have done, by unbelief 
and distrust of God, and weakness of love towards my fellow- 
servants and neighbors ; for which, as I acknowledge myself 
guilty before God, I grieve. Be gracious unto me ; be merciful 
unto me, a poor sinner. Amen. 

This is a faithful saying and worthy of all acceptation that 
Christ Jesus came into the world to save sinners, of whom I am 
chief This I believe. Lord, help my unbelief and, save me. 

The priest then says to the people : God be gracious and 
merciful unto us all. Amen." 

Then come the Introit and the Mass proper. 


" Our help is in the Name of the Lord, who made heaven and 
earth. Amen. 

Brethren, let us each place himself before the Lord, and con 
fess his sins, following me in these words : 

O Lord God, Eternal and almighty Father, we acknowledge 
and frankly confess before Thy Holy Majesty that we have been 
conceived as miserable sinners, and have been born in iniquity 
and depravity, prone to wickedness, useless unto every good 
work, and that, being vicious, we do not cease to transgress Thy 
holy commandments. Wherefore we would receive destruction 
from Thy just judgment. But, Lord, we sincerely lament that 
we have offended Thee ; we condemn ourselves and our offences, 
seeking in true penitence for Thy grace to relieve our misery. 
Deem us, therefore, O Most kind and merciful Father, worthy 
of Thy mercy, for the sake of Thy Son, our Lord Jesus Christ. 
Blotting cut all our offences and washing away all our filth, in- 

278 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

crease in us daily the gifts of Thy Holy Spirit, so that r from our 
hearts, acknowledging our iniquity, we may be more and more 
dissatisfied with ourselves, and thus be aroused to true repent 
ance ; and mortifying ourselves, with all our sins, may oring forth 
fruits of righteousness and innocency grateful unto Thee, Through 
Jesus Christ our Lord." 

Then follows a Psalm. There is no absolution. 

The form of Pollanus (1551) varies only in a few words, but 
adds: "Absolution. Here the Pastor recites to the people in 
the Name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost, 
a passage of Holy Scripture concerning the remission of sins." 

Upon the basis, then, chiefly of the Strassburg form, together 
with that of Calvin and of the Reformation of Cologne, used 
in the Preparatory Servic , the English Confessional Prayer was 
constructed. "We have erred and strayed like lost sheep " was 
probably suggested by the shorter Prayer, before Communion, 
of the Cassel and Cologne Orders. 6 The Absolution was taken 
from that in the Preparatory Service of the Reformation of Co 
logne, Bucer s earlier and later work being thus combined. 

The other important changes in the Matin Service, were in 
making \h& Jubilate alternate with the Benedictus, and in chang 
ing the Apostles Creed from directly after, to directly before the 
Kyrie. By those who refer to the American " Book of Common 
Prayer," this cannot be traced, since the American revisers have 
still further mutilated the old Matin Service by omitting the 
Kyrie and the Lord s Prayer; the latter, doubtless, because it 
had already been used, out of its place, after the Absolution. 

In the Communion Service, the Kyrie disappears, and the 
Gloria in JExcelsis is transferred to the Post Communion Ser 
vice. The Ten Commandments, we have seen above, are in 
serted, not simply as Blunt suggests after " the jejune liturgy of 
Pullain " (Pollanus), since they are found in the Roman Mass, 
and the Liturgy of Frankfort-on-the-Maine of 1530. T "Glory 

6 " Deine zerstreuete Schaflein" 

7 Richter s KO. p. 141. 

The Second Prayer Book of Edward VI. 279 

be to thee, O Lord," after the reading of the Gospel; is omitted. 
The Nicene Creed reappears, as the proper Creed for the Com 
munion Service. The direction that the sermon shall follow the 
Creed, disappears. The Admonition of I. Edward, is transferred 
to a later place ; so also the Salutation, Sursum Corda, and the 
words: " It is meet, right and our bounden duty." What in 
I. Edward VI. is in another place as the " Consecratory Prayer," 
is now changed into a prayer for the Church and rulers the 
Cassel-Cologne Order being more closely followed, and the Ro 
manizing taint of the First Book being excluded. This Cassel- 
Cologne prayer was already outlined by Bucer in his Strassburg 
Mass of 1524. We translate it, unabridged, from Cassel (1539) 
as the form, in which Cranmer and his associates used it. 

" Almighty, Everlasting and Gracious God and Father, Thou hast command 
ed us through Thy dear Son and Lord Jesus Christ, and his holy apostles, to 
assemble ourselves before Thee in His Name, and hast promised that whatso 
ever we thus unitedly pray Thee in His Name, Thou wouldst graciously give. 
We pray Thee, therefore, through the same Thy dear Son, our only Saviour; 
first, that Thou wouldst graciously forgive us all our sins and offences, which we 
here all confess and acknowledge before Thee, and that Thy just wrath, 
which, by our grievous transgressions, we have merited, Thou wouldst gra 
ciously turn away from us, for the sake of the Blood and precious Satisfaction 
of Thy Son, our Mediator. Strengthen also Thy Holy Spirit within us, that 
we may wholly surrender ourselves to Thy good pleasure, that, now and 
ever, we may pray Thee in all true faith for ourselves and others, and may 
richly obtain Thy help and grace. 

We pray Thee also especially for Thy Church and congregation. Deliver 
it from all wolves and hirelings, who desolate it, and, by their corruptions, 
array themselves against Thee. Grant and sustain godly and faithful pastors, 
through whom all Thy scattered sheep may be brought back unto Thy dear 
Son, the Chief Shepherd and Bishop of our souls, and into his true commu 
nion, that there may be one Shepherd and one fold. 

We pray Thee for all rulers, Emperors, Kings, princes and lords, and es 
pecially for those of our land, and the counsellors and magistrates of this city. 
Grant and increase unto them all grace to rule, that they may acknowledge 
and embrace Christ Thy Son our Lord, as One to whom Thou hast given all 
power in Heaven and Earth, and that they may so govern their subjects, as 
Thy creatures and children ; that we, here and everywhere, may lead a quiet 
and peaceful life in all godliness and honesty. 

280 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

We pray Thee further, Holy Father, for all men, even for those estranged 
from Thy Kingdom. Draw unto Thy Son our Saviour, all those who flee 
from Him, and those whom Thou hast drawn to Him and enlightened, grant 
that they now may know to find in Him alone the forgiveness of sins and 
all good. Strengthen them, in this knowledge, and make it ever more ac 
tive within them, unto all good works. 

We pray Thee also, Gracious God and Father, for all upon whom Thou 
hast imposed any special chastisement. Whether it be by poverty, exile, 
sickness, or any other distress ard trial, give them to recognize Thy gracious 
fatherly hand, comfort and deliver them from all evil, and grant that they may 
acknowledge and consider in every chastisement, that they have deserved what 
is far more grievous, and thus may be turned the sooner and the more com 
pletely from all evil unto Thine alone good will. 

Finally, we pray Thee, Everlasting and Faithful God and Father, that, as 
we are here assembled in Thy Divine Presence, for Thy Holy Word, Prayer 
and the Holy Sacraments, enlighten the eyes of our understanding, and grant 
we may acknowledge and remember, that we, alas ! of ourselves and from our 
parents, are of such perverse and condemned nature, that in our flesh and 
blood, we cannot inherit Thy Kingdom of righteousness and blessedness ; 
that we can deserve nothing but eternal wrath and all misery; but that 
Thou, Gracious God, out of thy boundless mercy, didst regard our misery and 
corruption, and didst will that Thy Eternal Word, Thy dear Son, shouldst be 
come flesh and our brother, whereby flesh and blood again might become holy, 
and we, poor condemned men, might be renewed and sanctified again through 
Him, unto Thine image and unto all Thy divine will and good pleasure. 
Therefore he giveth us to eat and to drink, in his Holy Sacrament, that very 
holy flesh and blood which he hath offered upon the cross unto the Father 
for our sins, and whereby he hath paid the ransom for all our sins, and 
reconciled us unto Thee, in order that he might live in us, and we, in him, 
might live a holy and godly life. Grant, Heavenly Father, that we may ac 
knowledge all this, in true living faith, and, now and at all times, meditate 
thereon, that, renouncing reason and all wicked lusts, we may devote our 
selves entirely unto Thy dear Son, our Lord and Saviour, seek and obtain all 
help and consolation in Him alone, and in His death and resurrection ; and 
may now receive his holy Body and Blood with all thankfulness, and wor 
ship and praise Thee, because of His bitter suffering and death, His Heavenly 
governance, and the gift of Himself which he makes unto us, for food and 
drink, unto life everlasting." 

The prayer ends with a brief paraphrase of the Lord s Prayer. 
Both in Cassel and Cologne, there is a shorter form of this 

The Second Prayer Book of Edward VI. 281 

" Merciful God, Heavenly Father, Thou hast promised that if we come to 
gether in the Name of Thy dear Son, our Lord and Saviour, Jesus Christ," 

Calvin has appropriated the thoughts, but rewrought the lan 
guage in the form, prepared for Geneva (1545), which begins: 

" Almighty God, Heavenly Father, Thou hast promised us that Thou wilt 
hear the prayers which we offer Thee in the Name of Thy dear Son and Lord 
Jesus Christ ; and we have learned both of Him and of His Apostles, that 
we should come together in one place and in his Name, the promise being given 
that He will be present with us to intercede with Thee for us, and obtain all 
things which, with one consent, we ask of Thee on Earth. 

First, Thou hast commanded us to pray for those whom Thou hast ap 
pointed over us as rulers and governors ; then to approach Thee as suppli 
ants for all things necessary unto Thy people and all mortals. Since, then 
we have come into Thy presence, relying upon Thy holy commands and 
promises, assembled in the Name of Thy Son our Lord Jesus Christ, we as 
suppliants, sincerely beseech Thee, O God and Father, in the Name of the 
same, our only Saviour and Mediator, so deign to forgive our sins and to turn 
our hearts unto Thee, that we may call upon thee,," etc. 

Calvin presents, at length, the topics, in the same order, as in 
Cassel, except that he prays for rulers before praying for the 
Church. His prayer ends also with the Confession of sin, original 
and actual, and the paraphrase of the Lord s Prayer. From 
these sources, therefore, the prayer was condensed : 

" Almighty and Everliving God, which by thy holy apostle hast taught us 
to make prayers and supplications, and to give thanks for all men ; we hum 
bly beseech Thee most mercifully to receive our prayers which we offer unto 
Thy divine Majesty," etc. 

The latter part of the prayer in I. Edward, containing the 
Words of Institution, is transferred to another part of the service. 
The modification here of the formula of distribution has been 
noticed in a preceding chapter. 

The only change in the Vesper Service, was in the insertion of 
"O Lord open thou my lips," etc., from the Matin Service, the 
omission of the Hallelujah, and the provision that the Psalm 
Cantate Domino (XCVIII.) may alternate with the Mrgnificat 

282 77/i? Lutheran Movement in England. 

and the Deus Misereatur (Ps. XVII.) with the Nunc Dimittis. 
The Athanasian Creed was retained as in I. Edward VI. 

In the Baptismal Service, the Exorcism was omitted, the sign 
of the cross changed to after the baptism, Luther s Collect ab 
breviated, the thanksgiving Collect rewrought, the Lord s Prayer 
and Creed after the Exhortation omitted, several Collects from 
the former Order for Consecration of the Font introduced, etc. 
In the Burial Service, prayers for the dead were suppressed, etc., 
details interesting in the history of the Book, but whose exami 
nation lies outside of the scope of our undertaking. The result 
of the revision was, on the one hand, to remove a number of Ro 
manizing elements, but, on the other," to sacrifice much of its 
Lutheran to a Calvinistic Spirit, and to make changes which se 
riously impaired the service as an organism. 

Archdeacon Hardwick has well said: "His" (Cranmer s) 
"Lutheran predilections are also manifested in the formation 
of the First Service Book of Edward VI., put forth in the month 
of June, 1549; for, like the corresponding work of the Saxon 
Reformers, our own is derived almost entirely from the ancient 
or mediaeval Liturgies, and, in no inconsiderable degree, through 
the medium of a Lutheran compilation, itself based upon the 
older Offices of Nuremberg." 8 

8 History of the XXXIX Articles, p. 80. 



Application of the Evangelical Principle to the Sphere of Worship. The 
distinctive features of the Lutheran Service. The Sacramental and 
Sacrificial factors with respect to the Roman, the Reformed and the Lu 
theran Services. 

THE " COMMON SERVICE " examined. Preparatory Service of Confession. Its 
Origin ; its Structure. The Declaration of Grace. No Absolution. The 
Declaration analyzed. 

THE SERVICE PROPER. First Act THE WORD : Part I. A. The In- 
troit. Agreement of Lutheran Orders. Origin. Structure. When 
and by whom chanted. B. The Kyrie. Relation to Introit. No Con 
fession of Sin. C. The Gloria in Excelsis. Significance of its place- 
Its Structure. Its Origin. Part II. A. The Salutation. Where only 
to be used. B. The Collects. The Oremus. Why called Collect. 
Origin. Structure. C. The Epistle. The New Testament Law. D. 
The Hallelujah. Significance of its place. Luther s Rule. Graduals, Se 
quences, etc. E. The Gospel Origin of attending Responses. Part 
III. A. The Creed. Variations in its place, and its significance as so 
changed. Lutheran Orders prefer the Nicene Creed. B. The Ser 
mon. The Explanation of the Gospel. Votum. C. Offertory. Improp 
erly so called. D. General Prayer. Analogy of Roman Mass. Em 
phasizes the Church as the Communion of Saints. Various forms used. 
Luther s Litany greatly enriches the ancient Litany. Structure. Not 
a mere penitential prayer. 

Second Act THE COMMUNION : The Lutheran Conception of the Commu 
nion, in its relation to the Word. Communion, not to be separated from 
the Preaching Service Part I. INTRODUCTION. A. Salutation B. 
Preface. C. Sanctus Structure and Significance Meaning of the 
" Benedictus." D. Exhortation. Origin (Volprecht, Niirnberg, 1525) 
Unliturgical. Why retained? Part II CONSECRATION. A. The 
Lord s Praver. Not properly consecratory. Why the Lord s Prayer is 


284 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

used? B. Words of Institution. Meaning of their recitation in this 
place. C The Pax. Luther s Explanation. Part III. THE DIS 
TRIBUTION. A. Agnus Dei. Origin. The Dona nobis ; when intro 
duced, and what it signifies. B. Distribution Proper. Meaning of 
the words. Luther s addition. Benediction. Is "true" to be used? 
Consecration not complete until in the Distribution. Part IV. Post Com 
munion . A. The Nunc Dimittis. In the oldest, but not the most Or 
ders. Significance. B. Versicle. C. Collect. D. Benedicamus. 

The First Part of Service, variable ; the Second part, fixed. Exceptions. Klie- 
foth s Comments. Simpler Services for villages and country churches. A 
typical Simple Service. 

THE tracing of the relation between the Orders of Edward VI. 
and those of the Lutheran Church, having led to the incidental 
discussion of various details of the latter, it may not be out of 
place to introduce here a brief presentation of the Chief Service 
(Haupt%otte$ditnsf), as it has attained a fixed form, where the 
reformation of the ancient Orders of public worship upon the 
principles laid down by Luther and his associates, has been car 
ried out. We, of course, fail to find any form so rigidly fixed, 
and uniformly used, as the Roman Order. In the various Lu 
theran countries, the application of the same principles was mod 
ified by varying circumstances, as Romanizing or Reformed in 
fluences, or, as in South-Western Germany, even the prejudices 
diffused by Carlstadt, through his connection with Strassburg, 
are traceable. Then, as even the principles themselves were 
more strongly or more feebly apprehended, there were varying 
results. The application and elaboration of the evangelical 
principle/ within the sphere of worship, could not be realized at one 

1 This principle within the sphere of worship, is that the public worship 
does not in itself convey the forgiveness of sins, and the blessings of salva 
tion. These are found only in the gracious assurances of the Gospel, which 
are appropriated only by faith. This principle had to assert itself against the 
Romish error that the public service was an institution appointed by God, di 
rectly conditioning salvation. The Public Service, according to the evangeli 
cal principle is not a means of grace, as Rome makes it ; but a means, through 
which the means of grace, Word and Sacrament, are brought to men. In it, 
the Holy Spirit comes to men, as Word and Sacrament are administered ; 

Excursus on the Typical Lutheran Chief Service. 285 

stroke, but only through a gradual process. In the consideration 
of a typical Lutheran service, we must constantly eliminate from 
any given Orders the factors pertaining to historical and local 
relations, and having, therefore, only transitory significance. 
We will follow here "The Common Order of Service," which 
three of the Lutheran General Bodies in America, have agreed 
upon as exhibiting the Consensus of the pure Lutheran litur 
gies of the Sixteenth Century. 

Preliminary, however, to the examination of the Service, it is 
important to keep in mind a principle marking the worship of 
the different Confessions, which Dr. Kliefoth has discussed at 
length in his Liturgische Abhandlungin, and whom we shall 
mainly follow here. In all true worship of God, two things are 
implied, viz., God offers and communicates, and man not only 
receives what God offers, but also returns something to God. 
The former is the sacramental ; the latter, the sacrificial element 
in worship. A sacrament may, in a wide sense, be defined as "a 
ceremony in which God gives that which the promise attached 
thereto offers. Thus Baptism is no act of ours, but one which 
God brings to us, and through which he bestows upon us the 
blessings announced at the institution of Baptism. The Son of 
God was not content with providing for us salvation by his sac 
rifice on the cross ; but he has ordained means whereby the effi 
cacy of his sacrifice, is applied. The Lord s Supper was insti- 

and men, in turn, through the Holy Spirit, attending Word and Sacraments, 
receives what the Holy Spirit offers. The perfection of the liturgical Service 
depends, therefore, upon the provision made for this constant reciprocation, 
God giving and man receiving, like the two sides of one breath. There 
could be no such conception of the Service where everything was spoken in a 
language not understood. Nor could it occur, where the doctrine of the con 
stant presence of the Holy Spirit with the Word and Sacraments was denied, 
and an inner Word made the more prominent and important. All questions, 
then, concerning places, times, forms and books of worship, fall under the 
category of adiaphora ; they are of value, not in themselves, but in the 
degree that they promote true worship, i. e. edification from Word and Sac 
rament, and invocation of God based thereon. Cf. Koestlin s Geschichte 
des Christlichen Gottesdienstes (PVeiburg, 1887), pp. 152 sqq. 

286 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

tuted not that we might thereby bring anything to Christ, but 
that he might bring something to us. So the reading and 
preaching of the Word, bring with them the very grace which 
the Word proclaims. 

The sacrificial element is when we bring something to God. 
There are two forms of sacrifice, the propitiatory and the eu- 
charistic. Under the New Testament, there is but one propitia 
tory sacrifice, viz., that of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, 
made by both his active and passive obedience throughout life, 
and finally offered once for all upon the altar of the cross. Eu- 
charistic sacrifices are those of prayer, praise a.nd thanksgiving, 
made in response to what is given us in Word and sacraments. 

In every true act of worship, there is a reciprocation between 
the sacramental and sacrificial elements. God gives through 
Word and sacraments ; and we give back to him in prayer and 
praise. The fundamental element in every Service must be the 
sacramental ; for God must give to us, before our faith can render 
worship, good works, etc. Hence the fundamental principle 
of Lutheran worship is that the individual Service must never 
consist merely of sacrificial parts, but must always have some 
thing sacramental, / . e. the application of Word and Sacraments. 
For the sacramental is the divine address ; and the sacrificial, 
the human answer. 

In the Romish worship, the sacramental element was crowded 
out by the sacrificial. The Mass, instead of being a sacrament, 
was made a sacrifice ; and that, too, a propitiatory sacrifice. 
By becoming a sacrifice, it ceased to be a real means of grace. 
God s act, they changed into man s work. Man s believing and 
thankful reception they transformed into a meritorious transac 
tion whereby to purchase grace. Hence participation in the 
Eucharist was regarded unimportant. If it be a sacrifice made 
for us, even our presence is unnecessary. So the Word need not 
be understood when read. Presence, at its public reading, 
whatever the language, becomes a propitiatory act. 

In the Reformed Church, the sacramental was also crowded 

Excursus on the Typical Lutheran Chief Service. 287 

out by the sacrificial element ; but in another way. In antago 
nizing the Romish propitiatory-sacrifice, they make the 
Service almost entirely Eucharistic-sacrificial. As is well known, 
Zwingli denied the reality of means of grace. The application 
of grace is conceived of as occurring immediately from Spirit to 
spirit. The constant presence of the Holy Spirit with the Word 
and Sacraments is denied. All liturgical acts are expressions 
of faith already wrought. The sacraments offer nothing from 
the Lord, but the faith or piety of those celebrating them. The 
Word does not bring the Spirit ; but the Spirit brings the Word. 
Through the exposition of the Word, the preacher simply gives 
testimony as to his faith. Believers come together chiefly by 
common prayer, confession, praise, thanksgiving, etc., to exer 
cise their faith. 

The Lutheran Church, laying emphasis upon both elements, 
provides for both, throughout every part of her Service. They 
interpenetrate each other, the sacramental always evoking the 
sacrificial-eucharistic, and the sacrificial-eucharistic never occur- 
ing except as the sacramental has preceded. And yet, as we 
shall see, certain parts of the Service are predominantly sacra 
mental, and others predominantly sacrificial. 

With this principle understood, we proceed to the presentation 
of the Service : 

A. Confession. 

In the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost. Amen. 

Beloved in the Lord ! Let us draw near with a true heart, and confess 
our sins unto God, our Father, beseeching him, in the name of our Lord 
Jesus Christ, to grant us forgiveness. 

Our help is in the name of the Lord. 

Who made heaven and earth. 

I said, I will confess my transgressions unto the Lord. 

And thou forgavest the iniquity of my sin. 

Almighty God, our Maker and Redeemer, we poor sinners confess unto 
thee, that we are by nature sinful and unclean, and that we have. sinned 
against thee by thought, word and deed. Wherefore we flee for refuge to 

288 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

thine infinite mercy, seeking and imploring thy grace, for the sake of our Lord 
Jesus Christ. O most merciful God, who hast given thine only begotten Son 
to die for us, have mercy upon us, and for his sake, grant us remission of all our 
sins ; and, by thy Holy Spirit, increase in us true knowledge of thee, and of thy 
will, and true obedience to thy word, to the end that by thy grace we may 
come to everlasting life, through Jesus Christ, our Lord. Amen. 

This does not belong to the Service properly so called. The 
Service of the Mass does not have it as such. The Consensus of 
the Lutheran liturgies of the Sixteenth Century does not contain 
it. It has its origin in the Confiteor or Praeparutio in Missam, said 
by the officiating priest for himself, first secretly, but in course 
of time, publicly, before beginning the service. 2 Thence revised, 
so as to exclude the Roman errors, it was transferred to a num 
ber, but not the majority, of the Lutheran services. Thus the 
Brandenburg-Nurnberg Order begins: "When the priest 
comes to the altar, he may say the Confiteor, or whatever his 
meditation suggests." Even an earlier Order (Strassburg, 1524) 
prescribes it in a form similar to that here given. 3 The form 
adopted is that of Mecklenburg, 155 2. 4 The structure of the 
Confession is not manifest in the English translation. The Ger 
man is : " Ich armer siindigtr Mensch" showing that it is the 
officiating minister, who begins under the deep sense of his un- 
worthiness of that which his office communicates (Is. 6 : 5 sq.). 
Then, in the second part of the prayer, the people join, or as in 
the Meckenburg Order, a second minister. There is also pro 
gress in the thought. The first is a general prayer for God s 
mercy ; the second, passing to what is more specific, presents 
the plan of salvation, with the prayer that God would fulfil his 

2 Confiteor Deo Omnipotent!, beatae Mariae semper virgini, beato Michaeli 
archangelo . . omnibus sanctis et vobis, fratres, quia peccavi nimis cogitatione, 
verbo et opere. Mea culpa, mea culpa, mea maxima culpa. Ideo precor 
beatam Mariam semper virginem et vos fratres orare pro me ad Dominum, 
Deum nostrum. Then his fellow ministrants continue : Misereatur tui Om- 
nipotens Deus, ct dimissis peccatis tuis perducat te ad vitam aeternam. 

3 See above Chapter xxii. 

4 Richter, 11:122. 

Excursus on the Typical Lutheran Chief Service. 289 

promises connected with that plan. The second petition has 
almost the force of an absolution by his congregation, of the min 
ister who has prayed the first petition, and, at the same time, joins 
therewith the congregation s prayer for the same blessing. In 
the first petition, a most important addition has been made to the 
Confiteor of the Roman Order, in that Original Sin is included, 
and made prominent. The German traces sin from the act to its 
source in Original Sin ; the English begins with the source, and 
shows how it has developed in outward manifestations. 

B. The Declaration of Grace. 

Almighty God ; our heavenly Father, hath had mercy upon us, and given 
His only Son to die for us, and for His sake forgiveth us all our sins. To 
them that believe on His Name, He also giveth power to become the sons 
of God, and bestoweth upon them His Holy Spirit. He that believeth, and 
is baptized shall be saved. Grant this, O Lord, unto us all. Amen. 

In this form, the declaration is found in Mecklenburg, 1552. 
It is often, but improperly, -called an absolution. An absolu 
tion is, however, the individualization of the general promise 
of the Gospel, the application to the individual of the forgive 
ness which is offered to all. Such absolution cannot be spoken 
to an entire congregation, or even to two or three persons, but 
only to one. In a wide sense, the term general, as distinguished 
from private or personal, absolution may be used. But such gen 
eral absolution occurs wherever the Word of God is preached. 
Any other form of general absolution detracts either from preach 
ing, on the one hand, or from the personal absolution on the 
other. The subject was involved in controversy at Niirnberg in 
1533, where Brentz and Osiander objected to the custom which 
previously obtained. 5 Brentz urged that it could not be a true 
absolution, since it is nowhere read in Scripture, that a mixed 
assembly could be absolved, in which are found unbelievers, fan 
atics, impenitents, adulterers, usurers, drunkards, murderers, and 
where none asks for absolution ; that such absolution would be 

6 For details see KKefoth t II : 335 sqq, 

290 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

either conditional, /. e. I absolve you, if you have repentance 
and faith, or unconditional, /. e. I absolve, you whether you have 
or have not repentance and faith. But a conditional absolution 
is no absolution ; and an unconditional absolution of such kind, 
"is a lie and blasphemy." Luther and the Wittenberg Faculty 
tried to mediate between the two sides. 6 But Brentz more con 
sistently carried out the Lutheran principle. In the Reformed 
churches, the public absolution is not objectional, since, accord 
ing to the Reformed conception, the absolution does not 
communicate that which it announces. 

We have here, therefore, not an absolution, but only a declara 
tion of the Order of Salvation, and its general offer to the sinners 
who have confessed. A more admirable and thoroughly logical 
statement could scarcely be framed : 

1. God s General Benevolence. His Antecedent Will. 

(.) His pity for fallen man. " Hath had mercy upon us," 
/ . e. from all eternity, as he foresaw our fall. 

($.) His provision for man s recovery. 

"And given his only son to die for us." 

(c.~) The fruits of this mercy and redemption. 

" For his sake forgiveth us all our sins." All being redeemed 
by Christ, all through Christ are potentially forgiven. There is 
forgiveness for all, though all do not avail themselves of it. 

2. *God s Special Benevolence. His Consequent Will. 

(#.) The Manner; (<.) The Means, by which the forgiveness 
provided for all is bestowed. The manner Faith, Regener 
ation, the Holy Spirit. The means Faith, Baptism. 

3. Prayer that the Holy Spirit may work this faith, and apply 
to each heart the forgiveness which, for Christ s sake, belongs 
to it. 

In Dober s Mass (1525) where the outlines of this form are 
found, it ends : " Be it to each according to his faith. Pray 
God for me. I also will do likewise." (Lohe). 

6 See De Wette s Luther s Briefen> IV : 480 sqq. 

Excursus on the Typical Lutheran Chief Service. 291 


Lohe has said that every complete Service is a mountain with 
two summits : The preaching of the Word is one, the adminis 
tration of the sacrament is the other. As Sinai is higher than 
Horeb, so the latter rises above the former. We reach both by 
a gradual .".scent. 

First Act The Word. 

Part I. A. The Introii. The normal Lutheran service al 
ways begins with the Introit, "In this there is complete agree 
ment among all Lutheran Orders until the middle of the 
XVII. Century" (Kliefoth), the only exceptions being in the 
occasional use of introductory hymns or psalms, and the confes 
sional service just considered. To what has been already said in 
chapter XX., we add the following: 

The Introits appear first in Gregory the Great, and in the es 
sential form which they have since had. Every Introit consists 
of three parts : An Antiphon, a Psalm and the Gloria Patri. 
The Antiphon presents, by means of a brief passage of Scripture 
(with a few exceptions from the Psalms), the leading thought of 
the particular day. The Psalm is a brief passage from the Psalms, 
in which the joy of the heart at what the Antiphon announces, 
finds expression. Originally an entire Psalm was chanted here. 
This usage can be traced from the fact that, of the sixty-one 
Introits included in the appended table, fiftv-two have as the 
Psalm-verse, the first verse of the Psalm used, the intention gen 
erally being that the entire Psalm should follow. Where the 
verse is not the first of a Psalm, the Introit, as a rule, has begun 
with the first verse, or first and second verses, which is then 
followed by the rest of the Psalm. 

292 The Lutheran Movement in England. 




I. Sunday in Advent. 

Ps. 25 : 1-3 a. 



{Zach. 9 : 4. 

II. " 

Is. 30: 30. 



Is. 30 : 29. 

III. " 

Phil. 4 : 4-6. 

85 : 


IV. " " 

Is. 45 : 8. 

19 : 



Is. 9 : 6. 



Sunday after Christmas. 

(Ps. 93 : 5, 2). 

95 : 



(Ps. 8: 1,4). 

Is. 63 : 

1 6. 


Mai. 3: I. 

Ps. 72 : 


I. Sunday after Epiphany. 

f Is. 6: I. 
\ Rev. 19 : 6. 

100 : 


jj << 

Ps. 66 : 4. 


I, 2. 

III., IV., V. " " 

Ps. 97 : 7, 8- 

97 : 


VI. Sunday 

Ps. 77 : 18. 




Ps. 18 : 5, 6. 




Ps. 44 : 23-25. 

44 : 



Ps. 31 : 2, 3. 

3i : 


Ash Wednesday. 

Ps. 57: 2; I b. 


i a. 

I. Sunday in Lent. 

Ps. 91 : 15, 16. 

91 : 


[ ] it U 

Ps. 25 : 6, 2 b., 22. 



III. " " " 

Ps. 25 : 15, 16. 



IV. " " " 

Is. 66 : 10. 


: i. 

V. " " 

Ps. 43 : i, 2. 

43 = 


VI. " " " 

Ps. 22 : 19, 21. 

22 : 


Monday in Holy Week. 

Ps. 35 : I, 2. 



Tuesday and Thursday in H.W. 

Gal. 6 : 14. 



Wednesday in Holy Week. 

Phil. 2 : 10, 8. 


I, 2. 

Good Friday. 

Is. 53 : 3-6. 


I, 2. 

(Ps. 139=18, 5, 6. 


I, 2. 



I Luke 24 : 6 a., 5 b., 6 b., 7. 


5 b.,6a. 

First Sunday after Easter. 

I Pet. 2 : 2. 

81 : 


Second " " " 

Ps. 33:5,6. 

33 : 


Third " " " 

Ps. 66 : i, 2. 



Fourth " " " 

Ps 98 : I a., 2 b. 


i b. 

Fifth " " " 

Is. 48 : 20. 

100 : 


Ascension Day. 

Acts i : II. 



Sunday after Ascension. 

Ps. 27 : 7, 9. 



Excursus on the Typical Lutheran Chief Service. 293 

Trinity Sunday. 

( Wisd. I : 7 a. 
\ Ps. 68 : 3. 
f Partly from Job 12:6. 
| Partly ecclesiastical. 
-I or, 
Is. 6 : 3. 
[Rom. II : 36. 

68: i. 

8: i. 

First Sunday after Trinity. 

Ps- 13 = 5, 6. 


Second " " 


Ps 18 : 18 b., 19. 

18 : i, 2 a. 

Third " " 


Ps. 25 : 16, 18. 

25 : i, 2 a. 

Fourth " " 


Ps. 27 : I, 2. 

27 = 3- 



Ps. 27 : 7, 9 b. 

27 : i a. 


Ps. 28 : 8, 9. 


Seventh " " 

Ps. 47 : i. 


Eighth " 


Ps. 48 : 9, 10. 

48 : i. 

Ninth " " 

Ps. 54-- 4,5- 

54 : ! 

Tenth " " 

Ps 55: 1 6, i8a, 19 a., 22 a 

55 = r 

Eleventh " " 


Ps 68: 5 b., 6 a., 35 b 

68: i 

Twelfth " " 

Ps. 70: i, 2 a. 

70 : 2 b. 

Thirteenth Sunday after Trinity. 

Ps. 74 : 20 a., 21 a., 23 a. 

74: i. 

Fourteenth " 

Ps. 84 : 9, 10 a. 

84: i. 

Fifteenth " 


Ps. 86 : I a., 2 b., 3. 


Sixteenth " 


Ps. 86: 3, 5. 

86 : i a. 

Seventeenth " 

Ps. 119 : 137, 124. 

119 : i. 

Eighteenth " 

Eccles. 36: 16, 17 a 

122 : i. 

f Ps. 35 : 3 b. 

Nineteenth Sunday alter Trinity. 

J Ps. 34: 17. 


( Ps. 48 : 14 a. 

f Dan. 9 : 14 b. 

Twentieth Sunday after Trinity. 

I Song of the Three Children 
\ Ps. 119: 124. [3: 20. 
IPs 51: I- 

48: i. 

Twenty-first Sunday aft. Trinity, 

, Esther 13: 9, 10, n. 

119: i. 

Twenty-second " 

tt it 

Ps. 130: 3,4. 

130: i, 2 a. 

Twenty-third " 

Jer. 29: II, 12, 14. 


Twenty-fourth " 

Ps. 95 : 6, 7. 

95: i. 

Twenty-fifth " 


Ps. 31 : 9 a., 15 b. 

31 : i. 

Twenty-sixth " 


Ps. 54: 1,2. 


Twenty-seventh or whenever last Sunday occurs, repeat Introit for Twenty- 

294 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

The Introit was chanted as the minister entered the church. 
Some derived the name, from the fact that originally a Psalm 
was sung by the choir, as the people entered. The Antiphon 
was chanted by the choir, representing the chorus of angels that 
chanted at Bethlehem, or, as Gerbert suggests, the chorus of Old 
Testament prophets, 7 and the Psalm formed the response of the 
congregation. The chanting of the Introit by the congregation, 
was deemed inappropriate, since it is its office to announce to 
the congregation what God has for it on that day. The opening 
word for the Introit gave the name of the day. Hence Cantatf, 
Rogate, Jubilate, Sundays. The Gloria Patri follows every 
Psalm, and hance its position here, after the Psalm-verse. Orig 
inally its form was: " Glory to the Father, through the Son, in 
the Holy Ghost," or "Glory to the Father, in the Son, and the 
Holy Ghost." But from the time of the Arian controversy, it 
assumed its present form. So also "As it was in the begin 
ning," etc., was added first in the East, and afterwards in the 
West, as the Council of Vaison (A. D. 529) declares: "Be 
cause of the craftiness of heretics, maintaining that the Son of 
God was not always with the Father, but had begun to be in 

B. THE KYRIE. The glory of the divine goodness manifested 
by what the Introit has announced, has been celebrated in the 
Gloria Patri. But the greater the manifestation of divine good 
ness, the deeper the humiliation. The Kyrie is not a confession 
of sin, but a confession of wretchedness to be borne as a conse 
quence of sin now forgiven, as long as life lasts, Rom. 7: 24. 
When the blind man cried out "Thou Son of David, have 
mercy on me," Matth. 9: 27, he did not confess his sins, but 
prayed that his infirmity might be removed. So we also pray 
for the removal of the blindness which obstructs from us the full 
light of heavenly grace. Even amidst the glory of New Testa 
ment light, the sighing of the Old Testament prophets is heard. 

7 " The choir as the voice of the Church Universal, specifically of the O. 
T. Church." Schoeberlein Liturgische Ausbau, p. 246. 

Excursus on the Typical Lutheran Chief Service. 295 

Is. 33 : 2 : " O Lord be gracious unto us ; we have waited for 
thee." From the Kyrie, the Litany seems to have originated, 
(Calvor). According to pre-Reformation practice, the Kyrie is 
sometimes said in Greek in our Lutheran churches. The reason 
may be learned from that suggested by Bona for its use in Greek 
in the Roman Mass. "The Latins say the Kyrie in Greek; 
they also say Amen, Hallelujah, Sabaoth, and Hosanna in He 
brew, perhaps to show that there is one Church, consisting first 
of Hebrews and Greeks, and then also of Latins." He adds 
that thus the mysteries of the faith are transmitted in the three 
tongues in which the superscription above the cross was written, 
and quotes from Augustine (Epistle 178), that "just as by the 
term Homoousion one substance of the Trinity is believed by all 
the faithful, so by the Kyrie Eleison the nature of one God is be 
sought by all Latins and barbarians, to be merciful." In per 
fect harmony with this, Bugenhagen says in the Brunswick Order 
of 1531 : "It would be well that, as we do not change the He 
brew words Amen, 1 Hallelujah, Hosanna,* after the exam 
ple of the Holy Apostles, who although in the New Testament, 
they wrote Greek, did not change those words ; so also we would 
translate the Kyrie Eleison and Christe Eleison, which are 
Greek, into German. . . By Greek writing, the whole New 
Testament has been produced, and we dare not so completely 
cast aside everything that is Greek. You can easily understand, 
unless you obstinately despise it, when you are once told that 
Kyrie Eleison means Lord, have mercy, and Christe Elei 
son, 1 Christ, have mercy. But if you want to be so rigidly 
German, you must not even say Christ, have mercy, but Du 
Gesalbtcr, have mercy. 

C. The GLORIA IN EXCELSIS. The minister now comforts the 
congregation. He has gone down with them into the depths 
of their wretchedness, and now, from these depths, he looks up, 
and bids them look up with him, "unto the hills whence cometh 
their help." At once, faith in the hearts of the people is roused 
to action, and takes the word from God s lips. First, in the song 

296 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

of the angels, they celebrate the divine goodness. Then again, 
the contrast between God s Love and their disposition towards 
it, awakens within the Gloria a second Kyrie. Then once more, 
the thought of their own need is forgotten, as the song of tri 
umph in the three-fold ascription of Glory to Christ alone, ends 
the strain. The - Gloria Major" is without doubt one of the 
very oldest hymns of the Christian Church. It is sometimes, 
though without sufficient evidence, ascribed to Bishop Teles- 
phorus (127-138), by others, to Hilary, bishop of Poictiers 
(t368), although it is probably earlier. It is found in the 
"Apostolical Constitutions" (Second or Third Century), 
which sufficiently establishes its Eastern origin. It occurs there 
in the following form : " Glory "be to God in the highest, and 
upon earth peace, good-will among men. We praise Thee, we 
glorify Thee, we worship Thee by Thy great High Priest ; Thee, 
who art the true God, who art the One Unbegotten, the only 
accessible Being. For Thy great glory, O Lord and heavenly 
King, O God the Father Almighty, O Lord God, the Father 
of Christ, the immaculate Lamb, who taketh away the sin of the 
world, receive our prayer, Thou that sittest upon the cherubim. 
For thou only art holy, Thou only art the Lord Jesus, the Christ 
of the God of all created nature, and our King, by whom glory, 
honor and worship be to Thee." Luther says that it neither 
grew, nor was made upon earth, but came directly from Heaven. 

With the Gloria in Excelsis, the first part of the act of the 
Word ceases. The congregation has been prepared for the 
Word itself, and then proceeds to its reception. The sacrificial 
element has thus far prevailed. Now the sacramental is to pre 

Part II. A. THE SALUTATION introduces the sacramental 
part of the Service, whether it be the administration of Word or 
Sacrament, that is to follow. Through his minister, Christ sa 
lutes us when about to make his abode within us. Thus the an 
gel to the virgin, Luke i : 23. The Response follows Ruth 2 : 4, 
or 2 Tim. 4 ; 22. The Salutation and Response are not, however, 

Excursus on the Typical Lutheran Chief Service. 297 

confined to the sacramental act. As seen in the Matin and 
Vesper Services, they belong to the Collects. " By this frequent 
repetition of this greeting and Response, the bonds of love and 
unity between pastor and people are tied anew." (Lohe). 
" The meaning is : May the Lord abide in you, and give effi 
cacy to your petitions (Durandus), or the priest says that he is 
at peace with both clergy and people (Damianus), or the atten 
tion is aroused to prayer (Rupertus) ; for it is not God nor 
Christ, but the Lord be with you, since Lord signifies power 
(Turrecrem)." (Gavanti). The minister prays for his people. 
The people pray for their minister ; and then they unitedly pray 
for one another. 

B. THE COLLECTS. The "Let us pray," indicates that the 
people are to join in the prayer, which may be done either silently 
or in subdued voice. Again we refer to what is said in Chapter 
XX. As the Collect is to be a prayer of the people, the earlier 
Lutheran Orders evidently restricted the number, in order that 
those well known to the people might be used. As originally in 
the Gregorian Order, only one Collect was to be used. The 
meaning of the term is not certain. It is either the united or the 
collected prayer of the entire congregation the minister has 
prayed for his people in the Salutation, and they have prayed for 
the minister in the Response or a prayer made by a collected 
congregation, or a prayer that collects and concentrates the 
thought of Gospel and Epistle. Its office here is to prepare the 
congregation for the reception of the special Word, pertaining to 
the day, announced by the Introit, and now about to be read. 

The Collects for the Sundays and chief festivals are almost en 
tirely of Pre-Reformation origin, from the Leonine (440), Ge- 
lasian (492), and Gregorian (596) Sacramentaries. 

The following may be noted, as Leonine : III. Sunday after 
Easter, IV. XII. and XIII. after Trinity. Gelasian : II., III., 
IV. Advent, Christmas Eve, Christmas Day, I. Other Collect 
for Advent, Palmarum, Easter Eve, Easter Day, II., IV. V. after 
Easter, Sunday after Ascension, I., III.. V., VI, VII., VIII., 

298 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

IX., X., XL, XIV., XV., XVII., XVIII. , XIX., XX. after 
Trinity. Gregorian : I. Advent, Sunday after Christmas, II. 
Other Collect for Advent, Epiphany, I., II., III., IV., V. after 
Epiphany, Septuagesima, Sexagesima, Quinquagesima, II., III., 
IV., V. Sundays in Lent, Monday, Tuesday and Wednesday in 
Holy Week. Other Easter Collects, I. after Easter, I. for As 
cension, Whitsunday, Monday, in W T hitsun-week, XVI., XXL, 
XXII. , XXIII , XXIV. after Trinity. 8 In comparing them with 
the Anglican Collects, it must be remembered that, after the 
Third Sunday after Trinity, the Anglican Collects fall one Sun 
day behind, and that elsewhere, as in the first three Sundays in 
Advent, the Anglicans have composed new Collects, while we 
retain the ancient Collects. 

The structure of the Collect is always the same. It embraces 
one main petition, consists of but one sentence, asks through the 
merits of Christ, and ends with an ascription to the Holy Trin 
ity. Its parts as well analyzed by English writers, such as Neale, 9 
are: i. Invocation. 2. Antecedent Reason. 3. Petition. [4. 
Benefit]. 5. Conclusion, The fourth part is not always found. 
The conclusions are uniform even when not so designated. If to 
the Father : "Per Dominum nostrum Jesum Christum, Filium 
tuum, qui tecum vivit et regnat in unitate Spiritus sancti, Deus 
per omnia saecula saeculorum;" if to the Son: "qui vivis et 
fegnas cum Deo Patre in unitate," etc. "That no prejudice 
may be shown the other persons of the Godhead, not addressed 
in the prayer." (Gavanti). 

There are no versicles for the Collects at this part of the ser 
vice. The Collect is followed by the "Amen," to be said or 

8 From Gerbert s Monumenta veteris Liturgiae Alemannicae, supplemented 
by Muratori s Liturgia Romana. 

9 The distribution can be traced, as far back as Thomas Aquinas (Summa 
Summarum. 2, 2. Q. 83, Art. XVII.,) who tries to apply to it I Tim. 2 : 
I. He says : " In the Collect for Trinity Sunday, Almighty and Ever 
lasting God pertains to the raising of the mind to God ; Who hast given 
unto us Thy servants] pertains to thanksgiving ; We beseech Thee that Thou 
ivouldest keep] pertains to petition j Through our Lord] to supplication." 

Excursus on the Typical Lutheran Chief Service, 299 

sung by the congregation, according to i Cor. 14 : 10; Neh. 8 : 6. 
THE LESSONS. That there are two lessons, the Epistle 
and the Gospel, is traceable to the Service of the synagogue, 
where on every Sabbath, a lesson from the Law and one from 
the prophets, was read. The entire Pentateuch was divided into 
sections corresponding to the weeks of the year, so that it was 
annually read through. 

C. THE EPISTLE is the Word of the Christian Law ; with all 
its greater depth and breadth as set forth in the New Testament. 
In his first liturgical writing, the Formula Missae, Luther has 
not understood this, when he attacks the selections made, on the 
ground that they are not such epistle lessons as treat of faith and 

"The Epistle which is read before the Gospel pertains to the 
ministry of John." (Gerbert Monumenta Veteris Ltturgtae, 
III: 151). The Epistle is taken sometimes from the Old, and 
sometimes from the New Testament. For John was the way be 
tween those.who preceded and followed, intermediate between 
Apostles and Prophets. For the Law and Prophets were until 
John. What is the Law, asks Justin Martyr. The Gospel 
which is proclaimed. What is the Gospel The Law which is 
fulfilled. St. Augustine: In the Old and New Testaments the 
things are the same ; but there they are adumbrated, here re 
vealed ; there prefigured, here manifested. On Lord s Days 
the Epistle is conformed to the Law from the New Testament, 
since now we are under the law of grace, which, since the resur 
rection, the Lord s Day represents, and which now illumines the 
whole world. The Epistle precedes : i. Because it designates 
the office which John exercised before Christ ; for he went be 
fore the face of the Lord to prepare his ways. (Rupert, Inno 
cent, Alex, de Ales., Durand.) 2. Because the Apostles were 
sent two and two before the Lord. (Alcuiri). 3. Because God 
does not make the manifestation of his power and goodness all 
at once ; but first less, and afterwards more. What he spoke 
himself contains more perfect manifestation than what he spoke 

300 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

by the Apostles. 4. That the mind of the hearers may advance 
from the reception of what is less to what is greater, and thus 
gradually ascend from the lowest to the highest (Walafried 
Strabo.) (J. S. Durantus, De Ritibus Ecc. Catholicae.}* 

D. Hallelujah. With the consciousness of the forgiveness 
of sins imparted by the preceding part of the Service, the con 
gregation receives even the Law with joy. Having in view the 
Gospel which is still to be read, the Law has lost its terrors ; it 
is written in the heart, Heb. 8 : 10, and hence is greeted with 
an.exultant "Hallelujah." 

This is an inheritance from the Jewish Church, and hence 
comes appropriately after the Christian Law. So often does it 
occur in Ps. 113-118, that this section of the Psalms is often 
called "The Great Hallelujah." It is probable that the latter 
portion of this (Ps. 115-118) was chanted by our Lord as "the 
hymn," at the last passover. Thus it points to his sacrifice. In 
Rev. 19 : i, it is the triumphant hymn of the hosts of Heaven. 
Hence it is not translated, since it belongs no more to any par 
ticular language of earth, but to the vocabulary of spiritually 
minded men and angels. This explains Luther s rule that it 
must never be omitted from the service. " Ailelujah enim vox 
perpetua est ecclesiae, sicut perpctua est memoria passionis et vie. 
totiae ejus." Later Lutheran usage, following that of the early 
Church, has sanctioned its suppression during the Passion Season, 
upon the principle that Luther s rule, if strictly applied, would 
forbid all penitential services. 

In connection with the Hallelujah, a prolific musical and poe 
tical growth of graduals, sequences, proses, tracts and hymns 
arose. They prolonged and complicated the Service. Even 
Cardinal Bona maintains that "some very foolish ones crept 
in." 10 But the chief objection was the doctrinal impurity by 
which they were pervaded.. Some of our best hymns came from 
this source. Luther translated a number of them ; and if a pure 

9 ditto Lugduni, 1675, p. 241. 

10 Rerum Liturgicarum Libri, III : 141. 

Excursus on the Typical Lutheran Chief Service. 30 r 

hymnody of sufficient extent could have arisen, the Hallelujah 
would have had more extensive supplement than now. In his 
formula Missae, Luther specifies a few whose retention he ap 

E. The Gospel. Here we find not only the summit of the 
First Act reached, but the saving deed which the day celebrates, 
is clearly declared. It is no longer the Apostolic doctrine con 
cerning Christ, but it is Christ Himself who is evidently set 
forth. We see Him in all his concrete personality move before 
us ; we hear his very words. Hence we rise in reverent ador 
ation. In former days, men of war unsheathed their swords and 
listened with drawn weapons, ready to defend the truth of that 
which was heard. Elsewhere, weapons previously in hand, were 
laid down, in adoration of the Great Conqueror, before whose 
words all earthly power must yield. The infirm laid away their 
staffs, and listened with uncovered heads. In the Ethiopic Or 
der, the Gospel was introduced by the words : " Arise and hear 
the Gospel and good message of our Lord and Saviour Jesus 

F. " Glory be to Thee, O Lord," not only expresses the first 
bound of joy at the very announcement of a message from the 
Lord, but also enables the congregation to rise without any awk 
ward break in the Service. 

"Praise be to Thee, O Lord," is usual in our Lutheran litur. 
gies. It is an appropriate doxology in response to the Gospel, 
and marks the close of the second part of the Act of the Word. 
Those who superficially object to it, that it sounds as though the 
people were thankful that an end had come to the lesson, may 
answer whether then the singing of a doxology at the close of the 
Service, would not mean that the people are thankful that a te 
dious sermon has ended. Profafte criticism can ridicule any 
thing sacred. 

PART III. A. THE CREED. This is introductory and subordi 
nate to the Sermon. In a few Orders, it directly follows; but in 
most, it precedes. In the latter case, its office is to give a sum- 

302 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

mary of the faith as a whole before the minister expands the part 
contained in the Gospel for the day. The whole horizon of the 
faith sweeps before the view, and, then, the hearers are prepared 
to enter the one limited part. Where it follows the Sermon, as 
in the Reformation of Cologne, it is as the affirmative answer to 
the Sermon. Another explanation is sometimes given : "The 
Creed is recited after the Gospel, that while, by the Holy Gos 
pel, there is faith unto righteousness \ by the Creed, there may 
be confession with the mouth unto salvation." (Durandus). 
"After Christ has spoken to his people, it is proper for them to 
express their belief the more ardently and intently, as it is writ 
ten in the Gospel of John that they did, who had heard the word 
from the Samaritan woman." (Gerbert). 

The Creed generally prescribed in Lutheran Liturgies, is the 
Nicene. There is precedent for the Apostles Creed, and that, 
too, in the earlier Orders, Doeber s (1525) and Bugenhagen s, of 
the same year ; but this is rare. The Apostles Creed, as the 
Baptismal Confession, belongs properly to the Baptismal Service, 
and the subordinate weekly and daily services. The Nicene 
Creed is the Communion Confession, and belongs whenever this 
is administered ; the two Creeds corresponding to the two Sac 
raments. Luther s metrical version of the Nicene, was more com 
mon and occasionally, even the Athanasian was used, as on Trin 
ity Sunday and at Ordinations. The Te Deum also was used 
at times. Because of its confessional character, the latter was 
sometimes called the " Ambrosian-Augustinian Symbol." 

B. THE SERMON. A number of our Orders provide for this 
under the direction : " Explanation of the Gospel." The whole 
Service is thrown into confusion, if that towards which its several 
parts lead be neglected, and some other than the focal topic be 
introduced. Not that which for the moment is nearest the heart 
of the minister, nor that which is nearest the heart of the indi 
vidual members, but that which is so arranged that the entire 
contents of the divine Word are unfolded and communicated in 
a complete cycle, will afford most permanent edification, and 

Excursus on the Typical Lutheran Chief Service. 303 

maintain the interest of devout people. The service of the min 
ister on the pulpit ends with the Votum, intended to summon 
the people to join in the succeeding psalmody, with which they 
are occupied, while he descends from the pulpit, and takes his 
place before the altar. 

C. THE OFFERTORY. This is so different from the Offertory 
in the Roman Mass, that it seems scarcely proper to retain the 
name. As we use it, the reference is to psalmody, "adapted 
either to the Sermon, or to repentance, or to the Holy Supper." 

D. THE GENERAL PRAYER. Here the analogy of the Roman 
Mass has been followed. The General Prayer has its origin in 
the long series of petitions attached to the Roman Offertory, 
which were mostly connected with the worship of saints, prayers 
for the dead, etc. The Lutheran Ghurch, going back to a purer 
tradition, and eliminating these elements, found this the proper 
place to pray for all sorts and conditions of men. For the cry 
of repentance has led to the thought that there are others com 
prehended in the same sin, the same redemption, and the same 

The office of the General Prayer is, therefore, to present most 
forcibly the Church as the communion of saints, where the end 
of all our prayers for men, is that they may be brought to repent 
ance and faith, and, through repentance and faith, experience 
the fullness of the divine blessings, both temporal and eternal. 
Luther presented, as a proper form for general prayer, a paraphrase 
of the Lord s Prayer, expanding its petitions at length, and was 
followed in this by a number of Orders. Elsewhere the Litany 
or the Te Deum was used, or several Collects were combined, as 
in the Brandenburg-Niirnberg of 1533. The first General Prayer 
of the Common Service is, except the first paragraph, in the Strass- 
burg Order of 1598, and is probably considerably older. In its 
main features, it is found in the Austrian Order of 1571. 

The Litany, presented for use in many of the Orders, where 
there is no communion, was greatly changed by Luther in his re- 

304 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

vision of 1529, as shown above in Chapter XVIII. He trans 
posed " from all sin " to before "all evil ;" inserted " by thine 
agony and bloody sweat,", "in all time of our tribulation, in all 
time of our prosperity;" changed to its present form, " to pre 
serve all pastors and ministers," etc. ; and either originated or 
greatly enlarged all the intercessions of the same group. In the 
second group, only the first intercession is in the Roman Mass ; 
the rest are by Luther. The third group is entirely by Luther. 
In the fourth, he amended "omnibus benefactoribus" so as to 
read " hostibus, persecutoribus et calumniatoribus nostris" i. e. 
where the old Litany reads : " To repay everything good to our 
benefactors," Luther reads: "To forgive our enemies, perse 
cutors and slanderers, and to turn their hearts." This is a fulfil 
ment of the passage : "Ye have heard that it hath been said by 
them of old, etc., but I say unto you," Matth. 5 : 21 sqq. The 
prayers at the close of the Litany, he reduced to the form of 
Collects, and greatly changed. Thus, except at the beginning, 
it is almost a new Litany. Its structure has been analyzed as 
follows: i. The Simple Kyrie. 2. Invocations. 3. Depreca 
tions, beginning "from." 4. Obsecrations, beginning "by" 
and in." 5. Intercessions, through the prayer for "ene 
mies." 6. Supplications, for " fruits of the earth," and "an 
swer to prayer." 7. The expanded Kyrie. 8. Simple Kyrie. 
9. Lord s Prayer. 10. Versicles, and Collects. "It is the 
general prayer of the Christian Church under all necessities and 
conditions. We must carefully avoid narrowing its significance. 
It is not e. g. a mere penitential prayer ; like every true prayer, 
it contains this element, but is not confined to this. It is a 
prayer in every necessity, not only against sin, but also against 
all evil. It is not a mere cry of anguish, belonging only to 
times of trouble ; it is a prayer not merely against all evil, but 
for all good. The Pomeranian Agende goes so far as to pre 
scribe the Litany for the Saturday Vesper Service in the place 
of the Magnificat, and to have it sung in one and the same 
week-day Service with, and, that too, even before the Te 

Excursus on the Typical Lutheran Chief Service. 306 

Z)fum." 10 Luther pronounced it, next the Lord s Prayer, the 
very best that could be made. 


On the relation of the Communion, to the rest of the Service : 
" To Luther, Word and Sacraments are the objective founda 
tions of the Church, and, accordingly, the objective factors 
cf the Service, as the means of grace whereby the individual 
comes into possession of the blessings of salvation ; the Lord s 
Supper especially as a sacrament i? regarded not merely the high 
est and most impressive announcement and assurance of grace 
but also as the objective sealing of grace. Hence the Lord s 
Supper forms the summit of the Service, as well on its objective, 
as on its subjective side : inasmuch as in the celebration of the 
sacrament the gracious declaration of the Gospel is completed 
and given especial power, and the appropriation of salvation on 
the part of the congregation is accomplished. Hence while the 
Service has indeed to Luther the office of instructing in salvation, 
so far as he keeps the preaching of the Word in view, he regards it 
also as a sealing of salvation, a communication of grace, not 
merely in the Lord s Supper, but also in the Word. He, therefore, 
finds the sum and summit of the entire Service in the Communion, 
in the Eucharist." n 

For this reason, the separation of the communion from the 
preaching Service, is entirely foreign to the spirit of the Gospel 
as apprehended by the Lutheran Church. The " Communion 
Address," which replaces the Sermon in some churches, is an 
importation from the Reformed Church, and cannot be liturgi- 
cally justified. There is no proper Service, without the preach 
ing of the Word ; 12 there is no complete Service, without Word 
and Sacrament. 

Parti. Introduction A. SALUTATION, as in beginning of Act 
I., Part I. " May he be present by his grace, who is always 

10 Kliefoth s Liturgische Abhandlungen, VIII. (V) p. 71. 

11 Koestlin s Geschichte des Christlichen Gottesdiensts, 

12 See Luther s Von Ordenung Gottesdiensts. 


306 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

present by his Omnipotence. For not all are with him in the 
manner in which he said : " Lo, I am with you alway, nor is He 
with all, in the manner of which we say : The Lord be with 
you. (Durandus). 

B. THE PREFACE. This is the oldest and most unchanged form 
of the Service. It was in use already in the time of Tertullian. 
It begins with the Sursum Corda, continues in the Gratias, and 
is then embodied in the Dignum etjustum, with special ( proper } 
prefaces for the chief festivals, chiefly from the Gregorian Sac- 

("). The SURSUM CORDA, found in the Greek form: avto rd? 
xapdiaq /jirjdsv pji i/ov rrfr/ffafffte. "Lift up your hearts; think 
of nothing earthly. An exposition of this is giv*n by Cyprian 
in his treatise "On the Lord s Prayer:" "When we stand 
praying, beloved brethren, we ought to be watchful and earnest 
with our whole heart intent on our prayers. Let all carnal and 
worldly thoughts pass away, nor let the soul at that time think 
on anything, but the object only of its prayer. For this reason 
also the priest, by way of preface before his prayer, prepares the 
minds of the brethren by saying Lift up your hearts/ that so 
upon the people s answer : We lift them up unto the Lord, 
he may be reminded that he himself ought to think of nothing 
but the Lord. How can you ask to be heard of God, when you 
yourself do not hear yourself?" Cyril : " It is necessary at that 
important hour to lift our hearts to God, and not to sink them 
to earth and earthly things. In this sentence, therefore, we are 
commanded to relinquish, in that hour, all cares and domestic 
anxieties, and to have the heart in Heaven with God, the Lover 
of the human race." Augustine : " The hearts of believers are 
in Heaven, because daily directed towards Heaven, when the priest 
says : Lift up your hearts, and they confident reply : We lift 
them up unto the Lord. 

(.) Augustine s explanation of the GRATIAS, is : " That we lift 
up our hearts to the Lord is by God s gift ; for which gift, then,, 
we are bidden to give thanks to our Lord God." 

Excursus on the Typical Lutheran Chief Service. 307 

(r.) DIGNUM: " To praise God above all things is meet, so 
far as God is concerned ; for he is our Lord God ; it is just, so 
far as we are concerned ; because \ve are his people. It is meet, 
because Thou hast made us by Thy pure will ; it is just, because 
Thou hast redeemed us by Thy pure mercy ; it is right, because 
Thou dost gratuitously justify us ; it is sahttary, because Thou 
dost perpetually glorify us." (Innocentius, quoted by Du- 

C. THE SANCTUS. Having offered numerous petitions for the 
Church on earth, the congregation of believers now unites with 
the Church in Heaven which does not need its prayers, in the an 
gelic trisagion. For it is about to sit in heavenly places with 
Christ Jesus. The Benedictus from the Great Hallelujah (Ps. 
118: 26) of the Passover, added to the Sane f us, tells that Christ 
is now coming to his people through his real presence in the 
Lord s Supper. They are to eat and drink in remembrance not 
of an absent, but of a truly present, though unseen Lord. Hence 
they exclaim : " Blessed be he that cometh in the name of the 
Lord Hosanna." As the Sanctus emphasizes the divine, the 
Benedictus emphasizes the human nature of of our Lord. Lu 
ther separated the Sanctus from the Preface, in order probably 
to bring the Benedictus directly before the Consecration. The 
Hosanna is found in the earliest Communion Service on record, 
viz , that in " The Teaching of the Twelve Apostles." (Chapter 
IX., 6). 

D. THE EXHORTATION. Composed by Volprecht of Niirn- 
berg, 1525, is unliturgical, and causes a break in the Service; 
since this is not the place for preaching. It was prepared to an 
swer the necessity for instructing the people, who had been 
raised under Romish error, concerning the true significance of 
the Lord s Supper. In the original, it is much longer. The 
edifying character of its teaching has made it especially dear to 
the Lutheran Church, and, even when not used, its presence 
in the book gives an excellent practical exposition of the 
doctrine of the Lord s Supper. The Exhortation took the 

308 The Lutheran Movement in England, 

place of the Sancta Sanciis, TO. ayta ro:q ayiot<;, of the early 
Church, /. f. "Holy things for holy persons." "If any one 
be not holy, let him not approach. He does not say abso 
lutely free from sin, but holy; for not absolute freedom from 
sin, but the presence of the Spirit, makes holy." (Chrysostom). 


The Consecration properly speaking consists only of the Words 
of Institution. Accedit verbum ad elementum etfit sacramentum. 
But without prayer, we cannot come at Christ s invitation, to 
partake of what He is about to give. 

A. THE LORD S PRAYER. This prayer is not really conse- 
cratory, so far as the elements are concerned ; but it is conse- 
cratory of the believers who are ready to receive the heavenly 
blessings. We have heard: "Blessed is he that cometh in 
the name of the Lord;" and in the Lord s Prayer, we go 
forth to meet the coming King. " That a prayer given by the 
Lord is preferred to any furnished by the Church, is explained 
because at this center of the communion act, we prefer to deal 
with the Lord alone and to use no words other than his." I3 The 
doxology to the Prayer is here omitted. That it is not simply 
the prayer of the officiating minister is manifest from the Ore- 
mus : "Let us pray." 14 The Lord s Prayer, however highly 
prized in the Lord s Supper, is not an essential part; and, 
hence, is omitted in a few Orders. 

B. THE WORDS OF INSTITUTION. As they here occur, they 
are not offered to the congregation to awaken their faith; 
but are recited to the Lord, in connection with the Lord s 
Prayer, as a part of the act of prayer. Hence the minister 
turns, not towards the congregation, but towards the altar, 
as he reads the words. The significance of the entire act is 
as though he were to say: "O Lord, we come at Thine 
invitation ; for here are Thy gracious words, unto which Thou 
wilt assuredly be faithful." Great stress is laid upon the neces- 

Kliefoth, VIII. (V.) 96. 

" See above, Act I., Part II., B. 

Excursus on the Typical Lutheran Chief Service, 309 

sity for clearness and distinctness in the utterance, as over 
against the inaudible mumbling of the Romish administration 
of the Mass. The raising of chalice and paten was intended to 
render everything visible as well as audible. 

C. THE PAX. Of this. Luther says : " It is truly the voice of 
the Gospel announcing the forgiveness of sins, the only and most 
worthy preparation for the Lord sTable, provided it be apprehended 
by faith, in no respect different than if it proceeded from the mouth 
of Christ. Hence I want it announced with face towards the 
people. It is an absolution of the communicants from sin," /". c. 
" Come hither, and receive from God s own Word, and through 
the pledges of the very body and blood, which have been given 
for thy sins, the peace of God which is in reality made ready for 


A. The AGNUS DEI, sung during the Service, is said to have 
been introduced by Pope Sergius I. (687-700). It is based on 
John 1 : 29. The Dona nobis paccm ("Give us thy peace") 
has been introduced since the XI. Century ; and is a reminis 
cence of the wars and general disorder of that disturbed period. 
In the Lateran Church at Rome, Alt says that the old form, 
without the Dona, is still maintained ; as the Church should be 
an image of the heavenly Jerusalem, where already all is peace. 
In the Lutheran Service, it is a beautiful response to the Pax : 

God s Word : " The Peace of the Lord be with you alway." 
Man s Answer: Ah, Lord, Thou knowest how we need 

what Thou dost here offer. " O Lamb of God, have mercy on 

me." " Grant me this, Thy peace." 

B. THE DISTRIBUTION PROPER. Then the Lord says : " Here 
is that for which thou prayest. Thou hast been redeemed by 
Christ s blood. Here is the very Body and the very Blood 
which purchased thy forgiveness and salvation. Just as cer 
tainly as they are here offered thee, just so certainly art thou a 
redeemed sinner, for whom God has only thoughts of love. 
Come, receive what God has provided thee. "Take and eat, 

310 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

this is the Body of Christ, given for thee." Take me at my 
word, and receive my peace. 

"Given for thee," is an addition to the formula, referred to 
Luther. 15 The Catechism tells us that the " for you," are "the 
chief things in the sacrament," and "require truly believing 
hearts." " For thee," as a formula of distribution is preferable 
to "for you," since it is the office of the sacrament to indivi 
dualize grace. 

The Benediction is found in Luther s German Mass of 1526. 
" Preserve you in true faith," is better than " in the true faith," 
as the reference is to the personal faith of the believer. 

The introduction in the same Orders of " true " before Body 
and Blood, is traced no further than a Brandenburg-Niirnberg 
Agende of 1591, and then to the Coburg of 1626. 16 The in 
troduction of a confessional statement reflecting the violent con 
troversies of the times, seems out of place, in that moment, when, 
of all others, the soul is alone with its Saviour. The acceptance 
of what such formula declares, should be presupposed in every 

The sacramental union occurs in the sacramental action, and, 
therefore, neither until, nor after the taking and eating. The 
consecration is, therefore, not completed until in the distribu 
tion. In his earlier liturgical writings, Luther advises strongly 
that the bread shall be consecrated and distributed before the 
wine is consecrated. He argues that this occurred at the insti 
tution of the Lord s Supper. This practice preserves the unity 
of the consecration and distribution. It is adopted in the com 
munion of the sick. 


A. The Nunc Dimittis is found at this part of the Service in 
the oldest Lutheran liturgies (Bugenhagen, 1524; Dober, 1525; 
Strassburg, 1525), although not generally adopted in the XVI. 

15 It is not however without precedent in the Oriental Liturgies, although 
not in this precise form : " Which shall be given for you." (Mozarabic). 
w Kliefoth VIII., (V.) p. 125 

Excursus on the Typical Lutheran Chief Service. 311 

Century. Casaubon, quoted by Calvor, traces it to the Liturgy 
of Chrysostom, adding : "In most Protestant churches, the en 
tire action of the celebration of the Lord s Supper, is concluded 
with this hymn, which the people chant on bended knees 
which is a most beautiful and holy institution." 

The peace offered in the "Pax," prayed for in the "Agnus 
Dei" received in the "Distribution" is now thankfully ac 
knowledged, " Now lettest Thou Thy servant depart in peace." 
The child of God is as near Heaven as he can be in this life ; 
nearer yet he one day shall be, when this sinful flesh is entirely 
put off. He is ready for the blessed exchange this very mo 
ment, as he also is ready for everything assigned by his Lord. 
Whithersoever the Lord sends him, will he go ; whatsoever the 
Lord commands him, will he do. For the peace of God is his ; 
and the salvation of God is a possession, whereof he is so fully 
conscious that he can exclaim : "Mine eyes have seen Thy 

The use of the Nunc Dimittis accords with the practice at the 
institution, Matth. 26 : 30 : " When they had sung a hymn, 
they went out into the mount of Olives." 

B. THE VERSICLE. The Nunc Dimittis, however, is indivi 
dual. The thanksgiving is yet to be rendered by the entire 
congregation. This is introduced by the versicle, which ap 
pears first in the Coburg KO of 1626, and afterwards was gen 
erally introduced into Lutheran liturgies. 

C. THE COLLECT. That adopted in the " Common Service" 
is from Luther s German Mass of 1526, replacing the Post-Com 
munion of the Roman Mass which abounded in doctrinal cor 
ruptions. That heretofore used in the English churches of the 
General Council is from the Brandenburg-Niirnberg Order of 
i533> which, as seen elsewhere, has reappeared, in a revised 
form, in the Book of Common Prayer. 

D. THE BENEDICAMUS is found already in the liturgy of Chrys 
ostom. The Romish Mass has it: " Benedicamus Domino." 

312 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

"Deo Gratias." " Gott sei gtlobet und gebenedeiet" is a Ger 
man metrical rendering. 

Of the Service as a whole, it may be said that the First Act is 
variable, the Second invariable in its parts. In the First, there is 
a constant change according to the day or season of the Church 
Year. In the Second, whatever be the day or season, the uni 
formity is almost complete. The only exception to the varia 
tions of the First Act, is the permanence of Kyrie, Gloria in Ex- 
celsis, and Creed. The only exceptions to the permanence of 
the Second Act, are the " Proper Prefaces, and, where the music 
is thoroughly elaborated, the melodies of the Sanctus, Agnus 
Dei and Benedicamus, changing according to the season of the 
Church Year. 

" In a series of acts, covering thousands of years," says Klie- 
foth, " God has borne his testimony to men, and has spoken to 
them in thousands of words. So also every one of the people 
that enters God s house, brings with him an entire world of cares 
and blessings, joys, necessities, and sins. Varied, too, and 
manifold, are the ways in which the Word of God finds men, and 
man finds himself related to the Word. It is right, therefore, 
that the Act of the Word should present the saving deeds of God 
to men in their ever fresh richness, and thus lead men to salva 
tion. But all the acts of God, and all the cares and hopes of the 
human breast, have one goal ; so also all divine services and all 
divine dealings with men, lead to but one goal : Redemption 
through the Blood of Christ. Hence it is proper, that the act of 
the Service which gives his Blood, and, in it, the forgiveness of 
sins, life and salvation, should also be externally one and the 
same, offering the one thing for all in but one form." 17 

Another general remark is necessary. From the very begin 
ning, the Lutheran Orders recognize that a difference must be 
made between the cities where the necessary musical resources 
are at hand for the full rendering of the Service, and the vil- 

"VIII, (V.) 148 sq. 

Excursus on the Typical Lutheran Chief Service. 313 

lages and country where they are absent. Care was taken that a 
modified Service should be provided, in which the structure of 
the full Service and the significance of its parts were preserved 
unbroken. The following is a type: i. German Hymn. 2. 
Kyrie. 3. Hymn metrical version of the Gloria in Excelsis. 
4. Salutation. 5. Collect. 6. Epistle. 7. Hymn. 8. Gos 
pel. 9 Metrical rendering of the Creed. 10. Sermon, u. 
General Prayer. 12. Hymn. 13. Preface. 14. Exhortation. 
15. Lord s Prayer. 16. Words of Institution. 17. Distribu 
tion during the singing of " Christi, Du Lamm Gottes." 18. 
Post Communion. 19. Benediction. 20. Closing Hymn. 
(Liineberg, Calenberg, etc.) 



Cranmer s Catechism of 1548, a translation of the Niirnberg Catechism of 
1533. Changes by Cranmer. Cranmer s Version of Luther s Catechism, 
in full. The Niirnberg Catechism s theory of " Apostolic Succession." 
Archdeacon Hook s mistake. Becon s Catechism dependent on Lu 
ther. The Catechism of Dr. John Brentz (1527), the Cassel Catechism 
(1539), Revision of the Casael Catechism in Reformation of Cologne 
(1543). The Church Catechism compared with those of Brentz, Cassel- 
Cologne and Luther. Catechisms of Ponet and Nowell. 

THE Church Catechism is a part of the Book of Common 
Prayer, being included in the Order for Confirmation. But so 
important is the history of the development, that it requires sep 
arate treatment. We have already noticed the " Bishop s Book " 
or "Institution of a Christian Man " of 1537, and shown its de 
pendence on Luther s Catechisms. 


In 1548 Cranmer made another attempt to supply the want of 
a popular book of religious instruction, which was published un 
der the following title : 


That is to say a shorte Introduction into Christian Religion for the synguler 
commoditie and profyte of childre end yong people. Set forth by the moste 
reverende father in God Thomas Archbyshop of Canterbury, Primate of all 
England and Metropolitane. Gualterus Lynne excudebat, 1548." 

It was introduced by a dedicatory letter to to Edward VI., in 
which, after referring to the deplorable ignorance of the people, 
and the king s desire to remedy it, he continues : " I knowing 

The Anglican Catechisms. 315 

my selfe as a subjecte greatly bounden to set forward the same, 
am persuaded that thys my smal trauyall in thys behalfe taken, 
shall not a lytle helpe the sooner to brynge to passe your godly 
purpose." Although the sub-title, /. e., the title above the Pre 
face, in the words, "oversene and corrected by the moste rev- 
erende father in God, the Archebyshoppe of Canterburie," gives 
the hint that it was not original, Burnet has entirely overlooked 
this, in the statement that the Catechism "was wholly his own 
without the concurrence of any others." At his examination 
on his trial at Oxford, Cranmer testified that he had translated 
the Catechism from Justus Jonas; in his "Defence" concern 
ing the Lord s Supper, he speaks of it as "a catechism by me 
translated," while the testimony of one of his chaplains, Dr. 
Rowland Taylor, that "he made a catechism to be translated 
into English," seems to imply that the translation was made un* 
der his supervision. Bishop Gardiner already gives the key to 
this Catechism of Justus Jonas, when in his " Explication and 
Assertion of the true Catholique Faith, he says: "Justus Jonas 
hath translated a catechisme out of Douch into Latin, taught in 
the city of Noremberge in Germanye, where Hosiander is chiefe 
preacher which catechisme was translated into English in this 
auctor s name about two yeares paste." * 

The Latin Catechism of Justus Jonas mentioned is that whose 
title is given in Feuerlin s Bib. Symb. (p. 260) : 

" II 22. Catechismus pro pueris et juventute in Ecclesiis et ditione HI. 
Principum Marchionum Brandeborgensium et inclyti senatus Norimbergensis 
breviter conscriptus, e germanico latine redditus per Justum Jonam, addita 
epistola de laude Decalogise. Viteberg, 1539, 8." 

Strype s statement 2 that it was made by Justus Jonas, Jr., is 
incorrect. It is nothing more than the Sermons on the Cate- 

1 Quoted in Burton s Cranmer s Catechism, Oxford, 1829, pp. v. vi. A 
more accessible editon of Cranmer s Catechism, with the part concerning the 
Sacraments and the Power of the Keys omitted, and the orthography mod 
ernized, was published by the Presbyterian Board of Publication, Philadel 
phia, 1842, in their series of writings of the British Reformers, among the se 
lections from Cranmer. 

1 Strype s Cranmer, 1 : 227. 

3i 6 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

chism, originally appended to the Brandenburg-Niirnberg Kirch- 
tnordnung of 1533, and frequently republished since. The 
Kirchenordnung was the joint work of Osiander and Brentz. It 
is not improbable that it was in preparation while Cranmer was 
an inmate of Osiander s house. 

The changes made by Cranmer are very slight. The chief are 
the addition of fourteen pages on, " Thou shalt not make unto 
thee any graven image," foretokening the adoption of the 
Calvinistic division of the commandments and of a page on 
the Introduction to the Lord s Prayer; the omission of nineteen 
lines on the Second, of three lines on the Fourth, and of a page 
on the Seventh commandment ; of six lines and a repetition, on 
the Third Article of the Creed, and of a paragraph of fifteen 
lines, on Baptism. When it is borne in mind that, in the edition 
mentioned, the English Catechism fills two hundred and fourteen 
pages, it will be noticed that the Archbishop left the body of the 
Brandenburg-Niirnberg Explanation untouched. 

A striking feature of the Brandenburg-Niirnberg Explanation 
is, that at the close of each sermon the words of Luther s Small 
Catechism are always recalled, as the sum of what has been said. 
Its method is synthetic. Instead of beginning with Luther, it 
discusses the various parts contained in each answer, and then 
only at the conclusion brings them together. We give as an 
example the close of the Sermon on Baptism : 

" Wherefore, good children, learne these thinges dilygentlye, and when 
ye be demaunded, What is baptisme, Then you shal answer, Baptism is not 
water alone, but is water inclosed and joyned to the word of God and to the 
covenante of God s promise." 

By bringing these summaries together, we may, therefore, con 
struct Luther s Catechism, in the earliest English form, thus far 
discovered, as follows : 

The Anglican Catechisms. 317 




In this precept we be commaunded to feare and love God with al oure 
fcarte, and to put our whole trust and confidence in him. 


We ought to love and feare God above al thyng, and not to abuse his name 
to idolatrie, charmes, periure, othes, curses, nbaldrye, and scoffes, that undre 
the pretence and coloure of his name we begile no man by swearynge, for- 
swearynge, and lyinge, but in al our nedes we should cal vpon hym, magnifie 
and prayse him, and with oure tongues confesse, utter and declare our faythe 
in him and his doctrine. 


We ought to feare and love our Lord God above all thinges, to heare dili 
gently and reveiently his holy worde, and with all diligence to follow the 


We ought to love and dreade our Lorde God, and for his sake to honoure 
oure parentes, teachers, masters and governors, to obey them and in no wise 

despise them. 


We ought to love and dreade our Lorde God above all thinges, so that for 
hys sake we hurt not our neyghbour, nether in his name, goodes, cattel, life 
or body, but that we ayde, comforte, and succour him in all hys necessities, 
troubles and afflictions. 


We ought above all thynges to love and dreade our Lord God, and for his 
sake to lyve chastly in wil, worde and dede, and every man is bownde to 

love and cheryse his wife. 


We ought to feare and love our Lord God above al thinges, and for hys 
sake willingly to absteine from our neyghbor s goodes and cattell, to take 
nothing from him, but to helpe him in his neede, and to defende and aug 
ment his ryches and commodities. 


We ought to feare and love oure Lorde God above all thynges, and for his 
sake to absteyne from all lyinge, backe bytynge, slaunderynge, and yll re- 
portynge, by the whiche oure neyghbour s good name, fame and credit may 
be impeched or decayed, and rather to excuse, hydde or gentely to enter- 
prete another manne s faute, then maliciously to make the wourste of the 

318 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

same, and wyth the loude trumpe of our tongue to blaste it abrode, to the 
knowledge of all the towne or place wherein we dwel. 


We oughte to feare and love our Lorde God above all thynges, and for hys 
sake so to chastise cure eyes and lustes, that we desyer not oure neyghboure s 
house, nor other thynge belongynge unto hym, but helpe him (as muche as 
shall lye in us), to retayne and kepe hys landes, goodes and all that is his. 


We ought to feare and love our Lord God above al thinges, and for his 
sake willyngly to absteyne from our neighbour s wife, familie, goodes and 
cattel, and to helpe hym as muche as lyeth in vs, that he may kepe and pos- 
sesse the same. 



I beleve that God the Father hath made me and al creatures in heaven 
and earth, that he hath gyven to me and conserveth my bodye and soule, 
reason, senses, eyes, eares, and all my other members. And I beleve that 
the same almightye Lorde and God doth dayly gyve to me and to us all, 
meat, dryncke, cloth, wife, children, house, lande, riches, cattell, and all 
thynges necessarye to the mayntenaunce of our lyves, and that he doth dayly 
defende, kepe and preserue vs from all perell, and delyver vs from all evel. 
And -all thys he dooth of hys owne mere mercie and goodnes, without our 
worthynes or deseruynges. For the which benefites it is our dutie to render 
to hym continuall and everlastyng thankes, to obey hym in all thynges, and 
to take hede thatt we be not unkynde to hym, that hath shewed so greate 
kyndnes towardes vs. 


I beleve that Jesus Christ, veray God, begotten of God the Father, and 
and verye manne, borne of the Virgin Marie, is my Lorde, whiche by hys 
precyouse bloode and holy passyon, hath redeemed me, a myserable and 
damned wretch, from all my synnes, frome death eternall, and from the tyr- 
annie of the Devell, that I should be his own true subject, and lyve within his 
kyngdome, and serve hym, in a newe everlastynge lyfe and iustice, even as 
oure Lorde Christe, after he rose from deathe to lyfe, lyveth and raygneth 


I beleve, that neither by man s strength, power or wysdome, neyther by 
myne owne endeavor, nor compass of myn owne reason, I am able to beleve 
in Jesus Christ, or come unto hym. But the Holy Goost did call me by the 
worde of the gospell, and with the giftes of his grace, he hath hitherto en- 

The Anglican Catechisms, 319 

dowed me, and halowed me, and in the true faith, he hathe hitherto pre 
served and confirmed me, and this he hath not done only to me, but also he 
calleth and gathereth togyther in the unitye of one faith and one baptisme, 
all the vniversal churche, that is here on earth, and he halloweth, kepeth and 
preserveth the same, in the true knowlege of Christ, and faith in his promy- 
ses. And in this churche, he giveth free and generall pardon, to me and to 
al that beleve in him, of al our synnes, offences and trespasses, and at the 
last day he shall rayse me, and all other that be deade, and all that dyed in 
the true faith of Jesus Christ, he shall glorifye in the lyfe everlastyng. 


The name of God of it selfe is holy, but here we do aske, that it be hal 
owed of vs. And when you be asked, how it is halowed of us, answere, 
whan the worde of God is puerly and syncerelye taught, when we leade our 
lyfe in this worlde holyly and godly, as it becommeth the veray true children 
of God. Here in this point succour us, good Lorde, helpe us, O heavenly 
Father. For he that either teacheth or liveth otherwise than the worde of 
God requireth, he dyshonoreth and polluteth the worde of God. 


The kyngdom of God commeth of it celfe, without our prayer, but here we 
pray that it may com to vs. Whiche commeth to passe, whan the heavenly 
Father gyveth vs his spirite, to beleve his holye word, to lyve wel and godly, 
here in his churche, for a tyme, and after in heaven for ever. 


Althoughe God s holy wyll be done without our praier, yet we pray that it 
may be done in vs, and fulfylled amonge vs here in earth. Whiche is done, 
whan God doeth overthrow and destroy the wicked counsels of the Devell, 
of worldley people, and of oure owne fleshe (which do all that lieth in theim, 
to let and hynder the kyngedome of God, and the halowynge of his name) and 
doeth kepe vs in the true knowledge of hys worde, in the lyvely fayth of 
Christ, in hys love and obedience of his commandments. For this is the 
holye and perfecte wyll of God, whiche God graunte vs to keape nowe and 
ever. Amen. 


God doeth sufficientlye provyde for vs meate and lyvyng without our 
desyre, neverthelesse we desyre hym, to graunt vs, that we maye knowe 
that we have all thynges at his handes, that we may gyve to him due thankes 
for the same. And yf further anye man wyll aske you, what is mente by his 
worde, oure dayly breade, you answere that by dayly breade is understande 

320 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

all thinges necessarie for cure ly vynge, as meate, drynke, clothe, house, lande, 
cattell, monye, housholde stuff, a good wyfe, obedient children, trustye ser- 
vantes, good governors, a well ordered common wealth, common pease and 
tranquilitie, seasonable wether, holsome ayer, health of body, constant frendes, 
honest neighbours, and suche lyke thynges, whereby we maye leade in thys 
worlde a godly and quiet lyfe. 


Herein we desyere that our heavenly Father wil not Inke upon our synnes, 
and for them, cast vs awaye. For we have not deserved those greate gyftes 
and grace whiche we desir at God s hands, nor be not worthye to have the 
same, but we desyer God, that althoughe we dayly offend him, and deserve 
grevous punishmentes for our synnes, yet he of hys mere grace and mercie wil 
heare our prayers, and frely forgyve us cure offences And we offer our 
selves for his sake from the botome of our heartes to forgyve them that have 
offended vs. 


God tempteth no man. But here we praye, that God wil kepe and defende 
vs, that the Devel, the world and the fleshe deceave us not, and leadde us 
not into ungodlynes, ydolatrie, blasphemie, desperation, and other horrible 
synnes. And althoughe we be tempted with these synnes, yet we desyer 
God, that at length we may overcome them, and triumphe over them, by 
the helpe and assistence of the Holy Cost. 


Herein we generally desyre our heavenly Father, to delyver us from all 
e veil and perell, bothe of body, soule, lande, catell and riches. And that 
when we shall lye on oure deathbed, he wyll than graunt us a good houre, 
that we maye departe oute of this vale of miserie, in his favour, and from this 
transitorie lyfe, enter into life everlastynge. The whiche God graunte us all. 



Baptism is not water alone, but it is water enclosed and ioyned to the 
worde of God, and the covenante of God s promyse. And these be the 
wordes, whereby our Lorde Jesus Christ did ordeine baptisme, which be 
written in the laste chapter of Saint Mathew. Go and teache al nations, 
baptisynge them in the name of the Father, and the Sonne, and the Holy 


And when you shal be asked what auayleth baptisme ? you shal answere : 
Baptisme worketh forgyvnes of synne, it delyvereth from the kyngdome of the 

The Anglican ^Catechisms. 321 

Devel, and from death, and giveth lyfe and everlastyng salvation, to all them 
that beleue these wordes of Christ, and promyse of God, which are written in 
the laste chapter of Sainct Marke his gospell, He that wil beleue, and be 
baptised, shall be saved. But he that wil not beleue shall be damned. 


Yf a man aske you, how can water brynge to passe so great thynges ? ye 
shall answer. Uerely the water worketh not these thynges, but the worde of 
God, whiche is joyned to the water, and fayth whiche dothe beleue the worde 
of God. For without the worde of God, water is water, and not baptisme, 
but when the worde of the lyuing God is joyned to the water, then it is bap 
tisme, and water of wonderful holsomnes, and the bath of regeneration, 
through the Holy Ghost, as Sainte Paul writeth. God saved vs by the bath 
of regeneration, and renewyng of the Holy Ghost, whom he powred upon vs, 
plenteously by Jesus Christ our Saviour, that we beyng made righteous by his 
grace, maye be heyres of everlastyng lyfe 

[In- another connection: " But peradventure some wil saye. Howe can 
water worke so greate thynges ? To whome I answere, that it is not the wa 
ter that dothe these thinges, but the almyghtie worde of God (whiche is knyt 
and joyned to the water), and faith, which receyueth God s worde and pro 
myse. For without the worde of God, water is water, .and not baptisme. 
But when the worde of the living God is added, and ioyned to the water, 
then it is the bathe of regeneration, and baptisme water, and the lyuely 
sprynge of eternall salvation, and a bathe that wassheth our soules by the 
Holy Ghoste, as saynct Paule calleth it saying : God hath saved vs thorowe 
hys mercye, by the bathe of regeneration, and renewyng of the Holy Gost, 
whome he hath poured vpon vs plenteously, by Jesus Christ oure Savioure, 
that we beynge made ryghtuous by his grace, maye be heyres of everlasting 
lyfe. This is a sure and trewe worde."] 


Yf a man aske you, what doth the baptisynge in the water betoken ? aun- 
swere ye, it betokeneth, that olde Adam with all synnes and euel desyers, 
ought daylye to be kylled in vs, by trewe contricion and repentance ; that he 
may rise againe from death, and after he is risen with Christ, may be a new 
man, a new creature, and may liue everlastyngly in God, and before God, in 
rightuousnes and holynes. As saincte Paule wryteth, saying. All we that 
are baptized, are buried with Christ in to death, that as Christ rose agayne, 
by the glorie of his Father, so we also should walke in newnes of lyfe. 

Yt is the trew body and trew bloude of our Lorde Jesus Christe which 
was ordeyned by Christ him selfe, to be eaten and dronken of vs Christen 

322 The Lutheran Movement in England, 

people, vnder the forme of brede and wyne. Furthermore, yf any man wil 
aske ye, wher is this written ? ye shall answer. These be the wordes which 
the holy Evangelistes Mathewe, Marke, Luke and the Apostle Paul do writ. 
Our Lorde Jesus Christ the same nyght, etc. 

Furthermore yf any man aske ye, what auayleth it, thus to eate and 
drynke ? ye shall answer. These wordes do declare what profit we receave 
thereby, my bodye which is given for you, my bloude whiche is shed for 
you, for the forgyuenes of synnes. By the whiche wordes Christe declareth, 
that by this sacrament and wordes of promyse, are gyuen to us, remission of 
synnes, lyfe and salvation. For whereas forgyuenes of synne is, ther is also 
lyfe and salvation. 


Againe yf a man wil go further with you, and aske you. How can bodily 
eatyng and drynkynge have so greate strength and operation ? ye shall an 
swer. To eate and to drynke, doth not worke so great thynges, but this 
worde and promyse of God, my bodye which was giuen for you, my bloude 
whiche was shede for you, for the remission of sinnes. This worde of God 
is added to the outward sygnes, as the chiefc thing in this sacramente. He 
that beleueth these wordes, he hath that thing, whiche the wordes do pro 
myse, that is to saye, forgyvenes of his synnes. 


Besydes this, yf a man aske of you, who be they, that do worthily receave 
this sacrament ? ye shal answere. That fastyng, abstinence and suche other 
lyke, do perteyne and are profitable for an outward discypline or chastice- 
ment of the bodye. But he receaueth the sacrament worthily, that hath faith 
to beleve these wordes. My bodye whiche was gyven for you, my bloude 
whiche was shed for you, for the remission of synnes. But he that belueth 
not the wordes, or doubteth of them, he receaueth the Lorde s supper un 
worthily. For this worde, gyven for you, doth require a faithful and be- 
leuyng harte. 

How little this origin of Cranmer s Catechism has been known 
to the more distinguished scholars of the English Church, may be 
illustrated by a singular error of the late Dr. W. F. Hook, Dean 
of Chichester, author of the " Lives of the Archbishops of Can 
terbury," (12 vols , 8vo.), " Church Dictionary," etc. In his 
sermon on " A Call to Union on the Principles of the English 
Reformation," published in Vol. II. of "Tracts for the Times, " 

The Anglican Catechisms. 323 

he cites Cranmer with the greatest assurance, as an advocate of 
the doctrine of Apostolical Succession, and attempts to substan 
tiate his position by a quotation in the Appendix (p. 103 sqq.), 
from what he calls " Cranmer s Sermon on the Apostolic Suc 
cession and Power of the Keys " To one not understanding 
the historical relations, he must seem to prove his point. But 
alas ! the words are not Cranmer s. They are only a section 
of this Lutheran Catechism, translated from the German with 
almost verbal exactness. The reader, familiar with Luther s 
writings, at once sees at the basis of the Brandenburg-Niirnberg 
explanation of this section, a portion of Luther s argument in 
his book " Von der Winkelmesse," published the same year, 
1533, translated into Latin also by Justus Jonas, and in another 
part of which he maintains the identity of bishops and presby 
ters. It is the strong emphasis that those who preach must be 
rightly called, and that the Apostolic mode of -recognizing this 
call, and formally inducting men into office was only by the lay 
ing on of hands, and, as Luther says, "neither by chrism or 
butter," that misled Dr. Hook. The following passage of 
" Cranmer " could not be misleading, when used under the cir 
cumstances of the time and place of its composition in Germany, 
though when tranferred to another land and tongue, and applied 
in other relations, a more careful guarding of some of its state 
ments would be necessary. As it is, nothing is intimated of "an 
Episcopal Succession . 

Darnach haben die Apostel andern frommen heyligen leuten solchs pre- 
digampt auch mitgethailt und befohlen, sonderlich an den orten, da schon 
Christen warcn, und Prediger bedorftten, und doch die Apostel selbs bey 
ihnen nicht bleyben konten, dann sie musten immer weyter ziehen, und an 
andern orten auch predigen, Wo sie nun fromme heylige leut funden, die 
zum Predigampt tiiglich waren, denselbigen legten sie die hende aufT, und 
theyleten ihn den heyligen Geist mit, wie sie ihn von Christo zii solchem 
ampt auch hetten empfangen, dieselbigen waren dann auch richtc ordentliche 
beruffene Prediger, gleich so wol als die Apostel selbs, wie das alles der 
heylig Paulus in den Episteln zum Timotheus klarlich an/eygt. Und ist also 
das Predigampt, das Christus unser Herr selbs angefangen, eingesetzt, und 
verordnet hat, immer von einem auff den andern kommen, durch das auffle- 

324 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

gen der hende, und mittheylen des Heiligcn Geists, bis auff disc stund. Und 
das ist, auch die rechte weyhe, damit man die Priester weyhen sol, und 
allweg geweyhet hat, und sol noch also bleyben, dann das, was man sonsf 
fur andere Ceremonien darbey hat getrieben, die sein on not, von menschen 
erfunden, und hinzu gesetzt warden. 


Dr. Burton* has conjectured that Cranmer s Catechism was 
translated for him by one of his chaplains, and mentions Taylor, 
Ponet or Poinet, and Becon, as possible translators. Both Ponet 
and Becon have left catechisms of which they were themselves 
the authors. As the former gives no indication of any influence 
on the part of Luther s Catechism, or the Brandenburg-Niirn- 
berg Explanation, and the latter shows their traces on almost 
every page; of these three, Thomas Becon was probably the 
chaplain who performed the work, or aided the Archbishop in it. 
He was born in 1511. B. A. Cambridge, 1530-31 ; was a dili 
gent hearer of Hugh Latimer; took orders in 1538; was brought 
before Privy Council in 1541, on charge of heresy, and recanted, 
but under an assumed name continued by his pen to disseminate 
the principles of the Reformation. Was again compelled to ab 
jure in 1543. His books were prohibited by a proclamation, 
July 8th, 1546. Chaplain to Cranmer from March 24th, 1547. In 
the tower after Mary s accession from August i6th, 1553 March 
22d, 1554- An exile at Strassburg and Marburg. Books again 
prohibited by a proclamation, June i3th, 1555. Returned to 
England at Elizabeth s accession, and, after being rector in a 
number of parishes, died July 2d, 1567.* His works in two vol 
umes were republished by the Parker Society in 1844. While 
his career shows great weakness and vacillation in the presence 
of danger, his writings are among the most profoundly spiritual 
which the English Church has produced. His Catechism, pre 
pared for his children, is without date, and while its very first 
words are : "Though I be small in quantity," contains more 

8 Cranmer s Catechism, viii. 

* Cooper s Athena Cantabrigienses, Art. Becon. 

The Anglican Catechisms. 325 

matter 5 than our entire "Book of Concord," and is, in fact, an 
extended system of theology. It is evidently of later origin 
than Ponet s, as it shows the change in the order of parts, which 
it enumerates, as: I. Repentance. II. Faith. III. Law. IV. 
Prayer. V. Sacraments. VI. Offices of all degrees. It is an 
independent development by one in whose mind and heart, 
Luther s explanations, often in their very words, are deeply fixed 
and who with great freedom, expands and developes what he has 
drawn from this source and thoroughly assimilated. 6 The traces 
of the Calvinistic movement, however, are very apparent. 

On the Lord s Supper, the Calvinistic influence leaves only a 
few traces of Luther. The last part of Becon s Catechism is oc 
cupied with the Haustafel, amplified and explained. 


which appeared originally in the liturgy of Edward VI. of 1549, 
and which, with the addition of Bishop Overall on the Sacra 
ments made in 1604, is contained in the Book of Common 
Prayer, belongs to another class of Catechisms. It is a Catechism 
of the Brentian type, which begins with Baptism, and then de 
duces, from the profession made in Baptism, the several parts of 
the Catechism. John Brentz, the Suabian Lutheran Reformer 
published a Catechism, probably first in 1527-28. Another Ger 
man edition was published in 1536. The first Latin edition 
(1551-2) is before us, from which we translate: 


What is your religion ? 
The Christian religion. 

Because I believe in Jesus Christ, and was baptized in the name of Jesus 

What is Baptism ? 

A sacrament or divine seal, whereby God the Father, through Jesus Christ, 

5 In Parker Society edition 410 pp. 8vo. 58 lines to the page. 

6 The evidence for this will be found in Lutheran Church Review, for July, 
1888, pp. 174 sqq. 

326 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

with the Holy Ghost, surely testifieth that God is propitious to him who is 
baptized, and out of gratuitous kindness forgiveth him his sins for Christ s 
sake, and adopteth him as son and heir of all heavenly benefits. 

Recite the passages of Scripture which prove the institution of the sacra 

Matt. 28: 19, 20; Mark 1 6 : 15, 16. 

Recite the Symbol of faith. 

I believe in God the Father, etc. 

Of what profit is this faith ? 

That, for the sake of Jesus Christ, I am reckoned by it, righteous and holy 
before God, and there is given me the spirit of prayer and of calling upon 
God as Father, and of ordering my life according to God s commandments. 

In what prayer, are you wont to call upon God ? 

The Lord s Prayer, which Christ hath taught us. 

Recite the Lord s Prayer. 

Our Father, etc. 

What are the Commandments of God ? 

Those contained in the Ten Commandments. 

Recite the Ten Commandments 

I am the Lord thy God, etc. 

For what purpose were the Ten Commandments given ? 

First, that from them we may learn to recognize our sins. Secondly, that 
from them we may learn what works please God, and are to be done, that 
we may lead an honorable life. 

Can we, by our works, perfectly fulfil God s commandments? 

In no way. For our works are not perfectly good, and we have been con 
ceived and born in sin. But to provide for our salvation, our Lord God hath 
given us his Only-begotten Son, Jesus Christ, who did no sin and most per 
fectly fulfilled all of God s commandments. If, therefore, we believe in Jesus 
Christ, God with his gratuitous favor reckons us for Christ s sake, just as 
though we ourselves had fulfilled all of God s commandments. 

Why ought we to do good works ? 

Not that, by our works, we may make satisfaction for sins and merit life 
eternal, For Christ alone hath made satisfaction for our sins, and merited 
for us life eternal. But we should do good works, that by them we may at 
test our faith, and render thanks to our Lord God for his benefits. 

W r hat must be done to strengthen our faith in adversity, and receive conso 
lation in affliction ? 

We must use the Lord s Supper. 

What is the Lord s Supper ? 

The Anglican Catechisms. 3 2 7 

A sacrament or divine seal, whereby Christ truly presenteth, offereth and 
giveth us, with the bread and wine, his Body and Blood, and certifieth to us 
that our sins are remitted us, and that the right to life eternal belongeth to us. 

Recite the Words of Institution. 

Our Lord Jesus Christ, etc. 

What arc the Keys of the King of Heaven ? 

The Ministry of proclamation of the Gospel concerning Jesus Christ. 

Recite from the Evangelists some passages, in which Jesus Christ hath in 
stituted the Ministry of preaching his Gospel. 

Luke 10 : 16; Matth. 16 : 19; John 20: 22,23. 

A comparison made with variations of the older editions, as 
given in Hofling s Sacrament der Taufe, II. : 326, 327, shows 
no important changes, so far as the subject here treated is con 
cerned. The Catechism of Brentz was adopted by, and included 
in the Church Constitution for Schwabisch-Hall of 1543. 

In 1539, when a Church Constitution was prepared for the Lu 
theran churches in Cassel (Hesse Cassel), an Order for Confirma 
tion was inserted, including a brief Catechism to be used, at a 
public examination, immediately preceding and in connection 
with the Confirmation. In 1543* this Cassel Order for Confirma 
tion was adopted, with some slight changes, in the famous book 
prepared by Melanchthon and Bucer for the Reformation of Co 
logne, which became so important in the preparation of the 
Book of Common Prayer, Bucer himself being Professor at Cam 
bridge while the work was in progress. This Catechism follows 
the model of Brentz. 


Art thou a Christian ? 


Whence dost thou know this ? 

Because I have been baptized in the name of God the Father, Son and 
Holy Ghost. 

What dost thou believe of God the Father, Son and Holy Ghost ? 

All that the Articles of the Creed contain. 

How do they run ? 

I believe in God the Father, etc. 

What dost thou mean, then, in confessing God the Father, Son and Holy 
Ghost ? 

328 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

That there are three persons and yet one God, of one nature and power. 

Why dost thou say : God is Almighty and that he is CreatoV of all things ? 

That God is, doeth and giveth all good, hath made all things from noth 
ing, and maintaineth and preserveth them; He also is present, by His power, 
to all things, and worketh all in all, from His only good and righteous will 
and counsel. 

What dost thou understand in the Second Article, of Christ our Lord ? 

That, through Adam, we are so corrupt that no angel or man could pay the 
price of our sins, but the Eternal Word and Son of God, had, and willed to 
become, flesh, and was born a true man, yet without all sin, by the Holy Ghost 
of the Virgin Mary. By his death, He hath paid the price for all our sins, 
and by His resurrection and ascension hath placed us again in a heavenly na 
ture to whom the Father hath given all power in Heaven and on earth, etc. 

After a similar long explanation of Article III, the question is 
asked : 

Art thou in the church and congregation of Christ ? 


How didst thou enter therein ? 

By Holy Baptism. 

What is it ? 

The washing of regeneration, wherein I was washed from inborn sin, in 
corporated with Christ my Lord, and clothed in Him. 

Wilt thou remain in this fellowship ? 

Yes, by the help of God, eternally. 

Questions are then asked and answered concerning the duties 
which this fellowship within the church through baptism brings. 
Then follow several concerning the Lord s Supper, and the du 
ties pertaining to its fellowship. There is no allusion to either 
the Ten Commandments or the Lord s Prayer. 


The Cassel Catechism, as revised and introduced into the Con 
sultation of Cologne, translated into English, and published in 
1548, varies somewhat from the above, as may be learned from 
extracts given in Blunt s Annotated Book of Common Prayer, 
and Campion s and Beaumont s Prayer Book Interleaved. 

Demaunde. Dost thou profess thyself to be a Christian ? 

Answer. I profess. 

The Anglican Catechisms. 329 

D. What is it to be a Christian ? 

A. To be borne agayne in Christ, and to have remission of synnes, and 
participation of everlastyng lyfe through him. 

D. Whereby trustest thou that these thynges be given thee ? 

A. Because I am baptized in the name of the father, the sonne, and the 
holye gost. 

D. What belevest thou of God the father, the sonne, and the holy gost ? 

A The same that the articles of our crede do comprehend. 

D. Rehearse them. 

A. I do believe in God, etc. 
****** ** * * 

D. Doeth that please thee then, and doest thou allowe it, and wilt thou con 
tinue in the same, that thy godfathers promysed and professed in thy name 
at holy baptisme, when in thy steede they renounced Satan, and the world, 
and bound thee to Christe and to this congregation, that thou shouldst be 
thorowlie obedient to the Gospel ? 

A. I allow these things, and by the healpe of our Lord Jesus Christe, I 
will continue in the same unto thende. 

We give the old English rendering, quoted by the English 
writers on the "Book of Common Prayer," in order that it may 
appear in what form it was present to the compilers of that book, 
although a comparision of the original, with the Cassel Catechism 
shows no variation in the introductory questions. The same 
writers might have added, that, after the question, whether the 
catechumen would abide by all that was promised by his spon 
sors, the Order of Hermann continues : 

Q. Dost thou renounce, now and here, before the eyes of God and his 
Church, with thine own heart and mouth, Satan and all his works ? Ans. 
I renounce. Q. Also the world and all its lusts ? A. I renounce. Q. And 
dost thou surrender thyself in all obedience to our Lord Jesus Christ, and his 
holy Church ? A. I surrender. Q. How wast thou first received by God 
unto sonship, and into his Church ? A. By Holy Baptism, * * . Q. Wilt 
thou continue in this fellowship of the Lord unto thine end ? A. Yes, by the 
Lord s help, unto eternity. 

If now we turn to "The Church Catechism," found in the 
Book of Common Prayer," its close dependence upon the Bren- 
tian type of Lutheran Catechisms is very manifest. It is in vain 
for the writers of the Church of England to plead that the com- 


The Lutheran Movement in England. 

pilers of "The Book of Common Prayer," found only the hint 

The order of parts first of all shows this : 

Church Catechism. 


Lord s Prayer. 

Lord s Supper. 



Lord s Prayer. 

Cassel- Cologne. 


L6*rd s Supper. 

Lord s Supperl 

But beyond this, the thought that underlies the entire devel 
opment, if compared with the Catechisms above given, will be 
seen to be taken from them. Even where Brentz and the Cassel 
Catechism have nothing to say concerning the relation of spon 
sors to Baptism, the thought with which the Church Catechism 
opens, comes from Hermann s Consultation We can trace also 
some of the very brief explanations, back through Cranmer s, to 
Luther s Catechism. 


Cranmer 1 * Luther, 
We be commanded to feare and 
love God with al oure hearte and to 
put our whole trust and confidence in 

Church Catechism. 
My duty towards God is to believe 
in him, to fear him, and to love him 
with all my heart, [and] to put my 
whole trust in him. 

Cranmer s Luther. 

To call upon hym, 
magnifie and prayse 



To call upon him 
. . . and worship him, 
with prayer, praise and 

Church Catechism. 
To worship him, 


give him thanks, and to 
call upon him. 

7 " The idea is probably due to Hermann s Consultation. No part, how 
ever, of our Catechism was borrowed from this source." Procter, History of 
the Book of Common Prayer, p. 389. " As the same arrangement is found in 
Hermann s Consultation, the notion of an authoritative form of instrnction to 
be thus inserted in the Ritual, was probably derived from that source. There 
is no resemblance, however, between the English and foreign formularies." 
Trollope on the Liturgy, p. 233. 

The Anglican Catechisms. 331 


Cranmer s Luther. 
To heare diligently and reverently 
his holy worde, and with al diligence 
to folow the same. 

Church Catechism. 
To honor his holy Name and his 
Word, and to serve him truly all the 
days of my life. 


Cranmer s Luther. 
To honoure oure parentes, teach 
ers, masters and governors, to obey 
them and in no wise despise them. 

Church Catechism. 
To love, honor and succour my fa 
ther and mother ... to submit my 
self to all governors, teachers, spiritual 

pastors and masters. 


Cranmer s Luther. 
To absteyne from all liynge, back- 
bytyng, slaunderynge. 

Church Catechism. 
To keep my tongue from evil- 
speaking, lying and slandering. 


The Church Catechism, being only a formula for the public 
examination of catechumens belonging to the Order for Confir 
mation, was deemed inadequate for full instruction, and, hence, 
as the Calvinistic tendency strengthened, there were various ef 
forts to provide a substitute for Cranmer s ample Lutheran ex 
planation. The first of these, known as Edward VI. s Cate 
chism, is generally ascribed to Bishop Ponet or Poinet. It was 
first published in 1553, in connection with the Articles of Reli 
gion of 1552. Ponet, one of Cranmer s chaplains, was bishop 
of Rochester after 1550, and in 1551 succeeded Gardiner as 
Bishop of Winchester. He fled to Strassburgon the accession of 
Mary, where he died in 1556. The Catechism is even polemical 
in its attitude towards Lutheranism, devoting a large page and a 
quarter to discussing the impossibility of the presence of the 
Body of Christ on earth. It treats in order, the Ten Command 
ments, the Creed, and the Lord s Prayer. Although published by 
authority, it did not answer its purpose, and soon was lost in ob 
scurity. Before its republication in the " Liturgies of Edward 
VI.," issued by the Parker Society, it was almost impossible even 
for scholars to find a copy. 

33 2 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

A far more important work is the Catechism of Alexander 
Nowell (1507-1601), Dean of St. Paul s and Prolocutor of the 
Convocation under Elizabeth that revised the Articles of Edward 
VI. There are, in fact, three Catechisms which bear his name, 
but his Large Catechism is what is generally so known. It was 
published in 1570, and follows the order of the Ten Command 
ments, Creed, Lord s Prayer and Sacraments. It combines the 
ological exactness with catechetical skill. It appropriates some 
of Poinet s material, but is still more dependent upon Calvin s 
Institutes, whose order it follows, and whose very language it 
frequently uses, as we could readily show. In some parts it is 
not without controversial bitterness and unfairness, where it 
touches points on which the antagonisms to Lutheranism are es 
pecially prominent. Bishop Overall s additions in 1604 to 
" The Church Catechism," were derived from Nowell. It is a 
significant fact that the English translator of this Catechism, in 
1570, Thomas Norton, was the translator also of the first English 
edition of Calvin s Institutes. It is worthy of examination 
whether there be not a close relationship between Nowell s work 
and Calvin s Catechism of 1536, which was afterwards sup 
planted by the Catechismus Genevensis (1538.) 



Taverner s Postils, a temporary Expedient. Preparation of an authorized 
Book. Reasons for its Unpopularity. Merits and Defects. Permanent 
Results. Symbolical Authority. Homily on " The Salvation of Man 
kind " examined. Sources whence it was compiled. Indebtedness of 
other Homilies. Homilies of the Reign of Queen Elizabeth. 

THE line of the liturgical development of the English Church, 
has led us some years beyond the period of the English Hom 
ilies Taverner, as we have seen, had already made a temporary 
effort to supply the lack of preaching, by the preparation of 
"Postils," to be used for this purpose. A more formal and 
complete work was to appear later. Ordered by Convocation in 
1542, it seems to have been completed in 1543, and, then, after 
awaiting revision for several years, finally appeared in the sum 
mer of 1547. A second edition was issued the same year. One 
of the Homilies was to be read " every Sunday at high mass," 
"except a sermon be preached," and, then, the Homily had to 
be read the succeeding Sunday. When the Homilies had all been 
read, the clergyman was to begin the volume anew, and read 
and re-read it, until he received further instructions. The book, 
though highly commended by Bucer, from Strassburg, did not 
prove popular. Sometimes when read, "there would be such 
talking and babbling in the church, that nothing could be heard. 
And if the parish were better affected, and the priest not so, he 
would so hauk and chop it, that it were as good for them to be 
without it, as for any word that could be understood." 1 No 

1 Strype s Memorials of the Reformation, II : 49. 

334 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

wonder. For, first, the book reflected the inconsistent position 
of the English Church, the advocates of the various tendencies 
having taken part in its preparation, and the evangelical posi 
tion of Cranmer being balanced by the hierarchical position of 
Bonner. Even though there be few direct antagonisms, the 
very mode of treatment was affected. Secondly, the Homilies 
are not popular, but largely didactic in their character. The 
doctrinal Homilies are essays in Dogmatic Theology, burdened 
with technical terms and abounding in arguments from the Fath 
ers: and even those of a more practical nature show the hand 
of the student cloistered among books, rather than that of one 
who had much experience in the care of souls. There is, in this 
respect, a great contrast between them, and the expositions of 
doctrine for plain pastors which are found in the introduction to 
so many of our Lutheran Church Orders. Thirdly, they entirely 
ignored the Church Year, and caused an interruption of the true 
idea of the Service, which, even though it may be borne occasion 
ally, nevertheless, when occurring as a rule becomes awkward and 
tedious. They exhibit no progressive unfolding of the life of 
Christ. Compared with the earlier effort of Taverner, there was 
here by no means an improvement. 

Although, the Homilies did not long serve the purpose 
for which they were composed, and as sermons were failures ; 
yet their importance as theological treatises, must not be over 
looked. Art. XXXIV, of the Church of England and of the Pro 
testant Episcopal Church of America, gives them, with the later 
Homilies of Queen Elizabeth, symbolical authority; and Art. 
XI. gives still more emphasis to one particular Homily. To the 
study of this Homily, thus officially endorsed, which was con 
structed from Lutheran material, John Wesley ascribed the ori 
gin of the Methodistic movement. Cranmer seems to have en 
deavored in those which he prepared, to clearly explain and de 
fend at length the cardinal doctrines of Sin and Grace, and espe 
cially that of Justification by Faith alone without works. No doc 
ument that has come into our hands, shows that he has merely 

The Homilies of 


translated. Yet his close dependence not only in order 
of treatment, and of thought, but also in language, cannot be 
questioned. The order with which the opening Homilies are 
arranged, shows that Osiander s influence has wrought here, as 
elsewhere, upon his relative. If the Homilies begin : I. The 
Reading and Knowledge of Holy Scripture ; II. the Misery of 
all Mankind ; III. the Salvation of all Mankind ; IV. True 
and Living Faith ; the Brandenburg-Nilrnberg Instruction pro 
ceeds : I. Of Doctrine ; the Old and New Testaments. II. Peni 
tence, the Law; III. the Gospel, etc. In many of the 
Homilies, we do not claim any Lutheran elements. Patristic 
and scholastic learning,rather than the " New Learning," are fre 
quently manifested. But examining especially that on the " Sal 
vation of Mankind by only Christ our Saviour," we at once find 
that we are treading the same ground as that traversed when 
the " Common Prayer " was examined. 

The opening sentence of the Homily is taken directly or indi 
rectly from the Schwabach Articles of Luther and Melanchthon 
of October i5th, 1529. 

Schwabach Articles. (Art. V.) 
Because all men be sinners, subject 
to sin and to death, besides to the 
devil, therefore can no man by his 
own strength or good works, deliver 
himself thence, so that he may again 
be made righteous or godly ; yea, he 
cannot even prepare or dispose him 
self for righteousness, but the more he 
attempts to deliver himself, the worse 
it is for him. But that the only way 
to righteousness and deliverance from 
sin and death is, if, without all merits 
or works, we believe in the Son of 
God who suffered for us. . . For God 
regards as righteous and godly all 
those who have this faith in his Son, 
that, for his Son s sake, they are re 
ceived into grace. 

Cf. also Apology of Augsburg Confession, p. 90 : 40. The 
close of the paragraph introduces the very language of Art. III. 


Because all men be sinners and 
offenders against God, and breakers 
of his Law and commanclments,there- 
fore can no man by his own works, 
acts and deeds (seem they never so 
good) be justified, and made righteous 
before God ; but every man of neces 
sity is constrained to seek for another 
righteousness or justification, to be re 
ceived at God s own hands, in such 
things as he hath offended. And 
this justification or righteousness, 
which we so receive of God s mercy 
and Christ s merit, embraced by faith, 
is taken, accepted and allowed of 
God, for our perfect and full justifica 

336 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

of the Augsburg Confession, supplementing it, however, by a clause 
referring to the " Active Obedience" of Christ. This is a matter 
of much interest, since the doctrine of the "Active Obedience" 
has generally been traced to Flaciusin 1552, who is said to have 
formulated it, in order to counteract the error of Osiander on 
Justification. 2 This Homily of 1547, however, says that God 
sent his only Son " to fulfil the Law for us and to make a sacri 
fice," and a few pages later : " Christ is now the righteousness 
of them that truly do believe in him. He for them paid their 
ransom by his death. He for them fulfilled the Law in his life. 
So that now in him, and by him, every true Christian man may 
be called a fulfiller of the Law; forasmuch as that which their in 
firmity lacked, Christ s justice hath supplied." But the doctrine 
of the "Active Obedience," was derived from the Reformation 
of Cologne, which, in turn, had taken it from B andenburg- Niirn- 
berg of 1533, where even Osiander had assisted in formulating 
the following : " First, he directed all his life according to the 
will of the Father, did for us what we were obliged, and yet were 
unable, to do, and fulfilled the Law and all righteousness for our 
good, as He himself says, Matth. 5 : 17, and Paul says, Gal. 4 : 
4 ; i Cor. i : 30 ; Phil. 3 : 9. Secondly, he took upon himself 
all our sins, and bore and suffered all that was due us, John i : 
29; Is. 53; 4-6; Rom. 8: 32; Gal. 3: 13." 

The statement of the Augsburg Confession that Christ was "a 
sacrifice not only for original guilt, but also for all actual sins," 
carries Cranmer at once, in thought, to Art. IX. of the Con 

Aug. Con/., Art. IX. 
Children are to be baptized, who 
by baptism, being offered to God, are 
received into God s favor. 

And then to Art. XII. 


Infants being baptized . . are, by 
this sacrifice washed from their sins, 
brought to God s favor. 

2 See Schmid s Dogmatik, English Translation, First Edition, pp. 377 sqq., 
Second Edition, pp. 360 sqq. 

The Homilies of 1547. 337 

Aug. Con/., Art XII. 
Such as have fallen after baptism, 
may find remission of sins at what 
time they are converted. 


They which in act or deed do sin 
after baptism, when they turn again 
to God unfeignedly, they are like 
wise washed by this sacrifice from 
their sins. 3 

Then after two passages of Scripture are cited, another of Me- 
lanchthon s statements appears. 

Melanchthon s Loci Comm. (De 

Justification is given freely, that is, 
not on account of our worth, yet there 
must be a ransom for us. 


Although this justification be free 
unto us, yet it cometh not so freely 
unto us, that there is no ransom paid 

After proving and illustrating this statement, Cranmer con 
tinues : 

" The Apostle toucheth specially three things, which must go 
together in our Justification ; upon God s part, his great mercy 
and grace ; upon Christ s part, justice, /. e. the satisfaction of 
God s justice or the price of our redemption by the offering 
of his Body, and shedding of his Blood . . ; and upon our part, 
true and lively faith." 

The Apology (1531) had said : 

" As often as we speak of Justifying Faith, we must keep in 
mind that these three objects concur : the promise and that too 
gratuitous, and the merits of Christ, as the price and propitia 
tion. This promise is received by faith " (p. 92: 53). 
"Which 1 [faith] "yet is not ours, but by God s working in 
us." continues the Homily. "It is not my doing, not my pre 
senting or giving, not my work or preparation," says the Apol 
ogy (p. 91 : 48). " Faith doth not shut out repentance, hope, 
love," says the Homily. "Love and works ought to follow 
faith. Wherefore, they are not excluded," says the Apology. 
"It excludeth them," says the Homily, "so we may not do 
them, to this intent, to be made good by doing of them." 
"Confidence in the merit of love or of works," says the Apol 
ogy, "is excluded in Justification." 

8 Cf. above chapter. The Ten Articles. 

338 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

It is unnecessary to illustrate further. The Homilies " Of our 
Salvation " and " Of Faith," are almost mosaics of passages from 
approved Lutheran authorities. We would not infer that they 
were mechanically joined together ; but that they were deeply 
fixed in the mind of the writer, were thoroughly assimilated and 
flowed forth almost spontaneously from his pen Nevertheless 
this, in no way diminishes the extent of the indebtedness. 

We recognize also many corresponding similarities in the 
Homily " Of Good Works," and, to a less extent, in that "Of 
Christian Love and Charity. Those first mentioned, are worthy 
of far wider study than has been accorded them. They are 
among the most valuable memorials which the struggle of the 
Gospel for the English Church, has left to succeeding genera 
tions, and, as models of a pure and eloquent English style, are 
scarcely to be surpassed. Among those added in the next reign, 
were the two of Taverner on the Death and Resurrection of 
Christ. The great devotion of the author to Lutheranism has 
been previously shown, in connection with what has been said 
concerning his translation of the Augsburg Confession and the 



Archdeacon Hardwick s Researches. Dr. SchafPs " Creeds of Christen 
dom." Retrospect to Preparatory Work in the preceding Reign. The 
XLII. Articles of 1552. Revision under Queen Elizabeth. Table 
showing the parts of each article taken from the Augsburg Confession, 
Apology, Smalcald Articles and Wurtemberg Confession. 

THE minute investigations which Archdeacon Hardwick has 
made, and whose results are embodied in his well-known " His 
tory of the Articles of Religion," relieve us of the necessity of 
any extended examination. So thorough has been his work, 
and so full his treatment of the relation of the articles of his 
Church to the Augsburg and Wurtemberg Confessions, that, it 
will supply the most needed information concerning what yet 
remains. He has overlooked, however, the connection of the 
Articles with the Apology and Smalcald Articles. The first vol 
ume of Dr. SchafFs "Creeds of Christendom" also presents a 
very satisfactory summary. The pamphlet of Dr. Morris has 
collected the statements of many English writers on the fact, 
which no scholar, or well-informed person will any longer ven 
ture to dispute, that the Thirty-Nine Articles are of Lutheran 

We have above traced the history of the Wittenberg negotia 
tions of 1535-6, the Ten Articles of 1536, the Memoranda of 
1538, etc. After the accession of Edward, Cranmer seems to 
have delayed the preparation of a Confession, possibly in the 
hope that the various Protestant communions might be induced 
tu unite in one common Confession against Rome. 

34 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

The first sketch of the English Articles was made in the sum 
mer of 1551, chiefly, as cotemporaries affirm, by Cranmer him 
self. This rough draft was submitted to the bishops throughout 
the country, and after receiving their suggestions, was submit 
ted to two learned laymen, Sir William Cecil and Sir John 
Cheke. Then it was submitted to the King, and referred to his 
six chaplains, among whom was John Knox. Revised again by 
Cranmer, the Articles finally were issued with authority in 1553. * 
In the previous year, however, they seem to have been privately 
circulated. They are known as the XLII. Articles of 1552. 

Ten years later, after the accession of Elizabeth had restored 
the Reformation in England, Archbishop Parker undertook a re 
vision of the XLII. Articles, in which he made free use of the 
Wiirtemberg Confession 2 prepared by Dr. John Brentz in 1551, 
and published under the authority of Duke Christopher, for sub 
mission to the Council of Trent. The document, thus completed, 
is known as the XXXIX. Articles of 1562. It omitted the loth, 
1 6th, igth and 4ist articles of 1552, and introduced as new art 
icles, the $th, 1 2th, 29th and 3oth. The Convocation did not 
ratify the last three, and the 2gth was omitted during printing, 
making the number actually only thirty-eight. But in 1571, 
when the final revision occurred, the 2gth was reintro- 
duced, and then the entire document, receiving the sanction 
of Parliament, was made obligatory upon the clergy. The fol 
lowing table will show the relation of the several Articles to the 
Lutheran formularies. 

I. Aug. Conf., Art. I. ; XIII. Articles, 1538. 

II. Aug. Conf., III. ; XIII. Articles 1538; Revision of 1562 
introduced : " Begotten from everlasting of the Father, the very 
and eternal God of one substance with the Father," from the 
Wiirtemberg Confession. 

1 For details, see Hard-wick, pp. 84 sqq. 

J " All the alterations are drawn chiefly from the Wiirtemberg Confession," 
Adolphus, Compendium Theologicum, p. 438. 

The Thirty-Nine Articles. 341 

III. and IV. Each following a clause in Aug. Conf., Art. 
III., but not identical with the Confession. 

V. Wurtemberg Confession, Art. III. Not in 1552. 

VI. [V. of 1552.] 

VII. [VI. of 1552.] 

VIII. [VII. 1552]. Articles of 1536, I. Saxon Arts., (1551, 
Melanchthon), I. 

IX. [VIII., 1552]. Aug. Conf., II. ; XIII. Articles (1538), II. 

X. [IX]. Former Sentence from close of Art. Ill,, Wurtem 
berg Confession ; " the latter almost verbatim from St. Augus 

XI. Aug. Conf. IV. ; Arts, of 1536, V. ; XIII. Arts., IV. See 
preceding chapter on Homilies. 

XII. Hardwick refers this in part to the Wurtemberg Confes 
sion. It is nearer the argument of the Apology which in fact it 
condenses, and may possibly be connected with the Homilies. 
Almost the very words of Apology ho \vever reappear, p. 139: 

i? 2 - 

XIII. [XII]. Also condensing the thought of the Apology, 

pp. 89; 147 sqq. ; 230. 

XIV. [XII]. Apology, 285 : 24, 25. 

XV. [XIV]. Amplifying a thought of Aug. Conf., Art. II. 

XVI. [XV]. Partly from Aug. Conf., Art. XII. 


XIX. [XX]. Aug. Conf., Art. VII; XIII. Arts., V. 

XX. [XXI]. Cf. Aug. Conf., Art. XXVIII. Melanchthon s 
Appendix to Smalcald Articles, II. 


XXII. [XXIII]. Possibly from Smalcald Articles, Part II : 
Art. II., 12. " Purgatory and every solemnity, rite, and pro 
fit connected -with it, is to be regarded nothing but a spectre 
of the devil. (" Mera diaboU larva) " Eng. Art: " Res est 

342 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

XXIII. [XXIV]. Based on Aug. Conf , Art. XIV. ; XIII. 
Arts., X. 

XXIV. [XXV]. Cf. Apology, 259 : 4 

XXV. [XXIV]. Based on Aug. Conf., Art. XIII. ; XIII. 
Arts., IX. 

XXVI. [XXV]. Aug. Conf. Art. VIII; XIII. Arts.,X. 

XXVII. [XXVIII]. The Articles of 1536 and 1538, based on 
Augsburg Confession and Melanchthon "Against the Anabap 
tists," were probably, as Hardwick supposes, before the compiler; 
but there was a very decided weakening to conform it to the 
Calvinistic doctrine. 

XXVIII. (XXIX) (Calvinistic). 

XXIX. Calvinistic. First published in 1571. 

XXX. Cf. Aug. Conf., Art. XXII. Added in 1562. 
XXX. (XXX). Based on Aug. Conf., Art. XXIV : 22-27. 

XXXII. (XXXI) Cf. Aug. Conf., Art. XXIII: 3 sqq. 


XXXIV. (XXXIII). Based on Aug. Conf. Art. XV. Cf. 
Apology, Art. XV: i, 3, 8, 51. 



XXXVII. (XXXVI). Partly from Aug. Conf., Art. XVI. 

XXXVIII. (XXXVII). Partly from Aug. Conf., Art. XVI, 
and its explanation by Apology, Art. XVI : 36, 61, etc. 

XXXIX. (XXXVIII). From same Article. 

The suppressed Art. XLI. of 1552 was based on Aug. Conf., 
Art. II. 



The Refugees of Mary s reign. The Congregations of Exiles at Frankfort- 
on-the-Main. The Revised Service. John Knox. The Conflict be 
tween Puritanism and the adherents of the Prayer-Book. Dr. Richard 
Cox. Knox withdraws. A Question as to Lutheran Baptism. Calvin 
at Frankfort. His later opinion of the Augsburg Confession. An An 
glican Theological Seminary at Frankfort. Kindness shown the refu 
gees. Archbishop Grindal. Duke Christopher of Wiirtemberg. Bishop 
Aylmer at Jena ; nearly becomes Schnepf s successor as a member of the 
theological Faculty. The Restoration under Elizabeth. Robert Brown 
and the " Independents* The fate of English Lutheranism. Its con 
tinued Influence. Accession of the House of Hanover. New attempts 
at examination of historical relations. Pufendorfs Principles. Con 

THE limit fixed for this survey has been the close of the reign 
of Edward VI., with a reference to the permanent memorials 
of the Lutheran movement which remain. Another interesting 
field opens to the historical student in the development of the 
English Church among the bands of exiles scattered on the Con 
tinent during the Marian persecution. Mary came to the throne, 
July 5th, 1553. Before her former coronation, in October, the 
leaders of the evangelical movement had, with only one or two 
exceptions, been deprived of their positions and cast into prison. 
Cranmer was sent to the Tower September i4th. During the 
same month, Polanus with his congregation of exiles fled to 
Frankfort-on-the-Main. Here the chief Lutheran pastor was 
Hardtmann Beyer, distinguished for nis courage and zeal in the 
days of the Interim, an alumnus of Wittenberg, and frequently 

344 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

mentioned in the correspondence of Luther and Melanchthon. 
They were kindly received, and were given the Weissfrauen- 
kirche for their services, which were begun in the French lan 
guage, April 2ist. They were followed (June 2yth) by a num 
ber of English Protestants who were given the same church for 
services in English at a different hour, William Whittingham, 
brother-in-law of Calvin, being their first pastor. One year la 
ter, (June 1555), John a Lasco and his congregation came, and 
they worshipped in the same place in the Dutch language. Very 
soon a controversy began among the English. The Calvinistic 
party had fretted even in England, that the revision of the Book 
of Common Prayer in 1552, was not more radical. A new Ser 
vice was prepared. It "was concluded that the answeringe 
alowde after the Minister shulde not be vsed, the letanye, sur 
plice and many other thinges also omitted. The Minister in 
place off the Englishe Confession shulde vse another, bothe off 
more effecte, and also framed according to the state and time. 
And the same ended, the people do singe a psalme in meetre in 
a plaine tune . . that don, the minister to praye for thessistance 
off gods holie spirite and so to proceade to the sermon. After 
the sermon, a generall praier for all estates and for oure countrie 
of Englande was also devised, at thende off whiche praier, was 
coined the lords praier, and a rehearsall of tharticles off oure be- 
lieff, which ended the people to singe an other psalme as afore. 
Then the minister pronouncinge this blessinge : The peace of 
God, etc." 1 John Knox was called from Geneva to take charge 
of this congregation, and accepted, being its pastor from No 
vember 155410 March 1555. But this change of the Service 
proved too radical, and caused a reaction. More exiles sympa 
thizing with a more conservative course arrived from England. 
Knox was strengthened by the interference of Calvin. In March 
1555, Dr. Richard Cox arrived. He- was one of the band of first 
English Lutherans at Cambridge, mentioned in the beginning 

1 A Brief Discourse of the Troubles begun at Frankfort, 1554. Reprint 
London 1846, p. VII. 

The Subsequent History. 345 

of this book, and had actively co-operated in the preparation of 
the principal English formularies, especially the Book of Com 
mon Prayer. Heat once antagonized Knox. "The sundaie 
folovvinge, one off his company withowt the knowleg off the con 
gregation gate upp suddainly into the pulpit, redd the lettany, 
and D. Cox withe his companie answered alowde, whereby the 
determination of the churche was broken." 2 Such is the record 
of the one side. In two weeks time, Knox had left Frankfort. 
Thus the struggle between Puritanism and the English Church 
began in Lutheran Germany, and was to be tranferred to Eng 
land for fuller development during the reign of Elizabeth. The 
congregation was hopelessly divided. One party would not al 
low the English minister to baptize their children. They car 
ried them to the Lutheran ministers. Then came another con 
troversy. Peter Martyr was called upon to prepare an opinion 
on the question: "An liceat hominibus evangelicis baptismum 
a Lutheranis accipi. " "May evangelical men receive baptism 
from Lutherans?" He thought not. This did not settle matters, 
and he had to write again to the effect, that while "he would 
not say it was unlawful, yet he disliked the practice." Here 
are a few of Martyrs arguments : " Since the Lutheran faith and 
ours is diverse, we cannot commit ours to be sealed by the Lu 
therans. . . What advantage or spiritual edification is had from 
baptism sought for at the hands of the Lutherans ? The salva 
tion of your infants is not imperilled if they die without baptism, 
since neither the grace of God, nor the effects of predestination 
are to be bound to external things and sacraments." 8 Calvin 
himself repaired to Frankfort in 1556. He avoided the Luth 
eran pastors, his relations towards Lutheranism having changed 
some three years previously. A few years later, he wrote to the 
Prince of Conde, "the Confession of Augsburg is neither flesh 
nor fish, and is the cause of great schisms and debates among the 


Strype s Cranmer, III : 162 sqq. 

346 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

Germans;" * and to Admiral Coligny : 5 " It is such a meagre 
composition, so feeble and so obscure, that it is impossible to 
stop short at its conclusions." 6 Thus Puritanism showed in its 
very outstart the same hostility to Lutheranism, as to the Eng 
lish formularies drawn from Lutheran sources. 

The other portion of the congregation found, with little diffi 
culty, sufficient material among its members for a theological 
faculty, and established for the time a Seminary, with Dr. Horn, 
previously Dean of Durham, for Hebrew ; Dr. John Mullins for 
Greek, Dr. Traheron, previously Dean of Chichester, for Di 

Not only at Frankfort, but also in Reformed centers, English 
exiles received kind treatment. Frankfort, however, is of most 
importance in its historical relations. Dr. Edmund Grindal, 
Archbishop of Canterbury, 1576-83, bears most emphatic testi 
mony to its influence on the later history of the English Church : 
" That England had so many bishops and other ministers of 
God s Word, which at that day preached the pure doctrine of the 
Gospel, was owing to Strasburgh, Zurich, Basel Worms, but 
above all the rest, to Frankfort. You received our people to 
harbor, and, being received, embraced them with the highest hu 
manity, and defended them with your authority. And if we should 
not acknowledge and speak of this piety of yours, we were, of all 
mankind, the most ungrateful." 7 His biographer says: "In 
truth, the remembrance of the former kindness, received by him 
and the rest of the exiles in Germany, under Queen Mary, stuck 
close upon his grateful mind ; and he thought he could not suf 
ficiently express it upon all occasions." 8 Duke Christopher, 
of Wiirtemberg, the prince for whom Dr. John Brentz prepared 
the Wiirtemberg Confession, and distinguished for his decided 

4 Sept. 24th, 1561. Letters. 
6 May loth, 1563. -See Letters. 
6 Strypc s Memorials, V : 71. 
T Strype s Grindal, p. 1 6. 
8 Ib. p. 182. 

The Subsequent History, 347 

Lutheran convictions, was held in particularly grateful recogni 
tion, because of his kindness to the exiles. The Duke had 
been very kind unto the English exiles, having at one time be 
stowed among them at Strasburgh four or five hundred dollars, 
besides more given to them at Frankfort." This act was duly 
acknowledged by Queen Elizabeth, when the Duke sent a repre 
sentative to England in 1563, and by Bishop Grindal who en 
tertained him and discussed with him Brentz s doctrine of the 
Omnipresence of Christ s humanity, which the Duke cordially 
approved. " But this without heat. They were contented to 
hear one another s arguments, and each to suffer other to abound 
in his own sense. 10 

Of John Aylmer, Lord Bishop of London in the reign of 
Queen Elizabeth, we are told that he improved the time of his 
exile by attending the University of Jena, and that he came near 
becoming the Professor of Hebrew in that institution. " He 
should, if he had not come away," says his biographer, "have 
had the Hebrew lecture there which Snepphinus [Erhard Schnepf J 
had, having been entertained there to read in that University 
both Greek and Latin, and with the good love of those famous 
men, Flacius Illyricus, Victorius Strigelus, D. Schnepphinus 
(whom they termed the other Luther), with divers others. " 

But on the accession, of Elizabeth, all elements again 
were found in the Church of England, and the former system 
of compromise continued, postponing, although not averting, 
the crisis which at length came, in the entire separation of Pres- 
byterianism, and the Westminister formularies of the next cen 
tury. The " Independent " (" Congregationalist ") movement 
of Robert Brown, which sent the Pilgrim fathers to America be 
gan as early as 1571. While it repudiated Calvin s theory of 
Church government, it was in other respects a development of the 
Calvinistic principles that had entered the Church of England 

9 Th. p. 132. 

10 Ib. 

11 Strype s Life of Bp. Aylmer, pp. 10 sq. 

348 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

during the reign of Edward, but whose development had been 
greatly stimulated by the closer contact with Calvinistic centers 
during the succeeding reign. Between Hierarchism and Puri 
tanism, Lutheranism seemed to have been completely overcome. 
But it continued to live in the Liturgy and other formularies, 
and though checked in its course by foreign principles with 
which it is mingled, occasionally started some evangelical 
movement, which, however, from lack of intelligent consistency, 
fell short of a true and thorough reformation. Such was the 
Methodistic movement, which soon became one sided, and so 
concentrated its force only on a few points of faith and life, that 
John Wesley whose work was especially that of awakening and 
arousing the slumbering conscience, in his later years was surprised 
that in his earlier years he could have so warmly commended 
Luther on Galatians. 

When the Lutheran House of Hanover was called to the Eng 
lish throne, again the question of the relation of the Church of 
England to the Lutheran Church became a matter of consider 
ation. It was in this interest, that Theophilus Dorrington, Rec 
tor of Wittresham in Kent, published a translation of a posthu 
mous book of Baron Pufendorf with the title : "A view of the 
Principles of the Lutheran Churches ; showing how far they 
agree with the Church of England ; being a seasonable essay to 
wards the uniting of Protestants upon the accession of His Ma 
jesty, King George to the throne of these Kingdoms. London, 
1714." The book was written by Pufendorf, not with respect 
to the Church of England, but to exhibit the reasons why there 
could be no union between the Lutherans and the Romish 
Church, and what difficulties there were in the way of a uniting of 
Protestants. Mr. Dorrington says in his Preface : " I thought that 
it might be of use to us in England, to understand and know the 
principles and practices of the Lutheran churches (which are the 
true Protestant churches beyond the seas) better than for aught 
I can find we commonly do." 

This statement we would particularly commend to the mem- 

The Subsequent History. 349 

bers of the Church of England and her affiliated churches of to 
day. The close dependence of the English Church on the work 
of the Lutheran Reformers, which has been above shown, cer 
tainly calls for more extensive acknowledgement and remem 
brance. Here in America, the two churches have again been 
brought into close local relation. Each must justify before God 
and men the reason for its separate existence ; and this requires 
of necessity the careful and thorough review of historical rela 
tions and connections. In such review, the questions formerly 
at issue may be judged without that violence done conscience by 
the sacrilegious interference of a godless King, which English 
writers universally so deeply lament and condemn. The work 
begun by Cranmer may here be carried to its desired conclusion. 
The Lutheran Church should also recognize the many elements 
of strength and edification in the English Church; and judge 
with discrimination her noble formularies. Any claim, however, 
to the acknowledgement of a succession of bishops as a mark of 
the Church cannot be conceded without abandoning Art. VII. 
of the Augsburg Confession, upon which, even in the time of 
Henry VIII., there seems to have been no controversy. The 
various other English communions that have originated by a re 
action against hierarchical elements, retained by the incomplete 
ness of the reformation of the English Church, can be judged 
with the greater charity. The attainment of an ultimate union 
of Protestants does not lie in the way of ignoring, but of 
bravely facing, differences, and examining the grounds of their 
origin. It is to humbly contribute something to such attain 
ment, that we have prepared the foregoing summary of facts. 


Sixty-five English Lutheran Books of the XVI. Century. 

No BETTER indication of the extent of the influence of the 
Lutheran Reformation upon that in England can be given, than 
that afforded by the subjoined list. It probably might be largely 
increased by more extensive researches : 


1536. The Confessyon of the Fayth of the Germaynes, ex 
hibited to the Most Victorious Emperour Charles the V., in the 
Councill or Assemble holden at Augusta, the yere of our Lord, 
1530. To which is added the Apologie of Malancthon, who 
defendeth with Reasons invincible the aforesayd Confessyon, 
translated by Richard Taverner, at the commandment of his Mas 
ter, the ryght honourable Master Thomas Cromwel, chefe secre- 
tare to the Kynges Grace. London, Robert Redman. 

1536. A compendious letter which John Pomerane curate 
of the congregacion of Wittenberge sent to the faithful! christen 
congregacion in England. London, Richard Charlton. 

1537. How and whither a Christian man ought to flye the 
horrible plage of the pestilence. A sermon out of the third 
Psalme : Qui habitat in adjutorio altissimi. By Andrew Osian- 
der. Translated out of the hye Almayne by Miles Coverdale. 
London, Richard Charlton. 

1537. M. Luther s exposition of the Twenty-third Psalm, 
translated from the German by Miles Coverdale. Southwark, 
John Nicholson. 


Bibliographical. 35 1 

1537. The causes why the Germanes will not go nor con- 
sente onto the councill which Paul the 3 now Bp. of Rome, hath 
called to be kept at Mantua in Italy, and to begynne the 23 daye 
of Maye. Southwark, James Nicholson. 

Before 1548. The Apology of the Germans against the Coun 
cil of Mantua. Translated by Miles Coverdale. 

1538. Common places of scripture orderly and after a com 
pendious forme of teachyng set forth. By Erasmus Sarcerius. 
Translated into English by R. Taverner. London, J. Byddell. 

1541. A very godly defense full of lerning, defending the 
marriage of priests, gatthered by Philip Melancthon, and sent 
unto the Kyng of England, Henry the aight. Translated out of 
Latine into the English by Lewis Beauchame. Lipse, Printed 
by Ulryght Hoffe. 

1542. The acts of the disputation in the cowncell of the em- 
pyre, holden at Regenspurg ; that is to say, all the artycles con 
cerning the christen relygion, both agreed upon and not agreed 
upon, even as they were proposed of the emperour unto the no 
bles of the empire, to be judged, delebered and debated, etc. 
Translated out of Latyne into English by Mylys Coverdale. 

1544. De Libertate Christiana. The liberty of a Christian 
Man. Cum priveligio regali. A lytle worke moost necessary to 
be knowen, of the freedome and bondage of the soule and body. 
God save the Kynge. Imprynted at the same by me John 

1545. The dysclosyng of the canon of ye popysh Masse, with 
a sermon annexed unto it, of ye famous clerk of worthy memory 
D. Marten Luther. * Apocal. XVIII: "Come away from hyr 
my people, that ye be not partakers in her synnes. Imprinted 
have at al Papiste, By me Hans hitprycke. 

1545. The exposicion of Daniel the Prophete, gathered out 
of P. Melancton. Printed at Geneva, afterwards in London, 
Edward Whitchurch. 

1 Archbishop Laurence comments on this title to show how much greater in 
England was the influence of Luther than that of Calvin. Bampton Lectures, 
P- 235. 

35 2 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

1546. The true hystorie of the christen departynge of the 
reverende man D. Martyne Luther, collected by Justus Jonas, 
Michael Celius, and Joannes Aurifaber, whych were thereat, & 
translated into Englysh by Johan Bale. 

1547. The Epistle of P. Melancton made unto Kynge Henry 
the Eighth, for the revokynge and abolishing of the six articles 
set forth and enacted by the craftie meanes and procurement of 
certeyne of our prelates of the clergie, translated out of laten in 
to Englishe by J. C. Weesell. 

1547. A Simple and religious consultation of vs Herman by 
the grace of God, Archbishop of Colone, and prince Electour, 
&c., by what means a Christian reformation, and, founded in 
God s Word, of doctrine, administration of the devine sacra- 
mentes, of ceremonies, and how the holy cure of soules and other 
ecclesiastical ministries, may be begun among men committed to 
our pastorall charge. Imprinted in the yere of our Lord 1547. 
The XXX. of October, I. P. 

1548. Of the true auctorities of the churche, compyled by 
the excellent learned man Philippe Melancthon, and dedicate 
unto the noble Duke off Prussia, newly translated out of the 
Latin into Englyshe. Ipswich, John Owen. 

1548. The Justification of Man by faith only. By Philip 
Melanchthon. Translated by Nicholas Lesse. Greenwich, 
William Powell. 

1548. Conjectures of the end of the World, gathered out of 
the scriptures by A. Osiander, and translated by G. Joye. 

1548. A declaration of the twelve articles of the christen 
faythe with annotations of the holy scriptures where they be 
grounded in. By D. Urban Regium. Richard Jugge for Geu- 
alter Lynne. 

1548. The Olde Learning and the newe compared together, 
whereby it may be easely knowen which of them is better and 
more agreyng wyth the everlasting word of God. Newly cor 
rected and augmented by Wyllyam Turner. Translated from 
Urban Regius. London, Robert Stoughton. 

Bibliographical, 353 

1548. A lytle Treatise after the maner of an Epistle wryten 
by the famouse clerk Doctor Urban Regius to his friend, about 
the causes of the great controversy, that hath been & is yet in 
the Christian church. 

1548. A frutefull and godly exposition and declaration of 
. of the Kyngdom of Christ, and of the Christen lybertye, made 
upon the words of the Prophete Jeremye in the XXIII chapter 
with an exposycyon of the VIII. Psalme, intreatyng of the same 
matter, by the famous clerke Doctor Martyn Luther, whereunto 
is annexed a godly sermon of Doctor Urbanus Regius, upon the 
IX chapyter of Mathewe, of the woman that, had an isseu of 
blood, & of the ruler s daughter, newly translated out of the 
hyghe Almayne. Imprinted for Gwalter Lynne. 

1548. The chiefe and pryncyple Articles of the Christen 
faythe, to holde against the Pope and al Papistes, and the gates 
of hell, with other thre very profitable and necessary bokes, the 
names of tytles whereof are conteyned in the leafe next follow- 
ynge. Made by Doctor Marten Luther. To the reader. In 
thys boke shal your fynde Christian Reader the ryght probation 
of the righte Olde Catholyke church, and of the newe false 
church, whereby eyther of them is to be knowen. Reade and 
iudge. London, Gualter Lynne. 

1548. M. Luther s sermon of the Keys, and of Absolution, 
on John XX: 21, 22. Translated by R. Argentine, Ipswich, 
An. Scoloker. 

1548. Melanchthon, his waying and considering of the In 
terim, translated by John Rogers. London, Edward Whitchurch. 

1548. Catechism, set forth by Thomas Archbyshop of Can 
terbury [Translated from the Brandenberg-Niirnberg Kinder- 

1548. A simple and religious consultation of vs Harma by 
the grace of God, Archbishop of Colone, etc. 

About 1548. Herman, archbishop of Colen, Of the right 
institution of baptism ; also a treatise of matrimony, and buriall 

the dead by Wolph. Muscul. Translated by Richard Rice. 

354 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

Before 1549. The Confessyon of Fayth, deliwered to the 
Emperour Charles the Vth. by the Lordes of Germany, written 
in Latyn by Phylyppe Melancthon, arid translated into English 
by Robert Syngylton. Printed by John Mychell, Canterbury. 

1549. A briefe collection of all such of the scriptures as do 
declare ye most blessed and happye estate of them that be vyset- 
ed with syckness and other visitations of God, and of them that 
be departinge out of this lyfe, wyth most godly prayers and gen 
eral confessions, very expedient and mete to be read to all sicke 
persons, to make them wyllynge to dye. Whereunto are added 
two fruitfull and comfortable sermons made by the famouse clarke 
doctor Martin Luther, verye mete also to be reade at the buri- 
alles. Ecclesiastes VII. Imprinted on Somer s Kaye. 

1550. The censure of J[ohn] B[rentz] in the cases whiche 
are concerning matrimony. 

1556. A very fruitfull exposition upou the syxte chapter of 
Saynte John, divided into X Homelies or Sermons. Written in 
Latyn by the ryghte excellent Master John Brehcius, and trans 
lated into English by Richard Shirrye, London. 9 April, 1550. 

1550. A treatise of the argumentis of the old and new Tes- 
ment, by John Brentius : translated by John Calcaskie. Lon 
don, Richard Charlton. 

1550. A homelye of the Resurrection of Christe by John 
Brentius, translated by Thomas Sampson. London, Richard 

1550. A Godlye treatyse of Prayer, translated into Englishe 
by John Bradforde. From the Latin of P. Melancthon. [Also 
in 1589, John Wight, Publisher.] 

1554. Preface of Melancthon to "A Faithful Admonition 
of a certain true Pastor and Prophet sent unto the Germans. 

1561. A famous and godly history, contaynyng the lyves and 
actes of three renowned reformers of the Christian church, Mar- 
tine Luther, John Ecolampadius and Huldericke Zuinglius : the 
declaration of Martin Luthers faythe before the Emperour Charles 
the fyft, and the illustre estates of the empyre of German ye, wyth 

Bibliograph ical. 355 

an oration of hys death : all set forth in Latin by Philip Me- 
lancthon, Wolfgangus Faber, Capito, Simon Grineusand Oswald 
Miconius. Newly Englished by Henry Bennett, Collesian. Lon 
don, John Sampson. 

1566. P. Melancton upon the VIII chapter of Paules epistles 
to the Romanes, Whether it be mortall sin to transgress civil 

1569. The Miseries of schoolmasters, uttered in a Latine 
Oration made by the famous clearke, Philip Melanchthon. Lon 
don, Henry Denham. 

15 70. Newes from Niniue to Englande brought by the proph- 
ete Jonas. By Brentius; translated by Thomas Tinime, Minister. 

1573. An Exposition of Solomon s Booke, called Ecclesias- 
tes or the Preacher. By Martin Luther. London, John Day. 

1573. A Commentarie of M. Doctor Martin Luther on the 
epistle of St. Paul to the Galatians. London, Thos. Vautrollier. 
[In the library of British Museum, there are English editions of 
Luther on Galatians of 1577, 1580, 1588, 1616.] 

1577. M. Luther s Exposition on 130 Psame. Translated by 
Thos. Potter. London, Hugh Shyngleton. 

1577. A commentaire upon the fiftene psalmes callel Psalmi 
Graduum, that is Psalmes of Dygrees : faithfully copied out of 
the lectures of D. Martin Luther. Translated out of the Latin 
by Henry Bull. Cum priveligio. London, Thos. Vautrollier. 

1577. A commentarie of M. Doctor Martin Luther upon the 
epistle of Paul to the Galathians first collected and gathered 
word by word out of his preaching, and now out of Latine faith 
fully translated into English for the unlearned. Diligently re 
vised, corrected and newly imprinted again. Cum priveligio. 
London, Thos. Vautrollier. [See above 1573-] 

1577. A newe worek concernyng both parties of the Sacra 
ment to be receyved of the lay people as well as under the kynde 
of breade, with certen other articles, of bysshops, the chapters 
whereof are conteyned in the next leafe : made by Philip Me 
lanchthon and now translated out of the Latyn. London, Rich- 

356 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

ard Jugge. [Of this translation, there were earlier editions, 
Basle, probably 1543, and London, probably 1560. See cata 
logue of books published prior to 1640, in Library of British 

1578. A very comfortable and necessary sermon in these our 
dayes, made by the right reverend father and faithful servant of 
Jesus Christ Martin Luther, concernyng the coming of our Sa 
viour Christ to Judgement, and the signes that go before the last 
day. Whiche sermon is an exposition of the Gospell appointed 
to be read in the church on the second Sunday in Advent, and 
is now newly translated out of the Latin into English, and some- 
thyng augmented and enlarged by the translator with certaine 
notes in the margent. Imprinted cum gratia et priveligio 
Majestatis, London, John Byddell. 

1578. M. Luther on Is. ix: 2-7; being a prophecie of Christ, 
wherein the conquest of Christ and his members over sin, Death 
and Sathan is declared. London, H. Bynneman for Gregory 

1578. Special and chosen sermons of D. Martin Luther, col 
lected out of his writings and preachings. Englished by W. C. 
(Will Gace). [These 34 sermons are dedicated "To Syr 
Thomas Heneage. He was fined for printing this book with 
out license, xs. Another edition 1581.] 

1578. A Right Comfortable Treatise containing fourteen 
pointes of consolation for them that labor and are laden. Writ 
ten by D. Martin Luther to Prince Frederick Duke of Saxony, 
he being sore sicke, thereby to comfort him in the time of his 
great distress, Englished by W. Gace. [Another edition 1580.] 

1578. The sermon which Christ made on the way to Emaus 
to those two sorrowful disciples, set down in a dialogue by D. 
Urbane Regius, wherein he hath gathered and expounded the 
chief prophecies of the old Testament concerning Christ. Lon 
don, John Day. [Another edition 1612.] 

1579. Phil. Melangton, his praiers, translated by Richard 
Robinson. London, Henry Denham. 

Bibliographical, 357 

1580. A Right Godly and Learned discourse upon the booke 
of Ester. Written in latin by J. Brentius, and new turned into 
English by J. Harrison. London. 

1581. A commentarie or exposition upon the twoo Epistles 
generall of Saint Peter and that of Saint Jude. First faithfullie 
gathered out of the Lectures and Preachings of that worthie In- 
strumente in Goddes Churche, Doctour Martine Luther. And 
now out of the Latine, for the singuler benefite and comfort of 
the Godlie, familiarle translated into Englishe by Thomas New 
ton. Imprinted for Abr. Veale in Paule s church yard. 

1581. A Manuell of Christian praiers by divers devout and 
godly men, as Calvin, Luther, Melangton, etc., augmented and 
amended by Abr. Fleming. London, Henry Denham. 

1581. Singuler and fruitfull manner of prayer used byD. M. 
Luther, paraphrastically written on the Lordes praier, beliefe and 
the commandements. 

1582. A descouerse and batterie of the great Fort of unwrit 
ten Traditions, otherwise, An examination of the Councill of 
Trent, touching the decree of traditions. Done by Martinus 
Chemnitius in Latine, and translated into Englishe by R. V. 
London, Thos. Purfoot. 

1583. A declaration made by the Archbishop of Collen, opon 
the deede of his marriage. Sent to the States of his Archbishop- 
rike According to the coppie Imprented at Collen, 1583. Lon 
don : Printed by John Woolfe, 1583. 

1588. Luther s sermon on the Angels. London, Hugh 

1588. An instruccyon of christen faythe how to be bolde 
upon the promyse of God and not to doubte of our salvacyon, 
made by Urbanus Regius. Translated into englyshe. Dedicated 
by J. Fox the translator. Londown, Hugh Syngelton 

1590. A homelie or sermon of the good and evill Angell ; 
on the 18 Mat., ver. 10, Preached at Zelle in Saxony, 1537. By 
Urbanus Regius. First translated by Richard Robinson, citizen 
of London. Licensed in 1582. [Another edition in 1593,] 
John Charleswood, London. 

358 The Lutheran Movement in England. 

1584. Solace of Sion, and Joy of Jerusalem, being an expo- 
siton on the LXXXIII Psalm. Translated into English by R. 

1596. The force of Faith, containing a most sweet and com 
fortable treatise of the divine talke between Christ and the wom 
an of Canaan. Also a Dialogue between a sorrowfull sinner, and 
God s word concerning him. Written in Latin by Nicholas Sel- 
neccerus. Translated by R. M. Printed for Chr. Hunt. 


A fruitfull sermon of D. Martin Luther concerning Matrimo 
ny, taken out of the Epistle to the Hebrews. 

Declaration of the Order that the churches in Denmarke and 
many other places in Germany do use, not onely at the holye 
Supper, but also at Baptisme. By Miles Coverdale. Printed 
beyond the sea. 

A brefe and playne declaratyon of the dewty of married folkes, 
gathered out of the holy scriptures, and set forth in the almayne 
tonge by Hermon Arcbyshop of Cologne, whiche wylled all the 
hosholdes of his flocke to have the same in their bedchambers as 
a mirror or glasse dayly to loke in, etc. Newly translated into 
ye Englishe tonge by Hans Dekyn Imprynte in Temestrete 
by Hughe Syngyleton, at the dobbel hoad, over agaynst the 


Absolution, 93, 278. 

Abuses, Articles of Augsburg Confession on, 133, 141, 150, 156, 177 sq. 

Active Obedience of Christ, 336. 

Adiaphorists, 204. 

Adult Baptism, 258 sq. 

Aepinus, John, Superintendent at Hamburg (b. 1499, d. 1553), 128, 148. 

Agende, Mediaeval, 257. 

Agnus Dei, 221, 309. 

Agricola (Schneider) John, (of Eisleben, b. 1492, d. 1566), 13, 76, 123,200. 

Alcuin (b. 735, d. 804) 299. 

Alesius, Alexander, Professor at Leipzig, (b. 1500, d. 1565), .57, 76, 85, 87, 
128, 151. 

Allen Thomas (d. 1558), 9. 

Alva, Duke of, (b. 1508, d. 1582), 143. 

Amsdorf, von, Nicholas (b. 1483, d. 1565), 205. 

Anabaptism, 68, 77, 89, 90, 139, 180, 183, 204, 267, 342. 

Anderson, Christopher, (b. 1782, d. 1852). His " Annals of the English Bi 
ble," 17 sq. 

Annaberg (town in Saxony), 141. 

Anne Boleyn, (b. 1507, d. 1536), 32, 41, 43, 44, 74-76, 193. 

Anne of Cleves (b. 1515, d. 1557), 152, 167, 168, 178, 183, 189, 196. 

Anti-Christ, 134, 135, 156. 

Antinomians, 204. 

Antiphons, 291. 

Antwerp, 125, 181. 

Apology of the Augsburg Confession (1531), 52, 63, 67, 68, 70, 72, 80, 83 sq., 
89, 91-96, 103, 109, IIO-H2, 127, 138, 167, 179, 199, 335, 341 sq. 

Apostolical Constitutions, The, 296. 

Apostolical Succession, 323 sq. 

Aquinas, Thomas, {Doctor angelicus, b. 1227, d. 1274), 41, 298. 

Argentine R., 353. 


360 Index. 

Arthur, Prince, brother of Henry VIII., (b. 1486, d. 1502), 40. 
Arthur, Thomas, (d. 1532), 7, 9, 12. 
Articles, on Abuses, see Abuses. 

Six, The (1539), 145 sq., 150-155, 159, 167 sqq., 191 sqq., 2OI. 

Ten, The (1536), 80, 88-104, 128, 138, 139. 

Thirteen, The (1535), 63. 

Thirteen. The (1538), 136-139. 

Thirty-Nine, The (1563;, 136, 339-42. 

Forty-two (1553), 340. 
Augsburg, 200. 
Augsburg Confession, (153), 5 2 63, 67 sq., 70-3, 75,80,83 8^,91-3,96 sq., 

101, 103, 109, III, 127, 132 sq., 136-9, 141, 146, 148, 150, 152, 167, 

178 sq., 192, 195, 197, 199, 201-4, 210, 336-42, 349, 350, 354. 
Augsburg, Diet, (1530), 142. 
Augusti, Prof. C. J. W. (b. 1771, d. 1841), 223. 
Augustine, St. (b. 354, d. 430), 306, 341. 
Augustinianism, 2. 

Aurifaber, Johann (b. 1517, d. 1568), 352. 
Austrian " Order of Service," (1571), 250, 303. 
Authorized Version, (1611), 147. 
Aylmer, John, Bishop of London, (b. 1521, d. 1594), 347. 

Balhorn, John (Printer), 189. 
Bamberg Missal, 219. 
Bamberg Order, 223. 
Baptism, Order of, 253-8. 

Ten Articles on 90. 

Tyndale on, 37. 

Barlow, Wm., Bishop of St. David s, afterwards of Chichester, (d. 1568), 83. 
Barnes, Robert (b. 1495 martyr, d. 1540), 7, 8, 9, II, 12, 49, 55-60, 67, 76, 

Il6, llS, 127, 132 sq.. 149, 151, 178, 181-92, 196, 206 sq., 215. 
Basle, 346. 

Baum, John William (Biographer of Bucer\ 276. 
Baumbach von, Ludwig, 149. 
Beauchame, Louis, 191. 
Becon, Thomas, (b. 1511, d. 1567), 324 sq. 
Benedicamus, 311 sqq. 

Benger, Elizabeth Ogilvy (b. 1778, d. 1827), 75. 
Berne (Switzerland), 276. 
Beyer Hardtmann (b. 1516, d. 1577), 343. 
Bible, English, 14, 115-26, 145-7. 

Index, 361 

Billican, Theobald (d. 1559), 13. 

Bilney, Thomas (b. 1500, martyr 1531), 6 sq., n sq., l8l. 

Bishops, Luther and Melanchthon on, 160. 

Bishops Book of 1537, 104-14, 314. 

Blakeney, Richard Paul (b. 1820, d. 1884) 253. 

Blage, Mrs. 191. 

Blaurer, Ambrose (b. 1492, d. 1567), 148. 

Blunt, John Henry (b. 1823, d. 1884), loi, 208, 234, 238-40, 253, 257, 259, 

272 sq., 328. 

Boleyn, Anne, see Anne Boleyn. 
Boleyn, Sir Thomas (b. 1477, d. 1539), 44. 
Bona, Giovanni, Cardinal (b. 1609, d. 1674), 300. 
Bonner, Edmund, Bishop of London (b. 1490, d. 1569), 191 sq., 334. 
Boyneburg, a, George, LL. D. (a Hessian diplomatist), 129. 
Bradford, Rudolph, 10. 

Bradwardin, Thomas of, Archbishop of Canterbury (b. 1290, d. 1348), 2. 
Brandenburg, Elector of (1546), 196. 

Brandenburg- Niirnberg Kinder Predigten (1533), 4, 316. 
Brandenburg- Niirnberg Order (Osiander, Brentz, 1533), 47, 142, 223-5, 2 43> 

250, 255 sq., 259 sqq., 267, 270 sqq., 282, 289, 303, 310, 316, 335 sq. 
Bremen, 169. 
Brentz, Dr. John, the Swabian Reformer (b. 1499, d. 1570), 13, 46 sqq., 72, 

200,209,211, 222, 242, 270, 289 sq., 325, 340, 342. 354, 355, 357. 

His Catechism, 325-7. 
Bristol, Use of, 220. 

Browne, Robert, Founder of " Independents" (b. 1550, d. 1631), 347. 
Browne Sir Thomas (b. 1605, d. 1682), 138. 
Brunswick, 199. 
Bucer (Kuhhorn\ Dr. Martin (b. 1491, d. 1551), 13, 48, 72, 152, 155, 167, 

196, 209-213, 224, 227, 234, 259, 26p. 274 sqq., 278 sq., 327, 333. 
Bucler, Walter, 194. 

Buddeus, Dr. J. F. (b. 1667, d. 1729), 209. 
Bugenhagen, Dr. John, Pomeranus (b. 1485, d. 1558), 13, 58, 153, 167, 187 

223, 240, 302, 310, 350. 
Bull, Henry (d. 1575) 355. 

Bullinger, Henry, the Swiss Reformer (b. 1504, d. 1574), 207 sq., 213-17,244. 
Burcher, 213 sq. 

Burials, Orders for, 273 sq. [ 2O 5- 

Burkhard, Francis, Vice-Chancellor (b. 1504, d. 1560), 72, 129, 149, 153, 196, 
Bumet, Gilbert, Bishop of Salisbury (b. 1643, d. 1715), 48, 59, 67, loo. 

362 Index t 

Calcaskie, John, 354. [349. 

Calvin, Dr. John, (b. 1509, d. 1564), 214, 275, 277 sq., 281, 337, 344 sq., 347, 

Calvinism, 243, 342, 344, 347. 

Calvor, Kaspar (b. 1650, d. 1725), 295, 303. 

Cambridge, University of, 3, 6, 8, lo, II, 14 sq., 43 sq., 48, 6l sq., 117, 125, 

181, 192,209,275,327,344. 

Camerarius (Liebhard), Dr. Joachim (b. 1500, d. 1574), 46, 56, 76. 
Campeggi, Lorenzo Cardinal (b. 1474, d. 1539), 42. 
Campion and Beaumont s " Prayer- Book Interleaved," 253, 328. 
Cardwell, Dr. Edward (b. 1787, d. 1861), 87 sqq. 
Carlstadt (Bodenstein) Dr. Andrew (b. 1483, d. 1541), 13, 220, 284. 
Cassel (Hesse) Catechism (1539), 327 sq. 

Cassel (Hesse) Order (1539), 224, 241 sq., 260 sq., 267 sqq., 278-81, 327. 
Catechism in Confirmation, 267. 

Anglican, 314. 

Calvin s, 332. 

Genevan, 332. 

Luther s, 104-9. 

Nowel and Ponet s, 331. [188. 

Catherine of Aragon, Queen of England (b. 1486, d. 1536), 40 sqq., 49 sq., 76, 
Catherine de Medici (b. 1519, d. 1589), 52. 

Catherine Parr, Sixth Queen of Henry VIII. (b. 1513, d. 1548), 193. 
Celius, Michael, Court-Preacher at Mansfeld, (1546), 352. 
Cecil, Sir William, 340. 

Cellarius (Kellner) Martin (b. 1499, d. 1564), 13. 
Ceremonies, 161-163. 
" Charity," in Justification, 96. 
Charles V., Emperor (b. 1500, d. 1558), 41, 43, 134, 142, 144, 148, 160, 166, 

188, 193, 200, 202 sqq.. 214. 

Chemnitz, Dr. Martin (b. 1522, d. 1586), on Confirmation, 285. 
Cheke, Sir John (b. 1514, d. 1557), 216, 340. 
Christ, Vicarious Satisfaction of, 93, 114, 181, 184. 
Christopher, Duke of Wiirtemberg (b. 1515, d. 1568), 342, 346 sq. 
Chrysostom, John (b. 350, d. 407), 308. 
Church, The, Definition of, 84, Iio, 185. 

Marks of, 182. 

Clark or Clerke, John (at Cambridge, 1525), 10, II, 44. 
Clement VII. (Pope 1523-34), 42, 52. 
Coburg Order (1626), 310. 

Cochlseus (Dobeneck) John (b. 1479, d - J 55 2 )> J 7> *9> 35- 
Colet, John, Dean of St. Paul s (b. 1466, d. 1519), 2, 15. 

Index. 363 

Coligny, Admiral (b. 1517, martyr 1572), 346. 

Collects, 250, 251, 297, 311. 

Cologne, Hemann of (b. 1477, d. 1552, Elector and Archbishop, 1515-1546), 

196, 224, 233 sq., 239 sq., 253, 328, 336, 352, 353, 357 sq. 
Order of (i543) 224, 226 sq., 241 sq., 244, 253-9, 263 sq., 268-74, 
278-80, 302, 327 sq., 336. 

Commission, English to Wittenberg (1536), 55-73. 
Lutheran to England (1538), 127-139. 
English and Lutheran, at Frankfort (1539), 148 sq. 

Common Prayer, Book of, II, 124, 218-34, 243. 

Communion in Both Kinds, 164, 178 sqq., 182. 

Communion Service of Edward VI., 278. 

in Lutheran Orders, 305 

Conde, Prince of, 345. 

Conditional Baptism, 263 sq. 

Confession, Augsburg, see Augsburg. 
Saxon, see Saxon. 

Confession, to a Priest, 92, 153, 156, 162. 

Confessional Basis, 52, 58 sqq., 63, 67, 70-3, 80, 103, 132 sqq., 141, 169 sqq., 
177, 194 sq., 197, 203. 

Confessional Service of II. Edward VI. (1552), 276. 

Confirmation, 265-9. 

Confiteor, The, 288 sq. 

Congregationalists, 347. 

Consecration of Elements, 308. 

Convocation, English, 77, 8l, 83, 88, loo, 115, in6, 192, 23!, 342. 

Corvinus, Antony (b. 1501, d. 1553), 52, 180. 

Cottiswood, 191. 

Councils, not infallible, 182. 

Cox, Dr. Richard, Bishop of Ely (b. 1499, d. 1581), II, 44, 245, 344 sq. 

Cranach, Lucas (b. 1472, d. 1533), 168. 

Cranmer, Thomas, Archbishop of Canterbury (b. 1489, martyr 1556), 43 sqq., 
57, 6l sq., 74, 76 sq., 79 sq., 83, 85, 89, 97, 100-05, II2 > II S> I2 2, 
131 sq., 134, 136, 141, 150 sq., 153, 155 sq., 178, 192 sq., 197 sq., 200, 
206, 214, 215-7, 223, 231, 233 sq., 239 sq., 245, 275, 279, 314 sqq., 334, 

33 6 > 339 sq., 343- 
Creed in the Service, 301 sq. 
Creed, Catechetical Exposition of, 106 sqq. 
Crespy, Peace of (1544), 193. 
Crome, Edward (d. 1562), 9. 
Crook or Croke, Richard (b. 1489, d. 1558), 48. 

364 Index. 

Cross, Sign of, 258. 

Cruciger, Caspar (b. 1504, d. 1548), 5-8, 124, 129, 199, 224. 
Crumwell, Thomas (b. 1490, d. 1540), 43, 49, 59, 67, 77-80, 82, 86 sq., 128, 
140 sq., 145, 147, 150 sqq., 155, 168, 178-81, 183, 192, 196, 215, 237, 

241, 350- 

Cyprian, Bishop of Carthage (b. 200, d. 258), 306. 
Cyril of Jerusalem (b. 315, d. 386), 306. 

Dachstein, Wolfgang, German Hymn-writer (d. 1530), 124. 

Damianus, Peter (b. 1007, d. 1072), 297. 

Days, Distinction of, 182. 

Decius (Hovesch) Nicholas, German Hymn-writer (d. 1541), 123, 124. 

Demaus on Tyndale s Relation to Luther, 24 sq. 

Denmark, Alliance with, 182. 

Derrick, 191. 

Dietrich, Veit (Luther s amanuensis, afterwards pastor of St. Sebald s, Niirn- 

berg, b. 1507, d. 1549), 129, 250. 
Dixon, R. W., Dean (b. 1833), 95, IO2. 
Dober s Mass, 223, 290, 302, 310. 
Dorrington, Thomas, 348. 
Dtirer, Albrecht (b. 1471, d. 1528), 45. 
Durandus, William (b. 1237, d. 1296), 297, 299, 302, 306 sq. 

Eadie, John (b. 1810, d. 1876), 18, 35, 117, 146. 

Easter, a season for Baptism, 254. 

Edward VI. (b. 1537, d. 1553, reigned from 1547), 9, n, 198-205, 214 sq., 

241, 314, 343- 

First Book of, 243 sq., 246, 249, 251-3, 257, 200, 202 sq., 282. 

Second Book of, 251, 257, 269, 275, 281, 344. 

Egbert, Archbishop of York (d. 767), Prayer of, 268. 347. 

Elizabeth, Queen (b. 1533, d. 1603, reigned from 1558), 126, 191, 194, 342, 
Ellis, Sir Henry (b. 1777, d. 1869), 86. 
English, Melanchthon speaks, 144. 

Erasmus (Gerard) Desiderius (b. 1465, d. 1536), 3, 7, 15,23,435^, 105, 208. 
Ethiopic Order, 301. 
Evening Service, 245-52. 
Excommunication, Papal, 182. 
Exhortation in the Communion Service, 30^. 
Exorcism, 259, 282. 
Extreme Unction, 84. 

Faber, Jacob, Stapulensis (b. 1450, d. 1536), 43. 

Fagius (Biicher) Paul, (Prof, in Cambridge, b. 1504, d. 1549), 

Index. 365 

Faith, 92, 96, 109, 181. 

and Works, Tyndale on, 31 sq. 
Fasting, 182. 

Ferdinand I., of Germany (b. 1503, d. 1564), 53. 
Fisher, John, Bishop of Rochester (b. 1459, d. 1535), 5, 6, 12, 42. 
Flacius Illyricus (b. 1520, d. 1575), 347. 
Forgery, A Literary, 159-178. 
Forty-two Articles, 136. 
Fox, Edward, Bishop of Hereford (b. 1496, d. 1538), 6l sq., 67, 70, 75, 78, 

80, 83, 86 sq., 89, 97, 101, 104 sq., 128, 130 sq., 134, 149, 150, 152, 

207, 215. 

Foxe, John (b 1517, d. 1587), 12, 15, 98, 181, 185. 
France, Spurious Articles in, 159. 
Francis I. (of France, b. 1494, d. IS47 ; King from I S I 5)> 41 s q- S 2 S( l-> 8 

134, 145, 153, 193, 199, 203,214. 
Frankfort on the -Main, Conferences at, 1536 72, 128. 

1539144, 148. 
1546 196. 

Exiles at, 343, 344, 346 sq. 
Order of (1530), 243, 278. 

Frederick III., the Wise, Elector of Saxony (b. 1463, d. 1525), 142. 
Frederick II., Elector Palatine (b. 1482, d. 1556), 196. 
Freedom of the will, 84, 162, 182. 
French Lutherans, 5 2 - 

Frith, John (b. 1503, martyr 1533), II, 38, 78, 207. 
Froschauer, Christopher (Publisher at Zurich, b. 1485, d, 1564), 116. 
Froude, J. A. (b. 1818), quoted 4, 79, 82, 95 sq., 197. 
Fuller, Thomas (b. 1608, d. 1661), 88, 99, 190. 
Gace, William (Translator), 356. 
Gallican Liturgies, 219. 

Missals, 219. 
Gardiner, Stephen, Bishop of Winchester (b. 1495, d. 1555), 75, 78 sq., 83, 

98, 101 sq., 104 sq., 127, 150, 154, 157, 178, 182 sq., 192, 196, 315. 
Gavanti, Bartholomew (b. 1570, d. 1638), 297 sq. 
Geikie, Cunningham (b. 1824), loi. 
Gelasius I. (Pope 492-6), 219, 297. 
Geneva, 214, 276, 281,344. 

George of Anhalt, Bishop and Prince (b. 1507, d. 1553) 72. 
George I. of England (b. 1 660, d. 1727, reigned from 1714), 34^. 
Gerbert, Martin, Baron of Homan (b. 1720, d. 1793), 294, 298, 299, 302. 
Gerdesius, Dr. Daniel (b. 1698, d. 1765), 143. 

366 Index > 

Germans, The, Coverdale on, 186. 

Fox on, 87. 

Litany of, 232 sq. 
Germany, the house called, 8. 

Orders of South-Western, 284. 
Ginsburg, Christian D., 117. 
Glastenbury, 209, 276. 
Gloria in Excelsis, 295. 

Patri, 294. 

Glosses, Tyndale s, 29 sqq. 
Gochius, John (d. 1475), 13. 
Goebel, Maximilian, 209. 
Good Works, 37, 95, 155, 182, 185. 
Goodrich, Thomas, Bishop of Ely (b. 1480, d. 1554), 83. 
Gospels and Epistles, 252. 
Grace, Declaration of, 289 sq. 
Gradual, The, 221. 

Grafton, Richard (Publisher, d. 1572), 145, 191, 230. 
Gratias, The, 306. 
"Great Bible, The," (1539-41), 118. 
Gregory the Great (b. 550, d. 604), 219, 250, 291, 297. 
Greiser (Greiter) Matth., (d. 1550), 124. 
Grey, Lady Jane (b. 1537, d. 1554), 214. 

Grindal, Edmund, Archbishop of Canterbury (b. 1519, d. 1583), 346 sq. 
Guelders, 169. 

Hallam, Henry (b. 1777, d. 1859), 23. 

Hallelujah, The, 300. 

Hamburg, 17, 116, 128, 151, 169, 181 sq., 263. 

Hanover, House of, 348. [339, 342. 

Hardwick, Charles, Archdeacon (b. 1821, d. 1859), 79, 100, III, 211, 282, 

Hare, Julius Clark (b. 1795, d. 1855), 96. 

Heath, Nicholas (b. 1501, d. 1579), 61 sq., 67, 70, 74-6, 146, 149 sq. 

Hegenwald, Erhard, M. D., (Wiirtemberg Hymn-writer), 124 sq. 

Heidelberg, 196. 

Heilmann, 142. 

Henry II, King of France (b. 1518, d. 1559, reigned from 1547), 52. 

Henry VIII, King of England (b. 1491, d. 1547, reigned from 1509), I, 39-? 
44, 46, 48-60, 62-69, 71-80, 89, 95 sq., 99, 105, 112-14, 128 sq., 132- 
6, 140, 144 sq., 148-58, i68sq., 177-9, !82, 187-99, 2 7, 215, 231, 
238, 241, 349. 

Index. 367 

Herford, Charles H., 124. 

Hermann, Archbishop of Cologne, see Cologne. 

Hermann, Rychard (Merchant), 74. 

Herzog, Heinrich, of Saxony, Order of (1539), 224, 226, 256, 273. 

Hesse Cassel, Order of (1539), see CasseJ. 

Heynes, Simon (d. 1552), 9, 10, 245. 

Hilary of Poictiers (d. 366), 296. 

Hilles, (Hills or Hils) Richard, (London Merchant), 208, 244. 

Hilsey, John, Bishop of Rochester (d 1538), 83, 237, 247. 

Hofling, Dr. J. W. F. (b. 1802, d. 1853), 256 sq., 269, 327. 

Hoffe, Ubright (Leipzig Publisher), 191. 

Holbeach, Laurence, 245. 

Holstein, Duke of (1545), 194. 

Homilies of the Church of England, 231, 241, 333-8. 

Hook, Dr. W. F., Dean of Chichester (b. 1768, d. 1875), 322. [217. 

Hoper or Hooper, John, Bishop of Worcester (b. 1495, martyr 1555), 207-11, 

Home, Dr. Robert, Dean of Durham, Bishop of Winchester (b. 1519, d. 

1579), 346. 
Hymns from the German, 119-123. 

Christ lag in Todesbanden. 

Durch Adam s Fall ist ganz verderbt. 

Einfeste Burg ist unser Got*. 

Es ist das Heil uns Kommen. 

Gelobet seist du Jesu Christ. 

Gott der Voter wohn uns bei. 

In Gott gelaub ich 

IComm, Heiliger Geist, Herre Gott. 

Mensch, wilt du leben seliglich. 

Mit Fried und Freud, ich fahr dahin. 

Mitten wir im Leben sind. 

Nun freut euch lieben Christen. 

Incarnation, The, 347. 

Index Prohibitorum, 12. sq. 

Independents (Congregationalists), 347. 

Indulgences, 130. 

Innspruck, Battle of (1552), 203. 

" Institution of a Christian Man," 105, 314. 

Interim of 1548, 97 sq., 125, 1 66, 201-3, 2 8 sq., 214, 343. 

Introits, 249 sq., 276, 291-4. 

Invocation of Saints, .164, .182, 185. 

368 Index. 

Jane Seymour, Queen (d. 1537), 96. 

Jena, University of, 200, 347. 

Jenkyns, Rev. Henry, 112, 136, 215. 

Jennings, 101. 

Jewel, John, Bishop of Salisbury (b. 1522, d. 1571), 210. 

John Frederick, Elector of Saxony (b. 1503, d. 1554, Elector from 1532), 67, 

128, 159, 1 66, 194, 199, 200-05. 
Jonas, Dr. Justus (b. 1493, d. 1555), 76, 123, 153, 167, 216, 224, 315, 352. 


Joye, George (d. 1553), 34- 
Juda, Leo (b. 1482, d. 1542), 117. 
Justification, Definition of, 95, 138. 
Condition of, 96, 162. 
Justin Martyr (b. 103, martyr 165), 299. 

Keys, Power of, 182. 

Kite, John, Bishop of Carlisle (d. 1537), 83. 

Kliefoth, Dr. Theodore (b. 1810), 247 sq., 285, 291, 312. 

Knight, Charles (b. 1791, d. 1873), I 5- 

Knox, Dr. John (b. 1505, d. 1572), n, 340, 342, 344. 

Kostlin, Dr. Heinrich A. (now Prof, at Friedberg), 285. 

Kymaeus, John (b. 1498, d. 1552), 224. 

Kyrie, 294 sq. 

Lambert, Francis (b. 1486, martyr 1530), 7, 13, 18, 183. 

Language of Public Service, 222, 260. 

Lasco a, John (b. 1499, d. 1560), 208, 217, 275 sq., 344. 

Lathbury, Thomas (b. 1798, d. 1865), 100. 

Latimer, Hugh, Bishop of Worcester (b. 1491, martyr 1555), 6sq., II sq., 77, 

81-3, 97, 100, 104 sq., 150 sq., 153, 216. 
Latin Versions of the Bible, 117. 
Laurence, Richard, Archbishop of Cashel (b. 1760, d. 1839), 56, 89, 94 sq., 

99, 253, 278. 

" League, The Christian," 197. 
Learning the Old and the New, 3, 77> 1 9 2 - 

Lee, Edward, Archbishop of York (b. 1482, d. 1544), 20, 21, 35, 83. 
Leo I. (Pope 440, d. 461), 219, 297. 
Leonine Sacramentary, 297. 
Lesse, Nicholas (Translator), 352. 
Lessons, 299. 

Lewis, Duke of Bavaria and Count Palatine (d. 1534), J. 
Lingard, John (b. 1771, d. 1851), 99. 

Index. 369 

Link, Wenceslaus (b. 1483, d. 1547), 46. 
Litany, 84, 230-41, 303 sq., 344. 
Liturgies, Gallican, 219, 256. 

Gothic, 256. 

Mozarabic, 219. 

Roman, 219. 

Lobe, William (b. 1808, d. 1872), 106, 246, 290 sq., 297. 
Lollards, 2, 3, 84. 

Longfellow, H. W. (b. 1807, d. 1882), his poem on Nurnberg, 45. 
Lonicerus (b. 1557, d. 1590), 13. 
Liibeck, 147. 

Luft, Hans (b. 1495, d. 1584), 19, 126. 

Luther, Dr. Martin (b. 1484, d. 1546), 4-7, 9-13, 17-32, 34-38,40.43, 45, 5<>, 
5 1 , 57, 5 8 , 62 , 69-71, 74, 94, 98, 104, 106 sq., no, 117-122, 124, 126, 
i3-3 2 > 1 35> I 5 I -3, 159-67, X 78, 181 sq., 187-9, 210, 220-26, 233-40, 
251-3, 256-60, 272, 284, 290, 296, 300-5, 309 sq., 316-325, 330, 344. 
Lutheran, 35-38, 68, 211, 213. 

Baptism, Is it valid? 345. 

Orders Classified, 223. 
Lutherans, 4, 6, 10, 21, 36, 52. 

Mabillon, John (b. 1632, d. 1707), 256. 

Magdeburg, 200. 

Mamertus of Vienna (d. 475), 231. 

Mammon, Luther and Tyndale on, 30 sq. 

Mantua, Council at, III, 351. 

Marbach, John (b. 1521, d. 1581), 208. 

Margaret of Navarre (b. 1492, d. 1577), 53. 

Mark-Brandenburg Order (1540), 223, 256, 260, 268, 271. 

Marlborow, 19. 

Marriage, with brother of deceased husband, 40 sqq., 49 sqq. 

of priests, 153, 157, 165, 182. 

Order, 269-72. 

Marshall s Primer (1535), 234,237. 

Martyr Peter (b. 1500, d. 1562), 207, 209-11, 216, 275, 344. 
Mary, Queen (b. 1516, d. 1558, reigned from 1553), 41, 43, 49, 62, 79, 126, 

191, 194, 198, 205, 210, 343. 
Masone, John (d. 1566), 196, 201. 
Maskell, William (b. 1814), 
Mass, Luther s Formula of, 220, 249. 

Sermon on (1520), 220. 

370 Index. 

Mass, Roman, 182. 
Masses, Private, 156. 
Mathesius, John (b. 1504, d. 1564), 250. 
Matins, 246 sq., 249. 

Matthews, Thomas (Pseudonym), 126, 145 sq., 191. 
Maurice, Duke of Saxony (b. 1521, d. 1553), 194, 199 sq., 203. 
May, William (d. 1560), 245. 
Mecklenburg Order (1552), 288 sq. 
Mekins, Richard (martyr, 1540). 192. 

Melanchthon, Dr. Philip (b. 1497, d. 1560), 13, 49-51, 53, 55-59, 61-63, 6 7 
72, 76 sq., 8l, 86, 89-96, 125-131, 139, 141, 148-67, 199 sq., 206, 224, 
337- 341 sq., 344- 
Methodists, 8. 
Missals, Bamberg, 219. 

Gallican, 219. 

Gothic, 251. 

Nurnberg, 219. 

Roman, 219, 249, 252. 
Mitchell, Prof., 124. 

Moebanus, Ambrose (b. 1494, d. 1554), 124. 
Mogner, Leonard (Pastor at Siegrau), 142. 
Mombert, Dr. J. I. (b. 1829), 19 sq., 24, 117, 126. 
Monasticism, 165, 174 sq., 182. 

Monmouth, Humphrey (London Alderman, d. 1537), 16, 181, 183. 
More, Sir Thomas (b. 1480, d. 1534), 17, 35, 78. 
Morning Service, 245-252. 
Morris, Dr. John G. (b. 1803), 339. 
Morysinne (Morrison), Sir Richard (d. 1556), 201, 204. 

Mount (Mont), Dr. Christopher, (d. 1572), 129, 148, 152, 194, 196, 2OI, 214. 
Mozarabic Liturgy, 219, 310. 
Muhlberg, Battle of (1547). *99- 
Mullins, John (d. 1591), 346. 

Muratori, Ludovico Antonio (b. 1672, d. 1750), 298. 
Musculus, Wolfgang (b. 1497, d. 1563), 353. 

Myconius, Frederick (b. 1491, d. 1546), 129-134, 141, 148, 167, 177, 196, 

Nassau, Reformation in, 141. 

Church Order, 142 sq., 254 sq. 
Naumburg, 128 sq. 
Navarre, King of (1561), 210. 

Index. 371 

New Learning, The. 3, 77, 192, 352. 

Nicholas, John.. 7. 

Nicholson, Sygar, 1C 

Nordhausen, 199. 

Norton, Thomas, (b. 1532, d. 1584), 332. 

Nolh-Taufe, 255, 262 sq. 

Nowell, Alexander (b. 1507, d. 1601), 332. 

Novatus, Heresy of, 163. 

Nurnberg, 45 sqq., 104, 123, 196, 223, 244, 250, 274, 289, 307, 315. 

Kinder- Predigten, 216. 

Order of Service, 46, 240-2, 257, 282. 

Peace of, 5 1 
Nunc Dimittis, 310. 
Nyx, Richard, Bishop of Norwich (d. 1536), 83. 

" Obedience of a Christian Man," 32 sqq., 37, 105. 

Occasional Offices, 274. 

QEcolampadius, John (b. 1482, d. 1531), 49, 354. 

Offertory, 303. 

Order, Common, of Service, 48, 285. 

Orders, Sacrament of, in. 

Original Sin, 91, 137 sq. 

Osiander, Andrew (b. 1498, d. 1552), 46 sqq., 104, 129, 148, 206, 223, 240, 

260, 270-2, 289, 315, 335 sq., 352. 
Ott-Heinrich Order (1543), 256, 260, 268, 271. 
Overall, John, Bishop of Lichfield (b. 1559, d. 1619), 332. 
Oxford, University of, 2, 4, 8, IO, 14 sq., 44, 48, 62, 192, 209, 275. 

Paissy, Colloquy of (1561), 210. 

Palmer, William (b. 1803), 256 sq., 259, 268, 272 sq. 

Papacy, 161, 182. 

Parker, Matthew, Archbishop of Canterbury (b. 1504, d. 1575), 8. 

Passau, Peace of (1552)^ 203. 

Paul III. (b. 1466, Pope 1534, d. 1549), 194. 

Pax, The, in the Communion Service, 309. 

Paynell, Thomas (d. 1563), 9, 148. 

Pellicanus, Conrad (b. 1478, d. 1566), 117. 

Penance, Sacrament of, 91. 

Perry, George S., 101. 

Peter, Dr. William, 82. 

Philip, Landgrave of Hesse (b. 1504, d. 1567), 67, 152, 194, 197. 

Pirkheimer, Willibald (b. 1470, d. 1531), 45. 

37 2 Index. 

Pole, Reginald, Cardinal (b. 1500, d. 1558), 44, 75. 
Pollanus (Poullain), Valerandus (d. 1558), 343, 
Polydore, Vergil (b. 1470, d. 1550), 4. 
Polygamy, Melanchthon on, 50. 
Pomeranian Order of 1542, 304. 
Ponet (Poinet), John (d. 1556), 331. 
Potter, Thomas, 355. 
Prayer, Tyndale on, 31. 

Confessional, 278, 281 sq. 

General, 303. 

Preface, The, in the Service, 306. 
Preparatory Service, 278, 287. 
Prologues, Fyndale s, 25 sq. 
Private Baptism, 262. 

Confession, 267. 

Mass, 68. 

Procter, Frances, 243, 257, 273, 330. 
Prussian Order, 223, 255. 
Psalter of " Common Prayer, 124. 
Public Baptism, 263 sq. 

Puflfendorf, Samuel, Baron (b. 1632, d. 1694), 348. 
Purgatory, 165. 
Puritanism, n, 346. 

Ranke, Leopold von (b. 1795, d. 1886), 96, 101. 

Ratisbon (Regensburg), Diet of (1532), 45, 196, 351. 

Reformation, English, Theories of, I . 

Regius, Urban (b. 1490, d. 1541), 13, 52 sq., 352 sq., 356 sq. 

Repentance, 93, 96. 

Repetitio of 1536, 89. 

Repetition of Augsburg Confession, 71. 

Rice, Richard, 353. 

Ridley, Nicholas, Bishop of London (b. 1500, d. 1555), 9 sq., 207, 215, 245. 

Ring, The, in the Marriage Ceremony, 271. 

Robinson, Richard, 357 sq. 

Rogers, Daniel (b. 1538, d. 1591), 126. 

John (b. 1500 or 1509, martyr 1555), 125 sq., 145 sq., l8L 
Roman Liturgies and Missals, 219. 
Romish Leaven in the X Articles, 96. 
Rostock, 141. 

Roy, William (martyr, 1531), 17. 
Rupertus (d. 911), 297, 299. 

Index. 373 

Sachs, Hans (b. 1494, d. 1576), 46, 123 sq. 

Sacrament, Definition of, 86, 112. 

Sacramental and Sacrificial Elements of Worship, 285 sqq. 

Sacramentarians, 94, 1 80, 297. 

Salig, Christian August (b. 1692, d. 1738), 125, 203. 

Salutation, The, 296, 365. 

Sampson, Thomas (b. 1517, d. 1589), 354. 

Sanctus, The, 221,307. [35*- 

Sarcerius, Erasmus (b. 1501, d. 1559), I4> 146, 148, 153. l6 7j r 79. l8o 22 4, 

Sarum, Use of, 220, 239, 242, 251 sqq., 260, 269, 271. 

Sastrow, Earth. John (b. 1520), 179. 

Saxon Order of 1539, 256, 273, see Herzog-Heinrich. 

Visitation Articles, 255. 

Articles of 1551, 341. 

Lower, Order of (1585), 273. 
Schaff, Dr. Philip (b. 1819), 101, 339. 
Schmucker. Dr. Beale Melanchthon (b. 1827, d. 1888), 80. 
Schnepff, Erhard (b. 1495, d. 1558), 52, 72, 347. 
Schceberlein, Dr. Ludwig Frederick (b. 1813, d. 1881), 294. 
Schceffer, P. (b. 1430, d. 1503), 20. 
Schwabach Articles (1529), 91, 335. 

Schwabach-Hall Order (1543), 242, 249, 254-6, 270 sq., 327. 
" Schwarmerians," 1 80. 

Scotland, Reformation in, 2. [ I 9^- 

Seckendorf, Veit Ludwig von (b. 1626, d. 1692), 71 sq., 136, 139, 159, 166, 
Selnecker, Nicholas (b. 1530, d. 1592), 358. 
Sermon, The, 302. 

Service, The Lutheran Chief, 283-313. 

Seymour, Edward, Duke of Somerset (b. 1500, d. 1552), 198, 214. 
Shakespeare, 193. 

Shaxton, Nicholas, Bishop of Salisbury (d. 1556), 10, 83, 150, 156. 
Sherborne, Robert, Bishop of Chichester (d. 1536), 83. 
Shirrye, Richard (martyr, 1556), 354. 
Sick, Visitation of the, 273. 

Six Articles, The, 145 sq., 150-9, 167 sqq., 191 sqq., 201. 
Sixty-seven Points, The, 83. 
Skip, John, Bishop of Hereford (d. 1552), IO. 
Smalcald Articles, no sq., 160 sq., 164, 166, 203, 341. 
League, 51-62, 142, 168, 194, 196, 199. 
War, 197, 214. 
Smithfield, 183. 

374 Index. 

Smythe, Richard (d. 1563), 20934. 

Solm, Count (d. 1545), 72. 

Somerset, Duke of, see Seymour, Edward. 

Spalatin, Dr. George (b. 1484, d. 1545), 62, 148. 

Spengler, Lazarus (b. 1479, d. 1534), 46, 122, 124. 

Speratus, Paul (b. 1484, d. 1551), 122, 124. 

Sponsors, Address to, 260. 

St. Andrew s, University of, 2. 

St. Lawrence s, Niirnberg, 45 sq. 

St. Paul s, London, 2, 5, 12, 230. 

St. Sebald s, Niirnberg, 45 sq., 250. 

Stafford, George (d. 1529), 9. 

Standish, Dr. Henry (d. 1535), 39. 

Dr. John (b. 1509, d. 1570), 186. 
Staupitz, Dr. John (d. 1524), 45. 

Stolcesley, John, Bishop of London (d. 1539), 83, 104. 
Strassburg, 152, 208-10, 333, 346 sq. 

Mass (1524), 227-9, 276-9, 303. 
Strigel, Victor (b. 1514, d. 1569), 347. 
Strype, John (b. 1643, d. 1737), 74, 99, 150, 160, 166, 315. 
Sturm, Jacob (b. 1489, d. 1553), 72. 
Sumner (d. 1523), II. 
Surplice, 344. 
Sursum Corda, 306. 
Syngylton, Robert (Translator of Augsburg Confession, hanged March 7th, 

1544), 354- 
Synods in Nassau, 147. 

Taverner, Richard (b. 1505, d. 1575), n, 44, 80 sq., 140, 143, 146 sq., 179, 


Taylor, John, Bishop of Lincoln (d. 1554), 245. 
Te Deum, 183, 302 sqq. 

Telesphorus (Bishop of Rome 128-139), 296. 
Ten Articles of 1536, 80, 88-104, I2 8, 138 sq. 
Testament, Erasmus New, 3, 7. 

Tetzel, Dr. John (b. between 1450 and 60, d. 1519), 130, 142. 
Thirteen Articles of 1535, 63. 

1538, 136-9- 

Thirty-Nine Articles, 136, 339-42. 
Thixtell, 9. 
Toledo, 219. 



Tonstall, Cuthbert, Bishop of London (b. 1475, d. 1559), 16, 21, 83, 146, 150. 
Tracts for the Times (1833-41), loo. 

Traheron, Bartholomew (Dean of Chichester, 1550), 216 sq. 
Transubstantiation, 164. 

Trent, Council of (1545-63), 194, 200, 219, 264, 267, 342, 357. 
Trinity, 137, 184. 
Trollope, William, 330. 
Turner, Wyllyam (d. 1568), 9, 352. 

Turrecremata (Torquemada) Juan de (b. 1388, d. 1468), 297. 
Twelve Apostles, Teaching of, 306. 

Tyndale, Wiliiam (b. 1484, martyr 1536), u, 14-39, 74, 105, 116-8, 126, 181, 
183, 207. 

Ulmis ab, John, 216. 

Ulrich, Duke of Wiirtemberg (b. 1487, duke from 1503, d. 1550), 

Vergerius, Peter Paul (b. 1498, d. 1565), 64. 
Vespers, 221, 247 sqq., 281. 
Vestments, Episcopal, 207. 
Votum, The, 303. 

Walch, Dr. J. G. (b. 1693, d. 1775), 159, 209. 

"VValpole, Thomas, 191. 

Walter, Henry, 17 sq., 30. 

Warham, William, Archbishop of Canterbury (b. 1450, d. 1532), 4, 22, 43. 

VVartburg, 220. 

Weimar Archives, 160. 

Welsh, Sir John, 15. 

Wesleys, The, 8, 348. 

Wessel, John (b. 1420, d. 1489), 13. 

Wescott, Dr. Brooke Foss, Bishop of Durham, (b. 1825), 23, 25, 29, 116 sq. 

Wheatly, Charles (b. 1686, d. 1742), 250. 

Whitsunday, a time for Baptism, 254. 

Whittingham, Dr. \Villiam (b. 1524, d. 1579), 344. 

Wiclif, John (b. 1324, d. 1384), 2, 10, 13. 

William, Count of Nassau, 141 sq., 144. 

William, Prince of Orange (b. 1533, assassinated 1584), 141, 143. 

Winkworth, Catherine (b. 1825), 119. 

Wittenberg, Barnes at, 181 sq. 

Beyer at, 343. 

Captured, 200. 

Concord, 210 sq. 

376 Index- 

Wittenberg, Faculty, 74-7, 80, 101, 129, 145, 169, 177, 223. 

Negotiations at (1536), 55, 62, 68, 74, 144, 152. 

Rogers at, 125 sq. 

Sarcerius at, 141. 

Wolsey, Cardinal Thomas (b. 1471, d. 1530), 4, 10, 12, 32, 41-3, 6l, 78. 
Worms, Luther at, (1521), 192. 
Wiirtemberg Confession (1552), 339, 341, 346. 
Order (1553), 254 sq., 260-3. 

York, Use of, 220, 260, 271. 

Zurich, 210, 214 sq., 276, 346. 

Bible, Il6sq. 
Zwingli, Ulricb. (b. 1484, d. 1531), 38, 49, 117, 166, 207, 209, 276, 287, 354.