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MACEDONIA 



A BULWARK AGAINST 
GERMANY 

The Fight of the Slovenes, the Western 

Branch of the Jugoslavs, for National 

Existence 

By BOGUMIL Vosnjak, late Lecturer of the University 
of Zagreb (Croatia). 

Translated by Fanny S. Copeland. 
Crown Svo, 4s. 6d. net. Postage $d. 

41 Not only a piece of powerful propaganda, but a 
literary production of high quality. Full of illumina- 
tion on Near Eastern questions." — Pall Mall Gazette. 



A DYING EMPIRE 

By Bogumjl Vosnjak. 
With a Preface by T. P. O'Connor, M.P. ' 

Crown Svo, 4s. 6d. net. Postage 5<tf. 

In this account of the Dying Empire of Austria the 
author has tried to describe the sociological factors in 
the breakdown of the Hapsburg Empire, and to show 
that in the fabric of a " Central Europe " is closely 
woven the idea of a predominating Pan-Germanism. 
Either Germany must stretch from Hamburg to 
Trieste and Salonika, or Austria-Hungary must be 
dismembered. There is no alternative. 



London: George Allen & Unwin Limited 



MACEDONIA 



BY 



T. R. GEORGEVITCH 




jS£S£, G . £^SJ ^ b £ . n -'^ lis 



LONDON: GEORGE ALLEN &c UNWIN'LTD. 
NEW YORK: THE MACMILLAN COMPANY 






First published in 1918 



DR 

10! 



(AH right* reserved) 



PREFACE 

Traditions and accepted opinions die hard, no matter 
what their origin. Even the most erroneous view, once 
it has taken root, can only be disproved with great 
difficulty. It has become a matter of conviction, or 
belief, and these are really feelings, and have no direct 
connection whatsoever with logic and truth ; people 
will be as firmly convinced in their belief in a false- 
hood as in their belief in a truth. In course of time, 
individual, social, and national interests, both material 
and moral, become so firmly bound up with the existing 
belief that they render it all the more immune to 
criticism. 

In scientific questions an accepted opinion possesses 
as great a prestige as one which bears upon the material 
interests of an individual or nation. The number of 
those who trouble to go to the fountain-head and get 
their information at first hand is very small indeed ; 
the rest perforce accept information and conclusions 
without verifying them. By dint of constant repetition 
a given information gains universal belief, as for the 
majority of people the repetition of an assertion has as 
much value as an argument, and one which they are 
least able to oppose. 

In this book the author has tried to collate his facts 
and publish them as a contribution to the elucidation 



VI 



PREFACE 



of the Macedonian question. After all, the adducing of 
facts is still the best way of arriving at the truth ; 
wherefore the reader is asked — independently of the 
author's conclusions, and passing over all that might 
have a polemical tone in the text — kindly to give his 
attention to the facts which are marshalled in this book, 
and to form his own opinion, independent of his own 
preconceived ideas and independent of the author's 

opinion. 

T. B. G. 

London, January 1918. 



SERBIAN ORTHOGRAPHY 



8 = eh in English " ship" 
c = ts ,, "cats." 

Z, = ch ,, " church." 

c = (the same, softer = t in 
"nature"). 



j = y in English " you." 
z = in French "jour." 
nj = n in English " new." 

g = g „ " got." 



CONTENTS 



PASS 

INTRODUCTION . . . .1 

Confusion as regards definition of Macedonia — Correct 
conception of Macedonia — Origin of confusion — Subject 
of this book — Historical and literary sources consulted 
by the author. 

THE SOUTHERN SLAVS . . ... .12 

The Southern Slavs and their arrival in their present 
territory — Ethnographic changes brought about by their 
arrival — Ethnical unity of the Southern Slavs — The 
Bulgars and their invasion of the Southern Slav lands 
between the Danube and the Balkan mountains — Con- 
trast between the Bulgars and the conquered Slavs — 
Their gradual fusion into the present Bulgarian nation 
— Traces of old Bulgarian qualities in the modern Bulgars 
— Territory in which the present Bulgarian nation was 
evolved. 

Ill 

THE MACEDONIAN STATE . . .22 

The Macedonian Slavs — Bulgarian invasion of Macedonia 
— Contrast between the Bulgars and the Macedonian 
Slavs — Adverse conditions under the Bulgars — Revolt of 
the Macedonian Slavs and emancipation from the Bul- 
gars — 'Renewal of Byzantine domination in Macedonia — 
Revolt and emancipation from Byzantium — The Mace- 
donian State — Its rise — Frontiers — Name of the Mace- 
donian State. 



viii CONTENTS 

IV 

BULGARIAN RULE IN MACEDONIA . . . .29 

Subjugation of the Macedonian State by Byzantium in 
1018 — Bulgars shake off the Byzantine yoke in 1186— 
Second Bulgarian invasion of Macedonia — Macedonia 
under the Latins and Epirotea — Fresh Bulgarian invasion 
of Macedonia — Macedonia under the Byzantines and 
Epirotes — Bulgars possess Macedonia once more for a 
brief period and then lose it for good in 1256. 

V 

SERBIAN RULE IN MACEDONIA . . . .3$ 

Systematic unification of Serbian territory under the 
Nemanjici — Part of Macedonia won by King Uros in 1258 
— Macedonia added to Serbia under King Milutin and 
King Stephan Decanski — Bulgaria makes war upon 
Stephan Decanski in 1330 — Macedonia's fate permanently 
decided in favour of Serbia by the Serbian victory over 
the Bulgars — Subsequent insignificance of Bulgaria — 
Serbian magnanimity towards Bulgaria — King (afterwards 
Tsar) Dusan unites the whole of Macedonia with Serbia 
— Bulgars no longer interested in Macedonia — Bulgars 
conscious of having no claim on Macedonia — Bulgars 
recognize the legitimacj^ of the Serbian rule in Macedonia 
— Macedonia considered a Serbian country — Macedonians 
never called anything but " Serbs " in historic records — 
Dismemberment of the Serbian Empire — Macedonian 
States always referred to as " Serbian " — Turks conquer 
Macedonia as a Serbian country — This fact recognized 
by all historic sources, including Bulgarian — Serbian in- 
fluence in Macedonia under the Turkish rule — Serbian 
princes in Macedonia under Turkish suzerainty— Serbian 
Sultana Marija and her importance for the Macedonian 
Serbs. 

VI 

DIFFERENCE BETWEEN SERBIAN AND BULGARIAN RULES 

IN MACEDONIA . . . . .56 

Comparative duration of Bulgarian and Serbian rules in 
Macedonia — Bulgars and conquered Slavs in Macedonia 



CONTENTS ix 

PA.au 
two nations — Bulgars are masters, and Macedonians slaves 
— Reasons why they never niingled — No traces left of 
Bulgarian rule in Macedonia, either ethnically or as 
regards civilization — Misconceptions concerning Bulgaria's 
role in the creation of Slav letters and literature — The 
Macedonians pioneers of Christianity among the Slavs — 
The first Slav apostles natives of Macedonia — Bulgars also 
receive Christianity from Macedonia— Language of earliest 
Slav books merely called " Slav " — Second Bulgarian 
rule in Macedonia, short, tyrannical, and obnoxious. 

Serbs and Macedonians are but one nation — Serbian rulers 
the liberators and uniters of the Serbian nation into one 
state entity — Serbian rule in Macedonia represents the 
zenith of Serbian civilization — Building of monasteries 
and intellectual progress in Macedonia — Serbian literature 
in Macedonia — DuSan's Code originated in Macedonia — 
Macedonia the heart and focus of the Serbian Empire 
— Serbian capitals situated in Macedonia — State Councils, 
at which the fate of the nation was decided, held in 
Macedonia — It was in Macedonia that Serbia was elevated 
to the rank of an Empire and the Serbian Church to that 
of a Patriarchate — Byzantine influence reaches Serbia 
through Macedonia. 

VII 

TURKISH RULE IN MACEDONIA . . . .70 

s 

Complete disappearance of the Bulgars under Turkish 
rule — Serbian national life not arrested by Turkish con- 
quest — Macedonians remain Serbian under Turkish rule 
— Significance of the independent Serbian Patriarchate 
for the Serbian nation during the Turkish rule — Mace- 
donia an integral part of the Serbian Patriarchate. 

VII (Continued) 

MACEDONIA FROM THE LOSS OF HER INDEPENDENCE TO 
THE SUPPRESSION OF THE SERBIAN PATRIARCHATE 

(1413-1459) . . . \ . .75 

The role of the Serbian State devolves upon the Serbian 
Patriarchate — Character of the Serbian Patriarchate — 
Serbian sentiment among the Macedonian clergy — Serbian 



x CONTENTS 

FAGS 

sentiment among the Macedonian people — The Mace- 
donians seek refuge only among Serbs — They feel among 
kinsmen with the Serbs — Part played by Macedonians 
among the Serbs as a whole. 

VII (Continued) 

MACEDONIA FROM THE SUPPRESSION OP THE SERBIAN 

PATRIARCHATE TO ITS RESTORATION (1459-1557) . 80 

Suppression of the Serbian Patriarchate and its super- 
session by the Archiepiscopate of Ochrida — Greek cha- 
racter of the Archiepiscopate ; Slav and Serbian clergy 
in it — Detriment caused to the Serbian nation by the 
suppression of the Serbian Patriarchate — Vitality of the 
Serbian nation — The Archiepiscopate of Ochrida " Serbi- 
cized " — Sad plight of the Serbian people in those days — 
Serbian literature barely kept alive in Macedonia — Serbian 
sentiment of the clergy in Macedonia — Serbian historic 
records and sources call the Macedonians " Serbs " — 
Other historic sources do the same. 

VII (Continued) 

MACEDONIA FROM THE RESTORATION OF THE SERBIAN 
PATRIARCHATE TO ITS SECOND SUPPRESSION (1557- 
1766) . . . . . . .90 

Restoration of the Serbian Patriarchate — Jurisdiction of 
the restored Serbian Patriarchate based on the principle 
of nationality — Reorganization of the Church ; the standard 
of religion, literature, and national life raised within the 
jurisdiction of the Serbian Patriarchate — Increased im- 
portance of the Serbian Patriarchs — Their relations with 
foreign Powers — Hard lot of the Serbs in Macedonia — 
Macedonian missions solicit help in Russia for Serbian 
Churches — These missions call themselves " Serbian" — 
The Serbian migrations — Macedonian emigrants everywhere 
call themselves "Serbian" — Relations between Mace- 
donian emigrants and Macedonian Serbs — Migrations en 
masse from Macedonia to Austria under Patriarch 
Arsenije III — Serbian sentiment of Macedonian emigrants 
m Austria — Bole of Macedonians among the Serbs in 



CONTENTS xi 

PAGB 

Austria — Serbian historic records speak of Macedonians 
as " Serbs " — So do all non-Serbian historic records — 
Suppression of the Serbian Patriarchate — Protest by the 
Metropolitan of Montenegro against this crime against 
the Serbian nation as a whole, of which the Macedonians 
also form part. 

VIII 

MACEDONIA AND THE SERBIAN STRUGGLE FOR LIBERATION 109 

Serbian sentiment of the Macedonians after the sup- 
pression of the Serbian Patriarchate — Sad plight of Mace- 
donia after the suppression of the Serbian Patriarchate — 
Serbian sympathy for Macedonia — Alacedonian aspirations 
to emancipate Serbian nation from the Turks — Participa- 
tion of Macedonians in Austro- Turkish War (1788-1791) for 
liberation of the Serbs from the Turks — Participation of 
Macedonians in the Serbian insurrection under Karageorge 
and Milos Obrenovic at the beginning of the nineteenth 
century — Moral support for Serbia from Macedonia — Mace- 
donian national poetry celebrates the struggle of the Serbian 
nation against the Turks. 

IX 

BULGARIAN PROPAGANDA IN MACEDONIA. BULGARIAN 

RESURRECTION ..... 119 

Bulgars completely forgotten in Europe after the fall of 
the Bulgarian Empire in the Middle Ages — Bulgars in 
Bulgaria without national consciousness — Attempts at 
national awakening — The Ruthenian G. Venelin forms an 
idealistic picture of the Bulgars and rouses them — Bulgars, 
inspired by Venelin's fables, begin to dream of Great 
Bulgaria — The romantic enthusiast George S. Eakovski 
fosters Bulgarian megalomania — Stephan Verkovic and 
his forged Bulgarian antiquities — All Bulgars united in 
the conception of their unlimited greatness — Education 
of the rising generation in this spirit — Bulgarian ideas 
take hold in Russia — Committees for the propaganda of 
4he Bulgarian idea in Russia — Russian scholars, infected 
by Bulgarism, become its pioneers — Sympathy for the 
Bulgars spreads from Russia to the rest of Europe. 



xii CONTENTS 

IX (Continued) 



PAOB 



BULGARIAN ACTION IN MACEDONIA . . . . 134 

The Greek Church abuses its power over the Slavs in the 
Turkish Empire — Slav dissatisfaction — Inability of the 
Serbs to fight the Greek Church — The Bulgars, assisted by 
Russia, open their campaign — The Uniate Church (Greek 
Catholicism) among the Bulgars — The Russians, alarmed 
at the progress of the Uniate Church, increase their 
help to the Bulgars — The Greek Patriarch, alarmed at 
the growth of the Uniate Church, yields to the Bulgars 
— The Porte, taking the part of the Bulgars, inter- 
venes with the Greek Patriarch, and the Sultan declares 
the independence of the Bulgarian Church in Turkey 
— Significance of the creation of the Bulgarian Exarchate 
— Detriment caused to the Serbs in Turkey by the 
creation of the Bulgarian Exarchate — Attitude of the 
Greek Church towards the Macedonian Serbs — Mace- 
donians begin to turn Uniate — Russia advises them to 
join the Bulgars in their struggle against the Greek Church 
— Macedonians help Bulgars, but only to free themselves 
from the Greek clergy — The Macedo-Roumanians do the 
same — The Bulgarian Exarchate and Macedonia — Turks 
side with Bulgars in Macedonia — New Bulgarian bishoprics 
in Macedonia — Forcible Bulgarization of the Macedonians 
— Creation of independent Bulgaria — Propaganda in Mace- 
donia from Bulgaria — Many Macedonian Serbs refuse to 
join the Bulgars — Bulgarian terror among Serbian popu- 
lation of Macedonia— Bulgarian comitadjis in Macedonia 
— Destruction of Serbian records and monuments in 
Macedonia. 

X 

SERBIA AND MACEDONIA ..... 16C 

Serbia the refuge for the Macedonians —Macedonians 
accepted as Serbs in Serbia — Macedonians always con- 
sidered foreigners in Bulgaria — Serbian public opinion 
looks upon Macedonians as forming part of the Serbian 
nation — So do Serbia's statesmen — So does Serbian 
science — Non-Serbian science takes the same view — 
Serbia welcomes Bulgarian immigrants and assists the 
Bulgarian Church movement so loDg as Bulgaria does not 
lay claim to Macedonia also — Serbia's inability to check 



CONTENTS xiii 

FA.GS 

Bulgarian encroachment in Macedonia — Serbian interest 
in Macedonia — Serbian schools opened — Assistance of the 
Serbian Church movement in Macedonia — Macedonians 
as guardians of Serbian nationality — Serbian schools in 
Macedonia — Macedonians petition for a restoration of the 
Serbian Patriarchate — Failing in this request, they ask for 
Serbian bishops — Insurrection in Macedonia in favour of 
annexation to Serbia — Macedonians appeal to Prince Milan 
of Serbia and to the Congress of Berlin to be permitted to 
belong to Serbia, and not to Bulgaria — Macedonians' brave 
fight against Bulgarian comitadjis — In spite of all Bulgarian 
propaganda the better part of Macedonia remains Serbian — 
The rest ostensibly sides with the Bulgars. 

XI 

MACEDONIAN DIALECTS OF THE SERBIAN LANGUAGE . 188 

Language of the Macedonian Slavs originally merely called 
" Slav " — No mention of Bulgarian language in Macedonia up 
to the beginning of the nineteenth century — Language of 
literary records in Macedonia Serbian throughout the Middle 
Ages — Serbian also in the nineteenth century until the 
advent of the Bulgarian propaganda — Difference between 
Macedonian and Bulgarian languages noticed at a very 
early date — Macedonian idiom not identical in all districts 
— Insufficiency of linguistic material for thorough study 
of Macedonian idiom — All Macedonian dialects belong to 
one type — Macedonian dialects are Serbian — Morphology 
— Etymology — The article as it appears in Macedonian 
dialects is not a Bulgarian characteristic. 

XII 

NATIONAL CUSTOMS ...... 200 

Old Slav tribal system completely broken up by Old Bul- 
garian State system — Tribal system preserved in Macedonia 
and other Serbian lands — Hence the identity of social 
conditions and customs — Typically Serbian customs in 
Macedonia — The " Slava " — Bulgarian campaign against 
"Slava" in Macedonia— " Preslava "—Village "Slava"— 
Custom of pilgrimage to Serbian monasteries — Pilgrimages 
to the Monastery of Decani. 



xiv CONTENTS 

XIII 

PAGB 

POPULAR TRADITION ..... 210 

Beauty and wealth of Serbian popular tradition — Ethno- 
graphic element and historic memories enshrined in it — 
Macedonia considered a Serbian country by non-Mace- 
donian Serbian popular tradition — National tradition of 
Macedonia shows a purely Serbian character — Example 
from beginning of eighteenth century — Examples from the 
nineteenth century — Folk poetry in Macedonia purely 
Serbian — Bulgarian collections of Macedonian national 
poetry reveal purely Serbian characters in spite of touching 
and editing — Reference to none but Serbian historic events, 
places, and characters — No reference to Bulgarian historic 
events, places, and characters — Serbian monasteries famous 
in Macedonian folk poetry — Serbian names in Macedonian 
poetry — Language in Macedonian poetry pure Serbian — 
According to national tradition the liberation and unification 
of all Serbia is bound up with Macedonia. 

XIV 

CONCLUSION ....... 226 

SUPPLEMENTS 

I. STORY OF THE PROGRESS OF THE BULGARIAN CHURCH 

MOVEMENT, TOLD BY T. ,HADZI MISEV, OF VELE8 . 235 

II. THE STORY OF JOVAN VELJIC, OF DEBAR, TELLING 
HOW THE BULGARIAN TEACHERS MADE HIM A 
BULGAR BY FORCE ..... 238 

III. STORY OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE BULGARIAN 
PROPAGANDA IN MACEDONIA, TOLD BY A CITIZEN 
OF BITOLJ ...... 240' 

IT. PETITIONS OF MACEDONIANS TO THE SERBIAN PRINCE 
MILAN AND TO THE CONGRESS OF BERLIN TO BE 
UNITED WITH SERBIA .... 245 

A. From the districts of Kicevo, Prilep and Veles, with the 
signatures of 170 mayors, priests, archimandrites, 
etc., appended and bearing the seals of 44 communes. 



CONTENTS xv 

B. Petition addressed to Prince Milan, signed by 520 

parish councils, etc., from the districts of Kurnanovo, 
Kratovo, Palanka, Istip, Petric, Strumica and Kocani, 
■with the seals of 220 communes affixed, drawn up on 
June 2, 1878, at Kozjak. 

C. Petition addressed to the British Consul at Vranje, as 

Envoy of the Berlin Congress, signed in Vranje, on 
June 11, 1878, by 20 natives of Gilane (from the 
towns and villages of Gilane, Pasijan, Petrovac, 
Banilug, Kopotovo, Domorovac, Kufedze, Koretiste, 
Stanisor, Budrig, Partes, Grizimi, Mocar, Miganovac, 
and Businac). 

D. Petition of 500 distinguished citizens, archimandrites, 

priests, teachers, mayors, etc., of the districts of 
Kicevo, Ochrida, Debar, and Elbasan, with the seals 
of 308 communes affixed, dated from the Monastery of 
Cista Precista in Skrzava at the Sabor (meeting) of 
June 15, 1878, and addressed to the " King " of Serbia. 

E. Petition addressed to the British Consul (Envoy of the 

Berlin Congress), dated Gilane, June 18, 1878, and 
signed by 375 distinguished inhabitants frOm the 
districts of Gilane, Skoplje, and Tetovo. A footnote 
accounts for the absence of parish seals by explaining 
that plundering Circassians and Albanians had taken 
them away. 

F. Petition to the " King " of Serbia, dated Skoplje, June 

20, 1878, with the seals of more than 50 communes 
affixed. Nobody had dared to sign, as of the signa- 
tories to the Bozince petition 250 had been arrested 
in Skoplje alone, of whom only 50 had come out of 
prison alive. In the face of such intimidation it is 
truly amazing that the mayors of 50 communes yet 
had courage to affix their seals. 

G. Petition to the Berlin Congress, dated " On the Gjerman 

Planina, July 1, 1878," bearing 800 signatures and the 
seals of 196 communes and monasteries from the 
districts of Kurnanovo, Kratovo, Kocani, and Palanka. 
(An almost identical but far more explicit petition,, 
bearing 350 signatures and 145 seals, was presented tc 
the Prince of Serbia.) 



xvi CONTENTS 

FAGB 

V. INCOMPLETE LIST OF BULGARIAN ATTACK8 UPON 

SERBIAN SCHOOLS AND TEACHERS IN MACEDONIA . 254 

VI. INCOMPLETE LIST OF SERBS MURDERED BY THE 
BULGARS OR AGENTS OF THE BULGARIAN COM- 
MITTEE IN MACEDONIA BETWEEN 1881 AND 1909 . 256 

VII. INCOMPLETE LIST OF ATTEMPTED MURDERS PERPE- 
TRATED BY BULGARS ON SERBS BETWEEN 1897 
AND 1901 . . . . .282 

VIII. BULGARIAN PROCLAMATION IN 1879, CALLING UPON 
THE INHABITANTS OF MACEDONIA TO RISE 
AGAINST THE TURKS .... 284 



MACEDONIA 



INTRODUCTION 

Confusion as regards definition of Macedonia — Correct conception 
of Macedonia — Origin of confusion — Subject of this book — 
Historical and literary sources consulted by the author 

ALTHOUGH much has been written about Mace- 
donia, it is not until recent years that any one 
has succeeded in attaching a correct conception to the 
term. Hence every writer on the subject of Macedonia 
extended his own definition to such territorial area as 
seemed convenient or expedient to him to include within 
her borders. The widest definition of Macedonia has 
been furnished by the Bulgars. This is because in the 
eyes of the Bulgars the frontiers of Macedonia proper 
are too narrow for their extensive pretensions in the 
Balkan Peninsula. Several Bulgarian writers have 
even gone so far as to include practically the whole 
of the Turkish Empire in Europe under the head of 
Macedonia. Non-Bulgarian N writers on the subject 
have likewise enlarged the definition of Macedonia, 
either from ignorance, or out of political consideration 
for this country or that, or because they took their cue 

2 



2 MACEDONIA 

from the Bulgars, or because it did not occur to them to 
devote special study to the definition of what ought to be 
understood under Macedonia, and to establish this by 
critical investigation. 

It is only within recent years that Dr. J. Cvijic, Pro- 
fessor of Geography at the University of Belgrade, has, 
as the result of many years' travelling in Macedonia and 
exhaustive study of all the literary records in the country, 
established beyond all doubt that the central part of 
Macedonia extends to the middle (below Skoplje) „ and 
lower reaches of the Vardar ; that her territory extends 
westward to the great lakes of Ochrida and Prespa, and 
eastward to the River Struma and, in places, to the River 
Mesta. Consequently the territorial unit of Macedonia 
would include the regions around Ochrida, Bitolj, Voden, 
Salonica, Dojran, Strumica, Seres, and Kavala. All else 
to the north of this is not Macedonia. 

In order to make the matter quite clear we shall quote 
some of the reasons given by Mr. Cvijic. But in order 
to deprecate criticism, we will quote only those of 
Mr. Cvijic's arguments, touching which it cannot pos- 
sibly be laid to his charge that they are the biassed expres- 
sion of a Serbian patriot of the present day, and which 
are consequently beyond cavil. In establishing the terri- 
torial extent of Macedonia, Mr. Cvijic has among other 
material consulted the old maps published up to within 
the first decades of the nineteenth century, when there 
were as yet no nationalist discussions over the frontiers 
of the Balkan peoples and when the statements of 
scientific geographers rested on facts alone. 

"From the time," says Mr. Cvijic, "when in the six- 
teenth century better and more complete geographical 
maps of the European countries began to appear, and 



INTRODUCTION 3 

right up to the eighteenth century the most reliable 
maps of the Balkan Peninsula are the Italian. After 
these come Mercator's map and the maps by the Koyal 
French Geographers. On all these maps the name of 
Serbia extends over the regions south of the Sar Moun- 
tain and the Skoplje Crna Gora. On the map drawn by 
the Italian geographer Giac. Gastaldi, in 1566, Serbia 
includes not only Kosovo Polje and Skoplje itself but 
also the regions around Skoplje. On many maps drawn 
by the official ' Geographer of the Republic of Venice,' 
the famous V. Coronelli, in 1692 (in the ' Corso Geogra- 
fico '), Serbia is show T n as extending south of the Sar 
Mountain and the Skoplje Crna Gora. In those maps 
we practically always find the legend ' Metropoli della 
Serbia ' beside the name of Skoplje. On many French 
seventeenth-century maps drawn by the ' Royal Geogra- 
phers,' Serbia includes not only Novi Pazar and Prizren, 
but also the surroundings of Skoplje in the wider sense. 
Similar frontiers are also assigned to Serbia in the maps 
by F. de Witt, in the maps in the atlases by Blaeu and 
H. Moll, and in many others of the second half of the 
seventeenth century. In numerous maps by the well- 
known cartographer, Joh. Bapt. Homann, dating from 
the first half of the eighteenth century, the districts of 
Skoplje, Kratovo, and Custendil are included in Serbia, 
and the frontier of Macedonia runs considerably south 
of Skoplje. In the maps published in Nuremberg by 
Homann's Successors at the beginning of the nineteenth 
century (in 1802, 1805, etc.) Serbia includes not only the 
regions of Novi Pazar and Kosovo, but also those of 
Skoplje and Kratovo. Similarly wide frontiers are also 
assigned to Serbia in the books of the Serbian historian 
J. Raji6 (eighteenth century), by the geographer P. 



4 MACEDONIA 

Solaric, and by the father of Serbian literature, Vuk. 
S. Karadzic (nineteenth century). In the map pub- 
lished by S. Tekelja in 1805, the wider frontiers of 
Serbia, as understood up to the time of the liberation, 
are shown in detail. Serbia is made to include Prizren, 
Pristina, Vucitru (the whole of Kosovo), Skoplje, Kratovo, 
Oustendil, Pirot, and Caribrod. In the ' Geography of 
Serbia,' by Baron Kotkirch, translated into Serbian and 
the map copied by Stephan Milosevic in 1822, we find the 
wider frontiers of Serbia, as also in the map by Fried of 
Vienna in which the Serbian frontier runs south-east 
of Oustendil. 

" These remarks apply to all the more important 
geographical handbooks in which Serbia is mentioned 
and her frontiers are given. Similar instances and 
proofs from the earlier cartographers could be tripled. 
It is a well-known fact, moreover, that this definition 
of Serbia was not merely a cartographic and literary 
conception, but one that lived in the minds of the 
inhabitants, since persons from those regions (Kratovo, 
Skoplje, Ovce Polje, etc.) described their native districts 
as ' Serbian countries.' Thus it is quite natural that 
after the liberation of Serbia these regions were called 
Old Serbia, in order to distinguish them from the Princi- 
pality. ... I know of no map drawn prior to the libera- 
tion of Serbia in which the above-mentioned regions are 
included in Macedonia ; and this applies even to those 
districts across which the name of Serbia is not indi- 
cated. In many of the above-mentioned maps the name 
Macedonia is indicated across the counties extending 
from the Skoplje southern frontier of Serbia, along the 
Vardar and up to Salonica. Macedonia therefore 
includes mainly the middle and lower reaches of the 



INTRODUCTION 5 

Vardar, the regions around the Great Lakes in the 
west, and as far as the Struma and (in places) as far 
as the Struma and (in places) as far as the Mesta in 
the east." J 

From the foregoing it is clear what was formerly 
understood under the name of Macedonia. The con- 
fusion of ideas with regard to her territorial extent is 
a thing of recent growth. The liberation of Serbia and 
Greece has entailed many changes in the geographical 
conceptions of the Balkan Peninsula. " Cartographers 
are confused because the old geographical names have 
ceased to tally with the names of new States. Even 
the Balkan Peninsula has been without a name since 
then, for the whole of its extent had been called ' the 
Ottoman Empire in Europe,' 'European Turkey,' etc., 
because with small exceptions it all belonged to Turkey. 
In 1808 the German geographer Zeune, writing in the 
periodical Gaea, gave the Balkan Peninsula the name 
of ' Hamushalbinsel,' which term was subsequently 
modernized into ' Balkan Peninsula.' At that, time, 
when names were being invented for the Balkan 
Peninsula and its countries, the cartographers began 
gradually to eliminate from the map the broader con- 
ception of Serbia and to apply this name only to the 
liberated political Serbia. Simultaneously the indica- 
tion of Macedonia began to be extended on the maps. 
. . . Sporadically, however, the broader conception of 
Serbia was preserved throughout the earlier half of the 
nineteenth century." 2 

1 J. Cvijic, " Geografski Polozaj Makedonije i Stare Srbije " 
(" Geographical Conditions of Macedonia and Old Serbia"), " Srpski 
Knjizevni Glasnik," vol. xi., 1904, pp. 208-212. 

■ J. Cvijic, ibid., pp. 210-211. 



6 MACEDONIA 

With such confusion prevailing in the ranks of the 
professional cartographers with regard to the definition 
of Macedonia, it is not to be wondered at that the 
Bulgarian " patriots," politicians with an axe to grind, 
and others imperfectly acquainted with the facts, put 
forward the most extravagant claims as regards the 
territorial conception of Macedonia. 

If matters had stood thus merely as regards the 
physical area of Macedonia, it would still be quite 
simple to apply that name only to the territory within 
her true frontiers, since all that lies outside these 
frontiers, not forming part of Macedonia, would not 
enter into s the discussion. But as by the enlarged 
conception of Macedonia everything else included in 
this conception has become involved in it, it has become 
necessary to deal with everything together. This is the 
only reason why in this book the term Macedonia is to 
be understood as applying not only to Macedonia proper, 
but also to a great part of Old Serbia to which the 
enlarged definition of Macedonia has been extended, and 
which the Bulgars have claimed — like everything else 
wherever possible — as coming within the scope of their 
aspirations. 

In writing this book we have therefore — although 
incorrectly — for the nonce adopted the conception of 
Macedonia according to the Bulgarian definition, viz. as 
the territory extending from the Bulgarian State frontiers 
to the Sar Mountain, to the Eiver Drim, to the Gulf of 

Salonica, and to the Eiver Mesta. 

* * * * * 

The object of this book is to furnish a trustworthy 
account of what the Macedonians are as to their origin, 
what they were in the past, what they are to-day, and 



INTRODUCTION 7 

how the present confusion arose, until the true position 
of affairs was forgotten and the " Macedonian Question" 
created. In collecting material concerning this Question 
I did my best to consult only the most reliable sources 
and the best authorities on Macedonia. 

Historical sources conveying information on the subject 
are limited in number. I have restricted myself to 
such as are unquestionably reliable. Doubtful historical 
sources I have been careful to reject. I have been 
specially cautious in my attitude towards the casual 
notes of foreign travellers in the Balkan Peninsula. 
Ignorant of the history, ignorant of the circumstances, 
ignorant of the language, they have included statements 
in their books which are amazing in their inaccuracy. 
Already in 1857, G. S. Rakovski, one of the greatest 
Bulgarian chauvinists, called the notes of such travellers 
"poetic imaginations," and " tales from the 'Arabian 
Nights,' " whenever he found their contents unfavourable 
to the Bulgars. But the Bulgars soon forgot these 
strictures, and whenever the notes of foreign traveller- 
authors are favourable to them at the expense of the 
Serbs and Greeks, they quote them abundantly. Some 
travellers have gone so far as to say that Kosovo Polje, 
Prizren, and Novi Pazar are in Bulgaria, and the Bulgars 
have greedily seized upon these statements and backed 
them up with their own assertions that Macedonia is 
Bulgarian. I desired my statements to be on a different 
level, and have therefore been on my guard against 
similar misstatements, although I have frequently found 
it asserted in books of travel that not only is Macedonia 
inhabited by Serbs, but that Philippopolis is " one of the 
oldest Serbian cities " (" une des plus anciennes villes de 
la Servie ") ! Historic data of this type prove nothing 



8 MACEDONIA 

in favour of either Serbs or Bulgars. They are utterly 
valueless. 

Much has been written about Macedonia, and out of 
all this material I have striven to use only the best. 
The Bulgars especially have written voluminously upon 
the subject ; it was necessary for them to convince the 
world by hook or by crook that Macedonia is Bulgarian, 
and they have been indefatigable in writing about her. 
Bulgarian literature dealing with Macedonia falls into 
two categories. 

The first of these consists of a host of insignificant 
small books and pamphlets, printed on tile paper in bad 
type, written in a style and form which are beneath 
criticism and padded with arguments beyond the 
comprehension of sane men. They have been written 
and published by half-educated, unlettered Bulgarian 
priests, teachers, and small clerks from villages and 
townships buried away in the interior, and their purpose 
is to convince the Bulgarian lower classes that Macedonia 
is Bulgarian. This literature does not merit serious 
consideration. 

The second category consists of large volumes, printed 
in superior type on superfine paper, written in pretentious 
style and form and aggressive in argument. These 
books bear on their title-pages the names of University 
professors, members of academies, doctors of philosophy, 
scientific and political men, and they are written some- 
times in Bulgarian and sometimes in a foreign tongue. 
Those written in Bulgarian pursue the object of showing 
how deeply the Bulgarian "high circles" are interested 
in Macedonia. Those written in a foreign tongue have 
the task of enlightening public opinion in Europe on the 
subject of Bulgaria's rights to Macedonia. Hence these 



INTRODUCTION 9 

books are furnished with references, illustrations, and 
maps. Very often more than one-half of the book 
consists of supplements. These books are distinctly 
interesting. Ever mindful of their aim and of the 
knowledge that foreigners cannot check their state- 
ments to a sufficient extent, their authors have ladled 
in everything that could be made effective. The better 
to reinforce Bulgaria's claim to Macedonia, these 
books include not only the latter, but half Serbia in 
"Bulgaria." In their pages the heroes of Serbian 
history are " Bulgars " ; so are the liberators of Serbia, 
and the present population of Serbia as well. These 
volumes, too, abound in irrelevancies and puerilities. In 
one of the most recent of them, 1 for instance, we find 
it asserted that in 1878 the Serbs in extending the 
frontiers of Serbia encroached upon Bulgarian rights, 
and subsequently in their new provinces " Serbicized " 
the Bulgarian place-names. As an example of this 
Leskovec is quoted, which the Serbs are accused of 
having renamed Leskovac. In the meantime the texts 
dating from 1836 to 1838, 1841, 1858, and 1861, and' 
quoted as supplements in the said book, and all the 
maps from between 1853 to 1878, which are likewise 
given, invariably give the name of the town in its 
Serbian form of Leskovac, and not once in its Bulgarian 
form of Leskovec. It takes courage to make these 
allegations ! The supplements and notes to these books 
are likewise interesting. If even a single word of their 
text is favourable to Bulgarian pretensions, they are 

1 A. Ishirkov, Docteur es lettres, Professeur de Geographie a 
l'Universite de Sofia, Membre de l'Academie Bulgare des Sciences, 
etc. " Les confins occidentaux des Terrcs Bulgarcs," Lausanne, 
1916, pp. 119, 183, 189, 194, 202. 



10 MACEDONIA 

quoted to the public as gospel truth, regardless of their 
authorship, their meaning, their correctness (or lack 
of it), and whether they contain statements such as that 
" the Morava rises in Bosnia," that " Nish is the capital 
of Bulgaria," that " (5ustendil is not far from Prokuplje 
near the Morava valley," or that " Prizren and Novi 
Pazar are in Bulgaria " ! This literature, too, does not 
merit serious consideration. 

Non-Bulgarian literature dealing with Macedonia is 
likewise extensive. In the first place we have the 
Russian writers on the subject. The Bulgars are 
Russia's children. The Russians at the beginning of 
the nineteenth century discovered the moribund Bul- 
garian nation, revealed it to the world, fostered it, 
reared it, and spoiled it as a parent spoils a sickly and 
wayward child. Of Russian sympathies for the Bulgars 
more will be said in another part of this book. Here 
I will merely mention that beside and behind these 
sympathies for the Bulgars there was also the question 
of Russia's political interests. Russia looked upon 
Bulgaria as a lever and an annexe for her political aims 
in the Balkan Peninsula. Bulgarian pretensions in the 
Balkans went hand in hand with Russian interests. 
The greater Bulgaria, the stronger Russia's lever in 
the Balkans. Hence in Russian literature, Bulgarian 
territory extends to the limits claimed for it by the 
Bulgars. 

Finally, other foreigners have written about Mace- 
donia. This literature, too, is very varied. There are 
books in which all knowledge of the subject is con- 
spicuous by its absence. There are some which are 
inspired by weak-kneed sympathy for the small and 
insignificant nation of the Bulgars. In some cases the 



INTRODUCTION 11 

authors have been misled by following in the wake of 
other writers. In others the books have been written 
to order for Bulgaria or the authors were in Bulgarian 
pay. Very few of the books upon Macedonia have 
been written with real knowledge of the subject, impar- 
tially, independently, and honestly. 

I have endeavoured to be as careful in selecting my 
literary data as I have been in choosing my historical 
sources. Of the huge mass of literature on Macedonia 
I have consulted only such works as are above reproach. 

Throughout my work I have had but one aim before 
me — to be unbiassed, to set forth the truth so as to 
disarm criticism — even from the Bulgarian side. I 
have therefore made some concessions to the Bulgars. 
In the first place I have — against my personal convic- 
tion — extended the territory of Macedonia to the limits 
claimed by the Bulgars ; I have consulted their litera- 
ture so far as it was possible to do so ; and finally in 
my chapter on national tradition in Macedonia I have 
consulted no collections of Macedonian national tradition, 
but such as have been compiled by the Bulgars them- 
selves in Macedonia. 

This book is written far from Serbian scientific 
centres and libraries. There remain, therefore, some 
books and references I was not able to consult for my 
work, and which would have thrown the statements in 
this book into stronger relief, and have shed a clearer 
light upon the malpractices and dishonesty of the 
Bulgars with regard to their seizure of Serbian 
Macedonia. 



II 

THE SOUTIIEEN SLAVS 

The Southern Slavs and their arrival in their present territory — 
Ethnographic changes brought about by their arrival — Ethnical 
unity of the Southern Slavs — The Bulgars and their invasion of 
the Southern Slav lands between the Danube and the Balkan 
mountains — Contrast between the Bulgars and the conquered 
Slavs — Their gradual fusion into the present Bulgarian nation 
— Traces of old Bulgarian qualities in the modern Bulgars — 
Territory in which the present Bulgarian nation was evolved 

r | THE Southern Slavs are a branch of the great 
-L Slav group of nations. On leaving the main 
body of the Slav community the Southern Slavs first 
remained for a long time in Central Europe in the 
plains between the Carpathians and the Alps. Begin- 
ning in the reign of the Byzantine Emperor Justinus 
(518-527) and continuing up to that of Heraclius (610- 
641), they gradually crossed the Save and the Danube 
into ihe Balkan provinces of the Byzantine Empire, 
until they finally spread over the whole territory from 
the Alps to the Carpathians in the north, to the Morea 
in the south, the Adriatic in the west, and the iEgean 
and Black Seas in the east. 

With the arrival of the Southern Slavs great ethno- 
graphic changes took place in the Balkan Peninsula. 
The ancient Greek inhabitants who lived principally in 
the eastern and southern parts of the Balkan Peninsula 

12 



THE SOUTHERN SLAVS 13 

were pressed to the eastern and southern extremities of 
the Peninsula. The remnant of the ancient Illyrians 
who inhabited the western part of the Peninsula, were 
driven farther into the mountains and intermingled with 
the numerous Slav settlers there. The Koman colonists 
still remaining in the Peninsula were gradually absorbed 
by the Slav masses or survived to any great extent 
only in those regions where the Slav tide of invasion 
was less strong, as in Thessaly and South Macedonia 
(Tsintsars or Macedo-Rournanians) and in Dacia 
(Roumanians) . Thus throughout the Balkan Peninsula 
and far to the north of it the Southern Slavs became 
the principal ethnic element. 

This whole group of Slavs, extending from the Alps 
to the Carpathians across the whole of the Balkan 
Peninsula, went by this common name of Slavs. Thus 
they are so called by the Greek and Latin writers both 
at the time of their immigration and for a long time 
afterwards. The territory in which they settled was 
called Slavinia CSicXafiiviai, Sclavinia, Sclavonia, or — 
rarely — Sclavinica). The name of Slavs for the nation 
and that of Slavinia for their country, was retained by 
the Southern Slavs for a very long time. There is a 
province between the Rivers Drave and Save which is 
called Slavonia to this day. Apart from the Southern 
Slavs themselves, the name of Slavs as applied to the 
Southern Slav nation has survived also among the 
Roumanians and Albanians to this day. 1 

The Southern Slavs were in every respect one nation. 
Besides having the name in common, they bore also 
every other sign of being one nation. They spoke one 

1 C. Jirecek, "Geschichte der Serben," t. i., Gotha, 1911, pp. 113- 
114. 



14 MACEDONIA 

language, they all possessed the same type of civilization, 
the same religion, the same customs. Their social life 
was also everywhere the same. They lived mostly in 
villages ; their occupations were farming and cattle- 
rearing. Urban civilization and social life were as yet 
unknown to them. Their social structure was in keep- 
ing with their primitive mode of life, and was organized 
on the tribal system. Each Southern Slav tribe or 
clan formed a separate body bearing its own special 
name. The head of the clan assisted by the tribal 
council conducted the internal affairs of the clan and 
regulated the relations between his own clan and its 
neighbours. They had nothing resembling a State or 
commonwealth as yet. The southern and more numerous 
division of the Southern Slavs acknowledged the suze- 
rainty of Byzantium, the northern and lesser division 
owned the sway of the Avars. The tribal chiefs or 
princes were semi-independent towards the suzerain 
State, and its power was not greatly felt by the tribes. 
The organized State did not arise everywhere at the 
same time among the Southern Slavs. Their first native 
State arose during the second half of the seventh century 
and among the northern branch of the Southern Slavs, 
the ancestors of the Slovenes of to-day, under the leader- 
ship of the native tribal princes. Towards the end of 
the eighth century and in the beginning of the ninth the 
Croatian State emerged on the shores of the Adriatic. 
About the same time the Serbian State appeared in the 
mountainous regions around the Kivers Drina, Ibar, and 
Lim. The Macedonian Slavs, as we shall see, built up 
their State rather later. All these States the Southern 
Slavs built up unaided, under the leadership of native 
princes and chieftains, free from all foreign influence. 



THE SOUTHERN SLAVS 15 

Only one branch of the Southern Slavs met with a 
different fate. It was doomed, soon after its immigra- 
tion, to fall under the sway of an alien people, to link its 
fate with it, to modify its civilization, its social structure, 
and the whole of its existence. This was that branch of 
the Southern Slavs which took possession of the Balkan 
country bounded by the Danube in the north and the 
Balkan mountains in the south, the River Iskar in the 
west, and the Black Sea in the east. In that area eight 
Southern Slav clans had settled. They formed part of 
the rest of the Southern Slavs, with whom they shared 
the same language and civilization, religion, and social 
system. In the year 679 they were invaded by a nomad 
people with a martial organization and of Turanian origin, 
called the Bulgars. Like a hurricane the Bulgars over- 
ran the peaceful Slav tribes settled between the Danube 
and the Balkan mountains and established their State in 
that territory. 

While the ethnological problem of all other Southern 
Slavs is quite simple and straightforward as we have 
seen, that of those Southern Slavs who were invaded by 
the Bulgars is far more complex. It is therefore neces- 
sary to add some further explanation concerning this 
last-named branch of the Southern Slavs. These remarks 
will at the same time explain the huge difference between 
the Bulgars of to-day and all the rest of the Southern 
Slavs. 

Between the Bulgarian conquerors and the Slavs who 
had to submit to them there was a vast difference. The 
Bulgars were Mongols. The conquered Southern Slavs 
were Indo-Europeans. Differing as regards race, they 
also possessed radically differing languages. In fact, 
they belonged to two totally different nations, with 



16 MACEDONIA 

different forms of civilization. The Bulgars were 
nomads ; the conquered Southern Slavs were settled 
farmers and keepers of cattle. The Bulgars were a 
nation of conquerors with a martial organization with 
the central authority in the hands of the ruler ; the con- 
quered Southern Slavs were pacific, divided into clans, 
a nation loosely knit together without political unity. 
The Bulgars possessed a State structure ; to the con- 
quered Southern Slavs the self-contained State was yet 
unknown. The Bulgars owned a despotic rule ; the 
conquered Southern Slavs had a democratic, tribal 
administration, in which the tribal assemblies took part. 
The religion and customs of the Bulgars differed from 
those of the conquered Southern Slavs. The Bulgars 
burned their dead or buried them in grave-mounds 
together with their living wives and slaves ; the 
Southern Slavs, although they sometimes burned their 
dead, never sacrificed the family and slaves of the 
deceased. The Bulgars practised polygamy — their 
Boyards (princes) had whole harems ; among the 
Southern Slavs polygamy was very rare. Bulgarian 
justice was barbarous in the extreme. If one of the 
boyards rebelled and was defeated, then not only was 
he deprived of his life and possessions, but his children 
and all his kinsfolk were put to death ; among the 
Southern Slavs the penalties were humane, and sentence 
had to be passed by the assembly. The Bulgars lived 
in war and for war; the Southern Slavs only went to 
war when they were attacked. The war customs of the 
Bulgars were cruel ; they made the skulls of their con- 
quered enemies into goblets from which they quaffed 
wine at their banquets; the Southern Slavs were mag- 
nanimous to their foes both during and after the war. 



THE SOUTHERN SLAVS 17 

In time of peace with Byzantium the Bulgars sold Slav 
boys and girls in the slave market ; the Southern Slavs 
held such a trade in abhorrence. The Bulgars and the 
conquered Southern Slavs represented two distinct races, 
with two distinct languages and two totally distinct 
civilizations. The vast difference between the Bulgars 
and the Slavs of the Balkan Peninsula in the sixth and 
seventh centuries, as described by the Byzantine his- 
torians Procopius and Maurikios, has also been emphati- 
cally insisted on by Const. Jirecek, the best Bulgarian 
historian. 1 

The Bulgars were greatly inferior in numbers to the 
conquered Southern Slavs. They owed their victory over 
the Southern Slavs solely to their martial organization 
and brute force. 

The conquered Southern Slavs had no love for their 
conquerors. Their hatred is easy to understand when 
one considers the contrast between them. An old Rus- 
sian chronicler of the eleventh century knows that the 
Bulgars " terrorized the conquered Slavs." Many of 
the Slav tribes opposed a determined resistance to the 
Bulgars. When the Bulgars attacked the Slav tribe 
living by the River Timok, these Slavs abandoned their 
home by the Timok rather than submit to the Bulgars. 

But in spite of all divergencies and all hates, closer 
relations gradually supervened between the Bulgars 
and the conquered Slavs — mutual influence, adaptation, 
and finally the fusion into one nation. The old name 
of Turanian conquerors — Bulgars — became the general 
name for this mixed Turano-Slav nation. 

The Bulgars gradually settled down in their new 

1 Const. Jirecek, " Geschichte der Bulgaren," Prague, 1876, 
pp. 131-134. 



18 MACEDONIA 

territory among the conquered Southern Slavs. From 
being nomads they became a settled people like the 
Slavs. As the Bulgars were in the minority, they 
were in many things compelled to adapt themselves to 
the Slav majority. They took up the agricultural pur- 
suits of the Slavs. The Bulgars also familiarized them- 
selves with the customs and civilization of the Slavs. 
Finally, the Bulgarian language gradually disappeared, 
until it was completely ousted by the Slav tongue. 
The fusion of the Bulgars and the conquered Southern 
Slavs was fairly rapid ; within two hundred and fifty 
years the process was complete. The Bulgarian nobility, 
who were very exclusive, of coarse amalgamated less 
easily than the small number of Bulgarian commons who 
lived scattered among the conquered Slavs ; but even the 
Bulgarian nobility yielded little by little. Already in 
812 we find a Bulgarian envoy to Constantinople bearing 
the Slav name of Dragomir, and about the middle of the 
ninth century Slav names occur even among members 
of the princely families. 

Such was the influence of the Southern Slavs upon the 
Bulgars. But the Bulgers, too, have left traces of their 
influence upon the conquered Slavs. Physical and moral 
qualities are not so easily modified as the manner of 
living, occupation, custom, and language of a race. The 
physique of the modern Bulgars is very striking. They 
are, as a matter of fact, no longer Mongols, but certain 
Mongol features appear at the first glance. Their short 
stature, their well-built but thick-set figure, their very 
pronounced roundness of face — all are features which 
distinguish the Bulgars from the true Southern Slavs. 
They are the survival of the Mongolian type in the 
Bulgarian physique. The moral qualities of the Turanian 



THE SOUTHERN SLAVS 19 

Bulgar can also be traced in the Bulgars of to-day. 
These qualities are no longer unalloyed, as among the 
ancient Bulgars, but in the main they are still there. 
The insatiable lust of possession which characterized 
the Bulgars when they first came to the Peninsula is 
still equally strong in the Slavicized Bulgars. The only 
difference is that whereas the Turanian Bulgars were an 
intrepid warrior horde, the Slav Bulgars are insatiable 
grabbers only when there is a prospect of profit without 
risk. The old Turanian cruelty and brutality towards all 
and sundry has persisted in their mixed descendants only 
for the benefit of those who are weaker than themselves ; 
towards their superiors in strength these qualities are 
toned down even to servility. The traces of the mental 
and moral qualities of the Turanian Bulgars we find 
clearly and consistently expressed through the whole of 
Bulgarian history, both remote and recent. We can 
recognize them in every description of the modern 
Bulgar, no matter whether the description be furnished 
by the Bulgars themselves or by foreigners. We can 
trace them finally also in the Bulgarian attitude during 
the great World War. 

There is one more legacy from their Turanian antiquity, 
which distinguished the Bulgars from the Southern Slavs 
from the very first day of their life in the Balkan 
Peninsula, and which completely distinguishes their 
Turano-Slav descendants to this day from the true 
Southern Slavs ; that is their social organization. 
Their State structure, which the Bulgars brought with 
them and transplanted among the conquered Slavs, 
destroyed for good every trace of the Slav tribal organi- 
zation. During the course of their history the State 
organization of the Bulgars sometimes declined, but the 



20 MACEDONIA 

destroyed tribal organization of the Slavs in Bulgaria 
never revived. With the tribal organization all those 
social customs which have their origin in the clan, 
the gens, and the family likewise disappeared in 
Bulgaria. While in all other Southern Slav countries 
there are preserved to this day either the remains of the 
old division into clans or tribes, and even the tribal 
organization or at least recent memories of them, together 
with the customs which refer to the clan, the gens, 
and family, in Bulgaria all this disappeared very early 
and left no trace. But whereas in Bulgaria the very 
names of the clans have been lost, in Macedonia there 
were not only clans in olden times, 1 but they can be 
traced there to this day. 2 The difference between 
Bulgaria and Macedonia in this respect was already 
pointed out in 1848 by the Russian savant V. Grigorovic. 
After quoting the names of clans which exist to-day in 
Macedonia, he adds that the Bulgars " have no tribal 
names." 3 

Such are the Bulgars, and such are the differences 
between them and the rest of the Southern Slavs. The 
Slav language, which the Bulgars adopted from the 
conquered Slavs, is the only feature on the strength of 

1 Concerning the Slav tribes in Macedonia after the immigration of 
the Southern Slavs, see B. Prokic, " Postanak jedne slovenske care- 
vine u Makedoniji " ("Bise of a Slav Empire in Macedonia "), " Glas 
Srpske Kraljevske Akadenije," vol. lvi. pp. 294-297, quoting from 
Byzantine sources the following names of Slav clans in Macedonia : 
Brsjaci, Dragovici, Sagudati, Velegostici, Vojinici, Binkini, Struml- 
jani, and Smoljani. 

- To this day the districts are accurately known in Macedonia 
which are inhabited by the following clans : Brsjaci, Mrvaci, 
Sopovi, Polivaci, Babuni, Keckari, and Mijaci (V. Grigorovic, " Ocerk 
putesestviji, po evropejskoj Turciji" ("Sketches by a Traveller in 
European Turkey"), Kazan, 1848, p. 196. 

3 V. Grigorovic, " Ocerk," p. 196. 



THE SOUTHERN SLAVS 21 

which they have been included in the Slav group of 
nations. As far as other things are concerned, there 
would be no place for them there. 

The territory which saw the process of the evolution of 
the Bulgarian nation was the very sanie as that which 
the Turanian Bulgars occupied when they first came 
to the Balkan Peninsula. It did not extend farther west 
than the River Iskar in Modern Bulgaria, nor farther south 
than to the Balkan Chain. Until the year 800 Bulgaria 
was bounded in the west by the River Iskar, and before 
861 it did not extend beyond the Balkan Chain. At first 
the Bulgarian capital was Pliskov, to the north-east of 
Sumen of to-day in Bulgaria. Later on it was Preslav, 
on the northern slopes of the Balkan Chain. 1 There was 
the first Bulgarian State, and there the assimilation 
between Bulgars and Slavs took place ; there the 
Bulgarian nation was created, and there it remains to 
this day, clearly distinct in all its qualities from the 
rest of the Southern Slavs. The difference between the 
Bulgars within their well-defined frontiers and the Slavs 
beyond those frontiers was observed very early by the 
Byzantine writers. They speak of the Southern Slav 
territory between the Adriatic and the Rhodope moun- 
tains as Slavinia (StcXajSn'ta), in order to distinguish it 
from Bulgaria, and they refer to the inhabitants of the 
former country as Slavs, in order to distinguish them 
from the Bulgars. 2 

1 C. Jirecek, " Geschichte der Serben," i. pp. 189-190. 

2 B. Prokic, " Postanak jedne slovenske carevine u Makedoniji," 
pp. 299-300. C. Jirecek, " Geschichte der Serben," i. p. 194. 



Ill 

THE MACEDONIAN STATE 

The Macedonian Slavs — Bulgarian invasion of Macedonia — Contrast 
between the Bulgars and the Macedonian Slavs — Adverse con- 
ditions under the Bulgars — Revolt of the Macedonian Slavs and 
emancipation from the Bulgars — Renewal of Byzantine domina- 
tion in Macedonia — Revolt and emancipation from Byzantium — 
The Macedonian State — Its rise — Frontiers — Name of the 
Macedonian State 

THE Macedonian Slavs, as we have seen, are merely 
a branch of the Southern Slavs. But while the 
Southern Slav States of Slovenia, Croatia, and Serbia 
were being built up in the countries north of Macedonia, 
and the Bulgarian State and nation resulted from the 
amalgamation of the Southern Slavs between the Danube 
and the Balkan Chain with their conquerors, the Mace- 
donian Slavs still remained under the domination of the 
Byzantine Empire. The Byzantine writers invariably 
refer to them as "Slavs," or the "Slav nation" (to tuv 
SKXa/3tvwv t Svog) . They still lived mainly in villages ; they 
were an agricultural people, and retained their primitive 
tribal organization. The Byzantine writers say that the 
territories occupied by the individual tribes in Macedonia 
were called " Slovenia" (SjcAa/3tv£ai), and that each tribe 
had a semi-independent prince (ap\ov). The dignity 
of these princes was hereditary, and they were quite 
independent as regards the internal management of the 



THE MACEDONIAN STATE 23 

tribe. They acknowledged only the suzerainty of the 
Greek Empire, and they paid a fixed tribute. 

Beside the above-mentioned common name of " Slavs " 
in Macedonia, the name of " Serbs " is also mentioned at 
a very early date. Serbs are also mentioned among the 
Slavs of Macedonia (between the Struma and Vardar 
Rivers), who Were subdued by the Byzantine Emperor 
Constantin III in 649 and sent to Asia Minor. The town 
of Gordoserba, in Bithynia, was named after them, and it 
used to be the seat of a Bishopric. 1 Some time about 950 
the Byzantine Emperor Constantine Porphyrogenitus 
wrote that the town of ra 2£joj3A<'a, in the district of 
Salonica, at the foot of Olympus, derives its name from 
the Serbs who originally settled there. 2 

Towards the middle of the ninth century the 
Bulgars began to attack Byzantium in the direction 
of Macedonia. About the year 861, under their Tsar 
Boris (852-888), they conquered part of Macedonia. 
By the wars waged by the Bulgarian Tsar Simeon (893- 
927) against Byzantium, the Bulgars succeeded in 
gaining possession of the whole of Macedonia. 

Coming in this manner under the sway of the Bulgars, 
the Macedonian Slavs maintained the same relations 
towards them which they had hitherto observed towards 
Byzantium. The Slav tribes, under the rule of their 
native princes or chieftains, retained their independent 
domestic organization, only their allegiance was trans- 
ferred to their new masters. The change of allegiance 
did not, therefore, interfere with the domestic life of 

1 St. Stanojevic, " Yizantijai Srbi" (" Byzantium and the Serbs "), 
t. ii., N. Sad, 1896, pp. 41 and 215. 

2 Const. Porphyrogenitus, " De administrando iinperio," cap. 32, 
p. 152, ed. Bonn. 



24 MACEDONIA 

the Macedonian Slavs. Likewise it exercised no influence 
on the ethnical evolution of the Macedonians either. 
The Bulgars did not come as settlers, but as conquerors. 
As only the towns * in which the whole of their military 
strength was concentrated came under their direct rule, 
they never came into contact with the Macedonian 
Slavs ; because in the towns the population was pre- 
ponderantly Greek and not Slav. 

The lot of the Macedonian Slavs under the Bulgars 
was not a pleasant one. The Bulgars and the Mace- 
donian Slavs represented not only two social classes 
one of which was the ruling and the other the ruled, 
but also two nations, two religions, and two civilizations. 
It is true that the Bulgars had already approximated 
themselves considerably to the conquered Slavs in 
Bulgarian territory, but to all intents and purposes 
they were in the main Bulgars. Although they were 
nominally converted, they were far from being really 
Christians. Even in 968 a Bulgarian envoy in Con- 
stantinople wore his hair cut in the Barbarian style like 
an "Ungar"; he wore an iron chain, and he was a 
catechumen not yet baptized. Brought up under the 
influence of still unsoftened barbarous Turanian quali- 
ties, the Bulgars were not popular masters with the 
peaceable Slavs of the cultivated and prosperous Mace- 
donian provinces of Byzantium, whose ancient intel- 
lectual centres were Salonica, Justiniana Prima, and 
)fche£_jcities. *S^/ 

DissatisTactionwith the Bulgarian rule manifested 
itself very early among the Macedonian Slavs. Two 
insurrections, one in 929 and a second in 931, although 

1 B. Prokic, " Postanals jedne slovenske carevine u Makedoniji " 
(" Rise of a Slav Empire in Macedonia "), pp. 287-288. 



gCtfcoL- -re L t/4 ^ 



-- 



THE MACEDONIAN STATE 25 

unsuccessful, show clearly what were the feelings of the 
Macedonian Slavs towards the Bulgarian conquerors. 
A third insurrection broke out in 969. The leaders of 
this insurrection were four brothers, sons of a Slav 
prince in Macedonia. This insurrection was finally 
successful, and the Macedonian Slavs drove out the 
Bulgars and established an independent State of their 
own. In 973 the young Macedonian State fell once 
more under the domination of Byzantium ; but already 
in 976 the same four brothers who freed Macedonia 
from the Bulgars succeeded in liberating her from 
the Greeks. Macedonia once more became independent, 
and one of the four brothers, Samuel by name, pro- 
claimed himself Tsar (976-1014). Thus by the end 
of the tenth century the Macedonian Slavs had like- 
wise established their State. 

Young, fresh and full of energy, the new Southern 
Slav State expanded rapidly. In .986 Tsar Samuel 
successfully deprived Byzantium of Bulgaria, which 
the Byzantine Emperor John Zimisces had added to 
his empire in 971. Hereafter Samuel conquered 
Albania, and then the Serbian States of Duklja, Zeta, 
and eventually Travunia, Zahumlje, Neretva, Ra§ka, and 
Bosnia. The frontiers of Samuel's State comprised 
all the Serbian principalities and the whole of Bulgaria. 

Over so vast an empire Samuel failed to maintain 
his hold. Bulgaria remained in his hands only for 
fourteen years (986-1000). Then Byzantium wrested 
it from Samuel and reconquered it. 

As ruler over the greater part of the conquered 
Serbian States Samuel appointed Jovan Vladimir, the 
deposed Serbian Prince of Zeta and Duklja, after 
giving him his daughter to wife. Samuel retained only 



26 MACEDONIA 

Macedonia and the countries directly adjoining the 
principality. 

The Bulgars, as we have seen, were for a certain time 
masters of Macedonia ; but on the strength of this rule 
of theirs the Bulgars are scarcely entitled to lay claim to 
Macedonia. On the contrary, the Macedonians always 
looked upon the Bulgars as foreign conquerors ; they 
rebelled against them and drove them out. The Mace- 
donian Empire which the Macedonians built up after 
emancipating themselves from the Greeks by their own 
efforts has no connection whatever with the Bulgars 
except that Bulgaria also was subject to it for a time. 
After that Bulgaria came under Byzantium, and Mace- 
donia remained a purely Southern Slav native State. 

Between Bulgaria and this independent Macedonian 
Empire there is no connection at all. They are 
two distinct States as regards population and origin, 
capital towns, and tendencies. The population of Bul- 
garia is a mixture of Turanian Bulgars and Slavs, and 
that of Macedonia is as purely Southern Slav as that of 
Serbia, Croatia, and the Slovene lands. The Bulgarian 
State was founded by the Bulgarian conquerors, that of 
Macedonia by the Slavs who desired to emancipate them- 
selves from both Bulgaria and Byzantium. Bulgaria 
had her capitals in Pliskov and Preslava, north of the 
Balkan Chain ; the capitals of the Macedonian Empire 
were Ochrida and Prespa on the lakes of Prespa and 
Ochrida. 

But the Macedonian Empire was called Bulgaria. It 
is necessary to explain this seeming paradox. It arose 
from a special cause and has its logical justification. It was 
a legacy of the Bulgarian Empire name in Macedonia — 
the legacy of a bygone mastery and an historic tradition. 



THE MACEDONIAN STATE 27 

In 971 the Byzantine Emperor John Zimisces subdued 
the whole of Bulgaria, whose empire at that time in- 
cluded Macedonia. When immediately afterwards Mace- 
donia, without Bulgaria, freed herself from Byzantium, 
she assumed the name of Bulgaria, because she aspired 
to take over the heritage of fallen Bulgaria. Before her 
downfall Bulgaria ranked as an Empire ; her rulers bore 
the imperial title, and were the upholders of an imperial 
policy and tradition. This heritage was vacant. Mace- 
donia required immediate recognition and respect, and 
so took over the Bulgarian name and claims ; she 
assumed even before conquering Bulgaria, and retained 
them later on after having lost her. 

Thus it came about that the Macedonian Empire 
styled itself Bulgaria. The name of the State is always 
stronger than the name of the nation. 1 In this case also 
it was transferred from the State to the nation. This is 
why foreign writers from that time onward began to refer 
to the Southern Slavs of Macedonia as Bulgars also. 

Instances of young states usurping the name and 
heritage of other, older states are not infrequent in 
history. At the very same time when the Macedonian 
Empire was founded the German Emperors were 
building up a German Empire in outlying provinces of 
what had been the ancient Empire of Rome. They, 
too, appropriated the attributes of a former empire. 
They named their State the "Roman Empire" and 
styled themselves " Roman Emperors." The Byzantine 
Empire was only part of the ancient Roman Empire ; 
nevertheless, down to its fall it styled itself the 
" Roman Empire," and its emperors called them- 

1 " Starker als der Volksname war und ist immer der Name de3 
Staates " (C. Jirecek, " Gesehichte der Bulgaren," p. 138). 



28 MACEDONIA 

selves " Koman Emperors." The Greek inhabitants 
of this " Koman Empire " called themselves " Komans " 
(Po/LHuot). And just as the Roman name of the German 
and Greek Empires has no connection with the Romans, 
so the Bulgarian name in Macedonia has nothing to do 
with the Bulgars. All these names are only a memento 
of the empire whose heritage was assumed by those who 
bore them. 

In the meantime a distinction has always been drawn 
between the population of Bulgaria and that of Mace- 
donia. Dukljanin, the priest who wrote his Chronicle 
at Bar (Antivari). in the eleventh century, calls the 
Macedonians of Samuel's Empire "Bulgcmni" 1 and 
refers to the Bulgars by their proper name of " Bul- 
garia 2 In the German chronicles and elsewhere the 
Macedonians are often called " Bulgarii " (Bulgariorum) 
and the Bulgars " Bulgari " (Bulgarorum).3 

Finally, the Macedonians never in olden times called 
themselves Bulgars. Dr. V. Gjeric, Professor at the Uni- 
versity of Belgrade, after an exhaustive study of all the 
records referring to the Macedonian Slavs from the earliest 
times, came to the conclusion that "from the oldest 
times down to the beginning of the nineteenth century 
there is not one reliable instance of the Macedonians call- 
ing themselves Bulgars or their language the Bulgarian. 4 

1 "Samuel Bulgarinorum Imperator" I. Crncie, " Popa Dukljanina 
Letopis" ("Pop Dukljanin's Chronicle"), Kraljevica, 1874, p. 41. 

2 " Eo tempore (968) defunctus est Bulgarorum Imperator Petrus 
nomine " (Ibid., p. 38). 

3 B. Prokic, " Postanak jedne slovenske carevine u Makedoniji " 
("Rise of a Slav Empire in Macedonia"), p. 320. 

4 Dr. V. Gjeric, " O srpskom imenu u Sbaroj Srbiji i Makedoniji " 
(" The term ' Serbian ' in Old Serbia and Macedonia"), Belgrade, 1904, 
p. 42. 






IV 

BULGARIAN RULE IN MACEDONIA 

Subjugation of the Macedonian State by Byzantium in 1018 — Bulgars 
shake off the Byzantine yoke in 1186 — Second Bulgarian in- 
vasion of Macedonia — Macedonia under the Latins and Epirotes 
— Fresh Bulgarian invasion of Macedonia — Macedonia under the 
Byzantines and Epirotes — Bulgars possess Macedonia once more 
for a brief period and then lose it for good in 1256 

SAMUEL'S vast MJaee4ee*an Empire was not of long 
duration. Already under his immediate successors 
it began to decay, until finally in 1018 it fell completely 
under the domination of Byzantium. Of all the exten- 
sive territories that had formed the Macedonian Empire 
only the central Serbian tracts of Raska on the Drina, 
Lim and Tara, and Zeta on the coast remained free. 
These lands were destined to preserve the seed of the 
future liberation and unity of the Southern Slavs. The 
abortive insurrections in 1040 in the county of Vardar 
in Macedonia, which aimed at liberation from Byzantium, 
proved unsuccessful. While the Serbian States were 
laying up their strength for the great historic role of 
the Serbian nation in the Balkan Peninsula, Macedonia 
came yet again for a short time under Bulgarian rule. 
From about a.d. 1000, when she fell under the 
domination of Byzantium, Bulgaria remained under it 
until 1186. In that year the Bulgars revolted against 
the Byzantine supremacy. With the help of the 



30 MACEDONIA 

Kumans (Russian Polovci) from the steppes of Pontus, 
they succeeded in freeing themselves and in once more 
establishing their State. The capital of this new Bul- 
garian State was Trnovo. As their power gradually 
increased the Bulgars awaited a suitable opportunity 
for embarking upon conquests. . This opportunity 
arrived in 1202. In that year the Latins besieged 
Constantinople. While the siege was proceeding the 
Bulgarian Tsar Kalojan " took advantage of the general 
confusion and overran the western part of the Byzantine 
Empire from Sofia to the frontiers of Thessaly, taking 
the towns of Skoplje, Ochrida, and Ber, and even 
Prizren." l Not feeling secure in the territory they had 
conquered, the Bulgarians expelled all the Greek bishops 
and replaced them by Bulgarian ecclesiastics. They like- 
wise transported all Greek suspects to the Danubian 
regions. Serbia was at the time powerless to prevent 
Bulgarian aggression and violence in Macedonia. The 
struggle for the throne, which was fomented by Hungary, 
absorbed all Serbia's strength and attention. This Bul- 
garian domination in Macedonia did not last long, only 
until the death of Kalojan in 1207. Then internal dis- 
sensions broke out among the Bulgarian princes, and 
Bulgaria was divided. Part of Macedonia came to be 
ruled by a relative of Kalojan, Strez by name, but under 
Serbian suzerainty. Strez died in 1215 ; part of his lands 
was taken* by the Latins of Salonica, and part by the 
Greeks of Epirus. Thus every trace of Bulgarian rule 
in Macedonia was obliterated once more. 

In 1223 Macedonia was ruled by Theodore Komnenus, 
Despot of Epirus, who presently proclaimed himself 
Emperor. His lieutenants — Greeks, Slavs, and Albanians 
1 C. Jirecek, " Gescbichte der Serben," i. p. 288, 



BULGARIAN RULE IN MACEDONIA 31 

— administered the provinces of Macedonia and Albania 
right up to the Serbian frontier, which ran north of 
Arban, Debar, and Skoplje. 1 Towards the east, Theodore 
Komnenus extended his power even over Thrace with 
its capital of Adrianople. Theodore ruled over Macedonia 
for seven years in all. In 1230 he was suddenly attacked, 
defeated, and made prisoner by the Bulgarian Tsar 
Asen II, near the village of Klokotnica (now Semisdze), 
on the road from Philippopolis to Adrianople. The 
Bulgars now without any difficulty occupied the 
country west of Adrianople, beyond Skoplje and 
Ochrida as far as Durazzo. 2 It is important to note 
that Tsar Asen says that by this victory he conquered 
Serbian lands. In gratitude for his success over Theodore 
Komnenus, Asen II built the Church of the Forty 
Martyrs in his capital of Trnovo. In an inscription in 
this church he gives a brief account of his war with 
Theodore. There he describes how he captured Theodore 
with all his nobles and subdued all the lands from 
Adrianople even to Durazzo : the Greek, then the 
Albanian and the Serbian.^ This Bulgarian domination 
in Macedonia extended over a period of sixteen years 
in all. 

In 1246, Michael, the son of Asen II, ascended the 
Bulgarian throne. That same year the Greek Emperor 
John Vatatzes succeeded in retaking from the Bulgars 
all the Macedonian provinces from Adrianople to the 
Vardar. Michael II, Despot of Epirus, on his part 

■ C. Jirecek, " Geschichte der Serben," i. p. 300. 

J Ibid., p. 303. 

3 The former translation of this passage from the inscription runs 
thus : " Und alle Lander habe ich erobert von Odrin (Adrianopel) bis 
nach Durazzo : das griechische, dann das albanische und serbische 
Land" (C. Jirecek, " Geschichte der Bulgaren," pp. 148, 252). 



32 MACEDONIA 

occupied the Macedonian districts lying west of the 
Vardar, with the towns of Veles, Prilep, and Ochrida. 
In 1252 John Vatatzes overcame Michael II, and all 
Macedonia as far as the frontiers of the Serbian 
contemporary State became a Greek province. 

There was one more Bulgarian invasion of Eastern 
Macedonia as far as the Vardar, which lasted from the 
end of 1254 until 1256, and was also " carried out 
without difficulty " ; but I hardly know whether it is 
worth mentioning. 1 

Weak and insignificant as are these historic linkings 
of Macedonia with Bulgaria, such as they are they 
recur no more. From that time Bulgarian history has 
no further connection with Macedonia. Soon after- 
wards began the henceforth uninterrupted historic 
connection of Macedonia with Serbia. This connection 
has bequeathed to Macedonia imperishable and ineradi- 
cable memories. It has also brought the ethnic unity 
of the Macedonians and Serbs into better and clearer 
relief. 

1 It is interesting to note that the Bulgars never ran any risks for 
the sake of Macedonia, nor did they ever conquer it heroically and at 
the cost of great sacrifice. All their invasions of Macedonia occurred 
either at a time of " general confusion," or were accomplished 
" without any difficulty " (C. Jirecek, " Geschichte der Serben," i. 
pp. 288, 303, 315). 



SERBIAN RULE IN MACEDONIA 

Systematic unification of Serbian territory under the Nemanjici — 
Part of Macedonia won by King Uros in 1258 — Macedonia added 
to Serbia under King Milutin and King Stephan Decanski— 
Bulgaria makes war upon Stephan Decanski in 1830 — Macedonia's 
fate permanently decided in favour of Serbia by the Serbian 
victory over the Bulgars — Subsequent insignificance of Bulgaria 
— Serbian magnanimity towards Bulgaria — King (afterwards 
Tsar) Dusan unites the whole of Macedonia with Serbia — 
Bulgars no longer interested in Macedonia — Bulgars conscious 
of having no claim on Macedonia — Bulgars recognize the 
legitimacy of the Serbian rule in Macedonia — Macedonia 
considered a Serbian country — Macedonians never called 
anything but " Serbs " in historic records — Dismemberment 
of the Serbian Empire — Macedonian States always referred to 
as " Serbian " — Turks conquer Macedonia as a Serbian country 
— This fact recognized by all historic sources, including Bulgarian 
— Serbian influence in Macedonia under the Turkish rule — 
Serbian princes in Macedonia under Turkish suzerainty — 
Serbian Sultana Marija and her importance for the Mace- 
donian Serbs 

WHILE Macedonia after losing her independence 
in 1018 was first under Byzantium and then 
for a short time under Bulgaria, two young and vigorous 
Serbian States grew up and developed to the north of her 
— Raska and Zeta. In the second half of the twelfth 
century they were united to form the one State of Serbia, 
which then entered upon the most brilliant epoch of the 
Serbian past. Slowly but surely, the native rulers of the 
new Serbian State emancipated the Serbian nation from 

4 33 



34 MACEDONIA 

Byzantium and united the Serbian lands. The first 
Serbian ruler who set about to accomplish the systematic 
union of all the Serbian lands into one polity was 
the Grand Zupan Stephan Nemanja (1169-1196). His 
successor went far beyond him. The complete union 
of the Serbian lands was especially apparent during the 
reigns of King Milutin (1282-1321) and Tsar Dusan 
(1331-1355). During these reigns Macedonia was 
also incorporated with Serbia. 

We have already said that under Strez (1207-1215) 
Macedonia was for a short time under Serbian suzerainty. 
In 1258 King Uros of Serbia took Skoplje, Prilep, and 
Kicevo from Byzantium, but lost them again shortly 
afterwards in 1261. 1 But this was only the prelude to 
the complete union of Macedonia with Serbia. In 1282, 
King Milutin, the son of Uros, took Skoplje from 
Byzantium, together with the districts of Gornji and 
Donji Polog, in the upper Vardar valley, and sub- 
sequently Ovce Polje, Zletovo and Pijanac, round about 
the Bregalnica. No sooner had Milutin taken Skoplje 
than it became the capital and chief city of all Serbia. 
In 1283 King Milutin made further progress in liberating 
Serbian lands from Byzantium. He conquered the entire 
territory as far as Ser (the Seres of to-day), Morunac 
(Krestopolje, or Kavala of to-day), and the neighbourhood 
of Mount Athos, and afterwards added Porec, Ki6evo, 
and Debar in Macedonia to these conquests. Milutin's 
son Stephan Decanski (1321-1331) took the town of 
Prosek on the lower Vardar. 

During the whole of this Serbian progress in Macedonia, 
the Bulgars did not appear as Serbia's rivals nor did they 
attempt to hinder the Serbian advance in Macedonia. 
1 C. Jirecek, " Geschichte der Serben," i. p. 317. 



SERBIAN RULE IN MACEDONIA 35 

They waited, as before, for a convenient opportunity of 
success without difficulty. Such an opportunity was 
given them when trouble arose between Stephan Decanski 
and the Emperor Andronikos III of Byzantium. Think- 
ing that this was a propitious moment for an attack 
upon Stephan, the Bulgarian Tsar Mihajlo Sisman, who 
was married to Stephan's sister, put away his wife, 
married the sister of Andronikos in her stead, concluded 
an alliance with his new brother-in-law and attacked 
Stephan. Stephan begged Mihajlo to avoid war, but 
Mihajlo was obdurate. Trusting finally to defeat Stephan, 
Mihajlo, in the words of a contemporary, boasted that " he 
would set up his throne " in Serbia. Stephan was com- 
pelled to go to war. The Bulgars and the Byzantines ad- 
vanced against him simultaneously, but their forces failed 
to establish a junction. Andronikos was late, and the 
Bulgars were defeated ere he could come to their rescue. 

This war was of great importance, because it decided 
not only the question of the supremacy of Serbia over 
Bulgaria during the rest of the Middle Ages, but also 
the fate of Macedonia. The Serbs expected the Bulgars 
to attack from the east, but they turned southwards, 
towards Macedonia. Where the frontier between Serbia 
and Bulgaria follows the course of the river Struma, 
north-east of Velbuzd (now called Custendil), the 
Bulgarian forces crossed the frontier into Serbia and 
went as far as Velbuzd, " committing many evil deeds in 
that district." 1 The battle of Velbuzd took place on July 
28, 1330. The Bulgarian army was completely over- 
thrown and Tsar Mihajlo himself slain in the battle. The 
Serbs were left victors and masters of the situation. 

1 St. Novakovic, " Zakonik Stefana Dusana " ("Stephan Dusan's 
Code"), Belgrade, 1898, p. 3. 



36 MACEDONIA 

After the victory Stephan intended to subdue Bulgaria, 
but he was met on his way by the envoys of Belaur, 
brother of the fallen Tsar, and the Bulgarian nobles 
who tendered him their submission. How important 
was the Serbian victory and how great the Bulgarian 
defeat can be seen from the humble demeanour of the 
Bulgarian envoys towards the Serbian King. " This 
Empire of Bulgaria " — thus the Bulgarian envoys 
addressed King Stephan — "and the whole of its state, 
its towns and their wealth and their glory, let them be 
to-day in your hand to dispose of all this as though it 
were given to you by God. We, your slaves, hail you 
as our overlord and mighty King. . . . Henceforth let 
the Kingdom of Serbia and the Empire of Bulgaria be 
as one, and let there be peace." These words were 
recorded by the Serbian Archbishop Danilo, who was a 
contemporary of these events. 1 Thus was solved the 
problem of the relations between Serbs and Bulgars in 
the Middle Ages. Thus was the fate of Macedonia 
decided at that time. 

King Stephan showed himself magnanimous towards 
the Bulgars. Directly after the battle he caused the body 
of the Bulgarian Tsar to be interred in the Monastery 
of Nagoricino, near Kumanovo, " in our country," as his 
son Tsar Dusan used to say in after-years. 2 He did not 
interfere with the Bulgarian polity, which was reduced 
to the frontiers of the Bulgarian people. He confirmed 
the Bulgarian nobles in their former privileges, and on 
the Bulgarian throne he placed his banished sister, Tsar 

1 Dj. Danici6, " Zivoti Kraljeva i arhiepiskopa srpskih " ( " Lives 
of the Serbian Kings and Archbishops"), by Archbishop Danilo, 
Zagreb, 1866, pp. 193-195. 

* St. Novakovic, " Zakonik Stefana Dusana " (" Stephan Dusan's 
Code"), p. 3. 



SERBIAN RULE IN MACEDONIA 37 

Mihajlo's widow, with her son Jovan Stephan, who was 
not yet of age. On the spot where he had invoked the 
help of God before the battle the pious Serbian King 
erected a church to Our Blessed Saviour, which, 
although in ruins to-day, still shows clear traces of its 
original beauty. To this victory the King also dedicated 
the Monastery of DeSani, which was then being built, 
the finest example of Serbian ecclesiastical architecture 
in the Middle Ages. Stephan's son Dusan, who soon 
afterwards succeeded to the Serbian throne, continued 
his father's policy towards the Bulgars, and concluded 
an alliance with them which lasted until the fall of the 
mediaeval Empires of both Serbia and Bulgaria. 

Dusan's reign marks an epoch in the history of 
Macedonia, one more brilliant and prosperous than any 
she had hitherto passed through. At the very outset of 
his reign he took Ochrid, Strumica, Kostur, and many 
other towns in Macedonia from Byzantium, right up to 
Salonica. In Salonica there was already a considerable 
party prepared to open the gates and surrender the city 
to him ; but the Byzantine Emperor Andronikos III 
arrived with a large army and prevented the Serbs 
from entering Salonica. Later on, in 1342, Dusan took 
Yoden and Melnik; in 1345 he took Ser (Seres), Drama, 
Philippi, Hristopolje (now called Orfano). Thus the 
whole of Macedonia became a Serbian province. The 
eastern frontiers of Dusan's empire extended from the 
crest of Mount Kilo along the slopes of the Dospat 
and the left basin of the River Mesta down to the sea. 1 

■ St. Novakovic, " Struinska Oblast u XIV veku"— " The Province 
of Struma in the Fourteenth Century " (" Glas Srpske Kraljevske 
Akademije," vol. xxxiv). By the same author: " Srbi i Turci u 
Srednjem Veku" ("Serbs and Turks in the Middle AgeB"), p. 129. 



38 MACEDONIA 

During the whole time of DuSan's progress in 
Macedonia, the Bulgars showed no dissatisfaction. After 
the battle of Velbuzd, Bulgaria was to a certain extent 
dependent upon Serbia. 1 DuSan was constantly at war, 
first with Byzantium and then with Hungary. Had the 
Bulgars been conscious of a right to Macedonia, these 
would have been suitable opportunities for allying them- 
selves to either of these two Powers, and not only to rise 
in defence of Macedonia, but also to emancipate them- 
selves from the Serbian supremacy. In the meantime 
they did neither, but remained on the best of terms with 
DuSan, even at a time when the throne of Bulgaria was 
not occupied by Dusan's kinsman. But what is most 
important with reference to Macedonia is that the 
Bulgars took it for granted that by the Serbian conquest 
of Macedonia their rights were in no way encroached 
upon, and that they plainly recognized Serbia's right 
to that country. When in 1346 the Archbishop of Serbia 
was precisely in Macedonia raised to the rank of " Patri- 
arch of the Serbs and Greeks" — the expression used 
at that time to define the Serbian Empire — the Bulgars 
would certainly have protested had they looked upon the 
Macedonian population as Bulgarian. As a matter of 
fact they did nothing of the kind, but the promotion 
of the Archbishop of Serbia to the Patriarchate was 
carried out " with the full approval of the Bulgarian 
Patriarch of Trnovo." 2 When subsequently on Easter 

1 On October 15, 1345, Dusan, King of Serbia, addressed a letter to 
Andrea Dandolo, Doge of Venice, beginning as follows : " Stephanus, 
Dei gratia Servire, Dioclite, Chilminiae, Zenta?, Albania? et Maritime 
regionis rex, nee non Bulgaria imperii partis non rnodice par ticeps 
et fere totius Romanise Dominus " (" Glasnik Srpskog Ucenog 
Drustva," xi. pp. 262-263). 

2 C. Jirecek, " Geschichte der Serben," i. p. 387. 



SERBIAN RULE IN MACEDONIA 39 

Sunday of the same year the Serbian King solemnized 
his second coronation as Serbian Tsar, likewise in 
Macedonia, there was even greater opportunity for a 
Bulgarian protest. Byzantium protested. She declared 
the establishment of the Serbian Patriarchate un- 
canonical and the coronation of the Serbian Tsar 
non-valid. The Greek Patriarch Kallistos anathematized 
the new " uncanonical " Patriarch and the "unlawful" 
Tsar. The Greeks would not hear of a Serbian Empire 
which was proclaimed on territory which they had once 
owned and to which they still claimed to have rights. 
The Emperor John Kantakuzenos, in his " History," 
never once refers to Dusan as " Tsar," always as " King." 
And thus we find it also in other Byzantine sources. 
The Bulgars, however, did not consider that the Serbian 
Patriarch and Tsar had usurped their rank, and they 
took no steps against them ; but Dusan's coronation as 
Tsar was solemnized in Macedonia on the strength of the 
conquest of Macedonia, and moreover " with the blessing 
and consent (lit. hands) of the Bulgarian Patriarch and 
the consent (hands) of all the Bishops of the Bulgarian 
Synod." l By the conquest of Macedonia, Serbia became 
great. By this conquest she became worthy of pro- 
claiming herself an Empire. The Bulgars not only 
acquiesced in this without taking offence, but they even 
added their blessing. 

Bulgaria did this consciously. Macedonia was looked 
upon as Serbian territory. Ever since the earliest times 
after the Slav immigration into the Balkan Peninsula 
Serbs have been mentioned as inhabiting Macedonia. 

1 St. Novakovic, " Zakonik Stefana Dusana " (" Stephan Du- 
san's Code "), p. 4. C. Jirecek, " Gescliicbte der Serben," i. 
p. 387. 



40 MACEDONIA 

The Byzantine Emperor Constantine Porphyrogenitus * 
wrote some time about 950 that the town of "rd S£/o/3Ata," 
in the district of Salonica near the Kiver Bistrieca, at the 
foot of Olympus, derives its name from the Serbs who 
originally settled there. Subsequently this town is 
frequently mentioned. It was also the seat of the 
Bishop ; in an old Serbo-Slav translation of the Greek 
Writer Johannes Zonaras it is called SrpciSte. 2 The 
small number of Bulgarian conquerors had disappeared 
completely and left no trace. Writing in the middle 
of the fourteenth century, the Greek historian Nicephorus 
Gregorae says that the Byzantine Emperor Basil II 
destroyed the Bulgars, at that time masters of Mace- 
donia, in many battles, and that " he banished those 
who remained in the land (Macedonia) to Moesija 
on the Danube." 3 As we have seen, the Bulgarian 
Tsar Asen, after conquering Macedonia in 1230, expressly 
states in an inscription in the church of the Forty 
Martyrs in Trnovo that he had conquered " the Greek, 
the Albanian, and the Serbian lands." This was a 
hundred years before the Serbian conquest of Macedonia. 
The Serbs conquered Macedonia as a Serbian country. 

Neither in connection with the conquest of Macedonia 
nor later are the Bulgars mentioned among the inhabi- 
tants. King Milutin several times mentions his con- 
quests in Macedonia. He mentions the conquered 
counties, and refers to them by their local names or 
by the names of their towns ; but nowhere do we find 
a word about Bulgars. In Milutin's biography, which 

1 Const. Porphyrogenitus, " De administrando Imperio," chap. xxii. 
p. 152, ed. Bonn. 

2 " Starine Jugoslovenske Akadermje," Zagreb, vol. xiv. p. 163. 

3 N. Gregorae, " Histor. Bizant.," ii. 2, p. 15a, ed. Bonn. 



SERBIAN RULE IN MACEDONIA 41 

was compiled by his contemporary, the Archbishop 
Danilo, all Milutin's Macedonian conquests are likewise 
enumerated ; the counties are mentioned, and again there 
is no mention of Bulgars. Writing about the year 1318, 
the Serbian Archbishop Nikodim chronicles all the deeds 
of the Serbian King Milutin " in his own native country, 
in the Serbian land." Afterwards he speaks of the 
Serbian Council, in which the bishops and monks were 
also included. Among the Serbian bishops is mentioned 
the Bishop of Skoplje, and among the Serbian monks 
are mentioned the monks of Tetovo, Gostivar, Nagori&no, 
and Skoplje. 1 A MS. of the Monastery of Lesnovo, in 
Macedonia, dating from 1330, says of Milutin's successor 
Stephan De6anski that "he inherited the kingdom, i.e. 
all the Serbian maritime regions, those by the Danube 
and the Ovce Polje." 2 Relating the history of the 
Bulgarian attack upon the Serbs in 1330, Stephan 
De6anski, in a deed to the Monastery of Decani, says 
that the Bulgarian Tsar went to Macedonia in order 
to conquer " Serbian territory." In the Appendix to his 
Code, Tsar Dusan says that the Bulgarian Tsar went 
against " Our country, against the land of our fathers." 3 
Under DuSan's reign the Serbs conquered the whole of 
Macedonia. In a deed to the Monastery of Treskavac, 
near Prilep, in 1336, in which he is styled " Stephan, King 
of all Serbian and the Maritime Regions," Dusan says 
that " with the help of God Almighty, the Preserver and 
His immaculate Mother, and the prayers of his forbears 
Simeon and Sava, he had taken many towns over which 

1 Lj. Stojanovid, " Stari Srpski zapisi i natpisi " (" Old Serbian 
Inscriptions and Notes "), Nos. 301-304. 

2 " Glasnik Srpsrog Ucenog Drustva," vol. xvi. pp. 34-35. 

» St. Novakovid, " Zakonik Stefana Dusana " (" Stephan Dusan's 
Code "), p. 3. 



42 MACEDONIA 

the Greeks had formerly ruled." x But not a word about 
the Bulgars. In a note in a MS. of the Four Gospels 
written at Mount Athos, about 1347, we are told that 
" by God's grace and the prayers of his ancestors, it was 
given to DuSan to rule over the whole of the Serbian 
land, as far as the town of Morunac, which is called 
Kristopolje (the Kavala of to-day), and as far as Salonica, 
and over all Dioclitia as far as Drac." 2 In a deed 
presented by Tsar Dusan about 1350 to his Monastery 
of the Blessed Archangels St. Michael and St. Gabriel 
at Prizren, the gifts he bestowed upon this monastery 
are enumerated. Among other gifts, he also endowed 
it with a church in Veles with " men, mills, and vine- 
yards," and with a church in Strumica with " men, 
lands, vineyards, and mills." In assessing the rights and 
duties- of these men whom he assigned to the monastery, 
he refers to them as Serbs, Albanians, and Vallachians. 
No Bulgars are mentioned. 3 In the Code which he 
compiled for the whole of his empire at the State 
Councils of Skoplje in 1349 and of Seres in 1354, Dusan 
nowhere mentions Bulgars, although he omitted none 
of the nationalities represented in his country, viz. Serbs, 
Greeks, Albanians, and Germans. 4 It is impossible that 
the Serbian legislators of that time, at two Councils, 
both held in Macedonia, should have remained ignorant 
of the existence of a Bulgarian element — if it existed — in 
Macedonia. If even the small national populations in 

1 St. Novakovic, "Balkanska Pitanja" (" The Balkan Question"), 
pp. 290-293. 

- Lj. Stojanovic, " Stari srpski zapisi i natpisi " (" Old Serbian 
Inscriptions and Notes "), No. 89. 

a " Glasnik Srpskog Ucenog Drustva," vol. xv. pp. 264-310. 

4 St. Novakovic, " Zakonik Stefana Dusana" (" Stephan Dusan's 
Code "), Arts. 32, 39, 77, 82, 173. 



SERBIAN RULE IN MACEDONIA 43 

Serbia are mentioned in the Code, as in the case of the 
small German mining population, the Bulgars would 
certainly not have been omitted. In the decree issued 
by Dusan at the Council of Skoplje in 1347, whereby he 
made the Monastery of Lesnovo, in Macedonia, the seat 
of the bishopric, he is styled " Stephan, the God-fearing 
Tsar in Christ our Lord and autocrat of the Serbs and 
Greeks and the whole of the Western Regions." * This 
decree concerns some of the most important institutions 
in Macedonia. It was approved by the first Serbian 
Council convoked after the proclamation of the Serbian 
Empire, and it deals not only with the establishment of 
the bishopric, but also with many other matters, such as 
the duties of the subject. Here, also, there is not a word 
about Bulgars. DuSan's usual signature as Tsar ran : 
" Tsar of the Serbs and Greeks," and when signing in 
Latin he styled himself, "Imperator Rascise et Romanise." 2 
Neither of his titles makes mention of Bulgars. 

Nor are Bulgars mentioned in books written in 
Macedonia during the Serbian rule ; nor are they men- 
tioned in any notes in these books. On the contrary, it 
is recorded in these books merely that they were written 
at such and such a place, in such and such a country, 
during the reign of such and such a Serbian sovereign. 
The Serbian sovereigns are praised in these books ; the 
monasteries they built in Macedonia, the gifts they be- 
stowed upon these monasteries, their successes are extolled 
and their victories commemorated. Some of these books 
commemorate the Serbian victories over the Bulgars. 3 

1 " Glasnik Srpskog Ucenog Drustva," vol. xxvii. pp. 288, etc. 

2 V. Grigorovic, " Ocerk putesestvija po Evropciskoj Turciji," 
pp. 49-50. C. Jirecek, " Geschichte der Serben," i. p. 386. 

3 Lj. Stojanovic, " Stari srpski zapisi i natpisi " (" Old Serbian 
Inscriptions and Notes"), Nos. 34, 43, 56, 75, 103, 4944. 



44 MACEDONIA 

Even in those Serbian records which have their origin 
in Macedonia there is no mention made of Bulgars 
anywhere. On the contrary, it clearly transpires from 
these books that the population of Macedonia was 
Serbian. 

Foreign records in this respect absolutely corroborate 
the Serbian. C. Jirecek says that according to the Greek 
historian N. Gregoras, who lived during Dusan's reign, 
there were at the time of Dusan's conquests in South 
Macedonia " Greek and Serbian parties in every town." l 
N. Gregorae relates how the Byzantine Empress Irene 
sent her kinsman Manuel Tarhaniot to seek the fugitive 
Kantakuzen, and how starting from Dimotik he crossed 
the Balkan mountains (the Hsenius) and entered the 
Serbian land. 2 John Kantakuzenos, Who waged long 
wars on Macedonian territory against John, the lawful 
Emperor of Byzantium, against the Empress Anna and 
the Serbian Tsar Du§an, had every opportunity of 
becoming well acquainted with Macedonia and of 
thoroughly exploring it. There are frequent references 
to Serbs in Macedonia in his " History." 3 

Even after DuSan's reign there is no mention of 

1 C. Jirecek, " Geschichte der Serben," i. p. 382. 

2 " Relicto igitur ob metum recto tramite, sinistrum versus per 
ovia contendere arduisque ac difficultibus locis applicare se perrexit, 
donee Haemo monte superato, in Tribalorum terram, illtesus furtim 
delapsus est " (Nieephori Gregorae, " Hist. Bizant.," xiii. 4, 8, 
p. 623, ed. Bonn). 

3 He mentions them as living near Prosek (Prossecum, a town on 
the Vardar at the eastern opening of the Demir Kapija gorge ; now 
in ruins) : " Interea pecuarius quidam Tribalus, iuxtra Prosacum in 
vico Davidis nuncupato habitans Zimpanus (Zivan, a typical Serbian 
name), nomine auditis qu« Cantacuseno . . ." (Joannis Cantacuseni 
Imperatoris Historiarum, iii. 394, vol. ii. p. 256) ; near Philippi 
(between Seres, Drama and Kavala, now in ruins) : " Pauci enim 
Tribali ex proximis vicis concurrentes . . ." (Ibid., iv. 45, vol. ii. 329). 



SERBIAN RULE IN MACEDONIA 45 

Bulgars in Macedonia. Dusan was succeeded on the 
throne of Serbia by his son Tsar Uros (1355-1371). His 
official title was " Stephan Uros, Tsar of the Serbs 
and Greeks." « In a document dating from 1365 the 
sons of Branko Mladenovic, Serbian Governor of the 
county of Ochrid, call Tsar Uro§ "Autocrat of all 
Serbian, Greek, and the Maritime Kegions." 2 

Under the feeble reign of Tsar Uros, the division and 
dismemberment of the Serbian Empire soon set in. 
Macedonia, too, was divided into several parts, the men 
who had acted as governors under Dusan setting them- 
selves up as independent princes in the districts over 
which they ruled. This was an excellent opportunity 
for showing to whom Macedonia truly belonged. The 
new Macedonian sovereigns, who had broken away 
from the Serbian Empire, were no longer in any way 
bound to it. They were independent and could style 
themselves as they pleased. Had their Macedonian 
subjects been Bulgars, there would have been no reason 
why they should not have proclaimed themselves Bul- 
garian sovereigns. Hereby they would not only have 
increased the loyalty of their subjects, but they would 
have eliminated from Macedonia even the shadow of 
the Serbian domination. But we find no trace of this. 
All parts of Macedonia continued to remain Serbian, 
and their sovereigns continued to style themselves 
Serbian princes. 

In Dusan's reign his half-brother (on his mother's 
side) Simeun (Sinisa) was Governor in Epirus and part 
of Macedonia. During UroS's reign, Simeun in 1356 

* V. Grigorovic, " Ocerk putesestvija," p. 51. C. Jirecek, " Gesch. 
d. Serben," i. p. 414. 
- "Spomenik Srpske Kraljevske Akademije," vol. iii. p. 31. 



46 MACEDONIA 

gathered an army composed of " Serbs, Greeks, and 
Albanians," and proclaimed himself independent " Tsar 
of the Greeks, Serbs and all Albania." l In 1361 he 
signed his name thus : " Simeun Palaeologos, god-fear- 
ing Tsar in Christ the Lord and Autocrat of the Greeks 
and Serbs. . . ." 2 On another occasion he styled him- 
self " Simeun Uros Palaeologos, god-fearing Tsar in 
Christ the Lord and Autocrat of the Greeks and Serbs 
and all Albania." 3 

In Dusan's reign Vukasin Mrnjavic was Zupan in 
Prilep. At the beginning of his reign Uros created him 
a Despot, but Vukasin was not satisfied with this. In 
1366 he proclaimed himself an independent King and 
ruled over the territory on either side of the Sar 
Mountain with the chief towns of Prizren, Skoplje, 
Prilep and Bitolj. In all these regions he was acknow- 
ledged by the inhabitants as King. He officially styled 
himself " Lord of the Serbian land, of the Greeks, and 
the Western Kegions." 4 In a letter to the Kepublic of 
Eagusa on April 5, 1370, King Vukasin says of himself, 
" and He (Christ) appointed me lord of all the land of 
Serbia, of the Greeks and Western Kegions." s 

Vukasin's brother Ugljesa proclaimed himself inde- 
pendent ruler of the neighbouring Macedonian counties 
towards the east. In Serbian and Greek records he is 
spoken of as "Despot of Serbia." 6 Both Vukasin and 

1 C. Jirecek, " Gesch. d. Serben," i. p. 415. 

- Fr. Miklosich and Jos. Miiller, "Acta et diplouiata Graaca medii 
aevi," iii. p. 129. 

3 "Glasnik Srpskog Ucenog Drustva," vol. xviii. p. 201. 

* St. Novakovic, " Srbi i Turci " (" Serbs and Turks "), p. 144. 
C. Jirecek, "Gesch. d. Serben," i. pp. 423, 480, 433. 

s Fr. Miklosich, " Monumenta Serbica," p. 180. 

6 Fr. Miklosich et Jos. Miiller, " Acta et diplomata grseca medii sevi," 
i. pp. 553, 558, 559, 571. St. Novakovic, " Srbi i Turci " (" Serbs and 
Turks "), pp. 153, 155, 166. C. Jirecek, " Gesch. d. Serben," i. p. 431. 



SERBIAN RULE IN MACEDONIA 47 

Ugljesa are referred to as "Serbian lords" also in a 
contemporary Bulgarian chronicle (1296-1413). This 
chronicle was penned in Bulgaria, in the Bulgarian 
tongue, and from an altogether Bulgarian point of 
view. 1 The author knew what he was writing about, 
and his testimony is perfectly reliable. 

In the north-east of Macedonia, after having re- 
nounced their allegiance to him, two cousins of Uros, 
the brothers Despot Jovan Dragas and Konstantin 
Dejanovic ruled independently in the territory around 
Istip, Strumica, Kumanovo, Kratovo, and Velbuzd. It 
was after this Konstantin that Velbuzd was renamed 
Custendil. Konstantin's daughter Helen speaks of him 
in 1395 as " the most pious and the most illustrious of 
the Serbian lords." 2 In 1401 an envoy arrived in 
Venice from "Konstantin (Dejanovic), lord of Serbia, 
of that territory which surrounds our own territory of 
Durazzo " (" Constantini domini Serviae, territorii, quod 
est circa territorium nostrum Durachii ").3 

Besides the aforesaid princes there were also in 
Uros's time several lesser territorial lords in Macedonia, 
such as Srbin Novak, the "Kesar" (treasurer) around 
Lake Prespa, Branko Mladenovic of Ochrid, and Bogdan, 
lord of the territory between Salonica and Seres. ■* Of 

* J. Bogdan, " Ein Beitrag zur bulgarischen und serbischen Ge- 
schichtschreibung " (" Archiv fur slavische Pbilologie," iii. 1891, 
p. 527). The Chronicle is " ohne Zweifel in Bulgarien und von einern 
Bulgaren geschrieben wurden, ausserdem ist sie in mittel-bulgar- 
ischer Recension erhalten" (p. 490). "Die Chi-onic ist ganz voni 
Standpunkte eines Bulgaren geschrieben " (p. 492). 

2 Fr. Miklosich et Jos. Miiller, " Acta et diplomata Graeca medii 
aevi," ii. pp. 260, 261. St. Novakovic, " Srbi i Turci " (" Serbs and 
Turks"), p. 190. 

3 " Glasnik Srpskog Ucenog Drustva," vol. iii. p. 198. 
« C. Jirecek, " Gesch. d. Serben," i. pp. 415, 434. 



48 MACEDONIA 

none of these is it anywhere said that they were in 
any way akin to Bulgars. 

The Turks conquered Macedonia as a Serbian country. 
Contemporaneously with the breaking-up of the Serbian 
Empire after Dusan's death came the spreading of the 
Turks in Europe. Already during Dusan's lifetime the 
Turks took Gallipoli from the Greeks (1354) and thence 
began to attack both Byzantine and Serbian territory. 
During the feeble reign of Tsar Uros they had already 
overrun a considerable part. In 1365 Adrianople was 
already the Turkish capital, and the whole territory 
from the Sea of Marmora to the Balkan Mountains and 
from the Black Sea to the Rhodope Mountains was in 
the hands of the Turks. The focus of the Turkish 
power was consequently transferred from Asia to Europe. 
In face of the Turkish peril the Serbian princes were 
compelled to think of serious measures to defend them- 
selves and their lands. During the summer of 1371 
Ugljesa Mrnjavic made preparations to expel the Turks 
from Thrace. He was joined by his brother Vukasin. 
The advance against the Turks began in the autumn of 
that year. On September 26th a decisive encounter took 
place between the Serbs and Turks on the left bank of 
the River Marica, to the east of the Mustafa-Pasha 
Palanka of to-day, north of Cernomen (now called 
Cirmen). The Serbs were defeated and Ugljesa and 
VukaSin perished on the field. After this battle the 
Turks conquered Macedonia. 

Serbian and foreign historical sources agree in stating 
that it was the Serbian army which was defeated on 
the Marica, that Serbian princes perished, and that, 
after the battle, Serbian lands were conquered. 

Serbian historical sources look upon the disaster on 



SERBIAN RULE IN MACEDONIA 49 

the Marica as an event of the Serbian past, and they 
include it in the category of Serbian historic events. 1 
A contemporary of the battle on the Marica, the 
Serbian Monk Jsajija who lived in Seres, not far 
from the spot where the bloody encounter took place 
between the Serbs and Turks, relates " how the 
Despot UgljeSa raised all Serbian and Greek fighting 
men and his brother King VukaSin and many other 
chiefs, to expel the Turks." 2 Vladislav Gramatik, a 
Serbian writer of the second half of the fifteenth 
century, says that " the Serbian army of Macedonia was 
beaten to its knees by the river which is called the 
Marica." 3 The Serbian Patriarch Pajsej, writing in 
the first half of the seventeenth century, says that the 
Turks after taking Adrianople " tried to enter Serbian 
territory," and that they were opposed by UgljeSa and 
Vukasin with the Serbian forces.4 

The historical sources of Western Europe absolutely 
agree with the Serbian records as regards the battle 
on the Marica. The news of the Serbian disaster did 
not reach Pope Gregory XI at Avignon until the spring 
of 1372. Writing in May of that year to King Louis 
of Hungary, to inform him of the situation in the 
Balkan Peninsula after the battle on the Marica, the 
Pope says that in that battle several magnates of the 
Kingdom of Serbia were defeated (" subactis quibusdam 
magnatibus regnii Rasciae"). That same year in the 
autumn the Archbishop of Neopatra, in the duchy of 

1 " Spomenik Srpske Kraljevske Akademije," vol. iii. pp. 95, 126, 
131, 139, 149, 151, 154. 

- Lj. Stojanovic, " Stari Srpski Zapisi i Natpisi " (" Old Serbian 
Inscriptions and Notes "), No. 4944. 

3 " Glasnik Srpskog Ucenog Drustva," vol. xxii. p. 287. 

« " Ibid., p. 222. 

5 



50 MACEDONIA 

Athens, wrote to the Pope telling him that " the Turks 
had gained a brilliant victory over sundry magnates 
of Greece, Vallachia (Thessaly), and the Kingdom of 
Serbia," and that after subduing these lands the Turks 
had advanced up to the frontiers of the duchy of Athens 
and the principality of Achaia. 1 

The records of the nearest neighbours of the Serbians, 
the Roumanians, likewise speak of the disaster on the 
Marica as of a Serbian defeat. In a Roumanian MS. 
dating from the beginning of the seventeenth century, 
we are told that in 1371 " Murat with the Turks 
attacked Ugljesa and VukaSin. They gathered together 
a great Serbian army and accepted battle with the 
Turks . . . the Turks were finally victorious, and 
UgljeSa and VukaSin were slain in the valley of the 
Marica in 1371." 2 

And also the Turks, the opponents of the Serbs in 
the battle of the Marica, and therefore intimately con- 
nected with these events, wrote similarly. Their annals, 
which Zinkeisen drew upon in compiling his Turkish 
History, say that " the Serbian infidels had gathered 
together to attack Adrianople," but that they were 
routed.3 

Finally, the Bulgarian historical sources agree with the 
rest. The contemporary Bulgarian chronicle already 
referred to (1296-1413) relates how Vukasin and 
Ugljesa " gathered a great Serbian army and went up 
against the town of Serez, how the Turks sallied forth 
to oppose them, how there was a great battle and 

1 C. Jirecek, " Gesch. d. Serben," vol. i. p. 440. 

2 V. Grigorovic, " O Serbiji v ea otnoseniah k sosednim derzavam," 
Kazan, 1859, p. 17. 

3 J. W. Zinkeisen, " Geschichbe des osmanischen Reiches," 
Hamburg, 1840, i. p. 224. 



SERBIAN RULE IN MACEDONIA 51 

bloodshed on the Marica, and how the Turks slew 
Ugljesa and Vukasm while the Serbs were in flight." r 

The Turkish historical sources, from which Zin- 
keisen takes his description of the battle on the Marica, 
viz. those of Negri, Irdis-Bitlisi, Sead-Edin, and the 
Turkish chronicler of Leunklav only have traditional 
knowledge of this battle, and were compiled a hundred 
years after the battle had taken place. According 
to them the site of the battle was called at that time 
Sirb Zandughi, which signifies the Serbian peril. The 
place was always referred to by that name. It is to 
this day called Sr6-Sindigi (Serbian downfall), Srb Sidi 
(the Serbian feared), or Srb Hududi (Serbian frontier). 2 
As there were no Serbs engaged in the battle on the 
Marica save those from Macedonia, this Serbian peril 
can only refer to the Serbs of Macedonia. 

The battle on the Marica did not yet put an end to 
the Serbian rule in Macedonia. King Vukasin who 
perished on the Marica was succeeded by his son, King 
Marko (1371-1394), and his brothers Dmitar and Andrija. 
While acknowledging the suzerainty of the Turkish 
Sultan, Marko remained until his death the Serbian, 
King of Macedonia with his capital in Prilep. Like- 
wise as a Turkish vassal Jovan Dragas Dejanovic ruled, 
for some time jointly with his brother Konstantin and 
afterwards as sole ruler, over the territory around 

1 J. Bogdan, " Archiv fur slavische Philologie," xiii. p. 528. 

- See the following references for the foregoing : J. W. Zinkeisen, 
"Geschichte des osmanischen Reiches," i. 225; N. Jorga, " Ge- 
schichte des osmanischen Reiches," i. 1908, Gotha, p. 241 ; Le Vte 
de la Jonquiere, "Histoire de l'Empire Ottoman," i. Paris, 1914, 
p. 70; St. Novakovic, " Srbi i Turd," pp. 176-177; J. Miskovic, 
" Jedan Priloscic Marickom Boju" — "A Contribution to the Battle 
on the Marica" (" Glas Srpske Kraljevske Akademije "), vol lviii. 
p. 111). 



52 MACEDONIA 

Istip, Strumica, Kumanovo, Kratovo and Velbuzd. 
Finally, south of that, in the district between Salonica, 
Seres, and Lake Dojran, lay Bogdan's state. These 
Serbian princes paid tribute to the Sultan and had to 
furnish him with auxiliary contingents when he went 
to war, but in all other respects they were quite inde- 
pendent. They carried on the traditions of the Serbian 
kings in their territories ; they built and restored 
churches and monasteries, endowed them handsomely 
and protected the Serbian people. King Mafko (Kral- 
jevic Marko) is to this day the most popular hero of 
the national ballad poetry in all Serbian lands. Fight- 
ing as Turkish vassals both King Marko and Jovan 
Dragas perished in the Battle of Bovine in 1394 against 
the Boumanian Duke Mirce. After their death the 
Turks definitely subjugated their lands. The last 
Serbian ruler in Macedonia was Bogdan, who can be 
traced up to the year 1413. 

But the Serbian influence in Macedonia did not end 
then. It extended far into the dark days of the 
Turkish domination in Macedonia. The influence of 
Serbian ruling and noble families persisted for a long 
time in Macedonia, and disappeared only with the 
death in 1487 of the Sultana Marija, the daughter of 
the Serbian Despot Djuradj Brankovic. This princess 
was married to the Sultan Murat II. When she 
became a widow in 1451 she at first returned to what 
was left of free Serbia in those days ; but in 1457 she 
quitted Serbia and took up her residence in Macedonia 
at Jezevo near Seres, where she lived until her death. 
Her life and work may be looked upon as a continua- 
tion of the Serbian rule and Serbian influence in 
Macedonia. Although the spouse of a Turkish sultan, 



SERBIAN RULE IN MACEDONIA 53 

she supported the Christian Churches, priests and 
monks, and bestowed her charity upon the world of 
the Christians. In her widowhood, highly respected 
and generously treated by the Sultan Mehmed II, 
she enjoyed an ample and quasi-royal maintenance in 
Macedonia. But what matters in this connection is 
that she occupied the position of a kind of Serbian 
sovereign in Macedonia. In her letters she writes like 
a reigning Tsaritsa, assuming the royal titles of the 
Serbian kings in the days of their independence, " Carica 
i samodrzica Kira Marija " (Empress and Autocrat Lady 
Mary). She insists even more distinctly on her 
Serbian nationality when in her letters she clearly 
indicates her connection with her Serbian kin (" Sultana 
Cara Murata, Carica Mara, kci Djurdja Despota" — 
Tsaritsa Mara, spouse of the Sultan Tsar Murat and 
daughter of the Despot Djuradj). On her letters she 
always employed her father's seal with the inscription 
" Gospodin Despot Djuradj ,! (Lord Despot Djuradj). 

The Sultana Marija went even further. She worked 
in j;he spirit of the Serbian kings of old. She, like 
them, endowed churches and monasteries, and protected 
them. She not only compelled the Turks to fulfil their 
obligations towards the Serbian people, but, like a 
real sovereign, entered into relations with other States 
besides Turkey. The Eagusan archives contain many 
letters from her addressed to the Republic of Ragusa. 
In these letters she arranged that the tribute which 
the Ragusans were compelled to pay to the Serbian 
Church in Jerusalem at the time of the Serbian kings 
should henceforth be given to the Serbian Monasteries 
of Hilendar and St. Paul at the Mount of Athos, 
u which were built by our ancestors St. Simeon 



54 MACEDONIA 

Nemanja, the Archbishop St. Sava, and others who 
have succeeded them unto this day." In her letters 
she refers to the Serbian laws, " which were compiled 
by my imperial forbears, Tsar Dusan and Tsar 
Uros." 

The Serbian kings had always paid special respect 
to the memory of those godly men who first preached 
the Gospel to the Balkan Slavs. There were many 
such missionaries in Macedonia during the tenth 
century. Because of their godly work they were canon- 
ized and popular legends about them grew up among 
the people. After conquering Macedonia the Serbian 
kings and nobles abundantly honoured the memory of 
these preachers of Christianity by erecting monasteries 
over their graves or in places connected with their work. 
Thus were founded in Macedonia the monasteries of 
Sarandapor and Xagoricino, which were built by 
King Milutin and dedicated to St. Jovan Sarandaporski, 
the Monastery of the Blessed Archangel in Lesnovo, 
which was built in honour of St. Gabriel Lesnovski by 
the Serbian Despot Oliver, and the Monastery of Rilo 
which was built by the noble Hrelja in honour of 
St. John Rilski. The Sultana Marija followed in the 
footsteps of the Serbian kings with regard to these 
saints. She restored the Monastery of Rilo. The body 
of St. John of Rilo. which had been worshipped as a 
holy relic in the Rilo Mountain near this monastery 
had since then been moved from one place to another 
until it reached the Bulgarian capital of Trnovo. Not 
wishing it to remain in a foreign land, the monks of Rilo 
begged that the remains of St. John Rilski might be 
transferred to the Monastery of Rilo. Thanks to the 
efforts of the Sultana Marija the wish of the Serbian 



SERBIAN RULE IN MACEDONIA 55 

monks was fulfilled with great pomp and amid a great 
concourse of Serbs from Macedonia. Thus the Serbian 
people of Macedonia realized the presence of a Serbian 
Empress among them even in the midst of the Turkish 
rule. 

Before the end of her life the Sultana Marija brought 
her sister Kantakuzina to live with her, and both together 
protected the Serbian people and the Christian faith 
in Macedonia. The Sultana died on September 14, 
1487, and was laid to rest in the Monastery of Kosanica 
near Seres. Her sister was buried at Konca, above 
Strumica. 

Because of her devotion to the Christian faith and 
to the Serbian people an abundant tradition of the 
Sultana Marija has survived. A strip of the coast 
between Salonica and the Peninsula of Kasandra has 
been named Kalamarija after her — Mary the Good. 

Only with the death in 1487 of the Sultana Marija 
did the influence of the tradition of Serbian rule in 
Macedonia finally come to an end. 



VI 



DIFFERENCE BETWEEN SERBIAN AND BUL- 
GARIAN RULES IN MACEDONIA 

Comparative duration of Bulgarian and Serbian rules in Macedonia — 
Bulgars and conquered Slavs in Macedonia two nations — Bulgars 
are masters, and Macedonians slaves — Reasons why they never 
mingled — No traces left of Bulgarian rule in Macedonia, either 
ethnically or as regards civilization — Misconceptions concerning 
Bulgaria's role in the creation of Slav letters and literature — The 
Macedonians pioneers of Christianity among the Slavs — The first 
Slav apostles natives of Macedonia — Bulgars also receive Chris- 
tianity from Macedonia — Language of earliest Slav books merely 
called " Slav " — Second Bulgarian rule in Macedonia, short, 
tyrannical, and obnoxious 

Serbs and Macedonians are but one nation — Serbian rulers 
the liberators and unifiers of the Serbian nation into one 
state entity — Serbian rule in Macedonia represents the zenith 
of Serbian civilization — Building of monasteries and intellectual 
progress in Macedonia — Serbian literature in Macedonia — 
Dusan's Code originated in Macedonia — Macedonia the heart 
and focus of the Serbian Empire — Serbian capitals situated in 
Macedonia — State Councils, at which the fate of the nation was 
decided, held in Macedonia — It was in Macedonia that Serbia 
was elevated to the rank of an Empire and the Serbian Church 
to that of a Patriarchate — Byzantine influence reaches Serbia 
through Macedonia 

BULGARIAN rule in Macedonia lasted, as we have 
seen, from a.d. 861 to a.d. 969, from a.d. 1202 to 
A.D. 1204, and from a.d. 1230 to a.d. 1246, one hundred 
and twenty-nine years in all. The Serbian rule, not 
counting the reign of the Sultana Marija, lasted from 

56 



SERBIAN AND BULGARIAN RULE 57 

a.d. 1282 to a.d. 1413, or one hundred and thirty-one 
years in all. As regards length, there is practically 
nothing to choose between the Bulgarian rule and the 
Serbian in Macedonia, except, perhaps, in so far 
as the Bulgarian rule was interrupted, whereas the 
Serbian was continuous. There is, nevertheless, a 
great and real difference between the Bulgarian rule 
and the Serbian in Macedonia. 

The Bulgars and the conquered Macedonians were two 
different nations as regards origin, race, and civilization. 
Special conditions were required to bring about their 
fusion into one nation. Such fusion, however, was out 
of the question. The Bulgarian conquerors in Macedonia 
represented an infinitesimal layer, which kept itself aloof 
from the nation at large and refrained from intermingling 
with it. When the Bulgars took Macedonia for the first 
time from Byzantium they established their garrisons in 
the cities and thence ruled the nation at large as the 
Greeks had previously done. Under these conditions 
the Macedonian populace, which was mostly rural, 
merely exchanged one master for another. The Mace- 
donian clans continued to live under their tribal chief- 
tains under the Bulgarian rule as they had formerly done 
under the Greek, only instead of paying tribute to the 
Greeks they now paid it to the Bulgars. Reliable 
Byzantine sources actually mention that such relations 
did subsist between the Macedonians and the Bulgars. 1 
Between the Bulgarian masters and the conquered Mace- 
donians there was no intermingling. And in Macedonia 
the Bulgars represented only a superficial layer which 
never penetrated the depths of the nation at large. In 
Macedonia the Bulgarian rule was the same as later on 
■ J. Cameniata, ed, Bonn, 496, p. 6, 



58 MACEDONIA 

the Turkish, which in more than five hundred years 
failed to produce ethnical changes in the indigenous 
population. The Bulgars, too, exercised no ethnical 
influence on the body of the people ; it remained 
entirely unchanged. 

The first period of Bulgarian rule in Macedonia falls 
into the time when the Bulgars were still barbarians. 
The population of Macedonia was then, as far as 
civilization is concerned, far ahead of its conquerors. 
For this reason it was impossible for the Bulgars to 
leave traces of a Bulgarian civilization in Macedonia. 

To the Macedonian Slavs falls the honour that, 
towards the middle of the ninth century, the first 
Slav Christian books and MSS. were written in their 
dialect. From this has arisen a misapprehension, as 
though the earliest Slav writings had been written in 
the Bulgarian tongue and as though the Bulgars were 
responsible for this achievement. The very stage at 
which Bulgarian civilization was at that time gives the 
lie to such an assumption. Positive facts which we will 
go into definitely exclude any theory in favour of the 
Bulgars. 

Immediately after the immigration of the Slavs into 
the Balkan Peninsula, Christianity began gradually to 
spread among them. Assisted by the imperial officials, 
Greek and Roman missionaries induced the pagan Slavs 
to accept Christianity. Among the less-frequented, 
isolated mountain tribes matters did not always go 
smoothly, but in the more accessible parts of the 
country, where there were cities, as in Macedonia and 
Thessaly, they progressed far more satisfactorily. At 
a very early date new bishoprics were created whence 
Christianity was propagated among the Slavs. Presently 



SERBIAN AND BULGARIAN RULE 59 

Slavs were even ordained to the priesthood. It is true 
that divine service continued to be celebrated in Greek, 
but the priests had to preach and to impart instruction to 
the people in the Slav tongue. By adapting the words 
of their native tongue to Christian ideas these Slav 
priests laid the first foundations of Slav Christianity. 
Thus the definite conversion of the Slavs to the Christian 
faith was largely prepared in Macedonia. Macedonia is 
the cradle of Slav Christianity. But all this movement 
towards converting the Slavs is in no way connected 
with the Bulgars. It took place generations before any 
Bulgar set foot in Macedonia. 

This first, partial conversion of the Macedonian Slavs 
was only the prelude of their final and complete adoption 
of Christianity. This, too, was quite unconnected with 
the Bulgars. It was fully prepared before the Bulgars 
ever conquered Macedonia. The brothers Cyril and 
Method, natives of Salonica, were the true apostles of 
Christianity among the Slavs. Being highly accom- 
plished, they were also well acquainted with the Mace- 
donian dialect. Method was for many years Greek 
Governor of a Slav province in Macedonia, before A the 
beginning of the Bulgarian conquest. 

In 862 the Moravian princes, Bastislav and Svetopluk, 
sent envoys to the Byzantine Emperor Michael III, 
asking for missionaries acquainted with the Slav tongue 
and the Christian faith, who would introduce Christianity 
in the Slav language in Moravia. For this task Cyril and 
Method were chosen ; they invented the Slav alphabet, 
translated the most needful of the Holy Scriptures and 
liturgic writings into the language of the Macedonians, 
and undertook the charge entrusted to them in Moravia. 
The mission of the Moravian princes falls into the year 



60 MACEDONIA 

862, and the Bulgars began their conquest of Macedonia 
in 861. Long before that date Cyril and Method were 
in Constantinople. The Slav language they knew was 
the Macedonian. Their labours in translating the Holy 
Scriptures are outside any connection with the Bulgars. 
In all records, both contemporary and subsequent, their 
language is called simply the Slav, and nowhere the 
Bulgarian. 1 The great achievement of the foundation 
of Slav letters is in no way connected wjth the Bulgars. 

Likewise the systematic spreading of Christianity 
among the Balkan Slavs by the disciples of Cyril and 
Method was also undertaken independently of the 
Bulgars. 

The time when the Bulgars were establishing them- 
selves in Macedonia coincides with the beginning of the 
persecution of the followers of Cyril and Method in 
Moravia. Some of them sought refuge in Bulgaria. 
The Bulgarian Tsar Boris (852-888) received them well, 
but did not keep them in Bulgaria, sending them on to 
Macedonia instead. Bulgaria was not a suitable field for 
the Slav preachers of Christianity. 

Towards the end of the seventh century the Turanian 
Bulgars had destroyed the first harvest of the Gospel 
which Christian missionaries had sown among the Slavs 
before the arrival of the Bulgars in those countries which 
they subdued. A long time elapsed before we find fresh 

» V. Djeric, Professor at the University of Belgrade, has studied 
all history sources from the ninth to the twelfth centuries, in which 
the language of the Slavs of the Balkan Peninsula of that period is 
mentioned, and found nowhere that the language of the earliest Slav 
books is called anything but Slav. There are no traces at all of the 
Bulgarian designation (V. Djeric, " O Srpskom imenu u Staroj 
Srbiji i Makedoniji '.' ("The term 'Serbian' in Old Serbia and 
Macedonia"), Belgrade, 1904, pp. 32-38. 



SERBIAN AND BULGARIAN RULE 61 

attempts to introduce Christianity among the Bulgars. 
As with all barbarians, the work of converting them was 
fraught with difficulty. Even those who were baptized 
frequently reverted to their old faith. Neither were 
such of the Bulgarian sovereigns who adopted Chris- 
tianity reliable converts. Tsar Boris, who became a 
Christian, abdicated about a.d. 888 in favour of his son 
Vladimir, but soon found himself compelled to resume 
the reins of government because the new Tsar renounced 
Christianity and reverted to paganism. Boris defeated 
him, blinded him for punishment, and placed his younger 
son Simeon upon the throne. Islam, too, had by this 
time taken considerable root among the Bulgars. Pope 
Nicholas mentions in a letter that Saracen books were 
found among the Bulgars. (Libri profani, quos a Sara- 
cenis vos abstulisse ac apud vos habere perhibetis.) 
Neither did the Bulgarian people, who still preserved 
many Turanian qualities in their pristine savagery, 
present a suitable field for the growth of Christianity. 
Finally, the Slav language in Bulgaria had not yet 
assumed a definite form. 

In Macedonia, the cradle of Slav Christianity, con- 
ditions were altogether different. There the spreading 
of Christianity among the Slavs was not in any way 
impeded, but its progress was constantly maintained. 
There no Bulgarian influence interfered with the lan- 
guage. The Holy Scriptures could be understood by 
everybody. The race was pure and of settled habits. 
These were suitable conditions for the lofty mission of 
the persecuted Slav ministers of the Gospel from Moravia. 
For this reason Tsar Boris directed them to Macedonia. 
It is in Macedonia that the new era of Slav Christianity 
then began, with the Holy Scriptures no longer in 



62 MACEDONIA 

Greek, but in the Slav tongue, and with divine service 
celebrated in Slav. There were compiled fresh trans- 
lations of the Christian writings, and there were laid the 
first foundations of Slav literature. This Slav Chris- 
tianity made a vigorous start. From Macedonia its 
radiant beams spread in all directions — to Serbia, to 
Bulgaria, and to Bussia. 

This is the substratum of fact in the great legend of 
the part played by Bulgaria in the first introduction 
of Christianity and letters among the Slavs. 

As uncivilized foreigners and invaders, the Bulgars 
could only be hated in Macedonia. That is why the 
Macedonian Slavs rebelled against them, drove them out, 
freed themselves and established a state of their own. 

Thus ended the first Bulgarian rule in Macedonia, nor 
did there remain in Macedonia either ethnical traces of 
it or the legacy of a civilization. 

The second Bulgarian rule in Macedonia represents an 
easily won success during an auspicious opportunity. It 
was short — only twenty-one years in all ; far too short a 
time to alter the ethnic character of a large country. 
Moreover, this time also the Bulgars only garrisoned the 
towns without having intercourse with the native popu- 
lation or mingling with it. Lastly, the Bulgarian rule 
was so barbarous that it inspired nothing but loathing 
among the nation. The Bulgarian rulers were cruel and 
bloodthirsty tyrants. They knew no moderation in deal- 
ing with a conquered populace. Their principes imperii 
(Princes of the Empire) were mere savages. Frankish 
and Byzantine historians describe the disgusting cruelty 
of the Bulgarian Tsar Kalojan (1197-1207). Ivanko, the 
nephew and assassin of Tsar Asen I, used to have Greek 
prisoners executed during his banquets in order to add 



SERBIAN AND BULGARIAN RULE 63 

zest to his revelry and enjoyment. This is a sample of 
the kind of rule the Bulgars brought to Macedonia. 
Strez, who was governor of part of Macedonia during 
the Bulgarian rule, is a fair representative of Bulgarian 
rule in Macedonia. In his castle at Prosek, perched on 
a rock high above the Vardar, he had a wooden platform 
built, where it was his custom, when he was in his cups, 
to condemn men to death for the slightest offence, 
causing them to be cast from the platform into the 
torrent of the Vardar far below. " While the poor 
wretches were being dashed to pieces on the rocks, he 
used to shout in mockery : ' Mind you do not spoil your 
skin ! ' There was no place for those cast down to fall, 
except the river. If a man was not rescued thence by 
some of his kinsfolk, or by godfearing men, or washed 
ashore by the waves, he remained in the river, and was 
devoured by the fish." 

Thus a contemporary, who was perhaps an eye-witness 
of these horrors, describes the Bulgarian rule in Mace- 
donia. 1 Such are the memories of the second Bulgarian 
rule in Macedonia. 

Serbian rule in Macedonia bears quite a different 
character ; it is bound up with altogether different 
memories. 

The Serbs and the Macedonians are one and the same 
nation as regards origin, race, and civilization. There 
were no differences between them that had to be 
adjusted or equalized. The Serbs were not conquerors 
or aggressors in Macedonia, but liberators. Mediaeval 
records refer to the Serbian rulers as the "liberators" 

1 "Zivot Svetoga Save" ("Life of St. Sava"), by Donientijan, 
ed. Dj. Danicic\ Belgrade, 1860, p. 106. 



64 MACEDONIA 

(osvoboditelji) and "gatherers" (savakupitelji) into one 
realm of the whole Serbian nation. 

The Serbs in Macedonia did not represent a ruling 
class, but the sons of a brother nation, who had brought 
freedom. They did not seek riches and booty in Mace- 
donia, but themselves imported wealth and prosperity. 
At the time of her acquisition of Macedonia, Serbia had 
attained a high level of material prosperity. Her trade 
in minerals, agricultural produce, and cattle with her 
neighbours had so enhanced Serbia's reputation that 
even Bulgars left their country and emigrated to Serbia. 
The effects of the wealth of King Milutin were felt far 
beyond the borders of Serbia, in Constantinople, in 
Salonica and Jerusalem, where he built churches and 
hospitals for the poor. In Dusan's time Serbia was the 
richest country in the Balkan Peninsula. Dusan 
endowed monasteries " on a golden scale," and show- 
ered gifts in all directions. 1 On their entrance into 
Macedonia the Serbs caused the Macedonians to share 
in their freedom, prosperity, and wealth. 

While the Bulgarian rule in Macedonia marked the 
acme of barbarity, the Serbian rule brought a golden era 
of Serbian civilization. Upon their entrance into Mace- 
donia the Serbs destroyed and abolished nothing. It 
was the opposite that was the case. During the short 
time that he ruled in Skoplje, King Uros confirmed the 
Church in all its old privileges which had been granted to 
it by the Bulgarian Tsar Asen II. Tsar Dusan over- 
whelmed the Monastery of St. Jovan Preteca — founded 
by the Greek Emperor Andronikos and situated near 
Serez — with his generosity, granted it certain rights 
and endowed it by patents specially drawn up in 
1 C. Jirecek, " Gesch. d. Serben," i. pp. 338, 391. 



SERBIAN AND BULGARIAN RULE 65 

Greek. 1 All monasteries and holy places in Macedonia were 
respected by the Serbs. The Greek cities of Macedonia, 
which enjoyed special privileges under the Greek rule, 
were confirmed in these privileges by special decree. 2 

By acquiring Macedonia the Serbs merely extended to 
her the field for developing their civilization. While of 
the Bulgarian rule in Macedonia there remains not 
one typical church, nor painting, nor literary record, the 
mementoes of the rule of the Serbs in Macedonia are 
cogent proof of their presence there. 

The list of churches and monasteries which the 
Serbs have either built or restored, or handsomely 
endowed in Macedonia, is a long one.3 

By the consensus of expert opinion all these churches 

1 V. Grigorovic, " Ocerk putesestvija," p. 145. 

2 C. Jirecek, " Gesch. d. Serben," i. p. 386. 

3 We cannot refrain from mentioning at least some of the principal 
monasteries among those which the Serbian kings either built or 
restored in Macedonia, viz. the Church of Our Blessed Redeemer 
near Custendil, which Stephan Decanski built to commemorate 
his victory over the Bulgars and to which we have already- 
referred. King Milutin built the Church of Our Blessed Lady 
Trojerucica (with the three hands) at Skoplje ; the Church of St. 
George Nagoridinski near Kumanovo ; the Church of St. John 
Sarandaporski in the same neighbourhood ; the Church of St. George 
on the River Spreva in Skoplje ; St. Constantine's in Skoplje ; the 
Church of St. Nikita Martyr near Skoplje. Dusan built the Church 
of Our Blessed Lady in Tetovo ; the Monastery of Treskavac near 
Prilep ; the Monastery of Zrze near Prilep ; the Church of St. John 
Preteca near Serez. Tsar Uros built the Church of Our Blessed Lady 
in Skoplje. King Vukasin and his sons built the Church of St. 
Demitrius (Marko's Monastery) near Skoplje. Tsar Simeon (Sinisa) 
built the Churches of the Holy Archangel and St. Elias in Kostur ; and 
the Church of Our Blessed Lady in Janjina. Uglesa built the Monas- 
tery of Samotrepa. Constantine Dejanovic built the Monastery of 
Osogovo near Kriva Palanka. Despot Oliver built the Monastery 
of Lesnovo near Istip. Hrelja built the Monastery of Bilo and the 
Church of the Holy Archangel in Istip. Novak built the Church of 
Our Blessed Lady on the Isle Mali Grad in Lake Prcspa, and so oh, 

6 



66 MACEDONIA 

are classified as examples of Serbian architecture, just the 
same as the monasteries in other Serbian countries. Many 
of these edifices are to-day in ruins ; but so far as they 
have been preserved they bear witness to the high level 
of Serbian architecture and artistic taste at the time. 

The images in them are also Serbian in character. 
And they bear yet another Serbian sign, viz. the repre- 
sentations of Serbian kings and worthies, and the 
Serbian legends on those pictures. 1 

When building churches and monasteries in Mace- 
donia, the Serbian kings and princes liberally endowed 
them nvith money and other property, such as villages 
and tolls on produce, thus affording them facilities for 
becoming centres of education and learning. They were 
the seats of schools and literary studies. Many Serbian 
books on various subjects were penned within their walls. 

1 The Bulgarian agents have destroyed many of the paintings 
representing Serbian kings and princes and the legends referring 
to them in the churches and monasteries of Macedonia. Of those 
which have been preserved we will mention the paintings represent- 
ing St. Sava, the first Serbian Archbishop of Serbia ; those of Tsar 
Uros and King Marko in the Church of St. Demitrius near Skoplje ; 
that of King Milubin in the Church of St. George Nagoricinski ; repre- 
sentations of King Dusan, Queen Jelena, and the Kraljevic Uros in 
the Monastery of St. Nicholas near Skoplje ; paintings of Tsar Uros 
and King Vukasin in the Church of St. Nicholas in Psaca (near 
Kumanovo) ; paintings representing Tsar Dusan, Tsaritsa Jelena, 
Despot Oliver and his wife Marija in the Monastery of Lesnovo ; 
those of Tsar Dusan, Tsaritsa Jelena, and their son Uros in the 
Monastery of St. John Preteca near Serez ; painting representing 
King Vukasin in the Church of the Holy Archangel in Prilep, and 
the picture of King Marko in the church near Prilep. Paintings 
representing Stephan Nemanja, St. Sava, Stephan Decanski, King 
Milutin, Tsar Uros, Milos Obilic, etc., have been preserved in the 
churches and monasteries in Skopska Crna Gora (Montenegro). 
" Everywhere these pictures were given the most prominent posi- 
tions " (Srpska Kraljevska Akademija, " Naselja Srpskih Zemalja") 
(" Settlement of the Serbian Lands"), vol. iii. pp. 500-507, 



SERBIAN AND BULGARIAN RULE 67 

Besides those written in the Macedonian monasteries, 
many contemporary Serbian books written elsewhere 
have also been preserved. In all of these it is men- 
tioned that they were written during the reign of such 
and such a Serbian ruler, or prince of the Church, and 
on Serbian territory. Not one of them mentions Bulgars, 
except in so far as some of these books commemorate 
victories over the Bulgars. 1 

Speaking of the Serbian literary monuments in Mace- 
donia, we must not forget to mention the most 
important among them, perhaps the most important 
of all the Serbian literary records of the Middle Ages, 
viz. Dusan's Code. This celebrated achievement of 
Serbian literature and civilization was compiled in 
Macedonia, in Skoplje and Serez, at the State Coun- 
cils (Sabor) of 1349 and 1354. 

Under the Bulgarian rule Macedonia was a mere 
province of secondary importance, a march of the' 
Bulgarian Empire. Under the Serbian rule Macedonia 
was the centre of the life of the Empire. As soon as 
King Milutin had taken Skoplje he made it the capital 
of Serbia. Dusan spent nearly the whole of his reign 
in Macedonia, where he had many royal residences. 
In Prilep he built an Imperial palace for himself. The 
winters of 1354 and 1355 he spent in his palace at 
Serez. Serez was the residence of Tsaritsa Jelena, 
Dusan's wife. She continued to live there even after 
she had taken the veil. Serez was subsequently the 
capital of Jovan Ugljesa. Prilep was the permanent 
capital of King Vukasin and King Marko. Branko 
Mladenovic made Ochrid his capital, and all the other 

1 See Lj^Stojanovic, " Stari Srpski Zapisi i Natpisi " (" Old Serbian 
Inscriptions and Notes "), Nob. 34, 43, 56, 75, 102, 103, 4944. 



68 MACEDONIA 

Serbian princes who ruled in Macedonia likewise had 
their capitals there. 

Most important events in Serbia's domestic history 
took place in Macedonia, the heart of Serbian State 
life, and the fate of the Serbian nation was decided 
within her borders. In Macedonia were held those 
Serbian State Assemblies or Councils (Sabor=Assembly, 
Council ; Sabor Srpski = Serbian Council ; Sabor Zemlje 
Srpske = Serbian Land Council ; Sabor otacastvija = 
Council of the Fatherland, as these assemblies are 
actually called in old historic records) at which most 
far-reaching decisions were taken. We have already 
referred to two of these Councils, those of Skoplje and 
Serez, at which Dusan's Code was compiled. At the 
Council of Skoplje in 1346, Serbia was proclaimed an 
Empire, and Dusan crowned the first Serbian Tsar. 
At the same Council the Archbishopric of Serbia was 
raised to the rank of a Patriarchate. The Bishopric of 
Lesnovo was created at the Council of Skoplje in 1347. 
At the Council of Serez in 1354 a new Patriarch was 
appointed. A Council was held in Krupiste, south of 
Kostur, in 1355. In 1357 there was another Council 
in Skoplje, and so forth. 

It was in Macedonia that Serbia not only achieved 
her full strength and significance, but also her complete 
external development. It was there that on Easter 
Sunday, April 17, 1346, Serbia proclaimed herself an 
Empire at the State Council in Skoplje. The greatest 
day in Serbia's past was celebrated in Macedonia, when 
Serbia became an^ Empire and the Serbian King and 
Queen were proclaimed Tsar and Tsaritsa. There the 
new Serbian Imperial Palace became the equal of that 
in Constantinople in splendour, ceremonial, and * its 
attendant nobility. 



SERBIAN AND BULGARIAN RULE 69 

Such are the memories bequeathed to Macedonia by 
the Serbian rule. "While national tradition in Macedonia 
does not retain even the slightest memento of the 
Bulgarian rule, it cherishes naught but events from the 
Serbian past, and none but heroes of (Serbian history. 

Such was the Serbian rule in Macedonia. 

***** 

Macedonia undoubtedly also influenced Serbia. But 
even here we find no trace of anything Bulgarian. It 
was purely a Greek influence. Macedonia is an old 
Greek province. Although after the immigration of 
the Slavs the population became Slav in the majority, 
yet Greek civilization remained strong within her. Very 
frequently in the cities the Greeks were in the majority. 
They already possessed Christianity ; ecclesiastical power, 
literature, higher civilization, the learned professions, 
commerce, and administration were all in their hands. 
All of this subsequently passed over to the Serbs in 
Macedonia. During the Serbian rule in Macedonia the 
memory of the Greek domination was still quite fresh. 
For this reason Macedonia is sometimes referred to 
as the " Greek country " in old Serbian records. Nor 
were the Greeks or Greek literature in any way sup- 
pressed by the Serbian sovereigns. The latter styled 
themselves rulers of the " Serbs and Greeks." The State 
ceremonial, official titles, the life of the Court and Serbian 
usage of that age in many ways betray the Greek 
influence. This was Serbia's experience in conquering 
Macedonia, an experience which continued to gain 
strength in time, in spite of her being already under 
the influence of Byzantine culture. Of the Bulgars and 
Bulgarian influence in Macedonia, Serbia felt nothing, 
nor could she have felt anything, for indeed there was 
none left in Macedonia. 



VII 

TURKISH RULE IN MACEDONIA 

Complete disappearance of the Bulgars under Turkish rule — Serbian 
national life not arrested by Turkish conquest — Macedonians 
remain Serbian under Turkish rule — Significance of the indepen- 
dent Serbian Patriarchate for the Serbian nation during the 
Turkish rule — Macedonia an integral part of the Serbian 
Patriarchate 

WITH the fall of Macedonia under the Turkish 
domination, every connection between her and 
Serbia was severed. Surely this was the moment for 
the Macedonians to prove what they truly were. And 
they proved it. During the whole time of the Turkish 
rule in Macedonia, the Macedonians have remained Serbs. 
Meantime there were no causes at work which might have 
wrought changes to the advantage of the Bulgars. The 
Bulgarian Empire was conquered by the Turkish during 
the Turkish invasion of 1393, before the final fall of 
Macedonia. Bulgaria disappeared completely under the 
Turkish rule, and for centuries she was as utterly un- 
known as though she did not exist. " Under the Turks, 
the Bulgars ceased to exist as a nation ; they were only 
a host of individuals, oppressed, vanquished, and reduced 
to abject misery. Even the designation ' nation ' {jazik) 
had disappeared, and its place was taken by the word 
khora, which means a multitude, a rabble of ignorant 
folk, condemned to labour and to forced labour." Such 

70 



TURKISH RULE IN MACEDONIA 71 

is the description of the Bulgars during the Turkish 
rule, by the Bulgarian historian M. Drinov, a Bulgar 
by nationality, Professor at the University of Harkow 
and the first Minister of Public Instruction in resusci- 
tated Bulgaria. 1 How could a Bulgaria in this condition 
have had any power to Bulgarize the Serbian people of 
Macedonia under the Turkish rule ? 

As regards the Serbs, the case was different. Therefore 
the Serbian sentiment of the Macedonians never flagged. 
The Serbian principalities north of Macedonia survived 
the fall of Macedonia for many years (Serbia until 1459, 
Bosnia until 1463, Hercegovina until 1482, Zeta until 
1499). So long as these States survived, Macedonia 
looked upon them as a pledge of hope for liberation 
from the Turks and the return of the conditions which 
prevailed before the Turkish conquest. The story of the 
fall of the Serbian States teems with glorious examples 
of heroic fighting and self-sacrifice, which have enriched 
the popular traditions of Macedonia even as they enriched 
those of every other Serbian country. Nor did the Serbs 
disappear under the Turks. The entire history of the 
Turkish Empire in the Balkan Peninsula is strongly inter- 
woven with Serbia's share, in which the Macedonians 
always played a thoroughly Serbian part. They were 
staunch guardians of their national Serbian feeling, 
their Serbian churches and monasteries, Serbian culture 
and history. Finally, they were also warriors for the 
liberation of the Serbian people from the Turkish yoke. 

Under the Turkish rule it was an accepted fact that 

the nation which possessed an autonomous Church also 

retained its status and significance as a nation. Christians 

who had no autonomous Church were simply so many 

1 "Teriodiceskoe Spisanie," iv. p. 4 (in Bulgarian). 



72 MACEDONIA 

Turkish subjects, without any nationality or status of 
their own. The Bulgars had no autonomous church 
under the Turkish rule. When the Turks conquered the 
Bulgarian Empire they likewise abolished the Bulgarian 
autonomous Patriarchate in Trnovo, and affiliated it to 
the Greek Patriarchate in Constantinople. This is one 
of the chief reasons why the Bulgars even in their own 
fatherland "had no existence as a nation" under the 
Turks, but only as a " host of individuals." Even under 
the Turkish rule the Serbs retained their autonomous 
Church. The Serbian autonomous Patriarchate of Ipek, 
whose spiritual powers extended over Macedonia also, 
continued in many respects to embody the role played 
formerly by the Serbian State. Herein lies the reason 
why the Serbian nation has everywhere, including 
Macedonia, preserved the national Serbian consciousness. 
The autonomous Churches possessed a vast significance 
under the Turkish regime. They were, so far as Turkish 
abuses permitted, a kind of imperium in imperio. They 
were absolutely independent as regards the religious and 
national affairs of their adherents. In all the autonomous 
Christian Churches in Turkey the election of the Patri- 
arch and all other dignitaries of the Church was free. 
The Sultan was merely entitled to confirm them in their 
dignities. The Patriarch was the highest spiritual 
authority, and the supreme guardian of the national 
interests of his people. He was not only allowed full 
freedom to exercise his spiritual functions, but also to 
protect national traditions, customs, and institutions, 
so long as these did not clash with the interests of 
the Turkish State. The ecclesiastical authorities were 
entitled to administer justice. Not only religious matters 
and the clergy came under their jurisdiction, but they 



TURKISH ROLE IN MACEDONIA 73 

were the real temporal courts of justice in all matters 
arising from the rites and ordinances of the Church. All 
questions pertaining to marriage and divorce were dealt 
with by the' spiritual courts. Even the question of the 
dowry, the maintenance of a divorced wife, and the care 
of the children of divorced parents were dealt with by 
these courts. They were empowered also to administer 
the laws dealing with wills and bequests, the question of 
inheritance, the adoption of children, and everything else 
in any way connected with religious observance. The 
Church was also the authority in educational matters. 
Schools, letters and literature were the exclusive province 
of the clergy. A nation possessing no Church autonomy 
under the Turks was also without the means of safe- 
guarding its civilization. The Church parish, which 
existed everywhere under the Turkish rule, was an 
institution within whose scope the nation was entitled 
to minister to its spiritual and national needs. Through 
it the higher dignitaries of the Church were in touch 
with the common people. From the patriarch on his 
throne to the poorest of the poor all were in direct touch, 
and all were imbued with the same religious and national 
spirit. 

The Serbian prelates were the chiefest and most 
eloquent representatives of the unity and solidarity of 
the nation. As such they were its natural envoys and 
representatives in all its relations with the Turkish 
Government and its officials. On behalf of their people 
they concluded treaties with the Turks, protested against 
acts of injustice, offered themselves as hostages for the 
sake of the people, and exposed themselves to endless 
dangers. The lesser clergy and the people obeyed them ; 
they submitted to the guidance of the princes of the 



74 MACEDONIA 

Church and every notable act was connected with them. 
If a church were built, if a picture were painted in a 
church, if a book were written, copied or transcribed, or 
a well constructed, there was always inscribed upon them 
that this was work done during the reign of such and 
such a Patriarch or Bishop. The names of the Serbian 
prelates, as inscribed in these legends, seem as though 
they were the names of temporal sovereigns. 

So great was the part played by the autonomous 
Churches under the Turkish rule. Such a part devolved 
also upon the autonomous Church of Serbia, whose 
domain at all times included Macedonia also. 



VII {Continued) 

MACEDONIA FROM THE LOSS OF HER INDE- 
PENDENCE TO THE SUPPRESSION OF THE 
SERBIAN PATRIARCHATE (1413-1459) 

The role of the Serbian State devolves upon the Serbian Patriarchate 
— Character of the Serbian Patriarchate — Serbian sentiment 
among the Macedonian clergy — Serbian sentiment among the 
Macedonian people — The Macedonians seek refuge only among 
Serbs — They feel among kinsmen with the Serbs — Part played 
by Macedonians among the Serbs as a whole 

MACEDONIA'S independence, as we have seen, 
was not totally destroyed by the Turks until 
about 1413. After the Turks had wrested Macedonia 
from the Serbs, the role of the Serbian State in 
Macedonia was taken over by the autonomous Patri- 
archate of Serbia, whose seat was in Ipek. Not until 
the fall of the Serbian State on the Morava and 
Danube in 1459 did the Turks also dissolve the 
Serbian Patriarchate. 

During the time of the Serbian Patriarchate, none 
but Serbs occupied the Patriarchal throne. All episcopal 
thrones dependent upon the Patriarchate See, were like- 
wise occupied by bishops who were Serbs. All the 
parish priests and the monks were Serbs. In all Serbian 
countries, as well as in Macedonia, all the churchmen 
taught and upheld the religious, intellectual, and national 
traditions of the old Serbian State life. With the help 

75 



7G MACEDONIA 

of the populace they built new churches and monasteries, 
and restored the old ones. 1 Within these churches and 
monasteries, divine service continued to be celebrated in 
the same tongue as it had been in the days of the 
Serbian Empire. The clergy, the only scholars of that 
age, carried on their Old Serbian literary tradition, adding 
to and transcribing the extensive material of Old Serbian 
literature. Serbian literary records of those days are to 
be found in Skoplje, Mlado Nagoricino, and elsewhere. 2 
How strong was the Serbian sentiment of the Macedonian 
scribes and chroniclers of those days may be shown by an 
example. In 1434 a monk of Skoplje who lived in the 
village of Vitomirci, near Skoplje, made a copy of one 
of the Gospels. In dating his work he mentions that 
he wrote it " in the seventh year after the death of the 
Honourable Despot Stephan (Stephan, son of Lazar, 
Despot of Serbia, 1389-1427), in the Empire of the infidel 
Emperor Murat."3 What caused this monk, so long 
after the fall of Macedonia, and so far from the free 
Serbian States, to remember the Serbian Prince, and to 
mention the death of Despot Stephan in dating his 
work? Does he not give expression to the general 
popular feeling of the Macedonians towards the Serbian 
princes ? 

Side by side with the Serbian sympathies of the 
Macedonian clergy we find records of similar feelings 
among the mass of the people. The Serbian people did 
not fare well in "the Empire of the infidel Emperor 

' Lj. Stojanovic, " Stari Srpski Zapisi i Natpisi " (" Old Serbian 
Inscriptions and Notes "), i. Nos. 254, 273. J. H. Vasiljevic, 
" Pritep i nijegova Okolina " (" Prilep and its Environs "), p. 84. 

- Lj. Stojanovic, " Stari Srpski Zapisi i Natpisi " (" Old Serbian 
Inscriptions and NoteB "), i. Nos. 261, 313, etc. 

3 Ibid., No. 261. 



THE LOSS OF HER INDEPENDENCE 77 

Murat." That is why so many fled from it. The stream 
of emigration began during the earliest days of the 
Turkish conquest of Serbian territory in 1371, and 
afterwards proceeded uninterruptedly. Until the fall 
of Bulgaria in 1393 there were two countries open to 
the Macedonian refugees — Bulgaria and Serbia. Under 
such circumstances the chance of refuge among one's 
own people is the deciding factor. There were no 
emigrants from Macedonia to Bulgaria; they all fled 
to Serbia. One of the first notable refugees was the 
Lady Jefimia, widow of the Serbian Despot Ugljesa 
whose throne was in Serez, as we have said before. 
Vuk Brankovic, the son of Branko Mladenovic, lord 
of Ochrida and its neighbourhood, is mentioned sub- 
sequently to 1371 as living in Serbia as lord of part of 
Kosovo Polje and the surrounding territory. 1 

What applies to the refugees we have mentioned, 
applies also to the nation at large. The common people 
likewise fled to Serbia, or in any case took refuge among 
Serbs. After the battle on the Marica in 1371, great 
numbers of plain men from Macedonia with their 
families and household goods took refuge in Serbia. 
Some of the refugees from Macedonia went to Monte- 
negro, 3 and others to other Serbian countries. Wher- 
ever they went they were received as true Serbs. A 
party of Macedonians who emigrated from Kratovo 
and its surroundings and fled to the Serbs in Eagusa, 
were at once received as Kagusan citizens, 3 and this was 
a privilege never extended by the Ragusans to aliens. 

1 Lj. Kovacevic, "Vuk Brankovic," Belgrade, 1888, p. 15. 

2 G. S. Rakovski, " Gorski Putnik " ("A Traveller through the 
! Mountains "), Novi Sad, 1857, pp. 267-268 (in Bulgarian). 

j 3 Sb. Novakovic, " Srbi i Turci " ("Serbs and Turks"), 
| pp. 184-185. 



78 MACEDONIA 

The descendants of Macedonian emigrants very fre- 
quently distinguished themselves and became the pride 
of the Serbian nation. The ancestors of Dinko Zlataric, 
one of the greatest of the Serbian poets of Ragusa, 
emigrated from Macedonia to Ragusa in those days. 1 
All this happened while the Bulgarian Empire still 
existed. It is surely not due merely to chance that 
the stream of emigration from Macedonia was — in spite 
of the existence of a free Bulgaria — directed exclusively 
towards Serbia and the rest of the Serbian countries. 

This trend of the stream of emigrants from among 
the Serbs of Macedonia towards Serbia and Serbian 
countries, which was due to the national kinship, 
persisted equally after the fall of the Bulgarian Empire. 
It is also a noteworthv fact that after the fall of their 
Empire the Bulgars themselves did not emigrate to 
Serbia or to Serbian countries, but went mostly to 
Roumania and, later on, from the eighteenth century 
onward, to South Russia. 2 

In their new home among the Serbs, the Macedonian 
emigrants felt as though they were in their own country. 
During the Turkish domination the Serbs of other 
Serbian countries, too, found themselves compelled to 
emigrate elsewhere, especially to Hungary. Wherever 
they went, the emigrants from Macedonia and those 
from other Serbian lands felt as though they were 
one nation. Possessing the same language, the same 
customs, a common past, common historic traditions 

1 P. Budrnani, " Djela Dorninika Zlatarica " (" The Works of 
Dominic Zlataric "), Zagreb, 1899, p. ix. 

2 G. S. Eakovski, " Gorski Putnik " (" A Traveller through the 
Mountains "), p. 271. A. N. Pipin and V. D. Spasovic, " Istorija 
Slav] anskih Literatur "(" History of Slav Literature"), Petrograd, 
1879, p. 139 (in Russian). 



THE LOSS OF HER INDEPENDENCE 79 

and common aspirations touching the preservation of 
their common nationality, they established their Serbian 
parishes jointly ; jointly they built churches, opened 
schools and jointly they faced every danger. This fact 
was noted long ago even by the Bulgars. 1 

Among the emigrant Serbs some of those who had 
originally emigrated from Macedonia distinguished 
themselves considerably. After the death of the 
Serbian King Marko of Macedonia in 1394, his 
brothers Dmitar and Andrejas left Macedonia and 
settled among the Ragusan Serbs. The Ragusans 
received them cordially and delivered to them a certain 
treasure which their father, unknown to them, had 
in former years entrusted to the care of Ragusa. From 
Ragusa the Macedonian princes proceeded to Hungary, 
where there were ' already large numbers of Serbian 
emigrants from Macedonia and other Serbian territories. 
Historic records of 1404 and 1407 mention Dimitrije 
(Dmitar) as Grand Zupan of Zarand and Royal 
Commandant of the city of VillagoS, where there were 
many Serbian emigrants. 2 

1 G. S. Rakovski, one of the greatest Bulgarian chauvinists, 
mentions that the Macedonian emigrants in Srem and South 
Hungary called themselves Serbs and Greeks (G. S. Rakovski, 
" Gorski Putnik," pp. 267-268). 

- St. Novakovic, " Srbi i Turci " (" Serbs and Turks "), p. 247. 



VII (Continued) 

MACEDONIA FROM THE SUPPRESSION OF THE 
SERBIAN PATRIARCHATE TO ITS RESTORA- 
TION (1459-1557) 

Suppression of the Serbian Patriarchate and its supersession by the 
Archiepiscopate of Ochrida — Greek character of the Archi- 
episcopate — Slav and Serbian clergy in it — Detriment caused 
to the Serbian nation by the suppression of the Serbian Patri- 
archate — Vitality of the Serbian nation — The Archiepiscopate 
of Ochrida " Serbicized " — Sad plight of the Serbian people in 
those days — Serbian literature barely kept alive in Macedonia — 
Serbian sentiment of the clergy in Macedonia — Serbian historic 
records and sources call the Macedonians "Serbs" — Other 
historic sources do the same 

IN 1459 the Turks suppressed the Serbian Patriarchate 
and transferred the administration of the Church to 
the self-governing Archiepiscopal See of Ochrida. 

The Archbishopric of Ochrida was founded by St. 
Clement (ob. 916), a disciple of SS. Cyril and Method, 
who had come to Macedonia from Moravia. At the 
time of its foundation the Archiepiscopal See received 
the rank of a Patriarchate. As it was founded under 
the Bulgarian rule in Macedonia, it was called the 
Bulgarian Patriarchate. The official title of the Arch- 
bishop of Ochrida was " Patriarch (afterwards Arch- 
bishop) of Justiniana Prima and all Bulgaria." While 
the Bulgarians ruled in Macedonia the Patriarch of 
Ochrida was the head of the Bulgarian Church. 

BO 



THE SERBIAN PATRIARCHATE 81 

When the Macedonians expelled the Bulgars from 
Macedonia in 969, Ochrida remained the independent 
Church of the Empire of Samuel and his successors. 
"When the Emperor of Byzantium in 1018 overthrew 
Samuel's State, he respected the self-governing Patri- 
archate of Ochrida and maintained it in its autocephalous 
rights and territories, merely reducing it to the rank of 
an archbishopric. The contemporary Patriarch John, a 
Slav from Debar, from being a Patriarch was reduced 
to being an Archbishop. Bight up to his death in 1037 
the Slav character of this autonomous Archbishopric 
was maintained. After his death the See of Ochrida 
assumed the character of a Greek Church. The Emperor 
Michael IV Paphlagonian of Byzantium, even deprived 
the people and clergy of the diocese of Ochrida of the 
right of electing their archbishop, and made his appoint- 
ment dependent upon the throne of Byzantium. 

From that time until the second half of the eighteenth 
century, when the Archbishopric was abolished, all its 
archbishops were Greeks, with the exception of a few 
who were Serbs. The official language of the prelacy 
was Greek. 1 From 1018 to 1219 all Serbian territories 
were under the See of Ochrida, but it nevertheless 
retained its Greek character. When in 1219 the 
independence of the Serbian Church was proclaimed, 
the Archbishop of Ochrida protested, as head of the 
Greek Church. The See of Ochrida preserved its Greek 
character also during the time of the Serbian rule in 
Macedonia. Moreover, the Serbian Tsar Dusan respected 

1 B. Prokic, " Prvi ochridski arhiepiskop Jovan" — " Jovan, first 
Archbishop of Ochrida" (" Glas Srpske Kraljevske Akademije," 
vol. lxxxviii. pp. 268, 284, 296). P. Popovic, "Serbian Mace- 
donia," London, 1916, pp. 22, etc. 

7 



82 MACEDONIA 

its autonomy and all its rights and privileges. Arch- 
bishop Nicholas of Ochrida assisted at Dusan's corona- 
tion as Tsar, and also took part in the Serbian State 
Councils, like the other Serbian prelates, but his title 
continued to be " Hierarch of the Greek throne." 1 
This Greek character of the Archiepiscopal See of 
Ochrida was maintained also during the Turkish 
rule. 

The Archiepiscopal See of Ochrida had no further 
connection with the Bulgars after their expulsion from 
Macedonia in 969. The attribute "Bulgarian" in the 
Archbishop's title represented only a faded tradition, 
a relic, preserved like all other similar relics in titles, 
without significance or importance. 2 The epithet " Bul- 
garian " was retained in the title of the Archbishop of 
Ochrida equally when Ochrida became a recognized Slav 
See, when it became Greek, and when it definitely 
received a Greek character. In 1186 the Bulgars received 
an independent Patriarchate of their own in Trnovo in 
Bulgaria, but nevertheless the Archbishop of Ochrida 
continued to style himself "Primate of all Bulgaria." 
Thus he styled himself during the Serbian rule, during 
the Turkish rule, at a time when Serbian archbishops 
were occupying the archiepiscopal throne of Ochrida, 
and all the time until it was suppressed. 

In speaking of the Greek character of the See of 
Ochrida, we are referring only to its prelates — its 
archbishops and bishops. The minor clergy, who were 

1 C. Jirecek, " Staatund Gesellschaft im mittelalterliehen Serbien," 
i. p. 53. B. Prokic, " Prvi ohridski arhiepiskop Jovan," p. 279. 

a The Byzantine historian N. Gregoras says that after the Bulgars 
were expelled from Macedonia the epithet " Bulgarian" was retained 
in the title of the Archbishop of Ochrida merely as a relic 
(N. Gregoras, ed. Bonn, p. 27). 



THE SERBIAN PATRIARCHATE 83 

in direct contact with the people and attended to the 
religious ministrations in the parishes, were not Greek, 
but Slav, in all parts where the Slavs formed the 
compact population. They were Slav almost immedi- 
ately after the arrival of the Slavs in Macedonia even 
before the foundation of the Patriarchate of Ochrida. 1 
When Christianity first spread among the Macedonian 
Slavs and the Slav St. Clement established the Slav 
Archbishopric of Ochrida, the majority of the clergy 
were Slavs. During the Greek rule in Macedonia, the 
archbishops of Ochrida persecuted the Slav clergy and 
letters, but without success, because both were favoured 
by the people. 2 During the Serbian rule in Macedonia 
the minor clergy of Ochrida were Serbian. Under the 
Turkish rule all this simply remained just as it had 
been under the Serbian rule. Many legends and in- 
scriptions from the immediate vicinity of the archi- 
episcopal diocese of Ochrida, dating from the time of 
the Turkish rule, are in Serbian.3 

It was an Archiepiscopal See of Ochrida with Greek 
prelates and a Slav minor clergy to which the Turks 
subjected the Serbian Patriarchate in 1459. 

By the loss of the Patriarchate the Serbian people 
sustained a grievous blow. The head of the Serbian 
Church, the guardian of the national conscience and 
civilization, had ceased to exist. The Archiepiscopal 
See of Ochrida was merely a religious institution, in- 
dependent as regards administration, finance, etc., the 
civilization of which was Greek. It did not represent 

1 C. Jirecek, "Gesch. d. Serben," i. pp. 174-175. 

2 B. Prokic, " Prvi ohridski arhiepiskop Jovan " ("Jovan, first 
Archbishop of Ochrida"), p. 296. 

3 Lj. Stojanovic, " Stari srpski zapisi i natpisi " (" Old Serbian 
Inscriptions and Notes"), Nos. 300, 461, 522, etc. 



84 MACEDONIA 

Greek national claims. Greek national interests were 
represented 1 by the Greek Patriarchate in Constanti- 
nople, and between the two there was never-ending 
friction. The Greek Patriarchate in Constantinople 
was hostile to the See of Orchrida as well as to the 
Serbian Patriarchate. In its intrigues x against the 
Archiepiscopal See of Ochrida the Greek Patriarchate 
was finally successful in having it suppressed by the 
Turks in 1767. Still, the Patriarchate of Ochrida had 
not been much of a protector of Serbian national 
aspirations. The Serbian people were not satisfied 
with it. In 1531 a Serbian bishop endeavoured to 
restore the Serbian Patriarchate. 

After the Serbian Church was deprived of its inde- 
pendence, the nation was left absolutely unprotected, 
and only to its own moral strength and vitality did 
it owe the preservation of its national consciousness. 
That strength, however, was so great that even in 
those adverse times it succeeded in impairing the 
Greek character of the Archiepiscopacy of Ochrida. 
The diocese of Ochrida had even in former times been 
in the very heart of Serbian territory. By having its 
power extended over the territory of the Serbian 
Patriarchate, its population became overwhelmingly 
Serbian. The natural result of this was that even 
around the archiepiscopal throne of Ochrida the breath 
of Serbian influence began to make itself felt. Already 
in 1466, only seven years after the dissolution of the 
Serbian Patriarchate, Archbishop Marko of Ochrida 
caused a Serbian translation to be made of the " Canon 
of the great Archiepiscopal Church," which had so 
far not been transcribed into Serbian, but existed 
1 " Glas Srpske Kraljevske Akadeinije," vol. lviii. p. 282. 



THE SERBIAN PATRIARCHATE 85 

only in Greek. 1 Why should the Archbishop of Ochrida 
require the "Canon of the Great Church" in Serbian 
when he already possessed it in Greek? 

But this is not all. From this time forward we 
find Serbia represented in the titles of the Archbishop 
of Ochrida. Already in 1466 we find Archbishop Doro- 
theus of Ochrida styled prince " of the Serbian land," 
and "Archbishop ... of the Serbs." 2 This style was 
likewise adopted by succeeding archbishops of Ochrida. 3 

Moreover, the Archbishops of Ochrida were perfectly 
acquainted with the Serbian language. In 1548, as 
Archbishop Prohor of Ochrida was staying in Janjevo 
in Kosovo, he with his own hand, in the purest Serbian 
literary language of the period, made an entry in a 
" Tetraevangel" (The Four Gospels) to the effect 
that he was at the time in Janjevo and that a 
certain tailor, Peter by name, had on that occasion 
presented this Evangel to the Church of the Blessed 
Archangel in Janjevo.4 Last, but not least, we find 
Serbs installed upon the archiepiscopal throne. We 
have positive records of two. Perhaps there were 
more. The first one *is Simeon, who became Arch- 
bishop of Ochrida in 1550, after having previously 
been Metropolitan of Koska. The second was a nephew 
of the first Serbian Patriarch of the restored Patri- 
archate of Serbia. He was appointed Archbishop of 
Ochrida in 1574.5 

1 Lj. Stojanovic, " Sfcari Srpski Zapisi i Natpisi " ("Old Serbian 
Inscriptions and Notes"), No. 328. 

2 " Glasnik Srpskog Ucenog Drustva," vol. vii. pp. 177, 178 ; 
vol. xlvii. p. 271. 

3 Lj. Stojanovic, " Stari Srpski Zapisi i Natpisi" ("Old Serbian 
Inscriptions and Notes "), Nos. 547, 552, etc. 

1 Ibid., No. 547. 5 P. Popovic, " Serbian Macedonia," pp. 27-28. 



86 MACEDONIA 

Thus, instead of deriving protection from the See 
of Ochrida, the Serbian people created a protection for 
itself out of its own strength. In this way the Serbian 
national tradition was not interrupted in Macedonia 
even during the time while the Serbian Patriarchate 
was suppressed. The churches built by the people 
during that period were decorated with pictures of 
Serbian saints, especially St. Simeon (Stephan Nemanja) 
and St. Sava (Stephan Nemanja's son, first archbishop 
of Serbia). 1 

The Turks were at this time at the zenith of their 
power. The Serbian people — without leaders, without 
a national Church or any other national centre of 
spiritual and intellectual life, without directive — passed 
through a grievous time. Deserted villages, churches 
laid waste, her inhabitants driven into exile, fields 
overgrown with weeds — this is the picture of Serbia 
during that age. Learning and letters had practically 
disappeared. Only in the recesses of the mountains, 
and in sequestered spots removed from the trail of the 
Turks, do we still find a few feeble remnants of 
both. The literary output of the Macedonian Serbs 
during this period is represented only by a few 
insignificant transcriptions, mostly of sacred writings, 
and these made only so that the literary contact 
might not be lost altogether. From the year 1515 
we have a " Troparnik " (collection of sacred songs) 
in Istip ; a " book of Prayer," transcribed in 
1526, in Kratovo; a " Mineos," transcribed in 1545, 
in the Monastery of Slep6e ; and the Sermons of 
John Zlatousti (St. Chrysostom), transcribed in 1547 
in the Monastery of St. John Preteca, and a few 
1 B. Kondakov, " Makedonija," Pefcrogracl, p. 186 (in Russian). 



THE SERBIAN PATRIARCHATE 87 

more similar works. 1 The scribes were all Macedo- 
nians. 2 

This was as much as the Serbian nation could achieve 
in that age. But if it was not enough to improve the 
wretched state of the Macedonian Serbs, it was on 
the other hand sufficient to reveal their Serbian 
sentiment. The scanty notes in the books and MSS. 
of that time sorrowfully, as from a living grave, sigh 
for the glories of the Serbian past in Macedonia ; 
though laconically brief they clearly reveal the Serbian 
spirit of the nation in Macedonia. " O most pious 
Tsar Stephan, where art thou now ? " is the cry of a 
short entry penned by a sixteenth-century monk of 
the Monastery of Treskovac, near Prilep, on the margin 
of an original diploma from the hand of the Serbian 
Tsar Dusan.3 

Thus did the Macedonians give expression to their 
Serbian sentiments in those dark days. 

Serbian writers of that age, no matter whence they 
hailed, considered Macedonia a Serbian country. 
Vladislav Gramatik, a Serbian writer of the second half 
of the fifteenth century, looks upon Macedonia as Serbian. 
Referring to the battle of the Marica, he says that 
" the Serbian army was beaten to its knees (lit. feet) on 
the river which is called the Marica."4 In a short 
history of the Serbian Tsars, dating from 1503, we find 

1 Lj. Stojanovic, " Stari Srpski Zapisi i Natpisi " (" Old Serbian 
Inscriptions and Notes "), Nos. 425, 455, 532, 546, 573, 5611, etc. 

2 Some of the scribes say that they are from Debar (Serb., 
" Rodom iz Debra ") ; some say they are from the region of Debar 
(Serb., " iz debarskog predela") "Stari Srpski Zapisi i Natpisi," 
Nos. 546, 573; one says he is from Istip (Serb., "iz Stipa"), ibid., 
No. 425. 

3 I. H. Vasiljevic, " Prilep," p. 89. 

* " Glagnik Srpskog Ucenog Drustva," vol. xxii. p. 287. 



88 MACEDONIA 

"the Serbs of Serez" 1 mentioned. On February 11, 
1515, a pious Serbian youth from Kratovo was burned 
alive by the Turks, because he refused to renounce his 
faith. The Serbian Church canonized him under the 
name of St. George Kratovac (St. George of Kratovo). 
In writing the life-story of this saint, his countryman 
the priest Peja says that he was a Serb (of " Serbian 
stock "). 2 There was in those days a Serbian printing- 
press in Venice. In view of the decline of Serbian 
letters and literature, Vuk Bukovic, the owner, appealed 
in 1546 by letter to all notable Serbs of " Macedonia, 
Serbia, Bosnia, Srem, and other Princes and elders 
(starehiia) great and small who write in this (the Serbian) 
tongue " to send him " old Serbian books written in 
the Serbian lands so that he may reprint them."3 

Foreign writers of note and others who were ac- 
quainted with Balkan conditions at the time likewise 
considered Macedonia a Serbian country. In the 
fifteenth century two monks of Greek nationality, 
Komnenos and Prokles, wrote a history of the princes 
of Epirus. Incidentally they mention that Dusan's half- 
brother Simeon was overthrown by Nikephoros his 
brother-in-law, and exiled to Kostur. Simeon settled 
there, conquered several towns and made himself strong. 
" When he had been joined by many Greeks, Serbs, and 
Albanians" he gathered an army of some four or five 

7 P. I. Safarik, " Parnatky drevniho pismenictva Jihoslovanuv," 
Prague, 1873, p. 55 (in Czech). 

2 "Glasnik Srpskog UcenogDrustva," vol. xxi. p. 115. On February 
11, 1915, in the midst of the miseries of the present war, the 
martyrdom of St. George Kratovac was solemnly commemorated 
by the Kratovo inhabitants. 

3 Lj. Stojanovic, " Stari Srpski Zapisi i Natpisi " ("Old Serbian 
Inscriptions and Notes "), No. 534. 



THE SERBIAN PATRIARCHATE 89 

thousand men, and " proclaimed himself Tsar." 1 In 
his narrative of the battle of the Marica, the Greek 
historian L. Chalcocondyla says of King Vukasin and 
Ugljesa that they were " Serbian vojvodes." 2 Speaking 
of Macedonia, the Hungarian historian Ant. Bonfini, 
writing towards the end of the fifteenth century, says 
that " it is now called Serbia " (" Macedoniam quam 
Serbiam nunc appellant ").3 

After the dissolution of the Serbian Patriarchate, 
Macedonia remained a Serbian country, and its in- 
habitants remained Serbs. 

1 " Glasnik Srpskog Ucenog Drustva," vol. xiv. p. 238. 
3 " L. Chalcocondylae Atheniensis Histor.," p. 30, ed. Bonn. 
3 "Ant. Bonfini rerum Hungaricarum," dec. i., lib. ix., Viennae, 
1744, p. 248a. 



VII (Continued) 

MACEDONIA FROM THE RESTORATION OF THE 
SERBIAN PATRIARCHATE TO ITS SECOND 
SUPPRESSION (1557-1766) 

Restoration of the Serbian Patriarchate — Jurisdiction of the 
restored Serbian Patriarchate based on the principle of 
nationality — Reorganization of the Church ; the standard of 
religion, literature, and national life raised within the jurisdiction 
of the Serbian Patriarchate — Increased importance of the 
Serbian Patriarchs — Their relations with foreign Powers — 
Hard lot of the Serbs in Macedonia — Macedonian missions 
solicit help in Russia for Serbian Churches — These missions 
call themselves "Serbian" — The Serbian migrations — Mace- 
donian emigrants everywhere call themselves "Serbian" — 
Relations between Macedonian emigrants and Macedonian 
Serbs — Migrations en masse from Macedonia to Austria under 
Patriarch Arsenije III — Serbian sentiment of Macedonian 
emigrants in Austria — Bole of Macedonians among the Serbs in 
Austria — Serbian historic records speak of Macedonians as 
" Serbs " — So do all non-Serbian historic records — Suppres- 
sion of the Serbian Patriarchate — Protest by the Metropolitan 
of Montenegro against this crime against the Serbian nation as 
a whole, of which the Macedonians also form part 

FOR nearly one hundred years the Serbian people 
were left without their Patriarchate. Towards 
the middle of the sixteenth century a Serb from 
Hercegovina, who had been taken away by the Turks 
in his childhood and brought up as a Moslem, attained 
the highest dignity in the Turkish Empire, that of 
Grand Vizier. This was the great Mehmed Sokolovic. 
At the request of his brother Makarije, a monk in the 

90 



RESTORATION OF THE PATRIARCHATE 91 

Monastery of Milesevo in Hercegovina, and moved 
perhaps also by sentimental regard for his own origin, 
Mehmed Sokolovic in 1557 obtained the restoration of 
the Serbian Patriarchate with its seat in Ipek, as before. 
The first Patriarch of the restored Patriarchate was the 
Vizier's own brother Makarije. 

But whereas formerly the power of the Serbian 
Patriarchate extended only as far as the frontiers of 
the old Serbian |State, the restored Patriarchate em- 
braced the entire Serbian nation. In establishing the 
jurisdiction of the restored Patriarchate, the Turks were 
guided by the principle of nationality. In accordance 
with this principle the new Patriarchate embraced not 
only contemporary Serbia but all other Serbian lands 
within the Turkish Empire, viz. Bosnia, Hercegovina, 
Dalmatia, Slavonia, and the rest of the Serbian territory 
to-day included in Austria-Hungary. Macedonia, as an 
integral part of the old Serbian State and also on the 
strength of the principle of nationality, was likewise 
placed under the Serbian Patriarchate. The impres- 
sion which the Turks derived of Macedonia at that 
period was that it was impossible to discriminate 
between her and the rest of the Serbian countries. At 
every step in Macedonia the Turks came upon either 
the graves of Serbian princes and nobles, or their 
cities, churches, monasteries, bridges, and other buildings 
linked with their names ; or fields where the Serbs had 
waged battles, or other spots which popular tradition 
connected with them, such as Dusan's Bridge in Skoplje, 
Marko's Cave in the Demir Kapija, Marko's Footstep, 
etc. In the monasteries of Macedonia the monks 
copied old Serbian MSS. and taught the Serbian 
language. The common people in their traditions spoke 



92 MACEDONIA 

only of the Serbian past, and had never in their lives 
followed other than Serbian customs. To whom, there- 
fore, could the Turks have assigned Macedonia, except 
to the Serbian Patriarchate ? Tetovo, Skoplje, Kratovo, 
Zletovo, Istip, and Kadoviste were placed under it. 
Only the southern part of Macedonia — Ochrida, 
Monastir, Debar, and Prilep — remained under the 
Archiepiscopate of Ochrida. 1 

With the restoration of the Patriarchate the Serbian 
nation renewed its strength and vitality. The Serbian 
Patriarchs strenuously set about the reorganization of 
the Serbian Church, which had greatly fallen into decay, 
and that of the already exhausted Serbian people. 
This is not a history of the Serbian Patriarchs, but of 
the Serbian people as a whole, and therefore we cannot go 
into their magnificent work for the Serbian nation. We 
will limit ourselves solely to what concerns Macedonia. 

No sooner had the new Patriarch taken over the 
administration of the Serbian Patriarchate than he at 
once reorganized the Churches in Macedonia. He 
restored the old bishoprics and created new ones, 
attended to the building and restoring of churches and 
monasteries and the improvement of church literature. 
His successors followed zealously in his footsteps. 
Patriarchs and bishops visited the eparchies and sent 
their exarchs to study the condition of the churches, 
monasteries, priests, and people. The Church expanded 
in Macedonia. The catalogue of literary productions 
in Macedonia assumed considerable dimensions. 2 The 

1 P. Popovic, " Serbian Macedonia," p. 16. 

3 Lj. Stojanovic, " Stari Srpski Zapisi i Natpisi " (" Old Serbian 
Inscriptions and Notes"), Nos. 5611, 5614, 5618, 812, 900, 2234, 
629, 752, 1001. 



RESTORATION OF THE PATRIARCHATE 93 

Patriarchs set the example in writing books. 1 " With 
their own hands" they presented books to the Churches 
and Monasteries of Macedonia. 2 The trade in books 
began to nourish. Already in about 1570 Skoplje 
possessed a bookseller's store, the depot of the Serbian 
books printed by the Serbian printing press in Venice.3 
Serbian books produced in Macedonia are likewise 
mentioned. 4 From the highest dignitary of the Serbian 
Church to the lowest peasant, contact and unanimity were 
established. The entire Serbian nation experienced a 
vigorous religious and national revival. 

In the restored Patriarchate the role of the Serbian 
Patriarchs was greater and more important than it had 
been before. The Patriarchs did not merely confine 
themselves to fostering and cherishing the Christian 
faith and the Serbian name, but they went much 
farther. They began to labour for the organization of 
national defence against the Turks. Not unlike the 
Prince-Bishops of Montenegro, they became a kind of 
Serbian temporal rulers within the Turkish Empire. At 
their word, entire Serbian counties rebelled against the 
Turks, and in peace negotiations they represented the 
entire Serbian nation. But the activities of the Serbian 
Patriarchs were not confined to the boundaries of the 
Turkish Empire. In those days they extended far 
beyond those frontiers. The Patriarchs appealed for 
aid and support for the Serbian people to Kussia, Spain, 
Venice, and Austria, and thus became well-known 

1 " Glasnik Srpskog Ucenog Drustva," vol. xxii. " Zivot Cara 
Urosa od Patrijarha Pajseja" ("Life of Tsar Uros by Patriarch 
Pajsej "). 

2 Lj. Stojanovic, " Stari Srpski Zapisi i Natpisi " (" Old Serbian 
Inscriptions and Notes "), No. 441. 

> Ibid., No. 683. « Ibid., No. 1534. 



94 MACEDONIA 

figures in international politics. Everywhere the Courts 
and Governments of foreign States recognized the 
Serbian Patriarchs as the heads of the Serbian people. 
Russian Tsars corresponded with them ; when Spain was 
at war with Turkey it was to the Serbian Patriarch 
to whom she had to apply when she desired help from 
the Serbs ; Austrian Emperors wrote to the Serbian 
Patriarchs, negotiated with them, and granted them 
privileges for the whole Serbian nation. In all these 
activities of the Serbian Patriarchs the Macedonians 
were inseparably united with the rest of the Serbs. 
But it is in connection with the dealings of the 
Patriarchs with Russia and Austria that the Serbian 
character of Macedonia comes out most clearly. 

The lot of the Serbian people under the Turks was 
always hard in the extreme. Exorbitant taxes, confisca- 
tions of property, the persecution and devastation of 
entire counties were the order of the day. Distress and 
poverty pressed hard upon the Serbs from all sides. 
" poor, poor are we because of the Turks in these 
days," laments a Serbian monk of the Monastery of 
Lesnovo in Macedonia in an annotation. 1 With great 
difficulty the impoverished and reduced Serbian popula- 
tion succeeded in repairing its churches and monasteries 
and supplying them with the bare necessities. This 
caused the Serbian Patriarchs to think of applying for 
help to their Russian brothers in race and religion. 
With the blessing and recommendation of the Patriarch, 
Serbian missions travelled to Orthodox Russia and 
returned thence with abundant gifts. In this matter, 
too, Macedonia formed no exception. From Macedonia, 

1 Lj. Stojanovid, " Stari Srpski Zapisi i Natpisi" ("Old Serbian 
Inscriptions and Notes "), No. 2922. 



RESTORATION OF THE PATRIARCHATE 95 

as from other Serbian lands, missions went to Russia 
to collect alms and donations for their churches and 
monasteries. 

In this contact with Russia, the Serbian character of 
Macedonia comes out quite clearly. All Macedonian 
missions to Russia describe themselves simply as Serbian. 
The first of these missions from Macedonia travelled to 
Russia in 1585. It consisted of the Metropolitan of 
Kratovo, Visarion, accompanied by a monk of the 
Monastery of Osogovo and a monk in holy orders. 
The object of their journey was to solicit donations 
for the restoration of the Monastery of Osogovo, " which 
had been built aforetime by the great Serbian Vojvode 
Constantine Dejanovic." 1 In 1641, the Metropolitan 
Simeon of Skoplje travelled to Russia to collect dona- 
tions, and there recorded his signature as " Simeon, 
Metropolitan, of the land of Serbia." 2 In 1666, Ananiji, 
Metropolitan of Kratovo, addressed a petition to the 
Russian Tsar to help the Monastery of Lesnovo, " which 
had been built by the late and deceased Tsar Stephan, 
who was formerly a Tsar in the land of Serbia. "3 In 
1687 a petition was presented to the Russian Tsars 
Ivan and Peter Alexievitch by " Jeftimije, by the grace 
of God Orthodox Metropolitan of the Serbian lands of 
the Church of Skoplje," soliciting help for the Metro- 
politans of Skoplje. 4 In 1688 there came to Russia 
certain monks " from the land of Serbia," who hailed 
from the Monastery of St. John Preteca near Skoplje. 5 

1 " Glas Srpske Kraljevske Akademije," vol. Iviii. pp. 222-224. 
-' " Spomenik Srpske Kraljevske Akademije," vol. xxxviii. p. 60 ; 
" Glas Srpske Kraljevske Akademije," vol. Iviii. p. 228. 

3 " Glas," vol. Iviii. p. 261 ; " Spomenik," vol. xxxviii. p. 66. 

4 " Spomenik," vol. xxxviii. p. 71. 
s » Glas," vol. lx. p. 156. 



% MACEDONIA 

We need not assume that these missions described 
themselves as Serbian merely because they came from 
territories under the Serbian Patriarchal See. On the 
contrary, they did so because it was at that time 
unquestionably received that Macedonia was a Serbian 
country. The mission which came from territories 
lying outside the Serbian Patriarchate, e.g. from the 
territory belonging to the Archbishopric of Ochrida, 
described themselves similarly. There, too, the Serbians 
suffered the same hardships as those who were under 
the Serbian Patriarchate. Thence, too, missions travelled 
to Russia to ask for help, and they, too, described 
themselves as Serbian. In 1625, Sergius, Metropolitan 
of Greben in the southernmost part of Macedonia, went 
to Russia for the purpose of collecting alms. There 
he stated that " he had been consecrated Metropolitan 
of Greben by Nektarije, Archbishop of Ochrida in the 
land of Serbia." 1 In 1628 Bishop Kalinik travelled to 
Russia. He stated that he came "from the country of 
Salonica, which is in Serbia." 2 In 1634, Archbishop 
Avram of Ochrida went to Russia with his suite. On 
being asked who they were, they replied that " they were 
of the Orthodox faith, from the Serbian country, from 
the town of Ochrida." 3 In 1643 the Archimandrite of 
the Monastery of Kremenec, German, during his stay in 
Russia, described himself as being " from the Serbian 
country, from the town of Kostur."4 In 1648 we find 

1 " Snosenija Rosiji s vostokom po djelam cerkovnim," ii. Petro- 
grad, 1860, p. 29. 

2 Ibid., p. 62. 

3 V. Djeri6, " O Srpskoin Imenu u Starvj Srbiji i Makedoniji " 
(" The term ' Serbian ' in Old Serbia and Macedonia "), Belgrade, 1904, 
p. 18. 

4 " Snosenja Rosiji s vostokom," p, 238. 



RESTORATION OF THE PATRIARCHATE 97 

the "Serb Dimitrije Nikolajev," from Kostur, 1 in Russia. 
In 1704 "the Serb Bratan Jvanov "came to Eussia " 
from the land of Macedonia." 2 In 1706 a certain 
Dimitrije Petrov went to Russia for the purpose of 
collecting contributions for the completion of the Church 
of St. Dimitrije; he subscribed himself as "from the 
country of Serbia, for the eparchy of Ochrida," of the 
town of Krdava. A Russian document concerning this 
Dimitrije states that upon his departure "for the land of 
Serbia " the " Serb Dimitrije Petrov " was presented with 
a gift. 3 

Owing to their unhappy lot under the Turks, the 
Serbian people continued to emigrate. From Macedonia, 
too, numerous Serbs fled to foreign parts. No matter 
whither they went they invariably described them- 
selves as Serbs. And this is valuable additional testi- 
mony to the Serbian nationality of the Macedonians. 
In 1580 we find in Krajova in Roumania, the " protopop 
(Archpresbyter) John, a Serb of Kratovo," as he styles 
himself in an MS. from his hand.4 Because of the 
Turkish persecutions, which had become intolerable, 
Simeon, Metropolitan of Skoplje, went to Russia in 
1641 to settle there permanently. He says of him- 
self, that he is "from the country of Serbia, from the 
town of Skoplje." With him were a monk in holy 
orders and three servants. s In 1651, the Metropolitan 
Michael of Kratovo, accompanied by the Archimandrite 
Dionisij and the deacons Damaskin and Nikodim, fled 

■ V. Djeric, " O Srpskom Imenu," p. 27. 
"■ Ibid., p. 27. 

3 Ibid., p. 23. 

4 Lj. Stojanovid, " Stari Srpski Zapisi i Natpisi" (" Old Serbian 
Inscriptions and Notes"), No. 752. 

5 " Glas Srpske Kraljevske Akademije," vol. iviii. p. 229. 

8 



98 MACEDONIA 

to Russia because of Turkish persecutions. In a letter 
to the Russian Tsar the Metropolitan Michael states 
that " his fathers and his forefathers were princes in 
the land of Serbia, in the town of Kratovo." 1 In 1687 
"the Venerable Jeftimije, by the grace of God Orthodox 
Metropolitan of the Serbian lands of the Church of 
Kratovo," came to Russia with the purpose of settling 
there as his metropolitanate was in a sad plight, and 
the outrages of the Turks had become intolerable. He 
was accompanied by Antinogen, a monk in holy orders, 
the deacon Antonije, and an old man, Marko. 2 In 1688 
the monk in holy orders, Petronije, and the deacon Joseph 
travelled "from the land of Serbia," from the Monastery 
of St. John Prete5a near Skoplje, to Russia to settle 
there, because their monastery had been destroyed by 
the Turkish soldiery. 3 

Although these Macedonian emigrants lived far from 
their native land, they never forgot that they were 
Serbs. Everywhere they worked zealously for the 
benefit of their people, and their Church in Macedonia 
and elsewhere. While living as an emigrant in Russia, 
" Michael, Metropolitan of Banja, Kratovo, and iStip," 
in 1653 despatched thence copies of the sacred writings 
to the Serbian Patriarchate at Ipek. In a psalter which 
has been preserved, the Metropolitan Michael wrote 
with his own hand that he " sends it to the Serbian 
Patriarchate at Ipek, where rest the bones of the Holy 
Fathers Arsenij, Evstatij, and Nikodim, aforetime 

1 "Glas Srpske Kraljevske Akademije," vol. lviii. p. 233. The 
signature of this Metropolitan used to run " Metropolitan of Banja, 
Kratovo, Istip and Radonir" (Lj. Stojanovid, " Stari Srpski Zapisi 
i Natpisi" (" Old Serbian Inscriptions and Notes"), Nos. 1494, 1547). 

3 " Glas Srpske Kraljevske Akademije," vol. lx. p. 155. 

s Ibid., p. 156. 



RESTORATION OF THE PATRIARCHATE 99 

Serbian Patriarchs." l In 1660 that same Metropolitan 
Michael petitioned the Kussian "Tsar for aid for the 
" Serbian Monastery of Lesnovo " in Macedonia, " which 
was a foundation of the Serbian Tsar Stephan." 2 Such 
of the Serbian population as remained in their own 
country looked upon the Serbian emigrants as their 
natural representatives and ambassadors abroad. The 
former therefore appealed to the latter on every occasion 
for help and intervention. In 1653 the monks of the 
Serbian monastery of Hilendar on Mount Athos applied 
to the Metropolitan Michael for his intervention so that 
their monastery might receive subsidies.3 

But apart from these individual emigrants, the whole- 
sale emigrations of Macedonians equally bear a purely 
Serbian character. The main current of the stream of 
Serbian emigration en masse continued to set north- 
wards, as before, to the lands under Austria. There 
Serbian emigrants had lived in large numbers ever since 
the Turkish invasion. There, too, we find the emi- 
grants from Macedonia. At this epoch the emigrations 
en masse were largely connected with the political 
activities of the Patriarchs. Seeing that in obedience 
to the call of their Patriarchs the Serbs had risen in 
revolt and joined a foreign nation in fighting against 
the Turks, the Serbian people, thus compromised, dared 
not remain any longer under the Turks, but were com- 
pelled to fly. In Budapest, in Komoran, and all other 
Hungarian towns we now find emigrants from Macedonia. 
In 1667 the Austrian Emperor Leopold I granted certain 

1 Lj. Stojanovic, " Stari Srpski Zapisi i Natpisi," (" Old Serbian 
Inscriptions and Notes "), No. 1500. 

2 " Spomenik Srpske Kraljevske Akademije," vol. xxxviii. p. 64. 

3 Ibid., p. 62. 



100 MACEDONIA 

privileges to the Serbs and Greeks who settled in Upper 
Hungary, and who were mostly natives of Macedonia 
(" prsesertim autem ex Macedonia advenientium "). r 

The greatest of these Serbian migrations to Austria 
took place in 1690. It affords a specially striking proof 
of the political power and authority of the Serbian 
Patriarchs. 

After their failure before Vienna in 1683 the Turks 
began to be thrust back towards the south. In the 
hearts of the Serbian people the Austrian successes 
aroused the hope of liberation from the Turks. After 
the Turkish defeat at Mohacs in 1687, the Serbs rebelled 
in earnest with a view to regaining their liberty. At 
that time the Patriarch Arsenije III Carnojevic was 
head of the Serbian Church. Wishing to take 
advantage of the dissatisfaction of the Serbs with their 
Turkish masters, Austria negotiated with him, and 
promised to help him in the liberation of the Serbian 
people from the Turks. At the call of their Patriarch 
the people rose in arms against the Turks and helped 
the Austrian forces to penetrate into the very heart of 
the Serbian lands. The Turks, however, succeeded in 
beating back the Austrians in 1690. The Patriarch, the 
leading insurgents, and a multitude of the Serbian people 
— over 40,000 families — dared not wait for the advancing 
Turks, but joined the Austrian army in its retreat. The 
Turks reconquered all Serbia as far as the Save and the 
Danube, and the Serbian refugees were compelled to re- 
main in Austria. By special charters, issued to the Serbian 
Patriarch, the Austrian Emperor Leopold I guaranteed 
political and religious rights to these emigrant Serbs. 

1 See document in " Glasnik Srpskog Vcenog Druitva," vol. lxvii. 
pp. 128, 131. 



RESTORATION OF THE PATRIARCHATE 101 

This " Great Migration," as it is called in Serbian 
history, had a far-reaching effect upon the Serbian 
people. Whole provinces in Bosnia, Hercegovina, Monte- 
negro, Serbia, and Macedonia, " even to Salonica," ' 
were depopulated. To this day popular tradition in 
Macedonia remembers the pitiful depopulation of entire 
villages at that time. 2 In the town of Buda alone there 
were at that time to be found emigrants from all over 
Macedonia. There were Cira Krajic of Skoplje ; Stojan 
Josipovic from Prilep ; Veljko Popovic and the monk 
in holy orders, Grigorije, from Kratovo ; Dima Aposto- 
lovic ; Danilo and Kuzman Dimic from Salonica ; Isak 
Bojkovic (native place unknown), etc. 3 

In Austria all these emigrants, no matter whence 
they came, felt themselves to be parts of one and the 
same nation. The Macedonians were not kept apart as 
being different, but on the contrary often distinguished 
themselves as leaders and representatives of all the 
Serbs. When in October 1689 the Austrians, for political 
reasons, imprisoned George Brankovic, the leader of the 
Serbian nation, all the Serbs in Austria elected in his 
place as their lieutenant (" vice-ductor nationis SerbicaB") 
one Jovan Manastirlija, a Macedonian from Bitolj. He 
was confirmed in his dignity on April 11, 1691,4 by the 

1 Lj. Stojanovic, " Stari Srpski Zapisi i Natpisi" ("Old Serbian 
Inscriptions and Notes "), No. 2015. 

2 " Srpska Kraljevska Akademija" — " Naselja Srpskih Zemalja" 
(" Settlements of Serbian Lands "), vol. iii. p. 453. 

3 G. Vitkovic, " Spoinenici iz budimskog i pestanskog arhiva " 
(" Glasnik Srpskog Ucenog Drustva"), series 2, vol. iii. pp. 228-255. 
Lj. Stojanovic, " Stari Srpski Zapisi i Natpisi " (" Old Serbian In- 
scriptions and Notes "), No. 2296. 

4 " Nos electum a mentionata communitate Rasciana vice direc- 
torem Joannem Manasterly ad demissam eiusdem gentis instantion 
benigne confirmasse . . ." (" Glasnik Srpskog Ucenog Drustva," 
vol. lxvii. p. 140). 



102 MACEDONIA 

Emperor Leopold I. On being appointed head of the 
Serbian nation, Jovan Manastirlija led the Serbs against 
the Turks ; the fate of the nation was in his hands, 
and he left a glorious memory behind him. The 
descendants of John Manastirlija played a distinguished 
part among the Serbs in Austria. Several of them 
were buried in Serbian monasteries, in token of the 
high respect they had enjoyed during their lives. 1 
Other important positions among the Serbs in Austria 
were also at one time and another held by Macedonians. 
In 1696 Jefrem Jankovic-Tetovac 2 (of Tetovo) was 
Serbian bishop of the eparchy of Mohacs. Finally, 
some of the descendants of these Macedonian emigrants 
among the Serbs attained the highest distinction from 
an intellectual point of view. The ancestors of 
Branko Eadicevic, the founder of Serbian modern 
poetry, came originally from the neighbourhood of 
Skoplje. 

Serbian literary records of those days speak of 
Macedonia as a Serbian country. The Serbian Patri- 
arch Pajsej, writing during the first half of the 
seventeenth century, says in his life of Tsar Uros, 
that the Turks, after taking Adrianople, " tried to 
enter the Serbian land (Macedonia)," and that "■ they 
were opposed by Ugljesa and Vukasin with the 
Serbian (Macedonia) forces." 3 A MS. has been pre- 
served to us containing the entry dating from 1625 
which mentions that the Metropolitan Sergije of 
Greben was ordained to this dignity by Nektarije, 

■ Lj. Stojanovic, " Stari Srpski Zapisi i Natpisi" ("Old Serbian 
Inscriptions and Notes "), Nos. 2968, 3343, 5287. 

2 D. Ruvarac, " Vladika Jegarski Jefrem Banjanin " (" Jefrem 
Banjanin, Bishop of Jegar "), Sremski, Karlovici, 1904, p. 20. 

3 " Glasnik Srpskog Ucenog Drustva," vol. xxii. p. 222. 



RESTORATION OF THE PATRIARCHATE 103 

Archbishop of Ochrida in the land of Serbia. 1 In 
1624 the Metropolitan Michael of Kratovo travelled 
from Russia to Jerusalem. He relates how by 
traversing Poland, Roumania, and the Serbian land, 
he reached Mount Athos. Likewise, he says, that 
on his return he went by Mount Athos,' through 
" Serbian country," Roumania, and Poland, and thus 
back to Russia. The " Serbian land " lying close to 
Mount Athos could only be Macedonia. From an 
entry in a book preserved in the Troicko-Sergievskaya 
Lavra, near Moscow, and dating from 1659, we 
learn that in that year that same Metropolitan 
Michael " of the Serbian land," of the town of 
Kratovo, performed the usual rites in connection with 
the ordination of certain priests and deacons. After 
residing for many years in Russia, this Metropolitan 
Michael finally declared that he desired to return " to 
his Serbian country," to his Monastery of Lesnovo. 2 
In 1682 the Serbian Patriarch Arsenije III Carnojevic 
went to Jerusalem. On his way through Macedonia 
(Skoplje, Mlado Nagoricino, Palanka, Dupnica, and 
Samokov) he was everywhere joyfully received by 
the bishops, priest, and people. Many joined him 
and accompanied him. In his diary the Patriarch 
specially mentions that in the village of Sestrima, a 
day's walk from Samokov towards Tatar-Pazardzik, 
" Master Raja, a Serbian, made a great banquet in 
his house, to which he invited all the Hadzis and 
feasted them." The only Bulgars mentioned by the 

1 " Snosenija Rosiji s vostokom po djelam cerkovnim," ii. 1680, 
p. 29. 

1 "Glas Srpske Kraljevske Akademije," vol. lviii. pp. 233, 254, 258, 
259. Lj. Stojanovic, " Stari Srpski Zapisi i Natpisi" ("Old Serbian 
Inscriptions and Notes "), Noa. 1563, 1568. 



104 MACEDONIA 

Patriarch are those of Tatar-Pazardzik ; he was not 
their guest, but the Bulgarian merchants vied with 
each other as to who should sell him goods at the 
highest price. 1 An entry, dating from the end of 
the seventeenth century, relates how in 1683 the 
Austrians took " the Serbian country as far as Skoplje 
and Sofia " from the Turks. 2 A chronicle of 1712 
enumerates the Orthodox Metropolitans in the " land 
of Serbia." Among them are included the Metro- 
politans of Skoplje and Kratovo.3 In 1778 a monk 
of the Monastery of Hilendar copied a history of 
Skander Bey (George Kastriot Skanderbeg) from an 
old MS. In this history Macedonian is in many 
passages spoken of as the " Serbian country," and its 
inhabitants as Serbs. This history also contains the 
statement that in the towns of Debar and Sveti Grad 
live " Serbs of the Orthodox faith, and Latins and 
Albanians of the Catholic faith." 4 An eighteenth- 
century chronicle says that in the fourteenth century 
" there were three Serbian kings ; to wit, in Prizren 
there was Lazar, in Bosnia there was Stephan Tortko, 
and in Prilep there was Marko Vukasinov." 5 

Foreign records of those days likewise speak of 
Macedonia as being a Serbian country. On the map 
of the Italian Geographer Giac. Gastaldi, dating from 
1566, Serbia includes Skoplje and the surrounding 
country. On many maps by V. Coronelli, official 

1 " Glasnik Srpskog Ucenog Drustva," vol. xxxiii. pp. 187-188. 
■ Lj. Stojanovic, " Stari Srpski Zapisi i Natpisi " (" Old Serbian 
Inscriptions and Notes "), No. 5304. 

3 " Spomenik Srpske Kraljevske Akademije," vol. iii. p. 108. 

4 " Glas Srpske Kraljevske Akademije," vol. xxii. pp. 15-18. 

s S. Ristic, " Decanski Spomenici " (" Decani Records "), Belgrade, 
1864, p. 7. 



RESTORATION OF THE PATRIARCHATE 105 

geographer to the Kepublic of Venice, and dating 
from 1692, Serbia is shown as extending even beyond 
Skoplje. Besides Skoplje we practically always find 
the legend " Capital of Serbia " (Metropoli della 
Servia). On many seventeenth-century maps drawn 
by " the Royal Geographer " Serbia is shown as 
including even the whole of the country surrounding 
Skoplje. These are also the frontiers assigned to 
Serbia on the maps of F. de Witt and of Blau, and in 
H. Moll's atlas as well as on many other maps of the 
second half of the seventeenth century. On numerous 
maps in the well-known atlases by Joh. Bapt. 
Homann's, dating from the first half of the eighteenth 
century, Serbia includes the regions of Skoplje, Kra- 
tovo, and Custendil. Thus it is also shown on many 
other maps. 1 

More clearly than from . these maps the Serbian 
character of Macedonia transpires from certain MSS. 
and other books in foreign languages. A Roumanian 
MS. of the beginning of the seventeenth century, 
in describing the battle of the Marica says incidentally 
that " Sultan Murat went with the Turks against 
Ugljesa and Vukasin, and that they assembled a 
great army of Serbs (in Macedonia) and accepted 
battle. . . . " 2 The Russian Tsars, when granting 
subsidies to the Serbian churches and monasteries in 
Macedonia, invariably call them Serbian, and speak 
of Macedonia as the Serbian land. When on August 
1st, 1641, the Russian Tsar, Michael Feodorovitch, 

1 J. Cvijic, " Geografski Tolozaj Makedonije i Stare Srbije " — 
" Geographical Conditions of Macedonia and Old Serbia " (" Srpski 
Knjizevin Glasnik *'), vol. xi. 1904, p. 209. 

" V. Grigorovic, " O Serbiji v jeja otnosenijah k sosedniin der- 
zavam," p. 17. 



106 MACEDONIA 

made a donation to the Serbian Patriarchate through 
the Metropolitan of Skoplje, he addressed the latter 
as Metropolitan of ' ' the Serbian land of the town of 
Skoplje." 1 It is recorded in the annals of the Russian 
Court that in the year 1652 the " Serbian Metropolitan 
Michael," of Kratovo, twice dined with the Tsar. 2 
In an Imperial letter to the Monastery of Lesnovo, 
dated October 31, 1660, the Russian Tsar Aleksije 
Mihailovic speaks of the Metropolitan of Kratovo as 
" the Metropolitan Michael of the Serbian land." 3 
The Russian Tsaritsa Elizabeth in her letters invariably 
refers to Macedonia as a " Serbian country" In her 
messages of 1744, 1754, 1758, and 1766 she addresses 
herself to the " noble and honourable gentlemen of 
the Serbian countries of Macedonia, Skanderia 
(Albania), Montenegro, the Maritime Region. ... "4 
Writing about Serbia in 1685, the Catholic bishop of 
Skoplje speaks of Skoplje as " the Capital of Serbia " 
(" Scopia . '. . metropoli de Servia"). After this he 
proceeds to mention Catholic, Mohammedan and 
Orthodox households in that city. Among the Ortho- 
dox he mentions only "Greek and Serbian households" 
("case greche e serviane").s Finally we have the 
testimony of the Bulgarian, Peter Bogdani-Baksic, a 
native of Ciprova in Bulgaria, the Catholic Bishop 
of Sofia, who wrote to some Cardinal in 1650 about 

" " Spomenik Srpske Kraljevske Akademije," vol. xxxvii. p. 60. 

- J. Sreznevski, " Filologiceskija nabljudenija A. H. Vostokova," 
1865, p. 184. 

3 " Spomenik," vol. xxxvii. p. 65. 

« S. Milutinovic, " Istorija Crne Gore " (" History of Montenegro"), 
1835, pp. 76, 77, 83, 85. 

s A. Theiner, "Vetera monumenta Slavorum Meridionalium," ii. 

1875, p. 220. 



RESTORATION OF THE PATRIARCHATE 107 

his cousin Andreas Bagdani to recommend him for 
the appointment of Catholic Archbishop of Ochrida. 
He says that his cousin " has been nominated for the 
archiepiscopate of Ochrida up in Serbia" (" proposto 
per l'archivescovato d'Ocrida su in confini della 
Servia"). 1 

While the power of the Serbian Patriarchate endured, 
the Serbian character of Macedonia was not in any way 
overthrown or impaired. 

In 1766 the Turks once more suppressed the Serbian 
Patriarchate and its territories were placed under the 
administration of the Greek Patriarchate in Constanti- 
nople. The suppression of the Patriarchate was a 
terrible blow to the Serbian nation. The Serbian 
bishops were stripped of their dignities, they were 
expelled or went voluntarily into exile. Greek bishops 
were appointed in their places. The Serbian nation 
was left without a head, Serbian civilization lost its 
protector, and in the Christian churches divine service 
was conducted in Greek. This misfortune also fell 
heavily upon that part of the Serbian nation which 
lived outside the Turkish Empire. Sava Petrovic, 
Metropolitan of Montenegro, as representative of the 
free part of the Serbian nation, protested to Kussia, and 
besought that this crime against the Serbs in Turkey 
should find redress. In a letter written on February 
26th, 1767, to the Metropolitan Platon of Moscow, he 
speaks " of the Serbian nation under the harsh and 
intolerable yoke of Turkish slavery," and of the Serbian 
bishops of " Samokov, Skoplje, Istip, Novi Pazar, Nis, 
Uzice, Belgrade and Hercegovina," all of whom " are 
expelled and deprived of their Sees, and are homeless 
1 " Sfcarine Jugoslovenske Akademije," vol. xxv. p. 172. 



108 MACEDONIA 

wanderers . . . , while others are exiled to strange 
parts, and not one eparchy has its native bishop, a 
Serbian. . . . Greeks have been brought thither in their 
stead. . . ." Hereupon he begs that " the deposed 
Serbian bishops be reinstated," and "the throne of 
the Serbian Patriarchate of Ipek freed from the Greeks," 
to " the joy of all Serbian Bishops and the whole Serbian 
nation." 1 

Even in this epilogue to the history of the Serbian 
Patriarchate, the Montenegrin Metropolitan draws no 
distinction between the Serbian dioceses in Macedonia 
and the rest of the Serbian dioceses. All are alike 
Serbian to him, and for all of them he begs for " their 
native Serbian Bishops." 

1 " Glasnik Srpskop Ucenog Drustva," vol. xii. pp. 357-359. 



VIII 

MACEDONIA AND THE SERBIAN STRUGGLE 
FOR LIBERATION 

Serbian sentiment of the Macedonians after the suppression of the 
Serbian Patriarchate — Sad plight of Macedonia after the sup- 
pression of the Serbian Patriarchate — Serbian sympathy for 
Macedonia — Macedonian aspirations to emancipate Serbian 
nation from the Turks — Participation of Macedonians in Austro- 
Turkish War (1788-1791) for liberation of the Serbs from the 
Turks — Participation of Macedonians in the Serbian insur- 
rection under Karageorge and Milos Obrenovic at the beginning 
of the nineteenth century — Moral support for Serbia from 
Macedonia — Macedonian national poetry celebrates the struggle 
of the Serbian nation against the Turks 

THE feeling of unity between the Macedonians and 
the rest of the Serbian nation did not become 
extinct even after the fall of the Serbian Patriarchate. 
All Serbs outside Macedonia continued to regard 
Macedonia as belonging to them. Macedonia was then 
in a wretched plight. Left to the mercy of the Greek 
bishops, she had lost all her schools. The churches and 
monasteries were in Greek hands or else deserted. The 
Slav liturgy had practically become extinct. The Serbian 
monks in those monasteries where the Greek influence 
was less felt regarded it as their duty to the nation at 
such a time to do all they could to elevate Serbian 
education and religion in Macedonia. In 1780, the monk 
Teofil of the Monastery of Dedani, went to the Monastery 
of the Holy Archangel in the Skopska Crna Gora (Black 

109 



110 MACEDONIA 

Mountain). There he opened a school, taught the young 
men to read and write, and prepared candidates for the 
priesthood. 1 In 1805, Teodosije, a monk in holy orders 
of the Monastery of Decani went to the deserted Monas- 
tery of Lesnovo in Macedonia ; with the help of the 
inhabitants of the neighbourhood he repaired it, and 
reintroduced the forgotten Slav liturgy within its walls. 3 
In the same year we find the " monk in holy orders 
Mojseg Decanac " in Tetovo.3 

But the Serbian lay population did not make any 
difference either. Writing to the Emperor of Russia in 
1789, the Montenegrin governor Ivan Radonjic begins 
his letter as follows : " Now all we Serbs of Monte- 
negro, Hercegovina . . . Albania, Macedonia . . . beg 
of ..." 4 

But more strongly than by any fraternal sympathy did 
the Macedonians express their Serbian feeling in later 
days ; they expressed it most positively and by the 
greatest sacrifices, and they did this by the share they 
bore in the struggle which the Serbian nation waged 
for liberation from the Turks. The focus of that 
struggle could not be in Macedonia. Not on any of 
her frontiers was Macedonia sufficiently near to a foreign 
State whence she could be supplied with the necessaries 
of war. The Serbian struggle for liberation began in 
regions remote from her, where the support of free 
Europe was accessible. Yet from the first the fight 
against the Turks was understood as the common 

1 S. Toinic, " Naselja Srpskih Zemalja" (" Settlement of the Serbian 
Lands"), vol. iii. p. 509. 

~ Lj. Stojanovic, " Stari Srpski Zapisi i Natpisi " (" Old Serbian 
Inscriptions and Notes"), No. 3822. 

3 Ibid., No. 3828. 

4 " Glasnik Srpskog Ucenog Drustva," vol. lxxii. p. 297. 



THE STRUGGLE FOR LIBERATION 111 

action of the whole Serbian nation, as the germ of 
future freedom. Serbs from all the Serbian lands took 
part in the struggle. The Macedonians bore their share 
with the rest. 

Already in those battles which, at the call of the 
Serbian Patriarch, the Serbian people fought at the 
the close of the seventeenth century, we have seen 
Macedonians fighting by the side of their brothers. 
Defeated together with the other Serbs they fled in 
large numbers to Austria, and there, as we have seen, 
strengthened the ranks of the Serbian emigrants. In 
the renewed struggle against the Turks the part played 
by the Macedonians was even greater. 

When in 1788 Austria went to war with Turkey, she 
called also upon the Serbs for assistance. As recom- 
pense for their help, Austria promised them liberation 
from the Turks and a happier future. Desirous of 
freedom, great hosts of Serbs enrolled themselves as 
volunteers under the Austrian flag. The more notable 
of these volunteers were commissioned as officers by the 
Austrians and placed at the head of the Serbian 
volunteers. The list of these officers, taken mainly from 
the archives in Vienna, shows to what extent, in pro- 
portion, many Serbian provinces were represented. 

Of the Serbian leaders commissioned by Austria, 16 
had come from Serbia, 2 from Bosnia, 9 from Croatia, 
38 from Srem and Slavonia, 1 from the Backa, 1 from 
the Banat, 1 from Old Serbia, and 9 from Macedonia. 
Of these last there were commissioned as Captains : 
Vlajko Stojanovic, of Leunovo (district of Tetovo) ; 
Deli Djordje Nikolajevic, of Bele Vode (Prilep district) ; 
Petar Novakovic-Cardaklija, of Leunovo ; Kuzman Cikic, 
of Mavrovo. Commissioned as Lieutenants : MiloS 



112 MACEDONIA 

Krajevic, of Mavrovo ; Jovan Nikolajevic-Cardoklija, of 
Leunovo. Commissioned as Sub-lieutenants : Trifun 
Tenasevic, of Debar ; Vucko Cikic, of Mavrovo : Trifun 
Trpkovic, of Debar. 1 

These men who fought for the freedom of the Serbian 
nation at the end of the eighteenth century are the best 
proof of the Serbian sentiment in Macedonia at that 
time. 

The Serbian sentiment of the Macedonians is likewise 
clearly shown by their taking part in the fights against 
the Turks which broke out in Serbian territory at the 
beginning of the nineteenth century. The two Serbian 
insurrections against the Turks at the beginning of the 
nineteenth century were decisive events in the history 
of the Serbian nation. The Serbs regarded them as a 
resurrection, as the opening-up of a new, free, national 
period of Serbian history. Therefore, there was no 
part of all the Serbian lands which did not hasten 
to place its services at the disposal of the Serbian 
insurgents and resuscitated Serbia. From the last and 
least herd-boy to the most distinguished — the writers, 
poets, philosophers of the nation — they all stood by the 
Serbian insurgents. Some joined the ranks of the fight- 
ing men ; others gave their moral support. 

Here, also, we find Macedonians. They, too, helped 
with all their might. Many heroes from Macedonia 
have set their mark upon the history of the Serbian 
insurrection against the Turks. We will mention only 
the most important among them. 

1 Drag. M. Pavlovic : " Srbija za vreme poslednjeg austro-turskog 
rata " (" Serbia during the last Austro-Turkish War, 1788-1791 "), 
p. 143, Belgrade, 1910. Lazar Arsenijevic-Batalaka, "Istorija srpskog 
ustanka " (" History of the Serbian Insurrection"), i. p. 141, Belgrade, 
1899. 



THE STRUGGLE FOR LIBERATION 113 

Vucko dikic, of Mavrovo. Served as officer in the 
Austro-Turkish War. After the war, he would not return 
to his native country, which was under Turkish rule, 
but settled in Srem, where he was in receipt of a 
pension from Austria. When the Serbian insurrection 
broke out in 1804, he at once sacrificed his pension 
and comfortable existence, went to Serbia and joined 
the ranks of the combatants. While in command of 
an army which was resisting the Turkish pressure from 
the south, he constructed the well-known Serbian fortress 
of Deligrad. While defending Deligrad Cikic died 
gloriously on April 3rd, in 1808. He was buried in the 
old Serbian Monastery of St. Roman, near Deligrad. 1 

Kusman Cikic, brother of Vucko Cikic, also of Mav- 
rovo, succeeded him in the command of Deligrad. He 
was an Austrian volunteer officer. He also settled in 
Srem and enjoyed an Austrian pension. He also gave 
up everything and accompanied his brother to Serbia. 
He also fought heroically for Serbia's independence from 
the Turks. 2 

Janko Popovic, of Ochrid. He went to Serbia before 
the insurrection. A bitter enemy of the Turks, he 
agitated against them even before the insurrection. No 
sooner had the insurrection broken out, than he joined 
the ranks of the combatants. Owing to the gallant 
way in which he distinguished himself in battle, he 
became a leader (vojvoda) and is one of the most 
notable figures in the Serbian insurrection. His courage 
and ability were specially in evidence in the battles of 

1 M. Dj. Mili6evic, " Pomenik znamenitih ljudi u srpskom narodu" 
(" Reminiscences of Famous Men of the Serbian Nation"), p. 168. 

- L. Arsenijevic-Batalaka, " Istorija Srpskog Ustanka " (" History 
of the Serbian Insurrection "), i. pp. 4, 5, 59, 141. 

9 



114 MACEDONIA 

Misar, Belgrade, and Bijeljina. He died in 1833, and 
was buried at Bavanica, one of the most important of 
the Serbian monasteries of the Middle Ages. 1 

Marko Krstic, of Belica. He also went to Serbia 
before the insurrection. As soon as the insurrection 
broke out he joined the ranks of the combatants. He 
was under the direct command of Kara George. As he 
distinguished himself in every battle, Kara George took 
note of him, and he soon became an independent 
vojvoda (leader). He was one of the most important 
army leaders in the second insurrection under Milos 
Obrenovic, in 1815. Through exposing himself, he was 
severely wounded in the second insurrection. He died 
at Sabac in 1822. 2 

Djordje Zagla, of Blace. He went to Serbia with 
three of his brothers after the outbreak of the insurrec- 
tion, and immediately joined the fighting-men. He 
soon became the chief military leader in Smederevo 
under the command of Vujica Vulicevic, was distin- 
guished for his gallantry and an enthusiastic fighter. 
He was wounded frequently, several times seriously. 
He died in Belgrade in 1847.3 

Vreta Kolarac, of Macedonia (his native place is not 
exactly known). Conspicuous for his bravery as a volun- 
teer, he became an army leader in the Kara George 
insurrection. He distinguished himself especially at 
Macva in 1806.4 

Mica Brka, of Mavrovo, son of Milos Krajevic. 
Lieutenant of Volunteers in the Austro-Turkish war. 
He fought bravely in every battle in the Kara George 
insurrection, and finally found a hero's death on the 

1 M. Dj. Milicevic, " Pomenik " (" Reminiscences "), pp. 196-197. 
" Ibid., pp. 796-799. 3 ibid., pp. 169-170. * Ibid., pp. 60-61. 



THE STRUGGLE FOR LIBERATION 115 

battlefield in 1813, together with Hajduk-Veljko, the 
greatest hero of New Serbian history. 1 

Besides those distinguished Macedonians who, as leaders 
of the Serbian insurgents, opened up an epoch of liberty 
in modern Serbian history, there was also a host of heroes 
of the rank and file from Macedonia, who with their 
blood and self-sacrifice helped to create a free Serbia. 

But in joining the Serbian insurrection, the Mace- 
donians offered not only their blood. There were 
numerous Macedonians who helped morally in the 
liberation and the strengthening of Serbia, and of these, 
too, we will mention the most distinguished. 

Petar Icko, born in Katranica. Upon the outbreak 
of the insurrection under Kora George, he proceeded 
to Serbia. Being an able and intelligent man, he was 
employed on various missions. He was also entrusted 
with the negotiations with the Turks. The peace which 
the Serbian insurgents concluded with the Turks in 
1806 was concluded through his mediation, and to this 
day it is called Ickov Mir (Ichko's Peace). He was 
buried in the Monastery of Kakovica, near Belgrade. 2 

V 

Petar NovakoviS-Gardaklija, born in Leunovo. He 
held a captain's commission in the Austro-Turkish war. 
After the war he enjoyed a pension from Austria. When 
the tidings of the insurrection reached him, he at once 
sacrificed his pension. Being a man of ability and 
experience, he was entrusted with various missions on 
behalf of the Serbian insurgents — the first time in Petro- 
grad in 1804 and subsequently in Constantinople in 1805 ; 
also to the Russian General Staff in 1807. When the 

' L. Arsenijevic-Batalaka, "Istorija srpskoga ustanka" ("History 
of the Serbian Insurrection"), i. p. 59. 
s M. Dj. Milicevic, " Pomenik" (" Reminiscences "), pp. 186-189, 



116 MACEDONIA 

" Praviteljstvujusci Sovjet Srbski " (the first Government 
of Free Serbia) was established in 1805, he was one of 
the members. He died in 1810. * 

Jovan Novakovic-Cardaklija, the brother of Petar 
Navakovic-Cardaklija, also born in Leunovo. He held 
a lieutenant's commission in the Austro-Turkish war, 
and subsequently enjoyed an Austrian pension. He 
also sacrificed his Austrian pension and, together with 
his brother, crossed the Serbian frontier. He also was 
entrusted with various services which the insurgents 
required from this able and distinguished patriot. 2 

Dimitrije Djordjevic, of Macedonia — his birthplace 
is not exactly known. He served under Milan 
Obrenovic in the insurrection led by Kara George. In 
the insurrection under MiloS Obrenovic he fulfilled 
various duties as interpreter, clerk, treasurer, Governor 
of Jagodina District, and envoy in diplomatic missions 
to Constantinople. From every point of view he was 
an upright man and a great patriot. For the services 
he had rendered to renewed Serbia, Prince Milos decreed 
that the names of Dimitrije Djordjevic and his wife 
were to be mentioned in divine service in church 
in the same way as those of Prince Milos and his 
brothers. He died in Jagodin in 1836. The inscription 
on his tomb says that " He was a man who deserved 
greatly of his Serbian fatherland. 3 

Dositije Novakovic, born in the village of Dabica, near 
Prilep. He was a monk. As he could not endure the 
Turkish horrors, he fled to newly liberated Serbia under 
Milos" Obrenovic and laboured actively for her exten- 
sion towards the east. When Serbia was enlarged, he 

1 L. Arsenijevic-Batalaka, " Istorija srpskog ustanka " (" History 
of the Serbian Insurrection "), i. pp. 141,' 147, 161, 183, 242, etc. 
* Ibid. * m. Dj. Milicevic, " Reminiscences," pp. 151-153. 



THE STRUGGLE FOR LIBERATION 117 

became the first bishop in the new territories in 1834. 
His kindness, generosity, and wise instruction to his 
people endeared his memory to them. He died in 1854. 
His last wish was that he might not be buried in the 
church, as is usual for a bishop, but in the cemetery. 
" I have lived with my people, and it is with them that 
I wish to be in the churchyard ; let the young 
grass grow on my grave." The grateful Serbian nation 
fulfilled the wish of its patriotic bishop. 1 

It was in this manner that the Macedonians expressed 
their Serbian sentiments during the Serbian insurrection 
for liberation at the beginning of the nineteenth century. 

But this is not all. The whole of Macedonia has 
with its soul taken part in the Serbian struggle for 
liberation. While the men of Macedonia, shoulder to 
shoulder with the other Serbs were shedding their blood 
for Serbia, to whom they looked for the liberation of 
Macedonia also, the progress of the Serbian insurrection 
was followed with most ardent sympathy in every home 
in Macedonia inhabited by the plain people of the land. 
Everybody in Macedonia anxiously awaited the news 
from the battlefields ; they took the keenest interest 
in every success, and composed ballads to celebrate 
the heroes of the Liberation of the Serbian people. 
Many songs have been composed in Macedonia in honour 
of the Serbian insurgents. The deeds of Kara George are 
celebrated in Macedonian ballads just the same as in 
ballads from other Serbian countries. 2 There is not a 
child in Macedonia who does not know the popular 
ballads of "Ilija Delija."3 Ilija Delija is a well-known 

1 M. Dj. Milicevic, " Eeminiscences," pp. 446-448. 

2 P. Draganov, " Makedonsko-slavjanski Sbornik " (" Macedonian 
Slav Collection"), i., St. Petersburg, No. 96 (Song from Prilep^. 

3 Ibid., Nob. 101. 102, 103, 104. 



118 MACEDONIA 

hero of the Serbian insurrection. His real name was 
Ilija Strelja. He was born in GradiSte, near Leskovac. 
After gathering together a large number of volunteers 
from his neighbourhood, he proceeded to Serbia. He 
distinguished himself specially at Deligrad in 1806. In 
1809 he succeeded in invading his native district, whence 
he was intended to organize incursions and to raise 
all Macedonia against the Turks. Ilija Delija's ardent 
wish to free Macedonia from the Turks made him a 
favourite subject of Macedonian national poetry. Hajduk 
Veljko, the greatest hero of the insurrection under Kara 
George, even during his lifetime became a legendary 
hero and was celebrated in song ; and also in Macedonia 
we find many songs in which Hajduk Veljko is honoured 
and celebrated, just as there are songs about him in other 
parts of Serbia. 1 In a popular ballad from Macedonia 
celebrating the insurrection under MiloS Obrenovi6, the 
Macedonians sing thus of the share they bore in it : — 

" Enough have we gone, enough have we walked, 
Enough have we walked on the plain of Sumadja (Serbia) 

*\* Jp JJS »f! rfZ 

:|* * * # % 

To destroy the great army, 
To free our poor children." 2 

In order to deprecate criticism, we beg to state that 
we have quoted all Macedonian songs of the Serbian 
Insurrection against the Turks solely from the collections 
of Macedonian national songs and ballads made by 
Bulgarian collectors. 

1 Braca Miladinovci, " Bugarske Narodne Pesme " (" Bulgarian 
National Songs"), Nos. 215, 216, 217 (Songs from the Neighbourhood 
of Ochrid). P. Draganov, " Makedonsko-slavjanski Sbornik," i., 
No. 73 (Song from the Neighbourhood of Debra), No. 74 (Song from 
the Neighbourhood of Kostur), No. 75 (Song from Tetovo). 

3 St. I. Verkovic, " Narodne pesme Makedonskih Bugara " 
("National Songs of the Macedonian Bulgars"), i., 1860, No. 353. 



IX 

BULGARIAN PROPAGANDA IN MACEDONIA 

BULGARIAN RESURRECTION 

Bulgars completely forgotten in Europe after the fall of the 
Bulgarian Empire in the Middle Ages — Bulgars in Bulgaria 
without national consciousness — Attempts at national awaken- 
ing — The Ruthenian G. Venelin forms an idealistic picture 
of the Bulgars and rouses them — Bulgars, inspired by Venelin's 
fables, begin to dream of Great Bulgaria — The romantic 
enthusiast George S. Rakovski fosters Bulgarian megalomania — 
Stephan Verkovic and his forged Bulgarian antiquities — All 
Bulgars united in the conception of their unlimited greatness — 
Education of the rising generation in this spirit — Bulgarian 
ideas take hold in Russia — Committees for the propaganda of 
the Bulgarian idea in Russia — Russian scholars, infected bj T 
Bulgarism, become its pioneers — Sympathy for the Bulgars 
spreads from Russia to the rest of Europe 

IF, in the nineteenth century, the Bulgars arose from 
the grave into which they were thrust by the 
Turks ever since the end of the fourteenth century, they 
are indebted for this entirely to the sentimental devo- 
tion of Slavophil Russia. Without this they would be 
ignorant to this day of their own existence as a nation. 
If during the course of the second half of the nineteenth 
century they attained emancipation from the Turks, 
they owe it to Russian blood and the humane sentiment 
of Europe. Without these they would have been slaves 
of the Turk to this day. But although they were re- 
suscitated through the efforts of others, although their 

119 



120 MACEDONIA 

emancipation was bought with the blood of others, the 
Bulgars were not content to let matters rest there. 
The psychology of a nation is not changed so easily. 
The old Bulgarian blood and the old insatiable and 
truculent Bulgarian spirit came out from the very first 
day of the renascence of the Bulgarian nation. The 
first New Bulgar dreamed already of becoming master 
over all his neighbours and much more besides. By 
servility, cunning and duplicity in their dealings with 
those who were stronger than themselves and able 
to help them ; by a cleverly organized appeal to those 
who have anything to give ; by an indefatigable propa- 
ganda for their imaginary rights, the Bulgars have 
succeeded in creating the fable of a greatness of the 
Bulgarian nation, its past and culture, of Bulgarian 
rights and interests beyond Bulgarian frontiers, and of 
Macedonia as a Bulgarian country. Herein alone lies 
the explanation why the Bulgars, a completely defunct 
nation, succeeded not only in obtaining their freedom 
and independence but also in finding advocates for their 
insatiable demands. 

" After the fall of the Bulgarian Empire at the end 
of the fourteenth century, the Bulgars were completely 
forgotten in Europe. Even kindred Russia knew next to 
nothing about them. . . . They were forgotten to such 
an extent, that at the end of the eighteenth century 
and in the beginning of the nineteenth even the most 
well-informed and conscientious scholars had no clear 
knowledge of them. Thus, in 1771, Schlotzer hazarded 
the opinion that a study of the neo-Bulgarian language 
might throw light upon the nature of the Old Bulgars. 
Dobrovski, the patriarch of modern Slavistic, believed the 
Bulgarian language, of which he was entirely ignorant, 



BULGARIAN PROPAGANDA 121 

to be a dialect of Serbian. All that was known to 
Kopitar in 1815 was that in Bulgarian the article is 
placed after the noun. The earliest data concerning 
the Bulgarian language were furnished by the Serb 
Vuk. S. Karadzic in 1822 in his ' Dodatak Petrograd- 
skim Uporednim Recnicima ' (' Supplement to the 
Petrograd Parallel Dictionaries'). All that Safarik knew 
in 1826 was that the Bulgars live between the Danube 
and the Balkan Mountains and that there are 600,000 
of them ! ". . . In these very words two distinguished 
Russian scholars express their total knowledge of the 
Bulgars at the beginning of the nineteenth century. 1 

Even the Bulgars themselves knew nothing about 
themselves. As the Bulgarian historian Drinov says, 
they had ceased to exist. Their one-time culture had not 
only disappeared, but was forgotten even by themselves. 
Educated Bulgarians — who could be counted on the 
fingers of one's hands — could not write their own 
language. The most notable Bulgarians were merchants, 
many of them were in business relations with Germany, 
Russia, and Africa ; but not one of them knew a single 
letter of Bulgarian. They not only " carried on their 
correspondence in the neo-Greek or Roumanian 
languages, but they spoke only Greek and were proud 
of their Hellenism. The man who occasionally for his 
own convenience desired to make a note in Bulgarian 
as well, would write Bulgarian with Greek characters. 2 

Even towards 1830 the "intellectual " class contained 

1 A. N. Pipin and V. D. Spasovic, " Istorija Slavjanskih Literatur, 
1879 " (" History of Slav Literature "), p. 104 (in Russian). 

' I. Venelin, " Zaradi Vozrazdenije Novobolgarskoj Slovesnosti " 
(" Concerning the Renascence of Neo-Bulgarian Slavdom "), prevel 
(edited by) M. Kifilov, Bucharest, 1842, pp. 11, 34, 35, 50 (in Bul- 
garian) ; S. Milarov, V. E. Aprilov, Odessa, 1885, p. 5 (in Bulgarian). 



122 MACEDONIA 

"not a single Bulgar who would confess to being a 
Bulgar, or one who spoke Bulgarian or attended divine 
service in the Slav language. And after the fashion 
of all renegades they hated and despised all that was 
Bulgarian more than did the real Greeks." * 

All Bulgarian attempts to emerge from this ignomin- 
ious condition 1 proved unavailing. The efforts of the 
Bulgarian monk Pajsije, who in 1762 tried to vindicate 
his nation by his "History of the Bulgarian Nation," 
remained unnoticed among the Bulgars themselves. 
His passionate reproaches to the Bulgars, because they 
read and write in Greek ; because they forgot their 
nationality ; because they yielded to Greek customs ; 
because they insulted their native tongue ; because they 
were ashamed of calling themselves Bulgars, clearly 
show how low the Bulgars had sunk. All attempts 
made at the beginning of the nineteenth century by the 
Bulgarian emigrants in Russia likewise remained un- 
successful. There were many Bulgarian emigrants in 
Russia, especially in the southern towns. Many of 
these were merchants of considerable wealth. Although 
every one of them had received a Greek education, yet 
there were some among them who contemplated a 
resurrection of their defunct nationality. But all in 
vain. The Bulgars were not able to raise themselves 
from their grave. 

The Bulgarian renascence came from abroad. It was 
reserved for the youth Gjorgje Venelin, a Ruthenian, 
(1802-1839), a native of Lemberg, to re-create the 
Bulgarian nation. After studying Slavistic at the 

1 E. Golubinski, " Kratki Ocerk Istoriji Pravoslavnih Cerkvej " 
(" Short Outline of Orthodox Church History "), Moscow, 1871, 
pp. 176-177 (in Russian). 



BULGARIAN PROPAGANDA 123 

University of Leinberg, he proceeded to Russia. At 
Kismjev he came across some Bulgarian emigrants who 
fired him with enthusiasm for the Bulgarian cause, 
and in 1829 he wrote a book in Russian entitled " Old 
and New Bulgars." Containing as it did something 
so far unknown, the book met with a favourable 
reception, and Venelin devoted himself with increased 
ardour to the cause of the Bulgars. In 1830 the 
Russian Academy commissioned him to explore Bulgaria. 
Thus he was afforded the opportunity of seeing the 
nation to which he had so lovingly devoted himself. 
Although he had considerable trouble with the objects 
of his affection, who threatened and blackmailed him — he 
was even robbed by a Bulgar of the " Carostavnik," a 
MS. of the Serbian Kings and Cars — and placed the 
most vexatious obstacles in his way, Venelin succeeded 
in collecting several old MSS., national ballads, and a 
certain amount of philological material. All this 
material was utilized by Venelin in his subsequent works 
on the Bulgars (description of his travels, the national 
ballads, Bulgarian literature, history and language). 
Although Venelin in his books furnished many details 
and created many assumptions regarding the Bulgars, 
his work does not possess great scientific value. Venelin 
was a great idealist, with a lively imagination. In his 
day the scientific material available on the subject of 
the Bulgars was both poor and scanty, and where his 
material failed him he supplied the deficiency from his 
exuberant imagination, " which in a few lines created 
pictures, so that he mistook for scientific results the 
ardent wish of his soul and the dream of his spirit." 
He himself admits that when he found his material 
deficient he supplemented it out of his own head. For 



124 MACEDONIA 

this reason "his books are full of mistakes, sometimes 
grave mistakes," and for this reason also " they very 
soon became obsolete." But if his works are of no 
scientific value, they are nevertheless of immense signifi- 
cance for the Bulgarian nation. " His great merit 
consists in the fact that he by himself created and re- 
suscitated the Bulgarian nation, that he was responsible 
for the birth of the completely defunct Bulgarian 
nationality." 1 

The romantically fantastic Venelin appealed to the 
immature imagination of the Young Bulgars. He was 
hailed with love and enthusiasm, as a Messiah come 
to rescue a lost nation. All his observations, all his 
praises, all his suggestions were accepted like com- 
mands from heaven. He urged the wealthy Bulgars 
of Russia and Roumania to subscribe donations for 
the support of the Bulgarian cause, for the opening 
of Bulgarian schools, for the printing of school books. 

Two Bulgarian merchants of Odessa, V. E. Aprilov 
and N. Palauzov, who had been completely Hellenized 
in their youth, 2 by reading Venelin became Bulgars 
and the first apostles of the Bulgarian awakening. 
Aprilov began to write books in Bulgarian, in which 
he speaks of his nation with fantastic enthusiasm. 
Palauzov conducted his propaganda by word of mouth 
and collected contributions. Both gave money for the 
opening of the school in Gabrovac, in 1835, the first 
of the Bulgarian schools. This work also influenced 
other Bulgars. The sum of donations contributed not 
only by Bulgars, but also by Russians and Roumanians 

1 Pipin and Spasovic, p. 112. 

- Vasil Aprilov was treasurer of the Greek Insurgents' Com- 
mittee in 182J. 



BULGARIAN PROPAGANDA 125 

constantly assumed greater proportions. Schools were 
opened, books published, young men sent to study in 
European schools and universities. Thus was in- 
augurated the first appearance of the Bulgars as a 
nation and the foundation of the idea of their deliver- 
ance from the Turks. 

The whole of this movement took place within the 
limits of Bulgarian territory ; of Macedonia the Bulgars 
had not even begun to dream. The movement was 
very popular, especially in Russia, who considered 
herself the protectress of the conquered Slavs, and in 
Serbia, who regarded the Bulgars as the broken nation 
of a brother-country. But the Bulgars were not con- 
tent with this. In Venelin's books they found the 
stimulus towards a state of things which they had so 
far not even contemplated. Before visiting the Balkan- 
Peninsula, Venelin wrote that the Bulgars were to 
be found not only in Bulgaria, but in Rumelia, 
Macedonia, Albania, Thessaly, South Morea, and Asia 
Minor as well; 1 that the Russians received Christianity 
from the Bulgars ; that it was the Bulgars who 
brought them the use of the alphabet ; that up to 
the time of Lomonosov, divine service had been cele- 
brated in Russia in Bulgarian, which had also been 
the literary language, and that in ancient times not 
one of the other Slav nations had been so rich in 
MSS. and so forth. 3 The Bulgars were not slow in 
adopting even the most preposterous of Venelin's 
statements and magnifying them out of all sense and 

■ " Drevinje i Ninjesnije Bolgare " (" Old and New Bulgars "), 
Moscow, 1829, vol. i. (in Russian). 

2 " Zaradi Vozrazdenije " (" Concerning the Renascence "), pp. 5, 
17 (in Bulgarian). 



126 MACEDONIA 

proportion. For whereas Venelin was a good man 
with the soul of a poet, an idealist whose infatuation 
for the Bulgars carried him to absurd lengths — as he 
himself often admitted — the Bulgars grew restive under 
all criticism and went recklessly far beyond the limits 
which Venelin in his infatuation had assigned to the 
Bulgarian nation. 

One of Venelin's first followers, the man who laid 
the foundation of the Bulgarian idea of expansion and 
of the role of the Bulgarian nation in the world, was 
the Bulgar Gjorgje S. Kakovski (1818-1868). In 
Venelin's fantastic ideas Bakovski found the inspira- 
tion for evolving a practical propaganda for the idea 
of the prehistoric claims of the Bulgars not only in 
the Balkan Peninsula, but far beyond it. Poet, his- 
torian, ethnographer, archaeologist, publicist, social and 
ecclesiastical agitator, Bakovski wrote much on the 
subject of his nation. But his violent patriotism 
extinguished every glimmer of common sense and 
critical faculty in his writings. A few samples will 
suffice to show what Bakovski is. In his efforts to 
raise the Bulgarian nation, "high in the eyes of its 
own sons, and afterwards in those of the world," 1 he 
has recourse to the realm of fairy tales, which is not 
the way of intelligent persons. He denies the ancient 
Greek sources, and places the Bulgars as precursors 
of the European nations ; the Bulgarian language does not 
differ from the Sanscrit; Bulgarian national mythology 
is Indian, 2 even before the advent of Christianity 
the Bulgars could read and write and possessed a 
literature; Bulgaria was "at one time the chief of 
the Slav nations, the mightiest and most extensive 
' Sofia paper Mir, February 3, 1917. = Pipiri and Spasovic. 



BULGARIAN PROPAGANDA 127 

Empire in Europe in olden times;" "moral truth 
appeared among the Bulgars first of all the Slavs," 
" the most ancient relics of the old Slav customs 
and language have been preserved in various parts 
of Bulgaria and among the Bulgars of to-day." 
The Bulgars lived in the Balkan Peninsula before 
the Greek immigration ; Demosthenes was a Bulgar ; 
so was Marko Botsaris, a hero of. the Greek insurrec- 
tion ; 1 all European languages and all European 
culture originated with the Bulgars. The ancient 
Peons and the Kelto-Kimbers were Bulgars ; Clovis 
and Merovaeus were Bulgars ; the first Christian 
Church in Europe was founded among the Bulgars ; 
they helped to establish the other churches, and they 
were the founders of Christian missionary activity ; the 
Bulgars received Christianity earlier than the Greeks, 
" because they believed in one God, in the immortality 
of the soul, and in recompense after death " ; the Greeks 
were converted later, because they were polytheists. 
Even the Olympic Zeus could not exist without the 
Bulgars. He was nursed and reared by the Bul- 
garian Mountain Villa (fay) Neda. 2 

It should specially be pointed out that Kakovski is 
not a "vulgar Bulgarian enthusiast." He is one of the 
most distinguished Bulgars of the nineteenth century. 
No one else looms so large in neo-Bulgarian political 
and literary history. The Sofia paper Mir of 
February 3, 1917, while calling upon the Bulgars to 

« G. S. Rakovski, " Gorski Putnik" ("A Traveller through the 
Mountains"), Novi Sad, 1857, pp. 164, 166, 175, 201, 231 (in 
Bulgarian). 

2 G. S. Rakovski, " Kljuc Bolgarskoga Jazika " (" Key to the 
Bulgarian Language"), Odessa, 1880, pp. 109, 142-143, 94, etc. 
(in Bulgarian). 



128 MACEDONIA 

celebrate the fiftieth anniversary of Kakovski's death, 
says that " the first half of the modern period of 
Bulgarian history is Eakovski's epoch," and proceeds to 
add that the question of the celebration "has already 
been taken up by the Bulgarian Academy of Science." 
But Kakovski is by no means the only example we 
could quote. All Bulgarian patriots of the nineteenth 
century resembled him. There is one name, however, 
that we must mention, a name especially connected 
with Macedonia. It is that of Stephan I. Verkovic 
(1827-1893). As a schoolmaster in Macedonia, he 
is one of the most responsible, especially in Eussia, 
for having paved the way for the mistaken idea that 
Macedonia is a Bulgarian country. He collected in 
Macedonia the local "Bulgarian" national ballads and 
wrote monographs upon them. Verkovic, too, can best 
be judged by quoting his work. Among other amazing 
troves he discovered in Macedonia the " Veda Sloven- 
ska," i.e. national poems of pre-historic antiquity! He 
collected hymns to Orpheus, the Thracian singer, and 
to the ancient Slav gods in Macedonia ! He discovered 
ballads of Alexander the Great and the settlement of 
the Slavs in the Balkan Peninsula! He discovered 
what other less privileged mortals had overlooked, viz. 
that the " Bulgars " of Macedonia have preserved cer- 
tain national songs or poems " referring to the primitive 
development of the human race," and the "mythology 
expressed in these traditions has a remarkable affinity 
with the Kig Veda," so that it occurred to him that 
"these poems must be, not only twin-sisters which 
grew from the same spring and source, but — what is 
more — that these poems of ours, judging by their sim- 
plicity and extreme antiquity, must be the model of 



BULGARIAN PROPAGANDA 129 

the Big Veda, having developed independently ever 
since the first separation, one version developing in 
one direction and the other in another." 1 

Before printing these hymns or songs, Verkovic sent 
them — like samples — to different quarters. To the 
Ethnographical Exhibition in Moscow in 1867 he sent 
an "Ancient Bulgarian Orphic Hymn" of which he 
declared that he had taken it down from an old man 
of one hundred and five. The hymn, of course, sounded 
merely like "a fairy tale," as Verkovic himself admits, 
but this did not prevent him from printing and publish- 
ing it together with others, or even from maintaining 
in the preface " that the contents of these songs are 
based on historic truth and on facts which have really 
taken place," and to point out " that there is more 
truth in them than in any other similar products 
of the past, whether European or Asiatic." 2 Even 
though all Verkovic's forgeries were exposed at once 
and without difficulty, this did not in the least deter 
him from publishing the second volume of his " Veda "3 
seven years later. 

Verkovic is not really remarkable in himself. But he, 
too, is an important figure in Bulgarian history. He was 
for a long time the chief and only authority in Russia on 
matters Macedonian. In fact, one of his works is an 
" Ethnography of Macedonia " written in Russian. To- 
day the Bulgars refer copiously to him over the Mace- 
donian question — to his songs, his treatises, and reports. 
For them he is " well-known in the Slav world as an 

1 " Veda Slovena, narodni pesni ot predhistoricno i predhristjansko 
doba, otkril v. Trakija i Makedonia i izdal Stefan I. Verkovic," 1874, 
p. x. 

2 Ibid., p. xii. 

3 Petrograd, 1881. 

10 



130 MACEDONIA 

ethnographer and archaeologist ; he is especially 
esteemed for his perfect knowledge of Macedonia." 1 

These ideas were held by all Bulgars of the nineteenth 
century. They were shared also by the Bulgarian 
historian Gavril Krstovic, one of the chief agitators in 
the Bulgarian Church Question. His " History of the 
Bulgarian Nation" is full of fables and wild exaggera- 
tions concerning the Bulgars and their past. Even 
Mr. Drinov, the best of the Bulgarian historians, is not 
entirely free from these ideas. 

By such ideas was the Bulgarian awakening accom- 
panied. They permeated the whole of the nation, 
all its new history, its science, its policy, and all its 
social and political programme, the rising" generation of 
Bulgaria is brought up on these ideas ; all school and 
instruction are imbued with them. 2 

Armed with ideas of this kind, then, the Bulgars began 
their propagandist activity in Macedonia and their 



i 



A. Ischirkov, " Les confins occidentaux des Terres Bulgares," 
Lausanne. 1915, p. 231. Mr. Ischirkov is Professor of Geography at 
the University of Sofia and Member of the Bulgarian Academy of 
Science. 

2 In Bulgarian school-books we find it is stated that Alexander the 
Great was a Bulgar, because he was born in Macedonia, and that 
Aristotle was a Bulgar for the same reason. It is true that he wrote 
in Greek, but he did so only in order to educate the southern bar- 
barians. He wrote also in Bulgarian, but the Greeks destroyed 
the MSS. (see Morning Pcfsi of February 8, 1916). According to 
Bulgarian school-books Constantine the Great Was also a Bulgar, as 
he was born in Nis, which, is — according to them — a Bulgarian town. 
According to the same authority Cyril and Method are Bulgars, 
because they were born in Salonica ; Aleksa Nenadovid and Hajduk 
Veljko, those heroes of the Serbian liberation, are likewise Bulgars, 
and also the heroes of the Greek insurrection Botsaris, Karaiskis, 
Kanaris, Miaulis, and others. (Cf. " Drzave i narodi Balkans- 
kog Poluostrva," translated from the .Russian, Belgrade, 1891, 
pp. 100-101.) 



BULGARIAN PROPAGANDA 131 

opposition to the Serbian claims to that country. Un- 
fortunately these ideas did not remain confined to the 
Bulgars. By dint of constant and ubiquitous repetition 
they had the good fortune to be heard of and taken 
into consideration. The first and most strongly to be 
influenced by them was .Russia, who regarded the Slavs 
of Turkey as her oppressed brothers in blood and religion. 
In Eussia there were always Bulgarian refugees. For 
whereas the refugees from Serbian countries under 
Turkey always fled to the Serbs, the Bulgars fled to 
Wallachia, Moldavia, and South Bussia. 1 From these 
the Russians heard of the misery that prevailed in 
Bulgaria. It was in Russian that Venelin with pas- 
sionate devotion and fanciful idealism introduced the 
Bulgarian nation and its fictitious value for Slavdom 
and for the world. In their war with Turkey towards 
the end of the thirties of the nineteenth century, the 
Russians had at last the opportunity of personally 
observing the miseries of the nation of which Venelin 
was just at that time writing with so much sympathy 
and enthusiasm. Added to this came the agitation of 
the " awakened " Bulgarian patriots in Russia and 
Roumania. "Bulgarian Committees for the aid of the 
Danubian Bulgars" were established in Odessa and 
Bucharest, with the object of making propaganda in 
Russia and elsewhere for the benefit of the Bulgarian 
cause. To Bulgaria these Committees sent school and 
liturgical books, crucifixes, vestments, chalices, and other 
ecclesiastical furniture. Russia was the first to take 
a lively interest in the Bulgars. She, too, sent books 
and subscriptions for the Bulgarian schools and ecclesi- 

1 Pipin and Spasovic, p. 139 ; G. S. Rakovski, " Gorski Putnik" 
("A Traveller through the Mountains "), p. 271. 



132 MACEDONIA 

astical furniture for the Bulgarian churches. She was 
the first to attract and to educate the Bulgarian younger 
generation, which produced some of the most -ardent 
Bulgarian patriots who then either laboured in Eussia 
or else made propaganda in the Balkan Peninsula. 
Finally, little by little, Bulgaromania became general in 
Russia. Even sober men of science were bitten with 
the Bulgarian craze and prepared to pronounce the 
whole of the Balkans to be Bulgarian. The learned 
V. Grigorovic, travelling in the Balkans in 1844, saw 
only Bulgars wherever he went. Although he noticed 
a prevailing difference between the speech of the Mace- 
donians and that of the Bulgars, he could not get rid 
of his Bulgarophilism, and so pronounced all Macedonians 
to be Bulgars. 1 He also noticed other differences, but 
being completely fascinated by the Bulgars, he did not 
think of discriminating between them and the Mace- 
donians. 2 Gfigorovic"s unquestioned authority only 
served to strengthen the Russian love for the Bulgars. 
They were the favourite children of the Great Slav 
Mother. The Russian Society, " Slavyanskoe Blagot- 
voritelnoe Obscestvo," established in 1858, laboured 
untiringly at the propagation of the Bulgarian cause. 
The ethnographic maps published by the Society were 
in complete accord with the most ambitious of Bulgarian 
ideals. In 1870 Russia created the Bulgarian auto- 
nomous Church. Finally, when in 1878 it became 
necessary to establish the Bulgarian State, all Russia 
was carried away with excitement. Public opinion was 
stronger than the Government. Thus was created the 

1 V. Grigorovic, " Ocerk putesestvija po evropejskoj Turcii," 1848, 
pp. 194, 195, 196 (in Russian). 
3 Ibid. 



BULGARIAN PROPAGANDA 133 

Great Bulgaria of San Stefano, on March 3, 1878 — a 
Bulgaria within whose frame, beside the real Bulgaria, 
were included Macedonia and a great part of Old Serbia. 
According to popular opinion in Russia at the time 
Bulgaria was entitled to an area of 164,000 sq. km. 
with a population of 4,500,000. And if there had been 
no Congress of Berlin, 1878, which reduced Bulgaria to 
her proper ethnical boundaries, the Bnlgars would long 
ago have been masters of the Balkan Peninsula. But 
although the Bulgaria of San Stefano was not realized, 
it left a strong impression among the Bulgars. It 
remained for them a recognized and merely unrealized 
goal. It has ' been the dream of the whole of the 
Bulgarian nation ever since. 

From Bussia this sympathy for Bulgaria spread all 
over the world. It was in Russia that the fables of 
the Bulgars were given wings. Russia was the chief 
authority on Bulgaria and her chief advocate. Thence 
the sympathy and help extended by all the world to 
the unjust aspirations of Bulgaria, to the huge detri- 
ment of the just interests of the Serbian nation. 



IX (Continued) 

BULGABIAN ACTION IN MACEDONIA 

The Greek Church abuses its power over the Slavs in the Turkish 
Empire — Slav dissatisfaction — Inability of the Serbs to fight 
the Greek Church — The Bulgars, assisted by Russia, open their 
campaign — The Uniate Church (Greek Catholicism) among the 
Bulgars — The Russians, alarmed at the progress of the Uniate 
Church, increase their help to the Bulgars — The Greek 
Patriarch, alarmed at the growth of the Uniate Church, yields to 
the Bulgars — The Porte, taking the part of the Bulgars, inter- 
venes with the Greek Patriarch, and the Sultan declares the 
independence of the Bulgarian Church in Turkey — Significance 
of the creation of the Bulgarian Exarchate — Detriment caused 
to the Serbs in Turkey by the creation of the Bulgarian 
Exarchate — Attitude of the Greek Clmreh towards the Mace- 
donian Serbs — Macedonians begin to turn Uniate — Russia 
advises them to join the Bulgars in their struggle against the 
Greek Church — Macedonians help Bulgars, but only to free 
themselves from the Greek clergy — The Macedo-Roumanians do 
the same — The Bulgarian Exarchate and Macedonia — Turks 
side with Bulgars in Macedonia — New Bulgarian bishoprics in 
Macedonia — Forcible Bulgarization of the Macedonians — Creation 
of independent Bulgaria — Propaganda in Macedonia from Bul- 
garia — Many Macedonian Serbs refuse to join the Bulgars — 
Bulgarian terror among Serbian population of Macedonia — 
Bulgarian comitadjis in Macedonia — Destruction of Serbian 
records and monuments in Macedonia 

DESPITE Bulgarian zeal, and in spite of the 
sympathies of Europe, the Bulgars would not 
have prevailed in Macedonia had they not succeeded 
in pressing the Church into the service of their 
nationallnterests. When speaking of the part played 

134 



BULGARIAN ACTION IN MACEDONIA 135 

by the Serbian Patriarchate we explained how great 
is the importance of au autonomous Church in Turkey. 
The Bulgars contrived to have Macedonia placed under 
the power of their own autonomous Church, and then 
drew every advantage from this circumstance that could 
possibly be drawn from it, to the utmost limit. 

Bight up to the latter half of the eighteenth century 
the greater part of Macedonia was from an ecclesiastical 
point of view under the Serbian Patriarchate, while 
the smaller part was under the archiepiscopal see of 
Ochrida. In 1766 the Turks suppressed the Serbian 
Patriarchate, and in 1767 they suppressed the archi- 
episcopate of Ochrida. All the powers and rights of 
these two independent Churches were henceforth trans- 
ferred to the Greek Patriarchate in Constantinople. In 
this way not only the vast territories which had already 
been under the Greek Patriarchate before, but also all 
those regions in the Turkish Empire in which the Church 
service was conducted in the Slav tongue, were placed 
under the Greek Patriarchate. 

The Greek Patriarchate is above all things a Greek 
Church. It was never friendly to the Slavs of the 
Balkan Peninsula. While the Southern Slavs had their 
independent States in the Middle Ages, their auto- 
cephalous Churches were rivals of the Greek Patriarchate. 
Under the Turkish rule the independent Serbian Church 
guarded the Serbian nation and its national civilization 
from the influence of the Greek Church, just as it 
guarded them from that of the Turks. When the 
Greek Patriarchate found itself in the proud position 
of being the chief and sole Orthodox Church in European 
Turkey, it looked upon it as its duty to suppress every 
non-Greek national feeliDg and to foster and strengthen 



136 MACEDONIA 

only Greek sentiment. Only Greek nationality and 
Greek civilization enjoyed its favour ; everything else 
was persecuted and crushed. None but Greeks could 
occupy high positions in the Church. From these 
positions they everywhere protected the Greeks alone, 
they introduced an exclusively Greek intellectual life, 
and they invested everything with an exclusively Greek 
character. The Slavs, no matter what their ability, were 
never permitted to rise beyond the dignity of a parish 
priest, and that they could attain only by heavy pay- 
ments. The Slav office was persecuted, old Slav MSS. 
were destroyed, the legends in the churches coated over 
with plaster and replaced by Greek inscriptions. Besides 
all this the Greek Church was morally in a most corrupt 
state. Robbery and venality prevailed in high places. 
Preferment was given only to sycophants and to those 
who were able to pay well. A bishopric cost about 
;£T1,000 in gold. For gold, ex-cooks and innkeepers were 
permitted to attain the dignity of a bishop. And other 
vices of the vilest sort werft prevalent in the hierarchy 
of the Greek Church. Standing by the Turks in all 
things, truckling to them and bribing them with money, 
the Greek Church with the help of the Turks exploited 
the nation and treated it even as the Turks were doing. 

This state of affairs produced a profound dissatisfac- 
tion with the Greek Church among the Slavs. For 
this reason, in Serbia — as soon as the country had set 
itself free — MiloS Obrenovic, her prince at that time, 
made it one of his first cares to separate the Serbian 
Church from the Greek Patriarchate and to render it 
independent. 

Throughout Turkey, this dissatisfaction with the 
Greek Church increased from day to day. Nothing 



BULGARIAN ACTION IN MACEDONIA 13? 

was lacking but a suitable opportunity to begin 
an open struggle against it. Although the Serbs 
were far more numerous in Turkey than the Bulgars, 
they were nevertheless practically debarred from rebel- 
ling against the Greek Church. The liberation of 
Serbia at the expense of .Turkey made the Serbian 
people an object of mingled hate and fear on the part of 
the Turks. Any movement on the part of the Serbs in 
Turkey was supposed to be instigated from Serbia. Every 
Serb in Turkey was considered a rebel. The detachment 
of the Serbian Church from the Greek Patriarchate 
increased the hostility of the Greeks towards the Serbs, 
and stimulated Greek intrigue against them. The 
Turkish Empire and the Greek Patriarchate became 
natural allies against the Serbs. The Bulgars were (at 
that time) in a far better position to fight against the 
abuses of the Greek Church. They were docile subjects 
of Turkey, without political aspirations. The Bulgarian 
State did not as yet exist, and the Turks could not lay 
it to their charge, as they did to that of the Serbs, that 
they were agitating abroad for the formation of a free 
State. 

The Bulgars, too, had good reason to be discontented 
with the Greek Patriarchate. For many years, ever 
since the Bulgarian Patriarchate in Trnovo was sup- 
pressed in 1393, the Greeks had cruelly oppressed the 
Bulgars. They denationalized them and destroyed all 
their native civilization. Very early in the day there 
were voices raised among the Bulgars against the Greeks. 
Already in the middle of the eighteenth century the 
Bulgarian historian Pajsije complained bitterly of the 
Greeks. Venelin relates how, some time about 1794, 
the Greeks burnt a number of old Bulgarian MSS. at 



138 MACEDONIA 

Trnovo; how the Bulgarian alphabet had ceased to 
exist ; how the Bulgars write the words of their own 
language in Greek characters or carry on their corre- 
spondence entirely in Greek ; how the Christian faith 
has declined among the Bulgars, how priests are scarce, 
and one may find unbaptized young men of between 
seventeen and twenty years of age. 1 When, in 1823, the 
Metropolitan of Sofia discovered the presence of Bul- 
garian books and antiquities in the village of Cerovina, 
near Sofia, he ordered the former to be burnt and 
replaced by Greek books. 2 In 1825 the Metropolitan of 
Trnovo ordered the burning of the old library of the 
Bulgarian Patriarchate during the Trnovo period, which 
had been accidentally re-discovered shortly before. 3 All 
this provided sufficient cause for the Bulgars to be 
thoroughly dissatisfied with the Greek Patriarchate. 

The denationalized Bulgars, however, did not begin 
to consider all these matters till Venelin roused them 
from their torpor. It was precisely through his influence 
among the more notable Bulgars that the idea of 
emancipation from the Greeks began to appear. In 
1840 the Bulgars begged the Greek Patriarchate that in 
the Bulgarian counties the Greek language might be 
replaced by the Bulgarian in the Church services. 
As this petition was unsuccessful, the Bulgars in 1853 
appealed to the Russian Ambassador (in Constantinople), 
Prince Menshikov, for intervention on their behalf in 
this matter. But even then they failed to succeed. 

1 J. Venelin, " Zaradi vozbuzdenie novobolgarskoj slovesnosti " 
(" Concerning the Eenascence of Neo-Bulgarian Slavdom"), Bucharest, 
1842, pp. 11, 27, 34-86 (in Bulgarian). 

2 G. Bousquet, " Histoire du Peuple Bulgare," Paris, 1909, p. 133. 

3 J. Bakovski, " Gorski Putnik" ("A Traveller through the 
Mountains "), pp. 208, etc. 



BULGARIAN ACTION IN MACEDONIA 139 

After the Crimean War, the Porte by a decree on 
February 16, 1856, promised her Christian subjects that 
their rights should be respected and their religion pro- 
tected. On the strength of this the Bulgars demanded 
that in the Bulgarian eparchies Bulgarian bishops and 
priests should be appointed, and that in the churches the 
Bulgarian language should be introduced in place of the 
Greek. Although the Russian Ambassador supported 
their petition in Constantinople, the Bulgars were again 
unsuccessful. In the meantime the Bulgarian agitation 
increased from day to day, and the interest in the 
emancipation of the Church was growing even among 
the mass of the people. In December 1858, the Bulgars 
again presented a petition to the Greek Patriarch, 
demanding that no bishops' should be appointed in the 
Bulgarian eparchies who were not acquainted with 
the Bulgarian language. The Holy Synod of the Greek 
Patriarchate refused even this demand, but promised 
that it would consider the matter. Although four 
members of the Holy Synod were actually Bulgars (from 
Philippopolis, Vidin, Sofia, and Trnovo) the Bulgarian 
request was in the end definitely refused in February 
1860. This was the signal for fresh agitations. By 
this time the Bulgars possessed books and newspapers. 
Four Bulgarian printing presses (in Constantinople, 
Trnovo, Sunien, and Philippopolis) were busily turning 
out inflammatory books and newspapers. The nation 
was aroused. In many places the populace, with new- 
found fanaticism, expelled the Greek priests from the 
churches and refused the bishops their stipends. But 
the whole of this Bulgarian Church movement has no 
connection with Macedonia. It concerned the Bulgars 
only, and not the Serbs in Macedonia. 



HO MACEDONIA 

One contemporary circumstance proved a decisive 
factor in favour of the Bui gars by winning them 
Kussia's unlimited help, and the Bulgars took every 
possible advantage of it. In consequence of the dissen- 
sions between the Bulgars and the Greek Patriarchate, 
a Uniate propaganda began to make headway in Bulgaria. 
This propaganda offered the Bulgars what the Patri- 
archate had refused even to think of giving them. 1 It 
offered them, if they went over to the Uniate faith, 
emancipation from the Greeks, divine service in the 
Bulgarian language, bishops whom they need not pay, 
help for intellectual requirements, school and church 
books, and everything else needed to elevate the 
Bulgarian nationality. In its outer form the Uniate 
Church does not differ in the least from the Orthodox. 
Moreover, the advantages it offered suited the needs 
of the Bulgars. The common people took to it very 
sympathetically. Conversions to the Uniate Church 
became frequent. In order to dismay Kussia, the 
Bulgarian leaders showed themselves especially enthu- 
siastic supporters of the Uniate movement. In order to 
make the danger appear more pressing to the Russians, 
many of them became converts to the Uniate Church. 
One of the first converts was Cankov, a popular leader 
at that time and subsequently one of the most prominent 
men of free Bulgaria. 2 

The news of the spread of the Uniate faith among 
the Bulgars came to the Russians like a bolt from the 
blue. Bigoted Orthodox Russia did not lose a moment 

1 Uniates being members of any Eastern Christian Church acknow- 
ledging the Papal supremacy but retaining their own liturgy. 

- That this movement was really only intended to force Russia's 
hand is proved by the fact that Cankov and the rest of the Bulgarian 
leaders eventually all reverted to the Orthodox faith. 



BULGARIAN ACTION IN MACEDONIA HI 

in doing all she could to check the Uniate movement. 
Every Bulgarian wish received attention. From this 
time forth Bulgarian demands, however extravagant, 
and Russian support went hand in hand ; the Bulgars 
proposed and the Russians disposed. 

This spread of Uniacy was to the detriment of Ortho- 
doxy in general. The Greek Patriarch, too, became 
alarmed, and announced that he was prepared to meet 
the Bulgars as far as possible, so that they would remain 
in the Orthodox fold. The Bulgars at once increased 
their demands, and insisted upon the autonomy of 
the Bulgarian Church. In other words, the Bulgars 
demanded an independent head of their Church, to be 
elected only by the Bulgars and whose seat would 
be in Constantinople ; furthermore, that all Bulgarian 
bishops should be elected only by Bulgarian priests, 
and that they must be confirmed in their dignity by 
the head of the Bulgarian Church ; and that the 
administration of the Bulgarian Church should be 
entrusted exclusively to the Bulgars. The Patriarch 
was willing to yield to the Bulgars, but only as regards 
the truly Bulgarian counties, between the Danube and 
the Balkan chain. He therefore requested the Bulgars 
to define the scope of their future Church. 

Having gained Russia's help and the acquiescence of 
the Greek Church, the Bulgars now showed themselves 
in their true colours : " Let us get what we can, no 
matter if it belongs to others." The dream of a great 
Bulgaria and of a hegemony over the nations of the 
Near East began to appear as a realizable goal. The 
Bulgars rejected the proposal of the Patriarch, and 
began with fresh agitations and threats. The Patriarch 
endeavoured to allay the Bulgarian tempest by a letter 



142 MACEDONIA 

promising to accede to all the Bulgarian demands in 
all eparchies that were truly Bulgarian. The Bulgars 
were not satisfied with this either, but applied to the 
Porte and began to negotiate with her direct. While 
the Porte was still considering the Bulgarian Church 
question, the Bulgars presented their ultimatum : a free 
Church or rebellion ! Partly the Bulgarian unrest, but 
vastly more the influence of the Russian Ambassador 
prevailed with the Porte to submit a scheme for the 
solution of the Graeco-Bulgarian imbroglio to the Greek 
Patriarch in October 1868. In an accompanying letter 
to the Patriarch the Porte declared that this question 
could no longer be permitted to remain open, and that 
it was a State necessity to satisfy the Bulgars. In this 
scheme the Porte demanded that wherever the Bulgars 
constituted the majority, it was they who should elect 
the priests ; that their bishops should be Bulgars, and 
that the head of the Bulgarian Church should reside 
in Constantinople, whence he would with his Synod 
minister to the ecclesiastical needs of the Bulgars. The 
Greek Patriarchate had not yet fully considered this 
scheme when the Bulgars announced it in all their 
eparchies as a fait accompli. This was a decisive step 
in the detachment of the Bulgars from the Greek 
Patriarchate. The Patriarch considered their attitude 
quite illegal, and appealed to all the Orthodox Churches, 
inviting them to a (Ecumenical Council to deal with the 
question. This Council never met. The Porte, thanks 
to Russia's endeavours, settled the matter herself instead. 
Without paying any attention to the Greek Patriarchate, 
the Porte in 1869 arranged, and on February 28, 1870, 
by a firman from the Sultan announced the establishment 
of an independent Bulgarian Church under the name of 



BULGARIAN ACTION IN MACEDONIA 143 

the Bulgarian Exarchate, whose See was to be in 
Constantinople. 

The creation of the Bulgarian Exarchate gave a 
new direction to the development of conditions in 
the Christian territories of the Turkish Empire. The 
establishment was a great blow to the Greeks. The 
new Bulgarian Exarchate not only deprived the Greek 
Patriarchate of a great part of its territory, but became 
a danger, threatening to wrest from the Greek Patri- 
archate even the remaining Slavs who were left under 
it. As for the Serbs, they found a new enemy in the 
Bulgarian Exarchate, an enemy who was under Russia's 
protection and enjoyed the favour of the Porte. By 
their solicitude and success in the creation of the 
Bulgarian Exarchate the Russians established a great 
prestige for themselves among the Slavs of the Turkish 
Empire as the all-powerful protectors of Slav Orthodoxy, 
while in that same Exarchate they found a channel for 
their own political activities in Turkey. The Turks also 
considered that by the creation of the Exarchate they 
had scored a great political success. They imagined that 
by the establishment of the Exarchate they had killed the 
prestige of the Greek Patriarchate, which had served as 
a screen for the policy of Greece, that by it a focus was 
created -in Constantinople, towards which all the Slavs 
of the Turkish Empire would gravitate, including the 
Serbs, whose gravitation towards Serbia was considered 
so dangerous. The Bulgars made the fullest use of 
their Exarchate. They not only received an autonomous 
Church, but the incidental conditions established by it 
were also all to their advantage. The defeat of the 
Greek Patriarchate and the weakening of the ties 
between Serbia and the Slavs under the Turks, Russia's 



144 MACEDONIA 

increased prestige and her policy in the Balkans, and 
the gravitation of the Slavs in Turkey towards Con- 
stantinople — all this was greatly in favour of the 
Bulgars. 

These were the conditions under which the Bulgarian 
Exarchate began its activities. The Bulgarian Exarch 
was not only head of the Bulgarian Church and protector 
of the Slav liturgy, but also the representative of the 
Bulgarian people with the Sultan and his ministers, the 
protector of Bulgarian interests, and the inaugurator of 
the improvement and revival of Bulgarian culture and 
nationality. Abundant funds, which the eparchies 
readily contributed, were employed without delay in 
improving Bulgarian education. Schools were opened 
throughout the extent of the Exarchate. Large numbers 
of students were sent to high schools, especially to 
Kussia. All Bulgaria pulsated with new life. The people, 
wearied of their ill-treatment by the Greeks and anxious 
for the introduction of the Slav language in the Church 
service, rallied enthusiastically around their leaders. 

Already at the outset the Bulgarian Exarchate inflicted 
a grave injury upon the Serbian nation. It did not 
limit itself to the Bulgarian counties. Besides the 
Bulgarian, several purely Serbian eparchies were included 
in its jurisdiction, viz. the Eparchies of Nifi, Pirot, 
Custendil, Samokov and Veles, which had been under 
the Serbian Patriarchate until the latter half of the 
eighteenth century. Although in Macedonia only the 
eparchy of Veles was assigned to the Exarchate, yet 
this was the beginning of Bulgaria's full-blown activity 
in Macedonia. 

***** 

The Serbs in Macedonia were also greatly tyrannized 



BULGARIAN ACTION IN MACEDONIA 145 

over by the Greeks. Immediately after the suppression 
of the Serbian Patriarchate we begin to hear of dis- 
content in Macedonia with the heads of the Greek 
Church. In 1791 a priest named Antim was appointed 
Metropolitan of Skoplje. He was of purely Greek origin. 
A Serbian monk of the Monastery of Lesnovo has 
given us the following description of the Metro- 
politan Antim: — "A great lover of lucre, who cares 
naught for the canon because of his covetousness. The 
monasteries are rank with simony, he cares neither for 
the Church, nor the poor, nor the widows. He bestows 
no alms and exacts taxes from the monasteries." l Else- 
where the position was no better: "Throughout Mace- 
donia from Salonica to Ochrida, and from the frontiers 
of Thessaly up to Skoplje and Melnik, not only in the 
places where the Metropolitans have their residence, 
but even in the village churches, divine service is being 
celebrated in the Greek tongue." 2 The few Serbian 
schools that remained were unable to counteract the 
Greek influence. Plenty of people were in the habit of 
using the Greek alphabet even when they had to write 
in Serbian. The national customs, to which the Serbian 
people are deeply attached, were persecuted. The Greek 
priests particularly strove to eradicate the " Slava," a 
universal Serbian custom which is kept as a sign of 
Serbian nationality, and to replace it by Greek customs. 3 
This conduct on the part of the Greek priests exas- 
perated the Serbian population of Macedonia. Upon the 

1 Lj. Stojanovic, " Stari Srpski Zapisi Natpisi " ("Old Serbian 
Inscriptions and Notes "), No. 3759. 

a V. Grigorovic, " Ocerk putesestvija po Evropejskoj Turcii," 
p. 136. 

3 Iv. S. Jastrebov, " Obicai i pjesni tureckih Serbov," Petrograd, 
1886, p. 3 (in Russian). 

11 



146 MACEDONIA 

appearance of the Uniate propaganda, the Macedonians, 
too, began to be converted by it. The centre of this 
propaganda was at Kuku§ in Southern Macedonia, where 
the Uniates established a church in 1857. The Bulgars 
were not slow to turn this popular discontent and the 
spread of the Uniate faith in Macedonia to their own 
advantage. In the dissatisfaction of the Macedonian 
Serbs with the Greek rule the Bulgars found corrobora- 
tion of what they themselves always alleged against the 
Greeks, and on the other hand it provided them with 
a further field for their activities. While the Bulgars 
were drawing the attention of the Eussians to the 
activity of the Uniates in Macedonia, they were them- 
selves doing their best to win over the Macedonians to 
join the Bulgarian movement against the Greeks. 
Orthodox Eussia likewise considered the presence of the 
Uniate communities in Macedonia a danger to Slav 
Orthodoxy, and so began to send her agents to dissuade 
the populace from joining the former and to promise 
that the Serbian question in Macedonia should be 
solved together with the Bulgarian Church question. 
Looking upon Eussia as the protectress of Slav 
Orthodoxy, the Macedonians listened to these counsels 
and helped to further the Bulgarian cause, upon the 
success of which their own cause was likewise to 
depend. The Uniate movement weakened, and support 
for the Bulgarian movement increased. Thus began 
the rapprochement between the Macedonian Serbs 
and the Bulgars. 

When the agitation against the Greeks and the con- 
versions to the Uniate faith first began in Macedonia 
nobody thought of the Bulgars. It was only a question 
of emancipation from the Greek Patriarchate and the 



BULGARIAN ACTION IN MACEDONIA 14? 

restoration of the national tongue in the Church offices. 
When the Uniate Church in Kukus was consecrated in 
1857, it received the inscription : " On March 1st, 1857, 
our lost mother tongue was restored to us." x Better 
than anything else, this inscription reveals the motives 
of the Serbs in Macedonia when they went over to the 
Uniate faith. When the Russians entered the lists 
against the Uniate movement the Serbs were left but 
one way of attaining emancipation from the Greeks, and 
that was to join the Bulgarian movement. This step 
did not imply Bulgarization, but only a joint struggle 
against the Greeks for the use of the Slav tongue in 
the Church. 

That the struggle, which the Macedonians had from 
the very first waged against the Greeks, did not bear 
a Bulgarian character, nor prove that the Macedonians 
wished to become Bulgars, is best shown by the 
adherence of the Roumanians of Macedonia to the 
Bulgarian cause. The Roumanians in Macedonia 
suffered the same wrongs at the hands of the Greek 
priests as did the Slav Christians. So the Roumanians, 
too, began to rebel. Like the Serbs, they too joined 
the Bulgars and waged a struggle for a native clergy 
and use of the national tongue in the Church. In many 
localities they for a long time acted jointly with the 
Bulgars. When the Bulgarian Exarchate was created, 
they recognized it as their own. In Ochrida, about 
eighty Roumanian families were under the Bulgarian 
Exarchate until the nineties of last century. 2 But no 

1 Iv. Ivanic, " Iz crkvene istorije Srba u Turskoj " (" Church 
History of the Serbs in Turkey in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth 
Centuries "), p. 41. 

2 P. Balkanski, " Kroz Groblje " ("Through the Graveyard"), 
Belgrade, 1894, pp. 55-62. 



148 MACEDONIA 

one could say of these Eoumanians, who from practical 
considerations had joined the Bulgarian movement, that 
they had done so as Bulgars, and it would be equally 
false to say so of the Serbs. 

The true epoch of Bulgarian influence in Macedonia 
only dates from the creation of the Bulgarian Exarchate. 
In the second clause of Art. 10 of the Imperial firman, 
whereby the Bulgarian Exarchate was established, there 
occurs the following passage : " If the inhabitants of 
any other places besides those enumerated above, and 
professing the Orthodox faith, should wish unanimously, 
or if at least two-thirds of them should wish to be subject 
to the Bulgarian Exarchate, and if subsequent investiga- 
tion should prove this to be so, their desire ought to 
be gratified." The Bulgars did not lose a moment in 
doing their very best to turn this clause to good account. 
The new Bulgarian bishops of these eparchies, one of 
which was actually in Macedonia, while others were 
in close proximity to it, inaugurated a spirited propa- 
ganda in order to win the Serbian inhabitants to the 
Bulgarian Exarchate. No one interfered with this agita- 
tion. The bishops as well as their agents were Turkish 
subjects. Turkey not only trusted them, but she helped 
them. It was to her interest to attach the Serbs to the 
Bulgarian Exarchate in Constantinople, and to diminish 
their inclination to gravitate towards Serbia. As the 
Greek priests were still masters in Macedonia, and the 
use of the Slav language in the Church was persecuted, 
and Serbian schools and Serbian intellectual life were 
at the last gasp, the Bulgarian agents found no difficulty 
in carrying on their propaganda. In place of the hated 
Greek Patriarchate they offered the people the protection 
o'f the Slav Bulgarian Exarchate, the creation of Slav 



BULGARIAN ACTION IN MACEDONIA 149 

Russia; in place of the Greek language in the Church 
they offered them the Slav language, the common 
hieratic tongue of the Serbs, Russians, and Bulgars; in 
place of the Greek schools, they gave them to understand 
that there was a prospect of national schools. Exasper- 
ated by the Greeks and cut off from Serbia, the 
Macedonians were on the horns of a dilemma. The 
choice lay between three evils, viz. either to continue 
under the Greeks or to abandon their faith and become 
Uniates, or to come under the Bulgarian Exarchate. 
The decision was difficult. How difficult it was is best 
shown by the fact that the nation was by no means 
unanimous in its decision. A part remained true to 
the Greeks, part clung to the Uniate faith, and a third 
part joined the new Bulgarian movement. 

The adherents of the Bulgarian movement sent in 
a petition for the establishment of Bulgarian bishoprics 
in Skoplje and Ochrida. A Turkish commission was 
sent down from Constantinople, before which the 
inhabitants had to declare whether they acknowledged 
the Exarchate or not. This commission, too, did much 
to further the Bulgarian cause in Macedonia. It used 
considerable pressure in order to induce the inhabitants 
to declare themselves for the Bulgarian Exarchate. It 
openly threatened that all Macedonians who should 
refuse to join the Bulgars would be denounced as agents 
of Greece and Serbia. By these means the necessary 
majority was obtained, and in 1872 Bulgarian bishops 
were duly installed in the dioceses of Ochrida and Skoplje. 

The two new bishops were great Bulgarian agitators. 
Their first and chiefest care was the obliteration of all 
Serbian memories in Macedonia. A whole army of 
priests and teachers was sent from Bulgaria to Mace- 



150 MACEDONIA 

donia. All written matter emanating from the Church 
and the denominational school communities became Bul- 
garian. The birth, marriage, and death certificates issued 
by the priests to the people began to be written in Bul- 
garian. All documents bore Bulgarian superscriptions and 
seals. Persons who could not write were entered in the 
osmanlie (papers giving a person's name, surname, religion, 
nationality, and occupation, and with which every Turkish 
subject must be provided) as Bulgars by the Bulgarian 
priests and schoolmasters. On the strength of these 
papers the Macedonians were then entered in the official 
registers as Bulgars. Thus Macedonia began gradually 
to be outwardly Bulgarized. 

When in 1876 war broke out between Serbia and 
Turkey, the Bulgars, too, made a move to liberate them- 
selves from the Turks. Incensed at this conduct on 
the part of the Bulgars, the Porte put down the Bul- 
garian bishoprics in Macedonia. The Bulgarian pro- 
paganda in Macedonia was not greatly impaired by 
this step. On the one hand the oppressions of the 
Greek priests were still too fresh in men's memories, and 
on the other hand the propagandist machinery set up by 
the Bulgars in Macedonia continued to operate there. 

The Russo-Turkish war of 1877-1878 was the greatest 
stroke of luck ever vouchsafed to the Bulgars. By 
that war Russia presented Bulgaria with freedom and 
a State. Beside their sympathies for the oppressed 
Slavs in general, the Russians had a special interest in 
Bulgaria. They believed that " gratitude would bind the 
Bulgars to Russia for ever, and that if Russia were to 
unite them in an independent State, the Russians would 
find a devoted and faithful instrument in that State." l 

1 Max Cboublier, "La question d'Orient," Paris, 1897, p. 85, 



BULGARIAN ACTION IN MACEDONIA 151 

It was quite natural to assume that Bulgaria's grati- 
tude would be in proportion to the size of the State 
in question and also that the greater this State, the 
stronger would be Russia's support in the Balkan 
Peninsula. These were the reasons that moved Russia 
in 1878 to create the great Bulgaria of San Stefano, in 
the frame of which were included not only Macedonia, 
but other Serbian provinces as well. Although the 
Congress of Berlin reduced the frontiers of the Bulgarian 
State to the limits of the Bulgarian nation, yet a deep 
impression was left upon the Bulgarian mind by the 
Bulgaria of San Stefano. The Bulgars felt as if the 
Congress of Berlin had robbed them of something that 
belonged to them. Since then the Bulgaria of San 
Stefano has been their ideal. Many Macedonians, 
having been for months under the impression that if 
Russia had had her way they would have belonged to 
Bulgaria, and that it was by the Congress of Berlin and 
against Russia's wish, that they were being redelivered 
into Turkish slavery, regretted the freedom they had so 
recently enjoyed. Serbia was not only not even taken 
into consideration as a possible owner of Macedonia, 
but she was actually expelled from those countries which 
she had won with her blood. The impression gained by 
the Macedonians at the time was that they had nothing 
to hope from Serbia. This impression, more than any- 
thing else, caused the Macedonians to waver in their 
Serbian feeling. 

Meantime the Bulgarian propaganda in Macedonia 
was pursued with relentless energy from the Bulgarian 
State. Those Bulgars who had been educated abroad 
by the Russian Committees and had lived as emigrants 
in Europe now returned to Bulgaria, fanatically devoted 



152 MACEDONIA 

to Great Bulgarian ideas. One of the chief cares of 
these men was to reopen that agitation for a Great 
Bulgaria which had been so successfully started before 
and had received definite expression in the Treaty of 
San Stefano. The Exarchate continued to remain in 
Constantinople, but was now in closest touch with the 
Bulgarian Government. With money provided by the 
Bulgarian State budget, the Exarchate created a special 
department called the "Skolsko Popeciteljstvo " (School 
Department), which maintained a whole army of agents 
in Macedonia. The denominational schools in Mace- 
donia became so many branches of the School Depart- 
ment of the Bulgarian Exarchate. Finally, directly 
the war was over the Bulgars began to work not only 
for the return of the forfeited Bulgarian dioceses in 
Macedonia, but also for the creation of new ones. 

Thus were established conditions under which the Ser- 
bian population had to submit to the Exarchate if it wished 
to remain Slav and to live in peace. All Macedonians 
know that their ancestors were Serbs, and a good many 
remember that in their youth the Bulgars were unknown 
in their country (see Supplements Nos. I, II, and III). 
The following example alone will suffice to show how 
successful was the Bulgarian propaganda in Macedonia : 
In the days before the Bulgarian Exarchate there came 
to Veles as Serbian schoolmaster George Miletic, the 
brother of Svetosar Miletic, the Serbian national leader 
in Hungary. He was in Macedonia at the time of the 
struggle for emancipation from the Greeks. As a good 
Serb he also supported the struggle, but threw in his lot 
with those who, taking Kussia's advice, joined the Bul- 
garian movement, and he became a Bulgarian leader in 
Macedonia. To-day his son Ljubimir Miletic (whose 



BULGARIAN ACTION IN MACEDONIA 153 

name and surname are both Serbian) is professor at 
the University of Sofia, and one of the bitterest 
Serbophobes. 

But in spite of all hatred of the Greeks, in spite of 
the inducement of the Slav liturgy offered by the 
Bulgarian Church, and in spite of the Bulgarian pro- 
paganda, the Bulgarian success in Macedonia was never 
complete. A great part of the nation continued to 
remain Serbian in its feelings. One-third of the in- 
habitants, fearing Bulgarization, actually preferred to 
remain under the hated Greek Patriarchate rather than 
go over to the Bulgarian Exarchate. Many of those 
who joined the Exarchate out of hatred for the Greeks 
still remained Serbs in their feeling. The best proof 
of this is to be found in the pro-Serbian insurrection 
against the Turks, in the appeals to the Congress of 
Berlin not to hand them over to Bulgaria (see Supple- 
ment No. IV), and in the secret agitations in favour of 
Serbia. 

This positively expressed Serbian feeling on the part 
of the Macedonians the Bulgars endeavoured to stifle 
either by espionage and denunciation to the Turkish 
authorities or by direct terror. Nowhere and never have 
there been such espionage and denunciation as the Bul- 
gars practised in Macedonia. The Bulgarian bishops, 
priests, schoolmasters, and agents knew no bounds in 
their campaign against the Serbs. They falsely accused 
the Serbs of high treason, conspiracy, and of the vilest 
crimes. Turkish justice was very summary, and the 
sentences were inhuman. We will quote but one 
instance. On April 10, 1881, Spira Crncevic and 
seventy-two of his friends declared that they felt 
themselves to be Serbs. The Bulgars denounced them 



154 MACEDONIA 

as traitors and • handed Spira over to the Turks. The 
Turks put Spira to death and exposed his head in 
public at Kumanovo as a warning to others. A vast 
number of Serbs paid with their heads or with incar- 
ceration in Salonica, Asia Minor, and the islands of 
the Archipelago for their Serbian feeling. 

The Bulgarian terror was even more appalling. The 
Bulgars did not shrink from any baseness in their 
attempt to stifle Serbian feeling in Macedonia. The 
opening of every Serbian school was attended by 
hostile demonstrations or attacks from the Bulgars. 
On these occasions there were bloodshed and murder. 
The Turkish authorities were always on the side of 
the Bulgars. The Bulgars did not even shrink from 
assaulting helpless Serbian female teachers and inno- 
cent Serbian schoolboys. In 1899 they assaulted two 
Serbian female teachers in Krusevo, Olga Vukojevic 
and Zlata Krstic. Krstic fell ill from the shock and 
died soon afterwards. In a raid upon the Serbian 
school in Bitolj (Monastir) the local Bulgarian pro- 
fessor wounded George Vojvodic, a lad attending the 
Serbian Lycee (or Boys' High School). An incomplete 
list of such assaults upon Serbian schools, churches, 
and teachers appears in the Supplement at the end of 
this volume (see Supplement No. V). 

The worst period of the Bulgarian terror in Mace- 
donia set in when the Serbian population began to 
express its Serbian feeling and to demand Serbian 
schools and Serbian priests. From that time dates 
the systematic assassination of Serbs. Already in 1884, 
Cvetko Popovic, schoolmaster in Lukovo, was murdered 
by the Bulgars. After that, these murders became 
more frequent. In 1885 the Bulgars founded com- 



BULGARIAN ACTION IN MACEDONIA 155 

mittees in Routnelia for making propaganda in Mace- 
donia. In 1886, inspired by these committees, began 
secret ruffianly attacks upon everybody and everything 
that hindered the Bulgars in Macedonia. Whole bands 
were despatched by the Bulgarian Government to 
suppress Serbian feeling. At a general meeting of all 
the Bulgarian Committees in Sofia in 1894, the so- 
called " Spoljna Organizacija " (foreign organization) 
was formed for the purpose of bringing about the 
autonomy of the Bulgarian regions in Turkey. In 1896 
the Bulgars founded the " Unutrasnja Organizacija " 
(internal organization), which was an organizing com- 
mittee in Macedonia. This body even included several 
Macedonians who had been bought ; but both the 
money and the guiding spirit proceeded from Bulgaria. 
Its purpose was to put an end to the Serbs. Never 
will the Serbian population forget the branches of this 
organization which ramified all over Macedonia. The 
name of "Bulgarian Comitadji " is notorious throughout 
the world. Threats, blackmail, incendiarism, murder, 
the expulsion of whole village communities — these were 
the exploits perpetrated wholesale by the Bulgars. 
Led by John Varnelija (from Varna) and Pan Arnaut, 
a band of comitadjis from Bulgaria attacked the 
inhabitants of the neighbourhood of Veles, with intent 
to murder all who refused to declare themselves 
Bulgars. The terror was appalling. By 1900 the 
obstinately Serbian village of Orahovac was completely 
depopulated and destroyed. There were many similar 
instances. Even an incomplete list of the murders 
committed upon notable Serbs in Macedonia by the 
Bulgars up to 1907 is appalling (see Supplement 
No. VI). In the neighbourhood of Kumanovo and 



156 MACEDONIA 

Kriva Palanka, the Bulgars in 1905, within less than 
five months, murdered fifty-nine highly respected 
Serbian priests, schoolmasters, and citizens. 1 

But even this terror sometimes failed to achieve its 
object. The innate Serbian feeling of the Macedonians 
could not be completely eradicated. From time to 
time it showed in unmistakable clearness. Any such 
manifestation was met by the Bulgars in a truly 
ferocious spirit. We will quote a single instance. In 
1899 the peasants of the village of Eabrovo in the 
county of Strumica declared that they had been 
duped and terrorized by the Bulgars into signifying 
their adherence to the Exarchate, but that they felt 
that they were Serbs, that they could no longer hide 

1 J. H. Vasiljevic, " Ustanak Srba u Kumanovskoji Palanackoj 
Kazi u 1878" ("Insurrection of the Serbs in the Kurnanovo and 
Palanca Districts"), Belgrade, 1906, pp. 1-13. Some very charac- 
teristic examples of the abominable action of the Bulgarian 
Comitadjis in Macedonia may be gleaned from a report submitted 
to the Bulgarian Government by a Bulgarian consular represen- 
tative (" Le Brigandage en Macedoine, un rapport coniidentiel au 
gouvernement bulgare," Berlin, 1908). As a matter of fact, the 
Bulgars themselves made no secret of the terror in Macedonia 
and the slaughter of the Serb inhabitants. In repelling the 
attacks of the Serbian press on account of the Macedonian 
murders, the Bulgarian paper Blgarija (1898, Nos. 103 and 
104) openly commends the action of the assassins of the Serbs : 
" The Serbian press, by publishing news of the Bulgarian Bevo- 
lutionary Committee in Macedonia and its purpose to overthrow 
the Turkish rule, is playing the part of a spy. Revolutionists, 
wherever they are, punish spies by putting them to death. The 
Macedonian secret revolutionary Committees are not more lenient 
than others to those who spy upon thern in Macedonia. . . . Had 
the Serbs made this clear to their own agitators, it is possible 
that the murders in Ochrida, Qevgeli, and Bitolj would not have 
occurred. ..." The paper Beforma (1899, No. 6), praising the 
assassin of the Serbian priest Todor Pop-Antic in Prilep, says 
that " with exceptional devotion and exemplary courage he carried 
out a patriotic deed. ..." 



BULGARIAN ACTION IN MACEDONIA 157 

their feelings, and that they wished to secede from 
the Exarchate. The leader of these victimized Serbs 
was their parish priest Aleksa. For this the Bulgars 
took a horrible vengeance upon him. They first set 
fire to his house, and then cut to pieces his wife, his 
brother, his daughter-in-law, and two children. 

Under these appalling conditions, under the protection 
of the Turkish Empire, the helpless Serbian inhabitant 
of Macedonia was compelled to yield to the Bulgarian 
comitadji, bishop, priest, schoolmaster, and agent — to 
attend the Bulgarian church, send his children to the 
Bulgarian school, and to obey orders from Sofia. 

While the Bulgars were thus killing Serbian nation- 
ality in Macedonia, they took care to destroy everything 
else that could recall the Serbs. The Serbian relics in 
Macedonia were a great stumbling-block to the Bulgars. 
Every memento of the Serbs was to disappear, and they 
spared nothing in their fanaticism. The old MSS., the 
pictures of Serbian kings and saints, the legends and 
inscriptions in books and churches — all were destroyed. 
We have not at this moment a list available of all 
that the Bulgars have destroyed in Macedonia, but we 
will quote a few examples, which will amply serve as 
illustrations. 

Near Skoplje, in the Suhorecka Zupa, stands to this 
day the old Serbian monastery of St. Demitrius, built 
by the Serbian king Vukasin (1366-1371) and his sons 
Marko, Andreas, Ivanis;- and Drnitar. 1 In this monas- 
tery many old Serbian writings, both books and MSS., 
had been preserved. The whole interior of the monastery 
was decorated with frescoes representing Serbian saints 
and kings of the day of the Nemanjici. At the beginning 
1 " Spomenik Srpske Kraljevske Akadetnije," vol. iii. p. 157. 



158 MACEDONIA 

of the Bulgarian propaganda in Serbia two strangers 
from Bulgaria cajoled the local inhabitants into letting 
them become custodians of this monastery. They then 
employed a certain Bulgarian monk, named Dionisiji, to 
destroy the Serbian relics in the monastery and appointed 
him head of the monastery. For a whole month Dion- 
isiji used the Serbian MSS. to light fires with until he 
had burned them all, But he did not stop there. Being 
a painter of sorts, he plastered over the pictures of the 
Serbian kings and the legends attached to them, and 
on the coating of plaster he painted fantastic and 
meaningless pictures of birds and snakes. When the 
peasants found out what the monk was doing it was 
too late. They were barely in time to save the picture 
of King Marko, and to clean the pictures of St. Sava 
Neinanjic and Tsar Uros, which were not yet dry. Be- 
cause of this conduct the peasants procured the dismissal 
of the monk, but of course the books and MSS. were 
gone past recall. To make up for all the damage he 
did, Dionisiji bequeathed to posterity his own portrait 
on the outer wall of the church, with the legend " Dion- 
isiji, Zoograf, B'lgarin " (Dionysius, painter, Bulgar). 
This outrage by the Bulgarian agitators was reported 
by an eye-witness, P. Sreckovic, 1 professor of history at 
the University of Belgrade. The Russian academician 
N. P. Kondakov, who traversed Macedonia in 1900 for 
the purpose of studying old Macedonian art, speaks with 
deep regret of this act of abominable vandalism in the 
monastery of St. Dmitar "which was perpetrated by 
the hatred of the Bulgarian clergy upon the relics of 
the old Serbian civilization." The frescoes representing 
the founder of this monastery were destroyed " because 
1 " Glasnik Srpskog Ucenog DruStva," vol. xlvi. p. 221. 



BULGARIAN ACTION IN MACEDONIA 159 

they constituted a record of the Serbian domination in 
these parts, and out of Bulgarian patriotism." l 

In the Monastery of Mlado Nagori6ino the Bulgars 
destroyed an inscription dated from 1330, which referred 
to the victory of the Serbs over the Bulgars in that year. 2 

On an icon in the Monastery of St. Clement's in Ochrida 
there were inscriptions and emblems recalling the Serbian 
State in Macedonia. The Bulgars destroyed them all.3 

Two hours' walk from Zletovo, in the cliffs above 
the River Zletovo, is the old Serbian Monastery of 
Uspenje Svete Bogorodice. In it is preserved the 
picture of one of the old kings of Serbia. The legend 
attached to the picture, giving his name and recalling 
the days of the Serbian rule in Macedonia, was effaced 
by the Bulgarian priest Teodosije from Zletovo.4 

Prince Milos Obrenovic (1815-1839) and Prince 
Alexander Karagjorgjvic (1842-1859), the father of King 
Peter, each presented the monastery of St. John Bigorski 
near Debar with a large bell. Round each bell runs 
an inscription saying that this gift was presented by 
the Serbian prince in question to the Serbian monastery. 
The Bulgars tried to obliterate these legends by hammer- 
ing them. But the metal was too hard, and although 
the letters are damaged they are still perfectly legible. 

Such were the trials through which the Serbian nation 
and its civilization in Macedonia were called upon to 
pass. If they have so far survived, it is only a proof 
of the vitality of the Serbian people and its national 
conscience in Macedonia. 

1 N. P. Kondakov, " Makedonija," Petrograd, 1909, p. 184 (in 
Russian). 

* Ibid., p. 195. v 3 ibid., p. 262. 

4 Iv. Ivanic, " Macedonia and Macedonians," i, pp. 87-88 
Serbian). 



SERBIA AND MACEDONIA 

Serbia the refuge for the Macedonians — Macedonians accepted as 
Serbs in Serbia — Macedonians always considered foreigners in 
Bulgaria — Serbian public opinion looks upon Macedonians as 
forming part of the Serbian nation — So do Serbia's statesmen— 
So does Serbian science — Non- Serbian science takes the same 
view — Serbia welcomes Bulgarian immigrants and assists the 
Bulgarian Church movement so long as Bulgaria does not lay 
claim to Macedonia also — Serbia's inability to check Bulgarian 
encroachment in Macedonia — Serbian interest in Macedonia 
— Serbian schools opened — Assistance of the Serbian Church 
movement in Macedonia — Macedonians as guardians of 
Serbian nationality — Serbian schools in Macedonia — Mace- 
donians petition for a restoration of the Serbian Patriarchate — 
Failing in this request, they ask for Serbian bishops — Insur- 
rection in Macedonia in favour of annexation to Serbia — 
Macedonians appeal to Prince Milan of Serbia and to the 
Congress of Berlin to be permitted to belong to Serbia, and not 
to Bulgaria — Macedonians' brave fight against Bulgarian 
comitadjis — In spite of all Bulgarian propaganda the better 
part of Macedonia remains Serbian — The rest ostensibly sides 
with the Bulgars 

FEEE Serbia was created by the united efforts of the 
whole Serbian nation from all Serbian lands. In 
this patriotic rally, as we have seen, the Macedonians 
played a very prominent part. From the day of her 
creation Serbia not only knew herself to be the common 
heritage of the Serbian people, but realized that she had 
been called into being to be the centre whence the 
sufferings of the Serbian nation were to be allayed and 

160 



SERBIA AND MACEDONIA 161 

the liberation of all Serbs still remaining in foreign 
bondage was to be prepared. By taking this view of 
her position, Serbia looked with equal and impartial 
interest upon all parts of the Serbian nation under the 
foreign yoke. Macedonia was not in the least left out 
in the cold. From the very first day of Serbia's libera- 
tion, the most cordial relations were established between 
her and Macedonia. 

All Macedonians who helped in the creation of Serbia 
remained in the country to enjoy its freedom. Many of 
them rose to high positions in Serbia ; they had charge 
of her destinies and, in short, reaped the full reward of 
their labour and devotion. 

From the first, free Serbia was the refuge of all Serbs 
who languished in foreign slavery. These Serbs, too, 
either because they were flying from persecution or 
because they desired freedom, found a true motherland 
in Serbia. We are not at present in possession of all 
the particulars regarding the Macedonians who settled 
in Serbia after her liberation. But we know one par- 
ticular detail which clearly indicates the considerable 
proportion of this immigration. We have before us a 
list of the members of the Tailors' Guild in Belgrade, 
dating from the time of the reign of Prince Milos 
Obrenovic (1815-1839). ' From this list we learn that 
there were at that time in the tailoring trade in Belgrade 
alone — besides Serbs from Serbia and from other unli- 
berated regions — no fewer than twenty-five Macedonians, 
as from Tetovo, Debar, Prilep, Bitolj, Krusevo, Ochrida, 
Klisura, Blace, Kostur, and Seres. From this list it is 
easy to guess how great must have been the number of 

1 We copied this list already in 1910 from the original in the 
archives of the Tailors' Union (Terzijski Esnaf) in Belgrade. 

12 



162 MACEDONIA 

Macedonians engaged in various professions throughout 
the whole of Serbia. 

These Serbs from Macedonia not only found a home 
in Serbia, but from the first day of their sojourn there, 
they were regarded as full citizens equally with all 
other Serbs, so that they felt themselves to be indeed in 
their own country. Their ranks included labourers, 
merchants, clerks, public men, and politicians. But they 
were not mere settlers. They contributed their quota 
to the intellectual progress of Serbia from every point of 
view. Together with the Serbs of Serbia we find them 
the founders of public institutions, the improvers of 
commerce and industry and patrons of letters and 
literature. Merely among the subscribers for certain 
books which were published during the reign of Prince 
Milos Obrenovic, we have found hundreds of names of 
Macedonian Serbs from Skoplje, Veles, Kratovo, Kuma- 
novo, Razlog, Serez, Salonica, Selce, Prilep, Krusevo, 
Bitolj, Ochrida, Mecovo, Kostur, Blace, Klisura, Mos- 
kopolje, etc. These people lived scattered in various 
places all over Serbia, and followed widely different 
professions. 

Descendants of these Macedonians and fresh immi- 
grants from Macedonia have arisen to positions of the 
highest importance in Serbia. They have become 
Ministers of State, councillors, politicians, generals. 
They often held the fate not only of Serbia, but of the 
entire Serbian nation in their hands. All of them were 
pure Serbs and ardent patriots. 1 

1 We will name only a few of the most distinguished Macedonians 
in Serbia : 

Nikola P. Paste, the present Serbian Premier, and leader of the 
Radical Party. His family originally came from Tetovo ; Dr. 
Vlaclan Gjorgjevitch, at one time Serbian Premier, member of the 



SERBIA AND MACEDONIA 163 

All of which might be answered by the statement 
that Macedonians have also migrated to liberated 
Bulgaria. This is true; but there is a great difference 
between Macedonian emigration to Serbia and Mace- 
donian emigration to Bulgaria. To Serbia the Mace- 
donians went as to their own country, for whose 
liberation they had fought. They went there for the 
love of her, to labour at the advancement of Serbia, in 
whose progress they saw their own advancement as 
well. To Bulgaria they went only after a great propa- 
ganda had exerted its influence — after it had been 
suggested to them ; they went as graduates of the Bul- 
garian schools, to occupy well-paid appointments in 
Bulgaria, or as recipients of allowances, or as paid 
agitators. In Serbia no difference is made between 
Serbs and Macedonians ; both are but one nation. 
In Bulgaria the difference between Bulgars and Mace- 
donians persists for a long time because, in the words of 
a Bulgarian professor, " the Macedonians find a difficulty 
in acquiring the modern Bulgarian idiom." l In Bulgaria 
we find the special derogatory nickname " Makedonstvu- 

Acadeiny of Science, and a well-known man of letters, a native of the 
district of Bitolj ; Dr. Lazar Patchou, at one time Minister of 
Finance, likewise from the district of Bitolj ; Nikola Stefanovic, 
a former Minister of Police, from Mavrovo, Gostivar district ; Kosta 
Stojanovic, a former Minister of Commerce, and member of the 
Skupstina, from Maloviste, near Bitolj ; General Dimitrije Cincar- 
Markovic, at one time Minister of "War, from Ochrida ; Mihajlo G. 
Bistic, Serbian Minister in Rome, from Prilep ; General Lazar, 
Lazarevic, from Moskopolje, near Bitolj ; General Lazar Petrovic, 
first aide-de-camp to the late King Alexander Obrenovic, from BaSino 
Selo, near Veles ; Svetolik Popovic, ex-Under-Secretary of State for 
Public Works, from Ljubinac, Skoplje district ; Branislav Dj. Nusic, 
Serbian poet and well-known author, from Bitolj, etc. 

1 P. Draganov, "Makedonsko-Slavjanski Sbornik" ("Macedonian 
Slav Collection"),!., Petrograd, 1894, p. iv. 



164 MACEDONIA 

juSci," which denotes a special party, and which is met 
with constantly as a colloquial and journalistic expression. 
In Serbia the Macedonians are loved as brothers, as 
part of the Serbian people. In Bulgaria the Mace- 
donians are disliked and only tolerated from considera- 
tions of policy. Mr. Stambulov, one of Bulgaria's 
greatest statesmen and patriots, was typical of the 
ordinary feeling of the Bulgars towards the Macedonians 
in his cordial dislike of the latter. 1 

Public opinion of the nation at large in Serbia has 
always looked upon Macedonia as a Serbian country. 
The national ballads collected among non- Macedonian 
Serbs at the beginning of the nineteenth century sing 
of Macedonia as a Serbian country and of the historic 
sites and personages of Macedonia as " Serbian " sites 
and personages. Every child knows of Prilep, Ochrida, 
Salonica, Kostur and other places in Macedonia. The 
most popular hero in the whole of Serbian national 
poetry, Kraljevic Marko, hailed from Macedonia. So 
did King Vukasin, Despot Ugljesa, Constantine-Bey, 
and many others. But we will speak of Macedonia from 
the point of view of national tradition in another chapter. 

The men at the head of affairs in Serbia during the 
nineteenth century have taken a keen interest — so far 
as circumstances would allow — in the non-liberated 
parts of the Serbian nation. Macedonia was looked 
upon as being the same as any other Serbian country 
under the foreign yoke. Serbian princes, Ministers of 
State, councillors and leading men in general sent help 
from Serbia to Macedonia for the building and repairing 

1 " He also grew to dislike the Macedonians on account of their 
treachery and want of a real sense of patriotism and honour " 
(" M. Stambulov," by A. Hulme Beaman, London, 1895, p. 40). 



SERBIA AND MACEDONIA 165 

of churches and schools, they subsidized the school- 
masters, contributed school and church books, and so 
forth. Directly after the liberation of Serbia, Prince 
Milos Obrenovic presented the Monastery of Lesnovo 
near Istip with a bell, and bestowed another upon the 
Monastery of St. John Bigorski near Debar. His 
brother Jevrem Obrenovic presented one to the Monas- 
tery of Treskavac near Prilep, Prince Alexander Karag- 
jorgjevic bestowed a similar gift upon the Monastery of 
St. John Bigorski near Debar, etc. 

All Serbian Governments considered it their patriotic 
duty to admit Serbian children from Macedonia to 
Serbian schools, and to educate them at the expense of 
the State. Young men who wished to study for the 
priesthood or the scholastic profession were especially 
welcomed. 

Serbian science never discriminated between Mace- 
donia and the rest of the Serbian lands. J. Eajic, the 
first Serbian historian (1726-1801)/ and P. Solaric, the 
first Serbian geographer, used broadly to include Serbia 
with Macedonia. The map of Sava Tekelija, of the 
year 1805, gives the frontiers of Serbia in great detail. 
They include, besides Kosovo Plain, Skoplje, Kratovo, and 
Custendil. In Baron Eotkirch's "Geography of Serbia," 
which was translated into Serbian and the map copied 
by Stephan Milosevic in 1822, we also find Macedonia 
included in the Serbian frontiers. 1 

In his "Serbian Dictionary" of 1852, which from an 
ethnographic point of view may be considered a veritable 
Encyclopaedia of that period, Vuk St. Karadzic, the 
father of Serbian modern literature, speaks of localities 
in Macedonia as Serbian. There we find the Vardar 

■ J. Cvijic, " Srpski Kiijizevni Glasnik," xi. (1904), pp. 209-210. 



166 MACEDONIA 

and the Crni Drim and Beli Drim figuring as rivers of 
Old Serbia, the counties of Gornji Polog and Donji 
Polog referred to as counties of Old Serbia and Kratovo, 
Kumanovo and Prilep, etc., as towns of Old Serbia. 
Concerning some localities Karadzic is more explicit. 
Thus, for instance, he mentions under Tetovo that it is 
a town in Old Serbia, that the " Turks (Moslems) there 
speak Turkish and Albanian, and the Christians 
Serbian," and that " round about Tetovo there are 
villages the inhabitants of which are of the Turkish 
(Moslem) faith, but speak Serbian." Under Krlava 
(Kicevo) we read that it is "a town in the pashalik of 
Skoplje ; that one-third of its inhabitants are Christians, 
whereas the rest are Turks (Moslems), but that all speak 
Serbian. ..." Under Gostivar we find that "it lies in the 
district of Tetovo," and that " the Turks (Moslems) there 
speak Turkish and Albanian, and the Christians Ser- 
bian." Under Debar we find mentioned that in 1836 he 
met two men from Debar in Cetinje who spoke Serbian, 
and that " there are many villages there (in Debar) 
where the inhabitants speak as they do, and that 
they are called Serbs even as they themselves were 
said to be." 

Leading foreign scholars of the first half of the nine- 
teenth century also considered Macedonia as forming 
part of Serbian territory. In the maps published in 
Nuremberg by " Homann Nachfolger" at the beginning 
of the nineteenth century (1802, 1805, etc.), Serbia 
not only includes the regions of Kosovo and Novi Pazar, 
but also Skoplje and Kratovo. On the map by Kotkirch, 
already referred to, we find the same thing. On the 
map by Fried, published in Vienna, the frontiers of 
Serbia are drawn east of Custendil. It is the same in 



SERBIA AND MACEDONIA 167 

all the better geographical handbooks in which Serbia, 
although not yet fully liberated from the Turks, is 
represented. Such examples and evidence might be 
tripled. 1 Dr. Joseph Miiller, who was for many years 
a surgeon in the Turkish army and knew Serbian, 
mentions at length where Serbs are to be met with in 
Macedonia. He mentions them as being found in the 
counties of Debar, Struga, Ochrida, Resan, Prespa, 
Bitolj and throughout the whole of Macedonia generally. 2 

Where was the need for Serbia under these circum- 
stances to set on foot a propaganda to bring about the 
" Serbicization " of Macedonia? What was there that 
could possibly be Serbicized ? In Macedonia, as in all 
other liberated Serbian countries, the Serbian national 
consciousness was thoroughly awake. There, too, even 
as in other Serbian lands, the Serbian tongue was spoken, 
the Serbian customs were upheld, the Serbian tradition 
was handed down, and in both church and school the 
knowledge of Serbian letters as steadfastly guarded. 
Serbia, small, poor, and still under Turkish suzerainty ; 
Serbia, who had just joined the ranks of European 
states, left matters in the non-liberated regions to 
develop naturally and normally. She concentrated all 
her attention upon her own intellectual, economic, and 
political progress, so that she might be ready for the 
moment that would bring the great achievement of the 
unification of the whole Serbian race. 

Towards the Bulgars and their revival in the nine- 
teenth century, Serbia's attitude was most friendly. 
Serbia herself had but lately been a slave under the 

1 J. Cvijic, " Srpski Knjizevni Glasnik," xi. (1904), pp. 208-212. 

2 Dr. Joseph Miiller, " Albanien Ruinelien, und die Oesterreich- 
Montenegriniscbe Grenze," Prague, 1844. 



168 MACEDONIA 

Turks and a martyr under the Greek clergy. Her kins- 
men, too, were still slaves and martyrs in Turkey. 
Serbia fully understood the position of the Bulgars, and 
tried to meet them and to help them to the best of 
her ability. In the State Archives in Belgrade are the 
records proving that Prince MiloS Obrenovic cordially 
agreed to Panta Hadzi Stoilov's proposal that 30,000 
Bulgars from the interior of Bulgaria should emigrate 
to Serbia. The Serbian Government assisted the Bulgars 
in every way. The first Bulgarian books were printed 
gratis in the Serbian State printing works. The leading 
young men of reawakened Bulgaria studied at the 
expense of the Serbian Government. To such Bulgarian 
patriots as Rakovski, Karavelov, and many others Serbia 
not only showed hospitality, but she helped them in 
their struggle with the Greeks, furnished them with 
the means of subsistence and intervened on their behalf 
in the matter of amnesties. Serbia never dreamt that 
one day Bulgaria's demands would become grasping, 
extravagant, and hostile to herself. 

When the Bulgars began to push their propaganda 
beyond the limits of their own territory, Serbia woke 
up and immediately stood upon the defence of Serbian 
rights. She fully realized her duty towards the Serbs in 
Turkey, but its fulfilment was fraught with the greatest 
difficulties. Great indeed were the difficulties in Serbia's 
way. They were decisive factors in Bulgaria's success 
in Macedonia. 

1. Serbia by her insurrection and emancipation 
represented the first, and a very shrewd blow at the 
Turkish Empire in the nineteenth century. For this 
alone she was already hated in Turkey. Moreover, Serbia 
had become a centre of attraction for the non-liberated 



SERBIA AND MACEDONIA 169 

Serbs. This further increased the feeling of hostility 
towards her. Finally, the sturdy national conscious- 
ness of the Macedonian Serbs roused the suspicion of 
the Porte and led to the persecution of the Serbs within 
her borders. The very designation " Serbian ' : was 
prohibited. A Serb in Macedonia might officially 
describe himself as a " rayah " (Christian subject), a 
Christian, a Greek, or even as a Bulgar, only not as a 
Serb. Under these conditions every attempt to help 
the Serbs in Turkey from Serbia was foredoomed to 
failure. 

2. By proclaiming the independence of the Church 
of free Serbia, Serbia had offended the Greek Patri- 
archate in Constantinople. The latter now viewed 
Serbia, and all Serbs generally, with mistrust ; where- 
fore it was not favourably inclined towards them and 
their demands, but intrigued against them all the time. 

3. Apart from the sympathy with which the Bul- 
garians inspired the Russians, there were also Russia's 
political calculations to be taken into account. The 
Russian diplomats in Petrograd and Constantinople 
looked upon Bulgaria as within the sphere of Russian 
political interests. To put it quite mildly, they 
reckoned that in free and great Bulgaria they would 
have a tool for carrying out their policy in the 
Balkans. The greater this Bulgaria, the stronger 
would be their support. Wherefore official Russia too 
assisted the aspirations and propaganda of the Bulgarian 
patriots with might and main ; she furnished them 
with means and advice and pledged herself to a great 
Bulgaria. 

4. Serbia and Serbian territory were always assumed 
by Russia — although Serbia herself had never given 



170 MACEDONIA 

any cause for this assumption — to belong to the 
Austrian sphere of interest in the Balkans. This 
sphere was to be restricted as much as possible, and 
so the Eussians strove by helping the Bulgars to 
reduce Serbia and to weaken her. 

5. Poor little Serbia, hated by Turkey, having 
neither the sympathies of the Greek Patriarchate nor 
Russia's protection, menaced by Austria as her constant 
enemy, had no material resources at her command to 
further any propaganda among her kinsmen in Turkey. 

All this notwithstanding, Serbia did her best. Already 
in the reign of Prince Mihajlo, Serbia endeavoured 
through Russia and through her own representatives in 
Constantinople to counteract the Bulgarian influence in 
Macedonia. In view of the fact that the Bulgars were 
likely to succeed in emancipating themselves from the 
Greek Patriarchate, and that they were already openly 
agitating for the inclusion of Macedonia within their 
sphere, the Serbian Government took the position very 
seriously. 

On March 11, 1868, the then Serbian Minister for 
Foreign Affairs wrote in a letter to the Serbian 
diplomatic representative in Constantinople that " it 
is the duty of the Serbian Government to see to it 
that the ancient ecclesiastical prerogatives of that 
nation, whose head is the Serbian principality, are not 
infringed by the emancipation of the Bulgarian Church. 
This duty, which we have never lost sight of, has now 
been acutely accentuated by the circulars of the Bul- 
garian leaders, which have been sent also to purely 
Serbian eparchies. . . . You, Sir, will readily understand 
that the desire of the Serbian Government to recognize 
the rights of the Bulgars cannot go so far as to abandon 



SERBIA AND MACEDONIA 171 

our own national rights. ... At one time there were 
four Patriarchates in the Balkan Peninsula, viz. the 
Patriarchate of Constantinople for the Greeks, that of 
Ipek for the Serbs, that of Trnovo for the Bulgars, 
and that of Ochrida which by right of conquest was 
sometimes under the Bulgars and sometimes under 
the Serbs, but finally — and this fact deserves special 
attention — fell under the Ottoman Empire as a Serbian 
possession. . . . The Patriarchates of Ipek and Ochrida 
were not completely abrogated in the latter half of 
last century, but are to this day referred to in the 
Constantinople records as being merely annexed to the 
Patriarchate of Constantinople, which now pays the 
annual tribute to the Imperial Treasury on their 
behalf. ... As it is now proposed to detach one of 
these Patriarchates, called the Bulgarian, from the 
Patriarchate of Constantinople, nothing else can be 
meant save what can be honestly implied, namely, the 
Patriarchate of Trnovo. By the cession of any other 
Patriarchate to the Bulgarian Church, the question 
would arise whether an old Serbian possession would 
not thereby be transferred to such as have no claim 
to it according to church history, nor yet because of 
the vested rights of the Serbian nation in the Balkan 
Peninsula.'' x 

The Serbian Government took up exactly the same 
line. From a letter written by the Serbian diplomatic 
representative in Constantinople on April 29, 1869, 
it may be gathered that his work in Constantinople 
consisted in endeavouring to obtain that, " by the 

' J. Ristic, " Spoljni odnottaji Srbje " (" Serbian Foreign Relations"), 
vol. iii. pp. 296-802 ; " Kako je postala Bugarska Egzarhija " (" How 
the Bulgarian Exarchate Arose "'), Belgrade. 1897, pp. 24-27. 



172 MACEDONIA 

restoration of the Bulgarian Church, the rights of the 
Serbian Church should not be violated," "that the Serbian 
eparchies should continue to remain in touch with the 
(Ecumenical (Greek) Patriarchate," and " that the Patri- 
archate should appoint Serbian priests for the people." 1 

But all efforts of the Serbian Government were too 
weak to counteract the greatly superior Russian in- 
fluence in Constantinople. The Bulgarian Exarchate, 
finally established in 1870, cut deeply into purely 
Serbian territory also. The protests of the Serbian 
Government received no attention. 

The independent Church of Serbia was likewise ill- 
pleased with the creation of the Bulgarian Exarchate. 
When in 1870 the Oecumenical Patriarch, anxious to 
reverse the decision establishing the Bulgarian Ex- 
archate, convoked an QEcumenical Council, so that the 
question might be solved by the assembled Metropoli- 
tans of the Orthodox Church, the Metropolitan of 
Serbia replied to the Patriarch's invitation that the 
Porte could only be entitled to approve or confirm the 
resolution of the Church, but could not by herself 
solve Church questions except in consultation with 
the Church. " Consequently her decision possessed no 
canonical authority with the Church. By the decision of 
the Porte the Church was greatly exposed to arbitrary 
action, and her continued existence would be rendered 
impossible in a country where thoughts, actions, and 
respect are subject to change, and where the very 
foundations of security are undermined." 2 

1 " Kako je postala Bugarska Egzarhija " (" How the Bulgarian 
Exarchate Arose "), p. 30. 

2 Jovan Risti6, " Spoljni odnosaji" ("Serbian Foreign Relations"), 
iii. pp. 294-295. 



SERBIA AND MACEDONIA 173 

When the Serbian Government saw that its protests 
were useless, it set itself the task of doing what it 
could to save the Serbian population from the en- 
croachments of Bulgarian influence. To this end a 
committee was formed in Belgrade to look after the 
education and intellectual progress of the Serbs in 
Turkey and to "lay before the Government a proposal 
to open schools, and to send teachers, books, and 
other requirements." Within rather less than five 
years Serbia succeeded, not without great difficulty, in 
opening schools in sixty-one localities, over and above 
the schools which were already founded and kept up 
by the local population. The principal townships in 
Macedonia supplied with schools at that time were 
Kicevo (girls' and boys'), Gostivar, Sveti Jovan Debarski, 
Banajni (Skoplje district), Basino Selo, Beloviste, Bogu- 
mili (district of Veles), Borovac (district of Ochrida), 
Vencani (Ochrida), Veles (girls' and boys'), Debar 
(girls' and boys'), Egri Palanka, Zletovo, Klisura, 
Kocani (girls' and boys'), Kratovo, Krusevo, Kumanovo 
(girls' and boys'), Kuceviste (Skoplje), Lesak (Tetovo), 
Lesani (Ochrida), Organci (Kicevo), Porec, (Skoplje), 
Tetovo (girls' and boys'), Precista (Kicevo), Cucer 
(Skoplje). Books were, moreover, supplied to the 
already existing Serbian schools, congregations, and 
churches. -Bells, icons, and other church furniture 
were sent to many of the Macedonian churches and 
monasteries. 1 

Besides these efforts, the Serbian Government did 
what it could in Constantinople. The Serbian diplo- 
matic representative in Constantinople let no opportunity 

' J. Ristic, " Spoljni odnosaji Srbije" ("Serbian Foreign Rela- 
tions"), iii. pp. 281-283, 284, 290. 



174 MACEDONIA 

slip for " obtaining confirmations of appointments in Old 
Serbia and Macedonia, of Serbian bishops who would 
be able to resist the Bulgarian tide and to counteract 
the influence which the Bulgars hoped to exercise in 
European Turkey." x 

Serbia's war with Turkey in 1876 was fraught with 
disastrous consequences for the Serbian schools in Turkey. 
The Serbian name, already sufficiently feared in Turkey 
since the- creation of free Serbia, was now loathed worse 
than before. All the Serbian churches were closed, the 
Serbian teachers expelled, and the Serbian books burnt. 
All this the Bulgars contrived to turn to good account. 

Serbia was, of course, unable to resume her work in 
Macedonia directly after the war. Enlarged by the war 
at the expense of Turkish territory, raised from the 
position of a Turkish vassal to that of an independent 
principality and subsequently to that of a kingdom, it 
was natural that she should become, more than ever, 
Turkey's bete noire. Moreover, Serbia was too exhausted 
by two costly wars to provide further resources for 
the moment. Not until 1885 did conditions somewhat 
improve. In this year the Bulgars, in defiance of the 
treaty of Berlin, annexed Koumelia. It was already 
clear, moreover, to the whole world that the Bulgars 
would not stop there. The people of Macedonia became 
alarmed lest they, too, should become the prey of 
Bulgaria, and began to petition the Turkish authorities 
for as many more Serbian schools as possible, and to 
ask Serbia for stronger support. Turkey, too, could 
now see through Bulgaria's intentions, and so became 

1 Letter from the Serbian diplomatic representative in Constan- 
tinople, December 6, 1872 (" Kako je postala Bugarska Egzarhija ") 
(" How the Bulgarian Exarchate Arose," p. 68). 



SERBIA AND MACEDONIA 175 

somewhat more liberally disposed towards the Serbs in 
Macedonia. By private initiative the Society of St. Sava 
was founded in Belgrade in 1886 with the object of 
helping to preserve and educate the Serbian people in 
Turkish territory. The funds of the Society multiplied 
rapidly, chiefly owing to contributions from Serbs in 
the non-liberated countries. In 1887 Serbia prevailed 
upon the Porte to permit her the establishment of 
Serbian Consulates in Salonica and Skoplje. In this 
way the opening of national schools was greatly facili- 
tated for the Serbian inhabitants. From that time the 
number of Serbian schools in Turkey began to increase. 
In 1891 there were 117 Serbian schools with an aggre- 
gate staff of 140 teachers open in the vilayets of Kosovo, 
Bitolj, and Salonica; in 1896 there were 159 schools with 
an aggregate of 240 teachers ; in 1901 there were 226 
elementary schools, four lycees (boys' high schools), one 
theological college, and three high schools for girls. 
Subsequently to 1900 there were over 300 Serbian 
schools in Turkish territory. 

In this way the preservation of the Serbian nationality 
in Turkey — which was begun earlier — was supported by 
the Serbian Government as far as circumstances would 
permit. Moreover, the Government assisted as far as 
possible the educational and intellectual labours of the 
Serbs in Turkey by defraying the printing expenses of 
Serbian books in Constantinople (which had been done 
since 1886) and by the publication of the " Carigradski 
Glasnik" (since 1893) and the "Vardar" (in Skoplje, 
1908). 

The Serbian Church question in Turkey could not 
be mooted for a long time. The Greek Patriarchate 
was ill disposed towards the Serbs ; Kussia was helping 



176 MACEDONIA 

Bulgaria to the prejudice of Serbia ; Turkey feared the 
Serbian people. Finally, when the demands of the 
Macedonian Serbs for Serbian bishops and priests could 
no longer be refused, the Serbian Government acted as 
mediator through its diplomatic representatives. In 
1896 a Serb was appointed Bishop of Skoplje and later 
on, again thanks to Serbia's mediation, a Serb was 
appointed Bishop of Veles-Debar. 

Serbia has never ceased to do what she could for 
her land of Macedonia. If she did not succeed in 
finally breaking up the Bulgarian propaganda, it was 
because the circumstances responsible for her failure 
were all the time too strong for her. 

Finally, Serbia did for Macedonia the utmost that 
could be required of her. She wrested Macedonia from 
Turkey at the cost of torrents of blood ; she defended 
her against Bulgaria, and to-day Serbia is sacrificing 
the best of her sons for the liberation of Macedonia. 

No; Serbia has indeed and to the very end fulfilled 
her duty towards Macedonia. 

***** 

The Macedonians on their part have never ceased from 
being good Serbs and from working for union with 
Serbia. 

We have said already that when the Macedonians 
fought for the creation of free Serbia they did so in 
the hope that freedom would come to them also from 
her. Therefore they laboured for her establishment 
either as good citizens of Serbia or as champions of 
her enlargement. They gave expression to their Serbian 
feeling in Macedonia as well. 

Before the advent of the nineteenth-century schools 
were scarce under the Turkish rule. Such schools as 



SERBIA AND MACEDONIA 177 

existed were mostly in monasteries, and in them young 
men were trained for the priesthood or the cloister. We 
have already mentioned a school of this type as existing 
in Macedonia in 1780. There was a Serbian monastic 
school in the Monastery of Treskavac in existence until 
1780. * There were similar schools in Lesnovo, SlepSe, 
and other Macedonian monasteries. These schools were 
the last relics of Old Serbian civilization and letters, 
and they were maintained by the people without help 
from abroad. The first urban schools in Macedonia 
were founded in the nineteenth century. The first of 
these were opened in Prilep and Kuceviste (Skoplje) 
as early as 1813 ; in VaroS, near Prilep, in 1820, and in 
Skoplje in 1830 and 1835. After that date the Serbian 
schools in Macedonia increased in number. Towards 
the middle of the nineteenth century there were already 
thirty. But this number was still insufficient, and the 
people urgently demanded more. The latter half of the 
nineteenth century brought the Bulgarian propaganda in 
Macedonia and the opening of Bulgarian schools. But 
this did not stop the progress of the Serbian schools. 2 
They were opened all over the country — in Kostur, 
Fiorina, Sveti Jovan Melnicki, Petric, Razlog, Banjska, 
Bitolj, Resan, Struga, Smiljevo, Debar, Galicnik, 
KadoviSte, Ochrida, etc. All these schools were opened 
by the Serbs of Macedonia on their own initiative and 
maintained at their own expense or with the revenues 
of church endowments. The curriculum and the books 
used in these schools were Serbian. They were never 

' J. H. Vasiljevic, "Prilep i njegova okolina " ("Prilep and its 
Environs"), p. 109. 

2 The Bulgarian school in Skoplje was opened in 1863 ; that in 
Veles in 1872, that in Tetovo in 1876, and that in Kicevo in 1877. 

13 



178 MACEDONIA 

called anything but Serbian or Slavo-Serbian schools, 
and their teachers, Serbian teachers. Some of these 
schoolmasters, although not great scholars, distinguished 
themselves by their zeal and even by their literary 
efforts. One of the most distinguished among them 
was Jordan Hadzi Konstantinovie, a native of Veles, who 
was accused of rebellion and banished to Asia, simply 
because he openly resisted the abuses practised by the 
Greek priests. He wrote school books and printed them 
in Serbia. He used to collect old Serbian books and 
MSS. and send them to Serbia. He also tried his hand at 
scientific research. The journal of the Serbian Scientific 
Society, the Serbian Academy of those days, published 
several contributions from his pen on the history of 
Macedonia. 1 

In 1876 the Turks closed all the Serbian schools 
in Macedonia, and expelled all the Serbian teachers, 
because of the war between Serbia and Turkey. But 
as soon as conditions improved, the Macedonians 
appealed to the Turkish Government for greater freedom 
from the Bulgars and for as many Serbian schools as 
possible. As, owing to the Bulgarian intrigues with 
the Turkish authorities, it was difficult to obtain per- 
mission for the opening of Serbian schools, and as the 
latter were exposed to Bulgarian raids and attacks 
as soon as they were open, the people also took to 
opening and maintaining schools without the special 
permission of the Turkish authorities or the knowledge 
of the Bulgarian propagandists. In this way many so- 
called "secret Serbian schools" were opened all over 
the country. 

1 "Glasnik Srpskog Ucenog Dru&tva," vol. vii. pp. 170-177, and 
vol. viii. pp. 130-150. 



SERBIA AND MACEDONIA 179 

Finally, when Serbian education had fairly taken 
hold in Macedonia, the Macedonians began to publish 
the newspapers already referred to, one in Constantinople 
(1893) and one in Skoplje (1908). The editor of the 
former came from Ochrida, and the editor of the latter 
was a native of Skoplje. The Serbian calendar " Golub '' 
was published annually in Constantinople and enjoyed 
a wide circulation. 

So far as the Turkish censorship would allow it, 
Serbian books were sold in the bookshops of Salonica, 
Skoplje, Bitolj, Ochrida, Prilep, Seres, Kostur, Voden, 
Gevgelija, Veles, and other Macedonian towns. All the 
booksellers were Serbs of the country. 

In short — in spite of the Bulgarian propaganda, and 
in spite of Turkish intimidation — the Macedonian Serbs 
zealously guarded their national education. 

It was impossible, as we have seen, to broach the 
Serbian Church question. Until the creation of the 
Bulgarian Exarchate, the Macedonians followed Russia's 
advice in supporting the Bulgars, hoping that with the 
solution of the Bulgarian Church question their own 
question would be solved also. But when the newly 
established Exarchate opened its campaign of Bulgarian 
propaganda in Macedonia, the Macedonians soon realized 
whither all this was leading. In 1872 the Bulgars 
received the two bishops already referred to, in Skoplje 
and Ochrida, who inaugurated a vast propaganda and 
fanatical persecutions of the Serbian element, schools, 
and education. The people were roused and began to 
retaliate and defend themselves. Finally, in 1874, 
the Serbian population throughout Macedonia, in the 
eparchies of Samokov, Custendil, Veles, Debar, Melnik, 
Ochrida, and Seres, addressed a petition to the Sultan 



180 MACEDONIA 

and the Greek Patriarchate to restore the suppressed 
Patriarchate of Ipek and to include them within its 
jurisdiction. "We are Serbs, and not Bulgars," ran 
these petitions ; " the Exarchate would Bulgarize us, 
and this we do not desire, and therefore appeal to you 
to save us from this calamity and to restore to us our 
independent Serbian Church." Nobody knows what 
the Sultan and the Patriarch did with these petitions. 
In 1876 war broke out between Serbia and Turkey, and 
nothing came of the wish of the Macedonian Serbs. 

Handicapped by Greek intrigue, and by the reinforced 
Bulgarian propaganda after the creation of the Bul- 
garian State, the Serbian Church question in Macedonia 
could not be reopened for a long time. The people 
forwarded petitions and sent delegates to appeal to 
the Sultan and the Patriarch for the restoration of 
the Serbian Church, but always without success. 
Finally the Serbian Government intervened through 
its Ministers in Constantinople in this matter also. 
The Patriarchs had promised, one after another, that 
they would improve the position of the Serbian 
Church in Turkey, but the promise was never kept. 
Nor was the other positive undertaking fulfilled that 
upon the death of the Greek Metropolitan Metodije, 
a Serb was to be appointed Bishop of Skoplje. The 
populace became uneasy and sent a deputation to 
Constantinople. At last, after great efforts on behalf 
of the national cause, the Holy Synod of the Greek 
Patriarchate in Constantinople on August 30, 1897, 
appointed the Serb Firmilijan Dra2i6 ecclesiastical 
administrator of the Bishopric of Skoplje. Although 
this was but a very small success, the people saw that 
they had gained something by it. Firmilijan was 



SERBIA AND MACEDONIA 181 

enthusiastically welcomed by the populace of Skoplje 
and the surrounding country. Upon repeated petitions 
from the Macedonians, Firmilijan was in 1899 appointed 
Metropolitan of the Eparchy of Skoplje, but his ordina- 
tion was delayed by Bulgarian intrigue and did not take 
place until St. Vitus' Day (June 15/28), 1902. 

After surmounting similar difficulties the Macedonian 
Serbs finally procured the appointment of a Serb as 
Metropolitan of the Eparchy of Veles-Debar. 

But the Serbian feeling of the Macedonians in the 

nineteenth century did not confine itself to efforts to 

maintain and strengthen the Serbian Church and schools 

in Macedonia. It comes out even more strongly in the 

sacrifices made by the Macedonians for the sake of 

union with Serbia. When Serbia was at war with 

Turkey in 1876, the Serbian army included large 

numbers of volunteers from Macedonia who had joined 

its ranks in order to help Serbia in her purpose of 

freeing Macedonia. Nor was this all. No sooner had 

the Serbian army begun to advance towards Macedonia 

in 1877 and 1878, than a vigorous answering movement 

in favour of Serbia made itself felt among the populace. 

In the regions where the arrival of the Serbian army 

was imminently expected, real risings took place in the 

Serbian cause. The most serious of these was the 

rising in the counties of Kumanovo, Kriva Palanka, 

and Kratovo. It was headed by the chief men of the 

district. Leading citizens of Kumanovo swore in church 

upon the Gospel that they would strive to the end in 

the cause of Serbia. In the appeals addressed by the 

insurgents to the then Prince of Serbia, Milan Obre- 

novic, they protested their devotion and loyalty to him, 

imploring him to espouse the cause of the insurgents 



182 MACEDONIA 

and to strive with all his might to obtain the union of 
their country with Serbia. The insurgents also applied 
to the generals then in command of the Serbian army, 
begging them to supply them secretly with arms and 
ammunition. 

This Macedonian movement on behalf of Serbia the 
Turks suppressed with fire and sword. Several of the 
insurgent leaders succeeded in escaping to Serbia. They 
settled in the depopulated districts of the counties of 
Toplica and Vranja, where large numbers of these 
refugees live even to this day. A terrible vengeance 
descended upon the heads of the captured leaders and 
the populace which had remained behind.. For a long 
time the appellation "Serbian" was prohibited. But 
the memories of the Serbo-Turkish war of 1876-1878, 
and of the Macedonian rising for union with Serbia, 
lived on in the hearts of the nation. To this day the 
war and the insurrection are commemorated by the 
Macedonians in their poetry. 1 

Not even these disasters deterred the Macedonians 
from thoughts of liberation and union with Serbia. In 
1880 sixty-five of the most notable men of the districts 
of Kumanovo, Kriva Palanka, Kocane, Istip, Veles, 
Prilep, Bitolj, Ochrida, Kicevo, and Skoplje addressed 
an appeal to M.S. Milojevic, the Serbian commander 
of the Macedonian volunteers in the war of 1876-1878 

1 The ballad of the Serbian Prince Milan Obrenovic and Sulejman 
Pasha, which was composed by the native poets of Kurnanovo, was 
subsequently published by the Bulgarian professor P. Draganov in 
1894 (P. Draganov, " Makedonsko-slavjanski sbornik " [" Slavo- 
Macedonian Collection "] , i., Petrograd, 1894, No. 172), and the 
ballad on the Macedonian insurrection was published by J. H. 
Vasiljevic in 1906 (J. H. Vasiljevic, " Ustanak Srba u Kumanovskoj 
Palanackoj Kazi u 1878 " [" Insurrection of Serbs in the Kumanovo 
and Palanka Districts, 1878"], Belgrade, 1906, pp. 57-58). 



SERBIA AND MACEDONIA 183 

against Turkey, begging him to contrive somehow to 
smuggle arms through to them and to lead them, and 
they would rise in insurrection. That same year saw 
the outbreak of the so-called " Brsjaeka buna" (revolt 
of the Brsjaci — an ancient tribal name) among the popu- 
lation of the counties of Kicevo, Porec, Bitolj, and 
Prilep. The revolt extended over six months, and ended 
in failure. 

All these revolts serve to illustrate the Serbian feeling 
of the Macedonian population. These revolts were 
planned in the Serbian cause, and they bore a Serbian 
character. Unfortunately the}' have not only been 
unsuccessful, but their results were disastrous to the 
Macedonians. In consequence of these revolts the 
Serbian element was increasingly persecuted, and the 
Bulgarian increasingly favoured. 

Nor was this all. When the Great Bulgaria of San 
Stefano was announced, all Macedonia was in terror lest 
it should be placed under Bulgaria. The entire popula- 
tion of the counties of Kumanovo, Skoplje, Palanka, 
Kratovo, Custendil, Kocani, Strumica, Istip, Veles, 
Debar, Kicevo, and Prilep sent deputations and appeals 
to Milan, the then Prince of Serbia, imploring him 
not to abandon Macedonia to the Bulgars but to 
intervene so that Macedonia might be assigned to 
Serbia. When the Congress of Berlin met, petitions 
with numerous signatures appended to them arrived 
from all parts of Macedonia, reinforcing by cogent 
argument the statement that the population of Mace- 
donia is Serbian, and that it does not wish to belong 
to any country but Serbia. "As Serbs of true and 
pure stock, of the purest and most intrinsically Serbian 
country"— so these petitions are worded — "we for the 



184 MACEDONIA 

last time implore on our knees . . . that we may in 
some manner and by some means be freed from the 
slavery of five centuries, and united with our country, 
the principality of Serbia, and that the tears of blood of 
the Serbian martyrs may be stanched so that they, too, 
may become useful members of the European community 
of nations and of the Christian world;' we do not 
desire " to exchange the harsh Turkish slavery for the 
vastly harsher and blacker Bulgarian slavery, which 
will be worse and more intolerable than that of the 
Turks which we are at present enduring, and will 
compel us in the end either to slay all our own people, 
or to abandon our country, to abandon our holy places, 
and graves, and all that we hold dear. ..." (see 
Supplement No. IV). 

In the end the Macedonians took up arms to defend 
themselves against the Bulgars. When in the eighties 
of last century the Bulgars realized that with all their 
propaganda they would never succeed in eradicating the 
Serbian feeling of the Macedonians, they resorted to 
violence of the most outrageous kind. This was the 
terrible comitadji campaign in Macedonia, to which we 
have already alluded. Faced by this bloody terror of 
the Bulgars, the people took up arms in self-defence. 
Although they had neither arms nor ammunition, they 
formed bands to resist the intruders. The leading men 
of Macedonia placed themselves at the head of the 
populace. Men like Jovan Dovezenski from the Dovez- 
ence Zeglihovo district (Kumanovo), George Skopljance 
of Skoplje, Grigor Sokolovic of Nebregovo (Prilep), Jovan 
Babunski of Babuna (Babuna district), and many others 
were celebrated and commemorated in song as the 
leaders and heroes of the national defence against the 



SERBIA AND MACEDONIA 185 

Bulgars in Macedonia. Under the most desperate con- 
ditions, persecuted alike by Bulgarian bands and the 
Turkish authorities, these defenders of the Serbian 
name in Macedonia kept up their courage only by 
their own love and sympathy for the conscious national 
attitude of the Serbian population of Macedonia. The 
labours of these men were not without success. They 
helped to preserve at least that third part of the 
people of Macedonia which had refused to join the 
Bulgarian Exarchate, and which has remained Serbian 
to this day. Had they had more resources at their 
disposal, they might perhaps have cleared Mace- 
donia of the intruders. A confidential report to the 
Bulgarian Government by a Bulgarian consular official 
states that the Serbs had no more than " sixteen bands 
of one hundred and sixty to one hundred and seventy 
men," working against the Bulgars, but that never- 
theless "the successes of the Serbian element in the 
vilayet of Bitolj are considerable," and that " in 
Salonica their position is fairly good." l 

***** 

From what we have said it is surely clear that Serbia 
did all she could to the limit of her strength to save 
Macedonia from Bulgarian intrusion and Bulgarization. 
It is also likewise clear the Macedonian people made 
every effort to preserve its Serbian character and to 
become united with Serbia. Unfortunately adverse cir- 
cumstance was too strong for both Serbia and the Serbs 
of Macedonia. Serbia was not strong enough to fight 
Turkey and the abuses of the Greek Church, to oppose 
the will of Russia and to repel the Bulgarian propaganda 

1 "Le Brigandage en Macedoine, un rappor^ confidentiel au 
gouvernement bulgare," Berlin, 1908, p. 41. 



186 MACEDONIA 

and the armed terror of the comitadji. This, and this 
only, is the reason why a large part of the population 
finally, after an heroic struggle, great trials, and enor- 
mous sacrifices, was nevertheless compelled actually to 
call itself Bulgarian. 

The Bulgarian success is, however, only relative. 
Only the population of the larger towns in Macedonia, 
whence started the Bulgarian agitation under the 
protection of Russian diplomacy, adhered to the 
Exarchate. 1 The villages did not all respond equally 
to the Bulgarian appeal. According to the figures 
compiled after several years of investigation by Ros- 
tovski, Russian Consul in Botolj, there were in the 
vilayet of Bitolj 186,656 Serbs who joined the Bulgarian 
Exarchate, and 93,694 who remained faithful to the 
Patriarchate. One-half of the Christians in their region 
did not join the Bulgars. In the Eparchy of Skoplje 
20,000 families belonged to the Exarchate, and 10,000 
belonged to the Patriarchate. Here, too, the numerical 
proportion is the same. Besides this there were some 
parts of Macedonia where the Exarchate had no success 
at all. The whole of Skoplje Crna Gora, with only a 
few exceptions, and many villages north of it remained 
faithful to the Patriarchate. The villages in Porec 
between Tetovo and Bitolj kept themselves completely 
outside the Bulgarian influence. Moreover, there is a 
large proportion of the Serbian population through- 
out Macedonia which has remained Serbian. Round 
Strumica, Drama, and Serez in Southern Macedonia 
there are many Serbs who, unable to call themselves 
Turks, and not desirous of calling themselves Bulgars, 

1 St. Novakovic, " Balkanska Pitanja" ("The Balkan Questions"), 
1906, p. 118. 



SERBIA AND MACEDONIA 187 

call themselves Greek, although they speak only 
Serbian. 

An example will show how strong the Serbian feeling 
is in Macedonia despite the fierce trials through which 
it has passed. Already in the early days of the open 
struggle against the Greeks, the Serbian priest Jovan 
Burkovic in Skoplje distinguished himself especially in 
his opposition to them. For this the Greek Metropolitan 
excommunicated him and caused his books to be thrown 
out of the church. In spite of this ill-usage neither 
he nor his flock ever joined the Bulgarian movement. 
Neither Bulgarian intimidation and blackmail nor Greek 
persecution could drive him away from the Patriarchate. 
He hated it, but he could not deny his Serbian feeling 
and call himself a Bulgar. To the day of his death 
he and his parishioners adhered to the hated Patriar- 
chate aud remained Serbs. In his old age, and when 
his health was already failing, Jovan Burkovic prayed 
that God might grant him but one wish — to live to 
conduct the service at the opening of the Serbian 
Lycee, which was at that time being founded in Skoplje. 
He was spared to see the fulfilment of his wish. 1 

Macedonia is full of Serbian individuals who have 
survived all crises and trials and remained Serbs. And 
there are yet more who are prepared to cry out as 
soon as they are delivered from the Bulgarian danger : 
" We were, and we will be Serbs." 

1 St. Novakovic, " Balkanska Pitanja" (" The Balkan Questions"), 
pp. 89-90. 



XI 



MACEDONIAN DIALECTS OF THE SEBBIAN 

LANGUAGE 

Language of the Macedonian Slavs originally merely called " Slav " — 
No mention of Bulgarian language in Macedonia up to the begin- 
ning of the nineteenth century — Language of literary records in 
Macedonia Serbian throughout the Middle Ages — Serbian also in 
the nineteenth century until the advent of the Bulgarian propa- 
ganda — Difference between Macedonian and Bulgarian languages 
noticed at a very early date — Macedonian idiom not identical 
in all districts — Insufficiency of linguistic material for thorough 
study of Macedonian idiom — All Macedonian dialects belong 
to one type — Macedonian dialects are Serbian — Morphology — 
Etymology — The article as it appears in Macedonian dialects 
is not a Bulgarian characteristic 

WE have already mentioned in another connection 
that Professor Djeric, after a thorough study of 
all records referring to Macedonia, established the fact 
that the language of the Macedonian Slavs was originally 
simply called Slav, even as the people who spoke that 
language were called Slavs. This term is also applied 
to the Macedonian tongue into which Cyril and Method 
and their disciples translated the Holy Scriptures in 
the first centuries of Christendom among the Balkan 
Slavs. Professor Djeric, moreover, carefully investigated 
all historic sources in which the language of the Mace- 
donian Slav of the period is mentioned, right up to the 
twelfth century, and nowhere did he find the language 

188 



DIALECTS OF THE SERBIAN LANGUAGE 189 

called otherwise than the Slav. 1 Of the Bulgarian 
language in Macedonia there is at that time no trace, 
although it was the time of the longest period of the 
Bulgarian rule in Macedonia. Finally, Professor Djeri6 
studied all records which refer to Macedonia, and upon 
this evidence has established that " from the earliest 
times right up to the beginning of the nineteenth century 
there is not one reliable instance to prove that the 
Macedonians ever called themselves Bulgars or their 
language the "Bulgarian." 2 

All literary records produced in Macedonia during the 
Middle Ages are composed solely in Serbian. Already 
in 1844, V. Grigorovic, in his travels through Macedonia, 
took note of a host of Serbian literary records. The 
MSS. Catalogue of the National Library in Sofia (1910) 
contains twenty-five MSS. from Macedonia. Twenty- 
two out of the twenty-five are Serbian (from Skoplje, 
Veles, Istip, Strumica, Debar, Prilep, Ochrida), as the 
author of the catalogue, the Bulgarian Professor Coneff 
himself admits, and only three are non-Serbian. Of 
these three, two are Serbo-Bulgarian, and only one is 
Bulgarian.3 This last-named could only be the work 
of a Bulgar who had come by chance to Macedonia. 
All marginal notes, legends attached to pictures and 
inscriptions found in churches, etc., in Macedonia are 
purely Serbian. In many of them the language is 
referred to as Serbian. In 1466, Archbishop Marko of 
Ochrida ordered the " Canon of the Great Church " 
(Zakonik Velike Crkve) in Ochrida to be translated into 

' V. Djeric, "O srpskom imenu u Staroj Srbiji i Makedoniji " 
(" The term ' Serbian' in Old Serbia and Macedonia"), Belgrade, 1904. 
pp. 32-38. 

a Ibid., p. 42. 

3 P. Popovic, " Serbian Macedonia," London, 1916, p. 4. 



190 MACEDONIA 

Serbian. 1 In a seventeenth-century Macedonian MS. 
containing the sermons of Damaskin Studita it so 
happens that a word is denned, and in order to make 
its meaning clear, we are told what it signifies "in the 
Serbian (i.e. Macedonian) language." 2 

In the nineteenth century and up to the advent of the 
Bulgarian propaganda the language spoken in Macedonia 
is called " Serbian." In his " Srpski Bjecnik" (Serbian 
dictionary) Vuk S. Karadzic speaks of the language of 
the Macedonians as " Serbian.'" As we have already 
stated elsewhere, he mentions " that in Tetovo the 
Turks speak Turkish and Albanian, and the Christians 
Serbian" ; that "around Tetovo there are villages 
whose inhabitants profess the Turkish faith, but speak 
Serbian; that in Kicevo (Krcava) "about one-third of 
the inhabitants are Christians, and the rest profess 
the Turkish faith, but that all of them speak Serbian " ; 
that in Gostivar " the Turks speak Turkish and Albanian, 
and the Christians Serbian"; that in 1836 he met two 
men from Debar in Cetinje who spoke Serbian, and 
that "in that locality (around Debar) there are many 
villages where the inhabitants have the same speech 
as these two men, and that they call themselves 
Serbs." 

The difference between the Macedonian and Bulgarian 
languages has been noticed long ago by scholars. 
Already in 1844 V. Grigorovic drew attention to the 
striking difference between the Macedonian and Bul- 
garian languages,3 and was only prevented by his 

1 Lj. Stojanovid, " Stari Srpski Zapisi i Natpisi " (" Old Serbian 
Inscriptions and Notes"), No. 328. 

2 V. Djeric, " srpskom imenu u Staroj Srbiji i Makedoniji " 
(" The term ' Serbian' in Old Serbia and Macedonia"), p. 27. 

3 Y. Grigorovic, " Ocerk putesestvija," p. 194. 



DIALECTS OF THE SERBIAN LANGUAGE 191 

partiality for the Bulgars from applying the term 
" Serbian " to the language spoken in Macedonia. In 
1872 a Bulgar, Prvanov byname, published "Alphabet 
Books" (Bukvars) for use in the Bulgarian schools in 
Macedonia, and specially stated in these books that his 
object in so doing was, that " our Macedonian brothers 
may lose the habit of the Serbian pronunciation of the 
Bulgarian speech." ' Djordje M. Puljevski, a native of 
Galicnik in Macedonia, wrote in 1875 that the inhabi- 
tants of those parts did not understand Bulgarian. 2 
P. Draganov, Bulgarian Professor in Salonica, mentioned 
in 1894 that the Macedonians experienced great difficulty 
in learning the modern Bulgarian idiom.3 How great 
is the difference between the Bulgarian language and 
the various Macedonian dialects is best seen by the 
fact that Macedonian children are unable to study at 
the Bulgarian Lycee without having previously learnt 
Bulgarian. The Bulgarian Lycee in Skoplje had a 
preparatory class attached, where Macedonian children, 
after having attended the Bulgarian elementary schools, 
still had to study Bulgarian for at least six months to 
enable them to follow the lessons at the Lycee. 4 A 
preliminary study of Serbian was not necessary for 
students at the Serbian Lycee in Skoplje. 

The language spoken in Macedonia is not everywhere 
the same, but is divided into several dialects. To estab- 
lish correctly the areas over which these dialects are 

1 P. Draganov, " Izvestija S.P. Slavjanskago Blagotvoritelnago 
Obstestva," 1888, quoted in "Macedonia" by St. Protic, p. 13. 
* Djordje M. Puljevski, " Recnik od tri Jezika," Belgrade, 1875, p. 1. 

3 P. Draganov, " Makedonsko-slavjanski sbornik,'' i., Petrograd, 
1894, p. iv. 

4 Srpska Kraljevska Akademija, " Naselja srpskik zemalja " (" Settle- 
ments of the Serbian Lands "), vol. iii. p. 508. 



192 MACEDONIA 

spoken, and to give a detailed definition of their dis- 
tinguishing features is quite impossible at the present 
moment. The greatest difficulty lies in the fact that 
not enough reliable linguistic material has been collected 
so far. There are districts in Macedonia concerning 
which there is no philological material of any kind. 
The bulk of the collected linguistic material is to be 
found in the traditional lore of the Macedonians, especi- 
ally in the national ballads. On the other hand, this 
material has not always been compiled by reliable col- 
lectors. Most of the national ballads from Macedonia 
have been collected by Bulgars ; but the ballads so 
collected do not correctly represent the Macedonian 
idiom. There are many reasons for this. For one 
thing, these, collectors were unlettered Bulgarian priests, 
teachers, and agents, unacquainted with the Macedonian 
dialects, and too ignorant to establish their various 
characteristics. For another, it was necessary for the 
Bulgars to publish the Macedonian ballads as quickly 
as possible and to proclaim them to be Bulgarian, and 
so the collections were made too hurriedly and without 
sufficient attention to linguistic refinement of detail. 
Thirdly, all Bulgarian ballad-collectors were merely 
agents for Great Bulgarian aspirations whose chief aim 
it was to exhibit as many Bulgarian characteristics as 
possible in the Macedonian language, and so they intro- 
duced these even in cases where they were obviously 
quite out of place. Finally, the speech of the Mace- 
donians has been sadly corrupted by Bulgarian propa- 
ganda and Bulgarian schools. The purest idiom in 
Macedonia is spoken by the Serbs of Mahommedan faith, 
whom — for religious reasons — the Bulgarian propaganda 
could not influence. In the meantime, however, no 



DIALECTS OF THE SERBIAN LANGUAGE 193 

special attention was drawn to their language. It 
follows therefore from what we have said, that all that 
has been written by philologists — especially Bulgarian 
philologists — on the language of the Macedonians, and 
based upon the philological and linguistic material col- 
lected by the Bulgars, cannot be either correct or reliable. 
Scientific investigation of the language of the Mace- 
donians based on other material has been very limited 
in extent and embraces only an insignificantly small 
part of Macedonia. For these reasons, too, we find it 
difficult to give a detailed philological study of the Serbian 
dialects in Macedonia, and we must confine ourselves to 
pointing out their principal features. They plainly exhibit 
only Serbian, and not Bulgarian characteristics as well. 

All Macedonian dialects, no matter how great the 
difference between them, belong to one type, and all of 
them by their characteristics are branches of the Serbian 
language. 

The main features which on the one hand link the 
Macedonian dialects with the Serbian language, and 
on the other hand distinguish them from the Bulgarian, 
are (a) the permutation of Old Slav individual sounds 
(Morphology) and (b) the rules governing the inflection 
of words (Etymology). 

1. Moephology. 

The Old Slav vowel ^ (jus) , pronounced like the nasal 
on, has in Bulgarian been replaced by the mute i> ("dark," 
jer). In Serbian it has been replaced by the clear u, 
and in the Macedonian dialects likewise by the clear 
sounds u, a, o. 1 The tendency of Bulgarian is to darken 

1 Examples: Old Slav pTRt-h, rTtJta = Bulgarian pi>t, ri>ka = 
Serbian put, ruka = Macedonian put, pat, pot, ruka, raka, roka, 

14 



194 MACEDONIA 

the vowels, that of the Serbian and Macedonian dialects 
to pronounce them clearly. Whether the clear vowels, 
which moreover include u, of the Macedonian dialects 
approach more nearly to the Serbian clear u, or to 
the Bulgarian dark vowel t, is surely not difficult to 
decide. 

The Old Slav sound group Zt> has in Bulgarian been 
replaced by tZ, and in Serbian and Macedonian by u. 1 

The Old Slav sound group chr is in Bulgarian re- 
placed by cer, and in Serbian and Macedonian by cr. 2 

In the opinion of philologists the most important 
permutation of Old Slav sounds in the Serbian and 
Bulgarian languages is the permutation of the com- 
posite sounds zd and st. Some philologists have gone 
so far as to classify all the Slav languages into groups 
according to the permutation of this Old Slav sound 
group. According to this classification the Serbian 
language and the Macedonian dialects would unquestion- 
ably belong to the same group, because in Bulgarian 
the zd and st have remained the same as in Old Slav, 
whereas in Macedonian and Serbian they appear per- 
muted into dj and c. Already in 1835 the first Bulgarian 
grammarian, Neofit Kilski, observed that the appearance 
of the dj and c in the Macedonian dialects was a 

1 Examples : The Old Slav words vlTiJcly, 'pllm'h, Bl'hgarin'b = 
Bulgarian vT>lk"b, p'bln'b, B'hLgarin'b = Serbian and Macedonian liuk 
pun, Bugarin. Owing to the permutation of the vowels l"b the 
Macedonians, when they happen to call themselves Bulgars, always 
employ the Serbian word Bugari, and. never the Bulgarian word 
BTzlgari. This peculiarity was observed in 1844 by the Russian 
scientist V. Grigorovic (" Ocerk putesestvija," p. 196). Since then 
this observation has been repeated by many authors, among them 
several Bulgars. 

2 Examples: The Old Slav words cbrn'h, cbrvenT* = Bulgarian 
Zern, cerven = Serbian and Macedonian cm, orven. 



DIALECTS OF THE SERBIAN LANGUAGE 195 

Serbian feature. 1 There are many examples of the 
occurrence of dj and c in the Macedonian dialects. In 
his book " Ogledalo " ("The Mirror") which appeared 
in 1816, and is written throughout in the Macedonian 
dialect, Cyril Pejcinovic of Tetovo, a monk of the 
Serbian Monastery of St. Dimitrius near Skoplje, true 
to the usage of his day, invariably for both groups uses 
the Serbian c and never the Bulgarian zd and H. When 
Vuk Karadzic brought out the national ballads from 
Macedonia in 1822, he employed the dj and c quite 
correctly in their proper places. In 1875 Dj. M. 
Puljevski of Galicnik in Macedonia compiled his 
" Recnik od tri jezika " (Dictionary of three languages, 
viz. Macedonian, Albanian, and Turkish) for his 
countrymen. Puljevski was not a great scholar, and 
in writing was guided by feeling alone. But he, too, 
regularly uses the dj and 6 sounds. The Bulgarian 
P. Draganov, who held a post as professor at the 
Bulgarian Lycee in Salonica, asserts that the dj and 
c sounds are an intrinsic feature of the Macedonian 
dialects. 

In view of the importance of the permutation of 
the Old Slav composite sounds zd and st in its 
bearing upon the question of the Macedonian 
dialects, St. Novakovic, President of the Royal Serbian 
Academy, wrote an extensive monograph on the 
subject. 2 For his linguistic material he drew upon 
the earlier writers who wrote in Macedonian dialects ; 
upon the collections of national ballads compiled in 

1 " Bolgarska Gramatoka," Kragujevac, 1835, pp. 180-181. 

T " Dj and 6 in the Macedonian National Dialects " (" Glas Srpske 
Kraljevske Akadeinije," xii., Belgrade, 1889); "Ein Beitrag zur 
Kunde der Macedonischen Dialekte " (" Archiv fiir Slavische Philo- 
logie, lxii., 1890, p. 78). 



196 MACEDONIA 

Macedonia by the Bulgars and their friends ; * the 
collection by I. S. Jastrebov, 2 and finally upon the folk- 
tales related to him in the Macedonian dialect of the 
country around Prilep by P. Kondovic, a pupil at 
the Bulgarian Lycee who had at that time not yet 
studied the Serbian literary language. In all this 
linguistic material from Macedonia, Novakovic invari- 
ably found the Serbian dj and 6 wherever they ought 
to occur according to rule. 3 

2. Etymology. 

In Bulgarian the nouns and adjectives are not inflected 
at all ; they always retain the same form. The cases 
are expressed by prepositions placed before the nomin- 
ative. In the Macedonian dialects, as in Serbian, both 
nouns and adjectives have seven cases, which are formed 
by added terminations.4 

1 St. I. Verkovie, " Narodne Pesme Makedonskih Bugara, 1860 " ; 
The Brothers Dirnitrije and Konstantin Miladinovci, " Bugarske 
narodne pesme," 1861 ; " Periodiceskoe Spisanie " of the Bulgarian 
Literary Society. 

2 I. S. Jastrebov, " Obicaj i pjesni Tureckih Serbov," Petrograd, 1886. 

3 Examples: Bulgarian words vezda, cuzd= Serbian and Mace- 
donian vedja, tudj ; Bulgarian svesta, sresta, k'bsta = Serbian and 
Macedonian sveoa, sreca, kuca. 

* Examples taken from a Macedonian MS. Collection of the 
eighteenth century (" Spomenik Srpske Kraljevske Akademije," xxxi. 
p. 12):- 

Genitive : ot vraga, radi bolesti, Gospoda, hriscanske vere, pres- 

tola Bozija. 
Dative : vragu, Bogu, proroku, duhovniku. 
Accusative : veru hristijansJcu, Icrasotu, prevaru, Boga. 
Vocative : vraze lukavi, prelastena leno. 
Ablative : Svetim Jcrstenjem, s djavolom, s velihim kanunom, 

dusom i telom. 
Locative : na strasnom sudu, prema milosti, prema velikom 
velru, na smrti. 



DIALECTS OF THE SERBIAN LANGUAGE 197 

There is no infinitive of the verb in Bulgarian, but 
there is both in Serbian and in the Macedonian dialects. 1 

There is no present participle of the verb in Bulgarian, 
whereas it exists both in Serbian and in the Macedonian 
dialects. 2 

Examples taken from Macedonian national poetry collected by 
Bulgars : 

Genitive: Telal vice ot utra do mraka, 
Do tri furni vruca leba. 
Dative : Turcin Kalinki dumase 

Devojka se Bogu pomolila 
Sve~kru bela kosulja. 
Accusative : Mozes li konja da igras 
Tebe stara ce zagubat. 
Imala majka, imala 
Jednoga sina Stojana. 
Vocative: Stojane, sinko rodjene. 

Tatko ce recem, cerko ne velit. . . . 
Braca ce recem, sestro ne velet. 
Naverzi mi, Bado, kiten bel testemel. 
Ablative : Udari ga cizma i mamuzom. 
Pod Beligradom. 

Djul, devojko, pod djulom zaspalo. 
Locative : Na kuci slava, vo kuci slava. 
Da se sutra na divanu nadje. 

1 Examples from the eighteenth-cenhiry Macedonian MSS. Col- 
lection : — 

biti, gledati, izgovoriti, krstiti se, ostati, oprostiti, pricestiti, 
pokajati, umoriti, uzeti, Uniti, postignuti, osuditi, lagati, 
govoriti, etc. (" Spomenik Srpske Kraljevske Akademije," 
xxxi. p. 13). 
Examples from Macedonian national poetry : — 

" Navest" cu ti, Pejo, kako ces go "nosi," 
" OsvojW" cu ravnu Ax'baniju. 
* Examples from the eighteenth-century Macedonian MSS. Col- 
lection : — 

cineeci, gledazci, znaici, etc. 

Examples from Macedonian National poetry : — 

Mene bolan, sestro, gledceci, 
Hi dvorje, sestro, meteeci, 
Uste taka zborueci, 
Ruse kose pleteeSi. 



198 MACEDONIA 

Some of the tenses (present, imperfect, aorist, future) 
of the verbs are not formed in the same way in Bulgarian 
as in Serbian and the Macedonian dialects. 

The accent is practically the same in Serbian as in 
the Macedonian dialects, whereas in Bulgarian it is 
quite different. 

The vocabulary of the Serbian language and the 
Macedonian dialects is the same, the Bulgarian 
vocabulary is quite different. 

Finally we must mention one linguistic feature which 
is, to all outward appearance, common to the Bulgarian 
language and to the Macedonian dialects and which 
does not exist in Serbian. This is the article, which 
is placed after the noun both in Bulgarian and in the 
Macedonian dialects (suffix, post-position of the article). 
It is interesting from the point of view of Indo- 
European philology, that among the Balkan languages 
the article exists only in the Albanian, Bulgarian, and 
Roumanian languages. Among the Serbian dialects 
the Macedonian alone possess it. For these reasons 
the Bulgars maintain that the suffix was developed 
" independently of the internal organism of the Bulgarian 
language " ; T that consequently the Macedonian article 
is a Bulgarian feature, and the Macedonian dialects are 
branches .of the Bulgarian. In the meantime, the most 
distinguished Slav philologists are not of the opinion 
that the Bulgarian suffix developed "independently of 
the internal organism of the Bulgarian language," or 
that it is a Bulgarian speciality, fyut hold it to be a relic 
of the old Thraco-Illyrian languages which is to be 
found throughout the whole of the Albanian zone, in 

1 Lj. Milietic, " clanu u bngarskom jeziku " (" The Article in the 

Bulgarian Language "), Zagreb, 1886, p. 2. 



DIALECTS OF THE SERBIAN LANGUAGE 199 

Macedonia, Bulgaria and Roumania; therefore not 
only in Bulgarian, but also in the Albanian, Serbian, 
and Roumanian languages, which have no connection 
with the evolution of the Bulgarian language. 1 

The Bulgarian and Macedonian suffixes differ in kind. 
In Bulgarian the suffix is invariably ti> (masculine), ta 
(feminine), to (neuter). In Macedonian we find, besides 
the suffixes Pb, ta, to, also ni>, na, no, and v^, va, vo, 
which are non-existent in Bulgarian. 

Finally, according to rule, the article must be in- 
variably employed in Bulgarian, whereas in the Mace- 
donian dialects it occurs but rarely. In the eighteenth- 
century Macedonian MSS. Collection the article is 
used but seldom. In the first 105 pages of the collec- 
tion it is employed only 37 times, and that very 
arbitrarily. Masculine nouns never appear with the 
article. Feminine and neuter nouns frequently appear 
with the articles va and vo instead of ta and to. 2 In 27 
poems from Macedonia published in 1822 by Vuk 
Karadzic, the article occurs only 25 times in the whole 
340 verses, and then not always after the noun, but more 
often after the possessive pronoun and the conjunction 
kao (as). In 121 poems from Debar the article tj,, ta, to 
occurs only 47 times ; Wh, na, no occurs 12 times, and vi, t 
va, vo 22 times. In about 150 ballads from Macedonia, 
containing in all 2,600 verses, we find the article 106 
times all told ; and this number includes 34 cases which 
do not belong to the Macedo-Bulgarian variety but to 
the purely Macedonian form of the article. 

1 Fr. Miklosich, " Syntaxis," p. 127. " Die Slavischen Elemente 
im Rumanischen," p. 7. 

2 " Spomenik SrpBke Kraljevske Akademije," vol. xxxi. p. 12. 



XII 

NATIONAL CUSTOMS 

Old Slav tribal system completely broken up by Old Bulgarian 
State system— Tribal system preserved in Macedonia and other 
Serbian lands — Hence the identity of social conditions and 
customs— Typically Serbian customs in Macedonia— The 
" Slava " — Bulgarian campaign against " Slava " in Macedonia — 
" Preslava "—Village " Slava "—Custom of Pilgrimage to Serbian 
monasteries — Pilgrimages to the Monastery of Decani 

WHEN speaking of the difference between the 
Bnlgars and the Macedonians, we pointed out 
that the Bnlgars with their State system, which they 
brought with thern and transplanted among the con- 
quered Slavs in Bulgaria, crushed for ever every trace 
of the old Slav tribal organization there. The Slav 
social system and the customs which are connected with 
it could never again be revived among the Bulgars, not 
even during the period when all trace of an independent 
state was lost among them. 1 

The tribal social system survived for a very long time 
in Macedonia and in other Serbian lands. The nation, 
which is identical in Macedonia and in other Serbian 
lands, and has lived under identical social conditions, 
has also preserved identical customs. Already before 
1861, two Macedonians, the brothers Miladinovci, 
described some of the Macedonian customs. 2 All their 

1 See pp. 19-20. 

2 The brothers Miladinovci, " Bugarske Narodne Pesme " (" Bul- 
garian National Ballads "), Agram, 1861, pp. 515-524. 

200 



NATIONAL CUSTOMS 201 

descriptions tally throughout with the descriptions of 
customs in other Serbian countries. In 1886 the 
Eussian savant and great authority in Macedonia, 
Iv. S. Jastrebov, 1 published an extensive volume on 
the national customs of Macedonia. His description 
of their customs connected with the observance of 
Christmas, New Year, Epiphany, the carnival, St. 
Lazar, Great Sunday, St. George's Day, the popular 
prayers for rain ("dodole"), their marriage, birth, and 
funeral customs, the " Slava," etc., tally absolutely with 
the descriptions of the same customs as practised among 
other Serbs. In 1907 the Koyal Serbian Academy 
published a great collectanea of customs from the 
neighbourhood of Skoplje, compiled by At. Petrovic, 2 
to which the foregoing remarks likewise apply. The 
author is himself the editor of a series in the " Zbornik " 
(" Collectanea ") of Serbian national customs, which is 
published by the Koyal Serbian Academy in Belgrade. 
One of the MSS. he had prepared for publication before 
the war was a lengthy monograph on the customs of 
the neighbourhood of Gevgeli, compiled prior to 1912 
by the schoolmaster Mr. St. Tanovic, a native of Gevgeli. 
Here we have descriptions of customs day by day 
throughout the year ; then the customs connected with 
birth, marriage, and funerals, agriculture, hunting, 
fishing, cattle rearing, trade, etc. All, absolutely all, 
these customs of the neighbourhood of Gevgeli, as a 
whole and in detail, are neither more nor less than the 
customs found also among other parts of the Serbian 

1 Iv. S. Jastrebov, " Obicaj i pjesni Tureckih Serbov " (" Customs 
and Songs of the Turkish Serbs "), Petrograd, 1886 (in Russian). 

2 " Srpski Etnografski Zbornik " (" Serbian Ethnographic Collec- 
tanea "), vol. vii. pp. 338-528. 



202 MACEDONIA 

nation. But not even a superficial view of the 
Macedonian customs reveals any such similarity when 
comparing them with Bulgarian customs. 

It is not an unimportant fact that the customs of the 
Macedonians and the rest of the Serbs should differ from 
those of the Bulgars. There are many customs which 
are peculiar to the Macedonian and other Serbs, and the 
Bulgars have nothing to resemble them. And precisely 
because these customs have been observed by the Serbs 
from ancient times, and other nations do not possess 
them, the Serbs have come to consider some of them 
as distinctive Serbian characteristics. The best example 
of this is provided by the custom of the " Slava " (the 
literal meaning of this word is " celebration," but it 
also has the meaning of "renown" and "glory"), or 
" krsno ime" (Christian name), "sveti" (saint, holy), 
" sveti dan " (saint day or holy day), or " dan svetoga " 
(the day of the saint), as this custom is variously 
called by the Serbs. This is a relic of the old pagan 
ancestor worship, which with the transition to the 
Christian faith was transformed into the worship of 
some Christian saint (most frequently St. Nicholas, St. 
Michael the Archangel, St. George, St. Demetrius, or 
St. John). Every Serb has a family patron saint. The 
day dedicated to that saint is the Serbian " slava." 
The " slava " is attended by many minor customs, which 
are identical with all Serbs. According to the unani-- 
mous opinion of all scientific authorities, both Serbian and 
foreigQ, who have studied the customs of the " slava," 
it is an exclusively Serbian custom. 1 The Serbs have 
a proverb : " Gde je slava, tu je Srbin " (" Where there 

1 The " slava " is unknown among the neighbouring Croats and 
Bulgars (C. Jirecek. " Geschichte der Serben," i. p. 181). 



NATIONAL CUSTOMS 203 

is 'slava,' there is the Serb"). The " slava " is looked 
upon as a sacred custom ; it is handed down from father 
to son as a precious inheritance, and disappears only with 
the disappearance of the family itself. All Serbs who 
worship the same saint are considered akin. The 
"slava" is so distinctly a Serbian custom that even 
the Catholic Serbs observe it. Even the Mohammedan 
Serbs, who have ceased to observe " slava " for religious 
reasons, still know their " slava " and bestow gifts upon 
Christian Churches on that day. Therefore it may be 
with good reason assumed that the observance of " slava" 
marks the frontiers of the Serbian nation. 

All Macedonians keep " slava." The Bulgars do not. 
In describing the national customs in Macedonia, Iv. S. 
Jastrebov, for many years Russian Consul in Macedonia, 
says : " ' Slava ' is observed by the Serbs not only in 
Serbia, Austria, Hungary, Bosnia, Hercegovina, Monte- 
negro, Kosovo, Morava and the Prizren district, but 
also, in the counties of Skoplje, Veles, Prilep, Bitolj, 
and Ochrida in exactly the same way as it is celebrated 
in the counties of Debar and Tetovo." 1 Moreover, the 
" slava " is designated by the same names in Macedonia 
as in other Serbian countries (" slava," " krsno hue," 
"sveti," "sveti dan," "dan svetoga," "sluzba"). 2 There, 
too, it is kept by everybody. Many detailed descrip- 
tions of the "slava" in Macedonia have appeared on 
various occasions.3 All the details attending the "slava" 

1 Iv. S. Jastrebov, "Obicaj i pjesni Tureckih Serbov" ("Customs 
and Songs of the Turkish Serbs"), p. 2. 

2 Ibid., p. 1. 

3 Ibid., pp. 1-22. S. Tomic, il Naselja Srpskih Zemalja " (" Settle- 
ments of the Serbian Lands"), vol. iii. pp. 467-469. At. Petrovic, 
" Srpski Etnografski Zbornik " (" Serbian Ethnographic Collectanea "), 
vol. vii. pp. 436-138. J. H. Vasiljevic, " Prilep," pp. 160-167. 



204 MACEDONIA 

in Macedonia are the same as the details attending it 
in other Serbian countries. In Macedonia, too, it is 
a sacred custom, which is not dropped under any 
circumstances. The inhabitants of Skoplje Crna Gora 
believe that "whoever fails to keep 'slava' one year, 
will not live to see next year's." * There, too, the 
" slava " is handed down as a sacred heritage from father 
to son until the family becomes extinct. But as a 
matter of fact the celebration of " 'slava " outlasts 
even the family. A man who has no descendants will 
see to it that his "slava" does not become extinct 
with his death. A wealthy but childless peasant of 
the village of Cucar in the Skoplje Crna Gora left all 
his property to a neighbour on condition that he 
would keep his "slava" as well as his own, and would 
celebrate it every year. 2 Another important fact is 
that instead of worshipping the Christian saints common 
to all the Churches, the Macedonians, like the Serbs 
of other countries, frequently give preference to Serbs 
who have been canonized, such as St. Simeon Mirotocivi 
(Stephan Nemanja, Grand Zupan of Serbia, February 
13th), St. Sava (Sava Nemanjic, son of Stephan Nemanja, 
first Archbishop of Serbia, January 14th), St. Stephan 
Decanski (November 11th), etc. Sometimes an entire 
village will celebrate the same Serbian patron saint. 
For the sake of example we will merely quote the 
case of the village of Radibuz, between Kumanovo and 
Palanka, where everybody celebrates St. Sava's Day. 

Finally, I will mention that the earliest record of the 
Serbian "slava" is from Macedonia. The Greek 
historian Skylitzes has given us a description of the 
"slava" of the Serbian vojvode Ivac by the Lake 

1 S. Tomic, " Naselja, etc.," vol. iii. p. 469. 2 Ibid., p. 469. 



NATIONAL CUSTOMS 205 

of Ochrida, as early as 1018. The vojvode Ivac 
worshipped the virgin Mary on August 15th. It is 
interesting to note that the description of the "Slava," 
as kept by the vojvode Ivac and observed by Skylitzes, 
shows the same features which still distinguish the 
customs incidental to the "slava." 1 

Of all Serbian customs in Macedonia we have laid 
special stress upon the "slava," because it is a typically 
Serbian custom. Moreover, the Bulgars have attached 
special significance to the " slava." No sooner had 
they begun their agitation in Macedonia than they con- 
sidered it their first duty to stamp out this Serbian 
custom. To this end they had recourse to various 
expedients. At first their agents, priests, and school- 
masters told the populace that the " slava " was a 
pagan custom, that it was not sanctioned by the 
Church, and that it ought therefore to be discontinued. 2 
Later on they resorted to threats, and the malediction 
of the Church upon those who refused to give up 
the " slava." Finally, when the comitadji action began, 
recalcitrants were at first given strict warning, then 
fined, and finally put to death. The archives of the 
Serbian Ministry of the Interior contain official proofs 
in every case of persecution in connection with the 
keeping of " slava " in Macedonia. 

But all this was of no avail. The Serbs have the 
proverb: " Bolje da selo propadne, nego n selu obi6aj " 
(" Better the ruin of the village, than of the village 
customs"). The people faithfully continued to celebrate 

1 B. Prokic : "Vojvoda Ivac, najstariji istorijski spomen o slavi u 
Makedoniji" — ("Vojvoda Ivac, Earliest Historical Record of the Slava 
in Macedonia"), " Brastvo," vols, ix.-x., Belgrade, 1902, pp. 5, etc. 

- Iv. S. Jastrebov, " Obicaj, etc.," p. 3, " Izvjestija Slavjanskog 
Blagotvorifeelnog Obstetva," 1887, Nos. 11-12, p. 556. 



206 MACEDONIA 

their " slava " in Macedonia, and preserved it jealously 
as a precious inheritance. 

Another typically Serbian custom is the keeping of 
" Preslava." The customs of the " preslava " are the same 
as those of the " slava," only they are fewer in number 
and less complicated. Every Serb keeps "preslava "as 
well as " slava." In Macedonia, too, "preslava" is kept 
by whole towns and villages. 1 The Bulgars have nothing 
remotely like it. 

In the last place I must also mention the village 
(seoska) " slava." This festival is a relic from the times 
when the entire settlement of kinsfolk worshipped the 
common god and eventually the patron saint. It consists 
in the meeting in prayer of the whole village, a common 
banquet, festivity, and dance at a special spot in the 
village. This custom is by no means to be confused 
with the village gatherings at church festivals and the 
processions common all over Europe. The "village 
slava " is an exclusively Serbian custom, common to 
all Serbs and consequently also to the Macedonians. 
It is really the " slava," only extended to the entire 
village. 2 The Bulgars do not possess this custom 
either. 

We could quote several other customs which the 
Macedonians share with all other Serbs, but I think 
this ought to suffice. In the meantime I will quote one 
more custom, because it affords convincing proof of the 
national identity of the Macedonian Serbs with those of 
other countries. All Serbs, no matter where they live, 
pay great respect to their monasteries, more especially 

' Iv. S. Jastrebov, " Obicaj," pp. 22-23. 

8 S. Tomic\ " Naselja, etc.," vol. iii. p. 467. J. H. Vasiljevid, 
•• Prilep," p. 167. 



NATIONAL CUSTOMS 207 

to those Serbian monasteries which played a prominent 

part in the culture and politics of Serbia's past, or where 

lie buried the great and worthy men who have since been 

canonized by the Serbian Church. To these monasteries 

the Serbian people repair even from very great distances. 

Sometimes it is a pilgrimage of ten days' journey. In 

olden times these pilgrimages to the Serbian monasteries 

took place more frequently than now. Every one who 

was able considered it a patriotic duty to visit them at 

least once in his life, to express his respect and to present 

them with gifts. Thus Serbs from all Serbian lands used" 

to go on pilgrimage to the Monastery of Hilendar on 

Mount Athos, the oldest of the Serbian monasteries and 

the earliest centre of Serbian literature and civilization. 

Another spot, visited particularly by Serbs from Serbia, 

Bosnia, Hercegovina, Vidin, and the Sofia counties is 

the Monastery of Studenica, where St. Stephan Nemanja 

and St. Stephan Prvovencani lie buried. The monasteries 

in Srem, where rest the bones of Tsar Uros, Prince Lazar, 

Stephan Stiljanovi6, and other Serbian saints, are favourite 

places of pilgrimage for the Serbs of all the Serbian lands 

under Austria. In the same manner the Serbian people 

used to go on pilgrimage to the Monastery of Bilo, 

where the body of St. John Kilski is preserved, one 

of the earliest preachers of Christianity among the 

Serbs, and to the Monastery of De'cani, where rests 

that of Stephan De6anski. This pious custom prevails 

also in Macedonia. The Macedonians, too, repair to 

the monasteries to worship the relics there, and that 

in the same monasteries as other Serbs. And because 

they were the nearest at hand, the Macedonians most 

frequently went to the Monasteries of Decani, Hilendar, 

Rilo, and the Patriarchal Monastery of Ipek. 



208 MACEDONIA 

The departure for the monasteries was a very solemn 
custom in Macedonia. Every year, on appointed days, 
from fifty to a hundred men from certain villages would 
repair to one or other of the Serbian monasteries. 
Besides their own gifts, they carried also the gifts of 
their kinsfolk, neighbours, fellow townsmen, and guild. 
On the appointed day the pilgrims, arrayed in their 
Sunday clothes, first went to the church to pray. After 
prayer they set forth, accompanied by the priests in full 
canonicals, bearing crosses and icons, and by the populace. 
At the gates or confines of the town they took leave and 
went on their way. Their reception at the monastery 
was an equally solemn affair. The monks in canonicals, 
with crosses and icons, came out to meet them. At the 
place of meeting a short prayer was said, and then, 
singing hymns, the procession went on to the monastery. 
On the following day a solemn service was held, after 
which the pilgrims would kiss the relics of the Serbian 
kings and saints preserved in the monastery and present 
their gifts. The departure from the monastery and the 
reception of the pilgrims on their return home were 
likewise solemn occasions. The Bulgars, too, have their 
holy places and their relics, but the Macedonians know 
nothing about them. 

Of all monasteries the Macedonians went most fre- 
quently to Decani, where is the tomb of the Serbian king 
Stephan Decanski (1321-1331). This is the very king of 
Serbia who defeated the Bulgars at VelbUzd in 1330 
and so decided the fate of Macedonia in favour of Serbia 
for the rest of the Middle Ages. Stephan De6anski is 
the most popular saint in Macedonia. He is never called 
anything else there but the "Holy King." Before the 
Bulgarian propaganda made its appearance in Macedonia, 



NATIONAL CUSTOMS 209 

every well-to-do Macedonian used to consider it a reli- 
gious and patriotic duty to go at least once in his life to 
worship at the tomb of the Holy King and to bear 
gifts to his monastery. And in every house in Macedonia 
could be seen the icon of the Holy King, beside that of 
the patron saint of the house. 

This custom of going on pilgrimage to Serbian 
monasteries shows the purely Serbian feeling of the 
Macedonians. The special respect for Stephan Decanski, 
who in 1330 defended Macedonia from a Bulgarian 
invasion, shows how strong that feeling is. 



15 



XIII 

POPULAR TRADITION 

Beauty and wealth of Serbian popular tradition — Ethnographic 
element and historic memories enshrined in it — Macedonia 
considered a Serbian country by non-Macedonian Serbian 
popular tradition — National tradition of Macedonia shows 
a purely Serbian character — Example from beginning of 
eighteenth century — Examples from the nineteenth century 
— Folk poetry in Macedonia purely Serbian — Bulgarian 
collections of Macedonian national poetry reveal purely 
Serbian characters in spite of touching and editing — 
Reference to none but Serbian historic events, places, and 
characters — No reference to Bulgarian historic events, places, 
and characters — Serbian monasteries famous in Macedonian 
folk poetry — Serbian names in Macedonian poetry — Language 
in Macedonian poetry pure Serbian — According to national 
tradition the liberation and unification of all Serbia is bound 
up with Macedonia 

IT has long Keen a matter of general knowledge 
that Serbian popular and national tradition is 
exceptionally rich and beautiful. It is also generally 
recognized that Vuk St. Karadzic (1787-1864), the first 
collector of Serbian national traditions, was honest and 
expert in his work. This is what earned for Serbian 
popular tradition such great European renown at the 
beginning of the nineteenth century, and won for 
its collector the respect and friendship of such great 
men as Goethe, Grimm, Charles Nodier, Prosper 
Merimee, John Bowring, Walter Scott, etc. " The 
Serbs have a right to be proud of their nationa 

910 



POPULAR TRADITION 211 

poems, but they ought to be even more proud of their 
Vuk St. Karadzic," says the Bulgarian savant, Dr. 
Iv. Sismanov. 1 

What is less known is that Serbian popular and 
national tradition teems with Serbian ethnographic 
elements and Serbian historic memories. It is a mine 
of information on the subject of Serbian national customs, 
culture, and national self-revelation ; it is also full of 
references to historic events in Serbia's past, her historic 
spots and personages. If any one were to conceive the 
idea of delimiting the frontiers of the Serbian nation 
on the basis of the area over which Serbian popular 
and national tradition extends, he would be well on the 
side of truth. 

Serbian national ballads from the Serbian lands out- 
side Macedonia always refer to the latter as a Serbian 
land. A national ballad from Srem, taken down by 
Vuk St. Karadzic at the beginning of the nineteenth 
century, sings of the cities, princes, and vojvodes of the 
Middle Ages. Apart from its exceptional beauty, the 
distinguishing feature of this ballad is that in it a Serb 
from Srem, giving voice to the general conviction of 
the Serbian nation as to its extent, includes Macedonia 
within the Serbian national frontiers. The ballad 
mentions the following cities, princes, and vojvodes in 
Macedonia ; thus : — 

In Kratovo the white-walled city 
Had his dwelling Kratovac Radonja ; 
In the shining town of Kumanovo 
Had his dwelling Kostadin the Bey ; 



1 " Sbornik za narodni umotvorenia nauka i kniznina " (" Collection 
of Folk-lore, Science and Literature"), i., Sofia, 1889, p. 15 (in 
Bulgarian). 



212 MACEDONIA 

And in Solun (Salonica) the white-walled city 
Had his dwelling the vojvode Dojcin ; 
But in Prilcp the white-walled city 
There had Marko Kraljevic his dwelling. 

Hearken thou, sister Marghita, our vojvodos were they; 

All of them were among us, and all have passed away. 

Some died in then beds, sister, and some in battle were slain; 

To-day doth Rajko alone of them in Srijem remain 

Like a dry tree in the mountain grove. ..." 

Various other national ballads collected outside Mace- 
donia mention every Macedonian city and site of 
importance as well as all the historic personage^ 
connected with Macedonia. They are, in fact, full 
of references to Skoplje, Kratovo, Kumanovo, Ochrida, 
Kostur, Bitolj, Salonica, Serez, the Kivers Vardar and 
Marica, and to Tsar Stephan (Du§an), King Vukasin, 
Ugljesa, King Marko and his brothers, Mina of Kostur, 
Bogdan, the Dejanovici, Momcilo, etc. Nay, more than 
this, these are the most important spots and the most 
favourite characters in Serbian national poetry. 

Serbian national ballads glory in the Serbian past 
in Macedonia and in all the Serbian memories there. 
In a ballad published for the first time in 1826 by Vuk 
S. Karadzic, 2 we are told how one day two of the best- 
known heroes in Serbian romance, Marko Kraljevic and 
Milos Obilic, were out riding on Mount Miroc. Then 
Marko asked Milo§ to sing to him and Milos granted 
his request. The national ballads lavish special praise 
upon the singing of Milos and upon his beautiful voice. 
So that the matter of the song might be worthy of 
the singing, the ballad-maker could think of no better 

1 Vuk St. Karadzic, " Srpske narodne pesme " (" Serbian National 
Ballads"), vol. iii., Belgrade, 1894, pp. 54-55. 

2 " Danica" for 1826, Vienna, 1826, pp. 207-212. 



POPULAR TRADITION 213 

subject than the following " beautiful song," as he 
calls it : — 

Of our elders and our betters 
That held the kingdom long, 
In famous Macedonia, 
And built the sacred shrines. 

The Serbian ballads strictly differentiate between the 
people of Serbia and Macedonia — who are Serbs — and 
the people of Bulgaria — who are not. Speaking of the 
Decani Church in the ballad of the building of the 
Monastery of Decani we find the following verse : — 

In it shall the liturgy be chanted, 
There the Serbian nation will be gathered, 
From all Serbia and Macedonia, 
And the sister nation from Bulgaria. 1 

Serbian national poetry shows us the Macedonian 
heroes with the same customs as those observed by 
other Serbs. We have already said that the most 
distinctive Serbian custom is the " slava." Even as 
the ballads tell us that Tsar Dusan and Prince Lazar 
kept their " slavas," so we are told that 

Slava keepeth Kraljevic Marko, 
Kept his slava on St. George's Day ; 
Many strangers came to feast with Marko, 
Priests two hundred, holy monks three hundred, 
And beside them twelve Serbian bishops." ~ 

Constantine Dejanovic,3 too, is shown celebrating his 
" slava," and so are other Macedonian heroes, of the 
national ballads. 

1 S. Ristic, " Decanski spomenici " ("Decani Records "), Belgrade, 
1864, p. 71. 

3 V. S. Karadzic, " Srpske narodne pesme " ("Serbian National 
Ballads"), vol. ii., Vienna, p. 215. 

3 Ibid., p. 355. 



214 MACEDONIA 

But more than that of other Serbian lands, popular 
tradition in Macedonia itself reveals the Serbian char- 
acter of Macedonia. Popular tradition in Macedonia, 
in fact, has never known her to be anything else but 
Serbian. 

In 1704, Jerotije Racanin, a monk of Kakovica near 
Belgrade, travelled to Jerusalem. On his way through 
Macedonia he made notes of what he learnt about local 
tradition from the inhabitants. All he noted down goes 
to show that at that time only Serbian memories survived 
among the natives. A day's walk south of Vranja the 
peasants showed him the site where "in the days of the 
Serbian rule there was a big town " with forty churches, 
so that the Turks still call it Krk-klisa (forty churches). 
Not far from there is another spot called Satorista 
(the place of the sator = tents), where Marko Kraljevic, 
Milos Obilic, Eelja OmuSevic, and Novak Debelie pitched 
their tents. All these heroes are Serbian characters. 
From there RaSanin went to Gorobinci in the Ov6e 
Polje, where he spent the night. The peasants there 
showed him the ruins of old cities and churches "which 
once upon a time the Serbs had built, but which are 
now all deserted." They also told him that when the 
Serbs first settled in these lands " they came first to 
the Ovce Polje and there built a threshing-floor of 
copper, because they did not know how to thresh on 
the ground." Of the Demir Kapija on the Vardar, 
Racanin says that the people called it " Kraljevc Marko's 
Demir Kapija." * 

Popular traditions collected in Macedonia during the 
nineteenth century reveal the Serbian character of the 
country still more clearly. Macedonia is specially rich 
1 " Glasnik Srpskog Ucenog Drustva," vol. xxii. pp. 228-230. 



POPULAR TRADITION 215 

in traditions of those Serbian historic characters who 
at one time lived in Macedonia, such as King Milutin, 
Stephan Decanski, Tsar Dusan, Kralievic Marko, 1 etc. 
But there are also many persons in Serbian history who 
never had any conneetion at all with Macedonia and 
whose memory nevertheless lives on in Macedonian 
tradition, such as St. Stephan Nemanja and St. Sava. 
Travelling through Macedonia about Easter-time, 1914, 
I was told by the natives that the village of Nemanjica, 
near Istip, was called after Stephan Nemanja. Con- 
cerning the villages of BreSko and Bojilovce in the 
Zegligovo district, I made a note of the local tradition 
that St. Sava had stayed there once and that he cursed 
the former and blessed the later. 

Better still than in the prose tradition is the Serbian 
character of the country shown in the poetic tradition 
of Macedonia. Already in 1822 Vuk S. Karadzic said of 
the ballads which he took down from two merchants 
of Kazlog that they were Serbian poetry. The Russian 
scholar V. Grigorovic also collected national ballads 
during his travels in Macedonia in 1844. Although an 
enthusiastic Bulgarophile, and accompanied at the time 
by Bulgars, he could say nothing more of the national 
ballads of Macedonia that could be turned to Bulgaria's 
advantage but that they were translations or imitations 
of Serbian ballads. 2 When the Bulgar P. Draganov, 
professor at the Bulgarian Lycee in Salonica, collected 
national ballads in Macedonia, he was charmed by their 

1 Brothers Miladinovci, "Bugarske Narodne Pesnie," pp. 527-528. 
S. Tomic, " Naselja," vol. iii. pp. 430-468. Iv. Ivanic, " Macedonia i 
Macedonci," vol. ii. pp. 166-170. F. H. Vasiljevid, " Prilep," p. 61. St. 
Novakovi6, " Balkanska Pitanja " ("The Balkan Question"), p. 224. 

' V. Jagic, " Enciklopaedija Slavjanskoj filologiji " (" Encyclopedia 
of Slav Philology"), i., Petrograd, 1910, p. 533 (in Russian). 



216 MACEDONIA 

Serbian character and could not refrain from pointing 
out that one cannot fail to be struck by the presence 
of many Serbian elements' in the national poems of 
Macedonia. 1 Any collection of Macedonian national 
ballads reveals at a glance that the subjects of 
Macedonian national poetry are the Serbian past, 
Serbian historic spots and characters. The Bulgars 
are never mentioned in it. Whoever knows the 
Serbian national ballads will have noticed that there 
is no difference at all between the Macedonian ballads 
and those collected in other Serbian countries. 

Although the Serbian collectors of national ballads 
were both accurate and honest in their work, we shall 
purposely abstain from making use of their collection 
in proving our contention that the national poetry of 
Macedonia is simply Serbian. We shall also refrain from 
using the excellent collection of national ballads from 
Macedonia compiled by that great authority on Mace- 
donia, Iv. S. Jastrebov, who was for many years Consul 
there and is a scholar of recognized standing. The 
Bulgars have cast doubts upon the correctness and 
authentic value of all collections of Macedonian ballads 
not made by one of themselves. Nevertheless, I shall 
base my proof solely upon such collections of Mace- 
donian songs and ballads as have been compiled by 
Bulgarian collectors. My reasons for so doing are, 
firstly, that I wish to disarm criticism, even if it were 
to come from Bulgarian quarters, and, secondly, that 
evidence culled from Bulgarian collections is alread\ r 
sufficient to prove the purely Serbian character of 
Macedonian folk-poetry. 

' P. Draganov, " Makedonsko-Slavjanski Sbornik "(" Macedonian 
Slav Collection"), i., Petrograd, 1894, p. viii (in Russian). 



POPULAR TRADITION 217 

Speaking of the Bulgarian collections of national 
ballads from Macedonia, it is necessary to make a few 
important preliminary remarks. In the first place, the 
collections of popular tradition in Macedonia was 
entrusted to half-educated Bulgarian teachers, priests, 
and agents. Moreover, the Bulgars were in a desperate 
hurry to lay before the world as many Macedonian 
ballads as possible under the name of Bulgarian ballads, 
and the work done was hurried and unequal. It has 
already been pointed out long ago that the Bulgars in 
their zeal for Macedonia actually collected more ballads 
from Macedonia than from the whole of Bulgaria and 
all the Bulgarian countries put together. 1 And on this 
scale the Bulgars have been working ever since. Finally 
they deemed it necessary to press even the national 
tradition of Macedonia into the service of their political 
aspirations ; and just as they ruthlessly persecuted the 
Serbian element and destroyed all Serbian records in 
Macedonia, so they endeavoured to purge her tradition 
of all that could recall the Serbs. But as without this 
element there simply would have been no tradition, they 
found themselves compelled either to invent a new 
tradition or touch up and edit that one already in 
existence until it should no longer too obviously betray 
its Serbian origin. We have already had occasion to 
mention to what lengths Stephan Verkovic went in his 
" Veda Slovenska," in fakiug popular tradition and 
folk-lore in Macedonia. 2 In his review of Pipin and 
Spasovic's " Bulgarian Literature," Dr. V. Jagic, Pro- 
fessor of Slavistic at the University of Vienna and the 

1 St. Protic, "0 Makedoniji " (" Concerning Macedonia "), Belgrade, 
1886, p. 86. 
* See pp. 128-129, 



218 MACEDONIA 

greatest living Slavist, gives the following criticism of 
the work done by the Bulgarian collectors of popular 
tradition : " A record of the new and newest Bulgarian 
literature is not so much in a position to reveal products 
of real literature as sundry patriotic and intellectual 
achievements (establishment of schools, publication of 
school books) and battles for the emancipation of the 
Bulgarian Church from the Greek influence. . . . The 
labour devoted to collection in the field of national 
ballad poetry approaches most nearly to the standard of 
real literature. Unfortunately precisely this branch of 
literary activity includes a curious fraud (" ein rnerk- 
wiirdiger Schwindel"), whereby fantastic speculations are 
bolstered up with undeniable national treasures. The 
comment passed by the authors (Pipin and Spasovic) 
upon the conduct of Bakovski and Verkovic is fully 
deserved. May their example not only find no imitation, 
but speedy correction in accordance with truth on the 
part of the Bulgars themselves." x Even among the 
Bulgars there were some sober-minded scholars who 
recognized the valuelessness of such work in the 
collection of popular tradition. Praising Vuk S. 
Karadzic, the collector of the Serbian ballads, Professor 
Iv. Sismanov of the University of Sofia says : " Our 
collectors are far from being Vuk Karadzic." 2 

But no warning availed to prevent the Bulgars from 
pressing Macedonian popular tradition into the service 
of their political aspirations. How skilfully they went 
to work in this may be seen from the following example. 

■ V. Jagic, "Archiv fur Slavische Philologie," vol. iv., 1880, 
pp. 471-472. 

1 Dr. Iv. D. Sismanov, " Znacenije i zadaca na nasata etnografia " — 
" Importance and Task of our Ethnographic" (" Sbornik za narodni 
umotvorenia," i., 1889, p. 15). 



POPULAR TRADITION 219 

In 1889 the Bulgarian Ministry of Education began the 
publication in Sofia of the " Sbornik za narodni 
umotvorenia" ("Collection of Folk-lore"). This "Sbor- 
nik " gave very much of the national tradition, mostly 
from Macedonia. At first the editors, although very 
cautiously, yet allowed some features of Macedonian 
tradition which clearly betrayed its Serbian origin to 
be included in the " Sbornik." ■ In 1894 a collection 
of national ballads from Macedonia, made by P. 
Draganov, Professor at the Bulgaria Lycee in Salonica, 
was published in Petrograd. 2 This collection included 
a large number of ballads of Serbian historic charac- 
ters not specifically Macedonian. K. Sapkarov wrote a 
scathing review of this collection, and attacked Draganov 
with the whole fury of an outraged Bulgarian patriot 
for publishing ballads of characters from Serbian history; 
he also endeavoured to prove that Macedonia possesses 
no traditions of the Serbian past.3 From that time 
the "Sbornik" ceased to contain Macedonian traditions 
concerning Serbian characters and events, excepting 
only those characters who had spent their lives in 
Macedonia and such events as had taken place on her 
soil ! 

In spite of all precautions, however, even in these 
Bulgarian collections the Macedonian ballads have 
remained Serbian. We shall use them simply to show 
the identity of popular tradition in Macedonia with that 
of other Serbian lands. We have before us three indis- 

' One of the first volumes of the " Sbornik " even included the 
Serbian ballad of the " Battle of Kosovo," which was taken down in 
Macedonia (" Sbornik," iii. pp. 85-94). 

■ P. Draganov, " Makedonsko-Slavjanki Sbornik " ("Macedonian- 
Slav Collection "). Petrograd, 1894. 

3 " Sbornik za narodni uruotvorenia," vol. xii. pp. 51-53. 



220 MACEDONIA 

putably Bulgarian collections of national ballads from 
Macedonia : — 

(1) The Brothers Dimitrije and Constantine Mila- 
dinovci, " Bulgarian National Ballads," Zagreb, 1861. — 
The brothers Miladinovci were Serbs from Struga on 
Lake Ochrida, but at an early date they joined the 
anti-Greek movement in Macedonia, eventually joining 
the Bulgarian party and remaining faithful to it. Their 
collection contained songs from various parts of 
Macedonia. It is compiled in an amateurish manner, 
but with a considerable bias in favour of the Bulgars. 
Thence the title " Bulgarian National Ballads." 

(2) P. Draganov, " Macedonian-Slav Collection," i., 
Petrograd, 1894. — Draganov is a genuine Bulgar, by 
birth a native of Bessarabia. He was professor at the 
Bulgarian Lycee (College) in Salonica. Being an ardent 
Bulgar he worked zealously at the Bulgarization of the 
Serbian students attending the Bulgarian Lycee (see 
Supplement No. II). Through his pupils he collected 
ballads and songs from all parts of Macedonia. 

(3) Sbornik za narodni umotvorenia, nauha a knibiina 
(Collection of folk-lore, science, and literature). — The 
publication of this collection was begun by the Ministry 
of Education in 1889, and it is really an official publica- 
tion by the* Bulgarian Government. Eighteen bulky 
volumes of it have already appeared. Among other 
matter it also contains many national ballads, mostly 
from Macedonia. 

If we .compare these Macedonian baliads, which 
were collected by Bulgarians, with the national ballads 
of other Serbian countries, we observe the following : — 

(1) The motives of both are identical. There is not 
one Macedonian song or ballad, except those which bear 



POPULAR TRADITION 221 

a purely local character, variants of which cannot be 
found among the ballads of other Serbian regions. 

(2) The events commemorated in both are absolutely 
identical. This fact is most noticeable in ballads which 
sing of historic events. These events are taken only 
from Serbian history (the Battle of Kosovo, the fall 
of the city of Stalac, the building of the Monastery 
of DeCani, the single combats of Kraljevic Marko, the 
fights of the Serbian people against the Turks, the 
liberation of Serbia, etc.). P. Draganov was amazed 
by this phenomenon in Macedonian folk-poetry, and 
felt constrained to remark upon it as follows in the 
introduction to his collection : " In the first place, one is 
struck by the fact that of all the Tsars, Kings, Vojvodas, 
heroes, and other characters of these ballads, leading 
parts are assigned only to favourite characters and 
famous events of Serbian mediceval, modern, and recent 
history." * 

(3) The localities mentioned in both are absolutely 
identical. Whoever knows Serbian folk-poetry even 
from translation knows that the Serbian countries most 
frequently mentioned in it are Serbia, Bosnia, Herce- 
govina, Montenegro, Srem, Macedonia; and the towns 
of Krusevac, Stalac, Belgrade, Prizren, Novi Pazar, Nis, 
Vranje (in Serbia) ; Sarajevo, Mostar, Trebinje (in 
Bosnia-Hercegovina) ; Buda, Janok, Temisvar, Slank- 
amen, Varadin (in the regions of Austria-Hungary 
inhabited by Serbs) ; Prilep, Bitolj, Skoplje, Ochrida, 
Kostur, Kratovo (Macedonia) ; and the Rivers Danube, 
Sava, Morava, Vardar, Sitnica. Other famous spots in 
Serbian history are Kosovo, the Sar Mountain, Kacanik, 

1 P. Draganov, " Makedonsko-Slavjanski Sbornik " ("Macedonian- 
Slav-Collection "), p. viii. 



222 MACEDONIA 

Dukadjin; and the Monasteries of Hilendar, Decani, 
Ravanica, GraSanica, etc. These identical places are 
also those most frequently mentioned in Macedonian 
folk-poetry. The place-names we have enumerated here 
we have taken from collections of Macedonian national 
ballads, compiled by Bulgarian collectors. 

(4) The heroes celebrated in both are identical. In 
the ballads which sing of historic personages, the 
characters all belong to Serbian history, as Tsar Simeon 
(Stephan Nemanja, 1169-1196), his son St. Sava, Stephan 
Decanski (Serbian king, 1321-1331), Tsar Stephan Dusan 
(1331-1355), Tsar Lazar (of Kosovo fame, d. 1389) and 
his wife Milica (d. 1395), their son Lazarevic (1389-1426), 
Milos Obilie, Toplica Milan, Kosancic Ivan, Jug Bogdan, 
the nine Jugovici, Vuk Brankovic (Kosovo heroes) ; 
Kraljevic Marko (1371-1394), Dete Dukadjince, Relja 
Krilatica, Todor of Stalac, Vojvode Momcilo, Bolani 
Dojcin, Starina Novak, Gruja Novakovic, Deli Tatomir, 
Pavle Pletikosa, the Senkovici, Ivan Crnojevi6 (of 
Montenegro), Krcmarica (hostess) Mara, Kara-George 
(1804-1813), Hajduk Veljko (d. 1813), Ilija Strelja (Ilija 
Delija), Prince Milos Obrenovic (1815-1839 and 1859- 
1860), Prince Milan Obrenovic (1868-1888). This list 
also we have taken from collections of ballads from 
Macedonia, which were compiled by Bulgarian col- 
lectors. 

(5) Macedonian folk-poetry is quite ignorant of Bul- 
garian historic sites and Bulgarian historical character. 
Some slight reference to Bulgars, such as the allusions 
to King §i§man and the Plain of Sofia, are quite 
insignificant even if they are not deliberate inter- 
polations. 
The Bulgars do not possess the word kralj for 



POPULAR TRADITION 223 

" king." l It is a term that only a Serb would use. 
The Sofijsko Polje (Sofia Plain) is not a Bulgarian, but 
a Serbian county. 2 Serbian folk-poetry makes frequent 
mention of foreign lands such as Italy, Hungary, Venice, 
Albania, Eoumania, Russia, Turkey, and Bulgaria and 
their heroes. It is a very significant fact that Bulgaria 
and the Bulgars are mentioned less in Macedonia folk- 
poetry than in ballads of other Serbian lands. Bulgarian 
history, too, had its great events, its famous sites and 
characters ; but the Macedonians know nothing about 
them. What they know is purely Serbian. 

(6) The old Serbian monasteries play a great part in 
Serbian folk-poetry. Special fame in song is accorded 
to the Monastery of Hilendar on Mount Athos, the first 
centre of Serbian intellectual life and letters in the 
Middle Ages. The Bulgars, too, had their monastery on 
Mount Athos, the Zoograf, which is older than Hilendar, 
and a very important focus of Bulgarian civilization in 
the Middle Ages. Wherever Macedonian poetry men- 
tions the monasteries of Mount Athos, it speaks only of 
Hilendar. The Zoograf monastery is not even men- 
tioned. Other Serbian monasteries are famous in 
Macedonian ballads, but not one Bulgarian monastery 
is mentioned. It is especially important that Decani 
should provide a favourite theme. There is even a 
ballad specially devoted to the building of the Monastery 

1 The word " kralj " ia unknown to the Bulgars. That is the 
reason why the present King of Bulgaria is never called " King " in 
Bulgaria but "Tsar." The words "kralj" and "kraljica" (king 
and queen) are as familiar in Macedonia as in other Serbian countries. 
Both in poetry and in ordinary conversation Kraljevic Marko is 
referred to as " Kralj Marko." 

2 Serbian folk-poetry never looks upon Sofia and its surroundings 
as anything but Serbian. 



224 MACEDONIA 

of Decani. Decani was built by Stephan Decanski and 
dedicated to God in gratitude for tbe victory over the 
Bulgars in 1330. 

(7) The terms " Serb," 1 " Bosnian," 2 " Montene- 
grin," 3 " Croat," 4 etc., occur frequently in Macedonian 
poetry. The term "Bulgar" occurs so rarely that it 
is practically non-existent. 

(8) Finally the language of the Macedonian ballad is 
Serbian and not Bulgarian. In writing his book on 
the sounds " dj " and "c/" in the Macedonian dialects 
of Serbian, St. Novakovic drew upon the philological 
material contained in the collections of Macedonian 
ballads compiled by Bulgarian collectors, and he has 
proved conclusively that the language spoken in 
Macedonia is Serbian. 

The favourite hero of all Serbian national tradition 
in general, of Serbian folk-poetry in particular, is the 
Macedonian king of old, Marko Kraljevic (1371-1394). 
" There is no Serb who does not know the name of 
Kraljevic Marko," said the greatest authority on the 
Serbian nation, Vuk St. Karadzic in the earlier half 
of the nineteenth century. Marko Kraljevic is the 
most popular hero of Macedonia national tradition. He 
is famous in song and story everywhere among the 
Serbian people. There is no end to the songs and 
legends about his childhood, his heroism, his marriage, 
his love of justice, his combats, and finally of his dis- 
appearance from this world. According to popular 
tradition, Marko did not die, but withdrew into a cave 

1 Brothers Miladinovci, p. 355. P. Draganov, pp. 60, 155, 156, 
157, 158. " Sbornik," iv. p. 69 ; xiv. pp. 92, etc. 

2 P. Draganov, p. 200. 

3 Ibid., p. 141. 

* Ibid., pp. 91, 141. "Sbornik," xi. pp. 35, etc. 



POPULAR TRADITION 225 

together with his horse Sarac. Before the horse he 
laid a little moss, he smote the rock with his sword, 
cleaving it and leaving the sword in the cliff, and then 
lay down and fell asleep. Since that time Marko has 
slept continuously. His horse is slowly eating the 
moss, his sword is gradually working its way out of 
the rock. When the moss is all eaten, and the sword 
comes out of the rock, then Marko will awake and come 
forth from his cave, and deliver and unite all the 
Serbian people. 1 The cave where Marko sleeps, and 
whence the Serbian people according to the popular 
belief awaits its deliverance and unity, is in the Demir 
Kapija on the Vardar in Macedonia. 2 Already in 1704 
the monk Jervotije Racanin made a note of the fact 
that the Demir Kapija on the Vardar is by the people 
called "Marko Kraljevic's Demir Kapija." 3 

The tradition that Marko will awake, free and unite 
the Serbian nation is familiar to every Serbian child. 
When in 1912 the Serbian army flew as on wings on 
its campaign of liberation to deliver Macedonia from 
Turkish slavery, it appeared to the soldiers, under the 
suggestion of the national tradition they had known 
from childhood, as though they verily saw Kraljevic 
Marko riding in front of them. 

Serbian national tradition is the expression of Serbian 
national opinion. The thought that is dearest to the 
Serbian nation is the thought of liberation and unity. 
This its dearest thought is by the Serbian nation bound up 
with the tradition of Kraljevic Marko and with Macedonia. 

1 Vuk S. Karadzic, " Srpski Rjecnik " (" Serbian Dictionary"), 
see under Marko Kraljevic. J. H. Vasiljevic, " Prilep," p. 78. This 
legend has been frequently published elsewhere as well. 

1 Iv. Ivanid, " Macedonija i Maeedonci " (" Macedonia and the 
Macedonians "), L, 1906, pp. 230, 231 ; ii., 1908, p. 168. 

3 " Glasnik Srpakog Ucenog DruStva," vol. xxii. p. 230. 

16 



XIV 

CONCLUSION 

THEKE remains but one question to be solved if 
the subject-matter of this book is to be made quite 
clear, viz. whether the Bulgars were conscious that 
their agitation in Macedonia was a violation of the 
rights of others ? 

The answer to this question is not difficult to find. 
Whoever has during this war followed the attempts 
of the Bulgars to convince the world of their rights 
and frontiers has the reply ready to hand. No sooner 
had the Bulgarian army entered Eastern Serbia than 
the Bulgarian papers announced, not the conquest of 
Serbia, but the " liberation " of Bulgarian lands. 
University professors and other Bulgarian savants 
lost no time in writing bulky tomes in Bulgarian and 
other languages explaining that all the land held by the 
Bulgarian army was Bulgarian, and that the Bulgarian 
national frontier passes through the middle of Serbia. 
In these assertions the men of science and of the press, 
Bulgaria's leading personalities, were followed by the 
Bulgarian masses like so many apostles, and to-day 
there is not one man in Bulgaria who would not assert 
that Serbia is truly Bulgarian land. After entering 
Serbia the Bulgarian army entered Eoumania. Now 
the very same assertions are being put forward with 
respect to Eoumania. The Bulgarian papers have 

926 



CONCLUSION 227 

immediately announced the "liberation" of Bulgarian 
lands from Roumanian servitude, and Bulgarian scien- 
tists have immediately begun to " restore " the Bulgarian 
place-names which the Eoumanians had "corrupted," 
and to write on the " Bulgarian past in the villages round 
Djurdjevo, Kalafat, Braila, Galatz, Ploesti, Crajova, 
Alexandria, Bucharest, and other places in Roumania." 

No matter how young, how uncritical, and uncivilized 
the Bulgars are, it is obvious that they cannot make 
these assertions from conviction, but that they are con- 
sciously inculcating the robbery and violation of foreign 
territory. 

As they behaved to Serbia and to Roumania in this 
war under our eyes, so they behaved formerly to 
Macedonia. In that case also there is positive proof 
to show that the Bulgars, in the face of facts and with 
full consciousness, did all they could to filch Macedonia 
from the Serbs. 

One of the first and staunchest friends of Bulgaria 
over the Macedonian Question was Stefan I. Verkovic. 
Already in 1860 he declared that the Macedonians are 
"without any national" (he meant "Bulgarian," of 
course) " conscience." " That these Macedonian Bulgars," 
he says, " were formerly called Slavs, is clearly proved 
by the writings of the Holy Slav Apostles Cyril and 
Method and their disciples, who all say that they 
translated the Holy Scriptures into the Slav language. 
It was only at a later date that they received the name 
of their conquerors, the Bulgars. This name is therefore 
rather a political and State name than a national designa- 
tion." * His better knowledge, however, did not deter 

1 St. I. Verkovic, " Narodne pesme Makedonskih Bugara " 
(" National Ballads of the Macedonian Bulgars "), I860, pp. 6 and 13 



228 MACEDONIA 

Verkovic from proclaiming all the regions of European 
Turkey to be Bulgarian, and from becoming the leading 
Bulgarian champion in Kussia. 

A Bulgarian patriot, Prvanov by name, who had 
been educated in Belgrade, although well aware of the 
difference between the Serbian and Bulgarian languages, 
and realizing that the language spoken in Macedonia is 
Serbian, nevertheless did not scruple to bring out in 1872 
his " Alphabets " for the Bulgarian schools in Macedonia, 
and to point out in their pages that his object in doing so 
was " that our Macedonian brothers may discard the 
Serbian pronunciation of the Bulgarian idiom." 1 

As early as in 1888 the greatest of the Bulgarian 
chauvinists, Ofeikoff (the pseudonym of Sopov, Secretary 
to the Bulgarian Exarch, and afterwards Bulgarian 
Consul in Salonica), wrote a book in French endeavouring 
to demonstrate the Bulgarian claim to Macedonia. His 
book is thoroughly tendencious ; nevertheless the author 
is compelled to confess that before the establishment of 
the Exarchate the Macedonians " were devoid of national " 
(read "Bulgarian") "consciousness" (" etaient prives de 
conscience nationale"). 2 

The well-known Bulgarian leader and statesman, 
Stambulov, " did not like the Macedonians on account 
of their treachery and on account of their lack of all real 
sense of patriotism" (Bulgarian patriotism, of course).3 

Of such instances showing that the Bulgars knew 
that the Macedonians are not Bulgars we could quote 

1 From P. Draganov's " Izvestija S.P. Slavjanskago Blagotvoritel- 
nago Obscestva," 1888. Quoted in " Macedonia " by St. Protic, p. 13. 

* Ofeikoff, " La Mac<5doine," Philipopoli, 1888, p. 45. 

3 " He [Stambuloff] also grew to dislike tbe Macedonians on 
account of their treachery and want of real sense of patriotism ..." 
" M. Stambuloff," by A. Hulme Beaman, London, 1895, p. 40. 



CONCLUSION 229 

many more, but we will confine ourselves to just one 
more quotation from a Bulgarian book, in which the 
Bulgarian point of view regarding Macedonia and the 
Bulgarian programme there are expounded on the basis 
of the impression gained during a long time by the 
Bulgars in Macedonia. The book in question appeared 
on the occasion of the thousand years' anniversary of 
SS. Cyril and Method, and is entitled " Macedonia on 
the Thousandth Anniversary of SS. Cyril and Method ; 
or, The Present Condition of Bulgarism in Macedonia." 
It is true that in this book, as everywhere else, we find 
it asserted that Macedonia is a Bulgarian country ; but 
it is very clearly pointed out that the inhabitants are not 
Bulgarian. " If Macedonia is not to be Bulgarian," 
says this book, " then the Bulgarian State will not be 
established. This must be borne in mind and never 
lost sight of." But " we must also admit a sad and 
disgraceful thing. The greatest part of Macedonia is 
without that national conscience, which is necessary for 
a nation if it is categorically to demand its rights. 
Should Europe to-day ask the people of Macedonia to 
declare to which nationality they belong, I am afraid 
that the greater part would declare themselves against 
us." In the meantime, " ten or even five years well 
employed would be sufficient to make it impossible for 
any power to prevent the Bulgaria of San Stefano 
from becoming a reality." r 

Finally I would also mention an occurrence which 
shows most clearly of all that the Bulgars fully realized 
that Macedonia contains no Bulgars.. Aware of the 

1 We were unable to obtain this book in the original, but have 
utilized the quotations in the book " Le role et les aspirations de la 
Grece dans la question d'Orient," by D. Bikelas, Taris, 188u. pp. 46-47. 



230 MACEDONIA 

Serbian national sentiment of the Macedonians and of 
their insurrection against the Turks and in favour of 
unification with Serbia, the Bulgars tried immediately 
after the creation of Bulgaria to promote a rising in 
Macedonia which they could claim before Europe as 
an insurrection in favour of Bulgaria. 

Eventually the difficulty of inducing the Macedonians 
to rise in Bulgaria's interest proved' as great as Bulgaria's 
need of the rising. This need was imperative, however, 
and the Bulgars had recourse to stratagem. In 1879 
they issued a proclamation to the people of Macedonia, 
calling upon them to rise for liberation from the Turks, 
but in this proclamation all allusions to Bulgarian aspira- 
tions and Bulgarian rights to Macedonia were carefully 
omitted, nor did the name of Bulgaria appear in it 
(see Supplement No. VIII). This flagrant fact cannot be 
explained away. It clearly proves how conscious the 
Bulgars were of the strength of the Serbian sentiment 
of the Macedonians. 

Nations, like individuals, have their qualities. From 
Bulgaria's whole history, past and present, one quality, 
I think, emerges most clearly, and that is rapacity re- 
garding foreign property. Only on the basis of this is 
it possible to explain how the Bulgars, though fully 
conscious that they have no right to Macedonia, never- 
theless made of their State a comitadji camp whence 
they overran Macedonia to take it away from its true 
owners. And whilst from this camp the bishops, 
priests, teachers, agents, and banditti have, by Cross, 
book, money, and force of arms, duped, bought, and 
terrorized the Serbian people of Macedonia, Bulgarian 
journalists, scientists, and politicians, on the other 
hand, explained and protested to the world that the 



CONCLUSION 231 

Macedonians are Bulgars and dying to be united to 
Bulgaria ! 

To this comitadji-nature the Bulgars add yet another 
quality, and that is their positively indecent intrusiveness 
with all the world. This trait is very well known to all 
who have come in contact with Bulgars. To demonstrate 
this quality, we will borrow an illustration from Aleko 
Konstadinov, the best Bulgarian writer of short stories, 
who has sketched this failing of his countrymen in his 
"tale of the contemporary Bulgar " called " Baya Gagno," 
after its principal hero. 1 In this story the typical Bulgar 
of the present day is shown up from every point of view : 
as a family man, as a merchant, as a tourist in Bulgaria, 
and as a representative of his nation abroad ; as a 
politician and, of course, as a patriot who on his way 
through Serbia does not miss the opportunity of saying 
to every porter and servant in Nis and Belgrade : " You 
are all of you Bulgars, only you call yourselves Serbs." 
One passage in the tale is devoted to showing how great 
is the Bulgarian genius for intruding. Travelling from 
Sofia to Prague to some festival or other, we find 
Baya Gagno esconced with several travelling companions 
in a second-class compartment (without a second-class 
ticket, of course). After having eaten and drunk all 
the provisions of the company in the compartment and 
repaid them " with most fervent patriotism," he begins 
to insinuate himself into a first-class compartment with 
four other occupants. " At first he came under various 
pretexts, such as to borrow matches, or to beg for a 
mouthful of brandy because he was feeling ill ; but 
presently he became more familiar, made himself at 

' " Baya Gagno, the Tale of a Contemporary Bulgar," by 
Al. Konstadinov, Sofia, 1895, pp. 25-28. 



232 MACEDONIA 

home, and did not leave our compartment any more. 
He had forgotten all about his former travelling com- 
panions. Of what further use were they to him ? 
They had nothing left ; all their food and drink were 
consumed, and we had plenty. Baya Gagno, as if out 
of curiosity, missed no chance of sampling all the 
provisions we had laid in at the stations." 

"What's that? Grapes? Capital! Let's have a 
look, please ! Give us a berry to taste. H'm ! They're 
quite good ! Capital ! " 

His ostensible curiosity urged him to a closer acquaint- 
ance with our food, our brandy, and our tobacco pouches. 

"Is that case of Caucasian silver?" Baya Gagno's 
interest awoke as soon as he saw one of us about 
to smoke a cigarette. 

" No, it was made in Vienna," replied the owner. 

"Is that so? Let's have a look! Oh, oh, oh. Do 
let's have a look, please ! Why, there's tobacco in it. 
Is it Bulgarian tobacco ? Capital ! Wait till I roll 
a cigarette. I have some cigarette-papers ; if you want 
them, here I am." 

That he was indeed there, we were distinctly aware 
of by the smell of his boots, by the specific odour of 
his perspiring body, and by his gradual manoeuvres to 
occupy the whole of one seat. At first he sat at one 
end of the seat ; then he began to seek greater comfort, 
and finally he obliged us to sit three on one side of 
the compartment, and the fourth to squeeze into one 
corner, so that Baya Gagno might stretch himself 
horizontally. We all secretly agreed to let him go on, 
because we were curious to know how far Baya Gagno's 
requirements would go. And indeed he amply satisfied 
our curiosity. 



CONCLUSION 333 

" Move a little farther into your corner, so that I 
can put up my other leg also. H'm ! That's better ! 
Capital ! E-e-eh ! Long may his mother be spared ! 
Grand. . . . Listen to the engine thumping, toopa, toopa, 
toopa, toopa ! I do like to stretch myself like this. In 
the other compartment the seat was too narrow. Also 
my companions were rather a common sort. . . . What's 
that you're eating? Pears, did you say? Let me see 
whether I can eat a pear lying down ? Thanks ! Where 
did you get them?" 

"We bought them." 

" Splendid ! " said Baya Gagno with his mouth full. 
" I like pears." 

Hypnotized by the monotonous thumping of the loco- 
motive Baya Gagno fell asleep. I began to wonder how 
we could possibly get rid of him. Finally I was struck 
with an idea. I gave my companions a wink and said : 

" Let's make coffee, gentlemen ! Give me spirit and 
matches." 

" Coffee, did you say ? " cried Baya Gagno, and jumped 
from the seat as if scalded. " I'm with you there." 

"How shall we make coffee without water?" asked 
one of us. 

" Water," cried Baya Gagno, " I'm the man to fetch 
it. Wait a moment," and he dashed out of the com- 
partment. 

We were simply dying of laughter. Baya Gagno came 
back. He had to tell us how much work and trouble 
he had been put to for us. In his hand he carried 
a jug. 

"Here you are. I found it. I hunted through every 
compartment for it. At last I caught sight of a jug and 
bagged it at once. A woman shouted : ' Oi ! Leave 



234 MACEDONIA 

that alone, that is water for ruy child.' I considered 
what story I should tell her, and then I had an idea, and 
I said : ' Excuse me, madam, but somebody is feeling 
faint over there.' 'Indeed?' 'Yes.' 'All right, 
take it ; only mind you give me back the jug.' Silly 
woman ! Bah ! . . . I am all perspiration. And now 
we shall have first-rate coffee ! . . . " 

Violently to seize what belongs to others — there 
spoke the comitadji. To force oneself upon others and 
to " sponge " upon them — that is Baya Gagno. In the 
comitadji and in Baya Gagno all Bulgarian aims and 
Bulgaria's programme are summed up. These aims and 
this programme have made of Serbian Macedonia — the 
Macedonian Question ! 



SUPPLEMENTS 



STORY OF THE PROGRESS OF THE BULGARIAN 
CHURCH MOVEMENT, TOLD BY T. HADZI MISEV, 
OF VELES. 1 

" The citizens of Veles did not begin to take an interest in the Church 
struggle until 1860. It is possible that even then they might not 
have joined in the Church struggle but for the fact that at that 
time the Suffragan-Bishop of Veles was a Greek. Antim by name, 
known to be an overbearing man and obsequious to the Turks, 
who during his residence in Nis and Ruscuk had sent many persons 
into slavery and to the gallows, Antim the Greek made himself 
so unpopular in Veles and in the eparchy of Veles-Debar, that the 
agents of the Bulgarian propaganda won over the whole of Veles 
to the Church struggle for the Bulgarian Exarchate. At that time 
Antim annually received 300,000 gros (1 gros = twopence) from 
the eparchy. The citizens of Veles offered him 50,000 gros per 
annum purposely to get rid of him. This the Bishop did not agree 
to, but consulted a certain Ismail-Effendi, a wealthy and well-edu- 
cated Turk who possessed great influence not only in Veles but 
also in the most important circles in Constantinople. Ismail-Effendi 
was the good friend of the old Hadzi-Misevic, Djordje Hadzi 
Drndarevic, and Janko Hadzi Kusevic, the wealthiest merchants of 
Veles, who had up to that time provided the funds for the Serbian 
school in Veles. But as the authorities began to look upon the 
Serbian school with suspicion and the Bulgarian agitators were 
working to close it — in doing which they moreover succeeded — the 
three aforesaid leading citizens of Veles, believing the lies and 



* Todor Hadzi Mtiev, born in Veles, was in his youth a very 
loyal Serb and a benefactor of the Serbian schools in his birthplace. 
He only became pro-Bulgarian after the establishment of the Bul- 
garian Exarchate. He eventually became a naturalized Russian, 
and lived as a highly respected and wealthy merchant in Salonica, 
where he died in 1911. 

335 



236 MACEDONIA 

promises of the Bulgarian propagandists, joined the ranks of the 
Bulgarian party and hoisted the flag of Bulgarism in Veles and 
in the whole eparchy of Veles-Debar. 

" Therefore, when the Greek Bishop Antim came to Ismail to 
lodge a complaint against the Bulgarian party of Veles, asserting 
that they would start a rising in Veles, Ismail knew that it was 
simply a case of denunciation, and therefore did not take up the 
complaint of the Bishop. In the meantime the greater number of 
the inhabitants of Veles had signified to the authorities that they 
refused in future to recognize Antim as their Bishop. Ismail 
summoned Antim and advised him to subscribe i;T100 (2,000 francs) 
to the Greek school in Veles, which was attended by Tsintsar 
(Macedo-Rumanian) children — there are no trae Greeks in Veles — 
and a similar sum to the new Bulgarian school, which was attended 
by the Serbian children of the Bulgarian party parents. He, more- 
over, advised Antim to leave Veles and to go to Constantinople. 
Antim took his advice, and repaired to Constantinople, but the 
Patriarch sent him back to Veles. In the meantime a telegram 
from the Bulgarian representatives Comakov and Tapsilestov arrived 
from Constantinople saying that the Bulgarian Church had been 
separated from the Greek Patriarchate. The population definitely 
declared before the authorities that it would no longer recognize 
Antim as Bishop. Antim telegraphed to Constantinople that ' a rising 
had taken place in Veles, blood had been shed,' etc. In Constanti- 
nople this telegram was believed, and Ahmed Pasha, Governor of 
Bitolj (Veles was at that time under the government of Bitolj), was 
ordered to proceed to Veles with his army to ' settle the rebels.' 
This happened in January, during the coldest part of the year. 
Ismail Effendi soon learnt of the impending arrival of the army, and 
dispatched a bey as far as six hours' walk from Veles towards Prilep 
to meet Ahmed Pasha, The bey made as though he did not know 
the reason of the Pasha's coming, and when the Pasha inquired 
of him about the rising the bey replied that there was no rising, 
and presently convinced the Pasha that the Bulgarian party of 
Veles were in the right and that all the Turkish, citizens there were 
living on friendly terms with them. 

"On the eve of Epiphany (January 5, 1870) Ahmed Pasha 
arrived in Veles. He immediately sent for the most prominent 
Turkish citizens, who declared that they could vouch for the leaders 
of the Bulgarian party as being honest and loyal men who were 
justified in their requests and that the real rebels were the Serbs 
and Tsintsars (Macedo-Roumanians) of Veles, who were siding with 
the Greek Bishop Antim. Such recommendation on the part of 
the Turks ensured the victory in the struggle to the Bulgarian party 



SUPPLEMENT I 237 

in Veles. who on the very same day declared to Ahmed Pasha that 
they did not want Antim as their Bishop and that they did not 
recognize the Greek Patriarchate, but recognized the Bulgarian 
Exarchate instead, etc. The Pasha telegraphed to Constantinople 
that all was quiet in Veles and that the Bulgarian party was justified 
in its requests. _ 

"Next morning, on St. John's Day (January 7th), the Pasha 
received a telegram from Constantinople to the effect that the Porte 
had recognized the Bulgarian Exarchate, and there was no end to 
the enthusiasm when the Pasha announced this intelligence to the 
national leaders. The Pasha then sent for Antim and reprimanded 
him for having sent a mendacious telegram to Constantinople. 
Antim was so alarmed that he signed his resignation without further 
ado and left at once for Constantinople. 

"The Pasha was accompanied by his Mauvim (Sub-Pasha), the 
Serbian Djordje Berovic of Skadar (the last of the Berovic Pashas, 
Prince of Samos and Governor of Crete). Djordje Berovic was a man 
of tact, who called upon the Bulgarian leaders and encouraged them 
in their fight with the Greek Hierarchy. 

" The Pasha was given an enthusiastic send-off from Veles. The 
crowd accompanied him on foot for a considerable distance beyond 
the town. At parting, a speech was addressed to him by the lady 
teacher of Veles, a Serbian born in Austria and brought to Veles as a 
Serbian lady teacher from Prizren by Janko M. Kusevic. The Pasha 
replied to the teacher by exhorting her to continue to instruct the 
children in learning and loyalty. The action of the lady teacher 
greatly impressed all the inhabitants of Veles, but this did not 
prevent them from very soon dismissing this Serbian teacher from 
Veles and replacing her by a Bulgarian lady teacher. This was 
demanded by the interests of the Bulgarian propaganda. ..." * 



1 Iv. Ivanic, " Iz crkvene istorije Srba u Turskoj u XVIII i XIX 
veku" ("Church History of the Serbs in Turkey in the Eighteenth 
and Nineteenth Centuries"), Belgrade, 1902, pp. 90-93 (in Serbian). 



II 

THE STORY OF JOVAN VELJIC, OF DEBAR, TELLING 
HOW THE BULGARIAN TEACHERS MADE HIM A 
BULGAR BY FORCE « 

" When in 1886 I had passed the third class of the Bulgarian 
Lycee in Solun and went home for a rest during the school 
holidays, I was taught and prompted by my professors of the 
Bulgarian language and of chemistry, Messrs. Popov and Kulev, 
and also by the Archimandrite Kozma Pricestanski to show and 
demonstrate to my people and others that they ought not to go 
on pronouncing dj and 6, but ought to pronounce Id and St 
instead, and that instead of saying Kuca, vedja, sveca, Djurd- 
jevdan, gradjanin, etc., they ought to say K'sta, vezda, svelta, 
Georgiev-dan, grazdanin, etc. And when, in obedience to a 
request from Mr. Draganov, another of my professors, I collected 
and brought to him forty national ballads from the neighbour- 
hood of Debar, he told me that these were Serbian ballads, and, 
in front of me, he began to correct and to alter them according 
to the Bulgarian pronunciation. 

" I was really grieved at the time to hear from him that the 
ballads from my home were Serbian, and that their language was 
Serbian, because at the time I was already mad with Bulgarism 
and with the continual impressing of Bulgarism upon me on the 
part of Bulgarian teachers. I was even ashamed to speak as 

1 Mr. Jovan Veljic, born in Debar. His family has been Serbian 
for generations. As there was no lycee (secondary school) in Debar, 
his parents sent him to study at the Bulgarian Lycee in Salonica, 
where students from Macedonia were boarded and educated free 
of charge. When his parents realized that their son would 
become a Bulgar in the Bulgarian school, they removed him from 
the latter and sent him to a Serbian school instead. He graduated 
at the Universities of Belgrade and Geneva. When the Serbian 
Lycee in Salonica was opened, he was appointed one of the 
professors. At present he resides in Salonica as a retired Serbian 
professor, and he is always mindful of his Serbian nationality. 

238 



SUPPLEMENT II 239 

they speak at home, and instead of saying ja and ce, I always 
used the Bulgarian az and stc. Thus I was taught and persuaded 
by my Bulgarian teachers, and I hated my sweet mother-tongue and 
native speech. Now I can feel the purity and sweetness of my 
Serbian mother-tongue. When I go home I will beg my mother 
and father to forgive me if I have grieved them by my attempts 
to induce them to study Bulgarian. Now, under the influence of 
true teaching, I can see why they looked at me with tears in 
their eyes because I had lost my native speech and tried to 
induce them to lose it too. . . ." ' 



1 M. V. Veselinovic, " Srbi u Makedonji i u Juznoj Staroj Srbiji " 
("The Serbs in Macedonia and in Southern Old Serbia"), Belgrade, 
1888, pp. 7-3 (in Serbian). A similar account is given by Mr. 
Rista Ognjanovic, of Galicnik, Professor at the Serbian Lyc£e in 
Skoplje, who also began his studies at a Bulgarian school. 



Ill 

STOEY OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE BULGARIAN 
PROPAGANDA IN MACEDONIA, TOLD BY A CITIZEN 
OF BITOLJ 

" It is only thirty years ago since the Bulgarian propaganda first 
began. Formerly there were none but Serb and Greek schools 
in Old Serbia and in Macedonia. We were under the Greek 
Patriarchate, and we suffered much under the Greek clergy. The 
Bulgars speculated upon this discontent with the Greek clergy 
when, in commencing their struggle for the Exarchate, they en- 
deavoured to stir up the Serbian inhabitants of our Province also. 
The Bulgarian agents and apostles came to us with honey on 
their lips and money in their pockets. They fell on our necks 
as ' brothers '—although we understood our ' brother ' but im- 
perfectly—and promised us an end to our troubles if we would 
join them in their struggle for the Exarchate. 

" That we listened to the siren voices of the Bulgars must not 
be laid to our charge; all the world had forsaken us, and the 
hand of the Bulgars was the first to be stretched out to help us. 
Our kinsmen in Belgrade did not trouble themselves about us at 
all ; our Serbian schools had been for the most part founded by 
ourselves, and only a few patriotic Serbs were prepared to act as 
teachers for us. Not until later, after the establishment of the 
Exarchate, was a school for Old-Serbian students founded in Serbia ; 
but it was closed again after a few years. 

" But there was another circumstance which greatly assisted the 
Bulgars in their propaganda. You know that we have become 
used to calling ourselves 'Bugari.' Now this is something 
different from Bolgari, but as the name signifies the same thing 
as ' Bulgars,' it was easy for the Bulgarian agents to persuade 
us that we had been Bulgars of old. It is true that our language, 
our folk-songs, and history are directly opposed to this assump- 
tion; but necessity knows no law, and so we threw ourselves- 
into the arms of the Bulgars because nobody took our part, and 
because they promised us deliverance from the Greek Church and 
eventually even from the Turkish domination. 

240 



SUPPLEMENT III 241 

" At first the Bulgarian propaganda operated within modest limits, 
because it naturally did not dispose of the means at its disposal 
to-day. Besides this, the Greek and Serbian schools hampered 
its progress no less than the Greek clergy. The latter ceased to 
be an obstacle after the establishment of the Exarchate in 1870. 
The Greek priests were replaced by Bulgarian, who immediately 
inaugurated a brisk agitation. This naturally brought the Bul- 
garians a great step forward. 

" In the year 1876 they made similar progress, and this like- 
wise through the complaisance of the Turkish Government, aa 
the latter, immediately upon the Serbian declaration of war, 
suspended all Serbian schools and expelled all the Serbian 
teachers. Obviously the Bulgars at once made the most of then- 
opportunity and replaced the Serbian schools and teachers by 
Bulgarian. The fugitive Serbian teachers applied to Belgrade for 
help, but in vain. Otherwise the Serbian Government would at 
least have gained this advantage, that the teachers (who were 
all well known and popular with us, and whom we should have 
welcomed back with open arms) would have returned after the 
war, and continued their labours, or at least would have kept 
alive our sympathies for Serbia. 

" Also after 1878 and until now the Serbs did not trouble about 
us, and left us entirely to the Bulgars, who, less indolent than 
the Serbs, lost no time in establishing themselves here and in 
Bulgarizing the people. 

" At the head of the whole propaganda stands the Bulgarian 
Exarch in Constantinople, assisted by his Secretary, Sopov 
(Ofeikoff). He devotes £T30,500 (nearly 700,000 francs) annually 
solely to propaganda purposes. Besides this, the Bulgarian 
Sobranje decided, immediately upon the foundation of the Bul- 
garian Principality, to provide in their Budget 400,000 francs 
annually for the erection and maintenance of Bulgarian schools 
in our countries, and Eastern Roumelia decided to devote 60,000 
francs annually to the same object. To-day united Bulgaria 
spends fully 600,000 francs annually upon the Bulgarian schools 
in Macedonia and Old Serbia. In addition to this the Bulgarian 
Government annually assigns over 2,000,000 francs from the 
Treasury for propaganda work. If this appears incredible to 
you, consult the Bulgarian Budget. There you will find that the 
Foreign Ministry annually receives 2,800,000 francs, although it 
has neither Embassies nor Consulates to maintain. The Serbian 
Foreign Ministry only receives 800,000 francs per annum (of 
which 100,000 are Treasury funds), out of which it has to maintain 
ten Legations and four Consulates-General. Consequently the 

1? 



242 MACEDONIA 

Bulgarian Foreign Minister has at least 2,400,000 francs at his 
disposal with which to carry on the agitation here, and to bribe 
the European Press as well as individual authors. At first Russia 
also provided annual assistance ; I believe that since 1885 this 
is no longer paid, but I may be wrong. Suffice it to say that 
the Bulgarian Government and the Exarchate in all expend 
3,700,000 £rancs on propaganda work each year. 

3|: :': '.',: -v -,' -. : 

" I have mentioned above that the Bulgarian Church is the main- 
spring of the propaganda, and its focus. For a better understanding 
I must add that it is the Porte itself — unintentionally, of course 
— that drove and still compels the Exarchate to propaganda. 

"When the Exarchate was instituted it embraced, inter alia, 
Jive Bishoprics in the Danubian Bulgarian region and eight in 
Old Serbia ! Of these eight, viz. Sofija, Vraca, Vidin, Nis, Pirot, 
Custendil, Samokov, and Veles, the five last mentioned had pre- 
viously belonged to the Serbian Patriarchate of Pec ; it therefore 
points to a boundless stupidity on the part of the Porte, or to 
gross venality on the part of the then Grand- Vizier, that at the 
very outset Serbian territory was to be handed over to the Bulgars. 

" But this was not enough ! Article 10 of the firman in question 
distinctly declares that those eparchies whose inhabitants unani- 
mously, or even by a two-thirds majority, demanded it, should be 
incorporated with the Exarchate. 

" Hereby the Porte itself naturally opened bolt and bars to the 
Exarchate. All of us Slavs were discontented with the Greek 
clergy ; the prospect of hearing divine service in hierarchic Slav 
did the rest ; and so the Bulgarian apostles had an easy task when 
they came to our village and collected signatures. 

" Scarcely was the Exarchate established than the agitation was 
begun in Ochrida and Skoplje. The Turkish Commission, which 
was to ascertain the wish of the people, everywhere found a desire 
for the Exarchate, a suitable baksheesh did the rest — in short, 
already in 1872 Bulgarian bishops were appointed for Ochrida and 
Skoplje ! 

" At that time the Porte lived in constant fear of the plots and 
intrigues of Serbia and Greece, while the Bulgarians appeared 
to them as harmless raja (slaves). This explains the benevolence 
with which the Porte regarded Bulgarian intrigues. The poor dear 
little dreamt in its simplicity that the Bulgars would one day 
become far more dangerous foes than Serbs and Greeks put together. 
(And even to-day, after so many experiences, the Turks underrate 
the political intrigue of the Bulgars, and fear Serbia, who has been 
rendered quite harmless.) 



SUPPLEMENT III 243 

" The shameless Bulgarian agitation tempted not the Serbs, as 
might have been assumed, but the Greeks to a counter-stroke. The 
Greek Patriarch convened an Assembly of the Church, which pro- 
claimed the Bulgarian clergy and their adherents 'heretics.' The 
Bulgars of course lodged a protest against this finding, and the 
dispute is not settled to this day. 

" The events of 1876 caused the Porte to cancel Article 10 and 
to depose the Bishops of Skoplje and Ochrida. Since then the 
Bulgars have left no stone unturned to prevail upon the Porte 
to restore Article 10 and to re-appoint the Bishops of Skoplje and 
Ochrida. But it seems that even the Sublime Porte has at last 
begun to smell a rat, because the berats (appointments) of the 
Bishops have not yet been drawn up. 

" The Exarchate revenged itself in 1880 by declaring the Parish 
School Boards in Macedonia and Old Serbia its representatives, 
and establishing a special ' School Department ' (skolsko popeci- 
telJ8tvo) in the Exarchate. It is this School Department which 
maintains and governs the Bulgarian schools in our country, and 
if you bear in mind the incredible activity of the Bulgars and their 
unanimity when it is a question of the idea of a Great Bulgaria, 
you can imagine how firmly rooted the propaganda is to-day. 

" Side by side with the lawful Greek Bishops the Bulgars have set 
up their own ecclesiastic authorities which counteract the activity 
of the former and render it illusory. In Ochrida, Skoplje, Debar, 
Veles, Bitolj, and Salonica the Bulgarians have appointed rural 
deans ' (prolojereji) with excellent salaries. Every dean has hia 
Council, which attends to Church and school matters, and thus 
these deans perform all the functions of bishops without assuming 
the title. The Greek Bishops, whom they simply override, are 
powerless against them. Furthermore, the deans have all the 
ecclesiastic and disciplinary power over the clergy in their hands. 
In Salonika, for instance, this office had been entrusted to the 
Archimandrite Kozeljev. 

"Each dean is also provided with a deputy (namestnik), who may 
also be a layman (lit. a member of the bourgeoisie). He is a 
member of the Church School Council and assistant of the dean, 
especially in his correspondence with the parishes concerned. 
The deputies are paid by the Church School Council of the locality 
in which the dean resides. 

" Where there are intermediary schools, their director and the 
governors also belong to the Church School Council. 

" Only a few of the adherents of Greece and Serbia offer any 



Lit. archpresbyter. 



244 MACEDONIA 

resistance to the Bulgarian propagandists. The former consist 
first of all of such as know that we are not Bulgars but Serbs, 
and who are swayed by their national sentiment; and secondly, 
of such who feel spiritually bound to Serbia by our folk-songs, or 
in whom the memory of the former Serbian rule here has been 
kept alive by tradition, and finally by such as have been to Serbia, 
or go there year by year to work. 

" The adherents of Greece consist of Greek or Hellenized persons 
or enemies of Bulgarism. As a rule they go hand in hand with 
the adherents of Serbia." ' 



1 S. Gopcevic, " Makedonien und Alt-Serbien," Wien, 1889, 
pp. 307-311. 



IV 

PETITIONS ADDRESSED BY MACEDONIANS TO MILAN 
PRINCE OF SERBIA AND TO THE CONGRESS OF 
BERLIN, PRAYING TO BE UNITED WITH SERBIA 

A 

From the districts of Kicevo, Prilep, and Veles, with the signatures 
of 170 mayors, priests, archimandrites, etc., appended and 
bearing the seals of 44 communes. The petition is headed : — 

" The following was resolved upon at the meeting on Mount 
Babuna, May 10, 1878, " and addressed to Prince Milan. It 
is worded as follows : — 

" A short time ago the Corbadzi (notables) of our city, who, 
together with the Turks, have fleeced us ever since Kosovo, informed 
us that we are to fall under the domination of a Bulgarian realm, 
as if we were not true and pure Serbs, but some kind of Bulgarsl 

" All of us, Illustrious Prince, in the nahijas (districts) of Skoplje, 
Tetovo, Debar, Kicevo, Veles, Prilep, Bitolj, Kostur, Gorica, 
Solun, Seres, Tikves, Istip, Radoviste, Nevrokop, Melnik, Kocani, 
Kratovo, Kumanovo, Banjska, Radomir, Sofija, Kriva Palanka, 
Samokov, Dupnica, etc, are true Serbs of true Serb stock. This is 
proved by the innumerable exclusively purely Serbian remains to be 
found in all the said nahijas (districts). 

"We have but to look around to see in the said districts our 
Metropolitan Church of St. Sava in Debar ; the Church of the 
Blessed Mother of God and the Holy Archangel (Sv. Bogorodica, Sv. 
Arangjel) in Prilep, both founded by Kings Milutin and Marko ; 
St. Jovan Slepeevacki and St. Nikolas in Prilep, also the Sv. Bogoro- 
dica (Blessed Mother of God) and St. Nikolas in Prilep, all founded 
by King Decanski ; St. Jovan, St. Naum, and Cista Precista in 
Ochrida, founded by the Kings Vojislav and Vladimir; St. Nikola 
Toplicki in Bitolj, founded by Milan Toplica ; St. Dimitrije in 
Skoplje, founded by King Vukasin ; SS. Andrija and Vasilije, 
founded by King Andrejas ; St. Jovan's in Palanka (containing 
the grave of Despot George of Smederevo), founded by King Dragutin ; 
St. Nikola's and the Archangel, Sv. Bogorodica and Spas in Istip, 

m 



246 MACEDONIA 

founded by King Decanski ; the tomb of the Blessed Ncmanjici in 
Kratovo ; that of Relja Krilatica in Rilo ; Nemanica, the home 
of the Nemanjidi ; St. Dimitrije in Veles, founded by Zupan Stra- 
cimir, brother of Nemanja ; St. Pantelija's in Kocani, founded by 
St. Simeon Nemanja ; St. Antana's in Tetovo, founded by Car 
Lazar ; SS. Jovan and Gjorgje in Debrica, founded by Kings 
Badoslav and Milutin ; Sv. Cista Precista and Presveta Bogorodica 
in Kicevo, founded by Kings Milutin and Dragutin; Sv. Presveta 
Bogorodica Devica (Most Holy Virgin Mother of God), founded by 
King TJros the Great, besides many others not mentioned in each 
nahija, as well as the ruins of hundreds of monasteries and churches 
built by Serbian Kings and Tsars. Our assertion is further proved 
by the relics of our sainted kings and tsars and other Serbian saints 
such as King Milutin in Sofija; King Vladimir in Elbasan; St. 
Naum in Ochrida ; St. Prohor in Kumanovo, St. Jakim in Palanka, 
St. Gavril in Kratovo, the Hoty King in Gjakovica (follows a 
further list of saints). 

" We therefore send to you, in the names of the entire districts of 
Kicevo, Veles, and Prilep, our accredited agents Hadzi Trajkovid 

Mincik, Gj N and A D , and on our knees implore 

Your Serene Highness, Our August King, that you will unite us 
together with our native land with Holy Mother Serbia, so that we 
may at last emerge from our bondage and become men and a useful 
member of the people of Europe ; but not to let us exchange the 
harsh Turkish yoke for the still harsher and blacker Bulgarian 
servitude, which will be harder, more oppressive, and more unendurable 
to us than the Turkish which we have endured hitherto, and would 
leave us no way of avenging ourselves for this wrong, save either 
to slay our whole households or to forsake our sacred soil, our 
churches and graves, and ail that we hold dear, the which will profit 
neither Europe nor our own nation." 

B 

Petition addressed to Prince Milan, signed by 520 Parish Councils, 
etc., from the districts of Kumanovo, Kratovo, Palanka, Istip, 
Petric, Strumica, and Kocani, with the seals of 220 communes 
affixed, drawn up on June 2nd, 1878, at Kozjak : — 

" Having heard that we, after having so lavishly shed our blood 
in concert with our brothers of Serbia in the struggle against our 
hereditary enemy the Turk, are yet to remain under Turkish rule, 
unless we subscribe to a Russo-Bulgaria, we on our knees implore 
Your Highness, our only lawful, Gracious Sovereign, that you will 
unite us with our mother country. For we are Serbs in the districts 



SUPPLEMENT IV 247 

of Kurnanovo, Skoplje, Banjska, Radomir, Melnik, Nevrokop, Kra- 
tovo, Istip, Kocani, Strumica, Veles, etc., and that of the purest and 
best Old Serbian stock, and our country is the most purely Serbian, 
even the very heart of Serbia, from which have sprung not only our 
sainted Nemanjiei, but also our State and our literature, renown, 
power, and greatness, and all that was and still is Serbian. 

"This is proved to this day by hundreds of complete and thou- 
sands of ruined churches and monasteries, more especially by the 
following ancient buildings : In Matejce, the Church of the Blessed 
Mother (Sv. Bogorodica), where King Milutin was crowned ; St. 
Gjuragj Nagoricki, the foundation of King Milutin, built in gratitude 
for the salvation of Serbia and Europe from the Tartar invasion ; 
Sv. Bogorodica Zabelska, founded by Stephan Nemanja ; Sv. Bogoro- 
dica Korminska, founded by Kings Radoslav and Dragutin ; Sv. Otae 
Prohor Pcinjski (Blessed Father Prohor of Pcinja), founded by Car 
Lazar ; St. Jacim Osogovski, founded by King Dragutin ; Sv. Bogo- 
rodica Rilska (Our Lady of Rilo), founded by King Decanshi ; 
St. Gavril Lesnovski, founded by the Despot Jovan Oliver, etc.' 

"It is further proved by the many episcopal sees and Metropoli- 
tanates founded by St. Sava, such as those in Moravica, Custendil, 
Samokov, Bregalnica, Morozvizd, and many other, of which the 
records are still extant. 

" Lastly, it is proved by our Old Serbian speech, preserved in all 
its purity, the tongue in which the kings and tsars of Serbia conversed ; 
it is proved by our ancient Serbian customs, dress, etc., and by much 
else as well, that we are Serbs, and naught else. 

"We, the undersigned, being pure Serbs of true Serbian stock of 
the most ancient and purest of Serbian territories, yet once more 
implore Your Highness on our knees by any means to deliver us from 
our bondage of five centuries, and to incorporate us with your 
principality of Serbia. Otherwise the inhabitants of Kumanovo, 
Palanka, and Kratovo, having fought shoulder to shoulder with their 
brothers of Serbia against their mortal foe the Turk, may not dare 
to thrust their heads again beneath the yoke, but would rather slay 
themselves with all their households. 

" In the names of all the undersigned, we authorize B P , 

merchant; V C , peasant; V C , P D , P 

P , and Petar Mitrovic." z 



1 The foundations mentioned in the previous petition have been 
omitted here. 

' The names of living personB, especially those of any of tha 
signatories, are obviously withheld, for fear of exposing their owners 
to the vengeance of the Turks and Bulgars. 



248 MACEDONIA 



C 

Petition addressed to the British Consul at Vranje, as Envoy of the 
Berlin Congress, signed in Vranje, on June 11, 1878, by twenty 
natives of Gilane (from the towns and villages of Gilane, Pasijan, 
Petrovac, Ranilug, Ropotovo, Domorovac, Kufedze, Koretiste, 
Stanisor, Budrig, Partes, Grizimi, Mocar, Miganovac, and 
Businac) : — 

" The compassionate and humane disposition of Tour Majesty gives 
us, your obedient servants, the undersigned, courage on our knees 
to implore you and your Government to take pity upon us and to 
rescue us from the horrible position in which we are placed, and 
at the same time to unite us tvith our brothers in the Principality 
of Serbia, from whom we have been separated for five hundred 
years." (Here follow complaints that sympathy is extended to 
the grievances of the Bulgars and other peoples enslaved by the 
Turks, while the unhappy Serbs of Old Serbia are ignored in spite 
of their great sufferings. Moreover a list is given of all murders 
and other outrages, excesses lately committed by the Turks.) 

The petition concludes : — 

"We therefore most humbly pray your Government to free us 
from our fetters and bonds and to unite us with our Serbian brothers, 
the end that the sun of Justice and Freedom may arise for us also, 
wherefore we should be eternally grateful to you. In this joyful 
hope we sign for the inhabitants of Gilane." * 

{Here follow the signatures.) 



Petition of 500 distinguished citizens, archimandrites, priests, 
teachers, mayors, etc., of the districts of Kicevo, Ochrida, 
Debar, and Elbasan, with the seals of 308 communes affixed, 
dated from the Monastery of Cista Precista in Skrzava at 
the Sabor (meeting) of June 15, 1878, and addressed to the 
"King" of Serbia:— 

"We have heard that by the treaty of San Stefano we are 
to become subject to a Bulgarian realm and that our native land 



■ This petition is in so far interesting as the population of Gilane 
ia known to be of Serbian Catholic origin. 



SUPPLEMENT IV 249 

of Old Serbia is henceforth to be called 'Bulgaria.' Since we 
neither are Bulgars, nor ever were Bulgars, and not a single 
Bulgar is resident among us — with the exception of the Bulgarian 
bishops and teachers who have been forced upon us by the 
Turkish Government — we as Serbs appeal to you our only Sovereign 
and Lord, and beg you save us from this calamity and, as purest 
Serbs of the truest and best Serbian stock, to unite us with your 
principality of Serbia, our only mother and solace. 

" That we of the districts of Kicevo, Debar, Ochrida, Elbasan, 
etc., are purest Serbs of truest Serbian stock is proved not only 
by our purely Serbian speech, but by those whom you and we 
worship, even our Saints and holy relics, such as . . ." (Here again 
follows a list of the relics of the Serbian Kings Vladimir and 
Petroslav. as also of those of the Serbian SS. Clement, Naum, 
and Ilarion, who are buried in those parts of Old Serbia.) 

"It is further proved by the former capitals of our sainted 
kings, viz. Prespa, the capital of our holy King Petroslav ; Ochrida, 
Beograd and Cemernik, where King Vladimir had his residence ; 
Papradnica (now Kodzadzik), the capital of King Vojislav ; the 
ruins of the residence of King Gjuragj on the Gjuragj Planina Hills ; 
the archiepiscopal sees of our Serbian rulers before St. Nemanja in 
Biskupstica below the Gjuragj Planina; the ruins of the cathedrals 
of Debrca and Budim (in Kostur), founded by St. Sava ; the 
foundations of King Milutin, viz. St. Gjuragj Orasacki and St. 
George's (above Kicevo). 

"It is further proved by the monasteries which have been 
preserved complete, such as St. Jo van Slepcev (Bitolj), founded 
by King Deeanski ; Sv. Bogorodica in Porec and on the Babuna, 
founded by King Uros the Great ; Sv. Bogorodica Zlatovrh 
Treskavacka and Sv. Arangjel (the Blessed Mother of God and 
the Archangel) in Bucim, founded by King Milutin ; Sv. Bogorodica 
near Bitolj, St. Ilija near Hlerin, and St. Gjuragj near Gjavat, 
founded by our Nemanja Tsars ; Sv. Bogorodica above Kostur, 
founded by St. Sava ; St. Ilija above Kostur, and twenty-four monas- 
teries at Meteora, founded by the sainted Nemanjici ; St. Peter's 
above Beograd, founded by King Petroslav ; the Holy Archangel's in 
Prilep, founded by King Marko ; Sv. Bogorodica of Zrze, founded 
by King Vukasin ; the two monasteries of Cista Precista (above 
Struga and above Kicevo) and Sv. Bogorodica (above Ochrida), 
all three founded by King Vladimir, etc., etc. 

" Hence we pay our respects to you in the name of all our 
sainted KingB and Tsars, and of the whole Serbian population of 
to-day in the regions aforesaid, begging you to liberate us and 
take us under the wing of your protection and unite us with your 



250 MACEDONIA 

principality of Serbia failing which we will all perish, for we 
never have lived with the Bulgars, and cannot so live. In 
that case we would rather continue to remain under the four 
centuries' 1 long domination of the Turks, under whom we shall 
at least be able to preserve our nationality, our language, and 
our faith." 



E 

Petition addressed to the British Consul (Envoy of the Berlin 
Congress), dated Gilane, June 18, 1878, and signed by 375 
distinguished inhabitants from the districts of Gilane, Skoplje, 
and Tetovo. A footnote accounts for the absence of parish seals 
by explaining that plundering Circassians and Albanians had 
taken them away. The petition runs as follows : — 

" Several weeks ago we presented a petition to His Highness 
the Prince of Serbia, showing that we have been Serbs of old 
and always shall be Serbs ; that this is proved by our customs, 
folk-songs, habits, dress, speech, and the numerous monasteries 
and churches founded by Serbian rulers and to be met with at 
every step in our country. 

b " Therefore we raised our voices in protest against those toho 
would persuade us that we are Bulgars, falsely declaring that 
our land was once Bulgarian, and we begged His Highness that 
we being true Serbs of his, he would deliver us from servitude 
and take us under the protection of the beneficent Serbian laws 
and receive us into the bosom of our free brothers. We also 
demonstrated that the Serbian element in the districts of Gilane, 
Pristina, Skoplje, and Tetovo far outnumbers that of the renegade 
Albanians, and we have enumerated the most recent outrages 
committed by the Turks." 

(Here the native hope is expressed that Europe, having inscribed 
the device "Freedom and Progress" upon her banner, will take 
pity also upon the Christians who are being oppressed by the Turks, 
and create decent conditions, and worthy of humanity, which would 
guarantee the peace of Europe. Thence it was expected of the 
Congress of Berlin that it would give the Serbian army the 
mandate as soon as possible to occupy Gilane, Skoplje, Tetovo, and 
Pristina, whereby the atrocities of the Turks would be brought 
to an end. 

A long list of these outrages follows. The conclusion is formed 
by the request to submit the petition to the Congress.) 



SUPPLEMENT IV 251 



Petition to the "King" of Serbia, dated Skoplje, June 20, 1878, 
with the seals of more than 50 communes affixed. Nobody 
had dared to sign, as of the signatories to the Bozince 
petition 250 had been arrested in Skoplje alone, of whom 
only 50 had come out of prison alive. In the face of such 
intimidation it is truly amazing that the mayors of 50 com- 
munes yet had courage to affix their seals. The petition runs : — 

" Having heard that under the terms of peace we are to come 
under a Bulgarian State, as if we were Bulgars and not pure Serbs 
of true Serbian stock, we on our knees implore you not to consent 
to let us pure and true Serbs fall into Bulgarian bondage. We 
were never under Bulgarian rule; we never were nor ever can 
be Bulgars. We citizens of Skoplje are of the purest and best 
Serbian stock, as also are the inhabitants of the districts of 
Tetovo, Debar, Kicevo, Prilep, Istip, Veles, Kratovo, Kocani, 
Kumanovo, Palanka, Banjska, etc. Our pure Old Serbian speech, 
the speech of our Kings and Tsars, our customs, usages, dress, 
songs, etc., bear this out. Equally it is borne out by the ancient 
Serbian buildings in our country, viz. the Holy Archangel and 
Ilija's on the Karadag, founded by Stephan Nemanja ; the 
Holy Archangel and Blessed Mother of God (Sv. Arangjel and 
Bogorodica), founded by Uros the Infant; St. Nikita's in Cuear, 
founded by King Mulutin ; Sv. Bogorodica (Blessed Mother of God) 
in Ljubinac, founded by the sister of Tsar Dusan, St. Dimitrije 
in Susica, where the Kings Vukasin and Marko are buried ; 
St. Vasilje, founded by King AndrejaS, and containing his tomb ; 
St. Pantelija's in Porec, founded by Nemanja; St. Andrija's, founded 
by and containing the tomb of Queen Simonida ; St. Athanasije in 
Lesav, founded by Tsar Lazar. 

" It is further proved by our city of Skoplje, once the capital 
of Serbia ; by the ruins of Kacanik, the stronghold of Starina 
Novak." (Here follows a list of numerous ruined castles famous 
in connection with Serbian heroes and of sundry Metropolitan 
sees, etc.) 

"It is further borne out by many documentary monuments 'of 
our past and literary history, all penned in this heart, centre, navel, 
and storehouse of true and pure Serbia. 

"We therefore beseech you on our knees to save us from other, 
harsher and more cruel oppressors and assassins, who are worse 
than the Turks, and have already under the Turkish rule oppressed 



252 MACEDONIA 

us through their bishops and teachers, have threatened and de- 
stroyed our language, our Slava, our nationality, and Serbian 
antiquities. Unite us as soon as possible with your principality 
of iSerbia, otherwise we shall be left no choice but to emigrate or 
to perish in the conflict with the Bulgars." 



G 

Petition to the Berlin Congress dated " On the Gjerman Planina, 
July 1, 1878," bearing 800 signatures and the seals of 196 
communes and monasteries from the districts of Kumanovo, 
Kratovo, Kocani, and Palanka. (An almost identical but far 
more explicit petition, bearing 350 signatures and 145 seals, 
was presented to the Prince of Serbia.) 

" Several weeks ago we, in concert with the inhabitants of the 
Stip district, petitioned H.H. Our Gracious Lord and King Milan 
Obrenovic IV that, we being pure Serbs of true Serb stock, he ivould 
take us under his protection and unite our true Serbian land, in 
which the Serbian Kings have lived and laboured and made their 
graves, with his Principality, and not permit us to be transferred 
to the Bulgars, whose language and customs are alien to tis. For 
neither will we live together with the Bulgars nor have our fathers 
done so. We could never form one people with the Bulgars, for 
we are pure Serbs of old, and naught else. In our petition we 
proved that we are truly pure and genuine Serbs, seeing that ..." 
(Here all the ecclesiastic foundations, ancient buildings, etc., are 
all enumerated as in the previous petition.) " Our contention is 
also borne out by our speech, habits, and customs, which differ 
greatly from those of the Bulgars, and furthermore by our ancient 
mints where Serbian money was minted, especially that in the 
village of Perperi, and by our mines which are so famous in Serbian 
history. 

" But we received no answer to our petition ! 

" The best proof that it is not possible for us under any circum- 
stances to live under either the Bulgars or the Turks is to be found 
in the fact that the inhabitants who fled from forty villages in the 
district of Palanka do not dare to return to their homes because 
since the retirement of the Serbian army these have been occupied 
by the Turks and Bulgars." 

(Here follows the definition of the conditions under which Mihail 
Abogovic, the last Despot of this region, surrendered in 1459 to the 
Turks, who, however, disregarded the terms of the treaty.) After 



SUPPLEMENT IV 253 

further complaints concerning the grievous plight of the people, 
the petition proceeds : — 

" If help is not soon forthcoming, no trace will be left of us ere 
long." (Here follow renewed requests for incorporation with Serbia, 
with urgent representations to Bismarck personally and an appeal 
for a European Commission to investigate the true state of affairs 
and the atrocities committed by the Turks.) 

"This Commission will convince itself of the truth of our state- 
ments, for we do not dare to lie like our step-brothers the Bidgars, 
who have deceived our Russian and Serbian brothers, maintaining 
that the Sandzaks of Vidin, Sofija, and Custendil are inhabited by 
Bulgars." 

(Then follows a long catalogue of all recent excesses, outrages 
murders, etc., committed by the Turkish troops. The names of 
several hundred Serbs who had been ill-used or murdered by the 
Turks are given, with the names of the villages concerned and 
occasionally those of the guilty Turkish officers and men. The 
names of several hundred violated girls, women and children are 
also published, together with the names of many Turks who were 
guilty of these outrages. It is a heart-rendering and revolting 
account, which, needless to say, made no impression upon the dried- 
up diplomats of the Berlin Congress.) 



INCOMPLETE LIST OF BULGARIAN ATTACKS UPON 
SERBIAN SCHOOLS AND TEACHERS IN MACEDONIA 

1. On the opening day of the Serbian school in Dobrusevo (county 
of Bitolj) the Bulgars of Bitolj assaulted the peasants who had 
assembled at the school On that occasion the teacher, Andjelko 
Trajkovic, was twice fired at with a rifle. 

2. In Kicevo they likewise attacked the school and assaulted the 
Serbian citizens. 

3. In Ochrida they beat the Serbian teacher Djordje Tasic, and 
L. Stavric, a Serbian bookseller. 

4. In Kumanovo the Serbian church and school were attacked 
times without number. There were frequent instances of bloodshed. 
In one assault upon the Serbian school five Serbs were wounded. 

5. In Gostivar the Bulgars attacked the Serbian church one 
Christmas Day with the intention of seizing it from the Serbs. 
The Bulgars discharged their revolvers inside the church and beat 
the Serbs. 

6. On the occasion of the opening of the Serbian school in Veles, 
the Bulgars assaulted the Serbs and beat them in the streets. 

7. In KukuS they wrecked and looted the Serbian school, and 
beat the teacher Jovan Jovicevic so severely that he all but 
died. 

8. In Zubovac they attacked the Serbian school and wounded 
the teacher, Josip Bradic. 

9. In Gornje Todoracevo (district of Kukus) they attacked and 
looted the Serbian church. 

10. In Prilep the Bulgars planned a great attack upon the Serbs 
en masse, but it was discovered and frustrated by the police. 

11. On the occasion of the opening of the Serbian school in 
Bitolj in 1897 the Bulgars attacked the school. The police with 
difficulty succeeded in dispersing the aggressors and in arresting 
some of them. But the attacks were repeated, and in one of them 
a Bulgarian professor wounded Gjura Vojvedic\ student at the 
Serbian Lycee. 

254 



SUPPLEMENT V 255 

12. In Krusevo the Bulgars assaulted two Serbian female teachers 
in 1899, Olga Vukojevic and Zlata Krstidka. The latter fell ill 
from shock and all but died. 

13. In Skoplje the Serbian Bchools, teachers, and students were 
attacked countless times. On Christmas Day, 1899, and in April 
and in December 1900 the Bulgars assaulted the teachers and pupils 
of the Girls' High School. They beat them, pulled out their hair, 
and otherwise ill-used them. 

14. In Tetovo the Bulgars attacked the Serbian school andcitizens 
on the Feast of St. Sava, the Serbian patron saint, January 14, 
1900. 

15. In Celopek they set fire to the Serbian school in 1901.' 



' Iv. Ivanic, " Iz Crkvene Istorije Srba u Turskoj " (" Church 
History of the Serbs in Turkey in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth 
Centuries"), Belgrade, 1902, pp. 90-93. Iv. Ivanic, "Makedonija" 
(" Macedonia"), Novi Sad, 1908, pp. 470-474. 



256 



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VII 

INCOMPLETE LIST OF ATTEMPTED MURDERS PER- 
PETRATED BY BULGARS ON SERBS BETWEEN 1897 
AND 1901 

The number of attempted murders -perpetrated by Bulgars on 
Macedonian Serbs is far greater than that of successful murders. 
Unfortunately we have no statistics available. We give instead only 
a few cases which occurred between 1897 and 1901, and this list, 
though incomplete, throws some light upon the terror practised 
by the Bulgars among the Serbian population of Macedonia. 
According to the information at our disposal the Bulgars attempted 
to murder the following persons : — 

1. Petar Dimitrijevic, head master of the Serbian school in 

Prilep. 1 

2. Jovanka Hmjieek, teacher at the Serbian Lyc£e for Girls 

in Skoplje. 

3. Jevdja Frtunic, schoolmaster in Skoplje. 

4. Uija Spirkovic, Serbian booksellor in Prilep. 

5. Veljan, the most prominent peasant and Serbian headman 

in Krivogastane (district of Prilep). 

6. Dr. Ceda Djurdjevi<5, Serbian physician in Skoplje. 

7. Mihalilo Hadzi Popovid, president of the Serbian congrega- 

tion in Bitolj, who was wounded in both hands with a 
knife by the Bulgars. 

8. The servant of Dr. Ceda Djurdjevic, Serbian physician in 

Skoplje, also wounded with a knife. 

9. Djordje Dimitrijevic, member of the Serbian congregation, 

received severe knife and bullet wounds. 
10. In Veles, after murdering the Serbian headman Petar Tasevic 
and several other Serbs from the neighbourhood, the Bul- 
gars assaulted numerous other Serbs with knives and 
firearms. 



• Petar Dimitrijevid's daughter was murdered by the Bulgars 
in September 1897. 

968 



SUPPLEMENT VII 283 

11. Hija Vucetic, Serbian professor in Skoplje, severely wounded 

on January 18, 1899. 

12. Jovan Jovicevid, head master of the Serbian school in KukuS 

shot by Bulgarian comitadjis on May 12, 1899. 

13. Vanca Ilid, Serbian bookseller in Bitolj, shot and severely 

wounded in July 1899. 

14. Dimko Petrusevio, proprietor of the school in Orahovac 

(district of Veles), received a bullet wound on September 
19, 1899. He was eventually murdered. 

15. Dinko Pandovic, of Veles, wounded in September 1899. 

16. Naum Nikolic, of Tajmiste, was taken to the mountains 

with the intention to murder him, but was ransomed by 
the village on September 21, 1899. 

17. Dimo Dapdevid, Dan Burcevic and Damcevid received knife 

wounds on September 28, 1899. 

18. Jovan Milenkovic, a prominent Serb of Veles, wounded with 

a knife on September 28, 1899. 

19. Velimir Janidijevid, member of the Serbian school parish 

and his mother, assaulted by the Bulgarian teachers in 
October 1899. 

20. Govedarovid, proprietor of the Serbian school in Seres, 

attacked one night in October 1899. 

21. Marko Stavrid, Serbian teacher in Jablanica (district of 

Debar), wounded by a revolver shot on October 27, 1899. 

22. Jovan Popovid, of Bela (near Kodani), assaulted by the 

Bulgars on Christmas Day, 1899. 

23. Teofil Djordjevid, of Gostivar, wounded in December 1899. 

24. Stojan Nastovid and two other Serbs from Orahovac (district 

of Veles), who were severely wounded on January 4, 1900. 

25. Laza Hid, Serbian teacher in Novo Selo (district of Skoplje), 

wounded with a knife in May 1900. 

26. Anastas Milenkovic, priest, of Tehovo (district of Veles), 

four times shot at with a rifle, finally with a revolver on 
December 30, 1900, and eventually murdered. 

27. Todo Gasevid, merchant, of Tetovo, wounded on Novem- 

ber 1, 1901. 

28. Samuilo Stojkovic, of Bresna (district of Tetovo), wounded 

in December 1901, and robbed of 1,000 dinars. 

29. Petar Konstantinovid, founder of the Serbian school in Zrze 

(district of Prilep), twice shot at with a rifle, and 
eventually imurdered in 1901.* 

* Iv. Ivanic, " Madedonija i Madedonci " (" Macedonia and the 
Macedonians '*), Novi Sad, 1909, pp. 471-475. 



VIII 

BULGARIAN PROCLAMATION IN 1879, CALLING UPON 
THE INHABITANTS OF MACEDONIA TO RISE AGAINST 
THE TURKS 

Up, brothers ! (lit. to your feet, brothers !) The hour of deliverance 
has struck. Now the chains must and will be broken wherewith 
cold diplomatic calculation would bind you. The sun of liberty, 
which is already shedding its warmth upon part of our nation, will 
arise also upon the remainder, which is still torpid in slavery, and 
awaken it to new life. We have provided arms ; take them and join 
the fighting lines. There is no other choice open to you. If you let 
slip the present propitious moment, you will for ever remain in 
foreign bondage. Already preparations are being made to deprive 
you of your faith, together with your nationality. If you desire to 
remain Orthodox as your fathers have been, you must no longer put 
off the great and holy war. You will be led by experienced soldiers, 
sincere patriots, heroic men, and our cause will be victorious. Our 
oppressor is nearing his death. His seeming display of strength is 
only the last spasm of a dying man, and we have no other enemies to 
fear. Any foreign intervention in favour of our oppressor will provoke 
an intervention likewise on our behalf. The moment is propitious, 
as you see. Long live the War of Liberty ! Let us fight until we 
have won the frontiers which the Almighty has assigned to our 
people. Up ! To battle 1 Our reward will be the freedom of us all, 
the heroic death of individuals — our pride.' 



' J. H. Vasiljevic, " Pokret Srba i Bugara u Turskoj" (" Insurrec- 
tion of the Serbs and Bulgars in Turkey "), Belgrade, 1908, pp. 13-14. 



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