.
WW/JVTHIIU
P; .
**MA"V^ -.«,/>. ^.A-"
s^^Sffl»feai!Sasiw
V/^a
•
MACMILLAN'S
VOL. LII.
MAY 1885, TO OCTOBER 1885.
MACMILLAN AND CO.
29 & 30, BEDFORD STREET, CO VENT GARDEN ; AND
|W0 fork.
1885.
W . J . L I M T O :
The Right of Translation and 1,'eprodvction 'is Reserved.
RICHARD CLAY AND SONS,
BREAD STREET HILL, LONDON, Z.C.
and Bungay, Suffolk.
CONTENTS.
PAGS
Australian Appeal to the English Democracy, An. By BERNHARD WISE 161
Baths of Casciana in July, The. By JANET Ross 354
Bruno, Was Giordano, really Burned ? By RICHARD COPLEY CHRISTIE 435
Canadian Loyalty. By ROSWELL FISHER 26
Commonplaces on the Commonplace 272
Court Painters, A Prince of. By WALTER PATER 401
Day Schools and Boarding Schools, A Few Last Words on 64
Drink in England, The Question of. By R. E. MACNAGHTEN 348
Dymond, Mrs. By MRS. RITCHIE : —
Chapters IX.— xn 1
,, xiii.— xv 81
,, xvi.— xix 173
„ xx. — xxin 241
,, xxiv. — xxvi 321
,, xxvii.— xxxi 455
Educational Endowments, Scotch and English. By PROFESSOR G. G. RAMSAY ... 35
French Views on English Writers. By M. A. W 16
Inland Duties and Taxation 392
International Co-operation in Scandinavia 199
Landes, A Walking Tour in the : —
1 221
II 280
Local Government in Ireland, The Extension of. By PHILO-CELT 446
Local University Colleges 361
Macaulay and Sir Elijah Impey 422
"Maritis the Epicurean." By M. A. W 132
Marlborough. By A. G. BRADLEY 188
Modest Means, A Hint to People with. By CHARLES H. PEARSON 112
Mommsen's New Volume. By WILLIAM T. ARNOLD 140
Montevideo to Paraguay, From : —
1 96
II. . 204
•
vi Contents.
PAG?:
National Gallery at Amsterdam, The New 383
Political History, A Chapter of. By J. T. B 314
Review .of the Month : —
May 71
June 153
July 232
Rhodian Society. By J. THEODORE BENT • . . . . 297
Riel Rebellion, The, in North- West Canada. By R. MACKRAY 254
Rural Roads 371
Songs, Popular, of the Scottish Highlanders. By JOHN STTJART BLACKIE 304
Station, At the, on an Autumn Morning. By H. COURTHOPE BOWEN 68
Swiss Village, Notes in a. By MURROUGH O'BRIEN 415
Tarentum. By JANET Ross 473
Thrush, The, in February. By GEORGE MEREDITH 265
Trouting, Continental. By A. G. BRADLEY 441
Unexplained. By MRS. MOLESWORTH : —
1 49
II 119
Windward Islands, The 333
10
ARNOLD, WILLIAM T.
BENT, J. THEODORE.
BLACKIE, JOHN STUART.
BOWEN, H. COURTHOPE.
BRADLEY, A. G.
CHRISTIE, RICHARD COPLEY.
FISHER, ROSWELL.
MACNAGHTEN, R. E.
MACKRAY, R.
MEREDITH, GEORGE.
MOLESWORTH, MRS.
O'BRIEN, MURROUGH.
PATER, WALTER.
PEARSON, CHARLES H.
RAMSAY, G. G.
RITCHIE, MRS.
ROSS, JANET.
WISE, BERNHARD:
MACMILLAN'S MAGAZINE.
VOLUMES I. TO LIL, COMPRISING NUMBERS 1—312.
HANDSOMELY BOUND IN CLOTH, PRICE 7s. 6d. EACH.
Reading Cases for Monthly Numbers, One Shilling.
Cases for Binding Volumes, One Shilling.
Sold by all Booksellers in Town and Country.
4
2s*?
MACMILLAN'S MAGAZINE.
MAY, 1885.
MRS. DYMOND.
CHAPTER IX.
JOSSELIN'S STEPMOTHER.
IT was not in Susanna's nature to dwell
upon vague and melancholy sugges-
tions. With the morning came a
hopeful aspect of things, a burst of
sunshine and youthful spirits. Crow-
beck, notwithstanding the heavy
cornices and hangings, began to look
more homelike. The new mistress of
the Place was down betimes ; her
presence seemed already to brighten
everything. She went out into the
garden for a few minutes before break-
fast ; as she stood on the lawn in her
fresh morning dress the light seemed
to set her hair aflame. The hills across
the water seemed to be touched with
some gentle mood of rainbow light.
The green slopes beyond the lake were
green, soft, silent as the sward on
which she stood. George Tyson and
his father came striding up from the
boat-house across the dewy fields,
trudging upon daisy-flowers with their
heavy, hobnailed boots ; the little
calves ran to meet them with play-
ful starts and caresses. Jock, the
sheep dog, leapt a fence and darted off
after some imaginary sheep. Then
came Jo, advancing from beyond the
trees, with his rod and with fish in his
basket.
" Good morning," said Jo. " Look
here, I caught all these up by my
No. 307. — VOL. LI i.
uncle's boat-house this morning.
Tempy was out ; she seems all right
again. Aunt Fanny is always making
scares about nothing at all."
Susy longed to ask more about
Tempy and Aunt Fanny and life at
Bolsover, but she found it difficult to
frame her questions. Jo also seemed
anxious to explain and yet reluctant
to speak ; he, too, had something on
his mind.
" I am afraid your sister is very
unhappy," said Susanna at last.
"They are both very unhappy,"
said Jo ; then, with a heroic effort,
for he did not like to hurt his pretty,
shy stepmother, who seemed to him
very gentle and only anxious to
do for the best, notwithstanding all
family warnings and ominous sug-
gestions to the contrary. " I think,"
said Jo, turning red and looking into
his basket, " if you had known more
of Charlie you would have advised
my father differently."
"I!" said Susy. "I never "
then she stopped short. She was a
new-made wife and not yet used to
her position, was it for her to disclaim
all responsibility in her husband's
actions? What did wives do under
such circumstances 1 Susy, in her
perplexity, fell back upon another
question. " What has your cousin
done to trouble your father so much ?"
she asked, also with eyes cast down.
"He has been a fool," said Jo.
Mrs. Dymond.
11 He has spent his own money, and
he once got me to back a lame horse
— papa never could forgive that. I
think this is about the worst, except
that row at Oxford, when Charlie was
caught and the others got off ; and
— and I'm afraid there was something
else in London," added Jo. " Papa tells
me he was seen drinking, but Charlie
was so cut up, poor fellow, he hardly
knew what he was about."
" One can't wonder at your father's
anxiety," said Mrs. Dymond gravely.
" I saw your cousin for a moment in
London. I felt very sorry for him."
Somehow, as Jo talked on, little by
little she began to find her sympathies
enlisted on Charlie's side. " Poor
fellow ! " she said pityingly, forgetting
her own determination to blame.
"There goes Hicks; papa has done
his business. I must get ready for
breakfast," cries Josselin, abruptly
disappearing as the bailiff issued from
the study window. The Colonel fol-
lowed.
" Mr. Hicks, I want to introduce
you to my wife," said Colonel Dymond,
seeing Susanna there ; and Mr. Hicks,
a friendly, brown, tattered man, who
seemed bailiff to many winds and
storms and moors, made a clumsy,
smiling salutation to the smiling,
graceful young lady.
The new family breakfasted as they
had dined, in a triangle at the round
table.
Susy poured out tea from behind
the old-fashioned silver urn. The
colonel looked round, satisfied, dis-
satisfied.
"The place seems empty without
Tempy," said he. ".You saw her
this morning, Jo ; when is your sister
coming back?"
Jo didn't answer ; he was not at
ease with his father.
" I am afraid, from what Jo tells
me, that she is very unhappy indeed,"
said Susy, blushing up ; " that is why
she keeps away. She cannot bear to —
to differ from you. John, don't you
think — do you really think — there is
no hope at all for them? Is it pos-
sible," she continued bravely, "that
we may have done your nephew in-
justice ? Boys are thoughtless and
inexperienced, but Charles Bolsover
seems to feel everything very deeply,
and sincerely to love Tempy very,
very much."
" My dear Susanna, my dear wo-
man," said the colonel gravely, putting
down his paper and looking fixedly at
her, "pray do not let me hear you
speak in this way again. Josselin,"
with a stern glance at his son, "has
no doubt influenced you. Do you sup-
pose he cares more than I do for his
sister's ultimate happiness ? It is no
kindness on his part or on yours to
interfere — to urge me to consent to
Tempy's life-long misery. My duty
as a father, and as head of the family,
is to decide upon what seems to me
best and right for my children and for
their good. Do you know that this
fellow is a gambler, a drunkard ? He
was seen drunk in a public eating-
house in London the very night he
had asked me for my child in mar-
riage. Tempy's husband must be a
good, true man she can look up to
— a trustworthy, upright man, who
will love her and make her happy
and respected. You, Susy, know but
too well the suffering that a man
with a low standard of honour can
inflict upon a high-minded lady."
(Susy turned crimson ; she could not
answer.) " We all have to face the
truth and to act for the best," said
the colonel. " I am sorry to speak
of my own nephew so harshly, but I
look upon Charles as an adventurer
and not uninfluenced by mercenary
motives. Why should I refuse my
consent if I trusted him, or believed
him in the least worthy of Tempy 1
" Papa," cried Jo, hotly, " indeed
you are unjust to poor Charlie. He
is desperately in love ; he has been
silly ; he has no interested motives."
" I beg you will drop the subject,
Jo," said the colonel, testily. " It is
Mrs. Dymond.
not your affair, it is mine and Tempy's.
Charles Bolsover is penniless, except
for what the Bolsovers may be able to
do for him. Tempy is rich, as girls
go. Even without your share of my
property, the interest of your poor
mother's money now amounts to a
considerable sum, and, by the way,"
said the colonel, glad to change the
subject, "I shall have to get you
to help me, Jo, as soon as you are
of age, to make a provision for Susy
here, who hasn't any expectations
or settlements," said the colonel, smil-
ing and softening, "and who would
be poorly left if anything happened
to me." The colonel, as elderly people
are apt to do, rather enjoyed discussing
such eventualities ; neither Susy nor
Jo found any pleasure in the conver-
sation.
" Tempy doesn't want to be rich
any more than I do ; she only wants
to marry Charlie," grunts Jo, awk-
wardly, getting up and preparing to
leave the room.
And Susy meanwhile sat silent,
looking at the walls of the room, at
the Landseer stags, the showy Italian
daubs, the print of the passing of the
Reform Bill, with all our present Nestors
and Ulysses as spruce young men in
strapped trousers ; then she slowly
turned her eyes upon her husband, as
he stood with his back to the chimney,
erect and martial even in retreat.
Colonel Dymond was making believe
to read the paper which had just come,
in reality greatly agitated though he
looked so calm.
He was one of those people who,
having once made up their minds,
never see any great reasons to alter
them unless some stronger will en-
forces the change. When Susy looked
up with tears in her eyes, all troubled
by his severe tone, her sweet, anxious,
shy look seemed to absolve him, and it
won his forgiveness, only Susy could
not quite forgive herself.
John Dymond was a weak man,
kind-hearted, hot-headed, honourable,
and both obstinate and credulous, and
created to be ruled. For some years
after his first wife's death he had con-
stituted Aunt Fanny into a sort of
directress — her unhesitating assump-
tion suited some1 want in his nature
at the time — perhaps of late he had
changed in this respect. It most cer-
tainly still suited Miss Bolsover that
people should do as she told them.
She should have been abbess of a
monastery, prime minister of some
kingdom where women govern the
state. She had not imagination enough
to correct the imperiousness of her
nature, whereas Susanna had too much
to allow freedom to her actions, and so
to-day again she gave in with a sigh
and pressed her husband no more ; the
power of sulking persistence which
some people can wield was not hers.
That gift of adaptiveness which be-
longed to Susanna Dymond, led her to
acquiesce in the conclusions of those
she loved.
Tempy did not come back, and the
colonel said he should go over to
Bolsover and see her there and make
further arrangements ; Susy begged to
be left at home. She spent the morn-
ing unpacking, settling down, exploring
her domain. She had a grand bedroom,
with cornices, red damask curtains,
and solemn mahogany furniture to
match, there were prints of the Duke
and Duchess of Kent on the wall, and
of the Queen as a pretty little girl
with a frill and a coral necklace. The
young mistress of Crowbeck looked
about, wandering along the passages
of her new kingdom followed by an
obsequious housemaid, who led her
from room to room. Then she came
back to her own pretty boudoir, where
Susy's prints and her various posses-
sions were lying ready to be set out :
among them was that old drawing
of Naomi and Ruth from Madame
du Fare's ; how well she remembered
it!
Josselin came up to her later in the
day as she stood complacently among
her girlish treasures. He gave a
B 2
Mrs. Dymond.
quick, asking look. Susy shook her
head — "Your father is gone over to
the Hall to see Tempy — he ordered his
horse just now. He must know best,"
she repeated with some effort ; " we
must trust to him, Jo."
" We can't help ourselves," said
Josselin. Then he added shyly, " Would
you care to come out with me, Mrs.
Dymond 1 " (He had elected to call her
Mrs. Dymond.) "I shall have to
be back at my tutor's to-morrow,
but I should like to show you about
the Place to-day. Tempy told me
she might be over in Tarndale — I
could row you across." As he spoke
some breeze came into the room, the
whole lake seemed to uprise with an
inviting ripple, and through the open
window the distant shriek of the rail-
way reached them from the station in
the garden of sweetbriar.
"That is the afternoon up-train,"
said Jo in a satisfied tone. " Charlie
is gone back in it. I did not like to
tell papa, it would have vexed him too
much. I thought how it was when
Tempy went off to the Hall last
night. . . . She knew he would be
coming."
" Oh, my dear Josselin, how wrong —
how could she ! " cried Susy. " Oh,
Josselin, my dear Josselin, why didn't
you warn us ? "
" He is gone again," said Jo
doggedly ; " it was only to say good-by,
poor fellow." And, as the young step-
mother, troubled, bewildered, began to
exclaim : " Don't you tell papa," her
stepson interrupted. " You only know
it because I thought I could trust you.
You will get me into no end of trouble,
and poor Tempy has enough to bear as
it is. Let Aunt Fanny tell papa.
She sent for Charlie, not I."
This was true enough, bat Susanna
felt somehow as if the whole thing
was confused and wrong, and jarring
upon her sense of right and family
honour. " Listen," she said with some
spirit; "if ever Charlie comes here
again, I shall tell your father. This
time I do not feel as if I could inter-
fere. But even at the risk of getting
into trouble, Jo, we cannot all be
living in his house, acting parts and
deceiving him. It is not for Tempy's
happiness or yours or mine."
" I know that," said the young man
impatiently. " Come along, I will
show you the way to the boat-house."
CHAPTER X.
THREE ON A HILL-SIDE.
MEANWHILE poor Tempy sits high up on
the mountain-side, on a spur of the
" old man " that overhangs the village,
and stares at the distant line of rail
in the valley by which Charlie is
travelling away. The little brook
ripples by her with many sweet con-
tentful sounds and chords, then a fresh
breeze stirs the leaves of the oak trees
round about, and many noises come to
her with the rising breeze — the clang
of the blacksmith's forge from the
village below, and the cheerful voices
of the school children striking like a
sort of sunshine from beyond the wood ;
a cock sets the wild echoes flying, then
a cow passes -lowing across the road
from one sloping pasture to another,
followed by its calf, hurrying into
green safety. The soft full wind of
autumn seems suddenly to gain in life
and will ; it blows up the ascent into
Tempy Dymond's face, which looks so
changed, so haggard ; it shakes the
folds of her serge dress, together
with the foxgloves and the straggling
weeds that fringe the stream. Rain
clouds are gathering overhead, and
the rocks and boulders look grey and
bright in turn amid the heather.
Tempy^as she sits there, listless and
depressed, can see the village below
still bathed in sunshine, and the team
of horses winding round the hill, and
the water of the lake lying bright and
restful, and a boat zig-zagging across
from the Place. The boat disappears
behind an elder bush, and Tempy,
high perched, looking down upon her
own short life, as it were, goes back to
that day which will never be over any
Mrs. Dymond.
more, when she, too, rowed in the boat —
with Charlie — that happy wondrous
day, to be so soon clouded and followed
by parting. But she had seen him once
more, with his pale, changed looks and
faithful tender vows and protests.
" She would wait a life-time," thought
Tempy ; "in time her father, surely,
surely, would relent."
Meanwhile the boat has crossed
the lake among the last, lingering
swallows flying in sudden curves,
the sculls dip the placid surface of
the water, the boat's head thuds
against the end of a long wharf.
Jo first hooks the rusty chain to a
convenient block of wood, then he
gallantly hands out his pink dimity
stepmother, who has been sitting in
the bow, dreadfully frightened, but
prepared to enjoy herself nevertheless.
Susy still practised that sensible,
youthful privilege of enjoying the
present whenever the sun shone upon
it, and leaving the shadowy ghosts
and omens of apprehension to take
care of themselves. Jo led the way
across the flat and by the little village
built upon the stream, looking about
him for his sister. The place seemed
deserted ; the men were at work in
the fields and in the mines, the women
were busy indoors. They met no one
but Tim and Tom Barrow, who both
stared and curtsied, as they had been
taught to do by their mother.
" Have you seen Miss Tempy, Tim I "
says Josselin.
" I - sa - err - a - gwoan - oop-t' - Auld -
Mann," says little Tim, all in one
word, " aaf ter- Mr.-Charles-gotten-into-
t'-Barrow- train."
" Can you understand him I " Susy
asked, laughing.
" Yes," says Jo. " He says she is
gone on."
Susy trustfully followed her new
stepson, holding up her pink dress.
Their way lay through a farm-yard at
the end of the village, where cocks and
hens were pecking, and some lazy,
comfortable cows were bending their
meek horns over a trough supplied
by the running stream. Beyond the
farm was a little climbing wood of
ferns and ling — a wonder of delicate
woodland — all in motion, all in life.
" What a lovely green place ! " cries
breathless Susy. " Jo, please, don't
go quite so quickly. Is this the foot
of the mountain 1"
" Why, you are no good at all,"
says Jo, looking round. " Tempy can
go twice as quick."
"I am very sorry," says Mrs.
Dymond, laughing, and coming out of
the shadow of the wood, and finding
herself in the dazzling brightness of
the mountain side.
The crest of the Tarndale " Old Man "
towered overhead, the shadows of the
clouds were crawling along its rocks
and heathery flanks, the foreground
opened out shining, beautiful boulders
of purple rock were lying on the
smooth turf, the stream hurried by,
the air became keener and more keen,
the country changed as they climbed,
the nearer hills seemed to shift their
place, to melt into new shapes ; under
their feet sparkled ling, flowers, specks
— delicate points of colour. Susanna's
cheeks glowed. There was something
exhilarating in the sense of the quiet
moor all round about, of the wide
fresh air, and the racing clouds over-
head.
" There she is," said Jo, suddenly.
" I thought we should come upon her."
And so it happened, that Tempy,
looking down from a rock above, sees
the heads of two figures against the
sky coming straight upon her from
the valley. She cannot escape.
Why will not they leave her alone 1
All she wants is to be alone, to live
over poor Charlie's parting looks and
words an hour ago. How can they
ask her to be smiling and complaisant
and indifferent, they who are all happy
and contented and together, while she
is lonely and forlorn ? and then as
Tempy looks up defiantly she sees them
close both beside her. There is Jo
with his friendly, home-like looks, and
Susy, silent, shy, with those appealing
6
Mrs. Dymond.
glances, which Tempy scarcely knows
how to escape.
The girl flushed up, and turned away ;
she would not meet Susy's eyes.
"Here you are!" says Jo, cheer-
fully. " I thought we should find you
here."
" What have you come after me
for?" says the girl, at bay. "Why
won't you leave me ? I came here to
be alone, Jo. I am too unhappy to be
able to pretend, that is why I keep
away," says Tempy, trembling exces-
sively. " Why do you bring Susanna ?
If it had not been for her, my father
would never have interfered — never,
never. Oh, it is cruel — cruel ! " Then
she turned desperately upon Susy her-
self : " Tell papa he can prevent our
marriage, but what I am, what I feel,
belongs to me and to Charlie — not
to you or to him," cries the girl, some-
thing in her old natural voice and
manner.
After all, it was a comfort to her
to speak — to complain, to upbraid, to
be angry.
As for Susy, she flushed up and
sighed, she did not know how to
answer her stepdaughter's passionate
appeal. Poor little Tempy !
" O Susy," Tempy continued, relent-
ing, " I thought you would have helped
us — I thought " — she burst into tears.
" You are all wrong, you know," said
Jo. " Mrs. Dymond did her very best
to help you. Don't cry, Tempy."
How different words are out of
doors on a mountain side to words
shaped by walls and spoken behind
doors ! Jo's matter-of-fact, Susanna's
simple eloquence of looks, of pitiful
feeling, touched Tempy more than any
elaborate words, to which indeed she
could scarcely have listened at first.
" Your father would consent if
only he thought it right," Su-
sanna was saying at last. " He knows
— he must know better than you or I
what is best. Ah, you don't know,"
she said, speaking not without that
personal feeling which gives so much
meaning to the most common-place
expressions, "you must never, never
know, Tempy, what it is to be linked
with a man for whom you are ashamed,
whose life is one humiliation. I have
lived this life," said Susy, turning very
pale. " J know what your father dreads
for you, and that even his dread is not
so terrible as the reality. I bore it a
year ; my mother has lived it ever since
I can remember," her voice faltered.
Tempy looked hard at Susy, and now
it was Susy who began to cry.
" You don't understand, any of
you — nobody can understand anything
for anybody else," Tempy repeated
doggedly; "but I should like to be
with papa again, and with you, Susy ;
only promise me to say nothing hard
of Charlie — not a word — I cannot
bear it, I will not bear it, I never
will."
" 0 Tempy, that you may be sure
of," said Susy, eagerly, "only come! "
and she took the girl's not unwilling
hand.
The three walked back in silence,
Jo jogging a-head with his hands in
his pockets, not absolutely satisfied
with this compromise, and sorely
tempted to whistle. Susanna and her
stepdaughter, hand in hand, following
silent, but reconciled in that odd in-
tangible way in which people some-
times meet in spirit after a parting
perhaps as silent and unexplained as
the meeting.
Some great events had been going
on meanwhile overhead, the clouds
were astir beyond the crests of the
hills. Vapours were rising from
behind vapours, strange shrouded
figures were drifting and flying across
the heavens, steeds and warriors fol-
lowed by long processions of streaming
fantastic forms ; while the southern
hills were lying in a golden still-
ness, the head of the valley was
purple, black — angry. The summit
of the mountain was half hidden in
mysterious rolling clouds. Some-
times from one break and another
break in the rolling clouds, yellow
streams of gold seemed battling with.
Mrs. Dymond.
the vapours ; you might almost imagine
the wonderful, radiant figure of the
lawgiver coming down out of the
glorious haze.
"We had better make haste," said
Jo ; "it looks like a storm," and he
trudged faster and faster. The cows
were whisking their tails and crowding
together in the meadow as they crossed
by a stile and a short cut back to the
farm again. The opposite side of the
lake above Crowbeck was calm and
bright, with the sky showing through
soft mists, midday shining through
silver. They come round by the village
with its straggling lodging-houses,
built of country stone, with slated
roofs from the quarries. Mrs. Tyson
looks out from one of the cottages and
drops a smiling curtsey ; it is civilised
life .again after the solemn mountain
side.
Doctor Jeffries dashes by in his gig.
" You must make haste," he cries,
flourishing his whip ; " the storm is
coming."
Then they meet George Tyson from
the Place, -coming with bread and
provisions in a basket.
" Come down and help to shove off
the boat, George," says Tempy, who,
as usual, gives her orders with great
authority, and so they come again to
the sandy shore.
"Ye'll ha'e nobbut time to get
hoam before the storm," says George,
pushing them off with a mighty heave.
It took all Jo's strength to get the
boat across, for the breeze was freshen-
ing every moment.
The colonel was waiting anxiously
at the other end. He helped out his
wife with anxious care. "Jo, you
should have come home by the road,"
he said severely. He held Tempy's hand
for a minute as he helped her out. " I
wanted you home, my dear," he said.
" Papa, I am glad to come home,
but I shall never change to Charlie,"
said Tempy, looking hard at her
father.
The colonel's face grew set and black
— -" I am sorry to hear it," he answered,
and he dropped her hand, and turned
abruptly away and walked a-head with
Susy. The storm broke before they
reached the house.
After her first warm greeting the
girl seemed to draw back. She did not
sulk, she did not refuse to join them,
but every day seemed to divide her more
and more from her father and step-
mother. She used to go for long walks
across the moors and come back tired
and pale and silent. She took to sew-
ing, a thing she had never cared for in
her life, and she would sit stitching all
the evening silent, gloomy : no longer
monopolising the talk with cheerful
vehemence, scarcely hearing what was
said. Miss Bolsover used to come con-
stantly then, and Tempy would brighten
up a little. One day Susy came in and
found them sitting hand in hand by the
fire. Tempy seemed to be in tears,
Miss Bolsover was wiping them with
her lace pocket-handkerchief. Aunt
Fanny looked up with her usual flutter
as Susy came in.
" You mus'n't mind her liking to
tell me her little troubles," she said.
" Tempy knows well enough I don't,"
said Susy, with a sigh.
" She must come and stay at the
Hall ; we know how to cheer her up,"
Aunt Fanny continued.
Susy looked at her. Miss Bolsover
turned away with a faint giggle.
Generous eyes have looks at times
which malicious orbs cannot always
meet.
CHAPTER XI.
DAY BY DAY.
THERE are bits of life which seem
like a macadamised road. The wheels
of fortune roll on, carrying you pas-
sively away from all that you have
done, felt, said, perhaps for years
past ; fate bears you on without any
effort of your own, you need no longer
struggle, the road travels into new
regions, time passes and the hours
strike on, and; new feelings and
8
Mrs. Dymond.
new unconceived phases while you rest
passively with your companions. Per-
haps meanwhile some of us have left
the romantic passes and horizons of
youth behind, we may have reached
the wider, more fertile plains of middle
life.
Susy, who was young still, em-
braced the calm of middle age with
something like passion. By degrees
she took the present in, and realised
little by little where she was, who
she was, how things were, in what
relations the people among whom
her lot was cast all stood to one
another. She realised her husband's
tender pride and affection for herself,
and his anxious love for his children ;
realised the deep pain and bewilder-
ment which any estrangement between
Crowbeck Place and Bolsover Hall
would be to him. Susy no longer
wondered, as she used to do in Paris,
that the kind old colonel had not
become more intimate with his son
and daughter ; he loved them and
they loved him, but too many rules
and trivial punctualities seemed to
stand in the way of their ease. It
is as little possible to be quite natural
with a person who is nervously
glancing at the clock to see if it is
time to do something else as it is
to write unreservedly to a friend who
dockets and dates your letters for
future publication, or to talk openly
to a superior whom you must not con-
tradict. For Susy there was rest in
these minor details, after her chaotic
experience, the order, the tranquillity
of all this suited her, and she tried
more and more to suit herself to her
husband's ways and habits, to show
by her life the warm and loving grati-
tude she felt in her heart. When
Susanna Dymond first came to Tarn-
dale as a bride she was not less hand-
some than Mr. Bolsover had remem-
bered her at Vivian Castle ; she was
tall and harmonious in her movements,
specially when she was at her ease,
her face was of changing colour, her
eyes were clear like two mountain
pools, her brown hair was thick and
soft, the tint of the bracken in au-
tumn, as the squire once gallantly
said, with all the lights in it. There
were two Susannas some people used
to think, one young and girlish, with
a sweet voice and smile, with a glad
and ready response for those who loved
her ; the other Susanna was Mrs.
Dymond, stately, reserved, unexcep-
tionable, but scarcely charming any
more.
As the days passed on the neigh-
bours began to drive up by basket-
fuls and carriagefuls to make the
acquaintance of the new lady of Crow-
beck. Some came in boats, some on
foot, some on horseback to pay their
respects to the bride. They would be
ushered into the drawing-room, with
the glimpse of the lake without, with
the stuffed birds and gorgeous chintzes
within — those remaining tokens of
Aunt Fanny's Oriental fancy. Not
unfrequently the colonel would come
in from his study, looking pleased and
ready to receive his friends' congratu-
lations, " brushed up " was the ver-
dict passed upon the colonel. Miss
Bolsover also was not unfrequently
present, ready to meet the guests
with a sad deprecatory smile, as if
their visits were intended for a con-
dolence to herself. Tempy, who kept
out of the way, was pronounced
" dreadfully changed," and finally the
bride herself was to be commented on
as she sat there, placid, reserved, in
smartest Paris fashions.
Susy puzzled other people besides
her neighbours, who hardly knew
as yet what to think of her. To
please her husband, who liked his wife
to hold «her own, to be respected as
well as admired, she tried to cultivate
a stiff and measured manner, something
in the style of her own newly-bought
silks and laces ; she had lost her girl-
ish look of wondering confidence and
simplicity, nobody to see her would
imagine that she had ever lived in
anything but county society of the
most orthodox description. Alone
Mrs. Dymond.
with Jo and Tempy, or walking in
sunshine by the green shore of the lake,
she would forget this lay figure made
up of manners and fashions, but at the
first sound of wheels in the distance
all our Cinderella's grace of youth and
gaiety vanished, all her bright gala
looks were gone ; there she stood in
milliner's rags and elaborate tatters,
and fashionable bones, prim and scared
and blurred by the decorum which
oppressed her.
At Paris Colonel Dymond had laid
his old habits and associations aside,
but here, in his old surroundings, with
Miss Fanny's pink eye to mark any-
thing new or amiss, his idiosyncrasies
returned with a renewed force. Mean-
while, however wanting Susanna might
seem to Miss Bolsover's ideas, to Miss
Trindle's the vicar's daughter, or to
Mrs. Jeffries the doctor's wife, Mrs.
Dymond appeared the very personfica-
tion of calm and successful prosperity.
She was handsome without expression,
well-dressed without much taste. She
had been used to consult tbe colonel
latterly about her dress, finding her
own fancies for the picturesque not
approved. Her clothes were expen-
sive, her shoes were French, her gloves
were always buttoned, her manners
were well-made county manners, com-
posed and somewhat starched. This
was the Susanna of the neighbours,
and many a girl envied her ; but this
was not the home Susanna, who, little
by little, day by day,and hour after hour
melted and warmed and thawed the
hearts of the two young people who
had met her with such scrutinising
looks and divided minds. How often
Susy in her early married days had
suffered from those glances. Jo had
relented from the first moment he saw
her standing shyly in the drawing-
room, but Tempy used to have strange
returns of suspicion. And whenever
Susy by chance met one of Tempy's
doubtful scrutinising looks she would
shrink up suddenly into herself. Or
if Mrs. Bolsover came in severe and in-
coherent, or, worse still, if it was Miss
Bolsover sneering and civil, then the
new married wife would turn into a sort
of statue. Susanna used to feel the cold
strike upon her heart, her blood seemed
to creep more and more slowly in her
veins, and her voice died away.
She rarely said much in company,
for she had lived among talkative
people all her life, but with these two
women present she became utterly
silent. Her nature was not an out-
coming one, but very deep in its
secret fidelity and conviction. She
was not timid exactly, and yet she was
apt to be too easily impressed and
frightened by the minor details of
life. She did not hold her own, when
other more self-important people were
ready to thrust themselves into her
rightful place. She could not ignore
the opposition which from the very
first had met her, but she never spoke
of it. She had a curious, instinctive
sense of the rights of those she lived
with. She dreaded to jar upon them,
to be the cause of trouble or discus-
sion. And little by little she got into
a habit of always looking to her
husband for a signal. He led the way,
he started the conversation, he invited
the people who came to the house —
Dowagers from neighbouring dower-
houses, well to do magnates, re-
spectable rectors and rectoresses,
colonels and generals of his own
standing. With the colonel's old com-
panions Susy felt more at her ease
than with any one else. These com-
rades in arms were invariably charmed
with Mrs. Dymond's grace and gentle
temper ; no wonder they lost their
hearts to the beautiful young creature,
so sweet to look upon, so modest and
ready to listen to their martial prose.
" Just listen to her talking about
the Punjaub," says Tempy, in amaze-
ment to her brother.
Tempy used to wonder more and
more about Susy. She seemed no
longer able to understand her. But
perhaps the truth was that Miss
Tempy had never much troubled
herself to understand her at all
10
Mrs. Dymond.
hitherto. She used to speculate about
Susy now with an odd mixture of affec-
tion, of pride, and jealous irritation.
" Was she really happy ? did Susy
really care for her father ? Was it for
his money, Jo — as Aunt Fanny de-
clares— or was it from affection of us
all that she married him ? "
" What does it matter," Jo answers,
impatiently. " You and Aunt Fanny
are always for skinning a person alive,
and I hate talking about people I'm
fond of."
As for the colonel, he did not under-
stand much, but he was delighted
with everything Susy did, whether
she spoke to others or held her peace.
Because he loved her so well, because
he spent his money so freely upon her,
because she was so good a wife, he
took it for granted she was a happy
one. Susy never seemed otherwise to
any one else, she appeared free to do
as she liked in most things, or to sub-
mit with good-will to her husband and
her sisters-in-law. When these ladies
contradicted or utterly ignored her, she
would smile good-humouredly ; and yet
in her heart she now and then had ex-
perienced a strange feeling that she
scarcely realised, something tired,
d esperate, sudden, unreasonable, almost
wicked — the feeling she thought must
go, and she would forget it for a time,
and then suddenly there it was again.
" What is it, my dear, is the room
too hot1?" said the colonel one day,
seeing her start up. Miss Bolsover
was explaining some details she wished
changed in the arrangements at the
Place ; his back had been turned, and
he had not noticed Susy's growing
pallor.
"Nothing, nothing," says Susy, and
she got up, but as she passed him took
his hand in hers and kissed it, and
went out of the room.
She hurried up stairs into her own
room, she sank into the big chair, she
burst into incoherent tears. Then
when she had gulped them down she
went to the basin and poured water to
wash her troubles away — her troubles
— her ingratitude ! John who has
been so kind, John so generous and
good, was this how she, his wife, should
requite him for his endless kindness
and benefits ? By secret rebellion, un-
kindness, opposition I Ah, no, never,
never, thought the girl. And the
young wife, whose only wish was to
spare her faithful, chivalrous old
colonel, did that which perhaps must
have hurt and wounded him most of
all had he known it. She was not
insincere, but she was not outspoken,
she did not say all she felt, she put a
force and a constraint upon herself,
crushed her own natural instincts,
lived as she thought he expected her
to live, was silent where she could not
agree, obliged herself to think as he
did, and suffered under this mental
suicide.
There is something to me almost
disloyal in some of the sacrifices which
are daily made by some persons for
others who would not willingly inflict
one moment's pang upon any human
creature, how much less doom those
dearest to them to the heavy load of
enforced submission, to a long life's
deadening repression.
" I for one don't pretend to know
what Susanna means or wishes," says
Aunt Fanny.
But although Miss Bolsover did
not understand, my heroine in the
course of her life changed not, and
therefore often changed ; she was loyal
and therefore she was faithless ; loyal
in her affection, faithless in her adher-
ence to the creeds of those she loved.
When she was young she believed
and she doubted, when she was older
she doubted less, but then she also
believed less fervently ; but in one
thing at least she was constant, and
that was in her loving fidelity and
devotion to those whose interests were
in her keeping.
People did not always do her justice.
Max du Pare was one of these. During
the following spring, to please Mrs.
Marney, his wife's mother, who had
written over on the subject, Colonel
Mrs. Dymond.
11
Dymond (not over graciously it must
be confessed) invited du Pare to
spend a night at Crowbeck. The
colonel's invitation reached the young
man at the Tarndale Inn, where he
was staying. He had come there to
make an etching of a Turner in the
collection at Friar's Tarndale, one
of those pictures which M. Hase had
been anxious to include in his pub-
lication. Max, who had been hard at .
work for Caron all the winter, and
obliged to give up the volumes con-
taining the London galleries, had still
found time to superintend a smaller
collection of drawings from country
houses, and had come North for a few
days. He felt some curiosity as to
Susy's English home, and did not like
to pain her good mother by refusing
the Dymond s' somewhat stinted hospi-
tality ; so he wrote a note of dry ac-
ceptance and walked over to Crowbeck
after his day's work, carrying his bag
for the night. The party from the
Hall had driven over for the occasion,
and passed him on the way.
Susy had looked forward with some
pleasure to entertaining her French
guest, to showing him his own etchings
hanging up in her room, to talking
over all the events at the villa, and
Madame du Pare, and Mdlle. Faillard,
and all the rest ; but the guest, though
brought to Crowbeck, would not talk,
he would not be entertained, he came
silent, observant, constrained, and
alarming; he answered, indeed, when
spoken to, but he never looked inter-
ested, nor would he relax enough to
smile, except, indeed, for a short time
when Miss Bolsover graciously and
volubly conversed in French with him
after dinner. Du Pare left early next
morning ; Susanna was vaguely dis-
appointed, and a little hurt ; his shy-
ness had made her shy; she had
scarcely asked any questions she had
meant to ask, she had not shown him
the drawings she had wanted to show
him, she had felt some curious reserve
and disapprobation in his manner
which had perplexed her.
" It is no use trying to entertain
these foreign artists and fellows," said
the colonel, a few days after Max's
departure. "They want their tobacco,
and their pipes, and their liberty ;
they are quite out of place in a lady's
drawing-room over here."
" M. du Pare certainly did not seem
to like being here," said Susy, smiling.
" For my part, I like artists," says
Miss Bolsover; "and we got on de-
lightfully. I asked him to teach me
argot ; he looked so amused."
" Well, Max ! " Mrs. Marney was
saying, as she sat under the acacia
tree in the little front garden at
Neuilly (where the sun was shining so
brightly, though its rays were still
shrouded in mist by the waters of
Tarndale), " tell me all about it 1
Have you seen my Susy ? Is the
colonel very proud of her1? How did
she look ? Is she very grand 1 Is she
changed ? Wasn't she glad to see an
old friend?"
" Yes," said du Pare, doubtfully,
and lighting a cigar as he spoke.
" She was very polite and hospitable
(puff), she is looking forward to your
visit (puff, puff), she told me to say so ;
she sent amities to my mother (puff) ;
she is changed — she is handsomer than
ever ; she is richly dressed. Her life
seems to be everything that is most
respectable and tiresome ; she gave me
a shake hands ; that young miss, her
daughter, stared at me as if I was a
stuffed animal. The son was away
preparing for his college. There was
an aunt, a beguine lady, who frightened
me horribly ; an uncle in top-boots,
a little man to make you burst with
laughing. There was a second aunt, a
red, old lady, who was kind enough to
interest herself in me, to talk art to
me, to take me for a walk in the park.
She was even amiable enough to make
some sentimental conversation. They
are extraordinary, those English. Ah !
it is not life among those respectables !
it is ; funeral ceremony always going
on. I give you my word," says Max.
Mrs. Dymond.
taking his cigar out of his mouth and
staring thoughtfully at Mrs. Marney's
knitting, " it seemed to me as if I was
a corpse laid out in that drawing-room,
as if all the rest were mourners who
came and stood round about. Madame
Dymond, too — she seemed to me only
half alive — laid out in elegant cere-
clothes."
" Oh, Max, you are too bad ! " cries
his mother, in English. " How can
you talk in that hogly way, making
peine to Mrs. Marney ? "
" No, I don't think it at all nice of
you, M. Max ! " says Mrs. Marney, re-
proachfully.
" You are quite right, and I am not
nice, and I don't deserve half your
kindness," cried the young man, peni-
tently, taking his old friend's hand,
and gallantly kissing it.
"Ah, Max would have liked to be
before'and," said Madame du Pare,
laughing. " Susanna is a sweet crea-
ture. We must find such another one
day for my son."
Max looked black, and walked away
into his studio.
CHAPTER XII.
A WELCOME.
BEFORE Susy had been a year at
Tarndale she had the happiness of wel-
coming her mother to her new home.
The colonel kept his promise, and, not
only the little boys, but Mrs. Marney
came over for the summer holidays.
Needless to say that it was all the
colonel's doing, and that it was not
without some previous correspondence
with Mr. Marney, who, in return
for a cheque, duly received, sent off a
model and irreproachable "letter to
announce his family's departure (vid
Havre, not by Boulogne, as the liberal
colonel had arranged for), and to consult
with the colonel about the little boys'
future education.
Mr. Marney wrote that Dermy had
a fancy, so his mother declared at least,
for being a doctor. " Charterhouse had
been suggested," says the correspondent,
in his free, dashing handwriting. " I do
not know if you have heard of my late
appointment to the Daily Velocipede,
and are aware that although I am not
immediately able, my dear colonel, to
repay you in coin of the realm for that
part of your infinite kindness to me and
mine which can be repaid by money,
yet my prospects are so good and so
immediate (the proprietor of my news-
paper has written to me lately in very
encouraging terms) that I feel I am now
justified in giving my boys a gentle-
man's education, and in asking you to
spare no expense (in accordance with
my means) for any arrangements you
may think fit to make for their comfort
and welfare. It is everything for them
both to get a good start in life. I
trust entirely to your judgment and
experience. I have been too long a
vagabond and absentee myself to be
aufait with the present requirements.
I know it is the fashion to rail against
the old-fashioned standard of education,
which is certainly not without objec-
tions, and yet to speak frankly I must
confess to you that, much abused as
the time-honoured classics have been,
I have found my own smattering of
school lore stand me in good stead in
my somewhat adventurous career. I
am daily expecting a liberal remit-
tance from my proprietors, and when it
arrives I will immediately post you a
cheque for any extra expense you may
have incurred. As for the better part
of your help, its chivalrous kindness,
and generous friendship, that can never
be repaid, not even by the grateful
and life-long affection of mine and me.
" Do not hesitate to keep Polly as
long as your wife may require her
mother's presence. I am used to shift
for myself, and though the place looks
lonely without the old hen and her
chicks, it is perhaps all the better
for my work and for me to be thrown
on my own resources. A family life,
as you yourself must have often found
when engaged on" (here Mr. Marney
rather at a loss for a word had erased
Mrs. Dymond.
13
" military " and written " serious ")
" matters is a precious but a most dis-
tracting privilege. May your own and
Susanna's present and future pros-
pects be continued, and afford you all
that even your kind heart should
require for its complete satisfaction.
And above all remember that you
are to keep my wife as long as you
need her. I shall not run over with
them. With all my regard and ad-
miration for your country and its in-
stitutions I do not wish for the pre-
sent to set foot on English soil. The
wrongs of my own down-trodden
Ireland would cause the very stones
to rise up in my pathway. I can also
understand my poor wife's dislike to
her native land after all that we
endured while we still lived in London.
When I compare this cheerful place,
the brightness of the atmosphere, and
the cheapness of provisions, with the
many difficulties we have had to
struggle through before we came, I
feel how wisely for ourselves we acted
in turning our back upon the ' ould
counthree.' The one doubt we have
ever felt was on the boys' account, and
this doubt your most wise and oppor-
tune help has now happily solved.
Believe me, my dear colonel, with deep
and lasting obligation,
" Yours most faithfully,
" MICHAEL MARNEY."
Mr. Marney's letters need not be
quoted at length. The colonel used to
read them with some interest and a
good deal of perplexity, date them
gravely and put them away in a
packet. Susy shook her head when
her husband once offered to show them
to her. One day, not very long after-
wards, with a burst of tears, she found
them in a drawer, and she threw the
whole heap into the fire.
Towards the end of June, therefore,
Mrs. Marney, smiling and excited, in
her French bonnet and French cut
clothes, and the little boys, with their
close cropped heads, arrived and settled
down into the spare rooms at Crow-
beck. Jo took the little boys under a
friendly wing, and treated them to
smiling earth, to fresh air and pure
water, and fire too, for a little rabbit
shooting diversified their fishing ex-
peditions, so did long walks across the
moors. The two little fellows trudged
after their guide prouder and happier
than they had ever been in all their
life before. Susy was very grateful
to Josselin for his kindness. Tempy
was absorbed, the Marneys coming
made no difference to her one way or
the other. If the colonel had not
been so preoccupied about his wife he
must have noticed how ill the girl
was looking. But almost directly after
Mrs. Marney's arrival another per-
sonage of even greater importance ap-
peared upon the scene, and a little girl
lay in Susy's happy arms.
This little daughter's birth brought
much quiet happiness to the Place.
The colonel used to come up and stand
by the pink satin cradle with some-
thing dim in his steel-grey eyes.
"Dear little thing," says Mrs. Bol-
sover one day, following close upon
her brother and speaking in her
deepest voice, " what a lovely child,
John. What shall you call her ? "
"I — I don't know," says the
colonel ; " Frances, Caroline, are
pleasing names."
"I should call her little bright
eyes," says Mrs. Bolsover severely
" Look here, Fanny " (to Miss Bol?#
over, who had also come up); "ju/fc
look at this dear infant, is it not a.
lovely child 1" j
" Excuse me, my dear Car, you kijow
I'm an old maid and no judge of
babies," says Miss Bolsover airily.
" It seems a nice little creature. Here,
here, hi, hi," and she began rattling
her chatelaine in the child's eyes,
woke it up and made it cry, to the no
small indignation of the nurse. "A
pretty little thing, but not good-
tempered, and dreadfully delicate,"
was Miss Bolsover's description of her
infant niece. The report came round
to poor Susy after a time, and might
14
Mrs. Dymond.
have frightened her if her mother had
not been there to re-assure her. Mrs.
Bolsover's speech also came round in
that mysterious way in which so many
insignificant things drift by degrees.
Susy and her mother between them
determined that the baby should be
called bright eyes. Euphrasia was to
be the little creature's name.
How happy Susy was all this time ;
the day seemed too short to* love her
baby, she grudged going to sleep for
fear she should dream of other things.
It was no less a joy to her mother to
see Susy so happy, though poor Mrs.
Marney herself was far from happy ;
she was unsettled, she was "anxious,
she was longing to be at home once
more. Susy felt it somehow, and
dreaded each day to hear her mother
say she was going, and anxiously
avoided the subject lest her fears
should be confirmed. Madame used
to write from time to time, and her
letters seemed to excite and disturb
her friend. " I am not easy about
Mick, colonel," Mrs. Marney would
say in confidence to her son-in-law ;
"he is not himself when I am a way."
Susanna suffered for her mother si-
lently, guessing at her anxiety, but not
liking to ask many questions. She was
also vexed by Miss Bolsover's treatment
of Mrs. Marney, which was patronising
and irritating to an unbearable degree,
Susy thought, on the few occasions
hen she happened to see them to-
gether. Mrs. Marney, in her single-
h»arted preoccupation, seemed abso-
lutely unconscious. Already in those
days rumours of war and trouble were
arising ; they had reached Tarndale,
and filled Mrs. Marney with alarm.
But what did emperors, county families,
plenipotentiaries, Bismarck, Moltke,
generals, marshals, matter — what were
they all to her compared to one curl
of her Mick's auburn hair ? " It is
not so much his profession that terri-
fies me, it's his Irish blood, Susy,
which leads him into trouble ! You
English people don't understand what
it is to have hot blood boiling in your
tS
w
veins. Your colonel is not like my
husband. I must get home, Susy dear,
now that I have seen you with your
darling babe in your arms."
Was it possible that Mrs. Marney
was more aware of Miss Bolsover's
rudeness than she chose to acknow-
ledge ? One day, before Susanna was
down, when several of the neighbours
were present, calling on the colonel,
Susanna's mother, in her black dress,
had come by chance into the room,
followed by the two noisy little boys,
and carrying that little sleepy bundle
of a Phraisie in her arms ; Miss Bols-
over, irritated by her presence and
the baby's flannels and the comfort-
able untidiness of the whole proceeding,
began making conversation, politely
inquiring after Susy, asking Mrs. Mar-
ney whether she and her children were
contemplating spending the whole
summer at Crowbeck. " But it must
be a great pleasure to my brother
having your boys for so long, and, of
course, it is much more convenient for
Susy, and less expensive too, than
anything else."
" It has been a joy to me to be
here, and to welcome my sweet little
grandchild," said Mrs. Marney, hug-
ging the baby quite naturally ; " and
if it had not been for Susy wanting
me, and for all the kindness I've met
here from the colonel, I should never
have kept away from Paris so long.
A woman with a home and a husband
should be at home, Miss Bolsover ; it
it is only single ladies, like you, that
can settle down in other people's
houses. I am thankful to see my child
happily established in such a warm
nest of her own, but, dearly as I love
her, I want to get back. Somehow I
seem to know by myself how sorely
my poor Mick is wanting me," she
said, with a tender ring in her voice.
The whole sympathy of the room was
with the warm-hearted woman. Miss
Bolsover was nowhere. The little
boys, with their French-cropped heads,
suddenly flung their arms round their
mother's neck, calling out that she
Mrs. Dymond.
15
must not go — that papa must come
and live here too. The colonel might
have preferred less noise and demon-
stration in the presence of callers.
"Now then, Michael and Dermott,
run away, there's good boys," said
he ; " and, my dear Mrs. Marney, I
think we will ring for the nurse and
send baby up stairs to her mamma.
The help and comfort it has been to us
having you all this time I leave to
your own kind nature to divine."
As soon as Susy was strong and
well again, and the boys had been
received at their school, Mrs. Marney
departed ; nothing would keep her,
and the good colonel went up to
London to see her safely off, with
her French box in the guard's van,
and her friendly, handsome face at the
carriage window, smiling and tearful.
Poor Mary Marney, what a good soul
it is ! he thought as he stood on the
platform. What an extraordinary
and most touching infatuation for
that husband of hers !
" Have you got your shawl and your
bag ? You know you can depend upon
us to look after the boys."
" Good-bye ; God bless you, colonel.
Write and tell me all about the dear
babe," says Mrs. Marney, leaning
eagerly forward from the carriage.
The colonel was already looking at
his watch ; he was longing to get
home. He had only come up from a
sense of duty, and because he had
some reason to fear that Mrs. Marney
had received some slights from other
quarters for which he was anxious
to make amends. He looked at his
watch as the train puffed off with
his wife's mother ; at his Brad-
shaw as soon as her white handker-
chief had waved away out of the
station. He found that by taking the
express he might get home that night
by midnight (driving across from
Kendal) instead of waiting till the
morning. He was too old to wait
away from those he loved, he told
himself ; he longed to see Susy again
with little Phrasie in her arms. The
colonel called a hansom then and
there, dined hurriedly at the hotel,
picked up his bag, and drove off to
Euston Square station.
To be continued.
16
FRENCH VIEWS ON ENGLISH WRITERS.
"THE French mind," says a modern
observer, " with all its facilities, is not
really hospitable. It cannot repro-
duce the accent of English, German,
or Scandinavian thought without alter-
ation and disturbance."
This is one of those judgments which
make one think. On the whole there
is at the bottom of our English con-
sciousness something which yields as-
sent to it. We who are so ready to
believe in the width and the catho-
licity of our own sympathies, who
would smile at the idea that there is
anything in French ideas or French
literature that we cannot, if we will,
understand — we have most of us, at
bottom, a rooted belief that the French
are by nature incapable of really pene-
trating the English mind, of under-
standing our poetry, of appreciating
our art, or of estimating the true pro-
portions and relations of qualities in
our national genius. We have scarcely
brought ourselves to believe even now
in the reality of the French admira-
tion of Shakespeare. Voltaire's second
period of petulance towards him, which
had practically no effect in France, has
made a much deeper impression upon us
than his first period of appreciation,
which had great and lasting conse-
quences. Or even, if the sincerity of the
French professions has been admitted, if
innumerable translations, the homage
of the whole army of the romantics,
and the testimony of every French
writer of eminence since the Revolu-
tion, of whatever shade of thought,
have convinced our incredulity as to
the reality of our neighbours' enjoy-
ment, we are still inclined to protest
that the incapacities of the French
language remain, and that when, in
these latter days, M. Richepin, a poet
and an English scholar, translates
" How now, you secret, black and midnight
hags,
What is't you do ? "
by
" Eh bien, mysterieuses et noires sorci&res de
minuit,
Qu'est ce que vous faites ? "
he is but furnishing one more proof of
that inevitable alienation between the
French mind and the English poetic
genius which the critic we have
quoted attributes to a special quality
of the French mind — its " inhos-
pitality," its proneness to misplace
and misunderstand the "accents" of
other literatures.
Then again we, to whom the real
Byron is known, and amongst whom
his vogue has diminished to an almost
unreasonable extent, we cannot get
it out of our heads that he is still the
only English poet for whom the French
have ever had a real passion. We
cannot forget, we find it even hard
to forgive, the naivete with which the
French took Byron and his despairs
entirely at his own valuation, and we
smile over the passion with which De
Musset reproaches Goethe and Byron
for their influence on the century and
on him. " Forgive me, great poets, —
you are demi-gods, and I am but a
child in pain. But as I write, I needs
must curse you ! Why could you not
have sung the perfume of the flowers,
the voices of nature, hope and love,
the sunshine and the vine, beauty
and the blue heaven ? I have perhaps
felt the weight of griefs to which you
were strangers, and still I believe in
hope, still I bless God ! " Such a pas-
sage as this sets one meditating on the
weakness of the Byronic influence over
our own later poets, on the fugitive and
short-lived traces of it, for instance,
in the work of the young Tennyson,
French Views on English Writers.
17
who published his first volume of
poems only three years after Byron's
death, and on the rapidity of its decay
in the presence of other and greater
forces; and as we recall the French
ignorance of Wordsworth, of Keats
and Shelley, we feel ourselves again
in the presence of a sort of national
blunder, of a kind of obtuseness to
the characteristic notes of the English
genius, which we are inclined to
regard as inborn and therefore irre-
mediable.
Is it so ? Is there really anything
in the literary sphere into which the
French mind, that sharp and subtle
instrument of which the world has so
often felt the edge, whether for good
or evil, cannot penetrate if it will?
The shallow disproportionate French
criticism of the past from which Ger-
many has suffered no less than our-
selves, was it not simply the result, not
of inherent lack of faculty, but of lack
of knowledge ? The Frenchman of the
eighteenth century, dazzled with his
own brilliant tradition, and witness of
its effect in other countries than his
own, could not easily persuade himself
that those other countries had any-
thing worth his serious study in re-
turn. The Romantic movement, with
all its forcible irregular ways of
awakening sympathy and enlarging
taste, was needed before the barriers
separating France from the rest of the
world could be effectually broken
through. The rage for Byron, for
Walter Scott, for Shakespeare, for
Teutonic fancy and Teutonic reverie,
which it evoked, might be often un-
reasoning and ignorant, might be capa-
ble at any moment of disturbing or
displacing the true " accent " of what
it loved and praised, but still it was
an expansive educating force, a force
of progress. The imaginative tumult
of the time was in reality but one as-
pect of the central scientific impulse,
which has in so many ways transformed
European thought and life during the
century, and those who were born in
its midst have passed naturally and
No. 307. — VOL. ni.
inevitably onward from a first period of
stress and struggle, of rich and tangled
enthusiasms, into a second period of
reflection, assimilation, and research.
Nowadays the French are producing
no great poetry and no great art. But
in all directions they are learning, re-
searching, examining. Their historical
work has caught the spirit of German
thoroughness ; their art is becoming
technical and complicated to an al-
most intolerable degree ; while, in the
domain of the novel, the positivist
passion of the moment shows itself
under the strange and bastard forms
of the roman experimental et scien-
tifique. It is especially in their criti-
cism that the modern spirit, with its
determination to see things as they
are, independently of convention and
formula, and to see them not only from
outside, but in all their processes of
growth and development, has borne
most excellent fruit. One has but to
compare Chateaubriand's fantastic and
ignorant Essai sur la Litterature Ang-
laise, with Sainte Beuve's criticisms of
Cowper, or Thomson, or Wordsworth,
with the work of Mont^gut or M.
Scherer, to realise the modern progress
in exactness of knowledge, in con-
scientiousness of spirit, in pliancy and
elasticity of method.
Among living critics M. Scherer
is the best successor of Sainte
Beuve. He has the same solidity
and width of range, the same love
for directness and simplicity of style,
the same command of striking and
felicitous phrases and an element
of grace besides, which is not often
present in Sainte Beuve's more rapid
and continuous critical work. And,
to the profit of both countries, his at-
tention has been specially drawn to
England and to English subjects. He
is, indeed, no stranger among us. We
have admitted his claim to be heard
among the authorities long ago. " A
French critic on Milton," thanks first
to Mr. Arnold and then to the in-
trinsic interest of M. Scherer 's work
is an old acquaintance to most of thoee
18
French Views on English Writers.
of us who care for literary matters.
Still, books are many and life is short,
and French criticism on English sub-
jects, however good, is apt to be more
overlooked than it should be in a
society which teems with critics, stu-
dents, and editions of English subjects
and English books. Nor has M.
Scherer yet collected in book form
all or nearly all of those articles on
English writers which he has been con-
tributing for years past to the columns
of the Temps, winding up with the
long and elaborate analysis of George
Eliot's life and work which has just
appeared. In his last published
volume, however, which is now three
years old, among studies on Zola and
Doudan and Eenan in his very best
vein, there is an article on Words-
worth and another on Carlyie, which
are quite enough to keep our special
English interest in his critical work
alive until that new and fuller series ap-
pears for which one would think there
was already ample material. If we
take these articles, and join to them a
recent book by M. James Darmestetter
(Essais de Litterature Anglaise), and
another by M. Gabriel Sarrazin (Poetes
Modemes de I' Angleterre), we shall find
ourselves very well provided with
materials for a short analysis and de-
scription of the various kinds of criti-
cism now being bestowed on English
subjects in France.
For these three writers, M. Scherer,
M. Darmestetter and M. Sarrazin,
represent three typical modes of
modern work. M. Scherer, as we
have said, is the successor of Sainte
Beuve. His criticism represents that
union of adequate knowledge with
long training and native literary in-
stinct or flair, which belongs only to
the first-rate man of letters. It is not
only information we get from him ; we
get a delicate individuality of style and
judgment ; something both bien pense
and bien dit. His work is essentially
literary ; it belongs to the great lite-
rary tradition of France ; it is stimu-
lated by, and it ministers to that joy
in the things of the mind which is
self-sufficient and independent of
any scientific or utilitarian object.
M. Darmestetter, on the other hand,
belongs to that numerous class of
workers who represent the scientific
side in literature. He is a man of
first-rate information, painstaking in
all his ways, and gifted quite suffi-
ciently with the higher critical sense
to enable him to place his subject in
its true relations, and to grasp in it all
that is most vital and essential. But
he is not a great writer ; there is no-
thing strongly individual either in his
judgments or in his way of delivering
them ; he gives agreeable and adequate
expression to the best research or to
the general cultivated opinion of the
moment on such topics as the stages of
Shakespeare's development, or the
poetical relations of Wordsworth and
Shelley. He says what most cultivated
people have come to think, and he says
it fluently and with abundant power of
illustration. But he has very little
distinction, and very few of those
strokes of insight, those anticipations
of the common judgment which lift a
writer well above the average. Occa-
sionally, indeed, especially in the article
on Shelley, he attains in separate
passages a high level of literary excel-
lence. Still, generally speaking, the
book contains a great deal of admir-
able statement ; it is clear, sensible
and well-written ; but it is not in the
author's power, as it is in M. Scherer's,
to send us away with those fresh indi-
vidual impressions which are the pro-
duct only of the best kind of literary
work.
M. Sarrazin's is a very different
sort of book. He has certainly no
command over the higher criticism,
nor has he the wide and exhaustive
knowledge of M. Darmestetter. He
is an amateur, well meaning and some-
times ingenious ; but still an amateur,
that is to say, improperly equipped for
the work he has undertaken, and set-
ting out with a light heart to perform
tasks of which the true range and
French Views on English Writers.
19
proportions are unknown to him. His
faults are not so much faults of com-
mission as faults of omission. What
he tells us is, generally speaking, fairly
well told. The misfortune is, that he
has so little idea of the relative value
of what he says to all that might be
said on a given subject. He chooses
Landor, Shelley, Mrs. Browning and
Swinburne as four typical modern
specimens of the " Anglo-Saxon race,"
and with them he contrasts Keats and
Rossetti as " deviations from the
Anglo-Saxon line." How French, one
is inclined to say, and how false !
There is probably not a single compe-
tent English person who, if he were
asked to name four typical English
poets of the century would dream of
including Landor and Swinburne and
excluding Wordsworth and Tennyson ;
nor would it enter into any English
head to make Landor the typical
representative of English classicism,
while reckoning Keats, in whom the
spirit of the English renaissance found
renewed and exquisite expression, as a
" deviation " from the English line.
The whole plan of the book therefore
is arbitrary and voulu. It is an in-
stance of literary caprice, and, in
literature, to make a freak acceptable,
one must have either the delicate
irony of a Renan or the sheer force of
a Carlyle. Above all, one must be
sensible that it is a freak, an eccentri-
city, that one is upholding. One must
show a certain bright, defiant con-
sciousness of having left the beaten
path, whereas, M. Sarrazrn, all the
time that he is floundering in mislead-
ing cross-roads, so naively believes
himself in the broad accepted way,
that the reader is necessarily either
provoked or amused. The book is an
example of a kind of work which
though still common enough, is
every year becoming less common,
both in France and England, as the
standard of technical performance in
the different branches of intellectual
activity is being slowly and labori-
ously raised. The ingenious amateur,
whether in literature or in science, has
less and less chance of success. In
one way or another, the public to
which he appeals admonishes him as
the haughty Hungarian youth ad-
monished the English Dean, who, in
a spirit of kindly patronage, was
airing his college Latin upon the
stranger : Discamus, et tune loquamur!
To return, however, to M. Scherer.
The study of Wordsworth with which
his last volume opens is a review of
Mr. Matthew Arnold's Selections, and
it opens with certain general reflec-
tions suggested by sayings or judg-
ments of Mr. Arnold's. In the first
place, we have his view of the dictum
that "poetry is a criticism of life,
under the eternal conditions of poetic
truth and poetic beauty." M. Scherer
is not quite satisfied with it. He
thinks it vague ; he wants to know
what are the eternal conditions of
poetic truth and poetic beauty, and he
casts about for a new and more exact
definition of " poetry " by which to
test Wordsworth's artistic claims.
Finally, he decides that "the poetical
element in things is the property they
have of setting the imagination in
movement, of stimulating it, and sug-
gesting to it much more than is
perceived or expressed. The poet is
a man who sees by the imagination,
and it is the characteristic of imagi-
nation to amplify all that it sees and
touches ; to push back or to efface the
limits of things, and so to idealise.
It will not do, however, to say that
imagination beautifies, nor in general
to confound the notions of poetry and
beauty. A cathedral, for instance, is
more poetical than beautiful, while
the Parthenon is more beautiful than
poetical. Imagination may intensify
the horror of a thing as well as its
charm. — Poetry, then, is the view of
things by the eyes of the imagination,
and poetical expression is their repro-
duction under the form most capable
of awakening the imaginative power
of the reader. So that the natural
language of poetry is a language of
C 2
20
French Views on English Writers.
images. Let the reader try to recall
to himself the finest passages in his
favourite poets, and he will see that
it is the choice and the charm of the
metaphors and comparisons used which
enchant him. . . . And if to the imagi-
native conception of things you add
the expression best fitted to evoke
this conception in others, and if you
submit this expression to the laws of
rhythm, and bestow upon it the
cadence which by a secret force of
association brings the nervous sensa-
tion of the hearer into harmony with
the movement of the poet's thought,
you will have poetry in the full and
concrete sense of the word."
There, then, is M. Scherer's defini-
tion, that inevitable definition which
every critic must attempt for himself
sooner or later. Mr. Arnold's, beside
it, has the merit of being terse and
easily remembered, and he would
perhaps maintain that, as such a
complex idea as "poetry" is incap-
able of exhaustive and satisfactory
definition, the best that can be done is
to " throw out " something approxi-
mate, something suggestive. " Poetry
is a criticism of life." It was, in the
main, the view of Wordsworth ; it is
certainly the view of Browning ; and
whatever may have been the theory of
a poet's youth, this tends commonly to
become the theory of his maturity.
Looking back over our poetical history
we see that it expresses one of the
two great strains of English poetical
thought, the strain of moved philo-
sophical consciousness, so characteristic
of the national genius, which dictated
Chaucer's " Me fro the presse and let
thy ghost thee lead," or Shakespeare's
"Love's not time's fool, though rosy
lips and cheeks within 'his bending
sickle's compass come," or Sidney's
" Leave me, 0 Love, which reachest
but to dust, and thou, my soul, aspire
to higher things " — and still breathes
through three-fourths of our poetry of
the present.
But there is another strain, and
for it s definition M. Scherer's phrases
will serve us best, " Poetry is the view
of things by the eyes of t/ie imagina-
tion. ' ' " The poetic element in tilings is
the property tJiey have of setting the
imagination in movement" Here you
have something which at once brings
before us the whole lovely dreamland
of English poetry since the days when
Chaucer clothed his " Mighty God of
Love "
" In silke embroidered ful of grene greves,
In-with a fret of rede rose leaves,
The freshest syn the world was first
begonne,"
to those when Keats in all the
plenitude of his young imagination,
sought in the illumined world which
it revealed to him, a refuge from the
ills of sickness and poverty :
" Yes, in spite of all,
Some shape of beauty moves away the pall
From our dark spirits. Such the sun, the
moon,
Trees old and young, sprouting a shady boon
For simple sheep ; and such are daffodils
"With the green world they live in ; and clear
rills
That for themselves a cooling covert make
'Gainst the hot season ; the mid forest brake,
Rich with a sprinkling of fair musk-rose
blooms :
And such too is the grandeur of the dooms
We have imagined for the mighty dead ;
All lovely tales that we have heard or read. ' '
From first principles M. Scherer
passes on to describe our English
poetical development since Byron.
He is especially struck by the fluctua-
tions of English taste. " There is
no country of the present day in which
the succession of dominant poets, and
with the succession of poets the suc-
cession of influences, tastes, schools,
and methods has been as rapid as in
England. And the reason is, that in
spite of the ideas which our conti-
nental ignorance holds on the subject,
the English nation is the most poetical
nation in Europe, and that, moreover,
the English being much greater readers
than we, are seized much more fre-
quently with a desire for change and
novelty. We are still at Byron in
France. But the English have passed
French Views on English Writers.
21
through Byronism long ago." Byron
was dethroned by Wordsworth, and
Wordsworth by Shelley and Keats,
and if Tennyson has not effaced any
of his predecessors he has at least
" climbed on to their shoulders, and in
certain directions reached a higher level
than they."
In the course of his sketch of the
country M. Scherer expresses several
judgments which will hardly pass
without remonstrance here. His gene-
ral tribute to Shelley is warm and
eloquent, but still he makes grave
reservations. " The half of Shelley's
work," he says, " at least, is spoilt by
unbearable humanitarianism. — Poetry
pure only obtained ascendency in his
mind by moments, when he was
governed by the sentiment of nature,
or when, here and there, some earthly
love mingled with his platonic
dreams."
Compare with this Mr. Myers' ex-
pression that we have in- Shelley "an
extreme, almost an extravagant speci-
men of the poetic character " ; or Mr.
Swinburne's outburst — " He was alone
the perfect singing-god ; his thoughts,
words, deeds, all sang together." Per-
haps the best answer we have to
M. Scherer's various objections is to
be found in the thoughtful study by
Mr. Myers from which we have just
quoted. Certainly Mr. Swinburne's
dithyrambs will not be enough to con-
vince a foreigner, especially a foreigner
with ideas of sobriety in style. Mr.
Swinburne says in effect, " Take it on
my word, the word of a poet, that
Shelley is the greatest of poets," and
we who feel the full roll and splendour
of Mr. Swinburne's marvellous sen-
tences are inclined to accept his ver-
dict entirely at his own valuation.
But a foreign critic, not so sensitive
as we to those influences of sound
over which Mr. Swinburne has such
extraordinary mastery, will probably
maintain that a poet's place in his
generation is not settled so easily or
so high-handedly.
Such work as Shelley's, indeed,
before it can be finally classed
passes necessarily and inevitably
through a long period of debate.
Generally speaking, a nation ap-
proaches its great poets first on the
intellectual side, and the majority of
readers are affected by the presence
or absence of an intellectual frame-
work they can understand in a poet's
work, by the intellectual coherence or
incoherence of his general attitude,
before they form any judgment at all
on his purely poetical qualities. The
strength of this tendency varies, of
course, in different nations in propor-
tion to the strength of their artistic
gift. In modern Spain, where the
commoner artistic gifts are very widely
spread, and where the language places
a certain facile brilliancy and music
within the reach of almost every
poetical aspirant, the enormous popu-
larity of a poet like Zorrilla has
nothing to do with any intellectual
consideration whatever. From a Euro-
pean standpoint Zorrilla's matter is
beneath consideration. He has no
ideas, no donnees, or almost none, that
are not imitated or borrowed. And
yet he is so facile, so musical, he plays
so adroitly with all the common popu-
lar sentiments of his country and
time, that his countrymen, even when
they are most conscious that he has
nothing to say, are still enthusiastic,
still carried away by a sort of passion
of delight in him which does not admit
of reasoning.
In France, it is not enough to be a
master of facile and musical common-
place. A poet's general position and
leading ideas may be incoherent or
shallow, but if he is to succeed he must
at least be a master of detail, he must
be original by lines and phrases, he
must catch the subtle French ear, and
satisfy the French rhetorical taste
by a continual struggle with and a
continual triumph over the diffi-
culties of expression. Our English
demand is rather different. Wo are
more serious, more prejudiced, less
artistic — sometimes for good, some-
22
French Views on English Writers.
times for evil. If the matter of a
poet touches us we can pardon a great
deal of inferiority of manner. There
are one or two disastrous modern in-
stances of the fact which will occur to
everybody. On the other hand if the
matter of the poet is in opposition to
the dominant conceptions of the day,
or if intellectually it offends our
critical and logical instincts, we are
not very ready to shift our point of
view, and to give a writer, who seems
to us, whether justly or unjustly, to
have failed on the side of general
conceptions, that is to say on the in-
tellectual side, the triumph which may
really belong to him on the artistic
side.
Something of this kind has befallen
Shelley. The ordinary English mind
for one set of reasons, and a good
many men of ability for another set of
reasons, regard him as incoherent and
rhapsodical, the preacher of a childish
and contradictory philosophy. It is
a purely intellectual judgment, and it
is answered by 'the scorn of his de-
votees, who ask what logic and philo-
sophy have got to do with poetry?
And indeed, as Shelley was a great
poet, one who saw the world " with
the eyes of the imagination," and
whose visions are immortal, this ex-
clusive sort of judgment of him, which
prevailed for so long, has had to give
way, and is giving way more and
more. But it is of no use to pretend
that there is no question in debate,
or that the instinct which has found
so many spokesmen among ourselves,
and has lately inspired the sentences
we have quoted from M. Scherer, is
an absurd and unsound one. Shelley's
opinions were crude and fanciful, and
among his many masteries' he was not
a master of large and clear philoso-
phical expression. But he challenged
the world as much by his opinions and
his philosophy as by his purely poeti-
cal qualities, and his slowly-widening
audience has had to get behind the
opinions and the philosophy, and to
learn to approach him as the seer
and the singer. The final result may
be certain, but a large amount of
doubt and debate on the road thither
was and is still inevitable.
Before we part with M. Scherer, we
may quote from him the three follow-
ing passages, also taken from the
Wordsworth essay. (The articles on
Carlyle and on Lord Beaconsfield's
Endymion are short, and hardly lend
themselves to extracts.) The first of
the passages contains an estimate of
Tennyson, and whether we agree with
it or no, is certainly what criticism
ought to be — the record of a real
impression finely and delicately put.
" Keats and Shelley have certainly
not been thrown into the shade by
Tennyson, but still Tennyson has
climbed upon their shoulders, and
perhaps in certain respects has touched
a higher level than they. If he is not
stronger and greater than Shelley, the
metal of his poetry is purer, the work-
manship of it is more ingenious, more
exquisite, and the work, as a whole, of
a more astonishing variety. Tennyson
has a consummate mastery of rhythm ;
he has an extraordinary wealth of
vocabulary ; he has taste, grace, dis-
tinction, every kind of talent and re-
finement ; he is the author of lyrical
pieces unrivalled in any language,
some breathing the subtlest melan-
choly, others the most penetrating
pathos, and some vibrating like a
knight's bugle-horn : and he lacks only
one thing, the supreme gift, the last
flight, which carries Ganymede into the
empyrean, and throws him breathless
at the feet of Jove. He sins by ex-
cess of elegance ; he is too civilised,
too accomplished. There is no genre
that he has not attempted, whether
grave, or gay, or tragic ; whether idyl,
ode, elegy, epic, or drama ; there is
not one in which he has not brilliantly
succeeded, and yet we may almost say
of him that in no one direction has he
sounded the deepest depths of thought.
In passion there are ardours, in the
mind there are troubles, in life there
are bankruptcies of the ideal, which
French Views on English Writers.
the note of Tennyson is incapable of
expressing."
The following piece describes the
artist's attitude towards nature :
" The young man sees in nature an
empire to take possession of ; the man
of mature age seeks in her repose from
anxiety and agitation, the old man
finds in her a host of melancholy
consolations — but the artist? Does
not he, at least, love her for herself ?
Does he not live by her alone 1 is it
not her beauty, and nothing else, that
he is in love with ? Is it not the whole
of his ambition to understand and to
render her, to feel and translate her,
to enter into all her moods, to grasp
all her aspects, to penetrate all her
secrets ? Who then, if not the artist,
may flatter himself that he is initiated
into the mysteries of the great
goddess ? And yet, no ! What the
artist pursues is not so much nature
as the effect to which she lends herself
— the picturesque — art. He is only at
her feet that he may hurry off to
boast of the favours which she has
bestowed upon him. The artist is the
man who has the rare and fatal gift of
a double existence, who feels with the
half of his soul and employs the other
to repeat what he feels — a man who
has experienced emotion, but who has
then slain it within him, that he may
contemplate it at his ease and draw it
at his leisure in strokes which ennoble
and transfigure it."
The third and last describes the
element of mannerism in Wordsworth.
" If ever a writer might have been
thought sincere it is this genius at
once so austere and so simple-hearted.
And yet, there is no denying that all
his work is not true metal. Words-
worth has pretensions, and a manner
he has consciously made for himself.
He exaggerates his feeling, he pushes
to an excess his own special methods
of conception and of speech, he assumes
an air and look which are certainly
his own, but of which the features and
expression are none the less studied
and composed. . . . All Wordsworth's
defects spring from the same source
and are of the same kind. He has an
ideal of life, to which he involuntarily
adapts his moral attitude ; he has an
ideal of art and he overdoes what he
admires."
M. Darmestetter's book is partly a
collection of prefaces (to an edition of
Macbeth, an edition of Childe Harold,
and so on), and partly a reproduction
of certain long and elaborate reviews
which originally appeared in the Par-
lement, the Revue Critique, and else-
where. The whole is introduced by a
letter to M. Guillaume Guizot, Pro-
fessor of English Literature at the
College de France, in which M. Darmes-
tetter pleads for the study of English in
France as against the now triumphant
and wide-spread study of German. He
agrees that for the soldier and the
savant German is indispensable, but
he argues that for the French man of
letters and man of business, English is
incomparably better worth having
than German. As for literature,
"where can our French public find
more enjoyment or more inspiration
than in England? I do not wish to
disparage German literature. A lite-
rature that has produced Goethe and
Heine has a future before it. But it
is none the less true that German
literature has behind it but one single
century. Its mediaeval period may
furnish the savant with interesting
and curious things, but we are not
talking here of the men of research;
we are talking of the men of letteic
living within the range of modern
thought. The French man of letters
who reads English has three centuries
of masterpieces in his hands, from
Spenser to Shakespeare, from Milton
to Pope, from Burns to Byron and
Shelley ; the] French man of letters
who reads German has but two books.
... To sum up, I should say that
our savants have much^to learn from
Germany, but that France in general
has infinitely more to learn from
French Views on English Writers.
England. I am not protesting against
the study of German, but only against
the inferior position assigned to Eng-
lish. German interests specialists ;
English interests all the intelligent
classes. We lived for a long time in
the belief that there was only France
in the world ; now we seem to believe
that there are only France and Ger-
many. Germany is but a very small
part of the world, and if by force of
accident we find ourselves obliged for
some fifty years to taken a special
and anxious interest in the movements
of that part, that is no reason why it
should hide from us the rest of the
universe."
Certainly M. Darmestetter's own
book is an excellent example of the
sympathy and intelligence towards
England which he desires to see in-
creased. His studies of Shakespeare's
development are based upon the most
recent Shakespearian research, and
state the conclusions of Mr. Furnivall
and the New Shakespeare Society with
an ease and lightness of touch which
give them more general attractive-
ness than they have commonly pos-
sessed in English eyes ; while the
careful study of Macbeth, and the
articles on Byron and Shelley, are
in every way up to the level of
modern knowledge, and are lit up by
a good deal of very fair critical re-
flection. The article on Shelley con-
tains the following happy description
of the most characteristic quality of
Shelley's genius : —
" There was one thing in Shelley
which was lacking in Wordsworth,
and which enabled him to understand
the Lake poet, while Wordsworth could
not understand him. This was that
strange wealth and 'mobility of
impressions and perceptions, which
transformed his whole being into a
flexible, ethereal mould, where all the
changing forms of visible and living
nature took shape and outline for an
instant, awakening the sister images
which slept within it, so that nature
itself came to seem but a mirror of
the inward vision, an echo of all that
wept in his own heart, the tissue
which clothed the phantoms of his own
brain. Add to this a strength of
feeling and of love, of indignation
against oppression, and of devotion to
the cause of the feeble, which no poet's
life perhaps has ever embodied so
sincerely and so nobly — a ceaseless
aspiration towards knowledge and the
unknown, — a love of mystery which
led him from alchemy to Spinoza, from
Spinoza to Faust, — and finally that
anguish born of knowledge, without
which no poetry is complete, and
which is itself only one of the highest
forms of the poetical instinct of
humanity. Thus there arose a poetry
of an intensity and an infinity un-
known before. Wordsworth indeed
had been the high-priest of Nature,
but together with the grandeur and the
dignity of priesthood he had displayed
all its narrownesses and all its weak-
ness." Shelley's life and Shelley's
poetry were one, to an extraordinary,
to an unparalleled degree. "All his
dreams were lived, as all his life was
dreamed."
The essay on Wordsworth, which
appeared in the Revue Critiqtte as a
review of Mr. Myers' biography, is
good and sufficient, though, as we have
said, there is not the same high liter-
ary pleasure to be got out of it as out
of M. Scherer's. It ends with a strong
expression of Wordsworth's limita-
tions. " Stuart Mill," says M. Darme-
stetter, " in trial and depression found
peace and calm in the study of
Wordsworth's poetry; but poetry
which is made up of only light and
peace does not render the whole of
nature, or exhaust the human heart.
And as nature has more shade than
light, and the heart more of tempest
than of peace, Wordsworth will never
be the poet of the crowd, and even with
natures akin to his own he will not be
the poet of all hours.
" The gods approve
The depth and not the tumult of the soul."
French Views on English Writers.
25
There is his characteristic note. But
it was easy for the gods to say so ;
they were gods."
M. Sarrazin's essays are well-mean-
ing and often picturesque ; but there
is very little in them which need
detain an English reader. There is no
perspective in them, no sense of the
whole. The article on Shelley, for in-
stance, is taken up almost entirely
with an analysis of the Cenci, just as
that on Keats dwells entirely upon
Endymion, which M. Sarrazin pro-
nounces Keats's masterpiece, having
never apparently heard of Hyperion, of
Lamia, or of any of the mediaeval pieces.
And yet this half-knowledge of his is
handled with so much energy, so much
honest belief in itself, that it cannot
but awaken misgivings in any one
who has ever tried to concern himself
with a foreign literature. One is so
apt to take it for granted that one's
own appreciation of foreign books is
as intelligent as M. Scherer's, as well-
informed as M. Darmstetter's ! Yet
all the while it may be only an appre-
ciation of M. Sarrazin's kind, as one-
sided, as full of misplaced enthusiasms
and false emphasis. There is nothing
so easy as this false emphasis, nothing
so difficult as a true hospitality of
thought. What we are all really
aiming at in the study of foreign
writers is a community of intellectual
co\mtry with the great of all nations ;
a mood of mind in which national diffe-
rences shall exist no longer for purposes
of separation, but only to quicken our
curiosity and widen our sympathy. It
is one of the worthiest of goals, but on
the way thither let us not forget how
easy it is to murder the accent, and to
misunderstand the nuances of those
new intellectual or spiritual dialects
which we are trying to master !
M. A. W.
26
CANADIAN LOYALTY.
THE future political relationship of
those various countries and peoples
which form the widely-spread British
Empire of to day, is undoubtedly at
the present moment attracting in-
creased attention on the part both "of
practical and theoretical politicians.
An analysis therefore by an unofficial
Canadian of those interests and senti-
ments which, together, make up what
is known as Canadian loyalty, may
not prove an ill-timed or uninteresting
contribution to the general question.
If Canada were, like Australia,
an isolated country with a people
almost wholly drawn from Great
Britain, the character and value of
Canadian loyalty would be a com-
paratively simple question. But
Canada so far from being isolated is
absolutely entangled with the largest
and most populous English-speaking
nation, the United States ; and at the
same time almost a third of her people
is a branch of the great French race ;
consequently both the situation of the
country and the origin and circum-
stances of the people make the
character and value of Canadian
loyalty a somewhat complex problem.
This will appear more clearly if the
situation and the people are examined
more closely.
Owing partly to political blundering
on the part of British politicians in
the past, and partly to natural cir-
cumstances, the boundary between
Canada and the United States is such
that the Canadians are settled in four
distinct, but unequal groups, so placed
in regard to each other and to the
United States that, if it were not for
political obstacles, the natural inter-
course of each group would be greater
with the adjoining States of the
Union than with its more distant and
inaccessible fellow provinces.
The population of Nova Scotia and
New Brunswick would thus be more
intimately connected with eastern New
England than with their fellow
Canadians, from whom they are com-
pletely cut off by the great wedge of
the State of Maine, penetrating
Canada almost to the St. Lawrence,
and by the compact mass of the
French Canadians of Quebec. Ontario
and Quebec would in turn be more
intimately connected with New York,
Ohio and Michigan than with the
maritime provinces on the one hand,
or with Manitoba and the other
prairie provinces, from which they are
separated by the wilderness north and
west of Lake Superior, on the other
hand ; while the latter provinces are
the natural neighbours of the north-
western states rather than of Ontario,
or of the handful of whites in the
south-west corner of British Columbia
whose interests would naturally ally
them to the states of the Pacific slope.
With this unfortunate, and it may
almost be said, fatal boundary and the
consequent distribution of the popula-
tion, the political union of the
Canadian provinces is a continual
struggle against the forces of nature,
and therefore in spite of political
separateness, they are profoundly in-
fluenced by the United States, and
this the more as the nearest counter-
balancing influence, that of Great
Britain, is three thousand miles away.
I shall now turn from the peculiar
position of the country to the origin
and circumstances of the people, so
far as they affect the question of their
loyalty to Great Britain. At the last
census, 1881, the population of the
Dominion was in round numbers
4,300,000, who may be roughly divided
into 30 per cent. French and 70 per
cent. English-speaking Canadians,
though, as a fact, an appreciable and
growing proportion of the latter are
of German, Scandinavian and other
foreign origins, and are only learning
Canadian Loyalty.
to speak English. The interests and
sentiments of these two great divisions
of the Canadian people are so distinct,
not to say hostile, that for the pur-
poses of our inquiry they must be
taken separately and the French
Canadians, as representing the original
European colonists, claim first attention.
The position and expansion of the
French race in Canada, so curious and
seemingly so anomalous, is one of the
most interesting social and political
problems of the day. It is just a
century and a quarter since the 150
years' contest between France and
England for supremacy in North
America was brought to a close by the
issue of the battle on the plains of
Abraham, between the forces of Wolfe
and Montcalm. Since then the hand-
ful of French colonists who remained
in Canada, and their descendants, have
lived under the same government with,
and alongside of, the growing colony
of British settlers ; and it might
naturally be supposed that by this
time the French would be absorbed,
or at least be in process of absorption,
into the British race. However
natural, no assumption could be
further from the fact. The French
Canadians of to-day are as distinct
and as French as were their ancestors
in the days of Louis XIY. and Louis
XV. ; or rather they are the true
representatives of pre-revolutionary
Frenchmen, and as such present, not
only in their circumstances, but also
in some of their characteristics a
curious contrast to their French
cousins. Unstirred by the century of
revolutions and wars which have
alternately stimulated and exhausted
the latter, the former still to an almost
incredible degree live the hardy,
simple, unquestioning lives of the
early colonists. For the most part
lumbermen, farmers and fishermen,
drawing almost all their poor but
wholesome subsistence directly from
the forest, the farm and the water,
they are nearly altogether self-sustain-
ing and contribute little to the general
revenue of the country, but largely to
that of their Church. The mass of the
French Canadians are either absolutely
untouched by all those ideas and
sentiments born of the Revolution, or
under the rule of their priests they
hate the Revolution and all its works
with the zeal of the most reactionary
French Legitimist. They are so
Catholic that the French Canadian
who forsakes the Church of his fathers
is regarded as an outcast ; and yet they
are so French that upon every possible
occasion they unfurl to Canadian
breezes the tricolor, the ensign of the
hated Revolution. France, even the
France of to-day, largely infidel and
Republican though she be, is the
country of their love, and a few years
ago, when it seemed to them that
Imperial France was about to under-
take a Catholic and French crusade
against the German heretic, the
French Canadians exulted loudly in
the anticipation of victory, and were
correspondingly cast down at the
ensuing defeat. Their sympathy with
their beaten kinsmen even went so far
at that time, that a number volun-
teered to the Consul of France at
Quebec to go and help their beaten
cousins to expel the Germans from the
sacred soil of France — an incident
which a French-Canadian poet has
commemorated in some spirited verses,
the concluding stanza of which it may
be worth while to quote as an apt
illustration of the feeling of his
countrymen : —
The spokesmen of the volunteers, a
stalwart smith, says : —
" Oui, Monsieur le Consul, reprit il, nous ne
somnes
Que cinq cents aujourd'hui ; mais tonnerre
des hommes
Nous en aurons, allez : prenez tonjours cinq
cents
Et dix mille deniain nous repondront,
Presents !
La France nous voulons epouser sa querelle ;
Et fier d'aller combattre et de mourir pour
elle,
J'en jure pas le Dieu que j 'adore a genoux,
L'on ne trouvera pas de traitres parrni nous —
Le reste se perdit . . . car la foule en
demence
Trois fois au quartre vents cria : Vive la
France ! "
28
Canadian Loyalty.
At the close of the war efforts were
made to attract French immigration,
moi>e especially from the conquered
portions of Alsace-Loraine, but no
great numbers came, and those that
did come proved altogether too liberal
to suit the French Canadians, who
found that their love for the ideal
France did not always translate itself
into love for the modern Frenchman —
at least unless of the purely ultra-
montane type. During the last few
years, and at the present moment,
considerable efforts have been, and
are being made, rather by politicians
and speculative financiers than by the
clergy, to interest the French in finan-
cial schemes in Quebec, and in other
ways to cultivate closer connections
between the mother country and her
alienated off-shoot.
In view of these facts it may well
be asked how this intensely French
and Catholic people can be truly loyal
subjects of the British crown ; and the
answer will appear the more important
when it is remembered that the French
Canadians, in another point unlike the
French of to-day, are one of the most
prolific races in the world. How pro-
lific the following figures will show.
At the conquest, 125 years ago, the
French population left in Canada
numbered about 70,000. At the last
census they had grown, without ap-
preciable immigration from Europe, to
1,300,000 in the Dominion, and had
swarmed over the borders of the
United States to the number of
250,000 more. And still they are
growing so fast, that not only are they
rapidly filling up their old limits in
the province of Quebec, but are edging
the British Canadians out of those
parts of the province -which have
hitherto been almost exclusively
British, and are even pushing over
the borders of New Brunswick on the
east, and Ontario on the west. What
are the aspirations of the French
Canadians, and what is the value of
their loyalty to Great Britain ? For-
tunately it is not necessary to depend
for the answer to these questions ex-
clusively on the opinion of an English
Canadian, for only last June, on the
fiftieth anniversary of the foundation
of the society of St. Jean Baptiste, the
national society, there was held at
Montreal a great conference of repre
sentative French Canadians from all
parts of Canada and the United States.
At this conference almost endless
speeches were made by their clerical
and lay leaders ; and their aspirations,
and the means of attaining them, were
proclaimed in no timid manner. The
twofold object of the French Canadian
nation, it was insisted, was to be in
the future, as it had been in the past,
the aggrandisement of the Catholic
faith and the French nationality in
North America. To stimulate this
ambition the past history of the French
Canadians was proudly dwelt upon by
priest and politician. The assembled
representatives were reminded with
what heroism their earlier ancestors,
under the kings of France, had waged
an incessant contest for God and king,
not only against the severities of na-
ture, but also against the heathen
Indian and the heretic Briton ; they
were reminded how, when at last de-
serted by their king, and overwhelmed
by, and subjected to, the power of
Great Britain, their later ancestors
had, with hardly less heroism, strug-
gled to the point of open rebellion
against all attempts on the part of the
conquering power or her colonists to
break down their religious or national
privileges. As one of their speakers
proudly said : " All the political genius
of England, all the astuteness and
all the perseverance of her statesmen,
eager to amalgamate the races, was
shattered against the resistance of
three-quarters of a century on the
part of a handful of citizens, who are
to-day a great nation." The result of
this determined struggle is, as another
speaker boasted, that " Providence has
not only preserved our rights of wor-
ship, our rights of language, our rights
to the soil, but he has doubled them —
I would say that on certain sides has
even multipled them — in such a man-
Canadian Loyalty.
29
ner, that the largeness of the privileges
which we enjoy to-day is such as our
ancestors never dared aspire to." Their
priestly leaders exhorted them never
to forget that they were above all and
before all French and Catholic, and
that it was their great and noble mis-
sion still to spread throughout North
America the true faith and the French
character. They were warned not to
speak English too well. Said a vener-
able prelate, " There is nothing I love
like a French Canadian who speaks
English badly. Never let us allow a
foreign tongue to seat itself at our
hearths." Another speaker illustrates
their powers of aggressive expansion,
which I have before remarked, in the
following terms : — " Who does not re-
member the English preponderance
which existed there (in the eastern
townships of Quebec) only some fifteen
or twenty years ago 1 Yet twenty
years have sufficed to render our com-
patriots masters of a region where,
twenty years ago, they did not exer-
cise even a little municipal influence."
My last quotation shall be from the
speech of the leading French-Canadian
poet, in the course of which he ob-
served : " Some one said we were
English-speaking French ; well, for me,
I say we are Frenchmen who speak
English when it suits us. This does
not hinder us from being loyal subjects
of Her Majesty, or prevent our admir-
ing England, the mother of progress,
and thanking her cordially for the
political, civil, and religious liberty
which she has granted us. Neverthe-
less, gentlemen, our love and our affec-
tion is for France, our glorious mother
country." These quotations, which are
not wrenched from, but form the key-
note of the contexts of the leading
speeches, sufficiently show the nature
of the French-Canadian ambition.
Several other speakers rendered their
tribute of thanks, and affirmed their
loyalty to Great Britain, who had, bon
yre, mal gre, rendered them all the
liberty they could desire. What is the
ultimate object of thus perpetuating an
exclusively French Catholic nationality
in North America, it is hard to say ;
for even if the boastful prophecy of
one of their leaders proves true, that
in another century the French Cana-
dians will number from fifteen to
twenty millions, and dominate the
north-east of the continent, they will
still be a small and isolated people
in comparison with the hundred or
hundred and fifty million English-
speaking Americans to their west and
south. However, trusting probably
to Providence and the chapter of acci-
dents, their great present object is to
resist absorption, and to advance their
exclusive interests as rapidly and as
widely as possible. How very exclu-
sive are their interests and sympathies
may be inferred from the fact that in
no one of the speeches delivered at
their great conference have I dis-
covered one single expression of sym-
pathy with their fellow English-
speaking Canadians, or one^ patriotic
aspiration for Canada, as a whole, in
contradistinction to French Canada.
In the eyes of the French Canadians,
indeed, they are the only true Cana-
dians, the sons of the soil ; the rest of
the population are only English, Scotch,
Irish, or other foreigners living in
Canada, who are, if possible, to be
pushed out of the province of Quebec
at least ; or at any rate to be kept
separate from the chosen people. In
their connection with the British
crown, the French Canadian leaders
believe, lies the greatest safeguard of
their national existence and growth.
They fear with reason that, either if
left face to face in an independent
Canada with their Saxon and Irish
fellow-Canadians, probably reinforced
by a large Teutonic and Scandinavian
immigration, or if absorbed in the
great Republic, it would be much more
difficult to preserve their national
privileges and exclusiveness. What
is the value to Great Britain of a
loyalty which serves as a cover to
protect and foster the growth of those
interests and sentiments which are
always hostile, and, where they largely
prevail, are absolutely fatal to British
30
Canadian Loyalty.
interests and sentiments, your readers
may judge for themselves.
Turning now from the French to the
English-speaking Canadians, we are
met by a totally different set of cir-
cumstances and aspirations, of interests
and sentiments. Here there is no
homogeneous and compact race pos-
sessing one absorbing interest and
sentiment, but a mixed population of
varying interests and sympathies.
With these, loyalty to Great Britain
is by no means a matter of self-preser-
vation, but is an attachment springing
from various roots, and displaying a
corresponding variety of strength and
character. The children of the United
Empire Loyalist, of the English,
Scotch, Irish, and German peasant or
mechanic, and of the American trader,
draw their loyalty from different
sources, and hold it, if at all, in dif-
ferent degrees. With the descendants
of the United Empire Loyalists, who it
may be well to remind English readers,
were those loyal subjects of George
III. who preferred poverty and exile
in the wilds of Canada to wealth and
honour in the United States; with
those Britons, largely retired military
and civil officers of the crown and their
children, who settled in Canada because
it was a British colony, and with the
Irish Orangemen, loyalty to the British
crown has hitherto been, and is even
now, to a great extent a species of reli-
gion. Family tradition, education,
and external circumstances have all
fed the sentiment, till it may be truly
said of many of these Canadians that,
as the French Canadians are more
Catholic than the Pope, they are more
English than the English. A very
considerable number of Canadian public
men and leaders of society-are drawn
from these classes, and as in bygone
days the officers of the garrisons, and
to-day travellers of political and social
position, usually meet and associate
with public men and leaders of society,
it is not wonderful that certain sections
of English society should believe and
represent the Canadians to be extra-
vagantly loyal to Great Britain. The
loyalty, however, of the larger part of
the British and foreign English-
speaking Canadians, who did not
emigrate to Canada so much because
it was a British colony as because
accidental or personal considerations
took them there, is a much weaker,
if often not less genuine sentiment
than that of the classes just described,
and does not continue to flourish so
much from its inherent strength as
from the influence of external circum-
stances. This sentiment, largely due
to birth or descent, is stimulated by
the enthusiasm of the ultra-loyalists,
by the fact that so far at least loyalty
to the British crown has been the only
sentiment common to all Canadians
from Halifax to Winnipeg, and per-
haps chiefly by the steady coldness and
frequent hostility of the government
of the United States. Owing to all
these circumstances, it may be safely
asserted that hitherto the English-
speaking Canadians generally, though
by no means so universally as is sup-
posed, have felt and still feel a genuine
sentiment of attachment to and affec-
tion for Great Britain. With the
majority, however, this is a pleasant
emotion which is chiefly exhibited in
holidays, and is not calculated to bear
any great, strain in the workaday
world. This was curiously shown
when some six years ago the Canadian
Conservative party were returned to
power to establish a protectionist
tariff, or, as it was generally called
in Canada, a national policy. Among
other arguments used by the free-trade
or revenue tariff party was the plea
that the establishment of a protec-
tionist tariff might endanger the
British connection, whereupon one of
the leading organs of the Conservative
and ultra-loyal party retorted that, if
the creation of a Canadian national
policy threatened the British connec-
tion, so much the worse for the con-
nection, or words to that effect.
Without attaching too much import-
ance to such a statement made in a
time of political excitement, and allow-
ing that the great majority of Cana-
Canadian Loyalty.
31
dians, whether French or English, are
either from motives of self-interest or
from affection, in different degrees
loyal to Great Britain ; and that even
the Irish Catholics — a very important
political element in Canada, as else-
where— are as little actively hostile as
may be ; the question at once arises as
to whether the tendencies are in favour
of strengthening and perpetuating, or
of more or less quickly extinguishing
this loyalty.
The loyalty of the Australians, in
the absence of any great injustice on
the part of the mother country is likely
to yield only to the natural growth of
a national individuality, and the con-
sequent desire for a national autonomy.
The loyalty of the Canadians is not
only more nearly threatened by the
growth of a similar ambition, but is
even more greatly imperilled by other
and less fortunate circumstances. Be-
fore referring to these tendencies,
which threaten to extinguish the
political attachment of Canada to
Great Britain, it will be well to
shortly state those actual factors in
Canadian progress which have a ten-
dency to perpetuate the present slight
connection.
These are first and foremost the
continued freedom from an enforced
liability on the part of the Canadians
to tax themselves either in men or
money for the purpose of aiding Great
Britain in any foreign complications ;
the continued rule of the priesthood
over the French Canadians, and the
continued conviction on the part of
these rulers that the best chance for
the preservation of their sway lies in
the British connection ; an immense
immigration of British capital and
population into the Canadian north-
west, purely on the ground of the
British connection, and lastly, the
continued coldness of the government
of the United States towards Canada.
The tendencies which are making,
and are likely to make, against the
perpetuation of Canadian loyalty are
much more numerous and complicated.
Already there are signs of disintegra-
tion in the serried ranks of the French
Canadians ; growing numbers of young
French peasants are seeking the factory
and the workshops, not only in the
manufacturing towns of Quebec and
Ontario, but also in the New England
states. These operatives are more ac-
cessible to modern ideas than the
habitant or peasant, and it is found im-
possible, more especially in the United
States, to keep them from contact with,
and from the influence of the immense
forces of modern life, which are inimi-
cal to the power of the priesthood. In
addition to this movement, the ranks
of the old French Liberal or rouge party
in Canada are being recruited by young
men who are, either from residence in
France or from literary sympathy,
more or less open to the revolution-
ary, not the anarchic, ideas prevalent
in their mother country, and conse-
quently the tendency even among the
French Canadians is to divide, as in
France, the people into Clericals and
Liberals. Now, if the Clericals are par-
ticularly loyal, it follows, as a matter
of course, that the tendency of the
Liberals is in the other direction.
The growth of the French-Canadian
Liberal party inevitably means the
growth of a desire for an independent
Canada, or even probably for annexa-
tion to the United States as the best,
or, at least, quickest means of getting
rid of priestly domination.
In the case of the English-speaking
Canadians, the desire for an early in-
dependence is more marked. Already
for several years past, from time to
time, Canadian writers and even some
well-known public men have declared
with no uncertain note that it was
almost time for Canada to assume the
responsibilities of complete self-govern-
ment, or at least that it was high time
the people should look forward to and
prepare for such responsibilities. The
colonial condition is becoming irksome,
sometimes to the politicians, always to
the more ambitious and independent
native Canadians. The latter, even
many of the descendants of the United
Empire Loyalists, are learning that the
loyalty of the Canadian does not give
him the status of the Briton even in
32
Canadian Loyalty.
Great Britain ; much less in the United
States and in Europe ; and proud of
the size of his country and the energies
of his countrymen, he resents the un-
sympathetic indifference of the English
and the ignorant indifference of the
rest of the world, and longs to establish
a national individuality. It is said by
the Imperial Federationists that this
source of disloyalty will cease on the
formation of a British Federal Empire,
for then all subjects of the empire
will have the same status. This I
believe to be a mistaken pretension.
The Briton's opinion of himself and
the opinion of the foreign world of the
Briton are not and cannot be shared by
such remote communities as Australia
and Canada, at least until these are
so populous and powerful that they will
not want to be confounded in that
opinion. But although the desire for
independence is certain to grow with
the growth of the country, most Cana-
dians are well aware that Canada for
some time to come cannot, from inter-
nal weakness stand alone, and conse-
quently this danger to Canadian loyalty
might be long postponed if it were not
for the proximity of the United States.
This may seem to contradict the state-
ment that one of the roots ef Canadian
loyalty lies in hostility to the big
Republic. But Canadian hostility to
the United States has been in the past,
to a great extent, the reflection of the
mutual ill-will between the latter
power and Great Britain, stimulated
by the frequent direct unfriendliness of
the American government towards
Canada. Now, however, Great Britain
and the United States are, day by day,
becoming better friends, and the people
of Canada and of the United States
are becoming all the time more inti-
mately connected, commercially and
socially. The economic and social
circumstances of the United States
and Canada are so much more alike
than are those of either to Great
Britain, that the average Canadian, in
spite of political separateness, feels
more at home in the United States
and with Americans than in England
or with the English. With almost
three-quarters of a million born Cana-
dians in the United States, very many
of whom visit and are frequently
visited by their relatives, the social
intercourse of the two peoples, with
the consequent increase of intermar-
riage and interchange of domicile, has
a constant tendency to become more
intimate. The great Canadian and
neighbouring American lines of rail
and steamers are in continual combi-
nation or conflict with one another,
and commercially as well as socially
the Canadians and Americans are
daily, sometimes in alliance, sometimes
in rivalry, growing closer. For one
Canadian that travels in Great Britain
there are ten that travel in the United
States, for one British there are many
American journals read in Canada,
and in short, for one point at which
the Canadians touch Great Britain
they touch the United States at ten
points. Under these circumstances,
whether voluntarily or involuntarily,
the Canadians are more and more
influenced by their great English
speaking neighbour ; and as American
influence grows, so must that of Great
Britain relatively decline, not from
lack of will or affection, but from mere
remoteness. If this is the case now,
when the government of the United
States still plays towards Canada the
part of the wind in the fable of the
man and his cloak, what is this in-
fluence likely to become when the
Americans, learning that the chilling
wind of their disfavour only makes
Canada wrap herself the more closely
in the cloak of her loyalty, shall de-
cide to play the part of the sun and
woo her with the warming rays of
proffered reciprocity treaties, even,
perhaps, with tempting offers of a
complete customs union on favoura-
ble terms 1 How long is it likely that
Canadian loyalty to Great Britain
could withstand such wooing in
addition to all the other American in-
fluences, which are, as we have seen,
continually playing upon her sympa-
thies and interests ? But if these con-
siderations were not enough, there is
yet another direction from which
Canadian Loyalty.
33
Canadian loyalty is threatened by the
proximity of the United States. From
the outbreak of the American Civil
War, up to a late period, Canada's
loyalty has not only been strengthened
by her dislike to the American govern-
ment, but also by the fact that the
United States were suffering severely
both in political embarrassments and in
the creation of an enormous war debt,
from both of which troubles, as well
as from the war itself, Canada was
saved by her connection with Great
Britain. To-day the political embarrass-
ments of the Union born of the war
are in a fair way of settlement, while
the debt of the United States is being
reduced only too fast. At the same
time, the political troubles of Canada
are at least as great as those of her
neighbour and her debt, owing to the
magnificent extravagance of her people
and politicians, has grown to be con-
siderably greater per capita than that
of the United States. Now in order
to carry this growing debt it is abso-
lutely necessary for Canada to draw
a very large British and foreign immi-
gration to her immense territory, for
which she has to compete with her
big neighbour. In the past the
colonial condition has largely pre-
vented the Germans, Scandinavians,
and Irish from emigrating to Canada.
They preferred to be citizens of the
United States rather than subjects of
Great Britain, even when Canada was
in a much more favourable political and
financial condition than the Republic.
Is it likely so long, at least, as there is
any good land within the boundaries
of the latter, that the current of
foreign as well as of British emigra-
tion will be largely turned in the
direction of the poorer and more
heavily - burdened country 1 Yet
Canada must in the near future
divert to her side a much larger part
of the current of emigration than she
has ever yet done, or, failing so to do,
will at no distant day be inevitably
absorbed, debt and all, into the
United States. At least unless the
people of Great Britain will at that
No. 307. — VOL. LIT.
crisis be so liberal as to assume at
any rate that part of the Canadian
burdens which has been incurred in
building political railways.
Supposing, however, that Canadian
loyalty escapes the Scylla of American
attraction and the Charybdis of her
own financial extravagance, it is still
threatened by another danger in the
shape of the aggressive expansion of
French Canadians. Owing to their
unity, up to the present time, this third
of the population possesses an influence
in Canadian politics out of proportion
to its numbers, and several times
greater than the proportion it con-
tributes to the national exchequer. As
this influence is always used for purely
French-Canadian aims and purposes
it naturally excites the jealousy of all
the English-speaking Canadians, more
especially of those who live in Quebec,
where the French hold in no generous
fashion the complete mastery. If the
consolidation and expansion of the
French- Canadian power in the valley
of the St. Lawrence grows much
greater, the English who are left in
the province of Quebec, as well as
those in the adjoining parts of Ontario
and New Brunswick who feel more
heavily the French pressure will, as
not a few now do, favour annexation
to the United States as the only pos-
sible check to the French. When the
people of Ontario and the prairie pro-
vinces realise that there is great
danger of the whole valley of the St.
Lawrence, from Lake Ontario to
the sea, falling into the hands of the
French, they too will be likely to seek
the same escape from danger. For if,
as at present seems probable, the
French Canadians do secure the ex-
clusive mastery of the St. Lawrence
valley, that river will cease to form
one of the great highways from the
interior to the ocean, and will be
almost as dead to commerce in the
height of summer as it now is in the
depth of winter. In such a contin-
gency, by no means impossible, the
prophecy of a French-Canadian poli-
tician, that the last shot in support of
Canadian Loyalty.
the British connection would be fired
by a French Canadian, is likely to
become true. In other words the
presence of the French Canadians,
which at the time of the American
revolt saved Canada to Great Britain,
is likely to be at least an important
factor in losing Canada to Great
Britain at no distant date.
Unless the foregoing picture of the
situation of the Dominion and her peo-
ple, of the character of their loyalty,
and of the great preponderance of those
tendencies which are adverse to the
perpetuation of that loyalty, can be
shown to be largely untrue, it is
obvious that sooner or later the slight
connection between the big colony and
the mother country is almost certain
to be broken. If the political con-
nection between the old and the new
countries is naturally closed in the
fulness of time with the free will of
both parties, then, whether Canada
becomes an independent nation, pro-
bably in close commercial alliance
with the United States, or whether
she throws in her lot altogether with
the big Republic, the people of Canada
will continued to love Great Britain
and be ready to admire and esteem
their British relatives. If, however,
the connection is retained until some
strain causes a rupture, then in a
probably less violent manner and to a
less lasting degree, the old story of the
American colonies and their hate for
Great Britain will be repeated. It
will doubtless be urged by the Imperial
Federationists that the decay of Cana-
dian loyalty and the rapid growth
of American influence is likely to take
place so long as the present anomalous
connection is kept up, but that if
Canada, as well as Australia and
South Africa, is really made an
integral part of the British Empire,
the process of disintegration will not
only be arrested but will be repaired.
No project could be so dangerous to
the welfare of Great Britain as this
well-meant proposal to consolidate her
union with the self-governing colonies.
If the foregoing facts and considera-
tions have any truth or force at all
they must show that it is hopeless to
expect Canada to become, or at any
rate to remain, a party to any such
political combination of the various
and widely separated parts of the
present British Empire, as would
render her liable to any great tax for
the maintenance of such a combina-
tion. Let us suppose, however, that
owing to temporary enthusiasm some
kind of Federation was established,
and that at an early stage in the
history of the British Federated or
Federal Empire, the French Cana-
dians were called upon to tax them-
selves in purse and person to help
Great Britain to combat France, the
country of their love, in North Africa
or the East ; or that the German
colonists whom Canada hopes to
attract were called upon to aid Great
Britain to contest the supremacy of the
Pacific, or South Africa with Germany,
their fatherland ; or that the very loyal
British and Irish Canadians were
required to add to their already over-
grown burdens in order to assist Great
Britain, three thousand miles away, to
defend this, that, or the other threat-
ened interest, an indefinite number of
miles, and an infinite number of
degrees removed from any interest of
Canada ; the while the Canadians of
all origins, French, German, Irish,
American, and British being the next-
door neighbours and daily associates
of a mighty, a free and an unburdened
people, minding their own business,
and untroubled by foreign complica-
tions. No Imperial Federation could
long avoid — no Imperial Federation
could for a day survive any such
strain. To attempt, therefore, the
close political union of countries which
nature has placed so far apart is
rash. To succeed in the attempt
would be, at no distant date, to shatter
the harmony which now exists be-
tween those wide-spread but friendly
members of the British family.
ROSWELL FISHER.
35
SCOTCH AND ENGLISH EDUCATIONAL ENDOWMENTS.
BY PEOFESSOR G. G. RAMSAY.
No apology need be made for drawing
attention to the subject of Educational
Endowments, whether in England or in
Scotland. The true principles on which
such endowments should be adminis-
tered— in view especially of the great
extension of State action in regard to
education — are by no means finally
settled for either country ; and though
English statesmen, and the English
public, find it difficult to interest
themselves in purely Scottish ques-
tions, here at least is one which
interests both countries equally, and
which should be solved on the same
principles in both alike. Scotland has
a right to demand that where the same
wants and the same abuses have been
proved to exist in Scotland as have
called for legislation in England, they
shall be dealt with in the same drastic
manner, and for the good not of one
class only, but of the whole community.
The evils which led in England to
the passing of Mr. Forster's Endowed
Schools Act of 1869 are well-known.
The public conscience had been roused
by the disclosures made by the Schools'
Inquiry Commission, and enlightened
by the powerful treatment of the whole
subject of middle-class education by
the distinguished educationists of
whom that commission was com-
posed. Their report established two
great facts : first, that England was
wofully deficient in the means of
supplying higher education for all
classes except the wealthy ; secondly,
that while the whole country was
covered with rich educational founda-
tions, these had been almost every-
where rendered useless for any high
educational purpose by unintelligent
administration, by the close manage-
ment of close corporations, by the
tendency to degrade educational into
eleemosynary benefits, by narrow local
or class restrictions, and by all the
evils that follow in the train of job-
bery, apathy, and ignorance. Having
exposed these evils, the Commission
sketched out a comprehensive scheme
of reform ; laid down the true prin-
ciples on which schools should be
organised and conducted ; and showed
how endowments should be opened up
and utilised so as at once to confer a
special educational benefit on the
class or area embraced in a founder's
intentions, and at the same time to
raise the standard of education
throughout the whole country. They
insisted above all things, upon the
necessity of grading schools ; they
held that Lower, Middle, and Higher
education were distinct things, and
should be organised throughout upon
distinct principles, and in separate
schools '} and that, as a matter of
course, the cost in each grade must
vary according to the character of
the article supplied.
The Endowed Schools Commission —
now part of the Charity Commission
— was called into existence by Mr.
Forster's Act to carry out these re-
commendations ; and their schemes
have been throughout constructed
on uniform and scientific principles.
They consider first whether a school
of the First, Second, or Third grade
is most suitable for the endowment and
for the locality with which they have
to deal ; whether it should be mainly
a classical, a commercial, or a scien-
tific school ; and then construct their
scheme accordingly. Certain general
principles of management are common
to all schemes alike : but as soon as
details are reached, every school is
strictly differentiated according to the
character of work it will have to do.
D 2
36
Scotch and English Educational Endowments.
This differentiation is effected in four
ways: — (1) By a specification of the
subjects to be taught. (2) By laying
down the limits of age for the pupils.
(3) By fixing, within certain limits,
the salary of the head master ; and
(4) by fixing approximately the scale
of fees. The last two points are
essential ; for the quality of education,
as of other articles, hinges upon
finance. It is possible, no doubt, to
have an education which is dear and
bad also ; but it is impossible to secure
a high standard of education except
at its proper price.
If the school be one of the Third
grade, the limits of age are placed at
from 8 to 14 or 15 ; the fees at from
31. to 61. per annum. In a Second
grade school, the age is fixed at from
8 or 9 up to 16 or even 17, and the
fees range from 51. or 6£. to 101. and
1 21. In schools of the First grade, the
education is carried on up to the age
of 19 ; the fees run from 151. to 20£.,
or 301. over the whole school, and the
head master's salary will be calculated
to yield him from 8001. to 1,5001., or
even more, according to the import-
ance of the school.
To all schools alike, a definite num-
ber of foundationerships, scholarships,
and exhibitions are attached. These
vary in amount, according to the scale
of fees charged ; and wherever just and
practicable, the system of open compe-
tition is established. Where the case
demands it, restrictions are retained,
but only within due limits, and subject
to competition amongst those qualified ;
whilst in all cases alike the regula-
tions are so drawn as to secure the
double object of attracting good
scholars to the school, as well as as-
sisting beneficiaries and . applying a
stimulus to the feeding schools below.
In this way England is being covered
all over with a system of carefully
organised schools, each having a dis-
tinct work to do, and each furnished
with the means of doing that work
well.
Meantime, how stands Scotland in the
matter of Secondary Education? Our
newspapers, indeed, and public speakers
are never weary of repeating that
we alone have a " truly national system
of education ; " that we are far ahead
of England in education of every
grade ; so far ahead, that Scotland
must henceforth have her education
separated from that of England, to be
conducted upon superior principles, and
by a superior minister, of her own.
But those who know the facts tell a
very different story. It is quite true
that Scotch Elementary education was
formerly very superior to that of Eng-
land ; and that our parish or element-
ary schools frequently taught, and
taught successfully, the higher sub-
jects— a thing quite unknown in Eng-
land. It is also true that the Specific
Subjects under the code are still
taught more generally in Scotland, and
that in consequence a large proportion
of students join the universities, and
even distinguish themselves there, on
the basis of instruction received in
public elementary schools. But such
a system is at best a makeshift ; it can
only be praised or tolerated because
systematic secondary schools do not
exist in sufficient quantity. In other
respects, English education is rapidly
gaining upon Scottish education ; in
some points — notably as to infant
schools, and as to the arrangements
made for the teaching of science —
it is distinctly ahead already ; and
Scotland is in danger, even in the
matter of elementary education, of
having her vaunted supremacy wrested
from her.
In the matter of higher education,
the danger is far more pressing. The
deficiencies of Scotland in this re-
spect are universally acknowledged.
There is no grading of schools.
Some elementary schools, under great
difficulties, and with imperfect re-
sults, teach the higher subjects ;
almost all secondary schools support,
or rather are supported by, element-
ary departments. Such secondary
schools as exist are few and far be-
tween ; if we except the High Schools
and Academies of our principal cities,
Scotch and English Educational Endowments.
37
there are hardly any public schools
that deserve the name. Such as
exist are imperfectly organised, or
organised on a wrong system ; they
are crippled for want of funds ; and
in none but the very best are the
fees high enough to supply a high-
class education. Higher salaries to
attract first-rate masters; improved
management and organisation ; better
buildings and apparatus ; proper play-
grounds and means of recreation ;
above all, entrance scholarships and
leaving exhibitions open to free com-
petition so as to attract intellectual
ability, and give a stimulus to the
whole course — these are everywhere
the needs of our schools, and the
country looked to the long-demanded
Endowment Commission to supply
them.
And there were funds in abundance
for the purpose. The history of en-
dowments in Scotland has been similar
to that in England. Repeated Com-
missions had brought out the fact
that, exclusive of the universities,
there were endowments, mostly in-
tended for higher education, to the
amount of 171,000?. a year; and that
this great sum had been so parochial-
ised and misapplied, so jobbed and
frittered away, so diverted from educa-
tional to eleemosynary purposes, that
it was doubtful whether it was not
doing more harm than good, lowering
the standard of education, and ac-
tually demoralising whole commu-
nities. Founders' wills had every-
where been departed from. Free
competition was unknown. In the
great Hospitals alone, no less than
77,745?. a year was being spent in
giving an elementary education, under
cramped unhealthy conditions, to 1,232
children, most of them orphans, and
mainly chosen for their poverty. In
no single instance had these founda-
tions been widened into fine open
institutions like the great schools of
England. The managers were mostly
the town-councils. In Glasgow, rich
in endowments for school purposes,
only one endowed school could be
pointed to that even attempted to do
higher work ; and it was reported by
the late Commission that "of thir-
teen endowed schools in operation in
Glasgow only four are efficient, two
are inefficient, while seven are ineffi-
cient to the extent of being a gross
waste of money." Added to all this,
the whole condition of things had
been altered by the Education Act of
1872, which had brought good element-
ary education within the reach of every
child in the country. Everyhere it
was the same story, and the demand
for an Executive Commission to deal
strenuously with these endowments for
the advancement of higher education
generally could no longer be resisted.
At length, after many delays, after
opportunities had been in vain offered
to the governing bodies to reform them-
selves, an act was passed on August 19,
1882, "To reorganise the Educational
Endowments of Scotland."
The Scottish Act was originally
framed on the lines of the English
Act, but unfortunately it was seri-
ously maimed in its passage through
Parliament. Scotch legislation is
invariably huddled into the odd
corners of an expiring session, when
any opposition, however frivolous, is
formidable ; and as governments are
always more anxious to pass their
measures than to see that they deserve
to pass, they will yield even vital
points to noisy malcontents rather
than find the time for a full and fair
discussion of them. In this case
an ignorant and interested cry was
raised, to the effect that to assist
higher education, and to place endow-
ments under independent management,
was to " rob the poor of their heritage."
Before this unmeaning cry Mr. Mun-
della, robust educationalist as he is,
struck his colours, and emasculated
his Bill by securing a predominant
place in the future management of
endowments to the very bodies who
had been thrice convicted, by- three
separate commissions, of neglecting
and abusing their powers in the past,
and whose removal from power in the
38
Scotch and English Educational Endowments.
future was one of the main objects
for which it was worth while passing
an Endowments Bill at all.
Other restrictive provisions were
introduced into the Bill, which the
Commissioners have unfortunately
construed in a still more narrow
sense than was intended. Thus,
money actually left for free ele-
mentary education, and still so ex-
pended, was to continue to be so
expended, " if required ;" and funds
left for the education of the poorer
classes, either " generally or within
a particular area," were to continue
to be applied for the benefit of such
children, " so far as requisite." But
the words italicised, in reality, left
all to the discretion of the Com-
missioners ; and section 7 expressly
provided that —
"Nothing in this Act contained
shall be taken to compel the Com-
missioners to restrict any bursary or
scholarship or other educational bene-
fit" attached to or tenable at any
educational institution, to the children
of persons resident in the locality
where that institution exists."
This clause, the wisest and most
liberal in the Act, the Commissioners
are everywhere disregarding : instead
of opening up educational benefits to
all comers, they are, in many cases,
fastening on the yoke of local restric-
tions more firmly than before.
In one important respect the Scottish
Commission was to differ from that ap-
pointed under the English Endowed
Schools Act. It was to be unpaid ;
it could not therefore be expected to
give the sanre time to the work, or to
do it in the sa^ careful, discriminat-
ing manner as a Commission composed
of men bound to make it the business
of their lives.
The composition of the Commission,
when made known, was not reassuring.
For the chairmanship no better man
could have been found than Lord
Balfouv of Burleigh, and some of his
colleagues are excellent men for the
work. But the Commission contains
no representative of either science or
learning — except the learning of the
law ; and, what is probably unique in
the history of such commissions, it com-
prises no single member who has had
practical knowledge of the work of
teaching, and who is therefore quali-
fied to form an opinion at first hand,
from his own experience as a teacher,
on the various educational problems
brought before him. Some of its
members are not known to have given
previously any attention to the sub-
ject of education at all.
Such as it was, however, the Bill
became law in August, 1882 ; and the
Commission, thus constituted, and with
these powers, was expected to render
the same services to the higher educa-
tion of Scotland that have been ren-
dered to that of England by the
English Commission. The Commis-
sioners have now published their
schemes for some of the most im-
portant endowments with which they
will have to deal, so that a judgment
can be formed as to how far these
expectations are likely to be realised.
We will take first their three main
schemes for Glasgow.1 In Glasgow
alone there exist endowments, left ex-
pressly to found schools, amounting to
no less than 431,1712. Here, if any-
where.it might have been expected that
the establishment of new schools to be
conducted on sound principles, or the
strengthening of existing schools,
would have taken precedence of every
other object. This certainly was the
view of the representatives of exist-
ing trusts, who, after repeated con-
sultations, had urged (ithat there
should be established in suitable parts
of the city not less than three schools
for boys and two for girls, in which
a complete and organised course of
secondary instruction should be carried
out ; " and that " two schools should be
1 I take no notice at present of the re-
cently-issued scheme for combining a fresh
group of endowments for purposes of technical
education, which, good as it is in some respects,
shows the same tendency on the part of the
Commissioners to lower, rather than to raise,
the standard of education.
Scotch and English Educational Endowments.
39
regularly organised with a view to
science teaching."
Such being the facts, it is astonish-
ing to find that the Commissioners'
published schemes propose to do little
or nothing to increase the supply, or
improve the quality, of secondary
schools. They are establishing no new
schools : on the contrary, they are
snuffing out a number of existing
schools, and diverting to other uses
funds specially left to build and main-
tain schools. Their proposals will add
nothing to the teaching resources of
the city or country ; and even where
they sanction or suggest the continu-
ance of schools, they endorse and
aggravate the very evils which have
prevented those schools from doing
really high work in the past. Their
sole idea seems to be to throw all
funds promiscuously into two or three
large heaps, and to use these large funds
to support a huge system of close and
semi-eleemosynary bursaries, without
taking any steps to secure that there
shall be first-rate schools at which
these bursaries shall be held.
Thus, ignoring the special wishes of
founders, and wiping out wholesale
all distinctions between the original
purposes of foundations, they have
lumped seventeen endowments into two
groups ; and the aggregate income of
this fund, amounting to over 7,000?. a
year, is to be mainly spent upon school
bursaries, mostly small in amount,
and confined to particular classes.
Out of the whole income a sum of
1,600?. a year may be expended in
paying the school fees of " poor but
deserving children " at elementary
schools. This sum, properly speaking,
is not spent in education at all ; it is
a subsidy to poor children. About
2,100?. must be spent on bursaries
of from 51. to 10?. in amount
tenable only for two years, and to
be competed for amongst children
who have passed the fifth standard
at elementary schools ; 1,200?. a
year is to be spent on school
bursaries of a higher kind, to be
awarded under no special restrictions
amongst the pupils of State-aided
schools ; while, lastly, 500?. is to be
spent on university bursaries (half to
be for schoolmasters), for poor students
from State-aided schools in Glasgow.
Bursaries to assist in payment of fees
at evening classes, and special pay-
ments towards an ideal school of
domestic economy and a proposed
technical college, absorb the re-
mainder.
Now there is much to be said in
favour of the creation of bursaries ;
and all authorities agree that much
good would be done by enabling clever
scholars from elementary schools to
carry on their education at some good
secondary school, provided good schools
are established to which to send them.
But in expending nearly their whole
funds on this one object, the Commis-
sioners have run their hobby to death ;
and, although the principle of com-
petition is partially recognised, the con-
ditions under which the various compe-
titions are regulated are of the most
narrow and parochial kind. In the
great majority of cases candidates must
be " poor and deserving," which will
be interpreted as heretofore to mean
"deserving because poor." In almost
every case none will be eligible to
bursaries but those who have been
educated at State-aided schools in
Glasgow ; so that instead of attracting
to herself poor and deserving ability
from every quarter, Glasgow, the
wealthy Glasgow, will be strictly
reserving " her ain fish-guts for her
ain sea-maws." Nay, more: even
that class which constitutes most em-
phatically the " Glasgow " of to-day —
the ship-building population — will be
to a great extent excluded altogether,
for the exigencies of the trade have
caused it to slip down the river, and
pass beyond the boundaries of Glasgow
proper. In no single instance, amid
all this flood of bursaries, have the
Commissioners provided for an abso-
lutely free and open competition.
Nor is this the only blemish in
the scheme. These multitudinous
bursaries are not to be held at any
40
Scotch and English Educational Endowments.
school in particular ; they are be-
stowed, as it were, " in the air," and
the holders may attend at any school
which may suit themselves and con-
tent the governors. Thus one of the
main benefits of a bursary system —
viz., that it supplies a good school
with a certain number of able scholars
— is lost altogether.
Next, let us see what the Com-
missioners have done for those schools
which are to be retained. In Glas-
gow the Hutcheson Endowment, with
an income of 4,000£. a year, has pro-
duced hitherto a very moderate result
in the way of higher education ; in
Edinburgh, the magnificent Heriot
Endowment, which was expressly de-
signed by the founder to be a second
Christ's Hospital, and has now an
income of over 20,000£. a year, has
done little, if at all, better. How
are the schools attached to these
foundations to be re-vivified by the
Commissioners? The general arrange-
ments which they have made for
their government and discipline are
good ; but in both schools they have
permitted and perpetuated that inter-
mixture of elementary with higher
education, which is the bane of our
Scottish system; and they have
failed to grasp the fundamental fact
that the quality of the education to
be given in a school depends wholly
upon its finance. We have seen how
.strict the English schemes are upon
this point, with the object of securing
both that the education given shall be
good, and that the fee-paying pupils
shall pay the full price of what they
get. The Hutcheson Grammar
School and the Heriot Hospital
School are both intended to be
schools of the middle-class > sort, and
at the latter it seems to be contem-
plated that boys may remain till the
age of seventeen. Yet for Heriot' s
the minimum fee is fixed at \L 10s.
for the year, for Hutcheson' s Gram-
mar School at II. 10s. for the lowest
class, and 21. for the higher classes
No mention is made of any higher
figure, and to suggest a low fee of this
kind is to enjoin it. It is evident
that the Commissioners have never
seriously considered what the expenses
of a secondary school should be, and
have fixed upon II. 10s. and 21. merely
because those sums are just above the
highest rate — 9d. a week — charged in
Board Schools. They further over-
look entirely the fact that Board
Schools, besides having lower work to
do, have Government grant and rates
to support them as well as fees.
To expose the inadequacy of these
proposals, let us consider at what
price it is possible to provide a good
secondary education of the different
grades recognised in English schools.
The following calculation, based on a
careful examination of different types
of schools, may be accepted as ap-
proximately correct. In each case the
buildings are supposed to be supplied
free.
(1.) In a large, well-organised
Board School it is possible, by means
of good assistants and good organisa-
tion, to carry on the education of a
few select pupils to a very considerable
height, and at a very low cost. I
have before me the accounts of such a
school, with 1,100 names on the
register. Out of this number small
classes of six or ten or twelve are
being given advanced instruction in
Latin, Greek, Modern languages, and
Mathematics, at a total cost of less
than 21. 10s. per head over the whole
number in average attendance. But
of course the great bulk of the work
in this school is elementary ; and no
school could carry on all its scholars
to the same stage at anything like the
same figure.
(2.) A well-managed school of 400
boys can furnish a really sound
scientific and literary training between
the ages of ten and fifteen — a very few
able boys remaining a year or two
longer — at a cost of 61. a year per
head. The teaching-staff alone in
such a school will cost over 41. per
head.
(3.) A secondary school of the best
Scottish type, containing from 600 to
Scotch and English Educational Endowments.
41
700 boys, and giving a complete
classical course in the higher classes,
cannot be carried on for less than
from 10?. 10s. to 121. 12s. per head
over the entire school. Were the
school smaller, and confined to strictly
secondary work, under masters of high
standing, the fees would have to rise
to fifteen and twenty guineas ahead.
To suggest therefore that a good
secondary school can be conducted at
the cost of 21. a head is simply absurd ;
and the attempt must entail one,
probably both, of the following re-
sults : — The standard of the school
will be kept low ; and the funds of the
endowment — in spite of all provisions
to the contrary — will be largely spent
in supplementing the fees paid by the
paying pupils. This is exactly what
is being done at present at Hutcheson's
Grammar-School, and the Commission-
ers now sanction the arrangement. The
accounts of the school for 1883 show
that the cost of maintaining the school
for the year, even on its present foot-
ing, was at the rate of 4?. 12s. per head.
There were 822 paying pupils; but
these paid on an average only 21. 15s.
per head. Thus no less than II. 17s.
per head, or actually 1,520?. 17s. in
all was paid out of the endowment as
a present to the parents of boys who
were supposed to be paying the whole
cost of their education. In the girls
school, 744?. was spent in a similar
manner ; in all 2,264?. out of one en-
dowment spent in artifically cheapen-
ing education for the general public
who can afford to pay the full price !
In addition, the foundation supplies
the school buildings free to all. For
all this the Commissioners have no
word of blame, and provide no re-
medy ; yet with strange inconsistency,
when they come to deal with Fettes
College, in which the existence of
boarding houses with paying pupils
is essential for the conduct of the
school, they are filled with such a
pious horror of allowing non-founda-
tioners to reap any benefit out of the
foundation, that they insist that they
shall pay rent for the use of the board-
ing houses already erected out of the
capital of the foundation. In this
they have been needlessly squeamish.
It is a perfectly legitimate thing for
an endowment to provide and to
maintain buildings for the use of all,
foundationers and non-foundationers
alike ; but it is not legitimate for the
Commissioners to permit this principle
in one set of schools and then to forbid
it in another, merely because some of
their number do not appreciate an
education of the highest grade.
In one instance this feeling has
shown itself in a manner which is
probably without a parallel in the
history of education. In the case
of Heriot's Hospital School — and
again in the case of Allen Glen's
School in Glasgow — it is enacted that
" Greek shall not be taught." It is re-
freshing to know that there is such
avidity to study Greek amongst the
lower middle classes of Edinburgh that
it has to be put down by law. Possibly
the noble chairman was anxious to
emulate the famous and unique
example set by Mr. Gladstone, when
he proposed to found a university in
Ireland in which philosophy and
history were to be forbidden subjects.
But even with such a precedent, a
proposal so retrograde and gratuitous
as to prohibit any lawful branch of
study, must surely be reconsidered,
and could not, in fact, hold its ground
were circumstances to call for its
repeal.
The latest scheme put forth by the
Commissioners is that for Fettes Col-
lege. This scheme has been awaited
with great interest. Fettes College is
the solitary example among the endowed
schools of Scotland of a school of the
highest grade, completely equipped
and organised for its work. It is
known to be doing its work admirably,
and it is turning out results worthy of
being placed beside those of the best
English Public schools. It has carried
off many scholarships at Oxford and
Cambridge ; and there is probably no
school in the kingdom doing better
work all round. But unhappily an
Scotch and English Educational Endowments.
ignorant and vindictive outcry has
been raised against the school, mainly
by those interested in the Heriot
foundation, on the ground that the
will of the founder has been wrongly
interpreted, and that funds meant for
the poor have been used to provide an
education for the rich.
This ground is wholly untenable.
There is not a word in the will to
show that Sir William Fettes intended
to benefit any special class, least of
all a humble class. He conferred
upon his trustees " the most ample
and unlimited powers ; " and the sole
condition which he imposed upon them
was that they should erect a building
near Edinburgh for the " maintenance,
education, and outfit, of young people
whose parents have either died withoxit
leaving sufficient fundsfor that purpose,
or who from innocent misfortune dur-
ing their own lives are unable to give
a suitable education to their children."
These words show that the founder
did not contemplate the poorer classes,
but such persons as usually leave
behind them sufficient means to edu-
cate their children. The trustees— of
whom the Justice-General is chair-
man— wisely deeming that Edinburgh
was overdone with endowments for
the poorer and lower middle classes ;
and considering that probably no class
is so poor and feeble as those members
of the middle or professional classes
who have by misfortune fallen into
poor circumstances, determined to
found a high-class school after the
model of the English Public Schools,
to which foundationers from the class
above described should be admitted
free, while all others should be ad-
mitted on payment of a full price.
Of all classes of the community,
there is none that appeals more to our
sympathy, and especially in the matter
of education, than that of the poor
and reduced gentry, though it is not a
class which can make itself felt at the
polling-booths, or which cares to parade
its sufferings. The class which com-
bines culture with straitened means is
a source of special strength to the
nation, and has a special claim on it
in return. It is composed of those
who have engaged unsuccessfully in
professions, in business, in literature,
or art, or who have never found their
way to any profession at all. Among
this class "innocent misfortune" is
not less common, it is perhaps more
common, than in others ; and when it
comes, it brings with it a sting keener
perhaps than to any other. For its chief
characteristic as a class, whether in
failure or success is this — that it has
known and appreciated the benefits of
a liberal education ; and there is no
privation so bitter to a cultured and
high-minded parent as that of being
unable to give to his own children as
good an education as he has himself
received.
If then the Commissioners can
understand any kind of poverty but
pauper poverty, we may ask them :
May not one out of all the huge en-
dowments of Scotland be justly and
wisely allowed to remain for the bene-
fit of this often bravely-struggling
class? or is no voice to prevail with
them but that of the average rate-
payer, who is in fact far more wealthy
than the member of the class for whom
we plead 1 Educationally, and as
regards the interests of the nation,
there can be no doubt as to what their
action should be. Here we have a
school so good that in fifteen years
it has pushed its way to a front rank
among the schools of Great Britain,
and its existence is a benefit to the
whole country. Scotland is noto-
riously deficient in such schools ; the
Commissioners are doing nothing to
create them ; it would be nothing
short of a scandal and a national
misfortune were they to introduce rash
and inconsiderate changes which would
lower its character and cripple it in
its work.
Now there exists in many Scottish
minds a prejudice against boarding-
schools. Some deem the education
given at Fettes College too expensive ;
others object to the introduction of
the English Public-School system as
Scotch and English Educational Endowments.
an attempt to " Anglicise " our institu-
tions— an offence which in Scotland
it little short of criminal. As the suc-
cess of Fettes College is undoubtedly
due to its system, it will be well to
point out the main features of the
English Public-School system, to show
why it must be costly, and what ad-
vantages it offers in return.
A day-school undertakes no duty
but that of teaching and controlling a
boy for a certain number of hours in
the day. As soon as the teaching
hours are over, the teachers are free,
and the scholars no longer under school
control. But a boarding-school not
only teaches a boy, it also undertakes
to regulate his life, to train his
character, to consider specially . his
intellectual wants, to provide for his
recreation, his amusement, and his
health. It stands absolutely in loco
parenlis to every individual boy. The
masters' labour and anxiety are not
confined to school hours ; they have to
study each character ; they have to be
alive to, and to provide for, all the
difficulties and temptations which sur-
round boy-life. To do such work well,
men are needed of strong and high
characters, possessed of insight and
refinement as well as knowledge, and
devoted to their duty. Such men
must be well paid : and for such work
more masters are needed than would
suffice for a day-school. Thus, at
Fettes College at present, there
is about one resident master for
every eighteen boys ; at one of our
best Scottish secondary schools, where
the staff is considered ample, there are
forty-one boys to each master.
To the cost of tuition, therefore, has
to be added the cost of superintend-
ence. Then comes the cost of keep,
over a period of not less than thirty-
eight or thirty-nine weeks : and
growing boys must be well, if simply,
fed. In the matter of buildings, it
is obvious that a boarding-school
has many more needs than a day-
school. It must furnish sufficient
play- grounds, and other means of re
creation, both for summer and winter ;
a sanatorium, a gymnasium, a swim-
ming-bath, fives-courts, a library in
which boys may read in bad weather,
are all valuable, indeed almost neces-
sary, adjuncts : all these not only entail
a heavy outlay at the outset, but also
a regular yearly cost for maintenance.
Such advantages as these have to be
obtained for a day scholar, if he gets
them at all, apart from the school ;
so that the cost of his recreations does
not figure in his school accounts. All
this should be taken account of in
considering what is a reasonable
amount to pay for a boy's keep and
education at a boarding-school.
Thus a boarding school, conducted
on the principles of an English Public
School, and thoroughly equipped to
enable it to do its work well, must
necessarily be a more expensive in-
stitution than a day school ; and if
it be not well equipped, then the
whole system will break down, and all
the evils which were connected with
the old " monastic system," as it was
carried out in some of our Scottish
Hospitals, will reappear. Those evils
were caused by boys being huddled
together in a confined space, under
strict discipline possibly, but without
sufficient individual superintendence,
in an atmosphere from which all the
elements of freedom and natural en-
joyment were absent. No life could
be more different from this than that
of an English Public School, in which,
along with good teaching and careful
moral guidance under the hands of
cultured masters, the boys have a
natural healthy life of their own,
organised in such a way as to assist
their social, moral, and physical de-
velopment. The active energies, the
organised interests, the carefully regu-
lated self-government, and continual
give-and-take of a public school life
give an admirable training in manners
and manliness, in honour and esprit
de corps, and save many a boy from
the selfishness and the narrowness,
from the self-consciousness and touchi-
ness, from the diffidence or the boorish-
ness, which are so often to be seen in
44
Scotch and English Educational Endowments.
those who have not learnt from an
early age to jostle with their fellows,
and to take their part both in forming,
and conforming to, the demands of a
healthy public opinion.
The system, then, is necessarily
costly : what are the special advan-
tages which it provides? Are they
worth having at the price]
(1) As to health. It is of the
utmost importance for the health
and development of growing boys,
that they should have their meals
not only at regular, but at suitable,
hours ; that they should not be
obliged or allowed to work too long
at a sitting ; that they should have
regular and systematic exercise ;
and lastly, that the hours devoted
to recreation should be distributed
as evenly and judiciously as pos-
sible amongst the hours devoted to
work. Lungs need airing as well as
class-rooms ; and it is a physiological
law that in the young neither mind
nor body can be worked long at a
stretch without impairing the effici-
ency of both, or even inflicting upon
them permanent injury. No lesson
should last longer than an hour : at
the end of each lesson some relief
should be afforded, some exercise
taken, before the commencement of
the next. Meals should not be de-
ferred too long ; four, or at the most
five hours, should be the maximum
interval.
To carry out such arrangements as
these in day schools, especially such
as are situated in large towns, is al-
most impossible. In Scotland it often
happens that a boy leaves home after a
hurried breakfast at eight in the morn-
ing, and is kept at work till three in
the afternoon, with insufficient inter-
vals and without taking any exercise
worthy of the name. He will then
hurry home to dinner, after which in
the winter months it will be too late
to go out, even if the work to be pre-
pared at home permitted him to do
so. But the tired brain may have to
set to work again at once with new
tasks, and weary hours are spent over
work which could be better done, and
done in half the time, had the mind
been freshened by air and exercise,
and were a set time fixed within which
it must be done. Parents frequently
permit or encourage over-work of this
kind. Still worse is it when work is
allowed to encroach upon the hours
of sleep, and the mind, overtaxed to
begin with, loses its last chance of
recovering its natural energy for the
work of the next day.
In other homes, again, too much
indulgence is granted to the day
scholar when at home. He is allowed
to join in the grown-up amusements
of the house ; he eats too much, sits
up too late, has too much excitement.
It is the old story —
"Quidquid delirant reges, plectuntur Achivi ;"
whether the parents be over-anxious
or over-indulgent, the harm falls upon
the scholar.
In a boarding school, the whole day
is at the disposal of the masters ; the
hours for work, for play, for meals,
and for sleep can be arranged in what-
ever manner experience shows to be
most couducive to mental and bodily
health.
(2) As to regularity of work and
discipline. In a boarding-school, dis-
cipline and instruction can be carried
out with strictness and uniformity.
School-work is not interrupted by
scholars dropping in, or dropping
off, at irregular periods. No irregu-
larity of attendance (except for
actual illness) is possible. In a day-
school all these disturbing causes
exist, and, worst of all, the discipline
is constantly liable to be disturbed by
the injudicious interference of parents.
In some of our secondary schools —
especially such as belong to the "gen-
teel " sort — the head master's first
care may be to please and gratify
the parents ; exceptions are made in
favour of particular boys, and care is
taken that the discipline should not
press too hardly on them. Some-
times the headmaster, in appointing
Scotch and English Educational Endowments.
an assistant, will tell him that he
must not draw the reins of discipline
too tightly ; that he must be " judi-
cious " and show " tact;" which means
that he must not be too particular about
discipline, and must, as far as possible,
abstain from administering punish-
ments of which parents would be likely
to complain. What discipline can be
kept up, what respect can be felt for
the masters, under such a system ?
(3) Next, as to moral supervision.
It is not easy to overrate the moral
benefit which may be conferred upon
a boy by placing him under the eye
and influence of an experienced master
— one who is a competent and im-
partial judge of character, whose busi-
ness it is to understand boy-nature, and
who knows how to give it the warnings
or encouragement that it needs. It is
common in Scotland to speak of the
importance of home influence, and to
suppose that all parents are gifted by na-
ture with one of the rarest of all powers
— that of judging the young justly, and
of knowing how to draw out what is
good in them, how to deal wisely and
firmly with their faults. Home influ-
ence is indeed inestimable; but there
are many important points in a boy's
character which can be best dealt with
by one who is less personally interested
than a parent, and there are many trials
in life which do not meet a boy until he
is sent out in the world, and for which
he may be totally unprepared, unless
he has already made essays in a minia-
ture life of his own, in which he has
had to encounter similar trials, fore-
seen and moderated for him, and
through which he has had an ex-
perienced hand to help him.
(4) A few words may be added as to
the Sixth-Form or Monitorial system,
by which a certain amount of authority
over the other boys is given to the
head boys of the school, under the
title of monitors, praepostors, or prefects.
Many persons entertain a prejudice
against the idea of giving one boy
authority over another boy ; but, in
reality, the exercise of such authority
is indispensable for securing due liberty
to the weak, for checking wrong and
evil of every kind, and for creating
not only a high level of public spirit,
but also a high tone of morality and
conduct throughout an entire school.
Public opinion of some sort must
exist in a school, and once formed,
exercises the most powerful influence ;
and the monitorial system is simply a
mode of reducing this public opinion
to rule — first thoughtfully considered
and shaped by the masters in concert
with the best boys, then enforced by
those who have been directly influ-
enced by the masters.
(5) It is sometimes^said that the edu-
cation afforded by the English Public
Schools, however excellent in itself for
those to whom it is suitable, does not
afford a good preparation for those
who will have to make their own way
in the world by hard, and perhaps
dull, work ; and that it especially un-
fits boys for the dull drudgery with
which a business career, if it is to be
successful, must necessarily begin. Ex-
perience does not confirm this opinion.
The life of a public school is busy
and bracing ; boys' tastes as a rule
are healthy ; their admiration is
bestowed upon what is vigorous and
manly ; they have little respect
for self-indulgence, and have no re-
gard for money for its own sake.
There is nothing necessarily contract-
ing in a business life : but if anything
could make it so, it would be the
practice of cutting off those who are
to take part in it at a needlessly early
age from the natural pursuits, the
wider interests, the greater insight
into life as a whole, which are enjoyed
by those who go through a complete
course in one of our Public Schools.
Such boys are more fit, not less fit, to
deal with any circumstances in which
they may be placed ; they know life
better ; they have been taught to face
difficulties ; they have acquired a self-
command and a power of influencing
others which will serve them in good
stead in whatever business they may
be placed.
Such are the main features of the
Scotch and English Educational Endowments.
English Public School system ; and it
is adopted more or less completely in
all English schools of the first grade.
Its advantages are obviously not
within the reach of all ; and there will
always be a large number of parents
who will, on principle, prefer day
schools to boarding schools. There is
room enough for all in Scotland ; and
the Trustees of Fettes College deserve
the thanks of all friends of the higher
culture for having taken a liberal view
of their powers, for having aimed at a
high standard, and for having proved
conclusively that the English Public-
school System can be worked as suc-
cessfully in Scotland as in England,
and, when established upon an
adequate scale, will produce the
same high scholarship, the same high
moral tone, which distinguishes the
best English schools. At Fettes, the
system has become fully established ;
and its establishment has been a
benefit to the whole country. Any
serious interference with the principles
on which it is conducted would be a
public misfortune.
The Commissioners have, happily, de-
cided, by a majority of their number,
to resist the pressure put upon them
to lower the whole character of the
school, and to maintain it, more or
less, upon its present lines. But there
are serious blots upon their scheme as
it stands, and in the vain attempt to
satisfy an ignorant outside clamour,
partly supported by two of the Com-
missioners themselves, changes have
been introduced which, if not recon-
sidered, will be seriously damaging to
the efficiency of the school. We have
only space to call attention, very briefly,
to the leading defects of the scheme.
1. The governing body is too en-
tirely local in its character. The
foundation is happily to be a national,
not a local one ; the governors should
not therefore be appointed exclusively
by Edinburgh bodies. In this, and
other instances, it is much to be re-
gretted that the Commissioners have
not introduced the principle— almost
universal in the English schemes — of
having a certain proportion of Co-
optative governors. No bodies or
persons are so likely to make choice
of suitable persons to act as governors
of a school as the members of the
governing body itself.
It would further be just, as well as
expedient, to give a distinct voice to
the Assistant Masters in the manage-
ment of the school. In the schemes
of the English Public Schools, one
of the members of the governing
body is elected by the masters of the
school. They usually appoint some
person of acknowledged position as an
educationist, and in this way mate-
rially strengthen that body. None
are more interested in the success of
a school than the masters who conduct
it, and their interests and opinions
ought to be represented.
2. The inconsistency of making fee-
paying pupils pay for the rent of the
boarding-houses they occupy, and not
applying the same principle to schools
of a lower grade, has already been
pointed out. As a matter of fact, the
boarders are a source of great strength
to the school ; without them, the
foundation would be shorn of half its
advantages. It is perfectly legitimate
therefore that boarding-houses — and
more of them are much needed for the
development of the school — should be
built out of the funds of the founda-
tion, especially as all profit upon the
boarding goes to the school fund, and
not, as in English schools, to the
boarding-house masters. Provision
should expressly be made for building
more boarding-houses.
3. The age of 18 has been fixed
as that at which boys must leave,
except under very special circum-
stances. This age must have been
fixed by inadvertence. The age for
leaving all English public schools is
19, and it would be quite impossible
for Fettes College to compete upon
even terms with them for scholar-
ships and similar competitions if a
whole year were to be taken out of
the school course.
4. The new arrangements for admis-
Scotch and English Educational Endowments.
si on to the foundation are good ; bat
there can be no reason for limiting the
number of those admitted to the ex-
aminations (out of the total number of
those qualified by poverty of circum-
stances) to three times the number of
the vacancies to be filled up. The
competition should be free to all who
satisfy the prescribed conditions.
5. The tendency towards narrow un-
desirable restrictions shows itself again
where it is least in place, in the regu-
lation for entrance foundation scholar-
ships. Here, if anywhere, competition
should be absolutely free ; the main
purpose of such scholarships is to at-
tract ability and good training to a
school wherever they may be found.
Yet the Commissioners propose to re-
strict the competition to boys who
have spent three years in public or
State-aided schools, or at schools sub-
ject to Government inspection, under
the Endowment Act of 1882. Such a
restriction will be a fatal mistake, and
is absolutely without justification or
excuse, when imposed in addition to
the other restriction that the candi-
dates' "parents and guardians shall
be in such circumstances as to require
aid for giving them a higher edu-
cation."
6. Day scholars are, in future, to
be admitted to the school. To this,
in itself, there is no great objection ;
but it is further provided that the
hours of attendance shall be so fixed
as to permit the attendance of scholars
residing in Edinburgh. Here again,
from sheer inadvertence and want of
familiarity with the practical working
of schools, the Commissioners make a
proposal which would upset the whole
teaching arrangements of the school,
and rob it precisely of those advan-
tages in which the superiority of
boarding-schools over day - schools
mainly consists. The early hours uni-
versally insisted on in boarding schools
are essential to the proper working of
the system, as has been already pointed
out, and constitute one of its best
features. Yet the Commissioners are
prepared to sacrifice all these advan-
tages for the sake of theoretically
admitting a few Edinburgh boys as
day-scholars, for whom there are
excellent day-schools in Edinburgh
already, if their parents prefer that
kind of education for them.
7. The head master should have the
sole power of appointing and dismiss-
ing assistant masters ; and he should
also have power to dismiss or suspend
any boy for any adequate cause, to be
judged by him, subject only in the
latter case to the condition of send-
ing in a full report in writing to the
governors. Such powers are granted
to all head masters in English schemes,
and they are essential to the proper
management and discipline of a school.
8. Once more the local principle
leaks out in the conditions as to the
" Fettes Exhibitions " of 60J. a year.
These are to be tenable only at the
university of Edinburgh. On what pos-
sible principle should the other univer-
sities of Scotland, or even the English
universities, be shut to the holders of
these exhibitions ? Here once again
we find the testator more liberal than
his interpreters ; for he attached a
codicil to his will expressly empower-
ing his trustees to pay " such sums as
they may think proper for finishing
the education of such of the children
as they may select by sending them to
the University of Edinburgh, or such
other university as nvy trustees may think
proper." ]
It is earnestly to be hoped that the
Commissioners will reconsider these
points ; and that, as they have wisely
determined to maintain the school
as it is, they will do everything in
their power to strengthen it to take
its proper place as the first public
school in Scotland.
These and other modifications of
the proposed scheme are essential if
Fettes' College is to maintain the posi-
tion it has already secured for itself,
and to fill with increasing advantage
1 We need scarcely point out that this clause
again shows conclusively that Sir William
Fettes contemplated a high-class education,
leading right on to the universities.
48
Scotch and English Educational Endowments.
to the nation the unique place which
it holds in the Scottish educational
system. Let the endowments of Scot-
land have at least one example to
point to of a school of the highest
class, organised in the best way, and
producing results as high as those pro-
duced by any school in the kingdom.
If elsewhere the commissioners have
held themselves bound to interpret
their instructions in the narrowest
way, to maintain or impose restric-
tions which can only have the effect of
lowering the quality of education given
— if elsewhere they feel bound to for-
bid Greek to be taught — let them at
least, in the one case that admits of it,
allow a great school to remain organ-
ised on principles of absolutely open
competition, teaching the highest sub-
jects, attracting the best talent from
every part of the country, and confer-
ring a priceless boon upon a class which
in a special manner deserves our sym-
pathy. There are here no testator's
wishes to be disregarded, no restrictive
conditions imposed by the Act. The
attempt to prove that the testator in-
tended specially a school of the ordin-
ary middle-class or lower middle-class
type, has utterly broken down. He left
to his trustees absolute discretion as to
the kind of education to be provided ;
and they have acted most wisely in not
adding one more to that class of school
which is too numerous in Edinburgh
already. The legality of their action
has indeed been questioned : but by
whom? And who are the trustees
whose law has thus been assailed?
Two of them are judges in the Court
of Session : the Chairman of the Trust,
who has been its guide and moving
spirit, is the Lord Justice-General, the
President of the Scottish College of
Justice, known not only as a great
lawyer, but as a master of the subject
of education. He has himself ex-
plained and completely vindicated the
course pursued by the trustees be-
fore previous Commissions. The im-
pugner of the legality of that course is
Mr. John Ramsay of Kildalton, Islay,
M.P. for the Falkirk Burghs and a
member of the Commission. In a note
of dissent from the scheme of the
commissioners, he says : — " I am not
a lawyer, but reading Sir William
Fettes's will, according to what I con-
ceive to be its plain meaning, I am
of opinion that the application of
his funds for the purpose of estab-
lishing an institution resembling one
of the English Public Schools was
not warranted by the provisions of his
settlement." And so far does he hold the
trustees to have mis-read and mis -used
their powers, that he holds that none
of them ought to be nominated by the
commission to act on the governing
body for the future. The Justice-
General must feel deeply humbled by
such a correction of his law coming
from such a quarter. We are irre-
sistibly reminded of the famous
speech of Marcus Scaurus, when
accused of treason by the tribune of
the plebs, Q. Yarius : " Romans ! Q.
Varius, the Spaniard, has accused
M. jEmilius Scaurus, Chief of the
Senate. Which do you believe ? " Nor
can we doubt that were the people
of Scotland similarly appealed to, the
objecting Western voice would be not
less summarily extinguished in one
universal acclamation.
UNEXPLAINED.
" For facts are stubborn things."
SMOLLETT.
I.
" SILBERBACH 1 What in the name of
everything that is eccentric should you
go there for ? The most uninteresting,
out-of-the-way, altogether unattractive
little hole in all Germany ? What
can have put Silberbach in your
head?"
" I really don't know," I answered,
rather tired, to tell the truth, of the
discussion. "There doesn't seem any
particular reason why anybody ever
should go to Silberbach, except that
Goethe and the Duke of Weimar are
supposed to have gone there to dance
with the peasant maidens. I certainly
don't see that that is any reason why
/ should go there. Still, on the other
hand, I don't see that it is any reason
why I should not ? I only want to
find some thoroughly country place
where the children and I can do as we
like for a fortnight or so. It is really
too hot to stay in a town, even a little
town like this."
" Yes, that is true," said my friend.
"It is a pity you took up your
quarters in the town. You might
have taken a little villa outside, and
then you would not have needed to go
away at all."
" I wanted a rest from housekeeping,
and our queer old inn is very comfort-
able," I said. " Besides, being here,
would it not be a pity to go away
without seeing anything of the far-
famed Thuringian Forest 1 "
"Yes, certainly it would. I quite
agree with you about everything ex-
cept about Silberbach. That is what
I cannot get over. You have not
enough self-assertion, my dear. I am
certain Silberbach is some freak of
Herr von Walden's — most unpractical
man. Why, I really am not at all sure
No. 307. — VOL. LIT.
that you will get anything to eat
there."
" I am not afraid of that part of it,"
I replied philosophically. " With
plenty of milk, fresh eggs, and bread
and butter we can always get on.
And those I suppose we are sure to
find."
" Milk and eggs — yes, I suppose so.
Butter is doubtful once you leave the
tourist track, and the bread will be
the sour bread of the country."
"I don't mind that — nor do the
children. But if the worst comes
to the worst we need not stay at
Silberbach — we can always get
away."
" That is certainly true ; if one can
get there one can, I suppose, always
get away," answered Fraulein Ottilia
with a smile, " though I confess it ib
a curious inducement to name for
going to a place — that one can get
away from it ! However, we need not
say any more about it. I see your
heart is set on Silberbach, and I am
quite sure I shall have the satisfaction
of hearing you own I was right in
trying to dissuade you from it, when
you come back again," she added,
rather maliciously.
"Perhaps so. But it is not only
Silberbach we are going to. We shall
see lots of other places. Herr von
Walden has planned it all. The first
three days we shall travel mostly on
foot. I think it will be great fun.
Nora and Reggie are enchanted. Of
course I would not travel on foot alone
with them, it would hardly be safe, I
suppose? "
" Safe ? oh, yes, safe enough. The
peasants are very quiet civil people —
honest and kindly, though generally
50
Unexplained.
desperately poor ! But you would be
safe enough anywhere in Thuringia.
It is not like Alsace, where now and
then one does meet with rather queer
customers in the forests. So good by
then, my dear, for the next two or
three weeks — and may you enjoy
yourself."
" Especially at Silberbach ]"
"Even at Silberbach — that is to
say, even if I have to own you were
right and I wrong. Yes, my dear, I
am unselfish enough to hope you will
return having found Silberbach an
earthly paradise."
And waving her hand in adieu, kind
Fraulein Ottilia stood at her garden
gate watching me make my way down
the dusty road.
" She is a little prejudiced, I dare
say," I thought to myself. "Prejudiced
against Herr von Walden's choice,
for I notice every one here has their
pet places and their special aversions.
I dare say we shall like Silberbach,
and if not, we need not stay there after
the "Waldens leave us. Any way, I
shall be thankful to get out of this
heat into the real country."
I was spending the summer in a
part of Germany hitherto new ground
to me. We had — the " we " meaning
myself and my two younger children,
Nora of twelve and Reggie of nine —
settled down for the greater part of
the time in a small town on the bor-
ders of the Thuringian Forest. Small,
but not in its own estimation unim-
portant, for it was a " Residenz," with
a fortress of sufficiently ancient date
to be well worth visiting, even had
the view from its ramparts been far
less beautiful than it was. And had
the little town possessed no attractions
of its own, natural or artificial, the
extreme cordiality and kindness of its
most hospitable inhabitants would
have left the pleasantest impres-
sion on my mind. I was sorry
to leave my friends even for two or
three weeks, but it was too hot !
Nora was pale and Reggie's noble
appetite gave signs of nagging. Be-
sides— as I had said to Ottilia — it
would be too absurd to have come
so far and not see the lions of the
neighbourhood .
So we were to start the next morn-
ing for an excursion in the so-called
" Forest," in the company of Herr von
Walden, his wife, and son, and two
young men, friends of the latter. We
were to travel by rail over the first
part of the ground, uninteresting
enough, till we reached a point where
we could make our way on foot
through the woods for a considerable
distance. Then, after spending the
night in a village whose beautiful
situation had tempted some enter-
prising speculator to build a good
hotel, we proposed the next day to
plunge still deeper into the real re-
cesses of the forest, walking and driv-
ing by turns, in accordance with our
inclination and the resources of the
country in respect of Einspdnners — the
light carriage with the horse invariably
yoked at one side of the pole instead
of between shafts, in which one gets
about more speedily and safely than
might be imagined. And at the end
of three or four days of this, weather
permitting, agreeably nomad life, our
friends the Waldens, obliged to return
to their home in the town from which
we started, were to leave my children
and me for a fortnight's country air
in this same village of Silberbach
which Ottilia so vehemently objected
to. I did not then, I do not now,
know — and I am pretty sure he him-
self could not say — why our guide,
Herr von Walden, had chosen Silber-
bach from among the dozens of other
villages which could quite as well — as
events proved, indeed, infinitely better
— have served our very simple pur-
pose. It was a chance, as such things
often are, but a chance which, as you
will see, left its mark in a manner
which can never be altogether effaced
from my memory.
The programme was successfully
carried out. The weather was magni-
ficent. Nobody fell ill or foot-sore, or
turned out unexpectedly bad-tempered.
And it was hot enough, even in the
Unexplained.
51
forest shades, which we kept to as
much as possible, to have excused some
amount of irritability. But we were
all sound and strong, and had entered
into a tacit compact of making the
best of things and enjoying ourselves
as much as we could. Nora and Reg-
gie perhaps, by the end of the second
day, began to have doubts as to the
delights of indefinitely continued walk-
ing excursions, and though they would
not have owned to it, they were not, 1
think, sorry to hear that the greater
part of the fourth day's travels was to
be on wheels. But they were very
well off. Lutz von Walden and his
two friends, a young baron — rather the
typical " German student " in appear-
ance, though in reality as hearty and
unsentimental as any John Bull of his
age and rank — and George Norman, an
English boy of seventeen or eighteen,
" getting up " German for an army
examination, were all three only too
ready to carry my little boy on their
backs on any sign of over-fatigue.
And indeed, more than one hint
reached me, that they would willingly
have done the same by Nora, had the
dignity of her twelve years allowed of
such a thing. She scarcely looked her
age at that time, but she was very
conscious of having entered " on her
teens," and the struggle between this
new importance and her hitherto al-
most boyish tastes was amusing to
watch. She was strong and healthy
in the extreme, intelligent though not
precocious, observant but rather
matter-of-fact, with no undue develop-
ment of the imagination, nothing that
by any kind of misapprehension or
exaggeration could have been called
"morbid" about her. It was a legend
in the family, that the word " nerves "
existed not for Nora : she did not
know the meaning of fear, physical or
moral. I could sometimes wish she
had never learnt otherwise. But we
must take the bad with the good, the
shadow inseparable from the light.
The first perception of things not
dreamt of in her simple childish philo-
sophy came to Nora as I would not
have chosen it ; but so, I must believe
it had to be.
"Where are we to sleep to-night,
Herr von Walden, please ? " asked
Reggie from the heights of Lutz's
broad shoulders, late that third after-
noon, when we were all, not the child-
ren only, beginning to think that a
rest even in the barest of inn parlours,
and a dinner even of the most modest
description would be very welcome.
" Don't tease so, Reggie," said Nora.
" I'm sure Herr von Walden has told
you the name twenty times already."
" Yes, but I forget it," urged the
child ; and good-natured Herr von
Walden, nowise loath to do so again,
took up the tale of our projected
doings and destinations.
" To-night, my dear child, we sleep
at the pretty little town — yes, town
I may almost call it, of Seeberg. It
stands in what I may call an oasis of
the forest, which stops abruptly, and
begins again some miles beyond See-
berg. We should be there in another
hour or so," he went on, consulting his
watch. " I have, of course, written
for rooms there, as I have done to all
the places where we meant to halt.
And so far I have not proved a bad
courier, I flatter myself? "
He paused, and looked round him
complacently.
" No, indeed," replied everybody.
" The very contrary. We have got
on capitally."
At which the beaming face of our
commander-in-chief beamed still more
graciously.
"And to-morrow," continued Reggie
in his funny German, pounding away
vigorously at Lutz's shoulders mean-
while, " what do we do to-morrow 1
We must have an Einspanner — is it
not so? not that we are tired, but
you said we had far to go."
" Yes, an Einspanner for the ladies
— your amiable mother, Miss Nora,
and my wife, and you, Reggie, will find
a corner beside the driver. Myself
and these young fellows," indicating
the three friends by a wave of the
hand, " will start from Seeberg be-
E 2
52
Unexplained.
times, giving you rendezvous at Ulrics-
thal where there are some famous
ruins. And you must not forget," he
added, turning to his wife and me,
" to stop at Griinstein as you pass,
and spend a quarter of an hour in the
china manufactory there."
" Just what I wanted," said Frau
von Walden. " I have a tea-service
from there, and I am in hopes of
matching it. I had a good many
breakages last winter with a dread-
fully careless servant, and there is a
good deal to replace.
" I don't think I know the Griin-
stein china," I said. "Is it very
pretty t "
" It is very like the blue and white
one sees so much of with us," said
Frau von Walden. " That, the ordi-
nary blue and white is made at
Blauenstein. But there is more variety
of colours at Griinstein. They are rather
more enterprising there, I fancy, and
perhaps there is a finer quality of china
clay, or whatever they call it, in that
neighbourhood. I often wonder the
Thuringian china is not more used in
England, where you are so fond of
novelties."
"And where nothing is so appre-
ciated as what comes from a distance,"
said George Norman. " By Jove !
isn't that a pretty picture ! " he broke
off suddenly, and we all stood still to
admire.
It was the month of August ;
already the subdued evening lights
were replacing the brilliant sunshine
and blue sky of the glowing summer
day. We were in the forest, through
which at this part ran the main road
which we were following to Seeberg.
At one side of the road the ground
descended abruptly to a considerable
depth, and there in the defile far
beneath us ran a stream, on one bank
of which the trees had been for some
distance cleared away, leaving a strip
of pasture of the most vivid green
imaginable. And just below where
we stood, a goat-herd, in what — thanks
possibly to the enchantment of the
distance — appeared a picturesque cos-
tume, was slowly making his way
along, piping as he went, and his flock,
of some fifteen or twenty goats of
every colour and size, following him
according to their own eccentric
fashion, some scrambling on the bits
of rock a little way up the ascending
ground, others quietly browsing here
and there on their way — the tinkling
of their collar-bells reaching us with
a far-away silvery sound through the
still softer and fainter notes of the
pipe. There was something strangely
fascinating about it all — something
pathetic in the goatherd's music,
simple, barbaric even as it was, and
in the distant uncertain tinkling,
which impressed us all, and for a
moment or two no one spoke.
" What is it that it reminds me of 1 "
said Lutz suddenly. " I seem to have
seen and heard it all before."
" Yes, I know exactly how you
mean," I replied. "It is like a
dream," and as I said so, I walked on
again a little in advance of the others
with Lutz and his rider. For I
thought I saw a philosophical or
metaphysical dissertation preparing in
Herr von Walden's bent brows and
general look of absorption, and some-
how, just then it would have spoilt it
all. Lutz seemed instinctively to
understand, for he too for a moment or
so was silent. When suddenly a
joyful cry arose.
" Seeberg ! " exclaimed several voices.
For the first sight of our temporary
destination broke upon the view all at
once, as is often the case in these more
or less wooded districts. One travels
for hours together as if in an enchanted
land of changeless monotony ; trees,
trees everywhere and nothing but
trees — one could fancy late in the
afternoon that one was back at the
early morning's starting point — when
suddenly the forest stops — sharply
and completely, where the hand of
man has decreed that it should, not by
gradual degrees as when things have
been left to the gentler management
of nature and time.
So our satisfaction was the greater
Unexplained.
53
from not having known the goal of
that day's journey to be so near. We
began to allow to each other for the
first time that we were "a little tired,"
and with far less hesitation, that we were
"very hungry." Still we were not a
very dilapitated-looking party when
the inhabitants of Seeberg turned out
at doors and windows to inspect us.
Reggie, of course, -whom no considera-
tions would have induced to make his
entry on Lutz's shoulders, looking the
freshest of all, and eliciting many
complimentary remarks from the
matrons and maidens of the place as
we passed.
Our quarters at Seeberg met with
the approval of everybody. The
supper was excellent, our rooms as
clean and comfortable as could be
wished.
" So far," I could not help saying to
my friends, " I have seen no signs of
the ' roughing it,' for which you pre-
pared me. I call this luxurious."
"Yes, this is very comfortable,"
said Herr von Walden. "At Silber-
bach, which we shall reach to-morrow
evening, all will be much more homely.
"But that is what I like," I
maintained stoutly. " I assure you I am
not at all difficile, as the French say."
" Still "—began Frau von Walden,
" are you sure that you know what
' roughing it ' means 1 One has such
romantic, • unpractical ideas till one
really tries it. For me, I confess,
there is something very depressing in
being without all the hundred and one
little comforts, not to say luxuries,
that have become second nature to us,
and yet I hope, I do not think I am a
self-indulgent woman."
" Certainly not," I said, and with
sincerity.
" Tf it were necessary' I hope I
should be quite ready to live in a
cottage and make the best4 of it cheer-
fully. But when it is not necessary ?
Don't you think, my dear friend, it
would perhaps be wiser for you to
arrange to spend your two or three
weeks here, and not go on to Silber-
bach ] You might return here to-
morrow from Ulrichsthal while we
make our way home by Silberbach, if
my husband really wishes to see it."
I looked at her in some surprise.
What possessed everybody to caution
me so against Silberbach ? Every-
body, that is to say, except Herr von
Walden himself. A spice of contra-
diction began to influence me. Per-
haps the worthy Herr had himself
been influenced in the same way more
than he realised.
" I don't see why I should do so,"
I said. " We expect really to
enjoy ourselves at Silberbach. You
have no reason for advising me to give
it up 1 "
"No, oh no — none in particular,"
she replied. "I have only a feeling
that it is rather out of the way and
lonely for you. Supposing, for in-
stance one of the children got ill
there?"
" Oh, my dear, you are too fanciful,"
said her husband. " Why should the
children get ill there more than any-
where else ? If one thought of all
these possibilities one would never
stir from home."
" And you know my maid is ready
to follow me as soon as I quite settle
where we shall stay," I said. " I
shall not be alone more than four-
and-twenty hours. Of course it would
have been nonsense to bring Lina with
us ; she would have been quite out of
her element during our walking expe
ditions."
"And I have a very civil note from
the inn at Silberbach, the Katze,"
said Herr von Walden, pulling a mass
of heterogeneous-looking papers out of
his pocket. " Where can it be 1 Not
that it matters ; he will have supper
and beds ready for us to-morrow night.
And then," he went on to me, " if you
like it you can make some arrangement
for the time you wish to stay, if not you
can return here, or go on to any place
that takes your fancy. We, my wife
and I and these boys, must be home
by Saturday afternoon, so we can only
stay the one night at Silberbach," for
this was Thursday.
Unexplained.
And so it was settled.
The next day dawned as bright and
cloudless as its predecessors. The gentle-
men had started — I should be afraid to
say how early — meaning to be over-
taken by us at Ulrichsthal. Reggie had
gone to bed with the firm intention of
accompanying them, but as it was not
easy to wake him and get him up in
time to eat his breakfast, and be ready
when the Einspawner came round
to the door, my predictions that he
would be too sleepy for so early a start
proved true.
It was pleasant in the early morn-
ing— pleasanter than it would be later
in the day. I noticed an unusual
amount of blue haze on the distant
mountain tops, for the road along
which we were driving was open on
all sides for some distance, and the
view was extensive.
" That betokens great heat, I sup-
pose," I said, pointing out the appear-
ance I observed to my companion.
"I suppose so. That bluish mist
probably increases in hot and sultry
weather," she said. " But it is always
to be seen more or less in this country,
and is, I believe, peculiar to some of
the German hill and forest districts. I
don't know what it comes from —
whether it has to do with the im-
mense number of pines in the forests,
perhaps. Some one, I think, once told
me that it indicates the presence of a
great deal of electricity in the air, but
I am far too ignorant to know if that is
true or not."
"And I am far too ignorant to
know what the effect would be if it
were so," I said. " It is a very healthy
country, is it not ? "
" For strangers it certainly is.
Doctors send theirpatients herefrom all
parts of Germany. But the inhabit-
ants themselves do not seem strong or
healthy. One sees a good many de-
formed people, and they all look pale
and thin — much less robust than the
people of the Black Forest. But that
may come from their poverty — the
peasants of the Black Forest are pro-
verbially well off."
A distant, very distant, peal of
thunder was heard at this moment.
" I hope the weather is not going to
break up just yet," I said. " Are there
often bad thunder-storms here ? "
" Yes ; I think we do have a good
many in this part of the world," she
replied. " But I do not think there
are any signs of one at present."
And then, still a little sleepy and
tired from our unusual exertions of
the last few days, we all three, Frau
von Walden, Nora, and myself, sat
very still for some time, though the
sound of Reggie's voice persistently
endeavouring to make the driver
understand his inquiries, showed that
he was as lively as ever.
He turned round after a while in
triumph.
" Mamma, Frau von Walden," he
exclaimed, " we are close to that place
where they make the cups and saucers.
Herr von Walden said we weren't to
forget to go there — and you all would
have forgotten, you see, if it hadn't
been for me," he added complacently.
" Griinstein," said Frau von Wal-
den. " Well, tell the driver to stop
there, he can rest his horses for half-
an-hour or so ; and thank you for re-
minding us, Reggie, for I should have
been sorry to lose the opportunity of
matching my service."
The china manufactory was not of
any very remarkable interest, at least
not for those who had visited such
places before. But the people were
exceedingly civil, and evidently much
pleased to have visitors, and while my
friend was looking out the things she
was specially in search of — a business
which promised to take some little
time — a good-natured sub-manager, or
functionary of some kind, proposed to
take the children to see the sheds
where the first mixing and kneading
took place, the moulding rooms, the
painting rooms, the ovens — in short,
the whole process. They accepted his
offer with delight, and I wandered
about the various pattern or show
rooms, examining and admiring all
that was to be seen, poking into cor-
Unexplained.
55
ners where any specially pretty bit of
china caught my eye. But there was
no great variety in design or colour,
though both were good of their kind,
the Griinsteiners, like their rivals of
Blauenstein, seeming content to follow
in the steps of their fathers without
seeking for new inspirations. Sud-
denly, however, all but hidden in a
corner, far away back on a shelf, a
flash of richer tints made me start
forward eagerly. There was no one
near to apply to at the moment, so I
carefully drew out my treasure trove.
It was a cup and saucer, evidently of
the finest quality of china, though
pretty similar in shape to the regular
Griinstein ware, but in colouring
infinitely richer — really beautiful, with
an almost Oriental cleverness in the
blending of the many shades, and yet
decidedly more striking and uncommon
than any of the modern Oriental with
which of late years the facilities of
trade with the East have made us so
familiar. I stood with the cup in my
hand, turning it around and admiring
it, when Frau von Walden and the
woman who had been attending to
her orders came forward to where I
was.
" See here," I exclaimed : " here is
a lovely cup ! Now a service like that
would be tempting ! Have you more
of it ? " I inquired of the woman.
She shook her head.
" That is all that remains," she
said. " We have never kept it in
stock ; it is far too expensive. Of
course it can be made to order, though
it would take some months, and cost a
good deal."
" I wish I could order a service of
it," I said ; but when I heard how
much it would probably cost it was
my turn to shake my head. "No, I
must consider about it," I decided ;
"but I really have never seen any-
thing prettier. Can I buy this cup t "
The woman hesitated.
" It is the only one left," she said ;
" but I think — oh yes, I feel sure — we
have the pattern among the painting
designs. This cup belonged to — or
rather was an extra one of a tea ser
vice made expressly for the Duchess of
T , on her marriage, now some
years ago. And it is curious, we sold
the other one — there were two too
many — to a compatriot of yours — (the
gracious lady is English ? ) — two or
three years ago. He admired them so
much, and felt sure his mother would
send an order if he took it home to
shew her. A tall, handsome young
man he was. I remember it so well ;
just about this time of the year, and
hot, sultry weather like this. He was
travelling on foot — for pleasure, no
doubt — for he had quite the air of a
'milord.' And he bought the cup.
and took it with him. But he has
never written ! I made sure he would
have done so."
" He did not leave his name or
address 1 " I said : for the world is a
small place : it was just possible I
might have known him, and the little
coincidence would have been curious.
" Oh no," said the woman. " But I
have often wondered why he changed
his mind. He seemed so sure about
sending the order. It was not the
price that made him hesitate ; but he
wished his lady mother to make out
the list herself."
" Well, I confess the price does make
me hesitate," I said, smiling. " How-
ever, if you will let me buy this cup, I
have great hopes of proving a better
customer than my faithless com-
patriot."
" I am sure he meant to send the
order," said the woman. She spoke
quite civilly, but I was not sure that
she liked my calling him " faithless."
" It is evident," I said to Frau von
Walden, " that the good-looking young
Englishman made a great impression
on her. I rather think she gave him
the fellow cup for nothing."
But after all I had no reason to be
jealous, for just then the woman re-
turned, after consulting the manager,
to tell me I might have the cup and
saucer, and for a less sum than their
real worth, seeing that I was taking
it, in a sense, as a pattern.
56
Unexplained.
Then she wrapped it up for me,
carefully and in several papers, of
which the outside one was bright blue ;
and, very proud of my acquisition, I
followed Frau von Walden to the other
side of the building containing the
workrooms, where we found the two
children full of interest about all they
had seen.
I should here, perhaps, apologise for
entering into so much and apparently
trifling detail. But as will, I think, be
seen when I have told all I have to
tell, it would be difficult to give the
main facts fairly and so as to avoid all
danger of any mistaken impression
without relating the whole of the siir-
roundings. If I tried to condense, to
pick out the salient points, to enter
into no particulars but such as directly
and unmistakably lead up to the cen-
tral interest, I might unintentionally
omit what those wiser than I would
consider as bearing on it. So, like a
patient adjured by his doctor or a
client urged by his lawyer to tell the
whole at the risk of long-windedness,
I prefer to run that risk, while claim-
ing my readers' forgiveness for so
doing, rather than that of relating my
story incompletely.
And what I would here beg to have
specially observed is that not one word
about the young Englishman had been
heard by Nora. She was, in fact, in a
distant part of the building at the
time the saleswoman was telling us
about him. And, furthermore, I am
equally certain, and so is Frau von
Walden, that neither she nor I, then
or afterwards, mentioned the subject
to, or in the presence of, the children.
I did not show her the cup and saucer,
as it would have been a pity to undo
its careful wrappings. All she knew
about it will be told in due course.
We had delayed longer than we in-
tended at the china manufactory, and
in consequence we were somewhat late
at the meeting-place — Ulricsthal. The
gentlemen had arrived there quite an
hour before ; so they had ordered
luncheon, or dinner rather, at the inn,
and thoroughly explored the ruins.
But dinner discussed, and neither Frau
von Walden nor I objecting to pipes,
our cavaliers were amiably willing to
show us all there was to be seen.
The ruins were those of an ancient
monastery, one of the most ancient in
Germany, I believe. They covered a
very large piece of ground, and had
they been in somewhat better preser-
vation they would have greatly im-
pressed us ; as it was, they were
undoubtedly, .even to the unlearned
in archaeological lore, very interesting.
The position of the monastery had
been well and carefully chosen, for on
one side it commanded a view of sur-
passing beauty over the valley through
which we had travelled from Seeberg,
while on the other arose still higher
ground, richly wooded — for the irre-
pressible forest here, as it were, broke
out again.
" It is a most lovely spot ! " I said
with some enthusiasm, as we sat in
the shade of the ruined cloisters, the
sunshine flecking the sward in eccentric
patches as it made its way through
what had evidently been richly-sculp-
tured windows. " How one wishes it
were possible to see it as it must have
been — how many 1 — three or four
hundred years ago, I suppose ! "
Lutz grunted.
" What did you say, Lutz ] " asked
his mother.
" Nothing particular," he sighed.
" I was only thinking of what I read
in the guide-book — -that the monastery
was destroyed — partly by lightning, I
believe, all the same — by order of the
authorities, in consequence of the really
awful wickedness of the monks who
inhabited it. So I am not sure that it
would have been a very nice place to
visit at the time you speak of, gracious
lady, begging your pardon."
" What a pity ! " I said, with a
little shudder. " I do not like to think
of it. And I was going to say how
beautiful it must be here in the moon-
light ! But now that you have dis-
enchanted me, Lutz, I should not like
it at all," and I arose as I spoke.
" Why not, mamma ? " said Reggie
Unexplained.
57
curiously. I had not noticed that he
and his sister were listening to us.
" They're not here now : not those
naughty monks."
"No, of course not," agreed prac-
tical Nora. "Mamma only means
that it is a pity such a beautiful big
house as this must have been had to
be pulled down — such a waste when
there are so many poor people in the
world with miserable, little, stuffy
houses, or none at all even ! That was
what you meant, wasn't it, mamma? "
" It is always a pity — the worst of
pities — when people are wicked, wher-
ever they are," I replied.
" But all monks are not bad,"
remarked Nora consolingly. "Think
of the Great St. Bernard ones, with
their dogs."
And on Reggie's inquiring mind
demanding further particulars on the
subject, she walked on with him some-
what in front of the rest of us — a
happy little pair in the sunshine.
" Lutz," said his father, " you cannot
be too careful what you say before
children : they are often shocked or
frightened by so little. Though yours
are such healthy-minded little people,"
he added, turning to me, " it is not
likely anything undesirable would
make any impression on them."
I particularly remember this little
incident.
It turned out a long walk to Silber-
bach, the longest we had yet attempted.
Hitherto Herr von Walden had been
on known ground, and thoroughly
acquainted with the roads, the dis-
tances, and all necessary particulars.
But it was the first time he had
explored beyond Seeberg, and before
we had accomplished more than half
the journey, he began to feel a little
alarm at the information given us by
the travellers we came across at long
intervals " coming from," not " going
to St. Ives ! " For the further we
went the greater seemed to be the
distance we had to go !
"An hour or thereabouts," grew
into "two," or even "three," hours;
and at last, on a peculiarly stupid
countryman assuring us we would
scarcely reach our destination before
nightfall, our conductor's patience
broke down altogether.
" Idiots ! " he exclaimed. " But I
cannot stand this any longer. I will
hasten on and see for myself. And if,
as I expect, we are really not very far
from Silberbach, it will be all the
better for me to find out the ' Katze,'
and see that everything is ready for
your animal."
Frau von Walden seemed a little
inclined to protest, but I begged her
not to do so, seeing that three able-
bodied protectors still remained to us,
and that it probably was really tire-
some for a remarkably good and trained
pedestrian like her husband to have to
adapt his vigorous steps to ours. And
comfort came from an unexpected
quarter — the old peasant woman,
strong and muscular as any English
labourer, whom we had hired at See-
berg to carry our bags and shawls
through the forest, overheard the dis-
cussion, and for the first time broke
silence to assure " the gracious ladies "
that Silberbach was at no great dis-
tance, in half an hour or so we should
come upon^the first of its houses.
" Though as for the ' Katze,' " she
added, " that was further off — at the
other end of the village ; " and she
went on muttering something about
"if she had known we were going to
the 'Katze,' " which we did not under-
stand, but which afterwards, "being
translated," proved to mean that she
would have stood out for more pay.
Sure enough, at the end of not more
than three quarters of an hour we
came upon one or two outlying houses.
Then the trees, gradually here, grew
sparser and soon ceased, except in oc-
casional patches. It was growing
dusk, but as we emerged from the
wrr-i we found that we were on a
height, the forest road having been a
steady, though almost imperceptible, as-
cent. Far below gleamed already some
twinkling cottage lights and the
silvery reflection of a small piece of
water.
58
Unexplained.
"To be sure," said young Yon
Trachenfels, " there is a lake at
Silberbach. Here we are at last !
But where is the « Katze ' ? "
He might well ask. Never was
there so tantalising a place as Silber-
bach. Instead of one compact, sensi-
ble village, it was more like three or
four — nay, five or six — wretched ham-
lets, each at several minutes' distance
from all the others. And the "Katze,"
of course, was at the further end of
the furthest off from where we stood
of these miserable little ragged ends of
village ! Climbing is tiring work, but
it seemed to me it would have been
preferable to what lay before us, a
continual descent, by the ruggedest of
hill paths, of nearly two miles, stumb-
ling along in the half light, tired, foot-
sore past description, yet — to our ever-
lasting credit be it recorded — laughing,
jor trying to laugh — determined at all
costs to make the best of it.
" I have no feet left," said poor
Frau von "Walden. " I am only con-
scious of two red-hot balls, attached
somehow to my ankles. I dare say
tJiey will drop off soon."
How thankful we were at last to
attain to what bore some faint resem-
blance to a village street ! How we
gazed on every side to discover any-
thing like an inn ! How we stared at
each other in bewilderment when at
last, from we could not see where,
came the well-known voice of Herr von
Walden, shouting to us to stop.
" It is here — here, I say. You are
going too far."
" Here," judging by the direction
whence came the words, seemed to be
a piled-up mass of hay, of proportions,
exaggerated perhaps by the uncertain
light, truly enormous. * Was our
friend buried in the middle of it ? Not
so. By degrees we made out his sun-
burnt face, beaming as ever, from out
of a window behind the hay — cartful
or stack, we were not sure which — -and
by still further degrees we discovered
that the hay was being unloaded before
a little house which it had almost
entirely hidden from view, and inside
which it was being carried, apparently
by the front door, for there was no
other door to be seen ; but as we stood
in perplexity, Herr vonj Walden, whose
face had disappeared, emerged in some
mysterious way.
" You can come through the kitchen,
ladies ; or by the window, if you
please." But though the boys, and
Nora were got, or got themselves, in
through the window, .Frau von Walden
and I preferred the kitchen; and I
remember nothing more till we found
ourselves all assembled — the original
eight as we had started — in a very
low-roofed, sandy-floored, tobacco-im-
pregnated sort of cabin which, it
appeared, was the salle-a-manger of the
renowned hostelry " zur Katze" of
Silberbach !
Herr von Walden was vigorously
mopping his face. It was very red,
and naturally so, considering the
weather and the want of ventilation
peculiar to the " Katze " ; but it struck
me there was something slightly forced
about the beamingness.
" So, so," he began ; " all's well that
ends well ! But I must explain," and
he mopped still more vigorously, " that
— there has been a slight, in short a
little, mistake about the accommodation
I wish to secure. The supper I have
seen to and it will be served directly.
But as to the beds," and here he
could not help laughing, " our worthy
host has beds enough " — we found
afterwards that every available
mattress and pillow in the village had
been levied — " but there is but one
bedroom, or two, I may say." For
the poor Herr had not lost his time
since his arrival. Appalled by the
want of resources, he had suggested
the levy of beds, and had got the host
to spread them on the floor of a
granary for himself, the three young
men and Reggie ; while his wife, Nora
and I were to occupy the one bedroom,
which luckily contained two small
beds and a sort of settee, such as one
sees in old farmhouses all over the
world.
So it was decided ; and, after all, for
Unexplained.
59
one night, what did it matter ? For one
night 1 that was for me the question !
The suppeivwas really not bad ; but the
look, and still worse the smell, of the
room when it was served, joined no
doubt to our excessive fatigue, made it
impossible for me to eat anything.
My friends were sorry, and I felt
ashamed of myself for being so easily
knocked up or knocked down. How
thoroughly I entered into Frau von
Walden's honestly expressed dislike to
" roughing it " ! Yet it was not only
the uncivilised look of the place, nor
the coarse food, nor the want of
comfort that made me feel that one
night of Silberbach would indeed be
enough for me. A sort of depression,
of fear almost, came over me when I
.•pictured the two children and myself
alone in that strange, out-of-the-world
place, where it really seemed to me we
might all three be made an end of
without any one being the wiser of it !
There was a general look of squalor
and stolid depression about the people
too : the landlord was a black browed,
surlily silent sort of man, his wife and
the one maid-servant looked frightened
and anxious, and the only voices to be
heard were those of half tipsy peasants
drinking and quarrelling at the bar.
To say the least it was not enliven-
ing. Yet my pride was engaged. I
did not like to own myself already
beaten. After supper I sat apart, re-
flecting rather gloomily as to what I
could or should do, while the young
men and the children amused them-
selves with the one piece of luxury
with which the poorest inn in Thuringia
is sure to be provided. For, anomalous
as it may seem, there was a piano, and
by no means an altogether decrepit
one, in the sandy-floored parlour !
Herr von Walden was smoking his
pipe outside, the hay being by this
time housed somewhere or other. His
wife, who had been speaking to him,
came in and sat down beside me.
" My dear," she said, " you must
not be vexed with me for renewing
the subject, but I cannot help it : I
feel a responsibility. You must not,
you really must not, think of staying
here alone with those two children. It
is not fit for you."
Oh, how I blessed her for breaking
the ice ! I could hardly help hugging
her as I replied — diplomatically —
"You really think so ? "
" Certainly I do ; and so, though
perhaps he won't say so as frankly —
so does my husband. He says I am
foolish and fanciful ; but I confess to
feeling a kind of dislike to the place
that I cannot explain. Perhaps there
is thunder in the air — that always
affects my nerves — but I just feel that
I cannot agree to your staying on
here."
" Very well, I am quite willing to
go back to Seeberg to-morrow," I
replied meekly. " Of course we can't
judge of the place by what we have
seen of it to-night, but no doubt, as far
as the inn is concerned, Seeberg is much
nicer. I dare say we can see all we
want by noon to-morrow and get back
to Seeberg in the afternoon."
Kind Frau von Walden kissed me
rapturously on both cheeks.
" You don't know, my dear, the re-
lief to my mind of hearing you say
so! And now I think the best thing we
can do is to go to bed. For we must
start at six."
"So early!" I exclaimed, with a
fresh feeling of dismay.
" Yes, indeed ; and I must bid you
good-bye to-night, for, after all, I am
not to sleep in your room, which is much
better, as I should have had to disturb
you so early. My husband has found
a tidy room next door in a cottage, and
we shall do very well there."
What sort of a place she euphem-
istically described as " a tidy room "
I never discovered. But it would
have been useless to remonstrate, the
kind creature was so afraid of incom-
moding us that she would have listened
to no objections.
Herr von Walden came in just as
we were about to wish each other good-
night.
" So ! " he said, with a tone of
amiable indulgence, " so ! And what
60
Unexplained.
do you think of Silberbach ? My wife
feels sure you will not like it after all."
" I think I shall see as much as I
care to see of it in an hour or two
to-morrow morning," I replied quietly.
" And by the afternoon the children
and I will go back to our comfortable
quarters at Seeberg."
" Ah, indeed ! Yes, I dare say it
will be as well," he said airily, as if he
had nothing at all to do with decoying
us to the place. " Then good-night
and pleasant dreams, and —
" But," I interrupted, " I want to
know how we are to get back to
Seeberg. Can I get an Einsptinner
here?"
"To be sure, to be sure. You
have only to speak to the landlord
in the morning, and tell him at what
hour you want it ; " he answered so
confidently that I felt no sort of mis-
giving, and I turned with a smile to
finish my good-nights.
The young men were standing close
beside us. I shook hands with
Trachenfels and Lutz, the latter of
whom, though he replied as heartily
as usual, looked, I thought, annoyed.
George Norman followed me to the
door of the room. In front of us was
the ladder like staircase leading to the
upper regions.
" What a hole of a place ! " said the
boy. " I don't mind quite a cottage,
if it's clean and cheerful, but this place
is so grim and squalid. I can't tell
you how glad I am you're not going
to stay on here alone. It really isn't
fit for you."
""Well, you may be easy, as we
shall only be here a few hours after
you leave."
" Yes ; so much the better. I wish
I could have stayed, but I must be
back at Kronberg to-morrow. Lutz
could have stayed and seen you back
to Seeberg, but his father won't let
him. Herr von Walden is so queer
once he takes an idea in his head, and
he won't allow this place isn't all
right."
" But I dare say there would be
nothing to hurt us ! Any way, I will
write to reassure you that we have
not fallen into a nest of cut-throats
or brigands," I said laughingly.
Certainly it never occurred to me
or to my friends what would be the
nature of the "experience" which
would stamp Silberbach indelibly on
our memory.
We must have been really very
tired, for, quite contrary to our habit,
the children and I slept late the next
morning, undisturbed by the depart-
ure of our friends at the early hour
arranged by them.
The sun was shining, and Silber-
bach, like every other place, appeared
all the better for it. But the view
from the window of our room was not
encouraging. It looked out upon the
village street — a rough, unkempt sort
of track, and on its other side the
ground rose abruptly to some height,
but treeless and grassless. It seemed
more like the remains of a quarry of
some kind, for there was nothing to
be seen but stones and broken pieces
of rock.
" We must go out after our break-
fast and look about us a little before we
start," I said. " But how glad I shall
be to get back to that bright, cheerful
Seeberg ! "
" Yes, indeed," said Nora. " I think
this is the ugliest place I ever was at
in my life." And she was not in-
clined to like it any better when
Reggie, whom we sent down to recon-
noitre, rcame back to report that we
must have our breakfast in our own
room.
" There's a lot of rough-looking
men down there, smoking and drink-
ing beer. You couldn't eat there,"
said the child.
But, after all, it was to be our last
meal there, and we did not complain.
The root coffee was not too unpalatable
with plenty of good milk ; the bread
was sour and the butter dubious, as
Ottilia had foretold, so we soaked
the bread in the coffee, like French
peasants.
"Mamma," said Nora gravely, "it
makes me sorry for poor people. I
Unexplained.
61
dare say many never have anything
nicer to eat than this."
" Not nicer than this ! " I exclaimed.
" Why, my dear child, thousands, not
in Germany only, but in France and
England, never taste anything as
good."
The little girl opened her eyes.
There are salutary lessons to be learnt
from even the mildest experience of
" roughing it."
Suddenly Nora's eyes fell on a little
parcel in blue paper. It was lying
on one of the shelves of the stove,
which, as in most German rooms, stood
out a little from the wall, and in its
summer idleness was a convenient
receptacle for odds and ends. This
stove was a high one, of black-leaded
iron ; it stood between the door and the
wall, on the same side as the door, and
was the most conspicuous object in
the room.
" Mamma," she exclaimed, " there
is the parcel you brought away from
the china place. What is it 1 I wish
you would show it me."
I gave a little exclamation of
annoyance.
" Frau von Walden has forgotten
it," I said ; for my friend, returning
straight to Kronberg, had offered to
take it home for me in her bag for
fear of accidents. " It does not mat-
ter," I added, " I will pack it among
our soft things. It is a very pretty
cup and saucer, but I will show it to
you at Kronberg, for it is so nicely
wrapped up. Now I am going down-
stairs to order the Einspanner, and we
can walk about for an hour or two."
The children came with me. I had
some trouble in disinterring the land-
lord, but at last I found him, of course
with a pipe in his mouth, hanging
about the premises. He listened to
me civilly enough, but when I waited
for his reply as to whether the
Einspanner would be ready about
twelve o'clock, he calmly regarded
me without speaking. I repeated my
inquiry.
"At twelve?" he said calmly.
"Yes, no doubt the gracious lady
might as well fix twelve as any other
hour, for there was no such thing as a
horse, much less an Einspanner, to be
had at Silberbach."
I stared at him in my turn.
" No horse, no carriage to be had.
How do people ever get away from
here then ? " I said.
" They don't get away — that is to
say, if they come at all, they go as
they came, in the carriage that brought
them ; otherwise they neither come
nor go. The lady came on foot : she
can go on foot ; otherwise she can
stay."
There seemed something sinister in
his words. A horrible, ridiculous
feeling came over me that we were
caught in a net, as it were, and doomed
to stay at Silberbach for the rest of
our lives. But I looked at the man.
He was simply stolid and indifferent.
I did not believe then, nor do I now,
that he was anything worse than sulky
and uncivilised. He did not even care
to have us as his visitors : he had no
wish to retain us nor to speed us on
our way. Had we remained at the
" Katze " from that day to this, I don't
believe he would have ever inquired
what we stayed for !
" I cannot walk back to Seeberg," I
said, half indignantly, " we are too
tired ; nor would it be safe through
the forest alone with two children."
The landlord knocked some ashes
off his pipe.
"There may be an ox-cart going
that way next week," he observed.
" Next week ! " I repeated. Then
a sudden idea struck me. " Is there
a post-office here ? " I said.
Of course - there was a post-office ;
where can one go in Germany where
there is not a post and telegraph-
office?
"The telegraph officials must be
sadly over- worked here," I said to
myself. But as far as mine host was
concerned I satisfied myself with ob-
taining the locality of the post-office,
and with something like a ray of hope
I turned to look for the children.
They had been amusing themselves
62
Unexplained.
with the piano in the new empty
room, but as I called to them, Reggie
ran out with a very red face.
" I wish I were a man, mamma.
Fancy ! a peasant — one of those men
who were drinking beer — came and
put his arm around Norah as she was
playing. ' Du spielst schb'n,' he said,
and I do believe he meant to kiss
her, if I hadn't shaken my fist at
him."
" Yes, indeed, mamma," said Nora,
equally but more calmly indignant.
" I certainly think the sooner we get
away the better."
I had to tell them of my discom-
fiture, but ended with my new idea.
" If there is a post-office," I said,
"the mail must stop there, and the
mail takes passengers."
But, arrived at the neat little post-
house, to reach which without a most
tremendous round we had to climb up
a really precipitous path, so-called,
over the stones and rocks in front of
the inn, new dismay awaited us. The
post-master was a very old man, but
of a very different type from our host.
He was sorry to disappoint us, but
the mail only stopped here for letters
— all passengers must begin their
journey at — I forget where— leagues
off on the other side from Silberbach.
We wanted to get away ? He was not
surprised. What had we come for ? No
one ever came here. Were we Ameri-
cans ! Staying at the " Katze " ! Good
heavens ! " A rough place." " I should
rather think so."
And this last piece of information
fairly overcame him. He evidently
felt he must come to the rescue of
these poor Babes in the wood.
" Come up when the mail passes
from Seeberg this evening *at seven,
and I will see what I can do with the
conductor. If he happens to have no
passengers to-morrow, he may stretch
a point and take you in. No one will
be the wiser."
"Oh, thanks, thanks," I cried. "Of
course I will pay anything he likes
to ask."
" No need for that. He is a
Iraver Mann and will not cheat
you."
" We shall be here at seven, then.
I would rather have started to walk
than stayed here indefinitely."
" Not to-day any way. We shall
have a storm," he said, looking up to
the sky. "Adieu. A uf Wiedersehen / "
" I wish we had not to stay another
night here," I said. " Still, to-morrow
morning will soon come."
We spent the day as best we could.
There was literally nothing to see,
nowhere to go, except back into the
forest whence we had come. Nor
dared we go far, for the day grew
more and more sultry ; the strange,
ominous silence that precedes a storm
came on, adding to our feelings of
restlessness and depression. And by
about two o'clock, having ventured out
again after " dinner," we were driven
in by the first great drops. Huddled
together in our cheerless little room
we watched the breaking loose of 'the
storm demons. I am not affected by
thunder and lightning, nor do I dread
them. But what a storm that was !
Thunder, lightning, howling wind, and
rain like no rain I had ever seen
before, all mingled together. An hour
after it began, a cart standing high
and dry in the steep village street was
hidden by water to above the top of
the wheels — a little more and it would
have floated like a boat. But by
about five, things calmed down ; the
few stupid - looking peasants came
out of their houses, and gazed about
them as if to see what damage had
been done. Perhaps it was not much
after all— they seemed to take it
quietly enough ; and by six all special
signs of disturbance had disappeared
— the torrents melted away as if by
magic. Only a strange, heavy mist
began to rise, enveloping everything,
so that we could hardly believe the
evening was yet so early. I looked at
my watch.
" Half-past six. We must, mist or
no mist, go up to the post-house. But
I don't mind going alone, dears."
"No, no, mamma; I must go with
Unexplained.
63
you, to take care of you," saidlReggie ;
" but Nora needn't."
" Perhaps it would be as well," said
the little girl. " I have one or two
buttons to sew on, and I am still
rather tired."
And, knowing she was never timid
about being left alone, thinking we
should be absent half-an-hour ab mosst
I agreed.
But the half-hour lengthened into
an hour, then into an hour and a half,
before the weary mail made its appear-
ance. The road through the forest
must be all but impassable, our old
friend told us. But oh, how tired
Reggie and I were of waiting ! though
all the time never a thought of uneasi-
ness with regard to Nora crossed my
mind. And. when the mail did come,
delayed, as the postmaster had sus-
pected, the good result of his negotia-
tions made us forget all our troubles ;
for the conductor all but promised to
take us the next morning, in con-
sideration of a very reasonable extra
payment. It was most unlikely he
would have any, certainly not many
passengers. We must be there, at
the post-house by nine o'clock, bag-
gage and all, for he dared not wait a
moment, and he would do his best.
Through the evening dusk, now past
replacing the scattered mist, Reggie
and I, light of heart, stumbled down
the rocky path.
" How pleased Nora will be ! She
will be wondering what has come over
us," I said as the "Katze" came in view.
" But what is that, Reggie, running
up and down in front of the house 1
Is it a sheep, or a big white dog ]
or — or a child? Can it be Nora,
and no cloak or hat ? and so damp
and chilly as it is ? How can she be
so foolish ! "
And, with a vague uneasiness, I
hurried on.
Yes, it was Nora. There was light
enough to see her face. What had
happened to my little girl1? She was
white — no, not white, ghastly. Her eyes
looked glassy, and yet as if drawn into
her head ; her whole bright, fearless
bearing was gone. She clutched me
convulsively as if she would never
again let me go. Her voice was so
hoarse that I could scarcely distin-
guish what she said.
" Send Reggie in — he must not
hear," were her first words — of rare
unselfishness and presence of mind.
" Reggie," I said, " tell the maid to
take candles up to our room, and take
off your wet boots at once."
My children are obedient ; he was
off instantly.
Then Nora went on, still in a
strained, painful whisper —
" Mamma, there has been a man in
our room, and "
"Did that peasant frighten you
again, dear \ Oh, I am so sorry I left
you ; " for my mind at once reverted to
the man whom Reggie had shaken his
fist at that morning.
" No, no ; not that. I would not
have minded. But, mamma, Reggie
must never know it — he is so little,
he could not bear it — mamma, it was
not a man. It was — oh, mamma, I
have seen a ghost /"
To be continued.
64
A FEW LAST WORDS ON DAY-SCHOOLS AND BOARDING-
SCHOOLS.
A WRITER on Catholic education, whose
criticisms on English Protestant teach-
ers are most suggestive, says in one of
his pamphlets, " It has sometimes been
remarked to me, ' You yourself have
a school ; will it not seem indelicate to
say that your brother grocers sand
their sugar? Do you expect your
school to flourish when you cry down
the schools of others? You will find
the enemy in front, flank, and rear.'
And he goes on to reply, 'As to my
own school it is my interest in life,
my love, and my pride. But I would
sooner see it blown into the air than
hesitate to speak.' "
I cannot say that I regard my free-
dom to speak as of similar importance
to that of the warden of Woburn
School. But having broken silence
I do not wish to . be misunderstood,
and with the permission of the Editor
I will say a few last words. And first
as regards what I did not say. I cer-
tainly did not "protest," as an "Ex-
Day Boy," in the March number of
Macmillaris Magazine says, "against
the continuance of the boarding-house
system at Rugby." Perhaps in trying
to write as impersonally as possible, I
may have seemed to attack institu-
tions which I only wished to supple-
ment. Anyhow I am not unselfish
enough to wish to pull down the most
interesting work of my life, or to call
in the public to assist at the operation.
Boarding-houses are an absolute ne-
cessity at our great public schools ; it
is a simple impossibility that many of
the parents should be able to fix their
homes at the residence of the school
of their choice, and any one who pro-
tests against their continuance, speci-
ally at Rugby, which is two hours
from London and at least one hour
from any large town of business, would
show that he did not realise English
life.
And before I go further, I will be
honest, and discount the value of
my own remarks. I hold that there
are many things that an assistant-
master might think, which, however,
he is bound only to say to his local
chief or local council. If my readers
are looking for " revelations," I warn
them that here they will find nothing
so exciting. If, in the article of last
September, I seemed to ignore my own
school, it was only because, to use the
words of the editor of the Journal -of
Education, I was conscious of my own
" Rugby -olatry " and I wished sternly
to repress it. Still there are one or
two things that I should like to repeat
now that I have read my critics.
Are not the boys of England suffer-
ing from seeing too little of their
homes? Are there not many homes
where boys could be better educated
than they are at present in many of
the large barracks called boarding-
schools ? And would it not be better
for all boys that some of the period of
education should be spent at home ?
To take the last question first. Is
it not an astounding fact that in these
days, when women are so carefully
educated, mothers think it necessary
to send their boys away from home,
very often at the age of eight, to be
brought up among strangers, in an
atmosphere where the prevailing tone
is set by a knot of bigger boys'? It
is perfectly true that there are wives
of schoolmasters who endeavour to
" mother " their husband's fifty or
hundred pupils as conscientiously as
they do his sons, and it is marvellous
how some of them succeed ; but, on
the other hand, every schoolmaster
must have very painful experiences
the other way. It will be replied that
so, too, has every schoolmaster ex-
periences of homes where boys ara
spoilt, or insufficiently taught, or mis-
A Few Last Words on Day-Schools and Boarding-Schools. 65
understood. But all that is contended
here is that the good homes should
not give way to a fashion, or that, if
they do so, they should not expect to
have what they cannot get for their
money. Schools cannot give stillness
and quietude ; they are afraid to give
enough leisure for fear of its being
abused ; and they must treat one boy
very much as another. The small
beginnings of interests in various sub-
jects, which must vary with particular
homes according to the profession of
the father or the locality where he
resides or the surroundings ; the atti-
tude of being useful which a young
mind will assume for a mother but not
for a master; the opportunities of
sympathy with other ages and other
classes that a home can give and a
school very often dare not ; the absence
of the incessant appeals to competition
as a motive for industry ; the contagion
of intellectual or moral earnestness
which is silently working when a boy
sees much of his elder blood-relations
in his early days — all these things, it
is contended, are thrown away too
indiscriminately in the England of to-
day.
There are certain good qualities that
a public schoolmaster can safely reckon
on finding in the boys who come from
some of our preparatory schools, but
those qualities do not include literary
interest, originality, variety of taste.
How can they 1 The unfortunate wife
of the schoolmaster cannot read to sets
of threes the Arabian Nights, or the
Waverley novels, or Masterman Ready
— the family is on too large a scale;
the exquisite sense of being the one
consulted which a loving mother can
convey to each member even of a large
natural family cannot be given to a
school. So they will not listen even if
there be any to read to them ; and
even if they do there is not the same
uniform directness of aim, backed by
family associations, in a school as is
supplied by the accumulated store of
knowledge and literature embodied
in the family library and the
family's advice as to choice of books.
No. 307.— VOL. HI.
In the same way with out- door
life : neighbours soon draw a fence
around a boarding-school, and the
few nests that may be found on
the grounds hardly make up for the
loss of the parsonage garden, which
an unreasoning fashion discards as a
second-rate nursery. To study the
natural delights of one spot till they
are exhausted is one of the most ne-
cessary ingredients in early education.
But it may be said that all this is
easily done in the holidays. There
are two or three objections to this
theory. The first is that parents who
only receive their little boys for the
holidays have lost the character of
being educators; too often they de-
scend into the rank of caterers for the
amusement of their children ; either
they think it necessary to break up
the home and go to the seaside, or
they suspend their ordinary occupa-
tions, the sight of which is really
valuable and should be interesting to
their children, or in some way they
flood the home with excitement.
These are they whose worst specimen
writes to the Times to protest against
extra weeks being given for the holi-
days. Of course if boys are allowed
to upset the natural flow of their
relations' lives, they are nuisances.
Or, again, some parents from never
having taught their boys in their early
years have no idea of their capabili-
ties, and if they do try to continue in
a small degree the process of educa-
tion during the holidays, commit such
mistakes that they give the attempt
up in despair, and fall to abuse of the
unfortunate schoolmaster for not
having brought young Hopeful more
on. Or they find that they have so
delegated their authority that in two
months they cannot easily recover it.
In such cases what is here maintained
is that parents should take more
personal interest in the education of
their sons, and not be content to pay
large sums to have the trouble taken
off their hands, if by any sacrifice
they can undertake it. It is not
within the scope of the present article
66 A Few Last Words on Day-Schools and Boarding-Schools.
to show how such sacrifice improves the
whole tone of the family life ; but it
may fairly be remarked that the impa-
tience or in judiciousness of parents who
have uniformly boarded out their child-
ren cannot fairly be quoted as evidence
that they are less fitted for their early
education than hired schoolmasters.
Such parents have simply killed out
the nobler side of the parental instinct
by neglecting it, and it may fairly
be argued that the sooner they deve-
lop it afresh the better it will be for
their descendants and for the nation.
But enough has been said on the first
point whether it be not better that
some of the period of education be
spent at home.
It is a far more difficult question
whether as the boy gets older it is
desirable that parents should live near
a public school, supervising the studies
of their sons, instead of sending them
to a boarding-house. In the September
number of the Contemporary last year
an attempt was made to sketch the
various duties of the boarding-house
master. Fortunately the days are
gone by when it was common for a
house-master to court the cheers of his
boys by saying that he knew nothing
of what went on in their side of the
house, and did not care to know.
House masters do try to do their duty
by both big and little boys, and do
not leave the latter to the exclusive
attention of the former. But the list
of duties is sufficiently great for even
the most Herculean constitution to be
glad of assistance, and such assistance,
it was argued, can be given by the
neighbourhood of some family life with
parents keenly watching the success
or failure of the school, and gladly
welcoming associates for their boys.
It is perfectly true that " the number
of parents who can afford to settle in
the proximity of a great school is
limited, and that few can spare the
time from their daily business to exer-
cise any real influence over their sons'
studies." But all that is needed is an
atmosphere of interest in the studies
not unfavourable to the morals of the
boys. As Mr. Oscar Browning has
well remarked, in a home "there is
no need of that elaborate drilling into
occupation which presses so heavily on
the conscience of a boarding house-
master ; " in a well-organised home
there is no need of filling up every
moment of a boy's time either with
work or play ; there are more hands
to help at any rate, sister or mother,
only too glad to be called in ; it may
be added that the grammar and the
dictionary are less likely to have gone
astray when the moment comes for
their use. It is perfectly true that
few parents are either able or present
to superintend their son's lessons ; but
the atmosphere is favourable to work,
and that is all that is needed. Masters
know well enough the difficulty of
creating such an atmosphere in large
boarding-houses, and so frequently
have to sweep in the boys from their
studies into one large room for " pre-
paration." This is in many ways a
good expedient, but it is open to two
objections : it cannot be said to give
stillness or quietude, and it tempts a
master to give a boy more help than
is good for his natural development.
Again there is the danger of loafing,
for sports at a day-school are said not
to be worth much. This is an ob-
jection which it is entirely in the
hands of the masters to remove. The
" Ex-Day-Boy " who writes in Mac-
millan's Magazine writes with sensitive
exaggeration, but describes what took
place in one of our public schools with
accuracy. But a little organisation
can arrange places of meeting to
establish intimacy within the circle of
the day-boys, and the head master can
secure the co-operation of the parents,
and games can be made part of the
education of a school, to give which is
as much the duty of the institution as
it is to see that a boy attends his
lessons. Clifton College and Bedford
School are examples of what can be
done in this respect.
Again it has been very ably urged
that with the day-boy system life is
too monotonous. This is true with
A Few Last Words on Day-Schools and Boarding-Schools. 67
certain natures, and has often been
well met by sending a boy into a
boarding-house about the age of six-
teen. Of course, too, it cannot be
repeated too often that a home which
is not a home of character is no home
at all. In many homes the petty
gossip of school-life is allowed to
dominate the conversation ; the sisters
think it necessary to learn the football-
shop ; the mother knows the masters
by their nicknames ; the boy gains no
freshness in such an atmosphere. But
it is only homes where this is not the
case that fulfil their proper function
of offering wider interests and greater
enthusiasms than a boarding-house.
And where a boarding-house is ob-
viously overshadowed by the influence
of a really great man, as occasionally
happens, no one could doubt that a
few years' residence in such a society
would improve the temper, widen the
interests, and open the eyes of any
older boy. Once a boy has a character
of his own, and has acquired reading
or thinking habits, the more he sees
of other people's lives, and other
people's ways of thought, the less
trouble he will have in realising
history, in throwing himself into fresh
points of view, and in a word in
jostling with the world at large. But
many of our ablest public school men
have picked this quality up by going
to a boarding-house at the age of
sixteen.
In conclusion, if it is necessary to
remind good homes and the ever
increasing body of well-educated
mothers of the power they possess,
and the duties they cannot delegate ;
on the other hand, it must never be
forgotten that there are some good
qualities that a period spent at a board-
ing-house invariably secures. Very
able authorities are of opinion that the
stillness and quietude necessary for
natural development of a boy of talent
are lost nowadays in boarding-schools,
not so much owing to the storm and
tempest of the little world in which
boys live there, as to the injudicious
eagerness of schoolmasters who will
not leave boys alone, but like to use
up all . their willingness to learn by
teaching them in their own fashion,
and smoothing their way over difficul-
ties. The reply that such constant
interference is inevitable, as the one
safeguard against immorality is to
fill up time either with work or play,
they regard as exaggerated. No school-
master can wish to assert that it is
not ; the present writer believes that
with proper structural arrangements,
some selection of preparatory schools
from which boys are received, and
absolute determination to get rid of
any tainted boy at once, good boys
can be entirely screened from hearing
of evil ; but there remains the ques-
tion what to do with the doubtful
ones. They need to be interested ;
is the home or the "house" the best
place for them '{ The answer to that
question must depend on the character
of both.
On one point it must be confessed
the boarding-house far surpasses any
home. It checks eccentricity ; it un-
masks that sham genius that a fond
home mistakes for real ; it teaches a
boy to know himself ; it removes
affectation.
It is for these reasons that it is de-
sirable that our public schools should
have the admixture of both systems,
so long as the masters will take the
trouble to see that day-boys have a
certainty of finding themselves recog-
nised as equals in the community.
F 2
68
AT THE STATION ON AN AUTUMN MORNING.
From the Italian of Giosue Garducci.
[THE first edition of the Odi JBarbare, from which the following poem is taken,
appeared in 1877 : "No book," says Doctor Ugo Brilli, " has given rise to a
controversy more ardent, more varied, more wide-spread, more serious, more
learned, more fruitful of good results than the Odi JBarbare of Giosue Carducci."
Into this controversy I do not propose to enter here, beyond noting that one
German critic calls Carducci " the Italian Heine," and gives good reasons for
the name. The strange mixture of romantic sentiment and startling realism is
what will strike an English reader most, and it certainly renders the poems as
unlike the rest of modern Italian poetry as they well can be. As to the metre,
the example given will show that the poems attempt to revive in modern
Italian the classical measures of antiquity. Carducci himself looked upon them
as little more than experiments, and says, " I have called these Odes 'JBarbare '
because such would they sound to the ears and minds of the old Greeks and
Romans." Later on in his interesting and beautifully written preface he adds :
" I have thought that if to Catullus and Horace it was lawful to introduce the
metres of the ,^Eolian Muse into the Roman tongue ; if Dante was able to
enrich Tuscan poetry with the care rime of Provence ; if Chiabrera and Rinuc-
cini might add to its wealth the verse-forms of France, I ought in reason to be
able to hope that for what constituted the praise of the great poets and verse-
makers I have mentioned, I should at least be granted a pardon. I ask pardon
also for having believed that the classical revival of lyric measures was not
condemned and finally brought to an end, with the more unpoetical experiments
of Claudio Tolomei and his school, and the slender attempts of Chiabrera. I
crave pardon for not having despaired of our noble Italian tongue, believing it
well fitted to do for itself what the German poets from Klopstock onwards have
been doing with happy enough results for theirs ; and I beg to be forgiven for
having dared to introduce into our modern lyric measures some little variety of
form, in which respect they are not by any means so well off as some of us seem
to imagine."]
LAMP after lamp how the lights go trooping,
Stretching behind the trees, dreamily yonder :
Through the branches adrip with the shower
The light slants and gleams on the puddles.
Plaintively, shrilly, piercingly whistles
The engine hard by. Cold and grey are the heavens
Up above, and the Autumn morning
Ghostlike glimmers around me.
Oh quei fanali come s'inseguono
accidiosi la dietro gli alberi,
fra i rami stillanti di pioggia
sbadigliando la luce su '1 fango !
Flebile, acuta, stridula fischia
la vaporiera da presso. Plumbeo
il cielo e il mattino d' auttmno
come un grande fantasma 11' e intorno.
At the Station on an Autumn Morning. 69
Whither and whence move the people hurrying
Into dark carriages, muffled and silent ?
To what sorrows unknown are they rushing —
Long tortures of hopes that will tarry?
You too, oh fair one, are dreamily holding
Your ticket now for the guard's sharp clipping —
Ah, so clips Time, ever relentless,
Joys, memories, and years that are golden.
Far-stretching the dark train stands, and the workmen
Black-capped, up and down keep moving like shadows;
In his hand bears each one a lantern,
And each one a hammer of iron.
And the iron they strike sends a hollow resounding
Mournful ; and out of the heart and echo
Mournfully answers — a sudden
Dull pang of regret that is weary.
Now the hurrying slam of the doors grows insulting
And loud, and scornful the rapidly-sounding
Summons to start and delay not : —
The rain dashes hard on the windows.
Puffing, shuddering, panting, the monster
Now feels life stir in its limbs of iron,
And opens its eyes, and startles
The dim far space with a challenge.
Then on moves the evil thing, horribly trailing
Its length, and, beating its wings, bears from me
Dove e a che move questa che affrettasi
a i carri oscuri ravvolta e tacita
gente ? a che ignoti dolori
o tormente di speme lontana ?
Tu pur pensosa, Lidia, la tessera
al secco taglio dai de la guardia,
e al tempo incalzante i belli anni
dai, gl' istanti gioiti e i ricordi.
Van lungo il nero convoglio e vengono
incappucciati di nero i vigili,
com' ombre ; una fioca lanterna
harnio, e mazze di ferro : ed i ferrei
freni tentati rendono un lugubre
rintocco lungo : di fondo a 1' anima
un' eco di tedio risponde
doloroso, che spasimo pare.
E gli sportelli sbattuti al chiudere
paiono oltraggi : scherno par 1' ultimo
appello che rapido suona :
grossa scroscia su' vetri la pioggia.
Gia il mostro conscio di sua metallica
anima sbuffa, crolla, ansa, i fiammei
occhi sbarra ; immane pe'l buio
gitta il nschio che spida lo spazio.
Va 1' empio mostro : con traino orribile
sbattendo 1' ale gli amor miei portasi.
70 At the Station on an Autumn Morning.
My love — and her face and her farewell
Are lost to me now in the darkness.
O sweet face flushed with the palest of roses !
0 starlike eyes so peaceful ! O forehead
Pure -shining and gentle, with tresses
Curling so softly around it !
The air with a passionate life was a tremble,
And summer was glad when she smiled to greet me ;
The young sun of June bent earthward
And kissed her soft cheek in his rapture.
Full 'neath the nut-brown hair he kissed her —
But though his beauty and splendour might circle
Her gentle presence — far brighter
The glory my thoughts set around her.
There in the rain, in the dreary darkness
1 turn me, and with them would mingle my being ;
I stagger ; then touch myself grimly — •
Not yet as a ghost am I moving.
0 what a falling of leaves, never-ending,
Icy, and silent, and sad, on my spirit !
1 feel that forever around me
The earth has grown all one November.
Better to be without sense of existence —
Better this gloom, and this shadow of darkness.
Would I, ah, would I were sleeping
A dull sleep that lasted forever.
Ahi, la bianca faccia e'l bel velo
salutando scompar ne la tenebra.
0 viso dolce di pallor roseo,
o stellanti occhi di pace, o Candida
tra' floridi ricci inchinata
pura fronte con atto soave !
Fremea la vita nel tepid' aere,
fremea 1' estate quando mi arrisero ;
e il giovine sole di giugno
si piacea di baciar luminoso.
In tra i riflessi del crin castanei
la molle guancia : come un' aureola
piu belli del sole i miei sogni
ricingean la persona gentile.
Solto la pioggia, fra la caligine
torno ora, e ad esse vorrei confondermi ;
barcollo 'com' ebro, e mi tocco,
non anch' io fossi dunque un fantasma.
Oh qual caduta di foglie, gelida,
continua, muta, greve, su 1' anima !
Io credo che solo, che sterno,
che per tutto nel mondo e uovembre.
Meglio a chi '1 senso smarri de 1" essere,
meglio quest' ombra, questa caligine ;
io voglio io voglio adagiarmi
in un tedio che duri infinite.
H. COURTHOPE BOWEN.
71
REVIEW OF THE MONTH.
IT is possible, though we are still un-
willing to think it probable, that before
these pages are published, the country
may find itself committed either ac-
tually to a great war, or to a position
of suspended relations not far removed
from war. For the last three weeks
the public mind has undergone endless
fluctuations between hope and appre-
hension. To-day the mercury stands
at its lowest in the glass. Ministers
have demanded a vote of credit for six
and a half millions for special prepara-
tions. The demand was made with
phrases of ominous gravity. The
Russian government is believed to be
holding its ground stiffly. To attempt
now to forecast the outcome is not
much better than waste of time. The
result depends upon men at St. Peters-
burg, in the Caucasus, at Pul-i-Khisti,
at Cabul, but above all at St. Peters-
burg. The best-informed people in
England have very little trustworthy
knowledge of the play of parties
round the Czar. In lack of that, it
is impossible to calculate the future
with any reasonable confidence.
Anything comes easier to men than
suspension of judgment ; and the graver
the issue, the greater the readiness to
hurry to a decision. The necessary
uncertainty as to most of the facts of
the Russo-Afghan crisis is partly
answerable for the excitement of the
last month. The ferment of opinion
is constantly found in the inverse
proportion to knowledge. Doubt as
to the rights and wrong of the affair
of the Khushk River increases public
irritation; perhaps, if we knew the
worst, we should take a calmer view
of it than is possible while the mate-
rial for judgment is so disputable and
obscure. Fixed prepossessions rush in
to fill the vacuum, and standing anti-
pathies do duty for deliberate judg-
ment. All that is part of human
nature ; it is idle to moralise over it.
Since we last wrote, this dangerous
incident on the Khushk has taken
place, and it will undoubtedly be
taken materially to alter the case,
and to alter it seriously for the worse.
Until Kornaroff's attack upon the
Afghans, the difference between the
two Governments turned upon ques-
tions of delimitation, debateable zones,
and disputable frontiers. From such
issues as these it was hardly pos-
sible that war should arise, unless
either of the two countries was de-
liberately bent upon war. Negotia-
tion in Europe would have settled
the zone of survey, commissioners
would have pursued their investiga-
tions within it, and if agreement had
been impossible, the matter was one
eminently fitted for prompt decision
by a neutral umpire. But the conflict
at Pul-i-khisti raises a more delicate
issue. And that is not all. That such a
conflict should have occurred, in itself
goes no small way towards showing
that one of the two parties to the
dispute has resolved either to have
his own way, or else to make a quarrel
of it. We have now the two versions
of the story — not indeed in the most
explicit shape imaginable, but suffi-
ciently so to enable us to shape a
decently satisfactory judgment — and
it seems hard for any impartial per-
son to avoid the conclusion that
General Komaroff, presumably acting
under orders from Donkakof-Korsa-
kof or some other official superior, did
enter upon a provocative course of
proceedings, whatever that may
ultimately amount to on a general
survey of the whole situation. Even
if we confine ourselves to the special
pleas adduced by the Russians, their
case is less than dubious and equivo-
72
Eemew of the Month.
cal. They are suspiciously vague.
General Lumsden's story is precise.
The Afghans had held a position on
the left or west bank of the Khushk
before March 17th. The Russian out-
posts had never been nearer than a
mile to Pul-i-Khisti ; Komaroff, for
no reasons that have yet been made
public, pushed forward 3,000 of his
men face to face with the Afghans.
This is an unexplained circumstance,
and it is the key to the rest. As a
consequence of that, the Afghans
proceeded to strengthen their outposts,
under " the military necessity of ex-
tending their defensive position." On
March 27th the Russians, still ignor-
ant of the truce, of which they are
alleged not to have heard until the
next day, made a reconnaissance,
which could evidently have no
friendly object, whatever the excuse
for it may have been. What is the
explanation again of this reconnais-
sance? Alikhanoff said it was a
pleasure - trip ; but a pleasure - trip
which took him with a force four miles
south of the extreme point where he
had any right to be, was a provocation
and a source of just alarm to the
Afghans. It is surely no wonder that
a proceeding of such a kind on the
part of such a man as Alikhanoff pro-
duced a commotion. The next day
the Afghans occupied a height com-
manding one of the flanks of the
Russian camp, to give notice of
further movements, but their post
was withdrawn again on the day
following (29th). Meanwhile, the
Afghans from the time of the advance
of the Russians in force to Ak Tapa,
had, in the words of Lumsden as quoted
by the Prime Minister, " thrown out
vedettes to their front and extended
their pickets to Pul-i-Khisti, on the
left bank of the Khushk, and gradu-
ally strengthened it until on the 30th,
the bulk of their force had been trans-
ferred across the river. In his opinion,
that does not properly constitute an
advance, but was the occupation of a
more advantageous position." This,
of course, is the crux of the Afghan
case. Was their transfer of the bulk
of their force across the river an
offensive or a defensive measure,
justified by Komaroff's advance, Ali
khanoff's pleasure-trip, and the rest ?
We do not see how there can be two
opinions about that, among English-
men who retain their capacity for
reasonable judgment.
Now came the catastrophe. " On the
30th," says Komaroff, " to support my
demands, I marched with my detach-
ment against the Afghan position,
counting still on pacific result, but
artillery fire and cavalry attack com-
pelled me to accept combat." In plain
English, the Russians advanced to
attack the Afghan position, and the
Afghans were obliged to defend them-
selves. In what possible sense a
general marching out with force
against a position could count on a
pacific result, it is hard to guess.
Such a sentence inevitably rouses
suspicion. At the best, it is highly
unsatisfactory to find a commander,
instead of definite military statements,
falling back upon general words like
audacity and arrogance. But let that
pass. Let pass Komaroff's account of
the successive steps between his ad-
vance in force and the final rout of
the Afghans. Why did he advance
in force at all 1 If the Russians had
been sincere in their desire for a
settlement with us, it could never have
been sanctioned. There seems to be no
reason whatever for discrediting the
allegation of a correspondent with
Sir Peter Lumsden. " The long and
short of the matter is that the
Russians believed that it was indis-
pensable to deal a telling blow at the
Afghans, if the Muscovite prestige,
waning of late in the Turcoman
country, was to be effectually restored,
and as there was no justification for
breaking the truce, a pretext had to
be invented. The attitude of our
allies was, in fact, studiously mode-
rate. There is absolutely no colour
for the pretence that their movements
were irritating, much less aggres-
sive."
Review of the Month.
73
What is serious in this, if, as we ex-
pect, it be the true interpretation of
what has happened, is the temper and
the policy that it indicates. It means
that the Russian war party has got
the bit between its teeth, and is indif-
ferent either to comity or concord. We
may minimise the incident as much
as we please, but it is childish to
minimise the practical moral of it.
So far all seems to be only too clear.
But it is at this point — even if it be
carried from a presumption to a de-
monstration that the Russian officers
acting under orders were guilty of an
" unprovoked aggression " — that an
embarrassing suspicion comes into
men's minds. On the special issue,
England is in the right. If we were
thirsting for a fight with Russia ; if
we were prepared at all arms and with
one or more effective allies ; if we saw
clearly how we were going to get at
Russia, and to prevent her from ever
doing us any more mischief ; 'and if we
thoroughly understood how a defeat of
Russia's present designs would secure
our Indian frontier for a long period —
then the attack on the Afghans and
their rout would, as the world goes,
be a very tenable plea for demanding
impossible reparations and despatching
desperate ultimatums. We venture
to think that some of the advocates of
peace conduct their case very badly in
blinking all the facts and probabilities
that make for what we may call the
English view of the case. There is no
virtue in being unfair, even to one's
own countrymen. On the special issue,
we repeat, it seems to us that in com-
plaining of Komaroff 's action, England
has right on her side. But can it be
possible that she is in the right, after
placing herself in an essentially false
position? That is the troublesome
misgiving. The Russians may be as
unscrupulous as possible ; but are we
putting ourselves at the strongest
point for resisting them] Do we
start from a coign of vantage? The
position may be a false one in various
respects. Perhaps it was a mistake
to accompany the Boundary Commis-
sioner with what captious people might
consider an excessive military escort.
Was it prudent — if you intended not
to pass beyond a policy of reasonable
conciliation — to have all that blowing
of trumpets at Rawul Pindi ? Again, if
we look at it more largely, our Afghan
policy may be a mistaken policy on
the merits. If not, if we are to fight
Russia for the line of the Afghan
frontier, we may not have made
either the military or the diplomatic
preparations that would on that
alternative have been prudent or in-
dispensable. In either of these cases
we are in a false position, and in
spite of our being right about the raid
of the Khushk river, we have given the
advantage to our adversary.
The difficulties of the case are well
known, and they are hard to match.
We have pledged ourselves to defend
the territory of the Ameer; yet the
Ameer has warned us that the people
who live in it suspect and hate us ; that
if we enter it, we shall probably have a
rising of our trusty allies against us ;
and that if we attempt to get a force
into Herat, perhaps even if we only
send a few British officers, the Heratis
will declare against both us and the
Ameer himself. We have, again, more
or less definitely committed ourselves
to the inclusion of this spot and that
within the Afghan frontier. Then the
Ameer suddenly warns us that he
cannot hold them, nor be responsible
for them, and that he does not want
them, and we are left planted. But,
if it be shown — so some will argue —
that the right line on which to resist
Russian projects for the invasion
of India be the line of Herat and
the Oxus, it would then be our
business to make short work of our
trusty allies, by reducing Afghan-
istan to the pacific condition of the
Punjaub. Perhaps ; but as we have
found out twice before now, this would
be much more easily said than done,
and would cost an enormous sum of
money, which the Indian finances are
singularly unprepared to support. Sup-
posing this difficulty to be met, another
74
Review of the Month.
question has been put by a writer who
knows what he is talking about.
"What," asks Mr. Archibald Forbes, "con-
stitutes the strategical reasoning or the neces-
sity for the conversion of Afghanistan into a
British province ? The present frontier line
is penetrable but at four points by an enemy
in any strength, and demands to be watched
at only those four points. The frontier of
Afghanistan looking towards Turkestan is
much more open to an enemy ; we should
have to picket it all along the line from the
march with Persia to the Hindoo Koosh, even
on the assumption that Russia would respect
Persian soil. And to hold this line, and main-
tain reserves in its rear, would lengthen to a
portentous extent our line of communications
from our base in India. That base could not
be shifted forward into Afghanistan, because
Afghanistan is a country unfruitful in supplies
for the maintenance of armies. We might
mitigate this condition, it is true, by strategi-
cal railways, but at what a cost, and what a
barren and even wanton cost when the alter-
native is regarded ! We are a strange people.
We are ever forward ; and the paradox is that
we are forward because of funk. We have
been guilty of a similar daring panic in regard
to the Soudan, and have struggled up through
the Nubian desert to get at our foe, instead of
affably placing the luxury of that experience
at that foe's disposal."
So strong and plain are considera-
tions of this kind, that we find at the
back of the minds of nearly every-
body of the; warlike school, whether
in England or Anglo-India, a very curi-
ous impression. They all really assume
as the essential condition of the dura-
tion of Afghanistan as a buffer-state,
not only that we shall have had a war
with Russia, but that at the end of it,
the war shall leave Russia driven back
to the Caspian, broken, destroyed, and
perhaps partitioned. In other words,
the advocates of the buff er-state prac-
tically give up their case by postulating
as a condition precedent that the
Power against which it was to have
been a buffer shall have* in effect
disappeared. If any man believes
this, that England, not at the head of
a European coalition, but alone, with-
out Austria or France or even Turkey,
is going to " smash Russia up " — to
use the language of eight years ago —
he is in a state of mind in which fact
and reason have no bearings.
This, however, is not the time for
discussing things at large. If it
should be the case that we have taken
up what is substantially a false posi-
tion, how are we to get -out of it?
That question is not easy to answer.
But it is safe to say that war, waged
under such conditions as seem to be
imposed upon us by our European
relations and our other engagements
in various parts of the world, seems
the least promising of all possible
modes of extrication. That it would
be popular at first, there is little doubt*
The Russian government is profoundly
disliked and distrusted in this country,
as it ought to be. That was the
sentiment that suddenly turned public
feeling round from Mr. Gladstone in
the autumn and winter of 1876 to
Lord Beaconsfield by the summer of
1877. There is a strong impression
that Russia has long played fast and
loose with her engagements in respect
to Central Asia. This may be a
prejudice, but it exists. The old
brutalities of Russia in Poland
and her malign intervention against
Hungary are not forgotten : people are
not even willing to set off against
them the benevolent intervention
against Turkish misrule in the Balkan
Peninsula. But the favour with
which war would be at first regarded
could only endure if the case were a
thoroughly good case all round, re-
gard being had to the great contin-
gencies of the future, no less than to
the narrow emergencies of the present.
We have still to hear what such a
case would be.
Undoubtedly one of the most for-
midable embarrassments of the central
government arises from the pressure
that is brought to bear upon it from
the extremities and the frontier. Each
province feels, judges, and acts as if
the imperial authority had no other
concern and no rival demand on its
resources. Australia insists that we
shall annex New Guinea for her, and
New Zealand is as keen for Samoa.
From Hong Kong we are told (April
llth) that " Lord Northbrook's state-
ment as to the defences of Singapore
Review of the Month.
75
and the general disinclination of the
Government to expend money on the
navy and on our colonial defences
have created an angry feeling." In
India the military and official classes
are wild with bellicose excitement, and
their deliverances are quoted by the
Excitables here, as if the opinion of
Simla and Calcutta must be decisive.
" For a month past/' we are solemnly
told, " it has been commonly believed
here (Calcutta) that the Russian object
is solely to gain time to push up troops
and supplies ; and the Ministry is
often blamed for not having sent, in
the beginning of March, an ultimatum,
giving Russia a fixed time to choose
peace or war." As if people at Cal-
cutta had one bit better means of
judging these grave matters than are
possessed by decently-informed people
in London. And as if they had not
shown exactly the same temper and
the same confidence when they de-
clared enthusiastically in favour of
the policy of the Afghan invasion of
1879 — a policy for which nobody now
finds a word to say, and which at any
rate was essentially different from the
policy that finds favour to-day.
Out of all this evil one piece of
good at least has come. The wretched
series of mistakes that began with the
despatch of General Gordon to Khar-
toum, and reached a climax in the
resolution in February last to de-
stroy the power of the Mahdi at
that place, is to be brought to
an end. We are to hear no more
of offensive operations in the Soudan,
or of military preparations with a
view to an early advance upon Khar-
toum. The whole of that uncommonly
bad debt is to be written off as soon
as ever circumstances will permit. The
whole of the objects which the Govern-
ment announced on February 19th
have vanished into limbo. The rescue
of the persons to whom Gordon felt
himself honourably bound — the possi-
bility of establishing some orderly
government in Khartoum — the im-
possibility of excluding the slave
trade from our view — the question
of aid to the Egyptian garrisons in
the Soudan — are all clean gone, as
they may well go. And the most
wonderful thing is that the very jour-
nals that were most violent against
' ' scuttling,"now assert with an adorable
calm, which some have mistaken for
consummate impudence, that they
never were in favour of anything but
scuttle, and that it is cruel calumny
to say otherwise. Yet it was precisely
these journals which fabricated the
"public opinion" that, according to
Lord Rosebery, made it impossible for
the Government to adopt any policy
save that which has to-day been
mercilessly flung overboard amid
loud and almost universal acclama-
tions. Oh, vain minds of men ! 0
pectora caeca ! Let us pass on with
what composure we may to other
matters.
The royal visit to Ireland, and the
more important circumstance that the
question of renewing the Crimes' Act
will have to be dealt with shortly after
Whitsuntide, are once more bringing
Ireland back to its familiar place in
the foreground of politics. On the royal
visit, the only remark to be made is
that up to this moment it has been
singularly devoid of incidents of real
significance. Even in those quarters of
Dublin which are most hostile to the
English connection, the Prince was
received with respect if not with accla-
mation. In Cork, his progress was short
and rapid, but there were symptoms
that if it had been much longer the
demonstration would not have been
more agreeable. At Mallow, Mr.
O'Brien, who represents a perfectly
honest though passionate hatred of
English misrule in Ireland, and who had
been provoked by a foolish challenge
in the Times, attempted to organize a
Nationalist demonstration as the
Royal party passed through the sta-
tion. The police interfered, the Nation-
alists were driven out of the station,
and another grievance was added to
the list. The Prince of Wales is known
76
Beview of the Month.
to be as manly as any other of the
Queen's subjects, and perhaps it would
have done no harm if a band or two
had been allowed to play God Save
Ireland in his hearing. It would at
least have given more reality and an
air of business to the whole affair.
To make any fuss about the success
of the Prince's visit, or to raise a cry
of triumph as the more silly of the
Loyalists have been inclined to do, is
perfectly futile. Mr. Parnell's power
is the great thing, and this power
seems to stand exactly where it did.
Until the time comes when the in-
fluence of the Irish leader can be as-
sociated with executive responsibility
in some shape or other, though the
Prince's visit is extremely honourable
to his own public spirit, there is no
change in the hard facts of the
situation.
Oddly enough, as it appears, the
visit of the Prince has for some
reason or another brought into cir-
culation again the idea of abolishing
the office of his host, the Viceroy.
Nor is this circulation limited to
irresponsible gossip. As everybody
knows, Lord John Russell brought in
a Bill for that purpose in 1850. As
everybody does not know, but as some
believe, Lord Spencer himself turned
his thoughts in the same direction
during his previous tenure of the most
thankless of all public posts. On the
other hand, Mr. Justin McCarthy
brought in a Bill two years ago for
abolishing the ofiice of Viceroy, and
enacting that the Chief Secretary
should always be the representative of
an Irish constituency. The debate of
1883 was very brief, but it was not
without interesting features. Mr.
Trevelyan, after enumerating the vari-
ous duties imposed by statute and
custom upon the Lord-Lieutenant,
wound up by declaring it to be obvious
that no one but a man well acquainted
with Ireland, and constantly resident
there, could perform such multifarious
functions. Of course it must have
occurred to every one who listened,
that Lord Cowper, who had filled a
post that required acquaintance with
Ireland during a most critical period,
was not acquainted with that country
at all. As much might be said of
most of the Viceroys since the Union.
A further question put by Mr. Tre-
velyan was — How could all these duties
be discharged by a gentleman in an
office at Storey's Gate, with a seat in
the House of Commons, or by an offi-
cial who was hurrying backwards and
forwards between London and Dublin ?
But an Irish official of great experience
and with the most intimate familiarity
with the working of the administrative
machine, and who was, if we mistake
not, Mr. Trevelyan's own private secre-
tary, has just published an article,
in which he contends that in many
of the most important departments
of the State, the Viceroy has no
authority to interfere ; that these are
the departments in which there is least
friction and least agitation against
them ; that, so far as the duties of the
Viceroy are exercised in conjunction
with the Irish Privy Council, they are
of a kind that might easily be exercised
partly by the English Council and partly
by the Home Secretary ; that the
most important patronage is already
in the hands of the Crown, and that
there is no peculiarity about the little
that is left, such as demands the inter-
vention of a deputy of the Crown ; that
the various departments under the
control and management of the Viceroy
— prisons, fisheries, lunatic asylum, the
registrar-general — are strictly analo-
gous to the same department in England,
and need no special supervision ; that
the privilege of pardoning offenders
and mitigating sentences, which has
brought Lord Spencer into such odium,
might just as well be transferred to
the Home Secretary, as indeed is
already done in the case of an Irish
convict who chances to be deported to
an English prison. But then the duties
connected with the preservation of
peace and order? The Viceroy has
direct control over the military forces
known as the Constabulary and the
Dublin Metropolitan Police, and he can
Review of the Month.
77
call on the military for aid ; he directs
the movements of the seventy and
more resident magistrates ; he has
extraordinary powers of quartering and
charging extra police, of restricting
the possession of fire-arms, of prohibit-
ing meetings, and so forth. There is
no reason whatever, says Mr. Jephson,
why these duties should not be dis-
charged by a Secretary of State.
"Supposing, for the sake of illustra-
tion and argument, that certain
counties in England were to become
disturbed, and were ultimately to
burst out into rebellion, it would be
preposterous to imagine that a Viceroy
would be created specially to restore
order. Yet what would be universally
acknowledged as preposterous in the
one case, is in actual operation in the
other, and people do not recognise the
incongruity."
The Duke of Wellington's objection,
which upset Lord John Russell's Bill
for abolishing the Viceroyalty, was
founded on the necessity for co-opera-
tion between the civil and military
authorities in case of popular dis-
turbance. It would never do, argued
the Duke, to give any Irish agitator
who might happen to be Lord Mayor
that voice in military arrangements
which is now safely given to the
Viceroy. This contingency Mr. Jephson
would provide against by giving the
lord mayor or the mayor only a voice
among the other magistrates ; or else
by entrusting the stipendiary magis-
trates of the district with the duty of
conferring with the military authorities
as to the proposed arrangements.
It is not necessary to argue out the
case here. What is remarkable is
that an official of the hated Castle
should agree with Mr. Parnell's friends.
Mr. O'Brien, for instance, told the
House of Commons that whatever else
were the results of the abolition of the
Viceroyalty, he believed the people of
England and of Ireland would be able
to understand one another better ; the
Viceroy was neither sovereign nor
subject, but the director of a vast
network of secret and irresponsible
power of all kinds. Mr. Gray, how-
ever, resisted the proposal as remov-
ing a certain recognition of Irish
nationality, and reducing Ireland still
more completely to the condition of an
English province ; what he desired
was to see a Viceroy independent of
party, like a colonial governor, ap-
pointed for a term and not going out
on a change of administration.
With these differences of view
within the ranks of the party which
must have an increasing share in
settling Irish matters, we need be in
no hurry to make up our minds. At
first sight, it would seem that any
change which tended towards the de-
localisation of the Irish executive was
retrograde, and counter to the domi-
nant forces of the hour. What you
want is, if possible, and so far as possi-
ble, both to localise and to nationalise
the executive.
The tiresome operations and nego-
tiations of France and China have
come, for the moment at any rate, to
a sudden and dramatic end. The
French arms suffered a reverse, and
the very day after the unpleasant news
reached Paris, the Chamber, by an
overwhelming majority, and with
every circumstance of passion and
contumely, destroyed the Ministry.
In the elegant phrase of an Irrecon-
cilable journalist, three hundred pairs
of boots kicked M. Ferry out of doors.
The scene was profoundly unedifying.
The Chamber had supported the policy
up to the last moment. What hap-
pened at Lang-Son was a mere military
incident of the policy : the Minister
was in no sense responsible for it ; the
deputies and the public were only
half-informed about it. The action
must be pronounced vindictive, pre-
cipitate, and unmanly. M. Ferry has
not shown so much consideration for
this country, that we are not able to
bear his disgrace with a reasonable
degree of Christian fortitude. But
from the point of view of equity, his
case was hard, and from the point
of governmental stability in the
78
Review of the Month.
Republic, there is much to deplore in
the dismissal of the only decently
stable administration that the Re-
public has yet had. M. Ferry came into
power in February, 1883. Neither
Thiers nor Gambetta had so long a
Ministerial life. After the sudden fall
of M. Ferry, his predecessor, M. de
Freycinet, made a laborious attempt
to form an administration. But all
his persevering negotiations and inge-
nious combinations could not overcome
the exigencies of some and the suscep-
tibilities of others. Each group was
more intent upon its special interest
than on the working success of the
whole. No strong sense of the neces-
sity of union prevailed among the
different sections, in face either of
the enemy in the East, or the circum-
stances of the approaching elections
at home. A combination of the vari-
ous Republican groups was effected,
not however with even the silent
approval of the least extreme of the
Extreme Left, but at the eleventh
,hour new pretensions were raised, and
all fell to pieces. The President next
applied in succession to two personages
whose names are hardly worth remem-
bering. One refused without trying
the experiment, and the other tried
but failed. Then the idea was
favoured of what the French call a
Ministry of Business, corresponding
very much to King George III.'s
cherished system of • government by
departments, as distinguished from
government with the collective re-
sponsibility of a Cabinet. But this
plan was speedily dismissed, and
eventually a Cabinet was formed by
M. Brisson. He had been one of the
leading men of the Radical Left, until
the post of President of the Chamber
imposed neutrality upon him. M.
Ferry represented the great group of
the Republican Union, and as the
Radical Left is a shade more advanced,
the substitution of M. Brisson marks
a move, whatever it may ultimately
amount to, still further in the Radical
direction. In the same way, the post
of President of the Chamber, vacated
by M. Brisson, was filled by M. Flo-
quet, the nominee of the Radical Left
in co-operation with the Extreme Left.
The most unsatisfactory feature in
the arrangement for us in England is
the return of M. de Freycinet to the
Foreign Office ; a shifty egoist, who
behaved shabbily in the negotiations
about Dulcigno, Greece, and Egypt,
and who may be trusted to lose no
chance of wiping out his old Egyptian
disgraces by new pretensions. While
he was trying to form a Ministry of
his own, he invited M. Spuller to join
him. " I desire," he told M. Spuller,
" to form a Ministry of energetic
action abroad, and conciliation at
home." A policy of energetic action
abroad is about the most unpromising
flag that could be unfurled at the
French Foreign Office. The first effect
has been felt in an alleged threat to
send the French fleet to Alexandria,
if we do not make reparation to the
printer of the Bosphore Egyptien. If
the French fleet is sent there on any
such business, we predict that either
three hundred pairs of boots will send
M. Freycinet after M. Ferry, or else
that some millions of electors before
the summer is over will know the
reason why.
Meanwhile, the military event that
had made Paris lose its head, had no
such effect upon the victors. With a
grave self-possession from which fire-
eating simpletons on the boulevards
and in Pall Mall might take a lesson,
the Chinese Government went on with
negotiations for peace. The precise
nature of these is still the subject of
some mystification. The French Go-
vernment were not so unwise as to
insist either on washing off the stain
of defeat in further bloodshed, or on
the exaction of an indemnity which
China would practically never have
paid, and which would have kept up
dangerous friction where it is the
interest of the French in Tonkin to
have a tranquil and friendly neighbour.
The bad impression that had been
made by the circumstances of the fall
of M. Ferry, made itself felt in a gain
Review of the Month.
79
for the Anti-Republicans in depart-
mental elections a fortnight after.
The gain was extremely slight, but
it has sufficed to put a little heart
into both Orleanists and Bonapart-
ists. The Republicans will be exposed
to a severe test when the general
election comes. That election will be
held under the new system of scrutin-
de-liste. Just as we are resorting to
the single-member district, the French
are exchanging the single- member dis-
trict for the departmental ticket.
"Will the Republican party concentrate
its forces? Will the various shades
unite on common lists, on which each
shall be represented ? Or will each
group insist on submitting a list of
its own particular colour, and so run
the risk by division of letting in the
monarchical enemy? Will the Mode-
rate compromise himself by figuring
in the same list with the Radical, and
will the Radical decline to march
under the same flag as the Oppor-
tunist ? It is too early in the cam-
paign yet to judge whether the fatal
tendencies of French parties towards
internecine conflict will once more
prevail, or will at last be overcome by
counsels of moderation and good sense.
As we have said, M. Brisson represents
a coalition of the groups to the Left.
Some shrewd prophets, however, pre-
dict that before two months are over
he will be caught between the exi-
gencies of his allies of the hour and
the attacks of the Right, and driven
to lean for solid support on the old
majority of the Opportunists and the
Republican Union.
Prince Bismarck's seventieth birth-
day was celebrated with demonstra-
tions of enthusiasm by his countrymen,
which all the rest of Europe very well
understands even though not quite
ready to share in it. The triumphant
Chancellor received thousands of letters
and hundreds of telegrams ; his door
was encumbered with gifts ; the aged
Emperor, his master, visited and em-
braced him with tears in his eyes;
and an ancestral estate was bought
back and presented to him out of a
munificent national subscription from
Germans all over the world. The re-
collection of old feuds and griefs, not
yet extinct, was brought back by the
attitude of some of the States of
Southern Germany. They declared
that they had expected the patriotic
subscription to be used for some great
commemorative national work, and
not as a personal donation to a
Minister who had already substantial
marks of public favour in the grants
of 1866 and 1871. A compromise was
hit upon by devoting the surplus, after
the purchase of the Schbnhausen estate,
to some national purpose to be indi-
cated by Prince Bismarck ; but some
of the committees in Bavaria and
elsewhere refused to be pacified and
held back their money.
Prince Bismarck has been fifty
years in the service of his State. King
Leopold II. was born just fifty years
ago, and Brussels has celebrated the
event with official rejoicings, which
have been described as showing on the
part of the population the affection of
reason rather than a delirium of the
heart. The passions that were raised
by the political events of September
last are lulled, but not quite extinct.
The Liberals are rapidly recovering
from their unjust anger at the King's
refusal to violate the constitution
by withholding his assent from an
Education Bill that had been approved
by Parliament ; and most Belgians,
whether Clerical or Liberal, feel a
certain modest satisfaction at the
position in which the King placed
their little country at the Conference
in respect of the Congo.
A hundred years ago it was
a favourite dream among en-
lightened people that if statesmen
could only confer the gift of free
government on nations the reign of
orderly progress would have come, and
civil confusions would be no more.
Yet so hard has it been found to
establish constitutions that will march
and work, that constitutional reform
is everywhere the work of the hour.
80
Review of the Month.
As we have said, an electoral change
of the utmost gravity has just been
effected in France, and in Great
Britain too. A curious identity marks
the problems of modern Europe.
The Table of Magnates, or Upper
House of Hungary, contains 800 mem-
bers, of whom as a rule not more than
one-tenth are found to take part in
its proceedings. But last year it
awoke from its slumber in order to
defeat the Ministerial: measure in
regard to mixed marriages. This
sally of reactionary life made re-
form necessary, and changes in the
composition of the Table are now in
progress. The body is not exclusively
hereditary, but includes certain digni-
taries, as well as thirty nominees .of
the Crown for life. Nobody seems to
expect that the new reforms will
make the Magnates either much more
or much less in accord with the Liberal-
ism of the Chamber, but a curious
social result may very likely follow.
One of the provisions is that a heredi-
tary Magnate must possess lands that
pay a direct annual contribution of
about three hundred pounds sterling a
year. This, it is said, will encourage
marriages for money, and so will in-
crease the political influence of capi-
talists— in other words of Jews, whose
daughters (duly baptised) will be
sought by the Magnates in marriage.
Again, like the Hungarian Table of
Magnates and the British Parliament,
the Swiss National Council has been
discussing electoral reform and new
registration Bills. It is proposed to
require thirty days of domicile before
putting a voter's name on the register ;
if a bankrupt seeks to be restored to
his electoral privilegs, he must show
that his failure was due to ill-fortune
and not to misconduct ; if a man is in
receipt of public relief, in some cantons
he loses his vote, in others not, and
this variety of practice will probably
remain. Among other proposals that
April 23.
strike the British politician as curious
is one to make the vote compulsory ;
and another to allow voting by proxy,
as is already permitted in Zurich.
Our old friends, too, the Cumulative
and the Limited vote, which are in
such dejected plight here, are almost
lively in Switzerland. The discussion
is adjourned, and the law will not be
settled until the month of June.
In Denmark, parliamentary govern-
ment has undergone, for the second
time within eight years, what here we
should regard as a dangerously rude
shock. The two chambers which exist
in Denmark as everywhere else save
Greece — in superstitious deference to
the English model — could not agree
about the Budget. A deadlock fol-
lowed, and the end of the financial
year was close at hand. v The King
prorogued the Rigsdag, and resorted
to the curious expedient called the
Provisorium. The Provisorium is a
power conferred by the Danish consti-
tution on the Sovereign, of levying
taxes and duties, and authorising ex-
penditure in case of emergency during
which the chambers should chance not
to be sitting. Obviously enough it
was never designed that the chambers
should be prorogued for the express
purpose of making the device available.
But as the provisional budget does not
go beyond the limits within which the
two chambers concur, no substantial
harm is done in the special issue.
That does not lessen the popular re-
sentment. Not a single member of
the Folksthing, or Lower House, went
to congratulate the King on his birth-
day ; great public meetings are being
organised ; patriots will refuse to pay
taxes that have not been voted by
parliament ; then the aid of the courts
will be invoked, and the tax-collector
and the recalcitrant tax-payer will
implead one another, with constitu-
tional results not yet foreseen.
MACMILLAN'S MAGAZINE.
JUNE, 1885.
MRS. DYMOND.
CHAPTEE XIII.
ABOUT PHEAISIE.
THE sound of children's footsteps
pattering about the house is perhaps
the sweetest music that has ever fallen
on listening mothers' ears, or that
their hearts have ever kept time to.
When Susanna Dymond first heard
her little Phraisie's merry heels stump-
ing overhead her first waking hours
seemed to brim over with happiness.
The thought of her little one seemed
to shine in her face, to beam from her
eyes— some indescribable new charm
was hers. She was shy, her beauty
used to fade in the presence of strangers
and uncongenial people ; it shone and
gathered and brightened for those of
her own home, for her husband, her
step-children, her own little one.
Small and young as Phraisie was, she
seemed to fill the whole big house at
Crowbeck from her early morning to
her no less early evening, for Phraisie
set with the sun in winter and went
to roost in summertime with her
favourite cocks and hens. She was
a friendly, generous, companionable
little soul. As soon as Phraisie was
able to walk at all, it was her pleasure
to trot up to the people she loved
with little presents of her own contriv-
ing, bits of string, precious crusts,
portions of her toys, broken off for the
purposes of her generosity.
No. 308.— VOL. ui.
"Da," says she, stuffing a doll's leg
into her big sister's hand.
Phraisie was rather bored when
poor Tempy suddenly caught her up,
hugged her passionately, kissed her.
" A-da-da-dad ; no, no," cries little
sister, objecting and tearing out a
handful of Tempy's red locks in self-
defence.
Fayfay, as Phraisie called herself,
was certainly one of the round pegs
for which the round holes are wait-
ing in the world — no hard sides, no
square ill-fitting corners, but kind,
soft nests, already lined with love
and welcome. Miss Phraisie, perch-
ing on her mother's knee, took it all
as a matter of course. How could she,
little baby that she was, guess at
the tender wild love which throbbed
in her mother's heart, at the wonder
and delight her father felt as he gazed
at his pretty shrine of home and
motherhood, at the sweet wife, the
round, happy, baby face, and the little
legs and arms struggling with jolly
exuberance ; and even old and wise
and experienced as we are, and babies
no longer, I wonder which of us could
count up all the love which has been
ours, all the fond looks, the tender,
innocent pride which has been given.
So Phraisie went her way, unem-
barrassed by false humility.
Tempy was devoted to the child,
and seemed to find her best companion-
ship with that small and cheerful
G
82
Mrs. Dymond.
person. Tempy used to carry Fay-
fay about in her arms all over the
place, up into her room, oxit into the
garden again, from the garden to the
pigstye, from that fascinating spot to
the poultry yard, where the chickens
were picketing round about the chalets
where their Cochin China mothers were
confined, or to the stables where the
puppies were squeaking in the straw.
It would be hard to say, when the
stable door opened, letting in the light
and the crumbs of cake and Miss
Phraisie and her capers, whether the
puppies or Phraisie most enjoyed
each other's society ; these youthful
denizens of Crowbeck seemed made for
one another. She was not very unlike
a little curly puppy herself in her ways,
confident, droll, eager, expecting the
whole world, from her father down-
ward, to have nothing better to do
than to play with her, to hide behind
doors and curtains, to go down on all
fours if need be. Josselin was almost
as devoted to her as Tempy, but for
the first two years of Miss Phraisie's
existence he was very little at home.
The first year and a half after his
father's marriage he spent at a private
tutor's ; then came Cambridge and new
interests and new life for the young
man, while Tempy lived on still in
the old life, and among the old
thoughts and prospects. Phraisie was
the one new life and interest in Crow-
beck. For Tempy time did not efface
old feelings, but only repeated those
of the past more vividly each time.
Perhaps her father took it for granted
that because she was silent all was as
he wished, and that she had ceased to
think of Charles Bolsover, indeed one
day he said as much with quiet satisfac-
tion to Susanna, who looked a doubtful
acquiescence. But Tempy was abso-
lutely reserved about herself ; neither
to her inquiring Aunt Fanny, nor to
her step-mother would she say one
word. I think Phraisie was the only
person to whom Tempy Dyrnond ever
made any confidences.
" Don't ty To-to," said Phraisie one
day. " toz it's vezzy naughty." .
Tempy laughed, and began to play
bo-peep behind the sheet of the Times
which had made her cry ; it was a
June day Times, with Oxford and
Cambridge lists in its columns.
Phraisie couldn't read, and had never
heard of any prize poem, except per-
haps " See-Saw, Margery Daw," or she
might have seen that Charles Bolsover
of St. Boniface, was the prize poet of
the year.
It was later in the afternoon of that
same summer's day, that the Dymond
family, tempted out by the beauty of
the weather, in company with numer-
ous other families of the earth and the
air and the water, might have been
seen quietly walking by the field-way
towards Bolsover Hall. A message
had come up from Aunt Fanny, stat-
ing that signs and tokens had arrived
from the roving uncle, from the travel-
ler— Peregrine Bolsover. These strange
camphor-scented treasures used to ap-
pear from time to time, giving some clue
to the donor's travels, whereabouts and
mode of existence. He hated writing
and preferred this means of communi-
cation with his friends. The colonel,
who had business at Countyside and
a dinner of county magnates at the
Angel, meant to proceed thither by
train after his visit to Bolsover, and
the pony carriage had been ordered to
fetch the ladies home at five o'clock.
Poor Susy dreaded these tea-drinkings
at Bolsover, but she could not always
escape them.
Tempy was even more silent than
usual, as she walked along the
slope of the field, leading little
Phraisie by the hand. At every step
the child stooped to pick the heads of
the delicate flowers that were sprink-
ling the turf with purple and white
and golden dust.
The colonel walked on with Su-
sanna. The hour was full of ex-
quisite peace and tranquillity, a sum-
mer distance of gold moors and lilac
fells was heaping against the pale blue
heavens. As they cross the Crew-
beck meadows (they lead by a short cut
to the garden of the Hall), the soft
Mrs. Dymond.
83
wind meets them blowing from across
the lake and tossing the fragrance
which still hangs from every hedge
and bank and neighbouring cottage
porch into their faces ; white roses in
sweet clusters, lilies from adjacent cot-
tage gardens scent the highways ; a
little stream dashes across watering
the green meadows on either side, and
Phraisie laughing and chattering is
lifted over. The June fields are
sumptuous with flowers and splendid
weeds. Foxgloves stand in stately
phalanx, full beds of meadow-sweet
are waving, the blue heads of the for-
get-me-not cover the water's edge. A
broad plank crosses the bubbling rivu-
let, and leads to the upslope and to
the Bolsover farm beyond, where the
cows are browsing or looking over the
low walls that enclose their bounda-
ries ; a colony of ducks comes down to
the water from under the farm gate,
waddling, with beautiful white breasts.
" Dook, dook, pity 'itty quack-
quacks, papa, ,/Jook," cries Phraisie,
setting off after her parents ; and
the colonel stops and looks at ducks
with an interest he has not felt for
half a century, while Susy, smiling,
stands gazing at her little blue- eyed
naturalist.
At Bolsover Hall Miss Phraisie was
a no less important member of the
family than at Orowbeck Place. The
good-natured squire delighted in visits
from the little creature. He used to
waylay her as she was walking up the
avenue to the hall door, and bring her
by the back-way into his private room,
where he used to detain her by many
interesting and rapidly following ex-
periments—the click of pistols, red
balls from the billiard table, whips,
spurs, shiny noisy whirling objects of
every possible description, until pre-
sently Mrs. Bolsover would appear,
followed by a couple of Aunt Fanny's
dogs, with a " Baby, baby, don't dis-
turb your uncle ; " and then the fickle
Phraisie, starting off in pursuit,
would forget her uncle's past atten-
tions, and leave him panting, but tidy
as ever, to put by all the many charm-
ing objects he had produced for her
benefit.
It would be difficult to imagine any-
thing less congruous than the squire
and his favourite gun-room, where he
spent so many peaceful hours. It
might have seemed at first view a
terrific apartment. A death's head
and cross-bones (stuck up by Charlie
Bolsover) ornament the top of the old-
fashioned clock. Along the fire-place
nothing more terrible than a row of
pipes' heads might be seen hanging
from pegs, but everywhere upon the
walls were murderous weapons shining
in their places, revolvers, crossed
foils and fencing implements. A
great curling sword, all over orna-
ments and flourishes, hung over the
comfortable leather sofa cushions,
where Uncle Bolsover loved to doze
away the hours. The colonel
had brought the sword back from
India as a gift for the pacific little
squire.
Day after day Uncle Bolsover used
to go peacefully off to sleep over his
Times, among all these trophies and
ruthless weapons of destruction. There
he lies to-day slumbering tranquilly,
with a pair of boxing gloves hanging
just over his round bald head ; the
tranquillity, the soothing sunshine, all
contribute to his happy dreams. The
squire has earned his repose. He
has been all the morning unpack-
ing the huge case which has come
jogging up from the other side of the
world, whence Peregrine Bolsover,
having heard of Colonel Dymond's
marriage, has despatched an extra
crate full of traveller's gifts to his
family at home. He had heard the
news from his sister Fanny, whose
flowing streams of correspondence
contrived to reach the wanderer even
in those distant countries which he
frequented, countries so far away, so
little known, that it seemed as if they
had been expressly created for his use.
The gifts are of a generous, incon
venient, and semi- barbarous character :
elephants' tusks, rude strings of teeth,
and gold beads for the bride ; carved
c 2
Mrs. Dymond.
ostrich eggs for the colonel ; a price-
less bamboo strung with the spine
bones of some royal dynasty for Mrs.
Bolsover ; various daggers wrapped in
rough paper, and marked "poison —
very dangerous," for the squire ; a
Spanish leather saddle all embroidered
for Charlie, besides several gods of
various religions and degrees of hide-
ousness. Gratitude, natural bewil-
derment, and hopeless confusion raise
up mixed emotions in the family on
receiving these tokens of their absent
member's affection. The squire having
conscientiously unpacked the chest,
ranged the various objects round
the room, and put the daggers safely
in the cupboard out of the way, feels
that he has earned his afternoon's
siesta. As he sleeps the idoor opens
gently, and a pale handsome young
man comes in quietly. By his rings, by
his black curls, by his shiny shoes and
red silk stockings, it is easy to recog-
nise Charlie Bolsover restored to his
usual health and spirits, and profiting
by his newly-gained honours and by
the first days of his long vacation to
come off uninvited, and even under
prohibition, to the place where he is
always returning in spirit.
" Good heavens ! Charlie," says
Uncle Bolsover, waking up with a
start.
" Aunt Fanny sent me in to wake
you up, Uncle Bol," said Charlie, with
a smile. " She says I may stay."
CHAPTER XIV.
UNDEE THE CEDAR TREES.
THE colonel and his wife had been
met at the door, and told that the
ladies were at tea in the garden ; and
without entering the house or visit-
ing the gun-room on their way, they
passed by the side-gate that led to
the velvet lawns, so greenly spread
beneath the shade of those old trees
which have always seemed to me the
rightful owners of Bolsover Hall. The
tea-table stood under a cedar which
had sheltered three or four generations
of Bolsovers in turn, and which had
seen grandparents and parents at play
before Fanny Bolsover and her sister
and her brothers had grown up from
children. The eldest of the generation,
Tempy's mother, the first Tempy, who
married little Jacky Dymond, as the
colonel was once called, was long since
dead, and so was Charles, the youngest
brother, the father of the present
Charles. Peregrine, who came next to
the squire, and who once climbed to
the rook's nest on the upper boughs of
the tallest cedar, was far away, and
had returned no more to the old place.
And the brilliant Fanny, the lovely
spoiled girl who once thought all man-
kind, all life was at her feet — was
this what she had come to, this garish,
affected woman, with her disappointed
ambitions, her limited imaginations,
her ostentatious cleverness, and domi-
nating will. As for the good squire,
in all his sixty years he has scarcely
ever travelled beyond the shadow of
his old trees, nor changed in heart
since he first came out at the head of
the brotherhood, to play hide and seek
upon the lawn.
Miss Bolsover advanced to meet
the little party — Susanna and Tempy,
and Phraisie, running ahead, and
Jacky Dymond, now sobered, sil-
vered, settled, and no more like the
youth she could remember than she
resembled the Fanny - of forty years
ago. Aunt Fanny was unusually
gracious (so it, seemed to Susy). She
sent the servant for a low table and
a baby -chair for Phraisie ; she in-
sisted on their remaining to tea ; she
stirred and mixed milk and water,
and divided sponge-cakes and straw-
berries and cream with extra alacrity ;
she would not hear of the colonel going
into the house to look for the squire.
" We will leave poor Frederick to
have his nap out," says Miss Bolsover ;
" plenty of time, John, to see the
presents. Do let us enjoy this*lovely
afternoon in peace ! It is so good of
poor dear Peregrine ; but I can't con-
ceive what we are to do with all the
eggs he sends home. Do look at that
Mrs. Dymond.
85
lovely effect of light upon the lake,
Susanna ! What time is your train
to Countyside, John ? Shall you
call in on your way back? I hear
Lord Neighborton is expected to speak.
Poor you, you will have to propose
his health. Little mademoiselle where
are you going to 1 " in a high staccato
voice. " Do keep the child quietly
here and amused, Tempy dear. More
strawberries, anybody ? Ah ! here
comes Car from the schools. Well,
Car, tired 1 What news ? When is
the terrible inspector to come ? "
And Aunt Car wearily sinks down
upon a chair, not without a benevolent
iron grin of welcome to Phraisie, who
runs straight up to her and climbs
upon her knee and begins at once to
pop strawberries into her mouth.
Miss Bolsover, for some reason or
other, seemed absolutely determined
that no one should move from the tea-
table.
" Well ! have you seen the presents,
Phraisie 1" Mrs. Bolsover was begin-
ning.
" Car, Car, don't talk of poor clear
Peregrine's horrors just yet?" cries
Aunt Fanny. " You know they are
always the same — claws, and teeth, and
fusty bison-skins," and as she spoke
the stable clock, soft and clear and
deliberate, came to their ears, striking
the three-quarters.
"A quarter - to six," says the
colonel.
" Car," says Miss Bolsover, " the
man was here this morning he says
the clock is some minutes slow."
" It is all right by my watch," said
the colonel, looking down at his gold
repeater.
" I nearly missed my train yester-
day," Miss Bolsover remarked, ab-
sently stirring her tea ; " but most
likely — of course your watch is right,
John."
However, to the punctual colonel
this most likely was not to be en-
dured.
"I'll make sure of my train, any-
how," says he, getting up leisurely.
" Phraisie, will you give papa a kiss ?
Goodbye, Susy; expect me after dinner.
Car, tell Bolsover I'll look in on my
way home."
As the colonel was walking off
across the grass on his way to the
station the) figures of Mr. Bolsover
himself and another person might
have been seen at the drawing-room
window, where the squire stood trying
to undo the hasp. Aunt Fanny, who
had eyes everywhere, caught sight of
the two, for she suddenly seized little
scared Phraisie up in playful arms and
went flying, and rustling, and panting
across the lawn towards the house in
time to meet her brother-in-law face
to face on the step.
" Here is our dear little Fayfay
come to see Uncle Fred and all the
pitty tings," says Miss Bolsover
playfully, thrusting the child into
her brother's arms. " Don't come
out, Charlie boy, I want to speak to
you, dear, most particularly. Come
into my boudoir. Frederick, will you
take the child into the gun-room ?
Auntie will come for her directly."
Presently a servant came out from
the house with a message to Tempy
under the tree. Miss Bolsover wanted
to speak to her. Then Miss Bolsover
herself returned again, leading little
Phraisie by the hand.
" Tempy is delighted with the eggs
and things," says Aunt Fanny to
Aunt Car. Then to Susanna, who
was preparing to come into the house,
"I brought the little one back. I
don't know if you are at all afraid of
keeping her out too late, Susanna ;
I myself know nothing about it,"
says Miss Bolsover, with her merry
tinkle of earrings and laughter ; " but
if you would like to go we will send
Tempy home in the t-cart and be glad
to keep her a little longer."
" Tempy said she wanted to get
back early," Susanna answered, quite
unsuspiciously.
"Oh! we will see to that," cried
Aunt Fanny, affectionately conducting
Mrs. Dymond to the side gate where
the pony- carriage was standing. " Dear
me, you have never seen your beads
86
Mrs, Dymond.
after all, nor the scalps either. I'll
send them back to you by Tempy."
Then Susy nodded and smiled and
waved good-bye to Mrs. Bolsover, and
was more than absorbed in making
her little Phraisie kiss her hand and
say good-bye too. Phraisie behaved
beautifully and did all that was ex-
pected of her, and chattered all the
way home on her mother's knee.
" Nice gentypan in dere, mamma,"
said little Phraisie as they drove off.
" Gentypan kissed Fay fay."
Susy did not quite understand what
Phraisie meant.
" No, dear," she said, " there was
no gentleman only papa."
" Ozzer ones," said Phraisie, per-
sisting.
Susy waited dinner, but no Tempy
came home, and Mrs. Dymond finished
her meal by herself. All the bright,
dazzling hours of the day seemed pass-
ing before her still, shining, crowding
with light and life — with Phraisie's
busy little life most of all. Susy went
up stairs on her way to her own room,
and stood for a few minutes by Phrai-
sie's little crib, where all the pretty
capers and sweet prattle and joy and
wonder lay in a soft heap, among the
pillows. The child's peaceful head
lay with a warm flush and with
tranquil, resting breath ; the little
hand hung over the quilt, half drop-
ping a toy, some goggle-eyed, wide-
awake dolly, staring hard, and with
loops of tow and gilt ornaments, and
not unlike Miss Bolsover, herself,
Susy thought.
For once Mrs. Dymond had also
enjoyed her visit to Bolsover Hall.
Aunt Fanny had been gracious. She
had spared those thrusts which used
to sting, for all Susy's calm impertur-
bability. As for Mrs. Bolsover, Susy
had learnt to be less and less afraid
of her grim advances. Little Fayfay,
i i J . J
asleep or awake, was an ever-growing
bond between the two women. Susy
had brought Fayfay down from the
upper floor, and she had now only to
cross a passage from the nursery to
reach her own sitting-room, where she
found a green lamp burning and a
fire burning. Even in summer-time
they used to light fires at Crowbeck
after the sun was set. She had no
other company than that of Zillah
lying asleep by the hearth, but she
wanted none other. She settled herself
comfortably in her sofa corner, where
the lamp shed its pleasant light, and
after writing a long, rambling pencil
letter to her mother, Susy took up a
novel and read assiduously for a time.
Then she closed the book. Her little
Phraisie's eyes and looks, and her
button of a nose, and her funny sweet
sayings, seemed to come between her
mother and the print. What chance
has a poor author with such a rival I
" Funny gentypan," who could Phraisie
mean by "funny gentypan?" her
mother wondered. Then suddenly, as the
baby herself might have done, Susanna,
happy, thankful, resting and at ease,
dropped off into a sleep, sound and
long and deep as these illicit slumbers
are apt to be. I do not know how
long her dreams had lasted ; the nurse
looked in, and not liking to disturb
her went off to bed. The clock struck
ten and the half-hour, and suddenly
Mrs. Dymond started up, wide awake ;
she thought she had heard a sound
and her own name called, and she
answered as she sat up on the couch,
bewildered. Was it her husband's
voice 1 Was it Marney come home 1
Where was her mother 1 Susy rubbed
her eyes. All seemed silent again, but
she had been startled, and looking at
the clock she flushed up, ashamed of
her long nap. Then she crossed the
room to the bell and rang it, but no
one came, for the maids had gone to
bed and the men were in a different
part of the house. I don't know what
nervous terror suddenly seized her, but
as she listened still, she grew more
frightened. Then she thought of calling
the nurse, and looked into the nursery
again for that purpose, but gaining
courage from the calm night-light and
the peaceful cradle, she came quietly
away ; only, as she crossed the passage,
she now distinctly heard a low con-
Mrs. Dymond.
87
tinuous murmur of voices going on in
some room not far distant. Then Susy
reflected that housebreakers do not
start long audible conversations in the
dead of night, and summoning up
courage, she descended the broad
flight of stairs which led to the sit-
ting-rooms below ; the voices were
not loud, but every now and then
the tones rose in the silence. As
she came to the half-open drawing-
room door (it was just under her
dressing-room) she heard a man's voice
speaking in eager tones, and then the
colour rushed up into her face and
once more her heart began to beat,
for she seemed to recognise ITempy's
low answer. She opened the door.
There stood Charlie, who seemed to be
destined to disturb the slumbers of
his family. There stood Tempy beside
him, in the glow of the dying embers
— the two sadly, happily miserable,
and yet together ! Susy could see
poor Tempy's tears glistening in the
red fire-light, and Charlie's rings and
decorations, as they stood holding each
other's hands in parting grief.
Mrs. Dymond came in like a beau-
tiful fate, in her long white dress
floating sternly across the room. She
set her light upon the table.
" Tempy ! " she said. " Oh ! Tempy,
I could not have believed it of you.
And how can you come," Susanna said,
turning to Charlie Bolsover, " how dare
you come," she repeated, "disturbing
us, troubling us with your presence ?
Tempy has promised — has promised
not to see you," she went on excitedly,
" Why don't you keep away ? Do you
not know that all our home peace
and happiness depend upon your
absence 1 You are not, you will never
be, her husband. Do you want to
part her for ever from her father?"
cried Susy, passionately. "As for
you, Tempy, I thought I could have
trusted you as I trust myself. Was
this why you stayed behind, why you
deceived me ? "
Susy might have been kinder, she
might have sympathised more, but that
her own youth had taught her so sad,
so desperate a lesson ; and comfortable
debonnair vices, easy-going misdeeds
and insincerities, seemed to her worse
and more terrible than the bitterest
and most cutting truths, the sternest,
baldest realities. That Tempy should
deceive her, deceive her father, should
be seeing Charlie by secret arrange-
ment, seemed to Susy unworthy of
them all.
Charlie turned round upon her in
a sudden fury. Where was his usual
placid indifference now ]
" If you knew what you were say-
ing ; if you had ever been in love," he
said in a rage, speaking bitterly, in-
dignantly, " you would not be so cruel
to her, Mrs. Dymond. You part us
for no reason but your husband's
fancy, and you divide us as if we were
two sacks of potatoes — ' Go,' you say,
forget each other.' You don't know
what you say. You might as well say,
' Do not exist at all,' as tell us not
to love each other. It may be easy
enough for people who marry not for
love but for money, or because they
want comfortable homes or house-
keepers, to part, but
"Oh, for shame, for shame, Charlie,"
cried Tempy, starting away and pull-
ing her hand from her lover.
"Let him speak, it is best so," said
Susanna very stern, and pale, and un-
compromising. " He has a right to
speak."
" I speak because I feel, while you all
seem to me stones and stocks," cried the
poor fellow. " I speak because I love
Tempy with all my heart, and you are
condemning her and condemning me
unheard to sorrow and life -long
separation."
There was something, some utter
truth of reality in the young man's
voice, something which haunted Su-
sanna long after. This sharp scene
had come upon her suddenly, unex-
pectedly, but not for the first time did
she feel uneasy, impatient with her
husband.
A sudden indignant protest rose
88
Mrs. Dymond.
in her heart ; for the first time since
her marriage she questioned and
denied his infallibility. It might be
true that Charlie Bolsover had been
foolish, true that he was in debt, true
that Tempy was rich and young, but
was it not also true that these two
people were tenderly, faithfully attached
to each other 1 It seemed a terrible
responsibility for the father to divide
them; absolutely to say, "Death to
their love, let it be as nothing, let it
cease for ever." Susy thought of the
boy's sad wild looks as he rushed
past her in the passage of Eiderdown's
Hotel.
She looked at him again. He was
changed somehow ; he looked older,
stronger, angrier, less desperate, more
of a man. He stood fronting Tempy,
not with the air of one who was
ashamed and out of place, but as if he
had a right to speak. Susy, Rhada-
mantine though she was, covered her
face with her two hands for a minute.
She could not meet the young fellow's
reproachful look. It seemed to her
that it had all happened before, that
she had known it all along, known
it from the beginning, even when
Charlie, exasperated, turned from her
to Tempy saying,
" Tempy, I can't bear this any
longer, you must decide between us.
Send me away, if you have the heart
to send me away."
Still Susy seemed to know it all, to
know that Tempy would say, "I shall
never give you up, Charlie, all my
life ; but I cannot go against my father's
cruel will."
The sound of wheels, of a horse's
hoofs stopping at the front door, .
brought the situation to a crisis.
"Listen! That must be papa,"
said Tempy, starting forward. " Go,
Charlie, go ! there is still time ! You
must not meet him ! " and she, all in
tears, took his hand into both hers,
and would have dragged him to the
window through which they had entered
together.
" Go ! Why should I go ? " cried Char-
lie, exasperated, holding his ground.
" I am not ashamed of being here,"
and as he spoke Susy heard the hall
door open.
"He is right, Tempy," she cried,
with a bright look, and then with a
sudden impulse Susanna ran to the
dining-room door, threw it open, and
called her husband by his name as he
came into his house.
" John ! come here ! Charles Bol-
sover is here," said Susy, standing in
the dining-room door.
Then she saw that her husband was
looking very pale. Instead of coming
up to her he stood by the staircase
holding to the bannister. He looked
very old suddenly, quite different
somehow.
" I know Charles Bolsover is here,"
he said, looking hard at his wife. " I
heard it just now before you told me.
Tell him I will not see him. Tell him
and Tempy to carry on their plots else-
where. You Susy, I can trust, thank
God."
"Dear John, what is it?" Susy
cried, running up to him. " Tempy,
Tempy, come to your father ! Come
and tell him he can trust us all ! " Susy
cried in despair at her husband's
strange manner and looks, and Tempy
hearing Susy's voice also came out with
her round face still bathed in tears.
"Oh! papa, what is it?" she said
gently. " I didn't know Charlie was
to be at the hall. Indeed, indeed, I
didn't, though perhaps if I had, I
could not have kept away. I hadn't
seen him for, oh, so long ; he walked
back with me just now, that is all !
Are you very angry 1 "
The poor colonel's face altered,
changed, softened, the colour seemed
to come back into his lips.
" I am not angry with you, my poor
child," he said, and he sighed, and held
out his hand. Tempy felt that it was
cold like stone. " I am tired ; another
time I will speak to you. I cannot
see him. I thought — I thought you
were all trying to deceive me," he re-
peated, with an attempt at a smile.
Mrs. Dymond.
89
Tempy watched him step by step till
he turned the corner of the staircase,
still holding by the bannisters. Long,
long afterwards she seemed to see him
climbing slowly and passing on.
CHAPTER XV.
"THE COLONEL GOES HOME."
SUSANNA was not happy about her
husband next morning. He seemed
unlike himself ; though he said he was
well, he looked dull and out of spirits.
Tempy's heart, too, was very heavy,
and she hung her head over her sew-
ing, setting one weary stitch after
another as women do. Charlie was
gone, she knew not when she should
see him again ; and her father was
there, and yet gone too in a way.
She could not bear him to be so gentle,
so reserved, so absent in his manner ;
she was longing for an explanation
with him, longing to speak and yet
scarcely knowing how to begin. When
the play of life turns to earnest, how
strangely one's youthful valiance fails
— that courage of the young, armed
from head to foot with confident in-
experience of failure and with hope
all undimmed as yet.
The colonel was busy all the morn-
ing, and closeted in his study with
the bailiff. He came into Susy's room
once or twice, where she was sitting
with Tempy, and with little Phraisie
playing at her knee, Phraisie was the
one cheerful, natural person in the
house this gloomy morning. The
colonel's silence did not silence her.
Tempy's depression seemed to vanish
suddenly when the child came tumb-
ling across the room from her mother's
knee^ Tempy's black looks (so curiously
like her father's) turned into some
faint semblance of a smile as the little
sister tugged at her dress to make her
play.
Susy had left the room when little
Fayfay, perching at the window, sud-
denly began to exclaim something
about " papa and his gee-gee," and
Tempy, who had hoped that the mo-
ment for explanation had come, found
that her father was starting for his
morning ride, and now explanation
must be again deferred. The explana-
tion was not then, but it was very
near at hand.
Presently Susy looked into the room,
with her straw hat on. "Your father
is gone to Ambleside. He has ordered
James to meet him there at the station
with the dog-cart ; they will bring
Josselin home. Won't you come out
now, Tempy 1 It will do you good ;
or will you come with me to Miss
Fletcher's after luncheon?"
But Tempy shook her head. She
would not come, neither then nor
later. She sat stitching away the
morning, moping through the hours
in a dreary, unsatisfactory sort of
way. Susanna hoped that Josselin's
return might cheer her up.
" What did papa say to you last
night ? " Tempy suddenly asked, when
she saw Susy getting up after luncheon
to prepare for her walk.
" He said that he was glad that we
had hidden nothing from him — that
we had told him Charlie was here.
He said he liked to feel that he could
trust us," Susanna answered, and as
she spoke she seemed to see her hus-
band's kind face and his outstretched
hand again.
•''Trust us, trust you/" said Tempy.
"Did Aunt Fanny tell him Charlie
was here ] "
" No," said Susy, blushing up. " It
was Aunt Car who told him, she had
gone to bed when your father reached
the Hall. She came out of her room
in her dressing gown, hearing his voice.
Miss Bolsover assured your father it
was I who had arranged it all," Susy
went on : and as she spoke two in-
dignant tears flashed into her eyes.
"Don't ! don't ! don't ! " cried poor
Tempy. " My aunt knows how un-
happy I am," and she turned and ran
out of the room.
Susy, solitary, was glad to meet
Wilkins and her little Phraisie at the
garden gate that afternoon. She was
starting for her walk before the travel-
90
Mrs. Dymond.
lers' return. Phraisie was armed cap-
d.-pie and helmed in quilted white and
starch as a baby should be who is
meant to defy the sun. She had
picked a bunch of flowers, and was
hopping along the path, and chatter-
ing as she went something about "De
pussy and de kitty is in de darden,
and de kitty is eaten de petty flowers,
and please, mamma, take 'ittle Fayfay
wid dou."
" I should like her to come with me,
Wilkins," said Mrs. Dymond. " I am
going to call at the Miss Fletchers'."
" Oh ! very well, mem," says Wil-
kins, resigned. She prefers her own
company to respectful attendance upon
her mistress, but she is a good creature,
and allows Susy to see a great deal of
Phraisie. Perhaps the thought of
Miss Fanny's various paragons hang-
ing by hairs over her head inclines
Wilkins to regard her mistress's fail-
ings with leniency. Susy felt so sad
and so much depressed that it was a
real boon and comfort to be led along
by the little one and to feel her
warm hand in her own. Phraisie
was sturdy on her legs, and thought
nothing of the expedition.
Their walk ran high up above the
roadside, along a bank cut in the
shelving slopes, and shaded by big
trees, of which the stems were wreathed
and wrapped with ivy leaves. Beneath
each natural arch formed by the spread
of the great branches, lay a most
lovely and placid world of cool waters
and gentle mountain mist, of valleys
full of peaceful, browsing sheep. A
strange cloud hung along the crest of
the Old Man flashing with light.
Susanna remembered it long after-
wards ; every minute of that day
seemed stamped and marked upon her
mind. Phraisie went first, still chat-
tering to her mamma, who followed
quietly, looking out at the tranquil
prospect ; then came Wilkins. Once
the nurse stopped short, and Susy, who
had walked a little ahead, called to
her.
" I thought there was a something
on the other side of the lake, mem,"
says Wilkins. " There's a boat and a
crowd."
Susy stopped, looked, moved on
again after an instant's pause. " I
cannot see clearly across the lake,"
she said ; " but the rain is coming, we
must not be long," and she went on
her way, still holding Phraisie's warm
little hand. The Fletchers lived in
a stone, slated cottage high up on the
mountain side ; it was homely enough,
scanty, but exquisitely clean and in
perfect order. The little garden, in-
closed by its stone walls, flashed lilac,
gold, and crimson with the cottage
flowers that were all ablaze — con-
volvulus, floxes, sweet william, and
nasturtium, opening to the raindrops
that were already beginning to fall.
Martha Fletcher, the younger
sister who kept the school, was
standing out in the porch as her
visitors arrived somewhat breathless
with their climb ; and she came for-
ward to welcome them with her smil-
ing, peaceful looks and voice, and,
calling to her sister, opened the cot-
tage door and showed them in. There
were two rooms on the ground floor,
leading from one to another — pleasant
rooms, scantily furnished, with slated
floors and lattice windows and cross
lights, and a few geraniums in pots ;
they both opened to the garden. The
first was a sort of kitchen, with a
kettle boiling on the hob ; the second
was a parlour, with a few wooden
chairs, an oak chest, and a quaint old
cupboard that would have made the
fortune of a collector. "It is old ; it
were never very much," said Martha.
In front of the cupboard, Jane, the
elder sister, was lying back in her big
chair knitting, with a patchwork
cushion at her back. She looked pale
and worn by ill health, but she, too,
brightened to welcome their visitors.
Both these sisters had the calm and
well-bred manners of people who live
at peace, in the good company of great
and lovely things. Susy herself had not
such easy and dignified greetings for
her guests, such kindness and un-
spoken courtesy in her ways, as that
Mrs. Dymond.
91
with which these two women now met
her.
Mrs. Dymond had come only intend-
ing to remain a few minutes, but from
behind the Old Man some sudden
storm began to spread, and in a few
minutes, swiftly, rapidly, the clouds
had gathered, and the rain had begun
to pour very heavily all round
about.
Perhaps half an hour went by — a
strange half-hour, which ever after-
wards Susy looked back to with a feel-
ing half of longing, half of miserable
regret. It seemed to her as if some
other Susanna had lived it, with its
troubled apprehensions, with a heart
full of pain, of dull excitement. She
could not bear to disagree with her
husband, but the sight of Tempy's dull
pain stung her. So long as it had been
her own self in question, she had felt
no disloyalty in suppressing her own
wishes, crushing clown the instinctive
protest in her heart against the family
thraldom and traditional subjection
to conventionality. But now that
Tempy's happiness and honesty of
mind were concerned, it seemed to
Susy that the time had come to speak.
Ah ! John who was so good, so gentle
and forbearing, he would understand
her, he would yield to her entreaties,
to Tempy's pleading.
Susy sat paying her visit in a
curious, double state of mind. The
rain had ceased, the cottage gar-
den was refreshed ; the floxes, the
zinias, the lupins, the marigolds, the
whole array of cottage finery was
refreshed and heavy with wet. The
birds had begun to fly and chirp again ;
little Phraisie stood at the door peep-
ing ovit at an adventurous kitten which
was cautiously advancing along the
wooden bench. Martha sat erect on
the well rubbed mahogany settle, Jane
lay back in her big chair with an
invalid's gentle eyes full of interest,
fixed on their young visitor.
"How comely Mrs. Dymond du look,"
thinks Jane the fanciful, " there side-
by-side wi' Martha on the settle."
Mrs. Dymond dressed in some
soft brown pelisse with a touch of
colour in it, her loose country gloves,
her lace ruffles, her coquettish brown
felt hat with the shining bird's breast,
all seemed to make up a pleasant au-
tumnal picture, even more interesting
to Jane than that baby-one in the
door- way. After all, a tidy, well-
dressed child is no prettier an object
than any one of the little ones bare-
legged and rosy and tattered, such as
those Jane and Martha were used to
teach and have up to play in the garden
But a well-dressed, beautiful lady is an
interesting sight to a country woman.
Martha from habit, perhaps,kept watch
over Phraisie, but Jane's eyes rested
gently upon the young mother.
Susy lingered on. There was a sense
of peace within as without the cottage,
a feeling of goodness, of quiet duty ful-
filled, and unpretending refinement.
A thought crossed her mind, what a
happy life she might have led if only
these women could have been her
sisters — true ladies indeed they seemed
to be — tranquil, courteous in their
ways, making no difference between
persons, as gentle and as welcoming to
tl^e shepherd's wife, who came drenched
to the door in her clogs, to report of
Mrs. Barrow, as to Susy herself,
the lady of the Place. While the
neighbours talked on, Susy, girl-like
began to picture a life with John, in a
pleasant cottage with a garden full
of flowers. She seemed putting off
the moment of return and expla-
nation, and trying to think of other
things. Susy dreaded going home
dreaded the explanation before her
dreaded the pain she must give her
husband if she told him all she felt,
and that his decision seemed to her
unjust and arbitrary ; dreaded the
concealment if she hid the truth. Some
instinct seemed to tell her that Miss
Bolsover, whatever happened, would
make ill-will between them all, and
that trouble was at hand ; and yet the
heavy indefinable sense which had
haunted her all the morning, was
lighter since she had reached that
peaceful home and seen the simple and
92
Mrs, Dymond.
comforting sight of two contented
souls.
These fancies did not take long, a
little ray of light came straggling by
the lattice. Phraisie leaped and
laughed in the door- way at the kitten's
antics ; suddenly the child came run-
ing back to her mother's knee, and hid
her face in her lap and began to cry.
"My Phraisie, what is it?" said
Susy, stooping and lifting her up.
"Did the kitty scratch you?" but
little Phraisie didn't answer at first,
then looking up into her mother's face,
" Papa, Fay fay wants papa," was
all she said.
"I think papa must be home by
this," said Susy, going to the door
with the child in her arms ; and she
felt that with Phraisie in her arms she
could speak, protest for Tempy's future
rights. She could trust that kind and
generous heart which had ever been so
true to her, to them all. The rain was
gathering again ; the sisters urged her
to stay, but she was impatient — sud-
denly impatient — to get back. A
feeling which seemed strange, in-
describable, outside every-day things
and common feelings, had fallen on
her once more ; was it the storm in
the air ? As she looked at the oppo-
site hills, she felt as if the very line
of the clouds against the sky had terror
in it. No tangible impression was in
her mind, but a restless alarm and
discomfort. • Susy wondered if she was
going to be ill, though she was not
given to fancies ; her one desire was
to get home, and she took leave,
hastily gathering up her skirts with
Wilkins's help, tucking Phraisie safe
into the folds of her pelisse. Jane
and Martha looked gravely at her, and
did not attempt to detain her. • " Take
care of ye'sell," they said. Martha
came with them to the garden-gate,
and stood holding it open, and as they
were starting, they heard a step hurry-
ing up from below. It was one of the
grooms from the Place, who, not seeing
Susy, exclaimed —
" Oh ! Miss Fletcher, have you heard
that there's been a' accident across the
lake? The colonel and Mr. Jo have
been cast out of t' dog-cart. I'm seek-
ing Mrs. Dymond."
11 An accident ! " said Susy, coming
forward, holding Phraisie very tight.
" Are they hurt, James ? Is the
colonel "
" Neither o' the gentlemen had
spoke when I came away to seek ye,
mem," said the man, with a pale face ;
and some wonder at seeing her so
composed. " George Tyson brought
them across in t' boat wi' doctor ;
the parson is there wi' Miss Bolsover.
We have been looking for you,
m'a'am, a long while."
CHAPTER XVI.
THE DOCTOR AND THE LADY.
THE train came in in the early morn-
ing, and the great London doctor got
out ; he had travelled all night com-
fortably enough in his first-class cor-
ner ; he was there to see what could
be done ; he had a confident, cheerful
aspect, which gave hope to the by-
standers. The porter began to think
the colonel might recover after all ;
the station-master also seemed to re-
gain confidence. Mr. Bolsover, who
had come to meet the train, and who
liked to take things pleasantly, shook
the oracle warmly by the hand. " I'm
afraid you will find things as bad as
can be," he said, as if he was giving a
welcome piece of news, though his
pale round face belied his cheery
tones. " Jeffries has been up all
night. I have brought the carriage
for you. We telegraphed to you
last night when Jeffries thought so
badly of him, poor fellow. Get in,
please ; drive hard, George."
" Is Mrs. Dymond aware of the
danger?" said the doctor, as he got
into the carriage, after seeing that his
bag was safely stowed on the box.
" She is anxious, very anxious,"
said Mr. Bolsover ; " so are my wife
and sister, who are nursing them all
most devotedly. " You know the boy
is hurt too; broken rib — concussion.
They were driving home together ;
Mrs. Dymond.
93
they think poor Dymond fainted and
fell, the horse was startled, the car-
riage upset just by the forge. Luckily
one of Dymond's own men was stand-
ing by ; the poor fellows were brought
straight home across the lake in the
ferry boat. Mrs. Dymond was from
home at the time. The boy recovered
consciousness almost immediately, but
my poor brother-in-law seems very ill,
very bad indeed," said Mr. Bolsover
with an odd chirruping quake in his
voice ; then recovering, and trying to
quiet himself. " Do you dislike this ? "
and he pulled a cigar-case out of his
pocket.
" Not at all — not at all," said the
doctor, looking out of the window.
"What a delightful place you have
here ! "
" It is almost all my brother-in-
law's property," said Mr. Bolsover ;
" all entailed upon my nephew. We
married sisters, you know."
" Oh, indeed ! " said the doctor. " I
did not know."
" I was not speaking of the present
Mrs. Dymond," says Mr. Bolsover,
hastily. " The second wife is quite a
girl ; some of us thought it a pity at
the time. Poor child, it will be easier
for her now, perhaps, than if they had
been longer married."
The horses hurried on, the gates
were reached, the neat sweep, the
pleasant shade of trees ; the doors of
the house flew open, and the servants
appeared, as on that day when the
colonel had brought Susy home as a
bride. The doctor was shown into
the colonel's study, where a fire had
been lighted and some breakfast set
out. The master was lying scarcely
conscious on his bed up stairs, but his
daily life seemed still to go on in the
room below. The whips and sticks were
neatly stacked against the walls, his
sword was slung up, his belt, his mili-
tary cap, everything curiously tidy and
well-ordered. The Army List and Direc-
tory, the Bradshaws and Whitaker,
were each in their due place on the
table in a sort of pattern. The book-
cases were filled, and every shelf was
complete ; the writing apparatus was
in order, with good pens and fresh
ink, for Dr. Mayfair to write the pre-
scriptions with. They could do little
good now, for all the good pens and
paper. The neat packets of letters,
answered and unanswered, with broad
elastic straps, lay on the right and
left of the writing-book ; the post-bag
was hanging on a nail, with a brass
plate fixed above, on which the hours
of the post were engraved. Every-
thing spoke of a leisurely, well-ordered
existence, from the shining spurs on
their stands, to the keys in the
despatch-box. The doctor had not
long to wait ; the door opened, and a
lady came in — a fat, florid lady, who
seemed to have performed a hasty
toilette, not without care. She was
wrapped in a flowing, flowery tea-
gown, a lace hood covered her many
curls and plaits ; she had gold slip-
pers, emerald and turquoise rings;
she advanced with many agitated
motions.
" Oh, doctor ! — oh, how we have
looked for you ! You may imagine
what this night has been. How am
I to tell you all 1 A chair. Thank
yo.i. Yes — oh, yes ! — our darling boy
scarcely conscious — his father in this
most alarming condition," and she laid
her jewelled fingers on the doctor's
sleeve. " Mr. Bolsover will have told
you something, but he has no concep-
tion of what we have suffered, what
anxiety we have endured. My brain
seems crushed," said the lady. "If
you felt my pulse, doctor, you would
see that the heart's action is scarcely
perceptible."
" You are very anxious of course,"
said the doctor, rather perplexed,
'' shall I come up stairs at once ? Is
Mr. Jeffries up stairs ? "
" He will be here in a minute, if you
will kindly wait, and you must be
wanting some refreshment," said the
lady, " Doctor Mayfair, do you prefer
tea or coffee? Here are both as I
ordered. One requires all one's nerve,
all one's strength for the sad scene
up stairs — the strong man cast down
Mrs. Dymond.
in his prime— let me pour out the
tea."
The doctor somewhat bored by the
lady's attentions, stood before the fire
waiting for the arrival of Mr. Jeffries,
and asking various details of the
illness, of the accident, to which his
hostess gave vague and agitated
answers. " I was resting in my room
before dressing to drive out, when my
maid brought me word of the dreadful
report. I lost not a moment, I told
them to bring me a cloak, a hat, any-
thing, the first come, to order the
carriage, to send a messenger to say
that I was on the way. But one has
to pay for such efforts, nature will
not be defrauded of her rights. You,
doctor, know that better than I do."
" Oh, of course, no, yes," says the
doctor with a vacant eye drinking his
tea and looking round : was this the
enthusiastic young girl disapproved of
by the poor colonel's relations ! " Mr.
Jeffries has been sent for, you tell me,"
said the great man, politely interrupt-
ing.
"I hear him now," said Miss
Bolsover excitedly, and rushing to the
door she opened it wide. " Here, come
in here, Doctor Mayfair is expecting
you," said the lady in a loud whisper.
" Oh, Mr. Jeffries you can tell him
what we have all endured, you can tell
him what a life-long tie it has been
between us. How unlike that of a
few short months ; how much deeper,
how much." . . . Mr. Jeffries looked
round uneasily, he was followed
by Susanna, still strangely quiet,
scarcely uttering a word but with
anxious, dark encircled eyes trying to
read from their faces what was written
there. She heard Miss Bolsover' s
speech, and crimsoned up as she turned
a quick, reproachful glance upon her ;
even at such terrible moments people
are themselves, alas ! and their daily
failings do not die when those they
love lie down for the last time, but
assert themselves, bitter, exaggerated.
To reproach her at such a time ! Oh,
it was cruel, Susy thought, and then
she forgot it all — Miss Bolsover's
sneers, and the petty pangs and smarts
of daily jealousies ; she caught sight of
a glance which passed between Mr.
Jeffries and Dr. Mayfair, and all her
strength and courage seemed suddenly
to go, and she sat down for a moment
in the nearest chair, while Miss Bol-
sover followed the doctors out of the
room. Susy herself had no hope,
Jeffries' deprecating look answered her
most anxious fears, she had watched
all through the night and each hour
as it passed seemed to weigh more
heavily upon her heart. Now for
a moment the load seemed so great
that she could scarcely bear it, she
seemed suddenly choking, and she
opened the window and went out into
the open air to breathe. There — he
was dying and all the garden was so
sweet, so full of early green and flow-
ers. He was doomed, she knew it, and
a new day had dawned, and nothing
was changed from yesterday ; only the
beauty of it all seemed aching and
stinging instead of delighting her, its
very sweetness turned to grief, its
peace jarred like misery, a great flash
of brilliant pain seemed spread out
before her. Why had they ever come
there, Susanna thought. Oh, why.
How happy she had been alone with
him in London. How unhappy she
had been among these cruel people.
How dear and how kind he had been ;
how little they knew her. All the spite-
ful things Miss Bolsover had ever said
came into her mind with a passionate
exaggeration. Ah ! she was not
ungrateful, she was not mercenary,
she had not married for money and
mean things. Her husband had been
her kindest, tenderest friend, he had
helped her in her sorest trouble, and
she had come to him gratefully and
with trust. And now all was over ;
and they would no longer molest her.
Poor Susy wrung her hands in a
miserable impatience. She was a young
creature still, exaggerated and uncharit-
able as young warm-hearted people are.
The lovely sweetness of the morning,
the tender light upon the sky only
seemed to sting her to fresh pain.
Mrs. Dymond.
95
Then she thought of his dear pale face
upon the bed up stairs — of his look
of wistful love with some sad terror
of conviction. She had meant to speak
to him that very day, to tell him all
her heart, and now it was too late, it
was over now. All was coming to an
end for ever and she had not half
loved him, half told him how she felt
his goodness. Reader, forgive her if
she with the rest of us is selfish in her
great grief, so keen, so fierce, distort-
ing and maddening every passing
mood and natural experience. She
could not stand. She fell on her
knees, poor child, with a sudden over-
powering burst of sobbing pain. There
was an iron roller somewhere by the
wall and she laid her poor head upon
the iron with incoherent sobs and
prayers for his life, for strength to
love him as she ought, for forgiveness
for the secret rancour which had
poisoned her life. As she knelt
there two kind, warm arms were flung
round her, " Dear Susy, don't, don't,"
sobs Tempy, who had come to look for
her, " don't, don't, don't," was all the
girl could say ; " be good, be brave, I've
come to fetch you." Susy started up,
quiet again, ruling herself with a great
effort. Mr. Jeffries had also come
down hurriedly into the drawing-room
to look for her, and as the two women
entered through the open casement,
pale and shaking still, he looked very
grave, and beckoned them up stairs.
" He is come to himself, he is asking
for you," he said to Susy ; " you must
be very calm, dear Mrs. Dymond."
Tempy was now sobbing in her turn,
Susy was white, quiet, composed. Her
husband knew her to the last, and
looked up with a very sweet smile as
she came to his side.
An hour afterwards she was a
widow, and the grand London doctor
went back to town.
To be continued.
96
FROM MONTEVIDEO TO PARAGUAY.
IT was a clear, mild spring evening in
the latter part of the month designated
in almanacks as October, but in
Nature's annuary the April of this
inverted antarctic world, when the
Brazilian mail steamer Rio Apa was
making her way cautiously up against
the shallow and turbid waters of the
River Plate, bound with cargo and a
full complement of passengers, mostly
Brazilians, some Argentines or Uru-
guayans, a few Germans — where are
not Germans to be met now? — and
myself as a solitary specimen of the
British sub-variety, from Montevideo
to Asuncion, capital of Paraguay, and,
indeed, further north yet, to the Bra-
zilian capital of Mata-Grosso ; but
with that ultimate destination the
present narrative has no concern.
Viewed from anywhere the prospect
of Montevideo is a lovely one, but
most so from the sea. However ill-
advised the old Spaniards may gene-
rally have shown themselves in their
selection of sites for towns or sea-
ports in South America, they, or their
great captain, Don Bruno Mauricio de
Zabala, chose well, could not, indeed,
have chosen better, when, in!726, they
laid, after two centuries of inexplicable
neglect, the first foundations of Monte-
video. As a town it is perfect ; as a
harbour nearly so. With the lofty
conical hill and the adjoining high
lands of the "cerro" on the west, and
the bold jutting promontory — itself a
ridge of no inconsiderable elevation —
on which the bulk of the town is built,
to the east, the noble semicircular bay,
deeply recessed in the rising grounds
on the north, is well sheltered from
every wind and sea, the south and the
.south-west — this last, unluckily, the
worst "of a' the airts," being none
other than the dreaded "pampero,"
or pampas-wind of these regions —
excepted ; at least until the long-pro-
jected breakwater, which is to keep
out this enemy also, be constructed.
But pamperos, like most other ills of
this best of all possible worlds, are
exceptions, and for most days of the
year few harbours afford a safer or
a more commodious anchorage than
Montevideo ; while landward a prettier
sight than that presented by the white
houses of the smokeless town, covering
the entire eastern promontory down
to the water's edge on either side, in-
termixed with large warehouses, public
buildings, and theatres, and crowned
by the conspicuous dome and towers
of the massive and, pace Captain
Burton, fairly well-proportioned cathe-
dral, would be hard to find anywhere
else. Beyond, and all round the curve
of the bay, countless villas of Hispano-
Italian construction, one-storied the
majority, and recalling in general
form and arrangement the Baian or
Pompeian pleasure residences of the
Augustan age, but not unfrequently
distinguished by lofty " miradores," or
look-outs, gleam many-coloured from
between thickly planted orchards and
gardens, in which the orange-tree, the
lemon, the acacia, the peach, the fig,
the cherry-tree, the medlar, the vine,
blend with the Australian eucalyptus,
the bamboo, the banana, the palm,
and other imported growths of the
outer world, and shelter a perennial
profusion of lovely flowers, and pre-
eminently of luxuriant roses, worthy
of the gardens of ancient Paestum and
modern Damascus or Salerno. Ship-
ping of every calibre and flag, steam
and sail, make an apt foreground to
the prosperous life implied by the
landward prospect ; and a bright sky,
stainless sunlight, and pure, healthful
From Montevideo to Paraguay.
air, supply those conditions of enjoy-
ment so essential, yet so often want-
ing, one or all, from the nebulous
sea-side of northern Europe, or the
treacherous beauty of equatorial
coasts.
But Montevideo and the " Banda
Oriental," to give the vigorous little
republic of which it is the capital its
prsedilect name, must not detain us
now. Already the intervening mass
of the "cerro" has hid them from
our view, and we are far out on the
monotonous waters of the sea-like
Plate estuary. Night sets in calm
and clear ; and I look for the four-fold
stars, first visioned to the Florentine
seer, when
" Coder pareva '1 ciel di lor fiamelle.
0 settentrional vedovo sito,
Poiche private se' di mirar quelle ! "
But the Cross, partly veiled, is just
skirting the southern horizon, and
will not be visible in its full beauty till
near midnight ; so that those strange,
uncanny-looking nebulae, known, I
believe, to British seafaring vulgarity
as the " Coal-sacks," but more truly
resembling, if anything, gigantic glow-
worms, alone denote, by their prox-
imity, the starless pole of the Austral
heavens. Truly, in more senses than
one, a pole-star is yet to seek in the
southern hemisphere, west or east — a
fixed fulcrum, a central idea, a con-
trolling and co-ordinating force. Yet
the slow precession of the equinoxes
may in time supply it to the courses
of the concave above ; but who or
what shall give it to the seething,
over-restless convex below ? South
America has her 'Bucolics, nor least
the First ; but the Fourth Eclogue is
wanting from among the chaunted
lays of Mantin Fierro and his peers.
Does it bide a future date ] Let us
be content with the present ; and
trust, but not "feebly," the "larger
hope."
And now, after ten hours, or there-
abouts, of upward course, morning
dawns for us on the world-famed
New York of South America, the
No. 308.— VOL. LII.
memorial and honour of Don Juan
de Garay — the residence for more than
two centuries of Spanish vice-royalty,
and now the political and, to a great
extent, commercial capital of that
southern reflex of the Northern Union,
the vast Argentine Confederation, the
city of Buenos Ayres. I remember
how an Irish mate, when questioned
on board a China-bound steamer, on
which I happened to be a passenger,
as to what was the first land we
should sight of the Chinese coast,
answering — and he could not have
answered more appositely — " Faith !
the first land ye will sight is a junk ! "
Were he now replying to a similar
inquiry on board the Rio Apa, he
might not less aptly say, "Faith! the
first ye will see of Buenos Ayres is
that ye will not see it at all ! " So
low is the coast, so great the distance
from shore at which the shallowness
of the river-waters compels us to
anchor, that a long low line of con-
fused buildings, and behind them the
summits, no more, of cupolas, turrets,
and towers, seen at intervals over the
warehouse fronts along the edge, is
all Buenos Ayres presents to our eyes
on first beholding. The view, or non-
view, of Venice herself when ap-
proached by rail from Padua is not
more unsatisfactory. I long to land,
and resolve the illusion in the oppo-
site sense to that by which earth's
illusions generally are dispelled, by
finding, as I know I shall, the reality
of the Argentine capital better than
its introductory show. But the earli-
ness of the hour, and the shortness of
the time allotted for stay, do not for
this occasion permit a nearer acquaint-
ance with the most populous, the
wealthiest, and in many or most ways
the most important city of Republican
South America. And, in fact, what
knowledge worth the having could be
acquired by an hour of hurried driving
through square and street ? So I re-
sign myself to circumstances, and defer
the accomplishment of my desires till
the promised opportunity of the return
voyage ; — though the courtesy of the
From Montevideo to Paraguay.
Argentine " Capitan del Puerto," or
harbour master, has hastened to place
at my disposal the means of convenient
landing, moved thereto by the sight
of the distinctive flag that notifies the
presence of a British official — rank and
name, of course, unknown, nor to my
readers worth the knowing — on board
the Rio Apa. It is a courtesy which
will be repeated, with scarce even a
casual exception, at every Argentine
or Paraguayan river station we halt
at during the seven days of up-stream
voyage yet before us.
There exists widely diffused in the
Old "World, nor least in England, an
opinion, the origin of which, correctly
estimated or otherwise, is not per-
haps far to seek, that a distinct want
or even refusal of every-day courtesy,
an ostentatious " I am as good as you,
and better," bearing, a disregard of
the social claims, or what are held to
be such, of rank, office, station, age,
and the like, are the habitual cha-
racteristics of the citizens of non-
monarchical states ; that, e.g. a re-
publican boatman is more rudely
extortionate, a republican porter
more importunately aggressive, a re-
publican official more neglectful of
politeness than their counterparts
elsewhere ; and so on to the end of
the chapter. How far this may
really be the case in some repub-
lics, the United States for instance,
I cannot say, never having had the
fortune to visit them, nor trusting
much to " Notes " where accounts
vary so > widely. Thus much I can
say, that, in my own limited experi-
ence of men and things, when a
traveller loudly and habitually com-
plains of incivility met with on his
wanderings, the probability' is that
the traveller himself has been, at the
least, deficient in courtesy towards
those he has come across. In Repub-
lican South America my own witness
in these regards is, so far as it goes,
of the most favourable kind. Cer-
tainly I had much sooner, if desirous
of obliging civility, have to do with
an Uruguayan or Argentine, not
boatman or porter merely, but police-
man, official, or any chance acquaint-
ance whatever, low or high, than with
his like in many a European land that
I could, but will not name.
Again we are on our up-stream
way, but now obliquely crossing over
towards the north side of the mighty
estuary, till what seems at first sight
a continuous shore-line of swamp and
brushwood, but what is in reality an
aggregate of island banks, only just
raised above the water-level, and
covered with scrub, stretches across
our path. These islands are, in fact,
the secular bar at the mouth of the
Parana River, before it broadens into
the wider Plate. We shape our course
to the right, where, at a little distance
from the mainland shore of Uruguay —
here a continuous succession of undu-
lating downs, grazing-ground the most
— the little granite island-rock known,
like Cape Palinurus of Yirgilian fame,
by the name of a pilot, Martin Garcia,
guards the only available entry from
Rio de la Plata and the sea, to the
all- important navigation of the Parana
and Uruguay rivers. Itself geogra-
phically, no less than geologically, a
fragment of Uruguay, it belongs
territorially to the Argentine Con-
federation by right of — well — the
right of the stronger; a right too
generally admitted for dispute or
appeal. The channel on either side of
it, deep enough for all mercantile
navigation is sufficiently commanded
by the guns and forts of the place to
make a hostile passage no easy matter.
As we leave Martin Garcia behind
us, a broad wedge-like streak of darker
colour, driven far ' into the nwiddy
waters of the Plata, from its left or
eastern bank, tells where the Uruguay,
itself a mighty stream, merges in the
great estuary, and marks the limit
between the Argentine Confederation,
between whose lands more than eight
hundred miles of river-navigation lie
before us, and the Banda Oriental,
or east shore, of which we now take
our definite leave. Soon we have
entered the Guazu, or great pas-
From Montevideo to Paraguay.
sage, one of the many that thread
between shoal and island, the Parana
delta, and are by nightfall on the
main river, here often whole miles in
width ; though its real breadth can
rarely be taken in by the eye, partly
owing to the general lowness of its
reedy banks, partly to the countless
islands, which, for its entire course, line
at brief intervals now one shore, now
the other. They, and the shores too,
often disappear for weeks together
during the yearly floods, and, thus
veiled, add not a little to the difficul-
ties and dangers of the route. At
present the water is at its lowest ;
but even now the stream is rapid and
strong ; its colour is turbid yellow ;
its surface often specked with masses
of tangled weed and floating drift-
wood from forests yet far away.
For five days more we journey up
the Parana ; passing, and occasionally
stopping for cargo or passengers at
many places of South American note —
each one the outcome of some special
activity or enterprise proper to the
young and vigorous Confederation,
between whose provinces the river
flows. And first, Rosario, the city-
capital, if fact fill up the outlines of
forecast, of the Argentine commercial
future ; and already the principal
focus and dividing point of the widest-
spread railroad system existent south
of the Isthmus of Panama. Next we
salute the memory of the able but
ill-fated Urquiza, deliverer of his
country from the tyrant Rosas, to fall
himself a victim to treachery base as
any imbedded in the ice of Dante's
Tolommea ; as we sight the city of
Parana, conspicuous by the ambitious
dimensions of its public buildings,
and the nine-years' memory of its
dignity, as Urquiza' s choice as capital
of the entire Argentine Confederation.
Further up "Bella Vista," or "Fair
Prospect," shines out on us worthy of
its name, where its white houses crown
the high white cliffs that overlook the
mighty river ; and many other are the
places of provincial or even national
note, till we reach the confluents
or Corrientes of the Argentine-
Paraguayan frontier. But it may,
indeed must, be here enough for us to
note that during these nine hundred
miles of up-stream voyage, south to
north, the scenery of either bank,
while remaining essentially the same
in its main geographical features all
the way, is yet gradually modified by
the progressive approach to the tropics
into ever-increasing beauty and inter-
est. The eastern length of shore,
along the fertile provinces of Entre-
Rios and Corrientes, gently rising
from the river level into a succession
of green uplands, studded with tree
clumps, and brightened by white
groups of cottages and farmhouses,
with a tall church tower here and
there, passes by degrees from pasture-
land into agriculture, fields of maize,
orange - groves, tobacco - plantations,
and even sugar-cane ; a landscape
which, allowance made for brighter
colour and glossier vegetation, not
without dwarf palms and Japanese-
looking bamboo clusters here and
there, often reminded me in its gene-
ral, and even in its detailed, features
of the noble backgrounds painted by
Rubens, of which an example may be
seen in the Judgment of Paris in our
own National Gallery. There is some-
thing Flemish, almost English, in
their fertile repose ; but here the
scale is grander. In this southern
Mesopotamia — as " Entre-Rios " may
be literally translated — nature has
bestowed without stint whatever goes
to make up those two solid and
enduring bases of national prosperity
— agriculture, and pasture ; the third
foundation, indicated by our Laureate
in his exquisite landscape scene,
" Ancient Peace," is wanting here as
yet. A few years, indeed, of com-
parative security and quiet have
already done much, as the glimpses
of cattle-stocked meadows, and the
dark green patches of Indian corn
show us, as our steamer rapidly glides
past the gully-indented banks ; but
the peaceful years that have given
these good things are, as yet, of recent
H 2
100
From Montevideo to Paraguay.
date ; a very different condition of
tumult, insecurity, and not infrequent
war prevailed here at a very short
distance back from the present epoch.
These evils are past, yet not so wholly
as absolutely to bar the danger of
their possible renewal, or to grant
the desirable immunity from the
agitations and vicissitudes consequent
on the frequent and abrupt political
changes of Buenos Ayres itself — com-
municated thence like earthquake
waves to the furthest provinces of the
Confederation. Still, enough advance
on the path of law and order has been
made to give reasonable assurance
that the days of Oribe and Rosas, of
gaucho-leaders, and partisan plunders
are, year by year — as the settled popu-
lation of the land increases steadily
in numbers, wealth, and strength —
less, and ever less, likely to recur ; while
the tale of those who have a vested
interest in the tranquillity of the
country continues to grow, and with
it grows the best probability and
pledge of that tranquillity itself.
Meanwhile, many detail inventions,
some of them undoubted improve-
ments, of recent introduction, such as
the increased use of machinery on the
farms, the net-work of strong wire
fences, now spread over the face of the
pasture-land ; the extension of railway
lines, and whatever other appliances
tend to the facilitation of orderly
communication, to the safe-guarding of
property, and to the substitution of
methodised labour for the once over-
numerous troops of half-wild horse-
men and cattle-drivers — ready allies in
the cause of riot and plunder — all lead
up to the same result. It would be
difficult now for a " caudillo," or
an adventurer-chief, however popular
his name or cause — to gather round
his standard the formidable gaucho
bands, all ready armed and mounted
for march or fray, that were, scarce
a quarter of a century ago, the terror
of farmers and proprietors, of land-
owners and peasants, nay, even of
townsmen and towns, of place-holding
professionals and city officials through
the regions of La Plata and La Banda
Oriental. But the surest guarantee of
national stability is to be sought and
found in the extension of agriculture,
and in the yearly encroachment of
peasant, or small farmer, proprietorship
on the scantily peopled pasture-grounds
and cattle-breeding lands.
Thus much for the east bank of the
river. But on its western side a very
different range of scenery, little modi-
fied by man and his works, shows the
gradual transition from cool to almost
tropical climes. For here stretches
back for hundreds of miles from the
water's edge, up to the first outlying
bulwarks of the great Andes Cor-
dillera, the vast plain, level as the
sea, of which it must have been the
bed in times almost recent by geolo-
gical computation, and known for the
" Grand Chaco," the " Sahara " or Flat
of South America, like in relative
position and telluric formation to its
African counterpart, yet most unlike
in the all-important attributes of
moisture and fertility. For this, the
Chaco, is a land of streams and springs,
of marsh even and swamp, with abund-
ant growth of grass, plant, and tree,
especially to the north ; its total ex-
tent is roughly estimated as that of
the British islands fourfold. Nomin-
ally included, though not without rival
claims on the part of Paraguay and
of Bolivia, in the Argentine Con-
federation, it is practically indepen-
dent of all these, or of any other
European-founded rule, being still, as
of old times, the territory and dwelling-
place of native Indian tribes, war-
like the most part, tenaciously at-
tached— and small blame — to their
own autonomous existence, and re-
sistent to the last — a " last " which
can hardly now be far distant — against
every Argentine attempt at civilis-
ing — that is, in plain language,
subjugating and ultimately effacing
them. Passively strong in their unin-
cumbered activity for escape even
more than for attack, and protected
by the vastness of the open space over
which they wander at will, they have
From Montevideo to Paraguay.
101
thus far not only succeeded in baffling
the organised military expeditions,
successively directed against them by
the Buenos Ay res Government, but
have even baffled all but the narrowest
encroachments of settlement and colo-
nial proprietorship on their borders.
Known, or rather designated by vari-
ous names — Tobas, Mbayas, Lenguas,
Abipones, Payaguas, and others — the
tribes, with a certain general simili-
tude of features and habits, much like
that existing, say, between the various
subdivisions of Teutonic or Slavonic
origins in Europe, yet differ widely in
character, dispositions, and language ;
some are pacific, and not unacquainted
with agriculture and settled life ;
others, more warlike, subsist, it is
said, almost wholly on the chase and
foray ; some are almost exclusively
fishermen, others herdsmen or shep-
herds. Their dialects, equally diver-
sified, for each tribe has its own, can
all, it seems, be without exception re-
ferred to the two great mother tongues
of South America, the Quichna, lan-
guage of Peru and Bolivia, and the
Guarani, spoken in one form or other
over the entire eastern half of the
continent, and of which more anon.
Such are, summarily taken, the in-
habitants of the Chaco. Extending
from the populous province of Santa
Fe\ opposite to that of Entre-Rios
northward, up to and beyond the
furthest limits of Paraguay, its level
surface, seldom modified, however
slightly, by difference of elevation or
by the hand of man, presents in its
changing vegetation a kind of scale
by which to measure, not incorrectly,
the ever-ascending range of its ther-
mometric temperature. The solitary,
oak- like ombu-tree, and the dwarfish
willow and light- leaved poplar of the
neighbourhood of Rosario and Santa
Fe, gradually associate themselves
further up with more varied and
vigorous South-American growths, and
the tall outlines of forest-trees, worthy
the name, trace themselves more and
more frequently on the low sky-line,
till, as we approach about half-way to
Corrientes, palms, at first sparse and
stunted in structure, then loftier and
grouped in clusters and groves, give
evidence of a more genial tempera-
ture ; while the bamboo, not, indeed,
the feathery giant of the Philippines
or Siam, but liker in size and fashion to
the Chinese or Japanese variety, bends
over the doubtful margin of river and
swamp, often tangled with large-leaved
water-plants and creepers, the shelter
and perch of gay kingfishers and flocks
of parti-coloured aquatic birds, the
only visible inhabitants of this lone
region, for the Indian tribes, shy, nor
unreasonably so, of contact with the
white races, keep aloof from the river
coast, or, if they visit it, leave no
trace of their having been there.
At last, on the sixth noon since we
left Montevideo, we are off the shelv-
ing banks and scattered houses of
Corrientes, a large town, whose im-
portance and future growth are
sufficiently assured by its position
close to the junction of the two
chief est rivers of central and eastern
South America, the Parana and the
Paraguay^ Of these the former — now
subdividing itself into a network of
countless and ever-shifting channels
and islands, now united in one mighty
stream of turbid yellow, here, a few
miles north of the town — makes a
stately bend, that half surrounds the
fertile grazing-lands of Corrientes, and
passes upwards to the north-east, where
the eye loses sight of it among the
dense forests of either bank ; while
from the north, exactly on the line
thus far occupied by the Parana, de-
scend the darker-coloured waters of the
Paraguay, itself a noble river, here
over half a mile in width, with an
open, well-defined channel, few islands,
and a current strong even now, at the
lowest water-time of the year. At
this junction of the three great streams,
a scene surpassing in beauty and calm
grandeur any other of the kind that it
has been my lot to look on elsewhere,
we reach the southernmost limits of
the Paraguayan territory, separated
from the Argentine, and in great part
102
From Montevideo to Paraguay.
from the Brazilian, to the south and
east by the Parana, while on the west
the Paraguay divides it from the Grand
Chaco, and northward the Apa, itself
a tributary stream of the Paraguay,
forms the boundary of the little but
compact dominion. Thus surrounded,
the land of Paraguay enjoys the ad-
vantages of an almost insular position,
a circumstance which has, no doubt,
considerably influenced alike its his-
tory and the character of its inha-
bitants in all times.
Seen under the dazzling brilliancy of
a South American sun, an adjunct
rarely wanting here to the landscape,
whatever the season of the year,
Corrientes and its surroundings make
up a panorama of rare loveliness and
interest. To the east of us the glitter-
ing slope rises from the water upwards,
with a foreground of small steamers,
sailing-vessels, and countless boats
moored along its margin, and above, a
long succession of white, flat-roofed
buildings, varied by tall church towers
and the high fronts of public edifices —
among them the spacious government
house, once a Jesuit college ; mixed
with these are bright flower-gardens,
dark green orange-groves and over-
topping palms ; beyond lie long
ranges of tilled land and rich pasture
meadows, bordered by strips and
patches of forest ; till, north-east, the
majestic curve of the shining river,
reaching miles and miles away into the
distance, rests on and blends with the
white horizon line. North the sight
rests on the cool, dense forests of
Paraguay, and, breaking forth from
among them, the mighty river of that
land, sweeping down to merge its name
and itself in the Parana ; while
eastward extends the boundless green
of the fertile though scarce tenanted
Chaco. And to the south flow and
mingle the wide-spread meshes of the
Argentine River, a net of silver cast
over a plain of emerald. A region as
yet only the cradle of nations ; worthy
to be one day their abode and palace.
Already, signs are not wanting of
hopeful meaning for the future ; such
are the crowds of boatmen, sailors,,
cattle-drivers, waggoners, peasants,
townsmen, who give life to the
wharves. The ceaseless loading and
unloading as cargoes of hides, wool,
maize, flour, wood, fruits, &c., are
shipped or transferred from one hold
to another ; the herds of large, sleek,
long-horned cattle grazing ; the rich
pasture-lands by the river ; the troops
of half-tamed horses, a spirited and
enduring breed, excellent for all kindsof
work ; the many specks and patches of
shining white, that tell of farm-houses
and dwellings, scattered frequent,
over the uplands beyond ; these and
much more denote at once the energy
and the rising fortunes of the
" Corrientinos," as the inhabitants of
the land are called, and who, though
yearly recruited more and more with
immigrants of various nationalities, yet
form the bulk of the resident popula-
tion and give their tone to the rest.
A tall, sinewy, hard-featured, manly
race, of north Spanish origin mostly,
but with a frequent dash of Indian or
" Guarani " blood — evidenced by the
darkness of their hair, their com-
plexion, and their eyes ; they make a
good, not unpicturesque, appearance in
their striped ponchos — how it comes
that these most convenient articles of
out-of-door dress, manufactured the
most nowadays in England, are not a
general European dress is a riddle to me
— their slouched, broad-brimm ed hats of
felt or straw, and their wide boots,
often adorned, after the traditional
South American fashion with huge
silver-plated spurs, though these last
are falling into gradual disuse, and
bearing similarly adorned whips of
cowhide in their hands. Hardy and
enterprising in no ordinary degree,
they are not always amenable to the
restraints of law and government ;
yet not of themselves wantonly
turbulent or disposed to acts of
violence ; they make up an excellent
substratum and material for a state
that cannot fail to hold high rank
among those of the south equatorial
world, whether it remain a component
From Montevideo to Paraguay.
103
factor of the over-composite Argentine
Confederation, or claim, as it is not
wholly improbableit may, independence
on its own account. The prevalent or,
so to call it, official language through-
out Corrientes is Spanish, but in the
interior of the household, and out in
the fields Guarani is widely spoken ; a
link, among many others, of unity
between these provincials and the
neighbouring Paraguayans. The Chaco
opposite is also, as to the tribes that
roam over it and the dialects they
employ, in great measure a Guarani
country ; and, in spite of an expedi-
tion, actually sent thither in view of
subjugation by the central Argentine
Government, whose transports were
lying moored alongside of the right
bank as we passed — likely to remain so
for years to come ; nor have even the
narrow encroachments of settlement
and colonial proprietorship on its
borders much success to boast of as
yet.
"Here it was," said an Argentine
passenger to me, as we stood together
on the paddle-box of our steamer,
gazing on the magnificent view before
us, " here it was that the main army
of the allies forced an entrance into
Paraguay." He pointed to a strip of
slightly rising ground on the northern
bank of the Parana, just beyond its
easterly bend ; the spot he indicated
was backed seemingly by dense forest,
and flanked by swamp and morass on
either side. This was in fact Paso la
Patria, the only available landing
point for troops crossing the stream
from Corrientes ; and here it was that
a united army of Brazilians, Argen-
tines, and Uruguayans, more than
60,000 men in all, well - trained
soldiers and supplied with the best of
modern artillery, arms, and ammuni-
tion, and commanded by the best
generals their respective countries
could supply, were held for six long
months at bay by considerably less
than half their number of badly-armed,
badly-clothed, worse fed Paraguayan
recruits; and only at last succeeded
in forcing the river passage at an
immense loss, thanks not so much to
their own courage or skill as to the
rash over-daring of the Paraguayans
themselves, who, again and again,
abandoned the shelter of their defences
to assume an offensive action, for
which neither their number nor their
means were in any degree sufficient.
There is no need here to recount,
even in abstract, the tragic story of
the great Paraguayan war of 1865-70.
Six disastrous years, which so nearly
accomplished the avowed aim of
Paraguay's bitterest enemy, Brazil —
for the Argentine and the Oriental
Republics were merely the instruments
of Brazilian policy throughout, and
shared less in the intentions than in
the acts of the empire — that, namely,
of wiping out of existence the most
heroic, and, in many respects, the
most hope-affording nationality of
South America. Nor shall I recapitu-
late the almost incredible follies and
crimes of the selfish and parricidal
madman, on whose behalf, simply
because he was their lord and chief,
the Paraguayans poured out their
blood like water on the battle field,
while their wives and children perished
by thousands in the mountains and
forests, till scarce a third of what had
been so lately a prosperous and rapidly
increasing population was left, naked,
starving, houseless, within the dimin-
ished limits of a land six years before
a garden of Eden — now a desolate
wilderness. Whoever wishes to know
the details of that ruin may find them
told, clumsily indeed and in writings
devoid of literary merit, yet bearing
sufficient evidence of general truth, by
Thomson, Masterman, and others of
their class, actors themselves or
sufferers in what they describe.
Enough at present to say that from
the Paraguayan officer, who, borne
wounded and senseless from the mad
fray on board a Brazilian steamer,
only regained consciousness to tear off
the bandages, applied by pitying
enemies to his wounds, and chose to
bleed to death then and there rather
than live an hour as a prisoner, down
104
From Montevideo to Paraguay.
to the meanest private who, lying
mangled and helpless on the field, had
no answer for the offered quarter but
a defiance or an attempted blow, one
spirit only, that of devoted, all-ab-
sorbing patriotism, of a determination
to dare everything in the country's
defence, and an equally firm resolution
not to survive its downfall, was the
spirit of the entire Paraguayan nation ;
the spirit of Saguntum and Numantia,
of Spartan Thermopylae and Theban
Chseronea in one
But not the Paraguay of the past — if
indeed events that occurred within the
last twenty years only can historically
be termed past — but the Paraguay of
the present is our theme. Keeping
straight on to the north we have left
the wide expanse of the deflected
Parana behind us on our right, and
are now between the comparatively
high and densely wooded banks of the
Paraguay River, hereabouts turbid and
swollen by the discoloured waters of
the Vermejo, or "Red" River, its
tributary from the Western Chaco,
and the Bolivian hills far away. With
a stream seldom subdivided, and a
width equalling on an average that of
the Lower Danube at Widdin or
Roustchouk, the Paraguay has, at
least to a European eye, much more of
the appearance of a river than the
seemingly shoreless Plata, or the in-
definitely ramified Parana. The banks
too are much more varied in character
than those of the last-named stream :
clay, rock, sandstone, limestone, basalt,
succeeding each other in abrupt alter-
nation ; the vegetation is also more
abundant and diversified ; forest trees
of great height and extent of branch,
attesting the toughness of their wood
fibre, and among them palms of every
kind, some feathery, as the coco, some
fan-leafed, some densely tufted, tall
bamboos,tree ferns, resembling those of
the Antilles, and a close undergrowth
of shrub and plant, now starred with
spring flowers, among which the white
and pink predominate, as the yellow
in many districts of China and the
blue in European uplands. Along
the banks, among weed and drift-
wood, half in, half out of the water,
He huge, mud-coloured alligators. I am
told that they are not alligators but
crocodiles ; it may be so, though in
what precisely an alligator differs
from a crocodile I do not know ; any-
how these amphibia of the Paraguay
are, in outward appearance the very
counterparts of their congeners in Siam.
They watch us with dull, heavy eyes ;
every now and then a pig-like " car-
pincho," a sort of would-be-hippopota-
mus, dives out of sight at our
approach ; and we hear much of tigers,
or rather panthers, said to abound
hereabouts and to be good swimmers,
but we do not meet any. To make up
we see abundance of water-snakes,
ugly speckled things, said to be poison-
ous ; and birds of every size, descrip-
tion, and colour. Frequent too, on
either side of the river, but most so on
the eastern, are the signs of human
habitation ; pot-herb gardens, where
gourds abound, fruit-trees, orange
groves, now more golden than green in
the lavish abundance of their sweet
fruit ; little, almost country- English
looking, cottages, singly or in small
groups, with neighbouring inclosures
for cattle, perched on the upper banks
at safe distance from the yearly water-
rise, while, moored under the shade of
over-hanging brush- wood and creepers
lie boats with mast or oar ; canoes too
with paddles, Indian fashion, are not
rare. Such for a hundred miles and
more upward from its junction with
the Parana is the general aspect of the
Paraguay and its shores. Of the war
that raged so fiercely over and along
this very river district in 1866-68, of
the terrible combat of Bellaco, when
the flower of the Paraguayan nation-
ality, and indeed, whatever was yet
available of the Paraguayan army,
pitted in utter defiance, alike of strategy
and of tactics, against an enemy thrice
over their superior in numbers, and
ten times so in arms and every appli-
ance of war, with all the advantages
too of a strongly intrenched position,
perished in its reckless daring — refus-
From Montevideo to Paraguay.
105
ing quarter or surrender almost to a
man. Of the battle of Curupati, a little
higher up, and the fierce onslaught
of Tuyuti, where some eight thousand
Paraguayan recruits, the half of them
mere boys of twelve to sixteen years,
drove before them, panic-stricken, the
best of the allied armies, burnt and
sacked their camp, and reduced them
to an inaction of months before they
ventured on further advance, and of
the countless skirmishes, ambuscades,
surprises, bombardments, land-fights,
river- fights, which, in league with
famine, fire, and plague, made of these
fair valleys one vast charnel house for
at least a hundred and fifty thousand
corpses, not a visible trace now re-
mains.
" A thousand battles have assailed thy banks,
But these and half their fame have passed
away ;
And slaughter heaped on high his weltering
ranks ;
Their very graves are gone, and what are
they ?
Thy tide washed down the blood of yesterday,
And all was stainless, and on thy clear
stream
Glassed with its dancing light the sunny
ray. "
So sang Byron of the Rhine ; so might
he, with scarce the change of a word,
have sung of the lower Paraguay.
Nature's " work of gladness," an hour
interrupted by man's equally appro-
priate work of destruction and misery,
is soon resumed ; with real or feigned
indifference the mother-Sphinx smiles
on, whatever betide the wayfarers of
her domain.
Soon, however, we come on a break
in the scene. The river, hemmed in
to narrowness by high banks on either
side, makes a sharp bend, or, rather,
folds round upon itself, changing its
direction from north to south-east,
then south, then due east, then by
west to the north again ; and amid
these windings each shore, but prin-
cipally the Paraguayan, is scarred by
the traces of ruined batteries, range
above range ; while some ruins of
broken walls, that once were barracks
and storehouses, amid dismantled field-
lines and earthworks, are overtopped
by the tall ruins of a stately church —
now a shattered shell of brick and
stone. This is all that remains of
Humaita, the important river-position
fortified by Lopez to be the Cronstadt
or Chatham of Paraguay, the outer-
most and strongest bulwark of the
interior and its capital, Asuncion.
Nor could a better site have been
chosen, had the means of defence been
proportionate by land or water to the
natural advantages of the position
itself. Here, in 1868, a native garrison,
scarce three thousand strong, held out,
not by the strength of the outworks,
which they were numerically insuffi-
cient to man, nor by strength of
artillery, of which, as of ammunition,
they had little at command, and that
of the worst quality, but by sheer
dogged resolution and hand-to-hand
fighting for four months of continual
bombardment ; carried on by a besieg-
ing force of at least twenty thousand
men, backed from the river by 'a
numerous fleet of iron-clads and moni-
tors, Brazilian and Argentine, well
supplied with whatever modern inge-
nuity has supplied to destructiveness,
nor yielded till starvation compelled
the surrender of the survivors, now
less than a third of their original
number, and who, at the time of their
capitulation, had been four days with-
out food of any sort.
Never was a ruler, a chief, better
served by his subjects than Solano
Francisco Lopez, second of the family
name ; and never did any one per-
sonally less deserve such devotedness,
and fidelity. While the Paraguayans,
whom his reckless and disproportioned
ambition, or vanity, alone had involved
in a war with half, and more than half,
the South American continent, a war
of one to twenty, in which defeat and
ruin might well from the outset have
seemed foregone conclusions, were
perishing for him by battalions in the
field, or starving in the forest ; men
women and children, during the six
long years of a nation's agony, pre-
ferring death in its worst forms to
106
From. Montevideo to Paraguay.
foreign rule, or to any conditions of
peace with the invaders of their land ;
Lopez himself, sole cause and origi-
nator of the war, well provided not
merely with the necessaries, but even
with the luxuries of 'life, lay hid
behind the securest defences, or re-
mained absent at safe distance from
the scene of actual combat : nay, worse
yet, exercised on those within his
immediate reach, on the best and most
faithful of his own officers and ser-
vants, and ultimately on his nearest
kinsmen, on his brothers, his sisters,
his very mother, cruelties to which
history, fortunately, supplies few paral-
lels— I might almost say, taken in their
totality, none. And yet it was for
this man, sensualist, coward, tyrant,
fratricide, matricide, that Paraguay
lavished with scarce a murmur three-
fourths of her life-blood ; saw her men,
women, and children exterminated by
war, by disease, by famine, by misery
of every kind, or carried off as slaves
into distant bondage ; saw her towns
destroyed, her villages and fields
wasted, her cattle harried, her wealth
plundered to absolute bareness, nor
even then submitted ; only ceased to
strive when she had practically, and
for all national purposes, ceased to
exist. More yet, were Lopez himself,
in the worst anger of the infernal
gods, to revive to-morrow on Para-
guayan territory, his reappearance
would, there is every reason to believe,
at once rally round him the obedience
and the devotion of a vast majority
among the yet surviving inhabitants
of the land.
Rare even in Asia, rarer in Europe,
rarest of all in the loosely-constituted,
half-cemented societies of the New
World, such fidelity as that of the
Paraguayans stands out in history as a
phenomenon hard to explain, an in-
soluble riddle, an enigma, almost a
scandal to those around. Many and
far-fetched enough in all conscience
have been the conjectures. Thus, for
instance, I have heard Paraguayan
loyalty to this last and most unworthy
of chiefs, no less than the submission
shown to his far better and abler
father, Carlo Lopez, and to the talented
but half insane Francia of earlier
years, attributed to — stupete gentes ! —
Jesuit training ; and referred to an-
cestral education in the celebrated but
greatly exaggerated " missions," situ-
ated, for the most part, outside of the
Paraguayan territory, of the sons
of Loyola, long since overthrown
by Spanish jealousy, dead for more
than half a century before the first
appearance of Francia, and buried be-
neath the ponderous verse of Southey,
and the " Tale of Paraguay." A sup-
position, betraying no small ignorance
as of the merits, so also of the defects
of Jesuit teaching, and a yet greater
ignorance of chronology and of the
local facts themselves. The much
talked-of " missions," or "reductions,"
were almost wholly either in extra-
Paraguay territory, that namely yet
entitled " Misiones," south of the
Parana, or in Uruguay, or, further off
yet, in Patagonia ; and numbered at
the most, taken conjointly, 170,000
souls. Besides, the disciples of the
Jesuit Fathers were wholly and solely
Indian, of Guarani race indeed the
most, and so far identical with the
Aborigines of Paraguay proper, but
absolutely without, indeed carefully
kept apart from, the Spanish element,
which not only blends with but greatly
preponderates over the " native," or
Guarani in the Paraguay of later his-
tory and of our own times. True the
order of the Jesuits had, like other
religious orders, its representatives in
Spanish Paraguay, that is, down to
the suppression of 1767 ; but their in-
fluence there, as elsewhere, could have
been at the most corrective, not for-
mative of the national character.
Other theorists again, somewhat
better, perhaps, acquainted with the
history of these lands, " account for '
Paraguayan patriotism and loyalty,
by attributing them to a kind of
brutalisation supposed to have been
induced by the tyranny of Francia
and of the Lopez family ; a psycho-
logical paradox that Godwin's self
From Montevideo to Paraguay.
107
might have admired, but hardly sur-
passed : to state is to refute it. Be-
sides, the form of government volun-
tarily adopted by an independent
state, such as was the Republic of
Paraguay ever since its final emanci-
pation from the Buenos Ayres yoke
in 1811, is not nor can, of its very
nature, be an extraneous influence, a
moulding force introduced from with-
out, but, on the contrary, a self-con-
sistent development, an expression of
the national idea from within. It is
the nation that creates the govern-
ment, not the government the nation.
The follies, the crimes of a Francia, a
Solano Lopez are personal and their
own ; the position they hold, the
power they use or abuse, the honour
paid, the obedience are the people's.
Patriotism, loyalty, devotion to a
cause, to a leader, may indeed be
fostered, be encouraged, they cannot
be given by others, however skilful,
far less can they be enforced, they are
not things taught, but innate, not
acquired, but connatural to the race.
And thus it was with the Para-
guayan nation. Half Basque, for such
was the greater part of the original
Spanish immigration in these regions,
half Guarani-Indian, it united in it-
self the tenacious courage, the uncon-
querable fidelity of the countrymen of
Pelazo, to the indifference to life, the
dread of dishonour, and the unhesita-
ting obedience to their chief that have
at all times and in all lands distin-
guished the Turanian, and, among the
many off-shoots of that great stock,
the Guarani race. And when, during
the September of 1877, at the distance
of half the globe, the Japanese Saigo,
and his five hundred warriors of
Satzuma, defended the heights of
Shira-yama against fifteen thousand
men, nor surrendered till death, they
did but reproduce the heroism of their
far-off Paraguayan half-cousins, alike
out-numbered, alike unyielding to the
last, at Humaita, at Yoati, at Cerro-
Cora, eight years before. Nor is
there any need to search further after
the causes, the origin of that indomit-
able, more than Spartan, spirit : it is
the undoubted heritage of a twofold
race moulded into one, nor to be extin-
guished but with the race itself.
Enough of this ; pleasanter scenes,
suggestive of more cheerful thoughts
and anticipations, await us in Para-
guay. The Humaita ruins are already
lost to sight among the graceful palms
and dense orange-groves of the country
around ; the narrow river-bend widens
out again into a broad and easy water-
way, with abundant evidence of re-
viving happiness and prosperity along
the green banks and meadows by its
margin. Our next anchorage, for a
few hours only, is off the nourishing
little town of Pilar, the " neembuin,"
or " loud voice " of Guarani nomen-
clature, prettily situated on its small
hill, yet almost hid from river view by
the dense orchard screen intervening :
it numbers, with its outlying hamlets,
over 10,000 inhabitants, many of
them settlers from not-distant Cor-
rientes, and gives us, in the aspect of
its cottage-like houses and clean-kept
streets and square, a foretaste of the
neatness proper to Paraguayan vil-
lages and homes. No South American
race has cleanlier instincts in person,
dress, and dwelling than the Para-
guayan ; so far as my experience goes,
cleanliness is the rule, not the excep-
tion, throughout South America, Brazil,
perhaps, in part, excepted. Pilar, at
present the entrance harbour and
commerce-gate of the Republic, was,
in days not very far back, the only
point of immediate contact between
Paraguay and the outer world per-
mitted by the jealous policy of Fran-
cia ; and is even now, when the
navigation and traffic of the Paraguay
river are free from any exceptional
restraints, an important wharf, thanks
to its excellent position.
Doctor Francia's prohibitory sys-
tem, by which he for many years iso-
lated Paraguayan territory from what
Carlyle has, graphically enough, move,
suo, if not exhaustively, designated as
a " bewildered gaucho world," has
been made a favourite theme for wordy
108
From Montevideo to Paraguay.
abuse by a troop of superficial soi-
disant liberal writers and interested
assailants, from the Robertsons down-
wards. Nor would I for a moment
wish even to palliate, much less to
defend, the arbitrary and often cruel
measures by which he carried out or
supplemented his design. Yet in the
main, and considering the isolation of
the country as merely a temporary
measure of protection against the
fatal disintegration which must neces-
sarily have ensued had Paraguay,
with its yet unconsolidated and de-
fenceless nationality, been left open to
the irruption of the seething and
surging deluge around, the Francian
policy was right, and found ample
justification in the astonishing vigour
and concentrated patriotism of the little
state, as displayed in the following
generation ; a vigour not even yet,
after the unparalleled disasters of the
late war, wholly exhausted.
For about one hundred and fifty
miles more we continue our upstream
way by the noble river, somewhat
lessened in bulk above the confluence
of the Vermejo, and now in breadth
and volume of water equalling, in its
yearly average of fulness, the Danube
at Orsova ; while in beauty of banks
and scenery it much resembles the
same river in its course from Regens-
werth to Vienna, only that here the
sub-tropical luxuriance of palms, bam-
boos, cacti, ferns, and broad-leaved
undergrowths of glossy green — for here
the predominance of leaf over flower,
so correctly noted by A. Wallace, as
characteristic of the tropics, begins to
make itself felt — impart to the Guarani
landscape a special charm denied to
the land of the southern Teutons.
Several small towns, each with its
nucleus of thirty or forty houses, the
remaining dwellings being widely
scattered around among gardens and
orchards, peep, at safe distance from
the annual floods, over the wooded
banks. Of all these centres of reviving
life none is prettier or livelier t.han
Villeta, not far below the capital,
Asuncion, and famous for its orange-
groves, whose produce suffices for the
markets of Buenos Ayres and Monte-
video both. It is a pleasant sight
to see the fruit brought on board, as
it always is, by long files of women,
talking, laughing, singing as they
trip along the planks that lead a con-
siderable distance from the shore to
the steamer, in their longwhite sacques,
girt round the waist, and white
cloths arranged mantilla-fashion over
their heads — the invariable dress of
the village daughters of the land. I
had the good luck to be witness of
the scene by torchlight, when dropping
down the river on my return several
weeks later.
Above Yilletu the east bank sinks
to the water-level and opens out a
scene of exquisite loveliness. Far in-
land, across the plains, that here
stretch to twenty and thirty miles
distant from the river, field and
orchard, farmhouse and cottage, with
silvery glimpses of countless streams,
tributaries of the Paraguay, and
darker patches of forest : beyond, the
blue serrated ranges of Mount Akai
close in the view on the east ; to the
north the quaint, conical hill of Lam-
bari, covered with bright^green brush-
wood from base to summit, rises iso-
lated from the water's edge and hides
from view the town of Asuncion close
beyond it. This region is described,
some years before the war, by Com-
mander Page, of the well-known
United States' expedition up these
rivers, as one densely peopled in pro-
portion to its fertility; and though
terribly wasted during the later years
of the great conflict and the Brazilian
occupation that followed, it gives, in
the frequency of its restored cottages,
and the wide extent of its cultivation,
clear evidence of returning prosperity
and, if not wealth, at least sufficiency.
Hour by hour, as we advance, the
dwellings stand more frequent among
the trees, the fruit or wood -laden
boats and gliding canoes more and
more enliven the river, till, rounding
the basalt mass of Lambari, we come
full in view of the Paraguayan capital ;
From Montevideo to Paraguay.
109
and, making our way with caution —
for the water is at this time of the
year at its lowest, the highest being
in April or thereabouts — among the
shoals that here beset the widened
channel, we cast anchor opposite the
Custom-house landing-place, at the
western extremity of the town, which,
owing to a sudden bend in the river,
lies west and east.
The scene before us makes a strik-
ing contrast to that we have so
lately witnessed. Nature soon re-
pairs or conceals the traces of evil
done by the wantonness of man ;
fields, corpse-strewn and blackened
with fire one year, may be waving in
all the golden luxuriance of harvest
the next ; orchard trees, though hewn
and shattered, are not long in putting
forth new boughs, clothed with fresh
foliage and fruit ; more yet, peasant
cottages and even villages are
speedily rebuilt ; a few added years
of peace, and the deficiency in the
rustic population will have made it-
self good and disappeared. And
thus it is with the country sur-
roundings of Asuncion. Not so
the town ; its spacious edifices,
churches, or public buildings, some
disused and deserted ; others, in their
half neglect, evidently all too wide for
the shrunken requirements of a di-
minished state and people ; others,
sad monuments of ambitious and pre-
mature vanity, now shattered and
shamefully defaced ; everywhere empty
shells of what once were happy dwell-
ings, streets broken by wide gaps of
ruin, and every token of havoc and
spoil — these are wounds slow to heal,
mutilations not easily replaced by
fresh growth. But saddest of all
sights in Asuncion is the very first
and most conspicuous object seen from
the river : the enormous palace of Fran-
cisco Solano Lopez, barely completed
before its lord's own downfall, now
an empty shell, fronting the stream in
long rows of dismantled portals and
windows, black, ragged holes, like the
eye-sockets of a skull. Its shattered
turrets, shivered cornices, and broken
parapets announce only too faithfully
the absolute devastation of the lone
and dismantled interior, whence the
Brazilian plunderers carried off what-
ever they could lay hands on, even to
the timber of the floors and the steps
of the staircases, besides hacking and
defacing whatever, from its nature,
could not be carried away. Thus
the palace has remained in appearance
and condition, much resembling the
Tuileries as I remember "seeing them
as late as '77, and, like them, the
wretched memorial of a sham Imperial-
ism, cemented by immorality, and
based on violence and fraud. For
Lopez was one, nor the least, of the
many foolish moths, lured on to their
destruction by the false glitter of the
second empire ; and the same year of
1870 that witnessed the overthrow of
that colossal imposture at Sedan, wit-
nessed, too, its new-world copy, Para-
guayan pseudo-Imperialism, laid pros-
trate with its dying chief on the
bloody banks of the Aquidaban ;
more fortunate indeed than its French
prototype — because illumined at least
by one bright ray of honour in the
warrior-death of Lopez, who, in that
last moment, showed himself worthy of
the hero-race he had too long mis-
governed, while nothing but shame
attends on the memories of Sedan.
Within the town itself, the roofless
•walls of a spacious but unfinished
theatre, and the rough sketch, which,
however, it would be a pity to leave as
suchj for the proportions are good, of
a domed oratory, near the centre of
the city, are also memorials of the
vaulting ambition that o'erleapt itself
and fell. The cathedral, and the yet
older church called of Encarnacion,
where Francia sought but did not find
a final resting-place, are heavy, un-
graceful constructions of Spanish
times. Nor have the government
buildings, one of which was not the
but a house of the terrible Dictator,
for he had many, and continually
shifted from one to another, for fear,
it is said, of assassination, any preten-
sion to beauty, hardly, to show. Nor
110
From Montevideo to Paraguay.
are the remains of the old Jesuit
college, now converted into barracks,
any way remarkable. The streets,
-wide and regular, are ill-paved and
deep in sand ; the public squares un-
decorated and bare. On the other
hand, the dwelling houses, at least
such of them as are constructed on
the old Hispano- American plan, so ad-
mirably adapted to the requirements
of the climate, are solidly built and
not devoid of that beauty which do-
mestic architecture never fails to have
when in accordance with domestic
feeling and life : cool courts, thick
walls, deeply recessed doors and win-
dows, projecting eaves, heavy and pro-
tective roofs ; the furniture, of native
woodwork, solid and tastefully carved,
the pavement not rarely of marble,
local or imported. I may here re-
mark, in a passing way, that hard
forest woods, often ornamental, and
susceptible of high polish and deli-
cate work, and marbles of various
kinds and colours, some not inferior
in beauty of marking to any that Italy
herself can boast, will, when Paraguay
is herself once more, take high place
on the lists of her productions and
merchandise. Needless to say that
the houses are all of them, as houses
should be, in a healthy but hot situa-
tion, one-storied, except where a mania
for European imitation, encouraged by
Lopez, among other shams of Parisian
origin, has reared a few uncomfortable
and ill-seeming dwellings of two or
even three stories, flimsy, pretentious,
and at variance alike with the climate
and the habits of Paraguay. To these
unlucky anomalies may be added the
huge, ill-built, unshapely railway sta-
tion (the railway line itself runs to the
town of Paraguari, about forty-five miles
south-east, and is the earliest in date
among South American lines) at the east
end of the town ; though this construc-
tion fortunately possesses one good qua-
lity which may avail to remedy all its
many bad ones — the quality of evident
non-durability. As to the railway it-
self, it is, like most things involving
complicated machinery and large capi-
tal in South America, a foreign under-
taking, under foreign management ;
with what benefit to the managers
themselves and the shareholders I
know not : a minimum of convenience
and utility to the country and its in-
habitants is, at present, anyhow, the
most evident result. Nor is this either
new or strange. " You must scratch
your own head with your own nails,"
says the homely Arab proverb ; and if
the resources of a land do not sufiice
to its public enterprises, even the most
urgently needed ones not excepted,
without calling in the capital and aid
of foreigners — well — it had better wait
till they do sufiice. In this particular
instance, however, amendment is pro-
mised ; let us hope it will be effected.
Pleasantest and cheerf ullest of all
out-door sights to the visitor of Asun-
cion is the market-place, situated, as
near as may be, in the centre of the
town. It is a large square block of
open arcades and pillared roof, whither
the villagers from around daily bring
their produce, intermixed with other
wares of cheap price and habitual con-
sumption ; the vendors are almost ex-
clusively women. Maize, water-melons,
gourds, pumpkins, oranges, manioca
flour, sweet potatoes, and with these
half-baked bread, cakes, biscuits, and
sweets, such are the chief comestibles ;
tobacco, of dark colour and strong
flavour, and "yerva," the dried and
pulverised leaf often spoken of as
" Paraguayan tea," may be added to
the list. Alongside of these a med-
ley of cheap articles, for use or orna-
ment, mostly of European manufacture,
matches, combs, cigarette paper, pots
and pans, water-jars, rope, knives, hat-
chets, small looking-glasses, handker-
chiefs, ponchos, native saddles, much
resembling Turkish ones, and very
commodious for riding in, coarse silver
ornaments — I might fill a page more
at least with the list — are exposed for
sale. But the chief interest of the
scene is the study of the buyers and
sellers themselves. The men, who
mostly belong to the former class, and
are from the villages round about,
From Montevideo to Paraguay.
Ill
arrive mounted on small rough-coated
horses, undipped of mane or tail. The
rider's dress consists of a pair of loose
cotton drawers, coarsely embroidered,
and over them and round the waist
a many-folded loin-cloth, generally
white ; or else in a pair of loose, baggy
trousers, much like those worn by
Turkish peasants in Anatolia, and
girt by a broad leather belt, almost
an apron for width. These, with a
white shirt, and over all a striped or
flowered poncho, complete the dress ;
boots are rarely worn, though the
bare feet are sometimes, but rarely,
equipped with silver-plated spurs. The
features and build of the riders present
every gradation of type from the
light-complexioned, brown-haired, red-
bearded, honest manliness of the
ancestral Basque, to the copper hue,
straight black hair, narrow dark eyes,
obliquely set, beardless chin, flattened
nose, and small wiry frame of the
aboriginal Guarani. But it is not
with the Spanish as with the Lusi-
tanian breeds. For while the latter
when crossed with Turanian, Aryo-
Asiatic, or African blood passes at
once into an inferior type of physical
degeneration, as Goa, Macao, Timor,
and Brazil, unfortunately prove beyond
question, the Spanish seems, when
similarly blended, to result generally
in a progeny noway inferior in corporal
strength and comeliness to the Iberian
stock, and occasionally superior. The
fact is one continually noticed, and
much commented on ; yet I have never
either heard or been able myself to
supply any plausible conjecture of its
cause. Nor again among the Creole
descendants of Hispano-Indian parents
is the trite, and, in too many other in-
stances, over-true remark that the " mes-
tizo" or half-blood generally exhibits in
himself the good of neither stock, the
evil of both, in the least verified ; far
more often the exact reverse, as here
in Paraguay, where "Vascon honour,
truthfulness, daring, and generosity,
have blended with Guarani gentleness,
endurance, and unquestioning loyalty,
even to the death, into a type that is
not the exception but the rule.
Such are the Paraguayans of the
country. In Asuncion itself, under
the combined influence of a large
number of foreign residents, of a river-
traflic that gives the town somewhat
of the character of a sea-port, and of
the evils, physical and social, insepar-
able, it seems, from large towns and
capitals, the national type is, neces-
sarily, not so uniform or pure. In
fact, to judge of Paraguay in general
by the sights and experiences of
Asuncion, would be no less unjust
than to take Southampton, Liverpool,
or even London, whereupon to form
an exhaustive estimate of England
and its inhabitants. Here, too, at the
capital, the depression, or prostration
rather, consequent on the late war,
has been deepest, and is even now
most persistent. Yet of the courtesy,
the hospitality, the sociability, the
cheerfulness, the music, the dancing,
for all which Paraguay has long been
celebrated, nor wrongly so, the visitor
will even now find plenty to greet him
in Asuncion, where, among the officials
especially, he will meet the most
highly endowed by birth and educa-
tion that the nation can show. Still,
after all, it is not here, but in the
country districts that the distinctive
patterns of Paraguayan life are
clearest drawn ; and it is there ac-
cordingly that my readers, if they
care to accompany me, must seek
them.
To be concluded in the next Number.
112
A HINT TO PEOPLE WITH MODEST MEANS.
THERE are some classes of the com-
munity to whom it ought to be needless
to offer advice about emigrating to the
Antipodes. The man who is not
afraid of work, and who can handle
pick, or spade, or an axe, must be
strangely ignorant if he does not
know by this time that his means of
supporting a family, and his chances
of getting on will be increased about
four-fold by going out to Australia.
He cannot earn less than 5s. a day,
and is not unlikely to command 7s.,
even for rough work, while if he be a
mason, a bricklayer, or a skilled
mechanic, he may count on from 10s.
to 12s., and may, in certain trades^and
at certain times, get from 14s. to 16s.
for the eight ^hours' work. Neither
are these advantages counterbalanced
by any real drawbacks. Food is
cheaper than in England ; mutton
selling for from 3d. to 4|c?. a pound,
beef costing from 6d. to Sd., bread
ruling a little less than in England,
and tea being about 3d. a pound
cheaper. The cost of fuel differs very
much according to locality, but it is
generally about as cheap to burn wood
in Australia as coal in England, and
the days when a fire is needed for
mere warmth are incomparably fewer.
House rent is apt to be dear for work-
ing men, but one reason of this is that
almost every man spends his first
savings in building a house for himself
with the aid of a building society, and
the demand for hired houses is accord-
ingly small and precarious. Clothes
are nominally at English prices, but it
must be admitted that this uniformity
in the face of transport charges and
sometimes of protective duties is apt
to be obtained at some sacrifice of
quality. Altogether, however, the
cost of living is certainly a little less
than in England ; and in Victoria,
where the excellent primary schools
are absolutely free, the father of a large
family saves a heavy sum on education.
Then, again, the working man in the
colonies has enormous advantages over
his brother in England from the great
ease with which he can invest his
savings. There is always cheap land
in the market, and the possession of
land to the town dweller means that
he can speculate in building allotments,
while to the countryman it means that
he may be farmer, carter, or grazier on a
small scale as suits his taste and his
capital.
On the other hand, it is very desir-
able that the immemorial and con-
venient custom of supposing that men
who are not good enough for England
will be good enough for Australia,
should be discontinued with all pos-
sible speed. There are still instances,
from time to time, where a man of real
ability coming out with first-class
testimonials, or having relatives in the
colonies, succeeds in establishing him-
self as a professional man or in
commerce. I have known several
cases of medical men who have done
this, and one where a banker's clerk,
highly recommended, was able to get
almost as good a place as he had left
behind him. As a rule, however,
Englishmen may take it for granted
that our colonial universities and
training schools have been turning out
good men for years past ; and that
the chances are enormously in favour
of the native against the emigrant.
The solicitor sends briefs to his
university friend ; the physician hands
over work to his old pupil ; and the
civil service, which used to be a happy
hunting ground for young gentlemen
who came out with good letters of
introduction, is now closed, or likely to
be closed, in every colony to all who
have not passed a local examination.
The scientific man who has come out
armed with two or three kindly letters,
and has expected to find Australia
A Hint to People with Modest Means.
113
unprovided with chemists or geologists ;
the young engineer who has not
learned, till he lands, that the state
constructs all engineering works, and
that it employs natives by preference ;
the architect, whose specialty is to
build poor-houses ; the governess who
has excellent private testimonials but
no certificate from a public body ; the
clerk wrho speaks a little bad French,
and who has left England because his
employers would not promote him, are
all familiar types of the most credit-
able class of unsuccessful immigrants.
Formerly there was, no doubt, an
opening for cadets of good family with
a taste for country life, who found
employment on country stations and
gradually, in some cases, became
wealthy landowners. Whether the
instances of good fortune in this line
have not been exaggerated by English
tradition, which keeps no account of
its failures, may perhaps be doubted.
As a rule, the great properties in
Australia have been formed by men
accustomed from their youth upwards
to hard work, who never quitted the
station for their town club, and who
regulated their expenses with an exact
economy. At any rate, the time has
long passed away since younger sons
with small means and without local
connection could do anything except
on a small scale. Read the early
books about settling in Australia,
and you will find them assuming that
the young sheep farmer begins with
500 or 1,000 sheep, and quickly
doubles them year by year, having
within reach unlimited land which
he may take up. Now even the parts
of Australia that still figure in Eng-
lish maps as deserts are covered with
sheep, or at the least are held on
speculation by large firms, and can
only be taken up by men who com-
mand abundant resources. Twenty
years ago a wealthy possessor of sheep-
runs to whom young Englishmen used
to be consigned, was supposed to set
apart the least valuable of his runs
as a place where they might see bush
life at the smallest possible cost to
No. 308.— VOL. LII.
himself. At present it would need
very good introductions to procure
even as much as this for " a new
chum." There is still some unoccu-
pied territory in the north, but, as a
rule, the owner of a squatting pro-
perty is no more anxious than a
London banker or merchant to take
strangers into partnership.
It is only right to close this list of
undesirable emigrants by the men-
tion of " ne'er-do-weels." We get only
too many of them, and it may be
doubted if there is a single case where
a man addicted to drink at home has
abandoned the habit when he found
himself in a colony, removed from the
restraining influence of friends. The
isolation, the lower companionship,
the fits of despondency to which a
comer of this class is exposed during
his first struggles to achieve a posi-
tion in a new society, are all terribly
against his chances of reform. Neither
is it the case, as a rule, that a man
who has sunk into any moral depth
at home has the vigour to begin life
anew on the other side of the world ;
more commonly he is haunted by the
sense that his reputation has followed
him, and prefers to decline upon a
lower level of life, perhaps with a sort
of feeling that in this way he may
escape more completely from his old
self.
Meanwhile there is a large class
who seem to be out of place at home,
and who would make excellent settlers
in the British colonies, if they could
only be induced to come out. The
number of Englishmen wTho live on
the Continent because they cannot
afford to live in England is to be
counted literally by thousands. A man
with from four hundred to eight hun-
dred a year finds that, as his family
increases, he cannot keep his place in
society in London or Brighton or
Cheltenham. He does not care to
settle in the country, where a gentle-
man not a landowner is a very second-
ary person, and he is even less inclined
to migrate into a cheap suburb of
London or a small country town. He
114
A Hint to People with Modest Means.
is, in many cases, a retired officer, or
a barrister, that is accustomed to work
in some form, and he does not at first
understand how completely life in a
Continental town will shut him out
from his old interests and from any
possible form of activity. In some re-
spects his change to Tours or Dresden
or Florence is an extremely pleasant
one. His income does a great deal
more than it did ; his wife is a little
less troubled with housekeeping; his
children find good teachers at low
rates ; and he himself has the English
Club, at which he meets his country-
men and reads the papers. Gradually,
however, he discovers that time hangs
very heavy on his hands, and his family
find out that an idle man is a house-
hold nuisance. In this dearth of some
healthy excitement, there is tolerably
certain to be a quarrel in the com-
munity about the Church principles of
the chaplain, or the social pretensions
or the morals of some of the colony.
When the boys grow up and ought to
be entering professions, they are at a
disadvantage from their foreign train-
ing. They cannot compete on even
terms with the English public school-
boy for scholarships or for Civil Ser-
vice appointments. They are not of
the class which furnishes merchant's
clerks, and their training as linguists
serves them in little stead. At one time
not a few of this class used to drift into
foreign armies and especially into the
Austrian service. Now even this door
has been closed, and the chances are
that they hang about for years, list-
less and demoralised, till an opening
presents itself or till they make up
their minds to emigrate. Their sisters
are scarcely more fortunate. If they
are entitled to a little property, they
are marked by small fortune-hunters
of the countries in which they live,
and marry to change their faith, to
lose their nationality, and to endure
all the discomforts of settlement for
life among aliens. Even if the average
Continental husband be as good as the
average Englishman, his relations and
friends are never likely to be quite as
cordial to the foreign wife as her own
countrymen would be.
Now the Australian colonies at this
moment offer peculiar advantages to
a man of small fortune. Where his
capital is in his own hands, the ten
thousand pounds that produce him
four or five hundred a year would
yield him from six to eight hundred
on first mortgages at the Antipodes.
Let us take, however, the more com-
mon case, where the English settler
on the Continent is poor because his
money is tied up, under settlements,
in investments that only yield three or
four per cent. ; and let us assume that
what he has at Florence or Dinan will
be the limit of his Australian income.
Even so, he may live in the country
or in a country town in the colonies
as cheaply as he could live in Germany
or Italy. It often happens that a good
country house can be bought or rented
cheap, and if the settler prefers to
buy, he will easily be able to get the
larger part of the purchase-money
from a building society, or to arrange
with the vendor for leaving it on mort-
gage. If he wishes to farm, there will
commonly be no difficulty in getting
land. Of course, to make farming a,
success, except in very exceptional
years, the farmer, especially if he
grows wheat, must concentrate his
whole energy and time upon his
fields, and must live, in fact, like
the working farmers around him.
Without going this length, however,
a man may add a good deal to his
comfort and a little to his income by
taking a few acres into his own hands
and growing the hay he wants for his
horses and cows, while, if he be a
good judge of stock, he may pick up
a good many bargains in time of
drought. The occupation that this will
provide for him, in a country where a
man may work with his hands with-
out being disgraced by it or seeming
odd, will not be its least advantage.
Beyond this, however, a new settler,
being a citizen from the day he enters
the country, and by assumption an
educated man possessed of some leisure,
A Hint to People with Modest Means.
115
will find abundant work to his hands
.as soon as his neighbours get to know
him. He may serve on a school-board,
or in a shire or municipal council ; or
he may become a magistrate, or, if he
makes himself increasingly useful and
popular, a member of parliament.
Neither, while he does all this, will
he be shut out from society. Our
country towns are, I think, better
provided in this respect than average
English towns of the same size. The
local bankers, the police magistrate,
and the local barristers or solicitors,
the doctors, and the clergy, with a
sprinkling of landowners in the neigh-
bourhood, make up very much the
same kind of social circles that used
to be found in an English county
town in the days when it was still
possible to regard life out of London
as endurable.
The children who come to Australia
will run a risk of being a little less
well educated than they would have
been in France or Germany. The
excellence of our primary schools has
damaged the grammar-schools, except
in such large towns as Melbourne and
Sydney, and girls in a small country
town cannot, of course, expect to find
good music or drawing masters.
Neither could a man with 400?., or
even 600?. a year afford to send his
sons to a first- class Melbourne grammar-
school, or to give his daughters the
advantage of the best teachers. What
happens for the most part in country
districts is that the children get the
first part of their education at the
costless and excellent state primary
schools, after which the boys are
roughly finished at the local grammar-
school, and the girls, perhaps, by a
governess. With the full knowledge
that country boys now and again
compete very successfully at the Uni-
versity examinations, and that here and
there a country grammar-school is
really good, I admit this to be the
weak point in my case, and can only
express my hope that it may soon
cease to be so. New South Wales has
already tried the experiment of found-
ing State High Schools, and Yictoria
will, no doubt, follow suit when the
fierce opposition of the Catholic clergy
to secular education shall have been
abated or quelled. Meantime though
the education the children get will
be less liberal and showy than they
would have received in Europe, it
leads to something which can hardly
be said of the other. In Victoria
every Government appointment is now
given by competitive examination, and
this is getting to be the rule every-
where. Therefore the Australian
school-boy has a fair chance that he
will win one out of many hundred
Government appointments, going up
from 60?. a year to 1200?., by seniority
and merit. Let him fail in this, and
the fact that he has passed a good ex-
amination will recommend him for work
in a bank or a merchant's office. Assume
that he has no capacity for brain work.
Even so, he will find a good eye and a
strong arm more useful to him in a
new country than they would be in an
old ; and by the time his family has
lived three or four years in their new
home, will be much more likely to have
secured friends and made an opening for
himself, than if he was sent out from
England with letters of introduction,
and fifty, or, it may be, a few hundred
pounds, in his pockets. As for the
girls, their choice of marriage will
certainly be no worse than it is in
England, or on the Continent, and if
nationality and a competence count for
anything in domestic happiness, it will
be an advantage that they marry their
own countrymen, and that the struggle
for life is not yet as severe in the
colonies as at home. If they choose to
remain single, they will have some
rather good openings for work. Not
a few highly educated young ladies
prefer being state school teachers in
the colonies to going out as gover-
nesses. They do it without any loss
of caste, and can earn as much as
200?. a year for five hours work a day
on five days in the week. Certain other
state departments, such as the post-
office and telegraph-office are open to
i 2
116
A Hint to People with Modest Means.
women ; and the degrees of art, law,
and medicine at Melbourne University
are now conferred without distinction
of sex.
It is the mothers of families on
whom the discomforts of life on a
small income in the colonies will press
most heavily. They know best what
the drawbacks of life on the Conti-
nent are. What they will suffer from
in Australia in most cases will be a
frequent change of servants, and an
obligation to be able now and again to
take part in household work them-
selves. The native-born Australian
servants are, to my mind, the best I
have known anywhere ; intelligent,
hardy, pleasant-mannered, and capable
of going through any amount of work
in an emergency. Three of them, as
a rule, do the work of five in England,
so that though wages are nominally
high, servants really cost less to pay,
and very much less to feed than at
home. Unhappily their fault is that
there are so few of them. Some of them
only take service for a year, that they
may learn household economy better
than they could do at home. Others,
and these, of course, are apt to be the
most pleasant-mannered and best, get
married at a moment's notice. In a
country where places are so easily
found, almost any servant will throw
up her situation if she dislikes her
fellow-servants. Therefore, the ladies
of a family are now and again put to
great shifts, and must either do some
of the household work themselves, or
take the first bad article that comes
to hand in the shape of an importation
from a London lodging-house, or a
rough creature fresh from the tradi-
tions of Connemara. The best that
can be said about this difficulty is that
it is less formidable in the country
districts than in the large towns.
People who treat their servants con-
siderately and kindly can generally
get supplied with the best class of
girls from the small farmers in their
neighbourhood, who are quite willing
that their daughters should go to
service, but very wisely prefer to keep
them within easy distance of home.
It may be well to add that the Austra-
lian servants are not infected with any
American notions of equality, see no
disgrace in blacking boots, and do not
expect to sit down to dinner with their
employers. Of course, when the facts
that households are small and that
servants do not remain long in their
places are remembered, it will be
understood that household work is not
often carried out with as much finish
as in England, and that the mistress
often has to teach a good deal. The
lady who is a chronic invalid, will do
better perhaps by not setting up house
in Australia.
There remains the question of
amusement. Men with town tastes
will certainly lose by coming to Aus-
tralia. The average colonial town is
incomparably better built, better
drained, and better paved than the
average Continental town of the same
size; but everything about it is new
and garish and prosaic, except that
gardens are many and quickly formed.
There are no old churches or frescoes
or quaint bits of street over which the
lover of art may linger ; no collections
of bric-a-brac in which the virtuoso
may pick up imaginary treasures ; the
market-place is apt to be supremely
matter-of-fact; and though holiday-
makings and public gatherings are a
little more frequent than in England,
they do not make up for the church
processions and military parades and
swarming open-air life of an Italian
town. Englishmen who migrate to
the colonies must undoubtedly face
the fact that they come to a land
where art is really unknown, and
where it would be much better for the
popular taste if the art collections that
exist had never been formed. Beyond
the local club and a tolerably good
lending library the settler will find
nothing outside the society of his
neighbourhood to occupy those idle
hours which he does not care to spend
out of doors. On the other hand he will
be fairly well off as regards the amuse-
ments that Englishmen mostly affect.
A Hint to People with Modest Means.
117
Hunting has not been really natural-
ised, though there are packs of hounds
here and there ; but racing is so popu-
lar and universal, that it has become a
nuisance ; and a good shot can do a
great deal, if he does not mind travel-
ling from place to place. There are no
game laws of the English type in
Australia, but there is a close season
enforced by law, and the land owner
has the right to forbid trespass upon
his land. Practically, it is very easy
at present to get permission to shoot
anywhere ; and a sportsman who did
not disdain hare or rabbit shooting
would find himself cordially welcomed
in many parts of the colonies, and
might, if he chose, pay his expenses in
rabbit-infested districts by selling the
skins. It has not been found possible
thus far to acclimatise the pheasant
and partridge. The Chinese pheas-
ant succeeded for some time in New
Zealand, but is said now to be dying
out again. However, the wild turkey
so-called, in reality a bustard, is excel-
lent sport and good eating ; quails are
numerous at times and in certain
parts ; and the water-fowl that swarm
in many of the rivers and lakes are
now protected in Victoria by a law
forbidding the use of swivel guns.
Even for fox-hunting there is a good
substitute in many parts of the bush,
where the kangaroo is still hunted on
horseback and run down like the
deer; not driven in mobs into inclo-
sures for a wholesale massacre. Ang-
ling is of course almost unknown in the
higher sense of the word ; but as trout
and salmon are being rapidly natural-
ised, there will soon be occupation for
the fisherman, at least in Tasmania
and Victoria.
Of athletic sports it seems almost
needless to write. If, outside commer-
cial circles, Australia is known in any
way it is by the excellence of the
elevens that have contested the cham-
pionship of English cricket — not quite
successfully — upon English ground.
An attempt has been made to depre-
ciate this success by a statement that
cricket can be practised every day of
the year in Australia. This is not
really the case. We have our cricket
season and our foot-ball season like
the mother-country. And there are
many days, even in summer, when
cricket is only pursued under difficul-
ties, in a dust storm or with interrup-
tions from rain. What is true is that
our climate lends itself in a very
remarkable degree to open-air exercise
of every kind, and our young men
have thrown themselves upon athleti
cism with even more than the English
ardour. Besides foot-ball and cricket,
there are bicycle clubs and lawn-
tennis clubs, and for the more seri-
ously-minded rifle clubs and volunteer
regiments. As for boating, Sydney
just now possesses the champion oar
of the world, and the contest for boat-
ing honours between Sydney and Mel-
bourne is apt to be a very close one.
The young men of our communities
are as well off in all these respects as
their English cousins, and have no
occasion to take refuge from ennui in
dominoes or absinthe at a cafe.
There remains the question of cli-
mate. In a general way it is tolerably
exact to say, that the climate of
Victoria resembles that of the Riviera,
that the climate of New South Wales
in the best-peopled parts is like that
of Central or Southern Italy, and that
the climate of South Australia is that
of Spain. No general description
however will do justice to countries
that even where the wild and unsettled
parts are excluded are about as big as
Europe west of Poland. In South
Australia, for instance, the resemblance
to Spain is completed in the north by
the fact that there are large plateaus
at a level of 2,000 feet above the sea,
where the nights are very cold in
winter and comparatively cool in sum-
mer. On the other hand Adelaide is
found by most people oppressively hot
in summer ; and the southern parts of
the colony about Mount Gambier and
Naracoorte are in the opposite ex-
treme, being cold and moist to the
level of Devonshire. So again in Vic-
toria, the climate of Gippsland is
118
A Hint to People with Modest Means.
almost English from its coolness, while
the north-western plains lying north of
the dividing range are at least as hot
in summer as the country about Mar-
seilles. In New South Wales there is
a table-land known as New England,
where the climate is temperate and
where the specially English fruits,
such as the gooseberry and the currant,
are found to flourish. In Queensland
the contrast between the elevated
pastoral downs and the sugar-cane
plantations on the coast represents the
difference between a temperate and a
tropical climate. Of all Australia,
except of a few hill regions, which are,
thus far, scarcely inhabited, it may be
said that snow and ice are practically
unknown ; but the settler may choose
for himself whether he will live under
a sky not much warmer than that of
Devonshire or Cornwall, or in a region
as hot as Andalusia and Armenia.
I hope I have made it clear that the
life to which I invite the class I am
addressing, is not that of hardship in
the bush — of pine shanties for houses,
and damper and interminable mutton
for food — but very much the sort of
life that may be led in an English
county, and with certain advantages
for a person of small means which an
English county does not possess. The
colonies at this moment are, in fact,
quite as advanced in all material civilisa-
tion as Yorkshire or Devonshire, and
have a sense of manifest destiny which
raises their politics above the level of
county interests in the old country.
Even twenty years ago the Australian
legislatures were constantly debating
questions of the highest interest — a
suffrage system, a land system, or a
judicature system, by the lights of
Hare, Mill, and Austen — in a way
that is scarcely possible in an old
country with highly organised institu-
tions and complicated interests. Now
it seems as if we were being drawn
suddenly into the vortex of European
politics, and constrained to interest
ourselves in German plans of colonisa-
tion and Russian designs upon India.
We are English by connection and
interest ; a fair portion of us are
English by birth ; and all are English
in the best sense of an unbroken tradi-
tion of English breeding and association.
Therefore it is, perhaps, allowable
to suggest, that those who may elect
to come amongst us for the future,
should make up their minds to take us
for what they find us, and should not
assume over hastily that we are neces-
sarily inferior to themselves, or at
least to the English people at home.
Mr. Lowell's admirable disquisition
"upon a certain condescension in
foreigners " has a wider application
than to the United States ; and though
it is not a matter of great moment to
Australians, whetherthe British tourist
condemns or patronises them from the
observation of six weeks in the lead-
ing clubs, half a dozen dinner parties,
and two or three picnics in the bush,
it may interfere a little with the
happiness and success of intending
colonists, if they carry a sense of
magnificent superiority into their new
homes.
Nevertheless, it will certainly be their
own faults if they do not soon settle
down into lives full of healthy activity.
That, in fact, other conditions being
fairly equal, is the great advantage
Australia can offer. It holds out the
offer of work and citizenship to men
who are shut out from a discharge of
the commonest civil duties while they
live on the Continent. It offers
partnership in a new world to their
children. Surely for a few hundreds,
at least, of those who are now living
aimlessly out of England, it is worth
while to consider whether the change
to English communities — so highly
favoured as the Australian and New
Zealand — may not be profitable.
CHARLES H. PEARSON.
119
UNEXPLAINED
For facts are stubborn things."
SMOLLETT.
II.
"A GHOST," I repeated, holdicg the
poor trembling little thing more closely.
I think my first sensation was a sort
of rage at whomever or whatever —
ghost or living being — had frightened
her so terribly. " Oh, Nora darling,
it couldn't be a ghost. Tell me about
it, and I will try to find out what it
was. Or would you rather try to
forget about it just now, and tell me
afterwards ? You are shivering so
dreadfully. I must get you warm first
of all."
" But let me tell you, mamma — I
must tell you," she entreated pite-
ously. " If you could explain it, I
should be so glad, but I am afraid you
can't," and again a shudder passed
through her.
I saw it was better to let her tell it.
I had by this time drawn her inside ;
a door in front stood open and a bright
fire caught my eyes. It was the
kitchen, and the most inviting-looking
room in the house. I peeped in — there
was no one there, but from an inner
room we heard the voice of the land-
lady hushing her baby to sleep.
"Come to the fire, Nora," I said.
Just then Reggie came clattering down
stairs, followed by Lieschen, the taci-
turn "maid of the inn."
" She has taken a candle up stairs,
mamma, but I've not taken off my
boots, for there's a little calf, she
says, in the stable, and she's going to
show it me. May I go ? "
"Yes, but don't stay long," I said,
my opinion of the sombre Lieschen
improving considerably, and when they
were out of hearing, " Now, Nora
dear, tell me what frightened you
so."
" Mamma," she said, a little less
white and shivering by now, but still
with the strange strained look in her
eyes that I could not bear to see, " it
couldn't have been a real man. Listen,
mamma. When you and Reggie went,
I got out a needle and thread — out of
your little bag— and first I mended
a hole in my glove, and then I took off
one of my shoes — the buttoning up
the side ones, you know — to sew a
button on. I soon finished it, and
then, without putting my shoe on, I sat
there, looking out of the window and
wondering if you and Reggie would
soon be back. Then I thought per-
haps I could see if you were coming
better from the window of the place
outside our room, where the hay and
bags of flour are." (I think I forgot
to say that to get to our room we had
to cross at the top of the stair a sort
of landing, along one side of which,
as Nora said, great bags of flour or
grain and trusses of hay were ranged ;
this place had a window with a
somewhat more extended view than
that of our room.) " I went there,
still without my shoe, and I knelt in
front of the window some time, look-
ing up the rough path, and wishing
you would come. But I was not the
least dull or lonely. I was only a
little tired. At last I got tired of
watching there, and I thought I would
come back to our room and look for
something to do. The door was not
closed, but I think I had half drawn
it to, as I came out. I pushed it open
and went in, and then — I seemed to
feel there was something that had not
been there before, and I looked up ;
and just beside the stove — the door
opens against the stove, you know,
and so it had hidden it for a mo-
ment as it were — there, niamma,
stood a man. I saw him as plainly as
I see you. He was staring at the
stove, afterwards I saw it must have
120
Unexplained.
been at your little blue paper parcel.
He was a gentleman, mamma — quite
young. I saw his coat, it was cut like
George Norman's. I think he must
have been an Englishman. His coat
was dark, and bound with a little very
narrow ribbon binding. I have seen
coats like that. He had a dark blue
necktie, his dress all looked neat and
careful— like what all gentlemen are ;
I saw all that, mamma, before I
clearly saw his face. He was tall and
had fair hair — I saw that at once. But
I was not frightened ; just at first I
did not even wonder how he could
have got into the room — now I see
he couldn't without my knowing. My
first thought, it seems so silly," and
Nora here smiled a little, " my first
thought was ' Oh, he will see I have
no shoe on,' " — which was very charac-
teristic of the child, for Nora was a
very " proper " little girl — " and just
as I thought that, he seemed to know
I was there. For he slowly turned his
head from the stove and looked at me,
and then I saw his face. Oh mamma ! "
"Was there anything frightening
about it?" I said.
" I don't know," the child went on.
" It was not like any face I ever saw,
and yet it does not sound strange. He
had nice, rather wavy fair hair, and I
think he must have been nice-looking.
His eyes were blue, and he had a little
fair moustache. But he was so fear-
fully pale, and a look over all that I
can't describe. And his eyes when he
looked at me seemed not to see me, and
yet they turned on me. They looked
dreadfully sad, and though they were
so close to me, as if they were miles
and miles away. Then his lips
parted slightly, very slightly, as if
he were going to speak. " Mamma,"
Nora went on impressively, "they
would have spoken if / had said
the least word — I felt they would.
But just then — and remember, mamma,
it couldn't have been yet two seconds
since I came in, I hadn't yet had
time to get frightened — just then
there came over me the most awful
feeling. I knew it was not a real man,
and I seemed to hear myself saying
inside my mind, ' It is a ghost,' and
while I seemed to be saying it — I had
not moved my eyes — while I looked
at him —
" He disappeared 1 "
" No, mamma. He <iid not even
disappear. He was just no longer
there. I was staring at nothing ! Then
came a sort of wild fear. I turned
and rushed down stairs, even without
my shoe, and all the way the horrible
feeling was that even though he was
no longer there he might still be
coming after me. I should not have
cared if there had been twenty tipsy
peasants down stairs ! But I found
Lieschen. Of course I said nothing to
her ; I only asked her to come up with
a light to help me to find my shoe, and
as soon as I had put it on I came
outside, and ran up and down— it was
a long time, I think — till you and
Reggie came at last. Mamma, can
you explain it1?"
How I longed to be able to do so !
But I would not deceive the child.
Besides, it would have been useless.
" No, dear. As yet I cannot. But
I will try to understand it. There
are several ways it may be explained.
Have you ever heard of optical
delusions, Nora 1 "
" I am not sure. You must tell
me ; " and she looked at me so appeal-
ingly, and with such readiness to
believe whatever I told her, that I felt
I would give anything to restore her
to her former happy fearlessness.
But just then Reggie came in from
the stable.
" We must go up stairs," I said ;
" and Lieschen," turning to her,
" bring up our supper at once. We
are leaving very early to-morrow
morning, and we will go early to
bed."
"Oh, mamma," whispered Nora,
" if only we had not to stay all night
in that room ! "
But there was no help for it, and
she was thankful to hear of the
success of our expedition to the post-
office. During supper we, of course,
Unexplained.
121
on Reggie's account, said nothing of
Nora's fright, but as soon as it was
over, Reggie declaring himself very
sleepy, we got him undressed and put
to bed on the settee originally intended
for Nora. He was asleep in five
minutes, and then Nora and I did our
utmost to arrive at the explanation
we so longed for. We thoroughly
examined the room ; there was no
other entrance, no cupboard of any
kind even. I tried to imagine that
some of our travelling cloaks or
shawls hanging on the back of a chair
might, in the uncertain light, have
taken imaginary proportions ; that the
stove itself might have cast a shadow
we had not before observed ; I sug-
gested everything, but in vain. No-
thing shook Nora's conviction that she
had seen something not to be ex-
plained.
" For the light was not uncertain
just then," she maintained ; "the mist
had gone and it had not begun to get
dark. And then I saw him so plainly !
If it had been a fancy ghost it wouldn't
have looked like that — it would have
had a long white thing floating over it,
and a face like a skeleton perhaps.
But to see somebody just like a
regular gentleman — I could never have
fancied that ! "
There was a good deal in what she
said. I had to give up my suggestions,
and I tried to give Nora some idea of
what are called "optical delusions,"
though my own comprehension of the
theory was of the vaguest. She listened
but I don't think my words had much
weight. And at last I told her I
thought she had better go to bed and
try to sleep. I saw she shrank from
the idea, but it had to be.
" We can't sit up all night, I sup-
pose," she said, " but I wish we could.
I am so dreadfully afraid of waking
in the night, and — and — seeing him
there again."
"Would you like to sleep in my
bed — though it is so tiny, I could
make room and put you inside?" I
said.
Nora looked wistfully at the haven
of refuge, but her good sense and
considerateness for me came to the
front.
"No," she said, "neither of us
would sleep, and you would be so
tired to-morrow. 1 will get into my
own bed, and I will try to sleep,
mamma."
" And listen, Nora ; if you are the
least frightened in the night, or if
you can't sleep, call out to me without
hesitation. I am sure to wake often,
and I will speak to you from time to
time."
That was the longest night of my
life ! The first part was not the worst.
By what I really thought a fortunate
chance it was a club night of some
kind at Silberbach — a musical club,
of course ; and all the musically-gifted
peasants of the country side assembled
in the sanded parlour of the Katze.
The noise was something indescribable,
for though there may have been some
good voices among them, they were
drowned in the din. But though it
prevented us from sleeping, it also
fairly drove away all ghostly alarms.
By twelve o'clock or thereabouts the
party seemed to disperse, and all grew
still. Then came some hours I can
never forget. There was faint moon-
light by fits and starts, and I not
only found it impossible to sleep, I
found it impossible to keep my eyes
shut. Some irresistible fascination
seemed to force them open, and
obliged me ever and anon to turn
in the direction of the stove, from
which, however, before going to bed,
I had removed the blue paper parcel.
And each time I did so I said to
myself, "Am I going to see that
figure standing there as Nora saw
it ? Shall I remain sane if I do ?
Shall I scream out ? Will it look at
me in turn with its sad unearthly
eyes? Will it speak? If it moves
across the room and comes near me,
or if I see it going towards Nora, or
leaning over my Reggie sleeping there
in his innocence, misdoubting of no
fateful presence near, what, oh ! what
shall I do^"
122
Unexplained.
For in my heart of hearts, though
I would not own it to Nora, I felt
convinced that what she had seen was
no living human being — whence it had
come, or why, I could not tell. But
in the quiet of the night I had thought
of what the woman at the china
factory had told us, of the young
Englishman who had bought the other
cup, who had promised to write, and
never done so ! What had become of
him? "If," I said to myself, "if I
had the slightest reason to doubt his
being at this moment alive and well
in his own country, as he pretty cer-
tainly is, I should really begin to
think he had been robbed and mur-
dered by our surly landlord, and that
his spirit had appeared to us — the first
compatriots who have passed this way
since, most likely — to tell the story."
I really think I must have been a
little light-headed some part of that
night. My poor Nora, I am certain,
never slept, but I can only hope her
imagination was less wildly at work
than, mine. From time to time I spoke
to her. and every time she was awake,
for she always answered without
hesitation.
" I am quite comfortable, dear
mamma. And I don't think I am
very frightened;" or else, "I have
not slept much, but I have said my
prayers a great many times and all the
hymns I could remember. Don't mind
about me, mamma, and do try to
sleep."
I fell asleep at last, though not for
long. When I woke it was bright
morning — fresher and brighter, I felt,
jis I threw open the window, than the
day before. With the greatest thank-
fulness that the night was over at
last, as soon as I was dressed 1 began
to put our little belongings together,
and then turned to awake the children.
Nora was sleeping quietly ; it seemed
u pity to arouse her, for it was not
much past six, but I heard the people
stirring about down stairs, and I had
a feverish desire to get away ; for
though the daylight had dispersed
much of the "eerie" impression of
Nora's fright, there was a feeling of
uneasiness, almost of insecurity, left
in my mind since recalling the inci-
dent of the young man who had
visited the china factory. How did
I know but that some harm had really
come to him in this very place ? There
was certainly nothing about the land-
lord to inspire confidence. At best it
was a strange and unpleasant coinci-
dence. The evening before I had half
thought of inquiring of the landlord
or his wife, or even of Lieschen, if
any English had ever before stayed at
the Katze. If assured by them that
we were the first, or at least the first
" in their time," it would, I thought,
help to assure Nora that the ghost had
really been a delusion of some kind.
But then again, supposing the people
of the inn hesitated to reply — sup-
posing the landlord to be really in
any way guilty, and my inquiries were
to rouse his suspicions, would I not
be really risking dangerous enmity,
besides strengthening the painful im-
pression left on my own mind — and
this corroboration of her own fear
might be instinctively suspected by
Nora, even if I told her nothing ?
" No," I decided, " better leave it a
mystery, in any case till we are safely
away from here. For allowing that
these people are perfectly innocent
and harmless, their even telling me
simply, like the woman at Gruenstein,
that such a person had been here,
that he had fallen ill, possibly died
here — I would rather not know it. It
is certainly not probable that it was
so ; they would have been pretty sure
to gossip about any occurrence of the
kind, taciturn though they are. The
wife would have talked of it to me —
she is more genial than the others," for
I had had a little kindly chat with her
the day before a propos of what every
mother, of her class at least, is ready
to talk about — the baby ! A pretty
baby too, though the last, she in-
formed me with a sort of melancholy
pride, of four she had " buried " —
using the same expression in her
rough German as a Lancashire factory
Unexplained.
hand or an Irish peasant woman — one
after the other. Certainly Silberbach
was not a cheerful or cheering spot.
"No, no." I made up my mind, "I
would rather at present know nothing,
even if there is anything to know. I
can the more honestly endeavour to
remove the impression left on Nora."
The little girl was so easily
awakened that I was half inclined to
doubt if she had not been " shamming "
out of filial devotion. She looked ill
still, but infinitely better than the
night before, and she so eagerly
agreed with me in my wish to leave
the house as soon as possible that 1
felt sure it was the best thing to do.
Reggie woke up rosy and beaming —
evidently no ghosts had troubled his
night's repose. There was something
consoling and satisfactory in seeing
him quite as happy and hearty as in
his own English .nursery. But though
he had no uncanny reasons like us
for disliking Silberbach he was quite
as cordial in his readiness to leave it.
We got hold of Lieschen and asked for
our breakfast at once. As I had told
the landlady the night before that we
were leaving very early, our bill came
up with the coffee. It was, I must
say, moderate in the extreme — ten or
twelve marks, if I remember rightly,
for two nights' lodging and almost two
days' board for three people. And
such as it was, they had given us of
their best. I felt a little twinge of
conscience, when I said good-bye to the
poor woman, for having harboured
any doubts of the establishment. But
when the gruff landlord, standing
outside the door, smoking of course,
nodded a surly " adieu " in return to
our parting greeting, my feeling of
unutterable thankfulness that we
were not to spend another night under
his roof recovered the ascendant.
" Perhaps he is offended at my not
having told him how I mean to get
away, notwithstanding his stupidity
about it," I said to myself, as we
passed him. But no, there was no
look of vindictiveness, of malice, of
even annoyance, on his dark face.
Nay more, I could almost have fancied
there was the shadow of a smile as
Reggie tugged at his Tarn o' Shanter
by way of a final salute. That land-
lord was really one of the most incom-
prehensible human beings it has ever
been my fate to come across in fact or
fiction.
We had retained Lieschen to carry
our modest baggage to the post-house,
and having deposited it at the side of
the road just where the coach stopped,
she took her leave, apparently more
than satisfied with the small sum of
money I gave her, and civilly wishing
us a pleasant journey. But though
less gruff she was quite as impassive
as the landlord. She never asked
where we were going, if we were likely
ever to return again, and like her
master, as I said, had we been stay-
ing there still, I do not believe she
would ever have made an inquiry or ex-
pressed the slightest astonishment.
" There is really something very
queer about Silberbach," I could not
help saying to Nora, " both about
the place and the people. They almost
give one the feeling that they are
half-witted, and yet they evidently are
not. This last day or two I seem to
have been living in a sort of dream, or
nightmare, and I shall not get over it
altogether till we are fairly out of the
place," and though she said little, I
felt sure the child understood me.
We were of course far, far too
early for the post. The old man came
out of his house and seemed amused at
our haste to be gone.
" I am afraid Silberbach has not
taken your fancy," he said. " Well,
no wonder. I think it is the dreariest
place I ever saw."
" Then you do not belong to it ?
Have you not been here long 1 " I
asked.
He shook his head.
" Only a few months, and I hope to
get removed soon," he said. So he
could have told me nothing, evidently !
" It is too lonely here. There is not
a creature in the place who ever
touches a book — they are all as dull
124
Unexplained.
-and stupid as they can be. But then
they are very poor, and they live on
here from year's end to year's end,
barely able to earn their daily bread.
Poverty degrades — there is no doubt
of it, whatever the wise men may
say. A few generations of it makes
men little better than — " he stopped.
" Than ] " I asked.
" Than," the old philosopher of the
post-house went on, " pardon the ex-
pression— than pigs."
There were two or three of the
fraternity grubbing about at the side of
the road ; they may have suggested the
comparison. I could hardly help
smiling.
" But I have travelled a good deal in
Germany," I said, " and I have never
anywhere found the people so stupid
and stolid and ungenial as here."
"Perhaps not," he said. " Still
there are many places like this, only
naturally they are not the places
strangers visit. It is never so bad
where there are a few country houses
near, for nowadays it must be
allowed it is seldom but that the gentry
take some interest in the people."
" It is a pity no rich man takes a
fancy to Silberbach," I said.
" That day will never come. The
best thing would be for a railway to
be cut through the place, but that
too is not likely."
Then the old postmaster turned into
his garden, inviting us civilly to wait
there or in the office if we preferred.
But we liked better to stay outside,
for just above the post-house there
was a rather tempting little wood,
much prettier than anything to be
seen on the other side of the village.
And Nora and I sat there quietly on
the stumps of some old trees, while
Heggie found a pleasing distraction in
alternately chasing and making friends
with a party of ducks, which for
reasons best known to themselves had
deserted their native element and come
for a stroll in the woods.
From where we sat we looked down
on our late habitation ; we could
almost distinguish the landlord's
slouching figure and poor Lieschen
with a pail of water slung at each side
as she came in from the well.
"What a life!" I could not help
saying. " Day after day nothing but
work. I suppose it is not to be
wondered at if they grow dull and
stolid, poor things." Then my thoughts
reverted to what up here in the sun-
shine and the fresh morning air and
with the pleasant excitement of going
away I had a little forgotten — the
strange experience of the evening
before. It was difficult for me now to
realise that I had been so affected by
it. I felt now as if I wished I could
see the poor ghost for myself, and learn
if there was aught we could do to serve
or satisfy him ! For in the old
orthodox ghost-stories there is always
some reason for these eerie wanderers
returning to the world they have left.
But when I turned to Nora and saw
her dear little face still white and
drawn, and with an expression half
subdued, half startled, that it had never
worn before, I felt thankful that the
unbidden visitor had attempted no
communication.
" It might have sent her out of her
mind," I thought. " Why, if he had
anything to say, did he appear to her,
poor child, and not to me? — though
after all I am not at all sure that /
should not go out of my mind in such
a case."
Before long the post-horn made itself
heard in the distance ; we hurried
down, our hearts beating with the fear
of possible disappointment. It was all
right, however, there were no pas-
sengers, and nodding adieu to our old
friend we joyfully mounted into our
places, and were bowled away to
Seeberg.
There and at other spots in its pretty
neighbourhood we spent pleasantly
enough two or three weeks. Nora by
degrees recovered her roses and her
good spirits. Still, her strange ex-
perience left its mark on her. She
was never again quite the merry,
thoughtless, utterly fearless child she
had been. I tried, however, to take
Unexplained.
125
the good with the ill, remembering
that thorough- going childhood cannot
last for ever, that the shock possibly
helped to soften and modify a nature
that might have been too daring for
perfect womanliness — still more, want-
ing perhaps in tenderness and sympathy
for the weaknesses and tremors of
feebler temperaments.
At Kronberg, on our return, we
found that Herr von "VValden was off
on a tour to the Italian lakes, Lutz and
young Trachenfels had returned to
their studies at Heidelberg, George
Norman had gone home to England.
All the members of our little party
were dispersed, except Frau von
Walden.
To her and to Ottilia I told the
story, sitting together one afternoon
over our coffee, when Nora was not
with us. It impressed them both.
Ottilia could not resist an "I told
you so."
"I knew, I felt," she said, "that
something disagreeable would happen
to you there. I never will forget,"
she went on naively, " the dreary, dis-
mal impression the place left on me
the only time I was there — pouring
rain and universal gloom and discom-
fort. We had to wait there a few
hours to get one of the horses shod,
once when I was driving with my
father from Seeberg to Marsfeldt."
Frau von Walden and I could not
help smiling at her. Still there was
no smiling at my story, though both
agreed that, viewed in the light of
unexaggerated common sense, it was
most improbable that there was any
tragedy mixed up with the disappear-
ance of the young man we had heard
of at Gruenstein.
" And indeed why we should speak
of his ' disappearance ' I don't know,"
said Frau von Walden. " He did not
write to send the order he had spoken
of — that was all. No doubt he is very
happy at his own home. When you
are back in England, my dear, you
must try to find him out — perhaps by
means of the cup. And then when
Nora sees him, and finds he is not at
all like the ' ghost,' it will make her
the more ready to think it was really
only some very strange, I must admit,
kind of optical delusion."
" But Nora has never heard the
Gruenstein story, and is not to hear
it," said Ottilia.
" And England is a wide place,
small as it is in one sense," I said.
'•' Still, if I did come across the young
man, I half think I would tell Nora
the whole, and by showing her how my
imagination had dressed it up, I think
I could perhaps lessen the effect on
her of what she thought she saw. It
would prove to her better than any-
thing the tricks that fancy may play
us."
" And, in the meantime, if you take
my advice, you will allude to it as
little as possible," said practical
Ottilia. " Don't seem to avoid the sub-
ject, but manage to do so in reality."
"Shall you order the tea-service?"
asked Frau von Walden.
" I hardly think so. I am out of
conceit of it somehow," I said. " And
it might remind Nora of the blue
paper parcel. I think I shall give th&
cup and saucer to my sister."
And on my return to England I
did so.
Two years later. A very different
scene from quaint old Kronberg, or
still more from the dreary " Katze " at
Silberbach. We are in England now,
though not at our own home. We
are staying, my children and I — two
older girls than little Nora, and Nora
herself, though hardly now to be de-
scribed as " little " — with my sister.
Reggie is there too, but naturally not
much heard of, for it is the summer
holidays, and the weather is delight-
ful. It is August again — a typical
August afternoon — though a trifle too
hot perhaps for some people.
" This time two years ago, mamma,"
said Margaret, my eldest girl, " you
were in Germany with Nora and
Reggie. What a long summer that
seemed ! It is so much nicer to be all
together."
126
Unexplained.
" I should like to go to Kronberg
and all those queer places," said Lily,
the second girl ; " especially to the
place where Nora saw the ghost."
" I am quite sure you would not
wish to stay there," I replied. " It is
curious that you should speak of it
just now. I was thinking of it this
morning. It was just two years
yesterday that it happened."
We were sitting at afternoon tea
on the lawn outside the drawing-room
window — my sister, her husband, Mar-
garet, Lily, and I. Nora was with
the school-room party inside.
" How queer ! " said Lily.
" You don't think Nora has thought
of it?" I asked.
" Oh, no — I am sure she hasn't,"
said Margaret. " I think it has
grown vague to her now.
Just then a servant came out of
;the house, and said something to my
•brother-in-law. He got up at once.
"It is Mr. Grenfell," he said to his
wife, " and a friend with him. Shall
I bring them out here ? "
" Yes, it would really be a pity to
go into the house again — it is so nice
out here," she replied. And her
husband went to meet his guests.
He appeared again in a minute or
two, stepping out through the low
window of the drawing room, accom-
panied by the two gentlemen.
Mr. Grenfell was a young man
living in the neighbourhood whom we
had known from his boyhood ; the
stranger he introduced to us as Sir
Robert Masters. He was a middle-
aged man, with a quiet, gentle bearing
and expression.
"You will have some tea?" said
my sister, after the first few words of
greeting had passed. Mr., Grenfell
declined. His friend accepted.
" Go into the drawing-room, Lily,
please, and ring for a cup and saucer,"
said her aunt, noting the deficiency.
" There was an extra one, but some
one has poured milk into the saucer.
It surely can't have been you, Mark,
for Tiny?" she went on, turning to
her husband. " You shouldn't let a
dog drink out of anything we drink
out of ourselves."
My brother-in law looked rather
comically penitent ; he did not attempt
to deny the charge.
"Only, my dear, you must allow,"
he pleaded, " that we do not drink
our tea out of the saucers."
On what trifling links hang some-
times important results ! Had it not
been for Mark's transgressing in the
matter of Tiny's milk we should never
have learnt the circumstances which
give to this simple relation of facts —
valueless in itself — such interest,
speculative and suggestive only, I am
aware, as it may be found to possess.
Lily, in the meantime, had disap-
peared. But more quickly than it
would have taken her to ring the
bell, and await the servant's response
to the summons, she was back again,
carrying something carefully in her
hand.
"Aunt," she said, "is it not a good
idea? As you have a tea-spoon — I
don't suppose Tiny used the spoon, did
he 1 — I thought, instead of ringing for
another, I would bring out the ghost-
cup for Sir Robert. It is only fair to
use it for once, poor thing, and just as
we have been speaking about it. Oh, I
assure you it is not dusty," as my
sister regarded it dubiously. " It was
inside the cabinet."
" Still, all the same, a little hot
water will do it no harm," said her
aunt — " provided, that is to say, that
Sir Robert has no objection to drink
out of a cup with such a name attached
to it?"
" On the contrary," replied he, " I
shall think it an honour. But you
will, I trust, explain the meaning of
the name to me ? It puzzles me more
than if it were a piece of ancient
china — a great-great-grandmother's
cup, for instance. For I see it is not
old, though it is very pretty, and, I
suppose, uncommon ? "
There was a slight tone of hesita-
tion about the last word which struck
me.
" I have no doubt my sister will be
Unexplained.
127
ready to tell you all there is to tell.
It was she who gave me the cup,"
replied the lady of the house.
Then Sir Robert turned to me.
Looking at him full in the face I saw
that there was a thoughtful, far-seeing
look in his eyes, which redeemed his
whole appearance from the somewhat
commonplace gentlemanlikeness which
was all I had before observed about
him.
" I am greatly interested in these
subjects," he said. " It would be very
kind of you to tell me the whole."
I did so, more rapidly and succinctly
of course than I have done here. It
is not easy to play the part of narrator,
with five or six pairs of eyes fixed upon
you, more especially when the owners
of several of them have heard the story
a good many times before, and are
quick to observe the slightest discrep-
ancy, however unintentional. " There
is, you see, very little to tell," I said
in conclusion, " only there is always a
certain amount of impressiveness about
any experience of the kind when re-
lated at first hand."
"Undoubtedly so," Sir Robert
replied. " Thank you very much
indeed for telling it me."
He spoke with perfect courtesy, but
with a slight absence of manner, his
eyes fixed rather dreamily on the cup
in his hand. He seemed as if trying to
recall or recollect something.
" There should be a sequel to that
story," said Mr. Grenfell.
" That's what I say," said Margaret,
eagerly. " It will be too stupid if we
never hear any more. But that is
always the way with modern ghost
stories — there is no sense or meaning
in them. The ghosts appear to people
who never knew them, who take no
interest in them, as it were, and then
they have nothing to say — there is no
denotiment, it is all purposeless."
Sir Robert looked at her thought-
fully.
" There is a good deal in what you
say," he replied. " But I think there is
a good deal r Iso to be deduced from the
very fact you speak of, for it is a fact.
I believe what you call the meaning-
lessness and purposelessness — the
arbitrariness, one may say, of modern
experiences of the kind are the surest
proofs of their authenticity. Long
ago people mixed up fact and fiction,
their imaginations ran riot and on
some very slight foundation — of ten, no
doubt genuine, though slight — they
built up a very complete and thrilling
' ghost story.' Nowadays we consider
and philosophise, we want to get to the
root and reason of things, and we are
more careful to beware of exaggeration.
The result is that the only genuine
ghosts are most unsatisfactory beings ,
they appear without purpose, and seem
to be what, in fact, I believe they almost
always are, irresponsible, purposeless
will-o'-the-wisps. But from these I
would separate the class of ghost
stories the best attested and most
impressive — those that have to do with
the moment of death ; any vision that
appears just at or about that time has
generally more meaning in it, I think
you will find. Such ghosts appear for
a reason, if no other than that of in-
tense affection, which draws them near
those from whom they are to be
separated."
We listened attentively to this long
explanation, though by no means fully
understanding it.
" I have often heard," I said, " that
the class of ghost stories you speak of
are the only thoroughly authenticated
ones, and I think one is naturally
more inclined to believe in them than
in any others. But I confess I do not
in the least understand what you mean
by speaking of other ghosts as 'will-
o'-the-wisps.' You don't mean that
though at the moment of death there
is a real being — the soul, in fact, as
distinct from the body, in which all
but materialists believe — that this has
no permanent existence, but melts
away by degrees till it becomes an
irresponsible, purposeless nothing — a
will-o'-the-wisp in fact 1 I think I
heard of some theory of the kind lately
in a French book, but it shocked and
repelled me so that I tried to forget it.
128
Unexplained.
Just as well, better, believe that we are
nothing but our bodies, and that all is
over when we die. Surely you don't
mean what I say ? "
" God forbid," said Sir Robert, with
a fervency which startled while it
reassured me. "It is my profound
belief that not only we are something
more than our bodies, but that our
bodies are the merest outer dress of
our real selves. It is also my pro-
found belief that at death we — the
real we — either enter at once into a
state of rest temporarily, or, in some
cases — for I do not believe in any cut-
and-dry rule independently of indivi-
dual considerations — are privileged at
once to enter upon a sphere of nobler
and purer labour," and here the
speaker's eyes glowed with a light that
was not of this world. " Is it then the
least probable, is it not altogether dis-
cordant with our ' common sense,' — a
Divine gift which we may employ
fearlessly — to suppose that these real
' selves,' freed from the weight of their
discarded garments, would leave either
their blissful repose, or, still less, their
new activities, to come back to wander
about, purposelessly and aimlessly in
this world, at best only perplexing
and alarming such as may perceive
them? Is it not contrary to all we
find of the wisdom and reasonableness
of such laws as we do know something
about ?"
" I have often thought so," I said,
"and hitherto this has led me to be
very sceptical about all ghost stories."
" But they are often true — so far as
they go," he replied. " Our natures
are much more complex than we our-
selves understand or realise. I cannot
now go at all thoroughly into the sub-
ject, but to give you a rough idea of
my will-o'-the-wisp theory — can you
not imagine a sort of shadow, or echo
of ourselves lingering about the scenes
we have frequented on this earth,
which under certain very rare condi-
tions— the state of the atmosphere
among others — may be perceptible to
those still ' clothed upon ' with this
present body 1 To attempt a simile, I
might suggest the perfume that lingers
when the flowers are thrown away, the
smoke that gradually dissolves after
the lamp is extinguished 1 This is,
very, very loosely and roughly, the
sort of thing I mean by my ' will-o'-
the-wisps.' '
"I don't like it at all," said Margaret,
though she smiled a little. " I think
I should be more frightened if I saw
that kind of ghost — I mean if I
thought it that kind — than by a good
honest old-fashioned one, who knew
what it was about and meant to come."
" But you have just said," he
objected, "that they never do seem to
know what they are about. Besides,
why should you be frightened 1 — our
fears, ourselves in fact — are the only
thing we really need be frightened of —
our weaknesses and ignorances and
folly. There was great truth in that
rather ghastly story of Calderra's,
allegory though it is, about the man
whose evil genius was himself ; have
you^ read it?"
We all shook our heads.
" It is ignorance that frightens us,"
he said. Just then his eyes fell on the
table. " I cannot get over the impres-
sion that I have seen that cup — no,
not that cup, but one just like it — be-
fore. Not long ago, I fancy," he said.
" Oh, you must let us know if you
find out anything," we all exclaimed.
" I certainly shall do so," he said,
and a few minutes afterwards he and
Mr. Grenfell took their leave.
I have never seen Sir Robert again.
Still I have by no means arrived yet
at the end of my so-called ghost
story.
The cup and saucer were carefully
washed and replaced in the glass-
doored cabinet. The summer gradu-
ally waned and we all returned to our
own home. It was at a considerable
distance from my sister's, and we met
each other principally in the summer-
time. So, though I did not forget
Sir Robert Masters, or his somewhat
strange conversation, amid the crowd
of daily interests and pleasures, duties
and cares, none of the incidents I
Unexplained.
129
have here recorded were much in my
mind, and but that I had while still
in Germany carefully noted the details
of all bearing directly or indirectly on
"Nora's ghost," as we had come to
call it — though it was but rarely al-
luded to before the child herself — I
should not now have been able to give
them with circumstantiality.
Fully fifteen months after the visit
to my sister, during which we had
met Sir Robert, the whole was sud-
denly and unexpectedly recalled to my
memory. Mark and Nora the elder,
my sister, that is, were in their turn
staying with us, when one morning at
breakfast the post brought for the
latter an unusually bulky and im-
portant-looking letter. She opened it,
glanced at an outer sheet inclosing
several pages in a different hand-
writing, and passed it on to me.
"We must read the rest together,"
she said in a low voice, glancing at
the children who were at the table ;
" how interesting it will be ! "
The sheet she had handed to me
was a short note from Mr. Grenfell.
It was dated from some place in Nor-
way where he was fishing, and from
whence he had addressed the whole
packet to my sister's own home, not
knowing of her absence.
" MY DEAR MRS. DAVENTRY, — " it be-
gan— " The inclosed will have been a
long time of reaching its real destina-
tion, for it is, as you will see, really in-
tended for your sister. No doubt it
will interest you too, as it has done
me, though I am too matter-of-fact and
prosaic to enter into such things
much. Still it is curious. Please
keep the letter, I am sure my friend
intends you to do so.
" Yours very truly,
" RALPH GRENFELL."
The manuscript inclosed was of
course from Sir Robert himself. It
was in the form of a letter to young
Grenfell, and after explaining that he
thought it better to write to him, not
having my address, he plunged into
the real object of his communication.
No. 308.— VOL. LIT.
" You will not," he said, " have for-
gotten the incident of the ' ghost-cup '
in the summer of last year, and the
curious story your friend was so good
as to tell us about it. You may re-
member— Mrs. - - will, I am sure,
do so — my strong impression that I
had recently seen one like it. After
I left you I could not get this
feeling out of my head. It is always
irritating not to be able, figuratively
speaking, ' to lay your hand,' on a
recollection, and in this instance I
really wanted to get the clue, as it might
lead to some sort of ' explanation ' of
the little girl's strange experience. I
cudgelled my brains, but all to no pur-
pose ; I went over in memory all the
houses at which I had visited within
a certain space of time ; I made lists
of all the people I knew interested in
' china,' ancient or modern, and likely
to possess specimens of it. But all in
vain. All I got for my pains was
that people began to think I was de-
veloping a new crotchet, or, as I heard
one lady say to another, not knowing
I was within earshot, ' the poor man
must be a little off his head, though
till now I have always denied it. But
the revulsion from benevolent schemes
to china-collecting shows it only too
plainly.' So I thought I had better
leave off cross-questioning my ' col-
lecting ' friends about porcelain and
faience, German ware in particular.
And after a while I thought no more
about it. Two months ago I. had
occasion to make a journey to the
north — the same journey and to stay
at the same house where I have been
four or five times since I saw the
'ghost-cup.' But this was what hap-
pened this time. There is a junction
by which one must pass on this
journey. I generally manage to suit
my trains so as to avoid waiting there,
but this is not always feasible. This
time I found that an hour at the
junction was inevitable. There is a
very good refreshment room there,
kept by very civil, decent people.
They knew me by sight, and after I
had had a cup of tea they proposed to
130
Unexplained.
me, as they have done before, to wait
in their little parlour just off the public
room. ' It would be quieter and more
comfortable,' said either the mother or
the daughter who manage the concern.
I thanked them, and settled myself in
an arm-chair with my book, when, look-
ing up — there on the mantelpiece
stood the fellow cup — the identical
shape, pattern, and colour ! It all
flashed into my mind then. I had
made this journey just before going
into your neighbourhood last year,
and had waited in this little parlour
just as this time.
" ' Where did you get that cup,
Mrs. Smith ? ' I asked.
" There were two or three rather
pretty bits of china about. The good
woman was pleased at my noticing it.
" ' Yes, sir. Isn't it pretty ? I've
rather a fancy for china. That cup
was sent me by my niece. She said
she'd picked it up somewhere — at a
sale I think. It's foreign, sir, isn't
it?'
" ' Yes, German. But can't you
find out where your niece got it,' for
at the word " sale " my hopes fell.
" ' I can ask her. I shall be writ-
ing to her this week,' she replied ;
and she promised to get any infor-
mation she could for me within a
fortnight, by which time I expected
to pass that way again. I did so, and
Mrs. Smith proved as good as her
word. The niece had got the cup from
a friend of hers, an auctioneer, and he,
not she, had got it at a sale. But he
was away from home — she could hear
nothing more at present. She gave
his address, however, and assurances
that he was very good-natured and
would gladly put the gentleman in the
way of getting china like it, if it was
to be got. He- would be home by the
middle of the month. It was now the
middle of the month. The auctioneer's
town was not above a couple of hours
off my line. Perhaps you will all
laugh at me when I tell you that I
went those two hours out of my way,
arriving at the town late that night
and putting up at a queer old inn —
worth going to see for itself — on pur-
pose to find the man of the hammer.
I found him. He was very civil,
though rather mystified. He remem-
bered the cup perfectly, but there was
no chance of getting any like it where
it came from !
" ' And where was that 1 ' I asked
eagerly.
" ' At a sale some miles from here,
about four years ago,' he replied.
' It was the sale of the furniture and
plate, and everything, in fact, of a
widow lady. She had some pretty
china, for she had a fancy for it.
That cup was not of much value ; it
was quite modern. I bought it in for
a trine. I gave it to Miss Cross, and
she sent it to her aunt, as you know.
As for getting any like it
' But I interrupted him by assuring
him I did not wish that, but that I
had reasons for wanting some infor-
mation about the person who, I be-
lieved, had bought the cup. ' Nothing
to do any harm to any one,' I said ;
' a matter of feeling.' A similar cup
had been bought by a person I was
interested in, and I feared that person
was dead.'
" The auctioneer's face cleared. He
fancied he began to understand me.
" ' I am afraid you are right, sir, if
the person you mean was young Mr.
Paulet, the lady's son. You may have
met him on his travels? His death
was very sad, I believe. It killed his
mother, they say — she never looked
up after, and as she had no near
relative to follow her, everything was
sold. I remember I was told all that
at the sale, and it seemed to me par -
ticularly sad, even though one comes
across many sad things in our line of
business.'
" 'Do you remember the particulars
of Mr. Paulet's death ? ' I asked.
" ' Only that it happened suddenly —
somewhere in foreign parts. I did not
know the family, till I was asked to
take charge of the sale,' he replied.
" ' Could you possibly get any details
for me 1 I feel sure it is the same
Mr. Paulet,' I said boldly.
Unexplained.
131
"The auctioneer considered.
" ' Perhaps I can. I rather think a
former servant of theirs is still in the
neighbourhood,' he replied.
"I thanked him and left him my
address, to which he promised to write.
I felt it was perhaps better not to
pursue my inquiries further in person ;
it might lead to annoyance, or possibly
to gossip about the dead, which I
detest. I jotted down some particulars
for the auctioneer's guidance, and went
on my way. That was a fortnight
ago. To-day I have his answer, which
I transcribe : —
" 'SiR, — The servant I spoke of could
not tell me very much, as she was not
long in the late Mr. Paulet's service.
To hear more, she says, you must apply
to the relations of the family. Young
Mr. Paulet was tall and fair and very
nice-looking. His mother and he were
deeply attached to each other. He
travelled a good deal and used to bring
her home lots of pretty things. He
met his death in some part of Germany
where there are forests, for though it
was thought at first he had died of
heart disease, the doctors proved he
had been struck by lightning, and his
body was found in the forest, and the
papers on him showed who he was.
The body was sent home to be buried,
and all that was found with it ; a
knapsack and its contents, among which
was the cup I bought at the sale. His
death was about the middle of August
18 — . I shall be glad if this informa-
tion is of any service.'
" This," continued Sir Robert's own
letter, " is all I have been able to
learn. There does not seem to have
been the very slightest suspicion of
foul play, nor do I think it the least
likely there was any ground for such.
Young Paulet probably died some way
further in the forest than Silberbach,
and it is even possible the surly land-
lord never heard of it. It might be
worth while to inquire about it should
your friends ever be there again. If I
should be in the neighbourhood I
certainly should do so ; the whole
coincidences are very striking."
Then followed apologies for the
length of his letter which he had been
betrayed into by his anxiety to tell all
there was to tell. In return he asked
Mr. Grenfell to obtain from me certain
dates and particulars as he wished to
note them down. It was the 18th of
August on which " Nora's ghost "
had appeared — just two years after the
August of the poor young man's
death !
There was also a postscript to Sir
Robert's letter, in which he said, " I
think, in Mrs. 's place I would
say nothing to the little girl of what
we have discovered."
And I have never done so.
This is all I have to tell. I offer
no suggestions, no theories in explana-
tion of the facts. Those who, like
Sir Robert Masters, are able and
desirous to treat such subjects scienti-
fically or philosophically will doubtless
form their own. I cannot say that I
find his 'theory a perfectly satisfactory
one, perhaps I do not sufficiently
understand it, but I have tried to give
it in his own words. Should this
matter-of-fact relation of a curious
experience meet his eyes, I am sure he
will forgive my having brought him
into it. Besides, it is not likely that
he would be recognised ; men, and
women too, of " peculiar ideas," sincere
investigators and honest searchers
after truth, as well as their superficial
plagiarists, being by no means — to the
credit of our age be it said — rare in
these days.
LOUISA MOLESWOKTH.
(Conclusion.}
K 2
132
"MARIUS THE EPICUREAN."1
THIS is a book which has long been
expected with interest by a certain
circle of readers. The Studies in the
History of the Renaissance, which Mr.
Pater published twelve years ago,
made a distinct mark in modern lite-
rary history. They excited as much
antipathy as admiration, perhaps ; they
were the object of many denunciations,
and, like some heretical treatise of the
second or third century, received definite
episcopal reprimand ; but at the same
time they rose well above the crowd
of books, and produced the effect which
rightly belongs to all the heartfelt in-
dividual utterance of literature. The
utterance might be distasteful, but it
represented an intellectual mood by no
means within everybody's reach, a
mood which was the result of high
culture working on a sensitive and
plastic nature, and of which the ex-
pression had the force as well as some
of the narrowness of passion. The
object of the book was to reproduce, as
vividly as possible, certain " special
unique impressions of pleasure/' made
on an individual mind by various
beautiful things in art and literature,
to " disengage the virtue of a picture,
a landscape, a fair personality in life
or in a book," so as to pass on the
experience of the author to the reader
intact, and as it were still warm with
feeling and-emotion. Such was the pro-
gramme laid down in the preface to the
Studies, while at the close of the book its
general principles found still more bold
and eloquent expression in sentences
which were much quoted, and scandal-
ised many to whom the rest of the book
remained altogether unknown. " The
service of philosophy," said Mr. Pater,
" and of religion and culture, to the
human spirit, is to startle it into a
the Epicurean : his Sensations and
Ideas, by Walter Pater, M.A., Fellow of Brase-
nose College, Oxford. 2 vols.
sharp and eager observation — not the
fruit of experience, but experience it-
self is the end. A counted number of
pulses only is given to us of a varied
dramatic life. How may we see in
them all that is to be seen in them by
the finest sense ? We are all con-
damnes, as Victor Hugo says : ' Les
hommes sont tons condamnes a mort
avec des sursis indefinis' We have
an interval, and then our place knows
us no more. Some spend this interval
in listlessness, some in high passions,
the wisest in art and song. For our
one chance is in expanding that inter-
val, in getting as many pulsations as
possible into the given time."
Here was the characteristic note of
the book. Mr. Pater, indeed, was
careful to explain that among " high
passions " he reckoned all the great
motives, political, religious, or scien-
tific, of mankind, and that what he
asked was simply that life under
whatever banner should be lived
strenuously an<Ljiot listlessly, with
ardour and not^^h apathy. Still it
was felt that the foundation of it all
was in the true sense epicurean. " Do
good and be good," he seemed to say ;
" learn and know, for one end only —
the end of a rich experience. All
other systems are delusive ; this only
justifies itself perpetually. Choose
and refine your experience ; cultivate
and enlarge your receptive faculties,
and make life yield you its best. There
is no other system of living which at
once commends itself to the reason and
satisfies the feeling."
Since this remarkable exposition of
what he himself in his later book calls
" a new Cyrenaicism," Mr. Pater has
published a certain number of scattered
essays, on Greek and English subjects,
of which the latter at least have
showed a steadily widening and de-
veloping power. The masterly essay
" Marius the Epicurean"
133
on Wordsworth, which appeared in the
Fortnightly Review, some years after the
Studies, must have taken some innocent
Wordsworthians by surprise. The
austere and yet tender feeling of the
whole, the suggestiveness and preg-
nancy of treatment, the deep sympathy
it showed for the peasant life and the
peasant sorrows, and a sort of bracing
mountain-breath in it, revealed new
qualities in the man whose name in
certain quarters had become unreason-
ably synonymous with a mere effemi-
nate philosophy of pleasure. The
two English studies which followed
the Wordsworth, one on Measure, for
Measure, the other on Charles Lamb,
though less intrinsically weighty, per-
haps, had even higher artistic merit,
while in the articles on the Demeter
myth, Mr. Pater employed extraordi-
nary resources of style with results
which were not wholly adequate to
the delicate labour spent upon them.
Then came an attempt in a totally
new direction — the curious story The
Child in t/te House, of which a
fragment appeared in Macmillan in
the course of 1879. The author
never finished it; nor is the fact to
be seriously regretted. The disguise
furnished by the * story for the
autobiographical matter, of which it
was obviously composed, was not a
particularly happy one; above all, it
was not disguise enough. Some form
of presentation more impersonal, more
remote from actual life was needed,
before the writer's thought could
allow itself fair play. Such a form
has now been found in the story of
Marius the Epicurean.
The scene of Marius is laid in the
second century, and the object of the
book is to trace the development of a
sensitive mind brought into contact
with the various spiritual and intel-
lectual forces which divided the Roman
world under the Antonines. In the
first place, the hero is brought up
among the primitive beliefs and senti-
ments of Latin rural life; his child-
hood is deeply influenced by the pieties,
the obligations, the venerable rites of
the old Roman religion, " the religion
of Numa," as an antiquarian time,
with a taste for archaic revivals, loved
to fancy it. From this life, rich in
survivals from a remote antiquity,
Marius passes on to the study of
rhetoric and philosophy at Pisa,
study which ultimately results in his
adoption of a delicate and refined
form of Epicureanism. His pursuit
of experience, of "exquisite sensa-
tions," is to be limited only by the
best sort of worldly wisdom, and by
the determination, inherent in the
gentle nature of the man, " to add
nothing, not so much as a passing
sigh even, to the great total of men's
unhappiness in his way through the
world."
" Nequ6 ille
Aut doluit miserans inopem, aut invidit
habenti."
From Pisa he goes to Rome, and is
deeply influenced by the life and char-
acter of Marcus Aurelius, while his
heart and brain are exercised by the
different problems presented by the
life and thought of Rome, its super-
stitions, its cruelties, its philosophies.
Although he holds himself proudly
aloof from the common superstitions
of the time, Marius becomes gradu-
ally conscious of certain needs of
feeling which his philosophy cannot
satisfy, and from a shadowy contact
with Theism he passes on to a sha-
dowy contact with Christianity, pre-
sented to him under its sweetest and
most attractive form. The fair spec-
tacle of Christian love and unity
impresses him deeply ; he is invaded
and conquered by the charm of Chris-
tian sentiment, and his imagination
is touched by the mysterious largeness
of the Christian promises. Still, to
the end, apparently, he remains intel-
lectually free, and the ambiguity of
his death, in which, while not a Chris-
tian, he suffers with the Christians,
fitly corresponds to the ambiguity of
the life which has gone before it.
Those who know Mr. Pater's work
will hardly need to be told with what
delicacy and beauty he has worked
134
" Marius the Epicurean."
out the theme of Marius. The
style has its drawbacks, but even in
those passages of it which suffer most
from a certain looseness and confusion
of plan, elements of distinction and
musical refinement are never wanting,
while at its best the fascination of it
is irresistible. There are some half-
dozen scenes, which in their own way
are unrivalled, where both thought
and expression are elaborated with a
sort of loving, lingering care, while
yet the general impression is- one of
subdued and measured charm, of a
fastidious self-control in the writer,
leading to a singular gentleness and
purity of presentation. Then to the
beauty of style, which springs from
his own highly-trained faculty, Mr.
Pater has added all that classical
culture could supply in the way of
adorning and enrichment. The trans-
lations from the literature, both Greek
and Latin, of the time, in which the
book abounds, are in themselves evi-
dence of brilliant literary capacity;
the version of Cupid and Psyche espe-
cially is a masterpiece. And there is
also added to the charm of style, and
deftly handled learning, a tenderness
of feeling, a tone of reverence for
human affections, and pity for the
tragedy of human weakness worthy
of George Eliot ; so that the book is
rich in attractiveness for those who
are content to take it simply as it is
offered them, and to lose themselves
in the feelings and speculations of the
hero, without a too curious inquiry
into the general meaning of it all, or
into the relation of the motives and
impressions described to the motives
and impressions of the nineteenth
century.
Most of those, however, who have
already fallen under Mr. Pater's spell
will certainly approach the book dif-
ferently. They will see in it a won-
derfully delicate and faithful reflection
of the workings of a real mind, and
that a mind of the nineteenth century,
and not of the second. The indirect
way in which the mental processes
which are the subject of the book are
presented to us, is but one more illus-
tration of an English characteristic.
As a nation we are not fond of direct
" confessions." All our autobio-
graphical literature, compared to the
French or German, has a touch of
dryness and reserve. It is in books
like Sartor JResartus, or The Nemesis
of Faith, Alton Locke, or Marius, rather
than in the avowed specimens of self-
revelation which the time has pro-
duced, that the future student of the
nineteenth century will have to look
for what is deepest, most intimate,
and most real in its personal ex-
perience. In the case of those na-
tures whose spiritual experience is
richest and most original, there is
with us, coupled with the natural
tendency to expression, a natural ten-
dency to disguise. We want to de-
scribe for others the spiritual things
which have delighted or admonished
ourselves, but we shrink from a too
great realism of method. English
feeling, at its best and subtlest,
has almost always something elusive
in it, something which resents a
spectator, and only moves at ease
when it has succeeded in interposing
some light screen or some obvious
mask between it and the public.
No one can fail to catch the auto-
biographical note of Marius who will
compare the present book with its
predecessors. Marius, in fact, as a
young man, starts in life on the prin-
ciples expressed in the concluding
pages of the /Studies. While still a
student at Pisa, he reads Heraclitus
and Aristippus, and resigns himself
to the teaching of these old Greek
masters. From Heraclitus, or from
his school, he learns the doctrine of
the " subjectivity of knowledge," ac-
cording to which " the momentary
sensible apprehension of the indi-
vidual is the only standard of what
is or is not;" while from Aristippus
he learns how to cultivate and refine
sensation, and how to make the philo-
sophy of pleasure minister to the most
delicate needs of the spiritual and
intellectual life.
Marius the Epicurean."
135
"How reassuring, after assisting
at so Ipng a debate about rival
criteria of truth, ••> to fall back upon
direct sensation, to limit one's aspira-
tion after knowledge to that ! In an
age, still materially so brilliant, so
expert in the artistic handling of
material things as that of Marcus
Aurelius, with sensible capacities
still unjaded, with the whole world
of classic art and poetry outspread
before it, and where there was more
than eye or ear could well take in —
how natural the determination to rely
exclusively upon the phenomena of
the senses, which certainly never de-
ceive us about themselves, about which
alone we can never deceive ourselves !
. . . not pleasure, but fulness, com-
pleteness of life generally, was the
practical ideal to which this anti-meta-
physical metaphysic really pointed.
And towards such a full or complete
life, a life of various yet select sen-
sation, the most direct and effective
auxiliary must be, in a word, Insight.
Liberty of soul, freedom from all the
partial and misrepresentative doctrine
which does but relieve one element of
our experience at the cost of another,
freedom from all the embarrassment
of regret for the past and calculation
on the future ; all that would be but
preliminary to the real business of
education — insight, insight through
culture, into all that the present mo-
ment holds in trust for us, as we stand
so briefly in its presence."
In this frame of mind Marius goes
up to Rome, makes acquaintance with
Marcus Aurelius, and is brought across
the Stoical philosophy then engaged
upon that great effort for the con-
quest of the Roman world, which was
to be apparently defeated by the
success of Christianity, and to find its
ultimate fruition, as Renan points out,
in the great system of Roman law, of
which it influenced the development,
and through which it has taken a partial
possession of modern life. The effect of
this contact with Stoicism on the flexible
mind of Marius, is to lead to a certain
modification of his main point of view ;
and in the remarkable chapter called
"Second Thoughts," Mr. Pater de-
scribes, in the person of Marius, what
is evidently the main development of
the mind which produced the Studies
in the History of the Renaissance. In
the first place there is an apology for
the " philosophy of moments," an ex-
planation of its naturalness, its in-
evitableness, so to speak, at the outset
of certain intellectual careers. " We
may note," says Marius' s biographer,
"as Marius could hardly have done,
that that new Cyrenaicism of his is
ever the characteristic philosophy of
youth — one of those subjective and
partial ideals, based on vivid, because
limited, apprehension of the truth of
one aspect of experience — in this case
of the beauty of the world and the
brevity of man's life in it — of which
it may be said that it is the special
vocation of the young to express
them." Such a youthful fanaticism,
" just because it seems to call on one
to make the sacrifice, accompanied by
a vivid sensation of power and will, of
what others value — the sacrifice of
some conviction, or doctrine, or sup-
posed first principle — for the sake of
that clear-eyed intellectual integrity
or consistency, which is like spotless
bodily cleanliness and nicety, or scrup-
ulous personal honour, — has for the
mind of the youthful student, when
he first comes to appreciate it, itself
the fascination of an ideal."
All sorts of incidents and influences
tend in youth to develop the Cyrenaic
theory. The changes of the seasons,
"the new poem in every spring,"
"life in modern London even, in the
heavy glory of summer," " the work-
shops of the artist " with all their
suggestions of beauty and refinement
— all these quicken the covetousness of
the artistic temperament, its eager-
ness to seize " the highly-coloured
moments which are to pass away so
quickly," and the satisfaction of a
natural passion becomes for a time a
reasoned principle of action.
But after a while the glamour of
youth dies away, and a man begins to
136
" Marius the Epicurean."
see that a system which has only
the worship and pursuit of "exquisite
moments" to recommend as a rule of
life, leaves three-fourths of life un-
touched. Mankind has never been
content to spend itself on a worship
of "moments," or in a pursuit of
fugitive impressions as such. Rather,
with a tenacious and pathetic faith, it
has sought for continuity, for what
lasts and binds, and can be handed on
from soul to soul. It has tried to fix
and distil the essence of innumerable
impressions in one great tradition —
the ethical tradition — which is at once
the product and the condition of human
life. To live in the mere pursuit of
sensations, however refined, is to live
outside this tradition, so far as is
possible, and therefore outside the
broad main stream of human history.
And more than this. As the stream
is strong and tyrannous and fills a
large bed, the wandering epicurean,
bent on an unfettered quest of sensa-
tions, may well find himself brought
into hostile and disastrous contact
with it, and may recognise, when too
late, his own puniness, and the strength
and masterfulness of the great cur-
rents and tendencies of things. The
individual bent on claiming "an
entire personal liberty of heart and
mind — liberty above all from conven-
tional answers to first questions," finds
all round him " a venerable system
of sentiment and ideas, widely ex-
tended in time and place, actually in
a kind of impregnable possession of
human life," and discovers that by iso-
lating himself from it, he is cutting
himself off from a great wealth of
human experience, from a great possi-
ble increase of intellectual " colour,
variety, and relief," which might be
gained by attaching himself to it.
Mr. Pater, it will be observed, still
speaks of morals as it were in terms
of aesthetics. His hero advances, or
partially advances, from the aesthetic
to the ethical standpoint, not because
of any " conventional first principles "
on which morals may depend for their
sanction, but because of the enriched
experience, the " quickened sympa-
thies " which are to be gained from the
advance. Practically, the same motive
power is at work in the second stage
as in the first. But as the sphere of
its operation enlarges, it tends to
coalesce and join hands with other
powers, starting from very different
bases. The worship of beauty, carried
far enough, tends to transform itself
into a passion moral in essence and in
aim. " For the variety of men's possi-
ble reflections on their experience, as
of that experience itself, is not really
as great as it seems. All the highest
spirits, from whatever contrasted points
they may have started, will yet be
found to entertain in their moral con-
sciousness, as actually realised, much
the same kind of company."
One feels as though one were read-
another Palace of Art with a differ-
ence ! Here, in Mr. Pater's system,
the soul ceases to live solitary in the
midst of a dainty world of its own
choice, not because it is overtaken by
any crushing conviction of sin and ruin
in so doing, but because it learns to
recognise that such a worship of beauty
defeats its own ends, that by opening
the windows of its palace to the outside
light and air, and placing the life within
under the common human law, it really
increases its own chances of beautiful
impressions, of "exquisite moments."
To put it in the language of the pre-
sent book, " Marius saw that he would
be but an inconsistent Cyrenaic — mis-
taken in his estimate of values, of loss
and gain, and untrue to the well-con-
sidered economy of life which he had
brought to Rome with him — that some
drops of the great cup would fall to
the ground " — if he did not make the
concession of a " voluntary curtailment
of liberty " to the ancient and won-
derful order actually in possession of
the world, if he did not purchase by a
willing self-control, participation in
that rich store of crystallised feeling re-
presented by the world's moral beliefs.
Still, although the fundamental ar-
gument is really the same as that on
which Mr. Pater based a general view
Marius the Epicurean."
137
of life twelve years ago, the practical
advance in position shown by the per-
sent book is considerable. " That
theory, or idea, or system," said the
writer of the Studies, in 1873, " which
requires of us the sacrifice of any part
of experience in consideration of some
interest into which we cannot enter, or
some abstract morality we have not
identified with ourselves, or what is
only conventional, has no real claim
upon us." ISTow the legitimacy and
necessity of some such sacrifice is ad-
mitted ; for evidently the one mental
process, in spite of the indirectness of
its presentation, is but a continuation
of the other. Marius carries on the
train of reflection begun by the Studies,
and the upshot of the whole so far is
a utilitarian or Epicurean theory of
morals. For, stripped of its poetical
dress, the ethical argument of Marius
is essentially utilitarian. After pro-
testing against the curtailment of ex-
perience in favour of " some abstract
morality we have not identified with
ourselves," Mr. Pater now presents
obedience to this same morality as
desirable, not because of any absolute
virtue or authority inherent in it, but
because practically obedience is a
source of pleasure and quickened
faculty to the individual.
There is nothing new, of course, in
such an argument, though Mr. Pater's
presentation of it is full of indi-
viduality and fresh suggestions. But
what makes the great psychological
interest of the book, while it con-
stitutes what seems to us its prin-
cipal intellectual weakness, is the
further application of this Epicurean
principle of an aesthetic loss and gain
not only to morals, but to religion.
We have described the way in which
Mr. Pater handles the claim of the
moral system of the civilised world
upon a mind in search of beauty. His
treatment of the claim of religion on a
similar order of mind is precisely the
same in tone and general plan. Just
as adhesion to the accepted moral order
enriches and beautifies the experience
of the individual, and so gives a
greater savour and attractiveness to
life, so acquiescence in the religious
order, which a man finds about him,
opens for him opportunities of feeling
and sensation which would otherwise
be denied him, provides him with a
fresh series of " exquisite moments,"
and brings him generally within the
range of an influence soothing and re-
fining, by virtue partly of its vene-
rableness, its source in an immemorial
past, partly of the wealth of beautiful
human experience which has gone, age
after age, to the strengthening of it.
From the contention in the chapter,
" Second Thoughts," that Cyrenaicism
disobeyed its own principles, and neg-
lected means of spiritual and intel-
lectual joy which it might have utilised,
by its contempt for all the established
forms of ancient religion; — from the ex-
pressions used in reference to Marius's
first contact with Christianity, when
the new faith appealed, "according
to the unchangeable law of his cha-
racter, to the eye, the visual faculty of
mind; — " from the constant dwelling
on the blitheness, and brightness, and
sweetness of Christian feeling, on the
poetry of Christian rites, and on the
way in which the pathos of the Chris-
tian story seemed to make all this
visible mortality, death itself, more
beautiful than any fantastic dream of
old mythology had ever hoped to make
it ; " — and lastly, from the persistent
intellectual detachment of Marius,
a detachment maintained apparently
through a long subsequent experience
of Christianity, and which makes him
realise when he is compromised with
the government, that for him martyr-
dom— to the Christian, " the over-
powering act of testimony that
Heaven had come down among men,"
— would be but a common execution ;
from all these different indications,
and from the melancholy beauty of
the death-scene, we gather a theory of
religious philosophy, which is much
commoner among us than most of us
think, but which has never been ex-
pressed so fully or so attractively as
in the story of Marius.
138
" Marius the Epicurean."
" Submit," it seems to say, " to the
religious order about you, accept the
common beliefs, or at least behave as
if you accepted them, and live habitu-
ally in the atmosphere of feeling and
sensation which they have engendered
and still engender ; surrender your
feeling, while still maintaining the
intellectual citadel intact ; pray, weep,
dream with the majority while you
think with the elect ; only so will you
obtain from life all it has to give, its
most delicate flavour, its subtlest
aroma."
Such an appeal has an extraordi-
nary force with a certain order of
minds. Probably as time goes we
shall see a larger and larger response
to it on the part of modern society.
But with another order of minds in
whom the religious need is not less
strong, it has not, and never will have,
any chance of success, for they regard
it as involving the betrayal of a worship
dearer to them than the worship of
beauty or consolation, and the sur-
render of something more precious to
them, than any of those delicate
emotional joys, which feeling, divorced
from truth, from the sense of reality,
has to offer. All existing religions
have issued from the sense of reality,
from a perception of some truth ;
certain facts or supposed facts of sense
or spirit have lain at the root of them.
It is surely a degradation of all
religion to say to its advocates, " Your
facts are no facts ; our sense of reality
is opposed to them ; but for the sake
of the beauty, the charm, the consola-
tion to be got out of the intricate
practical system you have built upon
this chimerical basis, we are ready to
give up to you all we can — our sympathy,
our silence, our ready co-operation in
all your lovely and soothing rites and
practices, hoping thereby to cheat life
of some of its pain, and to brighten
some of its darkness with dreams fairer
even than those which .^Esculapius
inspired in his votaries."
It is useful and salutary to compare
with such a temper as this, a temper
like dough's — that mood of heroic sub-
mission to the limitations of life and
mind which inspired all his verse,
that determination of his to seek no
personal ease or relief at the expense
of truth, and to put no fairy tales
knowingly into the place which belongs
to realities. How full his work is of
religious yearning and religious passion,
and yet how eloquent of a religious
fear lest the mind should hold its
" dread communion " with the unseen
" source of all our light and life,"
" in ways unworthy Thee," — how
instinct at times with an almost super-
human repudiation of the mere
personal need !
" It fortifies my soul to know
That, though I perish, Truth is so ;
That, howsoe'er I stray and range,
"Whate'er I do, Thou dost not change.
I steadier step when I recall
That, if I slip, Thou dost not fall."
Here is one "counsel of perfection,"
and a nobler one, as we hold it, than
the " counsel " which Mr. Pater has
embodied as a main drift or moral in
the story of Marius. But with this
protest our fault-finding comes to an
end.
There are many other minor points
in the book which would repay dis-
cussion. Has it clone justice to the
complexities either of the Roman
world or of Christianity in the second
century? In fairness to Marcus A u-
relius and the pagan world, ought
there not to have been some hint of
that aspect of the Christian question
which leads Renan to apply to the posi-
tion of the Christian in a pagan city
the analogy of that of " a Protestant
missionary in a Spanish town where
Catholicism is very strong, preaching
against the saints, the Virgin, and
processions "? " "Would it not have been
well, as an accompaniment to the ex-
quisite picture of primitive Christian
life, -to have given us some glimpse
into the strange excitements and agi-
tations of Christian thought in the
second century ? As far as Marius is
concerned, the different currents of
Christian speculation at the time
" Marius the Epicurean."
139
might hardly have existed. Then
again, is there not a little humour
wanting, which, according to the facts,
ought to have been there, in such a
description as that lovely one, of the
temple and rites of ^Esculapius 1 But
these questions we can only throw out
for the reader of Marius to ponder if
he will. However they may be an-
swered, the value and delightful-
ness of the book remain. It is
so full of exquisite work, of thought
fresh from heart and brain, that
when the reader has made all his
reservations, and steadily refused
his adhesion to this or that appeal
which it contains, he will come back
with fresh delight to the passages and
descriptions and re-veries in which a
poetical and meditative nature has
poured out a wealth of imaginative
reflection. Two pieces especially he
will lay by in the store-house of
memory — the " pagan death " of
Flavian, the half-Christian death of
Marius. Let us give a last satisfac-
tion to the feelings of admiration
stirred in us by a remarkable book by
quoting the beautiful concluding par$-
graph which describes how the sensi-
tive soul of Marius passes from the
world it had sought so early to under-
stand and enjoy : —
.... "Then, as before, in 'the wretched,
sleepless nights of those forced marches, he
would try to fix his mind — as it were impas-
sively, and like a child thinking over the toys
it loves, one after the other, that it may
fall asleep so, and forget all about them
the sooner — on all the persons he had loved
in life — on his love for them, dead or living,
grateful for his love or not, rather than on
theirs for him — letting their images pass away
again, or rest with him, as they would. In
the bare sense of having loved, he seemed to
find, even amid this foundering of the ship,
' that on which his soul might assuredly rest
and depend. ' ... It was after a space of deep
sleep that he awoke amid the murmuring
voices of the people who had kept and tended
him so carefully through his sickness, now
kneeling around his bed ; and what he heard
confirmed, in his then perfect clearness of soul,
the spontaneous suggestion of his own bodily
feeling. He had often dreamt that he had
been condemned to die, that the hour, with wild
thoughts of escape, had arrived ; and awaking,
with the sun all around him, in complete
liberty of life, had been full of gratitude for
his plac^ there, alive still, in the land of the
living. He read surely, now, in the manner,
the doings of these people, some of whom
were passing away through the doorway,
where the sun still lay heavy and full,
that his last morning was come, and turn to
think again of the beloved. Of old, he had
often fancied that not to die on a dark and
rainy day would itself have a little alleviating
grace cr favour about it. The people around
his bed were praying fervently: Abi! Abil
anima Christiana ! In the moments of his
extreme helplessness the mystic bread had
been placed, had descended like a snow-flake
from the sky, between his lips. Soothing
fingers had applied to hands and feet, to all
those old passage-ways of the senses through
which the world had come and gone from him,
now so dark and obstructed, a medicinable
oil. It was the same people who, in the grey,
austere evening of that day, took up his re-
mains, and buried them secretly with their
accustomed prayers ; but with joy also, hold-
ing his death, according to their generous view
in this matter, to have been in the nature of a
martyrdom ; and martyrdom, as the Church
had always said, is a kind of sacrament with
plenary grace."
M. A. W.
140
MOMMSEN 'S NEW VOLUME.
THE book for which the learned world
has been waiting for thirty years has
come at last. Dr. Theodor Mommsen
has just published the fifth volume of
his Roman History on TJie Provinces
from Ccesar to Diocletian. Thus is
picked up the thread dropped in 1855,
when the third volume of the History
was given to the world, but the thread
is carried over a gap as yet unfilled.
The fourth volume is yet to come ; the
internal and constitutional history of
the empire, as Mommsen can tell it,
has not yet been told. In his view
the history of the provinces presses
more urgently for the telling, as it
has nowhere been made accessible to
the general public in a convenient
form, and as the imperial system is
wont in consequence to be incorrectly
and unfairly judged. The fourth
volume will follow ; perhaps there
may even be a sixth, specially devoted
to the later empire of Diocletian, who
effected changes in the Eoman State
at least as great as those effected by
Augustus, and to that general survey
and summary of results which the pre-
sent volume, ending as it does abruptly
with the details of the provincial
government of Africa, nowhere sup-
plies. It is not unreasonable to hope
that this may yet be done. Mommsen
has been working and writing on
Roman history for over forty years —
grande mortalis cevi spatium — since his
first essay was published in 1843. But,
for all this vast activity, he is yet
hardly an old man. Madvig is eighty-
one, Ranke is over ninety, Mommsen
is only sixty-eight. He has yet to
carry the great Berlin Corpus of In-
scriptions, of which he is chief editor,
to a fortunate conclusion ; his Consti-
tutional History of Rome has yet to be
completed by a volume on the senate ;
and the Roman History, in which the
results of all this thorny erudition are
made accessible to the general reader,
is at present a splendid fragment.
Students all over the world will wish
to the great toiler the health and long
life and unslackening energy needful to
make his life's work a rounded and
triumphant whole.
The present volume is the sign and
consummation of the great centrifugal
movement which has marked the study
of Roman history for thirty years, and
of which Mommsen himself has been
the pioneer. Such a conception of the
Roman empire as that presented in the
pages of Suetonius, where the centre of
interest is the character of the reign-
ing emperor, is long out of date. The
Orbis Romanus takes the place of
Rome. The archaeologist feels a thrill
of deeper interest at the sight of the
grass-grown amphitheatres of Birten
or Lillebonne, the camp at Housesteads
on the bleak Northumbrian fell, or the
lonely column of Avenches,than he feels
at Verona or at Rome. The student
of politics is sensible that he cannot
know too much of the Roman system —
how Rome administered, and assimi-
lated, and civilised her heterogeneous
subject world — and there are few coun-
tries in Europe, if, indeed, pace Mr.
Freeman, there is one, where such a
student does not ever more strongly
realise the greatness of the mark which
Rome has left upon the present. Along
with the displacement of the interest
in Roman history — the transfer from
centre to circumference — has gone an
immense extension of our knowledge of
the Roman world. With the growth
of the interest have grown the means
of gratifying it. The authors are
microscopically studied from this point
of view, but the authors did not as a
rule share the point of view them-
selves, and the complaint of an his-
Mommsen's New Volume.
141
torian like Mommsen is that they tell
us what does not signify, and leave out
everything we want to know. Luckily
new and boundless sources of informa-
tion have been supplied by the inscrip-
tions, which, for this period, when
every successful soldier wrote every
step of his career on stone, and cities
entrusted their laws and constitutions
to the imperishable bronze, are of over-
whelming value and importance. The
fifteen stately volumes of the Berlin
Corpus are a mine into which only the
first shafts have as yet been sunk, and
the material supplied for the Greek
East by the Greek inscriptions of the
period is almost as considerable. The
coins are only less important, and it is
no exaggeration to say that a historian
of the Roman empire who has not used
this new material, and does not know
at least its main results, is just as obso-
lete as Rollin. New light has also
been given by the deeper and closer
study of topography. The Germans
have worked out the whole system of
the Roman roads, towns, and fortifica-
tions along the Rhine, and a large part
of the results has been embodied in
maps, such as Paulus's magnificent
archaeological chart of Wiirtemburg.
In England the Roman wall — perhaps
the most wonderful monument of
themselves which the Romans have
left in any province — has been investi-
gated with the most assiduous patience
and success. Mommsen pays the la-
bours of men like Hodgson and Dr.
Bruce a merited compliment when he
declares that it is the only monument
of the kind which has been properly
examined, and expresses himself as by
comparison dissatisfied with the corre-
sponding work which has been done
upon the Germanic and Rhsetian
limites in Germany. Much light has
also been thrown upon the road-system
by a number of students, among whom
Mr. Thompson Watkin has done par-
ticularly good work. In France the
results of the labours of innumerable
inquirers have been summed up in the
three volumes of Desjardin's Geography
of Roman Gaul. In Spain almost
everything is still to do, but the
second volume of the Corpus supplies
the requisite basis, and there are signs
of the rise of a serious school of histori-
cal and archaeological students in that
country. In North Africa the French
have done much, and will do more.
Some of the chief results have been
put together by Boissiere, in his
Roman Algeria, and by Tissot in
his Geography of the Roman Pro-
vince of Africa. For the Danubian
lands there are books like Planta's
Rhcetia, Milliner's Emona, Zippel's
Illyria, Cons's Dalmatia, Kammel's
Austria, and a young English scholar,
Mr. A. F. Evans, who has already
done good work in that district, will, it
is to be hoped, some day produce an
authoritative work upon Illyricum in
its widest sense. In the western part
of Dacia, the present Transylvania,
much has been done by Gooss and
others, but the eastern half of the
province has been left almost un-
touched ; and but little has been done
in Bulgaria and Eastern Roumelia,
Mcesia and Thrace. Great advances
have of late been made in our know-
ledge of Asia Minor by travellers like
Perrot, Hirschfeld, Benndorff, and
Mr. W. M. Ramsay, and the results
so far obtained have been carefully
mapped by Dr. Kiepert, who has
always given special attention to the
geography of Asia Minor. The Eng-
lish military Consuls in Asia Minor
are also believed to have done much.
" Our mission," wrote Sir Charles
Wilson, the Consul-General, a year
ago, " was a political one, but we were
determined to bring back as much in-
formation as we could of a country at
once so interesting and so little known.
The geographical results were, briefly,
a complete military survey of the
Taurus range from the mountains of
Lycia to the Persian frontier ; of the
Anti-Taurus, and of Mount Amanus
from the Taurus to the Beilan Pass. Sur-
veys were also made of the Cilician Plain,
of the country around Mount Argseus,
of portions of Paphlagonia and Pontus,
and every important road in the
142
Mommsen's New Volume.
country was examined and sketched.
. . I believe if our sketches were put
together, as I hope they may be some
day, we should be able to reconstruct
the ancient road system of the country,
to follow the marches of Cyrus, Alex-
ander, Manlius, and Caesar in ancient
times, and, in more modern, the march
of the Crusaders to Palestine, to
understand the mountain campaigns
of Cicero, the long struggle of the
Byzantine emperors with the Seljuk
and Ottoman Turks, and to lay down
with fair accuracy the boundaries of the
ancient provinces." Such a statement
is eminently calculated to make a
geographer's mouth water, and it is
not surprising that Dr. Kiepert should
have applied to the War Office for
leave to examine and utilise the
sketches and plans brought home by
the English Consuls. It is said that
the War Office, no doubt for reasons
connected with Sir Charles Wilson's
reference to a " military survey," have
not felt themselves at liberty to accede
to the great geographer's request. But
it would be disgraceful that such
materials should be pigeon-holed for
ever in the War Office. They are the
only tangible result of the labours of
the Consuls, who were appointed to
" watch the introduction of reforms
under the Anglo-Turkish Convention,"
and it is much to be hoped that Sir
Charles Wilson's " some day " is not
synonymous with the Greek Kalends.
The map of the Orbis Romanus is
thus being gradually built up. On
the detailed history of almost every
province an immense mass of know-
ledge has been accumulated. It is
possible to give the names of every
regiment, of regulars or auxiliaries,
that ever formed part of the garrison
of Britain, and to indicate the head-
quarters of almost every one of them.
We know the site of every Roman
villa in Southern England, and we
also know, and can argue something
as to the comparative Romanisation of
Northern and Southern England from
the knowledge, that not a single villa
has been found north of Aldborough.
The great camps at Mainz, on the
Saalburg, at Xanten, at Chester, and
on Hadrian's Wall, have been explored.
A whole district has been worked
over for the site of a battlefield, and
after a literature has been written on
the defeat of Yarus, the scene of the
battle is fixed (by Hofer and Momm-
sen) no longer at Detmold but at
Osnabriick. An amount of extrane-
ous knowledge has thus been obtained
which enables us to press with incom-
parable power upon the texts, and to
extract from them the last syllable
they are capable of telling us. The
new materials, epigraphic, numismatic,
and topographical, enable us some-
times to illustrate the texts, some-
times to supplement them, sometimes
even summarily to correct them. The
specialists at work in each province
have accumulated for the historian a
mass of valuable information such as
Dr. Arnold foresaw would be brought
together when he wrote (in 1838) that
" he who attempts to write history in
the interval between the awakened
consciousness of the defects of our
knowledge and that fuller light which
may hereafter remove them, labours
under peculiar disadvantages." At
the same time the work done has been
in the main that of specialists, and it
has had the defects of its qualities.
" It is unfortunately the rule," wrote
Mommsen, in an essay published in
the course of last year, " for a writer
on a province of the Roman empire to
know as little of the empire as those
who occupy themselves with the
Roman empire are wont to know of
the individual provinces." The time
had come for a serious effort to sift
this information, to piece out the
story, and put the facts together in
their true relations, and Mommsen
was the man to do it. He knows the
empire and he knows the provinces.
His authority on the early history of
Rome is no doubt considerable, but
any one familiar with the work he
has poured out in such profusion
during the last twenty years was well
aware that his real subject was the
Mommsen' s New Volume.
143
empire. He has prepared himself
by editing the Digest, by a general
editorship of the Corpus, to which he
has moreover contributed from his
own hand a good half of the 72,000
separate articles of which its fifteen
volumes are composed, by the elaborate
study of the Roman constitutional
machinery in the Staatsrecld (the
second part of the second volume deals
exclusively with the Principate), and
by countless essays on cognate sub-
jects in the great classical reviews of
Germany.
The biographer of Charles Tissot
tells us that that excellent scholar
and austere but admirable man " was
not lavish with his praises ; even
Borghesi seemed to him overrated ;
but when he spoke of M. Mommsen,
of the prodigious activity of this
savant, who in the midst of his gigan-
tic labours finds time to keep up a
vast correspondence in four languages,
never leaving a letter without answer
or a problem without solution, he pro-
nounced a word — the word ' genius '
— which was not accustomed to pass
his lips. ' This man discourages one,'
he once remarked to me, after reading
one of the last numbers of the Ephe-
meris, ' the novelties of a text which
are obscurities for us are shafts of
light for him ; when I see what he
accomplishes I should like to break
my pen.' "
The book to whose author's qualifi-
cations such testimony is borne, is a
stout volume of over 650 pages, and,
bulky though it is, the reader will be
struck quite as much by what it omits
as by what it contains. It nowhere
discusses the nature of the Roman
provincial administration in general ;
there is no account of the internal
arrangements of those provincial
towns whose self-government is so
important and so interesting an ele-
ment in the Roman system ; above all,
there is no general discussion, such as
Mommsen could have given us better
than any living man, of the Roman
system of taxation and finance. Chris-
tianity is but slightly touched, though
there is a pregnant remark to the effect
that the persecution of Christians was
normal just as much as the persecution
of banditti. Both were alike law-
breakers, and if there was no persecu-
tion for a long time together, that was
not an affair of law at all, but merely
of public policy and the character of
the individual governor. There is a
luminous hint, too, in the amusing
passage on the Asiarchs, the high-
priests of the province, who really
were nothing less than pagan bishops
with the spiritual interests of the
province in their charge, and who,
maintaining as they did a very stiff
standard of orthodoxy, were naturally
the first to bring the law into opera-
tion against the Christians. But,
speaking generally, the lack of any
account of the new religion is one of
the puzzles of the volume. So, too,
the reader of the chapter on Spain
will be disappointed to find no account
of the municipal constitutions of Malaga
and TJrsao, or of the very interesting
mining communities of Lusitania, and
the section on Dacia supplies no hints
as to the much-debated question of
Rouman nationality. Some of these
omissions will no doubt be made good
in the fourth volume, others are due
to Mommsen' s strict limitation of his
subject to the first three centuries.
Beyond Diocletian he does not look.
The reader must regard the book as
a kind of glorified gazetteer of the
Roman empire, in which almost all
the great general questions are treated
as if already handled or already known,
and in which the results of much la-
borious investigation are tacitly as-
sumed, sometimes indeed stated with
a certainty that hardly perhaps pro-
perly belongs to them. He will find
almost every point of Rome's foreign
policy discussed. From no previous
book could one get at a general notion
of the frontier policy — or policies — of
Rome. It is the only book which
gives a statement of the frontier
policy in Egypt, and, the geographical
conditions of the problem being pre-
cisely the same as they were when
144
Mommsen's New Volume.
the Romans held Egypt, even the
most matter-of-fact politician, and the
one with the robustest contempt for his-
torical analogies, may be glad to know,
without having to hunt through Strabo,
Pliny, and Procopius for the informa-
tion, that the Romans resolutely held
aloof from the Soudan, and thought
the frontier sufficiently guarded with
1200 troops at Assouan. The book
is greatly swelled by the space given
to the wars — to the Jewish wars, for
instance, the Parthian wars, the
wars on the Rhine and Danube. It
is not simply an account of the pro-
vinces. That could have been done
in half the space, or rather the space
saved from the wars could have been
utilised partly for some general chap-
ters on the administration, partly for
fuller details of the individual pro-
vinces. If the foreign history of the
empire is to be told over again in the
fourth volume, there will be a good
deal of inevitable repetition. If, on
the other hand, the wars of the empire
and its foreign relations generally are
held to be sufficiently discussed in the
present volume, then it must be al-
lowed that the geographical basis of
the book has its disadvantages, that
it is impossible to gain from it a clear
and comprehensive idea of the foreign
policy of any given reign, and that it
is, in fact, open to some of the objec-
tions which the veteran French savant,
M. E. Egger, urged long ago against
the similar plan of Appian.
In a gazetteer — even a glorified
gazetteer — the element of human in-
terest is not to be expected. " Pic-
turesque detail, studies of motive, and
vignettes of character, my book," says
Mommsen, "has not to offer. It is
permitted to the artist, but not to the
historian, to imagine the features of
Arminius. With renunciation has
this book been written, and with re-
nunciation it must be read." "We
should be grateful therefore for the
few "vignettes of character," bitten
in with a few sharp and vigorous
strokes, from which the historian of
the younger Cato, and Cicero, and
Pompey has been unable altogether
to withhold his hand. Antony is
briefly characterised : " One of those
purely military talents which, in front
of the enemy, and especially in a
critical position, know to strike with
equal courage and sagacity, he lacked
the statesman's purpose, the sure grasp
and resolute prosecution of the poli-
tical end in view." Trajan is " a man
of big deeds, and yet bigger words."
Tiberius, " the most capable ruler that
the empire produced," is painted as
"the old lion" dying on his rock of
Caprese, but capable of rousing him-
self on occasion from the inaction that
had crept over him with years, and of
showing that he was " still formidable
to others besides his courtiers, and not
the man to allow himself, and in his
person Rome, to be slighted without
taking vengeance on the offender."
Germanicus is slightly touched ; evi-
dently Mommsen regards him as an
overrated personage ; but there is a
sympathetic portrait of the "heroic
figure" of his father Drusus, the
brilliant young prince who came so
near to conquering Germany for good
and all, and extending the Roman
frontier and Roman civilisation per-
manently to the Elbe. These, how-
ever, are almost the only portraits in
the book, and one cannot but regret
that the historian's pen has passed so
quickly over Corbulo, the veteran
general of the Armenian campaigns ;
Suetonius Paulinus, equally at home
and equally resourceful on the hot
Algerian plateau and amid the swamps
and forests of northern Britain ; Lucius
Quietus, that Othello of the second
century, the Moorish sheikh who did
such yeoman's service in Dacia under
Trajan, and who rose at last to be
consul and governor of Palestine ; and
many another of those veteran war-
riors and veteran statesmen whom
Professor Seeley rightly calls " the
glory of the empire."
But enough on what the book
omits, or, rather, what the author
deliberately refuses to give us. What
he gives us is in all conscience wide
Mommsen's New Volume.
145
enough. The detail of the book is
inexhaustible, and it is impossible to
follow the author through province
after province. But a fair idea of its
general bearings may perhaps be
gathered from a brief examination of :
1. The foreign relations of the em-
pire, with special reference to the
frontiers and the army ; 2. The town-
system ; and 3. The relations of Rome
and Hellas.
1. " The Romans," says Appian, " sit
round their empire in a circle with
great armies, and watch all that vast
expanse of land and sea as if it were a
single town." The army was not in
Italy — it was one of Augustus's main
objects not only to get rid of any
excuse for a military command in
Italy, but to keep the legions well
outside of the Alpine region — or in
Gaul, or the civilised parts of Spain or
Africa. The legions were on the fron-
tiers— on the Rhine, the Euphrates, the
Danube, and the edge of the Libyan
desert. The Romans boasted that
they needed not to keep troops in the
interior of the provinces to hold their
subjects down, and on the whole —
though it is to be remembered that
the troops on the Rhine could also be
used, if need were, against the Gauls,
and that Hadrian's Wall in Britain
was so constructed as to be defensible
against the Brigantes of Yorkshire
and Lancashire as well as against the
Caledonii — the boast was justified.
Speaking generally, the Roman army
of the early empire was the sum of
the frontier garrisons, and its total
strength — 250,000 men at the outside
— was extraordinarily small. The
greatest strength was on the Rhine,
where, reckoning the outlying garri-
sons of Vindonissa (Windisch, near
Briigg in Switzerland) and Novio-
magus (Nymwegen), the total force
could not have been less than 80,000
men. There ought of course to have
been an army over and above these
garrisons, ready to be moved at any
moment to a threatened point, and
there is some ground for thinking that
such an army entered into Ctesar's
No. 308. — VOL. LIT.
plans. But as a matter of fact there
was nothing of the kind, and if the
frontier was specially threatened at a
particular point, its guard could only
be strengthened by detachments from
other legions, or, in extreme cases, by
moving up whole legions for the time
being from neighbouring provinces.
That is, the frontier could only be
strengthened at one point by being
denuded at another, and it is needless
to point out the disadvantages and
dangers of such a system. In quiet
times a given frontier was held by
one or two great fortresses — Mogun-
tiacum (Mainz) and Yetera (Xanten),
for instance, on the Rhine — with a
chain of smaller forts (castella) in
between. There was an elaborate
system of signalling both by night
and day, and no effort was spared to
make the whole line a living chain, so
that the approach of danger at any
point was instantaneously communi-
cated, and troops came pouring in.
The electrical condition of the frontier,
which it was the object thus to bring
about, made it unnecessary to keep
the garrisons of the innumerable
castella perpetually on a war footing.
In time of peace there were only just
enough men in each of them to patrol
the roads and keep up the watch. An
inscription found recently in Bulgaria
gives the complete list of the garrison
of one of these castella in Lower
Mresia. It was held by just seventy-
six men ; whereas, on a war footing,
the garrison would probably be two
cohorts, or 1000 men. Such was the
way in which the Lower Rhine was
certainly held, and it is very certain
that the sixty-two castella which
guarded the Germanic limes out beyond
the Neckar were not garrisoned,as some
antiquaries have vainly imagined, by
38,000 men. That is the general type
of frontier defence — a couple of for-
tresses of the first rank, numerous
castella, weakly held, at intervals of
five to ten miles, and every pre-
paration made to concentrate a
strong force at any moment on a
given point. But it was to be expected
146
Mommsen's New Volume.
that the idea should occur of convert-
ing the pliant chain into a rigid bar,
of bridging over the intervals between
the castella, in short of making the
physical obstacle to an enemy continu-
ous. This was done in Germany, in
lower Mcesia (where a wall was run
from the Danube to Tomi — Kusten-
dje — and another, further north, from
the Pruth to the Dniester), and above
all in Britain. The German wall,
which was not more than ten or twelve
feet high at the outside, started from
Brohl (between Remagen and Ander-
nach), in other words from the north-
ern border of the province of Upper
Germany, inclosed the Taunus range
and the town of Friedberg, then
turned south to the Main at Gross-
krotzenburg and followed it to Milten-
berg. It then took a bee-line across
country to Lorch, where it joined the
Rhsetian limes which ran from that
place eastwards to the Danube near
Ratisbon. The wall was not a physical
obstacle in the full sense, and the line
of country followed seems often to
have been taken in defiance of purely
military considerations. In peace time
the wall served the purpose of keeping
out brigands (as, even if they could get
across it unperceived at night, they
could not bring back the cattle and
the booty-laden carts, which alone
made the trouble and danger of a raid
worth while), of facilitating the collec-
tion of the customs, and imposing a
barrier — moral rather than physical,
but in ordinary times no doubt effect-
ual— to the movements of population
westwards. This was a very different
affair to the formidable British wall,
twenty feet high, with its numerous
camps, towers, and small castella,
which really Avas a physical obstacle
of a very serious kind, and the garri-
son of which, moreover, was kept always
on a war footing. The constant dan-
ger from the Caledonian tribes, com-
bined with the smallness of the neck
of land to be defended, made a real
Chinese wall here possible. There
were at least 10,000 troops along the
line of the wall, and 2000 or 3000 in
strong positions to the rear, near
enough to be called up at the approach
of danger.
Where Rome came directly into con-
tact with uncivilised races, and had to
take upon herself the protection of the
frontier, that was how she set about
it. There was always the chain of
forts, and sometimes the chain stiffened
into a continuous bar. But frontiers
of that kind all over the world were
expensive in men and money, and
Rome, having not too much of either,
naturally and inevitably tried to save
herself this burden by the expedient,
where it seemed possible and not too
dangerous, of buffer States. Thrace
was at one time such a State. Augus-
tus looked to the princes of the Odry-
sse to see that the peace was not
broken on the Lower Danube, and
withdrew the legions from the north-
ern frontier of Macedonia. The princes
of Palmyra and Petra kept the peace
for Rome, one on the lower Euphrates,
the other on the edge of the Arabian
desert. But the great and typical
instance of such a State was, of course,
Armenia, which occupied between
Rome and Parthia much the position
that Afghanistan occupies between
England and Russia. Parthia was the
only State which stood on anything
like an equal footing with Rome. The
East regarded them as rival and almost
equal Powers, and the extraordinary
place which Parthia occupies in the
literature of the early empire — for
instance, in the Odes of Horace — shows
that at heart the Romans recognised
the justice of such a view. The defeat
of Crassus left a greater and more
ineffaceable impression on the Roman
mind than the defeat of Yarus. But
the idea that an imperial Power like
that of Rome could formally recognise
another Power as entitled to treat with
it on an equal footing, and to live side
by side with it in peace, divided only
by a mutually-accepted frontier, was
foreign to antiquity, and foreign most
of all to Rome. Rome would not be
content to let Parthia come up to the
left bank of the Euphrates, and exer-
Mommseris New Volume.
147
cise undisputed authority in Armenia,
while she looked on with friendly
equanimity from the left bank of the
great river. She pushed her preten-
sions accordingly across the Euphrates,
and aimed at making of Armenia a
buffer State, under her exclusive in-
fluence, between herself and Parthia.
But Armenia properly belonged to the
East, not to the West. It had been
never Hellenised. It had almost every-
thing in common with Parthia, and
nothing in common with Rome. The
Romans, therefore, in face of the steady
opposition of Parthia, which was
sometimes active, sometimes passive,
but always there, had their work cut
out for them in Armenia. The Roman
suzerainty could be asserted only by
constant war, or the constant menace
of war, and so there was unceasing
friction, and no possibility of enduring
peace between Rome and Parthia.
There were only two sound alterna-
tives— either to annex Armenia or to
leave it alone, either to allow the
Parthian dominion to come up to the
Euphrates or to push forward the
Roman dominion to the Tigris. With
his usual love for half measures,
Augustus would do neither. The con-
sequence was that between B.C. 20 and
A.D. 54, hardly a year passed in which
Roman legions were not led across the
Euphrates, and there was never-ending
war with Parthia. The capable
ministers who administered the empire
in the first years of Nero's reign saw
that there was no end or issue to the
existing state of things, and deter-
mined to take a new departure. They
consented that Parthian influence
should be as great in Armenia as that
of Rome. Hitherto, Rome had always
been willing to make war in order to
prevent Armenia being made an
appanage of the Parthian crown. It
was now arranged that the crown of
Armenia should be reserved for a
member of the royal house of Parthia,
but that the feudatory relation between
Rome and Armenia should still out-
wardly exist, and that every new
Armenian prince should do homage to
the Emperor for his crown. This
arrangement, while paying every
regard to Roman susceptibilities, really
handed Armenia over to Parthia ; but,
failing annexation, it was, at least, a
workable and consistent plan, and it
had the effect of keeping the peace
between Rome and Parthia for forty
years. Parthia was the first to break
the bargain. Trajan had as usual
appointed a successor to the Armenian
throne, at that time vacant, but his
nominee was a member of the Parthian
royal family. He was therefore with-
in his right, and when the reigning
King of Parthia appointed another
Arsacid, Trajan declared war. He
conquered Armenia, incorporated both
it and Mesopotamia with the Empire,
and even cherished the idea of over-
running and reducing Parthia. His
death put an end to these great
designs, and Hadrian, finding that the
new acquisitions could not be main-
tained without a proportionate increase
of the army, let them lapse. Severus,
however, went back to Trajan's
frontier, and after nearly a century of
struggles with the neo - Persian
empire of the Sassanidse, which
had displaced the semi-Hellenised
Parthian dynasty early in the third
century, the wisdom of Trajan's
forward policy was once more vin-
dicated. Diocletian extended the
frontier to the Tigris, and incorporated
southern Armenia with the empire.
This was the end of the policy of
buff er States. The inherent difficulties
in the way of this policy — the difficulty
of maintaining paramount influence in
a country while leaving it nominally
independent; and the difficulty of
securing that while not too strong for
dependence, the buffer State should
be strong enough to hold its own
against any one but the suzerain —
were strongly felt by Rome. Thrace
had been bodily taken over by Claudius,
and Trajan made a clean sweep of all
the client- States left, beginning with
Petra and ending with Armenia.
Armenia is not the only quarter in
which Mommsen is strongly of opinion
L 2
148
Mommsen's New Volume.
that the forward policy was right. In
his view the clades Variana — the de-
struction by the Germans of Varus
and his legions in the neighbourhood
of Osnabriick — is a riddle. It is diffi-
cult to understand why it should have
had such enormous consequences.
" One can hardly conceive that the
annihilation of an army of 20,000
men, unattended by further immediate
military consequences, should have
given a decisive turn to the high
policy of a wisely-ruled world- State."
A frontier constituted by the Danube
and Elbe would have been shorter
and better than one constituted by the
Danube and the Rhine. Moreover to
have put the great frontier armies on
the Elbe instead of on the Rhine
would have been to carry out the
cardinal maxim of Augustus' s policy —
the removal of the great commands to
as great a distance as possible from
Rome and Italy — and an Elbe army
could hardly have played in the history
of the empire the sinister part which
was actually played by the army of
the Rhine. Tiberius, the veteran of a
hundred fights, had had so much to
do with the conquest of Germany,
that the renunciation of a forward
policy beyond the Rhine could hardly
have been agreeable to him personally.
Perhaps a man living in those times
could not have asked himself the
further great question, which naturally
occurs to the historian, who looks
back, not only on the first century of
our era, but on the fifth as well, and
all tLat have come after. The ques-
tion is, whether the incorporation of
Germany as far as the Elbe would not
have made the empire inexpugnably
strong, and whether with the Roman-
ised German races as a rampart and a
vanguard, Rome could not have victo-
riously beaten off the not less brave
but infinitely less organised races that
lay further to the east and north. If
Rome's interests were to be the
standard of the world's interests —
which a Roman might well be excused
for thinking — the forward policy in
Germany was right. It was, probably,
also right in Britain, where it was
strongly advised by the noblest Roman
who ever took in hand the government
of the country. Agricola wanted to
annex the whole island, and Ireland
into the bargain, and if this had once
been done, the maintenance of Britain
would in all probability have been
much less costly in money and men.
As things were, with the constant
menace of the tribes beyond the wall,
Rome found to her no small disgust
that she had to occupy this poor and
remote province with no less than
three legions and an unusually large
army of auxiliaries. In another region
and at another time Rome had a still
greater opportunity, and it was delibe-
rately thrown away. After six years
of incessant warfare M. Aurelius had
subdued the Marcomanni (Bohemia),
and they were followed by the Quadi
(Moravia) and the lazyges (a frag-
ment of the Sarmatian race settled in
the basin of the Theiss, and who,
after conquest, supplied a contingent
of auxiliary cavalry, of which the
greater part was sent to Britain, and
stationed at Ribchester and other
places in the north). It was his
intention, and it was well within his
power, to make two new provinces,
Marcomannia and Sarmatia. Thus
once more the upper Elbe was in the
grasp of Rome. Dacia would no
longer have been a mere outpost,
hardly tenable in the long run if
it continued to stand alone. It would
have been one of a colossal ring of
frontier provinces beyond the Danube
and the Rhine. Marcus Aurelius was
not the man to annex for annexation's
sake, and Mommsen believes his
policy to have been the right one.
Yet Commodus renounced it at once,
and apparently without hesitation,
on his father's death. Commodus's
name is a poor guarantee for any
policy, and if his action stood alone
it might merely be referred to his
personal incapacity. But when we
find Augustus and Tiberius refusing
to make good the defeat of Varus,
Domitian — " one of the most diligent
Mommseris New Volume.
149
administrators whom the empire pro-
duced " — deliberately checking the
advance of his victorious general in
Britain, and Hadrian renouncing
Armenia and Mesopotamia, it is
natural to suppose that there were
general and perhaps solid causes for
this assiduous avoidance of any large
extension of the responsibilities of
empire.
The fact is that the empire was
poor. This paid army of 250,000
long-service soldiers, though too small
for the work it had to do, was large
enough to be uncommonly expensive.
Nothing either in money or men was
to be got out of Italy, and the burden
on the provinces was already about as
much as they could carry. Augustus
and Tiberius gave up Germany, Domi-
tian Britain, Hadrian Armenia and
Mesopotamia, CommodusMarcomannia
and Sarmatia, mainly because each
extension of the frontier would have
demanded a corresponding increase in
the army, which again could only be
effected by a corresponding increase of
the taxation. Finance was the weak
spot of the Roman empire, as is it not
the weak spot of every empire ? But
the foreign policy of the empire was
crippled by something more than want
of means. The imperial system was
from its very nature hostile to thorough
military efficiency. Augustus had
established the dynastic principle on a
weak and insufficient basis, and directly
it failed there was no reason why any
successful soldier should not be
emperor. As the army in fact made
the emperors, the reigning prince was
naturally slow to give great commands
to any but members of his own house.
Directly young Gaius was killed by a
chance stroke in Armenia, Augustus
renounced the forward policy in Ar-
menia altogether, there being no
member of his own family left to
execute it. In the same way provinces
were divided, in order to divide the
military command, although military
considerations enjoined its retention
in a single hand. Mommsen for in-
stance suggests that the reason for
dividing Britain into two commands,
and keeping half the troops at Chester
and Caerleon, whereas they were really
Avanted a good deal further north, was
to prevent a single provincial governor
having the control of so large a
force as three legions with an unusually
full complement of auxiliary, horse
and foot. Even these weaknesses
would perhaps hardly suffice to explain
the shortcomings of the empire in
foreign policy, if we still cherished the
delusion that the troops were "Roman."
But the difficulties in the way of
sending drafts all over the empire
were of course enormous ; the tempta-
tion to get the men as far as possible
on the spot invincible ; and, probably
not later than Hadrian, local recruit-
ing was everywhere the rule. Not
merely were the legions not composed
of Italians, but the auxiliary cohortes
Hispanorum or Thracum, were not ex-
clusively or even largely composed of
Thracians or Spaniards. Britain was
held by Britons, the Rhine frontier by
Germans, and — what is a good deal
more important — Syria and Egypt by
Syrians and Egyptians. The disgrace-
ful history of the wars with Parthia is
not explicable if we suppose the legions
of the Euphrates to have been — except
as regards the officers — in any sense
Roman or even Western. They were
composed of effeminate and undisci-
plined Orientals, and at every serious
crisis Western legions were brought
up from the Danube or the Rhine to
do the work for which the ordinary
Euphrates army had shown itself
incompetent.
2. It was typical of their whole
treatment of the Greek East that the
Romans allowed even the Euphrates
army to become Greco-Oriental. Their
object in the East was to diffuse not
Romanism but Hellenism. They both
were, and regarded themselves as, the
successors of Alexander, and their
ambition was to complete his work.
Greek was the one language of the
Empire which was recognised as
official, side by side with Latin, and
it appears to have been the long-
150
Mommseris New Volume.
cherished idea of the Romans to make
no difference between Greece and
Italy, but to incorporate Greece, ex-
actly as Italy had been incorporated,
with the Roman State. It is a pecu-
liarity of Greece that its two chief
towns, Athens and Sparta, along with
the large tracts of territory belong-
ing to each, were exempt from the
provincial administration. Nero went
so far as to declare all Greece tax-
free and exempt from the Roman
administration ; Hadrian gave Athens
corn at the public expense, just as if
it had been another Rome. When
the organisation and civilisation of
Thrace were seriously taken in hand
by Trajan, the towns were organised
on the Greek model. No attempt was
made to Romanise a province, which
had been drawn, however incompletely,
within the Hellenic circle by the
Macedonian kings. The same policy
was pursued in Asia Minor. In the
remoter parts of the province of Asia
— for instance, in the Phrygian high-
lands, and in Cappadocia — Hellenism
seems to have first made its way under
the empire, and the existing Hellenic
civilisation was everywhere respected.
In Syria the Romans found their work
more than half done. Alexander and
his successors had intended to make a
new Macedonia of the country, and it
was covered with towns of Greek con-
stitution and Macedonian name, like
Larissa, Pella, and Bersea. Only a
few Latin islands were planted in this
Greek sea — Berytus, for instance, in
Syria, and Alexandria Troas in Asia
Minor, and a few obscure colonies of
Roman veterans were entrusted with
the duty of keeping in check the
banditti of the mountain border of
Pisidia.
3. But whether Rome acted as the
torchbearer of the Hellenic or the
Latin civilisation, it was at bottom one
and the same civilisation which she
everywhere introduced. The Romans
disliked the racial unit — the clan or
tribe — as possibly dangerous. They
could not conceive Civilisation without
towns, and they wanted towns as the
basis of the administration. The town
was the administrative unit under
Rome, as the district collector is in
India. The Romans were long in
evolving an official class, the very idea
of the " official," the trained specialist
who is bound by rigid rules and still
more rigid traditions, being alien to
the Roman conception of public life.
The extent to which the independence
of the towns was everywhere respected
under the early empire was due in part
to the entire absence of any class of
officials competent to do the work, and
with the appearance of such a class dis-
appeared the independence of the towns.
But every reason led the early empire
to increase the importance of towns
where they existed, and to introduce
them where they did not. Whether
the province was Britain or Judaea —
whether the town was called Cfesarsea
or Yerulamium — in any case towns
grew up under the footsteps of Rome
as inevitably and almost as quickly as
did camps and baths and amphi-
theatres. This universal introduction
of urban civilisation — Hellenic, in the
east and Latin in the west (the west
including Africa, where the pre-exist-
ing civilisation was not Hellenic, but
Phoanician) but always urban — was
the great and characteristic work of
Rome, and it was the merit of the
empire that, by keeping the peace for
so long a time, it enabled the task to
be well and thoroughly performed. At
the same time the Romans, who were
the last people in the world to be over-
mastered by a pedantic passion for
uniformity, showed great ease and
flexibility in the different ways in
which they set about introducing the
town system in different provinces.
In Gaul, for instance, the Romans did
not destroy the large race-units which
they found in possession of the field.
They changed the nomenclature, and
made the town, which had no doubt
hitherto existed, if only as a market,
the centre of the administration. In-
stead of the Remi they said Durocor-
torum, instead of the Allobroges they
said Vienna. But it is necessary very
Mommsen's New Volume.
151
clearly to bear in mind that Durocor-
torum meant great part of Cham-
pagne, and Vienna meant all Savoy.
In the strict administrative sense
important towns like Geneva and
Grenoble were nothing but dependent
villages of Vienna. That is the es-
sential peculiarity of Roman Gaul,
that the enormous Gallic civitates con-
tinued to exist, instead of, as in Spain,
being broken into smaller units. The
Spanish province of Tarraconensis
had 293 separate communities ; in all
three Gauls there were only sixty -four.
The Romans found both countries
divided into great tribal communities
when they first annexed them. In
Gaul they let these communities alone,
while giving them the name and
administration of towns ; in Spain
they broke them up. The Astures,
for instance, were not a political entity
under Rome. The name lingered on
merely as one of geographical con-
venience. The Astures were made up
of twenty-two separate communities.
There is all the difference in the
world between an official "ad census
accipiendos civitatium xxiii. Vasco-
num et Vardulorum " and a " censor
civitatis Remorum fcederatse." It
was not that the Astures or Can-
tabri were reckoned more formidable
than the Treviri or Remi. The dif-
ference came from the fact that Spain
was conquered much earlier, and that
the Republic — as was shown, for
instance, by the breaking up of the
Samnite confederation — was more
hostile to such large units than the
Empire.
The last and deepest question of all
remains. Was the government in
the main a good one ? Were the pro-
vinces fairly taxed, well governed,
happy, and prosperous? Mommsen,
who is very severe on the maladminis-
tration of the Republic, its " short-
sightedness and narrowness, one might
even say its perversity and brutality,"
is lenient, and more than lenient to
the empire. Certain deductions have
to be made. The rule of the Senate
was but a poor one, not because it was
ill-intentioned, but because it was in-
competent. It lacked initiative, and
governors of high birth, who were ap-
pointed to the senatorial provinces by
lot, naturally showed themselves as a
rule inferior to the picked and tried le-
gates of the emperor. It is noteworthy
that very little was done for the roads
in a senatorial province ; in every re-
spect the administration was slacker
and less competent than in the Imperial
provinces. A great English historian
who has made a special study of one
of these senatorial provinces is severe
upon the Imperial administration as a
whole. But Finlay argues too hastily
from the, in many respects, anomalous
case of Greece. There were a number
of reasons for the depopulation and
decay of Greece, notwithstanding all
the philhellenic sentiment of culti-
vated Romans. The civil wars hit
Greece frightfully hard. They were
mainly fought out on Greek soil,
and were preceded and accompanied
by requisitions on a gigantic scale.
The senatorial government of the
province was not particularly good,
but it was better than that of the free
cities. Athens in particular governed
itself very badly. Money was made
by Greek artists, and Greek business
men, but mainly out of Greece. It is
true that the population of Greece
decayed under the empire ; but so did
the population of Italy, and in both
cases the main reason was the same.
The Italian population dispersed itself
all over Europe. " Ubicumque vicit,
Romanus habitat," says Seneca, and
the Roman took the Greek with him.
Mommsen says that the Jews were
important and powerful in every
country but Judaea ; he might have
said much the same of Greece proper
and the Greeks. The Greeks would
no doubt have stayed in Greece if
Delos and the Piraeus had continued to
be the great emporia of the eastern
trade. But all that trade was now
diverted to Italy, and Greece was
thrown back exclusively upon its own
natural resources, which were not
152
Mommseris New Volume.
great. There are, in fact, special
reasons for the decay of Greece under
the empire. Other provinces were
prosperous enough. There were great
industries, even what we should call
manufacturing industries, in Western
Asia Minor, and the whole country is
simply studded with the remains of
great Greco-Roman cities. Syria was
particularly flourishing and populous.
There was a free population of 117,000
in Apamea, and in the last hundred
miles of the Orontes valley before the
river reached the sea, there was a town
to every mile. Still more extraordinary
is the contrast between the Batanea of
the Roman Empire and the Haouran
of to-day. There were 300 towns in a
district where there are now five
villages. In these border-regions, ex-
posed to the frequent incursions of
barbarous tribes, peace and prosperity
could only be ensured by the strong
hand of some external power. Under
Rome they were governed as they
ought to be, and as they have never
been governed since. A kind of
advanced post of Hellenic civilisation
was here secured by Rome which may
fairly be compared with the rich and
prosperous Decumates *Agri across the
Rhine. Similar facts meet us on the
Arabian border, at Petra, and of
course on a great scale in Egypt and
northern Africa. The present condi-
tion of Asia Minor, Syria, and northern
Africa is one of barbarism compared
to their condition under Rome. It is
these countries which weight the scale
against the present, and which enable
Mommsen to say, in one of the most
rhetorical passages of his book, that
"if an Angel of the Lord were bidden
to determine whether the portion of
the earth's surface ruled by Severus
Antoninus was governed with greater
sense and humanity then or now,
whether morals and public happiness
have in general advanced or gone
back, it is very doubtful whether he
would decide in favour of the present."
That is a great question to which the
present volume does not supply the
materials for an answer. Apart from
that spiritual discontent which is in-
separable from a powerfully centralised
despotism, and which is very real and,
in the long run, very enfeebling, the
answer to it very largely depends upon
homely considerations of pounds, shil-
lings, and pence. The vital question
of the history of the empire is whether
the taxation was excessive. In the first
centuries of the Imperial Government
the taxes were probably not — at least
this is the conclusion to which Mommsen
evidently inclines — as a rule excessive.
But, in the long run, the provinces
could not support both themselves and
Italy, and there was always that drone
in the midst of the hive — that Italy —
to which all the world paid tribute —
and which the richest of her subject-
lands, the loamy valleys of the Med-
jerda and the Nile, exhausted them-
selves to feed.
WILLIAM T. ARNOLD.
EEVIEW OF THE MONTH.
ON the last Monday of last month the
Prime Minister electrified the House
of Commons by a speech which was
understood to point to a war with
Russia. The stroke was sudden.
Men were not prepared for so rapid
an evolution of the crisis. The public
were surprised, "and a little , bewild-
ered. On the Saturday evening of
the same week the usual brilliant
circle of eminent guests were gathered
together at the annual banquet of the
Royal Academy. Under the glitter
of the scene was felt the presence of
grave preoccupations. It was known
that Ministers had been hastily sum-
moned during the afternoon to a
Council for the consideration of the
decisive reply from Russia. They were
the last to arrive, but before men had
all found their places at table, the
rumour ran half secretly around the
hall that the Russian answer had been
a compliance, that reasonable terms
were within reach, and that there was
good assurance of peace. Later in the
evening the Foreign Secretary gave
authority to the whisper.
If the affairs of an empire could be
carried on by the arts that make the
after-dinner speaker, Lord Granville
would have been a statesman of the
first force. The most felicitous speech
that he ever made cannot have pro-
duced a better effect than the not
very felicitous sentence of May 2,
in which he declared to the princes,
ambassadors, soldiers, and all the rest
of the illustrious world before him, his
confident belief that nothing would
happen to prevent men from continu-
ing works of peace.
On the following Monday, Mr.
Gladstone confirmed these good hopes
by a specific declaration that Russia
had : come to an agreement, or was
ready to do so, upon the following
points. She was willing to submit to
the judgment of the Sovereign of a
friendly State the question whether
the movements of Komaroff were con-
sistent with the understanding of
March 16 between the two Govern-
ments : that is to say, whether the
understanding made it incumbent on
the Russian Government to issue to
Komaroff other instructions than those
on which he took such remarkable
action. That much being settled,
there was no reason why the two
Governments should not at once re-
sume their communications in London
as to the main points of the line for
the delimitation of the Afghan frontier.
When the main points were settled,
then the officers of the two Govern-
ments would examine and trace the
actual details of the line on the spot.
This was on May 4. During the three
weeks that have since elapsed the
clouds have slowly to some degree
gathered again. It was not indeed to
be expected that negotiations contain-
ing so many elements of detail should
go on as if they were a transaction for
the sale of a horse. The character of
Russia is not good in the British politi-
cal market. This makes the least delay
a source of suspicion and uneasiness.
The papers that have been laid before
Parliament neither raise the credit of
St. Petersburg for sincerity, nor of
London for knowingness and foresight.
The action of the Czar in sending a
sword of honour to General Komaroff
created a profound and most justifiable
irritation. We do not expect a fine
and chivalrous taste in the hard
transaction of rough business ; it may
be that the Czar sent Komaroff his.
sword to console the military party
for seeing submitted to arbitration
the question whether the Czar had
not broken an agreement in ordering
154
Review of the Month.
Komaroff to undertake the exploit for
which he decorated him. This may
be. It only shows that on one side
at any rate the conditions of peace
still depend on the simple ethics of a
Cossack camp. In all this unpleasant
proceeding we are only reaping what
we have sown, and undergoing the
mortifications incident to a position
that was not taken up with full
consideration and well-devised pre-
paration.
"When these difficulties are all
settled, it is obvious that, on the
theory of the buffer-State, a more
serious and enduring one would re-
main. Nobody can disguise from him-
self that when the Afghan frontier is
fixed, the Russians will only feel bound
to respect it on condition that we make
the Afghans respect it. As the Duke
of Argyll put this point (May 12),
the question of paramount importance
is whether, in the absence of complete
control over Afghanistan, we are to
be practically responsible for their
border-quarrels, of which there will be
perpetual danger, and which it will be
extremely hard to restrain. Opinion
moves, for the most part, in one way
as to the true policy in view of liabili-
ties of this description. Lord Salisbury
said —
" I hope we shall do all we can to conciliate
and keep the Ameer of Afghanistan with us
and to help him to the utmost of our power to
defend his country. But do not let the desire
of his friendship lead us into either of those
two mistakes — either in making ourselves
responsible for any of the excesses which the
wild tribes under his control may commit
upon his western frontier : nor, on the other
hand, can we make any susceptibilities which
any Afghan ruler may feel a reason for ab-
staining from defending, and defending ade-
quately, those positions we may consider
absolutely necessary for the strerigth of our
own position."
From the last, as a general propo-
sition, there can be little dissent,
though of course there is room for
ample difference of opinion, whether
military or political, as to the points
at which this absolute necessity would
begin. On both sides it was agreed,
in the course of the debate in the
House of Lords, that Herat is not a
very promising scene of British opera-
tions. Lord Salisbury is of the same
opinion as Lord Kimberley, that " the
prospect of defending Herat by British
troops is not one which seems to the
non-military mind very attractive or
very feasible. It may always be pos-
sible for us, with assistance in the
shape of arms and officers, to assist
the Ameer in defending that place,
but to defend it ourselves, I confess,
seems to me a dangerous undertaking."
The Secretary for India had said, with
his well-known emphasis, that " the
schemes which are put forward to the
effect that we should create and make
Herat a great Indian or British fort-
ress, to be held by British and Indian
troops at a great distance from our
frontier, and among a population not
under our direct influence, would in-
volve us in great and serious dangers."
But, then, Lord Kimberley went on
to say that this would " not prevent
us from doing what may be done to
strengthen the Ameer's position at
Herat, and to put the fortifications
there in a condition to afford a reason-
able amount of security. That is a
different thing from making Herat an
English frontier fortress." The dif-
ference is hardly so plain as we could
wish, though we may admit that the
two British officers who are now
actually in Herat with the full con-
sent of Abdur Rahman may be there
in virtue of our obligations to that
prince. But, if our policy is to be
consistent, the time is sure to come
when those obligations will have to
be revised. Supposing that, for reasons
which it is easy to imagine, from hard
roubles down to force majeure, an
Afghan Ameer were to let the Russians
into Herat, it would, in Lord Salisbury's
judgment, which most sensible men
will not dispute, be "a dangerous
undertaking " for us either to turn
them out or to prevent them from
coming in. We have to face this con-
tingency— of an unfriendly or pro-
Russian Ameer. What then would
be the policy?
Review of the Month.
155
Lord Kimberley has given us the
answer. " In that case," he said, "our
defence would have to be based on a
strictly defensive system within our
own lines. One thing is certain — that
we ought not to found our policy on
the notion that we should construct a
frontier line in Central Asia, for which
this country would be entirely re-
sponsible, several hundreds of miles
distant from our base." Here, again,
there followed the perilous qualifica-
tion, arising from the present arrange-
ment : "Of course by an alliance with
the Afghans we must undertake a
considerable responsibility for that
frontier ; and we hope that a satis-
factory frontier line will be drawn
between Russian and Afghan territory.
That would render it necessary that
some of our officers should be present
on that frontier." That is to say, the
present alliance plants us in a position
from which a change in the Ameer's
way of thinking might make it indis-
pensable that we should retreat, yet
from which we could certainly not
retreat without giving colour to the
imputation that we had been worsted
and driven back by Russia. Here is
the element of danger in the half-
policy, or the two-faced and ambiguous
policy, to which we are now tem-
porarily committed.
The policy of to-day, we say, can
only be temporary. The zone and the
buffer have had their day. However
the settlement of the Afghan frontier
may fall out, it is agreed that "it is
impossible for us any longer to have
the satisfaction of knowing that we are
in an insular position in India." We
may not have exactly reached the
stage, so long anticipated by Cobden
and others, when India and Russia are
conterminous, but we are within a
measurable distance of such a stage.
The Government is framing new pro-
positions in accordance with a new
state of things. A project of frontier
defence has been approved, and autho-
rity has been given for the expenditure
of a sum of 5,000,000?. on frontier rail-
ways and military roads, including the
Quetta railway, which will cost some-
thing like 2,000,0002. of that sum.
Five millions are not supposed to be
the final limit, but so much will at
least be required for the railway and
the military road. It is pretty certain
to be found on further examination
that further works will have to be
undertaken. Lord Dufferin thinks it
is a matter for serious consideration
whether there should not be strong
fortresses on the same line to give
our army support. Peshawur, the
Indus, and Quetta mark the general
direction and the limits of the line.
More detailed particulars were laid
before the House of Commons by
the Indian Tinder-Secretary, who
(May 21) added the information
that of the five millions required, a
part would fall upon the revenues of
India, and a part would be met by a
loan to be issued by the Secretary of
State with the sanction of Parliament.
All this indicates an immense trans-
formation in the position of the Indian
Empire. The consequences may be
more far-reaching than to careless
observers may at first sight appear.
The key to internal security in India
is thrift. Heavy expenditure means
heavy taxation, and that means dis-
content. The cost of the new fron-
tier must bring with it an augmen-
tation of burdens, as well as the
diversion to military defence of funds
that might more fruitfully have gone,
under a happier star, to the develop-
ment of the productive resources of
the country.
Some futile wrangling is still per-
sisted in upon the vexed question
whether the new policy of the Govern-
ment is not a condemnation of their
own proceedings in 1880. The charge
is that they are resuming the Quetta
railway which they ordered to be
abandoned in a fit of triumphant
spleen ; that this line would have
been completed by now; that stores
were left to be plundered by the
tribes, rails pulled up, and earthworks
levelled with the ground — all involv-
ing vast waste of money, and still
156
Review of the Month.
more serious waste of time. In 1883-4
the error of three years before was
admitted, by the orders to resume the
work that had been rashly stopped.
The answer is, that the two sections
of the line, as far as Quetta, were
accepted by the new Government in
1880 ; that the line was not destroyed,
nor the buildings dismantled, nor the
rails lifted ; that very little loss of
money was incurred at the time j and
that as a result of the re-surveys, and
of the consequent improvement of
plans, there would be not a loss but
a permanent saving.
The announcement of the with-
drawal from the Soudan was treated
in common opinion as some compensa-
tion for the dire financial demand of a
vote of credit for eleven millions. For
a single instant the public had staggered
under the dramatic shock of the fall
of Khartoum. The Government un-
fortunately hurried to a decision under
the same influence, but the decision to
go to Khartoum had hardly been
declared, before it was evident that
people had recovered their balance,
and that our adventures in the Soudan
were rapidly becoming violently un-
popular. The troubles in Afghanistan
clenched the matter. On the line
from Merawi to Dongola 9,000 British
troops were stationed. The British
authorities had to choose between
concentrating this force at Dongola
until events had further developed
themselves, and withdrawing them to
the line of Wadi Haifa as the effective
frontier of Egypt. The latter course
was adopted. It was more easily
adopted on paper than carried out in
effect ; the movement has hardly begun
and will be very slow ; and the flight
of the population from Dongola
threatens unforeseen difficulties. The
Mahdi, overtaken by heavy disasters
of his own, gives no trouble. The
notion of an advance on Khartoum is
finally abandoned. As a consequence
of this, the expedition to Suakin is
abandoned likewise ; the unlucky rail-
way will, as part of a military opera-
tion, be dropped; and to their ownlively
satisfaction, the bulk of the troops are
already on their way to less desperate
shores. The ultimate fate of Suakin
is still undetermined. So is that of
Dongola. Sir E. Baring has been
instructed to consult the Egyptian
Government as to the desirability of
establishing some administration in
the province of Dongola, or a portion
of that province : also, whether it
would be desirable to complete the
prolongation of the Nile railway,
which has been commenced, and
whether it may be possible to find
any means by which that railway may
be completed and worked, as has often
been suggested, as a commercial under-
taking. The question of the Soudan,
therefore, is not by any means a
closed book. Foreign Powers cannot
be left out of account. Much may
depend on the turn of events in
Egypt proper. Meanwhile we are
grateful for the blessings of the day.
In Egypt proper things look as if
a new departure in one direction or
another were once more on the point
of forcing itself rapidly and even vio-
lently upon us. The detention of the
Guards at Alexandria, on their way
back from their bootless expedition to
the shore of the Red Sea, naturally
caused considerable commotion at
home. The commotion was intensified,
rather than lessened, when a story
gained circulation and belief that this
time it was not Russia but France.
It would be rash to attach much im-
portance to such tales as that a rising
would be got up in the streets of
Alexandria, and that then a force
would be landed from French trans-
ports, quite fortuitously passing with
troops on their way to China. Of
course, any French Minister is aware
that a manoauvre of this sort would
mean a war with Great Britain ; not
improbably, too, he is aware that,
with a general election in his country
close at hand, this, in turn, would mean
his swift expulsion from power. Be
that as it may, France is evidently
bent on making things as uncomfort-
able for us in Egypt as she possibly
Review of the Month.
157
can make them. The perorations with
which we have been favoured about
Egypt are beginning to sound as little
substantial as the more familiar pero-
rations to the same tune about Ire-
land. Only two months ago a young
Minister said that if the Financial
Convention were once accepted by Par-
liament, it would be the beginning of
a permanent and satisfactory settle-
ment, and he might venture to use
the words of our great poet —
" But look ! the dawn, in russet mantle clad,
Walks o'er the skirts of yon high eastern
hill."
Alas, the Convention has not yet
been ratified by the other Govern-
ments joined with our own in the
international guarantee of the new
loan. On this plea, Germany, Austria,
Russia and France have compelled the
Khedive, — alias, Great Britain, — to
withdraw the decree imposing a tax
on the bondholder according to the
terms of the Convention. So odious a
piece of chicanery has seldom been
perpetrated in European diplomacy,
for in fact the protecting Powers had
already virtually assented to this
particular decree on the part of
the Khedive, without reference to
the ratification of the international
guarantee. Using the same leverage,
France and Germany are working
against England in the matter of the
regulation of the Suez Canal. As to
the conditions of the working of the
Canal there is no dispute. The ques-
tion turns upon the body who shall
see that these conditions are respected.
The French proposal is that a Com-
mission shall be appointed, consisting
of representatives of the signatory
Powers of the Declaration of London
of March, 1885, along with a dele-
gate of the Egyptian Government, and
under the presidency of a special dele-
gate of Turkey. The English proposal
is that there shall be no body of this
kind, but that the Egyptian Govern-
ment shall take the necessary mea-
sures, and that the ordinary agents of
the Powers in Egypt shall make it
their business to inform their Govern-
ments of any infraction, or danger of
infraction, of the Canal Treaty.
The real objects and motives, of
which such details as these are only
the screen, are not easy to comprehend.
That Prince Bismarck should wish to
see a quarrel between France, his
standing enemy, and England, against
whom he is nursing a grudge that will
pass, is intelligibly. But the impolicy
of France is flagrant. She at any
rate can have no object in forcing
England to take a firmer grip upon
Egypt. Yet that this will naturally
be the result of these vexations, is
as certain as anything can be. That
Great Britain will continue for many
months or even weeks longer, to
endure a situation which' entails no-
thing but loss and travail upon her, for
the benefit of those who for purposes
of their own never cease to frustrate
her in the work, is not credible nor
even- conceivable.
Though the Government have suc-
cessfully surmounted their purely par-
liamentary difficulties, the most critical
of them remains. As the first storms
that at so early a period disturbed the
ministerial course broke upon them
from Ireland, so will the last. The
precise nature of the exceptional pro-
visions for preventing and detecting
crime which Lord Spencer insists that
his colleagues shall require from Par-
liament, has not yet been divulged.
But the battle will be fought, less
upon the ground of this or that par-
ticular modification of the Crimes Act,
than upon the deeper issue whether
there should be any special, excep-
tional, and temporary legislation at
all. The opposition will spring from
the general maxim, that to persist in
exceptional criminal legislation, re-
newed from time to time, is not
worthy of the name of government,
and is not compatible with settled
and constitutional order. This prin-
ciple is one that might be accepted
equally in two very different quarters.
It might be embodied in an amend-
158
Review of the Month.
ment that, under certain party con-
ditions, would unite both those who
think that criminal procedure in Ire-
land should be no more rigorous than
it is in England, and those who think
that Ireland needs to have, not fitful
coercion acts, but a standing code of
its own marked by its own peculiar
severity.
The first session of the present Par-
liament opened exactly five years ago
this week (May 20). The Queen' s Speech
contained a paragraph on the Peace
Preservation Act for Ireland, which
expired on the first of the following
month. " You will not be asked,"
the Sovereign was made to say, " to
renew it. My desire to avoid the evils
of exceptional legislation in abridg-
ment of liberty would not induce me
to forego in any degree the perform-
ance of the first duty of every govern-
ment in providing for the security of
life and property ; but while deter-
mined to fulfil this sacred obligation,
I am persuaded that the loyalty and
good sense of my Irish subjects will
justify me in relying on the provisions
of the ordinary law, firmly adminis-
tered, for the maintenance of peace
and order." "Whether the lapse of the
Peace Preservation Act had much or
anything to do with the agrarian agita-
tion that so speedily followed, is a
question that no amount of contro-
versy will settle. What is certain is,
that the provisions of that Act were
far too mild to have effectively re-
pressed the violent forces that then
broke loose over Ireland. In the winter
of '80-81 the old turbulence made its
appearance, but in a shape that was
very moderate when compared with
former outbreaks. English news-
papers made the most of .it, party
spirit became very shrill, and the
Irish executive lost their heads. Mr.
Parnell and other leading agitators
were put upon their trial at Dublin,
but a conviction was not procured.
It was resolved to revert to the time-
honoured device of Coercion. The
session of 1881 was opened with
the announcement that additional
powers would be asked for in the
vindication of order and public
law. Two bills were introduced, an
Arms Bill, and what was called
a Bill for the Protection of Life and
Property. The latter was one of the
most tremendous blunders ever made
by any government. It empowered
the Irish executive to arrest and de-
tain for an unlimited period and with-
out trial any one whom they should
reasonably suspect of being concerned
in disorder. This was the first Coer-
cion Bill of the present administra-
tion. Between 900 and 1,000 persons
were imprisoned at one time, on the fiat
of the Lord Lieutenant and his agents ;
disorder increased, and crime put on a
more virulent type. The Land Act
had been passed, but the provocation
of coercion hindered the tenants and
their leaders from realising the boon.
The ominous watchword of " No Rent "
came into the air. The League pro-
posed test cases for the Land Act — in
good faith, as they contended, but
really, as the Government feared,
with the intention of breaking down
the Act. Perhaps the Government
were in too great a hurry to put this
sinister construction on the doings of
the League. In October (1881) they
threw Mr. Parnell and others into
prison. Matters grew worse. When
the session of 1882 opened, the Chief
Secretary was forced to admit that
coercion had failed. His colleagues
resolved to reverse the policy, to
release Mr. Parnell and the mass of
the suspects, and to try concilia-
tion. A cruel calamity happened.
A little gang of obscure conspira-
tors murdered the new Chief Sec-
retary, without knowing and with-
out intending it. The curtain was
lifted some nine months afterwards,
and we then found out that this great
crime was almost an accident. But in
the lurid mystery of the hour, it is no
wonder that the shock produced the
violence of panic. Even Mr. Parnell
and Mr. Dillon admitted that it was
necessary to arm the Executive with
some special power for dealing with
Review of the Month.
159
the secret murder clubs, one of which
had just given such horrible evidences
of its activity. But the Crime Pre-
vention Bill, which was introduced
just three years ago from this month
(May 11) went much further than
almost anybody expected, and certainly
further than anybody of cool judgment
could approve. The superfluous and
excessive rigour, the misconception,
the vexatiousness of many of the pro-
visions of the Crimes Act are esta-
blished by the fact that so many of
them have never been used. There
was a vehement struggle for the
power of trying prisoners under cer-
tain conditions by three judges with-
out a jury. The power has not once
been resorted to. The Curfew clause
enacts that if a person is out of his
place of abode one hour after sunset
and before sunrise, under circum-
stances suggesting a reasonable suspi-
cion of a criminal intent, the constable
may arrest him. The clause has been
practically useless and unused. The
section giving power to the Lord
Lieutenant to forfeit newspapers in-
citing to treason or to acts of violence
and intimidation, has kept a few
journals from New York out of cir-
culation, but it has been futile against
hardly less choice literature of indi-
genous origin. On one occasion, the
Conservatives aided by a contingent
of Fitzwilliams, Foljambes, Dvindases,
Lord E. Fitzmaurice, Mr. George
Russell, and others, actually defeated
the Government by inserting a clause
empowering search for arms at night.
As might have been expected, a pro-
vision that was too odious even for the
draftsmen of the Irish office, has been
virtually a dead letter. Another
section provided for the payment of
compensation out of the rates for
persons murdered or maimed, but
power was given of exempting par-
ticular lands from liability to contri-
bution. The faculty of exemption
was too invidious to be generally
exercised, and the large owners of
land in their own hands have enjoyed
little immunity from paying for vio-
lence which nobody execrates more
heartily than themselves. The power
of changing the venue, that is of
bringing prisoners from the south and
west, where convictions are not to be
relied upon, to Dublin or to Belfast,
is said to be greatly valued. But this
power already resides in the Court of
Queen's Bench, without special enact-
ment. The right to quarter extra
police in disturbed districts at the cost
of the ratepayers is conferred by the
Act. But the same right, with the
difference that only half the cost
could be imposed on the locality,
already exists by an ordinary statute.
Resort to special juries is declared to
be indispensable by some Irish officials.
Others set greater store on what the
Nationalists have styled the Star-
Chamber clause, by which a resident
magistrate is able to summon and
examine witnesses, when an offence
has been committed, even though
there may be no prisoner before him
charged with the offence.
Of all these matters we shall hear
enough and more than enough during
the next few weeks. The courses open
to the British Government seem to
have been the following : — 1. To re-
new the Act exactly as it stands. 2.
To renew it partially. 3. To let it
drop entirely. 4. To renew it for a
short term of one or two years. 5.
To incorporate the provisions of the
Act, or some of them, in the perma-
nent law of the United Kingdom. 6.
To incorporate them in permanent laws
with exclusive application to Ireland.
7. To sweeten the partial renewal of
the Crimes Act by measures of re-
medial legislation, such as the con-
cession of local self-government, or the
facilitation of the purchase of land by
the tenants. The Cabinet at first
took the course which involves the
greatest number of parliamentary
difficulties. The Ulster Liberals were
disgusted at the omission of a bill
for land purchase. Many English
Liberals believed that it would have
been but right and prudent to gild
the pill of coercion with at least
160
Review of the Month.
the semblance of remedial legislation.
A memorial embodying some of
these considerations was presented to
the Prime Minister, and he announced
a change of intention on the part of
the Government. They would do their
best to pass a Land Purchase Bill.
This announcement is said to have
brought on a Ministerial crisis, for
some members of the Cabinet believe
it impossible to deal with the land
question effectually until local bodies
have been created who should under-
take certain responsibilities for the
repayment of advances made from the
national exchequer. Some way out of
the deadlock will pretty certainly be
found, for the prospects alike of the
national fortunes abroad and of party
combinations at home are too obscure
to make any section of the Liberal
leaders willing to precipitate a dis-
solution of their union at an hour when
its consequences would certainly be
momentous, and might easily prove to
be fraught with prolonged disaster.
As for the Crimes Act, the forces
against its renewal may not prevail,
but they are not insignificant. The
Irish Liberals will oppose it. The
Liberal who won a seat for County
Antrim a few days ago, owed his vic-
tory to his promise to resist excep-
tional legislation. Some English and
Scotch Radicals are offended by the
paradox of imposing a disciplinary
law of exceptional rigour on the same
population whom you have just de-
clared to be fit for an immense and
decisive extension of political power.
The numbers of this group will depend
upon the degree of rigour in the re-
vived law : if Lord Spencer asks for
much they will be fairly numerous, and
if he only asks for enough to allow
him to give way with honour, they will
be very few. For not very many Eng-
lish and Scotch Radicals seem to per-
ceive that a little coercion is as
hateful to Irishmen by way of sym-
bol, as if it were a great deal.
Efforts are known to have been made
by the small but powerful group below
the gangway on the Tory side to in-
duce the Opposition to commit them-
selves against the renewal of the Act.
It is hardly possible that their efforts
should succeed, but the group in ques-
tion are half expected to act inde-
pendently and join their forces to the
other malcontent elements. There is
little chance of a majority being
formed against the Act, but there is
still less chance of its passing without
a considerable party dislocation.
The marvellous composition of the
vast and heterogeneous fabric of the
Empire, abounding as it does in in-
finitely varying races and nationalities,
only half incorporated in the huge
whole, as Ireland is only half incor-
porated, receives a little illustration
in the recent trouble in Canada. The
insurrection of the French half-breeds
has collapsed with unexpected rapidity.
The total number of the half-breeds
does not exceed 5,000, and it is believed
that not many more than one-tenth
of them were concerned in the rising.
But the immediate difnculty since the
capture of Riel is rather political than
military. He and his adherents are
French and Catholic. As a con-
tributor reminded us here last month,
with significant reference to Canadian
loyalty, imperial federation, and other
bubbles of the hour, a good third of the
population of the Dominion is French
and Catholic. To condemn Riel to
death would be to provoke a dangerous
commotion in the Province of Quebec.
On the other hand, attention to the
agrarian grievances of his friends,
whatever they may amount to, will be
secured by the fact that their excite-
ment has infected the Red Indians,
who number, not 600, but between
80,000 and 90,000.
May 25.
MACMILLAN'S MAGAZINE
JULY, 1885.
AN AUSTRALIAN APPEAL TO THE ENGLISH DEMOCRACY.
THE first difficulty which presents it-
self to an Australian who would offer
an opinion upon politics to English-
men, is, that the only Australian
questions which have attracted the
attention of the English public are
just those to which Australians are
most indifferent. Imperial Union,
Colonial Federation, Annexation in
the Pacific, are matters of which it
may be said that this country knows
nothing, except through the letters of
London correspondents. It is said,
and the statement is probably true,
that at the last general election in
New South Wales only one candidate
made any reference to any of these
topics. In Victoria the case is differ-
ent. But even in Victoria the question
of Imperial Union has not yet been
treated seriously by any political party,
and the two other questions of Colonial
Federation and Pacific Annexation ex-
cite an interest for particular local
reasons which an Englishman is apt
to overlook.
This may be discouraging intelli-
gence to earnest sympathisers with
Australian progress. Nevertheless, in
all probability, we know our own busi-
ness better than the most enthusiastic
advocate of colonial expansion ; and it
is at least certain that colonists, al-
though they may be too busy with pri-
vate affairs to form opinions upon dis-
tant matters of high policy, will deal
with these subjects in a sympathetic
No. 309.— VOL. LII.
and liberal spirit whenever the oppor-
tunity for action comes. The danger
is lest our people should be disgusted
by visionary schemes, or, still worse,
be made the subject of crude experi-
ments. Englishmen will have to watch
our affairs much more closely than
they have done if they wish to direct
colonial opinion into wide channels, or
to catch the drift of passing events.
The mistakes of English opinion upon
each of the three political questions
already named will serve to point a
moral to this warning.
First in importance comes the ques-
tion of Imperial Union. With regard
to this Australian sentiment is un-
doubtedly changing. The recent de-
spatch of troops from New South Wales
to Egypt has been taken for the sign
of an entirely new departure. It has
brought the question of Imperial Union
within the range of Australian poli-
tics. But this does not mean, as some
eager Federalists imagine, that any
one of the difficulties in the way of
Union has been removed by Mr.
Dalley's offer. The question has sim-
ply become ripe for discussion ; and it
is to the course of that discussion that
Englishmen should give attention.
In the first place, Australian opinion
on the matter is by no means unani-
mous. Even now,1 in the height of
the war fever, and while the prepara-
tions for the despatch of troops are still
1 "Written 3rd March, 1885.
M
162
An Australian Appeal to the English Democracy.
proceeding, a growing murmur of dis-
content is making itself heard. Sir
Henry Parkes, our most experienced
party leader, and a man of rare capa-
city and knowledge, has declared
against the course adopted by the
Government, and is supported, so far
as can be judged by the resolutions of
public meetings, by the bulk of the
working class. Probably, however,
the despatch of troops will be approved
by Parliament. Colonists are natu-
rally disposed to favour an adventu-
rous policy, and there is, no doubt, a
strong British sentiment even among
genuine Australians. But it has yet
to be seen how the home-abiding tax-
payer will regard the Expeditionary
Bill, and it would be rash to infer from
the warlike enthusiasm of the press,
and the splendid quality and temper
of the Soudan force, that Australia
will be always ready to supply con-
tingents to the British army.
To Englishmen it may seem a small
thing to send 600 men to fight in an
Egyptian war ; but in a country which
has hitherto been working out a
glorious destiny, removed from Euro-
pean entanglements, and without a
thought of warlike dangers, it is na-
tural that political sentiment should
be profoundly stirred by such an entry
upon unknown paths. The anomalies
of the position are obtrusive. In a
country where every man is wanted to
take his part, in some form or an-
other, in colonising work, we seem to
be going out of our way to encourage
military ardour. With the right hand
we are expending our revenues to im-
port able-bodied men to subjugate the
soil, while with the left hand we are
sending away the hardiest of our youth
to fight the Soudanese. We have to
borrow money in England for our
necessary public works, and yet with
the stroke of a pen, and without the
knowledge of parliament, a minister
squanders on a warlike expedition one-
twelfth of our annual revenue ! Our
defenceless position is just beginning
to excite alarm, when we remove three-
quarters of our little army ! No won-
der that the measure has been strongly
canvassed, or that it requires a full
defence. For, after all, what have we
done 1 Joined in a war, in the making
of which we had no voice, which many
of us disapprove, and which involves
us in unknown responsibilities ; col-
lected a body of 600 men, of whom
only a 'minority are natives of Aus-
tralia ; paid even the privates among
them at the rate of 10s. a day, and
undertaken to provide for the wives
and children of those who are maimed.
" C'est magnifiqiie, metis ce n'est pas la
guerre ! "
If such things are always to be an
incident of the English connection as
it is at present, and if things cannot
be put upon a different footing, it may
happen that we shall yet congratulate
ourselves on having learnt experience
at so cheap a rate.
It lies with English Federalists to
prevent this calamitous result. They
have most unexpectedly obtained their
opportunity. Will they prove them-
selves capable of taking it ? The de-
spatch of Australian troops to the
Soudan is the first step along a bi-
furcating road, which leads either to
Imperial Union or to Separation.
Having once surrendered the advant-
age of our isolated position, we must
henceforward be prepared either to
take a proper part in European affairs,
or else to hold aloof. The notion that
Australia might remain a colony of
England, and still be neutral if Eng-
land were engaged in war, has lost
what little vitality it ever had. Aus-
tralia, having revealed her wealth and
power to the enemies of England, must
now be ready to protect herself against
them, either by the help of England or
by Independence.
Mr. Forster and the Imperial
Federation League have told us that
they are enemies of Imperial Union,
who imagine schemes by which it
might be brought about. But there
is a preliminary to Imperial Union
which is eminently pressing for a
practical solution, namely, the question
of Imperial Defence. Australia has
An Australian Appeal to the English Democracy.
163
at present some ten thousand men
accustomed to bear arms distributed
among the six colonies ; it has also a
small naval force, which is perhaps
sufficient to defend one harbour. For
the rest we rely upon the English
squadron. This, however, is notoriously
wanting both in strength and speed ;
and a German purchased cruiser, or
the ships of the Messageries Maritimes,
could clear the sea of Australian com-
merce. Were this done, even for six
months, the result to us would be
national bankruptcy. A nation of
less than three million people cannot
do a trade of fifty millions annually
without a free use of borrowed capital.
Were the supply of this stopped, and
were the wool clip, even of a single
season, prevented from leaving our
shores, it is no rash prophecy that
nearly every bank would have to close
its doors. Federalists must face this
danger, and provide against it. The
Separatists insist (although they
overlook other considerations) that
were Australia independent, our com-
merce would be always safe, since we
are never likely to be engaged in war
upon our own account — iirst, because
we have no neighbours, and, secondly,
because foreign powers would never
permit any of their own number to
aggrandise himself by an attack upon
Australia. Further, they say we could
assist England better if we were
independent, for we should then relieve
her of the responsibility of protecting
us, and should be able to help her
with our own forces as occasion re-
quired.
In the face of such arguments it is
the duty of Federalists to show that
the grave danger to Australian wel-
fare, which is caused by the existing
colonial relations, can be removed
without the risk and inconvenience of
another schism. And it is at least
their immediate duty to recognise that
an occasion has at last arisen for
suggesting measures to remove one
forcible objection to dependence,
namely, its commercial insecurity.
The details of any scheme for effect-
ing such an object must be worked
out in England, and the impulse to-
wards its acceptance must also come
from there. For not only will England
have to supply the requisite naval
force, but it is, in reality, her com-
merce that will be protected. Among
all the vessels which are employed to
carry to and fro the forty million
pounds (40,000,000^) worth of goods,
which represent our annual dealings
with England, there is not a single
line, and possibly not a single ship,
which is owned entirely in Australia.
Were Australia independent and Eng-
land involved in war, we could find
other carriers for our goods, and it
would be England that would suffer
most from the disturbance of Austra-
lian commerce. By realising that, so
long as the present colonial relations
continue, any attack upon Australia
will be felt with undiminished stress
in England, Englishmen may grow
accustomed to regard the safety of
Australia as a matter of concern to
them. We can at any time escape
from danger, but England will remain
exposed to it in either case. At pre-
sent it is only a sentiment of loyalty
which restrains us from obtaining a
position of complete security ; and he
is the wisest statesman who puts as
little strain on sentiment as possible.
The two salient facts about Austra-
lia which Federalists must keep in
mind are, first, that we shall never
need protection against land attacks,
and secondly, that unless we are
dragged into war by England, our sea-
borne commerce is absolutely safe. It
is out of the question that we should
ever be at war upon our own account,
so that, if we were an independent
nation our commerce would always be
protected by the laws of neutrality ;
and since we could, with very little
trouble, raise a disciplined militia of
200,000 men, our shores would be
sufficiently protected against wanton
aggression.
Nevertheless, union with England
is worth some sacrifice. An indepen-
dent Australia would undoubtedly be
M 2
164
An Australian Appeal to the English Democracy.
friendly to England, and might indeed
have greater power to help her than
if she were an English province. But,
with independence there would come
the risk of disagreement, together
with the danger and the wasted power
of separate Governments. The crea-
tion of new separate states is opposed
to the spirit of democracy, whose
mission it is to reduce and not to
multiply the elements of discord in
the human family. Moreover, the
feeling of nationality is growing every-
where with immense rapidity, so that
it could not fail to be injurious to the
English race to fight against the force
of nationality. It may be many years
before an actual tie can be constructed ;
but, in the meantime, causes of
difference may be removed and en-
couragement given to the sentiment
of union. As the administration of
English affairs becomes more inspired
by popular ideas, the possibility of
closer ties increases. For the spirit of
democracy is union : and when that
spirit has penetrated the English and
Australian peoples, the political pro-
blem of a Federal Constitution will be
nearer to solution.
The present martial movement in
Australia has its only justification in
being an expression of this wish for
union. It may not induce any politi-
cal changes, but it offers Englishmen
the opportunity of taking the only
step towards political union which is
at present practicable, namely, the
construction of a Federal System of
Defence.
If England were ready to provide a
squadron, which should be devoted
simply to the protection of Australia,
and which should never be withdrawn
from that particular duty, Australians
could be depended upon to raise a
sufficient force to protect their own
country, and to secure the coaling
stations in the Pacific for the English
navy. The squadron must consist of
cruisers fast enough to clear the seas
of hostile ships, of torpedo boats for
harbour defence, and of one or more
ironclads. In return, Australia would
fortify her harbours, supply stores for the
squadron, and be ready to send soldiers
when they were urgently required.
England might also provide material
for the fortifications, and a sufficient
number of instructors for the troops.
The additional expense of this protec-
tion would be trifling as compared
with the extent of English commerce,
which it would secure. Moreover, it
cannot be too often repeated to those
who murmur at increased expenditure,
that Australia cannot and ought not
to make costly naval preparations ;
and that, in the event of a war
between England and a foreign power,
Australia will always have it in her
power to make her trade with Europe
safe, but England will lose it all.
It may be that the practical diffi-
culties in the way of any joint defence
will prove insuperable ; but this can
only be established by experiment.
The present is an unique opportunity
for making the experiment, which
Federalists in England will surely take
advantage of, if they are politicians,
and not visionaries. A message from
the Queen would stir the colonies to
action, and a mere executive order
from the Admiralty would accomplish
all -that is required upon the part of
England. The larger schemes of
Federal Union can stand over until
the empire is secured against attack.
If joint defence should prove impos-
sible, we shall know what value to
attach to the dreams of Imperial
Federalists.
It is premature to offer an opinion
on this larger question, but it is well
to realise the nature of its difficulty.
The first condition of a closer union
is that the people of England and
Australia should understand each
other better.
If such an understanding were once
brought about, the English Democracy
would immediately recognise that it
was rejecting a powerful ally in loosen-
ing the connection with Australia.
And the people of Australia in their
turn would gather strength to overcome
the plutocratic spirit from the impulse
An Australian Appeal to the English Democracy.
165
of English culture and the example of
English legislation. 1
The desire for a better understand-
ing between the democracies of
England and Australia is no mere
sentimental longing, but is the out-
come of a bitter experience of many
mistakes. Even at the present
moment events are illustrating in a
very striking manner the disadvant-
ages which arise from mutual mis-
understandings, both to England and
Australia.
The two Australian questions which
have recently attracted English atten-
tion are those of Australian Federation
and of annexation in the Pacific
Ocean ; and yet, with regard to each
of these, the temper of the popular
party in Australia has been greatly
misunderstood.
The error has, perhaps, been greatest
upon the question of Federation. It
is generally believed in England that
Victoria has been making efforts to
form an Australian Dominion, and
that she is only prevented from doing
so by the provincial jealousy of New
South Wales and New Zealand.
Nothing could be further from the
truth. There is at present but a
single obstacle to the union of the
Australian colonies, namely, the
Victorian tariff. New South Wales
ministries have (time after time)
attempted to draw the colonies to-
gether, but their policy has always
been frustrated by the Protectionist
party in Victoria. Now the roles seem
changed. Victoria has come forward
as the patriot, eager to remove pro-
vincial jealousies. The explanation is
simple. Fifteen years of protection
have sufficed to choke her markets ;
she must find new outlets for her pro-
ducts at all hazards. Hence this
agitation for a Federal Union and for
annexation. The hope is, that if the
colonies are once united, even under
the semblance of a Federal Constitution,
1 In matters of social legislation, such as
the Factory Acts, City Improvement Acts,
Adulteration Acts, Legal Procedure, &c., Aus-
tralia is about thirty years behind England.
a protectionist Zoll-verein will sooner
or later be adopted. Negotiations in
this direction have already begun ;
and Tasmania has been induced to
make a reciprocity treaty with Victoria
upon a protectionist basis. In this
way it is hoped to close the Australian
market against any free-trade colony
— a proof of a disinterested desire for
union which requires no comment.
But, whether it is New South Wales
or Victoria that is most eager for
Australian Union is a comparatively
unimportant local matter. It is far
otherwise with the proposed new
constitution. This, as may be well
known, establishes what is called a
"Federal Council," with limited power
to legislate on matters of common
interest. It is evident that the con-
stitution of such a governing body is a
matter of supreme importance \ and it
happens that from the democratic
point of view the constitution of the
council, as it stands at present, deserves
the strongest expression of ridicule
and censure. Yet so little help do
we get at present from the democracy
in England, that not a single news-
paper has even attempted a criticism
of the clauses of the so called
" Enabling Bill," which the Imperial
Parliament may be called upon to pass
at any moment. It may be fearlessly
asserted that, had it not been for the
ignorance of Australian matters which
prevails in England, it would have been
impossible that the draft Bill of the
Sydney convention could have been
approved by the Imperial Government.
It can only have been accepted in
England because it was believed to be
an expression of Australian opinion.
But what are the facts 1 The Bill
originated in no Colonial Parliament,
and was suggested by no popular
movement. The tale of its preparation
reads like a passage from a burlesque ;
yet, told in plain language, the framing
of the Constitution of United Aus-
tralia, which is intended, in the life-
time of many now living, to provide
for the governance of thirty millions
of people, scattered over a country
166
An Australian Appeal to the English Democracy.
which is about the size of Europe, if
we except the Spanish peninsula, is
literally and exactly as follows : —
Certain colonial ministers met in
Sydney in November, 1883. They
bore no credentials from their respec-
tive parliaments, nor had any of them
any authority to act in any way on
behalf of their colonies. They were
merely private individuals on a holiday
trip. It occurred to them to frame a
Constitution. They held five meetings
with closed doors. At these meetings
they drafted a Bill, which each of
them pledged himself to submit to his
particular Parliament. The instant
the contents of this Bill were known
it was assailed in every colony with
a storm of criticism. No Parliament,
it was thought, would pass such a Bill
without radical amendment. But the
members of the Conference had antici-
pated this possibility, and had prepared
for it by agreeing together not to sub-
mit the Bill to their Parliaments in
the ordinary way, to be discussed
clause by clause, but to tack it, as
a sort of schedule, to a resolution
requesting the Queen to alter the
existing Colonial Constitutions in the
manner suggested. The Bill, there-
fore, could not be amended, and had
either to be rejected or accepted in
!/lobo. The consequence was that in
New South Wales and New Zealand
the resolution was shelved by means
of the Previous Question. But in the
other Colonies Ministers staked their
existence on the carrying of the resolu-
tion, and calculated accurately that the
Opposition could not turn them out on
a matter upon which the outside public
took so little interest. Those, who know
anything of the working pf colonial
politics, will understand how safe such
a calculation was likely to be. Even
with this difficulty in the path the
opposition in Queensland and South
Australia was so active, that it had to
be pacified by the assurance, that the
right time for proposing amendments
would be on the return of the Bill
from the Colonial Office. That time
has now come. Yet again we are
witnessing, in a Democratic country,
a spectacle which would be impossible
even in Germany or Russia. Ministers
in Victoria, South Australia, Queens-
land and Tasmania have communicated
their views to each other by means of
private memoranda. Cabinet Councils
are then held in the several colonies,
and the alterations in the Bill, proposed
by the Colonial Office, are said to be
approved or disapproved, as the case
may be, by the people of that colony.
Not one of the Parliaments has been
summoned to consider the alterations,
and the amended Bill will return to
the Colonial Office with the unanimous
approval of the four colonies already
named. The result is that a few men
will have taken advantage of popular
indifference to force a Constitution on
the country which has never been
discussed, never been approved, and
never even been presented to the
people. Assuredly Democratic forms,
where the spirit of Democracy is
sluggish, do offer the greatest oppor-
tunities to despotism. But it is not
yet too late for the English Democracy
to help us. New South Wales and
New Zealand have done their best to
call attention to the sort of Constitu-
tion Avhich is being foisted on Aus-
tralia ; but the criticism of one colony
seldom awakens more than angry
irritation among its neighbours. The
criticism which is required is a frank,
sympathetic criticism in the English
press and in the English Parliament.
This would rouse attention here, and
give the Opposition a foothold for re-
sistance. At present electors regard
Federation as a question which is out-
side of politics. The political hacks
do not understand or care for it ; and
the people, except in New Zealand and
New South Wales, have never had it
before them.
A bare perusal of the Bill will show
its faults. There is no occasion for
lengthy criticism from this country.1
1 The Federal Council is to have " original "
powers of legislation (paramount in cases of
conflict with the local legislature of any fede-
rated colony) on the following subjects, inter
An Australian Appeal to the English Democracy.
167
But let those who believe in popular
institutions understand that this " En-
abling Bill " transfers the supreme
political authority over the whole of
Australia to a non elective body of
thirteen members, and their opposition
to it is assured. This body, which has
no representative basis, and is too
small to generate within itself that
healthy degree of public opinion which
is indispensable to sound legislation, is
to have the sole control of all our
foreign policy, and to be the supreme
authority over many matters of domes-
tic concern. No wonder that it receives
the vehement support of the Australian
Tories, who fear popular government,
and themselves love power. Still it is
surprising that the " formal " defects
of such a Constitution should have
escaped the notice of its framers. This
precious " Federal Council " is inferior
in all the attributes of a governing
body. It makes no provison for an
executive ; it has no power of taxation ;
it has no power to appropriate a penny
of the Federal Revenue ; it contains no
provisions for an appeal to the power
to which it owes its existence ; or for
an appellate judiciary to decide on any
conflicts between federal or local autho-
alia .— (1) The relations of Australia with the
Islands of the Pacific ; (2) Prevention of the
Influx of Criminals ; (3) Fisheries in Austral-
asian Waters beyond territorial limits ; ('4) The
service of Civil and Criminal Process of the
Courts of any Colony outside the jurisdiction
of that Colony ; (5) The Enforcement of Judg-
ments of Courts of Law of any Colony beyond
the limits of that Colony. It is to have
"derivative" powers of legislation (that is,
by request of the legislatures of at least two
federated colonies) on the following subjects : —
(1) General Defences ; (2) Quarantine ; (3)
Patent Law ; (4) Copyright ; (5) Bills of Ex-
change and Promissory Notes ; (6) Marriage
and Divorce Laws; (7) Naturalisation and
Aliens; (8) Any other matter of general Aus-
tralian interest, icith respect to which the
legislatures of the several colonies can legislate
within their own limits, and as to which it is
deemed desirable that there should be a Law
of General Application. This is plainly not
an "Enabling" Bill, but a Constructive Bill
of a bad kind. A true Enabling Bill is what
we want. Give the colonies power to alter
their own Constitution, and trust to them to
take all possible steps towards a real union.
rity. It is thus a cabinet without
responsibility, a government without
authority, an executive without a
revenue. Even those who may not be
hostile to the principle of the measure
must recognise that in its present form
it must give .rise to numberless occa-
sions for dispute, and that it offers no
remedy for these except disruotion of
the union.
The derivative power of legislation
is also open to great objection. At first
it seems reasonable enough that any
two colonies may refer a question of
common interest to be settled by the
Federal Council ; but it is plain, upon
reflection, that this power will work
injuriously in practice. Suppose, for
example, that the Federal Council
frames a divorce law for the two
Colonies of Tasmania and Victoria ;
that law will then become the Federal
Statute on the subject of divorce, and
will have to be accepted in globo by
any other colonies that may wish for
the Federal legislation on the subject.
Thus the indirect result of the action
of any two colonies will be either to
force a statute on all the other
colonies, or else to compel them to
accept the subject of that statute
from the jurisdiction of the Federal
Council. What the result of this may
be if the matter referred to the
council is the settlement of the tariff,
it requires no power of political fore-
cast to imagine.
The Federal Council, indeed, in these
respects, goes too far, while in others
it does not go far enough. Until the
means of communication between the
colonies are bettered, and the tariff
difficulty is removed, a close Federal
Union is impossible. But a Central
Council for deliberative and consul-
tative purposes would foster the spirit
of union, and be, practically, very use-
ful. The duties of such a council
should be strictly limited to the sug-
gestion of measures on matters of
intercolonial interest. Their work
might be that both of innovators and
codifiers— either they might draft new
measures, or harmonise those which
168
An Australian Appeal to the English Democracy.
already exist ; but in each case the
actual legislative authority would re-
main with the local Parliaments.
Australia is quite ripe for such a
council, and its work would be of an
extremely useful character. Australian
politicians often lack the power or op-
portunity to prepare well-drafted
measures on technical subjects, and
the differences of local legislation arise
quite as much from carelessness or
ignorance as from any settled differ-
ence in policy. The suggestions and
supervision of a council of experts
could not fail to improve colonial legis-
lation, both in form and quality. The
proposed Federal Council will do no-
thing well. It does not pretend to
give genuine Federation, but it substi-
tutes a grotesque, amorphous phantom,
which, by the irritating disputes between
the colonies to which its existence will
give rise, will create a new and almost
insurmountable obstacle to the real
union which all Australians desire.
Nor is the existence of such a coun-
cil altogether without danger to Eng-
land, since the first matter which the
Enabling Bill surrenders to its control
is " The relations of Australasia with
the Islands of the Pacific ; " that is to
say, the people of each colony are to
surrender all control over the only
matters of foreign policy which are
likely to lead us into serious difficulties.
By an amendment of the Colonial
Office nothing can be done under this
authority without the previous sanc-
tion of the Imperial Government.
But the history of New Guinea shows
how difficult it will be for the English
Government to object to anything after
it is done. The Federal Council will be
able to force the hands of the English
Government whenever it likes, just as
it will also be able to force the hands
of the Australian Parliaments. Sup-
pose— and the supposition is not impro-
bable— that a majority of the Council
should agree to annex the greater part
of the Pacific Islands. Such a measure
might or might not be desirable. But
are the people of each colony, who will
have to pay the cost of annexation, to
have no voice in the matter 1 Small
bodies of men are generally more ready
for a " forward policy " than the
masses, on whom the responsibility
will ultimately fall. Let Englishmen
put themselves in our place. Imagine
that during the Russo-Turkish war the
control of foreign affairs had been
completely in the hands of the Beacons-
field Cabinet. Is it not morally cer-
tain that England would have been
committed to a position from which it
would have been impossible to with-
draw peaceably 1 A foreign policy,
more than a domestic policy, requires
the constant check and pressure of
public opinion. This, as English ex-
perience has proved, can be brought to
bear most effectually upon the Minister
of a Representative Assembly, where
every proposal can be publicly can-
vassed. Foreign affairs, more than
any other, require to be conducted in
the light of day, and popular know-
ledge of what is being done may often
be the surest guarantee of peace.
Nor are we in Australia without a
recent experience of the recklessness
with which a certain party is ready, in
the names of Christianity and com-
merce, to disregard the rights of other
nations. Late events have brought
into a startling prominence a party
which insists on the entire exclusion
of foreigners from the Pacific Ocean.
The headquarters of these narrow
doctrinaires are naturally in Mel-
bourne, where the zealous Christian is
more pressed to find relief for pious
feelings and for glutted markets. Their
views, however, found some supporters
at the Sydney Convention ; and it is
quite likely, if the proposed Federal
Council came into existence, that
Victoria, in the absence of New South
Wales, will be able to commit the
associated Colonies to a policy which
will seriously involve Australia, and
which may complicate the relations of
England with other European powers.
It is a mistake, however, to suppose
that the compact body of Annexation-
ists, with their definite interests to
serve, and their opportunities for
An Australian Appeal to the English Democracy.
169
making themselves heard, accurately
represent the feelings of the dis-
organised and silent mass of Austra-
lian voters. New South Wales, indeed,
has already given an emphatic refusal
to join in a demand for further an-
nexation ; although, as usual, this
difference of opinion is attributed in
England to provincial jealousy. In
reality, however, the older colony is,
in this matter, the mouthpiece of
Democratic sentiment, and ought,
therefore, to receive the warm support
of English Radicals.
It would seem from the arguments
of Annexationists, that foreign settle-
ments are deplored upon two grounds,
namely, for the injury they will inflict
on our material interests, and for the
suffering they will cause to native
races. The humanitarian argument
is that which we have heard so often,
and which is always trotted out to
justify aggression. No one, who is
acquainted with the missionaries of
the Pacific Islands, could doubt that
there are some of them who use this
argument in all good faith. The
widest extension of British rule would
be desirable if it would strengthen
the hands of men like Chalmers,
Lawes, or Selwyn. But experience
does not show that British rule is
beneficial to a native race. With the
best intentions, and with really heroic
sacrifices, Englishmen have failed to
win the regard of any nation that they
rule. Everywhere they form a govern-
ing class apart from the people ; and
where Frenchmen or Spaniards would,
by intermarriage with the natives,
continue something of the national
life, Englishmen only destroy what-
ever society already exists. The
Pacific Islands, in particular, are pain-
ful witnesses to our disastrous pre-
sence. Rum and disease have every-
where carried to the natives more
convincing proof of the nature of
English benevolence than could be
afforded by the best of wishes or by
miles of missionary calico. Set Java
and Tahiti on one side, and New
Zealand on the other, and then let it
be said whether we can claim a mono-
poly of charitable feeling towards the
native races. Certainly, whatever
may be our feelings, we have not
surpassed either the Dutch or the
French in the success with which we
have exhibited them to the Pacific
Islanders.
In one point only have the friends
of the Pacific Islanders any real cause
for alarm.
Prince Bismarck has proclaimed, in
deference to the wish of German
traders, that he aims rather at pro-
tecting commerce than at founding
colonies. In plain language, this
means, in the Pacific, that German
traders will be free to deal with native
races as they please.
At present England is making a
noble effort to protect the Pacific
Islanders from the greed of. Europeans.
The regulations of the High Commis-
sioner endeavour to control the labour
traffic, to stop the importation of rum
and firearms, and to prohibit the
purchase of land. Other nations have,
as yet, been chary of assisting at this
work ; and it is now feared that the
occupation of new territory by France
or Germany will give a shelter to the
lawless practices which England has
been struggling to put down. The
Germans, in particular, have disre-
garded their duties to native races
with most shameless cynicism : and the
German traders openly avow their
disbelief in measures to protect the
islanders, and their intention to govern
their new territories upon purely com-
mercial principles. The French have
hitherto shown more humanity, and
their colony of Otaheite is the only
Pacific island under white control
where the native population is in-
creasing.1
1 This is one of the reasons in favour of the
proposal to annex the New Hebrides to France.
Those islands are already developed largely by
French enterprise, and could without difficulty
be brought under French influence. Moreover,
the islands are geographically attached to New
Caledonia, and their occupation by the Eng-
lish would be likely to give rise to constant
irritation between us and the French. If the
French should pledge themselves (as they
have declared their willingness to do) not to
170
An Australian Appeal to the English Democracy.
Accordingly, the honest members
of the missionary party denounce the
recent annexations, because they fear,
not that the Germans will establish
arsenals, but that they will neglect to
govern. They take Prince Bismarck at
his word, and they believe that it will
be possible even for Germany, now that
she has assumed at least a nominal
authority, to decline the responsibility
of preserving order. She will, un-
doubtedly, require pressure to be
brought upon her; but let her go-
vernment be once established, and she
will be compelled by the force of public
opinion to give protection to her native
subjects. Our object ought to be to
bring the necessity for such protection
strongly before the German Govern-
ment ; and if the English journalists,
when they are tired of abusing Lord
Derby, would insist that we should
have a common understanding with
France and Germany as to the pur-
chase of land from the islanders, and
the traffic in labour, firearms, and rum,
they would benefit Australia greatly,
whilst serving the cause of humanity.
What is wanted is an International
agreement, such as that which was
use these islands for a penal settlement, their
presence could not in any way injure or menace
Australia, while it would be in the highest
degree beneficial to the natives and to the
increase of commerce in the Pacific Ocean.
The agitation against the French has been got
up by mining and land speculators, and by
the Protestant missionaries, who are jealous of
their Catholic rivals. It has actually been
made a formal cause of complaint by the Eng-
lish missionaries that the native children in
the Loyalty Islands are instructed in the
French language ; while it is hardly necessary
to say that, while the French Protectorate
continues, the missionaries cannot act as they
have done in Tonga, and assume the reins of
government. The alternative proposal, to
"internationalise" these and every other
island which England does not at present
covet, is one which can only have emanated
from an editorial armchair. To "interna-
tionalise " in the Pacific Ocean is simply to
create an Alsatia. An international arrange-
ment between France, Germany, England,
and America, for police purposes, having re-
ference to the labour traific, the acquisition of
land, and the sale of rum and firearms, would
be very useful, but the international govern-
ment of the islands ought to be under some
one responsible power.
proposed at the Congo Conference, to
the effect that all annexations of bar-
barous territories should carry with
them the responsibility for order and
government. At present it is openly
admitted by the German traders in
Sydney that commerce is their only
concern ; and unless strong pressure is
brought to bear upon the Government
by France and England, the Imperial
flag will only float in the Pacific in
order to conceal the present infamies.
But even supposing that the acts
of Germany should justify the worst
anticipations of those who have already
seen the conduct of her traders ; yet,
that will not impose upon our Govern-
ment the duty of immediate annexa-
tion. How often must it be repeated
that we have no mission to redress the
grievances of every native race, even
were we able to do it ? Germany may
fail to treat the natives well, but we
ourselves are by no means certain to
succeed better, although our points of
failure might be different. Yet, in
order to correct the possible faults of
German rule, we are asked ourselves
to assume the reins of government,
before we have tried the efficacy either
of official remonstrances or of the pres-
sure of well-informed public opinion !
But this, the annexationists have
said, is a begging of the question.
Annexation by England would involve
us, they say, in far fewer difficulties
than those into which we shall cer-
tainly fall if the annexation is made
by any foreign power.
The most baseless assertion comes to
be believed if it is frequently repeated ;
so that it is possible that honest men
may really believe that the presence of
the Germans at New Britain, or the
French at the New Hebrides, will be
a source of danger to Australia ! Yet,
how is such a view borne out by any
facts ? Is the presence of the French
at Pondicherry any danger to the
Indian Empire? Or does the ad-
jacency of Cuba menace the United
States ? Yet, in twenty years Aus-
tralia will be to the Pacific Islands as
the United States are to Cuba or
Jamaica They will just as little be
An Australian Appeal to the, English Democracy.
171
a source of danger to our ports and
commerce ; and, in the event of war,
we could snap them up in a week — if
we wanted to do so.
If, on the other hand, we annexed
those islands, instead of leaving them
to foreign powers, we should be scatter-
ing instead of concentrating our re-
sources. We should be offering a
greater number of vulnerable points
to any enemy, instead of leaving him
to offer them to us.
But can we seriously believe that
any islands taken by a foreign power
are to be turned at once into fortified
posts ? Let us show a little common
sense in talking about foreign politics.
Let us remember what these islands
are — that they are tropical islands,
with malarious climates, lying far
from civilised settlement ; that they
are places which offer no inducement
to English settlers, and no work for
European labourers. What, then, do
we suppose that it would cost a Euro-
pean power to establish and maintain
a Malta at a place like one of these ?
And if an annexationist is bold enough
to face this question, let him be further
asked to explain the motive for such
waste of money.
But there is another side to the
question. Suppose it to be granted,
for the sake of argument, that the pre-
sence of foreigners in the Pacific will
cause some appreciable danger to Aus-
tralia ! The risk from English an-
nexation might still be out of all pro-
portion to the danger which we would
avoid. The Democratic party here
believe that to be the case ; and that
the exclusion of foreigners from the
Pacific would not only involve us in
responsibilities that would seriously
hamper our material progress but
would deprive Australia of great moral
and material benefits.
It is certain that England is in no
mood to acquire new responsibilities.
If the islands are annexed, it is Aus-
tralia that will have to be responsible.
English journalists, particularly those
who are most eager to display their
friendship to Australia, talk of this as
though it were a matter of no concern.
Yet the popular party in Australia
takes a very different view.
In the first place, we have not got
the men who could administer the
islands. Our parliaments show no
superfluity of administrative talent ;
and we have not succeeded well in
such a comparatively simple matter as
the regulation of the labour traffic.
Our own affairs still occupy us fully.
Three-quarters of our own continent
have still to be annexed. And yet we
are advised by Englishmen to direct
our energies into other fields !
Moreover, there is another argument
in favour of foreign settlements, which
can only, perhaps, be fully appreciated
by those who are acquainted with Aus-
tralia. We suffer at present from our
isolation. We are outside the main
current of European thought ; so that
in spiritual and intellectual matters
"vre are somewhat stagnant. We have
but one type — that of the British
" bourgeois," with " his sombre attire,
his repellent manners, his gloomy wor-
ship, his mechanic habitudes of toil."
Is it better that the Pacific Islands
should be kept for the perpetuation of
this type, or that other types should
settle there for our example and im-
provement? France and Germany
have, each of them, political and intel-
lectual ideas which differ from the
English ; and the observation of new
ideas and other forms of social life
cannot fail to stimulate a nation's
mental growth. By the presence of
foreign settlements in the Pacific,
Australia would be brought more into
the stream of modern thought, — and
that is of itself a great advantage.
But besides the moral advantages
of having in our neighbourhood the
representatives of other civilisations,
there are great material advantages to
be derived from this propinquity.
Sydney is, by its position, the em-
porium of the island trade. Whatever
develops commerce in the islands must
increase the wealth of Sydney. The
only question is, whether this develop-
ment is to be effected by introducing
fresh capital and labour from new
European sources, or whether it is to
172
An Australian Appeal to the English Democracy.
be effected by drawing on our own
stores, which are already insufficient to
properly develop our own country.
No Australian, at any rate, is likely
to deny, that had Fiji been exploited
by a foreign power, millions of much-
needed capital would never have been
taken from Australia.
Penal settlement as it is, New Cale-
donia has already caused a consider-
able increase in the volume of Austra-
lian trade. A similar result must
follow the establishment of every new
settlement. Whatever commerce may
spring up in the Pacific, Australia
must obtain the larger share of it.
The Germans may attempt to exclude
English trade, but the position of
Australia, as the nearest source of
supply, will prevent them establishing
any insurmountable barriers.
Foreign annexation will also save
us from another danger which English-
men cannot be blamed for not appreci-
ating. Those tropical islands can never
form a coherent part of our political
system. They can only be worked by
coloured labour, and coloured labour
will be a permanent source of disunion
and difficulty to Australia. A foreign
power can face this danger, because it
has no white settlements close by;
but workmen in Australia will never
consent to be taxed for the govern-
ment of coolie plantations. The
coloured labour difficulty is at this
very time threatening the disruption
of Queensland, and we cannot forget
that it is not twenty years since the
same difficulty menaced the existence
of the United States.
These are the ideas that we look to
the English people, and especially to
English Radicals, to enforce in their
policy and writings. For it is in points
like these that the influence of one
democracy re-acts upon another. Yet,
if a certain section of the Liberal
party shall prevail in England, this is
just the help that we shall not receive
from the English democracy.
BEENHAED WISE.
Sydney.
ADDENDUM.
Since writing the above, a cablegram
has been published declaring the inten-
tion of the English Government to
establish a joint scheme of maritime
defence. It is proposed either to
create a Federal Australian Navy, or
to request the colonies to contribute
a certain annual sum towards the
maintenance of an English-Australian
Squadron.
Each of these proposals is radically
faulty. An Australian navy would
be both costly and inefficient. Having
no naval building yards, we should
have to rely upon the Admiralty, both
for the pattern and the quality of our
ships ; and at the present rate of
naval invention, these would certainly
become antiquated in ten years. But
we have no use for a reserve squadron,
and the cost of a decennial renewal of
our whole fleet would be stupendous.
Moreover, it is certain that in the
event of war, the federal fleet would
be dispersed among the different
colonies, since each colony would
demand that the ships for which it
paid should be specially devoted to its
protection. The same demand would
be made in respect of every particular
quota of any Imperial Squadron. The
federal navy would thus be broken up
at the very moment that united action
was required. Finally, it must be
remembered that it would be no light
matter to pass naval estimates through
eight colonial legislatures. There will
always be a risk that their rejection;
should be made a popular cry. The
people will insist, foolishly no doubt,
upon having all the handling of the
money that they vote. To have pro-
posed otherwise, betrays great ignor-
ance of the political sentiment of
the colonies. The right principle of
joint defence is, as has been pointed
out, that each colony should provide
for its harbour and coast defences, but
that the ocean defences should be the
sole concern of the Imperial navy.
B. W.
173
MRS. DYMOND.
CHAPTER XVI.
AFTERWARDS.
AMONG the many who appeared to
show their respect to the good colo-
nel's memory was Mr. Marney, in a
shining and easy suit of deepest black,
an appearance of prof oundest grief tem-
pered by resignation, to which a new
hat swathed in crape greatly contri-
buted. Aunt Fanny, strange to say,
was somewhat taken by Mr. Marney ;
his frankness (how Susy loathed it),
his respectful sympathy, his intelligent
grasp of the situation, of the many
youthful failings to which, with all
his affection for his wife's daughter, he
could not be blind, his full apprecia-
tion of the good colonel's strange in-
fatuation, his easy compliments, his
amusing little jokes at his wife and
family, uttered in a subdued voice as
befitted the circumstances, all amused
Miss Bolsover, who accepted his odious
compliments to Tempy's indignant
amazement.
Susy had not asked Mr. Marney to
come ; he was no guest of hers ; she
was unaffected in her grief, unselfish,
anxious to spare others. She would
have come down had it been necessary,
but hearing of her stepfather's pre-
sence, she kept away, up stairs by Jo's
bedside, or in her own room, silent,
and apart in her sorrow. Some in-
stinct seems to warn simple and de-
fenceless creatures of the dangers of
beasts of prey.
Meanwhile, in Jo's absence, Miss
Bolsover received the company, gave
every possible direction. She was in
her element. Pens, ink, and paper, her
flowing hand and spreading sheets of
platitude, surrounded by broad edges of
black, filled the post bags to the brim.
Mr. Bolsover, all crushed somehow,
sat dolefully dozing or smoking in
his cozy gun-room. Mrs. Bolsover
came there too for comfort, or moped
silent and apart. Sometimes she went
over to the Place. Susy liked to have
her there. Aunt Car would come in
looking old and scared into the little
boudoir where Susy sat alone. The
young widow used to run to meet her,
and without a word would put little
Phraisie on her knee.
Charlie Bolsover was present at his
uncle's funeral, naturally and un-
affectedly shocked and overcome, and
yet not unnaturally thinking still
more of Tempy than of his uncle,
who had dealt hard measure to him
and never done him justice. He had
but a few hours to remain at Tarnclale,
and he had determined to come and go
without obtruding his own personal
feelings either upon Tempy or her step-
mother. But man's resolves, espe-
cially Charlie's, are apt to be carried
by the tide of the moment, and the
sight of poor Tempy in her black with
her wistful looks was too much for his
philosophy. He came up to the house
late in the afternoon of the funeral
day, hoping for another sight of her.
She was alone in the drawing-room.
And then it happened that when
Charlie would have gone up to her,
Tempy for the first time in all her life
drew back, shrunk from him ; she
glanced at him, and then dared not
look again.
" Tempy ! " he said.
She did not look up, but she stood
pale and frozen, with averted eyes.
" Go, Charlie," she said at last.
" This is no time to think of our selfish
wishes ; ours have been selfish. I see
how wrong — how wrong I was ail along.
Go, dear Charlie," she said, covering
her eyes with her hand. " Go," she
repeated angrily. " Do you hear me 1 "
Her overstrung nerves were almost
beyond her control.
174
Mrs. Dymond.
"I hear you," said Charlie, turning
sick and pale ; " you do not mean it,
Tempy."
" Yes, I mean it, I mean it," Tempy
cried. " Why do you doubt it ? Go,
I tell you ; go."
Charlie stood as if some gun had
been fired at him ; he tried to speak ; no
words came. With ono look he turned
and walked straight out of the room.
Tempy waited for an instant, heard
the front door shut, then sank into the
first chair. When Susy came to look
for her, she found the girl still sitting
in the semi-darkness on a chair against
the wall. She had not moved since
Charlie had left her an hour before.
Seeing Susy she looked up.
" You are satisfied," she said ; " I
have done as papa wished. I have
sent Charlie away."
She spoke in a thick, dazed way,
which frightened her stepmother.
" Your father wished it," Susy re-
peated, faltering. " Dear Tempy, you
could not go against his will. He
loved us so— no wonder we loved
him ; " and Susy took Tempy 's cold
hand and put her arm round her neck.
" You did not love him as I did,"
said Tempy, tearing her hand away
and flashing her blue eyes at her young
stepmother. " He loved you, but you
did not deserve it, and Charlie loves
me and I do not deserve it." The girl
was in a frenzy of grief and despair.
" Ah, papa thought I did not care
for him because I loved Charlie," cried
Tempy; "but I have given poor
Charlie up for papa. I let him go,
I let him go, and now I am all by
myself. They are both gone, both
gone ; they will never come any more,"
and she wrung her two hands.
Susy stood in silence listening to the
girl's reproaches. Were they deserved ]
She did not know ; she did not ask.
For the first time she felt herself alone,
silent, helpless, as people feel who have
to learn to live anew, without the
strength of long use to hold by.
" O Tempy ! " Susy said at last, " I
do honour you ; I can only feel you have
done right. Let us put all doubts and
perplexities away just for the present
and wait. In a little time everything
will seem more clear." And Tempy
took heart somehow once more. Susy's
cordials were more to her mind than
Aunt Fanny's chloral.
The next day the blinds were up,
Miss Bolsover in bugles and crape,
was still occupied with her own and
everybody else's feelings, giving every
possible direction in the conduct of
affairs. Charlie and Mr. Marney had
departed. Tempy's tears were flow-
ing ; but that explanation with her
stepmother had taken some of the
bitterness from her heart. She had
done what she could. She sat in Jo's
room, languid, by an open window,
looking across the gardens and the
lake, and the beautiful smiling valley.
The valley itself, the fringed hills, the
moorlands which inclosed them, were
all a part of Jo's inheritance.
There are also other things entailed
besides farms and country estates
which parents leave behind them.
They leave their lives to their child-
ren, as well as their savings, and their
looks and family characteristics. Jo
and Tempy inherited among other
things their father's directness and
simplicity of character, and his upright
and honourable name, and the memory
of his many kind and liberal actions.
When the will was read, it was
found that the colonel had left a
legacy of £5,000 to each of his daugh-
ters, and £1,000 a year to his widow
during her widowhood. Subject to
these charges, and various legacies
enumerated, he bequeathed the whole
of his property to his son. Jo and
Tempy also inherited their mother's
property, which had been settled on
them at his marriage.
Strangely enough, the colonel had
added a codicil to his will on the very
day of the fatal accident, for he had
called at his solicitor's while waiting
at County side for Jo's train. By
this codicil, the colonel executed a
power of appointment contained in the
settlement made on his marriage with
his first wife, and appointed the trust
Mrs. Dymond.
175
funds in equal shares to his son and
daughter ; but he made a proviso that
the whole of that property should go
to Josselin in the event of his daughter
Tempy marrying under twenty-one
without the consent of her guardian ;
and he appointed his widow, Mrs.
Susanna Dymond, to be the sole guard-
ian of his three children.
In the event of Mrs. Dymond' s
re-marriage, she was to give up her
right to her jointure as well as to the
guardianship of the elder children.
This provision, which seemed of little
importance, was not in the codicil but
in the will, and had been suggested by
the family solicitor. The good, loyal
old colonel was indignant at the time
at something his sisters had said, and
which the family adviser had quoted ;
and protesting his wife's indifference
to money, had agreed to the clause
without wasting much thought upon
future possibilities. Susy had never
cared for money, of that he required
no assurance, and as for re-marriage,
what should she want to marry again
for ? she was much better at home at
the Place, looking after Phraisie and
the other two, thought the colonel to
himself, to say nothing of poor
Mrs. Marney and her boys. The
kind old son-in-law had left Mrs.
Marney a hundred pound legacy as
a token of friendly regard, together
with a small sum to each of the
boys ; and there were legacies to his
sister and her husband, and to his
sister-in-law. Miss Bolsover was of-
fended by the portion which came to
her share. Mr. Marney was also dis-
appointed, and made no secret of his
irritation. It was a shabby concern,
he said, from beginning to end. What
is a hundred pounds ? A mere nothing ;
and we owe it all and more too. The
boys' £50 won't find them in boots for
six months to come. As for Susy and
her beggarly jointure, she may marry
again and lose it all to-morrow.
"Susy won't marry; she knows
there is her brother's education,"
said Mrs. Marney, with anxious con-
viction. She has Miky and Dermy to
consider now, and she is not one to
forget her own people. We all know
the colonel's wishes, and that he meant
them to be properly taught."
" It would have been more to the
purpose if the old boy had written his
wishes down on lawyer's paper, with
a couple of witnesses to see them car-
ried out," said Marney. " I call it a
d — d unbusiness-like proceeding — to
say nothing of having to pay madame,
as you propose. I'm getting out of
patience with her endless "
" Oh, Michael ! " said poor Mary,
reproachfully ; " Madame lent me £20
last month ; it is not for the rent
only ! "
Not without difficulty was Miky's
legacy reserved for Madame' s just
claim. If it had not been for her
genuine love for the little boys
and their mother, Madame du Pare,
the sturdy and methodical, would long
ago have got rid of her unpunctual
lodgers, but she had grown to love the
children, and, above all, the poor lady,
whose troubles, little by little, had
become her own.
Susy wrote to her mother at once,
telling her of herself and of all in her
home, promising to provide for the
boys' schooling as heretofore. She
was to keep house for Jo, and she had
no expense and plenty of spare money,
she said, and she knew that John
in his kindness would have wished
her to continue what he had so
generously begun. She missed him
sorely, mourned him with a tender,
grateful heart ; she seemed at first
scarcely able to live without him, or
to have a wish, or to to be able to
settle the commonest things. He had
been a man of methodical habits ; he
had ruled his household, and drilled
Susanna to his own ideas ; she had
never stood alone. We know she was
young and yielding and easy by na-
ture ; she had learnt from him to sort
out and arrange her life, her events
and friends, her feelings and hospi-
tality— to use certain stock phrases to
herself, which she thought she believed
in. Now that he was gone, it seemed
176
Mrs. Dymond.
to Susy as if she had become for ever
what she had tried to be before.
" Elle etait plus femme que les autres
femmes" has often been quoted, and
never too often ; surely it applied to
my heroine as she sat in her corner
by Jo's sofa a few weeks after her hus-
band's death. Jo looked haggard, but
he was nearly well. Susy in black and
in her widow's cap looked far more
beautiful than in her coloured fashion-
able dresses — younger, gentler, less
reserved. The western sunshine was
coming in at the open window. Jo
had fallen asleep, and in the stillness,
as Susy sat in the low chair by his
couch, she could also hear the voice
of her little Phraisie at play in the
garden without, and the hum in the
distant field, and the sounds coming
across the lake.
Josselin liked to have his stepmother
near him. Susanna had that gift which
belongs to some people for taking care
of sick people. Tempy was too abrupt
and nervous from very affection. Miss
Bolsover fussed ; she also wanted to do
too much. Jo found in his stepmother
the most comforting of nurses. " I do
believe she's made of sticking plaster,"
he used to say. Day by day his
strength seemed to return, his burning
eyes became clear and soft. He rarely
spoke of the accident ; but he told
them once for all what he could
remember of it. His father, who was
driving, had suddenly fainted or
fallen from his seat ; as he fell, the
horse was startled ; Jo trying to catch
the reins, had been thrown from his
seat. He lost consciousness ; once he
revived enough to hear George Tyson
saying, "The boat be there, shall we
take them home ? " and then all was
as nothing once more, until- he awoke
in his own bed with Tempy hanging
over him.
Nobody pretended to be anxious
any longer. Jeffries grinned satisfac-
tion at his patient's progress. When
Aunt Fanny suddenly appeared with
the barouche, announcing that change
was now necessary, and that she had
come to carry Jo off then and there,
broken bones and all, to the Hall, Jo
worked himself into a passion. He
didn't want to go, he was much better
at home. He gave an unearthly groan
when his aunt advanced to persuade
him in her most dulcet tones.
" You may as well say at once, Jo,
that new things have bewitched you,
that flattery has divided you from old
friends, that your old home has lost
all interest for you," said Aunt Fanny,
greatly startled by his noise, and
fairly losing her temper and her eter-
nal melodious inflexions.
" I don't want to be tortured all the
way from this to the Hall," cried Jo
with condoning crossness. " Flattery !
why, don't you flatter me? you and
Aunt Car too ! " And then Aunt
Fanny leaves the room, followed by
Tempy in tears trying to soothe her.
Poor Tempy ! tears came very easily
to her eyes now.
"I don't know what has come to
Jo and Tempy," said Miss Bolsover,
exasperated on her return. " The in-
fluence she has gained over them is
most painful, and scarcely to be
believed."
" Ha ! petticoat influence," says Mr.
Bolsover rashly ; " we all know what
that is — a very powerful thing; I my-
self could imagine it difficult to resist
Susanna at times." . . .
Miss Bolsover goes into a peal of
silvery laughter. " Another victim !
I told you so, Caroline ; another of her
victims."
"I don't know about that," says
Mrs. Bolsover, speaking to herself, in
her odd mumbling way. " Victims,
victims ; Fanny has had plenty of
victims in her days, now she is too
old and too fat to charm people any
more."
" H'm, h'm ! A-h'm, my dear ! " says
Frederick with warning signs.
So Miss Bolsover fortunately kept
away, indignant almost beyond words
or expression. Mr. Bolsover did not
come very often, but when he appeared
it was generally with a chastened look,
which suggested vicarious suffering.
Then things settled clown in their
Mrs. Dymond.
177
new state ; Charlie returned no more
to Bolsover, Jo went back to college ;
seasons passed on their course, winter
followed the autumn. It was a cold
and bitter season. Tempy and her
stepmother kept indoors and by the
warm fires, while the winds whistled
shrill and the snow fell upon the sur-
rounding fells and moors. But Phraisie,
a frolicsome little breath of comfort
and new hope would come flying to
their arms, and when the winter was
gone and the soft spring came, piercing
the frozen ground, Jo, returning home
for the Easter vacation, found Miky and
Dermy also established for their holi-
days at Crowbeck, and Susy, 'in some
perplexity as to what she should do
with them and how they were to be
conveyed home to their mother. It
was Josselin who suggested something
which every one agreed to then and
there without discussion. They all
wanted change of scene, he said ; they
all shrank from London and from
Wimpole Street. " You would like
to see your mother, wouldn't you, Mrs.
Dymond ? " said he. " Why cannot
we take the boys over." Even Tempy
brightened up and approved of the
suggestion.
CHAPTER XVII.
AT A WINDOW.
ONE night, as if by magic, the whole
party found itself neatly packed away
in a little omnibus at Paris, coming
from the Northern Station, where Mrs.
Marney had met her boys, and carried
them off home to Neuilly in joyful
triumph.
The rest of the party were mean-
while jogging deliberately over the
stones to the hotel, Phraisie asleep in
her mother's arms. Wilkins was
buried beneath the parcels and shawls
and umbrellas which well-bred people
always carry wherever they go.
Jo and Tempy, with their heads out
of the windows, were exclaiming,
while the shops jolted past, and people
No. 309.— VOL. LIT.
and lights and public buildings ablaze,
followed by black spaces crossed with
lines of lamps. Finally, the omnibus
turned into a narrow street out of
a wider thoroughfare. How familiar
the echo of the wheels between the
high houses sounded to Susy's ears !
More lights flash ; the omnibus stops;
the landlord and landlady appear in
the doorway, the newly-arrived com-
pany is officiously escorted and assisted
up the narrow staircase to its apart-
ments ; the cloth is laid, the candles
are lighted ; Phraisie's room and Susy's
room are on either side of the sitting-
room ; Jo and Tempy find themselves
established across the landing, with
tall windows shaded by muslin blinds
and red curtains, and all the echoes
of Paris without.
The hotel had been recommended by
Madame du Pare as quiet and con-
venient. Their apartments were on
the third floor, small enough and
shabby enough compared to the splen-
dour of Crowbeck Place ; but Mrs.
Dymond suddenly felt as if she should
like nothing so well as to spend all
that remained to her of her life in this
little noisy place. She had seen her
little Phraisie laid snug and peaceful
in her bed ; she had unpacked some of
the many bags and parcels (how many
more she had to unpack of different
shapes and sizes than when she had
first come to Paris some four years
ago !). Her own bed was in a cur-
tained alcove, with griffin claws to
hang the curtains to ; a grey marble
table stood in the centre of the room ;
the prints on the walls were of Napo-
leon, and Poniatowski in Polish boots
and a blue helmet ; the walls were of
faded red, shabby even by candle-
light. Susanna thought the place a
little paradise. Shabbiness is as much
of a treat to people overdone with
luxury as a silk gown is to a little
Cinderella out of the ashes.
Susy opened her casement wide and
leant out, gazing straight down the
dark precipice of walls and windows
beneath her own with the sense of
new breath and life which most people
N
178
Mrs. Dymond.
feel when they breathe the pleasant
foreign air.
With a breath of relief she leant out
farther and farther, looking up and
down the chattering, half -lighted street,
at the people passing by, so indifferent
and unconscious of her existence, at
the lamps radiating from the broad
boulevard beyond. There was some
heap of shadowy blackness at the
other end of the street, but Susy had
to wait till morning light to realise
that the black shadow was that of
the church of St. Roch.
" Susy, Susy, come to supper," cries
Tempy from the next room, where she
and Josselin are already hungrily es-
tablished, and beginning to help the
fishes and fried potatoes by the light
of the two tall tapers.
Very early next morning Susanna
woke again, for she had not closed her
window all the night, and the sun was
shining in with dazzling rays. All
the world's voice seemed calling up to
her from the street below ; water,
fruit, flowers, old clothes, were being
proclaimed with different intonations.
Now by the bright daylight, as she
leant against the wooden bar, she
could see into the stone depths below
on either side of the narrow street
and the tall houses rising with their
many balconies and shutters. The
Rue du Dauphin is a sort of sunshine
trap leading to the Tuileries gardens,
all festive with spring behind the rail-
ing and set with orange trees, beyond
which the glittering mansard roofs
and pinnacles of the old palace, where
the Henries and Louises ruled so long,
to be followed by the Napoleons. At
the other end of the street the church
of St. Roch was standing in the early
shadow still, like some huge -mountain
with flaming peaks. Already its doors
were swinging, and people were ascend-
ing and descending the great flights
of steps ; the bells were tolling, the
clocks were chiming, the people going
in and coming out to their work again ;
the old women were sitting huddled,
with their cloaks and their foot-
warmers, at the church doors, with
chaplets and religious newspapers to
sell \ the carts and omnibuses had
long since been rolling ; the inde-
scribably gay and busy chorus reached
the travellers in their high lodging.
The little party could scarcely tear
itself away from the windows through
which so much was to be seen and
heard. Mrs. Marney had promised to
come to Susy, for Marney was start-
ing off on some one of his expeditions,
and she meant to join her at the
hotel with the boys. Josselin went
out, but Susy and Tempy, with Phraisie
between them, absorbed in the con-
templation of another little girl at
play on a balcony opposite, spent their
first morning looking out of window.
As the day went on the company be-
came more and more varied ; they
watched the Frenchwomen floating by,
walking with quick and pretty steps
and with neat black skirts, leading
children drolly attired, elaborate and
bedizened, and well-mannered. " Mam-
ma, look at the funny boy," says
Phraisie, pointing to a little fellow
with an enormous collar covered with
anchors and emblems, who was ad-
vancing up the street with a dignified
and monkey-like bearing. The coun-
try nurses also go by with their
bambinos and long cloaks and cap
ribbons ; coachmen jog past with their
white oil-cloth hats; a gendarme passes,
cocked hat, epaulettes, white gloves and
all, arm-in-arm with his wife ; finally,
up come Dermy and Mikey at a trot.
Susy, seeing the little boys down be-
low, followed by her mother, who had
stopped to speak to somebody in the
street, went to the door and looked
over the stairs, as people do who are
on a holiday with time to look out for
one another. Mrs. Marney came toil-
ing up the winding staircase, breathless,
but still conversing.
" Do come up. Come up, I tell
you," Susy heard her say. " My
daughter will like to see you, and
we can arrange our plans."
She heard the little boys also join-
ing hospitably from below : " M. Max,
do — do come ; you shall not go," from
Mrs. Dymond.
179
Dermy ; and then Mrs. Marney, look-
ing up, sees Mrs. Dymond on the
landing, and calls —
" Here we are, Susanna ; we are
bringing Max du Pare to see you."
Susanna retreated gently and rather
shyly into the dignified safeguard of
her own room, whither they all fol-
lowed her, chattering and clattering
up the wooden staircase. They brought
with them Du Pare, who had not meant
to come in, but who could not help
himself, for Mrs. Marney went ahead
announcing him, while one boy held
firm by his coat tails, and the other
by his hand. Susy, willing to please
her mother, and to show her guest
that she was not unmindful of all his
kindness to her family, came forward
in her crape and blackness with her
handout. DuParc, who was shy and
French, bowed very low without no-
ticing the friendly gesture and the
outstretched hand, and then Susy
seemed to remember suddenly how
stiffly he had always met her ad-
vances. She blushed, withdrew, and
turned shy in an instant, and the
young man saw with surprise that the
colour was rising in her pale cheeks.
He had imagined her belonging to
another world and phase of life far
distant from his own simple estate,
and absolutely indifferent to his pre-
sence or absence. Was it possible
that such blushes sometimes flashed
out of marble statues — that such looks
sometimes brighten and then die away,
when the gods come in contact with
mortal beings ?
The little party started forth that
morning, as so many have done before
and since, with open eyes for the new
sights and men and manners — Jo,
Tempy, Susanna by her mother, and
the two boys walking on either side
of Du Pare, who was on his way to
a bookseller's in the Rue du Bac.
What a walk it was across the gar-
dens by the great Place of the Car-
rousel, with its triumphal mythology ;
then by the quais and the noble
chain of palaces they reach the river,
and so cross the bridge to the Quai
Voltaire, where Mrs. Marney had
some mysterious business to transact
for Marney at a furniture dealer's. It
began with some discussion on the
door-step, it had then to be carried on
in private into the dimmer recesses of
the store among the bloated chairs, the
gilt and ornamented legs of the Capet
dynasty, and the prim, slim, stinted
graces of the early Napoleonic times.
Whatever it was (Susy would not ask
what it was), the discussion took a long
and confidentially explosive turn, but
the young folks waiting outside upon the
quai were in no hurry. They watched
the river and the steamers and the
crowds upon the quai, where the lime-
trees were coming into leaf — where
shops were in full flower, and the many
twinkling windows were full of varied
hues and shapes. Curious, wonderful,
century-old stores of goods, scattered
from the past, lined these streets and
shop fronts. Looking-glasses reflecting
the blouses and the white caps passing
by in the place of courtly splendours,
silent music in tattered covers, time-
less clocks, flower-pots empty of flowers,
uncut books, fans which had been lying
asleep for a hundred years still ready
at a touch to start into fluttering life,
wreaths of lovely old lace, there were
wonders galore to amuse the country
ladies. Susy looked with longing eyes
at the delicate festoons and ivory-look-
ing heaps. The Mechlin, with its light
sprays flowering on soft net, care-
lessly thrown into a china bowl ; the
point d'Alencon, like jeweller's work,
chased upon the delicate honeycomb,
devised by the human bees, who had
worked at it year after year. Perhaps
some florid scroll from Italy would be
hanging from a rusty nail, with care-
ful pattern travelling from one tendril
to another.
" What lovely lace ! " cried Susanna.
" Look, Tempy, at the shells upon it ;
how exquisite they are ! "
" Shall I ask the price for you ? "
says Tempy, instantly bursting into
the low shop with its dark panes,
where an old Rembrandt-like woman
sits keeping watch. " Combien ? "
180
Mrs. Dymond.
cries Tempy, in her confident British
tones.
" Four hundred francs ! "
" Bocoo tro ! " cries the young lady,
dashing out again into the warm
sunshine.
" Did you ever hear of such extor-
tion?" cries Tempy, whose experience
of lace does not reach very much
beyond her tuckers.
"It is a great deal of money," says
Susanna.
" Quite out of the question, Sus-
anna," cries Tempy, decidedly, and
her stepmother blushed a little at the
rebuke.
Sometimes Tempy's voice sounds so
like the colonel's that Susy could al-
most imagine he was there to control
her still.
" Why is it quite out of the ques-
tion ? " says Jo, stopping short ; " six-
teen pounds won't ruin the family
altogether. What did your new
habit cost, Tempy ? "
" A habit ! " says Tempy, with a
laugh, " that is something one really
cares to have ; but Sunanna will not
care to wear lace again, Josselin."
" Aunt Fanny is all over lace, and
stuffed birds, and things," says Jo.
" She is not a widow," said Tempy,
gravely. " Jo, you should remember
before you say such things."
Mrs. Marney came out of her shop
at that minute, and Max du Pare, who
seemed only to have waited for her
return, took leave of the party. They
asked him to come again. He hesi-
tated, and suddenly said, yes he would
come, and he walked away with a
swinging step along the quay. They
saw him disappearing under the lime-
trees, looking across the river as he
went along.
CHAPTER XVIII.
INCENSE AND VIOLETS.
Du PARC came, shyly at first, because
they had asked him to do so, but very
soon he got into the habit of coming
as a matter of course. The English
ladies were not used to Paris and its
ways. Du Pare acted as their guide
and leader, thanks to whom they en-
joyed many a pleasant expedition and
sight of the old city, many an amus-
ing experience. They had one other
acquaintance, a Mr. Bagginal, at the
Embassy, who was from their own
country and glad to be of use to them ;
but Max knew more of Paris and of
its aspects than the young attache, who
moved in fashionable and restricted
circles, and brought invitations, and
callers, and bouquets, but who was of
little use as a cicerone.
How delightful is the dinning sound
of a melodious church bell going in
the early morning sunshine ; it comes
floating into the room and seems to
be a part of the very morning and of
its joy, a hint of other things to
heighten the feast of life.
" Well," says Mrs. Marney, who has
just come in as usual with her boys
and her friend Du Pare, " what are
we going to do ? "
An exclamation from Tempy, who
is still leaning from the window,
replies to this pertinent question.
"Come here! What is this?" she cries.
All along the Rue du Dauphin, from
every quarter people are assembling in
crowds that gather thicker every mo-
ment— youthful white figures led by
parents and relations in their Sunday
clothes, boys in shiny shoes and white
trousers, girls dressed like brides.
" It is the premierecommunion,"
says Mrs. Marney all in one word.
" Susy, you should take them to see
it. Let Wilkins go too, dear, and I
will mind Phraisie."
Phraisie thought herself quite old
enough for any amount of sight-seeing,
but she was never happier than when
alone with her grandmother, and she
made no objection.
" But all of us in this crowd,
mamma 1 " said Susy, doubtfully.
"Max will take the boys. Won't
you, Max, like a good fellow ? " cries
Mrs. Marney, determined that every-
body shall see everything that is to be
seen anywhere ; and so the party, after
some further demur, starts off.
Mrs. Dymond.
181
Max goes first with the boys, then
come Susy and Tempy in their black
dresses ; then follows Jo, with his
hands in his pockets. He wears a
Scotch cap, a rough, cut-away coat, a
pair of knickerbockers, less commonly
worn in those days than they are
now. The tidy French people turn
to stare at him, ejaculate "Anglais ! "
They also look at Susy with more
respectfully-admiring eyes. Old St.
Roch had prepared a welcoming bene-
diction for them all, heretics and
Catholics alike, that morning. The
centre aisle was full of a white snow-
storm of muslin figures. The church
was crowded from end to end ; the
altars were lighted, the candles were
burning, hundreds and hundreds of
heads were bent in childish adoration,
the little restless snowy figures swayed
and tossed their white veils. The
chorister boys were clustering round
about the altars, the priests were pass-
ing up and down the middle of the
church. The old abbe, in his silver
and embroidered shining dress, leant
from the pulpit and seemed to be call-
ing a blessing upon the eager con-
gregation. By the high altar stood
the cure of the Madeleine, a noble
looking figure, also in splendid robes.
The sisters and nuns who had had
the teaching of so many of the chil-
dren were keeping guard over their
flock from beneath their bent white
coiffes as they knelt. The priests beat
time, processions come swaying from
one chapel and another bearing virgin
and saints on satin with golden fringes.
The great organ strikes up, and all
the children's voices break out into
a shrill sweet morning hymn, as the
whole dazzling tide sweeps in proces-
sion towards the high altar, carrying
its thousand lights and emblematic
candles, and followed by crowding
parents, friends, sightseers. Then after
a pause another discourse begins in
sing-song from another pulpit. A monk,
in his Benedictine dress, stands up to
address the assembled congregation.
His words are full of affectionate
warnings, exhortations, incitements to
religious life in the midst of the world
and its temptations. He raises his
worn hands as he appeals to his lis-
teners— to the pale motionless sisters,
the rosy awe-struck children. It
struck one man present strangely and
sadly to hear these passionate warn-
ings from those who had not lived,
to those whose life was not yet begun.
He looked round at the sea of faces, at
the blooming company of youthful
postulants, at the nuns who stood with
bent coiffes and folded hands by the
column where he was standing. Poor
souls ! what hearts had they wounded,
what unfair advantages had they
grasped from the world ? What had
all this to do with them? . . . And
a sudden revolt rose in his mind, an
indignant outcry against the creed
which superadded these cruel mortifi-
cations and sufferings to the stresses
and starvation of daily life, where the
poor day by day are expiating the ease
of the rich. He thought of Caron's
teaching, of his wider horizons, some
strange impatience came over him,
he would wait no longer in this at-
mosphere of artificial light and smoke ;
the incense stifled him ; he had an
odd feeling that if he stayed he should
find himself standing up protesting
against the golden pulpit. What was
that written up on the wall, Mene, mene ?
Was the church feasting in pomp while
multitudes were dying of hunger and
ignorance ] There stood his English
friends in a shy group, the beautiful
young mother with eyes full of tears,
the young lady with an odd scowling
expression ; let them look on ; how
could they know the meaning of it all,
or realise the commonest truths of life ?
Du Pare repeated to himself, " May
they never know." " Go to your sister,"
he said, suddenly, to the boys, " I will
wait outside."
Susy saw Du Pare go ; she was not
surprised ; but she was glad neverthe-
less to find him still standing in the
doorway when she came away followed
by her little court. Her eyes were
dazzled, her ears ringing with the
music and the voices of the people : the
Mrs. Dymond.
great clouds of incense, the thousand
lights of the tapers, all intoxicated
and excited her. Her heart beat, 'she
looked up with almost childish delight.
Du Pare looked grave, impenetrable,
very handsome as he stood in the
shadow of the arch. As Susy turned
to Tempy, who was following, she
wondered to find her cold, with a look
of something which was almost disgust
in her face. Good old Wilkins herself
could not have seemed more scandalised
by "them popes and virgins," as she
called them. Jo followed, he had
been well amused, admiring and scru-
tinising the ceremony from a more
artistic and dilettante point of view ;
now he was staring at the church, at
the people, at the crowds in the street.
Susanna stood for a moment on the
steps looking out. Not long after-
wards she remembered this minute,
so strangely to be repeated by a grim
freak of chance. Here were peaceful
crowds in a fanciful excitement and
ecstasy, in a rapture of white muslin
and candlelight, shaken by the echoing
organ-sounds. The next time she stood
there, she was watching these same
people fighting for their lives, flying
from death — worshippers at another
shrine, fiercer, more terrible, and yet
not less remorseless in its expiations
and demands.
" Here you are ! " said Du Pare,
with a sort of impatient cheerfulness.
" Well, now you have seen the great
ceremony and the abb6 and his eleven
hundred virgins. They call him 1'Abbe
des Demoiselles in the Quartier."
" Why did you go away 2 " Susy
asked.
" I cannot stand it — the smell of in-
cense always disagrees with me. You,
madame, look as if you did 'not mind
being half suffocated; but you will
like the lilacs down in the gardens
better still."
"It seemed to me very beautiful,"
said Susy, with dancing eyes. " My
daughter here disapproves of it as much
as you do. It seemed all so wonder-
ful to me — so beautiful, so full of
interest."
Ternpy looked daggers. She had a
vague idea Susanna was going over to
the Roman Catholic persuasion, that
Du Pare was a Jesuit pretending
indifference, that the whole thing was
a plot got up to influence and persuade
her too-yielding, too-persuadable step-
mother. She too came down step by
step with the crowd, following the
stream of people. Some seemed still
in a sort of dream, some, on the con-
trary, wide awake and most keenly
alive to the dignity of the moment,
to the splendour of their sons in
varnished boots, with fringed ribbons
on their arms, of their daughters in
white muslin, with veils and white
caps, and a general unction of new
clothes and new blessings. And
indeed there can be but one feeling
when the boys and girls at the outset
of life come up one by one with beam-
ing faces to ask a blessing upon their
future from the old time-worn bishop
and pastor, whose own life is so nearly
at an end. This was what Susy said
as they walked down the crowded
street which led to the Tuileries gar-
dens, when Du Pare again made some
bitter joke. "I am like the gamin,
who put aside the faith of a Pascal
with a joke," said du Pare. " I'm
afraid it is no use talking to me."
The little shops were bristling with
their treasures, the people were stand-
ing in their doorways to see the
company disperse, the carts and carri-
ages cumbering the road. They
passed a flower cart standing in a
gutter ; a country woman with a red
handkerchief on her head was chang-
ing the beautiful bunches of fragrance
into halfpennies and pennies. It was
another version of the old lamps for
new. Many of the flowers were
delicate, such as we grow with elaborate
care in greenhouses and hothouses —
white lilacs, and pink carnations with
their long blue stalks, some sort of
early flowering poppy, pale and
feathery, and then narcissus and roses
in heaps, and white daisies in their
modest garb, looking as if they too had
been to their first communion.
Mrs. Dymond.
183
The violets in their fragrant heaps
were piled together, all their sweetness
tied with a wisp of straw. Susanna
stopped, exclaiming, but Du Pare
hurried her on. " Pass on, pass on
Madame," he said almost impatiently ;
" you are stopping the way." Again
Tempy drew herself up with a look of
absolute amazement and impatience ;
what did this man, this drawing-
master, mean by speaking in this im-
perious tone to her stepmother ? She
deliberately stopped and began to ask
the price of the flowers, and bought a
bunch of somewhat faded rosebuds
which the flower woman thrust into
her hand ; the others waited while she
bargained, not that she cared for
pennies, but from an Englishwoman's
sense of duty.
" Why didn't you get violets ? " said
Susy ; " they seemed so sweet."
A minute after they were crossing
the Rue de Rivoli to the side gate of
the Tuileries gardens.
"One crosses at the risk of one's
life," said Susanna, smiling and turn-
ing to speak to Du Pare, — but he was
gone. When he rejoined them a
minute after at the iron gate he was
carrying a huge bunch of the sweet
violets Susanna had liked.
" I ventured also to add some lilies
of the valley ; such flowers were created
for you," he said.
There was something indescribable
in his tone which startled her; she
looked up, she saw a look of such
bright admiration, such pride and
homage combined, that her thanks
suddenly failed her.
"Violets and lilies," said Tempy,
wanting to say something to break the
momentary silence, which seemed al-
most significant ; " violets are not so
nice as roses after all."
"Unhappy France has heard more
than enough- of them, mademoiselle,"
said Du Pare, recovering himself
quickly, but with a very well-pleased
expression still showing in his dark
eyes. " This is the first time for years
I have cared to buy any of them ; but
to-day they have seemed to me em-
blems of peace and sweetness, instead
of greed and wicked rapacity."
Susy could not answer all this. She,
a mother, a widow who should have
known life, to be silenced suddenly,
confused like a very school girl, it was
not to be endured.
CHAPTER XIX.
ST. DAMIAN AND OTHEES.
ALL their time was not given to Paris,
delightful as Paris was ; it was a
pleasure to escape the city on those
glorious spring days. Marney was still
away, and Susy and her children often
found their way to the Villa du Pare,
and from thence to the Bois de Bou-
logne or the outlying country places.
Little Phraisie used to remain with
her grandmother ; the others used to
stroll further afield, and Du Pare, who
so rarely left his work, who never
allowed himself a holiday, now seemed
to have nothing better to do than to
escort his mother's friend and her
companions. One afternoon he took
them to a village about a mile off ; he
led the way with his big stick along
the high road for a time, then across
a dirty field, then by a country cross-
road leading to a village not far from
the Seine. There was an old church,
one of the very oldest in the neigh-
bourhood, that he wanted them to see.
He had done an etching of it for the
Beaux Arts.
The lamp was burning dimly in the
little church before the high altar,
where a black verger stood in his
robes. There was a silver dove hang-
ing from the middle of the roof, and a
gilt sun, with brassy rays like an
organ, which shone upon the altar.
Little pictures, bright coloured, mira-
culous, covered the bare walls with
representations of benevolent marvels
— heavenly hands and protruding arms
interposing from the clouds to pre-
vent disaster here on earth ; runaway
horses arrested, falling houses caught
in the act. There was a huge black
crucifix with a coloured figure of Death
184
Mrs. Dymond.
— a somewhat terrible and strik-
ing reminder to the living of the
future and the past. More cheerful
tinselled ornaments were piled upon
the altar, whose fine cloth was guarded
by a chequered linen top. The wooden
pulpit was painted to look like pre-
cious veined marble, so was the bat-
tered old confessional with the thumb
marks of the penitents. Outside the
little church, in the Place, the cocks
and hens cackled, becketed in the
grass ; a little stream ran close by the
opened door with a pleasant wash of
water. They had passed the cure's
house close at hand, with its labur-
nums, and the field beyond where the
linen strips were bleaching, and the
children squatting in the dust, and the
man with the wooden shoes and the
oilskin hat and the torn blouse,
breaking flints in the sunshine.
Everything outside looked hot and
bright and delicate and business-like,
while everything inside was dark
and dreamily fervent. To people ac-
customed from childhood to Catholic
chapels, the scent of the lingering in-
cense seems to be the breath of the
prayers and hymns of the pious who
have lingered here generation after
generation on their way from the
streets and the sunshine outside, to
the quiet churchyard across the field.
Max looked round to-day with
friendly eyes at his old playmates,
St. Cosmo and St. Damian, those fa-
vourite martyrs — at St. Dominic in his
black robe, St. Catharine with her
pointing finger, St. Barbara with her
wheel, good St. Ursula with a de-
tachment of maidens, standing by
the well-remembered sketch of the Day
of Judgment, where six or seven just
persons escorted by two virtuous little
angels were being trumpeted up to
heaven, while over a dozen wicked
were being swallowed then and there by
aVhuge green monster. All these quaint
familiar things hung undisturbed as
they had hung in the young man's re-
collection for the quarter of a century
he could look back to. The bright
silver hearts and tokens, the tallow
candles peacefully smoking on the
triangle — all meant childhood and
familiar faces and everyday innocent
life to him. He did not feel here in
the little village church as at St. Roch
on the day of the great celebration.
There he had chafed and revolted.
Tempy herself could not have felt
more repelled than Max du Pare ; but
this was his whole childhood, one of
his simplest and most intimate asso-
ciations. How curiously the same
emblems affect different minds. To
Tempy they meant terrors and super-
stition ; to Jo a picturesque and cha-
racteristic episode of foreign travel ;
and to Susanna they meant something
like a strange dream of reality, like an
image of all that was in her heart just
then. There was the charm, the in-
tense attraction of that which was not
and must never be her creed ; and also
a terror of that remorseless law which
spared not, which accepted martyrdom
and self-renunciation as the very be-
ginning of the lesson of life — -of that
life which since the world began had
been crying out so passionately for its
own, for its right to exist, to feel, to
be free. This afternoon Mrs. Dymond
seemed to have caught something of
du Parc's antagonistic mood on that
day at St. Roch's ; she was thinking
how these pale saints had turned one
by one from the sunshine and the
storms of daily life, from the seasons
in their course, from the interests and
warm fires of home, to a far-away
future, of which these ead tapers,
winking and smoking, these glittering
silver trinkets, were the symbols ; they
had given earnest and passionate
prayers in the place of love and living
desires and the longing of full hearts ;
they had taken pain and self-inflicted
sufferings in place of the natural sub-
mission and experience of life, and the
restraints of other's rights and other's
needs.
" I can't think how people can
endure such superstition," said Tempy,
flouncing out into the porch. " Come,
Jo, it makes me sick," and she nearly
tumbled over an old couple who had
Mrs. Dymond.
185
been kneeling in the shadow of the
doorway.
Susy blushed up, as she often did,
for Tempy's brusquerie, and looked
anxiously at Du Pare, who had caught
the young lady by the arm as she
stumbled.
Tempy seemed to rouse some latent
opposition in Max du Pare.
" Take care," he said in English ;
" g° gently> and don't upset those who
are still on their knees. After all
there are not many people left upon
their knees now," he added as they
came out together, " and I don't
see that much is gained by having
everybody running about the streets
instead."
"At all events it is something
gained to hear people speaking the real
truth, and saying only what they really
think, as we do in our churches," said
Tempy, with one of her stares.
Du Pare made her a low bow.
" If that is the case, mademoiselle,
I shall certainly come over to England
and get myself admitted into your
religion by a reverend with a white
tie."
Tempy didn't answer, but walked
on.
Jo burst out laughing. Susy didn't
laugh ; she was in this strange state of
emotion, excitement, she could not
laugh. Something had come to her,
something which in all her life she had
never felt as now, a light into the
morning, a tender depth in the even-
ing sky, a meaning to the commonest
words and facts. There is a feeling
which comes home to most of us at
one time or another ; philosophers try
to explain it, poets to write it down
only, musicians can make it into music,
it is like a horizon to the present — a
sense of the suggestion of life beyond its
actual din and rough shapings. This
feeling gives a meaning to old stones
and fluttering rags, to the heaps and
holes on the surface of the earth, to
the sad and common things as well as
to those which are brilliant and suc-
cessful. Had this supreme revelation
come to Susanna, now 1 or was it only
that in France the lights are brighter,
the aspects of life more delightful —
that with the sight of all this natural
beauty and vivacity some new spring
of her life had been touched which
irradiated and coloured everything?
But it was not France, it was the
poetry of to-day and the remem-
brance of yesterday which softened
her sweet looks, which touched her
glowing cheek. It was something
which Susy did not know, of which
she had never guessed at until now,
widow though she was, mother though
she was.
Susanna for the last few years had
been so accustomed to silence, to a sort
of gentle but somewhat condoning
courtesy, that it seemed to her almost
strange to be specially addressed and
considered.
Tempy could not understand it
either. Once or twice Susanna met the
girl's surprised half laughing, half dis-
approving glance, and the elder woman
would blush and look amused, appeal-
ing ; she seemed to be asking her step-
daughter's leave to be brilliant for
once — to answer the friendly advances
of the French gentlemen who called
with red ribbons, and the French
ladies with neatly-poised bonnets. One
or two invitations came for them
through Mr. Bagginal. Sometimes
Susy, animated, forgetting, would look
so different, so handsome, that Tempy
herself was taken aback. Mrs. Dy-
mond's black dignities became her —
the long lappets falling, the silken
folds so soft, so thick, that moved with
her as she moved. She had dressed
formerly to please her husband, who,
in common with many men, hated
black, and liked to see his wife and
his daughter in a cheerful rainbow of
pink and green and blue and gilt
buttons. Now that she was a widow
she wore plain long dresses, soft
and black, suiting her condition and
becoming to her sweet and graceful
ways. She had bought herself a straw
hat, for the sun was burning in the
avenues of Neuilly, and with her
round hat she had given up her
186
Mrs. Dymond.
widow's cap. A less experienced
hand than Max du Pare might have
wished to set this graceful blackness
down for ever as it stood on the
green outside the little chapel that
summer's day. The children were still
playing, the geese were coming up to
be fed, the dazzle of light and shade
made a sweet out-of-door background
to the lovely light and shade of
Susy's wistful pale face as she stood
facing them all, and looking up at
the carved stone front of the shabby
little church.
They walked home slowly two by
two. Tempy, who had not yet for-
given Du Pare his religion or his bow,
took her brother's arm.
Two figures that were hobbling
along the path a little way in front of
them, stopped their halting progress,
and turned to watch the youthful
company go by. They were forlorn
and worn and sad, and covered with
rags and dirt ; the woman carried a
bundle on a stick, the man dragged his
steps through the spring, limping as
he went.
" Yes," said Max, answering Susy's
look of pity, " one is happy and for-
gets everything else, and then one
meets some death's-head like this to
remind one of the fact. Think of one
man keeping all that for himself," and
he pointed back to a flaming villa with
pink turrets beyond the field, "and
another reduced to such shreds of life."
"I don't think people in England
are ever quite so miserable," said
Susy.
" You think not 1 " said Max. " I
have seen people quite as dirty, quite
as wretched in London. I remem-
ber. ..."
Susy wondered why he ' stopped
short. Max had suddenly remembered
where and when it was he had seen
two wretched beggars thrust from a
carriage door, and by whom. " And
in Soho near where you lived," the
young man continued after a moment,
speaking in a somewhat constrained
voice and tone. " Any night, I think,
you might have seen people as sad and
wretched as these. I used to go to a
street in that quarter for my dinner
very often, and while I dined they
walked about outside. Once," he
added more cheerfully, as another
remembrance came into his mind, " I
met a member of your family, madame,
at my dining-place, Monsieur Charles
Bolsover. Poor fellow," said Max,
returning to his French, " I hope he
is in happier conditions than he was
then — lie had a friend whom I met
afterwards. He seemed in a doleful
state."
" Were you there on that dreadful
occasion ? " said Susanna, turning pale.
" Oh ! Monsieur du Pare, he had been
drinking to forget his trouble 1 "
" What, madame, even you," said
Max, " do you find nothing kinder to
say of the poor boy ? Drinking ! He
had not been drinking any more than
I had — he was ill, he was in a fever
for a week afterwards. I used to go
and see him in his friend's lodgings. . .
They told me the story." . . . Max
glanced ahead at Tempy laughing, and
twirling her parasol — " Forgive me,"
he said, " I am meddling with what is
not my concern ! "
" But it concerns me, Monsieur du
Pare," said Susy, trembling very much.
" It concerns me very very nearly ; if
Charlie has been unjustly accused — if
he was ill, poor boy, and we did not
know it."
" It is a fact, madame," said Max,
dryly; "if you were to ask his friend,
the Reverend White, he will tell you
the same thing Your nephew is not
the first of us who has been overcome
by an affair of the heart. I gathered
from him that your . . . that you dis-
approved of his suit."
"My husband was afraid to trust
his daughter's happiness to any one of
whom we had heard so much that was
painful," said Mrs. Dymond coldly,
and remembering herself.
Max civilly assented.
"A father must judge best for his
child," she continued, melting as he
froze, and speaking with an uncon-
scious appeal in her voice and her
Mrs. Di/mond
187
eyes. Why we, s it that she felt as if
Du Fare's opinion mattered so much ?
She could not bear him to misjudge
things ; to think any one cold, or hard.
" Of course you have to consider
what is best," said the young man,
softening to her gentleness ; " but be-
lieve me that is not a bad young fellow.
Poor boy, it was a heart of gold. I
can scarcely imagine the young lady
having inspired such a devotion," he
said, for a moment forgetting the near
relationship between the two women ;
" but to me she seems strangely fortu-
nate,"
"Ah! You don't know her," said
Susy eagerly ; " you don't know how
noble she is, how good, how lovable."
" What would you have, madame 1 "
said Du Pare, laughing. " Of you I
am not afraid, but of the Miss I am
in terror, and she detests me too. Ask
madame, your mother."
They had come to the gates of the
villa by this ; Phraisie appeared in the
doorway with madame to welcome
them back. Mrs. Marney's loud voice
was heard calling from within. Max
was not over-pleased to see a visitor
under the tree waiting the ladies
return. It was their north-country
neighbour, Mr. Bagginal from the
Embassy, who had been making him-
self agreeable to madame in the mean-
while. He had a scheme for a walk
in the wood at St. Cloud, and a dinner.
The Court was there, and the gardens
closed, but the young man with some
pride produced an order of admission.
" Thank you, we shall like it very
much indeed," says Tempy.
Susy looked at Du Pare. "Shall
you have time to come, too ? " she
asked,
" Monsieur Caron is in the studio
waiting for you, Max," said his mother;
" he has got his pocket full of procla-
mations, as usual," and without an-
swering Mrs. Dymond, Du Pare slowly
turned and walked into the studio.
To be continued.
188
MARLBOKOTJGH.
THE old town of Marlborough and the
school which now carries its name into
every quarter of the globe are unques-
tionably under great mutual obligations
to each other. The former has to thank
the latter for coming to the rescue
just as the collapse of coaching threat-
ened a stagnation that would have
possibly deepened into something like
actual decay. The school in its turn
may feel that the crudeness of its
youth has been much softened by the
quaint old town which, unpolluted by
villa, terrace or parade, terminates at
its gates — one of the most picturesque
streets in England. Mellowness, too,
was supplied, and tradition ready to
hand in the very walls that welcomed its
first scholars forty years ago ; while the
peculiar freshness, and the wild freedom
of the regions which divide it from the
outer world would seem as if they were
especially made for the development
of youthful brain and youthful muscle.
But where, after all this, the reader
may remark, is Marlborough ? To say
that it lies in the eastern part of
Wiltshire, just north of the line that
divides the southern from the northern
portion of the county, is rather geo-
graphically accurate than suggestive
to the general reader. Moreover, I
have always had an impression that
Wiltshire as a county, in spite of its
size and position, and in spite of the
Chronicles of Barset, has a somewhat
faint hold upon the public mind. As
a matter of fact, however, it is a most
characteristic county. There are deep
lanes in Wiltshire, it is true, where
the violet and the primrose nestle
round the roots of elms that later
on shut out the summer sun. There
are, as elsewhere, heavy, low-lying
lands where big crops of mangolds
grow, or in the good times used to
grow, and where steam - ploughs and
steam-harrows wrestle in wet seasons
with the stubborn clods of deep clay
soils. There are pasture lands, too, as
fat as those of Cheshire, broken into
small areas by blooming hedges and
rows of elms as symmetrical as those
of Warwickshire ; but the Wiltshire
that comes to the mind of most men,
familiar with that part of England,
recalls wilder and ruder scenes than
these — a country rather of great dis-
tances and of swelling downs streaked
with the white lines of chalk roads that
go ever rising and falling till they dis-
appear over some bleak horizon. A
land where the winds riot over bleak
uplands, with nothing to mark their
violence but the whitening leaves of
vast turnip-fields in autumn, and no-
thing to break their force but here and
there some clump of tall and naked
firs that roar and groan as if in pro-
test of their inability to bend their
stiff and shattered tops to the gale ; a
region of tinkling sheep-bells and of
wattled hurdles; of stout hares that
run for ever, and of partridges that
ignore all conventional limits of flight ;
of yokels not yet wholly " unsmocked,"
whose gait and accent in these level-
ling days are a delight to see and hear,
and of red-roofed gabled boroughs that
the tide of progress has left untouched,
as it has left few other parts of acces-
sible England untouched, to stand as
monuments of a time gone by. Nor,
in recording Wiltshire memories, either
would it be possible to forget those
huge relics of a prehistoric age — those
grass-grown mounds and giant stones
that lie scattered over the land with a
thickness that has no parallel else-
where in England. Nor yet again
would the picture be complete if we
forgot those rich green valleys that
here and there break the long mono-
tony of down-land, where in summer
Marlborough.
189
time the perpetual scent of hay-fields
hangs among the elms that shoot up
tall from the alluvial soil, and where
clear, willow-bordered streams, famous
in Waltonian lore, steal down from
hamlet to hamlet and from mill to
mill.
It is in one of these green oases in
the very heart of the down-country
that Marlborough lies. To put it
more plainly : as the traveller upon the
Great Western Railroad approaches
Swindon, he will see upon his left
hand a long bank of downs bounding
for many miles the southern horizon.
On leaving Swindon, a place whose
reputation as a busy workshop is
forgotten in its wider associations of
sandwiches and bath-buns, this high
rampart of hills will be seen to abandon
the course of the railroad and to trend
away to the south-west. This is the
high step by which the Marlborough
Downs drop into the valley of the
Thames, and when the traveller's eye
lights upon a solitary clump of firs,
crowning what seems to be their
loftiest crest, it will have struck a
point that is "within measurable dis-
tance" of the town itself; for that
crest of pines is popularly known in
Marlborough as the " six-mile clump."
The face of the down once scaled at
this point, a two hours' walk through
a wild region, haunted only by sheep
and shepherds, brings you to that
dip in the hills where, on the banks
of the Kennet, the ancient borough
stands.
Marlborough, from its isolated posi-
tion in the midst of a thinly-peopled
and purely agricultural or pastoral
region, has been long in emerging
from a state, so far as railroads go,
of total inaccessibility to a condition
of communications that is at least of
an average description.
Twenty-five years ago, and twenty
after the founding of the school, no
railway whistle was heard within a
radius of a dozen miles. In those
scarcely remote days, all travellers
from the west, and most of those from
London, found themselves on the plat-
form of Swindon station, with thirteen
miles of hilly road yet between them
and their destination. Here, it is
true, the more exclusive passenger of
those days with some patience and per-
severance might procure an ancient
fly that, for a consideration commen-
surate with the task, would undertake
the expedition. To the initiated, how-
ever, there was known to be an element
of adventure in this course : for, if the
horses and the vehicle were equal to the
strain, there was always a doubt whe-
ther the moral principles of the driver
were proof against that line of public
houses which from point to point
almost alone lit up the chilly solitude
of his way.
There was. moreover, if memory serves
me right, a traditional dog-cart, which
many a rash, unwary traveller lived to
curse, as with the fall of a winter night
he mounted the downs and faced the
bleakest drive insouthernEngland. But
whatMarlburian of that epoch, whether
schoolboy or citizen, is there who does
not connect it with one immortal
name? Who is there that could re-
call that period, between the collapse
of coaching and the tardy advent of
the steam-horse upon the Marlborough
Downs, without a tear of tribute for
that illustrious worthy who for so
long maintained the connection be-
tween the ancient borough and the
outer world.
Historic Marlborough, as we shall
presently show, commences with the
name of King John. It may be said
to terminate with that of "Jerry
'Ammond," whose purple-faced lieu-
tenant's " Be you for Maarlborough,
zur1?" has cheered many a lonely
heart gazing helplessly into the dark-
ness from the railway stations of
Swindon, Hungerford, or Devizes.
How well I can recall the venerable
omnibus that painfully but regularly
crawled over the thirteen hilly miles
to Swindon in the morning and back
again to Marlborough in the darkness
of the night. The sensations of a ride
in that primeval chariot come vividly
back to me from a time in life when
190
Marlborough.
hours seemed to be days and miles
leagues. How hopeless then the look
of the distant downs, fast settling into
the gloom of a winter's night — thrice
murky perhaps with storms of driving
rain. .How reassured and close to the
goal one used to feel for a deceptive
moment as the familiar voice and ac-
cents beckoned us, " This way for
Maarlborough ; any loogidge, zur ? "
How hope again grew cold, and the
long miles in anticipation longer, as
the lights of the train vanished into
the darkness, and the vehicles for
Swindon town disappeared, one after
the other, with their loads of com-
mercial travellers intent on smoking
suppers. How we sat and sat on the
well-worn seats of the omnibus, kick-
ing our heels upon the straw-strewn
floor, long in to the night as it used
to seem, till the sense of desertion,
intensified by the drear beating of the
rain against the windows and occasional
hollow echoes from the now empty sta-
tion, was terminated by the advent of
the "loogidge." What "Ohlawkeses! "
and " Lord a' mussys ! " used to be
forced from the inevitable old lady
passengers, as each trunk was hurled
on to the roof with a crash upon our
very crowns, as it seemed, that might
well have made the stoutest heart
quail. And when that fearful per-
formance was over, when the tarpaulin
was stretched upon the towering pile,
and we were congratulating ourselves,
or one another, that the expedition
was in the act of setting out — just as
our hopes, in fact, were wrought up
to the highest pitch of expectation —
there would come an ominous slam of
the inn door. The gin-laden stream
of light that had shone upon us from
that festive haunt would become on a
sudden quenched. The suspicion that
we were abandoned by our crew ripened
into a certainty, and as the slow mi-
nutes dragged on, we began to realise
that we were in the power of a mono-
polist to whom time, at this end of
his journey at any rate, was of little
moment. What survivor of those long
night rides to Marlborough does not
recall their weary details. The long
drag from Swindon town to the sum-
mit of the far-away downs ; the slow
transition from the heavy, grinding
roads of the valley to where the sticky
chalk highway shone white in our
track on the darkest of nights ; the
gradual cessation of the hedge-row
trees that passed, one by one, in end-
less procession, across the disc of our
lanterns, seen glistening with rain-
drops for a moment and then vanishing
into the gloom ; the final tug up to
the crest of the downs, when the steam
from the horses floated like clouds of
smoke across the lantern's rays : the
groans of the labouring caravan as at
last it lumbered forward with an energy
all too brief on to the wild plateau,
where no tree or hedgerow caught our
light, and no roadside house but some
isolated tavern, where the mere force
of habit brought the steaming horses to
an invariable halt. What spots were
those wan-faced houses of good cheer
upon such nights as these ! None of your
fine old coaching inns, but poor, thatch-
roofed, weather-beaten publics, where
melancholy ploughmen from the downs
might be imagined sadly shaking their
heads over sugared small beer and the
rate of wages, on Saturday nights, to the
music of the storms without. On such
occasions they were quite capable of
suggesting to the youthful mind more
dismal scenes even than these ; for as
their faded sign-boards swung to and
fro in the night wind, creaking on
rusty hinges, they might without much
effort of fancy have seemed to echo
the stifled groans of some entrapped
wayfarer with the knuckles of a wicked
landlord at his throat.
Not that the average inmates of the
Swindon " bus " were disturbed by
such fancies as these. The old women
prattled in the dark about their neigh-
bours, and the solid burghers, return-
ing from Swindon market, crooned
over the price of barley and of ewes
till the effects of the day's good cheer
gradually lulled them into still more
uninteresting music. The last crest
was surmounted, the old shoe-drag was
Marlborough.
191
dropped for the last time under the
wheel, and down the steep street into
Marlborough town we used to go at
a speed unprecedented, straining and
creaking and rattling past the lighted
shops, and turning the sharp corner
into the High Street with a reck-
lessness that owes something, no
doubt, to the frequent halts upon the
road. Such was the approach to Marl-
borough in the year of grace 1860.
The last coach that ran along the
edge of the Kennet valley from Hun-
gerford to Marlborough and on to
Devizes and Bath, and woke the
echoes of their streets with its cheery
horn, became about that time, if I
remember right, a roosting-place for
fowls. Four years later Marlborough
had a railway of its own, and now the
traditions of the road, which clung to
the town till quite lately, have been
finally destroyed by a new railway
from Swindon to Andover, that runs
through it.
The town of Marlborough is one of
those quiet old-world spots upon which
the tide of modern progress has made
no visible impression. Just as the pure
air of the surrounding country is
polluted by no smoke more noisome
than that of a steam plough or a
threshing machine, so the old town
itself has little that would startle the
shade of a Camden, or be obvious to
the first gaze of a Jacobin Rip van
Winkle. Nowhere, it always seems to
me, is the real history of an earlier
England — the history of the people as
opposed to that of kings and courtiers
so eloquently presented as in the bricks
and stones, and lanes and churchyards
and traditions of old towns such as
this — towns which, like Marlborough,
have covered almost the same ground,
and contained almost the same popula-
lation for generations. The historical
interest of Marlborough, however, is
by no means merely domestic, while its
prehistoric traditions are illustrious.
Its very name, one of the earlier
forms of which was Merlin-berge,
justify its claim to connection with
the great enchanter, more especially
as the huge prehistoric monuments of
the immediate neighbourhood mark it
as a spot of most supreme importance
in those misty times which that name
recalls. From the times of the Norman
conquest, and probably even long before
that, a castle of some sort stood at the
end of the town in the grounds now
occupied by the College. In the reign
of Henry I. Marlborough Castle is
first mentioned as a royal residence,
that monarch on one occasion holding
his court there. In the Stephen and
Matilda wars Marlborough, like most of
the West, held for the Queen, and was
more than once the head-quarters of
her armies. After this the castle
became a favourite dower residence of
the Plantagenet queens. In 1267
Henry III. held there his twenty-
fourth parliament, and enacted the
" Statutes of Marleberge." It is with
the reign of King John, however, that
the present site of Marlborough is
most intimately connected, and it is
his name, and that of his queen, that
are the most prominent upon the
earlier pages of its history. A hospital
dedicated to St. John the Baptist —
transformed in the time of Edward VI.
into a grammar-school — traces its
origin to this reign. A formerly
existing priory of Gilbertine canons,
with a hospital of St. Thomas of
Canterbury dates from the same period,
while a house of Carmelite friars was
established in the reign of Edward II.
It was at Wolfhall in the immediate
neighbourhood of Marlborough that
Henry VIII. married Jane Seymour.
Her father was ranger of the royal
forest of Savernake which occupied
then a large slice of the country con-
tiguous to the town. To Jane Sey-
mour's brother, the Protector Somerset,
was afterwards granted the whole of
the forest, and the Marlborough pro-
perty as well. A small principality
was then established with Marlborough
as its centre, which at this day is still
owned and presided over by a repre-
sentative of the old Seymour family,
the present Marquis of Ailesbury. The
typical English squire, has little place
192
Marlborough.
in the annals of Marlborough. Sug-
gestive as its steep gables and quiet old
streets are of his burly form we should
have listened generally, I think, in vain
for his broad jests and loud laugh in
the inn parlours, and in vain for the
cry of his hounds upon the hills around.
Farmers and corn factors, lawyers and
traders, doctors and divines lie by
scores in the long disused churchyards.
Kings and queens, great nobles and
fine ladies, historic figures are scat-
tered plentifully enough all through
its history, but the social gap between
has never been filled. The connecting
link that in most places there would
have been between the great house
beyond the town and the burghers
within it, has scarcely had an exist-
ence in the Marlborough country.
Marlborough, in short, has always been
without what people are pleased to
call " a neighbourhood," and for many
miles upon every side the country
— without noteworthy exceptions —
still belongs to the representatives of
the great Protector.
In the civil war the " men of Marie-
berg " were ferociously roundhead, and
it was hotly besieged by the king's
forces whose cannon balls to this day
have left their mark on its church
towers. The town was partially burned
during this siege, but a few years
later an accidental fire swept it almost
away. " Thus," concludes a local
chronicler of the time, " was the stately
and flourishing town of Marleberge
consumed with fire on a sudden. It
would make a heart drop tears of
blood that had but heard the doleful
cryes and heavy moanes that pass be-
tween men and their wives, parents,
and their children." In the days
when England was the Australia of
Europe, and wool was its principal
export, Marlborough, doubtless, as the
centre of a famous sheep district had
no difficulty in retaining its modest
prosperity. Later on, too, when the
wealth of the nation increased, and
with it the desire and facilities for
travel it became a famous posting and
coaching depot on the great highway
which connected the metropolis with
the west. There are plenty of people
still living who can recall the stir and
bustle, the cracking of whips, the
rumbling of wheels, and the notes of
coach horns that all day long, and
night too, used to wake the echoes of
that now quiet street.
Marlborough may be almost said to
consist of that one broad highway
which springing from the College
gates upon the west stretches itself
for half a mile towards the east along
the banks of the Kennet. It is said
to be the widest street in England.
However that may be, the large
church dedicated to S. Peter in the
fifteenth century which stands at its
western end leaves ample room for the
traffic of a country town ;to pass with-
out inconvenience on either side. It is
not only the breadth of the Marl-
borough High Street that at once
arrests the stranger's attention, but
the slope upon which it lies is so steep
that rival towns who register perhaps
a few more quarters of barley at their
weekly markets, but are a trifle jealous
may be of the presence of the school,
are wont to make huge jokes at the
expense of the famous Marlborough
highway. The people of Devizes, for
example, are wont to declare that a
bicycle is the only machine that can
be driven down the street which is the
pride and joy of their neighbour town
without a risk of capsizing.
Marlburians, however, may regard
such facetiousness with complacency,
as they stand at their doors and look
up the charming old street. Upon the
upper side especially, the long half-
mile of gabled houses are scarcely two
of them alike, while for some distance
they are still further set off by an old
" pent house," which called forth the
remarks of seventeenth-century tra-
vellers. There is nothing behind these
two long rows of quaint houses that
stand facing one another, so far apart,
and upon such different levels. The
back windows of the one look on to
green fields that trend upwards till
they melt away in the downs. The
Marlborough.
193
gardens of the other slope down to
where the clear slow waters of the
Kennet wind under rustic bridges and
rustling poplar trees.
At the head of the broad street
there is the town-hall, standing in
front of the rugged and time-beaten
church tower of St. Mary's. At its
foot, facing the former, and occupying
the same central position, the church
of St. Peter shoots its tall tower
heavenwards, and still flings the notes
of the curfew on winter nights far
over the distant downs.
Here at the foot of the High Street,
beneath this tall church tower, the
town of Marlborough comes abruptly
to an end. Before a high barrier of
iron gates the close-built street sud-
denly ceases, and parts into two
country roads, leading to the right
and left — to Bath and the Pewsey
vale respectively. Stepping through
the gates, the stranger finds himself
amidst that curious combination of the
past and the present — of the new and
the old — which to-day represents the
flourishing school of Marlborough.
The large modern building that
immediately overlooks the town, and
first arrests, unfortunately, the
stranger's gaze, is perhaps an object
rather of affectionate association than
of architectural pride to Marlburians.
The ivy, it is true, has long been
desperately struggling to hide its
homely face, and a row of tall and
venerable lime trees, which rustle their
leaves above the roof, do much to atone
for its artistic failings. Follow the
broad gravel walk, however, a little
further on, and you will forget and
forgive the rash erection of 1843 in
the beautiful old mansion of Inigo
Jones, which rises before you, and
constitutes the main building of the
school — ithe nucleus from which it
sprang.
It is not the tine old house alone,
with its time-mellowed bricks, its
tiled roofs, its big stacks of chimneys
and wide sunny windows, that Marl-
burians recall with fond memory, but
the scene also over which it looks :
No. 309.— VOL. LIT.
the soft and yielding lawns ; the
quaint yew-trees, cut generations ago
into fantastic shapes ; the noble ter-
race, the mossy banks, and the tall
groves of elm and lime, noisy with the
sound of countless rooks; the mea-
dows, fresh and green the summer
long with the waters of a hundred
rushing rills ; the old mill under the
trees, and the lasher where the Kennet
churns and foams with ceaseless sound
over the heads of lusty and expectant
trout ; and behind all, the soft swell
of the overhanging down, with its
hazel thickets, dear to generations of
nutters; with its honoured, if not
ancient, white horse, and its tinkle of
innumerable sheep bells.
If the College at Marlborough can
lay no claim to an academic history
such as that of Eton or Winchester, it
has at least been grafted on a stem
whose roots run more back beyond the
reach of dim tradition, much less of
history. This might be true, indeed,
and yet the record and the figures
it contains might be so insignificant
and obscure as to fail in interest.
Marlborough, however, from the pre-
sent time back for centuries, generally
keeps touch, in some shape, with the
leading event and the noted characters
of successive periods. The only ob-
scurity into which it sinks is the ob-
scurity that experts try in vain to-
pierce as they stand before those vast
and silent monuments that mark it as
a metropolis of some prehistoric age.
Rising above the roof of the western
end of the college, and so close that it
darkens the very windows, stands a
gigantic tumulus. With the exception
of its fellow, a few miles up the Ken-
net valley, this huge mysterious mound
has no equal in Europe. Who shall
say of what people — of what warriors
— of what mysterious rites this gi-
gantic work of unknown hands stands
as a silent and imperishable witness 1
Whether a vast altar of Druidical
sacrifice, or the resting place of some
mighty chief, are questions for the
archaeologist who wanders with de-
light through this corner of Wiltshire,
0
194
Marlborough.
so incomparably rich in prehistoric
relics. To the " Arcadian " age of the
early Georges the Marlborough mound
owes the spiral terraces which ascend
its grassy sides, and probably to the
same period the trees, which now give
it the distant appearance of a wooded
hill.
These earliest monuments of man's
dominion are more enduring than the
walls of masonry which heralded in
the period when this spot first appears
upon the page of authentic history.
From the time that Marlborough
Castle is first mentioned, soon after
the Conquest, figures famous in history
find refuge and hold state within its
walls. As if, too, in derisive testimony
to the change of human fortunes, a
Norman keep towered high upon the
summit of the British mound, and
commanded the old Roman road from
Cunetio — three miles east of Marl-
borough — to Bath, twenty-seven miles
to the westward. Immediately be-
neath it stood the royal residence
that for five centuries belonged to
the crown, and for two was the fre-
quent habitation of kings and queens.
To touch upon the stirring scenes of
sieges and of battles — from the arrows
of the Stephen and Matilda wars, to
the cannon balls of Prince Rupert — is
not here possible ; nor perhaps would
such details be interesting to other
than those who have associations with
the place itself.
Times have changed. Where once
upon a time a Norman dungeon de-
scended into the depths where lay
perhaps the bones of British chief-
tains, the exigencies of modern needs
have placed a water cistern. Where
the moat once ran between rows of
fierce warriors — a long pool formed by
the inducted waters of the Kennet —
reflects the tall limes and grassy banks
of the College gardens, and in summer
days resounds with the splash and
shout of a hundred youthful swimmers.
Katherine Parr was the last name
that connected Marlborough Castle with
the reigning house. She married into
the Seymour family, who then were,
and whose representatives still are, the
grand seigneurs of Marlborough. At
this period the castle, as a fortified
stronghold, disappears from history.
Leland, visiting Marlborough in 1538,
says, " There is a ruin of a great castle
hard at the west end of the town,
whereof the dungeon tower partly yet
standeth." It was to Wolf Hall, in
the neighbourhood of Marlborough, I
have already said, that Henry VIII.
— when the tower guns proclaimed the
death of Anne Boleyn — rode at post
haste to his nuptials with Jane Sey-
mour. An old barn is still in exist-
ence that is said to have witnessed the
wedding ceremonies of that insatiable
monarch.
Wolf Hall stands near to the pre-
sent station of Savernake, between
Hungerford and Devizes, and is only
separated from Marlborough by the
wooded dells and beech avenues of
Savernake forest.
The latter, in the sixteenth century,
was probably twice the size it is now —
and was royal property, though even
to-day it is sixteen miles in circumfer-
ance. The Seymours of Wolf Hall were
then comparatively obscure. They
held, before the King's wedding, the
" rangership " of Savernake, and their
horn of office is still in the hands of
their representatives, the Ailesbury
family, who now own the estate which
was granted in the reign of Edward
VI. to the Protector Somerset, the
brother of the queen. In the reign
of Charles II., Francis, Lord Seymour,
received that monarch in the stately
mansion already alluded to, which had
been erected upon the ruins of the
ancient castle by Inigo Jones. Of all
its Seymour owners, however, none are
so intimately connected with its
fortunes as the well known Countess
of Hertford. The rural charms of her
seat at Marlborough enraptured to
ecstasy this celebrated lady, who was
one of the chief exponents of the
Arcadian mania that raged during the
beginning of the eighteenth century.
Hither came courtiers and fine ladies
to pose as Strephons and Chloes. amid
Marlborough.
195
the green paradise where the famous
Countess held her court. Hither, too,
came poets and authors. Dr. Watts,
Pope, Thomson, were summoned to aid
with their lyres in the worship of this
unequalled Arcadia. The latter, his
biographers tell us, took more pleasure
in carousing with his lordship than in
assisting her ladyship's poetical com-
positions. That he had, however, his
lucid intervals and his romantic moods,
may be inferred from the fact of his
poem of Spring having been composed
here. "Here," says that poetical
bon vivant,
" Let me ascend
Some eminence, Augusta, in thy plains,
And see the country far diffused around,
One boundless blush, one white empurpled
shower
Of mingled blossoms." . . .
In bygone days a stone used to mark
the spot upon the down above the
College where the poet was supposed to
have sat and received his inspirations.
It was during this period, probably,
that the wide terraces were made, and
one can easily picture the dainty figures
passing up and down upon them, or
grouped upon the velvety banks, in-
dulging in the astounding fiction that
they were Wiltshire swains. The mill
still stands silent in the foreground,
whose dusty occupant stirred, accord-
ing to her letters, the Countess's
Arcadian emotions to their very depth
a century and a half ago. The sheep
still bleat and cluster on the adjoin-
ing hill behind their shepherds as
they did when these aforesaid tinsel
shepherds enacted the cant of their
day in the groves below; but times
have changed. The white lines of the
ubiquitous tennis court now desecrate
the shadow-chequered turf, where even
twenty years ago the twang of the
bow and the click of the bowl used to
seem so much more in keeping with the
bygone age, whose memory the aspect
or the spot so eloquently pleads. The
grottoes and the spiral walks upon the
mound, the dark shades of the over-
arching groves are the haunt no longer
of impassioned swains, but of Marl-
borough prefects intent on nothing more
romantic than scholarships and cricket
scores.
In the reign of the second George
the Marlborough manor house passed
through the female line of the Sey-
mours into the Northumberland
family. Solitude now reigned in its
panelled halls, and money from dis-
tant and grudging Percy coffers was
required to arrest dilapidations that
came rather of neglect than age. In
1753 a quaint and characteristic adver-
tisement announced to the travelling
public that the stately mansion of
Inigo Jones had been opened as an
hostelry. Thenceforward for nearly
a century the Castle Inn at Marl-
borough was the favourite halting
place between London and the west,
and during the latter part of that
period was one of the most celebrated
and best managed coaching inns in
England.
Travellers must indeed have been
glad to exchange the chalky dust of
the Bath road for the refreshing
shades and the cool oak corridors of
the old Marlborough house. There
are scores of men still living who can
recall the time when over forty coaches
thundered daily down the now quiet
street of the old town — when the
echoes of one horn had scarcely died
away upon the London road when
others came sounding down the roads
that enter the town at its western end
from the directions of Salisbury and
Bath.
As coaching and posting gradually
withered before the inroads of the
iron horse, the future of the. historic
borough began to look very blue in-
deed ; and when the Great Western
railway left Marlborough far to the
south and no other lines seemed to
think that the town was on the road
to anywhere, certain stagnation and
very probable decay stared its people
in the face.
Most happily for Marlborough cer-
tain philanthropic gentlemen in London
o 2
196
Marlborough.
conceived about this time the then
novel idea of founding a great school
that should give an economic but high
class education to the sons of gentle-
men and of clergymen more especially.
The idea very soon took practical
shape. The deserted Seymour mansion
and the now lifeless town of Marl-
borough stood gazing blankly at one
another, wondering doubtless what in
the world they were to do next. Here
the founders of Marlborough College
saw their opportunity, and happily for
all concerned seized upon it. But alas !
the Seymour mansion and Castle Inn,
huge as it was, could be but the
nucleus of such an establishment as
these well-meaning founders contem-
plated, and large buildings were at
once and hurriedly erected at the back
and on the town side of the old house.
Not all the tender associations of
nearly half a century; not the most des-
perate attempts of perennial creepers
or the frantic endeavours of modern
art to relieve their blank walls with
oriel windows ; not the contiguous
shade of the venerable limes nor the
mellowing neighbourhood of the old
mansion house — nor the mossy lawns,
nor the clipped yew trees. Alas !
not all these modifying influences can
make even the most patriotic Marl-
burians blink those rash creations of
the early founders. The exact work-
house that supplied a model for the one
block, or the particular house of cor-
rection which inspired the designs of
the other has ever been a mystery.
He can only look on them with mingled
feelings of personal regard and vain
regrets, and inwardly hope that they
may with even greater celerity follow
the example of their predecessor, the
vanished Norman keep rather than of
that other one — the imperishable
mound of the Druids.
August, 1843, was a date of import-
ance not only to Marlborough, for I
think I may say the founding of that
school marked the commencement of a
new departure in English higher edu-
cation. The important schools of that
date had grown from old foundations ;
but now there was about to commence
an era of ready-made rivals, of which
Marlborough was the first. Many of
these have swept past both socially,
numerically, and intellectually all
but three or four of the most distin-
tinguished of their seniors, and forced
some of these even to reforms that
seemed almost humiliating at the time
to their admirers. Rossall, Wellington,
Haileybury, Malvern, and many other
now prosperous and influential schools,
may in some sort regard as the germ
of their own existence that August
day, forty-two years ago, when 200
boys from every part of England
crossed the Wiltshire downs and took
possession of the old halls of the Sey-
mours.
It is not my purpose to enlarge on
that decade of turbulence and misfor-
tune by which Marlborough bought
her experience, or to dwell on the
thorny, untried paths through which
she groped in the dark to a success
that gave heart unquestionably to a
host of imitators, and that I think I
may say has never for a moment
waned.
Those early days of trial, however,
had doubtless their good uses, and
taught their lesson not to Marlborough
only, but, as I have said, to her
younger rivals. A greater contrast
in every particular between the past
and the present could hardly be con-
ceived. Indeed the survivor of those
Spartan days, who now and then re-
turns with grizzled hair from some
distant clime to look upon the scene
of his youthful adventures, is apt to
gaze with as much scorn as bewilder-
ment on the transformation that meets
his eye.
The Marlburian of '45 is apt to be-
little the civilisation of '85, as the
Calif ornian " forty-niner " deplores
the vanished rowdyism of the Pacific
coast. Whether he be a war-scarred
colonel or a respectable incumbent it
is noticed that he generally betrays a
species of pride in having borne a part
Marlborough.
197
in an epoch of public school life that
probably -has no equal for lawlessness
in modern academic history. He is
apt to look with a feeling something
akin to contempt on the law-abiding
exemplary young man who constitutes
his remote successor. He seems not
unfrequently to regard with some-
thing like regret the long series of
boarding-houses and masters' resi-
dences that stretch up the valley of
the Kennet, and the tasteful gardens,
long shorn of their crudeness tha,t
cover the slopes where forty years ago
he used to poach hares. " Those were
days, sir, in which young fellows were
made hardy," he is often heard to
mutter, while his eye marks with evi-
dent disapproval the flower-beds that
bloom over spots in the court-yard
that in his day were sacred to dog-
fights and pistol shooting. He even
breathes forth a sigh of real regret as
he looks fondly up at the high window-
ledges from which he declares, as a
small boy he used to be dangled by
ropes on winter nights in the " brave
days of old."
Turning once more to the town and
its neighbourhood one remembers that
the name of Marlborough is insepar-
able from the great forest of Savernake,
whose northern limits crown the hills
immediately above the town. I have
already mentioned this as the remnant
of the old royal forest granted to the
Seymours in the reign of Edward VI.
It is, however, a great and no insigni-
ficant remnant covering from fifteen
to twenty square miles of ground.
Grand avenues of immense beech-trees
run for miles this way and that,
crossed by green drives which lead the
traveller for hours through what
Monsieur de Lesseps declared to be
the finest forest scenery of the kind
in Europe.
Some half a dozen miles above the
town, almost at the head of the Kennet
valley, stands the gigantic tumulus of
Silbury — the largest in Europe. From
its summit you look down upon what
is left of the scarcely less wonderful
temple of Avebury. Before the once
vast proportions of this ancient shrine
the now more celebrated monuments
of Stonehenge (twenty miles distant)
shrink into an almost insignificant
place. The local vandalism of the
seventeenth and eighteenth centuries,
which built farm-houses and paved
roads with these gray veterans of un-
numbered years, is minutely chronicled.
The process by which the vast stones
were crumbled by fire into blocks suit-
able for the new house of Farmer
Green, or shivered into fragments for
the new road to Farmer Browne's, can
be read in detail by the curious.
This whole country, indeed, from
Devizes to Marlborough, and fi'om
Marlborough to the fir-crowned crests
that look down upon the Pewsey vale,
teems with imperishable records of an
unknown age. Silbury and Avebury
are but the centre of a host of lesser
satellites. Turn almost where you
will the grass-grown mounds of those
mysterious days crown the summits
of the lonely hills, and grey boulders
clustered or piled in shapes uncanny
lend terror in the rustic mind to many
a lonely dell.
It is hard for an angler to say fare-
well to the banks of the Kennet with-
out a word as to the delights of that
renowned stream. I use the word
" renowned," of course in reference to
initiated brothers of the angle only.
I feel that I have already given a
somewhat formidable list of possessions
which are a source of honest pride to
the people of Marlborough. It would
never do, however, to forget the trout,
for the Kennet is accredited in the most
august angling quarters with the three
largest English brook trout that have
been placed on record — namely, a nine-
teen and two seventeen pounders.1
That such leviathans are in the habit
of lurking beneath the mill-dams, by
which the infant Kennet descends by
slow degrees from the hill of Silbury
to the groves of Marlborough is not,
1 Within the last month a trout of 16| Ibs.
has teen taken in the Kennet.
198
Marlborough.
I need hardly say, the case. As a
matter of fact, however, the largest
fish in a river celebrated for large fish,
haunt these rich feeding grounds far
up among the downs. But these four
and five pounders are fat, lazy, and
luxurious fellows, who scorn the efforts
of the greatest expert to bring them
to the top when such ample provision
lies below. It is immediately below
Marlborough — in the broader waters —
that the angler who is privileged to do
so most rejoices. There are people
who cannot separate the habitat of the
trout in their minds from the neigh-
bourhood of beetling crags and rushing
torrents, and are apt to speak even
with contempt of the finny denizen of
more homely scenes. The former sen-
timent is of course only a matter of
taste and habit. The latter would be
returned with interest by your Kennet
trout on the head of any uninitiated
gentleman from the north or west,
who came randomly nicking at him
with a cast full of flies. The clear
slow stream in which the veteran two
pounder lies eying the surrounding
landscape with eagle glance, is a differ-
ent field of attack from the whirling
tail of a mountain pool alive with
three ouncers. Let the surface of the
stream be churned into mimic waves
by the western breeze, let the
willows'
" Whistling lashes, wrung
By the wild winds of gusty spring,"
whiten against a background of sun-
less sky — then, if it is late enough in
the season, almost any one can at least
hook trout upon the Kennet.
But in the still summer days, when
no air is stirring, or only light puffs
that barely shake the bulrushes ;
when the sun is shining bright, and
the feeding fish can be seen trailing
their long length above the streaming
weeds twenty yards away — then it
requires something more than a slayer
of Devonshire doyens to drop a sedge
fly again and again lightly above that
wily fellow's nose, so that it floats
with dry wings and life-like look
across his vision. And if he should be
good enough to accept the snare, what
a five minutes ensues ! what a leap-
ing and splashing and whizzing of
reels ! what moments of breathless
suspense, as desperate rushes for banks
of weeds or roots of trees have to be
stopped by an absolute reliance on the
strength of the thin gut ! what triumph
and relief as at last he measures his
bright length on the grass ! and scales
a pound and three quarters.
A. G. BRADLEY.
199
INTERNATIONAL CO-OPERATION IN SCANDINAVIA.
"THERE never was a time," a pessi-
mist might say, " in which the so-called
civilised nations of Europe were more
cynical than now in their strivings to-
wards self-aggrandisement. The old
political doctrine of the balance of
power had at least sometimes the
effect of a principle of protection to-
wards the weak. The eighteenth
century would not have allowed the
tearing asunder of little Denmark on
so false a pretence that the jurists
of Prussia afterwards solemnly pro-
nounced their sovereign to be entitled
to Schleswig - Holstein, because the
King of Denmark, whom he had
robbed of the Duchies, had been their
rightful owner. The snappings and
snarlings of the so-called great
powers over sick Turkey are as those
of beasts of prey over a wounded ox
or camel. Any pretext is good for
Russia towards swallowing up a
Central- Asian Khanate ; or for France
to appropriate Tunis, or Tonquin, or
Madagascar ; whilst Italy will yelp
like a discontented jackal when
mightier claws than hers carry off
the prey before her eyes. And look
at Africa or the Pacific. The eigh-
teenth century stole the black man
from his country ; the nineteenth
steals his country alike from black,
brown, and yellow. Was there any-
thing ever more shameless than the
scramble which we have just witnessed
between a few European powers for
every foot of coast which the African
dared yet to call his own? unless it
be that Congo Treaty, by which a
number of powers — all but one pro-
tectionist at home — combine to force
free- trade on poor savages ? We may
pharisaically flatter ourselves that we
are better than our neighbours. But
what power ever displayed such in-
sanity of insolence as we in the second
Afghan War? In breaking up the
Zulu monarchy have we done any-
thing but enlarge the sphere of
anarchy in South Africa 1 Did Russia
or France ever commit such folly as
Englishmen when the loyal Basutos
were driven into rebellion and crushed
with dynamite for the sake of a petty
tax 1 Did we do more mischief by
seizing the Transvaal, or by giving it
up ? Can any human creature under-
stand what we have done, are doing,
or are about to do in Egypt ? What
we have been doing in the Soudan —
butchering in their own country tribes
whom we at the same time declared to
have a full right to it ; wasting the
precious lives of our own countrymen
for a purpose which, since the death
of Gordon, was altogether spent and
gone 1 "
" E pur si miiove," might another
answer. "The death-throes of the
old order are the birth -throes of
the new. Side by side with all
this snatching and grabbing, these
no doubt cynical and shameless out-
bursts of national rapacity, there is
at the same time a growing tendency
among the nations towards concert in
matters of common interest. The era
of separate treaties between two or
three states for offensive or defensive
purposes has well-nigh passed away.
The era of Conventions among large
numbers of states for the settlement
of particular details of national life is
setting-in more and more. Look at
our Postal and Telegraph Conventions.
Do you suppose that Aristotle, with
all his wisdom, would have been able
even to conceive of such a thing as
that, by common agreement between
nation and nation, a letter should
travel safely, regularly, day by day,
200
International Co-operation in Scandinavia.
not only through all the world as
known to him, but from America, a
continent which he had never heard
of, to Japan, islands which he had
heard of as little ? or yet that money
should be paid by the official of one
country on the direction of an official,
wholly unknown to him personally,
in another country thousands of miles
away ? The Monetary Convention
among the Latin nations is no less
remarkable. The Congo Conference,
and the rules laid down for occupa-
tion and protectorates in Africa, what-
ever the natives may have to say
against them, show again this wonder-
ful tendency towards European con-
cert. The late Sanitary Conference
in Rome represents another attempt,
though not apparently a very success-
ful one, in the same direction. The
International Control in Egypt, to
whatever extent exercised, and how-
ever little we may nationally relish
it, represents another step out of
mere self-willed national individualism.
The time is probably not far distant
when the nations of Europe will be
compelled in self-defence to agree upon
common measures against dynamite
and its congeners. Opportunity may
very likely be taken to transform the
numberless extradition treaties be-
tween state and state into a general
International Convention. The De-
claration of Paris, the Geneva Con-
vention, exhibit the sense of the
necessity of concert to mitigate war's
horrors. Switzerland has already
taken the lead, though unsuccessfully
as yet, in proposing an International
Convention for mitigating the evils of
the social warfare of competition by
fixing the hours of labour."
And now from Northern Europe
have come attempts in an entirely
new direction towards what may be
called International Co-operation, in
the shape of a " draft of a law on
registers of trades, firms, and pro-
curations, prepared by the Danish-
Swedish - Norwegian Commission " x
1 Udkast til lov om Handelsregistre, Firma
log Prokura, udarbeitet of de Dansk- Norsk-
(composed of six members, two from
each country)— -a law, be it understood,
which, with occasional agreed-upon
modifications to suit the circumstances
of each country, is proposed to be put
in force in all three. It is not, indeed,
the first step of the kind. As far
back as 1877, a Joint Commission was
appointed to prepare a law on bills of
exchange and promissory notes, which
became law in all three kingdoms in
1880. The present Commission has
already (in 1882) prepared a law for
the common protection of trade-marks
in the three kingdoms, which has been
enacted in Sweden and Norway, but
not yet, owing to political dissensions,
in Denmark. The present Report
of the Commission, dated November
22nd, 1884, contains, besides the pro-
posed law itself, an "Expose de Motifs"
in Danish and Swedish, and a long
appendix containing a digest of the
law of foreign countries on the sub-
ject, prepared by the Secretary of the
Commission, Mr. V. C. Thomson, a
young Danish official, who, during a
visit which he paid to this country in
the year 1883, impressed all those
who met him with a sense of his
marked ability.
Now, let it be observed, that this
International Scandinavian Commis-
sion has pursued and carried to an
end its peaceful labours, while two
out of the three nations represented
upon it were being subjected to the
gravest national crises — whilst the
Norwegian ministry were being im-
peached and found guilty, and during
that yet pending struggle in Denmark
between the crown and the Folksthing
which probably nothing but the per-
sonal popularity of the sovereign has
prevented from breaking out into
open violence. Yet whilst either
country might seem on the edge of
revolution, its jurists were quietly
carrying on a work which essentially
Svcnske Kommitterede. — Forslag till lag an-
gaende Handclsregister, Firma oeh Procura,
ittarbitadt af de Damk- Norsk- Svenske Komi-
tcrade. Stockholm. 1884.
International Co-operation in Scandinavia.
201
belongs to peace, and implies trust
in the mutual amity of nations.1
The special provisions of the draft
law (or, as we should call it, Bill —
though there appears to be no doubt
that it will pass into law in all three
countries) are of course of much less
importance than the fact of its pre-
paration, although the subject is one
of interest both to traders and to
students of comparative jurisprudence.
That registration of firms, which in
England has been so long called for
and never yet carried out, our Scandi-
navian cousins are prepared to esta-
blish by common agreement in all their
three kingdoms. The Bill provides in
the first place for the establishment of
district registers, for the insertion by
the registrar in certain newspapers of
a notice of all matters entered on the
register, and the publication of a
general abstract and annual index.
Every person or partnership carrying
on certain specified trades (which ap-
pear, however, only to exclude com-
panies established by statute, mere
handicrafts, and those who carry on
a trade subject to laws answering to
our Workshop and Factory Acts) is
bound to send to the registrar con-
cerned a memorandum, specifying the
name or firm in which the trade is
carried on. It is, very wisely, pro-
vided that the designation of any
single trader should contain his own
name, and should not contain anything
leading to the inference that the con-
cern is that of a partnership. The
firm of a partnership proper, again,
must contain the name or names of
one or more partners responsible for
the liabilities, with something added,
in the event of there being partners
with limited liability, to indicate the
existence of such. Lastly, the desig-
nation of a company with limited
liability should either contain no in-
1 There has been, indeed, also appointed a
third Joint Commission with the more ambi-
tious object of preparing a Scandinavian
Maritime Code, but it does not appear to have
made much progress as yet in fulfilling its
task.
dividual name, or if it contains such,
must contain something to indicate
that it is a limited company (a few
exceptions are allowed for the sake
of preserving old-established names).
Any person, partnership, or company
whose name has been duly registered
acquires the exclusive right to the
same, within certain local limits. The
form of the memorandum and its con-
tents are next fixed, for the different
cases of a single trader, a partnership
proper, a commandite partnership, a
company limited by shares, or any
other company with limited liability ;
the object being that the register
should show clearly who is responsible
for the engagements of the concern,
and in what manner, and who is en-
titled to enter into contracts. Notice
is required to be sent to the registrar
of any change taking place in any
of the particulars registered. Every
person authorised to sign for a firm
or concern is required either to sign
on the register the official trade signa-
ture, or to send it to the registrar,
duly verified. The register is made
primd facie notice to all persons of all
matters entered in it, subject to proof
that a person could not possibly be
cognisant of the particular matter.
The Bill then goes on to regulate com-
mercial procurations, and to provide
for registering such, as well as all
revocations of the same. Fees and
matters of procedure are also regu-
lated.
" A very small matter after all,"
some may say. To which it may be an-
swered in the first instance : " Nothing
is really small, from a European point
of view, which tends to bring closer
together the Scandinavian kingdoms.
A strong, united — not unified — Scan-
dinavia, holding with a firm hand the
keys of the Baltic, penning up Russia,
capable of holding Germany in check,
would be one of the most powerful
factors in the maintenance of Euro-
pean peace ; more especially if at some
future time the ' rising nationality '
of Finland were able to enter the
union on equal terms. What can do
202
International Co-operation in Scandinavia.
more to promote such union than unity
of legislation, worked out by the com-
mon deliberations of the representa-
tives of all three kingdoms ? "
But it is chiefly as an example that
the work of the Scandinavian jurists
is of promise to the world. There is
not the least reason why what has
been done in the three northern king-
doms should not be done in any three
other states, or any thirty. Viewing
law as the rules under which mankind
do their work, it cannot but be con-
ducive to the intercourse of men among
themselves that trade should be car-
ried on under the same rules in as
many countries as possible. The joint
legislation in Scandinavia on some
particular matters of trade thus leads
up to the idea of a common com-
mercial code, not only for Scandinavia,
but for civilised nations generally.
And the idea of such a code is already
in the air. It is to be seriously dis-
cussed this very autumn, at an inter-
ternational congress to be held in
Brussels. Should an agreement be
come to and bear fruit, the time may
be when the year 1885 will be re-
membered, not for any slaughter of
men that may have taken place in the
Soudan or in Central Asia, in Tonquin,
Madagascar, Central America — not for
the downfall of a French Cabinet or an
English Redistribution of Seats Act,
but for the birth of an international
commercial code. And with the story
of that birth, the fact of joint legis-
lation in Scandinavia on certain points
of commercial law will be inseparably
connected.
" As if trade," growls again the
pessimist, "were itself anything but
warfare between trader and trader !
As if half, at least, of all the actual
wars that have ever taken place had
not had trade either for an open pre-
text, or for a secret cause ! As if the
most commercial nations, from the days
of Carthage downwards, had not been
engaged in the most bloody wars ! As
if the vast development of modern
commerce had not been accompanied
pari passu — nay, outstripped, by the
development of the means of destroy-
ing human life ! Much less than half
a century ago, there were fools who
saw in the Hyde Park International
Exhibition of 1851 the forerunner
of the millennium. Where was the
peace-making power of trade when
the ' stars and stripes ' were rent
from top to bottom by the "War of
Secession ? Where was it, when Para-
guay was virtually blotted out from
the list of nations by the coalition of
two republics and an empire ? Where
was it during the Franco-German war 1
Where was it when the Paris Com-
mune gave to the world the hideous
spectacle of a nation lacerating itself
with its own hands beneath the mock-
ing eyes of an enemy encamped before
its capital? Where is it now, when
England and Russia are all but flying
at each other's throats for the sake of
a strip of virtual desert1? Where is
it, when meanwhile every capital in
Europe feels itself secretly but con-
tinuously threatened by a few hand-
fuls of desperadoes, who literally glory
in having anarchy for an object ? "
Most assuredly, so far as trade is
mere competition, it never will help to
put down warfare, for it is nothing
else. And that is why no International
Exhibition can ever hold the promise
which some have seen in it. It is no-
thing if it is not competitive. The exhi-
bitor's main hope is, by the excellence
or the cheapness — real or apparent — of
his own wares, to drive his rivals out
of the market, which he either pos-
sesses or seeks to appropriate. But
international agreements for the regu-
lation of trade stand on a wholly
different footing. These represent
the co-operative, not the competitive
side of trade, the side by which it ex-
hibits itself to us, not as the selfish
striving of the individual to draw
money into his own out of other
men's pockets — or it may be only
waistbands — but as the orderly inter-
change of services and commodities
between man and man, nation and
nation. When traders ask for or ac-
cept a law on trade- marks, that means
International Co-operation in Scandinavia.
203
that they agree, for the benefit of all,
that none should palm off his own
goods as those of another. When
they ask for or accept a law for the
registration of firms, that means that
they agree, for the benefit of all, that
a creditor should know precisely whom
he is dealing with, should feel certain
that his money will not vanish away
into the pockets of some unidentifiable
nominis umbra. When such laws are
made international, that means that
the fair dealing which they seek to
secure from man to man, is extended
from country to country. Compare
such international agreements with
the old commercial treaties, and you
will see that they belong to a different
moral world. The old commercial
treaty aims simply at securing to the
subjects of the one contracting power
as against all the world besides, cer-
tain advantages either exclusive, or at
all events special, in dealing with the
subjects of the other contracting
power. In the new international
agreements there is nothing antago-
nistic to any nation. On the con-
trary, it is to the interest of every
contracting power that as many other
states as possible should enter into the
same compact of fair dealing ; and at
the same time the whole world is bene-
fited, although the compact should be
confined to two or three. For the
practice of righteousness between man
and man is a common human in-
terest, and international agreements
to secure that righteousness are the
recognition that it is such.
Hence it is no anti-climax to say
that a modest little Scandinavian law,
with what may unfold itself out of it,
may be of more weight ultimately in
the history of the world than all the
more stirring events of its time. To
the eye that can see, it bears witness
that — quarrel and fight as they may —
an unseen force, mightier than artillery
or ironclads, than nitro-glycerine or
panclastite, is drawing the nations to-
gether for their good.
204
FROM MONTEVIDEO TO PARAGUAY.
II.
THE neighbourhood of Asuncion is
not ill-described by C. B. Mansfield
in a letter dated from Asuncion
thirty -three years ago, but which
might, for correctness in what it
states, have been written yesterday.
"The country," says Charles Kings-
ley's friend, "round the town is the
very perfection of quiet, rural beauty ;
the scenery has the beauty of some of
the prettiest parts of England, en-
hanced by the richness of the verdure
of the palm-trees, with which the
whole country is studded. The great-
est part of the country here seems to
have been originally covered with
wood, a good deal of which still re-
mains ; but now its general aspect is
one of tolerably industrious cultiva-
tion. The cultivated land is all
divided into fenced fields, wherein
grow maize, manioca, and sugar-cane ;
and the cottages dotted about com-
plete the pleasantness of the aspect
of nature. There are roads in every
direction, not kept in first-rate con-
dition, but still decently good ; the
cross-roads, which are not so much
worked, are beautiful green lanes, or
rather lawns, for they are often of
considerable width, and for the most
part perfectly straight. In some
places the country presents the
appearance of a splendid park, stud-
ded with rich coppices, &c." To
which, if we add a diminutive race-
course, situated in a kind of public
garden, and several pretty " quintas,"
or country-villas, of the same Pom-
peii-like construction as those of
Montevideo, but larger, and less ela-
borately furnished, and a few tenta-
tive plantations of coffee, not likely,
I think, to come to much in this
extra-tropical climate, we have a
tolerable general likeness of the
suburban surroundings of the capital
of Paraguay.
It is here, nor could it be otherwise,
in the capital, here in the chief resort
of traffic and strangers, that the fatal
contagion of a mimic Europeanism,
the mania for discarding whatever is
not in accordance with the stereo-
typed monotony and tasteless con-
ventionalism of Boulevard or Fifth
Avenue existence, the blight that,
like Tennyson's "vapour, heavy, hue-
less, formless, cold," creeps on with
Western-European intercourse over
land after land, withering up and ob-
literating in its advance all individual
or local colour, form, beauty, life ;
this pseudo-civilisation or progress, by
whatever name it be called, has done
most to obliterate the national and
characteristic features of the Para-
guayan race, and to substitute for
them the servile imitation of affected
cosmopolitanism and denationalised
uniformity. Happily the evil has but
partially and superficially infected
Asuncion itself as yet ; while beyond
its radius, and the actual line of the
Paraguari railway, life in the bulk of
Paraguay, and life's accessories, differ
but little, if at all, from what they
were and have ever been from the first
days of the compound nationality,
down to the constituent assembly of
1870. Long may they remain so.
But an up-country journey in
Paraguay, let us own, has its difficul-
ties ; many of them, indeed, relative
merely, or imaginary — others real and
positive enough. The latter are to be
summed up chiefly, if not wholly, in
the want of organised inter- communi-
cation, both in regard of roads and
conveyances, between district and dis-
trict ; a terrible want, which the
vigorous administration of the Lopez
From Montevideo to Paraguay.
205
dynasty had already done something
to remedy, but which long war and
succeeding desolation have renewed
and intensified by destroying what-
ever that ill-fated family had organised
or constructed. Bad inns, or none,
and in their defect a copious and
freely-offered hospitality, which, how-
ever, of necessity, supposes in those
who accept it a readiness to be con-
tent with Paraguayan fare and lodging
such as is rarely found among the " fat
and greasy citizens " of European or
even South American towns ; hot suns,
frequent thunder-showers, rough way-
tracks, streams to be swum or forded,
mosquitoes, foot-perforating chigoes,
here called " piques " — though these
are of such rare occurrence as to be-
long rather to the purely imaginary
catalogue of disagreeables — and other
insects ; and last, not least, difficulty
of converse with a population to which
Guarani, or " Indian," is much more
familiar than Spanish. Such are what
may be called " relative " obstacles,
things to be accounted or disregarded
by the traveller according to his own
individual acquirements and idiosyn-
crasies ; while lions, tigers, alligators,
wild Indians, poisoned arrows, &c.,
however terrible in the lively fancy of
many narrators, may be safely classed
among imaginary perils. Lions, that
is pumas ; tigers, that is leopards ;
Indians more or less wild, poisoned
arrows too, exist, doubtless, in the
mountains and among the deep forests
of Paraguay, but of these, and such as
these, the traveller, so long as he keeps
to the inhabited districts, or, if beyond
their limits, to the ordinary routes of
transit, will hear little, and see less.
Still the negative difficulties — want
of means of conveyance, want of roads,
want of occasional interpreters, want
of sufficient lodging — have, each in
some measure and degree, to be taken
into account ; and against these the
Asuncion administration, with the
true courtesy and hospitable liberality
of Paraguayan tradition, hastened to
provide on my behalf. An officer, well
acquainted with the country, a soldier
for attendant, and three good horses,
were placed at my disposition for the
proposed journey, and a programme, or
carte de voyage, was supplied, of a nature
calculated to make me acquainted with
as much as circumstances might allow
of village life and land.
Having but a short time, barely
four weeks in fact, at my disposal, I
determined, at the advice of my kind
hosts, to select for my visit what I
may best summarily designate as the
south-centre of the country ; a district
of hill and dale, rivers and lakes,
thickly — for Paraguay, that is — set
with villages, and having on its east
the high forest-clad mountain ranges,
beyond which flows the Parana, here
the frontier of Brazil ; on the south
the rich plains and reedy marsh-lands
of the province of Misiones, so named
from the well-known Jesuit missions
of former times, which here attained
their fullest development; northward
the successive hill ranges and wide
mate plantations of Upper Para-
guay ; west, a low screen of broken
ground and copse, behind which flows
the great river that gives its name to
all the rest. After which geographi-
cal outline, I will only add, by way
of general description, that if any of
my readers have had the good fortune
to visit beautiful Auvergne, in Central
France, and the scarce less beautiful
Eifel district by the Moselle, they
may, by blending the chief topo-
graphical characteristics of these two,
clothing the surface of hill and dale
with the graceful yet vigorous growths
of a half-tropical vegetation, and over-
arching the whole with a sky borrowed
from Titian's Bacchus and Ariadne —
a sky, pace even Mr. Ruskin, by no
means " impossible " in Paraguay,
though I can well believe it so in
Western Europe, — having done this,
I say, they will have before their
mind's eye at all events a tolerable
likeness of the country I would gladly
sketch, though I cannot worthily
paint.
One name, judiciously selected
from among the rest, may often serve
206
From Montevideo to Paraguay.
as a peg whereon to hang a whole
chain of ideas, or, if the comparison
be preferred, as a centre round which
the vagueness of general description
may crystallise into definite form. A
secret of mental chemistry well known
to poets ; few readers of the Paradise
Lost have, probably, hunted out
" Imans " on the map, yet all have
the picture of Milton's mountain-
dwelling vulture distinct in their
imagination ; nor is it for nothing
that the " sons of Eden " were inha-
bitants of " Telassar," though I have
not been able to discover the where-
abouts in any atlas-index as yet. But
we all feel that a place with such a
name must have been worthy of the
race. For us, wanderers in an else
unlocalised region, the mountain of
Akai shall serve our turn.
The word itself, in aboriginal
Guarani, means " burning " or " con-
flagration ; " and the mountain that
bears it is a water- formed mass of
comparatively recent volcanic debris,
situated in the midst of a region
studded with at least a dozen smaller
lava-cones, over which Akai towers
to a height of 2,000 feet and more. Its
abrupt sides, partly clothed with
patches of thorny brushwood, partly
bare, are made up of loose masses of
laterite and volcanic tufa, among which
huge angles of harder lava project far
out, rendering the ascent of the slope
very difficult, indeed almost impractic-
able ; while the few points at which
an upward path, though no easier than
" Tra Lerici a Turbia, lapiu diserta, La
piu ruinita via " of Dante's experience,
is yet possible, are guarded by colonies
of wasps, the " Spanish soldiers " of
the Antilles, long, gaunt, bronzed,
vicious-looking creatures, df a tenaci-
ously spiteful disposition, who have,
for reasons best known to themselves,
made of these rocky gullies their
favourite homes, and resent intrusion.
The peasants of the neighbourhood are,
as a matter of course, little disposed
to the labour — from their point of view
a very unprofitable one— of scrambling
up barren heights ; but some German
tourists had, I was informed, about
two years before climbed the mountain,
and, on their re-descent reported a
large and well-defined crater at the
summit, long since, it seemed, quiescent,
and strewed at the bottom with a
heavy metallic-looking kind of sand,
whereof they brought back with them
a sample. This, for whatever cause,
they left in a house of the village,
close by, where I saw and, so far as
I could, examined it ; finding it in
the result identical with the Sicilian
Palagonite described by Lyell in his
Elements of Geology. That volcanic
energy is still at work within, or, more
probably, at some depth below the
mountain, though of active eruption
no record survives in that most brief
and inaccurate chronicle termed
" human memory," this narrative as
it proceeds will sufficiently show.
Round Akai the soil, deep furrowed
with rain-torrents, is almost exclu-
sively composed of volcanic ash and
decomposed lava, reminding me not a
little of the neighbourhood of " Aghri
Dagh," or Mount Argaeus, in Csesarea,
of Asia Minor, like that region too in
its wonderful fertility, almost, though
not quite, rivalling the prodigal luxuri-
ance of plantation, field and grove at
the base of the ever-burning Mayon
pyramid in Philippine Albay. Most
of the ground-springs hereabouts — and
if each of them has a naiad of its own,
the country must be thickly peopled
with the daughters of Zeus — are
ferruginous, some strongly so ; thermal
springs too were reported to me, but
with the true vagueness of localization
proper to the Hodges of every land
and country, nor did I myself come
across any.
It is just a short half-hour before
sunset, and a large yellow moon, nearly
full — for it is the thirteenth or four-
teenth day of the lunation — balances
on the east the yet larger orb of clear
gold now near the western margin,
while our party, some seven in all,
myself, my military escort, and four
chance companions of the road-side,
ride our unkempt, but clean-limbed,
From Montevideo to Paraguay.
207
spirited, and much enduring Para-
guayan nags into the village of ....
I have my motives for not giving the
name. We are all of us, the riders at
least, well-tired, for the afternoon has
been intensely hot, and we have come
from far. Paraguayan villages, or
country towns if you choose, though
perhaps the title of " town " should
be reserved to such as are the residence
of a " Jefe Politico," or sheriff of the
county, are all, large or small, much of
a pattern ; and that, in its general
outlines, a Spanish one. Central is a
large open grass-plot or square, and in
the midst of that again the church, 'a
barn-like building, utterly plain out-
side ; the ornament within is of wood-
work, sometimes very old and curiously
carved ; painting — if there be any — is
of the crudest ; occasionally relieved by
dingy silver ornament, recalling
Byzantine or Armenian reminiscences,
an unartistic whole. Whatever may
have been the case in the days of
clerical or Jesuitical leadership,
religion has long since ceased to be the
central occupation of the Paraguayan
mind. It is, now at all events, an
accessory, rather than a principle, of
life, nor, I am inclined to think, was
it ever, in spite of outward and, to a
certain extent constrained appearances,
anything more among the Guaranis.
Yet so far as it goes it is quite genuine,
and its influence beneficial, much in
the same degree, and to the same
result, as Buddhism in Burmah or
Siam. Happily too it is here, as
there, practically undisturbed either
by missionary meddling on the one
hand, or anti-clerical fanaticism on the
other.
Close by the church is the bell-
tower, square, and, with its cage-like
wooden upper-story, twice the height
of the building or more. In this land
of electricity, for such is the entire
Paraguay, Parana, and La Plata
valley from Asuncion to Montevideo,
that belfries should be often struck
by lightning need excite no surprise.
Jove of old had a noted predilection
for thus demolishing his own temples ;
perhaps he remembered Semele. Next
to a belfry, the most frequent victim —
sadly frequent indeed — of a thunder-
bolt in Paraguay is a white horse, its
rider included ; not only did I hear of
many such catastrophes, but one
actually happened, the human victim
being a widow's son of eighteen or
thereabouts, close by a village where
I was taking shelter during the storm.
Should a dog, as is very generally the
case, be of the party, it escapes unhurt.
Of all which I can suggest no explana-
tion ; doubtless it is " for the best,"
nor do the Paraguayans, a very practical
race, greatly vex their souls about that
over which they have no control.
The houses that make up the square
itself, are all one-storied cottages, in
English nomenclature, but with several
rooms inside, and almost invariably
fronted by a verandah — good shelter
against sun or rain ; the roof is of
thatch ; the flooring of trodden earth,
and scrupulously clean. Cleanliness is
the rule in Paraguay, and it extends
to everything, dwellings, furniture,
clothes, and person, nor are the poorer
classes in this respect a whit behind
the richer. Above all, the white
sacques and mantillas of the women,
and the lace-fringed shirts and drawers
of the men, are scrupulously clean ;
nor is any one article in greater
demand, though fortunately with pro-
portional supply, throughout the
country than soap. But to return to
the village itself. Each house has
behind it a garden, small or large as
the case may be, in which flowers are
sedulously cultivated : they are a
decoration that a Paraguayan girl or
woman is rarely without, and one that
becomes the wearer well. Without
pretensions 'to what is called clas-
sical or, ethnologically taken, Aryan
beauty, the female type here is very
rarely plain, generally pretty, often
handsome, occasionally bewitching.
Dark eyes, long, wavy, dark hair, and
a brunette complexion do most prevail ;
but a blonde type, with blue eyes and
golden curls, indicative of Basque
descent, are by no means rare. Hands
208
From Montevideo to Paraguay.
and feet are, almost universally,
delicate and small ; the general form,
at least till frequent maternity has
sacrificed beauty to usefulness, simply
perfect ; as to the dispositions that
dwell in so excellent an outside, they
are worthy of it ; and Shakespeare's
"Is she kind as she is fair?" might
here find unhesitating answer in the
affirmation that follows, " Beauty
dwells with kindness." A brighter,
kinder, truer, more affectionate, more
devotedly faithful girl than the
Paraguayan exists nowhere. Alas that
the wretched experiences of but a few
years since should have also proved,
in bitter earnest, that no braver, no
more enduring, no more self-sacrificing
wife or mother than the Paraguayan is
to be found either !
My readers will, I am sure, pardon
this digression. Let us back to our
village ; and first of all, as in duty
bound, to the " Jefatura " or govern-
ment house ; in general appearance
and architecture no way differing
from the dwellings to its right and
left, except that it is less subdivided
internally, and consists of only one
or two large apartments; to which
sometimes a lock-up with a pair of
stocks in it for minor offenders is
added. Criminals are sent under
guard to Asuncion. But crime is rare
in Paraguay ; though petty larcenies,
and some trifling offences against
village decorum and law are not in-
frequent. The authority of the " Jefe "
or sheriff, is chiefly that of a police
magistrate ; though a general superin-
tendence of roads and bridges, or, to
speak more exactly, of where roads
and bridges were or ought to be, but
in the present poverty of the land
are not, falls also within his depart-
ment. " Evidently these Guarani-
Vasco Paraguayans have, like their
Malay half-cousins a wonderful talent
for quiet self-government, and little
need of state-machinery or official
direction and control," was a reflection
forced on me by what I heard or saw
at every step of my journey, but not
least when visiting the sanctuaries
themselves of provincial authority or
law.
Prefect, commissioner, judge, and so
forth, have each of them his private
and family dwelling somewhere else in
the square. An omnium-gatherum
shop or store, combining ironmongery,
drapery, grocery, liquor, dry goods,
toys, everything useful or, in its
degree, ornamental, is sure to occupy a
much-frequented corner — it is certain
to be kept, not by a Paraguayan, but a
foreigner ; generally an Italian, some-
times a Spaniard or a Corrientino.
Indeed, of such shops the larger villages
Boast up to three or more. Adjoining
the principle square may be a second,
of which the central object is an open,
wood-supported shed with a raised
floor, doing duty as market-place,
whither meat, fish, vegetables, and so
forth are brought for sale ; or this
useful construction may be situated in
a straggling, irregular street, which in
such case forms the backbone of the
village. Somewhere in the neighbour-
hood is the public burying-ground, sur-
rounded by a wall, and with a large
wooden cross in the centre ; monuments
or inscriptions denoting the stories of
the several dead are, I think, unknown.
We have made for the prefect or
sheriff's house, and have, by his readily-
given invitation, alighted in front of
the door. A further invitation, to
enter the house, is temporarily declined
in favour of the lovely evening out-
side ; and we seat ourselves in the
verandah, looking out on the open
square before us, and over its low
roof-lines on a fringe of palm and
orange-groves, above which, in the
dark purple shadows of a deepening
twilight, rises the serrated range of
Akai, some fifteen or twenty miles
distant. But our attention is first
claimed for the Alpha, though by no
means the Omega, of Paraguayan
hospitality, the national mate. What
coffee is among the Arabs, tea
among the Japanese, that or more is
mate to the Paraguayans, and, I
may add from my experience of all
three, to their guests.
From Montevideo to Paraguay.
209
True, the word mate though
commonly used by Europeans, and
even occasionally by South- Americans,
to designate the drink itself, is a mis-
nomer ; its proper signification being
the small, dry, oblong gourd, generally
dyed black, and sometimes compelled
by bandaging, while yet green, to
assume a fantastic shape, out of which
the infusion of the "yerva" itself, or
" Paraguayan tea " is taken. The
leaves of this tea plant, if an ilex may
so be denominated, are gathered amid
the wide plantations of its growth on
the borders of, or within the tropics
of, Northern Paraguay, and having
been dried by a careful and elaborate
process, of which, not having myself
witnessed it, I omit the description,
are reduced to a coarse, light -green
powder. With this the gourd, or
mate is more than half-filled, and
hot or boiling water poured in upon
it. Almost ^immediately afterwards,
with as little time left for " standing "
as may be, it is presented to the
drinker, who imbibes it through
a silver tube, plain or ornamented,
from eight to ten inches in length ;
one extremity is somewhat flattened
for convenience of suction, the other
expands into a bulb, or bombilla,
pierced with small holes, which acts as
a strainer to the liquid in which it is
immersed. The servant who has
brought it stands by waiting till the
infusion has been drawn out, when he
goes to refill it, and returns to present
the apparatus to the next of the com-
pany in turn, and so on, till after two
or three rounds a " £asta," " enough,"
or " Gracias," " thanks," gives the
signal for its final removal.
Taken by itself and unsweetened —
for those who add sugar to it, or, yet
worse profanation, milk, put them-
selves merely out of court, as incapa-
ble of appreciating its merits — this
drink is of all light and refreshing
tonics that I know, Arabian coffee
itself hardly excepted, the pleasantest
and the most effective. The taste is
aromatic and slightly bitter, not much
unlike good Japanese tea. But rightly
No. 309.— VOL. LII.
to esteem and enjoy it, one should
have^earned it by a long day's ride, in
a sub-tropical sun, and drink it re-
posing in the cool shade, to feel
fatigue pass into memory only, and
vigour return with rest to every
limb.
Meanwhile, others of the village
magnates have come up to salute the
new arrivals, and talk, occasionally in
Spanish for the benefit of the strangers,
more often in Guarani when between
the Paraguayans themselves, is freely
entered on. Though cautious, and
wonderfully secretive where secrecy
befits, a Paraguayan is by nature
cheerful and even open, fond of a jest,
a laugh ; free, in a degree I have
seldom met among the natives of any
other land, European or not, from
prejudice or antecedent ill opinion ;
free too from shyness or any constraint
except that of inbred courtesy and
manly self-respect ; slow to give his
entire trust ; slow to distrust also.
Hence his acquaintance is easily made,
and often ripens into real friendship.
The expansive part of his nature may,
probably, be due to Yasconian, Astu-
rian, or Cantabrian descent, the more
cautious and self-contained to Indian ;
his courage and endurance to both.
Slight as is my knowledge of the
Guarani language, my readers may
perhaps care to hear the little I have
been able to ascertain about it, more
by practice than by set study, by ear
than by books. Spoken in one dialect
or another over the entire eastern half
of South America, Uruguay (whence
every vestige of its Indian occupants,
the brave Charruas, has unfortunately
disappeared) being the only terri-
torial exception, Guarani belongs to
the yet wider-spread polysynthetic
language-system, common to every in-
digenous American race, north, central,
or south .from Alaska to Patagonia.
How far this system, with the almost
countless dialects comprehended in it,
stands out, in Mr. Keane's words, as
" radically distinct from all other
forms of speech," I cannot say. In
Guarani, at all events, the amount of
P
210
From Montevideo to Paraguay.
permutation, elimination, or aggluti-
nation of consonants or syllables,
affixes and particles, is not more
irregular, hardly even more complex
than in old-Turkish, or Japanese.
Where no native system of written
characters exists, it is of course free
to a stranger, employing his own
alphabetic symbols, to run together as
many words as he pleases into one ; in
pronunciation Guarani words are dis-
tinct enough and strongly accentuated,
most often on the last syllable. Of
gutturals there is a moderate, of nasals
a more liberal allowance ; in copious-
ness of vowels Guarani hardly yields
to Italian itself. Lastly it is a
pleasant language to the ear, and
easily picked up, as the facility with
which English, Germans, and other
strangers acquire it sufficiently proves.
Whether, however, the speech itself
be autocthonous, as Mr. Keane opines,
or derive a trans-oceanic origin from
some far back Mongolian or Turanian
stock, no one acquainted with Kalmuk
or Nogai Tartars, or Tagal Malays on
the one hand, and with pure-blooded
Guarani-Indians on the other, can an
instant doubt their community of race.
It is not the complexion, the hair, the
eyes, the general form of body and
limb only that bear witness to as near
an approach to identity, as long ages
of diversity in climate and surround-
ings can admit, but, more yet the
sameness of mind, of moral standard,
of dispositions and tendencies indivi-
dual or collective, of family and social
organisation, of ideas and beliefs, all
of these strictly in accordance with
those of the Mongolian branch of what
Mr. Ferguson, with sufficient accuracy
at least for our present purpose, deno-
minates the " Turanian " .division of
the human race. How the first Mon-
golians— parents of the manifold
" Red-Indian " families by whom the
new world was over-spread — came to
emigrate hither, at what epoch, by
what route, in one band or in many,
are questions little likely ever to be
solved; monuments and tradition
afford but confused and contradictory
hints at most ; and conjecture is not
less idle than easy, to make. Nor, again,
would a solution, even if absolutely
negative, much affect the existing
facts. Identity of nature is one thing,
community of origin is another ; the
beginnings of human existence are
unknown, nor is the Darwinian theory
of descent better supported by proof
than the mythological ; nor does it
appear why the same cause or causes,
whatever it or they may be, which
originated the Mongolian race in Asia
should not, simultaneously or at a
different period of our planet's exist-
ence, have originated another race of
mankind in America, identical or
nearly so with the first, yet wholly
independent of it in genealogical
descent. Anyhow the resemblance is
a certainty, though the " how " and
" why " may be, and are 'likely ever to
remain, uncertain and unknown.
Seated as we are in the verandah,
and, by this time, a group of a dozen
or more, including the head authori-
ties of the district, besides others who
are not authorities at all, but merely
small farmers or peasants, the talk
turns chiefly on local interests, agri-
cultural topics, and the like ; the
events of the capital and politics,
generally so favourite a topic in many
others of the South-American Re-
publics, being here seldom discussed.
The right to be well governed, the
right to cultivate his own land, tend
his own cattle, and to enjoy in peace
the fruits of his labour, is the only
right the Paraguayan greatly cares
for ; what form of administration,
what government, what party, what
policy assure him these, he heeds very
little. There is no content like that
of a land-owning population ; and such
from the highest to the lowest is
the country population of Paraguay.
Large estates are rare, and where they
exist are cultivated by tenants whose
fixity of possession is not less undis-
puted than the general proprietorship
of the owner in chief ; rent is paid in
produce ; and the share retained by
the actual cultivator of the land is in
From Montevideo to Paraguay.
211
the fullest sense his own. It is a
state of things in which wealth, as
understood in Europe, is rare ; desti-
tution, like that too frequent in many
parts of Europe, unknown. The capi-
talist is absent ; but his train, hired
labour, eviction, landlessness, home-
lessness, destitution, discontent, re-
bellion, revolution, are absent too.
Politics, the occupation of the idle
or the dissatisfied, being thus ignored,
we have free leisure for the far more
profitable, as also pleasanter topics of
agriculture, its resources, its develop-
ment, its prospects. I may as well
here remark, once for all, that although
both horses and cattle are reared to a
considerable extent within the Para-
guayan territory, yet the country
neither ought to, nor can ever, become
a cattle-breeding one in the sense of
the vast pasture-lands of the South
Argentine Confederation, or even of
Southern and Western Uruguay.
Here, between degrees 27°-22° of
latitude, with an average yearly
temperature somewhat above 70° F. ;
and with pasture copious enough, but
rank and overgrown — the consequence
of a winterless climate — horned cattle
can never attain, either in size or
quality, to a successful competition
with those reared in cooler lands ;
while sheep, for whatever reason — the
presence of a poisonous herb, called
" mio-mio " among the grass, is often
assigned as the cause, but it does not
seem to me a wholly sufficient one —
are as complete a failure here as in
the Philippines or Japan. Horses
breed well ; but except for local use are
in little request ; besides, these two
are better reared in the south. Mean-
while the agricultural capabilities even
of those districts hitherto in some
measure set apart for pasture, are
infinite, and the produce less liable to
preponderant competition. Putting
all which together it is clear that the
Georgic of Paraguay must always be
the first rather than the third of the
Virgilian series.
In this Georgic three different kinds
of cultivation take precedence as
capable of yielding the largest and
most advantageous results : the sugar-
cane, tobacco, and the "yerva" or
Paraguayan tea. . Of these the first
is grown extensively ; but, in the
absence of fit machinery for extract-
ing and ripening the sugar, " cana," or
an inferior kind of rum, obtained by
a coarse distillation of the unrefined
molasses, is the principal result. The
sugar-mills in use are small, and of
the roughest kind, worked by hand or
cattle, after a fashion that may still
be seen in the small negro holdings
of Dominica ; the boiling and cooling— -
for crystallisation is, of course, out of
the question — are equally primitive.
Yet from the vigorous growth of the
cane, and the amount of saccharine
yielded, it is evident that the material
exists for more profitable purposes ;
and if the highly-perfected and costly
sugar-factories of Martinique, of De-
merara, be for the present beyond the
means of Paraguay, there is no reason
why the simpler yet sufficient methods
successfully adopted in Barbados
should not meet with equally good
results here. The experiment would
be worth the making ; the project is
one I have often heard discussed
among the peasantry, with much
desire for its realisation.
But no subject is more popular,
none more readily entered on, than
the cultivation of tobacco. Much in-
deed is actually grown in Paraguay,
and the quality of the leaf is excel-
lent, by no means, in my judgment,
inferior to that of Cagayan, or, to
give it its commercial title, of Manila
itself. But the art of drying and pre-
paring the leaf, no less than that of
making it up, when prepared, into
proper form, has yet to be learnt in
Paraguay ; both processes are at pre-
sent conducted in a very unsatisfactory
and hap-hazard manner ; and the
result is defective in proportion.
Unseasoned, unprepared, unselected,
badly dried, worse rolled, Paraguayan
cigars only avail to tantalise the
smoker with the suggested contrast of
what they might be and what they are.
p 2
212
From Montevideo to Paraguay.
I myself, for many decades of years a
habitual smoker, could easily recog-
nise at once the innate superiority of
the wisp-like tobacco roll that no care
availed to keep steadily alight for five
minutes, over the elegant- looking
Brazilian — labelled " Havana " — cigar
in my pocket-case ; while painfully
made aware at the same time of the
artificial advantages that rendered the
latter preferable for use to the former.
The Government that shall introduce
a few skilled operatives of the
Arroceros factory and the Cagayan
tobacco-plantations to teach, by ex-
ample and practice, the arts of tobacco-
growing and cigar-making to Para-
guay will deserve a public memorial
and a marble statue of the hand-
somest in Asuncion, as a true bene-
factor primarily of his country, and
indirectly of South America, and the
world at large. For what blessing
can excel a good cigar ?
At present of all the "mystery,"
to use an old phrase, of tobacco grow-
ing, no less than of that of cigar
making, the Paraguayans, whose edu-
cation in this really important regard
has been sadly neglected, are practi-
cally ignorant ; and many were the
questions asked me about the cultiva-
tion of the plant, the proper manuring
of the soil, the harvesting and drying
of the leaf, and so forth. For
attached, and most justly so, as they
are to their own country and its
usages, they are by no means incu-
rious as to what is done elsewhere, nor
averse to adopt or copy what may be
suited to their requirements. Nor are
the Japanese themselves apter scholars
to useful teaching; though, happily
for the Paraguayans, the greater
steadiness of their national character
would hardly admit of the childish
imitativeness and unwise parody that
has so much damaged and perverted
Japanese improvement of late years.
Of the " yerva" cultivation, for many
generations the principal, almost the
exclusive, source of Paraguayan re-
venue, my village friends in the Akai
district hvae not much to say. The Ilex
Paraguayensis is a shrub of tropical
growth, and we are at present little
north of lat. 25°. But I may here
remark that the article itself, though
still in considerable, is not in increas-
ing request, rather the reverse ; partly
because of the Europeanising mania
widely diffused through the adjoining
states, and which has included the use,
once universal, of mate in its ana-
thema of "uncivilised" pronounced
on whatever is South American and
is not Parisian, be it dress, usage,
amusement, dance, music, or what-
ever else ; and partly from the compe-
tition of Argentine and Brazilian
"yerva," both much inferior in
strength and flavour to the Para-
guayan, but also cheaper in their
respective markets.
For my own part I do not see —
climate, soil, and local conditions
taken into account — why tea, so suc-
cessfully cultivated in Northern India
and, to a certain extent, in Japan,
should not be introduced into, and
thrive in, Paraguay also. Every
favourable condition, every requisite,
seems, to the best of my observation,
to be present ; and were the experi-
ment made, the chances of success are,
I think, far greater than those of
failure. I should recommend the hill-
ranges — now coveredVith mere forest
— towards the Brazilian frontier as fit
ground for a first attempt. The ulti-
mate result would probably be the
substitution of tea plantation for that
of "yerva" to a considerable extent,
to the permanent advantage of the
Paraguayan market at all events ; the
ilex continuing to maintain itself, but
on a diminished scale.
Maize, here no longer the stunted,
small-eared plant that we see it in Italy
or Southern Uruguay, but rivalling in
luxuriance and produce the vigorous
growths of the Trans- Caucasus and
Asia Minor, is a favourite crop ; rice
also, both the irrigated and the up-
land variety. Both are pleasing to
the eye, the dark glossy green of the
Indian corn plant making an effective
set-off to the bright emerald of the
From Montevideo to Paraguay.
213
rice fields. But more graceful than
either in form and shape of leaf,
though duller in tint, is the "manioca,"
or, to give it the name best known to
European commerce, "tapioca" herb,
with its countless little domes of deli-
cate leaves, each on its slender stalk ;
the root, reduced into flour, is the staple
food of the peasants, who make it up
with sugar and yolk of egg into cakes
and rolls, very nutritious, but some-
what cloying to a foreign taste. A
wider range of cultivation, such as,
however, is at present beyond the
reach of the half -re-peopled land, and
a judicious use of the facilities given
for washing the pulp by the lavish
copiousness of pure running water in
sources and streams throughout Para-
guay, might easily make of tapioca an
important item on the national export
list. But oraDge trees and palms, both
native growths, valuable for their pro-
duce, though requiring hardly any care
on the part of man, are of all others
the distinctive features, the ornaments
too, of a Paraguayan country land-
scape, which, taken altogether, comes
nearer to the ideal of a habitable
Eden, a paradise adapted to man as
he is, in this working-day existence of
our race, than any other region it has
been my fortune to visit in the old
world or the new.
Much might be added to the agri-
cultural list just given, but those
mentioned are the foremost in interest
to the children of the soil. Or perhaps
our conversation — for supper is not
yet ready, and the tempered coolness
of the evening invites us to prolong
our out-of-doors soiree — wanders to
the minerals of the land, unexplored
as yet to any serious purpose, though
the frequency of chalybeate waters
testifies to the abundance of iron in
the soil ; copper, too, is often met
with; gold and silver are talked of,
but, fortunately perhaps for the
country, little verified. Marbles of
every kind, the pure white excepted,
could be, but seldom are, quarried in
the hills ; porcelain clay abounds, and
finds partial use.
The best product, however, of Para-
guay, and that without which all the
rest, however varied and precious,
would be of little avail, is, to borrow
Blake's strangely significant phrase,
the "human abstract." That "the
Paraguayans are a lazy lot ; " that
" the men in Paraguay do nothing —
all the work is done by women ; "
that the said men "pass their time
in drinking mate, smoking cigars,
eating, and sleeping ; " nay, that
"there are hardly any men in Para-
guay, nine-tenths of the population
being female," with the not illogical
corollary, to which I regret to see
that Mr. Bates has, in his Central and
South America, lent the sanction of
his high authority, that everything
everywhere " in this unfortunate
country " is in " a state of complete
demoralisation," I had heard repeated
usque ad satietatem by Europeans and
Americans alike — both, in most in-
stances, absolutely guiltless of any
personal experience of Paraguay, or
having passed a few days in a hotel
at Asuncion at most — before I made
my own visit to that country. Hear-
ing, I, of course, neither believed nor
disbelieved, but waited the surer evi-
dence of presence and sight. How
far these last confirmed or contra-
dicted the evil report brought up
by others on the land, my readers
will, if I have written to any purpose,
sufficiently apprehend. In few words,
then, the men and women, both of
them, and either class within its
proper limits of occupation, through-
out Paraguay, are as industrious,
hard-working, diligent, painstaking,
persevering a folk as any I know of ;
nor are the women more so than the
men, nor the men than the women.
Of course the traveller will, in the
villages, see more of the female than
of the male sex, because the former,
very naturally, stays more at home,
the latter is more scattered abroad.
That, when resting, men, and women
too, drink a good deal of mate, or
" yerva " rather, I quite admit, but
not so much by near as North Euro
214
From. Montevideo to Paraguay.
peans do beer and gin, or South
Europeans wine ; and the Paraguayan
drink is, at any rate, not the most
harmful on the list. In eating they
are assuredly very moderate and
simple ; that they often take a nap
at noon is the necessary result of very
•early rising, a hot sun by day, and
late hours — these, too, the consequence
of climate and the delicious night tem-
perature to follow. As to " complete
demoralisation " what the phrase may
mean in a country where crime is
almost unknown, violence unheard of,
where the sacredness of a plighted
word habitually dispenses with the ne-
cessity or even the thought of a written
bond, where the conjugal fidelity of
the women is such as to be in a
manner proverbial, and family ties are
as binding as in China itself, where
sedition does not exist, vendetta has
no place, and every one minds his own
business and that of his family with-
out interfering with his neighbours or
the public order and law, I am at an
utter loss to comprehend. But if this
state of things — and it is that of
Paraguay at large — be "demoralisa-
tion," I can only wish that many other
countries that I know of, not to
mention my own, were equally de-
moralised too.
Not, however, that all is the Byronic
"old Saturn's reign of sugar-candy,"
even in Paraguay. For though poli-
tics, in the generally accepted sense
of the word, rarely find place among
the preoccupations of a Paraguayan
landowner — and all the inhabitants
here are landowners, some greater,
some less— it cannot be supposed that
past revolutions, changes of rulers and
governments, a wasting war, a hostile
occupation, years of such utter desola-
tion that the nation seemed not pros-
trate merely but destroyed, have not
left behind them memories of bitter-
ness, local and family feuds, party
watchwords, party hates. To define
or explain these would be to retrace
the entire history of the state for at
least a century back, a task far beyond
the scope of the present writing.
Enough for the present that the two
well-known colours which have from
prse-Islamitic times downwards ranged
the rival elements of Arabia under the
red banner of Yemen and the white
standard of Nejed, which counter-
distinguished the symbolical roses of
the longest and most • fatal of our
own civil wars, and which are yet
recognised as badges of civil dis-
sension and war in many South
American states, have also, though
with special and local significancies
omitted here, divided the Parguayans
into " Blancos " or Whites, and " Colo-
rados" or Reds, for aims, primarily
and originally ethnico-political, now
embodied in family feuds or personal
wrongs. Curiously enough in this
remote oasis of the world's desert, no
less than in the Arabian peninsula,
the Albion of the fifteenth century,
and the sub-littoral America of the
present, the red flag has mustered
under itself what may best be defined
as the distinctively national or patri-
otic party, while the white has been
a signal for extra-national sympathies
and alliances — a mere accidental
coincidence, yet a remarkable one.
Happily for Paraguay, the patriotism
of her children, their loyalty to their
mother-country is so general, so fer-
vent, that any less national feeling,
however symbolised, however dis-
guised, has comparatively but few
to represent it, or support ; fewest of
all in the purely country districts,
for example, in Akai.
The last pale streak of sunset has
faded in the west, and a silvery gauze
of moonlight spreads unstained over
the purple darkness of the deep sky,
just pierced by the steel blue point of
Sirius, or the orange glow of Canopus,
now high in mid-heaven, lord of the
southern hemisphere. Before us,
touched by the deceptive light, the
" luce maligna," as Virgil with deep
meaning calls it, of the large moon, the
sharp peaks of Akai stand out in
jagged relief against the sky, part
black, part edged in glittering silver,
as though they were immediately be-
From Montevideo to Paraguay.
215
hind and above the village roofs ; a
startling contrast to the palm and
orange groves, really near at hand,
but almost lost to view in black
shadow. No one is by us now but the
"Jef Politicio " or sheriff of the vil-
lage-town and district ; lights glimmer
here and there in the house-windows
before us ; but the grassy square, with
its ghostly white church and spectral
bell-tower, is lonely as a desert, as
silent too.
" That mountain," said our host,
and pointed to the strange ridges of
Akai, " that mountain bears an evil
name in all this neighbourhood. Gob-
lins of malignant will, shapes as of
men, but ^reefer-human in size and
horrible to sight, are said to frequent
its slopes, and fires that leave no trace
by day are seen there at night." And
he went on to recount, as having lately
occurred, a ghastly story ; how a party
of benighted wayfarers had, only a
short time before, taken up their quar-
ters in a copse on the mountain rise ;
how after midnight they were awak-
ened by a near glare through the trees ;
how two or three — I am not sure of
the number — from among them boldly
ventured to find out the cause, and
after threading their way through the
thicket came on a small stony depres-
sion, bare, but girt by brushwood, and
in the midst of it a great fire, fiercely
burning, and tended by giant figures,
black and hideous, who warned them
off with threatening gestures from
nearer approach ; how when they on
their return told the tale to their com-
panions in the wood one of the band,
a lad of eighteen or so, seized as it
appeared by a sudden madness, de-
clared he would go whatever might
betide and fetch fire from the blaze ;
how the others tried to detain him in
vain ; he broke from them and dis-
appeared in the brushwood : how after
a while they heard his screams, and
forced their way with difficulty through
the thicket to the little rock-strev>n
hollow, just as the first dawn was
breaking ; how they found no trace of
fire on the ground, nor any living
semblance or thing, only their unfor-
tunate comrade, horribly disfigured
and burnt in body and limbs, who told
how the goblins had seized him, thrown
him into the mid-blaze and held him
there ; and having told this, died in
agony before the sun rose.
Stories, of this kind especially, lose
nothing in the telling ; the adventure
was referred to wayfarers from a dis-
tance and to a date of some months
back ; and to inquire into the accuracy
of the narrative, in whole or in detail,
would have been very superfluous
labour. Still it is notable that the
tale should be, so our friend said, one
of many similar in kind, and all relat-
ing to the same neighbourhood and
region. Can these strange tales be
the distorted and transformed tra-
ditions of volcanic outbursts, long
since quiescent ? Or may they be due
to some phenomena of inflammable
vapours escaping from time to time,
and bursting into light, or even fire, as
atmospheric conditions may determine?
That subterraneous heat is still
actively, though invisibly, at work
here was evidenced this very year,
when, on the 18th October last, just a
month or so before my visit to the
place, a loud rumbling noise was heard
from underground about ten o'clock in
the morning, and all the villages of
the district, to a distance of ten to
fifteen miles round the mountain of
Akai, from which — that is of course,
from under which — all agreed both
the noise and the shock proceeded,
were suddenly and violently shaken ;
some, they said, by a single concussion,
as if artillery had been discharged
close by, others by a longer continued
and vibrating movement, but all at
the same hour and instant ; all too
heard the noise, though, it seems, with
some difference of clearness and dura-
tion. Nothing of the kind, said our
informant, had ever within man's
memory occurred before. However, in
the fact of the earthquake shock, and
the sensation that it proceeded from
Akai as a centre, all were agreed ; it
did not reach beyond this seemingly
216
From Montevideo to Paraguay.
volcanic Eifel-like region, nor was any-
thing of the kind observed in Asun-
cion then or afterwards. But that
in the fact itself may lie an indi-
cation of what the weird tales of Akai
and its night fires point to, seems to
me not impossible, not improbable
perhaps.
The teller of the tale was himself
a remarkable man ; one of those who
are in a manner the type and compen-
dium of the nation they belong to,
summing up in themselves alike its
physical and its mental characteris-
tics, its merits and its defects. Spanish,
like the greater number of Paraguayans
by name, and in part by origin, he
bore in his dark complexion, nearly
beardless features, and slight frame,
evidence of a considerable admixture,
more than half, probably, of Guarani
blood. A mere boy, almost a child in
years, he had joined the national army
soon after the outbreak of the unequal
war in 1865, and had been present in
almost every one of the land battles
where his countrymen, victors or van-
quished, in life or death, held their
own without thought of flight or quar-
ter against the triple alliance of their
foes. Nor even then, when Humaita
was lost, Angostura taken, Asuncion
sacked, and the last army — that what
yet survived of Paraguay could
muster — surrounded and slaughtered
almost to a man, did the lad abandon
his cause and his leader, but accom-
panied the ill-fated and, by this time,
half-insane despot during the whole of
that last year, when gradually driven
towards the frontier he carried on an
obstinate but useless guerilla war
against the invaders of his country,
till, hemmed in and at bay, he turned
on his Brazilian pursuers on 'the banks
of the Aquidaban, and, fighting to the
last, died, with his eldest son Panchito
at his side, more nobly than he had
lived. Such of his few companions —
they were not above three hundred in
all — as had yet physical strength
enough left to make any kind of resist-
ance, died almost to a man like their
chief ; a few, unable either to fight or
to fly, were made prisoners by the
enemy ; but others, disarmed though
not wholly disabled, and resolved not
to submit themselves as captives to
the abhorred Brazilians, escaped to the
woods and the yet uncivilised Indian
tribes of the further mountains, where
they remained sharing the huts and
leading the life of their half-barbarous
but faithful hosts and protectors, till
another year had seen what remained
of Paraguay — after her conquerors had
partitioned the spoils — free of foreign
occupation, and allowed them to re-
turn to where their homes had been,
and to the fortunes of their country,
then seemingly at its last gasp. One
of these refugees, of Cerro-Cora and
Aquidaban, was my friend, the narra-
tor of the tale. Well aware, and often
eye-witness of the cruelties and crimes
that stained the latter days of Solana
Lopez, he yet spoke of him with loyal
respect, almost with affection, as the
head and representative of the national
cause ; and would gladly, he said, yet
give his blood and his life for his
former leader ; though unable to share,
contrary to the evidence of his senses,
in the still extant popular belief, that
refuses to admit the reality of Lopez's
death, and hopefully awaits his re-
appearance from some hiding-place in
the mountains even now.
From talk like this we are summoned
by the mistress of the house, who is,
also, like Milton's Eve, ex-officio chief
cook, to our dinner, in the materials of
which vegetables, maize, pumpkin,
sweet potatoes, beans, &c., bear a larger
proportion than they would in the
almost exclusively carnivorous regions
further South. Table service, cooking,
and so forth, are all more or less after
Spanish fashion ; the wines are Span-
ish too, and good. But Paraguayan
appetite is not nice as to delicacy of
food : and the gastronomic skill attri-
buted by our great poet to his Eden
hostess is decidedly wanting in the
ministrations of this earthly paradise ;
— a want, it may be, preferable to the
observance. Anyhow, there is plenty
on the board, and of sound quality too.
From Montevideo to Paraguay.
217
In the country districts the women, as
a rule, take their meals apart from
the men, not on any compulsion, but
because they themselves prefer it so :
in Asuncion a more European style
prevails.
Dinner, or supper, over, our host
proposes that we should adjourn to a
baile, or ball, the one favourite di-
version of Paraguay, which has been
got up to do honour to our arrival in
one or other of the most spacious
houses of the village, or, very possi-
bly, in the " Jefatura," or government
offices themselves. We cross the
square, and find a large gathering of
men, women, and children — for early
hours are no part of childhood's diur-
nal discipline here, any more than
elaborate dress — some, as direct parti-
cipators in the amusement within,
others, as lookers on, without the
brightly lighted-up building, and the
band — no Paraguayan village is with-
out its musical band, all much of a
pattern — consisting of a harp, a clario-
net, a violin or guitar, a fife, a drum,
and very likely a tambourine or a
triangle, in a group near the entrance,
already engaged in tuning up and
preluding to the music of the dance.
The room, or rooms, within are or are
not laid down with mats, as the case
may be, and are well illuminated ; chairs
and benches are ranged against the
walls, and doors and windows all wide
open to the night insure coolness,
spite of the flaring lamps and gathered
crowd.
The women, dressed in Paraguayan
fashion, with the long white " tupoi," or
sacque, deeply embroidered round the
borders, and often fringed with the
beautiful home-made lace of the country,
with silk skirts, or brightly-coloured
petticoats, and a broad coloured sash,
some of them wearing slippers, others
bare-footed — no harm where feet are so
delicate as theirs — are seated around,
waiting each her turn of the dance.
Their stock of Spanish is apt to be
limited ; and any pretty speeches
which you naturally wish to make
them had best, for fear of misappre-
hension, be made in Guarani ; the
smile with which you will be rewarded
will quite repay the trouble of learning
a phrase or two. The men are, some
of them, especially if anyhow " offi-
cial," in European afternoon or evening
dress, which, I need hardly remark, is
no advantage ; some, however, are
attired more becomingly in country
style — ponchos, girdles, loose trousers,
silver chainlets, and so on ; the linen
of all is scrupulously clean and white.
The assembly is almost exclusively
made up of small farmers, graziers,
and peasants from the village and its
neighbourhood, with their families ;
but rich or poor, official or private,
whatever be the social class they be-
long to, no difference is perceptible in
manner or bearing ; the same easy,
though deferential politeness, the same
freedom alike from obtrusive forward-
ness or awkward shyness, characterises
each and every one, whatever be the
rank or sex, in speech and intercourse ;
at least they are gentlemen and ladies
all in the fullest sense of those so
often misappropriated terms.
The dances are either merely of the
pan-European kind — quadrilles, waltzes,
polkas, mazurkas, and lancers — or of, 1
think, Andalusian origin, though some-
times denominated " Paraguayan " ;
the cielo, the media cana (a
great favourite, and very lively), the
Montenero, and some variations in-
troduced into the contre-dansa,
belong apparently to this class.
Whether the aboriginal Indians or
Guaranis had any dances or music,
properly speaking, of their own, and
antecedent to the Spanish conquest, I
do not know ; but from the entire
absence of any traces of such among
the Paraguayans, I should think not.
Cigars, cigarettes, sweets, refresh-
ments, drinks, among which last cana,
the rum of the country, comes fore-
most, are freely distributed in the
intervals of the dances, and the ball
is kept up till morning light. Of all
social amusements, for a minimun of
expense and trouble, and a maximum
of real enjoyment, commend me to a
218
From, Montevideo to Paraguay.
Paraguayan village ball. The cyni-
cism of Prosper Merimee himself could
not be proof against it, and must have
for once admitted that even for a
desillusione society may still have
some attractions, life some pleasures.
Beautiful rather than grand, con-
tinually varying, but without violent
or sudden contrasts, the scenery which
I traversed from village to village and
day by day was of a kind better
adapted to sight than to description ;
besides, the account already given of
its general character and products may
serve, at all events to those who have
ever visited sub-tropical lands, to fill
up the outlines of my sketch more
truly than direct word-painting could
do. Yet there are two features rarely
wanting in a Paraguayan landscape
that require some more special, though
brief, mention : the forests and the
lakes. The former, dispersed in
patches amid the cultivated lands,
and thickly gathered on the hill-
ranges to the east, are of singular
beauty ; and the trees, though inferior
in dimensions and height to the giants
of the tropical zone, have the advan-
tage over them in greater variety of
foliage and form of growth — now re-
sembling the oak, now the beech, now
the ash, with interspaces between them
of bright greensward, unchoked by the
rank bush of hotter climates ; while a
sufficient admixture of palms, some
fan-leaved, others feathery, with bam-
boos, twining creepers, and orchids,
give what a European might call an
exotic tint to the picture. Many of
these trees supply timber of great
value : such is that of the mahogany
and cedar, red or yellow ; of the
lapacho and quebracho, both hard
as iron, and more durable ; of
the timbo, a tall, straight trunk,
much used for car.oe-biiilding; of the
urundei, good for house-timbers
and ships ; of the jacarundd, with
its ornamental yellow grain ; of the
polo di rosa, or rosewood, and fifty
more, all destined to no unimportant
part in the commerce of the future —
whenever that shall be. The boughs
of many of these trees are wide-
spreading and fantastically contorted,
the leafage generally small, prettily
serrated, and of a dark glossy green,
agreeable to the eye.
As to the lakes, they are liberally dis-
tributed over the whole of Paraguay,
and vary in size and character from
small marshy pools of little depth, to
the wide water-sheets of Ipoa and
Ipecarai, each considerably exceeding
in size any of our own English lakes,
and proportionately deep ; both be-
long to the central district through
which I travelled. Each of them has,
in popular tradition, a story attached
to it, telling of its origin ; that of
Lake Ipoa, as related to me, was not
dissimilar to the tradition memo-
rialised in the Dead Sea, though for-
tunately the waters of Ipoa are not
salt, but sweet and abounding in fish.
The Ipecarai lake is, on the contrary,
said to be brackish. But the shores
of both are lovely, gently shelving in
most places, and clothed with alter-
nating wood and meadow down to the
silvery mirror's edge. These lakes are
the favourite resorts of water-fowl —
wild-duck, and teal iu particular — in
shoals resembling floating islands from
a distance. Partridges and snipe are
the principal winged game by land ;
I heard of bustards too, but saw none ;
ostriches, or, more properly, emus,
abound everywhere. Of four-footed
game there is plenty too by plain and
forest, from lions, tigers, panthers,
and deer, down to hares and rabbits,
besides other South -American quad-
rupeds— all declared by the peasants
"good to eat," but tastes differ.
How far the varied and ever-lovely
country in which they live, the
" pleasure situate in hill and dale,"
nowhere more lavishly bestowed by
nature than here — the abundance of
wood-flowers and fruits, the fern-
margined fountains and sparkling
streams, the stately trees and deep
waving meadows, and all the peren-
nial beauties that make of Paraguay
the wonder and the delight of all who
From Montevideo to Paraguay.
219
visit it, how far, I say, these things
may have contributed towards making
up the peculiarly cheerful, contented,
genial character of those who live
among them, I cannot tell ; theories
of the kind are the veriest card-houses,
lightly set up, as lightly thrown down.
Yet I have noticed, not once, but often,
and in many regions wide apart, how
much more serious, more unexpansive,
more sombre, in fact, more unamiable
a type of dweller is generally found
in open, treeless, objectless lands of
monotonous downs or wide level,
whether such be under an Asian, an
African, or a European sky— whether
the denizens of the landscape be agri-
cultural, as in Lower Egypt, or pastoral,
as in the Dobruja and the Eastern
Steppes, or mixed, as in Holland ; the
absence of what may be termed the
ornamental side of human nature is
still the same. For the habitual sight
of beauty in some form or other, and
its frequent contact seem to be neces-
sary to the development of the beau-
tiful in man's nature itself ; and
where the surroundings are bare and
dull, the inner life is apt to share in
the bareness and dulness of its dwell-
ing-place. It is not only exceptional
natures, as a Giorgione or a Turner,
that grow incorporate with, and repro-
duce in themselves, the scenes of their
childhood and youth- — all men, I think,
do it, more or less; and the advan-
tages enjoyed by a high-born child,
carefully brought up, and supplied
with every opportunity for the fulfil-
ment of every innate power, over the
poverty-hampered, stunted, starved
child of destitute parents, are not more
than those which the native of a fair
land, a bright sky, and a genial
climate possesses over the offspring of
a harsh heaven and an unlovely earth.
Nature, like too many other mothers,
has her favourite children, and the
Paraguayans are in this respect, the
Benjamins of her family.
My riding-tour, during which I
visited four out of the twenty-three
districts into which Paraguay is now
divided, being over, I returned, not
without some regret, to Asuncion ;
and thence, after a short interval al-
lowed to the kindness of my hospitable
entertainers, re-embarked on the main
river for an up-stream voyage of about
two hundred miles more to Conception,
the chief town of northern Paraguay,
situated just within the tropic of
Capricorn, and the principal centre
and depot of the mate or "yerva"
traffic. But of this section of the
river, its villages and its scenery, also
of the " yerva " groves, or forests
rather, I must defer the description
till another opportunity.
Much too I have omitted, even in
what concerns that section of the
country which I have to a certain
extent described, not because unim-
portant or wanting in interest, but as
reaching too far beyond the limits of
my present scope, and fitter for a
complete work on Paraguay as it was,
or is, than for a slight sketch of the
superficial impressions made by a few
weeks passed within the territory.
The form and tenure of the actual
government, as established in 1870,
and maintained, at any rate, to the
letter, since then ; the condition of the
army — that army which not many
years since, alone and unassisted, held
the invading forces of half South
America at bay ; of the navy, whose
small wooden steamers so long made
good the river defence against nearly
double the number of gunboats and
ironclads ; the newly -created judicial
organisation and legal tribunals ; the
position of the clergy ; the system of
popular education, the elementary
schools established throughout the
country ; all these are, I think, better
here passed over altogether, than
touched on after a slight and possibly
misleading fashion. Nor have I, for
similar reasons, said anything about
the various co-operative enterprises —
agricultural, pastoral, or industrial —
undertaken of late years, chiefly by
foreigners, within the Paraguayan
territory, with varying failure or
success ; nor about the yet " un-
civilised," that is un-Europeanised or
220
From Montevideo to Paraguay.
neo-Americanised Indian tribes, some
scattered through the riverine districts
and the adjoining villages, " among
them, but not of them ; " others
keeping more apart, and tenanting the
mountains and forests of the east and
north towards the Brazilian frontier ;
but all on good terms with the Para-
guayans as such, though little inclined,
it seems, to modify their own ancestral
habits or occupations.
Leaving these things aside for the
present, enough has, I think, been
written here to show that Paraguay,
no less than her sister Republics of the
south, is a country with a future ; that
the Paraguayan nationality, though
reduced to scarce a third of its original
numbers, and left houseless and home-
steadless on a desolated land, has yet,
in a few years of comparative, peace
and quiet, already sufficiently, thanks
to its intense and inherent vitality,
recovered itself enough to bring a large
portion of its territory under cultiva-
tion, to restock its pastures with cattle,
and, best of all, its villages with con-
tented, happy, and increasing families —
the surest pledge of complete restora-
tion and lasting prosperity in time to
come. Assertions like those, made and
repeated but fifteen years ago, by
Masterman and others of his kind, that
the Paraguayans "exist no longer,"
that "their destruction was inevit-
able " that they were "the tree which
will bring forth no fruit," and should
accordingly be in due course " hewn
down and cast into the fire ; " they
being " incapable of civilisation ; "
winding up with the Cassandra predic-
tions that, " the foreigners whom they
distrusted and despised will till the
ground which they abandoned, to tares
and brambles, and enjoy the fair
heritage which they were unworthy to
possess ; " that, " the Teuton and the
Anglo-Saxon will soon fill the void,"
or, more wonderful yet, that the
Paraguayans themselves will "per-
force ask Brazil to take the little she
has left of their habitable territory,
and annex it as the smallest province
of the empire," show very little
knowledge in those who have uttered
them either of the country or of its
inhabitants. That the Paraguayan
nation has by no means ceased to exist,
that neither its past, which culminated
in a state which, weighed in the balance
of a six years' struggle, proved almost
a counterpoise for the greatest empire
and the greatest Republic of the south
conjointly, nor its present with its
vigorous outcome of new energy, new
life, bear either of them the most
distant resemblance to barren fig-
trees, tares, brambles, or any other
combustibles of the biblical list, are
facts that whoever cares to visit the
land as I visited it may easily assure
himself no less completely than I did.
As to Paraguayan civilisation, he will
find it what I found and have described
it ; and he must be hard to satisfy if
it does not content him. With regard
to "Teuton" and "Anglo-Saxon"
immigrants, by whom I conjecture
Germans and Englishmen to be meant,
they and their labours are, and always
will be, welcomed, protected, encour-
aged in Paraguay ; but I do not foresee
any likelihood of their superseding the
vigorous race that forms the bulk of
the existent nationality, nor would it
be desirable that they should. Far
better, as far more within the compass
of probability, that they should, by
adopting that nationality for their
own, contribute a fresh and most valu-
able element of industry and persever-
ance to the born children of the soil.
As to Brazil, the only favour Paraguay
has to ask of her is to be a just and
friendly neighbour ; more than that
neither she nor any other state will, I
trust, have the unwisdom to attempt,
nor would the Paraguayans, betide
what might, for an instant allow.
Paraguay is yet herself ; and her sons
and daughters are yet, as they ever
have been, true to themselves and to
her. JEsto perpetua !
(Conclusion.}
221
A WALKING TOUR IN THE LANDES.
THE morning sunlight was flashing
on the broad Garonne, the rigging and
hulls of the big vessels anchored or
moored in the river, and touching
with warmer gold the sails of the
little craft that looked but half awake
on the still sleeping water. It was
seven o'clock, and I was waiting at
Bordeaux for the first train that would
take me to Arcachon.
Crowds of working people were
hastening towards the Southern Rail-
way Station from all roads and paths.
A little wooden bridge that spanned
the line resounded with the incessant
tramp of boots and sabots, the toes of
which were all turned one way. Up
one side of the bridge's curve and
down the other they went, men,
women and children, helter-skelter.
The women and girls wore a ker-
chief of silk generally bright coloured,
folded around the back part of the
head, with one end left hanging as
low as the shoulder — the character-
istic coiffure of the Bordelaise which,
with all its picturesqueness, has the fault
of hiding the hair just where it is most
beautiful. The men differed but little
in appearance from the Paris work-
men except by the darker hue of their
skin and the brighter gleam of their
eyes.
Those whose experience of an ex-
cursion train is confined to the
British institution so called can have
but a feeble notion of the enjoyment
of being shut up for several hours in a
French train de plaisir that has been
crammed to the railway company's
satisfaction. If, however, the journey
is a short one and the country is new,
and the traveller is sufficiently enthu-
siastic in the study of his fellow-
men to be reckless of the combined
odours of sausages, shrimps, pepper-
mint, garlic, and wine, he ought to
be thankful, as I was, for the oppor-
tunity of riding in a train de plaisir.
Three long trains crept out of the
station on the line to Arcachon, and I
was in one of them. We made ten in
our compartment, but the prisoners
could look over a long row of parti-
tions each way, toss bunches of grapes
to friends at a distance, wave hand-
kerchiefs, waft kisses, shout the full-
flavoured jest that made the women
scream, and otherwise prove their
heroic determination to be happy
although they were suffocating. A
draught, even of the heated air from
without, would have been like a breeze
from Paradise, but it was not to be
had. One head would fill a window,
and there were always two competing
for it. The two heads nearest me
were soon engaged in a very gentle
sort of conflict. They belonged to two
lovers, and the face that was bronzed
by the sun was every other minute
bringing itself into accidental contact
with the face that was soft and peach -
like. The other passengers pretended
not to notice these little collisions. In
France lovers are treated with the ut-
most consideration. They may be pitied
but they are not laughed at. Kindness is
the secret of all true politeness. It is
not in their hat-lifting, their bowing,
their gracious smiles, and their neatly-
turned compliments that the French
are the most polite nation in the world.
These things may be mere accomplish-
ments, tricks of the born actor, who
sagaciously knows their value as cur-
rent coin of life. It is their innate
kindness, their tolerance of one
another's weaknesses, their horror of
the jest that pains for the sake of pain-
ing, their keen sensitiveness to the
roughshod ridicule that rides ruthlessly
222
A Walking Tour in the Landes.
over their own tender places, which
make the proverbial politeness of the
French a reality.
There were several women in the car-
riage, and all, except the girl in the
corner, looked as if they had been
dipped in walnut-juice. One of them,
probably not thirty years old, although
in England she would be given ten
years more — a woman with big black
eyes, glistening teeth, and crow-black
hair, richly oiled and decked with a
bright-yellow kerchief, would have
passed for a handsome gipsy. Like
the others, she wore much jewelry on
her hands and in her ears, of massive
gold and quaint design.
The peasant women of France think
more of gold ornaments than fine
clothes. Hence it is that in the French
provinces English travellers are fre-
quently struck by the contrast (violent
to them) in the same individual of very
mean garments with jewelry that is
neither mean nor pretentious, but solid
and beautiful.
We are now on the outskirts of the
sandy Landes, and are already in the
great pine forests which have so
changed the face of the country during
ohe last century that our English fore-
fathers would not recognise to-day this
part of their province of Aquitaine. A
phenomenon quite new to me enables
me to realise that these dark woods
are even now only a green mantle
thrown over an arid desert of sand.
There is a great change in the sky,
and it is so sudden that I should have
supposed that I had been travelling
with my eyes shut for the last hour
did I not know that I had been keep-
ing a keen look-out through the little
open space left of the carriage window.
All at once I perceive that the sky
is no longer a clear blue; that it is not
blue at all, but of a soapy grey colour.
The sun that shines through it is so
dimmed that the eye can bear its light.
Flocks of fleecy clouds are rushing up
to the zenith like vapoury coursers
lashed and spurred by spirit-riders.
Lower down and to windward is a
motionless mass of slatey vapour
tinged here and there with copper, and
underneath it, white and smoky, are
well-defined patches of cloud hovering
with gilded edges or scudding all froth
and fury towards the sun. The train
stops at La Teste. We can hear a
low wail coming up through the pines,
growing louded and louder until it is
almost a shriek when the wind strikes
the nearmost crests. Then the forest
disappears or shows like the spars of
shipping through a fog ; boughs crack,
cones rattle to the ground, twigs and
branches fly through the air ; up go
all the carriage windows, and the
panes sound as though they were
struck by volley after volley of fine
shot. My fellow - passengers think
nothing of all this. To my questioning
as to the darkness and the rattling
against the windows somebody replies,
" It is only the sand."
The storm has lifted the sand from
the earth, and is hurling it back to-
wards the sea from which it came.
Before the soil was fixed to a great
extent by the pines, this duel between
the sea-wind and the land-wind was
the chief cause of desolation in the
melancholy Landes. There were a
few peals of thunder and a few drops
of rain ; then the sand-clouds moved
farther on, the sky cleared, and the
sun shone forth again in all his
strength. We were at Arcachon.
A collection of toy-houses, apparently
intended for extra-sized dolls, ranged
along the beach of what resembles
more a salt lake than an arm of the
sea, with the pine-forest for back-
ground stretching almost without a
break seventy or eighty miles towards
the south, is Arcachon. It is a good
place for fishermen, but a bad one
for shoemakers. Here all covering
for the feet, at least in summer, ap-
pears to be regarded as a graceless
superfluity. Ladies from Bordeaux,
Toulouse, and Paris pass the whole
day bronzing their naked feet and
ankles on the yellow sand. I met a
family of visitors taking a country
walk. The children were barefooted,
as a matter of course : madame not
A Walking Tour in the Landes.
223
being in bathing costume, kept her
boots on her feet, but monsieur carried
his in his hand.
On leaving Arcachon I hoisted my
knapsack on my back, and began my
walking tour. The day was more than
half spent, but I had resolved to reach
the little village of Cazau by the lake
of the same name before night. Al-
though I had marked out for myself
no definite itinerary, and was prepared
to allow my movements to be deter-
mined in a great measure by the acci-
dental and unforeseen, my general
plan was to traverse the Landes from
north to south. Now, in walking
southward from Arcachon I had to
choose one of two courses. The first
was to follow the coast, and the second
was to keep on the eastern side of the
chain of lakes extending from six to
ten miles inland. The more adventu-
rous journey would have been by the
coast, but there were serious difficulties
in the way of undertaking it. A more
desolate and forbidding coast than that
of the Bay of Biscay between Arcachon
and Vieux Boucan it would be hard to
find in Europe. For six or seven miles
inland the country can scarcely be
called inhabited. Two or three hotels
and bathing establishments have
sprung up near the sea in response to
the ever-growing need of quiet places,
whither the sick, the weary, and the
economical can flee from the world ;
but during the greater part of the year
they are closed. One may walk thirty
miles, either along the coast or on the
western shores of the lakes, with-
out finding a human habitation,
unless it be a resinier's hut. The
resin-gatherers are the only men who
dispute these solitudes with the wild
boar.
The cause of this supreme desolation
is the dunes or sandhills which in the
last century threatened to transform
the whole of the western Landes with
their towns and villages into a French
Sahara. The maritime pine was the
salvation of this region. By undaunted
perseverance, the seed was made to
take root in the shifting sand, and
thus dune after dune was fixed. It
was one of those long battles with the
forces of nature in which human pur-
pose, often discouraged, but never
turned from its object, triumphs at
last over seemingly insurmountable
obstacles. Before the dunes were
covered with pines they were con-
stantly changing their shape and
place, ebbing and flowing like the
sea ; but always gaining in the sum of
years upon the mainland ; and fatally,
irresistibly drinking up the springs of
fertility — the life-blood of civilisation.
The ancient port of Mimizan lies
under the dune of Uclos, and Mimizan
of to-day is cut off from the sea by
a hill of £and. Although the high
dunes did not travel much beyond the
chain of lakes, their devastating in-
fluence was felt many a league east-
ward. The sand caught up from them
by the storms rushing in from the Bay
of Biscay fell upon the whole region
like showers of volcanic ashes. Thus
were formed the Grandes Landes, in
the midst of which lies the town of
Sabres, where the land is flat, and in
winter marshy, and where the use of
stilts by the inhabitants is still very
general. But even the flat Landes are
now mostly covered with pine woods,
and probably before the century dies
the last pair of Gascon stilts will be
used to make a pot boil.
I have said there were serious diffi-
culties in the way of my following the
coast-line. The worst was the diffi-
culty of walking. Only by great ex-
ertion could I have managed to cover
ten or twelve miles a day, and at the
end of the first, and maybe the second,
twelve miles I should have found my-
self still in the forest, with no prospect
of shelter unless I chanced to light
upon a resinier's cabin. I had, there-
fore, to consider also the difficulty of
finding food, and, what was of still
greater moment, water. The prudent
pedestrian, especially if he has no
companion, must weigh such matters
as these before trusting himself to a
vast and pathless forest, where the
undergrowth of hawthorn, holly,
224
A Walking Tour in the Zandes.
heather and furze, all on a gigantic
scale, is frequently impenetrable. Hav-
ing decided to leave the dunes on my
right, and keep to the plains, where I
should have better opportunities for
observing the life of the people, I
turned my back to the ocean, and
commenced walking in the direction of
Cazau. As far as La Teste the road
skirted the Basin of Arcachon, and a
dark green fringe of tamarisk crept
down to the blue water. The calm in-
land sea was dotted over with many
little fishing craft, whose sails flashed
back golden gleams as they turned to
the sun. The afternoon was very
warm, and the bright sand threw
back the hot rays. After La Teste
the road left the sea and ran straight
as an arrow through the forest. Now
the subtle spirit of gladness that dwells
in the pine woods and fills all living
things with joy, from the dove that
swings in the breeze as it pecks the
seed from the ripe cone, to the grass-
hopper that springs from tuft to tuft
of flowering heather, was upon me, and
I rejoiced at the thought that for at
least four days I should see no town
and should breathe the breath of the
forest. Now and then the fragrance
of the pines was overborne by that of
peppermint, where the little aromatic
flowers showed their blue whorls, like
beads strung on threads by fairies, in
patches along the wayside. Grass-
hoppers darted in every direction.
Those I saw along the roadsides of
Auvergne had scarlet wings; these
had bright - blue wings. There was
not a scarlet one amongst them. But
I noticed one of a pale green colour,
that looked as large as a wren as it
flew from tuft to tuft.
For a few miles the silence of the
woods was only broken by the chirrup-
ing of grasshoppers. Then I heard a
loud grating chirrup from the top of
a tree. It was not the note of a bird,
although quite loud enough to be so,
but that of the cicada — the cigale so
dear to Frederic Mistral and his bro-
ther poets of Provence. It is not a
musical sound, but it is full of the joy
of nature. The little creature sings on
one note the everlasting song of
southern life, the song of passion and
sun-worship. When the sky is clouded
it is silent, but when the sun breaks
forth it seems intoxicated with plea-
sure, and in the crest of every pine is
a blithe spirit that pipes upon an in-
visible reed, "-Sadness is gone ; joy !
joy for ever ! "
The undergrowth of the forest on
each side of me was, as far as I could
see, of heather and furze. Both these
shrubs frequently rose to the height of
ten feet. The man who walked through
such brushwood, unless he had stilts,
would soon be bleeding from the
prickly spines of the gorse and be
worn out with fatigue. I tested the
experiment and soon returned to the
road. I had walked several miles
from La Teste, and the only person I
met was a rustic Nimrod with his gun
strapped to his back. The shooting
season had just opened, and even in
these solitudes the hares and the
turtle doves have to keep a watchful
eye on the local sportsmen. I was
thirsty and there was no water. In
this part of the Landes during the
summer heats it is useless to look for
a spring. The wandering herdsmen
know this so well that they carry
gourds of water in their wallets. The
water is only reached by wells, and it
is usually of a bad colour and often
brackish. Such as it is, it can gene-
rally be found at no great depth, be-
cause underneath the invariable bed of
sand there is a very solid layer of tuff
composed of sand conglomerated with
organic matter, so impervious to mois-
ture that the rain which quickly soaks
down to it cannot escape into the
strata below. This explains why the
land is so marshy during the winter
that in some districts stilts are then
absolutely indispensable. The Landais
are such adepts in the use of these
artificial legs that they can travel
over marshy ground by stepping from
tuft to tuft of heather as fast as a
horse can trot over a good road. The
marshes caiise malarial fever when the
A Walking Tour in the Landes.
225
strong evaporation sets in, but of late
years scientific drainage has been car-
ried on to such an extent that the
Department is no longer unhealthy.
I quenched my thirst as well as I
could with blackberries, which grew
in abundance along the wayside, until,
as evening was coming on, I reached
a well-built wooden cottage. In the
porch a peasant and his wife were
looking at me with a puzzled expres-
sion and whispering to each other.
Supposing that the cottage might be
an auberge, I asked them if they sold
wine. " No, no," was the answer.
" Can you give me some water, then ? "
"Yes, come in." I entered. The
interior was very pleasant — very dif-
ferent from the living rooms of the
cottages and auberges of Auvergne.
The floor was not of stamped earth,
but of good pine, and spotlessly clean.
The man wore the dark blue beret of
Gascony, which is so curiously similar
to the bonnet of the lowland Scotch,
and the woman a bright-coloured ker-
chief wound around the back of her
head. She said something to the man
in a patois of which I did not understand
a word, but I quickly guessed the
meaning, for he took a pitcher and
went to the well. When he returned
with the water, the woman brought
out a glass and a litre of wine. 1
took no notice of the wine, but poured
out some water. "Take some wine
with it," said the woman in French.
" We don't sell it, but we can give
it." I declined it, saying I preferred
water. " But the cold water will do
you harm. Put at least some sugar
in it." I assured her that the water
would not do me harm, and that I
liked it much better without sugar.
My entertainers looked at one another,
and the puzzled expression I noticed
at first gave place to one of confidence
and hospitality. The idea had dawned
upon them that I was not a genuine
tramp, a Prussian spy, or a crafty
pedlar with a trick of getting round
women's hearts by asking for water.
My best recommendation was a bunch
of flowers — mere weeds — which I car-
No. 309— VOL. LII.
ried in my hand. " Monsieur her-
balise ? " said the man. " Sometimes,"
I replied. " Ah ! then you are going
to Lake Cazau 1 " " Yes, but why do
think so?" "Because people come a
long way to Cazau to ' do botany.'
A little flower that is very rare grows
near the lake, and there are persons
who spend whole days in looking for
it." The ice being now thoroughly
broken, the peasant went to a cup-
board and brought out another bottle.
" If you don't care for wine," said he,
" perhaps you will take a little cognac."
Again I declined, perhaps wrongly,
for it hurt the feelings of these good
people to see me emptying a pitcher
of cold water in their house. I thanked
them, and bade them good-bye. When
my form must have been to them a
dusky splash against the fading sky, I
looked back and saw them watching
me out of sight.
From afar off came the tinkle of
many bells. At first it was very
faint, but as I walked on, now at a
quick pace, for I had loitered greatly,
it grew clearer. 1 knew that I was
nearing a village and that the cattle
were going home for the night. The
sound waxed louder and louder ; the
forest fell back and yielded to fields
of green maize, gardens with fruit-
trees, and cottages. This was Cazau.
The village square was filled with
cattle, each animal wearing a bell
tied to its neck. From all directions
other herds were approaching, as I
knew by the clanging of the bells and
the songs of the herdsmen. I stopped
at the first inn I found, and was soon
put in possession of a comfortable
bedroom, and had the satisfaction of
knowing that some dinner was being
cooked in the kitchen. While the
cooking was going on I strolled round
the house. It was a long, low, one-
floored building, with a row of acacias
in front, kept short and bushy, and
an old weeping willow half hiding a
well. There was also a kitchen garden,
with little in it besides a bed of toma-
toes, covered with red and green fruit,
and a patch of melons. Beyond was
Q
226
A Walking Tour in the Landes.
a broad field of maize, which blended
its bright green leaves in the distance,
now getting rapidly dim in the brief
twilight, with the deeper green of the
forest. There was a subdued glow of
light over the house, the acacias, the
willow, the maize-field, the tomatoes,
and the melon plants, that was not so
much light as the remembrance of it,
and the calm was so deep as to be
almost impassioned.
Having dined on stewed eels and
fowl with tomato sauce, I went outside
again, and sat under the acacias,
smoking my pipe and listening to the
cicadas in the nearest pine trees, and
the herdsmen who, having gathered
all their cattle about them, were sing-
ing in chorus songs that sounded like
canticles. The Landais are a much
more musical people than the northern
French. They have rich, sonorous
voices, and singing seems to be their
chief pastime. The songs of these
wandering herdsmen have a melan-
choly cadence that harmonises well
with the vastness and mystery of the
forest. The voices of the men rising
and falling in concert, the distant
chorus of cicadas, the richness of the
pine-scented air, the peacefulness of
the little auberge, and the luxurious
sense of rest after a fatiguing walk,
made me loth to leave the garden-seat.
One by one the voices were hushed ;
the singers went home to bed, and the
cattle got too drowsy to shake their
bells. At length I roused myself, and
very soon the widow who kept the inn,
and her two sons who farmed the land,
myself, and the little barefooted ser-
vant, were all in bed.
No sooner was my light out than
I heard the familiar song of that small
demon -insect the mosquito, whose
presence I had invited by leaving the
window open. He persisted in blowing
his trumpet a few inches from my
nose. Outmanoeuvred and vanquished,
I covered my head with the sheet and
fell asleep. I was awakened by the
roaring of thunder. From my window
I saw the lightning rending the clouds
and illuminating the wondrous depths
of the forest. ~ Beyond the fiery leaves
and stalks of the maize-field, the trunks
of the pines gleamed like molten steel.
The storm raged far into the morning,
then went away as suddenly as it
came, and the sun was soon shining in
a cloudless sky.
While I was breakfasting on bread
and cafe au lait I took counsel of the
landlady and her two sons respecting
the day's journey. The hostess was
an elderly widow. I could not help
noticing that she had a pair of lean,
bare legs, and that her feet were
thrust into old espadrilles — heelless
shoes with soles of hemp, common in
Lower Gascony, and especially in the
Basque country. Her sons had thrown
off a great deal of the peasant, both
in their dress and their manners, and
they seemed to have little taste for
the life they led. I was bent upon
reaching Biscarosse before night, not
by the direct road, nor by any road
at all, but by rounding the western
shore of the lake. Mother and sons
broke to me, in as delicate a manner
as possible, that the project was not
that of a sane person. I was told
that if I kept to the open shore of
the lake I should find the sand very
loose and the heat overpowering, and
that if I chose the forest the walking
would be still worse. But the water
difficulty was the most perplexing. I
was assured that I should find no
water fit to drink unless I chanced to
meet a resinier, who might be able to
give me some. Knowing from the
map that the distance must be less
than twenty miles, the obstacles of
which these people drew such a for-
bidding picture seemed to me rather
fanciful. I, however, thought it pru-
dent, before starting, to take a bottle
of wine and some food with me. The
only food that the house could supply
at that moment was bread and four
or five sardines. With my wine,
bread, and sardines I faced the terrors
of the desert with my knapsack un-
pleasantly heavy.
As I neared the sheet of water
which had for me such an attraction,
A Walking TOUT in the Landes.
227
I came to a pillar surmounted by a
statue of the Virgin, and read that
it was dedicated to " Our Lady of the
Lake." For the first two or three
miles the walk along the shore of the
lake was delightful, for the morning's
freshness still resisted the sun's power.
I met a young lady tramping over
the sand with naked feet and accom-
panied by a servant carrying bathing
dress and towels. Like all well
conducted young Frenchwomen in the
presence of an unknown male,
mademoiselle stared fixedly in the
direction of her pretty toes. I passed
herds of cattle nibbling the short grass
that grew where the ground was
marshy ; but the strip of land between
the forest and the water became
narrower and narrower, and I was
soon struggling through high heather
at the foot of the sandhills. Innumer-
able dragon flies darted through the
air. Some of them had bright yellow
bodies which gave them a very fierce
and wicked look ; others — a smaller
variety — were, excepting the all but
invisible wings, the colour of rubies.
I disturbed colonies of frogs basking
among the reeds. They waited until
I was within a few yards of them,
then rose like a flight of birds and
dropped into the water, their green
backs glittering just a moment in the
sunlight. More cows — these were
wading breast-high far out in the
shallow water and ringing their in-
separable bells. Little brown lizards,
from three to four inches long, darted
over the sand, and in the winking of
an eye were lost among the rusty roots
of the heather. The knapsack now
felt like a mountain on my back, the
perspiration dropped from my face,
and one of my hands — -that on the
side of the sun — had turned lobster red
and smarted with the blistering heat.
Still I plodded on over the hot and
yielding sand, or through the tangled
brushwood, and could have convinced
myself that everything was for the
best in the best of worlds, were it not for
the thirst that parched me. This is a
sensation which the animal spirits,
though they leap like a mountain
stream, cannot wash away. I turned
to the wine which my forethought
made me bring. It was hot — mulled
by the sun, and I could not drink it.
I cast longing looks at the blue lake
that seemed so cool. It was really
tepid, and I had been told that the
water was unfit to drink. When
French people say that certain water
is undrinkable one may be sure that it
is so, for they are not at all fastidious
in such matters. I had only walked
about ten kilometres, and there were
some twenty more to cover before I
could reach Biscarosse by the way I
had chosen. As I went on, the sand
became terribly fatiguing. Why did
I not learn to walk on stilts like the
Landais before undertaking this
journey1? I was told at Cazau that
half a day's practice would have made
me quite an adept. But my neck
might have been broken during the
lesson. While I was hesitating whether
I would drink the wine or the water
from the lake, I nearly walked into
a well. It was a real well, sunk deep
into the sand at the edge of the forest.
I could see the shine of the water in
the cool depth where no sunbeam had
ever penetrated, but I could not reach
it for there was neither rope nor
bucket. It was evident that those
who used the well had hospitably
hidden these utensils. Imitating the
philosophy of the fox in the fable, I
was trying to persuade myself that
this water must be brackish or con-
taminated by the lake, when I heard
" tap, tap, tap," in the woods not far
away. It was the sound of a resin
gatherer's axe.
I climbed the dune. The shadow of
the pines was deep but not cool. These
trees shut out the sun's rays, but very
little of their heat. Oak, beech, or
chestnut shade is cool, but a pine forest
is always hot in summer weather.
That " tap, tap, tap," was a perfect
will o' the wisp. Now it sounded
quite near, and now much farther
away. It was leading me deeper and
deeper into the forest. Presently I
Q 2
228
A Walking Tour in the Landes.
caught a glimpse of a man's body
flattened like a squirrel's against the
trunk of a tree. He was standing about
ten feet from the ground upon a notched
piece of timber that he had planted
against a pine. This piece of wood
was the resinier's ladder. The man
was barefooted like all his class when
at work, and he was knocking off,
with his axe the sugar-like lumps of
resin from the yellow streak where the
bark had been lately stripped. Near
the foot of the tree was affixed a little
earthen pot to catch the more fluid
resin, on which greater value is set.
The man saw me coming towards him,
but he was either morose or suspicious,
for he took no notice of me. Only when
I was battling with his dog — a vicious
shaggy little brute with a tail as bushy
as a fox's, but curled over his back,
did he give a sign of friendly feeling.
He rebuked the animal in a few short
grunts, still keeping his eyes fixed upon
the tree. I then asked him if he
could give me some water. " Yes," he
replied, but went on tapping with his
axe. Presently he walked down his
pole with the stealthy certitude of a
cat, and beckoned me to follow him. I
did so, and the dog brought up the
rear, with his lips curled up at each
side and showing his white teeth. In
a few minutes we came to a little
clearing where there were three or
four very low, but solidly built huts of
pine wood with long eaves. We
entered one of these, and my new
acquaintance trustfully left me there
while he went to the well. I was not
sorry that he took his ill-conditioned
dog with him. While he was away I
noticed that the room was comfortably
floored, that there was a broad open
fireplace with iron dogs on the hearth,
almost buried in wood ashes, that
there were two rough chairs and a
rougher table and a piece of ham
hanging to a beam. There were two
more rooms, one of which, as I after-
wards learnt, was used as a bedroom,
the other for storing resin.
The forester quickly returned with
a jar — one of those jars so frequently
seen on approaching the Pyrenees, and
which look like degenerate descendants
of classic amphorae. He set it down
on the table, and bringing one of the
two glasses which he owned from the
cupboard, filled it with water clear and
cold. I emptied it and refilled it, and
emptied it again. Then I unpacked
the bread and sardines and wine which
I had carried on the top of my knap-
sack. The wine I gave to my host,
who, however, insisted upon my taking
some before he would touch it. While
I was engaged upon my bread and
sardines, the resin-gatherer lit a fire of
cones and split pine which needed no
coaxing to burn. In two minutes the
flames were rolling up the wide
chimney. Then he unhitched a frying-
pan from the wall, and set it on the fire
with a lump of grease in it. Next he
took a few small fish which he had
netted in the lake, and dropped them
into the boiling fat. He then fetched
a huge round loaf of rye bread, almost
black, and spreading his fish upon a
slice of it, proceeded to eat his meal.
He grew communicative, and I found
that so far from being a morose or
suspicious character, he was as simple
and genuine as a child. He was a
lean, agile man of about forty-five,
with shaven dark face, aquiline nose,
broad prominent chin, and frank hazel
eyes. The pinched smooth features
and lean body gave him the air of an
ascetic monk. I soon learnt that his
asceticism was compulsory. He was a
poor man, and his diet from necessity
was often as simple as that of a
Trappist. Fortunately for him his
tastes did not go beyond the life to
which he had grown, and he was con-
tented with fare on which a town
workman could not exist except in a
state of misery. This resinier told me
that one of the great loaves of rye
bread such as he had before him lasted
him about four days, and he apologised
for his appetite by explaining that
inasmuch as he drank no wine and
rarely touched meat he was obliged to
eat a great deal of bread to keep up
his strength
A Walking Tour in the Landes.
229
" You drink no wine ? "
"No; this is not a grape country,
and wine is too dear for us."
" And are all the resiniers water-
drinkers ? "
" All ! except when they go into the
villages."
" And do you pass all your life alone
in the forest ? "
" No, I go every Saturday night to
Biscarosse where my wife lives, and
spend Sunday there."
He finished his meal in about ten
minutes, and was ready for work
again ; but I handed him my tobacco
pouch, at which his eyes lighted up
like a very hungry child's at the sight
of a cake, and we sat outside the hut
on the heathery slope of the dune
under an old pine, and resumed our
talk as we smoked.
" Do you earn much money in
return for leading this solitary life
in the woods ? "
" We used to do well enough when
the price of the barrique of resin was
up to forty or fifty francs, but this
year is bad — very bad."
" Haven't the pines yielded well ? "
" Oh ! yes. It is not the fault of the
pines. It is the fault of the market. The
price is down to twenty-four francs."
" How many barriques do you fill in
a year? "
" We reckon a hundred."
" And you get ? "
" Half the market price ; the rest
goes to the proprietor. We divide
with him. That is the system on
which we work all through the Landes.
Each man has generally 1,000 trees to
look after."
" So with the market price at twenty-
four francs you will get for your year's
work 1,200 francs (48Z.). And have
you nothing else to look to ? "
" In the winter evenings we split
wood, and sometimes we hunt."
" What do you hunt — boars 1 "
" A— ah ! No " (with a grin). " That's
dangerous. We hunt snipe, wild duck,
and hares. Sometimes we kill five or
six snipe a day, and they sell for two
francs fifty centimes each."
Not such a bad life after all thought
I, notwithstanding the state of the
resin market.
One need not ask why since the
collection of resin has been one of the
chief industries of the Landes, wild
creatures of all kinds have become
much scarcer than formerly through-
out this region, which is still very
attractive to the adventurous sports-
man, especially if he be likewise a
naturalist. The resiniers have had a
great deal to do with driving the wolf
back to the Pyrenees ; not so much by
making war upon him, as by worrying
his nerves by the incessant tapping of
their axes. A wolf has aldelicate nervous
system. A line of railway run through
his district is quite sufficient to make
him move elsewhere. The boar, a less
nervous animal than the wolf, and a
more formidable one when attacked, is
frequently met in these forests. He
has nothing to fear from the resiniers,
who when they see him, have the pru-
dence to let him go on his way, and
they treat his spouse when followed by
her young with even greater respect.
If the boar on the other hand becomes
imprudent, and makes nightly raids
upon a maize field on the outskirts of
a village, the villagers organise a
hunt. His taste for sweet maize stalks
frequently costs him his life ; but he
sells it dearly, ripping open dogs and
sometimes men, fighting as long as he
has strength to strike with his tusks.
Curiously enough the boar has a rival
here in his congener, the domestic pig,
which having found the air of the
forest and freedom sweeter than that
of the stye or farmyard became a self-
emancipated porker. A few years
ago these wild pigs — they are known
as cochons sauvages — were so numerous
in the neighbourhood of Cazau, and
wrought such destruction upon the
young pines that the Government took
energetic measures to exterminate
them. The wild pig of the Landes is
of the same breed that supplies Paris
with its much prized Bayonne hams.
Formerly troops of wild horses roamed
the Landes just as wild horses and cattle
230
A Walking Tour in the Landes.
still roam the Camargue — that desert of
Provence and Languedoc. They have
entirely disappeared. Roebucks, which
•were once plentiful, are getting scarce.
Smaller quadrupeds, such as foxes and
hares, are very numerous, and the wild
cat is found in the forests. The Landes
are peculiarly rich in ornithology.
Birds which have almost if not quite
disappeared from other parts of
Western Europe, such as the bustard,
the wild goose, and the wild swan
linger in these solitudes. Flamingoes
are occasionally seen in districts where
the marshes have not been drained,
and there are wild pheasants about
the banks of the Leyre. There are
tortoises in the sand, and the lakes
contain a great variety of fresh-water
fish. Sportsmen to whom the pleasure
of shooting something in old Europe
that is really wild is heightened by
natural obstacles, such as thickets that
can only be penetrated by means of the
axe, sand sloughs into which they may
step unawares, and not be heard of
more, and forest flies capable of in-
flicting positive torture, would find
in the Marensin, the district imme-
diately south of Lake Cazau, an ideal
hunting ground. If the visitor takes
out his shooting license at the mairie
of the commune which he chooses for
the scene of his exploits, he may blaze
away without fear of hindrance ; but
it is necessary that he should pay this
local tribute, for the commune has the
right to stop people from shooting
within its bounds unless they are
provided with one of its own licenses.
The license costs twenty-five francs.
Half of the money goes to the com-
mune in which it is taken out, and the
other half to the state.
My project of reaching Biscarosse
by skirting the lake soon became a
subject of earnest conversation between
me and the resin-gatherer. The de-
scription he gave of the journey was
anything but seductive. He put the
distance at sixteen kilometres. Know-
ing by experience the inveterate habit
of the country people of under estima-
ting distances I added four to his six-
teen. He told me that it would take
him, with his knowledge of the country,
six hours to do the journey. A new
idea struck me. Between the trunks
of the pines I could see a boat lying
on the near shore of the lake, and I
asked my dark friend if it would be
possible to get across by water to Bis-
carosse ?
" Certainly," said he. " That is my
boat, and I can take you across."
" Well, name your price,"
After reflecting a few minutes he
said —
" I shall have to pay one of my
comrades to do my work. It's about
four hours' sail, for there is scarcely
any wind, and I must stop the night
at Biscarosse. Do you think five
francs too much 1 "
" No ; make your arrangements and
let us start."
He walked to a neighbouring hut,
outside of which two other resiniers
who had returned for their mid -day
meal were now seated. In a few
minutes he had arranged the matter
and was ready to start.
He left his cabin door unlocked, for
it never enters a resinier's head to doubt
the honesty of another resinier. These
men pass their lives in perfect com-
panionship, without rivalry, jealousy,
or distrust. Nothing would be easier
than for one of them to steal the fruit of
another's labour — to abstract resin
from his neighbour's pots — but I have
been assured that such practices are
unknown in the Landes. On reaching
the lake I found that the boat had
been beached some ten yards from the
shore. The resin gatherer tucked up
his trousers and waded in. This was
a trifling matter with him, for he had
bare feet. He carried his sabots in his
hand, because he was about to enter
his village, and he wished to look re-
spectable there. Seeing me hesitating
on the shore he made excuses for his
own f orgetf ulness, and quickly returning
insisted upon carrying me to the boat
on his back. Rather reluctantly I
assumed the undignified position. We
were now in the boat, and a few pushes
A Walking Tour in the Landes.
231
of the sail -pole sent it gliding into
deeper water. I took my seat on a
plank in the centre and the resinier
placed himself in the stern, where he
could ply the rudder with one hand
and hold the sail cord with the other.
The dog settled himself between his
master's naked feet, and although he
pretended to sleep he kept one glisten-
ing half-closed eye fixed on me. The
little brute had grown more amiable
since he ate the tails of my sardines,
but was still very surly.
The mast was set, the sail was un-
furled and napped lazily in the light
breeze. We hardly seemed to move.
There was scarce a ripple on the glassy
water, and I could see the golden sand
at the bottom when we were half a
mile from the shore. There was no
shelter here from the sun's rays, which
smote down with almost tropical force ;
but the sensations which the novelty
of the situation and the beauty of the
scenery awakened were enchanting.
Now I could take in the whole loveliness
of this delightful lake, which is just
large enough to mimic the sea but not
so large as to shut out the impressions
of the land. All around, above the
glittering margin of sand stretched the
unbroken forest, vast and undulating
like the ocean. In the narrow valleys
between parallel dunes were sombre
depths of dusky green, over which
floated a pale blue mist. There the
pines looked like trees accursed with-
out hope of sunshine and light, with
no breeze to unbosom their agony in
sighs, but brooding in solemn and
awful silence for ever. But where the
storms of ages ago had written their
history in the sands rolled high into
the shape of mountain ridges the
joyous pines were all luminous with
the summer glory of the sun, and there
I knew the doves must be swinging on
the topmost boughs where the wind and
leaves sing for ever.
After about an hour's very slow sail-
ing, a broad ripple breaking from the
shore we had left ran across the
face of the lake. Before it reached
us the sail suddenly bulged, the cord
was nearly tugged from the forester's
grasp and the boat sprang forward
with a motion altogether new. Then
we noticed that the sun was shining
through a dun-coloured vapour and that
smoky masses of cloud were hover-
ing over the dunes on the southern
shore.
"A storm ! " said my companion.
" Will it break before we reach the
land?"
" Very likely."
It was soon blowing a stiff breeze
that drove the boat along at a grey-
hound's speed, with occasional gusts
which made the foam fly over the
bows. A pleasant and exciting change
this, but if the dose was to be increased
the sail would need very judicious
handling. The boat, moreover, was
very old and leaky. My boots were
already half under water. The dog
having at length taken his eye off me
was devoting all his attention to the
problem of finding a dry place to sit
upon. I noticed his discomfort with
satisfaction. Our little ship might be
filling with water, but she was making
splendid way. The wind, which caused
us to tack considerably at first, was
now carrying us straight as an arrow
to a point in the south-eastern corner
of the lake which the resinier wished
to reach. The storm did not really
strike us, but rolled away to the east,
and the lumpy water was settling down
again as the boat ran up a little creek.
Here the resinier moored her, and we
set off walking to Biscarosse, which
was about three miles distant. The
land here was flat and marshy, and less
thickly wooded than on the opposite
shore of the lake. Two bullocks
harnessed to a waggon and separated
by a very long beam, were the first
signs of approaching civilisation.
To be concluded in the next Number.
232
REVIEW OF THE MONTH.
THE Ministerial proposals for raising
the year's revenue were rejected by a
majority of the House of Commons
early in the morning of June 9. On
the same day Mr. Gladstone informed
the Queen of the desire of the Cabinet
to surrender office. The letter reached
the Queen on June 10. On that day
other communications took place be-
tween the Sovereign and her Ministers,
the precise purport of which has not
yet been made public. Whatever they
may have been, on the day following,
that is, on June 11, the Queen with a
curious alacrity that will no doubt be
explained when the time comes, ac-
cepted the resignation of Mr. Gladstone
and his colleagues, and summoning
Lord Salisbury to Balmoral, intrusted
him with a commission to form an
administration. The Conservative
leader reached London and began his
task on June 15. The crisis lasted
for a week, and until the very after-
noon of the 22nd the expectation
gradually gained ground that Lord
Salisbury would give up his task.
This expectation was at its strongest
an hour or two before the public was
informed that he had resolved to per-
severe. The precise nature of the
communications that were exchanged
between the two sets of leaders and
the Sovereign is not as yet before the
world. It is possible that when they
come to be known they may raise
some interesting constitutional points.
As the situation was unique, owing
to the impossibility of a dissolution
of Parliament, precedents were not
available, and it may be that new
maxims have been resorted to.
In other respects the fall of the
second Gladstone administration will
probably be a remarkable date in our
history, for however we are inclined
to make little of the events that pass
before our own eyes and are due to
actors who are too close to us to be
rightly measured, it is too obvious
that we are entering for good or for
evil on a new era. Our external re-
lations are undergoing a change and
taking on new proportions. So are
the internal conditions of party, alike
in organization and in creed. So is
the distribution of political power.
The new Premier's first difficulties, for
instance, were found in his own camp.
The younger, more aggressive, and more
popular wing, headed by Lord Ran-
dolph Churchill, and more or less
furtively reinforced by Sir Michael
Hicks-Beach, insisted on the super-
session of Sir Stafford Northcote. The
intrigue was made into a public
scandal by a scene of flat mutiny in
the House of Commons, and in a few
hours Lord Salisbury was induced —
after the use, as is suspected, of little
more pressure than is needed to force
an open door — to go so far as to agree
that, if somebody else would tell his
old friend and colleague that he was
no longer wanted, then he would gladly
make the various arrangements that
were required from him. Who was the
emissary intrusted with the bow string
or the fatal cup of coffee, is unknown
outside the confederates. But the issue
was the deposition of the last chief of
the old school of Conservatism, and the
installation of Lord Randolph Churchill
as practically the dictator of a reno-
vated, a highly astonished, and not
wholly pleased party. To call him
dictator is hardly at all too strong.
Lord Salisbury may be superior to his
ally in grasp of mind, as he obviously
is in knowledge and experience. But
Lord Salisbury sits in the House of
Lords, while political power resides
in the House of Commons. The
Minister who has the supremacy in
Review of the Month.
233
the House of Commons, if he have as
strong a will and as vigorous an initi-
ative as Lord Randolph Churchill has,
will undoubtedly in the last resort
have the supremacy in the Cabinet.
The energy and the penetration which
have raised Lord Randolph in the short
course of five years from being nobody
to this commanding elevation, may
justify his present position by future
performances. But that a politician of
his temperament and his views should
have attained that position marks a
decisive transformation in one of the
two great parties of the State.
A second point that cannot escape
attention in the crisis, is the peremptory
dissipation of favourite illusions as to
the Irish vote "not counting." The
notion that the two English parties
should establish an agreement that, if
either of them should chance to be
beaten by a majority due to Irish
auxiliaries, the victors should act as
if they had lost the division, has been
cherished by some who are not exactly
simpletons in politics. We now see
what such a notion is worth. It has
proved to be worth just as much as
might have been expected by any
onlooker who knows the excitement of
the players, the fierceness of the game,
and the irresistible glitter of the
prizes. When it suits their own pur-
pose, the two English parties will
unite to baffle or to crush the Irish,
but neither of them will ever scruple
to use the Irish in order to baffle or
to crush their own rivals. This fancy
must be banished to the same limbo
as the similar dream that Ireland
could be disfranchised and reduced to
the rank of a Crown colony. Three
years ago, when Ireland was violently
disturbed, and the Irish members were
extremely troublesome, this fine pro-
ject of governing Ireland like India
was a favourite consolation, even to
some Liberals who might have been
expected to know better. The ab-
surdity of the design, and the shallow-
ness of those who were captivated
by it, were swiftly exposed. A few
months after they had been consoling
themselves with the idea of taking
away the franchise from Ireland,
they all voted for a measure which
extended the franchise to several hund-
reds of thousands of the inhabitants
of Ireland who had not possessed it
before, and who are not at all likely to
employ their new power in the direc-
tion of crown colonies or martial law
or any of the other random panaceas
of thoughtless and incontinent politi-
cians. As for the new Government,
sharp critics — and some of the
sharpest are to be found on their own
benches — do not shrink from declaring
that they come into power as Mr.
Parnell's lieutenants. His vote has
installed them, it can displace them;
it has its price, and the price will be
paid. In the whole transaction, the
Irish not only count; they almost
count for everything.
The present crisis hag brought into
view a far more amazing example of
the political levity with which we
handle Irish difficulties. A fortnight
ago the imperative necessity of renew-
ing the Crimes Act or some portions
of it was one of the firmest articles of
belief among Conservative peers and
members of parliament, and, for that
matter, among the bulk of Liberal
peers and members too. With the
exception of a few members on the
extreme left, and Lord Randolph
Churchill and one or two of his band,
the whole of the English and Scotch
parties were intent on renewing
exceptional legislation Mr. Gladstone
had announced a Bill reviving some
" valuable and equitable provisions "
of the Crimes Act. When he fell, it
was almost universally expected that
Lord Salisbury would make the re-
newal of the Crimes Act one of the
subjects on which he would require
assurances of support from his prede-
cessors. In a few hours it became
known that, if he should come into
power, he would let the Crimes Act
drop, and trust to the vigorous execu-
tion of the ordinary law. The decision,
if it be acted upon, is a very sensible
one. But what are we to say of the
234
Review of the Month.
motive that has notoriously and unde-
niably prompted it ? If the Gladstone
Government had failed to propose a
revival of this exceptional legislation,
it is notorious and undeniable that
they would have provoked the most
energetic and persistent declaration
that their policy meant nothing less
than a winter of murder and outrage
in .Ireland. We may assume that the
gentlemen who talked in this way
were, and would have been, sincere.
Then what are we to think of the
political morality which deliberately
accepts a policy that avowedly, in
their judgment, leads to a winter of
murder and outrage ? The levity of all
this matches the levity of 1846. In
January, 1846, thePeelite Government
declared the necessity for a Coercion
Bill to be urgent. But they took no
steps whatever to secure the measure
that was &o urgently needed until
June. Then in June the Whigs
turned Peel out, on the principle of
Non-Coercion. Having thus triumph-
antly established the principle, and
got themselves into office on the
strength of it, they straightway forgot
what manner of men they were, and
before they had been a month in
power brought in a Coercion Bill of
their own. So consistently is Ireland
made the shuttlecock of English
parties.
It is perhaps not an extravagant
dream to hope that this curious turn
of affairs in the present crisis may
have put an end to Coercion as one of
the regular instruments at the dis-
posal of the Irish Executive. By Coer-
cion we mean exceptional legislation,
on principles not applied in England
and Scotland, for disorders in Ireland.
The abandonment of the Crimes Act
by both parties, including the pro-
visions which seemed valuable and
equitable only a few days ago — though
its abandonment is only excused on
grounds of temporary expediency — will
make it very difficult for either Whig
or Tory dog to return to its vomit
another day. It is true that political
fatuity is not likely to be altogether
silent. Already one counsellor pub-
licly urges Lord Salisbury to " tell
the Irish Parliamentary party that he
will try to prevent crime by using
only the provisions of the common
law, but that if he fails, if a bloody
winter again stains the soil of Ireland
with frequent assassination, he will
ask for an Order in Council and pro-
claim martial law." As if martial
law, of all things in the world, could
do any more good now — even if it
were possible — than on the last occa-
sion when something like it was tried
in Ireland, and proved an egregious
failure. Government by state of siege
has not been a success in Ireland, and
government by state of siege is not
only unsuccessful ; under parliamen-
tary institutions it is impossible.
We have spoken of the transforma-
tion in the Tory party. Irish affairs
seem likely to be the immediate agency
for testing the chances of a similar
transformation in the opposite camp.
Mr. Gladstone informed the Queen, in
historic words, on the part of the
Cabinet, " that their resignation grew
out of the vote which had been given
by the House of Commons on Monday
night, and that it sprang from that
source and was founded upon that
reason alone." That this was a true
and accurate statement, must of course
be taken for granted. A defeat on
cardinal elements of fiscal policy has
always been held to be a valid reason
for throwing the responsibility of
government on the party who inflicted
the defeat. The question of the
number of lines on the whips, and of
the exact degree of pressure that was
brought to bear by official upon non-
official members of the Ministerial
party, has interesting bearings of its
own. But it does not affect the right
and duty of Ministers to resign upon a
defeat which they had taken reasonable
means to avert. What is certain is
that, resignation or no resignation, the
Cabinet were not of one mind, and
were not likely to become so, in respect
of the Bill to replace the Crimes Act. To
what limits the divergence had been
Review of the Month.
235
narrowed, and whether it would have
been successfully adjusted before the
time for positive decision had actually
arrived, only members of the Cabinet
can know or conjecture. All that has
for the moment receded into ancient
history. The significant element in
the episode was the attitude of the
Whig section of the Cabinet. Suppos-
ing common surmises not to be devoid
of foundation, and supposing that on
June 9th or 10th the Cabinet had been
unable to come to a working agree-
ment about the Crimes Act, it would
have been the Whigs who had upset
the coach. Lord Spencer would rather
have broken up the Government than
continue to govern Ireland without
exceptional powers. With his convic-
tion that these powers were indispens-
able, this was the only course open to
an upright Minister. But the convic-
tion itself is the singular thing. The
singular thing is that Lord Spencer
should have shrunk from thinking
Irish government without coercion
impossible, and that Mr. Gibson, who
is a Tory, and who knows Ireland
much better than even Lord Spencer,
should think government without coer-
cion quite possible and worth trying.
This was not all. The Whigs have
fallen off sadly in courage, virility,
and sympathy with popular principles
since the time of Mr. Fox. They were
not the timid party in those days.
Fox was not afraid to denounce
the Union as "one of the most
unequivocal attempts at establishing
the principles as well as the practice of
despotism." The new Whigs will not
even attempt to ameliorate either the
despotic principle or the despotic
practice that Fox so wisely foresaw.
Lord Spencer has been an upright,
assiduous, and efficient officer. His
hard and firm hand delivered us from
the wild and impotent distractions of
the Irish administration of 1881. But
his regime has been from first to last
without flexibility and without initia-
tive. It has not been of cast iron, as
some pretend, but it has been, and it
promised for ever to remain, purely
wooden. Compare it with Drummond's ;
it has not had, and was not apparently
going to have, a single new idea or
fresh impulse in it from beginning to
end. For some time this was intelli-
gible. It was necessary to appease
the confusions that had been left by
the preceding regime. Apparently,
however, the temporary restoration
of superficial order was to mark the
limit of Lord Spencer's statesmanship.
Even in the stormiest hours of 1881
the Government deliberately promised
in the Queen's Speech to introduce a
measure for extending local govern-
ment in Ireland. The promise had
been dropped, but the prospect of a
strong reinforcement of the Nationalist
party in parliament made its revival
indispensable. There were two ways
of going to work. One plan was to
introduce a few paltry tinkering
changes that would neither have in-
terested nor satisfied anybody. The
tinkering tentative method has been
followed in dealing with the Land
Question, ever since the report of the
Devon Commission, forty years ago,
with results that are only too familiar.
The other plan was to face the danger
boldly, and to oppose a thoroughgoing
solution to a deep reaching problem.
It is commonly believed that a plan of
this kind was desired by the Radical
members of the Cabinet (not excluding
the most important of them), and re-
sisted by some at any rate of its Whig
members. The given proposal may
have been defective. The public does
not know what the proposal was. But
the Whigs are believed to have shrunk
not only from the proposal but from
the principle, and to have been content
to face another five years of Irish diffi-
culty with the pottering and dawdling
methods that have done more than the
Penal Laws themselves to create that
difficulty, and to make the malady in-
veterate. Of course there are grave
perils in any attempt to decentralise
and to nationalise the Irish Govern-
ment. But so there are grave perils
in leaving things as they are. They
cannot be left as they are, and that is
236
Review of the Month.
what some of the younger members of
the late Government clearly perceive.
Whether the reform of the Irish
system of government will be the
great issue at the general election
is still uncertain. It is inevitable
that it must be one of the issues. The
significance and the drift of the gene-
ral election must naturally depend very
much on the position taken by Mr.
Gladstone. If he consents to lead the
campaign once more, it will be for him
to decide the watchword, and to in-
scribe the victorious device on the
party standard. The strong general
impression is that he will be induced
to return to the field. In that case, it
is impossible to conceal that policy
will be entirely secondary to his per-
sonality. The Liberal victory will
then be due primarily to the wish of
the majority of the electors to have
the country governed by Mr. Glad-
stone. It will be the " Old Cause and
the Old Man," but the Man will figure
more largely in 'men's imaginations,
than the Cause in their understand-
ings. Anybody can preach a mightily
impressive and extremely cheap homily
on that fact, if he has nothing better to
do, but a fact it is, and there is no
more to be said. At least it gives
more time for such a ripening of Libe-
ral opinion as ought to prevent the
mischiefs of division. Those are not
merely party mischiefs. The substi-
tution of isolated and antagonistic
groups for parties, will be a tremend-
ous misfortune not only for sectional
leaders but for the country. A foreign
observer, more intelligent than most
of his class, already sees the gloomy
prospect opening out before us.
"Triste perspective," he cries, "et
telle qu'on se demande malgre soi
si 1'Angleterre, apres nous avoir donne
le spectacle de 1'affaiblissement de sa
puissance politique a 1'exterieur, n'est
pas destinee a nous faire voir a 1'in-
terieur le declin des institutions qui
ont si longtemps ete sa couronne
d'honneur parmi les nations."
Among other illusions that have re-
ceived a check in the recent proceedings
must be counted the famous idea of a
great fusion that should bring the so-
called Moderate Liberal over to the
Conservative lines. No whisper of a
proposal has been made by the Tory
leader to the suspicious or dissatisfied
Whigs. Lord Salisbury has not given
Mr. Goschen the same invitation that
the late Lord Derby gave to Lord
Palmerston on one occasion, and to
Mr. Gladstone on another. If Glad-
stonian Liberalism is too doubtful to
politicians of this stamp, they are
themselves too good or not good
enough for the new Toryism. We
see the curious spectacle of the two
extreme wings of either party agree-
ing more with one another, both in
specific views and in political temper,
than each of them agrees with its own
Centre. It has been said a thousand
times that between Mr. Goschen and4Sir
Staff ordNorthcote, between LordHart-
ington and Sir Michael Hicks Beach,
there is little substantial difference of
opinion on the actual policy of the
day. Lord Randolph Churchill, on
the other hand, has boldly propounded
a scheme that the Radical leaders
openly tax him with appropriating
from their private baggage. Yet no
attempt has been made, or even
dreamed of for a single moment, to
bring parties into relations better
adjusted to professions and principles.
What surprises time may yet have in
store for us in the re-composition of
our great political groups, it would be
fruitless now to inquire. But the
next time that Advanced Liberals are
menaced with a secession of their
Moderate allies, it will be worth re-
membering that on this important
occasion the Conservatives did not
appear to think it worth while to
broaden their base in this sense, but,
on the contrary,deposed those of their
own foremost men with whom Mode-
rate Liberals would have found them-
selves least, or not at all, out of
sympathy. To call a party led by
Lord Randolph Churchill Conserva-
tive, and a party led, say, by Lord
Review of the Month.
237
Ilartingfcon Radical, is a humorous
paradox of the first force. It must
be that we are in the midst of a
movement of a very remarkable kind
of which the evolution is still incom-
plete, and for the full development of
which we must wait not only for the
result of the new elections, but for
the further differences and transforma-
tions that will follow the final retire-
ment of Mr. Gladstone from the scene.
That retirement is not expected by
those who have the best means of
reading that eminent man's mind, but
the conditions of party advance are
not quite silently preparing in the
interval.
It is curious to note that, though
Mr. Gladstone is the undoubted dic-
tator of his party, and by far the most
powerful and popular personage in the
realm, the most marked mishaps of his
late administration have been due to
his backwardness in insisting on his
own views. His failures have been of
two kinds. In the first place, foreign
business has been badly done as busi
ness. It has been dilatory, indecisive,
slovenly, and flaccid ; things have not
been screwed up tight, and clenched.
What we may call the secretarial side
of our dealings with foreign Govern-
ments has been poorly handled. But,
in the second place, every false step
that has been taken has been a
step at variance particularly and
especially with Gladstonian principles.
The follies in the Soudan, for instance,
must have been perpetrated in each of
their successive phases, in opposition
to the Prime Minister's own most
decisive leanings. The plea for this is
obvious enough. The Minister of the
day must deal with the House of
Commons, and in foreign policy the
House of Commons, in spite of the
tide of pacific sentiment on which it
was chosen in 1880, was less patient,
less pacific, less resolutely disinclined
to military adventures — was more
inclined to Jingoism, in a word — than
either Mr. Gladstone himself, or, as
we believe, than the constituencies.
The Minister shrank until the present
session from putting his back to the
wall, and loudly defying either a com-
posite majority in Parliament or
flaming writers in the public prints,
to coerce him into courses of military
adventure. At last occasion came,
when he courageously faced the forces
to which he had so long yielded.
When the difficulties with Russia
came to a point, and after even he
had by a certain memorable speech
seemed to place himself at the head
of the military and forward party, he
suddenly recovered himself, and almost
at a moment's notice, in spite of the
newspapers, in spite of the always
excitable feeling in the House of
Commons, and in spite of anti-
Russian prepossessions which are
always strong in the English mind,
and which his speech had so directly
and powerfully stimulated, he declared
for arbitration and a pacific settle-
ment. Did the shock unseat him ?
Not the least in the world. The
majority, which would have rallied to
him if he had gone to war, rallied to
him when he insisted on peace. It is
impossible to imagine a more decisive
test of the strength and the stability
of his authority. It is impossible to
think of a sharper strain. That he
should have carried his Russian policy,
and emerged from the process without
a whit of serious damage to his popu-
larity, is the best proof that we could
have of the power that he has possessed
all these five years, and that he has
not always used so freely and per-
emptorily as he might perhaps have
been expected to do.
It is too soon to estimate the effect
of a Conservative administration on
the views and leanings of foreign
Powers. The one country where the
expressions of satisfaction at the
change were most prompt and un-
mistakable was Germany, and it may
be admitted that Germany happens
at this moment to be the most im
portant Power in the diplomatic
world. To us, no doubt, our direct
relations with Russia are just now at
238
Review of the Month.
any rate of more pressing moment
than any that we have, or are likely
to have, with Germany. The recep-
tion of the fall of Mr. Gladstone's
cabinet -by Russia — that is to say, by
the Russian bureaucrats and the half-
gagged editors — has been rather
various. " Only one answer," says
one, " can be expected from us in
reply to the news of the appointment
of the Conservative leader in the
House of Lords as Mr. Gladstone's
successor, and that answer must be
given in the shape of calm, serious,
and significant measures of precaution
taken in Central Asia." " We must
profit," cries another, "by the change
in the English Government, regardless
of diplomatic ceremony. It is highly
necessary for us to recover our freedom
of action. We should now reject all
the pretensions of England to interfere
in our affairs on the Afghan frontier."
But there is a third note struck.
Russia, we are told, in spite of its
recollection of Mr. Gladstone's friend-
liness a few years ago, had become
irritated by his " tergiversations and
the slowness of his negotiations." Now,
may not some more durable combina-
tion be settled 1 Why should not the
idea spread " that it would be better
for Russia, as well as for England, to
come frankly to an understanding by
substituting for the present delusive
and superannuated neutral zone con-
terminous frontiers, which could be
effected by a reasonable division of
Afghanistan." Whatever else may
be said of Lord Salisbury, no one who
remembers his course during Lord
Beaconsfield's government, and his
changes of view between the confer-
ence at Constantinople and the con-
gress at Berlin, can doubt that he
possesses remarkable suppleness of
mind. It is not impossible that the
Russophobe who talked about bank-
rupts and swindlers, may turn back
again into the Russophil, who walked
up and down the streets of Pera arm
in arm with Ignatieff . Lord Salisbury
may be in some respects a dreamer, but
he is substantially a man of business,
and he will in one way or other drop
the bad language of the platform, just
as Mr. Disraeli apologised for his over
bold references to Prince Bismarck.
Then it is argued that Prince Bis-
marck will make things smooth for
Lord Salisbury, instead of making
them rough as he did for Mr. Glad-
stone. This is possible, but it is not
at all so certain as is assumed. There
is no secret about the principle — the
very sensible principle for a German
statesman — of all Bismarckian diplo-
macy. He will give to Lord Salis-
bury, if Lord Salisbury will give to
him. But what has the British
Minister to offer? He is an interim
Minister, almost avowedly expecting
his dismissal within six months at the
hands of the sovereign people, and in
the meantime working under as vigi-
lant a supervision as skilful and well-
informed opponents can manage to
exercise. Even if Prince Bismarck could
father his thought on his wish, — could
persuade himself that a Conservative
Government is at all likely to survive
a general election, — is he likely to get
himself into uneasy relations with
Russia, who will still be his neighbour
to-morrow, for the sake of obliging a
Minister who to-morrow may have
disappeared from power for the rest of
his natural life ] Then again, even if
Lord Salisbury's retention of power
for a twelvemonth were certain, instead
of being almost impossible, how can
he repay the diplomatic favours which
his friends are promising to us, and
which, as we know too well by this
time, will not be given gratis, but
must be bought at a round price?
Lord Salisbury is supposed to have
said to France, when complaining of
our appropriation of Cyprus, " Take
Tunis ! " — advice that France followed,
with pretty considerable consequences
in Egypt and other parts of the world.
But he is not likely to bid Germany
take Zanzibar; on the contrary, Zan-
zibar will bring him into relations of
an equivocal kind with Germany
before he has been at the Foreign
Office a single month. The truth is
Review of the Month.
239
that the Powers have been brought by
circumstances into waters that are too
deep to be sounded by the little plum-
met of the persona grata. Events,
interests, half-blind movements of
material forces — as we have .just been
saying about the British Power —
have too much impetus just now to be
arrested by the personal partialities of
even the most wilful of sovereigns or
statesmen. If Germany wants Zanzi-
bar, any English Minister, whether
persona grata or ingrata, will believe
that his country has a strong interest
in not making the operation particu-
larly easy.
Italy, our one ally, has had a lesson.
Like M. Ferry and like Mr. Glad-
stone, the Italian Ministers have been
beaten in the Parliament, and though
Signer Depretis may return, Mancini
who has had the direction of foreign
affairs will remain out of the new
combination, whatever it may be. The
Italian Parliament resented the ad-
ventures to which, as it supposes,
Great Britain tempted Italy in the
Red Sea. Egypt has been as fatal to
the Italian Government as to our own,
and as Tonquin was to that of France.
It is doubtful whether Lord Salisbury
or any other Minister will be able to
reckon on very effective co-operation
on the part of Italy.
In France all depends upon the
coming elections, which may be held
as early as the middle of August, and
cannot be held later than the middle
of October. Just as Lord Salisbury
will ratify the arrangement with
Russia which Mr. Gladstone has
made — probably even giving up the
point about the Zulfikar pass, for
which Lord Granville was contending
— so M. Freycinet has profited by the
treaty with China which was virtually
due to M. Ferry. This will, of course,
free the hands of France in Egypt, if
Prince Bismarck allows, and if the
news from the constituencies does not
forbid. But M. Freycinet exists by
consent of the French Radicals, and
they are as much opposed to foreign
adventures, in spite of the costly
success of the new treaty, as the
corresponding party in Italy and in
Great Britain. Lord Salisbury would
hardly be likely to get on particularly
well with the French Republic, but at
least the French Government cannot
be more awkward, stiff, and difficult
with him than it has for five years
proved itself to be in respect of his
Liberal predecessors.
It is well enough for the rhetorical
purposes of party debate to charge the
recent Administration with having
weakened the great Empire over which
they were placed. Foreign observers
are naturally at liberty to take stock
of our repulses and to count over the
tale of our diplomatic mystifications.
The Sovereigns of the three Great
Empires of the North, as they taunt-
ingly remind us, met and deliberated
on the affairs of Europe without com-
municating a word of their plans and
their decisions to the Cabinet of Saint
James's. Your diplomatic conference,
they say, convoked in London itself on
your own initiative, broke up and
came to naught without a single Power
rallying to the propositions of Eng-
land ? Another conference assembled
at Berlin with the express design of
subjecting the external expansion of
Great Britain to the control of Europe.
All this is very true, and it is certainly
not over- palatable even to the most
pacific of patriots.
It is perfectly arguable, moreover,
we admit, if any body be bent upon
so arguing it, that it is all due to the
want of firmness and management in
the British Government. But there
is another reading of it, which to us
seems not only more lenient to a par-
ticular Government, but more just on
the merits, and far more significant,
instructive, and even momentous for
Englishmen at large. Our reading is,
that the apparent decline in the sup-
posed ascendency of Great Britain,
arises from a change in external con-
ditions, which no statesman in Down-
ing Street could by any skill control
or prevent. The German desire for colo-
nial extension, for instance, whether
240
Review of the Month.
it be a temporary caprice or the out-
come of a permanent necessity, is in-
dependent of anything that we can do
or say — unless, indeed, we are prepared
to publish boldly that the earth is
ours and all the emptinesses thereof.
Again, it is impossible to deny that
the immense hosts of armed men now
maintained on the Continent of Europe
impose on a State which does not, will
not, and cannot enter into rivalry with
these gigantic forces, an inferiority in
relation to the Continental Powers
which did not come into such promi-
nence in the days of small armies. It
is not to be denied, either, that the
employment of steam in navigation,
and the various inventions for destruc-
tion on the sea, have altered the old
terms of our maritime supremacy. We
are far from saying under this head
that such an alteration cannot and
ought not to be met by corresponding
efforts. But the fact that these efforts
have to be made is certainly not an
addition to the elements of our national
strength ; and what we are saying is
that time and circumstance have, for
the hour at any rate, effected a change
which is, and under any Ministry
whatever must have been, a diminu-
tion of our national strength in rela-
tion to the Great Powers with whom
we have to deal.
Whether these and kindred facts
mark a permanent transformation in
our national position might well be
the subject of long and well-weighed
consideration. One would have to ask
whether what, in the dialect of con-
troversies about the currency may be
called the appreciation of certain
foreign Powers, is permanent or tem-
porary. Germany which holds the
position of pre-eminence held less than
twenty years ago by the French Empire,
may much less than twenty years hence
have followed the French Empire into
confusion and nothingness. However
this may be, there has been an un-
doubted transformation for the time,
and if any statesman of less modera-
tion, equity, and credit for desiring
June 24th.
peace than Mr. Gladstone had presided
over our affairs, the process would
have ended in disaster. It may be
that the force of events would have
imposed an equally moderate and
patient spirit upon Lord Salisbury and
his friends. Sages have often told
the world that sovereigns and states-
men are not so mighty as they seem,
and sages ought to know. In any case,
do not let us be frightened by the
reproach of fatalism from perceiving
that occasions of difficulty arise for
States which no statecraft can avert,
though statecraft may make all the
difference between difficulty and peril,
and between peril and disaster.
While noisy Excitables have been
going about with loud declarations
that the worst government that the
world ever saw was allowing Germany
to take the pick of the habitable globe,
it appears that the territory of the
British Empire has been increased by
a piece of Africa as large as France in
area, temperate and healthy in climate,
abounding in rich soil, suspected to
contain valuable minerals and metals,
and opening a trade-route to the vast
interior of the dark continent. It
would be more satisfactory if this
enormous accession of territory and
of responsibility could be traced to
any settled and consistent design. As
it is, it looks like one more of those
fated accidents that have made South
Africa the most confusing, trouble-
some, and thankless of our posses-
sions. Already, we are told that we
have annexed the wrong piece, or at
least that we should have included
another piece to the north, though it
is clear from the information of those
who know that we shall have to fight
for it with its native occupants. Nor
is the prospect very satisfactory to
east and south of the new possession.
The new colony of Bechuanaland, if
so it is to be called, hems in the
Transvaal on the whole of its western,
and most of its northern border, and
that important fact certainly contains
the seed of many troubles.
MACMILLAN'S MAGAZINE
AUGUST, 1885.
MRS. DYMOND.
CHAPTER XX.
ALMSGIVING.
As the actors pass across the stage
of life and play their respective parts,
it is not difficult at the outset to
docket them with their different
characters — a soldier, a parson, an
artist, a lawyer, a lover, a heroine,
a law-giver, a widow, and so forth.
But presently, after the play has
gone on for a little while (on the
stage of life it is not the play that
ends, but the actors who come and go),
we begin to see that, although some of
us may be suited to our parts, there
are others whose natures are ill-fitted
to their role, and very often we find
the performers suddenly playing away
in their own natural characters instead
of those which they are supposed to
represent, to the very great confusion
of the drama which is going on.
Here is the lawyer making love to
his client instead of drawing up her
will ; the parson fighting his bishop
instead of guarding his flock ; the
soldier preaching sermons ; the actor
taking his part in serious earnest,
and blessing his people with unction.
A hundred instances come to one's
inind of fiddlers and tailors set to rule
great kingdoms, with what tragic ill-
luck, alas, we all remember. Was not
one mechanician born to a throne,
whose life paid for his idiosyncrasies ?
And, again, have we not heard of a
No. 310. — VOL. LII.
Spinoza patiently at work upon his
lenses earning his daily pittance, a
true king among men, whose wise
and noble thoughts still rule the
minds of succeeding generations? Other
instances will occur to us all, of tra-
vesties still more incongruous. A
priest serving his king before his
God, a poet, with wilder blood and
genius than his compeers, sitting with
them at St. Stephens upon a dusty
cushion, which he presently flings in
their faces, and, in generous wrath
and excitement, goes off to die, fight-
ing for liberty, under the blue sky
of Greece.
When Max du Pare, the son of a
dreamer and of a downright and prac-
tical woman, found himself started in
life in the little studio at the end of
his mother's garden, he was certainly
to blame in that he did not keep with
peaceful devotion to the career into
which Fate had launched him, with so
little effort on his own part. His en-
gravings were excellent, but still more
so were his etchings, boldly worked
out, remarkable for their force, their
colour (and such a term may often be
used with justice even where black
and white alone are used). He had
received his red ribbon with the rest
of them for work done during the last
two years, for medals gained at ex-
hibitions for etchings, some of which
were now hanging in gilt frames at
St. Cloud among the eagles. Among
242
Mrs. Dymond.
others he had worked for money as
well as for love. The day before Su-
sanna, seeing one of his most successful
prints in a shop window, had blushed
up painfully and looked away. Du
Pare saw her turn crimson ; he guessed
that she had recognised his work ; he
felt as if he could gladly tear the
picture with its insolent Bacchantes
from its place and destroy it then and
there for ever.
Susy guessed what was passing in
his mind.
" I have never lived among artists,"
she said. "I know there are many
things I do not understand ; but I
have lately learnt," she added, gently,
" how beautiful, how wonderful it all
is ; and I shall 'i always be grateful
to you for teaching Jo."
And Du Pare turned a searching look
upon her, though he did not answer.
Perhaps if his art had meant less to
him it might have led him further
still ; it was something beyond colour,
beyond form that he wanted, in his
work as in his life, which haunted
him at times and made him ashamed
of mere clever successes.
All this moralising equally applies
to my heroine, Susanna, a woman
of natural aptitude and impression-
ability, placed by no unkind fate in
a peaceful and prosperous position.
And now the moment had come
when she was to play her touching
part of a mourning Dido no longer,
and lo ! flinging away the veils and
the dignity of widowhood, wiping the
natural tears, she found herself true
to her nature — not false to her past ;
alive, not dead, as she imagined, ex-
isting still, not having ceased to feel,
a human being, not an image in a look-
ing glass ; not remembering only, but
submitting to the great law of life,
which is stronger and less narrow
than any human protest and lamen-
tation.
Once more Mrs. Dymond was lean-
ing from her_high window, impatiently
scanning the figures coming and going
along the pavement. Why did he
keep them ? The day was passing, the
hours were waning. She was the most
impatient of the party. There sat Jo,
absorbed in his painting. He was
trying to copy the great blue china
pot he had brought home from the
Quai, and the pink poppies that
Tempy had stuck into it, with their
blue shadows and their silver-green
leaves ; Jo had a natural taste for
still life. His stepmother was grate-
ful beyond words to those squares of
colour, to those never-failing interests
of form, of light, of arrangement,
which interested him ; she herself had
no such natural gift ; she was all
the more glad when Jo, under Du
Parc's guidance, had tried his hand at
art. Mrs. Dymond was less pleased
when she heard her stepson announcing
that he had also adopted some of Mon-
sieur Caron's doctrines. Jo had met
Caron once or twice at the studio, where
the good old man used to call with
the various handbills and tricolor
announcements which he was having
printed to announce the coming book.
Tempy, who had wanted to start
half an hour before, now sat half-
asleep upon the red couch with its red
cushions. The faint aroma of the
poppies in the sunlight seemed to
taint the drowsy air in the little
room, where time passed to the slow
ticking of the clock, and where Apollo
in his car was for ever galloping
beneath his crystal dome. Little
Phraisie was in the next room, also
sleeping, on the bed with drawn cur-
tains. When the heat of the day
was over, Henrietta Wilkins was to
take her into the Tuileries Gardens
close by. It was her pride to sit
there at her work, and to hear the
people admire the "little Cherubim,"
while she piled her gravel pies at her
nurse's knee.
Mrs. Dymond had insisted on waiting
for her mother and Du Pare. As the
flood of people passed on down below
in vain she scanned the figures — seek-
ing for the persons for whom she
looked. A vague sense of uneasy dis-
appointment came over her. So ab-
sorbed was she watching the endless
Mrs. Dymond.
243
-procession that she did not hear the
door open, nor become aware that Du
Pare was in the room, until Jo's loud
cries of " Mrs. Dymond ! Mrs. Dy-
mond ! " made her look round.
A dark figure, was standing in the
doorway. Tempy started up, Jo put
down his brush, and Susanna, with
a sudden sense of ease and tran-
quillity, turned from her window and
faced her new friend, blushing a little,
looking more beautiful than he had
ever seen her.
"Madame," said Du Pare, bowing
very low as usual.
"How do you do, M. Max?" said
Mrs. Dymond, welcoming her visitor.
"Where is my mother? Is she not
coming?"
" I was not able to see her when I
called — Madame Marney was in her
room. She sends a message," and Du
Pare brought out a folded scrap from
his waistcoat pocket : —
" Mr DABLIN& Susr, — Do not wait for
me to-day ; I had rather not come.
I am keeping the boys, for I expect
their father home.
" Your loving Mother.
" P.S. I will call if I can, and see
the darling baby in the course of the
day."
The note was disappointing, but it
was no use delaying any longer.
" We are late," says Tempy, starting
up. " We ought not to have waited
so long. Mr. Bagginal will be quite
tired out."
"I have been with M. Caron. I
am sorry you delayed for me," said
Du Pare, as usual only addressing
Susanna, who was giving Wilkins
some parting directions as she took
her cloak and her parasol from her
faithful attendant.
Max seemed preoccupied at first
and unlike himself, as they all walked
along the street to the Quai whence
the steamers started.
Susanna and the pursuit of pleasure
were not at this moment the great
preoccupations of his mind ; other
things less peaceful, less hopeful
were daily closing up around him.
There was a terrible reality to him in
his apprehensions, all the more vivid
because from his artistic qualities he
belonged to the upper and more pre-
scient classes, while from experience
and birth he was near enough to the
people to understand the tones of its
voice, the wants of its daily life, its
angry rising, and its present mood.
But by degrees, being in Susanna's
company, he brightened up. Love
requires time and space, if it is not
able to accomplish absolute impossi-
bilities, but it certainly makes the .
most of the passing lights and mo-
ments of life.
" M. Caron detained me over the
proofs of his book ; it is coming out
immediately," said Du Pare.
" You need not explain. We have
nothing to do but to amuse ourselves,
you have your work to attend to,"
said Susy gaily.
Susanna had felt of late as if her
relations with Du Pare were changed,
and it seemed quite natural that he
should give her details of his day's
work. Max, too, realised that he was
some one in her life, not a passer-by,
but a fellow traveller. The two might
very well have walked out of one of
the galleries of the Louvre hard by.
She with her Grecian goddess looks, he
of the dark, southern head with the
black hair, that beaked nose, the
dark, sudden eyes, so deeply set, eyes
that were hard and soft by turns.
He had scarcely ever talked to her
before, and now at this moment, not for
the first time, a sense of his reality,
of the importance of his presence,
of his goodwill, of his approbation
and acquiescence with her conclu-
sions came over her. There was a
curious simplicity about Du Pare which
impressed people ; either he said what
he meant, or he let you see that he
mistrusted you and was silent. He
had great powers of work and a
gift for enjoyment as well, which
is perhaps more rare, and as he
had walked along by Susy's side,
R 2
244
Mrs. Dymond.
with his bright looks and his odd
swinging gait, he had seemed the very
impersonation of a holiday maker, of
a man at one with the moment. They
were crossing the great court of the
Louvre when a shadow came from
behind a statue, and a frightened
woman, starting out into the sunshine,
suddenly put out a trembling white
hand for alms. Susanna and her
young people, from their English train-
ing, were passing on, they had a vague
idea it was wrong to give to casual
beggars, but Du Pare stopped short,
and a curious little dialogue ensued.
"Why are you begging, Madame
Lebris?" said he roughly, "Are you
ill ? "
" I am dying," said the woman
quietly ; " my children are starving."
" Where is your husband ] "
" You know better than I do," she
answered.
" Go home at once," said Du Pare.
" I will come and see you this evening."
He thrust a napoleon into her
hand. She took it with a weary look,
and he nodded and hurried after the
others. They were standing a few
yards off waiting for him.
" I kno.w the woman, she is the
wife of a man who worked for me,"
he said in French, looking vexed and
confused. He had paid away his last
gold piece, and he had but a few sous
left in his pocket. How was he to
pay for his share of the dinner ? Max
had hardly recovered himself when he
saw Mr. Bagginal. " Ah ! " said he,
" there is your friend ! " and, as he
spoke, our attache, with an-umbrella, a
grievance, and a flower in his button-
hole came up to meet them from the
steamer-steps.
The holiday of the year had begun,
and with the sunshine the shores had
quickened with green, with song, with
the stir of spreading life. There were
two or three young men and women
and some children on board, one or
two experienced excursionists, some
housekeepers, carrying their baskets, a
village wedding, returning home after
the ceremony ; as the steamer stopped
at each landing place in turn, the
company passed off the boat. Scarcely
any one remained by the time they
were nearing St. Cloud. Jo was
practising his French upon the man at
the wheel. Tempy, much amused by the
smoothly talkative and attentive Mr.
Bagginal, sat somewhat mollified and
relenting on a bench, red hair and
Parisian checked cotton dress and her
big white ombrelle open to shade her
pink cheeks. Susy, at the other end of
the same bench, sat smiling, watching
the lights and the shadows, listening to
the song of the birds and the wash of
the ripples, answering a word now and
then when Du Pare, who had been
smoking at the other end of the boat,
came up to speak to her.
At first, under the restraint of Mr.
Bagginal's presence, he had kept silent
and aloof. Now he began to talk
again ; he told her stories along
the shore, pointed out the prettiest
walks, the pleasantest chalets where the
Parisians go on summer afternoons,
and dine and enjoy the sunsets in the
sky, while the fish come leaping from
the river into their plates, and the
white wine flows into the glasses which
the damsels bring with serious smiling
looks, and the white boats slide by,
and birds fly home to rest, and the
glorious sunset says, " Come, clink the
glasses and quaff the golden wine."
" Ah ! do you know that place ? "
interrupted Mr. Bagginal, as Max
pointed out a restaurant with wide
balconies standing by the water's
edge. " I'm told it is first-rate ; shall
we dine there? "
" You will find a very good dinner,"
Max said.
The steamer travelled on between
the shores in the new sunshine. It
was so early in the season that but few
people were on board. One of those
glorious bursts of spring had overtaken
them.
Susy saw villas amid budding syca-
more trees, with fringing poplars,
white-washed walls, terraces, gardens
breaking into flower, high roads,
whence people hailed the steamer with
Mrs. Dymond.
245
friendly signs. She watched the pale
blue spring sky, the high floating
clouds.
" Are you not afraid of being burnt ? "
said Du Pare.
Susy opened her sunshade, though
she loved the sun. Was she awake or
asleep ; was this herself, the sad, har-
assed, bewildered, lonely widow, this
happy being basking in this delightful,
invigorating present ? Yivid admira-
tion is a disturbing element some-
times, we thankfully absorb the
hour tranquilly, exist to the utter-
most while it lasts, scarcely under-
stand it all. So sits Susanna while
the water beats fresh against the sides
of the big boat and the warm sunlight
comes quickening ; everything flows
into the very soul of the hour, that
mysterious natural soul, which people
share with one another, with place,
with time.
They travelled on peacefully in this
floating companionship and sympathy,
while the new life stirred along the
banks.
CHAPTER XXI.
ST. CLOUD BEFORE THE STORM.
" I wish my mother had come with
us," said Susy, as the steamer stopped
at the landing place of St. Cloud, just
where the public place and the bar-
racks and the terraces all meet, while
beyond these slate roofs and balus-
trades, the tufted green and lilac,
and silver and gold of the lovely
hanging gardens rise, and the white
walls and windows of the palace. A
flag was flying, for the court was there,
and indeed as they landed the soldiers
were presenting arms to some smart
open carriages, which were rolling by
with glittering outriders, a flashing of
harness, a waving of plumes, a click of
arms ; it was a pretty, brilliant
sight.
" Shall we dine first, or walk first ? "
said Mr. Bagginal, gaily. " M. du
Pare, you know the place better than
I do."
Du Pare hesitated.
" If ces dames are not afraid of a
long walk," said Du Pare, " we might
stroll back through the woods to
Sevres ; and I can recommend that
little restaurant you were looking at
just now," he said, finishing his sen-
tence to Susanna herself.
Susy agreed at once. She was in
childish spirits, and behaving like a
child, thought Tempy, severely, some-
what in Mrs. Bolsover's frame of mind.
Jo stared at Susanna ; he did not
know her ; he too liked her best in
her old subdued condition, though he
was glad to see her happy.
There was a pretty little girl in a
village night-cap on board, about little
Phraisie's age, and as the steamer
started, Susy stood looking after the
child, and thinking of her own with
some natural maternal solicitude ; then
she turned and found Max as usual
waiting by her side and watching her
with something the same expression
as that with which she had looked at
the departing child.
" I should like to have made a
sketch of that child,'' he said, a little
confused at being surprised. " No
wonder women are pious," he added,
"wfeen they have pretty bambinos of
their own to worship. I should think
for you, madame, the difficulty must be,
not to believe, but to keep rational in
your convictions."
Then Max moved on again and joined
the others, for he had seen, though
Susy did not notice it, a somewhat
gloomy exchange of looks pass between
Tempy and her brother as they stood
waiting on the slope above.
It was a general holiday of sunshine,
lilacs, lime trees ; dazzling, blossoming
flowers on every slope and terrace.
The steep sides were heaped with
colour ; the wrought iron railings
were overhung with garlands, with
ivy and laburnum and sweet flowering
bushes pushing through the bars.
Whitsuntide had come with an ex-
quisite burst. All these French
people, natural lovers of beauty and
sunshine, were out basking in the flood
of sudden happiness. At the gate of
246
Mrs. Dymond.
the great court stood a girl, with a
half-penitent, half-laughing face ; she
had stolen some overhanging branches
of lilac and May blossom, and had been
called sternly to account by one of the
old veterans in uniform and metal
buttons, guardian angels of this earthly
paradise.
The girl, undaunted by the buttons,
looked up with merry, entreating eyes,
the brave old veteran, unconquered in
a hundred fights, seemed hard put to it
now, for all his stripes and gold braid.
Just overhead from a second terrace,
bordered by scrolled iron rails and ivy
creepers, hung an anxious audience of
girls, also provided with the plunder of
spring, and wondering what their own
chance of escape would be.
" She will come over him," said Mr.
Bagginal laughing. " Look, he is
yielding."
Max shrugged his shoulders in an
irritating way.
" Why do you look so angry ? " said
Susy.
" She will get as a veniality what is
her natural right," said Max. " That
is how morality is taught in our
schools."
"But if you think everybody else
has a natural right to pick everything
there will be only broken stalks for
you and me," says Mr. Bagginal with
his usual drawl.
"I don't know about you," said
Max laughing, "I myself have long
ago made up my mind to broken stalks,"
and as he spoke he flung a little spray
of lilac he had picked over the railings
of the terrace.
"M. Caron should be here," said
Jo. " What is it he was saying in the
studio last night, that an equal sub-
division of material was an absurdity
— that all gifts should be spiritual. . .
and capable of infinite division ? "
"I don't suppose even Caron could
tell you the difference between
material and spiritual/' said Max,
shrugging his shoulders. "He cer-
tainly doesn't practise his precepts,
but I suppose the Patron meant that
if you give a man a fish he is hungry
again in an hour. If you teach him to
catch a fish you do him a good turn.
But these very elementary principles
are apt to clash with the leisure of the
cultivated classes. Will Mr. Bagginal
now produce his ticket — the result of
favour and the unjust subdivision of
spiritual enjoyments 1 " said Du Pare,
with a smile.
Mr. Bagginal stared at Max for a
moment. Max stared back. Du Pare
had a quiet, confident manner, which
did not, however, always put people
at their ease. He actually seemed to
feel his own right to exist and to
speak.
Mr. Bagginal' s order was pro-
duced, and the veterans unlocked
the gates and admitted these wan-
derers into deeper and sweeter glades
and beauties. They skirted the-
avenues, advancing by the stately
green arcades, walking under the
chestnut trees in flower, climbing from
one ivy-bound terrace to another —
from stone flight to stone flight, from
avenue to avenue again, and so onward
through the glorious spring into
greener and yet greener places. The
larks were singing overhead, nightin-
gales and thrushes were answering
from end to end with notes so sweet,
so loud, so mellow that all these human
beings, with one accord, ceased talking
to listen to the sweet pertinacious
melody. After a time they found
themselves coming out into an open
place where a lake lay glistening in the
spring.
" There is a terrace somewhere
near this," said Mr. Bagginal. " Who
knows the way to it ? " And Du Pare
went to inquire of some women with
flowers in their hands, who stood
smiling, and pointing out the road.
" One certainly gets a capital pano-
rama of Paris here," says Tempy,
breathlessly, and ascending the steps
of the terrace, and talking in her loud,
cordial voice to Mr. Bagginal. " I
should like to sketch it, but I'm not
good at sketching ! Jo could do it,
couldn't you, Jo 1 "
" Would you also like to see me
Mrs. Dymond.
stand on my head on the dome of the
Invalides ? " said Jo gravely.
" What do you mean, you silly boy ? "
said Tempy. " You sketch beautifully ;
doesn't he, Monsieur du Pare ? "
But Max didn't answer. He had
not yet reached the others, and stood
leaning against the lower end of the
stone parapet by Mrs. Dymond, and
looking out at the wondrous circle of
hills. Susy lingered for an instant, she
had almost forgotten that such happi-
ness was possible — such a moment,
such a spring-tide ; the whole air was
full of a wonderful perfume, the very
branches of the trees all seemed to be
singing and flinging their incense upon
the air.
As Mrs. Dymond stood, flushed and
motionless, a new sense of the uni-
versal community of life reached her,
was it her sorrow that died away in
the flame of the sunshine 1 Her black
gown turned to purple in the light.
Suddenly she seemed to know that she
was young, that she belonged to the
world in which she was breathing, to
now, not only to the past ; that the
present claimed her, that the past was
past.
" Come up this way. Come ! come ! "
cries Jo, looking back, and in a sort of
dream Susanna moved on, still followed
by Du Pare. At their feet spreads
Paris in its sober robe of white, with
its thousand domes and roofs and
spires, pale, shining and beautiful,
delicately outlined and shaded ; while
the hills lie like a charm inclosing
all, and the silver turns of the river
are flowing on into the very heart of
the great city, as though to wash away
every shadow and stain from its
stones.
There are some things can scarcely
be remembered, much less written
down ; among these is the quality of
moments which come to us now and
again, the complexity and multiplica-
tion of happiness and beauty which
can give these life.
" And what about dinner ? " says
M. Bagginal. "How does one get
away?"
" There should be a path somewhere
through this wood," says Max, looking
about him.
He found the way presently, along
the shade and the sunshine under the
trees, past a sunny glen where some
milk-white goats, like creatures out of
an idyll, were disporting themselves.
Pan was perhaps hidden among the
bushes or Acteon was sleeping among
the ivy. The little wood led down hill
to iron gates.
CHAPTER XXII.
A LA PECHE MIEACULEUSE.
As they came jogging gaily along
the lane Jo leaped up in the air, broke
a branch of lilac from one of the over-
hanging trees, and coming up to his
stepmother flung it to her.
" Take it home for me," said Jo ;
" put it in your parasol. I'll try and
paint it when I get back," and he
hurried past her to overtake the
others.
"Don't you think he has great
talent 1 " said Susanna, with a thought-
ful look, which brightened as it fell on
Jo's red shock head.
" He must work on and find out for
himself what he is capable of," said
Du Pare, looking not at Jo but at
Susy herself with unconcealed kind-
ness and admiration.
Even for Susanna, or perhaps because
it was Susanna (to him the sweetest,
fairest woman he had ever known), he
could not say more than he felt. Her
concerns seemed to him next to his own
the most important things in all the
world. Perhaps his own also gained
in importance from her coming, her
interest in them. They were reaching
the gate where the sentry was standing,
armed to the teeth, and Susy, with a
woman's disregard of lawful authority,
drew a fold of her dress over the lilac
blossom.
The iron gates led by a lane to the
village green of Sevres, where the
children were at play and where many
people were coming and going, while
old people talked in the sunshine. The
248
Mrs. Dymond.
green led to the river, spanned by the
bridge soon to be the scene of so many
desperate encounters, of unavailing
appeals, and hopeless parleys, the
boundary line between victory and
defeat. Who could have realised that
day the piteous tragedy, already near,
while the children danced and the
peaceful elders rested at the end of
their long day's work, and the young
people advanced gay with the mirth
of the hour ?
Neither Jo nor Tempy as they went
along noticed a strange - looking
figure, who, however, seemed greatly
interested in them. It was a tall,
pale man, in a workman's dress, with
long fair hair reaching to his
shoulders. He had been resting on a
bench ; he got up, seeing Du Pare, and
laid his hand heavily and familiarly
upon his arm.
" Ah ! at last. I hoped we might
meet," he said, drawing him a little
aside. Then quickly and excitedly,
" Hast thou heard the news 1 The
police have paid a domiciliary visit to
Papa Caron : they found nothing ex-
cept some of thy caligraphies. Hap-
pily art is privileged. The com-
missaire was told that thy Goddess of
Liberty was the portrait of the late
Madame Caron. I have seen Lebris,"
the stranger went on. " He tells me
Dombrowski is in Paris. He will be
in the Rue de la Hotte to-night, are
we to expect you 1 Mademoiselle vous
es'cusera," said the long-haired man
somewhat familiarly, with a stare at
Susy.
Du Pare looked at his acquaintance
with a very haughty air, which took
him of the long hair somewhat
aback.
" Lebris had much better be looking
after his family than meddling in
things he does not understand," said
Du Pare, and turning away without
a further answer he rejoined Mrs.
Dymond and almost hurried her
away.
"Is that an artist?" said Susy,
rather awe-stricken.
" An artist, no ; that is one of our
rising politicians," said the young
man, with a shrug of the shoulders
as they walked on. " I confess that
if it was not for M. Caron' s sake I
could gladly knock him down for his
impertinence to you. His name is
Jourde, he is one of the best of them.
But — ah ! the whole thing seems like
a bad dream now as I walk along
by your side," cried Du Pare, suddenly
forgetting his reserve and realising
the utter gulf, the absolute distance,
the impassable barrier which divided
him from the sweet and gracious being
whose looks rested so kindly on his,
whose voice filled his ears, whose every
word and motion seemed to him
touched with peace, beauty, goodwill
upon earth, some harmony almost
more than human.
And was all this to be put aside,
thrust away, for what 1 For a hopeless
cause, a nightmare, for these dirty hands
holding out a grotesque semblance of
liberty and justice. Then he thought,
with a bitter pang of self-reproach, of
his dear old master and friend, of that
lifelong sacrifice and devotion, that
patient following of Truth in its many
disguises, and that aspiration after
greater things than tranquillity and
ease. Suddenly shaken and stung
back to the reality of life Max put
a hard and dogged control upon
himself for the rest of the walk ;
he would not let himself think, and
yet he could not enjoy the present
any more. Mrs. Dymond wondered
what had come to him. His manner,
his voice, his face had changed, he
seemed no longer her friend and
companion, but one strange and far
removed from their simple merry-
making.
The others saw no difference, and
came up laughing and in high spirits,
when Max called to Jo to hasten, or
they might not get their table at the
inn where they were to dine. They
turned down along the river - side,
again, the Peche Miraculeuse stood at
a silver turn of the Seine, and the
hungry excursionists were coming up
from various sides to the many tables
Mrs. Dymond.
249
which were set ready, some in the
dark dining-rooms down below, some
on a broad balcony or terrace from
which the river could be seen, floating
into those glorified distances, where
the sweet resounding woods and
visions through which they had been
passing lay hidden in the sunset.
The lady in the camisole sitting in
the little lodge below smiled an affable
welcome, and put out five ivory
counters for her guests.
"Will you take your entrance
tickets!" said Du Pare, holding out
four of the counters.
" And what will you do ? " says Mr.
Bagginal, rather relieved to find Max
was not to be at the dinner.
" I am not coming. I must go
back," he answered.
Susy exclaimed in disappointment.
Max heard her exclaim as, lifting
his hat, he turned away quickly. He
could not explain to them all that
when he had thrust his last napoleon
into Madame Lebris' trembling hand
he had given his share of the feast to
the poor woman who had appealed to
him as they started. At the time he
had regretted the sacrifice, now he
was glad to get away — his mood had
changed. He was in no difficulty
about his meal. There was always
a loaf of bread and a bottle of wine in
his mother's cupboard at home, and
he now started to walk back to the
villa and to partake of this frugal
repast before joining Caron at the
appointed place.
Dombrowski had been sent on some
mission — Du Pare knew not what,
only that it was of vital influence to
the cause, so, at least, Caron's friends
affirmed. Max himself had little faith
in these mysterious expeditions and
conspiracies. He was ready to do his
part, even to go on missions if need
be ; at all events, to help those that
wanted help, to send a share of his
own strength and goodwill to others,
but he had no fancy for plots and
secret societies ; and it may as well be
explained at once, that, although he
lived in the company of schemers and
plotters, he himself belonged to no
secret societies. His godfather had
promised the sturdy madame that
Max should not be involved. Caron
was scrupulous to keep his word and
his promises. He was absolutely
trusted and respected ; introduced by
him, Max was welcomed, although
bound by no promises. He was even
courted by many of those who were
able to see his utility to their cause
if he once heartily joined any one of
the many cliques and brotherhoods
which were secretly growing round
about. But, in truth, his mind just
then was full of other thoughts and
preoccupations, and one's own experi-
ence perforce comes before that of
others however unfortunate. As he
walked along in the dusk by the river-
side towards home, something seemed
calling to him — calling from the little
eating-house where the lights were
beginning to kindle up. " She is
going from you," said a voice. " Who
knows, she might remain, she might
be yours ; but she is happier as she
is, and you would not have things
altered." He knew enough of the
world to realise that Susy and her
surroundings were utterly unsuited to
him and to his life. Max was not
over-diffident ; modesty was not one
of the qualities with which nature
had endowed him, and something in
Susanna's eyes and voice and manner
told him that to her he was beginning
to be no less interesting than she had
long been to him. Poor child ! she
had better go before she knew the
truth, return to her home, her com-
forts, her religion, her friends, the
reverends in their white ties, to her
narrow prejudices, her well-mounted
household. Hie thee to a monastery !
What had induced this lamb from the
flock to come in innocence and thrust
itself into his gueule de loup ? Dear
woman, she should go as she had
come. She should not know how near
he had been to asking her to make
the sacrifice of peace and home, and
country, and consideration, " for she
might accept me. She is a woman
250
Mrs. Dytnond.
just like any other." So reasoned
Max, who was himself a man just
like any other.
Meanwhile Susanna sat silent in her
darkening corner, also changed and
silenced, disappointed and angry with
herself for the difference she found in
everything ; wondering why Du Pare
had left them so abruptly, where he
was gone, what his going meant. The
western light shone on still, but with
long radiations ; the fisherman's boat,
catering for the guests, pushed out
across the river to the reservoir of
trout, the oars flapped with a sad,
chilling sound. Tempy's spirits rose
as Susy's fell, and she and Jo and
M. Bagginal joked and laughed with
an extra gaiety and noisy enjoyment
which jarred upon poor Susy, sitting
lonely and motionless, with all the
fading glory of the sunset for a back-
ground to her depression. It was the
same thing on board the steamer in
the evening grey, where their youthful
sports offended not only Susy but a
little French couple sitting by the
wheel. "Anglais" said the man,
" Barbares," hissed the pretty little
lady, to Jo's immense amusement.
CHAPTER XXIII.
SUSANNA'S CORRESPONDENCE.
SUSY came home still, tired, and dis-
pirited. She left the others to their
cheerful interminable leave-takings
down below, and hurried up the stairs
to her own room. As she passed
through the sitting-room she saw
some letters lying on the round table,
and she carried them with her candle
into her own room to read. It was
nearly dark, the light was dying
out of the sky, and she untied her
bonnet and sat down in the chair by
her bedside with some sense of rest
and peace. The first letter was from
Mrs. Bolsover, and in her own hand-
writing : —
" BOLSOVER HALL, April 22nd.
"My DEAR SUSANNA, — We are all
glad to think the time for your return
is so near, though I am afraid you will
find us very humdrum after your
foreign friends and amusements. I
only write to say that we are expect-
ing you. News concerning such old
fogies as we are is generally nothing
but a catalogue of ills, more or less
tiresome. Happily we are all much
as usual, with nothing more to com-
plain of than when you left the Place.
A_unt Fanny has been up in town, and
has brought back a couple of white
rats, which Phraisie will approve of.
" The squire is very well satisfied
with his lambs and the look of the
spring crops. He goes over to the
Place on Tuesdays, and says all is as
it should be. He brings us back cart-
fulls of fruit and vegetables, which
the gardeners might otherwise appro-
priate.
" Our nephew Charles has been
staying with us, and left us this
morning. He is thinking of trying
for the Civil Service. I was delighted
to get your letter contradicting the un-
favourable accounts which had reached
us of his conduct in London, and
which, as you know, I never believed.
I was glad to tell him how completely
you had justified him.
" We are rather anxious at the last
accounts from Paraguay, where my
brother Peregrine is now living. The
country seems in a very unsettled
state. He has written us a very long,
and, no doubt, interesting letter on the
subject of the last ministerial changes
there. He promises to send us another
box of curiosities before long.
" Pray remember us very kindly to
your mother and her family. Give
our fond love to Jo and Tempy, and,
with a hug to the precious child,
believe me, my dear Susy, ever your
affectionate old sister-in-law,
"CAROLINE BOLSOVER.
" Tell Phraisie we shall be looking
out for her by the end of the week,
and that we shall keep the rats till
she comes for them."
The second letter was also
stamped with the Bolsover crest,
but it bore the London post-
Mrs. Dymond.
251
mark, and was directed in a dashing
and blotted handwriting at which
Susy wondered as she opened it.
Then she began to read attentively,
and having finished she read the
letter through a second time ; and
then, still holding it in her hands,
she sat motionless trying to think,
to realise how much it might mean.
The words were simple enough, and
to the point : —
"RATTLE STEEET, SOHO, April 23rd.
"MY DEAR MRS. DYMOND, -
Many months have passed since I
have troubled you, either by writ-
ing or by coming. When I last
saw Tempy, I felt she would prefer
that I should absent myself for a
time. I think, however, it will be
better for all our sakes to get to a
definite understanding. My time
at Oxford is at an end, and it is
necessary to make some plans for
the future. My Aunt Fanny has
been in town, visiting Jamracs and
the spring exhibitions, and kindly
exerting herself on my behalf. A
former admirer, she tells me, has
promised her to give me a nomina-
tion for the Foreign Office, and this,
with what my uncle allows me will
enable me, I trust, to pay my wash-
ing bills, and keep me not only in
crusts but in cigars. My Aunt
Caroline has also shown me a letter
which you have been kind enough
to write, contradicting a report
which I never heard of till now,
and which certainly confirmed my
poor Uncle John in his prejudice
against me. I will not dwell upon
this unexpected eclaircissement, for
although in this particular instance
appearances were hard upon me
other facts (that I am heartily
ashamed of now) may not have
reached his ears, which would have
undoubtedly seemed to him good
reasons for opposing my marriage
with my cousin Tempy. But at
the same time I protest that I was
hardly dealt with on the whole ; if
he had lived I should have appealed
once more to him, to his sense of
justice, to his great affection for
his daughter. He is gone, leaving
you her guardian in his place, and
I come to you. If you could see
my heart you would understand
that I am sincere, you would see
how truly I love her. I also think
that no one else could ever make
her so happy as I could. If she
still loves me, I will come at once
and meet you anywhere you like ;
to her I would rather speak than
write. Meanwhile, I can only ask
you to believe me.
" I am yours very sincerely,
"C. P. BOLSOVER."
As Susy sat there her mind was
quickly made up; something in
Charlie's letter rang true and
seemed to find a ready answer in
her feeling. Ah ! she knew now as
she had never known before what
it [was to divide yearning hearts.
John would forgive her even if he
did not approve ; but he would
approve ; true himself, generous, con-
siderate for others, how could he
not approve? Why should she
mistrust his unvarying goodness?
As she sat there she found herself
almost speaking, almost appealing
to her husband, and a feeling of
oneness [with him in her wish to do
right seemed to set her mind and
her heart at ease.
Her dreams of the past and of
Tempy's future were not altogether
dispersed by the voices coming into
the next room. Jo and Tempy,
having taken leave of Mr. Bagginal,
had come up stairs after her.
"It would have been a delightful
day if it hadn't been for that tire-
some M. du Pare," said Tempy very
loud and cheerfully, dropping down
once more on the red divan which
she had left some eight hours before.
"I can't think what. Susy finds in
him. He is a thoroughly disagree-
able man, ard so are all his friends.
He has scarcely the manners of a
gentleman ; do you think so, Jo?"
252
Mrs. Dymond.
" I don't know ; I like him and I
like his friends," said Jo, lighting
the candles. "They are rather
rough to be sure, all except Mon-
sieur Caron ; but I don't care so
much about manners. You like super-
fine cream -laid people, like Baggi-
nal and Charlie." Jo said all this
walking noisily about the room
looking for matches, soda-water,
opening windows, &c., as people do
after a day's absence. " Mrs. Dy-
mond likes them rough," he went
on, " without too much polish, like
me and Du Pare." He looked up
and stopped short, for " Mrs. Dy-
mond " had come back, she was
there, she had heard what they
said. She was blushing crimson
and waiting in the doorway.
Jo gave one glance at Tempy,
then another at Susy, as she stood
quite still looking down, and ner-
vously smoothing the ribbons of her
cloak which she had not laid aside,
then he took up his hat and was pre-
paring to go out again for an evening
pipe in front of the house.
" Don't go yet, Jo," said Susanna,
in an odd voice. "I have something
to say to you and Tempy. Some-
thing which has been on my mind
for some days." Tempy sat bolt up-
right on her sofa, and wondered what
on earth was coming.
"M. du Pare, whom you dislike,
Tempy, so much," said Susy, with a
touch of severity in her voice which
Tempy had never heard before, " has
done us a service for which we ought
all to be grateful. He has cleared away
a cruel injustice. Do you not both
remember the things which were said
of your cousin, Charlie, that sad time
when — when he first spoke t6 your
father ? They were all false. Monsieur
Max knows it was all untrue about
the drinking. Your father never
knew it. M. du Pare used to go and
see your cousin who was ill in his
lodgings. He hears from him some-
times now, and I too have heard from
Charlie — the letter was here when I
came in. Tempy," said Susy, trem-
bling, but recovering herself and
speaking more quickly, and looking
very sweet, "it is for you to answer
the letter. I should no longer feel I
was doing right if I continued to
oppose your marriage. I think — I
cannot say for certain — but I think
your father would agree to it now.
He used to say," and Susy turned to
her stepson, " that her husband must
be a good man, Jo, a man to be
trusted and that she could depend
upon — and surely Charlie has proved
himself faithful and to be trusted."
Susy's voice failed her from sheer
emotion and excitement, her eyes were
full of tears, she felt terrified by the
responsibility she was taking, and yet
she had no doubt in her mind. She
came up to the divan, and sitting down
by Tempy, in her excitement she
caught her hand in both hers, but
Tempy started to her feet and shook
off the gentle fingers which Susy had
laid upon her own. The letter between
them fell to the ground.
" You will not oppose ! You want
to get rid of me, that is what you
mean," cried the girl in a sudden
jealous fury, speaking with volubility
and vehemence. " You want to be
free to marry that Frenchman — and
you expect me to be grateful to him
and to you — for months and months
you have looked on at my misery, and
now because that man tells you to
change your mind, to forget my father's
wishes, you — you — Oh, Susy, Susy, I
don't know what I am saying," cried
Tempy breaking down suddenly, fling-
ing herself back upon the cushions
and bursting into wild passionate
sobs.
Susanna sat, scared, terrified, too
deeply wounded to speak or to show
any sign. Jo, greatly embarrassed,
came forward and stooped to pick up
Charlie's letter which was lying at
Susy's feet.
" Yes, read it, Jo," said Mrs.
Dymond, in an odd chill voice. " You
can show it to her when she is more
reasonable. You can tell her that
I did not look on unfeelingly ; I
Mrs. Dymond.
253
have tried to be sincere with your
father and with his children. Tempy
ought to trust me, and to know that
I have no secret reasons — though I
understand better than I did once,
perhaps, what she has had to suffer."
As Susy spoke the meaning of her
own words seemed to overcome her.
She started up. She was wanting
to get back to her own room, to
be alone, to hide her agitation, to
rest from her fatigue and exhaus-
tion of spirit. Her tears were
gone, but as she stood up, suddenly
everything became dim to her eyes.
In one instant life's perplexities,
joys, and agitations, ceased for Susy
Dymond, except, indeed, that in some
utter depths of unexplored dark-
ness, something was still struggling,
amid strange and distant clangings
and reverberations, struggling and float-
ing back towards life — a something
which became herself once more as
Susy opened her eyes to find herself in
Tempy's repentant, loving, trembling
arms, dabbed and fanned, sprinkled
and dribbled over by tears, Eau de
Cologne, and wet sponges. Jo was
rubbing her hands, Wilkins was
present. Susy found herself lying
back in a chair by the open window,
the moon and stars were looking in at
her, a soft wind was blowing in her
face. The windows of the opposite
balcony were lighted up, a chance
spectator in a white waistcoat leaning
over the rails was watching the
incident with interest. This was,
the first trivial fact which impressed
itself on Susy's reviving senses.
" Another sup of water, mem," says
Wilkins, sympathetically. " Them
expeditions is too much for her ! Ah !
your colour is coming back, let Miss
Tempy fan you."
" Darling, sweet Susy," whispered
Tempy, in a tender voice, like a child's
treble. " Oh, my Susy, I nearly
killed you."
"Well," said Jo, who looked
still quite white and frightened, "I
thought you had, Tempy, and no
mistake."
To be continued.
254
THE KIEL REBELLION IN NORTH-WEST CANADA.
DURING the winter of 1869-70, there
took place in the upper valley of the
Red River, which lies north of the
International Boundary between the
United States and Canada, that rising
of the Metis or French Half-breeds
against the Dominion Government
which is known as the Red River
Rebellion. The scene of that episode
now forms the most important and
populous portion of Manitoba, which
was subsequently organised as a
province of the Dominion upon the
collapse of the rebellion. The flourish-
ing city of Winnipeg now extends for
a considerable distance on all sides
from what were the rebel head-
quarters, Fort Garry, at one time the
chief post of the Hudson's Bay Com-
pany. In the general prosperity of
that part of Canada, the whole affair
had well-nigh passed away from the
public memory, but the events which
have recently occurred in the district
of Saskatchewan bring it back vividly.
It is hardly possible to understand the
rebellion which has just been sup-
pressed by General Middleton, with-
out a glance at the former rising of
the Metis.
In 1869, Louis Riel appeared at; the
head of an armed band of the Metis
to compel the Dominion to give them
what they considered their just rights.
After a lapse of fifteen years, and five
hundred miles from the scene of the
former disturbance, this is exactly
what has taken place again. The
only absolutely new feature of the re-
cent rebellion, and one that is not
without a dark hint of terrible possi-
bilities, was the fact that it was aided
by Indians from reserves in the vicinity
of the disaffected district. It is also
the case that various tribes, mainly
belonging to the Cree family, through-
out the north-west territories, have
been stirred up to an ominous rest-
lessness unknown before. One band
of Indians, under a turbulent chief
called Poundmaker, who had already
given trouble to the authorities, ac-
tually broke out and went on the war-
path. It was the terror felt in pre-
sence of a threatened Indian war, far
more than any fear inspired by the
movement under Riel, which roused
Canada from Halifax to Winnipeg.
To understand the position of the
Half-breed and the nature of his claims,
it is necessary to go back. By the
British North America Act, the
Dominion of Canada, whose western
frontier was then Lake Superior, ac-
quired from the Imperial Government
the enormous area of territory gene-
rally known at that time as Rupert's
Land, or the Hudson Bay Company's
territories. This vast region, lying
between the province of Ontario on
the east and the rocky mountains on
the west, which will probably in time
come to be known by the appropriate
name of Central Canada, has been
divided off into the province of Mani-
toba, and the districts of Keewatin,
Assiniboia, Saskatchewan, Alberta,
and Athabasca. With the exception
of Keewatin, they are wholly or par-
tially situated in what is sometimes
designated the "Fertile Belt." The
soil is, for the most part, rich and
capable of supporting an immense
population ; and though the country
labours under the great disadvantage
of a severe winter climate, there can
be no reasonable doubt but that Canada
gains enormously by the possession of
this splendid territory.
When the Dominion entered upon
its occupation, there were sundry prior
claims which had to be considered.
There was first of all the Hudson's
Bay Company, which held certain ill-
The Riel Rebellion in North- West Canada.
255
defined rights over the whole region.
What these rights exactly were was a
matter of dispute, but an agreement
was made by which they were handed
over to the Canadian Government on
the payment of 300,000?. sterling to
the company, which at the same time
received a large and valuable grant of
lands.
Then came the claims of the Indian
population ; and it was proposed to
deal fairly and generously with them.
Yarious treaties have from time to
time been made with the different
tribes, and until recently it was be-
lieved that the Indians were satisfied
with the treatment they had received.
This illusion has been rudely dispelled
by the occurrences of the past few
months. It has been the custom of
Canadians to point with a pride which
took a keener edge as they looked
southwards across the " Line," to the
loyalty and contentment of their
Indians. Loyal most of them still
are, but whether they will remain so
must be regarded as uncertain. Dis-
contented many of them certainly
are.
But in addition to the claims of the
Hudson's Bay Company and the
Indians, there had to be taken into
account the fact that some parts of the
newly- acquired country were settled ;
and the settlers desired to be confirmed
in the possession of their lands. These
settlers, for the most part, were to be
found along the banks of the Red
Biver and its chief tributary, the
Assiniboine. At the time of the
transfer, as the cession of Rupert's-
land to the Dominion is usually
called, there were upwards of 12,000
people in the Red River Settlement,
of which Fort Garry was the centre
both of government and trade. Half
this number were French Half-breeds
or Metis, and a majority of the other
half were English or Scotch Half-breeds.
There was only a sprinkling of pure
whites, mostly retired officers and em-
ployes of the Hudson's Bay Company.
At Kildonan, three or four miles from
Fort Garry, there existed and still
exists a considerable settlement, which
was originally established by the Earl
of Selkirk some seventy years ago, and
which consisted of Scotch families of
pure descent. The people lived to-
gether quietly and peacefully a life
of almost patriarchal simplicity.
Many of them were intelligent and
educated ; every parish had its church
and school. The government was in
the hands of a council of local mag-
nates, the nominees of the Hudson's
Bay Company, but who fairly repre-
sented the population.
In 1869 it looked as if the Dominion
were going to ignore the existence of
the settlement by the precipitate action
it took. Without any reference to the
wishes of the settlers, it drew up a
scheme of government from which
they appeared to be excluded. Before
the country had actually come into its
possession, surveyors were sent to ex-
amine the land, and it can hardly be a
matter of surprise that their presence
excited suspicion. By the manner in
which they dealt with the unoccupied
lands close to the existing holdings it
seemed not only as if they were about
to allot them according to their
pleasure, but as if they intended to
deny the old settlers any room for
growth and expansion in the future.
The Half-breed advanced a double
claim upon the Dominion. Not only
did he ask that the land on which he
had squatted should be made over to
him, but he demanded also that the
title which came to him from his Indian
ancestry should be acknowledged and
an adequate compensation made for it.
At first it appeared as if this claim
were going to be completely passed
over ; and the rebellion of 1869 was
the result. Another, though secondary,
cause was the desire for a local repre-
sentative legislature, which it was
feared was to be withheld. The situa-
tion was further complicated by dif-
ferences of race and religion. The
English Half-breed, though sympathis-
ing to some degree with the French,
did not go so far as to join in the
rebellion.
256
The Riel Rebellion in North- West Canada.
The insurgents held possession of
Fort Garry, where were the central
depot and warehouses of the Hudson's
Bay Company during the winter. In
the following spring an expedition,
composed of a British battalion, some
artillery, and two regiments of
Canadian militia, was equipped and
sent to suppress the rebellion. When
Lord (then Sir Garnet) Wolseley, who
was in command, marched into Fort
Garry, he found that it had been
abandoned. The insurrection had
melted away. But the victory lay
with the rebels, as all their demands
were conceded. It has even been
maintained that a general amnesty
was promised them, but this the
Canadian Government denied, and Riel
and the other leaders were subsequently
condemned to various punishments.
Riel was outlawed from the Dominion,
and has since become a citizen of the
United States. The claims of the
Metis and of other Half-breeds, how-
ever, were satisfied by grants of land
or its equivalent. Every head of
family received so much land for
himself and each of his children ; and
patents were issued for such lands as
were already occupied.
With a little forethought all the
difiiculties might have been arranged
before Canada had taken possession of
the north west territories. It was
afterwards contended by the Dominion
that all claims upon it made by
residents in the territories would have
been satisfied had there been no
rebellion in '69, but with what has
just passed before our eyes in the
Saskatchewan it is idle to say that all
such matters would have been equit-
ably adjusted " in due course." It is
impossible to imagine that the'Dominion
desired then to withhold justice from
any of its citizens any more than it
desires to withhold it now; but the
wheels of government move but slowly
unless there is some extraordinary
force brought to bear upon them. The
arguments which appeal to govern-
ments have various degrees of influence ;
and the Metis were not likely to forget
what kind of argument had greatest
weight on the former occasion.
Whether their grievances were such as
to justify their rising in open rebellion
then is another thing, but its result
was so favourable to them that they
could not regret it. The genuine
success which attended it, no doubt
contributed greatly to encourage that
rebellion which has just been crushed.
The district of Saskatchewan, which
has been the theatre of the rebellion,
lies nearly sin the middle of Central
Canada. Its boundaries have been
made by lines drawn by the surveyor
and are not marked out by any great
natural features. On the south it
touches Assiniboia and Manitoba, on
the west Alberta, and on the east
Keewatin — names, with the exception
of Manitoba, little known to the world.
It takes its name from the Saskat-
chewan River, the two main branches
of which, known as the North and
South Saskatchewans, meet at a point
within the district a little above the
Hudson's Bay Company's trading post
of Fort a la Corne. The sources of the
two rivers lie at no great distance from
each other in the Rocky Mountains ;
but on leaving the mountains the
North Saskatchewan curves away with
a grand sweep in a northerly direction,
while the South Saskatchewan, a
rapid-running stream, bends south-
wards for several hundred miles and
then, after a sharp turn at a point known
as The Elbow, flows almost due north
till it joins the other stream. When
united they form a broad and some-
times splendid river, which ultimately
empties itself into Lake Winnipeg.
For the greater part of their course
both of the Saskatchewans flow through
a prairie country of which the soil is
described as excellent. Both rivers
are navigable by steamers of the usual
Western type — flat-bottomed stern-
propellers, but navigation is rendered
difficult by shifting sand-bars. Where
yesterday a steamer found a clear
channel may to-day be choked up with
sand. Although several places of
interest connected with the Riel
The Riel Rebellion in North-West Canada.
257
rebellion, such as Prince Albert,
Battleford and Edmonton, are on the
North Kiver, the scene of the recent
military movements was chiefly laid in
the small wedge-shaped piece of land
lying between the forks — at the junc-
tion of the two streams. The Metis
settlement, where the insurgents met
and were defeated and dispersed by
the Dominion troops, is on the south
river.
The part of the district of Sas-
katchewan more immediately affected
by the recent disturbances is, roughly
speaking, about 500 miles north-west
of Winnipeg, the capital of Manitoba.
The nearest railway station, Qu'Ap-
pelle, 325 miles west of Winnipeg
on the main line of the Canadian
Pacific Railway, is about 200 miles
south-east of Fort Carlton which lay
— it was destroyed during the rebel-
lion— about the centre of the scene of
the troubles. A stage road runs
across the prairies from the railway to
the settlements on the Saskatchewan.
The journey from Qu'Appelle to
Carl ton is in the spring of the year
difficult and tedious, but in summer it
is a pleasant enough trip across the
plains. Leaving the station the trail
goes northward to a trading post of
the Hudson's Bay Company called
Fort Qu'Appelle, at the head of a
region famous for its beautiful lakes.
Here there is a considerable settle-
ment, with a mixed population of
whites and Half-breeds, but beyond it,
with the exception of a few home-
steads thinly scattered over the Touch-
wood Hills' some thirty miles from
Fort Qu'Appelle, the long lines of the
prairie are only broken at wide
intervals by the solitary shanties at
which the Saskatchewan stages stop
on their way northwards. The country
is, for the most part, a rich rolling
prairie, with wavelike undulations,
interspersed here and there with bluffs
of poplar. There are very few streams
of any size, but there are numerous
lakes and pools which in spring and
autumn are alive with great quantities
of water- fowl of all kinds. The
No. 310.— VOL. LII.
prairie chicken (pinnated grouse) is
found in abundance. The soil is a
uniform black loam, not so deep as
that of Manitoba, but fertile and well
suited for the growth of cereals, until
the Salt Plains lying between Touch-
wood Hills' district and the stage
stopping-place at Humboldt are
reached. These plains are an alkaline
desert about thirty miles across from
north to south, and of varying width.
They are covered with grass, but no
trees are to be seen — only a few
stunted bushes. They are the home
of innumerable pelicans, swans, geese
and cranes, and other wild fowl. Hum-
boldt, which is some seventy miles
from Carlton, is the point on the road
from which the different trails going to
various crossings of the South Saskat-
chewan diverge. That called Clark's
Crossing, which General Middleton
made the basis of his operations
against the rebels under Riel, lies some
miles south of the Metis settlement.
The two principal crossings " Bato-
che's " (a half-breed nickname) where
the insurgents made their final stand
and were dispersed, and " Gabrielle's "
are in the midst of the disaffected
district.
The Metis settlement consists of a
long, continuous row of farms lying
on both sides of the South Saskat-
chewan, and the most important part
of it is called the parish of St.
Laurent. It is entirely settled by
French Half-breeds to the numbers of
2,000, many of whom have been in the
country for a long time, others have
more recently come from Manitoba
and elsewhere. It is difficult to say
how many men were in arms belong-
ing to the Metis proper, as there is an
Indian reserve close by, most of whose
braves under their chief Beardie aided
the rebels. But it is doubtful if more
than 700 or 800 men bore arms on
the insurgent side ; and the whole Riel
rebellion, properly speaking — for the
attitude of the Indians elsewhere
should be viewed separately, was made
by this comparatively insignificant
body of men. The settlement of St.
s
258
The Eiel Rebellion in North- West Canada.
Laurent is of the same general charac-
ter as other Metis settlements in the
United States and Canada. The Metis
occupy long narrow belts of land
having what they consider an essen-
tial, some frontage on the river bank.
All the older settlements along the
Red River and the Assiniboine in
Manitoba are of a similar description.
These holdings are in their shape
quite contrary to the plan pursued by
the Government surveyors in laying
out new lands, and consequently are
not regarded with favour. The cot-
tage of the Metis, usually an unpre-
tending white-washed log-hut of two
compartments, stands on the edge of
the river ; and generally one or two
small fields near the house are culti-
vated. But the Metis is no farmer.
His habits and traditions are alike
against it. So he is not very desirable
as a settler in an agricultural country,
if the likelihood of his adding to its
wealth be considered. In St. Laurent
some very simple farming was done.
Formerly its inhabitants were buffalo-
hunters, but the buffalo has for ever
disappeared from these regions. Now
they depend almost entirely for their
subsistence on " freighting " merchan-
dise across the plains for the Hudson's
Bay Company or other traders. The
goods are drawn by native ponies in
" Red River carts " — light wagons
on a single pair of heavy wheels
entirely made of wood, held together
by shagganappi, i.e. deerskin, and
without any iron being used in their
construction. In the early pioneer
days of Minnesota, Dakota, and Mani-
toba a procession of these carts was a
familiar sight, but, of course, they
have been replaced by superior
wagons. A specimen of the Red
River cart is preserved in the Smith-
sonian Institute at Washington. But
in the north-western plains of Canada,
where there is no steamboat transpor-
tation available, they are still used.
They carry from six to eight hundred
pounds, and the usual charge for
"freightage" is a cent per mile for
a hundred pounds. The wealth of the
Metis really consisted in the number
of ponies and carts he possessed.
Twelve miles north of St. Laurent
stood the Hudson's Bay Company's
post of Fort Carlton, formerly an
important distributing depot for a
great extent of country. It lay in a
hollow on the south bank of the South
Saskatchewan, and immediately behind
it there rises a thickly wooded hill
200 feet in height. Here the mounted
police concentrated at the beginning
of the rebellion, but it was occupied
by them for a short time only. Upon
their withdrawal the fort was burned.
The police retired northwards to Prince
Albert, by far the most important
settlement in the district of Saskatche-
wan. This settlement is at the extreme
north of the disturbed country, and
though its people to some extent
sympathised with the rebels it re-
mained loyal. One reason for that
was that the settlers are chiefly English
or English Half-breeds ; the antipathy
of race came in to separate them from
their French brethren. Prince Albert
is situated on the north branch of the
Saskatchewan, and consists of a suc-
cession of farms extending for about
ten miles along the south bank of the
river. The Hudson's Bay Company
have one of their chief trading posts
at the eastern extremity of the settle-
ment. There are, besides, numerous
stores, several churches, Emmanuel
College of the Church of England
Diocese of Saskatchewan, and several
schools. In this settlement, the valley
of the Saskatchewan is very pictur-
esque and beautiful. The river is
about 300 yards wide, with its northern
side high and thickly wooded ; on the
south side the country is open and
rises away with a gradual slope from
the river. Prince Albert, from its
centre, is about forty miles from Fort
Carlton, and thirty-five miles from the
junction of the north and south
branches of the Saskatchewan. This
settlement has been in existence for
many years, but recently it has grown
very considerably.
For twelve or thirteen years back
The Kiel Rebellion in North- West Canada.
259
the settlers in the district of Saskatche-
wan have urged upon the Dominion
Government the consideration of cer-
tain grievances. Deputations were
sent to the heads of departments, and
various representations were made, but
without success. The distance from
the seat of the Federal Government,
the imperfect information possessed
by it, and the comparative insignifi-
cance in number of those pressing
their claims upon it, perhaps account
for the extraordinary and fatal dila-
toriness there was in the investigation
of the demands made. However good
a case the Dominion may make out,
the result of its conduct — policy is not
the word — in regard to the Saskatche-
wan, can hardly be said, even by its
friends, to be other than unfortunate.
Proceeding upon the basis furnished
by the unsettled land questions, the
restless character of the Metis was
worked upon until the rebellion was
brought about. Then not only will
the cost of its suppression be a heavy
tax upon the resources of Canada —
already somewhat tried by the expen-
diture which it has incurred in the
construction of its great national and
necessary undertaking, the Canadian
Pacific Railway — but the attitude of
the Indians will henceforth have to be
closely watched, and always will give
some ground for uneasiness.
The grievances of the settlers may
be classified under two heads — those
of the old settlers, and those of the
Metis. The former complained that
patents for the holdings on which they
have squatted had not been issued to
them ; the latter made certain demands
for land qud Half-breeds.
In the case of the old settlers, who
are not Half-breeds, some patents had
been granted prior to the rebellion.
And no one can doubt for a moment
but that patents would have been
given eventually to all who were in
actual occupation of the lands they
claimed. But the delay has been
fatally, ruinously long, resulting in bad
feeling, and in some instances in a
heavy loss in money. Two or three
years ago there was a violent " boom"
in land and property throughout the
whole north-west of Canada. Farms
at Prince Albert and elsewhere in the
Saskatchewan were sold and trans-
ferred, but no sales were valid unless
a clear title to the property — such as
the patents of course give — existed.
The absence of such indisputable
titles clouded the transactions and led
to serious losses. It appears that many
of these unsettled claims are of very
old date — that is, old, when the new-
ness of the country is considered.
Some of the holdings were taken up
twenty years ago — five years before
Canada acquired the north-west. Last
year a commission was sent from Otta-
wa to investigate the claims advanced,
and in the report made by the head of
that commission it was stated that
nothing could have been done earlier
in regard to giving patents for lands,
as only a few of the holdings had been
surveyed. There is nothing said as to
why surveys were not made long
before ; nor does any notice appear to
have been taken of the exasperated
feeling there was in the settlement on
account of the tardy working of the
land department. Though the old
settlers did not actually aid the rebels,
and even supplied volunteers to fight
against them, they participated in the
agitation which immediately preceded
the armed rising.
The demands made by the Half-
breeds, qud Half-breeds, were precisely
similar to those advanced by the Half-
breeds of Manitoba in 1869.
About the beginning of last winter
a petition was forwarded to the
Governor-General of Canada setting
forth the grievances of the whole
settlement. The following is the pith
of it. It begins by noticing a point
to which we shall return later, viz.,
that the Indians are so destitute in
many localities that settlers are com-
pelled to furnish them with food to
keep them from starving, and to pre-
serve the settlements from the acts of
men made desperate by famine. Then
comes one of the chief demands — that
S 2
260
The Riel Rebellion in North- West Canada.
the Half-breeds of the district of Sas-
katchewan receive 240 acres of land
each, as did the Manitoba Half-breeds
after the Red River rebellion. Next
it is stated that Half-breeds in pos-
session of tracts of land have not been
given patents for their holdings, nor
have the old settlers of the north-
west territories received the same
treatment as the old settlers in Mani-
toba. Some of the other grievances
are that settlers are charged dues on
timber, rails, and firewood required
for home use, and that customs are
levied on the necessaries of life. It
is complained that contracts for the
public supplies and works, and posi-
tions in the public service, are not
given as far as possible to residents in
the district. Voting by ballot at
elections is also demanded. Then it
is asked that the district of Sas-
katchewan be organised as a province,
with its own local representative legis-
lature. At present the control of
affairs in the territories is vested in
a lieutenant-governor, assisted by a
council, some of the members of which
are elected by the people, and the rest
are officials of the Government. This
council, styled the North- West Council,
meets at Regina, in the district of
Assiniboia, and, with the exception
of Manitoba and Keewatin, has the ad-
ministration of the whole of Central
Canada, that is, as far as the Domi-
nion Government has delegated it the
powers of administration. With all
questions relating to land settlement
the North- West Council has nothing
to do, as the public lands are managed
entirely from Ottawa by a cabinet
minister. It is a far cry from Prince
Albert in the Saskatchewan to Ottawa
in Ontario ; and it may be doubted if
this system of centralisation works
smoothly and efficiently. Still it may
be fairly urged that the district of
Saskatchewan is not ripe for local
government. It is not yet thickly
settled, and could ill bear the expense
of supporting the necessary machinery
of government.
With the exception of the demand
for a local parliament, it is evident
that the claims and grievances ad-
vanced by the Half-breeds were all
connected with land questions. Claims
and grievances almost identical led to
the Red River rebellion ; and after
that episode, and as a result of it, the
demands of the Metis were granted.
The policy pursued then by the
Dominion Government of the day
in satisfying these demands gave a
good basis for pressing similar claims
upon its attention and for expecting
similar compensation. Prior to the
recent rebellion the Dominion Govern-
ment were not prepared to give the
Metis of the Saskatchewan the same
treatment as was given to the Metis
of Manitoba, if the following state-
ment made in the Canadian House of
Commons by Sir John A. Macdonald,
the premier, and who until a short time
ago was himself minister of the in-
terior, is accurately reported : —
" The Half-breeds," he said, " have
been told that if they desire to be
considered as Indians, a most liberal
reserve will be set apart for them.
If they desire to be considered white
men, they can get 160 acres of land as
homesteads. But they are not satis-
fied with that. They want to get up-
wards of 200 acres and then get their
homesteads as well." In other words,
the Metis did not regard their being
treated as Indians, or simply being
confirmed in their holdings, as suffi-
cient compensation for the title they
claim to the lands of the territories
which comes to them both by right
of descent and by right of possession.
But it should be said, in justice to the
Dominion Government, that its action
was embarrassed by the fact that
many of the Metis of the Saskatchewan
had already been treated with when
resident in Manitoba. Of course the
Half-breed who had eaten his cake in
Red River could not expect to have it
to eat over again in the Saskatchewan.
The sense of the injustice, however,
of any arrangement which did not
fully compensate those who had re-
ceived no acknowledgment of their
The Riel Rebellion in North- West Canada.
261
claims, was worked upon by Kiel and
others until the rebellion was brought
about. When the gravity of the situa-
tion was at length grasped by the
Canadian authorities, a commission
was at once appointed and sent in
hot haste to the various settlements
of the Metis. The main business of
this commission has been to grant
what the Metis asked — the same com-
pensation that the Metis of Manitoba
obtained fifteen years ago. But
promptly as the commission went
about its work, the mischief had al-
ready been done. The Metis of St.
Laurent were in open insurrection,
had organised a provisional govern-
ment, and had even met and defeated
a force of police. It then became
necessary to put down the rebellion
by force of arms.
The Metis of the Saskatchewan were
led in their revolt by Louis Kiel, who
was at the head of the Red River
rebellion in 1869. For the part he
played in that episode the Metis regard
him as their patriot leader. Sir John
Macdonald referred to him in the
Canadian Commons as the " Mahdi
of the Metis." Riel is a man of some
education, and he has been described
as the equal in ability of the average
public man of Canada. In his own
language he is a fluent and powerful
orator, and his speeches have a great
effect upon his countrymen. By some
he is regarded as a mere mischief-
maker, and an adventurer whose busi-
ness is insurrection and disturbance ;
by others he is considered something
of a " crank," who believes that his
mission is to procure for the Metis
their full rights, as he understands
them. He is now about forty years
of age ; is in person short and stout ;
he is energetic and has plenty of
pluck, but his mind is wanting in
balance. Since his capture by the
Dominion troops he has played the
rdle of a religious enthusiast. His
manner in ordinary conversation is
pleasant, but during the time of the
Red River rebellion, when he was in
power, he assumed an air of great
importance. He has a good deal of
restless vanity, which in the old Red
River days showed itself in his fine
black capote and the brilliant colours
of his L'Assomption belt — character-
istic features of the Metis costume.
Riel is a man who thinks he has
a personal 'grievance against the
Dominion. He maintains that he
was outlawed, notwithstanding that a
solemn pledge had been made him
that he would share in the general
amnesty to be granted to those who
took part in the Red River Rebellion.
This may or may not be the case as
there is a conflict of testimony on the
subject, but such is the contention of
the rebel leader.
Some time ago Riel became a citizen
of the United States, and settled in
Montana. While residing there he
states that a delegation of the Metis of
the Saskatchewan came to him last
summer to invite him to take part in
pressing their claims on the Dominion
Government. He went to St. Laurent,
where he found several of those who
had been concerned with him in the
rising of 1869. Many meetings were
held throughout the settlements in the
district, and the Metis were inflamed
by his speeches. At the outset he
disclaimed any intention of inciting
the people to rebel, and this secured
the sympathy of the " whites " who,
as already stated, had grievances
against the Government. All winter
the agitation went on, until about the
middle of March rumours reached
Winnipeg that an armed rising was
imminent. Winnipeg, as the nearest
large town, has always had a consider-
able intercourse with the settlements
in the Saskatchewan ; and to those
acquainted with the country and the
agitation which had been developing,
the rebellion occasioned little surprise ;
but upon the people of Eastern Canada,
to whom the Saskatchewan was a far-
off, little-known district, marked only
on the newer maps of the Dominion,
it came with a sudden shock. Nor was
the fact that there was a rebellion at
all grasped until blood had been shed.
262
The Kiel Rebellion in North- West Canada.
So far as can be gathered from the
imperfect information at present open
to the public, the following are the
chief occurrences of the rebellion.
About the beginning of last March
a great meeting of the Metis was held
in the parish church of St. Laurent ;
and a Bill of Rights, drawn up by Kiel,
was read and adopted. (This Bill of
Rights simply recapitulates the state-
ments made in the petition addressed
to the Governor-General, which is
mentioned above, so it need not be
given here.) It was thereupon resolved
that a provisional government should
be formed, based upon the principles
enunciated in the Bill of Rights. Riel,
on being nominated president of the
Saskatchewan, announced that no hos-
tile movement would te made unless
the Dominion Government persisted
in refusing to grant the demands of
the Metis. It was even stated that if
reasonable guarantees were given that
their grievances would be immediately
investigated, the provisional govern-
ment would be forthwith dissolved.
In the meantime, however, the autho-
rity of the Dominion was repudiated,
some of its officials and others were
made prisoners, and supplies were col-
lected, i.e. seized, from the stores of
traders in the vicinity, to provide
against the emergency of war. A band
of Cree Indians, under their chief,
Beardy, many of whom were kinsmen
of the insurgents, joined Riel.
The administration of most of the
civil and criminal affairs of ordinary
recurrence in the territories is in the
hands of local magistrates, whose
authority is maintained by the North-
West mounted police, a semi-military
force. At the time of the outbreak
there were five hundred of these police
stationed at various important centres,
and two detachments, amounting in
all to seventy-five men, were in the
disturbed district. As soon as it was
seen that there was to be serious
trouble, an additional force with ar-
tillery was despatched from Regina,
the head-quarters of the police, to
Carlton, under their chief commis-
sioner, an officer who had been with
with General Wolseley in the Red
River expedition in 1869. Imme-
diately before this force reached
Carlton, an encounter took place be-
tween the rebels and the police at
Duck Lake, in which the latter were
worsted and compelled to retire, with a
loss of twenty-four killed and wounded.
A day or two later the mounted police
retreated from Fort Carlton north-
wards to Prince Albert. Immediately
on their withdrawal the fort was
burned, but whether by accident or
design is uncertain.
The news of these events created
the wildest excitement in Canada. And
when intelligence was received that
bands of Indians at Battleford, Fort
Pitt, and elsewhere on the north
branch of the Saskatchewan had risen
in revolt, this excitement became a
fever. In addition, the spectre which
haunts the thoughts of Canada, a
Fenian invasion, was conjured up by
an alarmed people. Rumours flew
about that Riel had been in commu-
nication with well-known Fenian
leaders in the United States, and that
they had promised him men, arms and
money. It was even said that prepa-
rations had been made by them in
Chicago and St. Paul in aid of the
rebellion. Meanwhile, the Canadian
Government acted with the greatest
promptness. Two batteries of artillery
— almost the only "regular" force at
the disposal of the Dominion — were
sent on by the Canadian Pacific Rail-
way via the north shore of Lake Su-
perior to Winnipeg. General Middle-
ton, an experienced officer, who had
seen active service in the British army,
and who held the chief command of
the Canadian militia, was hurriedly
despatched to that city to organise
an expedition to suppress the rising.
Various militia regiments were called
out, and the call to go to the " front "
was everywhere throughout Canada
responded to with the utmost enthu-
siasm. All parties combined in pre-
sence of a common danger. Whoever
was to blame, all agreed that now one
The Eiel Rebellion in North- West Canada.
263
thing was to be done. When Mrs.
Blake, the wife of the leader of the
Opposition in the Canadian House of
Commons, presented the Toronto regi-
ment, the " Queen's Own," on its de-
parture with a flag, the act was typi-
cal of the universal Canadian senti-
ment. The rebellion had to be put
down, and put down thoroughly.
In less than a month the Canadian
Government had put upwards of 4,000
citizen soldiers into the field. The
main division under General Middle-
ton, after a terrible march amid snow
and frost and mud, from Qu'Appelle to
Clark's Crossing of the South Sas-
katchewan, was in the district which
was the chief scene of the Metis re-
bellion by the third week in April. A
second division relieved Battleford,
which had been closely invested by
the Cree chief, Poundmaker, about the
end of the same month. A third
division proceeded to the extreme
west, and overawed the Indians of
Calgary, and then going north to the
Saskatchewan river, occupied the im-
portant Metis settlement of St. Albert
(not to be confounded with Prince
Albert) near Fort Edmonton. The
speed with which all this was done —
considering how entirely unprepared
Canada was for anything of the kind
— is simply wonderful. Some of the
troops had to be sent a distance of
2,000 miles ; they were for the most
part local volunteer regiments, whose
members were in business ; the tran-
sport service had to be organised from
the beginning ; and it must be said
that the whole North- West field force
proved splendidly efficient.
The main interest centres around
the movements of General Middle-
ton's command. Advancing from
Clark's Crossing, the general met
the rebel forces under Gabriel Du-
mont, Kiel's lieutenant, an able and
determined man, on the 24th of April,
at Fish Creek. Though the Dominion
forces were victorious, and compelled
the Metis to retire, their success was
somewhat dearly purchased with a loss
of fifty killed and wounded. The rebel
leader had placed his men with great
skill in an almost impregnable posi-
tion— a deep, thickly-wooded ravine, a
natural rifle pit : and the nature of the
ground made it difficult for the troops
to use their artillery to much advant-
age. The fight lasted for several hours,
and was hotly contested throughout.
Both in this encounter and at Batoche
the rebels fought well, taking advan-
tage of every inch of cover. The
Dominion troops, most of them raw
soldiers, behaved splendidly, and re-
ceived the warm praise of the
general.
After the battle of Fish Creek, the
rebels withdrew to Batoche' s Crossing
where they had determined to make
their final stand. Meanwhile General
Middleton halted for a few days' to
await supplies of men and ammuni-
tion which were being sent to him by
steamboat down the South Saskat-
chewan now open for navigation.
The expected reinforcements having
arrived, General Middleton advanced
upon Batoche on the 9th of May.
The rebels held a strongly entrenched
position and made a determined re-
sistance. The fighting went on for
four days. In the afternoon of the
1 2th, the rebel position was, in a magni-
ficent charge, captured at the point of
the bayonet. The loss of the Domi-
nion troops was slight compared with
that of the rebels, who had many
killed and wounded. Kiel surren-
dered a day later with some of his
prominent supporters, and the rebel-
lion was practically at an end.
The prisoners he had made at the
beginning of the rising were set free
by the troops, and everywhere the
Metis hastened in to make their peace
with the general. Kiel was sent to
Regina to be tried for treason, but
his lieutenant, Dumont, succeeded in
making his escape into American
territory.
Meanwhile another division of Cana-
dian troops had met and beaten
Poundmaker and his braves. How-
ever, this engagement would not have
been decisive, but the news of the fall
of Batoche and the surrender of Kiel
disheartened the Indians. So when
264
The Riel Rebellion in North- West Canada.
General Middleton, after a hurried
visit to Prince Albert, went down the
North Saskatchewan to Battleford,
Poundmaker and his band about the
end of May gave themselves up to
him unconditionally. Another chief,
Big Bear, who took Fort Pitt, and
who had committed some horrible
outrages in the usual style of Indian
warfare, is the only Indian at present
iu arms against the Government, and
the reckoning with him will no doubt
be short and severe.
This paper may now be fitly closed
with some remarks on the position of
the Indians in the Dominion.
The Indians are the " wards " of
the Government, and as such have
received special treatment. In the
past, the title of the Indians to the
lands they hunted over has been
" extinguished " by the payment of a
trifling perpetual annuity, usually
five dollars per head. The different
bands have been located on reserves
set apart for them, which are poor
and insignificant compared with the
magnificent area of their ancestral
hunting grounds. On these reserves
160 acres are allotted to a family of
four. Some attempts have been made
to instruct the Indians in the cultiva-
tion of their reserves, and farm-
iraplements, cattle and seed have been
furnished them. Men have been sent
to teach them how to farm, but their
efforts have not been particularly suc-
cessful. It is hardly to be expected that
they would be. The Indian is by his
instincts and traditions a hunter and
not a tiller of the soil. Since the
time that the red man has been
known to the white his main subsist-
ence has been the buffalo — and the
buffalo, alas for the Indian ! 'will soon
be as extinct as the dodo. At one
time, indeed, vast herds of buffalo
were to be found as far south as the
lower valley of the Mississippi. But
the advance of settlement in the
West, and the construction of the
Union and Northern Pacific Railways
confined them between the Missouri
and the Saskatchewan. When Canada
acquired the north-west territories
fifteen years ago, the larger part of
the herds were found north of the
international frontier. Now the
buffalo is hardly to be seen south of
the "line," and they are rapidly
disappearing in Canada. Soon, fatally
soon for the Indian, will the western
prairies no more resound with the
thunderous tread of the mighty herds.
Then, not only is the buffalo failing,
but other kinds of game are getting
scarce. On many of the reserves in
North-West Canada the misery of the
Indians is said to be pitiable. There
seems to be little doubt but that the
recent outrages at Battleford, Frog
Lake, and Fort Pitt, perpetrated
during the last few months, are the
desperate deeds of men maddened by
famine. That they were incited to
rebel by Riel is no doubt true, but
their chief grievance is the want of
food. There does not seem any reason
for suspecting the Indian agents of
cheating the Indians, whose cry
against the paternal government is
that they are not able to live on the
allowance made them, and that their
reserves are insufficient, not that they
do not receive what was promised
them. When the Dominion took over
the north-wes£ from the Hudson's Bay
Company the Indians everywhere were
contented, loyal, happy. But the
situation now is entirely changed.
Then the whites lived in an Indian
country, now the Indians are in a
white country ; and it is more than
possible in these circumstances that
the Indian is being ungenerously
dealt with. One effect of the recent
troubles will be a thorough examina-
tion of the whole Indian question.
It may be hoped that a more liberal
policy will be i inaugurated, otherwise
the Indian may suspect that it is the
intention of the white to starve him
out, and his suspicions once thoroughly
roused will be hard to set at rest.
R. MACHKAY, C.
WINNIPEG, May 31, 1885.
265
THE THRUSH IN FEBRUARY.
BY GEORGE MEREDITH.
I know him, February's thrush,
And loud at eve he valentines
On sprays that paw the naked bush
"Where soon will sprout the thorns and bines.
Now ere the foreign singer thrills
Our vale his plain-song pipe he pours,
A herald of the million bills ;
And heed him not, the loss is yours.
My study, flanked with ivied fir
And budded beech with dry leaves curled,
Perched over yew and juniper,
He neighbours, piping to his world :
The wooded pathways dank on brown,
The branches on grey cloud a web,
The long green roller of the down,
An image of the deluge-ebb :
And farther, they may hear along
The stream beneath the poplar row.
By fits, like welling rocks, the song
Spouts of a blushful Spring in flow.
2(iO The Thrush in February .
But most he loves to front the vale
When waves of warm South-western rains
Have left our heavens clear in pale,
With faintest beck of moist red veins :
Vermilion wings, by distance held
To pause aflight while fleeting swift
And high aloft the pearl inshelled
Her lucid glow in glow will lift :
A little south of coloured sky ;
Directing, gravely amorous,
The human of a tender eye
Through pure celestial on us.
Remote, not alien; still, not cold;
TJnraying yet, more pearl than star ;
She seems a while the vale to hold
In trance, and homelier makes the far.
Then Earth her sweet unscented breathes;
An orb of lustre quits the height;
And like broad iris-flags, in wreaths
The sky takes darkness, long ere quite.
His Island voice then shall you hear,
Nor ever after separate
From such a twilight of the year
Advancing to the vernal gate.
The Thrush in February. 267
He sings me, out of Winter's throat,
The young time with the life ahead ;
And my young time his leaping note
Recalls to spirit-mirth from dead.
Imbedded in a land of greed,
Of mammon-quakings dire as Earth's,
My care was but to soothe my need;
At peace among the littleworths.
To light and song my yearning aimed ;
To that deep breast of song and light
Which men have barrenest proclaimed ;
As 'tis to senses pricked with fright.
So mine are these new fruitings rich
The simple to the common brings ;
I keep the youth of souls who pitch
Their joy in this old heart of things :
Who feel the Coming young as aye,
Thrice hopeful on the ground we plough ;
Alive for life, awake to die ;
One voice to cheer the seedling Now.
Full lasting is the song, though he,
The singer, passes : lasting too,
For souls not lent in usury,
The rapture of the forward view.
2C8 The Thrush in February.
With that I bear my senses fraught
Till what I am fast shoreward drives.
They are the vessel of the Thought.
The vessel splits, the Thought survives.
Nought else are we when sailing brave
Save husks to raise and bid it burn.
Glimpse of its livingness will wave
A light the senses can discern
Across the river of the death,
Their close. Meanwhile, 0 twilight bird
Of promise ! bird of happy breath !
I hear, I would the City heard.
The City of the smoky fray ;
A prodded ox, it drags and moans:
Its Morrow no man's child ; its Day
A vulture's morsel beaked to bones.
It strives without a mark for strife ;
It feasts beside a famished host :
The loose restraint of wanton life,
That threatened penance in the ghost !
Yet there our battle urges ; there
Spring heroes many : issuing thence,
Names that should leave no vacant air
For fresh delight in confidence.
The Tlirush in February. 269
Life was to them the bag of grain,
And Death the weedy harrow's tooth.
Those warriors of the sighting brain
Give worn Humanity new youth.
Our song and star are they to lead
The tidal multitude and blind
From bestial to the higher breed
By fighting souls of love divined.
They scorned the ventral dream of peace,
Unknown in nature. This they knew :
That life begets with fair increase
Beyond the flesh, if life be true.
Just reason based on valiant blood
The instinct bred afield would match
To pipe thereof a swelling flood,
Were men of Earth made wise in watch.
Though now the numbers count as drops
An urn might bear, they father Time.
She shapes anew her dusty crops ;
Her quick in their own likeness climb.
Of their own force do they create ;
They climb to light, in her their root.
Your brutish cry at muffled fate
She smites with pangs of worse than brute.
270 The Thrush in February.
She, judged of shrinking nerves, appears
A Mother whom no cry can melt ;
But read her past desires and fears,
The letters on her breast are spelt.
A slayer, yea, as when she pressed
Her savage to the slaughter-heaps,
To sacrifice she prompts her best :
She reaps them as the sower reaps.
But read her thought to speed the race,
And stars rush forth of blackest night :
You chill not at a cold embrace
To come, nor dread a dubious might.
Her double visage, double voice,
In oneness rise to quench the doubt.
This breath, her gift, has only choice
Of service, breathe we in or out.
Since Pain and Pleasure on each hand
Led our wild steps from slimy rock
To yonder sweeps of gardenland,
We breathe but to be sword or block.
The sighting brain her good decree
Accepts : obeys those guides, in faith,
By reason hourly fed, that she,
To some the clod, to some the wraith.
The- Thrush in February. 27 1
Is more, no mask ; a flame, a stream.
Flame, stream, are we, in mid career
From torrent source, delirious dream,
To heaven-reflecting currents clear.
And why the sons of Strength have been
Her cherished offspring ever ; how
The Spirit served by her is seen
Through Law ; perusing love will show.
Love born of knowledge, love that gains
Vitality as Earth it mates,
The meaning of the Pleasures, Pains,
The Life, the Death, illuminates.
For love we Earth, then serve we all
Her mystic secret then is ours :
We fall, or view our treasures fall,
Unclouded, as beholds her flowers
Earth, from a night of frosty wreck,
Enrobed in morning's mounted fire,
When lowly, with a broken neck,
The crocus lays her cheek to mire.
272
SOME COMMONPLACES ON THE COMMONPLACE.
THE other day a bust of Gray was,
now in late time, placed in the hall of
Pembroke College, Cambridge, where
most of the poet's tranquil life was
passed, and in which he died. On that
occasion Mr. Lowell, adding one more
to the many benefits we owe to him,
and the many regrets with which we
bid him good by, uttered these me-
morable words : —
"I know that sometimes criticisms are
made upon Gray. I think I have heard him
called by some of our juniors ' common-
place.' Upon my word, I think it a com-
pliment. I think it shows a certain generality
of application in what Gray has done, for if
there is one thing more than another — I say
this to the young men whom I see seated
around both sides of the hall — which insures
the lead in life it is the commonplace. I have
to measure my poets, my authors, by their
lasting power, and I find Gray has a great
deal of it. He not only pleases my youth
and my age, but he pleases other people's
youth and age ; and I cannot help thinking
this is a proof that he touched on human
nature at a great many periods, and at a great
many levels, and, perhaps, that is as high a
compliment as can be paid to the poet. There
is, I admit, a certain commonplaceness of
sentiment in his most famous poem, but I
think there is also a certain commonplaceness
of sentiment in some verses that have been
famous for more than three thousand years. I
think that when Homer saw somebody smiling
through her tears he said, on the whole, a
commonplace thing ; but it touched our feel-
ings for a great many centuries, and I think
that in the Elegy in a Country Churchyard
Gray has expressed a simple sentiment, and
as long as there are young men and middle-
aged men, Gray's poem will continue to be
read and loved as in the days when it was
written."
Let us hope so. But what a shock
to the young generation to hear that
if there is one thing more than another
which insures the lead in life, it is the
commonplace ! A generation brought
up to believe, and to proclaim its be-
lief somewhat fanatically, that the
special glory of the age into which it
has been born is to have done with all
the old world illusions, to have broken
the fetters of the Philistine, to toil no
longer,
"Eyeless, in Gaza, at the mill^with slaves,"
but to stand in the light of the new
day, regenerate and free, surveying all
things, daring all things,
" As a young eagle soars the morning clouds
among."
With what feelings must the ardent
spirits of the time have heard this ac-
complished and urbane American, a
man of culture, surely, if one there
be, openly avowing this ancient, and,
as one had surely thought, uprooted
heresy !
And yet, when the first shock is
passed, and one comes to consider
calmly all the possibilities of these
tremendous words, there may be found
some comfort. Some mode of recon-
ciliation may be discovered between
the new faith into which the world has
been baptised, not indeed without some
workings of the rack and stake, and
this sudden return upon the old. The
age of prose may have given place to
the age of poetry, but the age of
reason, perhaps, though in another
guise, may still be lingering on.
Some compromise may yet be possi-
ble ; and so the last echoes of that
kindly and eloquent voice to which we
have so often listened with delight and
profit may yet keep a sweet remem-
brance in our hearts when the speaker
shall have left us for his own place.
What is the commonplace, the con-
ventional ? Are we not apt now and
then to use these words a little reck-
lessly 1 All history teaches us that
men, unused to freedom, will sometimes
play strange pranks. We are entering
now, so we are told, on a blessed state
of freedom. " The Dawn," lately sang
Some Commonplaces on the Commonplace.
273
a poet, who sang better, and of better
things, once,
"The Dawn and the Day is coming; and
forth the banners go."
Very strange are the mottoes borne
on some of these banners ; and the
advance is all along the line. No
man, nor woman neither, but shall
be free to say the word that pleases
them on all things that are in the
heavens above and in the earth be-
neath. The bestialities of French fic-
tion are gravely praised as a "pas-
sionate conviction," "a great plan,"
which " helps us to know." English
girls plead in the newspapers for
simple representations of the naked
body ; their older and bolder sisters
cry aloud, and spare not, for Free
Trade in prostitution, as in all other
trades ; and the revisers of our Bible
have abolished Hell.
" All the earth is gay,
And with the heart of May
Doth every beast keep holiday."
But though the new order of things
is undoubtedly large, it is not yet, as
is but natural, on all points perfectly
lucid. There are so many new things
to be talked and written about, so
many fresh ideas, and new guesses at
truth, to be arranged and classified,
that our poor old vulgar tongue is not
always equal to the work : and, as
Tacitus tells us was the case at a cer-
tain point in the history of Eome, new
words have to be coined, or to the old
words new meanings given not easily
" understand ed of the people." And
so it is possible that not every one is
quite agreed on the qualities which
give its true stamp to the conven-
tional, the commonplace.
It is not easy to define the common-
place. Does an idea, a sentiment,
become commonplace through fami-
liarity ? If this be so, where would
our poets be! Where would Shake-
speare be, with his —
"A rose
By any other name would smell as sweet " ?
Where Wordsworth, with his —
"Dear God! the very housas seem asleep"?
No. 310. — VOL. LII.
Where Keats, with his —
" For ever wilt thou love, and she be fair " ?
Some, I suppose, would call that saying
commonplace which warns us that no
man can really be the good poet
without first being the good man.
It is certainly a familiar saying,.
and, like many other familiar things,
seems rather to have come into con-
tempt. Yet Milton thought well
enough of it to borrow it from Ben
Jonson, who in his turn was indebted
for it to the Greek historian Strabo.
Cardinal Newman has elaborated it in
an essay on poetry ; and the two
greatest of living critics have ac-
quiesced in its sentiment, M. Edmond
Scherer and Mr. Matthew Arnold.
Yet there must be, or a good deal
of our current literature leads one to
fancy so, a considerable number of peo-
ple about who would call it narrow,
pedantic ; something old-fashioned, in
a word, commonplace, and therefore
not only to be ignored, but opposed
as well.
John Ford, in what, despite the
odiousness of its subject, one must
call the best of his plays, has
written —
"Far better 'tis
To bless the sun than reason why it shines."
This is a thought common to almost
every age. We can trace it upward
through Empedocles to the writer of
the book of Job, and downward
through Pope to Mr. Kuskin. " God
thundereth marvellously with his
voice ; great things doeth he which
man cannot comprehend." " Canst
thou bind the sweet influences of
Pleiades, or loose the bands of Orion 1 "
" Have the gates of death been opened
unto thee ? or hast thou seen the doors
of the shadow of death ? " " Who is
this that darkeneth counsel by words
without knowledge ? " " What men
dream they know," said Empedocles,
" is but the little each hath stumbled
on in wandering about the world ;
yet boast they all that they have
learned the whole — vain fools ! for
what that is no eye hath seen, no ear
hath heard, nor can it be conceived
T
274
Some Commonplaces on the Commonplace.
by mind of man. But, 0 ye Gods,
avert the madness of those babblers
from my tongue ; and thou, great
Muse of Memory, maiden with the
milk-white arms, I pray thee to teach
me things that creatures of a day may
hear." All through the Essay on Man
the same thought runs in words every
one can recall for himself, to be summed
up thus in the Universal Prayer : —
" Thou Great First Cause, least understood,
Which all my sense confined
To know but this, that thou art good,
And that myself am blind."
" To know himself and his place ;
to be content to submit to God with-
out understanding Him ; " this, says
Mr. Ruskin, man will find is "to be
modest towards God, and wise for
himself." A commonplace, then, this
thought must surely be ; and yet, if
it will not actually insure the lead in
life — and no doubt that part of life's
triumph which consists in being a
popular writer for the magazines it
will not insure — from how much con-
fusion, perplexity, and disquiet, from
how large a part of " this strange
disease of modern life," would not its
acceptance have saved men ! Then,
instead of doing our little foolish best
to realise Lichtenberg's prophecy that
" the time will come when the belief
in God will be as the tales with which
old women frighten children ; when
the world will be a machine, the ether
a gas, and God a force," we should
all be—
"Free from the sick fatigue, the languid
doubt,
"Which much to have tried, in much been
baffled brings " —
comfortably resting ourselves in the
assurance of Socrates that,, as the
three wisest men in Greece could show
him no better life, he desired only,
renouncing the honours at which the
world aimed, to live as well as he
could, and, when the time came, to
die. But we go on darkening counsel
with words tvithout knowledge, forgetful,
among the few truths we have, of this
most wholesome one, " that in our
present condition we ought not to
give ourselves airs, for even in the
most important subjects we are always
changing our minds ; and what a state
of education does that imply ! "
If then we allow that an idea does not
become commonplace by familiarity,
may we say that the commonplace is
not made, but born ? It is hard for
us to entertain conjecture of a time
when the inevitableness of death was
not a familiar idea to man. When
the Preacher wrote that " man goeth
to his long home, and the mourners go
about the street ; " when Homer put
in Sarpedon's mouth the assurance
that " ten thousand fates of death do
every way beset us, and these no
mortal may escape nor avoid ; " even
then one fancies the idea can hardly
have struck home with the force of a
new conviction. And when Silence
essays to console Shallow for the loss
of so many an old acquaintance, and
the mourner accepts the consolation
with a pious acquiescence in the words
of the Psalmist, death is certain to all,
we feel that the Justice was indeed
rightly named, and that an essentially
commonplace man has given voice to
an essentially commonplace thought.
Yet when Guiderius and Arviragus
raise the dirge over the seeming
Fidele—
" Golden lads and girls all must,
As chimney-sweepers, come to dust " :
when Gray reminds us that —
" The boast of heraldry, the pomp of power,
And all that beauty, all that wealth e'er
gave,
Await alike the inevitable hour ;
The paths of glory lead but to the grave " :
we have not, I think, the sense of
reading only so many variations of
one primarily commonplace theme.
And yet it is to this very quality
of commonplace that Mr. Lowell
assigns the great and lasting popularity
of Gray's famous poem. He praises him
for it. It is clear that his words bear
their meaning on the surface ; that no
sneer at the commonness or triviality
of Gray's poetry was implied, or at
the commonness or triviality of hu-
man nature which could admire Gray's
Some Commonplaces on the Commonplace.
275
poetry. This would be clear even had
he not exhorted his younger hearers
to the cultivation of the common-
place as the capital road to success.
Homer, he said, expressed a common-
place sentiment when he described
Andromache, 8a.Kpv6ev yeXdaaa-a, smil-
ing through her tears, and yet he has
touched therewith the general heart
of humanity through all the centuries
since. By commonplace, then, it
would appear that he meant some-
thing simple and obvious, something
that requires no great intellectual
profundity to grasp and comprehend it,
some natural truth that goes straight
to every heart, and stays there. And
so, by "his daring assertion that, " if
there is one thing more than another
which insures the lead in life it is the
commonplace," Mr. Lowell seems to
have really meant that to be simple,
straightforward, natural, sincere, is
the way to get on in life ; and that to
aim at the opposites of these qualities
is not the way. He was not just then,
we may suppose, confining himself to
a literary life ; but it is clear that he
designed his words to apply to litera-
ture no less than to the general con-
duct of human affairs. On both sides
they are equally remarkable, equally
opportune, and to some at least whom
they may have since reached, if to
none who received them fresh from the
fountain-head, must, one fancies, be
equally unpalatable. The virtues Mr.
Lowell commends are certainly not, in
our literature as elsewhere, the pre-
vailing virtues of the age. For what
in effect are they ? May they not all
be summed up in one word1? Are
they not all contained in one virtue —
the great rejected virtue of Sanity ?
But Sanity, our young geniuses would
say, is the especial virtue of the
Philistine.
The Philistine ! What is this un-
known quantity in the great sum of
human existence ? Is it not strange
that our great ethical and literary
teacher, who has passed so much of his
life, and known so many sorrows, as
he himself has told us, in unending
warfare with the Philistine, should
now, in the sweet Indian summer of
his days, see growing up around him a
generation who rejects his teaching as
being that which pre-eminently makes
for Philistinism ! For what has the
burden of Mr. Arnold's teaching been
but Sanity ? Sanitas Sanitatum,
omnia Sanitas. Three and thirty
years ago, in that preface to the first
acknowledged edition of his poems
which, if the humblest of his admirers
may venture on the embarrassment of a
choice, I should name as the finest
expression of his literary creed, three
and thirty years ago, I say, he first
(unlike Gray) " spoke out," and never
since has he wearied, or gone back
from warning us against our cardinal
foes, eccentricity and caprice. And
yet, how few seem to have heard him !
They have looked in his glass, and seen,
or fancied that they have seen, their
own face there ; and then they have
gone their way, and straightway forgot
what manner of man they saw. Will
the seed Mr. Lowell has sown fall also
on stony ground ?
What makes the Philistine 1 Some
one, with a sense of humour struggling
through his perplexity, once said, "that
he who thought differently from you
on any given subject was a Philistine."
And this, indeed, does seem to be the
definition accepted by some of our
young children of light. To differ in
every conceivable way from the com-
mon mould of humanity, if not in
great, then in small things, even in
the fashion of one's clothes, of one's
speech, of one's behaviour; in any
way to show that one is not as others
are ; this it is to be a child of light,
this to be a true heir of the promised
land. To do in all things, or haply
even in any one thing, as others do;
this it is to be in bondage to Dagon,
of such is the kingdom of Philistia.
Originality is the only note of genius.
And yet how hard it must be to get
originality. When one thinks for
how many centuries men have been
thinking, talking, writing, guessing,
discovering, if one is to do, or say, or
write — let us put thinking out of the
question — nothing that his fathers,
T 2
276
Some Commonplaces on the Commonplace.
before him have turned their minds to,
how shall any man be saved ? These
gay young champions of the new age,
" Loitering and leaping,
With saunter, with bounds —
Flickering and circling
In files and in rounds,"
are they original? Not a whit. All
the history of all the ages shows how
common has been the acceptance of
eccentricity for genius, how grateful
the fancy that to differ from one's
fellows is to surpass them. The riot
of folly takes, perhaps, more ungrace-
ful and more witless shapes now, for
folly has been rioting so long that all
the most alluring masques have been
played through long ago ; but the
fountain and source are the same.
" Children of an idle brain,
Begot of nothing but vain fantasy,"
our young men and maidens tread to
the same tune that their forerunners
used, the same measures round the
same vacuous painted image, and still
from their unmeaning lips rises the
same prayer,
" From thee, great God, we spring, to thee
we tend,
Path, motive, guide, original, and end."
But then, it may be said, these too
have, it seems, the saving virtue of
commonplace, and so may be, after all,
insuring their success in life on their
own lines. No doubt, at first sight,
some such dilemma seems to be peep-
ing at us. But a little reflection will
serve to dispel it.
The correspondence on the necessary
relations in pictorial art between the
body and the senses was suffered by
the good-natured editor of the Times
long enough to allow one gleam of
reason to break through the nebulous
veil of sentiment in which pious or
petulant disputants had enwrapped the
interesting and delicate subject. A
newspaper correspondence, even when
Mr. Herbert Spencer, Mr. Frederick
Harrison, or Sir Edmund Beckett, are
covering the columns, rarely yields
anything so good as the letter in which
"H." graciously essayed to bring
comfort to the perplexed and fainting
soul of the " British Matron : " and
in all that letter there was nothing
better than this admirable sentence,
" Convention is tJie prosody of Art."
Admirable, indeed ; and none the
less so because it, too, is a common-
place. It was the Alpha and the
Omega of all Sir Joshua Reynolds's
teaching ; and though it has pleased
one of those clever young gentlemen
who seem able to find no better mark
for their cleverness than in sneering at
their fathers who bore them, to call
them old and pedantic and narrow,
and their writer greatly ignorant of
the facts of art, for my part I know
not where wiser or clearer teaching,
so far as any teaching can avail, is to
be found by the young apprentice to
art. Goethe, we are told, was a greater
poet than Byron, because, behind his
poetry there was a great critical effort
nourishing and strengthening it ;
behind Byron's there was no such
critical effort. " The many-sided
learning and widely-combined criti-
cal effort of Germany," not only gave
Goethe materials to work with, but
gave him also " a quickening and sus-
taining atmosphere to work in." These
advantages Byron, in common with
all his English brotherhood of poets,
lacked, and, in consequence, the poetry
of that time had about it " something
premature," and but little of it will
really last. Now, the critical effort
of the present age is confessedly im-
mense, and the poetical and artistic
product generally of the next should
be "in concatenation accordingly."
But will the atmosphere engendered
hereafter by the critical forces now
working be altogether quickening and
sustaining ? A large part of the cri-
ticism of our day is certainly very
eloquent, very curious and wide-rang-
ing; but is it always very sound in
its choice, clear in its sight, lucid in
its expression 1 Consider the follow-
ing passage on Leonardo da Vinci's
portrait of Monna Lisa, the famous
" Giaconda " :—
" The presence that thus rose so strangely
beside the waters, is expressive of what in the
ways of a thousand years man had come to
Some Commonplaces on the Commonplace.
277
•desire. Hers is the head upon which all
'the ends of the world are come,' and the
eyelids are a little weary. It is a beauty
wrought out from within upon the flesh, the
deposit, little cell by cell, of strange thoughts
and fantastic reveries and exquisite passions.
Set it for a moment beside one of those white
Greek goddesses or beautiful women of anti-
quity, and how would they be troubled by
this beauty, into which the soul with all its
maladies has passed ? All the thoughts and
experiences of the world have etched and
moulded these, in that which they have of
power to refine and make expressive the out-
ward form, the animalism of Greece, the lust
of Rome, the reverie of the middle age, with
its spiritual ambition and imaginative loves,
the return of the Pagan world, the sins of the
Borgias. She is older than the rocks among
which she sits ; like the vampire, she has been
dead many times, and learned the secrets of
the grave ; and has been a diver in deep seas,
and keeps their fallen day about her ; and
trafficked for strange webs with eastern mer-
chants ; and, as Leda, was the mother of
Helen of Troy, and, as Saint Anna, the mother
of Mary ; and all this has been to her but as
the soiinol of lyres and flutes, and lives only in
the delicacy with which it has moulded the
changing lineaments, and tinged the eyelids
and the hands. " l
The dullest cannot but confess the
eloquence of this criticism, its curious-
ness and subtlety. But has it not
also something a little fantastic, some-
thing of caprice ? Would a young un-
trained intelligence, seeking " to see
things as they really are," be much
quickened or sustained by it? Per-
haps, to borrow a phrase from the
young gentleman we have seen so
scornful of poor Sir Joshua, perhaps
he might be fired by it ; but would he
be instructed ? Some of our budding
young poets seem to have been not a
little fired by this sort of writing, and
the result has not been always agree-
able. Yasari says of this picture,
through the mouth of his English
translator : —
"Mona Lisa was exceedingly beautiful, and
while Leonardo was painting her portrait, he
took the precaution of keeping some one con-
stantly near her, to sing or play on instru-
ments ; or to jest or otherwise amuse her, to
the end that she might continue cheerful, and
so that her face might not exhibit the melan-
choly expression often imparted by painters to
the likenesses they take. In this portrait of
Leonardo's, on the contrary, there is so pleas-
ing an expression, and a smile so sweet, that
1 The Renaissance, by Walter Pater.
while looking at it one thinks it rather divine
than human, and it has even been esteemed a
wonderful work, since life itself could exhibit
no other appearance."
About this there is certainly nothing
eloquent or subtle ; but I really am not
sure that it would not be better for a
young apprentice to carry in his mind
on his first visit to the Louvre Mr.
Pater's melodious sentences. Let me
take a passage descriptive of another
picture, by one who was a painter as
well as a critic ; in short, by the re-
jected Sir Joshua. The picture is at
Cologne, "The Crucifixion of St.
Peter " by Rubens—
' ' The body and head of the saint are the
only good parts of the picture, which is finely
coloured (broad light and shade) and well
drawn ; but the figure bends too suddenly
from the thighs, which are ill-drawn, or rather
in a bad taste of drawing ; as is likewise his
arm, which has a short interrupted outline.
The action of the malefactors has not that
energy which he usually gave to his figures.
Rubens, in his letter to Geldorp, expresses his
own approbation of this picture, which he says
was the best he ever painted ; he likewise
expresses his content and happiness on the
subject, as being picturesque : This is likewise
natural to such a mind as that of Rubens, who
was perhaps too much looking about him for
the picturesque or something uncommon. A
man with his head doivnwards is certainly a
more extraordinary object than in its natural
place. "
Not eloquent this, but how very sens-
ible ! And as such, how quickening
and sustaining to a young mind ! How
excellent, too, is this : " However ad-
mirable his taste may be, he is but
half a painter who can only conceive
his subject and is without knowledge
of the mechanical part of his art."
Nay, and might it not even be of more
value to a young painter visiting the
Yerossi Palace for the first time to
know that Poussin's landscapes "are
painted on a dark ground made of
Indian red and black," than to deco-
rate his memory with the most gor-
geous arabesques of words modern
criticism ever devised ?
Mr. Arnold, criticising M. Scherer's
criticism of Goethe, remarks on the
pompous roundabout diction in which
even Goethe, following his natural
German instincts, would sometimes
278
Some Commonplaces on the Commonplace.
indulge: and he quotes a certain
very high-flown address from the
Natural Daughter to the Court phy-
sician with this comment : " Shake-
speare would have said Doctor." This
comment often comes home to me in
reading some of our modern criticism.
But it may be said I have rather
wandered from my field ; that I began
with literature and have strayed into
painting, and that criticism on paint-
ing is notoriously an impossible thing.
Well, let us go back to literature.
Let us take our Shakespeare, who would
have said Doctor, and see what a
modern critic says about him. Hear
this on Pericles from Mr. Swinburne,
himself a poet, and one who has
written well on poetry, besides writing
poetry well : —
" But what now shall I say that may not
be too pitifully unworthy of the glories and
the beauties, the unsurpassable pathos and
sublimity inwoven with the imperial texture
of this play ? the blood-red Tyrian purple of
tragic maternal jealousy, which might seem
to array it in a worthy attire of its Tyrian
name ; the flower-soft loveliness of maiden
lamentation over the flower-strewn seaside
grave of Marina's old sea-tossed nurse, where
1 am un virtuous enough (as virtue goes among
moralists) to feel more at home and better at
ease than in the atmosphere of her later lodg-
ing in Mitylene ? What, above all, shall be
said of that storm above all storms ever raised
in poetry, which ushered in a world of such
wonders and strange chances, the daughter of
the wave-worn and world- wandering Prince of
Tyre ? "
How the young neophyte's head
would swim in this tossing sea of
syllables ; and with what a grateful
sense of rest, such as the " wave-worn
and world- wandering prince " himself
might have felt when landed at last,
would be read on the calm and judi-
cious page of Hallam (the byeword
and reproach of our young geniuses !) —
"It is generally believed that he [Shake-
speare] had much to do with the tragedy of
Pericles, which is now printed among his
works, and which external testimony, though
we should not rely too much on that as to
Shakespeare, has assigned to him ; but the
play is full of evident marks of an inferior
hand."
" If there is one thing more than
another which insures the lead in life, it
is the commonplace" and, " convention is
the prosody of art." Here be two blasts,
of doom, indeed ! They can both, I
think, be reduced to one common
measure : for on reflection it will be
seen that they are both in effect but
different voices uttering one common
truth. In all works of art, in poetry,
painting, music, sculpture, there are
certain immutable and inevitable laws
by which the greatest genius is bound
equally with the humblest journey-
man ; and only he who is neither, who
cannot soar with the genius, and will
not creep with the journeyman, affects
to despise them. By convention in
art is meant of course something more
than the mere observance of mechani-
cal rules. It will not — to take an
example familiar to the comprehen-
sion of the " English Girl " — it will not
be enough for the painter to give his
presentment of the human form its
proper complement of fingers and
toes ; it will not be enough for the poet
to see that his lines have the proper
complement of syllables, or the proper
assonance of rhymes. There are cer-
tain ethical, certain moral conventions,
every whit as indispensable to art as
the mechanical ones. It will, of
course, be understood that I do not
use these epithets, ethical, moral,
distasteful to so many ears, in their
rigid puritanical sense. Neither
(Edipus Rex nor Othello would be called
by Mrs. Grundy so moral a play as
Mr. Gilbert's Broken Hearts, or Mr.
Merivale's Wldte Pilgrim; yet they
both of them conform far more strictly
to the conventions of art than do
either of the modern works I have
named.
In that preface of Mr. Arnold's al-
ready alluded to are some words which
form a very apt comment both on Mr.
Lowell's saying and on the saying of
" H." As they were written so long
ago I may quote them to-day ; indeed
they are so good that had they been
written yesterday no excuse were
needful for quoting them to-day or for
ever : —
"What are the eternal objects of poetry
among all nations, and at all times ? They
are actions ; human actions ; possessing an
Some Commonplaces on the Commonplace.
279
inherent interest in themselves, and which
are to be communicated in an interesting
manner by the art of the poet. Vainly will
the latter imagine that he has everything in
his own power ; that he can make an intrin-
sically inferior action equally delightful with
a more excellent one by his treatment of it.
He may indeed compel us to admire his skill,
but his work will possess, within itself, an
incurable defect. The poet, then, has in the
first place to select an excellent action ; and
what actions are the most excellent ? Those,
certainly, which most powerfully appeal to the
great primary human affections : to those ele-
mentary feelings which subsist permanently
in the human race, and which are indepen-
dent of time. These feelings are permanent
and the same ; that which interests them is
permanent and the same also."
This, then, as I take it, is what Mr.
Lowell meant when he praised Gray's
poem for its " commonplaceness of
sentiment." That poem treats of " the
great primary human affections." It
is not a poem of action, but of medi-
tation j but its meditations are on
the actions which through all ages
have gone to swell the great stream
of human life. It expresses itself in
familiar language, simple, sweet, and
solemn. It indulges in no freaks, no
fantasies, no caprices : it conforms to
the prosody of art. This is its value
for the younger members of the audi-
ence Mr. Lowell was addressing, for a
generation which has turned to other
models, and to the expression of other
affections, which do indeed belong to
humanity, as madness or the plague
belong to it, but which no art can
make interesting, and which attract,
where they do attract, solely by their
defiance of art. The affections which
stir a Dolores or a Nana are those
which human nature shares in common
with the ape and the tiger ; and the
" great plan " which treats of such
affections only helps us to that know-
ledge which increaseth SOITOW. An
ingenious writer l has lately essayed to
prove that the most splendid genius
inevitably treads close on the heels of
insanity. It is easy to imagine with
what lively satisfaction, what a sense
1 In the Nineteenth Century magazine for
June.
of comfort and hope, the scorners
of the commonplace must have laid
this flattering unction to their souls.
But their consoler seems somehow
curiously to have failed to see that all
his arguments and illustrations really
make, not for, but against his case ;
that the geniuses in whom the mental
twist was most perverse were pre-
cisely those who came short of the
goal to which their natural gifts might
have borne them — they failed pre-
cisely because they had not the con-
trolling and balancing power, because
they did not recognise the saving vir-
tue of the commonplace, because, in a
word, they had not sanity. Originality,
it has been said, must come unlocked
for, if it comes at all. Certainly it
will not be found by raking in the
dunghills either of the past or the
present. It is a virtue which cannot
be assumed ; and, least of all, can
it be assumed by vulgar affectations of
singularity, or impudent essays on
public credulity. And if it be a virtue
doomed still to fade
" For ever and for ever when we move,"
we may perhaps assuage our dis-
appointment with the consolation
one of the great rejected of the age of
prose and reason found in his work :
" It seems not so much the perfection
of sense to say things that have never
been said before, as to express those
best that have been said oftenest."
There is, in good truth, plenty still to
be done that way — plenty for cm-
critics, and for the next generation —
the generation which is to be quickened
and sustained by the atmosphere en-
gendered by the motive powers of
those critics. It were no bad thing to
remember the words addressed to a
pupil by a great teacher of an earlier
time than ours, a teacher who assuredly
did not want sanity, whatever else he
may have wanted : " If you wish to
exercise influence hereafter, beyin by dis-
tinguishing yourself in the regular way,
not by seeming to prefer a separate way
of your own."
280
A WALKING TOUR IN THE LANDES.
WE entered Biscarosse just as the
children were trooping out of the
communal school, each pair of sabots
making as much clatter on the pave-
ment as a pair of bird-clappers. We
stopped at an inn the merits of which
my companion had been painting for
the last half -hour in glowing colours.
So anxious was he to have all the
honour of introducing a stranger that
he ran on ahead and announced my
approach to a lank and red-haired girl
who was exhibiting a pair of naked
feet on the threshold. The red-haired
damsel did not seem at all overcome
by the apparition of a tourist. One
tramp to her was as good or as bad as
another. As I entered she merely
moved a little on one side, doubtless
to place her brown toes where they
would be safe from my boots. It was
a straggling, sprawling, uninteresting,
cheerless auberge, but it was the best
in the place. Having ordered dinner,
I asked the resin-gatherer what he
would drink before we parted. "A
little absinthe," said he. Oh ! green-
eyed demon, so you had found your
way even to this Ultima Thule ! The
aubergiste poured some of the familiar
spirit into a glass. Then my un-
sophisticated man of the woods took
the water-bottle, lifted it up, and let
a slender stream trickle into the glass ;
the demon at the bottom showed his
green eye immediately, and the mix-
ture as it rose rippled and sparkled
with prismatic hues. My innocent
friend knew the trick as well as
any boulevardier. Well, I ought not
to have been surprised, for he had
been a soldier, and the military educa-
tion is not confined to the use of arms.
As we parted company he shook my
hand hard and long, hoped that I
would visit him again, and actually
proposed that I should go back with
him to his hut and pass the night
there, promising to show me the next
day all the curious things in the forest
between the lake and the sea. I some-
times regret that I did not accept his
offer.
While the dinner was being cooked
I roamed about the village, where I
found two objects of interest — a church
with a spire entirely roofed with strips
of wood, and a tree. As it was getting
dusk I postponed my visit to the
church until the next morning, but
the tree I examined at once. It was
a pollard elm of immense girth, and
so old that about a dozen children
were playing in the hollow of it. No-
thing but the shell of the great trunk
remained except a few gnarled branches
and a crown of leaves. This tree I
found had a local celebrity, not only
on account of its great age, on which
speculation was silent, for it was
an " immemorial elm," but because
it had the peculiarity of putting
forth white instead of green leaves
every spring. The white leaves ap-
peared near the trunk and the green
leaves came afterwards. This was no
village myth, for I could see clusters of
hoary leaves still hanging underneath
the green. The children wondered
much what there was in the venerable
tree to interest me.
On my return to the inn I found a
much more sumptuous dinner awaiting
me than I had expected. First I had
tomato soup, then an omelette, next
the beef that helped to make the soup ;
afterwards macaroni, roast turtle-dove,
cheese, grapes, and pears. The red-
haired domestic, who had put on
stately manners with a pair of slip-
pers, told me as she set the macaroni
down that a turtle was coming. I
told her I would have the roast first.
She insisted that I must eat the
A Walking Tour in the Landes.
281
macaroni first. We had a regular
battle on the point, but in the end
I carried the day, and she took the
macaroni back to the kitchen. Pre-
sently she brought in the poor little
dove, with its pretty rose-coloured feet
turned towards heaven. To eat a
turtle-dove seemed very like sacrilege,
but the voice of conscience was soon
hushed and the deed was done.
At half-past seven the angelus rang,
and at nine there was scarcely a light
to be seen in the village. I went to
bed because everybody else did so, and
such is the force of example that I
was as sleepy as if it were midnight.
At four o'clock the angelus rang again.
Two hours later I was up and about.
I visited the church. It was a six-
teenth century building, with nothing
peculiar to mark it except the wood-
covered spire. The interior was strongly
scented by the bunches of peppermint
flowers that had been gathered by
children and placed upon the altars.
The church stood in the midst of
the burying-ground — a piece of rough
field, without trees, or shrubs, or
garden flowers ; without monuments
and memorial emblems, excepting a
few stone slabs and little wooden
crosses stuck here and there among
the long grass, wild»carrots, camomile,
tow brambles glistening with black-
berries, and flowering mallows.
My dinner, bed, and breakfast at
Biscarosse cost me 5f. 50c. I put
these details down for the informa-
tion and guidance of other tramps.
I do not mention gratuities to red-
haired girls and others. One can
travel through the Landes on foot for
eight francs a day, and still afford to
be liberal according to the local notions
of liberality.
The hour came for the knapsack to
be hoisted again and the journey re-
sumed. I had recovered from the
fatigue that one always feels for the
first two days of a walking tour after
several months of comparative inacti-
vity. The knapsack now seemed as
light as a feather, and the consciousness
of renewed strength gave an appetite
for fresh exertion. From Biscarosse
I took a south-easterly course to
Parentis, and had the lake of Parentis,
which is about two-thirds as large as
that of Cazau, on my right. It was
completely hidden, however, by the
pines. The road, which ran through a
dense forest, was a good one. After
passing an army of geese drawn up in
battle array, I met a party of women
with wide-brimmed straw hats on their
heads, which gave them the appearance
of being thatched. Their curiosity
was so much aroused by the sight of
me that they stopped still and stared.
One of them asked me a question in
her patois. I told her that I did not
understand ; and she replied, " Je com-
prenais pas Franqais." This is an
example of the funny French spoken
hereabouts, even by people who use
the language fluently enough. The
woman who wished me to drink eau
sucree on the road to Cazau, in speak-
ing to her husband, used the form
" Souvinse-tu ? " for " Souviens-tu ? "
These corruptions, however, must not
be confused with the patois of the
country, which is a distinct dialect,
differing as much from French as
French does from Italian or Spanish ;
but the Latin idiom is common to all.
Even in the Landes the patois varies
according to geographical conditions.
Thus, the farther one goes south the
more one is struck by the open vowel
sounds and full accentuation of syl-
lables. In the Chalosse, the district
south of the Adour, the patois con-
tains many words of Basque origin.
In the larger villages of the Landes,
it is very unusual now to find people
who cannot speak French fluently.
But the French of Gascony is not un-
like the French of " Stratford-atte-
Bowe," so despised by Chaucer. For
instance, the Gascons give almost the
English pronunciation of train and pine
and franc to the French words train,
pin, and franc. Many other examples
of this similarity might be mentioned.
Now I saw what I had been anxi-
ously looking out for — men on stilts.
They were a party of three herdsmen,
282
A Walking Tour in the Landes.
and their cattle were browsing among
the heather. The men stood about
four feet from the ground. Their well-
developed sinewy legs were bare to
the knee, but the soles of their feet
were protected from the wood of the
stilts by a piece of 4' sheep's or goat's
skin, the woolly side turned upwards.
On their backs were wallets, also of
sheep's or goat's skin, for carrying
food and water. One man had a great
green umbrella strapped to his back.
Before I reached the spot where the
stiltmen were standing, I was accosted
by a shabby-genteel looking tramp
with along beard, who, claiming me, no
doubt, as a brother of the road, tried
to draw me into conversation on the
advantages of using stilts in this
sandy region. He was not long in
discovering that I was an Englishman,
and he assured me that he had had
the honour of counting among his
most esteemed friends many of my
countrymen whom he met in his native
place, Boulogne-sur-Mer. It was a
relief when he came to business, and
told me he was sans-le-sou and had
passed the night on the heather. I
gave him some sous and wished him
bon voyage. " Tank you, sir," he
said, as he continued his journey. In
a few minutes he turned round again
and shouted, " Tank you, sir ! " This
performance he repeated at intervals
until he was out of hearing. The
stiltmen observed this little comedy
with quiet wonder. One of them
asked me if " that monsieur " was an
old acquaintance of mine. I replied
that he was not. "I was then asked if
I was a merchant — a polite term for a
pedlar. " No, I am travelling like
this for my pleasure." Great amuse-
ment and equal incredulity* of the
stilted gentlemen, who stared alter-
nately at one another and at me, but
said no more. I saw plainly enough
that it would be easier for me to con-
vince them that I was a ghost than
that I travelled on foot through the
wilderness of the Landes with a knap-
sack on my back for the sake of
pleasure.
I went on my way, but I soon met
another stilted mortal who had a
numerous flock of goats, most of them
black and all very long in the leg.
His dog's suspicions were deeply
stirred by seeing me stop and make a
note in my book, and he barked furi-
ously. Like other dogs he had care-
fully studied all the movements of the
human being, Trat this one was new to
his experience.
Occasional breaks in the forest,
showing fields of maize, patches of
tobacco and melons, cottages with
trellised vines for porches, told me
that Parentis was not far off. Further
on I came to clumps of old oaks and
sweet chestnuts. Whenever an oak is
seen in this part of the Landes it is a
pretty certain indication that a town
or village is near. In ancient days,
long before the pine was sown, the
country was fairly wooded with oak.
Was the timber destroyed in the wars
of which Aquitaine was such a bloody
theatre for centuries ? or was it simply
used up for housebuilding and firewood
by a people that had not yet learnt
that there are duties which communi-
ties owe to their most distant posterity ]
Such questions are more easily put
than answered. Remnants of the
ancient oak forests remain in the
Landes, but rarely north of the Adour,
except in the neighbourhood of towns
and villages.
Parentis- en-Born is the chef -lieu of
six communes, but it has not quite
2,000 inhabitants. It is very pic-
turesque, for its wooden houses with
red - tiled roofs are mostly nestled
among trees and vines. The early
Gothic church is falling into ruin.
The tiled floor is so dilapidated that
unless you pick your way as you walk
up the aisle your feet sink into the
sand. The ledge round the rail where
the communicants kneel is as full of
holes as Mirza's Bridge. The ceiling is
beautifully groined, and the vaulting
is supported by graceful clustered
columns. The building, roofed with
stones, except where these have been
blown off, is capped by a broach spire
A Walking Tour in the Landes.
283
very broad and low. An ancient
wooden image of Christ to be found in
this church is a very interesting ex-
ample of quaint sculpture.
I stop at an auberge. It is a strange
place, with great rooms and many
passages, but solemn, silent, and
seemingly deserted. No dog runs
forward to sniff the stranger, no cat
cocks its tail and rubs against the
table-legs ; not even a clock ticks. I
knock on the table with my stick, and
a woman appears so suddenly that I
think she must have popped up through
the floor like a stage fairy. As it is
nearly noon, and I see a ham hang-
ing to a beam, I ask the phantom
hostess to fry me some of the ham
— which is the least ghostly-looking
object in the place — together with some
eggs. All she says is " Eien," but the
word is quite to the purpose. She
goes into the kitchen, blows some
life into the whitened embers on the
hearth and sets to work with the
frying-pan. Ah ! now the flame leaps
up, the jocund frying-pan hisses, the
absent cat comes in stretching its legs
after a long doze in the sun, the
pinched faces of ghostly guests, with
their noses in ghostly glasses, vanish
from the imagination, and the phantom
inn is humanised by the crackling fire
and the genial odour of frizzling ham.
All honour to the pig, for he is a
merry beast when alive, and when
dead and properly cured his body
inspires homely sentiment. I have a
cheerful lunch after all, in spite of the
flies which have been lavishly cooked
with the ham and eggs, and I am in
such a good humour now that I can be
amused by the glass water-bottle on
the table — a dolphin standing on its
head and using its tail to make a neck.
I soon left Parentis, for I had only
walked eight miles before lunch, and
nearly twice that distance lay between
me and Escource, where I proposed to
pass the night. After leaving behind
me a stone cross with the inscription,
"O Crux, Ave! Mission 1860," the
country became very wild and solemn.
Many miles of forest were before me,
and there was not a sign of human life
except the earthen resin pots fixed to
the pines. The road was a mere sandy
track. At length I came to a clearing
and a small farm. Seeing a man on
stilts I asked him for some water. He
led the way, stepping like an ostrich,
to the cottage, where a pretty, dark-
eyed girl, with dazzling teeth, and
the soft profile of a woman in her
first youth — the sole example of female
beauty I had yet seen in the Landes —
held the pitcher to me like another
Rebecca. But my Rebecca's naked
feet, although they were as shapely as
Psyche's, were as dingy as a monkey's,
and the luxuriance of her chestnut
tresses was the luxuriance of the
garden of Eden after the fall of the
gardener. The background harmonised
well, but not sweetly with the chief
figure in the picture. The interior of
the wooden dwelling — the girl was
standing on the threshold — was
squalid and smoke-begrimed. It had
become so impregnated with the odours
of the dirt demon that had made it his
tabernacle, that it was past all
purifying except by fire. I felt that I
was in a part of the Landes where the
few inhabitants had made scarcely
any effort to keep up with the cen-
turies in their course, and who had
been left far, very far, behind in the
race.
Finding that the road took me a
good deal out of my southernly course
I let myself be guided by compass and
map, and struck off by a much nar-
rower and rougher track where the
sand was as loose as on the sea shore.
Now I was once more utterly alone
with nature. There was not even
the sound of a forester's axe to rouse the
solitude with a note of human sentiment.
I heard nothing but the sighing, the
everlasting sighing, of the pines. Only
those who have listened to this sound
hour after hour in the midst of a vast
forest, without even the voice of a
friend to break the sameness of its
perpetual rising and falling, know
what it is to be alone with the sibyl.
The pine is the high priest of the
284
A Walking Tour in the Landes.
forest, to whom nature is ever whisper-
ing her deepest mysteries. In all its
aspects it responds symbolically to the
inner life of man. It is the most
joyous and the most melancholy of
trees. Its crest is filled with the ra-
diance of heaven, but its trunk dwells
in such an earthly shadow of death
that its own leaves cannot live there.
It is for ever reaching towards the sun
and stars, but the more it feels their
beauty and light the deeper grows the
shade about its roots. Who that has
walked long among the pines and
kept his eyes fixed upon their naked
trunks, has not found an irresistible
melancholy steal over him — a tender
and gracious melancholy, perhaps, but
strangely weird and solemn? And
who that has let his sight wander
aloft where the branches wave their
leafy harps against a sky that is
bronzed by the flaming noon or dyed
by the evening rose, has not felt his
mind overflow with delight? No
sound, I have said, but the sighing
of the pines. Ah ! yes, there was
another sound ; it was that of the
dropping cone — a sound which, when
evening is coming on, and the arcades
of the forest are getting dim as cathe-
dral aisles in the dusk, makes the soli-
tary wanderer start, and half expect
to see the puckered face of Pan peer-
ing out of the unreal twilight. The
first notice one has of a cone dropping
is the sharp metallic ring it gives out
as it strikes a branch in its downward
course, or the dull thud when it meets
the earth. The noise would be hardly
remarked in a wood resounding with
the songs of birds, but in the silent
forest it is capable of sending a shud-
der through the frame.
But if there were no birds nor ci-
cadas to cheer me on my way this
afternoon, there was no lack of insect
life. I was greatly worried by those
pests of the forests known in France
as mouches grises. For voracity and
impudence these long-bodied grey-
winged flies are unrivalled, except by
the mosquito. One is compelled to be
constantly battling with them, or they
will work havoc with the face and
hands. Their cool effrontery is
only equalled by the cunning which
enables them invariably to beat a safe
retreat, and without any apparent
effort, when attacked. They are far
too sagacious to make their buzz heard
above the steady hum of insect life.
They drop upon your neck or nose or
back of your hand without giving any
warning. A bottle of diluted ammonia
is a useful thing to carry in the forests,
for the bites of these insects may cause
great irritation and ugly swellings.
I was glad when I reached Les
Forges, a pretty hamlet on a small
lake, and embowered in trees. It
was a blessed thing to be able to rest
a while in the cool room of an auberge,
and have a talk with a human being
over a bottle of wine. This human
creature was the landlord, a smart,
sturdy man of about thirty, with an
air of prosperity. Everybody I saw
at Les Forges had the same air. I
was in the presence of a new and
thriving civilisation, very similar, I
should think, to that of a backwoods'
settlement in America, while the future
town is still in the seed. This hamlet
owes its existence to the iron-foundry
which has given it its name. All its
buildings are made of pine planks, and
are scattered around the lake under
the shadow of the trees. My host told
me that in winter the country for miles
around was under water, and that
everybody then went on stilts. "Don't
you find your life rather mournful
during those months?" said I.
" Comme $a," said he. " We get
used to it. And then, if we have
too much water sometimes, !we have
never any hail or cholera." In this inn
I saw a newspaper, the first since I
left Bordeaux. It was the Petite
Gironde, and it contained in big type
an account of the bombardment of
Foochow.
As I had still about seven miles to
walk before reaching Escource, and the
day was far spent, I only took a short
rest at Les Forges. As I left the
hamlet, dogs of all sizes rushed after
A Walking Tour in the Landes.
285
me growling and barking with great
spirit. They kept a few yards from my
heels. But for my big stick they would
have come nearer. Dogs can judge
by its appearance the kind of sensation
which a stick would produce on their
backs with truly wonderful sagacity.
The little dogs were the greatest nui-
sance. The big dogs would have seldom
put themselves to the trouble of run-
ning after me if they were not excited
by the bad example of their small
brethren. In the same manner little
men often lead big men into mischief.
The evening was settling down as I
reached Escource. The principal inn
was a low wooden building, with a
row of fine plane trees in front. The
name Angelos over the door was a
sign that my three day's tramp had
brought me nearer the region where
the difference between French and
Spanish blood is chiefly the Pyre-
nees. The entrance to the hostelry
was not at all inviting. It was a dark
scullery reeking with soapsuds, and
filled with steam, for the family
washing was in full swing. Pere
Angelos, a man of about sixty, with
large florid face deepening to the colour
of wine lees on the cheek bones, a
heavy grizzly moustache and imperial,
a graduated series of chins, shrewd
dark eyes, and a body that by long
association with hogsheads had begun
to mimic the shape of one, was stand-
ing in the steam and encouraging with
severe looks his wife and daughters to
distinguish themselves at the wash-
tubs.
As my form darkened the thres-
hold, he stared at me with an ex-
pression of blank astonishment that
contrasted wofully with the legendary
picture of the stout innkeeper stepping
forward to greet the stranger with
cordial words and smiles suggestive of
the fat turkey which by a happy in-
spiration had already been placed on
the spit.
But father Angelos is not in reality
a sour-tempered man ; he had simply
been thrown off his guard, for he is
as much a farmer as an innkeeper, and
I am a stranger whom he wishes to
understand before he cares to welcome.
I, however, treat him as an old ac-
quaintance, and compel him to thaw.
He then asks me to come into the
inner room, and as if to apologise for
the steam and soapsuds, remarks,
" Aujourd'hui on fait la lessive."
The inner room is the public room
and kitchen — an almost invariable
combination in these country inns.
The lowness of the ceiling traversed
by heavy beams makes it look larger
than it really is. There is the wide
fire-place with chimney open to within
three feet of the ceiling, with the pine-
wood fire blazing on the hearth that
one sees throughout the Landes in all
seasons. The furniture consists of a
great dresser and several long tables
and benches for the convenience of the
family and the public. Everybody and
everything, from host Angelos to the
jugs and platters, seem to have been
carefully smoke-dried for better pre
servation.
To my usual inquiry about a night's
lodging I received an affirmative an-
swer, but it did not come from the
heart. I imagined Angelos inwardly
growling, " Yes, you can stop here,
since you have come ; but I had rather
you had gone elsewhere, especially as
it is washing day." Washing day is a
dreadful family earthquake all the
world over. Having expressed a de-
sire to see my bed-room, Angelos called
one of his daughters, and said some-
thing to her in patois. She made a
sign to me, and I followed her up a
wide uneven staircase and along a
white-washed passage from which
other and narrower passages branched
off to the right and left ; for the
house, although entirely of wood,
was built upon an ambitious plan.
She led the way into a room.
" Voilfk votre chambre," she said, and
left me to my reflections before I had
time to look round. Prepared as I
always am to make the best of things
when on the tramp, I did not like this
bedroom. It was not the extreme
poorness and scantiness of the furni-
ture, but the dirty appearance of the
bed linen that disheartened me. I per-
286
A Walking Tour in the Landes.
ceived at a glance that the previous occu-
piers had been travelling labourers or
tramps. Having resolved to lie in my
clothes on the outside — it was useless
to think of seeking better quarters in
the village — I returned to the kitchen,
and invited the landlord in the
cheeriest voice I could muster to
drink a glass of his best cognac with
me. I have always found it good
policy to be convivial with landlords.
Under the warming influence of the
brandy, father Angelos's mercury rose
twenty degrees. In the course of ten
minutes he became quite genial. He
then remembered that he had a better
bedroom than the one I had just been
shown into, and he again called his
daughter and told her to lead the way
to it. This room pleased me. It was
evidently the best one in the house,
and intended for distinguished visi-
tors, such as commercial travellers.
The old-fashioned furniture was still
good, the bed linen was white, the
walls were embellished with coloured
prints of a religious character, and the
window looked out upon a row of
luxuriant plane trees, whose branches
touched the panes. I opened the
rickety and worm-eaten casement,
and let in the pine-scented breath of
evening. The sun had set ; the sky
was still blue, but blue with a dash of
indigo, and the deep shadows of night
issuing from the crypts of the forest
were chasing the fleet twilight towards
the last western glow. The only
sound that broke the calm was one
that hushed it too. The youngest
daughter of the inn, a little creature
of five or six years, was sitting alone
on a damp green bench in the dusk,
under the broad motionless leaves of
the plane trees. She was singing to a
doll, with the soft warble of childhood
that has forgotten human neighbour-
hood, an old song that has been sung
by many generations of French
children : —
" Frere Jacques, dormez-vous ?
Dormez-vous ? dormez-vous ?
Sonnez les matines, sonnez les matines —
Bim, baum, baum ! ' '
The child was only two or three
yards beneath me, but she had no
thought that anybody was looking at
her brown head swaying between the
leaves, and her small sunburnt feet
dangling over the lighter sand. Some-
thing reminded me that these pretty
pictures were not food for the hungry,
and I retraced my steps to the kitchen.
" What is there for dinner? "
"Pas grand' chose. Part of a fowl
that was cooked this morning, and a
pigeon if you wish."
"A pigeon, by all means."
A boy, whom I noticed then for the
first time, went into the yard and
returned in a minute with a fluttering
pigeon.
" Have you killed it ? "
" Not yet ; I am just going to."
"Don't do it. Let it go again. I
don't like pigeons quite so fresh as
that."
The boy was nothing loth to do as I
bade him, for the bird was his own.
Having commenced the evening with
a good action, I was rewarded with the
company of my host at dinner in an
adjoining room. Father Angelos had
made himself beautiful. He had taken
off his blouse and put on a black coat
in my honour. The dinner turned out
better than Madame Angelos had led me
to expect. A snowy cloth had been
laid on the table, together with two
linen napkins that" with little stretch-
ing might have served for sheets.
The repast was not confined to the
remnants of the mid- day fowl, for we
had also soup and boiled beef (bouilli,
which I can only appreciate when on a
walking tour). We were waited upon
by the eldest daughter, a girl with a
face as mild and submissive as a nun's.
She did not venture to say a word
throughout the meal, for Angelos
inspired his family with awe when he
put on his best coat and society
manners. When the dessert came his
mercury had risen as high as it would
go, and that was a long way. He
talked incessantly, and so fast, and
with such a full-flavoured Gascon
accent that I had some difficulty in
following him. The fact of my being
an Englishman brought back to his
A Walking Tour in the Landes.
287
mind pleasant memories of his soldering
days — the days of the Crimean war.
When he talked of English soldiers
and sailors he held his sides and roared
so loud with laughter that his timid
daughter looked scared. I did not at
first take these explosions of mirth as
complimentary, hut I soon found that
they were caused by a genuine admira-
tion of the only British qualities which
had left a lasting impression on my
host — love of fighting and capacity for
drinking. The good wine that he
brought from " behind the faggot "
helped down his stories, but after a
while neither his thunderclaps of
laughter nor his old wine would keep
me awake. So I excused myself on
the ground of fatigue and went to
bed.
I was up early the next morning,
for I had had visitors during the night
which made me keenly alive to the
attractions of the outer world. The
radiance of the morning and the
lightness and sweetness of the air
soon enabled me to throw off the
depressing effects of a night spent in
battling with innumerable foes. I
strolled into the church, a building of
the worst taste. Just inside the door
a village urchin was tolling the bell.
Each time the rope slid up through the
hole in the ceiling the boy's naked
heels rose out of his sabots. The bell
stopped, and an old priest with long
white hair began to sing his mass in a
voice of beautiful tone, and the acolyte
who gave the responses had a bass of
tremendous power. The altar boys,
seven or eight in number, wore their
blouses and sabots. No pomps and
vanities there.
I returned to the auberge for my
cafe au lait, and to take leave of my
friend Angelos. He only charged me
4 francs 50 centimes for my dinner,
bed, breakfast, his company and all his
anecdotes. I hope I may never fall
into worse hands than his! From
Escource I took the road to Onesse.
The general features of the country
remained the same. The seemingly
illimitable forest was on each side of
me, and in front was a long, narrow
stretch of sand called a road. Here
and there moss and cut heather had
been laid upon it. However curious it
may seem, this method of paving is
not to be despised in a sandy region. I
met no human kind, except a party of
charcoal burners, until I reached
Onesse, a larger and busier village than
Escource. It being nearly noon I
stopped to lunch at an inn of some
importance. I had a companion at
table ; a young man with a face like a
red apple full ripe, and eyes like
black glass beads. He told me that
he was " in the cognac," a state to
which his looks conformed, and that
he represented a firm at Bordeaux.
Wishing to be very friendly, he opened
a mahogany case which I thought must
have contained some musical instru-
ment. Instead of flute or clarinet I
saw a row of little bottles. These
contained his samples of brandy.
Taking one of them he poured a few
drops into a glass and insisted upon
my drinking them. Then he took
another and another, repeating the
same experiment each time upon me
until he reached the highest note of the
gamut. I saw by the protuberance
and glitter of his black beads that he
expected me then to give signs of
ecstasy. So not to disappoint him I
exclaimed " Magnificent ! superb ! "
— all the adjectives most dear to the
French heart. He then shut up his
case with the air of a missionary who
had just baptised a heathen. For
lunch, the piece de resistance was a
roast fowl— a fowl that had been killed
weeks or months before and preserved
in grease. This is a very common
method of treating poultry in Gascony.
It enables people always to have a
fowl in the house ready for use at a
moment's notice. In the better class
of rural inns, large provision of hams
and preserved poultry is generally
made for the winter. In passing
through the kitchen I noticed that the
spit on which the fowl was roasting
close to the hearth before a wood fire
was turned by clockwork fixed to the
288
A Walking Tour in the Landes.
side of the chimney and moved by a
heavy weight. There were two other
noteworthy dishes at this meal : one
was stewed mushrooms that had been
preserved in oil, and the other was
green capsicums fresh cut from the
garden and mixed with olive oil and
red wine vinegar.
The walk from Onesse to the next
village, Lesperon, gave me some very
rough work. I had fallen upon a
range of dunes running at right angles
with the coast line about twenty miles
inland. The country was even more
desolate than the wilderness between
Parentis and Les Forges ; but the
forest was less dense, and the brush-
wood of furze and heather was some-
times varied by broad masses of
bracken.
After some hours of difficult walk-
ing I came to a stream running with
crystal clearness at the bottom of a
gully of its own making. It was
evident from this that the tuff lay
much deeper here than in much of the
Landes which I had already traversed ;
consequently the water would pro-
bably be better. On each side of the
stream was a steep bank of almost
snow-white sand. Here I may remark
that this is the true colour of the
Landes sand, from the large propor-
tion of quartz crystals which it con-
tains, and that its generally dirty
appearance is due to the vegetable
soil that has become mixed with it.
Although the stream was spanned by
a rough wooden bridge I could not
resist the temptation of sliding down
the nearest sand bank in that elegant
posture which mountaineers frequently
assume in travelling down the snowy
flanks of the Alps, for the sparkle of
that water at the bottom of the gully
would have fascinated any thirsty
wanderer. It was just as I expected,
pure and cold. But the most lasting
impression which the spot will leave
upon my mind is the difference be-
tween climbing up a steep sand bank,
and sliding down one.
The evening was so young when I
reached Lesperon, my stopping place
for the night, that I had time to look
at the church before dinner. This
building is one of great interest,
especially to Englishmen, for it was
raised by their . forefathers. Local
authority is unanimous on this point.
The portal nearly corresponds to Eng-
lish Norman, but the interior arches
are slightly pointed, and supported by
low and massive round pillars without
capitals. The side aisles and choir
have been partially renewed. Over
the west front, strengthened by but-
tresses, rises a broad tower capped by
a very low broach spire in two angles.
On the slanting top of one of the
buttresses is a self-sown pine, several
feet in height, which adds greatly to
the picturesqueness of the building.
But the most characteristic feature of
the church — one that compels the
modern to stand still and wonder at
the strange contrasts of the turbulent
times in which it was raised — is a
square tower built out on the south
side with narrow loopholes for defence.
I put up for the night at a great
comfortless auberge, and dined upon
a couple of turtle doves, and about a
dozen small birds, suspiciously like
tomtits, which an old woman with
nose and chin bent by time to the
shape of sugar-nippers was threading
on a spit as I entered. After dinner
the schoolmaster dropped in to smoke
his evening pipe. As he was dressed
like a countryman, it was some time
before I learnt that I was in the pre-
sence of so distinguished a person.
One after another his cronies came in
and joined him in a game of cards.
They were small tradesmen or farmers —
men of rough exterior, but of pleasant,
kindly manners. They called for beer
— a boisson de luxe in these parts — and
invited me to join their party. I did
so, but only as a spectator, for the
game they played, called " manillf,"
was quite new to me. When not
talking to me they spoke the language
of the country, which I thought at
first was Basque. I was mistaken.
The schoolmaster described the Basques
as tetus et bourrus, but the Landais he
A Walking Tour in the I/andes.
289
said were quiet, amiable people who,
when they quarrelled — which very
seldom happened — never drew murder-
ous knives from their pockets and
blew out the candles. He was a
Landais.
This genial schoolmaster was so
anxious that I should visit the Chateau
de Lesperon in the neighbourhood,
that I accepted his offer to conduct me
thither the next morning. We started
at an early hour. My new friend
was so transformed by black cloth
that I scarcely recognised in him the
card-player of the night before. The
Chateau de Lesperon merits no de-
scription. It is an uninteresting ruin
of a castellated mansion built at the
close of the fifteenth century. In
one of the rooms is a framed manu-
script giving some extracts from the
Commentaires of Blaise de Mont
Luc. Certain passages of these ex-
tracts are stamped by a very quaint
humour, and tell us what sort of man
it was who -built this house in the
desert. Blaise, after referring to the
services he had rendered by bearing
arms for " the kings, my masters '
makes the following curious observa-
tion : — " Croyez moi que les playes qtie
j'ay regues m'ont plus donn6 de recon-
fort que d'ennuy ; et m'asseure quand
je serai mort qua grand peyne dira on
que j'emporte au jour de la resurrec-
tion en Paradis tout le sang os et
veines que j'ay apporte au monde du
ventre de ma mere."
But although the sturdy old soldier
professes to have no cause to regret
his devotion to his royal masters, he
records with evident relish, not un-
mixed with malice, the following local
anecdote: — "Le roy Louis douzieme
allant a Bayonne logea en un petit
village nomme 1'Esperon, lequel est
plus pres de Bayonne que de Bordeaux.
Or, sur le. grand chemin, Le Cayle eust
fait bastir une tres belle maison. Le
roy trouva estrange qu'en un pays si
maigre et dans les landes et sables
qui ne portoient rien ce Cayle eust
fait bastir une si belle maison ; de
quoy il entretint pendant son souper
No. 310. — VOL. LII.
son Mareschal des Logis qui luy
fait responce que Le Cayle estait
un riche homme, ce que le roy ne
pouvait croire veu le miserable pays
ou la maison estait assise ; il 1'envoya
querir sur 1'heure mesme et luy dit
ces mots : ' Yenez §a, Cayle, pourquoy
n'avez vous fait bastir cette maison
en quelque endroit ou le pays fust
bon et fertile?' 'Sire,' dit Le Cayle,
' je suis natif de ce pays et le trouve
prou bon pour moy.' ' Estes vous si
riche,' dit le roy, 'comme Ton m'a
dit?' 'Je ne suis pas pauvre,' dit-il.
' Graces & Dieu j'ay de quoy vivre.'
Le roy dit lors, ' Comment est-il pos-
sible qu'en un pays si maigre et
sterille tu sois peu devenir si riche 1 '
' Cela m'a este bien ayse,' dit Le Cayle,
'sire.' 'Dites moy done comment,'
dit le roy. ' Par ce, sire, que j'ay
tous jours plustost fait mes affaires
que celles de mon maistre et de mes
voisins.' ' Le diable, ne m'emport,'
dit le roy (ainsi estait son serment),
' ta raison est bonne, car en faisant
de ceste sorte et te levant matin tu
ne pourrais faillir de devenir riche.'
0 combien d'enfants a laisse ce Cayle
heritiers de ses complexions ! Je n'ay
jamais est6 de ceux-la."
I took leave of the friendly school-
master under the wide-spreading oaks
which surround the Chateau de Les-
peron, ajid soon struck the high
road to Bayonne. As I wished to
pass through Dax, it was not long
before I quitted the excellent national
road for one of those narrow sandy
tracks through the forest of which
1 had already had so much experience.
The morning was glorious, and the
cicadas were scraping on their one
note like insect fiddlers that had lin-
gered too long over the sun's naming
beaker. Seeing one of these happy
creatures low down on a pine, a
school-boy's inspiration seized me. I
would try to catch it. I was within
a yard of it, and the insect, still
playing upon its fiddle, was not aware
of my approach. It was full in the
sunlight, and the rays falling on its
back made it shine like burnished
u
290
A Walking TOUT in the Landes..
gun-metal. As I raised my hand away
it went to another pine, with a heavy
flight and a strident scream of fear
or anger. At the same moment a
lizard, about eight inches long, which
I had not noticed before because it was
nearly the same colour as the pine
bark, ran up the tree with the speed
of lightning, and was instantly lost to
view. Had I disturbed these crea-
tures in a friendly tete-a-tete, or in a
bitter quarrel for the possession of
the tree ?
My next stopping-place was Taller,
a pretty village, where the people
seemed to spend their lives basking
like lizards. I arrived here in the
full blaze of noon, and the shade of
host Lassalle's back room was so re-
freshing that I soon began to shiver,
and was obliged to go outside again
and sun myself against the southern
wall.
While I am standing here the
aubergiste's young wife is engaged on
the problem of preparing an accept-
able meal from such ingredients as the
house affords. I have no misgivings
on this subject, for there is scarcely
a Frenchwoman from Dunkerque to
the Pic du Midi who cannot produce
in half an hour a savoury and attrac-
tive repast with next to nothing, if
her heart is in it. And I can see that
Madame Lassalle's heart, is in her
work. It is a pleasure to her to
cook for a genuine stranger, from
whom she may hear some news of
the outer world. In almost no time
she appears on the threshold, and
says with a smile, " Monsieur est servi."
In the cool back room a white cloth
has been spread over a little table, and
a napkin has been laid beside a plate.
In the centre is a tureen full of
steaming soupe aux choux. Cabbage
soup has a barbarous sound in Eng-
lish ears, but more than one hungry
Englishman has, I expect, felt his
heart glow with gratitude towards
the clever Frenchwoman who has set
it before him. Do not turn up your
fastidious noses, English housewives,
but humble yourselves before the
French menagere until you have learnt
her secret for making cabbage soup.
I can tell you that the ingredients are
a cabbage, a piece of ham or bacon,
and a dry sausage with garlic in it ;
but this knowledge is only half the
battle. If no woman not bred in
England can boil a potato or grill a
chop, so no woman not bred in France
can make a soupe aux choux or an ome-
lette au cerfeuil. After the soup I
have the ham that was boiled with
it, and a little dish of green capsicums
with oil and vinegar. The next course
is a fowl, cut up, and served with a
sauce which is another secret of the
Frenchwoman. Then, for dessert, I
have a plate of figs just picked from
beneath the cool broad leaves that
droop from the wall of the little inn,
and beautiful in their purple bloom.
Hitherto in the Landes I have found
the wine bad, for the aubergistes have
bought it of the Bordeaux dealers,
who have knavishly counterfeited
nature ; but host Lassalle's wine is
a sound and generous liquor — real
blood of the grape. It comes from the
Chalosse, an excellent wine-growing
country, where he has a vineyard. It
has the strong, sweet, and full flavour
of all the red wines of the south. If
it is less pleasant than the light wines
of the Gironde, it is vastly superior
to the compounded liquor that is so
often called Bordeaux.
I had a long talk with Lassalle,
who, when he perceived that I was an
Englishman, became strangely ex-
cited. He first told me that Taller
was named after Tallas, an English-
man, and then that he too was "a
sort of Englishman." I asked him to
sit down and take his coffee with me,
and explain how it was that he was
a sort of Englishman. While we
were drinking our coffee he told me
that he was descended from an Eng-
lish mendicant friar, who came over
to Gascony during the religious wars
(his mind was very misty as to dates),
and was a long while concealed in the
house of a woman of Taller. He was
at length discovered and killed, but
A Walking Tour in the Landes.
his blood continued to flow in the
veins of a son whom his benefactress
gave to the world. The son took his
mother's name, which was Lassalle.
While my host told me this story, with
the pride of a man who endeavours
to prove that he is descended from
John of Gaunt or Robert Bruce, his
wife, fidgeting uncomfortably, said she
did not see the good of repeating " such
histories," and looked as if she would
like to place a hand over her hus-
band's mouth. She evidently did not
think that the mendicant friar was an
ancestor to be proud of, notwithstand-
ing his English nationality. But Lassalle
was much too full of his family tradi-
tions to pay any heed to her.
The church at Taller, like the one
at Lesperon, was built by the English
during the three hundred years' occu-
pation. It has all the appearance of
having been originally designed for a
fortress, and subsequently used for re-
ligious purposes. The walls are of great
thickness, and are pierced in places by
narrow loopholes. The low and mas-
sive portal is in the form of a tre-
foiled arch. After leaving Taller, a
two hours' walk through a forest of
beautiful young pines, their colour
that " living green " of which Dante
speaks, brought me into the high road
to Dax. Parched with thirst, and
half dazed by the fierce light of the
afternoon sun, I read with thankful-
ness the word " Aubergiste " in un-
couth letters over the door of a way-
side hovel. I knocked with my stick
against the closed door. No answer,
no movement from within. I knocked
with increased force, and presently I
heard a shrill voice from the farther
end of a field of maize, and saw the
head of a human being coming towards
me, just above the green leaves and
yellowing spikes. In a few minutes
a woman struggled into full view.
What a woman ! There was nothing
to mark her sex except a piece of
tattered stuff about her body that
looked as if it would be left on the
first bramble that touched it, and which
barely covered her knees. Her face,
arms, and legs were as brown as the
sand — a living woman in terra-cotta.
All she had to sell was a white wine,
but the drinkers called so seldom that
she shut up her house nearly all day
while she worked in the field.
I take no pleasure in recalling my
sensations during the tedious trudge
along the hot and dusty road to Dax.
I looked wistfully at the milestones.
Every kilometre now seemed a league.
Oxen, with fringes of string bobbing
over their faces, dragging their creak-
ing wains along at a snail's pace that
neither goads nor curses would quicken ;
troops of panting cattle with drovers
and dogs ; country carts spinning over
the road in a cloud of dust and drawn
by fleet Landais horses, and tramps
like myself, all wending southward
— were so many proofs that I was near-
ing some centre of human activity :
but the hours passed, the sun sank
low, and no town was in sight. Ah
well ! I reached Dax at last, covered
with dust, and as weary as any pil-
grim. I entered the town at the hour
when all the Dacquoises were dropping
the last pinch of salt into the evening
soup.
It was my luck to fall upon a good-
old-fashioned inn with a table d'hdte
and a merry company. Those who
have not known the happiness of
reaching a good inn and genial society
after a long day's walk may console
themselves with the thought that they
have not yet tasted one of the chief
pleasures of life.
Dax, like many an old town with a
stirring history, builds up expectations
in the mind of the stranger which are
not realised on the spot. Not a ghost
of any Roman, Vandal, Yisigoth, Sara-
cen, Frank, Norman, or Englishman
among its old masters could feel at
home in Dax of to-day. As far as I
could discover there are but two things
in the place which visibly connect it
with antiquity. These are the hot
springs, as hot and abundant as in the
days when they attracted the Romans
thither, and the Gallo-Roman wall
that still surrounds a portion of the
u 2
292
A Walking Tour in the Landes.
old town. The springs to which Dax
owes its corrupted Latin name are
certainly very curious and remarkable.
They rise in the centre of the town in
a large basin inclosed by railings.
Over the water is a perpetual cloud of
steam that completely obscures the
view when the weather is cold. At
other times one can see the holes in
the ground from which hot water and
air bubbles are eternally rising. So
great is the flow of water that the
municipality can only employ a very
small portion of it for bathing and
drinking purposes. People are allowed
to bring pitchers and pails and tap it
as they please for household use. Its
temperature is 158° Fahr. These ther-
mal springs cause a moist heat that
makes the climate of Dax very enjoy-
able to mosquitoes. Like all mineral
waters put to commercial purposes
these are credited with marvellous
medicinal properties. All the ills to
which flesh is heir, except death, they
are supposed to cure. The ancient
wall already mentioned was almost
perfect until 1858, when the intelli-
gent Dacquois, finding it greatly in
the* way of their desire of expansion,
proceeded to pull it down. They
would have completed the task they
set themselves had not the govern-
ment interfered in time to save just
" enough of the past for the future to
grieve." To these people, in whom the
blood of their temporary rulers — the
Vandals — still courses gaily, belongs
the honour of nearly destroying a work
of unique interest. What remains of
the wall is a marvellous piece of solid
masonry. . Although post-Roman the
construction is on the Roman model —
a simple parapet strengthened with
round towers. Planted with trees in
boulevard fashion this fragment of the
ancient ramparts has become the
favourite promenade of the people of
Dax. The fourteenth-century castle
on the left bank of the Adour is a
noticeable object, but it is not an im-
posing specimen of a mediaeval strong-
hold. From its position it could never
have been worth much as a fortress.
It is now used for soldiers' barracks.
In the matter of ecclesiastical build-
ings the town can show nothing of
interest.
I dropped into Dax on the eve of its
annual fete. The next day at an early
hour the town was fast filling with
sightseers and revellers from all the
country side. The majority came from
the villages and hamlets of the rich
valley of the Adour in carts drawn by
horses, donkeys, and oxen A spec-
tacle had been announced for the
afternoon, the most irresistible form
of amusement that these southerners
know. It was announced as " Courses
de taureaux ; landaises et espagnolles."
I had heard about the courses lan-
daises, but had never seen them, so
I paid for a seat in the great wooden
amphitheatre, where the feats of
prowess and agility were to take
place. The building had been con-
structed hastily, but with consider-
able science. In general design it
was almost identical with that of the
Roman amphitheatres, such as we see
them at Nimes and Aries. The arena
was inclosed by planking about five
feet high. Around this ran a pas-
sage, and then after another parti-
tion the seats for the spectators began,
and were continued upward in receding
tiers to a height sufficient to afford
accommodation for several thousand
people. Some ten or twelve doors
opening into the arena indicated the
stables where the beasts that were to
provide the amusement were kept.
The building was open to the sky,
which was of that dusty blue so
characteristic of a burning day in
southern Europe. The sun struck
full upon the assembled multitude,
but everybody was too intent upon
the programme to care about the
heat.
The exciting moment comes. A
band of Spanish bull-fighters step into
the arena, for politeness decrees that
the foreigners shall have the first in-
nings. They are all fine specimens of
the human animal, tall, square-built,
strong, and agile as panthers — perfect
A Walking Tour in the Landes.
293
athletes. They wear the picturesque
and showy costume of the toreador.
One of the stable doors is now thrown
open, and a thick-set, broad-horned
Spanish bull rushes into the arena.
He stops in the middle and glares
round. The Spaniards walk leisurely
towards him, and one of them shakes
open a red scarf just before his eyes.
The man steps on one side with the
studied movement of a dancing master,
and the bull rushes past with the scarf
on his horns. This performance is re-
peated by each of the Spaniards in
turn, until the bull, finding that all
his efforts to gore his adversaries only
cover him with ridicule, begins to
think it beneath his dignity to take
any notice of his tormentors. He
needs waking up, and the Spaniards
soon give him the necessary fillip.
While one engages his attention by
fluttering a red scarf before his eyes,
another glides up to him with a ban-
derilla — a short barbed spear about
two feet long — in each hand. These,
by a most adroit movement, he plants
in the bull's hide just behind the
neck. Then the animal stamps and
roars with fury, as the banderillas,
with their streaming ribbons, hang
by their barbs, and dangle one on each
side of his neck. He makes a few
frantic efforts to shake them out, but
finding he cannot do so gives up the
attempt, and with all his nerves
quickened by pain, turns once more
upon the gaudy human insects that
dart before his eyes. For a moment
he paws the ground, and roars again,
while the foam gushes from his mouth.
He does not know which of his enemies
to single out. A waved scarf decides
the poor fool. He goes at it with a
mighty rush. In a moment he has the
piece of fluttering silk upon his horns,
and while he is madly, blindly trying
to toss it, two more banderillas are
thrust into his neck. The whole scene
is repeated, and now he has six bande-
rillas dangling to his hide. He no
longer hesitates to single out a victim.
He fixes his lurid eyes on the nearest
Spaniard, and follows him up. The
man, hard pressed, vaults the barrier,
and the bull almost at the same in-
stant leaps the planking also. The man
again vaults the barrier and drops this
time into the arena. The bull in im-
potent fury runs round the narrow
passage until he also returns to the
arena by the door that has been opened
for him. His stable is now thrown
open, for he is supposed to have per-
formed his share of the programme.
He is, however, in no humour to go
home ; he is still anxious to wet his
horn in blood. But a bull can gene-
rally be led, although he refuses to be
driven. A little stratagem is all that
is necessary. A black cow is drive u
into the arena. The bull turns round
sharply, believing the sound to come
from an enemy, and is ready for an-
other rush. Suddenly his whole de-
meanour alters. I would not have
believed that the expression of a
savage brute could have so quickly
changed from ferocity to gentleness
had I not seen it. The* blood-glare
vanishes from his eyes, and with mild
looks the poor bull trots after the cow,
forgetting the banderillas that still
hang to his hide, and allows himself
to be led by the trained deceiver into
his stable, to wait there until again
called upon.
How the multitude of men and
women cheered and shouted and
waved their caps and handkerchiefs as
the banderillas were planted upright
in the quivering hide, and when the
bull leapt the barrier ! In a tribune
reserved for the notables of the district
were several ladies whose rich toilets
showed all the cachet of the Hue
de la Paix. These ladies must have
had southern blood, for their beautiful
dark eyes grew round and gleamed
with excitement. If they had known
that the bull would have driven his
horn through the man's body, they
could not have raised their fans before
their faces — so fascinating is the
horrible, so intoxicating is the prospect
and the very fear of bloodshed to
these meridionals. The assemblage
was a thoroughly mixed one, repre-
294
A Walking Tour in the Landes.
senting all classes of society in the
province ; but not a cry of pity, not an
indignant protest was heard as the
barbed darts were thrust into the
necks of the bulls. People who could
watch such acts of barbarity unmoved
except by the excitement of the duel
between brute rage and man's com-
bined intelligence and agility, would, I
fear, have been equally eager to see the
end of the spectacle had horses been
disembowelled and bulls slaughtered in
real Spanish fashion. But the last
Spanish bull fight in France took
place only a few months before my
visit to Dax. There was such an
agitation in Paris in consequence of
some unusually revolting courses
espagnolles at Nimes that the Minister
of the Interior was compelled to send
a circular to the provincial prefects
forbidding the use of horses and the
slaughter of bulls in the arena.
Further than this he did not go, for
high political reasons.
Bull fighting, properly so-called, is
not one of the national pastimes of
France. It is a Spanish importation.
But the courses provenc^ales and the
courses landaises are national French
sports, and it would be carrying senti-
mentality much too far to denounce
them on the score of barbarity. No
picture of life in the Landes would be
complete if the courses landaises were
left out of it.
The Spaniards having retired, their
place is taken in the arena by the
etwrteurs of the Landes. They are
much smaller men than those from
beyond the Pyrenees, but they are
younger and more active. They wear
the ordinary costume of acrobats. A
cow bounces into the arena with a
long cord tied to her horns, and a man
at the end of it. Cows are much more
frequently employed than bulls for the
courses landaises, not because they are
less dangerous, but because they afford
better sport than bulls by the greater
facility with which they can turn
round and follow up an enemy. It is
the "wicked cows " which are selected
for this purpose, and thus their bad
qualities are turned to good account.
As a rule they have never calved.
They are lean, sinewy brutes, remark-
ably active, and always eager for a
fray. One after another the ecarteurs
attract the attention of the cow, and
induce her to rush at them. When
her horns are so close to a man's body
that his escape seems impossible to the
spectator unaccustomed to such sights,
he springs on one side with amazing
agility and perfect composure. The
beast continues her furious course
until she feels the tug of the rope;
then she wheels round and rushes at
the same or another man. Each
ecarteur strives to make a reputation
by running the greatest possible risk
without actually coming to harm.
There are hairbreadth escapes. One
man slips and falls, and is only saved
from being gored or trampled upon by
a jerk of the rope, so vigorous as
almost to upset the cow. Another is
momentarily between the horns, but
frees himself and is unhurt. Some
of the ecarteurs are also sauteurs. One
of these, the son of a pork butcher,
has become famous throughout the
Landes ; when therefore he takes his
stand the buzz of voices is unusually
loud. As the cow lowers her head to
strike he leaps into the air and drops
on the other side of her.
The Landais and the Spaniards
having succeeded one another several
times in the arena, the programme
was brought to a close with showers
of cigars.
The next day I started for Peyre-
horade, which lies near the boundary
line between the Landes and the Basses
Pyrenees. The distance by the road
is about twelve miles, but I greatly
exceeded this by taking a short cut.
I was anxious to move in a straight
line, but I forgot I had a river to deal
with, and that bridges are not always
conveniently placed for those who quit
the beaten track. So I managed to
lose myself completely along the banks
of the winding Adour. When I be-
lieved that I was walking south the
compass told me that I was going
A Walking Tour in the Landes.
295
north - west. There was, however,
nothing for it but to follow the river
until I came to a bridge or ferry.
The scenery was charming, but alto-
gether different from that to which I
had lately grown accustomed. The
sand had quite disappeared, and been
succeeded by an alluvial or argilla-
ceous soil. I had also left the pines
behind me, and had entered a district
broken up into fields and oak woods.
For so rich a part of the Chalosse I
was surprised to find it so thinly popu-
lated. For some miles the only in-
habitants I met were three bare-legged
women and a troop of turkeys. After
many windings the river reached away
in a southernly course, and by dint of
perseveringly following it I came at
length to a bridge. This led to a
road which I found would take me to
Peyrehorade, but it was even more
tortuous than the river. It seemed to
twist in every direction but the right
one. I left the valley] and began to
climb the outer spurs of the Pyrenees.
The maize gradually disappeared, but
vineyards became frequent. The vines
were about ten feet high, bushy and
spreading at the top, and trailed over
sticks. Although it was the beginning
of September the grapes were far from
being ripe. I was in quite another
climate from that of the sandy Landes.
Forgetting the vines, I could imagine
myself among the Devonshire hills.
The air was cool and moist, streams
trickled by the wayside, the road was
soft with wet clay, and clouds charged
with rain chased one another across
the blue sky. As I ascended, the
landscape became wild and mournful.
Pasturage and vineyards gave place
more and more to forests of stunted
oak or moorland covered with tall
bracken and broom. There was not
a chateau or good-sized house to be
seen ; indeed, there was no sign of the
influence either past or present of a
territorial aristocracy. Such land as
was cultivated was in the hands of
peasant proprietors, and their houses
were few and far apart and frequently
mere hovels. I took refuge in one of
these cabins from a smart storm. It
was a little auberge, far more wretched
than any English hedge-tavern that
I have seen. It was kept by two
old women, one of whom, judging from
her appearance, must have been born
some time in the last century. She
was seated, or rather doubled up, in a
cavernous arm-chair as antique in style
as herself. She could scarcely under-
stand a word I said, but the other old
woman, who I took to be her daughter,
poured me out the white wine I asked
for, and which she said was grown in
the little vineyard at the back of the
cottage. I was sure I could detect an
uneasy and distrustful expression on
the faces of these women. The per-
sons whom they ordinarily served with
wine were well known to them, or they
bore the stamp of an occupation which
inspired confidence. But I was a
puzzle to them. I read this in their
faces. I might have been a robber
and an assassin, and they had heard of
lonely women like themselves being
murdered by mysterious strangers. I
relieved their suspense by quickly pay-
ing and going.
I noticed that over the door of every
house I passed was a bunch of driedi
grass or herbs, and being curious to
know the meaning of this custom, 1
questioned the first man I met on the
subject. He told me that the dried
herbs were in honour of St. John, and
that on St. John's Eve and the follow-
ing night bonfires were lighted on all
the hill-tops in the district. The cus-
tom of lighting bonfires, or rolling
wheels of fire down hills on St. John'&-
Eve has astonished travellers in the-
Ardennes and in Normandy. It is.
unquestionably of Scandinavian origin,
and was connected with the worship of
the sun. Its survival to this day
among the hills of the Pyrenean region
is strong presumptive evidence of
northern blood in the population. At
any rate, it is a trace of the Gothic
tribes who are supposed to have been
lost in Spain.
The dreariness of my walk to
Peyrehorade was much enlivened by
296
A Walking Tour in the Landes.
the marked hostility of the dogs.
They were all of the same breed —
spotted dogs like English foxhounds,
but smaller. I have read that travellers
in the Pyrenean districts should carry
revolvers to defend themselves against
dogs. Of course it is always well for
the foot-traveller to be armed with a
revolver, for, although under ordinary
circumstances it is not a useful com-
panion, but rather an incumbrance, one
never knows what may occur in the
way of unpleasantness to render its
services invaluable. But it is more
difficult to know how to deal with an
aggressive dog than with an aggressive
man, or with animals reputed wild. A
dog may bark at you and cause you
much annoyance and yet have no bad
intentions, while another may silently
creep up behind you and seize you by
the leg. The silent dog is the worst,
but to fire at him with a revolver be-
cause he is silent would be an act that
his master would be sure to resent.
At length I saw the ruined feudal
castle of Orthe perched on a height,
and immediately below it, in a bright
valley watered by the Gave, the white
houses of Peyrehorade. This town,
which can only boast 2,500 inhabit-
ants, has a tasteful modern Gothic
church, and a curious wooden bridge
thrown across the Gave on piles. My
kindly star led me as usual to a good
inn, where I dined in the company of
commercial travellers, one of whom
wore such an air of dignity that I mis-
took him for a juge de paix. I gathered
from his conversation that I was in
error, and that he was " in the drapery."
After dinner I became one of the
spectators of a Punch and Judy show.
It was set up in the corner of the
market-place,which, but for the candles
fixed to the portable theatre, would
have been in absolute darkness. I was
in the midst of all the gaminerie of
Peyrehorade. It is always a pleasure
to witness that tragi-comedy of Punch
and his prosperous rascality, which re-
calls that rapturous sensation of child-
hood, when, following the pan-pipes and
drum, we first knew what it was to be
stage-struck. It is especially pleasant
to meet in some obscure corner of a
foreign land our old friend Punch,
who made our bare legs run so many
miles in the far-off days. He will
speak a different language from the
one he spoke long ago, but his
squeak is the familiar squeak of
yore, and his looks and dress and
cheerful depravity are everywhere the
same. They make us feel that time
and distance and language have no
power upon the festive follies which
knit the world together.
The next morning I crossed the
beautiful valley of the Gave by a
road whose sides were brilliant with
great cornflowers and marshmallows,
and left the Landes for the Basses
Pyrenees.
297
RHODIAN SOCIETY.
IF an invalid, that is to say an inva-
lid whose malady merely necessitates
his removal to an excellent climate,
wishes to strike out a new line for
himself, and to get rid of the conven-
tionalities of popular health resorts, he
could do no better than plunge into
society in the Turkish Island of
Rhodes. He will probably find that
he is the only Englishman there; he
will be as safe as anywhere in
Europe ; he will enjoy a climate where
winter is unknown and summer heats
are tempered by sea breezes ; he will
be made much of at the snug little
inn ; and he will be received with
open arms by as conglomerate a society
as the world can well produce.
In the bazaar of a morning he will
be able to chat with exiled Turkish
pashas, who are paying the penalty of
their misfortunes in the Russian war ;
he will meet Italians and Greeks,
Spanish Jews, Levantine English, and
Asiatics — nay, even Egyptian exiles
will be on his visiting list, which will
afford him a wonderful and diversified
study of humanity. When tired of
the town he can wander through
mountain villages and study the sim-
plicity of the Greek peasantry, whose
homes have been undisturbed by the
successive occupation of Italians,
Knights of St. John, and Turks.
Rhodes is an open roadstead now,
for the Turks have allowed the excel-
lent harbour to become choked up
with rubbish, so there is often some
difficulty attending the landing there ;
not unfrequently during stormy
weather the steamers on their way
north and south have to pass without
touching. This is an obvious incon-
venience, especially in winter when
storms are of frequent occurrence. A
Smyrniote lady a few months ago had
to pass her destination three times,
and spend three weeks on the sea
between Smyrna and Alexandria
before she could be put ashore at the
haven where she would be.
The portly hotel keeper, Nicholas,
is sure to appropriate the stranger on
the steamer, and carry him to his
hostelry in the Greek quarter, built on
a sandy promontory about half a mile
from the old walled town. It is as
quaint an inn as one could possibly
desire, with snug little rooms giving
on to a balcony which overhangs a
courtyard paved with pebbles. As he
enters the dark archway he will be
confronted with the larder, for here
junks of meat are hung from the
rafters by pulleys so that they can be
let down when a slice is required.
Granny, Nicholas's mother, is the
moving spirit of the inn. She toils
from morning to night with her legs
bare, and her head enveloped in a
dirty black handkerchief. She cuts
the wood ; she tills the vegetable
garden ; she answers every clap of the
hands, for there are no bells. She is
the recognised slave of the establish-
ment. It is always the same amongst
these Greeks ; old age is treated with
no respect. It is to them a recognised
law of nature that when the body is
decaying it must give way to the
rising generation. It is a common
sight to see a gaily-dressed young
married woman riding a mule, accom-
panied by her tottering old mother on
foot as muleteer. This evil is in a
measure atoned for by the devotion
which exists between brother and
sister. No brother thinks of marry-
ing until he sees each sister provided
with a husband, and many romantic
stories occur in this respect ; perhaps
it is the same with all primitive socie-
298
Rhodian Society.
ties, that the useless aged are deemed
of no account.
Everything is pebbled in Nicholas's
hotel — the courtyard, the dining-room,
the balcony, are all laid out in patterns
of black and white. These pebbles
are quite a trade in Rhodes ; veiled
Turkish women wander along the
shore in search of them, and deposit
their treasures in little heaps along
the beach. In the good time of the
Khedive Ismail in Egypt, very large
quantities were exported to Cairo, and
large fortunes were realised thereby.
Even now the trade is a good one,
and every Rhodian house is adorned
with them. If you go out into society,
you will find before long, to your cost,
that you have to dance on a pebbled
floor.
The Turkish element in Rhodes is
larger than in most towns of the
Turkish Empire ; the whole of the old
walled town which the Knights of
St. John built and fortified is inhabited
by Turks and Spanish Jews. No
Christians are allowed within the
gates after they are shut at sunset.
No beasts of burden are allowed in-
side the town at any time, for there is
a current tradition amongst the Turks
that the Christians will follow in their
wake as conquerors. Yery few Turks
live outside in the villages, and when
they do they can hardly be distin-
guished from the Greeks, whose dress,
customs, and in many cases religion,
they have adopted. It is a curious
feature in these degenerate descend-
ants of Mohammed, that they are not
content to trust to their own prophet
alone for succour. If they hear of a
miracle-working Madonna, they are
not above sending her a present, and
worshipping at her shrine.
The Turk of Rhodes, curiously
enough, is a more energetic individual
than the Greek. Many of them are
fishermen, and possess light sailing
vessels for this purpose. Others are
blacksmiths, tanners, painters and
joiners. The bazaars are chiefly con-
ducted by their industry, and they
may be seen plying their various
trades all day long in tiny boxes along
the streets. The Greek is an idle
vagabond for the most part, whose
great ambition is to become proprietor
of a sweet shop, to which is added, as
time goes on, a bar for spirits and
sometimes a cafe. They pass their
days in complete inactivity in the
midst of tobacco fumes, listening to
the shrill sound of a lyre, and singing
bacchic songs. In these establishments
the oft-recurring feast days are ob-
served with rigorous fidelity, and from
morning till night drunken revelry is
conducted therein. As for the Greek
women, they never seem to have any
thing to do ; they sit on their door-
steps and gossip from morning to
night. They are a degraded lot ; and
the ease with which a husband can
get a divorce on the merest caprice
cannot tend to elevate them.
It is not difficult to make your way
into the society of Rhodes. If you
stroll down the bazaars of a morning,
enter the druggists' shops and talk to
the first person you meet, you will
immediately be welcomed as an addi-
tion to the circle. You are sure to
come across the stout florid ex-minister
of war, Rigdoff Pasha, who was sent
off here after the Russian affair, and
has not yet succeeded in obtaining
leave to return to Constantinople ;
he will be taking a cup of coffee in the
principal druggist's shop, and will be
complaining in bitter terms of the
narrow limits of his present society as
compared to what he was accustomed
to in " the city."
Mohammed Pasha has been more for-
tunate ; he was recalled from this
exile a short time ago to the sphere
of his former labours. When in Rhodes
he bought for 2501. a most charming
residence, with lovely grounds, and
views over the mountains of Caria,
and sheltered from every wind by
Mount Smith, which rises just behind
the town, and still retains the name
and memories of Sidney Smith, who
lived there for a short time.
But the aged Suleiman Pasha is per-
haps the most fortunate of all these
Rhodian Society.
299
Turkish exiles. After being known as
the Victorious, the Invincible, he belied
his epithets at the Shipka Pass, and
was banished for life; to Rhodes.
This life came to a close at the
advanced age of ninety-six, when we
were in Rhodes, and we attended his
simple but impressive funeral.
Khamel Bey is governor of Rhodes.
He is an invalid, and does not often
appear in the bazaars or at the bath,
and he now lives in Mohammed Pasha's
charming house. He is a man of ex-
traordinary literary attainments for a
Turk, and is considered the best poet
they have ; but his writings are too
liberal and European to suit the
Sultan, who pays him 501. a year to
keep his pen quiet — quite a novel and
oriental way of making the profession
of literature pay. He has one son,
Khem Bey, a youth of twenty, who
affects most oppressively dilettante
manners. We asked him why we had
not seen him at any of the social
gatherings, and if he liked dancing.
" No," he replied, " I always remember
what Napoleon the Great said of
dancing— that it was too trivial for
a soldier. But," continued he, "for
some years I gave way to a life of
pleasure, the chase, riding, &c., but
now my papa has impressed me
with the necessity of work, and my
only diversion is a little walk." He
is not a pleasant youth to look upon,
being fat and pasty, and as he talks
to you he cracks his knuckle joints in
a most irritating fashion.
Many of the Turks are the pro-
prietors of gardens and houses on the
slopes behind the town, just outside
that dismal belt of Turkish tombs
which entirely hems in the town on
the land side. These gardens they
cultivate with truly oriental laziness.
We were surprised occasionally to see
their wives assisting in the garden,
hewing wood, drawing water, and
making themselves generally useful.
Turkish women are not so strict about
veiling themselves as they used to be ;
some indeed affect very thin gauze
veils, whilst others do not mind show-
ing their faces to a Frank, and only
cover themselves when they see a red
fez coming along. Owing to the
poverty which reigns in Turkey,
harem life is not what it used to
be ; most men can only afford one
wife, and she must be useful as well
as ornamental. All the lovely em-
broideries which travellers see in the
show harems of Constantinople or
Smyrna have long since disappeared
from ordinary homes, and have found
their way to European markets.
As a rule the Greeks and Turks of
the upper class do not amalgamate so
well as those of the lower. The better-
class Greek is aware of the state of
politics in Europe, and looks ardently
for the day when he will cease to be a
Turkish subject ; such matters do not
trouble the peasant population, who
live like beasts iu the darkest igno-
rance. But the upper-class Greek
is essentially an astute time-server.
He knows well how to make himself
indispensable at the Konak, and treats
the governor with flattery and respect,
reserving his remarks on freedom for
the bosom of his own family or the
ears of an Englishman. He is the
personification of the traditional old
Greek woman, who always in church
lit one candle before the picture of
St. George and another before a pic-
ture of the devil, and, in reply to
inquiries, stated it as her principle
always to be well in with both
parties.
Sometimes at a Greek party you
may meet a few Turks, but they sit
together in the smoking-room, growl-
ing away at their narghiles. They
never join in the dance, and if one
may judge from their faces, one would
say that they are internally laughing
at what they see; and well they may,
for a Turkish gentleman is always a
man of refined manners and gcod
breeding, and that cannot be said of
the Greeks of Rhodes. A ball in a
Greek house is a thing for ever t o be
remembered. The dresses of the la dies
would provoke a smile from even the
most indifferent beholder. Rou ncl
300
Rhodian Society.
dances are not much appreciated ; but
what they really love is a species of
romping quadrille with most compli-
cated figures, through which a master
of the ceremonies puts you in vile
French. On one occasion this ofiicial
insisted on directing us to dance a
variety of the Lady's Chain, which he
called Chame de Chevaliers, and which
my partner naively remarked was ex-
cusable in a place which is everywhere
haunted by reminiscences of the
Knights of Rhodes.
When the romp was over we con-
ducted our partners to the smoking-
room, where the chaperones were
sitting, smoking cigarettes, and where
the air was dense with the fumes of
tobacco. I noticed that the younger
ladies did not venture on the entire
control of a cigarette themselves, but
pressed their partners to do so, with
a view to enjoying an occasional pull.
Supper was provided on the most
primitive principles. A large dish
of tinned lobster salad was put on a
table, round which every one crowded ;
those who were not lucky enough to
secure a knife did not hesitate to
plunge their fingers into the tempting
dish. Glasses of wine circulated freely,
and after the repast was over the ball
degenerated into a scene worthy of a
Parisian music-hall. No wonder the
Turks smiled a little as they watched
this scene, and retired as soon as
politeness would permit.
Another easy method of studying
this conglomerate society is afforded
by the bath. Every Ehodian, of
whatever nationality, indulges in the
Turkish bath on some day or another in
the week, from the lowest menial to
the exiled pashas, and every one pays
according to his rank. The common
soldiers — of whom there are many in
Rhodes — only pay a penny a piece ;
they go to the bath in companies, and
they shampoo and rub each other.
Anybody who has travelled in the
Turkish dominions will have been
struck with the wretchedness of the
soldiers' uniform, but this is nothing to
their underclothing, any portion of
which a London beggar would reject
with scorn. When a pasha is coming
to take a bath they clear the place of
all such objectionable people, and the
pasha is then supposed to leave a
pound after he has bathed. This
must be a great tax on their limited
incomes, and if Khamel Bey were to
be regular in his ablutions he would
more than exhaust all the income that
he derives from not writing, in this
way. This Turkish method of making
the rich pay for washing the poor cer-
tainly has decided merits, worthy of
the consideration of reformers, who
might enlarge upon it. For instance,
if every time we bought a new pair
of trousers we had to supply a pauper
with a pair of corduroys, our poor-rate
might be so elegantly disguised in
tailors' and other bills that we should
cease to grumble.
The Spanish Jews are not a pleasing
element in Rhodian society. With the
usual astuteness of their race they
have managed to secure for them-
selves the best quarter of the walled
town, and they are as far as possible
removed from the Greeks, for there is
always enmity between Greek and
Jew. In Greece, properly so called,
a Jew is rarely seen ; and a Greek, if
he mentions a Jew in conversation,
always apologises for alluding to so
despicable a personage. These Jews,
however, have interesting costumes,
and a most astonishing patois, being
quite the most polyglot I ever strug-
gled with ; and the Jewish children in
Rhodes are far more inquisitive than
those of the other nationalities. If
you venture into the Jewish quarter
you are sure to be mobbed by them ;
and this you must do, for these
Israelites have secured for themselves
the best houses in the old town,
containing wood carving and decora-
tions dating from, the days of the
Knights.
The Jewish " Sunday " is the recog-
nised beggars' day in Rhodes. Beggars
from the country villages invade the
town on Saturday afternoon, and they
do not disguise their expectations, for
Rhodian Society.
301
they all carry on their shoulders many-
coloured mule bags in which to deposit
the alms which they collect from door
to door; and to judge by what one
sees, the Rhodians appear to be very
generous ; a beggar is never refused.
On Saturday morning the house-
wife collects in the corner of the yard
scraps of food which she doles out to
each beggar as he comes ; and most of
the peasants when they come into the
town with their market produce de-
posit a gift of fruit or vegetables by
what is commonly known as the lepers'
well.
As spring comes on — and spring
comes on early in Rhodes — the invalid
will doubtless feel anxious to see what
the Rhodian peasants are like in their
mountain villages. The lovely slopes
around the town, the old walls and
fortifications around the harbour, the
gay scenes in the bazaar will pall in
time ; he may try his strength by
hiring one of the tiny Rhodian
donkeys, no bigger than a large
Newfoundland dog, which will take
him to Mount Philermo, from which
he will enjoy one of nature's most
lovely views, and whet his appetite for
a more extended tour. If he would
see the peasant in his full simplicity,
he must go some days' journey inland
to the village of Embona, on the slopes
of Mount Atabyros, the ancient hill of
Jupiter, where two temples stood in
olden times, and where was the bronze
ox which bellowed whenever any evil
was in store for Rhodes — a story of
antiquity which has lately been in a
measure substantiated by the discovery
of numerous little bronze votive figures
of bulls, near the site of the supposed
temple. Doubtless the bellowing bull
was something like ,the oracle of
Delphi, over the utterings of which
the priests had entire control.
The country folk of Rhodes cannot
be said to be either rich or poor. Every
one has a house which he has probably
built for himself, and a plot of land,
containing olives, figs, and vegetables.
The ordinary peasant's house consists
of one square room ; the roof is made
by placing rough branches of cypress
trees on the walls, on which are spread
reeds and oleander branches, with the
leaves left on. Upon this foundation
is deposited a certain kind of earth,
which they press with rollers and
with the foot until it attains the firm
consistency of cement, and is usually
impervious to rain. The interior of
this house is humble enough : the floor
is of pressed manure, and the furniture
of the simplest. A sort of platform,
supported by four stakes fixed in the
ground, and surrounded by planks,
answers two purposes; within is the
family store-room, above is the family
bed — not that the family trouble the
bed much, except on the three import-
ant occasions of birth, marriage, and
death. They chiefly lie down to sleep
wherever night --overtakes them — in
winter on their home-spun cloaks,
and in summer on the grass. Against
the bed is placed a great chest, which
also serves for two purposes, firstly, as
a step by which to climb on to the
platform, and secondly, as a wardrobe
for the family clothes, the gay costumes
which are only brought out on feast
days and marriages. Along the wall
runs a long sort of settee, the top of
which is covered with many-coloured
cushions, and inside which is the
granary, and the receptacle for all
sorts of horrible luxuries, in which
the frugal Rhodians indulge when
their lengthy fasts do not compel
them to abstain — rancid lard, which
they dignify with the name of " pig's
butter," to distinguish it from "milk
butter ; " red caviare and old twisted
rolls of bread, which have developed
more or less of green mould, according
to the lapse of time that has inter-
vened since they were made for the
last festival.
Then there is a hole in the wall in
which the water-jar is leaning, for these
primitive mountaineers still adhere to
the same shape of jars, made on the
principle of soda-water bottles with no
foot, in which their forefathers rejoiced.
The inconvenience of these is great,
and why the Greeks should have been
302
Rhodian Society.
so conservative in this respect for so
many centuries is unaccountable. The
walls are surrounded by plates and
jugs for household use. Once upon a
time these utensils consisted of Lindos
ware, but now these have all found
their way to the museums and draw-
ing-rooms of Europe. The greatest
feature of a peasant's house is the
decoration of the wall opposite the
door as you enter. In the middle of
this wall is a large painting in nume-
rous compartments, the work of some
local artist, the subject of which it is
often very difficult to discover ; they
are always devotional, illustrating
some quaint legend in a highly gro-
tesque fashion.
For example, on one wall we saw
the legend of St, Gregory Thauma-
tourgos (the miracle worker) repre-
sented in the following fashion : The
saint in one portion of the picture
was followed by two individuals
dressed in Phrygian caps ; they entered
a forest, which was represented by
three trees, like those of a child's
farmyard, reaching up to the waists of
the men. Another portion of the
picture represented them as cutting
off a branch, which act is for the
benefit of the uninitiated described in
writing. Again the branch is next
represented as having grown too big
for the men to carry, so they dig a
hole, plant it, and watch it growing to
an enormous size. Next we saw St.
Gregory and his friends filling gourds
at a stream so as to water their new
plant, and on their return they found
to their surprise that a church had
sprung up where the branch had been
planted, and the holy men were so
amazed at this phenomenon that they
did not perceive the devil sneaking up
behind and drinking the water in the
gourds so that they might not be able
to water the newly-planted church ;
but in this extremity the final portion
of the picture depicted St. Gregory's
horse as appearing on the scene, and
before the devil had time to empty
the gourds he was kicked back into
hell.
This picture is always painted
in startling colours, and rejoices in
surprising contrasts, and it is the
special property of the master of the
house ; all the rest, the house, the
furniture, and the plate, are the wife's
property, and will go to her eldest
daughter. No Rhodian peasant girl is
eligible for the marriage market until
her parents or next of kin have pro-
vided her with a house and furniture.
Under the great picture are hung the
wedding crown, a profusion of plates,
bottles, images of saints, scraps of
illustrated European papers — any-
thing, in short, that is deemed to
possess decorative merit. An oil
lamp, suspended from the roof, hangs
before this picture, and is lighted
every night in honour of the saint re-
presented thereon. Chairs and tables
are deemed superfluous in these houses ;
they sit on the ground, and eat out
of a big bowl placed in their midst.
If the hardships of a few days in
this mountain village are not too
much for our invalid he will revel in
the simplicity of these people. He
will be treated with that primeval
hospitality which teaches that to place
before the guest the best of every-
thing is a duty imposed by the gods.
Before he has partaken of food he
will not be asked whence he has
come or whither he is going. From
all the cottages round the peasants
will bring gifts to assist the host
in entertaining ; one will bring a fat
sucking pig, another wine, another
fruit, eggs, and milk ; the best embroi-
deries will be spread over his bed, and
in that hyperbole, which finds such
favour amongst Greeks, he will be
pressed to stay a thousand years under
the hospitable roof. If this lengthy
invitation be commuted for by pro-
mising to stay a few days the guest
will see much to amuse him. He will
assuredly be asked to stand as god-
father to any unbaptised infant that
the place may produce — a doubtful
compliment indeed when it is con-
sidered that the godfather has to pro-
vide quite a trousseau for the child :
Rhodian Society.
303
but in this delicate way he will be
able to repay the hospitality with
which he has been received, for a
direct offer of money would be con-
sidered rather an insult than other-
wise.
Then again the guest is sure to
develop a hitherto unknown talent —
he will find that he has quite an
extensive knowledge of medicine as
compared to these poor peasants. In
a remote corner of the world where
doctors do not exist, and where the
people are too poor to send for one
from the town, it is extraordinary to
find how the inhabitants live and die
without the most rudimentary know-
ledge of physic. Charms and incan-
tations abound, to be sure ; traditional
remedies for both external and in-
ternal use, in which garlic and onions
are the chief ingredients, are nume-
rous ; and there will always be found
an old crone who visits the invalids
with a sickle in her hand, and executes
certain passes around them as she
mutters her incantations in an awe-
inspiring voice ; but of the use of the
simple remedies with which the country
abounds the aromatic herbs, camo-
mile, rue, &c. — this old crone is pro
foundly ignorant. And the stranger
who comes amongst them with quinine,
pills, vaseline, and the ordinary stock
of a traveller's medicine chest, will be
embarrassed not only by the multi-
plicity of his patients, but also by the
nature of his fees — hard boiled, coloured
Easter eggs, stale bread, snails, and
kindred luxuries will be showered
upon him by his grateful patients.
The village priest will soon be dis-
covered to be the ringleader of all
superstitious practices he, of course,
is only a peasant himself, and he has
no income except what he gets from
reading liturgies, consequently it is
only natural that he should seek to
multiply the occasions for these
liturgies by every means in his power,
even though his bishop has given strict
orders to the contrary.
Many of these liturgies are per-
formed under cover of night, and at
the dark of the moon. A mother may
be seen secretly carrying a sickly
child to church, that the priest may
read an exorcism over it to drive
away the demon which she thinks
possesses it ; for this he receives twice
as much as for a liturgy during the day.
The priest again will be summoned by
a farmer whose shed is infested by
rats an'd mice, to exorcise the same.
Under an ancient olive (with gnarled
stem and creeping branches he will
read the \ liturgy to St. Tryphon ; the
farmer will say the following words —
" Rats and mice, and vermin vile,
Hurry away full many a mile ;
That I may gather in my seed
Free from such a hurtful breed."
The priest has a cure for fever, too ;
he writes on a scrap of paper " Mother
of God, divine miracle ; " this he ties
round the sufferer's neck with a red
thread, and goes away with a fee in his
pocket, or with a basket of bread and
figs on his arm. No wonder the priests
support superstitions which pay so
well, and that they and the old crone
are great allies, and throw work into
one another's hands. Perhaps they
will look suspiciously at the traveller's
quinine and pills as commodities
likely to interfere with their practice ;
but I don't think they need be afraid
as long as the Turks rule in Rhodes,
and education is at a discount.
J. THEODORE BENT.
304
POPULAR SONGS OF THE SCOTTISH HIGHLANDERS.
THE Highlands of Scotland is a coun-
try of which the great army of tourists
and travellers know as little as one
might know of a celebrated character
when he had merely counted the
buttons on bis coat. Of the Bens
and the glens and the waterfalls they
take a flying note, of the regions
immortalised by the picturesque
genius of Scott they may even make a
minute register, but of the people who
inhabit, or who once inhabited, those
charmed regions, after they have
discovered that they neither show bare
legs nor walk unshod, they know no-
thing. Into their social condition and
moral estate they would no more think
of inquiring than they would into the
economy of a few sparrows on the road-
side, or a troop of starlings whirring out
of an old ruined keep. Nor are they to
be blamed ; they are only flying birds
themselves, and have neither leisure
nor opportunity to make profitable
advances into the soul of a people
living behind the bristling barricade of
a language which no man knows any-
thing about, and which is supposed to
have as little in common with the
sounds familiar to every civilised ear
as the cry of the peewit on the moor,
or the plash of the cormorant on the
reef. Nevertheless, the people have a
soul, a very distinct and emphatic
soul, and a language also, which, how-
ever stunted for lack of culture, is,
like the Scotch dialect, as an organ of
popular song in some important
respects, decidedly superior to the
imperial English. This is a truth
which is now gradually coming to
light ; and comparative philology is
prepared to go hand in hand with an
enlarged public sympathy in welcom-
ing the popular poetry of the Cale-
donian Celts into the great sisterhood
of the British Muses.1 Towards this
1 A promising overture to what maybe done
in this field we gladly welcome in Songs of the
appreciation we propose here making
a small contribution, in the way of
translation from some of the best
known collections of the Celtic lyre
recently published.
In the palmy days of the High-
lands, when there existed that essen-
tial element of every well-constituted
society, a native resident middle class,
to^stimulate and draw out the talent
of the whole people, every considerable
district had not only its own school of
pipers, who belonged to the chief, as
naturally as a choir does to a cathe-
dral ; but its own bard, whose busi-
ness it was to celebrate the exploits of
the great man of the clan, to cherish
the legendary traditions of the glen, and
to elevate to the platform of rhythmical
beauty whatever events of the day
might rise noticeably above the level
of common life ; and this bard of the
district, though reft of social pomp
and circumstance, is to be found even
at the present day in his old haunts,
the representative of the lyrical genius
so characteristic of the British Celt.
One of these the present writer had the
good fortune to encounter in the neigh-
bourhood of Connell Ferry, shooting
right across the bay northward from
Dunstaff nage Castle, at a place called
Ledaig. The name of this man, as
was natural to expect in such a place,
was Campbell. He had chosen for
himself a most picturesque habitation,
hollowed out of the live rock on the
broad and beautiful bay of Loch Nell,
looking westward towards the lofty
mountains of Mull, and there, with the
usual open hospitality so characteristic
of Highlanders he received us, and to
the creature comforts of the national
beverage added the intellectual de-
light of popular song of his own
North, by Annie Macleod, Harold Boulton,
and Malcolm Lawson, with illustrations. An
elegant volume dedicated to her Majesty the
Queen. London, Field and Tuer, E.G., 1885.
Popular Songs of the Scottish Highlanders.
305
composition. The song which he sang
was on that favourite theme of all
Highlanders, the beauties and the
glory of their country, and we are
pleased to find it receiving a prominent
place in a neat little volume of the
author's effusions, recently published.1
Mr. Campbell is not, like Mrs. Makel-
lar,2 an accomplished bilingual rhymer,
utriusqiw linguae docta, as Quintilian
phrases it ; but he has had the wis-
dom and the good luck to append to
this song an English translation
from the pen of a Lowland friend,
which reads smoothly enough, and,
though a little free in some passages,
represents fairly the spirit and the hue
of the original.
THE GAEL TO HIS COUNTRY AND
HIS COUNTRYMEN.
A SONG.
" My heart's in the Highlands, I love every
glen,
Every corrie arid crag in the land of the
Ben,
Each brave kilted laddie, stout-hearted and
true,
With rich curly locks 'neath his bonnet of
blue.
" A brave Highland boy, when light-footed
he goes,
With plaid, and with kilt, dirk, sporan, and
hose ;
Oh, who will compare with my Highlander
then,
When he comes fresh and fair like a breeze
from the Ben !
" When foemen were banded to spoil and
annoy,
Who then fronted death like my brave
Highland boy ?
For his cause and his country, in battle's
rude shock,
When kingdoms were reeling he stood like
a rock.
" And the dear Highland lasses, bad luck to
the day,
When I look in their faces and wish them
away ;
I'll cross the wide seas to the far coral isles,
With Mary to lighten the road with her
smiles.
" And the songs of the Gael on their pinions
of fire,
How oft have they lifted my heart from the
mire ;
1 Poems by John Campbell. Edinburgh,
McLachlan and Stewart, 1884.
2 Gaelic and English Poems. By Mrs. Mary
Makellar. Edinburgh, 1880.
]STo. 310.— VOL. TIT.
On the lap of my mother I lisped them to
God ;
Let them float round my grave, when I
sleep 'neath the sod.
" And dear to my heart are the chivalrous
ways,
And the kindly regards of the old High-
land days,
When the worth of the chief, and the
strength of the clan,
Brought glory and gain to the brave High-
landman.
" But now with mere sheep they have 'peo-
pled the brae,
And flung the brave clansmen like rubbish
away ;
But should foes we have vanquished the
struggle renew,
They'll sigh for the boys with the bonnets
of blue !
" At Alma's red steep, and at red Waterloo,
The Gael still was first where hot work was
to do!
And when Ganga and Jumna revolted, who
then
Were more loyal and true than the sons of
the Ben?
" Where the East and the West by broad
billows are bounded,
The Gael shall be known and his fame shall
be sounded ;
While thrones shall have honour, and right
shall prevail,
Long ages shall echo the praise of the
Gael.
" And when need comes again for the law of
the sword,
Though few now the clansmen that follow
their lord,
The brave kilted boys for defence will be
nigh,
And shoulder to shoulder will conquer or
die ! "
The man who cannot sing such a lay
as this with hearty sympathy some
rainy day beneath the Bens, is not
worthy to start a grouse from the
heather, or to lie in wait for the
antlered lord of the braes behind a
block of grey granite. Those who wish
to sing it will find the music in Logan's
well-known collection.3
From Mrs. Makellar, who is a ban-
bhard of elevated genius, and, as we have
already said, of admirable bilingual dex-
terity, we make no extracts, because,
3 Popular Gaelic Songs with English Trans-
lations, Symphonies and Accompaniments.
Logan & Co., Inverness.
306
Popular Songs of the Scottish Highlanders.
though a genuine Highlander in all her
sentiments, and with a strong flavour
of the heather in all her utterances, she
stands on a platfo rm considerably
higher than the volkslied, or floating
popular song, which is our present
theme.
On the value of the purely popular
song, even in its most rude form, the
great Weimarian poet -thinker has
delivered himself thus : — " The special
value of national songs and ballads
lies in this, that their inspiration
always comes direct from Natxire ; in
this, no doubt, the poet of culture,
when he knows how, may often vie
with them : but there is always one
respect in which the popular bard
maintains his superiority. The un-
sophisticated man is more the master
of direct effective expression in few
words than he who has received a
regular literary training."1 There
could be no better example of this
effective curtness in the most rude
form of popular song, of course ac-
companied with its natural music,
than the following cry of alarm,
played by a piper who came from a
distance early in the morning of the
infamous massacre of Glencoe, to
rouse the sleeping inhabitants of the
glen, and warn them of the approach-
ing danger : —
" 0 women of this glen,
0 women of this glen,
0 women of this glen,
"Pis time that you were rising.
"Then I rose with the day dawn,
Then I rose with the day dawn,
Then I rose with the day dawn,
More need was yours than-mine then.
" They have slain the herd hoy,
They have slain the herd boy,
They have slain the herd boy,
The boy that watch'd tlie cattle.
1 Wisdom of Goethe, p. 136.
2 Gaelic Songs with English and Gaelic Words
and Pianoforte Accompaniments. By Margaret
Campbell-Pattison. Swan & Co., London.
Miss Pattison has given words to this air
composed by her brother, the author of a
well-known volume of Selections from the
Gaelic Bards (Glasgow, 1866), no doubt
wisely for saloon use ; but for our purpose we
have preserved as literally as possible the
unsophisticated original.
" The cattle they ha'e lifted,
The cattle they ha'e lifted,
The cattle they ha'e lifted,
And cut down all the keepers.
" It's black John, bitter black,
Black John, bitter black,
Black John, bitter black
That drove away the cattle.
" 0 women of this glen,
0 women of this glen ;
0 women of this glen,
'Tis high time{"you[were rising."
On this blood -red blot on the
'scutcheon of our glorious revolution,
there is a more detailed and more
finished lyrical wail in the Killin
collection, with which Mr. Charles
Stewart, a well-known Celtic archae-
ologist, has recently enriched our
musical literature : — 3
" Merry came we in the gloaming
Lilting the light-hearted lay :
Little recked we what was coming
Us to part ere break of day :
Some in beds sore wounded lying,
Some in snow-wreaths frozen stiff,
Through the woods the remnant flying,
In the madness of their grief."
And so on ; to which treatment, of
course, we have nothing to object ;
but this is certainly one of the cases
in which, according to the doctrine of
"Wordsworth, the plainest prose is the
best poetry ; a case in which decora-
tion may diminish but certainly never
can heighten the effect of the pathetic
iteration of the simple volkslied — al-
ways, of course, with its native music,
which belongs as necessarily to the
volkslied as the wings to a bird.
In war-songs, though a warlike
race, the Highlanders do not seem to
be so rich as the Germans ; but in
that best department of military song
which clusters round the feats of a
romantic adventurer, they beat not
only the Germans, but all military
poetry whatever. We need scarcely
say that we refer here to the Jacobite
songs, some of the most popular of
which no doubt were composed by
Lowlanders in the Scottish language ;
but Lowland ers, it must never be for-
gotten, singing under a stirring Celtic
3 The Killin Collection of Gaelic Songs. By
Charles Stewart, Tigh-'nduin, Killin. Edin-
burgh, 1884.
Popular Songs of the Scottish Highlanders.
inspiration, and not a few of them
with a strong infusion of Highland
blood in their veins. The Jacobite
songs in fact, whether in Scotch or
Gaelic, must be regarded historically,
as the very blossom and crown of the
poetry of the Scottish Highlanders ;
and they will continue to inspire all
the generations of British subjects, as
long as the British monarchy lasts,
with that feeling of loyalty and devo-
tion to the majesty of the throne
which is our great safeguard against
the violence of rival factions and the
horrors of a possible revolution. One
of the most popular of the Jacobite
war- songs, and which has achieved a
wide currency in the Lowlands by a
comical adaptation,1 is known in the
Highlands by the familiar words of
the chorus, Gabhaidh sinn an rathad
mor — " We will take the good old way"
— of which a spirited translation was
made by the Reverend Dr. Alexander
Stewart, of Nether Lochaber, a gentle-
man well known for his lively and
graphic contributions to an influential
northern journal. The song appears
in Logan's collection, and is as
follows : —
WE WILL TAKE THE GOOD OLD
WAY.
i.
" Let Maclntyres say what they may,
Let Maclntyres say what they may,
We'll take and keep the good old way,
Let them say their will 0 !
" We will take the good old way,
We will take the good old way,
We'll take and keep the good old way,
Let them say their will 0 !
Up the steep and heathery ben,
Down the bonny winding glen,
We march, a band of loyal men,
Let them say their will 0 !
We will take, &c.
in.
We will march adoun Glencoe,
We will march adoun Glencoe,
By the Ferry we will go,
Let them say their will 0 !
We will take, &c.
1 In the well-known Ka/oosleum.
IV.
" To Glengarry and Lochiel,
Loyal hearts with arms of steel,
These will back you in the field,
Let them say their will 0 !
We will take, &c.
" Cluny will come down the brae,
Keppoch bold will lead the way,
Toss thine antlers, Cabar Feigh,
Let them say their will 0 !
We will take, &c.
VI.
" Forward, sons of bold Rob Roy,
Stewarts — conflict is your joy,
We'll stand together, pour le Roy,
Let them say their will 0 !
We will take, &c."
This has the genuine ring of a
marching song made on the march,
like the celebrated German song of
Bluchers March, struck out by Maurice
Arndt from the glowing materials of
the Liberation War. In this import-
ant respect both the Gaelic and
the German song have the advantage
over Scots who, hae, inspired no doubt
by the field of Bannockburn, but which
had nothing to do with the actual
fight.
Among the devotees to the dash-
ing plunge of the unfortunate young
Stuart, the more impassioned sex
were naturally in the van ; and of
this tendency we may take the fol-
lowing effusion as a fair specimen : —
TO PRINCE CHARLIE.
i.
" Thou gallant young prince with thy foot on
the heather,
Where the brave ones that serve thee are
gathered together,
My heart is with thee, and I'd follow thee
fairly,
Through Glencoe, and Strath Fillan thou
bonnie Prince Charlie !
Hillirin ho so ho bha hd t
'S na hillirin ho so ho bha hi,
Na liillirin ho so, ho bha hb\
Soon was our joy turned to sorrow for
Charlie !
" I'd go with thee late, I'd march with thee
early,
O'er crags, woods, and mountains, thou
bonnie Prince Charlie ;
Where the claymores were flashing to wel-
come thee rarely,
And the big heart of Scotland was beating
for Charlie !
Y 9
308
Popular Songs of the Scottish Highlanders.
' ' Cub of the lion, thou gallant young Charlie,
Not with yesterday's love, I loved thee so
dearly ;
No duke, and no earl could have won me
so fairly,
But now it were well I had never seen
Charlie !
IV.
" As he stood in the glen, that brave young
fellow,
While streamed o'er his neck his locks so
yellow,
Like the call of the cuckoo in May month
early
Was the voice to me of bonnie Prince
Charlie !
v.
" Sweet was thy kiss like French wine glow-
ing,
Thy cheeks like bright berry on mountain
growing,
Thy full' blue eye with eye-brows arched
rarely,
Who could behold and not follow Prince
Charlie ?
VI.
" 0 son of King Jamie, royal Charlie,
Up hill and down dale they are hunting thee
rarely ;
With shout and halloo, but my eyes late
and early
Are dimmed with the tears that are flowing
for Charlie !
" They killed my father, and my two
brothers,
They harried the land that was my
mother's,
They crushed my kin, and they ruined us
fairly,
But less were my woe, if 'twere well with
my Charlie ! " x
That the kisses here alluded to were
genuine, and no doubt much more
warm than any cold French claret could
be, we are not left to conclude merely
from the realism which belongs to all
Gaelic poetry ; for history records of
one lady at least that she. had the
honour of receiving a sounding salute
from Charlie in the following fashion.
On his march from Perth to Edinburgh,
the Prince halted shortly at Doune,
1 From Sar Obair nan Bard Gaidheal. By
John Mackenzie, 5th Edition. Edinburgh, 1882.
This admirable collection we owe to the pious
devotion of an honest Highlander, whose
monument the tourist looks down upon from
the conveyance that carries him from the steam-
boat to the New Inn at Gairloch.
near Stirling, where he was hospitably
entertained by Mr. Edmonston of Cam-
bus. On arrival he stopped before the
house, and drank a glass of wine to
the health of all the fair ladies present.
The Misses Edmonston, daughters to
the host, performed the function of
servitors to his highness ; and after
finishing their ministerial duty grace-
fully, begged in respectful terms the
honour of kissing the royal hand. This
request of course was granted, and in
the most gracious manner possible.
But it was not to end here. Along
with the daughters of the house, a
Miss Clementina Edmonston, their
cousin, who had taken part in the
ministrations, was suddenly seized with
the inspiration that it would be a much
more satisfactory thing to kiss the
prince's lips ; so trusting to nature,
and altogether regardless of propriety,
she requested leave to " pree his
Royal Highness' mou." Charles, whose
education in France had been, of course,
sadly neglected, did not understand
Scotch; but the moment the request
was made intelligible to him by an
interpreter, he, without the slightest
hesitation, took the loyal damsel kindly
in his arms, and kissed her so empha-
tically that she blushed from ear to
ear, and from neck to crown like a
rose on fire. What the other ladies
felt, who from a stupid modesty had
contented themselves with a formal
osculation of the hand, the historian
does not say, but it may be easily
conceived.2
This kissing exploit is really very
romantic ; perhaps next to Flora
Macdonald's services in Skye the most
romantic incident in that romantic
rising. But romance is better in a
novel than in history ; and sentiment
which can create a poem may help, but
can never maintain, a war, and is
always perilous when it aspires to
dictate a policy. The brilliant romance
of the '45 was not long of achieving
its natural consummation in bloody
tragedy ; and the momentary shout of
triumph was turned into long years of
lamentation and wail. The following
2 Chambers's Rebellion of the '45, chap. viii.
Popular Songs of the Scottish Highlanders.
309
song, which comes immediately next in
Mackenzie's collection, may serve as a
terrible lesson to all time how much
innocent blood a gallant young prince
may cause to flow when he hastily stirs
the flame of a crude insurrection ; not
to mention the unavoidable sequence
in the historical chain — that every
rebellion when unsuccessful can end
only in nailing down the fetters of the
suffering party with greater firmness
and sharper pangs. This pathetic
lament — in Gaelic Cumha, a depart-
ment in which the bagpipe is pre-
eminent— arose out of an incident in
the fatal battle of Culloden, which we
cannot do better than state in the
patriotic editor's own words :
"Christiana Fergusson was a native of the
parish of Contin, Ross-shire, where her father
was a blacksmith, chiefly employed in making
dirks, and other implements of war. She was
married to a brave man of the name of Chis-
holm, a native of Strathglass (a near kinsman
of the chief of that name). On the memorable
day of Culloden, William was flag-bearer, or
banner-man of the clan, and the task of pre-
serving the bratach choimheach from the dis-
grace of being struck down, could not have
fallen into better hands. He fought long and
manfully ; and even after the rout became
general, he rallied and led his clansmen again
and again to the charge, but in vain. A body
of the Chisholms ultimately sought shelter in
a barn, which was soon surrounded by hund-
reds of the red coats, who panted for blood.
At this awful conjuncture, William literally
cut his way through the government forces.
He then stood in the barn door, and with his
trusty blade high raised, and in proud defiance
guarded the place. In vain did their spears
and bayonets aim their thrusts at his fearless
heart ; he hewed down all who came within
reach of his sword, and kept a semi-circle of
eight feet clear for himself in the teeth of his
desperate enemies. At length he was shot by
some Englishmen who climbed up to the top
of the barn from behind, where he fell as a
hero would wish to fall, with seven bullets
lodged in his body. His wife forthwith com-
posed the following beautiful and heart-touch-
ing lament, which is altogether worthy of a
high-hearted and affectionate woman : —
' Who will draw the sword for Charlie ?
Who will fill his chair to-morrow ?
Little cares me now to ask,
Pining here in widowed sorrow.
And yet, and yet, I may not blame thee,
Though by thee I'm ruined fairly,
Though by thee my lord lies bleeding,
Thou art still my king, my Charlie !
' ' ' Oh, but thou wert tall and comely,
From top to toe equipped completely,
Never swan more stately fair,
Never honey flowed more sweetly
Than thy kisses ; with thy brown locks
Down thy neck so richly flowing ;
Thou didst draw all eyes, the honour
Of thy manly beauty showing.
' ' ' Broad thy shoulders ; and thy waist
Nicely shaped for supple beauty ;
Not a prentice hand was his
Who did for thee the tailor's duty.
Who for thee would trim the trews,
He must cut the cloth not scanty ;
No light work to fit short hose,
To thy stout legs with step so jaunty.
" ' Thou didst lay the finny people
Glancing on the river's border ;
Lightly, lightly on the heather
Trod thy foot with gun in order.
When the deer were on the hill,
No man rated thy delaying ;
Sweetest music to my ears
Were thy hounds when they were baying.
' When the social cup was circling
Thou wert ever stout and able ;
Thou didst stand and pay thy scot
When all weak brains were 'neath the table
Never o'er the foamin* ale
Didst thou teach thy wits to maunder,
Never gave thy foot loose rein
From thy faithful wife to wander.
VII.
' 0 waly waly woe, my sorrow,
Would the truth might be a lie now !
Far from me be mirth and joy
When thou in death dost lowly lie now !
Who will show another like thee,
Brain and brawn well joined together ?
No red blood from veins more loyal
At Culloden stained the heather.
' 0 Charlie, brave young Stuart,
From thee came my heart's sore bleeding !
All my best, my all I gave thee
In the battle for thy speeding.
Not for sheep, and not for cattle,
Now I give my tears not sparely ;
Who was all the world to me,
Him I gave to die for Charlie.
' ' ' Many a silken-vested lady,
Titled dames, and dainty misses,
Envied me the right to claim,
As a wife may claim, thy kisses.
All the wealth of Guinea mines
Might not make me to disclaim thee ;
I'd sooner break all God's commands
Than say amen to who should blame thee !
310
Popular Songs of the Scottish Highlanders.
" ' Woe's me, woe that I must drag
Days and nights in groans and moaning ;
Weary, weary, wakeful nights,
With no hope for thy returning.
Nevermore shall fife or fiddle
Rouse my love where he is sleeping,
Never more his dear voice whisper
Kindly words to stay my weeping.
" 'When he left me I was hoping —
Hoping nightly, hoping daily —
He would come back from the battle
With his banner floating gaily.
But the time is past for hoping ;
I shall see thee never, never ;
'Neath the turf my hopes I bury
With my dear heart's love for ever.
' There's many a widow weeping sore
From Trotternish to Sleat in Skye now ;
But never widow wept a lord
So worthy of hot tears as I now.
When he was here how bright my life,
How dim, how dark, with him departed.
No sorriest wight would envy me
In Skye this day so dreary-hearted ! ' "
We now turn to love songs of which,
of course, as in all popular poetry,
the name is legion ; but we have only
room for two, one with that touch of
sadness in it, which love in the absence
of the beloved one can never be with-
out, and the other where love lies
bleeding in the tragic style to which
only the breath of prayer and the
voice of sweet song can bring allevia-
tion.
GED THA MI GUN CHRODH GUN
AIGHEAN.
CHORUS.
" Though I have nor sheep nor oxen,
Scant my goods, and few my chattels,
Yet with me to fight life's battles
I may get a 'braw young man !
" Sailor brave that ploughs the ocean,
When the boisterous blast is beating,
Bear my blessing, give my greeting
To my curly-headed boy !
" Weary-footed wight that travels
Through the pass, and o'er the mountain,
Tell the boy that I lie counting
Weary hours, alone, alone !
" Not the proudest laird in Suineart
Showed more gallant than my laddie ;
I could sleep beneath his plaidie
Warm through coldest winter night.
" Though the sheep that crop sweet clover
In my meadows are not many ;
I can boast a dower like any
Richest heiress in the land.
" When thou comest from thy roaming,
I've a smile to greet thee brightly,
I can a weave a plaid that tightly
Wraps my handsome soldier boy.
" ' Have not I good cause for weeping ?
Sitting in a lonely chamber ;
With him sitting last December,
Now with my lean self alone !
" ' Have not I good cause for smarting
For my curly-headed soldier ?
For the red coat on his shoulder
Bore the thorn that made me bleed !
" ' They have marched him to Jamaica,
Me they leave my lone watch keeping
O'er my spindle, weeping, weeping
Vainly for my soldier boy.' " 1
The tragic nature of the next
ballad demands for full appreciation
the following recital of the facts, out
of which, as a blood-red blossom, it
grew.
' ' This beautiful song was composed by a
Highland officer, who had served under King
William on the the Continent after the
revolution. He was the son of a respectable
tenant in the highlands of Perthshire, and
while a youth cherished a desperate passion
for a beautiful young lady, the daughter of a
neighbouring proprietor. Their love was
mutual, but such was the disparity in their
circumstances that the obstacles to their union
were regarded, even by themselves/ as insuper-
able. To mend matters the gallant young High-
lander enlisted, and being a brave soldier, and
a young man of excellent conduct, was promoted
to the rank of an officer. After several years'
absence he came home to see his old friends,
and to try whether his newly-acquired status
might not remove the former objections to the
union. The lady was still single, and her
beauty was the theme of universal admiration.
Othello-like, the young officer told her of
'hairbreadth 'scapes by land and flood,' and
so enraptured the lady that she readily agreed
to elope with him.
" Having matured their arrangements they
fled on a Saturday night, probably under the
1 From The Gaelic Songster, Glasgow,
1879, p. 167, music in the Celtic Lyre, parti. — ,
Messrs. Lachlan and Stewart, 1883 — a
publication which puts the most popular
Gaelic songs, English and Gaelic, within the
reach of everybody, and deserves to be en-
couraged. By the same publisher, in the
same style, Songs of the Gael ; also for schools
with the sol fa notation —Grain agus Luinn
Gaidhelach, by Roddie and Macbean.
Popular Songs of the Scottish Highlanders.
311
belief that the non-appearance of the young
lady at her father's table on a Sabbath morning
would excite no surmises in the hurry of going
to church. She, indeed, had complained to
her father of slight headache when she retired
to rest, and instructed her maid to say next
morning that she was better, but not dis-
posed to appear at the breakfast table. Not
satisfied with the servant's prevarication, who
was cognisant of the elopement, the father
hurried to his daughter's room, and not find-
ing here there, he forcibly elicited the facts
from the maid. He immediately assembled his
men, and pursued the fugitive lovers with all
speed. After many miles' pursuit he overtook
them in a solitary glen, where 'they had sat
down to rest. The lover, although he had no
one to support him, was determined not to
yield up his mistress, and being well armed,
and an excellent gladiator, he prepared to
resent any attack made on him. When the
pursuers came up, and while he was defending
himself with his sword — which was a very,
heavy one — and loaded with what is called a
steelapple, she ran for protection behind him.
In preparing to give a deadly stroke the point
of the weapon accidental!} struck the lady so
violent a blow that she fell down and expired
at his feet. Upon this he surrendered himself,
saying that he did not wish to live, his earthly
treasure being gone. He was carried to prison,
where he composed the song, a few days before
his execution.
'"MALI BHEAG OG.
' ' ' Oh, look with eyes of weeping
On me, my bonnie May,
Whom thy harsh friends are keeping
In bonds for thee, this day ;
Oh, thou smooth-eye-browed maiden,
Thy mouth with kisses laden,
Ne'er dropt a word to harm me,
My bonnie young May.
" ' On Sunday in the glen there,
My bonnie young May !
I talked beneath the Ben there
- To thee, my bonnie May.
I ^lifted up my eyes there,
And saw with dread surprise there
A troop of armed horsemen
In clattering array.
" '.I started up confounded,
My bonnie young May !
To see myself surrounded
By foes in stern array.
Oh, would my nerveless arm then,
Had dropt with palsied harm then,
Before that blind-stroke smote thee,
My bonnie young May !
" ' Oh, fairer than the fairest
Flower in garden gay,
Than rose or lily rarest
Wert thou, my bonnie May !
Like sunlight in the morning
The soft green slopas adorning,
Thy light of love streamed o'erjine,
My bonnie young May !
" ' And I was thine for ever,
From that bright hour, my May,
From thy love parted never,
My bouuie young May.
Thy locks in gold were flowing,
Thy cheeks like rowans glowing,
Thy bright eyes' queenly survey,
Thy speech with gentle sway.
" ' With thy sweet love I'd wander,
Myjworld's joy, my May,
To far sun-rise, or yonder
Behind the westering ray.
No deer o'er height and hollow
My flying track might follow,
If thou wert ever with me,
My own true love, my May !
" ' Oh! cruelly they used thee,
Thy friends, my bonnie May,
My true love who refused thee,
My heart of hearts, my May!
Oh, had their pride been wise then,
My honest worth to prize then,
Sore doom had not been mine now
For lovejof thee, my May !
" ' And if to draw live breath here
Stern law might grant to-day,
Life were a living death here,
Without thy love, my May.
Oh ! batter far above there,
Upon thy face of love there
To look, and clean forget there
The wound that harmed my May ! ' " J
The Highlanders of the far west,
as inhabiting either islands or long
narrow stretches of land, with a
tongue of salt water on both sides,
naturally move about as much on the
sea as on the dry land ; and boat songs
accordingly will come in for a promi-
nent place in their amphibious life.
The favourite song, Bhir a Bhata, or
" The Boatman " — has to do with the
sea no doubt, but is rather a love
song than a sailor's song. It will be
found in all the collections. The
iorram, or boat song proper, is a
stirring composition in a light dactylic
or proceleusmatic metre, where the
plash of the oar and the hiss of the
waves are distinctly heard, respondent
to the clear call of the lusty-throated
rowers. In the Killin Collection will
be found a spirited lay of this kind,
composed by that masculine and manly
Celt, the late Dr. John Macleod, of
Morven ; for in^those remote parts of
1 Mackenzie, p. 367. The music, with a
diti'erent translation, in Miss Pattison's Col-
lection.
312
Popular Songs of the Scottish Highlanders.
the Highlands the minister is not
seldom as good at boating as at preach-
ing ; he cannot visit his parish
without crossing some two or three
distinct waters in a day, and in doing
so, not seldom having to encounter a
stiff blast from the south-west, as
hard to deal with as the gainsaying of
sturdy sinners when Gospel truth is
flung broadly in their face. Such a
life is the best possible school of
physical and moral manhood. Long may
it survive ! Here follows the song, in
which the reader will observe that the
patriotic writer has chosen to use the
Celtic assonance, which serves the
Highlander for rhyme — a character-
istic feature, no doubt, which has its
value ; but for popular purposes in the
Lowlands, at least, the habit of the
popular ear ought to be consulted ; and
in lyric poetry, where blank verse is
not tolerated, the English ear does not
willingly reconcile itself to the abro-
gation of rhyme.
"HO HO, CLANSMEN!"
' Send the biorlinn on careering,
Cheerily, and all together,
Ho ro, clansmen !
A long, strong pull together,
Ho ro, clansmen !
" Bend your oars and send her foaming
O'er the dashing, swelling billows,
Ho ro, &c.
" Give her way and show her wake,
'Mid showering spray and curling eddies,
Ho ro, &c.
" Through the eddying tide we'll guide her,
Round each isle and breezy headland,
Ho ro, &c.
" O'er the wave we'll send her bounding
As the staghound bounds o'er the healher,
Ho ro, &c.
" See the diver as he eyes her
Dips with wonder under water,
Ho ro, &c.
" The gannet high in midway sky
Triumphs wildly as we're passing,
Ho ro, &c.
' ' The sportive sunbeams gleam around her
As she bounds through shining waters,
Ho ro, &c.
' ' Clansmen, cheer ! the wind is veering
Soon she'll tear and clear the billows,
Ho ro, &c.
" Soon the flowing breeze will blow,
"We'll show the snowy canvas on her,
Ho ro, &c.
" Wafted by the breeze of morn
"We'll quaff the joyous horn together,
Ho ro, &c.
" Another cheer ! our isle appears,
Our biorlinn bears her on the faster,
Ho ro, &c.
" Ahead she goes ! our biorlinn knows
What eyes on shore are gazing on her,
Ho ro, clansmen !
" Ahead she goes ! the land she knows,
She holds the shore, she holds it bravely,
Ho ro, clansmen !
Stoutly did we pull together,
My brave clansmen ! "
We conclude with what has to do
with a boat in a very different style
from this spirited boat-song : we mean
the boat which accompanies the poor
crofter to the emigrant ship, that dark-
sailed ship of which such a pathetic
tale is told by the father of that large-
hearted and large-limbed bishop of the
Morven glens whom we have just
quoted. * All emigration, of course,
even with the most favourable pro-
spects and kindly accompaniments,
cannot be without sorrow — must be
with a sore wrench generally to every
well-constituted mind ; but to the High-
landers it is doubly sad, dear to him as
his native hills are, by their picturesque
shows, and breezy virtues, and con-
secrated by the loyal memories and
kindly feelings of the clan system, not
even now extinguished by the march
of a heartless commercial spirit and a
cold doctrinaire economy into the
inmost refuges of the pious cotter. It
is a common remark that the beauties
of mountain scenery and their power
over the imagination do not affect
the mountaineers who are born and
bred in their midst, whom custom
has dulled to the sight. But with
the Highlanders assuredly it is not
so. They not only love their country
with all the affection of children to
a good mother, but they admire its
1 Reminiscences of a Highland Parish, by
Dr. Norman Macleod. Translated from
Caraidh nan Gaidhel. Second part, Longmhor
nan Eilthircach.
Popular Songs of the Scottish Highlanders.
313
beauties with the eye of a lover, and
describe its characteristic features
with the touch of an artist. There
is no finer landscape painting in
any language than in Duncan Ban's
famous poem of " Ben-Doran," quoted
in the book on " Deer-Stalking " re-
ferred to below ; : and, though the
poetical painting of Nature simply as
Nature, of which we have such a clas-
sical specimen in Tennyson's " Brook,"
does not belong to the genius of purely
popular poetry, in all the Highland
songs, as in the best of Burns's, it is
impossible to tear away the incident
and the emotion from its natural sur-
roundings. In the following song we
have an emigrant, rising with the
first streak of day, and brushing the
freshness of the early dew in order to
climb for the last time the lofty Ben
which flung arms of majestic shelter
around the home of his infancy : —
GUR MOCH RJNN MI DUSGADH.
' ' 'Twas early I rose on a fresh morn of May,
To climb all alone the steep face of the
brae ;
The sun had gone forth on his march
through the blue,
And the light waving birches were dripping
with dew.
" 0 sweet was the sound as I paced up the
hill,
Of the bright-bubbling well and the clear-
tinkling rill ;
Where the dew-laden roses were glistening
bright,
And the white vapours rose in the fresh
morning light.
" The copse-wood was thrilled with sweet
warbling, and high
The lark on proud wing poured his hymn to
the sky ;
The cattle were lowing to welcome the day,
And echo replied from the crag on the
brae.
' ' 0 fair is the rich leafy dress of the Ben,
And sweet is the breath of green growth
from the glen ;
But the glory of growth shines in vain from
the brae
On my heart that is clouded with sorrow to-
day !
1 A Handbook on Deer- Stalking, by Alexander
Macrae. Edinburgh, 1880.
" But why am I sad, when all Nature is
gay?
I will say the true thing, though it grieves
me to say —
Nevermore, nevermore shall I climb the
grey Ben,
Nor wander in joy through the green-wind-
ing glen.
" No glen in the world so lovely you'll find,
So snug and so safe from the biting north
wind ;
In the gloom of the winter no tempests may
roar
Through the green-sheltered glen I shall
see never more !
" But vainly I linger, complaining is vain ;
No charm hath my rhyme to bring balm to
my pain :
I see the sail spread of the boat on the shore
That bears me far hence to return never
more.
" This last look I give to the Ben and the
brae,
The dark-gaping pass, and the lone-winding
way ;
1 go — take my blessing, thou bonnie green
glen—
Never more, never more to behold thee
again ! "
We have no space, and indeed little
inclination, to pursue this so sadly
characteristic field of the popular
poetry of the Celt's into its harrowing
details. A Farewell to My Country,
by a Highland emigrant, in a much
more extended form and with greater
breadth of handling, will be found,
by those who care to seek it, in
the work quoted below. 2 The prin-
ciple that ought to guide a High-
land landlord in regard to these sor-
rowful incidents of his property is
pretty plain — ever to esteem the care
of his people his first duty, and never
to part with them, unless when he
feels assured that it is as much for
their good as for his own that the
wrench should be made; never to sacri-
fice them for his mere personal in-
dulgence, to gratify the cupidity of a
Lowland adventurer, the ease of a
perfunctory factor, the fancy of a
doctrinaire economist, or the anti-
social mania of a professional deer-
stalker.
2 Language and Literature of the Highlands,
p. 300. Edinburgh, 1876.
314
A CHAPTER OF POLITICAL HISTORY.1
THE Radical party, understanding by
that name the successive groups of
men who have striven for more than
two centuries to establish the principle
of popular self-government in opposi-
tion to the principle of royal prero-
gative and aristocratic authority, has
not hitherto received special atten-
tion from historians. Scattered re-
ferences appear here and there in our
historical narratives ; these are fre-
quently, perhaps usually, hostile, for
the writers of English history — those,
at least, who have commanded the
larger share of public appreciation —
have been strongly tinged with parti-
zanship, or have permitted themselves
to be swayed by prepossessions in
favour of one or the other of the
great political parties. Taking them
as types of their class, Macaulay and
Alison, as political historians, are so
distinctly Whig and Tory as to pre-
clude all chance of the Radicals re-
ceiving fair treatment at their hands.
Nor do the earlier philosophical his-
torians redress the omission ; for ex-
ample, Sir James Mackintosh is Whig
to the backbone. In later days, some
attempt has been made to do justice to
the Radicals by Miss Martineau, Mr.
Buckle, and Mr. Lecky, while our best
" popular " history, that of Mr. Charles
Knight, brings out with picturesque
force the gradual development of
Radical aims and the movements of
advanced politicians, though without
endeavouring to discriminate either,
with clearness, from the general course
of the narrative of events. It is the
same with the diarists and the memoir
writers. With the exception of Barn-
ford's Life of a Radical and Mr. Thomas
Cooper's Memoirs of a Chartist, which
deal with the stronger and humbler
1 The History of the Radical Party in Parlia-
ment. By William Harris. London : Kegan
Paul, Trench, & Co. 1885. Pp. 510, 8vo.
phases of political strife, external to
Parliament, there are no traces of
Radical sympathies in the range of
autobiography ; and we can hardly
regard Duncombe's Memoirs as afford-
ing a broad and connected view of
the action of Radicals in Parliament.
Mr. Villiers's Free Trade Speeches (in
the chapter prefixed to them), and Mr.
Morley's Life of Richard Cobden, deal
incidentally with particular phases of
Radical efforts at reform within the
limits imposed by Parliamentary
forms ; but neither of these works
professes to describe the history of the
Radicals as a party. For such a book
as that now under notice there was
therefore a distinct place ; it fills a
void in English political history, and
for the first time brings into one view
the rise, progress, aims, and personality
of the Radicals as a party in Parlia-
ment, traces their influence upon
statesmen, and records their successes
in legislation. While the author of
the book has thus a clearly-defined
work before him, he is by sympathy
and by political training well fitted to
undertake it. That much-abused and
greatly misunderstood organization,
known popularly as " the Caucus/'
may be accepted as the visible mani-
festation of Radicalism. It rests upon
and embodies the Radical principle of
self-government by direct popular re-
presentation. The Caucus, indeed,
as Liberals know it, is nothing more
nor less than the union of persons
of one way of thinking, in each con-
stituency, in a representative organi-
sation, freely and openly chosen, ad-
ministered by elected officers, and
charged with the business of deciding
who shall stand as candidates for the
party, and with the consideration of
broad principles, towards the mainte-
nance of which party organisation
shall be directed. Now Mr. Harris
A Chapter of Political History.
315
is the author of the Caucus. The
system had its origin in Birmingham,
and was primarily designed for the
organisation of the Liberal party in
Birmingham. Before the method of
choosing candidates by a representa-
tive assembly was adopted, the choice
was either, so to speak, accidental, or
was effected by a small number of in-
fluential politicians. Mr. Harris's
method changed this system into one
which afforded the great body of the
electors, middle class and artisans act-
ing together, the means of transacting
their own political affairs, by common
consultation, finally decided by a ma-
jority of votes; and thus Radicalism
was organised and regulated in action.
Other towns followed the example of
Birmingham, county districts adopted
the new method, and finally — in their
own way, but with large modifications
favouring central guidance — the Con-
servatives imitated the Liberal method ;
so that now, in some form or other, we
have a representative system esta-
blished as the general rule of political
party organisations. Out of the local
representative councils arose the great
union of Liberal organisations in the
National Liberal Federation, and this
also, in its origin, was the work of
Mr. Harris. It is proper to mention
these facts, because the statement of
them does justice to a thoughtful and
far-seeing politician, who, though not
in Parliament, has exercised a wider
and deeper influence than many per-
sons who have been conspicuous in the
Legislature ; and also as indicating that
the author of the History oftJie Radical
Party does not approach his task with-
out special qualifications, by training,
by experience, and by sympathy, for
the discharge of it.
It must not be supposed, however,
that the book has been written in a
merely partisan spirit. Mr. Harris is
a Radical, beyond all question ; but
he has now aimed, and with success,
at being not so much the apologist as
the historian of the Radical party;
and in the prosecution of this design
he has, in a true philosophical spirit,
dealt candidly and fairly with Whigs
and Tories as well as with Radicals.
There is no misrepresentation in the
pages of his volume ; no distortion or
suppression of facts ; no painting one
side as wholly black and the other as
entirely white. The motives, the aims
and the policy of all parties, and of
the chief leaders of all parties, are
taken into just account ; full allow-
ance is made for the changing circum-
stances of the times described ; and
the differences of principle which have
guided and modified the action of poli-
tical parties are stated, both generally
and in regard to particular occasions,
in such a manner as to give no cause
for complaint of unfairness. Perhaps
no better illustration could be cited
of the temper in which the author
deals with these matters than the fol-
lowing quotation, descriptive of the
animating principles of parties at the
time of the war of American Inde-
pendence, the period at which the
Radicals first made their appearance
as a distinct party : —
"There was an abstraction, called the
nation, which was separated in the minds of
the rulers from the people of whom it con-
sisted, and tended more and more to mean the
particular classes who, by birth or wealth, by
aristocratic connections or court influence,
were brought into immediate contact with the
Government. The men in office then could
aim at advantages to the nation, in the way of
military glory, territorial additions, or inter-
national influence, without counting the cost
in loss, and want, and misery, to the people
who paid the taxes and filled the armies. To
the same officials, the security of the nation
meant the stability of the existing form of
government, and any extension of popular
power seemed to threaten revolution and na-
tional disaster. Therefore, in order to pre-
serve the nation, the people were to be kept in
subjection, and even in ignorance ; and men
so unlike in character and ability as Windham
and Eldon combined to resist and defeat the
first attempt to establish by law a system of
popular education. This, it may be said, was
the Tory idea of national policy. In its best
aspect, it may be stated as the government of
the people for the nation, by prerogative. The
Whig view was different in theory, but not so
much unlike in practice. It recognised, in-
deed, the happiness and welfare of the people
as the direct objects at which governments
should aim, but it refused to give to the people
any active share in the work of their own im-
316
A Chapter of Political History.
provement and progress. Whilst, therefore,
it often appealed siiccessfully to outbursts
of public opinion on behalf of particular
measures, it refused to place any permanent
constitutional power in the hands of the people.
The Whig theory was the government of the
people, for the people, by existing privileged
classes ; that was, practically, by the aristo-
cracy. We have now evidence of the more
definite formation, within the bounds of what
we call Liberalism, of a party, the individual
members of which would have called them-
selves Whigs, and are, some of them, still re-
garded as characteristic leaders of that body ;
but who aimed at objects, and would have
adopted means, which were distinctly be-
yond the Whig programme. Even now there
was no conscious attempt to form a new party.
The old lines were followed. The Kadicals
supported, and often were members of, Whig
Cabinets, only they desired that the party
should travel quicker and further in the direc-
tion of democratic reform. Those who were
most impressed with the evils which existed,
the waste of the national resources, tlie corrup-
tion and jobbery in all departments of the
public service, the pressure of taxation, the
reckless conduct of the war, the repression of
all attempts to improve the moral and intel-
lectual condition of the people, were the most
convinced that no essential change could be
effected whilst the whole power of government
remained in the hands of a limited class, to
every member of which a share in the spoils
of corruption seemed within reach. "
This passage furnishes the key-note
to the book. The writer limits him-
self to a review and exposition of the
movement and development of the
Radical party in Parliament — not
wholly omitting to take into account
the occurrence of popular agitations,
but subordinating these to the record
of Parliamentary procedure, because,
as he observes, "it is only in the
legislature that direct and immediate
influence can be exercised over the
principles and policy of the Govern-
ment. Until it can find expression
there, no cause and no party can be
said to be within the range of prac-
tical politics, A_ny change forced
upon the nation by powers extraneous
to Parliament would, if possible at
all, be revolution, and not reform."
Within the limit thus indicated, Mr.
Harris has fully and effectively traced
the growth and action of Radicalism
as a Parliamentary force. He finds
the real origin of the Radical prin-
ciple and that of government of the
people for the people and by the peo-
ple in the conflicts of the Civil War
and in the Commonwealth ; he follows
its development, often obscured yet
never indistinguishable, through the
Revolution of 1688, and the century
which succeeded that event ; he recog-
nises in the reign of George III. the
period at which the opposite and
irreconcilable principles of sovereign
authority and popular right entered
upon their final conflict ; and then by
well-ordered degrees he recounts the
varying fortunes of Radicalism in
Ministries and Parliaments, from the
death of Chatham down to the Reform
Act of 1867 — fortunes now distinctly
advancing, now seemingly receding,
making rapid progress at one period,
and at another falling almost into
abeyance, yet when closely examined,
and regarded by the light of popular
opinion, steadily becoming more defi-
nite, increasingly powerful, and more
strongly self-assertive, until estab-
lished, in our own day, upon a basis
too solid to be shaken, resting upon
national conviction, and firm enough
to sustain a still wider and nobler
fabric of social advance, material
progress, and popular freedom. On
such a review of the past, the author
founds an exposition of the duty of
Radicals in the future, and with this
a prediction of their success in so
shaping legislation and conducting
administration as to insure the sta-
bility of national institutions, by
establishing them upon the basis of
ordered liberty. Speaking of the duty
of the Radical party, as indicated by
recent measures of reform, he says : —
"For more than a century the way had
been pointed out to all practical reforms by
the advocacy of Radicals, before the indiffer-
ence of AVhigs and the opposition of Tories
were overcome. Yet even after accepting the
policy of the Radicals, it had been the custom
of the governing classes to assume that outside
of the narrow limits of their circle, the coun-
try could not look for men to direct its action
and carry on its government. Radicals might
originate, but Whigs and Tories must adminis-
ter. That assumption is to a great extent dis-
pelled, and a practical equality is now admitted.
A Chapter of Political History.
317
But in such a case equality can only exist on
the condition that something more is possible.
No party can permanently maintain such a
position in the government of a great country
unless it can, on the necessity arising, under-
take to govern alone.
" This is a position which, especially since
the passing of the Franchise Act of 1884, the
Radical party will be justified in occupying.
They have a definite policy, both in home and
foreign affairs, they possess a number of skilled
politicians and administrators, and all they
want is that very steady cohesion which can
be acquired only by the consciousness of power
and the opportunity of effective action. It
does not follow that this power of separate
action need be exercised ; the demonstration
that it exists may be sufficient for the purpose.
The Liberal party always has been, and prob-
ably always will be, composed of men differ-
ing to some extent as to the rate of progress
which should be made in the direction in which
all desire to go. If it is no longer desirable
that all its movements should be directed by
the section which is least advanced, it does not
follow that the counsels of men who call them-
selves moderate should not be listened to.
What is essential is that any Government which
is constituted should be in accord with the
opinions and wishes of the majority of the
people. As this ground-root of representative
institutions forms the very essence of Radi-
calism, it is certain that Radicals ought to be
prepared to give it effect by accepting the re-
sponsibilities and exercising the powers of
government."
It is impossible, within the space of
this necessarily brief review, to do
more than state the aims of the
author, and to explain the principle
by which he has been guided. To see
see how the work is done, and how
full of interest is the narrative, the
reader must be referred to the volume
itself. It is worth reading with care,
and deserves to find a worthy place
amongst our political histories, both
as a stirring and encouraging record
of effort, of sacrifice, of progress, and
of ultimate success, and as an autho-
rity on the events and incidents of
Parliamentary labours for reform. As
a literary performance it has con-
spicuous merits — those of clearness,
method, ease of diction, and occasion-
ally (though the writer has steadily
resisted the temptation to fine writing)
picturesqueness and even brilliancy of
description. Some of the sketches of
statesmen and politicians of note are
remarkably effective, and we meet
with analyses of character which
exhibit a marked faculty of observa-
tion and insight. A study of Mr.
Joseph Hume, a politician to whom
justice has rarely been done, may be
cited as a sample; and other illus-
trations are afforded by similar
sketches 'naturally occurring in the
course of the narrative, such as those
of Fox and Pitt in the earlier sections,
and of Sir William Molesworth, Mr.
Grote, Colonel Perronet Thompson,
and Mr. Fawcett in the later por-
tion. While considerations of space
forbid an attempt to recall by name
the chief workers in the cause of
reform, they forbid also a record of
the measures aimed at by Radical
reformers during the period covered
by Mr. Harris's History of the
Radical Party — aims which included
not alone the reform of the constitu-
tion of Parliament, but the removal
of restrictions and the enlargement of
national, class, and individual freedom
in everything which could be affected
by legislation — the freedom of religion,
of trade, of association for political or
social objects, the liberties of the press,
the promotion of education. The out-
come of effort at amendment in these
and kindred matters, and the strenu-
ous and prolonged labours necessary
to effect such reforms, are summed up
with striking force in the following
passage : —
"During the comparatively short time in
which the united Liberals have been in office
since the Reform Act [of 1867] increased the
Radical power, every department of national
life — religious, social, commercial, industrial,
and intellectual — has been invigorated and
improved. The Irish Church has been dis-
established. The churchyards of England
have been made national instead of sectarian
property. A system of national education has
been created, and the national universities
have been widened and popularised. The land
laws of Ireland have been remodelled, by
which the injustice of ages has been removed,
and the foundation for national peace and
unity has been laid. The laws affecting the
combination of workmen have been changed,
the relations between employers and employed
have been placed upon fair and equitable terms,
and protection has been given to the lives of
318
A Chapter of Political History.
the men. The army has been made national
by the abolition of purchase. The game laws
have been amended ; and the law of landlord
and tenant improved, by the recognition of
the tenants' rights in [the improvement of
their holdings. The protection of the ballot
has been given to electors. Trade has been
purified by the adoption of a sound bank-
ruptcy law. A nearer approach to absolute
freedom of commerce has been secured, and
the last remains of the old corn laws removed.
There are, perhaps, none of these great works
in which some defects may not be pointed out,
which have been the result of a compromise,
avowed or understood, between the two sec-
tions of the Liberal party ; but in all of them
is to be found the spirit of Radical policy, and
the ability of Radical statesmanship."
While it is not possible for us to
examine here the details of the reforms
thus broadly sketched, there is one
episode, little known in our political
history, which deserves particular
record. The curious and interesting
fact is brought out by the author of
the volume, that the latest measure
of Parliamentary reform was anti-
cipated in its essential features by
a proposal made almost exactly a
hundred years ago, and this not by an
individual theorist, or by an organi-
sation of obscure and uninfluential
persons, but by an association which
included a large number of peers and
members of the House of Commons,
of which Burke, Fox, and Sheridan
were leading members, and with which
the younger Pitt was practically in
sympathy if not actually in agreement.
This body was the memorable West-
minster Committee of Correspondence,
the name of which was at a later period
changed for that of the Westminster
Committee of Association. The origin
of the Committee was notable. The
sacrifices imposed by the war with the
American colonies, the rapid addition
to the national debt, the lavish outlay
of the court, and the notorious cor-
ruption of placemen, combined to
arouse a strong feeling on behalf of
economical reform, and, united with
this, though subsidiary to it, there
arose also a demand for Parliamentary
reform. The close of the year 1779
witnessed a remarkable manifestation
of the national feeling. A great
meeting was held at York — a county
meeting, described by Sir George
Savile, when he presented its petition
to the House of Commons, as repre-
sentative of the intelligence and the
property of the whole county. The
Yorkshiremen demanded a redress of
grievances : the kind of redress after-
wards set forth in Burke's famous
resolutions. The example of Yorkshire
was quickly followed by other coun-
ties. In all twenty-five county meet-
ings were held. They covered almost
the whole of England. Middlesex and
Surrey represented the home counties,
the seat of the Legislature, and the
depository of regal and administrative
authority. Cumberland and Northum-
berland spoke for the extreme north.
Dorset, Somerset, and Devon gave
expression to the views of the south.
Gloucester and Hereford stood for the
west ; Norfolk and Suffolk for the
east ; and Nottingham and Derby
for the midlands. These names —
selections from the list of protesting
counties — show how the demand for
reform extended over the kingdom.
In each county which held its meeting
a Committee was formed, to con-
duct a general correspondence and to
enforce a common opinion. In Feb-
ruary 1780, the City of Westminster
held a meeting for the same purpose.
and established its Committee of cor-
respondence. Many Whig noblemen
and gentlemen, members of both
Houses, joined it ; many others, more
advanced than Whigs, associated
themselves with it. In February
1783, a complete list of the members
was made out, and recorded in the
minutes of the Committee. The list
contained the names of sixteen peers
and of fifty- one members of the House
of Commons. From the beginning of
the Committee in 1780 until its close
in 1785 Fox was the chairman, and
the minutes show that he presided at
most of the meetings, and signed the
record of the proceedings. These
minutes, not until now known to be in
existence, have been made available
for Mr, Harris's History of the Radical
A Chapter of Political History.
319
Party. They are in the possession of
Mr. Timmins, a Birmingham collector
of MSS. and other matters of literary
and political interest, who by a fortu-
nate purchase, rescued them from
possible destruction. As a record of
a most important chapter of political
history, and as a direct memorial of
Fox, and other statesmen associated
with him, the minutes of the West-
minster Committee might well find a
secure resting-place in the national
collection.
We have to do, however, only with
the light thrown by the Westminster
minutes upon early efforts to promote
Parliamentary reform. It has been
mentioned that in the original scheme
of the Corresponding Committees, the
reform of Parliament, in the sense of
establishing popular representation,
held a subordinate position. By
degrees the Westminster Committee
seem to have perceived that such a
reform was really the basis of all
measures of progress ; that so long as
the House of Commons failed ade-
quately to represent the nation, there
could be no hope of effectually con-
trolling administrative abuses, of
checking wasteful and profligate ex-
penditure, of expelling corruption from
high places, or of advancing popular
freedom. Accordingly, in March 1783,
the Committee passed a resolution
which is thus recorded on its minutes :
" That by the resolution of the general
meeting, directing this Committee to
prepare a plan of an association on
legal and constitutional grounds to
support the laudable reform, and such
other measures, as may conduce to
restore the freedom of Parliament,
this Committee conceive themselves
bound to enter into the consideration
of every question tending to establish
the independency of Parliament on a
solid and durable basis." A Sub-
Committee was therefore appointed to
inquire into the state of the repre-
sentation of the country, and to pre-
pare a report upon it. Sheridan was
chairman of the Sub-Committee, and
its report, presented on the 20th of
March, 1783, bears his signature.
Mr. Harris condenses from the MS.
minutes the substance of the report :
" It defends annual Parliaments as
constitutional, and as having been
illegally altered ; states that by the
statute of 8 Henry VI. the Parlia-
ment, then elected by the commonalty
at large, passed an Act to disfranchise
the greater part of its constituents by
establishing the forty shillings qualifi-
cation ; and then refers at length to
the decay of old boroughs, the repre-
sentation of which is controlled cor-
ruptly either by the Crown or by
hereditary owners, whereas new and
large communities had grown up which
are entirely unrepresented ; and it
ends by the declaration that, whether
as regards population or property, the
representation is essentially unequal."
On receiving the report the West-
minster Committee resolved that
" annual Parliaments are the right of
the people, and that the present state
of the representation is inadequate to
the object, and a departure from the
first principles of the Constitution."
A little later, at a meeting presided
over by Fox, and attended amongst
others by Burke, Sheridan, and Alder-
man Beckford, a resolution was passed
affirming the principle of the ballot.
The Committee thus began vigor-
ously. Nor did its zeal slacken, or its
efforts expire in the passing of general
resolutions. In April, 1783, a plan
of an association was publicly adopted,
the corresponding committees merged
in the newly-constituted body, and
one of the first acts of the reformed
organisation was to elect Fox as its
chairman, and then to appoint a com-
mittee to prepare a scheme of parlia-
mentary reform. This committee
reported at the end of June, and the
report, as it appears on the minutes,
is described as " long, elaborate, and
rhetorical, but as concluding with a
definite scheme, as comprehensive and
as thorough-going as any which has
been put forward by the most advanced
Radicals at any time." The statement
above quoted is justified by an exami-
32U
A Chapter of Political History.
nation of the scheme of the committee,
which is so interesting in itself, and
so relevant to recent debates and con-
clusions on electoral and parliamentary
reform, that the sixteen recommenda-
tions of the committee merit quota-
tion. They were these : —
" 1. Each county to be divided into
as many districts as it is entitled to
elect representatives, each district
choosing one representative. [Here
followed a statement of the number of
members allotted to each county, such
number to be subject to periodical
revision according to the relative in-
crease of population.]
"2. Each district as far as possible
to contain an equal number of males ;
the name of the district being taken
from the parish containing the great-
est number of electors.
" 3. Annual Parliaments to be
elected on the first Tuesday in July
each year ; the election to commence
between eight and eleven, and close
before sunset of the same day.
"4. All male inhabitants of this
country (aliens, minors, criminals, and
insane persons excepted) to vote.
" 5. Makes first allotment of mem-
bers to counties ; in all 513.
" 6. Provides regulations as to
registers.
" 7. Grand inquest in each county
to allot members to districts.
" 8. Election to take place in prin-
cipal town or village of district.
" 9. Votes to be taken by ballot.
" 10. Churchwardens to declare
poll to sheriff of county, who returns
writ.
"11. The annual session of Parlia-
ment to commence on the first Tuesday
in November.
"12. Session to end in April; or,
if necessary, may be continued by
Crown to first Tuesday in July.
" 13. Declaration [of allegiance] to
be taken by members.
" 14. All members to be paid.
"15. All election causes to be de-
cided by jury before judges of assize.
" 16. Every person competent to
vote to be eligible for electioo."
The scheme above described was
evidently looked upon as a kind of
counsel of perfection in the matter of
parliamentary reform, for although it
was approved by the committee, and
ordered to be printed and sent out to
other committees in correspondence
with that at Westminster, no serious
effort was made to put the plan before
Parliament, nor did it lead to any sus-
tained agitation in the country. If it
had only been acceptable and accepted,
how much trouble might have been
saved to Parliament and to the nation,
and how much faster and more cer-
tainly might the progress of reforms
of all kinds have been secured ! For
this project of a hundred years ago —
agreed to by men such as Fox, Burke,
Sheridan, Townshend and Shelburne,
and in principle assented to by Pitt— -
not only covers, but exceeds, all that
has been since accomplished in the
reform of Parliament. The Westmin-
ster scheme of 1783 alike anticipated
and surpassed the Reform Act of 1832,
the Chartist proposals of 1839, the
second Reform Act of 1867, and the
measures by which in the present year
the Franchise has been made co-exten-
sive with householders, and electoral
districts have been re-arranged sub-
stantially though not exactly on the
basis of population. Take the broadest
of the schemes since proposed as the
standard of comparison — the six points
of the People's Charter. These are :
universal suffrage, equal electoral dis-
tricts, payment of members, vote by
ballot, no property qualification,
annual Parliaments. The whole of
these are embraced in this forgotten
scheme, authorised by the signature of
Fox and the concurrence of Sheridan,
which has been buried for a century
in the minutes of the Westminster
Association, and is now made public
by the historian of the Radical party,
as indicating the prescience, the
patriotism, and the courage of those
who, in principle, if not by profession,
are entitled to be classed amongst the
earliest leaders of Radicalism.
J. T. B.
MACMILLAN'S MAGAZINE.
SEPTEMBER, 1885.
MRS. DYMOND.
CHAPTER XXIV.
SUSANNA AND HER MOTHER.
EARLY next day Susy was standing
at the gate of the villa. After the
events of the night before, they had
all come to the conclusion that it
would be best to go home at once.
And Tempy, agitated and surren-
dering, had written to her lover to
meet them. Susy knew that her
mother would approve of the engage-
ment, but she was doubting how she
could best break to her the news of
their approaching departure. She her-
self was loth enough to go. Her heart
was not light, she could not feel as
Tempy did, whose new life was waiting
for her on the English shores. Whereas
it seemed to Susy as if she was leaving
all hers behind — her true interest, her
truest self ; as she drove along she
wondered whether she should see Max
presently, and be able to tell him of
all that had happened, and of the
great determination they had come to.
She wondered what he would say, how
he would look — approving ? disapprov-
ing 1 Would he be in the same mood as
when he had left them the night
before? She found no answer to her
question. The villa was silent and
deserted, and as she crossed the garden
she saw that the studio windows were
closed, as well as Madame' s kitchen
doors. She went in at the passage,
passed through the Marneys' dining-
room, where the breakfast things were
still upon the table, and so came into
No. 311. — VOL. LII.
the little sitting-room where she found
her mother. Mrs. Marney was lying
on the old yellow sofa ; for once she was
not at work. Mikey and Denny's piles
of underclothing lay ripped unheeded,
seams opening wide, upon a chair.
Their mother was leaning back with
her hands upon her lap, a pair of horn
spectacles and a newspaper lay upon
the table.
" I think I am better, dear," said
Mrs. Marney peacefully, like a person
going on with a sentence already
begun. " Madame has been in to sit
with me. She has been reading to
me. I have heard all about St.
Cloud. Max du Pare came for a
minute last night, and brought me
news of you all. What a lovely day you
have had for your walk ! Marney is at
the Tuileries to-day. Yes, indeed,
M. de Morny sent for him. You don't
know how much they all think of his
opinion. Nobody knows more about
politics than he does ; I wish he under-
stood his own affairs half as well as
those of Europe," said Mrs. Marney,
with a sigh and something of her old
manner. As Susy stood in the summer
light, against the green of the windows,
with all her black rippling round her,
the mother looked fondly and proudly
at her daughter. " What a beautiful
cloak that is, my child, how well
your widow's mourning becomes you."
Susanna blushed up crimson.
" Oh, don't, mamma, don't say such
things."
" Why, the colonel always liked you
322
Mrs. Dymond.
to look well and becomingly dressed,"
said Mrs. Marney. " I used to tell him
it was he, not you that cared for the
bonnets. I myself like pretty things,
I can sometimes think of your clothes,
Susy, when I can't look at my own for
worry. I was upset yesterday ; the
police came just after Max was gone.
Madame was in a terrible taking, and
talked some nonsense about Marney."
"What nonsense mamma?" Susy
asked.
" Oh ! we have made it up," Mrs.
Marney said, taking Susy's hand and
stroking it. " Max, like a good fellow,
brought her in this morning. Well,
what have you got to tell me ? I see
there is something by your face."
When Susy began, with no little
reluctance, to break her own news she
found that her mother received it better
than she had dared to hope. " So you
have made it all right for the poor girl.
I am glad of that, my Susy ; it's ill work
parting those whom God has joined
together. I shall miss you sorely ; but
promise me to come back if ever I
want you. Promise, Susy, and I shall
not fash over the parting," and Susy
eagerly promised. " Oh, mamma, any
time, any time."
" I can keep the boys a few days
longer," Mrs. Marney continued.
" Caron is going over to England next
week, and he will leave them at school
for me." Mrs. Marney was very tender,
very motherly, but absent in manner.
" Is that Madame's voice?" she said un-
easily. " Don't wait, Susy, you must
have so much to see to." But almost
as she spoke, Madame appeared upon
the threshold, concentrated, forbidding
in aspect. When she saw Susanna
standing near her mother's sofa
Madame stopped short, stared fixedly,
and immediately turned and walked
away out of the room. Mrs. Marney
flushed up, then laughed at Susy's look
of bewilderment. " I did not want
her to see you here, Susy." And when
Susy asked what it meant. " She has
got some nonsense in her head — people
trouble themselves too much about
other people's affairs," was all Mrs.
Marney said, and then she kissed her
daughter's face, holding it between both
her hands and looking into her eyes as
tenderly as if Susy had still been a
child depending on her for everything.
Mrs. Marney promised to come up with
the boys, and to say good-bye next
day in the afternoon, when Marney was
gone. Susy would gladly have remained
longer, she hoped to have seen Max
before she left ; she wanted an explana-
tion with Madame ; but her mother
seemed only anxious to hurry her
away ; for one moment at the door did
Mrs. Marney detain her wistfully, and
in that moment Susy found courage
to say in a low voice, " Mamma, you
will tell Mr. Max we are going. We
expect him too, to say good-bye."
Then Mrs. Marney flung her arms
around Susy's neck and began to cry.
"Ah, poor Max ! he will miss you,
but not so much as I shall. Oh ! re-
member, I must always count on you
for my boys, Susy ; you are young, but
no younger than I was when I was left
a widow, and I took my own course,
and it has been a hard life, but indeed
I would not change it," said the faithful,
inconsequent woman. ' ' Go, darling, go. "
Poor Susy drove home disappointed
and perplexed by her visit, and wonder-
ing at the meaning of it all. She was
used to her mother's ways, used to the
mysteries of that household from which
she had so thankfully escaped, she
could imagine, alas ! what good reason
her mother might have to try to avoid
a meeting between Mr. Marney and
herself, but Madame du Parc's be-
haviour distressed and troubled her.
Some crisis had occurred, of that she
was assured. They were all against her,
her mother and Madame and that
hateful Marney. People in an excited
and abnormal condition are quickly
suspicious, and Susy crimsoned at the
thought that it must all have to do
with her friendship for Max. Ah !
what business was it of theirs. If
only she could have seen him once more.
If only he had come to her. Then she
felt that everything would have been
plain.
Mrs. Dymond.
323
Mrs. Dymond found active prepara-
tions for their departure going on
when she reached the hotel, and a
general confusion of Wilkins among
the bandboxes, of parcels without
number, and milliners - in - waiting.
Tempy was writing in the drawing
room, and looking up with a face
so changed, so radiant with transient
beauty and happiness that Susy could
scarcely believe that was the Tempy
she had known all along. " I have
had a telegram," said Tempy. "Charlie
will meet us at Folkestone the day
after to-morrow ; " and, " oh ! Susy,
Mr. Bagginal came this morning
and Monsieur Du Pare. I was very
civil indeed, and nice to them both.
They want to take us somewhere to
breakfast to-morrow, and Mr. du Pare
is coming on to the Louvre afterwards,
so he will have all day long to say
good-bye, as we don't leave till after
dinner."
Susy didn't answer. She sat down
rather wearily, he had been there,
she was glad of that, even though
she had missed him ; but at the same
time she had an odd feeling of some
intangible, unrecognised trouble at
hand, one to be avoided, not faced, to be
fled from, never to be realised. All day
long the thought possessed her while
she packed and paid and parted, and
settled the various details of their
going.
Du Pare saw Susy again that evening
though she did not see him. Susy and
Tempy, with Phraisie between them,
were driving at foot pace along the
Champs Elysees. They were rolling
home from the Arc, behind which the
sun was setting, a huge dropping globe
of limpid fire. Max had been staring
at the glories that were lighting up the
Arc, and its stony chariots, and heroic
memories, while the triumphal clouds
above were heaped in a present
apotheosis of splendour and com-
memoration. The victors and vic-
toresses of this present generation
were complacently driving out in the
soft evening air, after the heat of the
day, and issuing from their houses, or
strolling leisurely or resting on the
benches along the way. Many of the
passers by looked up at the two
English ladies in their equipage with
the pretty blue-eyed child between
them. Among these came Max du
Pare, trudging home from M. Caron's
with a portfolio under his arm contain-
ing his completed work. Susy did not
see him, but he saw her, and the pros-
perous serenity of the little party
struck him painfully, and the carriage
seemed to him somehow to be rolling
and rolling away right away out of his
life.
CHAPTER XXV.
SAYING " GOOD-BYE."
ME. BAGGINAL was also of the fare-
well party. They were to break-
fast at a certain old-fashioned caf6
near the Pantheon, which du Pare
had recommended, and to adjourn to
the Louvre for one last morning in
the galleries which already seemed so
familiar. That last day in Paris, the
lights, the streets, the cafe" with its
shining tables and deep windows and
criss-cross shadows, the blazing gar-
dens without, long haunted Susy, who
was destined to live so many of these
hours again and again, in other scenes
and other surroundings. She had met
Max with an effort, trying to be calm.
Alas ! her effort to be wise and calm
only revived for him the memory of
that stiff, doll-like Susanna who used
to seem so meaningless once. Now he
knew better, he did not think her
meaningless ; on the contrary, he
attached too much meaning to her
coldness.
As they all sat at their table with
the snowy cloth by the grated window,
Mr. Bagginal and Jo kept up the ball ;
Tempy was too happy, Susanna was
too sad to talk very much.
" I shall be coming over to see my
people in a few weeks," said the
attache. "I hope I shall find you at
Crowbeck, Mrs. Dymond."
" That is all right," said Jo. " You
must come and see us, and you too,
Y 2
324
Mrs. Dymond.
Du Pare. When shall you be in
England again?"
But Du Pare did not respond very
warmly. He felt some jar, some con-
straint in this semblance of a meeting.
" I don't like making plans," he said
abruptly ; " plans are for landed pro-
prietors and diplomats ; we working
men are obliged to take things as
they come."
" Here come the cutlets/' cried
Bagginal, who thought Max's sallies
not in the best taste. Susy, too,
was vaguely vexed by his roughness.
Things mended a little when they
reached the Louvre. The work of
great men, which makes a home for
us in strange places, is often not un-
like a living presence, influencing us,
just as some people do, calling some-
thing that is our best selves into life.
There is something in the highest
art which is like nature, bringing
people into a different state of being,
sweeping away the reticences, the hesi-
tations, of the different grades of life.
The different manners and ways of
men and women are realities in their
way, but they scarcely count when the
greater truths prevail.
Max walked ahead, suddenly more
at home and more at ease ; he led the
way from room to room, from one
eventful picture to another, and yet
all the time as he went along the
voice of that night before was
haunting him still, and even while
he was speaking he sometimes broke
off abruptly to listen to it. " She
is going from you," this voice
still said ; " she might be yours,
she might remain." Perhaps some
vein of English blood had taught
Max to feel for women some deeper,
more tender sentiment than the pas-
sionate ferment of romantic admira-
tion and excitement which seems to
play an all-important part in France
(if we are to judge by its yellow and
bilious literature) ; some gentler and
more noble instinct was in his heart
than that strange emotion which,
according to these same observers,
belongs to any one but to a wife — to
a passing dream, to a flaunting veni-
ality. . . . Whereas (according to these
same records) for the mothers of their
homes, for the companions of their life,
a family lawyer's acquiescence, their
parents', their grandparents' approba-
tion is to be considered first and
foremost — human nature, instinctive
feeling, last and least.
But Max was but half a Frenchman,
after all, as he walked along by Susy's
side through the long galleries. They
came down from the glowing pictures
into the cool, stony halls below, and
passed from one century to another
with a few lingering steps. The tombs
of Egyptian kings and warriors lined
their way ; then came the tokens and
emblems of the great Roman empire,
with all its pomp of funereal rite;
followed by the bland and lovely
emblems of the Greeks, those stately
figures still treading the earth in some
immortal fashion, while the present
waves of life flow on, washing away
the relics of the past as they flow.
Max looked at the woman he loved,
as she was standing before the statue
of some bygone nymph. The young
man, who was an artist as well as a
lover, made a mental note of the two
— the stony, impassive nymph, the
noble human being so wistfully
radiant. Susy felt his eyes upon her,
and as some feel the sunshine kindling
their chilled veins, so to her unacknow-
ledged perplexities that bright odd
glance, part sympathetic, part scru-
tinising, seemed to bring reassurance
and to give life to her very soul.
That one moment was the best of all
those moments; almost immediately
a look, a something, a nothing, seemed
to come between them again.
Long after, an eau forte, signed
Maxwell, had a great success, and was
for a time to be seen in the window
of every art shop in London. It was
very slight, but also very complete.
The stony statue was faithfully copied,
its grace and solemn life were repeated
as it stood upon its pedestal with its
finger on its lips ; and a woman,
also draped in flowing folds, also bare-
Mrs. Dymond.
325
headed, and with a strange likeness
to the marble, stood with innocent
eyes gazing up at the stone that re-
called her who once was a woman too,
who was now only a goddess, but still
somehow whispering of the beauty and
of the love of two thousand years ago.
Mr. Bagginal, loth to go, had to
say good-bye presently, and return
to his embassy. His departure scat-
tered them all. Susy felt a
strange impatience of this long-
drawn leave-taking. She wanted
to get it over, and to escape from
Tempy's eyes and Jo's ; she was not
herself, her nerves were irritated, and
the restraint she put upon herself only
added to this nervous impatience.
" Shall we walk home through the
gardens?" said Mrs. Dymond with an
effort, in her stiff and formal manner ;
and without a word Du Pare turned
and led the way to the entrance gates.
The great doors let a blaze of light
into the cold marble galleries ; the
cocked-hat of the Swisse was resplen-
dent and reflected the fine weather
as it flashed in the doorway; the great
place without looked like a triumph of
summer ; the rearing stone horses and
chariots rose high against the deep
blue of the sky. Short black shadows
marked the arches and the pedestals,
and Susy breathed deep as she passed
out, followed by Jo and Tempy. Oppo-
site was the piazza of the Louvre,
where the lovely lights were floating
from pier to pier, while high overhead
one or two diaphanous clouds were
mounting in the air.
As they came out of the shade of
the portico they seemed almost blinded
by the glaring sun ; the place was
burning with scorching heat ; it
flashed from every arch and pinnacle
and window.
" It is a furnace," said Tempy ;
" hadn't we better wait another hour
in the gallery 1 " "I have to go home,"
Susy said, hurriedly. "Tempy, I can-
not stay longer; I have to pack, to
wind up. Don't come ; you will find
me at home. Jo will come with
me."
But Tempy clutched Jo fiercely by
the wrist. She did not want to be left
alone with Du Pare in the gallery.
The heat seemed to confuse them
all. Susy found herself crossing the
burning place alone, as she thought,
but when she looked round, Du Pare
was striding by her side, while she
hastened to the more shady gardens
of the Tuileries. It was the ordeal by
fire through which they were passing.
" Everything seems on fire," said
Susy, looking about. " See, we shall
escape over there," and she pointed
with her hand.
The young man was unconcerned by
the heat, and chiefly conscious of the
cool shadow of her presence. He re-
membered her words and her action
one day long after, remembered them
for an instant amidst the flash of
fiercer conflict than that which stirred
him now ; and yet at the time he
scarcely seemed listening when she
spoke, and now and again forgot her
presence in the sudden realisation of
what her absence would be to him.
He had imagined once that she under-
stood him — cared something for him.
It must have been a mistake. How
quietly she spoke of her departure.
" These Englishwomen are made of
tougher stuff than a poor French-
man is aware of," Max thought
bitterly.
The sentry in his shady box stared
at Mrs. Dymond and her companion
quickly passing in the burning silence.
They reached the gardens, almost de
serted in the midday heat.
If it had not been for Tempy's
jealous words the night-before, Susanna
might have parted from Max naturally
with regret, sadly, but without this
cruel pang, this self-reproach. As it
was, she could not trust herself to be
sorry ; she must take leave coldly.
She must not allow herself to feel.
Then she looked up suddenly, just
once to remember him by when she
was gone, when this cold unmeaning
good-bye had been said ; and she saw
Du Parc's keen brown face turned
upon her with a look which seemed
326
Mrs. Dymond.
somehow to stab her, and she started
as if she had been hurt.
"What is it?" said Du Pare.
"What is it, madarue?"
Susy's heart began to flutter oddly.
She could not answer. Her face had
been pale before — was now burning
with her self-betrayal. Was the final
decision to be made already 1 Was
there no escape from it? Tempy's
words had shocked her the night be-
fore. It seemed to her as if the girl
had cruelly taken down the shutters,
and let bright daylight into a darkened
room. Now for the first time Susy
seemed to know that the daylight was
something so clear, so beautiful, that
all other lights and flickering tapers
were but as shadows before it.
Susanna's changing looks touched
Max with some odd mixture of pity
and alarm. He had been angry with
her for her coldness all the morning.
But this was no cold indifference.
Had she, too, felt this estrangement?
If it was so he forgave her, took her
into his confidence, once more began to
speak naturally.
" Yes, madame, this vile good-bye
has come already," he said, " and yet
too late for me. Good-byes come
most easily to those who, like you,
take everything with them — almost
everything," he repeated, with a sigh.
" I cannot pretend to know how it all
may seem to you ; we belong to dif-
ferent worlds. It is best we should
part. Ah ! you could not face poverty,"
he went on suddenly. " You are not
made for sufferings ; you belong to
the wealthy, happy, placid people, not
to us who are struggling for our lives."
Susy felt hurt by his strange tone.
" What do you mean ? " she said. "I
have been poor too."
"You have been poor," he said,
looking hard at her, and smiling
coldly ; " but you have never known
what it is to suffer, nor to be bound
and helpless watching others day by
day, condemned by their race, and
dying from sheer incapacity for the
struggle of life. Pass on — pass on,"
he said, almost fiercely.
Susy's eyes filled up suddenly, and
again her tears softened his mood.
"You have courage and you have heart,
but you cannot help these things
any more than I can," he went on
more gently. "To have known you is
a possession to those you leave behind.
When I remember you after you are
gone, it will be with a thought of
peace in the midst of noise and con-
fusion."
Susy, as many a woman before and
after her, stood listening, scarcely
taking in the words, only the sense
of the moment. All she knew for
certain was that they were parting,
that he was there still, that he was
unhappy, that presently she would
see him no more. They had reached
one of the stone benches of the
Tuileries, which stood in the shade
of a tree, almost opposite a little gate
that led to the Rue du Dauphin.
" 1 must go," said Susanna, speak-
ing very quietly ; and he nodded, and
yet detained her, absently holding her
hand, which she had given him.
" Ah, yes," he said, suddenly drop-
ping it, " it is indeed time we parted."
She did not dare to answer or to
comfort him ; she did not dare tell
him that for her too the parting had
come too late.
" Good-bye," she said, still in the
same quiet everyday manner. As she
moved away slowly he sat down upon
the bench.
The time had come, as she had
known it would, and she walked on
as she had drilled herself to do ; with
what sad steps she climbed the street
none but herself could tell. She
walked till she reached the door of
the hotel, where the waiter was stand-
ing. He asked her some trivial ques-
tions about her bill, and an omnibus.
She looked at him without understand-
ing what he said. Then she mounted
the wooden stairs, up and down which
they had so often happily clattered on
their way in and out. She might have
been kinder, this was what she kept
thinking over and over again ; she
might have been kinder ; how sad and
Mrs. Dymond.
327
stern he looked, was it her fault she
had only thought of herself, not of
him, in all she left unsaid ? Every
sound, every touch seemed to jar upon
her nerves and to reproach her. As
she opened the sitting-room door, she
was met by a loud discordant crash.
Little Phraisie was passing the long,
hot morning by thumping on the keys
of the piano in tune to her nurse's
packing.
" I'se playing," says Phraisie,
triumphant.
" 0 Phraisie, Phraisie, don't make
such a noise," said her mother irri-
tably, stooping over the child and try-
ing to lift her down from the chair.
" I'se not done," protested Phraisie
struggling.
" Leave off, Phraisie," Susy repeated;
and the child looked up surprised by
her mother's tone. She ceased strug-
gling instantly.
" Mamma," said she, " are I so very
naughty ? is that why you's crying ? "
and then Susy found that her own
eyes were full of tears — she had been
selfish and unjust to Phi'aisie as she
had been to Du Pare.
Wilkins came in hearing the dis-
cussion, also heated and cross with
packing, and asking one question after
another about her overflowing boxes.
Susy could scarcely force herself to
listen ; Du Parc's wild sad looks were
before her eyes, his bitter words in
her heart ; she might have had the
courage to speak the truth to him. She
might have been kinder — was it even
yet too late 1 " Phraisie, darling," she
said suddenly, " You may play a little
bit longer. I have forgotten some-
thing, Wilkins; I shall come back.
I — I am not feeling very well, I must
leave the packing to you." And before
Wilkins could ask another question
she was gone again, hurrying as she
went.
"Madame! Madame!" cried Auguste,
flying after her with his napkin ; but
Susy did not turn, and only hastened
out into the street, tying the long
ribbon of her silk cloak as she went.
She thought she heard her name
called, she would not look back.
She must see him once more, if only
to leave him more happy, if only to
tell him that she was not ungrateful
for his friendship. It seemed to her as
if he was wanting her, as if it was her
least duty to go to him, to say to him,
"Ah, you do me injustice. It is not
that I am rich, and prosperous and
heartless, but because I am poor and
have others to think of, others depend-
ing on me that I leave you." Yes,
others to whom she was bound by a
thousand ties ; but in her secret heart
she knew, that never again would she
feel for any one what she felt for this
stranger.
Surely two less propitiously matched
people never came together than
this man and this woman, who
seemed to suit each other so well.
She, tender, practical, humble and yet
exacting, as diffident people are who
are not sure of themselves and require
constant convictions and reassurance.
He, reserved, over confident, with
a courageous power of self-command,
perhaps somewhat blunted to the
wants and pains of others by circum-
stance. For him the real material
wants of life existed chiefly. The
hunger for affection, the thirst after
sympathy was a fancy not worth con-
sidering. He was suffering now ; but
he also knew — perhaps better than
Susy did — that his pain would pass in
time. . . .
He was still sitting on the bench, he
had not moved since she left him. He
was not conscious of the minutes which
had passed. He loved her. He knew
it. Whether or not she loved
him seemed to be but a secondary
thing. A man loves, a woman longs for
response. Max had not stirred except
to light a cigar. For a few minutes
he had gloomily puffed at the smoke,
then he took it out of his mouth and
sat holding it between his fingers.
Then he heard her quick step advanc-
ing, he [did not look up or turn his
head, but when she came close up and
sat down on the bench beside him he
turned at last. He was all changed,
328
Mrs. Dymond.
Susy thought. It was as if an east
wind had passed over some landscape.
She was not shy now. She was not
thinking of herself any more, only of
him, and her sweet eager face was
lighted with solicitude and kindness.
" Won't you speak to me ? " she said,
after a moment, forgetting all her dig-
nity, all her gentle pride ; " I want to
say a real good-bye — since we must
say good-bye. I came back, for I
could not bear to part as we did
just now. I, like you, am not free,
to think only of my own happiness.
I — I wanted to tell you this. I have
my mother, my brothers, my children
depending on me. I should forfeit
all means to help them if I married
again. I too have my duty. I want
to hear you say you forgive me," she
went on more and more agitated. She
spoke in her pretty English-French.
He was silent, and she turned very
pale as she realised how little her
words must mean to him.
He looked up with dull eyes and
spoke at last.
" I have nothing to forgive," he
said ; "I do not complain ; you have
judged wisely ; you are perfectly justi-
fied. There is nothing to regret, no-
thing to forgive."
" Oh, Max ! " she said reproachfully,
unconsciously calling him by his name,
" when you speak to me like this how
can I answer you ; how can I feel you
are my friend 1 "What am I to say to
make you understand 1 "
She wrung her hands with sudden
pain, for indeed his pain seemed to her
harder to bear than her own, his hap-
piness seemed to her to matter far
more than hers could ever matter.
She felt herself in some way account-
able for this man's happiness. The
thought was almost more than she
could bear, but he would not help her.
" Yes ; I understand well enough,"
he answered ; " and you have also to
understand me," he continued, in a
hard, commonplace voice. " Don't you
know that graves have to be dug ? Do
you expect me to grimace and make
phrases while I am digging a grave ? "
Then he looked up at last, and his eyes
met hers for one moment. Then, still
dully and wearily, he rose from the
bench.
" Your stepfather is coming," he
said, " and his family. I cannot stay
here any longer."
And as Susy looked up, in that bitter
moment, she too saw Marney advanc-
ing, and the little boys running towards
her, and her mother following through
the iron gate by which she herself had
come into the gardens but a moment
before.
Max du Pare had got up deliberate-
ly, without hurrying ; he stood for an
instant still looking at her ; then
he took off his hat without a word,
and turned and walked away. The
clocks were clanging four o'clock ; he
crossed the stiff shadow of the orange
tree, and with long swinging steps
reached the shade of the avenues be-
yond, he was gone. She had longed
to help him ; she had only disgraced
herself , she had done nothing for him —
nothing, nothing. Was it the sun's
heat sickened her ? Was it some over-
powering sense of shame, of hopeless
regret, that seemed to burn into her
very heart ?
Some children who had been watch-
ing eagerly from behind the orange
tree came running up and established
themselves upon the vacant bench and
began to play an eager game with
stones and sticks, while the Marney
party cheerfully closed round Susy, the
little boys were specially loud in their
demonstrations. " Sister Auguste told
us you were here. Didn't you hear us
calling? We knew we should find
you."
" I am only come for one moment,
just to take leave, Susanna," said
Marney, with extra heartiness, ad-
vancing with both hands extended ;
" but here is your mother for the rest
of the day. Is not that Du Pare
going off ? I may as well catch him
up. Well, take care of yourself, my
dear girl, and don't forget to write."
Susy was still in a sort of dream ;
she scarcely returned her stepfather's
Mrs. Dymond.
329
easy salutations. She met her mother,
but without a smile. The poor woman
had lingered behind. Had she guessed
something of what had happened ?
Mrs. Marney more than once looked
anxiously at her daughter as they
walked back together to the hotel.
As the day went by the elder woman
seemed silently to be asking Susy's
forgiveness. She took up her
daughter's hand and kissed it.
" Don't, mamma," said Susanna,
pulling her hand away.
All the same she was glad to
have her mother near her until the
moment of departure came. They sat
side by side on the old red sofa, saying
little, but grateful to be together. Once
they heard a man's step in the passage
outside, and Susy wondered whether
Max after all had come back again for
a few last minutes, but it was only
Mr. Bagginal with some flowers and
bonbons for Phraisie. Then the train
carried them all away, and Susy looked
from her sleeping child to Jo peacefully
nodding in his corner, to Tempy sitting
absorbed and radiant, and then, some-
thing within her suddenly cried out,
in despairing protest, in tune to the
wheels of fate as they carried her
away. To have so much, yet to be so
utterly disheartened and alone ; to
have felt as if the world itself could
scarce contain her happiness, and now
it seemed to her that the worst of
all was yet to come. What would he
be doing? Who would he be talking
to ? Of what would he be thinking ?
It was well for her that she did not
know what the future had in store.
CHAPTER XXVI.
WAE AND RUMOURS OF WAR.
To all of us who were safe at home
in 1870, the distant sound of the
cannon, the cry of the ousted, sorrow-
ful inhabitants of a country but a
couple of hours' journey from our own
shores came, softened by distance, and
by that stultifying sense of our own
safety. It was not indifference ; our
neighbour's trouble was present to us,
and keenly realised ; but we know that
the good Samaritan himself after walk-
ing by the ass and upholding his sick
and wounded neighbour, left him to
recover alone at the inn. With the
first alarm Michael and Dermy ap-
peared in Tarndale, sent by their
mother, to finish their holidays, in
safety. Mr. Marney, whose trade
was flourishing for the moment, for-
warded a letter by the boys, in his
dashing handwriting. " I send the
boys, my dear Susanna, trusting to
your sisterly care. I cannot bring
them myself. This war gives
absorbing occupation to men of
my trade. I am trying to per-
suade my wife to pack up her boxes
and also rejoin you in your luxurious
home. Poor Polly has some impres-
sion that her presence at the Villa du
Pare acts as a pledge for her unworthy
husband's safety. ' Think of the Prus-
sians !' says I. 'Let them come on,'
says she. ' I will not desert my post.'
Though what good she can do me here,
and I at the other end of France,
is past my comprehension. ' Your
home will be always ready,' says she.
' You can come back at any hour of
the day or night,' and when I represent
to her that I can do that anyhow with
a latchkey and a couple of sovereigns,
she bursts into tears. Madame du Pare
being of a less valorous constitution,
has chosen the better part under pre-
sent circumstances, and discreetly
retires to her vineyard near Avignon.
Seriously speaking, my dear Susan, I
do intreat you, who have more influence
over Polly than most people, to per-
suade her that there is no advantage
to me whatever in her remaining here,
only great inconvenience. Even though
the Prussians should not advance
beyond the frontier, there are all
sorts of ill-looking adventurers and
Franc Tireurs hanging about the place
just now. . , ."
Poor Mrs. Marney ! she scarcely knew
how to withstand the united commands
of her husband and her daughter. Crow-
beck seemed so far away, so utterly out
330
Mrs. Dymond.
of reach. There was no one there, not
even Susanna, to whom she could speak
of Marney. What should she do there !
If he was ill or wounded, Susy would
never let her go, she would keep her
from him. The poor thing wandered
about the empty villa, pale, anxious,
huddled in an old cloak, wistfully
watching Madame's independent ar-
rangements as she prepared for her
own departure. Torn with terrors for
Marney, unable to decide for herself,
Mary Marney was utterly miserable
and wearying to others. Susy's letters,
full of entreaties and of the prepara-
tions for Tempy's wedding, only elicited
a faint return from her mother.
Phraisie's printed messages, the boys
round-hand, seemed alone to bring
some gleam of interest to the poor soul.
She studied the papers for news ; she
cross-questioned everybody. Marney
had been ordered to the front to join
the emperor's head-quarters at Chalons,
to be in the triumphant train of the
journey to Berlin. Marney used to
sbrug his shoulders when his wife ap-
pealed to him as to his probable desti-
nation.
"I don't mind taking the odds
against setting up my quarters in the
Royal palace at Berlin, if that is
what you mean, my dear," he said.
"Heaven knows where we shall all be
this day month. You will be more
in the way of news at Crowbeck than
anywhere else. They take in the
Velocipede, don't they ? — county big-
wigs, as they are, crowing on their
dung-heaps."
Mrs. Marney only turned away to
hide her tears. One day, Madame, at
once touched and irritated beyond
measure by her friend's imploring
looks, suddenly said, emerging from
a huge caisse of cooking utensils, which
she was carefully packing,
" I believe you would be happier,
after all, if you came with me, Madame
Marney. If your husband joins the
camp at Chalons, you will be nearer
at Avignon than anywhere else, not
that you need fear anything for him.
He is not one of those who get drowned
or shot," mutters Madame, with her
head in the saucepans again.
But Mrs. Marney did not care what
Madame muttered ; she clutched at
her offer as a child might seize upon
a toy. Marney, who was absolutely
indifferent to his wife's movements,
did not oppose the scheme, except by
the usual shrug.
"You know your own mind best,"
he said.
When he took leave of her soon
after, her beautiful sad eyes, her mute,
tender, passionate farewell touched
him. " Poor Polly," he thought, as
he turned away, " what the devil pos-
sesses her to be so fond of me ? "
Marney actually took the trouble to
write to his wife once or twice during
the first few days; and when his
letters came, Mrs. Marney, radiant
and delighted, would send on long
quotations to Susy at Tarndale.
For once Susy was thankful to re-
ceive news of Mr. Marney, and to
know his whereabouts, and that he
was prospering. For this also meant
that her mother's mind was at ease
and able to rest. When Marney
took the trouble to write to his wife,
he would send brilliant accounts of
his own doings, and graphic descrip-
tions of the events as they occurred.
Other news there was which Susy read
quietly, turning a little pale as her
eyes followed the straggling lines of
her mother's correspondence, which was
not all confined to chronicles of her
husband's doings. Madame du Pare
was, it appeared, actively engaged in
a lawsuit with a neighbouring pro-
prietor. She was indignant with her
son for leaving her to bear the brunt
of it all alone. "Why did he stop
away among all those cutthroats and
conspirators'? " The first news of him
came from Tours, where he had joined
General D'Aurelles. Then Mrs.
Marney wrote that he had been sent
back to Paris with a regiment of
Mobiles in which he had enlisted.
How many things happen to us up in
the air ! Whole seasons of life seem to
Mrs. Dymond.
pass not on the ground, not ruled by
hard tangible things and details, such
as events, and chairs and tables, but
overhead in some semi-mysterious
region, where we turn to the vague
inscrutable fancies which belong no
less to our lives than its facts and
statistics ; where amid the chimes and
the song of birds, or among storms
and clouds, so much of our secret
life is passed. Susanna Dymond
was a timid woman in some way ; half
educated in the art of feeling, of living
beyond. She would not let herself
face the thoughts which she could not
always dispel, nor dared she try to
measure the load of anxiety at her
heart, with which she lived through
all the long months of that glaring
summer time, with its cruel, arid hours
dividing her from the soft dreams of
the spring. Those past days had been
so lovely, so natural, and easy, and
now it seemed so unnatural to be un-
happy. From day to day, from hour
to hour, she never knew what the fate
might be of that one person who had
changed her life's secret course. What
was it that had come to her, a sense of
the nothing in life, a bitter impatience
of that terrible decree by which time
after time we are swept away from our
nearest and truest. . . . And then there
would dawn for her the sense of possi-
ble happiness, of companionship which
might have made a heaven for her of
all those anxious days and heavy hours,
and she dared not even think of it ;
she must not even realise the tender
blessing. Every material comfort was
hers. Tempy's affection touched her
deeply. She had means to help those
she loved; she had been faithful to
her husband's trusts. All round about
her were grateful sights and sounds,
his legacy of comfort and happiness.
The beacons of golden gorse lighting
along the high moors; as the sun
sets, the sky turns to gold and Crow-
crag to purple. Suddenly a great
burst of evensong comes from the
birds over head. All is peace except
for the melodious din of whisperings
and chirrupings and sweet repeated
notes. She can hear the church bell
across the lake ringing for evening
service ; it is a strange confusion of
light and sound, of rest and life. But
nature is often like the children piping
in the market-place. There are times
when beauty only jars, and aches,
and stings. No one seeing Susy all
through these months could have
guessed at the hard fight she made,
struggling to put aside vain regrets, to
live in that wholesome hour the pre-
sent, which is so much better for all of
us than the past moods and future
tenses to which so much of our life
is strained. No one seeing her calm
and smiling on Tempy's wedding-day
would have guessed at the longing
strange pain and self-reproach in her
heart. Indeed, some of the neighbours
could not help contrasting her coldness
with Miss Bolsover's warmth of over-
flowing tears and feelings.
Tempy's wedding had been fixed for
the 4th of September, a day peaceful
and of good omen for the inhabitants
of Crowbeck Place, one full of terror
and alarm for the dwellers in a city
not twenty-four hours distant from
Tarndale.
While Tempy put on her travelling
dress with Susy's help, a weeping wo-
man, standing among other women,
also in tears, overwhelmed by dis-
aster upon disaster, by desperate news
of armies flying and broken, terrified
by the angry cry of the gathering
populace outside the windows, was also
taking leave of her home for ever.
Her attendants came up one after
another to kiss her hand ; one of
them hurriedly tied a black hood over
the lady's beautiful hair, helped her
off with her gold embroidered mantle,
and flung a darker wrap upon her
shoulder : then, followed by one of her
faithful women only, the empress came
out of the golden gate of the palace,
trembling, because some passing urchin
called her name. Meanwhile the
Tarndale bells were ringing across the
lake for Tempy Bolsover's wedding-
day, and the young couple were speed-
ing northward on their happy wedding
332
Mrs. Dymond.
journey ; Aunt Fanny, in garments
gorgeous beyond compare, stood taking
leave of the wedding guests ; good
Mrs. Bolsover sat subdued and emo-
tioned in a corner. Jo had gone off
for a solitary walk over the hills,
and when the last of the company was
gone, including Uncle Bolsover, who
had lately started a tricycle, and who
departed zig-zagging along the road,
Susy went up stairs to her own room
and changed her wedding-dress for
a grey country gown. She called
the children, Phraisie and the little
brothers, and crossing into the wood
beyond the road, she took the wood-
land path leading upwards to the
moors. Phraisie, trotting along the
lane, looked like a little autumn berry
herself. The leaves were turning brown
upon the trees and sparkled, repeating
the light ; tiny leaves of gold, amber-
brown, crimson, or lingering green
overhung the winding way. Presently
they came to a little pool of all colours
— gold with the reflection of the ash-
trees, crimson where the oak-trees
shone — into which the boys flung their
stones and then set off running ahead
once more. Susy still followed in
silence ; Tempy's happiness had
warmed her heart, and she was thank-
ful to be quiet in the unconscious com-
pany of the happy children ; glad to be
recalled from her sadder world by their
happy voices.
From the shade of the wood, with
its nuts and birds and squirrels, they
come out upon the moor, whence they
can see the silent tumult of the moun-
tains beyond, crest and crescent, and
sweeping ridge and delicate sunlit
peaks silent and very still, yet shifting
perpetually and changing with every
minute's light. As Susy stood there
the old cruel feeling which she had
hoped to subdue suddenly came over
her again. Everything seemed so con-
fused, so short, so long ; so many
things to do. so many to undo ; there
were so many words to say, so many to
unsay. Ah ! why had she ever tried to
explain to one who would not under-
stand ? Ah ! how gladly she would
have waited for years had he but
agreed to it. But with him it was a
man's strong passing feeling, with her
it had been a new self only then awak-
ened. Now she knew what it all had
meant as she went back in mind to
those early spring days, remembering
the new light in the sky, the beauty
of the world, the look in people's
faces, the wonder of common place.
She understood it all.
"Susy," cries Dermy, "come ! come !
Phraisie wants you ! "
Little Phraisie had tumbled into a
furze-bush, and refused to be comforted
by her uncles ; and her mother, sud-
denly awakening from her dreams, now
hurridly ran to pick her up, to kiss
away her tears, and wipe her wet cheek
with her handkerchief.
To be continued.
333
THE WINDWARD ISLANDS.
ABOUT the middle of the year 1882
reports and despatches crowded into
the Colonial Office from the greater
number of our West Indian Colonies,
telling of scandals and unpleasant-
nesses, deficits and deadlocks, which
showed pretty clearly that things were
not going on quite as they should.
Jamaica, by right of superiority, alike
in area and extent of mischief, took
the first place, the Leeward Islands
were not far behind, and the Wind-
ward Islands shared the second place
with the Leewards. As the year wore
on things grew worse instead of better,
and the Windwards, by virtue of very
scandalous proceedings in Grenada,
the second island of the group as then
constituted, bade fair to outstrip
Jamaica. Then the Colonial Office be-
stirred itself to apply the universal
panacea for all administrative evils,
and a Royal Commission was ap-
pointed to inquire into the public
revenues, expenditure, debts, and lia-
bilities of Jamaica, the Leeward
Islands and the Windward Islands, ex-
clusive of Barbados ; which last, enjoy-
ing representative government and
being at that time highly prosperous,
stood, unlike her crown-colony go-
verned sisters, in no need of such min-
istrations. This step taken all pro-
gress, as is usual in such cases, came to
a standstill in the places concerned. It
was of no use to ask if this or that
might be done ; the answer was al-
ways the same, viz., that the Secretary
of State would reply when the Report
of the Commissioners had been received.
Estimates, repairs to buildings, those
present stitches which save nine in the
future, all were postponed alike. The
colonial authorities on the spot were
at first inclined to be indignant, but
they were quite helpless ; and so there
was nothing for it but to force the
report of the Royal Commission down
the throats of all, from highest to
lowest. At the beginning of the year
1883 the Commissioners — two gentle-
men, to the great good fortune of those
concerned, of tried experience and
ability — arrived and commenced their
labours in Jamaica, proceeded thence
to the Leewards, and on the 1st of
April began their inquiry in the
Windward group. Their coming
caused in some cases considerable ex-
citement, and raised not a few false
hopes. In one island, where expendi-
ture, public and private alike, main-
tains normally an excess over revenue,
the poorer part of the population
imagined that the millennium was
come. But no — it was only the Royal
Commission. By the 23rd of April
the Commissioners had finished their
inquiries and inspections, and they
sailed on the 31st for England, bear-
ing with them a vast quantity of
papers and a goodly show of island pro-
duce (including a live snake in a hat-
box), the gifts of the many friends and
admirers that their uniform kindness
and courtesy had gained for them.
Then the colonial authorities, some-
what weary of furnishing returns and
answering questions, sat down and
waited for the report till April, 1884.
At last, however, it appeared, and
then was explained the reason of
the delay. In the Windward Islands
(with which alone we are here con-
cerned) the Commissioners, while
denying the general condition to be
retrogressive, admitted that things
were backward and progress slow, and
hit unerringly on the true causes
thereof, viz., bad government and
want of capital and labour. They
accordingly recommended that the
group should be confederated and the
centre of government fixed at Grenada.
And they prepared a most exhaustive
scheme of administrative and financial
334
The Windward Islands.
reform, which they had just reason to
hope would insure greater economy,
greater efficiency, and increased pros-
perity. All, however, depended on
the confederation of the group, to
which, at the time of their visit, the
island governments appeared to be
favourably inclined ; but now the
several islands refuse to be united,
and the result is, that although the
head-quarters of the group have been
transferred, as recommended, to Gre-
nada, the old system continues in
force — a system so foolish and futile
that no advance can be expected until
it is swept away.
But before going further it will be
better to state definitely that the
Windward Islands (as hinted above)
form one group of our insular posses-
sions in the West Indies; their several
names being St. Vincent, Grenada,
Tobago, and St. Lucia. Being wind-
ward, i.e. trade-windward, they are
the nearest to England, and they lie
in the form of an obtuse-angled tri-
angle, between 60° and 62° long, and
11° and 14° lat., Grenada being situate
at the west or obtuse angle, St.
Lucia at the north, and Tobago at the
south angle ; while a line drawn from
the centre of Grenada would pass
through St. Vincent, traversing on its
way the chains of islets which run be-
tween the latter island and Grenada,
and, though bearing the name of Gre-
nadines, are shared as dependencies of
both. In a line due west from St.
Vincent, and 110 miles distant, lies
Barbados, once the chief of the group,
but this year separated and made a
distinct government to herself.
The history of these four islands is
full of interest, but it must suffice here
to say that they have been more or
less in our possession for the last 100
or 120 years. I say "more or less,"
because in the closing twenty years of
the last century and the opening ten
of the present they were in a chronic
state of capture and recapture, now
French and now English. Grenada
and St. Lucia were, however, originally
settled by France and St. Vincent by
England; while the first settlers in
Tobago — though this island was, like
St. Vincent, granted by an English
king to a favourite — were Zealanders
sent out by a Dutch merchant com-
pany. Once the richest of our colonies
they were reduced to insignificance by
the emancipation of the slaves and the
equalisation of the sugar duties, and
have never recovered their former
prosperity. As a consequence they
have been neglected by England; and
though the scene of much hard fight-
ing, both by sea and land, during the
great war with France, and of not a
few glorious victories, few now know
or seek to know anything of them.
Up to the year 1876 each of these
islands, except St. Lucia, enjoyed the
blessing of representative government.
Each had its governor or lieutenant-
governor, its little house of commons
(sixteen to twenty-six members), and its
little house of peers (not hereditary),
with the title of " honourable." In
places so small and unimportant such
a form of government could not but be
inefficient and ridiculous. Elections
were a farce, and the transactions of
the house puerile and absurd. It was
found impossible to persuade honour-
able members to take a proper interest
in the business of the colony, and the
result was that none attended save a
few verbose and not over respectable
individuals, who, having a distaste for
work, and being withal aspirants to
importance, sought to gratify these
aspirations by bringing forward absurd
notions in ungrammatical speeches,
passing unconstitutional acts, and
generally converting the floor of the
house into a fishless Billingsgate.
One such individual divided the house
(seven members present if I recollect
aright) no fewer than forty-four times
in one afternoon ; and I have seen a
despatch from the Colonial Office where-
in out of five acts sent up for confirma-
tion two were disallowed as unconsti-
tutional. Thus constitutional govern-
ment in these islands, however valu-
able for purposes of public diversion,
became useless for its true object, and
The Windward Islands.
335
hence, in 1876, it was swept away by
the voluntary act of each, regretted
only by those who, having lived on its
abuses, now found their occupation
gone.
The new form of government, that
now existent, is of course the opposite
pole to the old : being that known as
Crown Colony Government by which
all power is vested in a governor or
administrator, assisted by an execu-
tive council, comprising the two chief
officials, treasurer and attorney-
general, with occasionally an unofficial
member or two ; and by a legislative
council, including all the above, with
the addition of an official or two more
and an equal or less number of un-
official members nominated by the
Crown. Thus provision is made for
rapid if not for sensible legislation,
and, as may be seen, the Colonial Office
can procure at any time the passage
of any measures that it wishes : a
power not always appreciated in the
colony. But in respect of the civil
service, which needs reform at least
as urgently, each kept and keeps, as
under the old regime, what is described
by a "West Indian as " the parapher-
nalia of a kingdom with the popula-
tion of a fourth-rate English town."
Each of the four has its own adminis-
trator, chief justice (except St. Lucia
and Tobago, which share one judge
between them), attorney - general,
treasurer and staff, auditor and staff,
colonial engineer, chief of police and
police force, with medical officers and
minor officials innumerable, to say
nothing of separate prisons, and other
institutions, widely different tariffs,
and its own distinct and very diffuse
statute book. The islands average
the Isle of Wight in size, and the
total population is about 110,000
souls ; the number of salaried officials
in 1881 (and no great reduction, if
any, has since been made) was 403, of
whom perhaps forty were efficient,
costing 50,889^. Nor does the ma-
chinery of administration end here.
The administrators can do little or
nothing without the sanction of the
governor-in-chief, and the governor-
in-chief in his turn little or nothing
without the sanction of the Colonial
Office, always particularly jealous in
the" matter of Crown Colonies ; while
the Colonial Office in its turn is
subject to the influence of two more
independent bodies — the West India
Committee, and, most potent of all,
Exeter Hall. "The West India
Committee in London (to use the
words of the Royal Commissioners),
a body interested in but certainly
not resident in the islands, has on
occasions claimed (and, it might
have been added, successfully claimed)
sufficient influence to advise the
Imperial authorities that ordinances
passed by the local legislatures be
disallowed as being opposed to what
the Committee consider to be to the
best ? interests of the islands." This
body is made up of gentlemen or re-
presentatives of firms with estates
situated and money invested in the
West Indies, and it would hardly be
too much to say that the great
majority of the planters are in debt
to one or other of the gentlemen or
firms therein represented. What it
considers to be to the best interests
of the islands coincides with that
which it considers best for its own
interests : where the two interests
are identical it does good work, but
experience shows that this is not
invariably the case.
On the spot, however, the only
bond of union for the group is the
governor-in-chief. It is true that
after the reforms of 1876 an attempt
was made at confederation, but it was
then proposed to incorporate Bar-
bados also, and Barbados firmly
declined. Then came mismanagement
and rioting, so the scheme was given
up. The union, sxich as it is, should
be closer now that the governor-in-
chief has only four islands instead of
five to manage and those all under
the same form of government. When
the head-quarters were at Barbados
the union was purely nominal, for the
simple reason that he was utterly
336
The Windward Islands.
unprovided with a proper staff. In
every island, of course, there were
officials without end, but for the man-
agement of the group as a whole (and
it must be remembered that the
governor-in-chief is the medium of
communication between the various
administrators and the Colonial Office)
he had nothing but his own private
office, consisting of a private secretary
and two clerks. No provision has
been made for any alteration of this
system ; the necessity for it having
apparently been overlooked, though,
as will, I think, be seen from the
refusal of the islands to be united,
now more urgent than ever.
While the head-quarters were at
Barbados (and things cannot have
changed much in three months) the
work in the Crown Colony Islands
was most inefficiently done, and had
to be done anew in the governor-in-
chief's office. This, of course, caused
an immense amount of correspondence
which might otherwise have been
avoided, besides a vast deal of trouble
and unpleasantness. The variety of
questions that came for solution to an
office entirely destitute of technical
assistance was extraordinary ; finan-
cial, legal, medical, and, of course,
legislative ; estimates to be recast,
plans for public works to be examined,
ordinances to be amended, sometimes
almost redrafted, all by this hard-
worked little body. Happily, for the
last ten years, the governors-in-chief
have been singularly able men and
aided by exceptionally able assistants
on the permanent staff of the office :
and it is due to the chiefs of depart-
ments in Barbados to say that when
technical help was absolutely indis-
pensable, none could have given it
more loyally and willingly than they
did, though such aid formed no part
of their regular duties. Hence it was
that this makeshift lasted so long ;
and it is no slight compliment to the
members of the governor-in-chief's
office that its reform should have
seemed unnecessary. None could have
done the work more efficiently than
the two gentlemen who, though young
and underpaid, held the post of chief
clerk between 1877 and the present
year; but the labour was far too severe
for so small a staff, and it was not
right (though I do not think it did
any harm) that such important work
should have been intrusted, as it was
at one time, to a chief clerk of twenty-
three, a private secretary of twenty-
two, and a second clerk of nineteen.
Meanwhile it may be asked how it
was that the men who swallowed up
50,889?. of salaries showed so little
value for the money. The answer is
simple enough, and is equally true
now : a great many are incompetent
and some dishonest. Then it may be
asked why not rid the service of them
and obtain competent men 1 The
answer is again perfectly simple :
they are not to be obtained at the
salaries offered. The fact has long
been recognised, and it was brought
forward by the commissioners in three
pithy and telling sentences. " The
low salaries are presumably in pro-
portion to the quantity of the work,
but altogether inadequate if the
quality be taken into consideration.
We are of opinion that the recent
scandals in Grenada and elsewhere
are due to causes always possible and
indeed probable where officials gene-
rally have to accept such low salaries,
while the duties they are called upon
to perform are of the highest order.
Even if bona fides be secured, as it
often is, such salaries are certainly
insufficient to attract the necessary
training, ability, or independence."
The insertion of the words "as it
often is," perhaps intended to modify
the severity of the preceding sen-
tences, indicates most happily the
character of the civil service of the
Windward Islands, and the sarcasm,
even if unconscious, is certainly not
unmerited.
Let us examine first the highest
paid officials — the administrators. The
salaries were, when the commissioners
made this report, as follows : — Grenada,
1,300?. ; St. Yincent and St. Lucia,
The Windward Islands.
337
1,0001. ; Tobago, 800/. Well, it may
be said, that is not bad pay ; there
must be plenty of men ready to
accept such salaries. Quite so ; there
is no lack of men ready' to accept
1000Z. a year, but the question is
whether they are fit to govern a
colony. As to the work, that depends
in great measure on the administrator
himself ; the busiest are not always
the best, and the best are apt to com-
plain, in these little islands, that time
hangs heavy on their hands. The first
duty of an administrator in a small
Crown Colony is, I take it, to keep a
balance in the treasury ; the next to
make his officers work, and keep them
from quarrelling — neither the easiest
of tasks in the West Indies. If he
succeed so far he does pretty well,
but to be of real value he must have
a good constitution, energy, tact and
common sense ; he must be as ubiqui-
tous as an estate-agent, and watch
every department with vigilance. Now,
considering the difficulty there is in
finding men so gifted for pleasanter
and better paid places, no one need
be surprised that few are ready to
exchange such qualifications for 1UOO£.
a year and exile in a wretched little
island. But the fault in the matter
of the administrators was not attri-
butable to salaries only. There was
a strong tendency, not yet wholly
extinct, on the part of the Colonial
Office to utilise these small adminis-
tratorships as quasi-pensions for men
of a certain standing in the colonial
service, or with certain claims on it,
who were, either through age or
natural defects, totally unfit for the
work. Any one is supposed to be
good enough for the poor West Indian
Islands, and so they were (I hope it is
a thing of the past) made a refuge
for placemen and others, who, having
failed in other positions, not so much
for want of uprightness as want of
sense, had to be provided for some-
where. It has long been a standing
complaint in the West Indian Civil
Service that men seem to think failure
in all other callings adequate qualifi-
cation for employment therein. The
No. 311. — VOL. LII.
complaint is well grounded, but when
the Imperial Government sets the
example in the highest colonial places,
the colonists can hardly be blamed for
following suit. The consequences to
these islands have been most disas-
trous, and their present backward
condition is doubtless due quite as
much to bad government as want of
labour and capital. Nor does it seem
probable that any improvement is
to be expected at present, since, owing
perhaps to the necessity for retrench-
ment, the administrators' salaries in
these islands are to be reduced instead
of increased as the commission recom-
mended. This, however, may possibly
attract young men who are far the
most desirable .for these posts : from
them some energy and active co-opera-
tion with an able governor-in-chief,
may be expected, which cannot be
from men who have got through the
best part of their lives and have no
hope of promotion. It must, however,
be admitted that some of the older
among the recent administrators in
the Windward Islands displayed an
activity in certain directions which
was the amazement even of those who
knew them best. There were men,
wonderful men, with Saxon blue
ribbons and scarlet stripes, who could
always be relied on to show an annual
deficit in the treasury, half yearly
scandals in the public service, and
quarterly quarrels among the prin-
cipal officials, in which they themselves
frequently took a prominent share.
Thus time which should have been
devoted to active supervision of all
public work was given up to writing
long despatches with bulky inclosures,
full of false arguments, pointless re-
crimination and bad grammar. Sub-
ordinate officials of superior capacity,
delighting to see their chiefs go wrong,
made no effort to set them right in
palpable mistakes : and so the public
business floundered on. Then the
governor-in-chief had to set matters
right, meting out knuckle-rappings
all round ; whereupon the parties would
sometimes unite in a common griev-
ance against him, and the adminis-
338
The Windward Islands.
trator, elated at finding his advisers
for once at his back, would write an
impertinent despatch maintaining his
own position by illogical conclusions,
drawn, in obscure language, from
doubtful premisses, and concluding
sometimes with such a sentence as
this, " In this opinion the Executive
Council concur, copy herewith." Then,
of course, the knuckle-rappings were
dealt out afresh with increased severity
and the council, somewhat scared,
would rescind its obnoxious resolu-
tion ("copy herewith "); and there-
upon internal dissension, recruited by
a short rest, arose anew with still
greater activity.
The next in rank among the active
officials are the crown law officers, or,
as they are called, attorneys-general.
The work assigned to them, including
as it does the draftirg of all ordi-
nances, is most important, and calls
especially for able and trustworthy
men ; for, owing to the governor- in-
chief's lack of a legal assistant, little
or no supervision can be given to it
short of the Colonial Office. The salary
in each of the four islands is 400?.,
and as it would obviously be impos-
sible to obtain men of any legal stand-
ing whatever for this sum, it is neces-
sary to allow them private practice ; a
system obviously pernicious, and in
such small places perilous in the ex-
treme. Nevertheless, the positively
evil effects have been fewer than might
have been expected.
Next after these rank the treasurers,
with salaries varying from 400?. to
500?. per annum. Although the
treasurer has always charge of the
revenue department, the work is not
heavy, and the salaries are in so far
adequate, but to insure the employ-
ment of properly-trained and inde-
pendent men, far too small. Hence
gentlemen are frequently selected,
from occupations utterly unconnected
with finance, to fulfil these duties,
simply because they can be depended
on not to rob the till. This of course
is a great desideratum, and it is a great
relief to be sure that it is attained ;
but the colonies suffer none the less
from such appointments, for financial
ability is of the last importance to
them, and no crude zeal, however
honest, can supply the omission. For
the audit of accounts there are four
auditors, with salaries from 200?. to
300?., but, unlike the treasurers, with-
out a seat ex-officio in the council. As
the auditors are charged with the pre-
paration of the estimates, and their
functions are really of at least equal
importance to those of the treasurers,
this undervaluation of their office is a
mistaken and mischievous policy.
Among the minor officials of the re-
venue department embezzlement is of
frequent occurrence, and may be ex-
pected to continue so ; cases are not
unknown in the post-office also, and
sometimes, though more rarely, even
among the higher officials. Minor
salaried officials are, in all cases, of
a piece with their superiors ; gaol
scandals, hospital scandals, coolie im-
migrant scandals are common, and
cause no great surprise.
As to the legislative machinery, the
legislative council includes, of course,
members of all kinds. Of the officials
mention has already been made ;
among the unofficial, then, are gentle-
men who work for the good of the
colony (rare in most islands), indi-
viduals who combine with officials to
rob it, men who always support the
administrator, men (sometimes vete-
rans of the old assembly) who, on
principle, oppose him ; men who sup-
port him when sober and oppose him
when drunk, and vice versd ; all some-
what fond of airing their opinions and
embodying them in the form of long-
written protests to the Secretary of
State. The proceedings at the sittings,
held weekly or fortnightly, are not
always of a very dignified character,
and the rapidity, not to say apathy,
with which ordinances are passed is
startling. The attorney-general intro-
duces bills, as a rule, though sometimes
preceded by the administrator, and
beyond a few not always pertinent
questions, the measure, unless the
spirit of opposition is unusually
strong, passes without debate. Sup-
The Windward Islands.
339
pose, for example, that for public con-
venience, and in the ulterior hope of
obtaining a small revenue, an ordi-
nance is proposed, say for the regis-
tration of cats, the minutes of the
council, if given with rather more ful-
ness and faithfulness than usual, would
often run somewhat as follows : —
The minutes of the previous meet-
ing having been read and confirmed,
the administrator rose to move the
second reading of the Cat's Registra-
tion Ordinance. The council would
remember (he said) that at the last
meeting the attorney-general, on intro-
ducing this measure, had explained its
object and entered into some of its
provisions. These he (the adminis-
trator) would now briefly recapitu-
late. He had taken, throughout a not
uneventful life, a peculiar interest in
cats, and might, he thought, fairly
say, without undue arrogance, that he
understood those animals better than
most men. Thus he was happy to
say that, with the assistance of the
attorney-general on a few technical
points, he had been able to draft a
bill, which, in his opinion, amply pro-
vided for a simple, thorough, and effi-
cient census of the cats in the island,
with a view to their careful preserva-
tion for the extinction of rats and
other vermin, whose abundance exer-
cised a highly deleterious influence on
the staple crop of the colony, the sugar
cane. (The council here exchanged
meaning smiles.) This would be done
at a nominal cost, which it was reason-
able to expect would be made good,
and more, by the small registration
fee exacted under the provisions of
clause — . He was confident that
such an enactment would go far to
enhance the prosperity of the island,
and would be another step in the ad-
vance of commerce, civilisation, and
liberty, which they all held dear. He
would not detain them longer, but
heartily commended the bill to the
favourable treatment of the council.
The attorney-general seconded the
motion.
The clerk rose to commence the
second reading, when an unofficial
member rose, and, in husky and
broken tones, protested against this
hasty legislation. He had never seen
the bill before, and entertained the
strongest objections to it. He took
this opportunity of complaining of the
laxity of the clerk in sending copies
of draft ordinances to members of
council.
The clerk (with permission) ex-
plained that he was quite sure he had
sent the honourable member a copy of
the ordinance in question a fortnight
ago, this with all respect to the honour-
able member.
The honourable member said he
had never seen it — no, nor any other
draft ordinance for a year before
that date.
The administrator begged the hon-
ourable member's pardon, but he could
bear out his clerk's statement. The
honourable member appeared to have
forgotten that at the last meeting he
supported this bill, and spoke in high
approval of it.
The honourable member had no
recollection whatever of the fact.
The administrator said he was in the
recollection of the council ; he feared
the honourable member's memory was
a short one.
The honourable member, after smil-
ing blandly on the council for some
seconds, said that this circumstance
reminded him of an anecdote which he
had forgotten. (After struggling for
some minutes with recollections that
seemed to overpower him, the honour-
able member sat down abruptly with
some violence, and was silent.)
The bill was read a second time.
The attorney-general moved that it
be read a third time and passed.
The honourable member aforesaid
rose suddenly, and said that His
Honour ' had insulted him. — (Cries of
" Order," interspersed with soothing
ejaculations, amid which the bill was
read a third time, and passed.)
1 An Administrator is by regulation "His
Honour;" by adulation only, "His Excel-
lency."
z 2
340
The Windward Islands.
Thereupon, it would be sent up
to the governor-in-chief, and by him
transmitted to the Colonial Office, from
which, after a month or two, a de-
spatch would arrive, saying that the
meaning of the word " cat," for pur-
poses of the ordinance was insuffi-
ciently explained in the definition
clause, and ordering an amending ordi-
nance to be passed, inserting the word
" puss " between the words " torn "
and "tabby," or some such thing.
Then the scene would be repeated over,
"An Ordinance intituled, an Ordinance
to amend an Ordinance to provide for
the Registration of Cats," containing a
preamble and one clause. This may
be thought an exaggeration, but it is
not so ; the imaginary ordinance is not
more ridiculous, and might be found of
greater value than some of those
passed by these island legislatures.
Such was the administration of the
Windward Islands generally, in spite
of all the efforts of able and ener-
getic governors-in-chief. Nevertheless,
under a good administrator, much use-
ful work could be done, but this was
unfortunately the exception. In some
cases it was impossible to obtain the
execution of the simplest orders aright,
and little confidence could be placed in
men who, often with the best inten-
tions, invariably chose the worst of two
alternatives, and never failed in a dis-
pute, even if originally in the right, to
place themselves in the wrong. And
if any one would know what distrust
of the government can do in these little
places, let them learn that two years
ago government by French Radicals of
the worst type, drove 56,000£. of
capital (a large sum in those little
places) from Martinique . into St.
Lucia, and obliged the bank to raise
the rate of discount.
The reforms suggested by the Com-
mission were on so uniform a system,
that a short explanation will suffice.
First, the four islands were to have
been confederated, the central govern-
ment being fixed at Grenada, with a
council, including representatives from
each. In regard to the departments, the
same plans were to have been followed
throughout ; one well-paid chief at
head-quarters, with subordinates, whom
he would be bound to visit constantly,
in each island. Thus for four adminis-
trators under the old regime were to be
substituted one governor, with suffi-
cient salary to attract good men, and
three resident magistrates, with half
the salary of the old administrators;
similarly there was to be one treasurer-
in-chief, and one attorney-general for
the group, with double the present
salaries. Further, gaols, hospitals,
and other public institutions were to
be centralised, the laws consolidated,
the tariffs and shipping dues made
uniform for the group. These mea-
sures were justly expected to produce
increased revenue, greater prosperity,
and more efficient service ; decreased
expenditure was also counted upon,
though not with such good reason. But
one thing is certain, that the proposed
scheme would have been a great im-
provement on the present system, and
it is much to be regretted that the
colonists should have rejected it. That
they should have done so is, however,
matter of no surprise, so deep-rooted is
the distrust of the executive and the
Colonial Office, owing to years of mis-
government.
Before examining each island sepa-
rately, it is necessary to look at the
other causes to which the backward-
ness and slow progress of these islands
is due, viz. the want of labour and
capital. As regards capital, the diffi-
culty of obtaining labour is one great
deterrent, and the other (which does
not apply to St. Lucia) is the restric-
tion of its influx by the priority given
to consignees' liens by the rule of the
West India Encumbered Estates Court,
" which prevents capitalists advancing
money on the security of real property
mortgages." St. Vincent, Grenada,
and Tobago in the Windward group
placed themselves under the court,
and this rule of priority has been
the ruin of many planters. Its effects
as generally understood in the islands
themselves, are exactly those summed
The Windward Islands.
341
up by the commissioners in their report
as to the working of the court.
" Leading lawyers, warn their clients
that mortgages on estates are worth-
less as securities. Planters can only
obtain money from the one, two or
three firms who happen to be con-
signees, as well as to have command
of capital. These firms thus obtain
the monopoly of the supply of money.
And in some of the islands the greater
part of the cultivatable land has fallen
into the hands of one mercantile firm
in London, which has made such ad-
vances. We may instance the island
of St. Vincent, where by far the
greatest part of the available land
is now in the hands of one London
firm."
"The ultimate price of these advances
varies in different cases. Usually
the consignee undertakes the sale of
the sugar, demanding a certain kind of
sugar, and deciding on the time and
place of sale. He also supplies the
estate with all stores and machinery,
and obliges the planter to use his
ships. The planter thus loses all
advantages of choice of time, and
place of sale, all advantages of change
in the kind of sugar made. He has to
pay a varying ' extra ' as commission
on sale, extra freight, extra profit on
stores and machinery, which the con-
signee charges, or may charge, in
virtue of his monopoly. It has been
calculated that in some cases the
planter is forced ultimately to pay
twelve to fifteen per cent, for the money
he borrows. As we shall see in detail
those colonies in which the consignee
enjoys the priority of lien are the very
colonies which suffer from a want of
capital. In these colonies there is less
progress, less prosperity, less profit."
To show how it is that estates accu-
mulate in the hands of a London firm,
the following remarks of an ex-attorney
general in the West Indies will suffice :
— "The consignee having advanced
money has only to insist on new ma-
chinery being put up, or some other
large outlay, and then suddenly to
demand repayment. The estate is put
through the court and bought by him
at a low price."
The report of the commissioners has
given this court its death blow, and it
is shortly to be abolished. In its time
it has done some good, but for many
years it has been simply a burden, and
the planter will rejoice to be freed
from it.
As to the question of labour the
answer is simple enough. The negro
will not work on estates. This may
be questioned by those who, from igno-
rance of the facts, or confusion of East
Indian with African coloured men,
hold that the negro is irreproachably
industrious ; but none the less it is the
truth, and serious enough. The reasons
advanced to account for it are various,
— low rate of wages, oppression of
planters— but, in reality, it is simply
the negro's distaste for work in the
abstract. I do not mean to imply that
he is in this respect singular, but cer-
tainly his enjoyment of absolute idle-
ness is marvellously keen, indeed
really enviable. His strength is to
sit still, in the shade, if it be hot —
in the sun if it be cool. It is per-
fectly true that some labourers are
always preferring complaints against
the planters, more especially against
the employers of coolie immigrant
labour ; but a negro's accusations are
always to be received with caution, the
more so as planters prefer negro-labour
to that of coolies, and are ready to pay
higher -for it. Nor is the remuneration
inadequate, though, perhaps, to English
notions small, Wd. to Is. 3d. being
the usual daily wages, (though more
can be earned), generally supplemented
by as much sugar-cane as the labourer
can eat, rations of rum and sugar
juice, and very often a plot of ground,
sometimes granted for rent and some-
times free. Considering that a shilling
will in most places feed a man for a
week, this cannot be deemed illiberal
or insufficient, but even where the cost
of living is so small, there is a great
deal of poverty, due simply to the
preference given by the negro to a pig's
life. Again, even those that do work
342
The Windward Islands.
for wages will not work regularly ; a
St. Lucia planter stated to the commis-
sion that he doubted if regular negro
labour could be obtained at 18s. a
week.
Squatting is a very serious mischief,
so serious that nothing but effete
administration would have suffered it
to exist so long. In every island
there are large tracts of Crown land,
or land owned by nobody in particu-
lar ; for boundaries of estates are ill-
defined and titles not always clear.
In these tracts flourish the squatters
and riff-raff of the island. The first
step is to cut down the trees which
cover the ground, often valuable
woods, and burn them for charcoal ;
then the newly cleared plot is planted
with plantains and other food crops,
which, owing to the fertility of the
soil require little or no cultivation,
and there sits our friend idle till the
little plot is cropped to death, when he
moves on and clears another such,
leaving the exhausted soil to be
covered with rank useless jungle.
Thus the land is wasted (for as soon
as it ceases to produce food sponta-
neously it is abandoned), and the rain-
fall seriously impaired — the removal of
a dozen tall trees on a hill-top being
quite enough to make the difference of
abundance or drought in the valley
adjoining. In St. Lucia the mischief
was checked by a thorough survey of
the island, by which all boundaries
were defined and titles properly ascer-
tained, so that no squatter was safe ;
but in St. Lucia only of the Wind-
ward group. The whole question, in-
volving as it does that of forest con-
servation, is of vital importance to
these islands, and should be taken in
hand as early as possible before it is
too late. I believe there is more
wealth in some of these untouched
forests than many dream of.
Smuggling is very profitable and
very popular. The facilities for it are
great, owing to the number of little
inlets all round the islands, the thin-
ness of the population and the practi-
cal absence of prevention. It is im-
possible to provide a proper remedy
against it without co-operation on the
part of all the islands, Windward and
Leeward, French and English, and
even so the cost of an efficient preven-
tive service would probably be too
heavy. Something may be done, and
latterly has been done, by stationing
police at favourite spots, and assimi-
lation of tariffs might also help some-
what by making smuggling less profit-
able. But there is too much reason to
fear that planters profit by it as well
as the lower classes, and if this be the
case, the difficulties of putting a stop
to illicit traffic will necessarily be
greatly increased.
Thus the mischief due to these three
causes, which might with proper
government have been considerably
reduced, is done ; and now much of it
is past healing. It must, however, be
said in justice to the negroes, that as
peasant proprietors they are industri-
ous and add materially to the pros-
perity of the islands where such a
class exists ; but at present it is
found in Grenada alone of the Wind-
ward group. Meanwhile, it has been
necessary to import coolie labour from
the East Indies at heavy expense,
which isolation and bad administra-
tion have not served to make lighter.
In the first place, the islands, being
disunited, cannot afford to keep their
own immigration agent in India, and
so have to depend on those of other
colonies ; and secondly, owing to mis-
management and helplessness on the
part of the local executive, planters
have frequently been put to great ex-
pense and received not a coolie in
return. Then again, coolies do not as
a rule stay in these small islands, but
either claim their return passage to
India or go across to Trinidad and
British Guiana, where their brethren
exist by tens of thousands and rise,
in many cases, to affluence. Further,
there is at present another distinct
attraction which draws the labour-
ing population away from the West.
Indies generally, viz., the Panama
Canal Works. The company offers
The Windward Islands.
343
a dollar a day to negroes, and its
agents are busy in every island. This
is practically remediless, though some
thing may be done, by warning all who
go, that if they return as paupers the
colony will not be burdened with
their support. A notice to this effect
was issued in Barbados in 1882, and
was found a most successful deterrent.
But now it is time to pay a short
visit to the several islands of the
group, and Grenada being the head-
quarters let us begin with that. There
she is, like all her sisters from Trini-
dad to Guadaloupe (and further for
aught I know), a rugged mass of red
rock and soil hurled up from the
beautiful blue water, tumbled into
lofty mountains and deep precipitous
valleys, and clothed with a mantle of
green ; wondrously beautiful, won-
drously fertile, and reminded even
now by occasional gentle earthshak-
ings of her origin. The capital town
of St. George's is, of course, on the lee-
ward or western side, and the harbour
is of the loveliest. The entrance is
narrow and commanded by an old
fort, a hundred feet above the sea, on
the left thereof (for Grenada has
changed hands more than once, and
has seen some fighting in her time),
and the quaint little town with its
red French roofs curves round a steep
hill-side at the head of the inlet.
The streets are narrow and paved
with cobble-stones, but there is no-
thing that is interesting and a good
deal that is unsavoury, so it is better
to go at once to Government House,
a hundred feet or so above it, and
look inland. What is then to be
seen ? Mountains and forest, and
apparently only one house ; a wooded
Dartmoor : but there are houses for
all that, and what you take for
forest is not all forest, but partly
cacao plantations. And if you take a
ride along the roads southward or
westward (always assuming them to
be passable) you shall find plenty of
sugar-cane fields, though not so many
as you would have years ago, and a
great many hill-sides planted ap-
parently with bananas, but in reality
with cacao, for young cacao-trees are
delicate and each must have its banana
to shelter it from the sun. In a word
Grenada is become a cacao instead of
a sugar-growing island, and should do
well. You shall find also nutmegs,
a crop which pays well when the trees
begin to bear, but, as with cacao, you
must wait a few years and keep the
ground clean. Nor is it every nut-
meg-tree that will bear fruit, but only
the female tree, and the percentage
of males to females is remarkably
small. Still, nutmegs pay well, and
there is talk of trees being worth 40£.
or 501. annually. Pretty fruit it is
too when ripe : the colour of an apri-
cot, but smaller, with a deep split in
one side, showing a clot of blood red.
That clot is mace, or allspice, which
thinly overlays one side of the kernel
or true nutmeg. Both are valuable
commercially, and the outer rind
makes excellent preserve. What
would you more ? Here is an isolated
cocoa-tree, low but wide-spreading,
with black trunk and long leaves like
those of the Spanish chestnut, but
darker and glossier, amid which you
can see the great yellow pods shining
like lamps. This also is a crop that
pays well (if anything pays in these
hard times) ; no continual need of
skilled cultivation as with sugar, and
no expense in working up the raw
material. Here is a whole plantation
of bearing trees : push on a little and
you will find the estate buildings.
Watch that negro as he cuts open the
pods ; there you see a number of
purple brown beans, between thirty
and forty if you count, each about the
size of a filbert, floating in what ap-
pears to be liquid tallow. Now all
those beans will be buried in leaves to
ferment and " sweat out" that starchy,
tallow-like matter, and then laid on the
trollies, which are simply large trays
on wheels, to dry in the sun. If rain
should come on the trollies will be run
under the house for shelter. That is
the whole process here, except the
packing of the beans in bags of,
344
The Windward Islands.
roughly, a hundred pounds weight,
which, in good times, are worth from
45s. to 80s., according to quality.
Then, besides cacao and nutmeg, we
have vanilla, cloves, ginger, Liberian
coffee, and Tonquin beans in small
but increasing quantities ; while of
oranges, guavas, mangos, and other
fruits we take no account.
With all this Grenada should be a
nourishing island, and so in a certain
sense it is, but there is plenty of room
for further development. Not above
three-eighths of the land are cultivated,
and there are but 43,000 inhabitants
to a total area of 133 square miles.
It is curious to note the difference that
a century has made in these islands.
In the four years 1878-1882 the
annual exports from Grenada average
as follows : — Sugar, 4,250,000 Ibs.; mo-
lasses, nil ; rum, 10, 000 gallons; cacao,
4,450,000 Ibs.— valued at 210,000?.
without any deduction. In 1776
ths exports were : — Sugar, 23,285,764
Ibs. ; rum, 818,700 gallons ; cacao,
457,719 Ibs.; coffee, 1,827,166 Ibs.;
cotton, 91,943 Ibs.; indigo, 27,638
Ibs. — valued at the port of shipment
after the deduction of freight duties,
insurance and other charges, at
600,000?. In the same year 72,141
acres paid land-tax, and it was esti-
mated that 50,000 were actually culti-
vated ; in 1883 17,780 acres only were
under cultivation, and yet the popula-
tion in 1776 was 37,000 as against
43,000 at present, but of these 35,000
were slaves.
Still, the comparison would not tell
so adversely to the present were it not
that the revival of the island has been
retarded by bad government. Grenada
has been peculiarly unfortunate in her
rulers : intemperance, incompetence,
and imbecility have played a leading
part latterly in her administration,
and private enterprise has been greatly
hampered thereby. Money liberally
voted by the Legislative Council has
been squandered and misappropriated.
Grenada may be thankful that her
central position has secured for her
the headquarters of government ;
henceforth she may possibly be safer
from scandals and the demoralisation
consequent thereon.
From Grenada let us pass north-
ward, along the chain of the Grenadines,
to St. Vincent. The capital, Kings-
town, can boast of no harbour ;
nothing but an open roadstead, a
narrow bay between two lofty horns.
On the left horn is Fort Charlotte,
1100 feet above the sea, once renowned
as impregnable ; for St. Vincent has
seen more fighting than some islands,
and at one time needed four English
generals and 7,000 men to put down
the French and insurgent blacks.
From this fort, now used as police
barracks, there is a good view of the
town as it lies in a gentle curve
along the narrow plain adjoining the
beach. Its construction is simple :
three streets a mile and a half long
parallel to each other and to the sea,
and as many running at right angles
to them ; the town ceasing abruptly
where the ground begins to rise
towards Mount St. Andrew, which
towers up 2000 feet behind the whole.
St. Vincent is rather larger than
Grenada, equally beautiful and fertile,
and nearly half of it is cultivated.
Sugar, unfortunately, constitutes the
staple product, but there is also con-
siderable cultivation of arrowroot to the
value of 30,000?. to 40,000?. annually.
The island has suffered much owing
to the accumulation of the greater
part of the land in the hands of a
single English firm, which, having the
monopoly of capital and hence pre-
ponderating influence, holds the island
practically in the hollow of its hand.
These large proprietors will permit of
no small holdings : they will let land
for rent, but they will not sell ; and
they insist on the cultivation of sugar
only, desiring to keep the people de-
pendent on them — a vicious system
fostered by the West Indian Encum-
bered Estates Court. Now the English
sugar market has collapsed, and what
will happen to St. Vincent no one
knows. It is most probable that,
unless some new convention be con-
The Windward Islands.
345
eluded with the United States, the
land will go out of cultivation, and
the colony be ruined owing to the
short-sighted and selfish policy of the
monopolist consignees. They, of course,
will suffer as well as the island, but
they deserve no pity, for it is they that
have for so many years drawn large
incomes from the West Indian Colonies
giving nothing countervalent in re-
turn, and have done, with their peers,
incalculable injury, not in St. Vincent
only but throughout the length and
breadth of the Caribbean Archipelago.
And poor St. Vincent is in other
respects also an unlucky place : she
has suffered above her sisters from
wars, hurricanes, volcanic eruptions,
and bad government. Once the botanic
garden of the West Indies she has
given place to Trinidad, and though
some of the finest known nutmeg
trees still flourish around the Govern-
ment House to tell of past glory, yet
they have latterly served only to put
another hundred pounds a year into
the pockets of an unsuccessful admi-
nistrator.
But we must leave St. Vincent and
away, still northward, to St. Lucia.
Our point is the two peaks visible
many miles away over the sea-line :
these are the Pitons, at the south-west
corner of the islands, two sugarloaf-
like mountains rising side by side
sheer out of the sea to a height of
near 4000 feet ; the finest sight, some
say, that is to be seen in the West
Indies. Castries, the capital, is further
to the north, tucked away in a long,
deep inlet, snug and safe. Look away
a mile or two to your left as you enter
the harbour and you will see a bay
with a small conical islet, barely
apart from the mainland, at one end
thereof ; that is Pigeon Island and the
bay is Gros Islet bay. You know the
names, of course ? No ! Well, it was
from that bay that Rodney started on
the 8th April, 1782, in pursuit of the
the French fleet under the Comte de
Grasse, beginning on that day the
action finally decided by the great
victory of the 12th; and it was on
that island, once strongly fortified
and still covered with ruins of large
barracks, that he stood and watched
and longed for the appearance of the
enemy. Nay, it was by Rodney's
advice (so it is said) that we took St.
Lucia, instead of Martinique, at the
final conclusion of peace with France,
for the sake of the harbour of Castries,
which no hurricane can render unsafe.
As usual there are lofty hills all around
the inlet ; that on the right as you
enter, with the ruined fort at the
summit, is the Morne Fortunee. That
name is, at any rate, familiar ] No !
Well, this same Morne was in April
and May, 1796, the scene of fierce
fighting between the English and
French. The English, under Sir
Ralph Abercrombie, were the assailants,
and actually drove the French from
that terribly strong position ; in which
operations Brigadier John Moore so
greatly distinguished himself that he
was left to complete the subjugation of
the island and to govern it when
subdued. Moore remained in St.
Lucia till 1797, refusing, meanwhile,
the government of Grenada, and went
home after two attacks of yellow fever ;
from the second of which he was
saved, almost literally from his wind-
ing sheet, to be buried, as every one
knows, after years more of fighting, in
his cloak at Corufia. Government
House is still at the top of the Morne,
and a military cemetery, until the
advent of another soldier Governor four
years ago, neglected and uncared for,
is within a stone's throw. The road
leading to it is so steep that a carriage
can hardly ascend it, and how Moore
got his guns up not only here, but also
to higher hills behind, is a marvel.
St. Lucia is still French in everything
but name ; the cheery hospitable
planters speak French or at all events
prefer it, and the negroes have, as in
Grenada, their own extraordinary
patois. It is really a thriving little
place, on a larger and grander scale
than the rest of the group, nearly
twice the size, in fact, of Grenada, but
with a smaller population. Neverthe-
346
The Windward Islands.
less, though far harder to traverse
than the rest, owing to excessive
ruggedness and not quite so healthy
as they are, it is far happier, quieter,
and more prosperous, and its exports
considerably exceed theirs. But then
St. Lucia has never had a parody of
representative government, nor the
benefit of the West Indian Encumbered
Estates Court, and, more important
than all, has been fortunate in her
administrators. Hence it was that
the old families of Martinique, feeling
no confidence in their own govern-
ment, brought capital exceeding a year's
revenue into St. Lucia, and thought it
worth while to give 56,000?, for a valley
sold but five years previously for
4,000?. Close to Castries is a Usine
or Central Sugar Factory on the
French system, and very good sugar
it produces ; but here again the state
of the sugar market must hit St. Lucia
hard, yet not, it is devoutly to be
hoped, fatally hard. Though sugar is
the staple crop, cocoa is rising in
popularity, and logwood forms also an
article of export ; moreover, efforts are
making to cultivate tobacco, for
which the soil is well suited. Then
again the harbour is naturally very
good and with some expenditure may
be greatly improved ; already A-tlantic
steamers can coal alongside the wharfs,
and no fewer than eight lines make
Castries a coaling station. To make
the harbour perfect, elaborate plans
and estimates prepared by a celebrated
English engineer, set down the cost at
100,000?. ; but for a fifth of that sum
much could be done. Then the neces-
sary defences would take another
50,000?. and Martinique being but
thirty miles away, some think it would
be well for them to be taken in hand
at once. One disadvantage only, and
that greatly exaggerated, renders St.
Lucia somewhat unpopular to planters
in other islands, viz., the abundance of
snakes, especially of that venomous
kind known as the fer-de-lance. The
deaths from snake-bite, however, are
not very many, and advancing cultiva-
tion will go far towards diminishing
the number of these reptiles. At one
time Government offered a reward for
every snake killed, but the astute
negro used to take ship and hie him to
Martinique, whence he returned with
a boat-load of snakes which that island
could very well afford to dispense with,
and depleted the reward fund ; so the
practice had to be stopped. For all
this St. Lucia, if the present crisis in
the sugar trade be successfully passed,
may be expected to rise in importance
and, outstripping the rest of the group,
to take her place eventually at their
head.
The distance to Tobago from Gre-
nada is eighty-three miles, south and
east. Tobago is the least of the Wind-
ward Islands, with a total area of
73,000 acres, less than half of which
are cultivated. The population is
about 18,000 and stationary ; the
revenue about 13,000?. and decreasing ;
the general condition bad and growing
worse. There is no denying the fact
that Tobago is a miserable place ; its
very capital contains little over a
thousand people, and the public officers
live in houses which hardly keep the
rain out, and work in offices which
are falling to pieces for want of repair.
Who would think that Tobago was
ever worth fighting for, as she is now ?
and yet we know that she was fought
for. Can we not see as we look over
Scarborough town from the dangerous
roadstead, outside, a fort on the right
hand hill and a great square-topped
mountain behind it? and do we not
know that the square top is another
fort to which the French dragged their
guns in some marvellous way and
then smote us out of the island ? But
now, after many years' monopoly of
land by a London firm that never
gave back a tithe of what it received,
after the unparalleled misfortune of
government by two in succession of
the worst administrators that ever
turned a place upside down, and eter-
nal bickerings among subordinates,
what can be said for Tobago 1 Have
not three years of vastly improved
administration failed to do more than
The Windward Islands.
347
keep her head above water and that
only by severest retrenchment ? And
yet the island is as fertile and as
lovely as any. Humbler than the rest,
more hilly than mountainous, it is
easier to make roads and, through a
fortunate abundance of good metal,
easier to keep them up than in St.
Vincent, Grenada and St. Lucia — a
great advantage and a great economy
to any island. Further, there is plenty
of pasture and some exportation of
cattle, while Tobago ponies are well
known and in considerable request.
Latterly, moreover, there has been an
increasing exportation of cocoa-nuts
(N.B., Cocoa-nut palms and cacao
trees are not, as some think, identical),
which are very abundant, cost nothing
to cultivate, and pay well. But few
vessels call at Tobago, the mail indeed
but once a month ; and so, even if pro-
duce be ready, it is hard to get it
shipped. Sugar, of course, is conveyed
in the bottoms of the consignees ; but
these are not available for those who
wish to keep out of their clutches.
And, unless I am mistaken, the Tobago
monopolist firm failed some months
since, and in that case the greater
part of the land must have gone out
of cultivation. In any case the re-
striction of the cultivation to sugar
only must tell heavily in this island
as in St. Yincent, and the outlook is
very dismal.
Such are these Windward Islands ;
once, with their sisters to Leeward, as
fair and rich possessions as ever were
owned perhaps by any country. Ruined
forts, ruined barracks, neglected ceme-
teries remain to show the price we
were willing to pay for them ; but of
the former prosperity not a trace.
Once with no fear for aught save war
and hurricane, they have lived to
dread Exeter Hall and the Manchester
School more than either of these : for
their overthrow was not by storm nor
by the sword, but by two Acts of the
British Parliament passed in 1833 and
1846, which are remembered by
Englishmen as the triumphs of eman-
cipation and free trade, but by the
West Indians as times of ruin and
distress. Ever since the West Indies
have struggled to recover themselves,
and now a third great crisis is on
them — the admission of bounty-fed
sugar on the same terms as free sugar
has destroyed their trade, the rejection
of Mr. Lubbock's Convention with the
United States for the free admission
of West Indian produce has shattered
their last hopes, and ruin stares the
vast majority, whose staple produce is
sugar, in the face. What the ultimate
effect will be, none can tell ; the imme-
diate effect is open disaffection and
outcry for annexation to the United
States — a sad sign in Colonies which
plumed themselves on their loyalty.
The question is too long for treatment
here, but it is certain that the danger
is serious and pressing, and unless
something be done, and that quickly,
the report of the Royal Commission
must go for naught and the present
condition go from bad to worse. Thus
with sad misgivings for the future I
take leave of these beautiful and un-
happy islands. Their former prosperity
was doubtless artificial : freedom and
free trade destroyed it utterly ; but
the downfall is real enough. Success
and failure were alike of our making ;
but both turned to our advantage,
while, so far from helping the islands
in their need, we have gradually with-
drawn every privilege ; the garrisons
so highly prized have been removed,
incapable governors have been en-
trusted with the administration, and
consignees and money-lenders, secure
under an Act of Parliament, have
taken the lion's share of the prod vice to
let themselves live in plenty in Eng-
land. It is a sad story : when they
piped unto us we danced, when they
mourned unto us we lamented not.
This is the complaint of the West
Indies against England. Will she
listen ? I fear not.
348
THE QUESTION OF DRINK IN ENGLAND.
MY reasons for venturing to write on
this subject are, briefly stated, these.
Being a moderate drinker myself, I
am unable to see why some should
make a merit of total abstinence ; for
while I freely admit that drunkenness
is a very real and national vice, I am
inclined to think that a natural re-
action has led many too far in the oppo-
site direction. In accordance with this
view I have tried to discover whether
there might not exist certain conditions
at the present time which served only
to promote excessive drinking and
might be easily removed. And after
some reflection I am convinced that
the state of the public-houses them-
selves is very greatly answerable for
the present frequent habit of drunken-
ness among the poorer classes. My
attention- was first drawn to this during
a stay of some months in France and
Germany, where I was greatly struck
with the difference of the public-houses
when compared with our own (the
advantage being especially on the side
of Germany) — a difference which it
seemed to me might partly account for
the greater sobriety of the people. I
determined therefore to visit a certain
number of public-houses in London at
night, appearing as far as possible
like an ordinary customer, in order
to see whether the view I had taken
of the question was justified by the
result. I visited in all ten public-
houses, taking mental notes of what I
saw at the time, which I committed to
writing as soon as I got home.'
I propose here to give an account of
some of them, suppressing for obvious
reasons the names and localities.
A. was one I selected for an early
visit, as I was by no means eager to
venture far at first, and I had heard of
it as a very quiet and respectable pub-
lic-house. When I first entered there
were six or seven men inside, chiefly
of the groom or coachman class. Three
of them were seated, the rest were
standing, but all of them were convers-
ing in a friendly manner. There was
more accommodation than I had seen
in a previous visit to another " public,"
as there was a bench in the corner,
capable of holding five, with a small
table adjoining. But as at least
twenty men were there during the half
hour that I remained, the accommoda-
tion was obviously insufficient ; and
here as elsewhere nearly half of the
whole room was taken up by the bar.
The favourite drink seemed " bitter,"
though the three men who were seated
were drinking something which I con-
cluded to have been whisky. Nearly
all who visited this public-house stayed
longer than I, and certainly were there
for the sake of social enjoyment, and
not chiefly for the sake of drinking.
The division into compartments is a
feature in all public-houses, the number
of compartments differing according to
the size of the " public."
B. A low public-house in whose win-
dow absinthe was advertised. The
atmosphere was so intolerable that the
friend with whom I went insisted on
going after five minutes. There were
altogether (in the compartment which
we entered) about sixteen persons ;
there was one small seat, capable of
seating five, where four men were
playing dominoes. There were — as
far as I could see — no newspapers or
any means of social enjoyment ; and
the beer was extremely bad.
C. In this public-house, which was
divided into six or seven compart-
ments, there were no seats of any kind
(of course I can only state this posi-
tively as regards the compartment I
entered). At one time, however, there
were twenty people inside this one
compartment ; while the barman had
nearly as much room for dispensing
The Question of Drink in England.
349
liquor as we twenty customers for
drinking it. Amongst those present
were two soldiers, two postmen, and
three or four women. There was only
one man who was really drunk — so at
least I inferred from his addressing
the most idiotic remarks to any one
who would listen to him, and also,
perhaps unfairly, from his buying two
halfpenny buns for a dog, which be-
longed to the man whose beer I had
drunk ; I must add, however, that the
owner did not appreciate his kindness,
as he tried to set the dog on him.
There were no papers or any means of
social recreation. The one point in
favour of this public-house was that
the ventilation was good. Most of the
people were drinking beer ; one or two
were drinking mysterious-looking com-
pounds whose component parts 1 could
not investigate.
D. A public-house in the immediate
vicinity of a large station ; conse-
quently there were several porters
there. It was divided into four com-
partments ; in the one which I entered
there were ten persons, and during the
short half-hour that I was there there
were never more than twelve at one
time. There were altogether seats for
five or six, and the atmosphere was very
good, but I cannot say that the place
was well ventilated, as it was exceed-
ingly draughty. There were several
newspapers within the bar, which I
did not notice till some one asked for
one ; and here I must remark that
this may have been the case in the
other places which I have; before de-
scribed, but I certainly did not observe
it. Most of the people were drinking
beer, and I did not notice that any
one took more than one glass or
pewter. (One or two, however, ordered
spirits of some kind or other, and
several people brought jugs to take
away what they ordered.) But while
the place was good so far as public-
houses go at present, it was really
scandalously deficient when compared
with what might be done. The chief
faults were a great draught, want of
sitting accommodation (there were
only two small benches squeezed up
close to the wall), and very little
elbow-room, though inside the bar
there was abundance of space.
E. was rather a small public-house,
divided into three compartments ; in
the one which I entered there were
only four persons. The space was
extremely limited in this compart-
ment, but there were seats all round
it, capable of containing seven or eight
persons. The ventilation was very
bad ; there was no supply of fresh air,
and plenty of gas, but, on the other
hand, there was no draught. In
the third compartment a loud voice
suddenly exclaimed, "You're an old
swindler, you are ! " — words'which were
repeated thirty or forty times in ex-
actly the same loud monotonous tone.
I fully expected a row, but the " old
swindler," whoever he was, made no
reply, and in a few minutes all was
silent again. At first I thought there
were no papers in the place, but after-
wards I found that they took in the
Daily Telegraph, the Standard, and, I
believe, one or two other papers also.
The principal beverage was beer of
one kind or another, but one man
seemed to be taking whisky, and
another some kind of cup.
F. As it wasj Saturday night, and
this public-house was in a poor neigh-
bourhood, I expected to find some of
the poorest classes there ; and, sure
enough, when I entered, I found the
compartment full of workmen, smoking
short clay pipes. (This public-house
was divided into four compartments.)
There were about twelve persons when
I first went in. The atmosphere was
fair, but the place was draughty. The
men were all drinking beer (and dis-
cussing racing) ; one woman who came
while I was there ordered gin. There
were two or three papers, but scandal-
ously little accommodation — no more
than one seat near the side wall,
capable of containing only three
persons.
In other ways I have observed
many public - houses, and, judging
from what I have been able to see
350
The Question of Drink in England.
of their internal arrangements, all
public-houses are pretty much of the
same character. In fact the public-
house of the present time is a public
house merely in name — conducted, as
it is, wholly for the gain of private
persons, whose sole idea is consequently
to sell as much liquor as possible to
every customer. It is a place without
comfort, with hardly any sitting ac-
commodation, small, dirty, ill-venti-
lated, affording scarcely any facilities
for literary or social enjoyment ;
where all the attraction is intentionally
confined to the bar, and where the liquor
is in many cases drugged to increase
the thirst of the unfortunate customer.
The first thing, then, which seems
imperative towards diminishing the
general tendency to drunkenness
among the poorer classes is to pro-
vide some decent public building or
house to which they may go. I have
endeavoured to show that the public-
house as it at present exists in Eng-
land is a disgrace to a civilised
country i but it exists because it sup-
plies (though imperfectly) a real and
natural want. That want is the
craving for society — a want which
teetotalers seem to have totally ignored
in their exertions in this field.
I give here a report of one of their
meetings, taken from the Daily News
of April 16th :—
"Yesterday afternoon a conference
was held at Exeter Hall, under the
presidency of the Bishop of London,
to receive and discuss the reports
of the enumerators who have been
engaged in taking a census of the
people visiting public-houses on Satur-
day night from 9 P.M., to 12 o'clock.- —
The Chairman, after the meeting bad
been opened with prayer by the Rev.
J. F. Gladstone, called upon the sec-
retary, Mr. George Calvert, to read
the returns that had been made. From
these it appears that in a given dis-
trict in the north of London (St.
Pancras) fifty-two public-houses were
watched one Saturday night, with the
result that 11,403 men, 7,731 women,
and 1,958 children, or a total of
21,092 persons were seen to enter
between nine and twelve o'clock. In
another district, in the south, the
total number of persons going to the
fifty public - houses watched was
29,357, made up of 17,347 men,
10,665 women, and 1,645 children.
In the west forty-nine houses were
visited by 21,962 persons, of whom
12,809 were men, 7,455 women, and
1,698 children. In the east, repre-
sented by forty-nine houses, there
were 7,246 male visitors, 4,933 female,
and 1,718 children, making a total of
13,897. The total for the 200 public-
houses watched for the same three
hours was 86,608 visitors. Following
up this inquiry, they had made a small
one as to the number of women visit-
ing public-houses in the morning be-
tween the hours of ten and twelve ;
and last Monday twelve houses were
watched near Tolmer Square, with the
result of finding that as many as 1,250
women went to them between those
hours. — The Chairman said they had
heard these figures, and it was for
them to say what their personal con-
duct was to be, and what they should
urge on the legislature. These facts
could not be put aside for a moment.
At the present time the Government
were inquiring into the condition and
the housing of the poor. It was clear
that the two inquiries were very much
akin, and that it was almost impossible
to separate them. He was quite ready
to admit that the poor suffered by
fluctuations in trade and from other
causes, and was willing to call on the
nation at large to give them a helping
hand ; but the man must be stone
blind who did not know that a great
deal of the distress and misery was
due to intemperance. If we could
stop this we should do more in the
way of charity than by any muni-
ficence. No gifts of money could
help the poor more than the sacrifice
of their own personal gratification in
this and other ways. An inquiry
like this drink census touched directly
on the most painful causes of the state
of things they all deplored, and they
The Question of Drink in England.
351
could not help considering what their
part, as Christian men. should be in
view of such facts as these. All
ministers of the Gospel find nothing
stand so much in their way in trying
to reach the masses as this one great,
terrible sin. — The Rev. Canon Fleming
moved, ' That this conference, having
had under its consideration the start-
ling returns of the Saturday-night
public-house census recently taken in
each quarter of the metropolis, would
urge upon the devout and earnest
attention of all Christians the im-
perative necessity of personal absti-
nence from the use of all alcoholic
liquors as a beverage.' "
Now this meeting seems to me to
give a very fair example of the general
action of the total abstainers. They
are thoroughly in earnest, and are de-
termined to do something, but their
method of proceeding is absolutely
illogical. Their idea of subjecting
public-houses to a minute inspection
is a good one. But all they have
really done is to get some very good
statistics as to the amount of people
who enter public-houses. What does
this prove I Surely nothing more
than this, that the public - houses
supply a real want. They have
no right to deduce any other con-
sequence from these statistics. The
argument that public-houses are ob-
jectionable because many people use
them might be applied equally to any
public building whatever. If they
had proved how many of those who
went came out the worse for drink —
that would have been a valuable piece
of evidence. Again, if they could have
shown that most of those who entered
merely stayed a short time, and that
therefore their main object was drink,
that also would have had a direct
bearing on the question. But this
they have not attempted : and yet
what they now apparently wish is to
urge on the legislature to suppress
public-houses without attempting to
provide any substitute. They would
wish, I suppose, that these multitudes
of people should stay quietly in their
homes. Is this possible 1 It may, of
course, be argued that these people
can go to coffee-palaces. But the
coffee-palaces which I have seen so
far are nothing but feeble imitations
of public-houses. In size, accommoda-
tion, ventilation, means of recreation,
and beverages, they are lamentably
deficient. When once a decent place of
accommodation and recreation has been
provided, the public -houses will be
deserted.
I now propose to examine the faults
of the public-houses one by one, and
to endeavour to show how they may
be corrected.
(a.) The first fault of public-houses
(one shared I believe by all other
countries) is that they are conducted for
profit. I can imagine no better object
for charity than the establishment of
places where proper accommodation
might be provided for the working
classes without any profit being made.
Such a place, considering the enormous
profits made by the present iniquitous
system, would very soon make its
way, and the profits would probably,
in time, be large. These should be
devoted, first, to increasing the comfort
of the place, and secondly, to help to
found similar establishments. Thus
in time there might be attached to
each public-house a room for non-
smokers, a library, a reading-room, a
public assembly room, &c., &c.
(6.) Secondly, no public-house should
be allowed to exist where the principal
room was not above a certain defined
size, both as regards length, breadth,
and height. I have some idea that
there is a law to this effect now, but it
is certainly never put into force. If
such a law were made (or, if existing,
put into force) nine-tenths of the
present public-houses would cease to
exist ; and the existence of many small
public-houses in one street (as is now
often the case) would be rendered
impossible.
(c.) Proper ventilation is also most
important. By ventilation I mean
the continual supply of fresh air with-
out a draught. There are several
352
The Question of Drink in England.
systems by any of which this could be
done ; while the electric light might
also be with advantage introduced.
At present the public-house is either
intolerably hot, or cold and draughty ;
the former is [more often the case, for
the profit-seeking owner finds that heat
is an additional incentive to drinking.
(d.) Everything should be done to
avoid making drinking the attraction,
both by banishing the bar altogether,
and also by encouraging the sale of
non-intoxicating liquors. (If any one
were to enter an ordinary public-house
at the present time, and ask for a cup
of tea or coffee, he would be regarded
as a lunatic; and his demand would
probably be met with a roar of
laughter.) Spirits should be absolutely
excluded, and the beer should be both
light and pure. As to this, I hope to
say more further on. In connection
with the subject of drinking I may,
perhaps, suggest that some plan should
be devised by which a man, by paying
a trifling sum weekly or monthly,
should be allowed to make use of the
place as a club without being obliged
to order anything for the good of the
house.
(e.) As the public-house should be
par excellence the club of the poor
(men and women alike), the accom-
modation should be of a simple but
comfortable kind, and the room should
be tastefully furnished. The furnish-
ing of such a room would be an
excellent object for charity. Seats
should be scattered freely up and
down ; probably the best method would
be to have small tables with chairs
around them, as in the cafes at Paris.
(./!) Lastly, great efforts should be
made to render the public-house as
bright and pleasant as possible. All
the best papers and magazines should
be taken in ; and on holidays, such as
Saturdays, entertainments, concerts,
&c., should be given in the public hall
attached to the building.
It may be urged that some such
reform is certainly needed, but why
include the beer? Because without it
you will not get the attendance of the
moderate drinkers. Indeed, it is one of
the chief mistakes of the Church of
England Temperance Society, that
they have put beer and spirits (in
other words temperance and excess)
under the same ban. For while the
smallest quantity of spirits may pro-
duce the most dangerous effects, it is
practically impossible to get drunk on
undrugged beer alone. Indeed, beer,
when pure, is both a wholesome and
nourishing drink. The principal substi-
tute that the teetotalers would offer is
tea, which I cannot but think unsatis-
factory. But the mistake of confound-
ing beer and spirits is not confined to
the temperance society. The Chancellor
of the Exchequer, in his recent speech
on the income-tax, said, "that if the
duty on spirits was to be increased, he
would not be a party to such a pro-
posal unless a fair increase were
made in the duty on beer." Now I
believe, that from a commercial point
of view, any increase of the tax on
beer is most disastrous for the country ;
tending as it does to convert more
corn-land into pasture-land, and there-
by depopulating the agricultural dis-
tricts. But, putting aside that view,
the fact remains that while beer is
almost as great a necessity for the
poor man as tobacco, spirits are a
dangerous luxury. Pure beer, on the
other hand, is neither dangerous nor a
luxury. Of course I am quite ready
to admit that the beer at present
drunk in many public-houses is a far
from wholesome beverage : but surely
that is only an additional reason for
endeavouring to promote the use of
beer of a better kind. That beer of
such a kind can be made, is, I believe,
perfectly certain. The lager beer, as
drunk generally by the German nation,
and sold in England, though at prohi-
bitive prices, fulfils the requisite con-
ditions. It is extremely light, ex-
tremely pure, and can, I believe, be
made both easily and cheaply. A
German gentleman has most kindly
f urnished me, after considerable labour,
with the most ample particulars on
the subject, of which I may be here
The Question of Drink in England.
353
allowed to give some extracts. He
writes : " The ' lager bier,' the almost
common beverage all through Ger-
many, contains about 1 cwt. of hops to
30 cwt. of malt, and 80 cwt. of water.
The different quality of the water is
said to exert a great influence upon
the quality of the beer. Of course there
are stronger beers brewed, as for in-
stance in Bavaria, where the propor-
tion of malt and the percentage of
alcohol contained in it is much greater ;
there the percentage of alcohol comes
to about five per cent., while in your
English beer it is eight to ten per cent.
I am told. Our people do not like
English beer, because they cannot con-
sume great quantities without get-
ting inebriated, and their object is to
drink a great deal, and to enjoy drink-
ing for its own sake, without running
the chance of even getting half tipsy."
He also remarks that with lager beer,
to reach even a state of partial intoxi-
cation, it requires ten to twelve to
fifteen glasses ; the price of a glass
being fifteen pfennigs.
I had asked him the following four
questions : —
1. Whether there was a law against
adulteration of beer in Germany, and
whether it was strictly enforced.
2. Whether there was a heavy tax
upon beer.
3. Whether the beer depended
much on the quality of the water ; and
whether such beer could be easily
made in England.
4. Whether lager beer could be
easily exported.
These he answers thus : —
1. There is a law concerning adul-
teration of beer, and it is strictly
enforced. Breweries are fined occa-
sionally for using bad ingredients.
2. The tax upon manufacture of
beer is not a heavy one. Malt is
taxed about the rate of two marks the
hectolitre. There is no other tax.
3. The quality of the beer depends
very much on the quality of the water,
but in what way I can hardly tell.
That the same beer may be made in
England admits of no doubt. In
London there are a great many beer-
houses where you get it.
4. Lager beer is exported to all
parts of the world ; but then it requires
some particular kind of preparation, of
which I cannot give you any particu-
lars. I think it is the same thing as
with porter and ale.
To this I may add, that the glass
which costs fifteen pfennigs (lg<^.) con-
tains nearly a pint, so that its cheap-
ness in Germany is evident. There
seems no doubt therefore that if we
follow the example of the German
nation, a pure, light, and cheap beer
can be made.
And now to sum up briefly the main
points of my argument. I believe that
the remedy for drunkenness lies in the
hands of the moderate drinkers: and
that, if they will but bestir themselves
to provide decent places where the
poor man may meet his friend without
the temptation to get drunk, but at
the same time with the power of
drinking a glass of good, pure beer if
he so wishes, the vice of drunkenness
will die a natural death, without there
being any necessity of appealing to
the legislature. State control is
always dangerous, and in this case the
remedy can certainly be best admin-
istered by private exertion.
One thing is certain, that the places
at present used for the leisure hours of
the poor are a disgrace to the country ;
and it is the duty of teetotallers and
moderate drinkers alike to see that
proper places shall be provided, where
the poor may be able to resort after
their work without being made the
prey of private gain. Whether beer
shall be allowed there or not is a mat-
ter of secondary importance, except in
so far as the question arises whether
without it the poor will come at all.
E. E. MACNAGHTEN.
No. 311. — VOL. LII.
A A
354
THE BATHS OF CASCIANA IN JULY.
ALL the forestieri (strangers) have
flown north, for ray countrymen have
a knack of leaving Italy just before
she is clothed in her full beauty.
June, when it does not rain, is a
lovely month ; the hay has been got
in, and the fields are all bright with
fresh, green grass ; the corn is turning
golden yellow, and waiting for the
24th of June, before which day no
well-thinking Tuscan — who all wor-
ship St. John, the protecting saint of
Florence, most devoutly, chiefly, I
believe, on account of the fireworks
and fun which celebrate his day in the
City of Flowers — ever thinks of reap-
ing. Many a baroccio, piled high with
openwork baskets and boxes full of
yellow and rose-coloured cocoons, is
met, going from the various fattorie
or farms to the silk mills at Pecsia.
The fireflies glint and glance all
over the country, causing the moon
to look pale, and in the daytime
the cicale buzz and drum from every
tree.
On the 1st of July we left Florence
for Pontedera — a clean, prosperous
little town on the Pisan line of rail-
way— where we found a wonderful
ramshackle carriage awaiting us. The
procaccia, or carrier, of the Bagni di
Casciana, imagined that English people
could not stand the sun, and so had
brought a kind of enormous square
box on wheels, which went at a
capital pace along the excellent road,
as smooth as a bowling green, in the
valley of the little river Era.
At the village of Ponsacco one leaves
the high road and strikes up towards
the hills. In old times Ponsacco was
a fortified town, and in 1363 was taken,
during the wars between Pisa and
Florence, by the Florentines, after a
desperate resistance. It reverted, how-
ever, to its old ruler, and in 1406 stood
another siege, and capitulated, with
military honours, to Florence, which
governed it mildly and increased its
prosperity. But, according to the old
proverb, " Fiorentini ciechi, Pisan tradi-
tori, Senesi matti, Lucchesi signori" (the
Florentines are blind, the Pisans traitor-
ous, the Sienese mad, and the Lucchese
fine gentlemen), the Pisans sent a
certain Ser Niccolo Piccinino to raise
the population against their new mas-
ters, who were nearly all murdered.
Florence, furious at this insult, marched
with a large force against Ponsacco
and again took it, after a tremendous
fight. The Council of Pisa, many of
whose members had possessions in the
valley of the Era, called the Venetians
to their aid and re-conquered the place.
They, however, took the precaution of
dismantling the fortress and throwing
down the walls, and were left in quiet
possession until the times of the Medici,
when Ferdinando gave Ponsacco, with
the fine Medicean villa of Camugliano,
to the Marquis Filippo Niccolini, one
of his devoted courtiers.
The fields are cultivated like a
market garden, and the crops of corn,
maize, hemp, flax, and vines were most
luxuriant. The canes grew from eight
to ten feet high, stout and vigorous,
while the mulberry trees are all pol-
larded at four feet from the ground,
and in many places formed hedges.
We gradually rose to 500 feet above
the sea, which is about twenty miles
away, and one feels the influence of
the sea-breeze in the delicious, cool,
invigorating air. The banks and hedges
were ablaze with wild roses, honey-
suckle, a brilliant chrome-yellow chry-
santhemum, large white convolvolus,
and a mallow with mauve-pink flowers
of most graceful growth.
A nine miles' drive through this
laughing landscape brought us to the
The Baths of Casciana in July.
355
Baths of Casciana, known to the
Romans as a health-restoring place.
Bagno di Casciana is a small village
with a piazza, where stands the Casino
and a church, Sta. Maria de Aquis,
which existed as a priory in 823 ; it
has been, however, so often repaired
that little of the ancient structure is
left. In old times the place was called
Castrum de Aquis, or ad Aquas, and
afterwards Bagni d'Acqui, till some
forty years ago its name was changed
by an edict of the municipal council
of Lari to Bagni di Casciana, thus
coupling it with the little town of
Casciana which is on the hill about
two miles away, and whose inhabitants
most cordially dislike the people of the
Bagni, who return their hatred with
interest.
Bagno d'Acqui (or di Casciana) is
mentioned in various ancient docu-
ments, chiefly belonging to Volterra
and to the Abbey of Morrona, which
was founded in 1089 by Ugoccione,
son of Count Gugliemo Bulgaro and
of the Countess Cilia, and given to
the order of the Camaldoli, together
with all the land, streams, and aque-
ducts lying between the Sora and the
Caldana. Twenty years after this the
sons of Ugoccione increased the dona-
tion, and made over to the monks half
of the land in the district of the Corte
Aquisana, and " "Vivaja cum acquis
and acqueductibus, etc. ; " so that the
baths came into the possession of the
Church in 1109. The convent of the
Badia held this large extent of country
until 1135, when the Abbot Gherardo
sold to Uberto, Archbishop of Pisa,
part of the hill, and the castle and
district of Acqui called Yivaja. In
1148 Pope Eugenius III. confirmed
Guidone, Abbot of Morrona, in all his
privileges, and in the possession of
what remained of the district of the
Corte Aquisana, of the baths and
acqueducts as far as the Cascina
(Balneum et aquseductus usque in
Casinam). In 1152 the Abbot Jacopo
of Morrona sold the possessions of
Montevaso and Montanino to the
Archbishop of Pisa, to raise funds for
building the monastery of Morrona,
which still exists, and in 1316 the
Abbot Silvester d'Anghiari added the
cloisters. The abbey church is of far
more ancient date, and possesses a
quaint picture, said to be anterior to
Cimabue.
In 1482 the monastery was sup-
pressed in spite of the opposition of
the Camaldolese order, and all their
possessions were bestowed on the
bishops of Volterra, who had long
hankered after them ; they turned the
monastery into a dwelling house and
the church into a private oratory.
Popular tradition assigns the foun-
dation of the baths to the famous
Countess Mathilde, who, the country
people say, was guided to the place by
her pet hawk, who had lost his feathers,
and regained them after dipping in
the waters. In 1311 the Republic of
Pisa ordered the baths to be re-built,
and, with some modifications, they ex-
isted till seventeen years ago, when the
present Casino and baths were erected.
Formerly the men bathed in the basin
of the warm spring itself, and from
thence the water overflowed to the
women's bath, losing a considerable
portion of heat in the transit. The
lepers' bath was further off, and last
came a place for horses. The women
rebelled against using the water after
the men, and petitioned to be allowed
to bathe all together, if a dress per
tutelare la decenza (for the tutelage of
decency) was worn. This was refused,
but the basin where the mineral water
comes bubbling up out of the earth,
was divided in half by boards, and
thus the women were placed on an
equality with the men.
Now there are good baths of white
marble, with an incessant stream of
water direct from the spring always
flowing, a doctor is in attendance, and
the whole thing is comfortable and
well arranged.
In the Archives of Florence there
is a very amusing document, dated 7th
September, 1575, and emanating from —
" Li Magnifici Signori Nove Conser-
vatori della Jurisditione et Dominio
A A 2
356
The Baths of Casciana in July.
Florentine," who were very irate at
the disorder and inconvenience which
arose because the inhabitants of Bagno
ad Acqua did not observe the statutes
drawn up, and had no care of the
baths nor prevented the insolence
practised by evil-minded persons, who
went to the said baths more to air
their caprices than for any need of
curing aches and pains. The said
magistrates, seeing that the Divine
Majesty and nature had bestowed such
a treasure on their dominion as these
most salubrious baths, desire that all
men should aid in maintaining them
unsullied from every kind of evil
custom and insolence practised by the
aforesaid people, who only sought
amusement, &c.
The ancient tower, part of which is
still inhabited by poor people, at
Petraja, as the upper portion of Bagno
di Casciana is called, was doubtless
part of the Castello di Acqui, chief
centre of the district Corte Aquisana,
which existed in 1090, before which
date no records exist, they having
perished in a fire, following a pestil-
ence which occurred about that time.
One skirts round the cluster of
small cottages surrounding the old
tower, on the winding road from
Bagno di Casciana up to the ruin of
the castle of Parlascio on the summit
of the hill. It is a good climb, but
the road is, as usual, excellent. Leav-
ing Yivaja on the right, a quaint
little hillock, on which stood a church
which was utterly destroyed by the
earthquake of 1846, one passes under
some fine chestnut and cherry trees.
The undergrowth is fern and heather,
and the yellow tiger lilies glowed in
the broken sun-light.
Parlascio is a huge bluff , of rock,
rising sheer out of the hill. On a
plateau near the summit is a little
church and three or four cottages. A
marble head with a Gothic inscription
is let into the wall on the right hand
of the church door, and on the other
a long Gothic inscription surrounds a
small bas-relief of a bishop. As a
handsome contadina told me : —
" Ah ! poverini, sono morti tanti
anni fa ; erano sacerdoti."
( " Ah ! poor things, they died many
years ago ; they were priests.")
The view from the platform of rock
on which the little church stands is
magnificent. To the left Monte Moro,
behind which lies Leghorn, stands out
black against the sky; and the sea,
with here and there a white sail glint-
ing in the sun, stretches far away.
Pisa, with the Carrara mountains
behind, lies in the soft green plain,
and in front is a curious, broken land-
scape, rounded, waterwashed hillocks,
each crowned by a grey townlet with
its tall campanile ; the haze caused by
the heat made the whole land look
like a large opal. The nearest grey
town is Morrona, standing on the peak
of a hill, near which, further along the
ridge, lies the Abbey, now the villa of
a rich Livornese. To the far right
Volterra rears her weather-beaten
towers to the sky, perched on the
extreme edge of a high hill like an
eagle's nest.
Behind the church a steep little
path leads up to the summit of the
ancient castle of Parlascio, whose
ruins are now covered by a vineyard.
All memory of its history has vanished
from among the peasantry, and I
could find no mention of it prior to
the thirteenth century in the archives
of the Abbey of Morrona. Over the
door of the church is an inscription,
saying that it was consecrated on the
26th May, 1444 (Pisan style), and
built by the Counts of Upezzinghi of
Pisa, lords of the castle.
We skirted the top of a long ridge
of hills and drove through, or rather
round, Casciana to Lari, the seat of the
pretor, or magistrate, and of the muni-
cipal council, and chief place of the
commune. Lari is a nice little town,
perched on the top of a hill ; and out
of the centre of the market place rises
a quadrangular castle, built of red
brick. The massive walls, rising at
an acute angle, stand frowning some hun-
dred feet above one, perfectly smooth
— no bastion, no tower breaks, the line.
Ths Baths of Casciana in July.
357
In 1067 Lari is mentioned in a
judicial sentence given at Pisa as a
Corte and castle of Gottfredo, Mar-
chese di Toscana. It must then have
become Pisan, as the people of Lari
took part in the rising against the Re-
public of Pisa in 1164, who sent a
small army to enforce obedience. In
1230 the Upezzinghi retired there
from their possession of Mazzagamboli,
and it is believed that they built the
first castle on the summit of the hill,
afterwards considerably enlarged and
strengthened. It appears that they
made over to the Archbishop of Pisa
all their rights over Lari, for in 1375
the inhabitants deliberated that it was
most inconvenient to hire a house
every six months for the Captain of the
Colle Pisane, or Pisan Hills, who came
to distribute justice, so they deter-
mined to buy a residence for that
purpose.
Lari and its dependencies came into
the possession of the Republic of
Florence in 1406, at the same time as
Pisa ; but for a long period the Grand
Dukes of Tuscany paid a small annual
tribute to the Pisan Archbishop. The
governors of Lari after that time were
called Vicario, and the first Floren-
tine who held the office was Angelo di
Giovanni da Uzzano.
On the south side of the castle a
flight of ninety-five steps leads up to
the gateway of the courtyard ; half-
way is a large cistern, hollowed out of
the rock, decorated with the Pitti and
Delia Scala arms, made in 1448 for the
public benefit. The courtyard is very
picturesque, an old well is at one end,
and the walls of the houses are covered
with escutcheons and coats-of-arms of
the various Vicarii. Several famous Flo-
rentine names are there, their arms done
in Delia Robbia ware and surrounded
by the well-known wreaths of fruit
and flowers. Rinuccini, Peruzzi, Cap-
poni and Delia Stufa recalled the su-
premacy of the old Republic ; and
above all were the balls of the Medici,
ever-present on anything grand or in-
teresting in Tuscany.
It is recorded that, in 1414, the
Vicario Niccolo di Roberto Davanzati
ancestor of Bernardi, whose transla
tion of Tacitus is celebrated, reformed
the communal statutes. In 1523
Jacopo di Bongiann Gianfigliazzi was
the Vicario, and at a later date the
following maccaronic lines were in-
scribed under his escutcheon : —
" Ero casa caduca, abbietta e vile,
Minacciavo rovina ad ogni vento,
In me non era loggia ne cortile,
Ma ogni cosa piena di spavento.
Or surge come casa signorile,
Non fu dal ciel favor mai tardo o lento,
Per grazia d'esso nobil Gianfigliazzo,
Di viltugurio di vento palazzo."
("I was a fallen house, abject and vile,
Threatening ruin with every wind ;
I possessed no colonade, nor courtyard,
And everything was full of horror.
Now I rise like a noble house,
Ne'er did the favour of Heaven come too
late.
By your grace, noble Gianfigliazzo,
From a vile hole I became a palace. ")
The writer of this must have over-
looked the distich under the Delia
Robbia arms of Bartolomeo Capponi,
who was Vicario in 1525 : —
" Temporis et muri ssevas subitura ruinas
Transtulit intutum signa benignus amor.
Qui struxit fastu longe, remotis ab omni
Nomine Capponius Bartholomeus erat."
("With great love he rendered safe these
walls, which threatened instant ruin. Bar-
tholomew Capponi, for such was his name,
was the man who had this thought, without
seeking for fame.")
In 1524 Alessandri di Pietro di
Mariotto was Vicario, and his arms
are repeated on a most lovely altar-
piece by Luca Delia Robbia in the
little chapel. It represents the Virgin
and Child and an angel, and is sur-
rounded by a splendid garland of
flowers and fruit. The garrulous old
custode showed us the prisons — very
ghastly places — and then, opening a
postern door, took us to an outside
walk all around the top of the castle
walls. We then saw that the houses
in the courtyard were mere shells, only
containing one room in depth, and we
looked down the dizzy height into the
tortuous streets below, and beyond
The Baths of Casciana in July.
over the sunny plain at Pisa, whose
leaning tower could be distinctly seen.
Sun-dials are frequent on the farm-
houses, and some had most poetical
conceits written around or over them.
Profoundly sad is : —
" Segno le ore si, ma non piu quelle "
("I mark the hours, 'tis true, but no
longer those gone by ").
" Per i felice ed i tristi, segno ugual-
mente le ore " (" For the happy and the
sad, I equally mark the hours "), is also
pretty, but less original and terse.
Next day we drove through Soianella
and Soiana up to Morrona, a grey, old-
world, weather-beaten place, with no
traces of itsancient splendour left.TJnder
the walls of Soiana Pier Capponi fell —
the contemporary and friend of Savona-
rola, and one of the most strenuous
defenders of Florentine liberties against
the Medici. He is famous for his an-
swer to Charles VIII. of France, who
tried to conquer Florence, and to obtain
from her large sums of money when on
his road to Naples in 1493. To the
threats of the King, Pier Capponi
proudly replied : —
" Voi suonerete le vostre trombe,
noi suoneremo le nostre campane."
("You may sound your trumpets, we will
sound our bells.")
The fortifications have long since
vanished, but these small villages are
picturesque enough, the stairs being
outside the houses, and various small
loggie and balconies making deep
patches of shade, where the inhabi-
tants sit at their work. The views
were magnificent, particularly from the
high platform on which stands the
small church of Morrona, rising some
500 feet above the plain, built where
in ancient times stood the castle.
Geologically, the whole country is
extremely interesting ; here and there
blue grey cliffs rise perpendicularly,
apropos to nothing at all, 100 or more
feet out of the red earth, and the roads
are in some places formed of the re-
mains of huge oyster shells and queer
fossils. The contadini are pleasant and
civil in manner, delighted to tell one
the names of the various villages and
towns, and evidently unused to visi-
tors. Our advent at Morrona caused
quite a commotion, and, as we stood
near the church, admiring the pano-
ramic view, I had a circle of small
children sitting on their heels, staring
open-mouthed, while their mothers
smiled and hoped I did not mind such
bad manners. "E un gran diverti-
mento per loro " ("It is a great
amusement for them).
Some of the girls are strikingly
beautiful — very dark, with jet-black
hair, fine eyes, and delicate features.
The men, too, are good looking, and
have small and curiously round heads.
They have a frank, nice way about
them, and, though terribly poor, will
show the very little there is to see in
their villages with a graceful kind-
liness of manner quite deprecating the
idea of being paid for their trouble.
From Morrona we went on to
Terricciola, a clean townlet with
houses which had once seen better
days. The church, a fine red-brick
building, has been spoiled, and they
were adding a chapel on to one side
and destroying the little that was left
of the old building. The piazza and
the church occupy the site of the
ancient castle, which was taken and
re-taken several times during the wars
between Florence and Pisa. Over
the door of the sacristan's cottage
was built into the wall the front of
rather a fine Etruscan Cinerary urn,
with a reclining female figure above,
and " un Pagano con animali " ("a
Pagan with animals "), as the old man
carefully explained it to be, under-
neath, which had been dug up there
long ago.
From Terricciola we descended a
winding road into the valley of the
Cascina, and skirted the base of the
bare, water-washed hill on which
stands the monastery of Morrona, an
enormous square edifice built around
a courtyard, with some fine trees near
it. The olives grow to a large size all
over this part of Tuscany, the tufa
soil suiting them well. There is a
tradition that an underground pas-
The Baths of Casciana in July.
359
sage connects the monastery with the
Villa of San Marco, the residence of
the bishop of the diocese. All the
country around is tunnelled with caves,
and at Terricciola the farmers still
keep their grain in the old buche di
grano, or corn cisterns, hollowed out
of the rock. The stone-cutters, whose
name is legion, have a way of breaking
the stone into long slabs, used as sup-
ports to the pergole of vines, which I
never saw before. They cut a slight
channel in the stone and insert flakes
of iron ; between these are placed
wedges, and then the man gives little
taps with a hammer, very much as
though he were playing on a gigantic
giglira, to the long row of wedges.
On a sudden the stone gives a hollow
sigh and starts asunder. Petrified
shells and plants are of frequent occur-
rence in the rock, and some are very
fine.
Reaping is also different here from
other parts of Tuscany. The contadini
cut off the ears of corn with a sickle
in small handfuls, leaving two or three
feet of straw standing, which is after-
wards mown with scythes. An old
peasant, seeing me watch his opera-
tions, ceased work for a moment,
and, with a twinkle in his eye, quoted,
like a true Tuscan who knows and
loves his old proverbs —
La sa, Signora, " Quando il grano e ne' campi,
13 di Dio e de' Santi."
("You know, ma'am, when the coi'n is in
the field, it belongs to God and the saints. ")
The contadini work hard ; in the
fields at daylight — they often do not
return home till nine in the evening ;
and we met women and young girls
staggering under huge loads of green
grass, cut on the hills and carried
down on their heads, after the day's
work, to sell for a few centimes in the
village. This habit of carrying jars
of water, baskets of fruit, and bundles
of fodder on the head, gives the con-
tadine an easy, graceful walk, recall-
ing the peculiar swing of the Arab
women. The men just now look very
spruce and neat, as a new straw hat
and, if possible, a new shirt, is " the
thing " before reaping. The women
never wear hats : they tie a handker-
chief under the chin, and pull it over
their eyes like a hood, folding another
several times thick on the top of their
heads, to keep off the sun.
To the east of Bagno di Casciana,
on the Colle Montanine, rises a steep
hill, called the "Rocca della Contessa
Mathilde," and of course said to have
been one of her castles. It is rather
fatiguing to get at, as, after a two
miles' drive up hill, one has to walk
another mile and a half up a rough
road to the foot of the " Rocca," which
rises like half a huge apple out of the
very top of the line of hills. The
view from the summit was magnifi-
cent ; for forty miles and more one
sees the country on every side, and
while we were standing entranced
with the landscape, an inky- black
cloud suddenly swept up from no one
knew where, and blotted Yolterra en-
tirely out of sight, while the thunder
growled ominously, and the wind rose.
It was a most impressive sight, par-
ticularly when suddenly the clouds
rolled asunder and a flash of light-
ning shot as straight as a plummer's
line down to the earth. We expected
a drenching, but the storm disappeared
as quickly as it had risen, and after
inspecting the remains of two small
round towers, a wall about three feet
high with traces of a curtain wall
beyond, and settling in our own minds
that the great countess certainly never
lived in such an eagle's nest, \ve
wended our way down hill to the
carriage. One does not see a human
creature all the way ; the only sign of
civilisation was a pile of sacks filled
with oak bark, awaiting the donkeys
who alone could face such a path.
The butterflies are numerous and very
beautiful. There was a large orange
fellow flitting about whose wings
faded off to lenion yellow j another,
very big, was the colour of a magpie's
wing, blue-black shot with green; and
one was very odd, as it seemed to fly
360
The Baths of Casciana in July.
the wrong way, having two tails to
the hind wings which looked like
antennae. I am afraid my description
is most unscientific ; all I noticed was
the great variety of butterflies and
moths, and their colours, so gorgeous
in the brilliant sunlight.
Bagni di Casciana can be reached
also from Fauglia, on the Maremma
line, about the same distance as
Pontedera, but a more hilly drive.
Fauglia is a bright, clean place, with
fine villas and country-houses in and
near it. A picturesque old church on
the outskirts of the town, stands on
the very end of a small hill ; its elegant
campanile, rather Lombard in style,
is fast going to ruin, having been
struck by lightning and shaken by the
earthquake of 1846. From Fauglia
one descends through a gorge clothed
with stunted oak, chestnut, and nut
copse ; fern, tall Mediterranean heath-
er, gum cistus and anisette forming
the undergrowth, with the familiar
yellow broom and gorse, into the valley
of the Tara, a small, brawling stream,
crossed by a good bridge. From there
begins a three-mile hill, up a capital
road, across a queer, bare country, with
great fissures and rents in it, as
though it had been torn with a large
rake. Much land has been reclaimed
and put under vine-cultivation. The
waste land is overgrown with lentisk
and wild myrtle, which scented the
warm air and glittered in the bright
sun. Larks innumerable arose as we
drove along, hovering like large moths
high in the air, and singing aloud.
To the right, lying on the slope of the
hill, is the old castle of Gello Matta-
cino, lately restored and inhabited.
There are records of a church there in
the archives of Lucca as early as 764,
and the castle used to be called Gello
delle Colline, or, " of the hills," until
a Florentine, Alessandro di Matteocini,
bought it, and gradually his name was
given to the castle and lands. A short
dip brings us near to Casciana, and
then another hill, into the Parlascio
road, whence we bowled merrily down
to the Baths.
Horses and carriages are good and
wonderfully cheap. We had a capital
mare, an open pony chaise which
would have held four, and paid at the
rate of fivepence a mile ; the houses
are fairly comfortable, and the chief
administrator of the baths, Dr.
Bimediotti, is most courteous and kind.
We found the mineral baths quite
as efficacious as Aix-les-Bains, and
witnessed some really marvellous cures
of rheumatism, gout, and paralysis.
For the information of any medical
reader I give an analysis of the waters,
done by a competent chemist : —
IN 300 LITRES.
Cubic
centimetres.
Nitrogen 444,010
Carbonic acid 967,770
SALINE MATTERS, &c.
Grammes.
Sulphate of lime 523-17
Carbonate of lime . . . 100 '35
Carbonate of magnesia . 6 '96
Carbonate of iron .... 1 '02
Sulphate of magnesium . 90 '48
Sulphate of sodium . . 127 '80
Chloride of sodium . . 7 '80
Chloride of magnesia . . 5 '40
Ammonium 0'45
Silica 11-55
Alumina 2*46
Organic matter 0-63
Eesidium of complex com-
position 878 '07
Litres.
Pure water 299 '12
Density 1, 003-02
Traces of lithia.
The water is quite limpid, and has a
peculiarly soft feeling; the skin feels
almost slimy after remaining some
time in the bath, and is stained slightly
red, owing, I suppose, to the iron.
The maximum temperature of the
water is 35°'20 (Centigrade) ; the
minimum 33°'90.
JANET Boss.
361
LOCAL UNIVERSITY COLLEGES.
THOSE whose interest in education is
keen have watched with no little
anxiety the efforts made to provide
London with a university which shall
be a teaching corporation as well as an
organisation of examiners. The move-
ment is being made none too soon.
The reproach that London University
can do nothing but examine is only
true enough to set one thinking ; we
must not be allowed to under-esti-
mate the immense part played by
systems of examination in directing
study and teaching into this channel or
that.
There is one result of incalculable
value likely to come out of the esta-
blishment of a London teaching uni-
versity ; the university as at present
constituted is in sore need of being
saved from itself. Teachers engaged
in arming students with weapons to
face the attacks of London examiners
know only too well how difficult it is
to make such preparation thorough
enough to promise any result worth
welcoming in the shape of general
intellectual strength and suppleness.
A university that both teaches and
examines soon finds this fact out ;
and the older universities and those
younger corporations which have
formed themselves on matured models
have recognised it by increasing the
number of subjects a candidate may
take, whilst reducing the number he
needs must.
But some such change in the methods
of the London organisation will be wel-
come not only to schoolmasters, who
deal with a very plastic material, capa-
ble of receiving, if not retaining long,
many diverse impressions. The boon
would also immensely lighten the
heavy burden that weighs down and
weakens the younger provincial col-
leges and embryo universities that are
struggling up the educational moun-
tain. I propose in the following notes
to call attention to the important rela-
tion borne by these institutions to the
intellectual and industrial progress of
this country, and to the peculiar diffi-
culties with which they have to
contend.
Two main tendencies have contri-
buted to their foundation and de-
velopment. First of all, the University
of London offered its valuable certifi-
cate to a very large class of students
who, owing to unfulfillable conditions
of residence or tests, were debarred
from the degrees conferred by the
Universities of Oxford and Cam-
bridge. Young men were able to
take the first grade university exami-
nations— for matriculation — after a
sufficiently comprehensive cramming
at the various high schools in London
and in the large provincial towns ;
their passage through the subsequent
stages they had, for the most part, to
manage for themselves. The particu-
lar defects attributed to this system
everybody knows. No doubt the
London University can claim as
graduates many men of more than
ordinary mark ; but post hoc is, of
course, not propter hoc, and perhaps
the system dear to London has only
failed to spoil them.
But besides this mass of unorganised
and unattached intelligence, which
London has sealed to itself, partly
welcoming as existing, partly calling
into existence, there has sprung up of
late years another body of students,
who in their turn are obeying a natu-
ral impulse in seeking some systemisa-
tion and organising bond ; these are
the nondescript elements of intellectual
life for which provision has been sought
in the various working schemes of uni-
versity extension. University exten-
362
Local University Colleges.
sion was a very natural and much-
needed movement, if only for the
purpose of supplying England with
some — even itinerant — institution at
all comparable with the university
systems of most other advanced Euro-
pean nations. When the German
Empire contains twenty-four univer-
sities, Austria nine, and Switzerland
five, surely England has not yet her
fair share.
The classes attending instruction
under the university extension scheme
include, besides genuine students to
whom books and book-labour are them-
selves subjects of real interest, many
middle-class dilettanti, to whom the
lectures are often merely a means of
relaxation ; often young women of
leisure, who are past school age and
yet are loath to rust in unbookish
domesticity ; sometimes these are sup-
ported by the presence of older ladies,
to whom a lecture often supplies a form
of intellectual amusement from which
physical infirmity or active life ordi-
narily separates them.
Now, in any generous scheme of
middle-class education, none of these,
for various reasons, can well be left
out of account. The man or woman
whose bread will have more or less
butter, according to success in some
examination for a certificate ; the intel-
ligent reader who would fain get the
guidance of some person more expe-
rienced than himself ; the young man
or woman who has carried out of
school some respect for great books
and the rarer quality of intellectual
activity ; even the older people whose
eyes are not good, or who crave some
literary or scientific discourse by double
way of reminder and rest — none of
these may be forgotten. And in these
days we have also to deal with a more
difficult and exacting person than all
these — the working man with his hun-
dred heads, who would be a much more
tractable creature for education to
tackle if only he knew himself what
he lacked.
To account for all these is the ter-
ribly various task of the provincial
university college. The professor here
cannot, like his brother tutor at
Oxford or Cambridge, confine himself
to looking over text-books, calling at-
tention to valuable notes, correcting
exercises at his leisure, and sometimes
not passing beyond the curriculum pre-
scribed by his own university. The
provincial professor has indeed to pre-
pare many of his men and women for
examinations, but he probably has to
keep in view not one or two, but a
dozen different examinations. London
itself will provide him with at least
three, the matriculation, the inter-
mediate, and the final B.A. examina-
tions ; and he will have students
reading for the same stage, but for
different dates of examination, and
therefore taking different subjects, or
at all events, reading at a different
pace. In this way he may have to
hold two different matriculation classes,
two classes for the help of intermediate
students, and an indefinite number for
those taking the highest stages.
But besides the London contingent,
he will probably have to shape his
course so as to keep in sight a certain
number of aspirants who are present-
ing themselves for this or that local
examination, senior or junior ; here and
there a candidate for a Civil Service
appointment ; and not unfrequently
young men who have left school, and
still want gentle help up to the stan-
dard of matriculation required at the
colleges of Oxford or Cambridge.
"Without doubt, too, there will be a
certain number of persons, engaged in
teaching during the day, who come to
classes in their dinner-hour at mid-
day, or to the night classes ; for it
must be understood that one of the
most important features of the work
of these colleges is the holding of
classes during the winter evenings.
In many respects these students are
the most satisfactory and, not unfre-
quently, the most intelligent of ali-
as, to be sure, we should expect in
the case of people engaged in teaching
others. As a rule, they belong to
public elementary schools, and apply
Local University Colleges.
363
themselves to this extra work, because
the School Boards supply better posts
to those who can produce the highest
certificates of proficiency in learning.
Although most people are beginning
to be satisfactorily aware of the truth
that a man may carry a high degree
and yet be an inefficient teacher,
School Boards in large towns, to
whom the fact is of vital importance,
are among the last to recognise it and
carry its lessons into practice. A
little less examining, however, a little
less driving to secure a good return in
marks and passes, a little more time
allowed to the unfortunate teachers to
add to his or her stock of knowledge,
would not seriously injure schools
under their charge, if, indeed, it would
not bring them to the fulfilment of
their daily tasks with more healthy
vigour of body and soul.
Occasionally an over-worked and
over-inspected elementary teacher is
found venturesome enough to scale
the heights of learning for the sake of
the finer air he hopes to breathe there,
rather than for the "decoration"
which is the load-star of most climb-
ers. This, however, is to be the spirit
of all elementary schoolmasters in the
happy future awaiting them, under the
results of Mr. Mundella's efforts for
their improvement. The right honour-
able gentleman is reported to have
said at the first annual meeting of the
Teachers' Guild of Great Britain and
Ireland, " that he agreed there should
be an opportunity for the transition of
the accomplished teacher to a higher
position than the elementary schools,
and he had done the best he could to
open out a career for the elementary
teacher. . . . the elementary teacher
should have a better training and
larger and more liberal education than
he had received up to the present ; he
should come more into contact with
university men, and he should obtain
some of the advantages which the uni-
versities of this country and of Scot-
land could afford for the services of the
teacher." In the meantime it would
be well if the Committee of Council
on Education could see its way to
shortening the hours exacted un-
necessarily from elementary teachers
for the sake of getting high percent-
ages of classes, and if it could allow
and encourage them to use without loss
to their own pockets the educational
appliances ready to their hands in the
local university colleges.
In certain centres, it is found that
these local colleges are useful additions
to the teaching capabilities of institu-
tions specially theological. At Firth
College, for instance, an important Con-
gregationalist college, thirty minutes
distant by rail, gets its classics, mo-
dern languages, science, and mathe-
matics ; and a local college of the New
Connection Methodists sends its stu-
dents there for classics. How much
this means can really be understood
only by those whose work brings them
into close contact with men who are
preparing for ministerial appointments
in dissenting bodies. As a rule, of
course, theological colleges belonging
to the Church of England are mostly
of old foundation, and in possession of
endowed wealth that enables them to
provide within their own walls for the
arts training of their men. But out-
side these latter it is very hard to find
any great excellence even in the dead
languages among students of theology.
The sceptre is certainly in the hands
of the Church. It is hardly necessary
to point out — for reasons which it is
not the purpose of this paper to
examine — that most of the clergy of
the Established Church are drawn
from classes of higher social status
than the ministers of dissenting bodies,
and the most obvious consequence of
this is, that candidates for admission
into dissenting ministries are less
well drilled in classics, as in other
things, than candidates for ordination
in the National Church — some less
than others. To such men local col-
leges bid fair to be of the utmost use ;
at all events they should there find
their sympathies and culture consider-
ably quickened. The professors at such
colleges are mostly men from Oxford
364
Local University Colleges.
or Cambridge, who very probably have
a wholesome faith in the methods and
traditions of the old homes of learning
to which they are themselves indebted,
and it is natural that they should try
to reproduce these under the altered
conditions required in busy manu-
facturing towns.
Some of the theological students, I
have said, present themselves already
better equipped for work than others.
Indeed the greatest possible variety
exists. In the first place, connection
differs from connection ; in one you
will have men of a clearly higher social
grade than in another, and for teach-
ing purposes this must often be taken
to determine their intellectual standard
as well. The conditions under which
men are selected must naturally result
in most striking contrasts in regard
to intellectual qualifications. The first
recommendation of a candidate for a
license is the power to preach, and
there will be no suspicion of irony in
the reminder that great mental polish
is not necessary to a fervent and effec-
tive preacher. Now, to meet such
cases as these, most local colleges have
found it necessary to form classes for
persons wishing to begin at the very
beginning, with /jiova-a and mensa them-
selves : and here the teacher is met
with a very curious and serious diffi-
culty. He is sure to have in his class
two or three — may be more — with
whom the beginning is at the begin-
ning in very truth ; they have to be
accustomed to the altogether (to them)
strange fact of accidentic and syntactic
differentiation of languages. Boys who
begin to learn Latin and Greek when
very young are never troubled with
this difficulty, or, if it occurs, as it
may perhaps somewhere in the vague
wonder-world of youth, it is not
noticed and passes away. But a grown
man, just being introduced to the
study, cannot be expected to appre-
hend idiomatic difference without great
mental effort, and the more conscien-
tious he is, the greater will his diffi-
culties be. This notable fact will go
far to explain the greater readiness
and plasticity which distinguishes such
people as the Welsh. Accustomed to
differences of idiom owing to the
necessities of bilingual life, to them
the apprehension of a new language
is nothing more than another acqui-
sition in a series of similar mental
efforts ; it is not an effort quite different
from everything else in their mental
experience. For like reasons, Board
School examiners have observed how
much more easily languages are ac-
quired and their theories mastered by
the children of the great Jewish set-
tlement in the east of London. Most
of these are of German or Polish
origin, and many know something
more of Hebrew than is necessary for
the understanding of their copious
daily prayers ; therefore English or
any other language is easily acquired.
In considering the relations of these
colleges to national education, we must
first note the important bearing of
"founders' intentions." Most of the
founders had it in their minds to do
something for the great mass of middle-
class people who were (they supposed)
craving for the light of learning. There
must be very many men, thought they,
who will gladly attend, at all events,
evening classes in physical and moral
science, in modern or " dead " lan-
guages. It is not found, I imagine,
that these sanguine and kindly hopes
have been generally fulfilled. In the
institution with which the writer of
this article is most familiar, such stu-
dents have been conspicuously few.
We may not say, as the late Mr.
W. E. Greg would probably have
said, that such is the case because
that kind of fool, with the zealous
clerk who studied Cocker in the even-
ing, is dying out. He never really
flourished in any great abundance ;
nor has the wise man of the " middle-
class " given study a sufficiently serious
trial to justify his consigning it, with
other vanities, to the fools. The con-
spicuous few known to the writer have
certainly not addled their brains, after
the probable fashion of Mr. Greg's
clerk ; indeed, the regular though little
Local University Colleges.
365
time devoted to st\idy has given
them, as might have been expected,
pleasant relaxation, with the addi-
tional grace and advantage that, being
pursued for its own sake and for no
material gain, it has brought the ap-
propriate gifts of knowledge and re-
finement. But these, I say, are the
few, the very few. The tradesman
will certainly not spend many of his
evenings at the local college, and the
working man is even less likely to do
so. In the first place, many employ-
ments are so exhausting that mental
strain out of working hours would do
much more harm than good ; and this
surmise is well borne out by the fact
that a far greater number of working
men and women present themselves in
districts where the work is more seden-
tary than in districts, like Sheffield,
where the staple industries tax
physical strength to the utmost. It
may be very safely laid down that the
several local colleges will find their
working-men students fewer in pro-
portion to the " heaviness " of the local
trades, and that of students who do
come from the working classes there
will rarely be many from the heaviest
crafts. The class of small shopkeepers
and others who have sundry oppor-
tunities of looking into books, generally
produces a few good students ; for, odd
as it may seem, here and there an
English shopkeeper will sometimes
filch a few minutes from his counter,
like the Mussulman tradesman who
says his prayers in the intervals of
rest that occur in the process of bar-
gaining with an obstinate customer.
Of course there are many other
points to be considered in relation to
the question as it affects technical
teaching : this subject has its special
difficulties. Let us for the present see
under what conditions the local col-
leges bring the best gifts of the old
universities to those who cannot go to
the fountain-heads.
It may be expected that local col-
leges are not without their enemies,
and these are of two chief kinds.
Before all, the part of enemy has not
unfrequently been played by friends.
Founders themselves have occasionally
dealt hardly with their foundations.
We saw above the various classes of
persons to whom the university col-
leges were to bring help, but we have
not yet considered the subjects which
such institutions were to teach. The
university lecturers under the univer-
sity extension schemes of course taught
what the university had taught them ;
a very large part, therefore, of the
lecturing was on " literary " subjects.
Many local colleges, accordingly, the
foundation of which was suggested by
the success of the extension lecturers,
determined to make provision for the
continuance of such teaching, and to
extend the privilege of being taught
to Latin and Greek, as subjects not
without some literary interest. But
at least one important local institution
was founded " to the exclusion of mere
literary education and instruction,"
and accordingly Latin and Greek were
without further ceremony refused re-
cognition in the college "courses."
But it was at last discovered that
Latin and Greek had other claims be-
sides those peculiar to literary antiqui-
ties, and now (except when the instruc-
tion is entirely technical) Latin and
Greek are taught in every college.
One of the most obstinate foes of
these institutions is occasionally the
employer of labour, who is irritated
to think that culture, which he himself
may have acquired unaided, should be
offered at so low a price to his work-
men. If we dismiss this kind of op-
ponent at once from consideration we
shall give him no less than his deserts;
he may go with those who discourage
elementary education out of terror
Jest there should be no one, at the end
of time, left to black their boots. The
stars in their courses fight on the other
side ; facts and natural laws are against
them. It is satisfactory to note that
where the education of employes has
been actively and systematically
promoted by managers, employers have
often been demonstrably the richer
for it.
366
Local University Colleges.
But the lukewarmness and even
active opposition of workmen them-
selves is a much more serious matter.
Efforts have been made on behalf of
local colleges in sundry places to win
the sympathy of the trades unionists,
or rather of their guiding spirits. It
might naturally be supposed that these
societies would understand their own
interests to be bound up with the in-
terests of the education of their class,
an d that whatever advantage they might
gain would remain theirs only so long
as they knew how to keep it. But no ;
they regard university colleges for the
most part as gift horses of more than
uncertain mouths ; the Greeks may
bring gifts, but your Trojans will have
none of them.
For what does not appreciably and
at once affect their stomachs or their
pockets the stolid and ignorant care
not at all ; the wiseacres, for their
part, shrewdly suspect that they have
here merely cunningly-contrived en-
gines of secret oppression.
In a certain institution, with the
working of which the writer of these
notes is familiar, an energetic princi-
pal thought it well to invite the heads
of the local trades' unions to a con-
ference for the purpose of securing
their interest with their fellows on
behalf of the local college. In the
course of conversation he pointed out
the possible value of lectures on English
history to workmen whose intelligent
co-operation indicated, he thought, an
inquiring spirit. But the sages shook
their heads, and their spokesman
pointed out "that there had already
been too much English history, and
that it was all going to be undone."
This was not promising, and, indeed,
the conference was followed by a cor-
responding result — nothing.
I may be allowed to call attention
to the following abstract from the
Report of the Royal Commission on
Technical Instruction (vol. i. page 525)
to show how the commissioners were
struck by the apathy of the working
classes. " Your commissioners fear
that the belief in the efficacy of train-
ing of this highest character is, in Eng-
land, at present, small amongst those
whom it will ultimately benefit ; and
yet there are few countries in which
so many investigations have been
made, the practical bearings of which
were not at the outset apparent, but
which have in the end led to the most
important practical results. The dis-
covery by Faraday of magneto-electri-
city, and by Joule of the mechanical
equivalent of heat, at once occurred as
examples. The Englishman is ac-
customed to seek for an immediate
return ; and has yet to learn that an
extended and systematic education up
to and including the methods of origi-
nal research, is now a necessary pre-
liminary to the fullest development of
industry. It is, amongst other ele-
ments of progress, to the gradual but
sure growth of public opinion in this
direction that your commissioners look
for the means of securing to this
country in the future, as in the past,
the highest position as an industrial
nation."
The founders of most local colleges
seem to have fallen into the very great
error of not interesting the people
themselves in the work as proprietors.
Generous men have lavished large sums
on buildings without coming directly to
the people they wish chiefly to benefit,
and asking them to share in the work
by sparing some little from their own
pockets. This has been a great mis-
take, and the mistake lies just in the
point that the "lower" classes have
been allowed to regard these institu-
tions as eleemosynary, as free gifts from
their betters. It has never been pro-
perly made clear to them, for some
reason or other, that though the gifts
are mostly free gifts yet they are
merely encouragements to them to
help themselves. Let them be asked
to contribute ever so little. Men love
nothing so well as what they spend
their pains and money on.
In England, unfortunately, we can-
not appeal to any keen national senti-
ment of competition in the matter of
education; Wales is luckier. Not
Local University Colleges.
367
only can it, in the interests of education,
make successful raids on the public
purse, but it justifies itself by pro-
ducing ready money itself for the
same wise end. The quarrymen of
Penrhyn found scholarships ; bursaries
are made up out of farthing subscrip-
tions.
Human nature is differently, and
perhaps better understood in Holland
than in England and Wales, or even
France and Belgium. In Holland
there is positively no room for the
scholars at the evening classes in most
of the great towns. The Dutch autho-
rities, however, make their students
pay 13s. 4:d. per semester, as they
think " that the pupils place a greater
value on the instruction for which
they have to pay."
It will be very readily understood
that there is no local university col-
lege that does not make provision for
technical education, adapted in each
case to supply the best possible help
to the industries of the districts served.
One would think that in these days
there is hardly need of demonstration
to prove the value of such teaching in
a country whose prosperity depends on
the excellence of its manufactures ;
but all speakers and writers on the
subject of technical education in Eng-
land must needs take up the apologetic
or justificatory tone, for in this
country the recommendations of tech-
nical teaching have yet to meet with
adequate success.
We may not be unfamiliar with
reflections on the evils effected by
machinery, but, machinery or no, we
must understand machinery, and
understand well, if we are to live ;
moreover, other things are taught in
technical schools besides the construc-
tion and manipulation of machines.
If industrial processes are to be im-
proved, they must be understood ; and
rule of thumb has done its best. It is
not unusual to hear rule of thumb
extolled, and therefore it is not out of
place here to reckon the prejudice it
embodies as a serious difficulty in the
way of technical schools in districts
where one might have looked for better
things. Manufacturers of the " old
school " assert that rule of thumb has
done well enough for them, and must
serve for their children ; but less than
a generation will be needed to show
that it is a rival ill-fitted to contend
with modern science. Bradford, for
instance, is well to the fore in technical
teaching, and the Royal Commissioners
saw there " merinos manufactured and
finished in this country, which would
bear comparison in texture and in
colour with the best of those of the
French looms and dye-houses," and,
" in the delicate fabrics of Nottingham
and Macclesfield (thanks, in great
measure, to their local school of art) we
no longer rely on France for designs "
(vol. i. page 507). This is very
strong testimony, and those who are
most confident of the value of the old
methods will do well to remember that
the prosperity which has made the
wealth of England famous, is not due
merely to the excellence of the work
done, but in very large measure to a
number of economic and physical con-
ditions which are now the property of
all our rivals, because of the very
facilities of intercourse which our good
luck and enterprise have placed at the
world's disposal.
On the other hand, there is a reason-
able apprehension in the mind of the
employer of labour that in promoting
the cause of technical education he is
pickling a rod for his own back.
There is justice in this ; ultimately, no
doubt, the best man will win. But
little is gained by barring the progress
of rational improvement if one of the
inevitable effects of such attempts is to
leave the market in the hands of the
foreign producer. Peter, to be sure,
is robbed, but Paul is still unpaid.
The obviously best plan is, of course,
not to be last in the race, and our
continental friends seem to be well
alive to it, for the Royal Commis-
sioners already quoted " cannot repeat
too often that they have been impressed
with the general intelligence and
technical knowledge of the masters
368
Local University Colleges.
and managers of industrial establish-
ments on the Continent. They have
found that these persons, as a rule,
possess a sound knowledge of the
sciences upon which their industry
depends. They are familiar with every
new scientific discovery of importance,
and appreciate its applicability to their
special industry. They adopt not only
the inventions and improvements made
in their own country, but also those of
the world at large — thanks to their
knowledge of foreign languages and of
the conditions of manufacture pre-
valent elsewhere." At Wurtemberg
the Commissioners found that em-
ployers take so much interest in the
night-schools that they are supplied
with registers of attendance to see
whether their apprentices are diligently
" improving themselves." Employers
and parents gladly co-operate to secure
the attendance of the apprentices, and
when one absents himself without due
cause, the employer expects to be
informed of the fact.
There is yet another direction in
which local university colleges are
doing work which ought to be useful,
though it is odd that the facts are by
no means always readily recognised in
quarters to which one would have
naturally looked for instant approba-
tion. The giving of " popular lectures "
at nominal charges for admission has,
in many places, been a very great
success. The local institution is often
fortunate enough to secure the hon-
orary services of distinguished men of
science or letters, and in some towns
these lectures for the people have
attracted huge crowds. Elsewhere,
owing, without doubt, to local causes,
the lectures have been given to
audiences in which the working-class
element has been so small as to have
been conspicuous. In some towns
there is a kind of tradition that makes
lecture-going a popular amusement ;
in others, those who would be most
welcome at popular lectures, the people,
are notoriously shy.
It has suggested itself to some
persons actively engaged in organis-
ing such matters that from religious
teachers and preachers of the people,
local university colleges do not always
receive the support to which they are
fairly entitled, considered merely as
adjuncts and aids to the reforming
work of the clergy. This is by no
means entirely the fault of the clergy
themselves. In some cases, perhaps,
the courtesies due to the old custodians
of national education have not been
remembered, and the necessary exclu-
sion of divinity from the curricula, for
the sake of concord, has not always,
may be, been effected very gracefully
or even unostentatiously. But clergy-
men will surely do well to welcome in
university colleges, especially in regard
to their " popular " work, very power-
ful allies in the war against ignorance
and class-isolation and selfishness.
The absolute exclusion of theology is
inevitable ; it is not yet generally
regarded as possible, with all deference
to Professor Bryce, to have chairs of
unsectarian divinity even in the older,
and therefore wiser, universities.
In dealing unconsciously with class-
isolation, university colleges are likely
to have considerable influence ; they
are helping to break down class
barriers by the best, the only good
means possible. It does not, of course,
very often happen that young men
come thither to prepare for Oxford or
Cambridge, but it is not very un-
common. Nor, on the other hand, is
it to be expected that the new colleges
shall take the place and do the work of
higher-grade schools. On the contrary,
the local colleges must be fed by the
schools ; receiving from them those
pupils who for various reasons do not
go into residence at Oxford or Cam-
bridge or other great universities.
This ought to be their chief aim ; it is
only an accident that they have now
very generally to perform the duties
of Mechanics' Institutes on behalf of
men and women beginning from the
beginning. But in discharging all
these various functions, they attract
people of every social rank, and so do
in the midst of busy industrial life
Local University Colleges.
369
what Oxford and Cambridge during
the last half-century have been doing
in true academic retirement. A
university where men do not meet in
the lecture-room, and at social gather-
ings, open to all alike as students, is
a university only in name ; it may
examine well ; its degrees may be
valuable guarantees of capacity ; but
to smooth social differences, to rub
off angles, it does little indeed. The
London University has given the
testimonial of its parentage to men of
all creeds and classes ; but they have
left their unsympathetic alma mater
without knowing anything of their
foster-brothers ; without any sympathy
for new interests communicated in
social intercourse ; without any soften-
ing of prejudices or kindlier toleration
for forms of opinion before unknown
and unwelcome.
Again, notable contribution should
be made by local colleges towards
solving whatever remains of the pro-
blem of female education. It is now
very generally conceded that, if only
on grounds of fair play, women so
minded should have the same educa-
tional chances as men ; those who
think women will achieve and maintain
solid ground of their own are glad
that there is a prospect of justice being
done, and the battle going to the
strong ; those who think that the sex,
hitherto considered weaker, will suffer
severely in the struggle, must get
what consolation they can from the
reflection that only the fit will survive.
In many classes the bulk of the
students are women, usually young
women, some of them working for the
sake of their subjects, some mainly
with a view to passing examinations.
Men, unless reading with some special
end, or giving all their time to pre-
paration for professions in which
"learning " is of some account, do not
come in great numbers to classes held
in the day-time. On the other hand,
the night students are mainly men.
The reasons for this are many. In the
first place, it is obvious that women
will prefer attendance at classes which
No. Oil. — VOL. LIT.
do not require them to leave their
homes at night ; the male students, on
the other hand, have often to spend
their day in manufactories, warehouses,
and shops, and are glad to change
their atmosphere at night. Again,
the fees for the day courses are higher
than those required for attendance at
the evening courses, so that many who
would hesitate to spend the full day
fee are well able to pay the very small
sum that secures admission to night
instruction. Besides, the day classes
meet twice a week, and the night
classes usually once only ; and it is
found that • the preparation required
for this one lesson is quite as much as
the average night-student can manage.
But whether the classes meet during
the day or in the evening, the women
are certainly better than the men ; not
only are individual women superior to
individual men, but the female students
at local colleges are on the whole
intellectually higher than men who
there take like subjects. A little
reflection, however, will show the
naturalness of this. The women are
picked women, the best of their sex ;
the men are mostly of the ordinary
sort. Had the women students been
men, they would have been at Oxford
or Cambridge. If, therefore, com-
parisons are to be made, the women
students at local colleges must be
matched against honour men at the
universities. But even under these
conditions of rivalry they will hold
their own, and it is just because the
local college gives such women some-
thing of a university, which they
would lack without such provision,
that it has a very strong claim on
those who profess to be anxious in the
cause of female education. For various
reasons women will not be able to
fulfil the conditions fulfilled by men at
Oxford and Cambridge, not to the end
of time ; but we may hope that local
colleges will gradually be recognised
as giving them a chance of the best
intellectual exercise, whilst not depriv-
ing them of the more valuable domestic
training to which they have hitherto
370
Local University Colleges.
(as it is usually supposed) been gener-
ally confined. The fact that the
women's colleges at Oxford and Cam-
bridge are too small for the numbers
of matriculating students is proof
enough of the utility of the new
scheme which allows women to be at
least examined, although it still leaves
virtue to be its own chief reward. So
far, local colleges are not inefficient,
but, of course, residence in or near
university towns places within the
reach of students the best academical
help available.
From the foregoing notes the reader
will probably be struck, first, by the
great want of system in our schemes
of national education, and then, by the
chaotic state of those agencies whose
business it is to provide for the higher
instruction of the classes below those
who are able to use the great univer-
sities. From this may be seen clearly
enough the severity of the task imposed
on local university colleges, and
should, gain for them the sympathy,
and something more, of all those who
wish well to education in England.
At present university colleges are
trying to perform most incongruous
duties ; they are mechanics' institutes,
tutorial agencies, universities, tech-
nical schools. So much is expected of
them, and they have usually so little
money, that some, at least, of their
work must be badly done ; and what is
well done is done with a great expen-
diture of effort, sometimes on puny
tasks. The advanced subjects of
" arts," in the academical sense, are
necessary ; the highest technical teach-
ing is necessary ; and these should be
separately provided for. But adequate
provision there will never be until, on
the one hand, the English people
generally recognise the value of some
training in letters, and until, on the
other hand, both employers and
employed are agreed in seeing the
interests of all furthered, if not recon-
ciled, in schools of national industry.
371
RURAL ROADS.
THERE are certain patents, or rather
copyrights, which it would be a blunder
verging on crime to infringe. The sight-
seeing of the British isles must be left
to our American cousins ; charioteer-
ing chronicles to the cosmopolitan
millionaire, or members of the Four-
in-Hand Club, and the discovery of new
holiday haunts to the legions of enter-
prising tourists, whose most difficult
problem at present is how to get out
of each other's way. The " log " of a
bond fide traveller who has occasion to
trot leisurely through the rural roads
of half a dozen counties in our native
land must be acquitted of any rash
ambition to compete with these esta-
blished literary properties ; but it is
not claiming too much for the British
isles to say that within the length and
breadth of them no continuous stretch
of 150 miles can be traversed without
pleasure and some kind of instruction,
most likely unforeseen ; and if the
chapter of accidents puts such a stretch
of road within our reach, the invita-
tion to follow it should not be
neglected.
A glance at Bradshaw's map will
show that, notwithstanding the de-
velopment of railway enterprise, there
is no direct route from the north-west
corner of Hampshire to the south-west
end of Lincolnshire, so that if a horse,
trap, and human appendages have to
be conveyed from one point to the
other, it is economically possible to
prefer the road to a day's rail round
the corner through London. It is the
second week in June, but owing to the
late spring the hawthorn is still only
in its prime ; the buttercups in the
Hampshire meadows make a broader
and brighter sheet of gold than usual,
and the little villages which nestle
mostly in cosy, wooded hollows, round
about the " neat and solid market
town " of Andover, still justify Cob-
bett's assertion that " this country has
its beauties, though so open," and we
must now add, so turnip-ridden. Sixty
years since, Cobbett's harangues to the
farmers were among the attractions of
the great October fair at Weyhill,
which he describes as " a village of
half a dozen houses on a down, just
above Appleshaw." It is not much
larger now, but the fair buildings,
long, low sheds, with chalk walls and
slate roofs, separated by green lanes,
with down outside, and a picturesque
ex-inn and farm-house in the centre,
give a curious individuality to the
place.
The weather is cloudy, and we only
start at six P.M., intending to sleep at
Newbury, after a short stage of six-
teen miles. Weyhill is known paro-
chially as Penton Graf ton, and part of
the parish belongs geographically to
the neighbouring village of Penton
Mewsey, through which we start.
Penton is not on the high road, and
we follow lanes that meander gently
right and left, up and down, with a
leisurely, rustic slouch. A couple
of miles brings us to a little corner
public house ; one boy represents the
population of five cross lanes ; presently
we find ourselves on the high road
from Andover to Newbury ; here are
milestones, mostly illegible, an unin-
habited turnpike hut, two labourers
going home from work, one wayside
cottage, a country parson and a gig
crawling up the hill down which our
old horse prefers to zig-zag cautiously.
The rain lifts, and only the distant
views of Berkshire hills are spoilt ; the
brown atmosphere seems to harmonise
with the silence ; all the hedge that is
not snowy white is a moist, feathery
green, uncontaminated by shears and
bill-hook, and even without the shadow
of the wood upon the right, one might
mistake these rural solitudes for the
lotus eater's paradise, a land of long,
lazy, drifting, through silent fragrant
afternoons.
Five miles from Andover we come
B B 2
372
Rural Roads.
to Hurstborne Tarrant, again a fa-
vourite haunt of Cobbett, though he
prefers the local and corrector pronunci-
ation of Up-husband, a largish village
with near 900 inhabitants. "Wages
here in 1822 were 6s. weekly ; in the
same part of the country they are now
12s., but children no longer go to work
at six or eight, so that the man with a
"long family" has gained in money
wages perhaps half-a-crown. They
have thus increased in the interval by
about a halfpenny per annum, a truly
magnificent pace of progress, at which
rate, if continued 300 years heuce,
Hodge will be earning just about the
621. per annum which Cobbett calcu-
lated to be sufficient to find a labourer's
family in home-grown bread, meat, and
beer, without any such new-fangled
luxuries as tea, school-pence, or pota-
toes. Perhaps, as Beranger says —
" Celles-ci sont pour 1'an trois mil, ainsi
soit-il ! "
More copse and hedges. A steep
pull up the ridge which culminates in
Beacon and Sidown Hills, above Lord
Carnarvon's Park. The famous rhodo-
dendrons of High Clere are in bloom,
but we pass by on the other side,
through the village, the third and last
upon the road to Newbury, which we
reach, through its modest fringe of
villas, about half-past eight. The little
town is strange to us, and we seek
guidance from an opportune police-
man, and though the discreet guardian
of the public peace looks as if, like the
undergraduate pressed to discriminate
between the major and minor pro-
phets, he " liked not to make invidious
distinctions," we gather from him
that it will be on the safe side to " put
up " at the White Hart. But for the
quarterly utterance of the church
clock, the paved market-place is as
silent as the hedgerows through the
nights.
These first fifteen miles were not by
any means the most solitary of the
road before us, but they happen to
be those as to which it is easiest to
" quantify " the impression we receive
of traversing a scantily peopled
country. It would be troublesome to
ascertain for the whole distance the
exact acreage of every parish traversed,
but for these sixteen miles the popula-
tion in a strip of country averaging
about a mile and four-fifths wide along
the road, averages about seventy-seven
to the square mile. The soil is not
poor ; the land is almost entirely in-
closed, is all cultivable and apparently all
cultivated, except the pleasure-grounds
at Doleswood and High Clere. Whether
under these circumstances the above
population can be considered normal
in a civilised and crowded country
may be judged from the fact that the
general average for Great Britain is
289 to the square mile ; the average in
Ireland before the famine was 249 ;
that of Bengal is 440 ; that of the
eastern province of China, including
the great plain, is 458 ; while three of
the most populous of these provinces,
with an area half as large again as
Great Britain and Ireland, had, at the
beginning of the century, an average
of nearly 750 to the square mile.
Unless our agricultural labourers are
ten times as well off as John Chinaman
we must have a good deal to learn in
the way of rural economy ; and, un-
fortunately, it is an open question
whether the agricultural labourer is even
as well off with us as he is (except in
famine years) in the land of Mencius,
where the test of good government has
always been, that the aged agricul-
turalist is able to " eat flesh and wear
silk," the latter of course for warmth,
not ostentation. Most of the villages
we reach have a stationary or declining
population, and as Cobbett's personal
experience of so many different coun-
ties gave a similar result, except about
the then modest little town of London,
it is easy to understand his disbelief in
the return of the second and third census
(1811 and 1821), which represented
the population of the whole country
as increasing. With all his hatred of
the " war," he hardly realised how many
villages could be emptied into it with-
out making much impression on its
apparent size.
The next day's journey must take
Rural Roads.
373
in fifty-six miles to Banbury, so an
early start is prudent. A. pretty
chambermaid keeps exemplary faith,
and we are off at seven, through a
quiet downpour suggestive of one of
the few weather proverbs that experi-
ence justifies rather oftener than not.
" Rain before seven, fine before eleven "
in this case meant dry by nine and
sunny by noon, and for the rest of the
way we had only to congratulate our-
selves on the showers which had laid
the dust and cooled the roads for three
days ahead. A shady road leads out
of Newbury through Domington vil-
lage ; not being sightseers we leave
the castle of that ilk on our left, cross
the Lambourn on its way to join the
Kennet, pass an old road-side inn
dedicated to the Fox and Hounds,
catch a glimpse of Chievely church
and village on the left, and admire a
long row of laburnum trees in full
flower which some one has planted
alternately with firs along a sloping
meadow top. No hay is cut or carry-
ing ; one threshing machine is at
work, but John opines that if the
farmer has been holding back for a
rise he is likely to be disappointed
when he gets to market. About six
miles from Newbury, with thedisregard
for horseflesh common to English road
makers, we charge straight up and down
Beedon hill.a round outwork of the Berk-
shire downs, avoiding the village which
lies on a by road at the western foot.
On the north side of Beedon Hill
we descend upon the interesting and
picturesque village of Market Ilsley,
where sheep and lamb fairs are held
fortnightly for several months. The
village lies in the hollow between
Beedon Hill and the range of downs
which stretches west above the vale
of the "White Horse to Ashdown.
Half the village street is taken up
en permanence with the sheep pens re-
quired for the recurring fairs or
markets, and the adaptation of the
whole village to a special and unusual
purpose gives it the same half exotic
air in Weyhill, which it also resem-
bles in the number of its public-
houses — there are seven inns besides
beer-shops to a population under 600
— and in the presence of racing stables,
brought by the fact that the grass of
this down furnishes the best exer-
cising ground for young horses. We
had determined at starting to follow
the custom of Swiss and Italian
vetturini, and make two short halts
in the morning and afternoon, as well
as the longer one at mid-day, and at
Ilsley horse and man tried the hospi-
tality of one of the seven inns while
the driver strolled up to the Ridgeway.
Flocks of sheep were grazing in
hurdled inclosures under the slope,
the clouds were breaking, and gleams
of sunlight flitted over the country,
resting, as it seemed, by preference
on the little market-place. The
summit of the hill is open, and as
lovely a bit of down as one need wish
to see. The dim grass track of the
Ridgeway stretches alluringly to the
west, and it would be a sacrifice to
remain in sight of the high road but
for a copse or thicket on either side of
it. Here the gorse in flower, with
hawthorn trees in the midst, made a
perfect group with earth and sky ;
the delicate green, gold, and white —
hues fit for fairy-land — harmonise and
blend with each other and the land-
scape, with a look of naturalness as
well as beauty that the best arrange-
ment of the best horticulturalists never
quite come up to. It is not by acci-
dent that primroses, wood anemones
and violets, cowslips and purple orchises,
wildrose and honeysuckle, loosestrife
and meadowsweet, and many another
floral pair, not only grow together, but
set off each other's beauty as they do so.
Nature's groupings are the best in our
eyes, not merely because they are
natural, but also because our eyes
have not yet altogether unlearnt the
unconscious lessons of primeval life
by which man adapts his taste to
what is best in nature instead of
adapting nature to what is worst in
man. The inhabitants of the village,
it is said, have the right of cutting
furze upon the downs, but inclosures
have crept up so far that the privilege
cannot be worth much.
374
Rural Roads.
As the crow flies, the Thames, just
below Moulsford, is only six or seven
miles off, but the view due east is
blocked by the shoulder of the down,
and the open country, watered by the
obscure streamlets which debouch into
the Thames at Abingdon, has no more
charm than belongs to every wide
outlook over cultivated land. A pond
and farm-house betoken the neighbour-
hood of the little village of Chiltern,
which, like three villages out of every
four, stands off the high road. About
seven miles from Ilsley we cross the
Great Western Railway by Steventon
station and village, the latter of which,
no doubt, owes to the presence of the
former the fact that its population is
slightly on the increase. As if to
assure us that, after all, the plains of
merrie England are a little more
populous than the Spliigen, we find
the village street beyond the gate of
the level crossing engaged in the wild
dissipation which betokens a "club
feast." There is a small booth by the
wayside, and a red-coat is having a
shy at " Aunt Sally ; " fathers of
families, in their Sunday best, saunter
up by twos and threes ; and a flag is
flying at the inn, where the proceed-
ings will terminate with the usual
minimum of benefit to the club
funds. Steventon, however, rejoices
in attractions more permanent than
those of Aunt Sally. On the Abingdon
side the road passes through what at
first sight seems only an unusually
large and pretty village green, but a
second glance shows that the avenue
of tall trees around it belongs to the
green and edges a raised path, like
those along the Oxford meadows, skirt-
ing the green. Admiration is mixed
with wonder, for we seldom meet a
village seised of such a pretty bit of
landed property. On inquiry it seems
that a trust fund, somewhat under
40£. per annum, has been bequeathed
for keeping up the causeway and
avenues; but while such pretty pos-
sessions are the exception, and the
custom of the country is to do without
them, their owners will not know
what to do with them, and accordingly
we find the wild festivities of Steventon
going on in the street, with as little
picturesqueness as if no founder and
benefactor had ever thought of its
pleasures. After this the road passes
through Drayton village, and in four
miles reaches Abingdon. It is only
on entering and leaving a town that
any question as to the route arises.
From Abingdon to Oxford there is a
choice, and in following the high road
we come in by Christchurch instead
of over Magdalen bridge. The number
of notices to trespassers about Bagly
Wood and elsewhere suggests that we
are in the neighbourhood either of
peculiarly illiberal landlords or a very
destructive native population. We
reach Oxford at noon, but these
centres of civilisation concern us not.
Along the Banbury Road we see
some haymaking at last, and the scent
of bean-fields is in the air. For a mile
or so beyond Summerstown a few
nurses and children, and further on a
youth or two, taking their constitu-
tionals on wheels, break the transition.
We touch the corner of the straggling
village of Kidlington, and then the
road settles down into the pretty
agricultural solitude which we are
learning to look upon as the traveller's
right. Road-side trees, rare in Hamp-
shire, grow steadily commoner as we
proceed, their shade the welcomer as the
sky clears ; but one cannot have every-
thing at once, and with them we lose
a type of road which at least once a
year is full of charm ; it is edged with
turf on either side, and the wheat or
turnip-fields are almost shut out of
sight by the hedge of branching haw-
thorn, seldom less than ten or twelve
feet high. Tackley parish produces
" Sturdy Castle," an old junction inn,
where the high road forks to Wood-
stock ; but in Steeple Aston we find a
better half-way house, owned by a
farmer and still called " Hopcroft's
Holt," after some ancient occupier of
equal wisdom. This is the typical or
rather the ideal way-side inn, quiet and
white and neat, with flowers before the
porch and a little parlour, which is
also the family's best sitting-room,
Rural Roads.
375
commanding a still and pleasant view
of the copse and finger-post where four
unfrequented roads diverge ; here, at
least, between five and six the wayfarer
may rejoice in afternoon tea (though
even then bread and cheese will be
proffered first) and either try his hand
at a well- bound novel, dedicated in
1830 to the newly confessed " author
of Waverley," or meditate on the con-
firmation given by our village inns to
the thesis of England's uninhabited
estate. Some of these little hostelries
are pretty and pleasant enough to com-
pare with ought of their size in Switz-
erland or Bavaria or the Black
Forest ; but their pleasantness is in no
case supported or suggested by the
custom which they receive. "Pis not
for guests or customers that flowers
are set in the window and sweet peas
trained up the door. If mine host
and his womenfolk come of a comfort-
able stock acccustomed to these
amenities, the inn will have the homely
prettiness of a country farm ; if not, the
farmer and his nag will respectively
eat and drink in due season, the
waggoner will stop to bait and Hodge
turn in to swallow silently as much
beer as his meagre budget will admit ;
and more exacting customers are too
few to count. If the inn looks prosper-
ous, the odds are that the landlord is
a farmer, or, may be, postmaster and
tailor as well, or, as in Deddington
just ahead, a blacksmith or a butcher,
or sperhaps, proprietor of the mowing
or threshing machine which serves the
district. Civilised travellers will be-
ware of the man who lives by beer
alone and the effective demand for
bread and cheese, to say nothing of
bacon, is evidently inadequate to evoke
a constant supply.
At six o'clock the best of the
summer evening is before us ; the low
hill en the right, with the churches of
Steeple Aston and North Aston,
shields the road which presently crosses
the little river Swere, and climbs the hill
to Deddington, once a market town
now in appearance a rather overgrown
village, and not the worse for that,
since English villages are generally
pretty, and small English towns almost
always ugly, unless their growth was
arrested a century ago. Handsome old
timbered houses survive to tell the
tale of departed glory, and a bicycle
gyrating down the hill casts a slender
ray of hope on the immediate future of
these rural roads and decaying village
inns. Deddington has under 2,000
and Adderbury under 1,500 inhabit-
ants ; they are only two miles apart
and not unlike in situation, having
each a hill and each a stream, and
each a sleepy high street, though the
green side of the hill sloping to the
water meadows is of unequal steepness
and beauty. Here again we meet
signs of life : no fewer than three
carts, of various degrees of pretension,
bearing ferns and flowers and more or
less hilarious drivers canter by us ;
there must have been a flower show in
Banbury, and we ourselves are in the
parish of Bodlicote, a spot of some bo-
tanical interest, for medicinal rlrubarb
is grown here. Apropos of rhubarb,
we pass to-day some plants of the
common sort in flower, and wonder
why it is not grown as a foliage
plant in Hyde Park ; the heads are
finer than pampas grass. Drugs and
flower shows notwithstanding, the Eng-
lish settlements to the north of
Banbury (to borrow the language of a
dispassionate explorer) are in a declining
state. Deddington has lost its market
and Easington its parish church, or
rather the church is still there but the
parishioners are made over to the
adjoining cure of Cuxham ; a flock of
twenty-eight sheep left in the wilder-
ness cannot expect to have a shepherd
to itself, and, as every traveller knows,
the ruined and deserted temples of an
ancient faith are always to be met
with as picturesque ornaments on the
site of former prosperity and cultiva-
tion.
The crimson sun sets behind Ban-
bury, a quiet, comfortable little town
with about 10,000 inhabitants, just —
so to speak — a size larger than New-
bury, and not too large for a good
contingent of the inhabitants to enjoy
a summer evening's stroll along the
376
Rural Roads.
shady roads outside the town, which
are not without hospitable benches.
By comparison with the roads we have
been following we seem again in an
inhabited country, but as at Newbury
we compared our own impressions
of England's uninhabitedness with
Chinese statistics of population, we
may now compare with both the im-
pressions received by travellers in
that really populous country. An
Arab traveller of the ninth century
attempts to give an idea of the popul-
ousness of the fertile plains in southern
China, by saying that the villages
seem so close as almost to touch, and
the cocks answer each other continuously
from hamlet to hamlet for 100 leagues
together. In England we speak of
" barn door " fowls, and our peasantry
have no barn and but rarely fowls, so
the music of Chanticleer is less con-
spicuous a feature in village life than
might be wished ; but though every
village kept wild cocks enough to spoil
the slumbers of a score of Carlyles,
along our high road their voices would
not reach to make an echo in the
nearest hamlet, but would die away
desolately in the void. The Spanish
and Portuguese travellers who visited
China in the sixteenth century use
corresponding expressions : pagodas
stood within a stone's throw of each
other and continuously for eleven
days' journey they see "cities, towns,
villages, boroughs, forts and castles
not a (-hot's flight distant from one
another." The Jesuit missionaries of
the eighteenth and the Protestants of
the present century tell substantially
the same story, describing agricultural
China as we should describe the manu-
facturing parts of Lancashire and
Yorkshire, where the smoke of one
town meets its neighbour in the sky.
One recent traveller ' tried to explain
the difference by the choice of more
productive crops, " one acre of wheat
will in Europe support two men ; one
acre in China will probably support
twenty ; " but if one acre of wheat
supported two men, a parish contain-
ing 1,920 acres half laid down in
1 Gill's River of Golden Sand, p. 277.
wheat would support 1,920 inhabitants,
or at the rate of 640 to the square
mile, and still have a surplus to spare
for Deddington market. The true
secret of the matter is that the
Chinese agriculturist does, and the
English does not feed and clothe him-
self directly out of the produce of
his own labour. The consequence is
that, as English travellers observe,
with a surprise that would itself be
surprising to a Chinaman, the country
people of China are well off in a fat,
fertile district, and only poor when the
soil and climate are against them. We
manage these things differently in
England ; and it might still be said,
almost as absolutely as by Cobbett,
that " the richer the soil and the more
destitute of woods, that is to say, the
more purely a corn country, the more
miserable the labourers."
At Banbury the rights of chamber-
maids are respected, and we are not
"entitled," as the Scotch landlord
says, to tea at 6.30, except by private
arrangement with the damsel, who
agrees to curtail her lawful slumbers
for a consideration. We are off at
seven, with a clear and cloudless sky ;
and begin now to diverge from the
straight road to Lincolnshire, and make
a sweep westward, in order to touch at
Coventry.
Outside the town we have a choice
'of roads — one to Warwick and Leam-
ington, the other to Leamington ; and,
as the latter is our destination, we fol-
low its guidance, and do not repent,
though it proves not to be the one we
had predetermined on. Close to the
road, at our left, is the pretty church
and village of Mollington, half in Ox-
ford and half in Warwickshire. The
country here is exceedingly pretty —
finely timbered, with fat, sloping pas-
tures, ridged from old ploughing or
draining. There is a Fenny Compton
station, near which we cross the line,
but the village is safe out of sight ; it
used to be famous for its yeomen, whose
substantial houses are now divided and
let to labourers. Pretty as the road is
here it has once been prettier, for al)
along one side of it there is one of
Eural Roads.
377
those narrow slips of fields that in such
a place tell the tale of unmistakable
stealing — the inclosure of the wayside
grass by some bold bad man. The curi-
ous thing here is that telegraph posts
stand upon the stolen ground. Does
the Commons Preservation Society
know whether the Post Office is the
thief 1 The last Ordnance Map (1815)
marks the road as uninclosed, and 'tis
visible to the naked eye that the
fence is now where no fence can have
a right to be.
After the railway for as near as
may be four miles there is not a single
house of any sort upon the road ; in
1815 there was one at least, but it has
disappeared, and we have to go two
miles beyond the halfway to Leaming-
ton before coming to a stable for the
morning halt. In compensation, the
little village of Ladbroke reached at
last, has gates upon which one may
lean away an hour in bucolic bliss.
There is a big house with timbered
grounds bounding the view on one side,
one or more middle-sized dwellings set
back in gardens, besides the church,
the rectory, and a tiny cluster of
cottages, beginning with the very
humble inn and ending with the black-
smith's forge, 250 souls in all. The
church is apparently a fine one, partly
fourteenth century, with an older
chancel, and a fifteenth century clere-
story, the latest feature, except a new
lych gate dedicated to the memory of
the last incumbent. The churchyard
is open, but the church is locked. Do
the country clergy who stand aloof
from politics, and keep their parish
churches locked, know that they are
doing what little in them lies to further
the cause of disestablishment ? Half-
a-dozen paths converge at the church,
three at least crossing one broad
meadow where the long grass rivals
the billowy radiance of ripe corn ; can
anything be more truly democratic 1
In the dim ages when this church was
built none doubted that the one build-
ing that every one wished to walk to
should be made accessible to every one
by a direct short cut ; it may be
doubted whether, but for the number
and popularity of these "church paths,"
there would be a single footway in
England open now ; there is a homily
in their defence, wherein strong words
are not lacking : inter alia, " God is
not bound to defend such possessions
as are gotten by the devil and his
counsel," and the preacher, not content
with denouncing the flagrant sin of
those who "grind up the ancient doles
and marks," to the disinheriting of
rightful owners, laments too the im-
moral, though never illegal, covetous-
ness of those who " plough up so high
the common balks and walks, which
good men before made the greater and
broader, partly for the commodious
walk of his neighbour, partly for the
better shack in harvest-time, to the
more comfort of his poor neighbour's
cattle." Then, in more special re-
ference to these church paths, he goes
on : " It is a shame to behold the in-
satiableness of some covetous persons
in their doings ; that, where their
ancestors left of their land a broad
and sufficient bier-balk to carry the
bier to the Christian sepulture, now
men pinch at such bier-balks, which by
long use and custom ought to be in-
violably kept for that purpose ; and
now they either quite ear them up,
and turn the dead body to be borne
further about in the high streets ;
or else if they leave any such
meer, it is too strait for two
to walk on." Here is by impli-
cation the social doctrine " to every
man according to his wants " ; the one
thing no man can do without is the bit
of earth that opens to receive his bones,
and Church and State, law and reli-
gion, agree to assure his right to a
decent journey thither. But church-
yards have, perhaps, before now been
the chosen scene for a reflection that
all our life is a journey to the grave :
this being so, it is consolatory to learn
from another Elizabethan homily that by
divine right we may make the journey
decently. But these pretty radical
paths were never meant to lead to a
locked door ; and a village church is
good for something more than for the
rural congregation (when there is one),
378
Rural Roads.
to say its prayers in on Sunday. It
is a monument of ancient faith, of a
long-lost fraternity of purpose through-
out the land, of a liberality lavish
enough to bestow on hamlets finer
buildings for the common use than
many a large town now erects with
much pother of subscription lists and
beggary. For the present the nation
has no common creed to profess, no
common worship to perform —
we do not say public prayers to
Mammon — in these national edifices,
but that is only the more reason why
the church doors should stand open
wide, that all who list may enter and
breathe a prayer in passing.
The moral is plain, that whensoever
the whole nation shall be as unani-
mously resolved to bend its steps any-
whither as our ancestors were, to be
christened, married, and entombed
within the precincts of the parish
church, then again as of yore, custom,
religion and law will lend their
sanction to the claim and the good
will of the people shall be done on
earth.
" Celles-ci sont pour 1'an trois mil, ainsi
soit-il ! "
The sermon of the locked church
door lasts a long hour by the June sun-
shine, and there are appointments to be
kept ahead. Again upon the road, we
make a sharp turn to the west, leaving
the respectable town of Southam, with
its spires on our right. Beyond the
little village of Ufton, perched on its
little hill, we cross the Roman" Foss-
way," which will meet us again beyond
Leicester, as its line is the chord of the
arc we are describing. Interest in Rad-
ford Semele cools as we learn that the
King's name has to do with nothing
more mythological than the whilom
presence of a family that might just as
well have spelt itself " Simely." Long
before Leamington is in sight sure
tokens herald the vicinity of a water-
ing-place, a town laid out for the
pleasure of its residents; the well
kept roads have a soft "ride" on one
side, the wide raised footpath is fur-
nished with benches and tall trees on
either hand give shade and freshness.
In his wrath at the kindred fopperies
of the " tax-eaters " of Cheltenham,
Cobbett would not deign to look at the
expensive town, but the extreme pret-
tiness of Leamington may suggest
another moral to a milder age. Here
are over 5,000 inhabited houses, 25,000
and odd mortal specimens of our ugly
species, and yet a good fourth or fifth of
the area they occupy is by no means
ugly — some of it is positively agreeable
to behold. We shall have occasion to
remember this lesson in Leicestershire.
Private and hired carriages by the score
frequent the ornamental drives leading
to Warwick and Kenilworth. For the
sake of "John," or rather of his child-
ren, to whom it is fitting that he should
take back some traveller's tale, the law
against sightseeing is relaxed and Kenil-
worth Castle included in the route.
With cockneyfied surprise we note an
unbridged streamlet | across the most
frequented road. From Kenilworth to
Coventry there is a long reach of much
admired highway, wide and bordered
with trees like a great park avenue, and
for once in a way the effect is fine ; but
the Fenny Compton solitudes are really
prettier, and we suspect that the other
is mainly admired for being public
while looking so much more like private
property.
To-day's stage is a short one and we
halt at Coventry, but have little leisure
to " watch the three tall spires," one
of which alas ! was about to be vested
in scaffolding and virtually rebuilt, not
in wantonness, but because the fabric
is really insecure. An ugly but ser-
viceable steam-tram groans and pants
through the venerable city and up its
steep hill, but as we pass out of it on
Thursday morning, by the Foleshill side
it is hard to realise that we are leaving
behind a larger population than that of
Oxford. This district is sacred to the
memory of George Eliot. Foleshill
itself, a straggling manufacturing vil-
lage with nearly 8,000 inhabitants lies
to the right of the road which passes
through fair wooded pastures before
reaching the ugly little town of Bid-
worth, with about the same population
Rural Roads.
379
as Abingdon, but with a squalid, coal-
dusty look ; a very coal-dusty little
public invites custom pathetically under
the sign of " The Old Black Bank ; "
where will not sentiment find itself a
hook to hang itself on? Thrice be-
tween Coventry and Griff the road
crosses the " brown canal " where half
a century ago, the little sister caught
her fish and learnt —
" Such was with glory wed."
The old church of Chilver Colow,
once abandoned to the ministrations of
the Rev. Amos Barton, is in the angle
where the road turns eastward to Nun-
eaton and Leicester. The former is a
clean, pretty little country town about
the size of Abingdon and Bidworth,
but like the former, dating from ages
when the aggregation of men for in-
dustry did not necessarily imply the
mere multiplication of mean brick
buildings all alike in ugliness. From
Coventry to Leicester is about twenty-
five miles, and we propose to sleep at
Melton Mowbray seventeen miles fur-
ther, so this time the day's journey has
to be divided into three stages. Hinck-
ley, a small manufacturing town (about
8,000 inhabitants) is halfway to Leices-
ter, but with memories of Market
Ilsley and Ladbroke churchyard still
fresh we cannot willingly contemplate
a halt at the " Old Black Bank " or
hostelries of similar associations.
Leicestershire, as we enter it by turn-
ing for a few yards down Watling
Street, has a somewhat naked look,
a country with open reaches of land
and sky, which needs the contrast of
a few smiling, sheltered human settle-
ments to make one call it open and
breezy instead of bare and bleak ; for
half an hour, leaving more to fear than
hope, we resolve the anxious question,
will Hinckley prove a blot or an orna-
ment to the landscape? Slowly, in
silent sadness, we pass through — in by
the Coventry and out by the Leicester
road, and choosing mercy to man rather
than beast we trust ourselves to the
chance of villages a-head rather than
waste a summer hour in these dingy
streets. Allow something for the
hasty judgment of an irresponsible
wayfarer spoilt by the bonnes fortunes
of former days. I am fain to hope
that all the domestic, social, and politi-
cal virtues nourish at Hinckley; it has
co-operative stores and building soci-
eties, there is a hill behind it with a
view, and though rich in modern ugli-
ness, the town is old, and the ringing
of the curfew bell is provided for by
an endowment of land to pay the
ringer. But when all possible justice
has been done to all the sterling virtues
we know of or can imagine, the fact
remains that the town of Hinckley is
not a gracious spot. The stocking
loom was introduced here at an early
date, and the place was comparatively
more important at the end of the
eighteenth century than it is now ;
the population was between four and
five thousand, and as a proof of its
singular healthiness it was stated that
for eight weeks not a single death had
occurred. Since then the place has
not quite doubled in size, but
as we remember Leamington that
is no valid reason why it should
have lost its good looks ; for it had
good looks to lose.
So we turn our backs on Hinckley,
and faring three or four miles further,
reach the younger and smaller and so
far more inoffensive settlement of Earl
Shilton, where a church spire rises
hopefully among trees on the crest of
the hill up which the village street
appears to straggle. Since we accepted
the hospitality of the villagers at the
sign of King William the Fourth, it
would be ungrateful to prophesy that
Earl Shilton quadrupled will be another
Hinckley ; leaving man and beast to
King William's tender mercies we
steer for the church spire and emerge
upon a green meadow leading up
to the churchyard. This is planted
upon the very brow of a little cliff-
like descent, and from this vantage
ground a fresh reach of slightly
varied open country is spread out
before us to the north-east. The
churchyard gate is locked, but the
wall is low ; . . . the church of course
is locked ; but that grievance has been
380
Rural Roads,
exhausted already; there is a wide
porch with stone seats both at the
north and south door, and from the
welcome shade of the former we look
out in peace upon a scene of beauty.
'Tis the second cloudless day, and the
sun's heat has been gathering strength ;
now at high noon it bathes the plain in
a white haze, to which the cool stone
porch and bright green turf on the
foreground serves as a frame. Earl
Shilton, though not beautiful itself,
looks out on beauty enough to let us
part from it in charity.
The nine miles of road between it
and Leicester are solitary again ; a
park or two and the "highway spin-
nies " survive as relics of what old
maps call Leicester Forest, though it
was really a royal chase, and as such
alienated in the days of Charles I.
Presumably we pass through Glenfield
parish, formed of three hamlets three
miles apart, and with a total popula-
tion of about 1000 souls, but the high-
road gives them all a wide berth. The
approach to Leicester is rather fine,
and the allotment gardens, carved out
of the common pastures of the Leicester
"freemen " are very interesting. Only
townsmen could so covetously make
the most of every inch of the tiny
plots, and one's heart warms to the
microscopic greenhouses and liliputian
arbours, where one can imagine happy
families sitting on Sunday afternoon,
each under its own scarlet-runners ;
unless, indeed, the local puritanism
which wages a holy war against Sun-
day cricket closes the allotment gardens
on that day. In English towns of a
certain size a tourist's inquiries after
the best hotel are apt to receive alter-
native replies, according to the blue
or buff shade of informant's 'political
sympathies. A clerical referee re-
members that "the archdeacon" stays
at the King's Head, while a liberal
resident is still more confident in re-
commending the "Queen's." In
Leicester we follow Bradshaw to the
"Bell." Here the decoration of the
coffee-room is political but ambiguous.
A large photograph represents a
spacious hall, with dinner-tables spread
for many guests, while a handful of
spectators contemplate the empty seats,
title — " The Great Conservative Ban-
quet." Is this meant for subtle irony,
and are we amongst Radicals who thus
commemorate a fiasco on the other
side ? Apparently not. The waiter's
gravity rebukes the frivolous thought,
as he condescends to explain that the
photograph represents M. le Proprie-
taire and a few friends, like a general
and his staff surveying the future
field of battle.
Leaving its hospitable portals be-
tween five and six, we pass out through
Belgrave, a kind of suburb connected
with the town by tramways. Factories
and manufacturing villages are dotted
about the neighbourhood, and as we
pass through the streets of Thurmaston
and Syston, women are seen at the
windows and on door-steps at work at
the " seaming and stitching " of the
hosiery woven in the town. Their
earnings average under a shilling a
day, and they have to fetch the work
or pay a commission to the middleman.
In 1874 a trade union of the women
seamers and stitchers was formed, and
the society succeeded in getting a list
of prices adopted by arbitration, which
raised the prices of the worst paid
work twenty-five per cent. But the
difficulties in the way of organisation
can be imagined when it is said that
the halfpence which form the sub-
scriptions have to be collected from
members scattered in twenty- seven
villages. Ten and twenty miles a
day was often tramped in winter by
the energetic women who formed the
first committee of the society, which
numbered nearly 3,000 members in its
first year. Apparently the ladies of
Leicestershire are an energetic race,
for in Thurmaston a Mistress Ruth
Somebody combines the function of
post-mistress, shopkeeper, and parish
clerk.
Beyond Syston we pass again almost
suddenly into rural solitudes, a land
of " spires and squires," with fine
churches, cosy villages, with from
sixty to 600 inhabitants, spacious
parks and fat pastures, which the red
Rural Roads.
381
cattle share with sheep, who look
oddly out of place in the long grass
to eyes fresh from Hampshire downs
and turnip-fields. The abundant
finger-posts testify that we are in the
heart of Daneland ; between Bears by
and Brooksby the road runs along the
top of a round ridge or wold, not too
broad to allow those who pass along
the summit to look down into the
green valleys on either side, where
are Hoby, Bothesby, Frisby, Symes-
by, and Kirby Bellairs, with
Gaddesby, Kettleby, Saxelby, Welby,
Brentingby, and many more with
the same termination in the middle
and remoter distance. This effect
of the road along the upland — which
is on too small a scale to be called a
down, and yet has all the breeziness
of one and more view than a good
many — is characteristic of the neigh-
bourhood, and will meet us again
beyond Melton Mowbray, where we
have found quarters for the night
before the curfew bells begin to ring.
Here, as every one knows, pork pies
are turned out by the ton weekly, and,
as a great hunting centre, there is
stabling for 700 horses.
There only remains a stage of thir-
teen miles to be taken before break-
fast next morning. One small and
pretty village — Thorp Arnold — lies
between Melton and Waltham-on-the-
Wolds, the name of which speaks for
itself. The counti-y is of the same
character as it has been since Bearsby.
Waltham, which used to have a market,
still holds an annual horse and cattle
fair ; the old " Bell Close " lets for
151. a year, which pays for the bell
which rings at eight o'clock, morning
as well as evening. Croxton Park
(pronounced Crozton), between Wal-
tham and Croxton Kerrial, belongs to
the Duke of Butland, and a modest
manor-house, picturesquely situated but
of no use to the owner of Belvoir, has
been half destroyed, half converted into
a farm. Finely-antlered deer graze upon
the racecourse above the park, and
some three miles off, on the other side
of the road, Belvoir Castle towers
impressively through the morning
haze. The drive through Croxton
Park opens on the high road just
opposite the gate of the drive to
Belvoir ; the traveller may thus, ac-
cording to his taste, either pity the
sorrows of a poor duke whose landed
property is cut in two by the public
road, or marvel at the instinct of
" agglomeration," as the Chinese called
the practice while they suffered from it.
Since the schoolmaster has been abroad
the natives of this region have learnt
to pronounce the name of the duke's
castle as it is spelt — Bel — bell and voir
to rhyme with choir. Popular educa-
tion has the same tendency every-
where. Board-school children in the
Borough talk about South-wark instead
of South'ark as well-to-do Londoners
used to do, and in general those to
whom reading is a new art, insist on
reading as they think correctly all
those proper names which have ac-
quired a traditional mispronunciation.
The point is a little curious as a matter
of social psychology, for the mispro-
nunciation probably originated with
an aristocracy that could not spell the
names of the places and people it
habitually spoke of. When the mis-
pronunciation had become established
it was regarded as a refinement of
education to know what names should
be mispronounced and how. The
middle-class was more anxious to talk
like its betters than to read more cor-
rectly than they. To make Chol-
mondeley or Marjoribanks into quadri-
syllables and to pronounce Belvoir as
it is written was supposed to show an
ignorance worse than that of letters,
namely, that of the manners and
customs of " county families." But
this ambition passes over the heads of
elementary schools, A little further
on and the journey ends at one more
pretty, well-spired and squired village.
The reader has not seen the May
blossom nor basked in the silent sun-
shine, and he may find the unad ven-
turous progress dull. But seeing is
believing, and it is worth while for
those who live in towns and suffer
the costs of over population to realise
what is meant by the statistics which
382
Rural Roads.
tell of a falling off in all the agricul-
tural counties. Oxford, Coventry, and
Leicester are the only towns of any
importance upon this 150 miles of
road ; if Leamington is added to these,
there remain only eighteen towns and
villages with a population ranging
from one to ten thousand ; deduct-
ing these and a proportionate amount
of the whole route, say, to be on the
safe side, as much as half, there will
remain seventy-five miles of high road
in the middle of southern England
with an average population around
that may be approximately calculated
at forty-five to the square mile ; to be
on the safe side, say fifty, for we
certainly traversed districts that are
much less populous than the part of
Hampshire where the exact area of
the parishes as well as the population
was ascertained. Explore what part
of rural England you will, the result
will be found much the same, and it
is not one creditable to our practical
sagacity.
Treble the population of the purely
agricultural districts, treble the amount
of labour spent upon the land, and re-
arrange the distribution of the pro-
duce, the gross produce will be in-
creased, the trade of country towns
will revive, and the revival of local
markets will further stimulate agricul-
tural production. The artisans of Lei-
cester are not millionaires, but they
probably invest as much capital per
acre in their allotments as a market
gardener ; what we want is to have
village lands cultivated up to market
garden pitch. John, the paterfamilias
already mentioned, has something to
say on the subject of why we do not get
it. He has lived for fifteen years as
groom and gardener with, a country
clergyman. When his enfranchise-
ment as a county voter became immi-
nent, we had the curiosity to inquire
into his political opinions ; needless to
say that he disclaimed the indiscreet
pretensions to anything of the kind.
However, we tried him with the land
question. Good cottages, he thought,
were very well, but a man wants a bit
of ground of his own. A reference to
Mr. Stubbs's contention that the land
is " labour-starved," set the stream of
his eloquence loose ; the state of this
and this piece of land is " something
shameful," and, in fact, bad farming
and bankrupt farmers are more plentiful
than bad harvests can in any way ac-
count for. To continue the subject, the
rector lends John Mr. Stubbs's little
book to the man, and a year or two later
when he leaves the parish, John an-
nounces his desire to stay behind and
take Absalom's farm of thirty odd
acres. A man with six children only
just growing up has saved very few
pounds, but the fifty pounds he con-
siders indispensable are promised as a
loan by a friend of fifteen years
standing. The negotiation goes off
upon the question of rent, the farm
contains some of the land which has
been " used shameful," the fences are
all in a bad condition. We induce John
to correct his too hopeful estimate as
to the price of crops, and warn him
against ruining himself by undertak-
ing to pay a rent beyond what the land
will bring in after he has kept his
family. Thus encouraged he asks for
a reduction for the first year, which
we privately think insufficient, but the
agent (it is shanty land) calmly tells
him that if anything is taken off the
first year as much again will be put on
the second, and the more he thinks of
it the worse the bargain seems ; so
John will stay among the wage-earners.
The rent he is asked to pay is close
on two pounds an acre for a small farm
in bad condition ; a large farm in the
same neighbourhood has been let in
despair, " he hears say," at Is. Qd. an
acre ; he is a silent, mild man, wanting
in no due reverence for the powers
that be, but as we trot along the lanes
he allows himself to observe that " it
do seem rather unreasonable."
Emigration meetings in White-
chapel and depopulation in Wiltshire
" do seem rather " unreasonably near
together ; and it is a suggestive exer-
cise to look with the bodily as well as
the mind's eye " first on this picture,
then on this."
383
THE NEW NATIONAL GALLERY AT AMSTERDAM.
A FEW weeks ago there were great
rejoicings at Amsterdam. The city
was en fete ; the shops were gaily
dressed with flags ; salutes were fired,
and there were visible all the signs
of national and municipal rejoicing.
Yet the occasion was not a Royal
Marriage or the conclusion of a Peace
— it was the opening of the Rijks
Museum, which, long promised, was
at last completed. As almost every
English tourist who visits Amsterdam
does so, more or less, for the purpose
of studying Dutch art in its native
place, it is pretty generally known
that the condition of the public
gallery there has up till now been
something of a scandal. The " Trip-
penhuis," the old building by the side
of the canal, in which the master-
pieces of Rembrandt and his followers
have been housed, was a building in
no way worthy of its high calling.
Not that it is wanting in picturesque-
ness or character. It would have
served very well for a third-rate
public office ; but it was never designed
for the purpose of a picture gallery,
and not more than a fragment of its
wall space was properly lighted. For
many years the appeal of artists and
critics had gone up to the Dutch
Government and the municipal autho-
rities to take the matter in hand, and
to do something adequate for the
art which in the eyes of mankind
at large has ever been the glory of
Holland. About ten years ago the
decision was taken to begin ; and the
work of providing a new building
which should be a National Gallery
and South Kensington Museum in one
was intrusted to Mr. Cuypers, a
gentleman well known in the Nether-
lands and in Belgium as the architect
of several important Roman Catholic
churches. The new building was
actually begun in 1877, and it is now
structurally complete, though more
than half of it remains empty, or
almost empty, of the art treasures
with which it will some day be
filled.
The arrangement of the new museum
will be something after the following
order. The two central courts will
be devoted — one to a museum of
casts illustrating not only classical
but also mediaeval and modern sculp-
ture, and the other to part of the
" National Netherlands Museum,"
which will include all kinds of furni-
ture, tapestry, metal work and faience
produced in the country from the
earliest times. Several of the rooms
on the ground floor surrounding the
central courts will also be given up to
this class of objects, whilst others
will be assigned to the schools which,
after the example of our Science and
Art Department, the Dutch Govern
ment is about to establish. Thus far,
however, the organisation of the
museums is a matter for the future ;
at present only one of the ground-floor
galleries and the greater part of the
upper floor are completed and ready
for visitors. The former is occupied
by the very celebrated collection of
prints and drawings which have long
been received with inhospitable shelter
in the " Trippenhuis." Above are the
pictures, viz. : — (1) The old Trippen-
huis collection including the Dupper
and the Van der Poll bequests ; (2)
The famous Van der Hoop collection
removed from the separate quarters
where it has been kept since Mr.
Adrian van der Hoop left it to the town,
in 1854; (3) A number of important
pictures, mostly of large size, removed
from the Town Hall, where, as has
been known to a few adventurous
tourists, they have been housed in dark
and very unsuitable quarters for some
long time; (4) The modern pictures
384
The New Natiojial Gallery at Amsterdam.
from the Royal Villa at Haarlem.
As to the mode of arrangement, there
are large galleries and small ones ;
the former lighted from the top, and
the latter, which consist of a series of
small rooms communicating one with
another, by high side windows. As
is natural, the large galleries are
chiefly occupied by the larger pictures
and the small rooms by the innumer-
able little masterpieces of the painters
of genre and landscape which were the
chief artistic output of the seventeenth
century.
Passing up a wide, but not very
effective staircase, the visitor finds
himself in a broad and lofty gallery,
floored, like the whole museum, with
mosaic, and adorned by a series of
stained glass windows by an English
artist, Mr. W. J. Dixon. Out of this
gallery, which serves as a kind of
Salle des pas perdus, he turns into a
long and somewhat gloomy passage, on
either side of which are recesses filled
with pictures, while at the end he is
faced by Rembrandt's famous Night
Watch. The pictures in the recesses
are mostly of the class known in
Holland as Schutterstukken, or Doelen-
stukken, or those large life-size portrait
groups in which painters like Frans
Hals, Van der Heist, Flinck. and De
Keyser immortalised sometimes the
guilds and sometimes the charitable
committees of their day. Most of
these pictures have practically never
been seen before ; they were, most of
them, in the upper rooms of the Town
Hall, where visitors were extremely
rare, and where the light was never
such as properly to display them. To
this class also belongs the fine collec-
tion of masterpieces which adorns the
spacious " Salle Rembrandt;" at the
end of this approach. The Night Watch
occupies the place of honour. To the
right is the no less famous Syndics,
the crowning achievement of Rem-
brandt's later years, and to the left
is a group by Frans Hals, which, to
the few who saw it at the Town Hall,
and to the multitudes who have never
seen it till now, will be a source of
great attraction. Opposite the two
last named are other pictures, also of
high quality, by Govert Flinck and
Jacob Bakker, whilst the two remain-
ing walls are covered, one by an im-
mense picture of Van der Heist, and
by a painting of great interest by
Thomas de Keyser, a brilliant artist,
whose rare handiwork is only besides
to be seen in a few small portraits or
groups, such as the famous Burgo-
masters, in the museum of the Hague.
When we have added that the large
gallery on the left is occupied by a
miscellaneous and not very good col-
lection of foreign paintings ; that
afterwards we pass more or less
chronologically from the beginnings of
the Dutch school through a special
gallery of portraits to the little rooms
and the little pictures of which we
have spoken ; and that on completing
the circuit of this floor we find our
way back to the starting point through
the rooms now given up to modern
. pictures, we have said enough to give
a general idea of the arrangement of
this remarkable collection.
Before speaking of the pictures in
detail, a word may be said about the
building in which they have now found
a permanent home. It is convenient,
generally well lighted, and as fire-
proof as modern resources can make
it ; and to that extent it is all that
could be desired. But as far as archi-
tectural beauty or dignity are con-
cerned, we must frankly confess that
it has very little of these qualities
about it. Holland surely has not done
well to abandon the traditions of its
solid, dignified, seventeenth-century
style in building a home for Rem-
brandt and Ruysdael, for Terburg and
de Hooch, which in point of style and
decoration reminds an Englishman of
the least happy ventures of his neo-
Gothic fellow-countrymen.
What is the character of the art
which is preserved for us in these
galleries 1 The time has gone by when
a critic like Biirger could think it
necessary to speak apologetically for
Dutch art on the ground that in
The New National Gallery at Amsterdam.
385
France it was un art implement mau-
dit. Probably when Biirger wrote it
the phrase was simply an exaggera-
tion ; and certainly now, when the
amateurs of Paris contend against
those of the world for the possession
of Terburgs and Metzus, it would be
absurd to say that Dutch art does
not meet with its full share of appre-
ciation from the people who, in
matters aesthetic, give the keynote
to Europe. For ourselves, too, in
England, we have gradually found
our way into a saner state of mind
than when we used to applaud Mr.
Ruskin as he eloquently decried " the
Bak-somethings and Van-somethings "
of Holland. It is quite true that
Holland does not rival Italy in the
estimation of those English people
who care for pictures. But, at the
same time, we have begun to do jus-
tice once more to the masters whose
works were so eagerly collected by
our great-grandfathers ; we are begin-
ning to see something more in their
canvases than vulgarity of feeling re-
deemed by unrivalled manual skill.
The opening such a collection as this
in the Rijks Museum, covering as it
does the whole period of Dutch supre-
macy in art, gives us an admirable
opportunity for once more asking our-
selves what were the problems which
these painters tried to solve, and with
what degree of success they solved
them.
Eugene Fromentin, the best of all
the critics who have ever written on
the art of Holland, opens his observa-
tions on the subject by pointing out
what was the condition of things in
the Netherlands in the first decade
of the seventeenth century. In
Catholic Flanders, where the long
struggle against Spain had ended
favourably to monarchy and the
Bourbons, an art of great power and
magnificence was just beginning to
arise — the art of Rubens. To a dis-
interested spectator at the time it
would have seemed highly probable
that Holland, if it were to have an
art at all, would follow humbly in
No. 311.— VOL. LII.
the train of the great Catholic and
Flemish master. Fate decided other-
wise. The revolution won the day in
Holland. Independence and Protest-
antism secured their ground ; and in
art, as in politics, the foreigner was
beaten back. An extraordinary group
of painters seemed to spring out of the
earth; and from 1596, the birth-year
of Van Goyen, to 1639, the birth-year
of Adrian Van de Velde, scarcely a
year passed without bringing into the
world a man who was to help to make
his country illustrious. As these grew
up, the elder of them found that the
great events which had echoed round
their cradles had changed the current
of men's thoughts and aspirations ;
they found that if art was to exist
at all in an enfranchised Holland it
must have different aims and objects
from those of the previous genera-
tions, feebly inspired as they were
by the Catholic traditions of Italy
and Flanders.
"The problem," says Fromentin,
" was this : given a people practical,
unaddicted to reverie, very busy, op-
posed to mysticism, of an anti-Latin
cast of mind, with their traditions
broken down, their churches stripped
of ornament and images, their habits
thrifty — to find an art which would
please them, would satisfy their sense
of suitability, and would represent
them. A modern writer of enlight-
enment on these matters has an-
swered, with fine truth, that a
people in this condition had only
to impose upon itself the very
simple duty which in the preceding
fifty years it had always undertaken
with success, viz., to ask its painters
to paint its own portrait. In point
of fact, all that is to be said on the
subject is contained in that one word.
The painting of Holland, as was
quickly seen, would not and could
not be anything else but a portrait of
Holland — a faithful, exact, complete,
and life-like portrait, a portrait with-
out embellishment, of the men, of the
places, of the markets, of the manners
of the people, of the streets, the fields.
c c
386
The New National G-allery at Amsterdam.
the sea, and the sky. To accomplish
this was, to put the matter in its
simplest form, the programme fol-
lowed by the Dutch school from the
day of its birth to the day of its
decline."
How early and how strongly this
character of portraiture was impressed
upon Dutch art is evident as one
walks through the two rooms devoted
to les primitifs — the painters of the
sixteenth century. "What distinguishes
these rooms is the curious groups
of life-size heads, sometimes twenty
or thirty in a single frame, which
have found their way here from the
houses of various dissolved corpora-
tions. They are heads, nothing more ;
the artist has made no attempt to
paint bodies or limbs, and, from the
nature of the case, there is no question
of composition or arrangement. For
all their iiaivete, for all their want
of learning, they are admirable as the
beginnings of a school ; their unknown
painters were the true ancestors of
Hals and Ravesteyn. In another
sense, too, these pictures are interest-
ing. They are the seeds out of which
grew that noble plant of seventeenth
century art, that plant which has
sprung spontaneously nowhere else
but in Holland, the corporation-pic-
tures. Every one who has passed
through Holland knows how abun-
dant these are, and with what uni-
form success even second-rate painters,
like Jan de Bray, have set round their
tables the life-size groups of sober-look-
ing " regents " or the gayer companies
of feasting arquebusiers. The Am-
sterdam Gallery now boasts a collec-
tion of them, such as has never been
brought together till now. Rembrandt,
of course, is among them with his
Syndics — " De Staalmeesters " — of
which we shall have more to say, and,
with his Company of Frans Banning
Cocq, the so-called Night-Watch. Yan
der Heist, infallible in the matter of
a likeness, a master of smooth sur-
faces, supreme in facile and conven-
tional arrangement, is there with his
vast, almost unknown. Company of
Captain Sicker, and with others, be-
sides his over-famous Arquebusiers
celebrating the Peace of Munster. Hals,
too, is there, with a picture of thirteen
figures, dated 1637, when his brilliant,
wayward genius had scarcely passed
its prime. But what is of special
interest is the fact that many other
artists are represented here by pictures
of the same class, whose fame has been
won in quite other lines. Not Jacob
de Bakker, whose fine Regents in the
Hoop collection is the masterpiece of
a man who could do nothing else so
well ; but Thomas de Keyser, and
Flinck, and even Karel du Jardin, the
painter of Italianate pastorals, and
Jacob Ochterveldt, the pupil (it would
seem) and almost the rival of Metzu
in highly-finished scenes of genre.
They are not all equally good, of
course ; the two last named are a
little out of their depth in this kind
of work ; but they are all marvellously
competent. Moreover, the competence
never seems to leave the school till
we come to the days of full decadence,
when Troost, the clever pastellist,
famous for his scenes of comedy,
attempts his vast Regentenstuk of the
eleven hospital governors, decked out
in Louis Quinze periwigs and smart
laced coats that seem to sit strangely
on the descendants of Bol's sturdy
burghers. Till this period, when art
in Holland had resolved itself into a
mere feeble echo of the past or a copy
of some foreign present, the men who
paint these corporation pictures never
fail. They have a fine subject ; they
have a great tradition ; and, as it
were by instinct, they fix their sitters
firmly on the canvas, they group them
easily, they seize the dominant cha-
racter of each face ; in a word, they
are masters to whom the art of por-
traiture has given up all its secrets.
Can more or less be said of the
painters to whose work we uncon-
sciously refer when we speak of
" Dutch pictures " — the painters of
character and incident, for which un-
fortunately we have no word so ex-
pressive as the French word genre ?
The New National Gallery at Amsterdam.
387
Can more or less be said about those
who, with no traditions to bind them,
with no object but to relate exactly
what they saw, invented the modern
art of landscape painting ? There can
be no question that in both these
respects the painters of Holland were
original, and that they were moved
entirely by the same impulse as that
which had already stirred the portrait
painters. Among the many surprises
of Dutch art none is more conspicuous
than the suddenness with which, in
these two characteristic aspects, it
came into the world. By the middle
of the century we have it nourishing
at more than half a dozen different
centres — at Utrecht, at Leyden, at
Amsterdam, and, above all, at Haar-
lem ; and it is impossible to regard
any one man or group of men as
strictly the founder. If, however, we
can point to any names entitled to be
described as the beginners of the
school, they must be those of Dirk
Hals, of Jan Yan Goyen, of Solomon
Ruysdael, and of the elder Cuyp. In
the excellent book Les Artistes de
Haarlem — a perfect storehouse of facts
about the less known of the D utch artists
— Dr. Van der Willigen has printed
some extremely interesting documents
which bear upon the early stages of
the art ; and among them some lists
of picture lotteries held at Haarlem in
the years 1634 and 1636. These
lotteries, organised by the Guild of St.
Luke, under the authority of the
burgomasters, appear to have been one
of the principal modes by which the
painters of that time sent their
pictures out into the world, and it is
but natural that we should find in the
lists the names of those who were most
popular in their day. Here and there
occur the titles of some seemingly large
religious or classical pictures by men
now forgotten, which were highly
priced and regarded, doubtless, as the
masterworks of the time. But what
interests us more than these is the
discovery in the two lists of several
landscapes, large and small, by Solo-
mon Ruysdael and Jan Van Goyen,
whilst in the first list there are no less
than ten pictures by Dirk Hals, each
described in the French version of the
catalogue as " Un tableau ovale repre-
sentant des figures modernes." What
has become of them 1 one might well
ask. The museums of Europe pos-
sess very few of Dirk's pictures, and
the only one at Amsterdam is the
small but very exquisite Woman Play-
ing, to be seen in the Van der Hoop
collection. But it is evident from the
Haarlem records that when Adrian
van Ostade, Dou, and Metzu were
only beginning to paint, and when
Jan Steen was but a noisy school-boy,
Dirk Hals had been long accepted by
his fellow townsmen as the creator of
a new and charming style of art. Van
Goyen appears to have begun his
work at a still earlier period, as well
as Solomon Ruysdael, whom Dr. van
der Willigen has proved to be the
uncle and not the brother of Jacob,
and as nearly as possible Van Goyen's
contemporary. A year or two scarcely
matters in the estimate, and we shall
not be far wrong if we place 1620 as
the date when Dutch art in genre and
landscape took its definite character.
As yet, of course, it is not marked by
all the wonderful qualities which soon
came to belong to it — a little crude, a
little wanting in drawing, sometimes
a little harsh in its contrasts, some-
times a little weak in its colour, but
still impressed with those features of
frankness and sincerity, of simple,
natural joy in rendering exactly what
the artist saw, which are its distin-
guishing marks throughout the
century.
The ten or twelve small rooms in
the Amsterdam museum, which con-
tain the bulk of the genre and land-
scape pictures, with the separate
galleries in which are displayed the
Van der Hoop, the Dupper and the
Van der Poll bequests, form together
what is probably the largest collection
of this kind of art in Europe. It
would be tedious to mention even the
names of the numerous artists who are
here represented by their best ; it will
c c 2
388
The New National Gallery at Amsterdam.
be enough, perhaps, to say that De
Hooch is strongly represented, Terburg
not quite so abundantly as at the
Hague or at the Louvre, Metzu fairly,
Jan Steen magnificently, Nicolas Maes
extremely well, and Adrian Van
Ostade adequately. There is, besides,
in the Hoop collection one of the rare
pictures by the fascinating and mysteri-
ous artist for whom Burger's researches
have done so much, Van der Meer of
Delft. As regards landscape, there
are better Van Goyens to be seen
elsewhere than in Amsterdam. Eng-
land is in reality the great storehouse
of this artist's works, and during the
past season there came under the
hammer at Christie's some half a dozen
of his pictures which would bear
favourable comparison with any to be
found at present in Holland. Solomon
Ruysdael, too, is only moderately
represented in the museum ; but few
finer examples of Jacob Ruysdael are
in existence than the two which are in
the Van der Hoop collection ; the
large landscape which the late owner
purchased at Sir Charles Blount's sale
in 1837, and the famous "River view
with a mill," which came from the
Noe collection in 1841. There are
also two beautiful de Konincks, and
two or three Paul Potters which are
very admirable in their way. Of
Adrian Van de Velde, the Trippenhuis
collection contains three beautiful ex-
amples, and in the Van der Hoop
room he is represented by the brilliant
" Family group," which many consider
to be the gem of the collection.
As one stands before such examples
of Terburg and de Hooch as the cele-
brated Conseil Paternel, or one or two
of the Interiors in the Van der Hoop
collection, one feels that the objects
after which Dirk Hals was striving
have been finally achieved. To paint
the world as it lies before him ; to
depict faithfully life as it is lived ;
to set within the four corners of the
canvas a scene which represents some
daily human experience in all its
material surroundings, to grasp and
reveal the secrets of light and shade
— this is what the Dutch painter has
attempted, and he has succeeded as
none before or after him has been
able to do. In the first place, he
knows how to draw ; like Ingres, he
regards drawing as " the probity of
art." Whether it was habitual or
not for men like Terburg and Metzu
to make preliminary studies in pencil
or in chalk can only be guessed ; the
probability is that they did not, and
few "studies" strictly so called can
be found in the unrivalled collection
of Dutch drawings under the care of
of Mr. Van der Kellen in the print-
room on the ground floor of the
museum. But, however the art was
learned, learned it was, and to a degree
of perfection that leaves nothing to
be added. There are nuances indeed
amongst the artists ; Jan Steen, for
example, is supreme above all his
countrymen in this respect ; and, as
Sir Joshua Reynolds said, can only be
compared to Raffaelle in the freedom
and accuracy of his hand ; but what
is specially remarkable is the diffusion
of this skill — the fact that it is
shared almost equally by the painters
of conversation pieces, by the painters
of street scenes like Van der Heyden,
by the painters of animals like
Berchem, by the painters of still life
like Van Huysum and de Heem. It
is a part of their sincerity. If the
aim of art is to portray the world as
we see it, then the first qualification
of the artist must be the knowledge
of form, and the power of exactly
expressing it. It is all the same
whether the thing to be painted be a
face, or a satin dress, or the bricks of
a courtyard, or a group of trees with
cattle reposing under them. To draw
them exactly is the first step ; there
must be no trusting to the general
impression, as Sir Joshua too often
trusted, or to the colour, as Delacroix,
that most over-rated of the moderns,
invariable trusted, and as, it is to be
feared, almost all the modern English
school are apt to trust. "If a man
cannot draw," one seems to hear the
Dutch artists all say, from Van der
The New National Gallery at Amsterdam,
389
Heist to Mieris, "he had better not
try to paint."
There is the same precision in their
painting, that is, in the use of their
palette ; and, what is of equal import-
ance, there is in their colouring the
same firm unwavering intelligence of
their medium. But to discuss all this
as it should be discussed, and as some
Slade professor would do well to dis-
cuss it, would be too technical for our
purpose. Fromentin, who could have
explained the whole matter as few can
explain it — for he, besides being an
exquisite writer, was a painter hors
ligne — thus puts the questions that
such a technical discussion should
answer : — " One should study the
Dutch palette, examine its founda-
tions, its resources, its mode of em-
ployment ; one should say why it is
often almost monochromatic, and yet
so rich in its results, the common
property of all the painters, and yet so
varied ; why the lights are few and
restrained, the shadows dominant ;
what is, generally speaking, the law
of this mode of lighting, which seems
to conflict with the natural law, espe-
cially in the open air ; and it would be
interesting to determine to what ex-
tent this painting, conscientious as it
is, is subject to artifice, to combina-
tions, to partis pris, and as was almost
always the case, to ingenious systems.
Then would come the question of the
handiwork itself ; of the painter's
skill in the use of his tools ; of the
care, the extraordinary care with which
he worked ; of his use of smooth sur-
faces, of the thinness and sparkle of
his paint, of the sheen of his metal and
his precious stones. How, one would
have to ask, did these excellent mas-
ters divide the stages of their work ?
Did they paint on light grounds or
dark1? Did they, after the example
of the early schools, colour in the ma-
terial or above it ] " These are the
questions which a professional treatise
would have to consider ; and it would
have also to try to fathom another
secret of the Dutch painters, and one
which is, more, perhaps, than any
other single quality, the secret of
their charm — that of their mastery
of what painters call values. Values,
in painting, mean the relations which
the colours of a picture bear to one
another ; and it is easy to see how, if
they are wrong, the whole picture is
wrong with them. To set in their
proper relations foreground, tree, sea,
and sky is the last word of landscape
painting ; and this last word surely
Ruysdael has spoken.
We must not, however, attempt to
turn a report of the new Rijks museum
into a disquisition upon Dutch painting
in general ; and it is better to stop while
there is yet time, and to say something
as to the pictures that are actually to
be found here. The kings of portrait
and genre painting we have mentioned
already ; we need say no more now
than that, with the Van der Hoop
collection for the first time brought
into the same building with the other
pictures, there is a better opportunity
than has ever been given before for a
study of these men. Jan Steen espe-
cially ; a building that contains the
St. Nicolas and the Malade d' Amour,
not to mention the ugly but miracu-
lous Drinking Scene of the Van der
Hoop gallery, must rank among the
first existing displays of this great
painter's work. Never was artist so
unequal ; never was so strange a mix-
ture of technical mastery and of simple
carelessness, of a delight in beautiful
line and surface and of a taste for the
vulgar and the base. Nothing could
be more delightful than the St. Nicolas-
fest, the child to whom Santa Claus
has been kind, the whining boy to
whom have fallen the shoe and the
birch-rod, the laughing sister, the
happy mother in the foreground ; a
scene in which human life is caught at
one of its brightest, most natural mo-
ments, and rendered once for all. No-
thing again could be more brilliant in
execution than the odious figure of the
sleeping woman in the third of the
pictures we have named. Watteau
could not have drawn an arm so well,
nor Metzu painted better drapery.
390
The New National Gallery at Amsterdam.
But, as every collector knows, it
is only too possible to come across
Steens as coarse in sentiment as this,
and in execution rougher and feebler
than Molenaer, save for some one dazz-
ling bit of colour that reveals the
master. On the other masters of genre,
the men of the first rank, we need not
dwell, except for a moment on Jan
Van der Meer, or Yermeer, of Delft,
one of whose interesting pictures is
here, the Lady Reading — not so fine a
picture as the Milkmaid, of the Six
collection, but still a work of high
interest. For the last fifteen years,
since Burger published in the Gazette
des Beaux Arts the results of his in-
quiries into this painter's life and works,
Van der Meer has been a name to
stimulate curiosity and to whet the
appetite of collectors. Of his life we
know next to nothing ; even less than
we know of Terburg's, and not more
than v?e know of Jacob Ruysdael's.
He was a pupil of Fabritius ; he may
have been a pupil of Rembrandt ; he
lived at Delft, and painted its walls
and roofs, in the View now at the Hague,
with a combined breadth and subtlety
that no painter of that day has quite
equalled. But more than this we
hardly know ; only that his work has
a tenderness, a charm, a mastery of the
secrets of light, which no other Dutch
painting possesses, except that of De
Hooch. Two things are to be hoped
about Van der Meer ; one, that' a fine
example of his handiwork may some
day find its way into our National
Gallery ; the other, that amid the
scores of vellum-covered volumes of
Archives now unworthily housed in
the garrets of the Stadhuis at Amster-
dam some keen searcher may yet dis-
cover much more than is now known
of the life of so charming, so person-
ally interesting a painter.
A few of the lesser lights of the
school may detain us a moment ; men
scarcely known, but to be seen in this
gallery in aspects which prove them
to have had elements of distinction.
Such are the portrait-painters Ver-
spronck and Van Hemert ; the former
of whom signs a fine bust of a burgo-
master in the great portrait room,
and the latter the picture of a young
man in the very interesting Van der
Poll collection. Johannes Verspronck
is another of the Haarlem artists on
whose personality Dr. v. d. Willigen
has thrown light ; he has shown that
the painter was born in 1597 and
died in 1662. He is said to have been
a pupil of Hals ; and indeed the
handling of this noble portrait, as well
as the picture of the Lady-regents of
the heilige geesthuis in the Haarlem
museum, shows that he followed closely
in the steps of the great master. His
work is rare, or seems to be ; perhaps
— who knows 1 — it may before long be-
come the fashion to collect it. The
other painter, Van Hemert, is entirely
unknown. No museum, it is believed,
has anything from his hand ; and his
fame for the present must rest on this
beautiful portrait of Dirk Hendrik
Menlenaer, an ancestor of the Van
der Poll family. Another painter
whose repute will be heightened by the
consolidation of the gallery is Brekel-
enkam, a Leiden man, whose work,
of curiously unequal quality, has long
been known to students, but whose
name has never become, so to speak,
the property of the public. There is
a fine picture by him in the Dulwich
Gallery, and another was lately bought
at auction for Dublin. Now that the
Van der Hoop pictures are before the
world the brilliant interior called
The Tailor's Shop will put Brekelen-
kam very near the first rank of genre
painters. Again, if all the works of
Hoogstraten were like the Sick Lady
of the same gallery, he too would take
a place almost as high as any one ; but
as it is, the picture only proves of
painters, as many a single poem has
proved of poets, that a second-rate
man may now and then do a piece of
first-rate work by accident.
Passing through the modern rooms,
which, however excellent they may
be, it is impossible to enjoy after the
eye has become trained to the older
pictures, we come to the point at
The New National Gallery at Amsterdam.
391
which we started, opposite the two
great Rembrandts. How magnificent
they are, and how different ! How
interesting the comparison between
them, and with what certainty does
one come — now that the Night Watch
(the false title will stick to the picture
still, in spite of critical catalogues)
and the Syndics hang side by side and
can be seen — to the view that the
soundest critics has always held : that
the Syndics is the great picture, and
the Night Watch the brilliant mistake !
Sir Joshua, who, in spite of the " grand
style," had so true an eye for Dutch
art, declared in 1781 that the Night
Watch was "painted in a poor manner ; "
and Fromentin, a trained artist as
well as critic, places this splendid tour
deforce by the side of Titian's Assump-
tion and Veronese's Europa, as among
the malentendus of the history of art.
Ill-composed, ill-drawn, impossible in
lighting, unintelligible in motive, this
dazzling picture represents rather the
romantic aspirations of Rembrandt,
his longing to paint light at all
hazards, than the reasoned work of
the master. With the Syndics, that
noble portrait group of five grave
masters of the Drapers' Guild, the
case is different altogether. The date
is 1661, when Rembrandt was fifty-
three, and when for some years he had
been under the influence — to him a
sobering influence — of misfortune. His
vogue was almost over; Amsterdam
no longer regarded him as the crown-
ing glory of the city ; had said
farewell to such extravagances as
those in which he had revelled ten and
twenty years before. Forgetting him-
self altogether, he throws his whole
soul into the picture of the Syndics ;
he aims at no astonishing effect, at no
problem as yet unattempted of light
and shade, but simply at portraying
as they are these five grave citizens,
symbols of all that was best and most
enduring in the municipal life of Hol-
land. And with what result ! The
picture is a masterpiece ; and one of
those rare masterpieces which invest
the character of the man who painted
it with an undefinable charm.
The Syndics is the picture which of
all others in the museum is the best
worth remembering ; and the visitor
will do well to see it last as well as
among the first. But he must return
another day ; for it will not do to
leave Amsterdam without a visit to
Mr. Van der Kellen and the prints and
drawings. Admirably arranged in a
dozen handsome oak cabinets, the
treasures of this rich department lie
in their portfolios, all but one or two
hundred that are set in chronological
order, and exhibited to public view.
These are of great interest, and cover
a wide field ; the prints, from the ex-
traordinary achievements of the pre-
decessors of Lucas van Ley den — " The
Master of 1480," "The Master of the
Crab," and the rest — down to some
fine works of yesterday ; the drawings,
mostly those slight but masterly per-
formances of the men of the seventeenth
and eighteenth centuries that are now
so eagerly sought for. To show how
complete the collection is, even in
departments where it might well be
poor, we may mention that it contains
many portfolios of fine English
mezzotints, including almost complete
sets — in fine states — of the works of
Earlom, McArdell, and J. R. Smith.
But its strength lies in the Dutch
school, and no one who has not looked
through the multitudinous gathering of
the etchings of Paul Potter, of Karel
Du Jardin, of Ruysdael, of Ostade, Bega,
and all the other masters, great and
small, can fully realise the comprehen-
siveness, the activity, the enthusiasm,
and the power of the school of artists
which the wonderful seventeenth cen-
tury brought into existence in Holland.
392
INLAND DUTIES AND TAXATION.
WRITING some time in the year 1755
Dr. Johnson libellously described the
prototype of the modern Inland Reve-
nue official as a sort of "ruffian " hired
to extort what he evidently regarded
as very questionable items of taxation.
Writing on the 6th of July, 1885,
a figure as towering as that of the
great dyspeptic lexicographer himself
—the Right Honourable W. E. Glad-
stone, the greatest master of finance,
perhaps, that ever lived, certifies that
during his thirty-three years' experi-
ence he has always found the modern
Inland Revenue official " a model of
enlightened ability and untiring zeal."
A great change certainly in the
" spirit of the dream," even for a
span of one hundred and thirty years,
and this change to a great extent is
correlative with the alteration in the
basis, scope, and incidence of our
national fiscal system.
The Twenty-Eighth Report of the
Commissioners of Inland Revenue,
just issued, throws considerable light
on the transformation which has taken
place, whilst the facts and figures given
afford a mine of wealth for the shap-
ing hand of the reformer. We have
at a glance the whole history of Inland
Duties from 1660 to 1885, from the
Restoration of Charles II. to the
zenith of the Victorian reign. We
are carried back to the very root of
our fiscal system ; to the early im-
position of poundage and tonnage in
the reign of Henry V. ; to the un-
successful effort of Charles I. in
1626 to obtain supplies other than
those hitherto yielded by the Crown
lands and the voluntary contributions
of the nobles ; how the resistance which
the Commons offered, Parliament
after Parliament, to any new imposts
culminated in the Civil War of 1642 ;
how the Parliamentarians the follow-
ing year raised supplies by the very
means they had previously condemned ;
how the Royalists at Oxford followed
suit, thus in many instances making
the much distracted people " double
debts to pay." After the Resto-
ration what was regarded as an ex-
ceptional burden during war time
was permanently established under
the title of Excise, " as full com-
pensation to the Crown" for duties
hitherto yielded by land alone. Little
by little the people were accustomed
to it, but we may take it that down to
Johnson's time the somewhat one-sided
bargain was regarded as anything but
final or equitable. Only about half-a-
dozen duties were first imposed.and these
of trifling amount. Beer was charged
1 s. 3d. per barrel and mead ^d. per gallon.
What is described as " strong water "
was charged duty at the rate of Id.
per gallon, and evidently temperance
principles were not very popular in
those days, for on every gallon of
coffee made and sold there was
charged a duty of 4c£., and double that
amount on every gallon of chocolate,
sherbet and tea. Like the first scent
of blood, however, these duties opened
a vista to the rapacity of the king
and the selfishness of the great land-
owning and governing class. Year
after year we find new duties intro-
duced till a culminating point was
reached about the year of the battle
of Waterloo. In the very year of
that battle there was raised from
excise alone over thirty millions ster-
ling, some three and a half millions
more than was levied from the same
source in 1884-85, though our popu-
lation has nearly doubled since then,
leaving altogether out of account the
great growth of industrial and private
property. Every conceivable trade
and every imaginable article was
taxed, so much so that a noted
pamphleteer of the day said it was
the ineffable blessing of every Briton
to be reared in a taxed cradle, fed on
taxed food, and buried in a taxed
coffin. Even.the linings of men's hats
were taxed. In 1813 the wine duty
stood at the highest point it has ever
Inland Duties and Taxation,
393
reached, being within three half-pence
of a pound per gallon on the French
product — twenty times what it is at
present. Even Spain and Portugal
in those days, much as they grumble
at the half-a-crown duty now, paid
no less than 9s. \\d. per gallon, but
Cape wines were admitted at one-third
of that figure. Even the spirit duty
originally fixed at twopence per gallon
rose to 8s. Q±d. in 1811. Beer, the
great national beverage was worse off
still. It bore a double tax. The malt
duty rose from sixpence per bushel to
4s. 5d. in 1804, and besides this there
was a beer duty of ten shillings per
barrel, so that the good honest squires
who drank the health of Lord Wel-
lington in June, 1815, did so in beer
taxed to the extent of 18s. lOd. per
barrel, exactly three times as much as
at present.
Better times, however, were now at
hand. Peace was restored, and the
fiscal shackles which were strangling
the infantile industrial instincts of the
people were one by one cast off. The
salt duty was the first to go, and when
we turn f,o Indian needs at the present
time, this fact should be borne in
mind. In patriarchal as well as
modern times salt has always been a
prime necessary of life, and none but
the sorest needs justify resort to it as
an instrument of taxation. The beer
duty was abolished in 1830, the malt
duty, its correlative, still being kept
on. The duty on vinegar was abolished
in 1844, that on glass and on auction
duties in 1845, and the brick duty
went the way of all flesh in 1850.
We now enter upon the third era of
excise taxation or rather freedom from
such. In December, 1852, Mr. Glad-
stone took the reins as Chancellor of
the Exchequer, and it is no exaggera-
tion to say, that in matters financial
the country has been under his spell
since then. In 1853 he knocked off
the soap duty, in 1861 free paper was
proclaimed, in 1862 brewers had to
thank him for free hops : in 1869 the
fire insurance duty and stage carriage
duties were abolished ; in 1874 the
duty on race horses was taken off by
Sir Stafford Northcote, as well as the
Customs duty on sugar; and in 1880,
again by Mr. Gladstone, agricultural
industry was relieved from the incubus
of the malt duty. Leaving out of ac-
count his proposal, made in 1874, for
the entire abolition of the income tax,
it is a brilliant record, enough to
grave the name of any statesman in
the roll of those who "are not born
to die." Save in respect of tea, cocoa,
coffee, and dried fruit, practically we
now have a free breakfast table, thanks
to the broad enlightened liberal-minded
fiscal policy steadfastly pursued by the
country during the past thirty odd
years.
Progress is, however, the life-breath
of a people. The resources of reform
are by no means yet exhausted, nor has
the need of it disappeared. It would
yet take five and a half millions
sterling annually to secure us an
absolutely free breakfast table, and a
free trade nation will not rest content
until that modest goal is reached.
Fruit alone yields over half a million a
year duty, whilst the tea duty, low
as it is at sixpence a pound, brings in
four and three quarter millions ster-
ling. Besides this, the new Parliament
will undoubtedly take a wide view of
the national balance sheet. It will
inquire into what is and what is to
be ; how taxation may be more equit-
ably distributed, where, when and how
retrenchment may be effected. In the
year ended 31st March, 1885, we
raised altogether a little over eighty-
eight ' millions sterling. And in the
current year the national and imperial
requirements will entail an expendi-
ture of close upon a hundred millions
sterling. Magic figures these, but
ponderous with responsibility. Our
Laureate may entreat us not to fail
through " craven fear of being great ; "
but let any thinking man reflect for a
moment on these hundreds of millions
of hard sovereigns, which must be got
together somehow out of the pockets
of the people from March in one
year to March in another, and say if
the problem is not a momentous and
intricate one. Trade is sound now, if
394
Inland Duties and Taxation.
somewhat circumscribed ; but think
what an expenditure like this would
mean in a period of acute depression,
such as would result from a series of
bad harvests or a gigantic war in any
corner of the world. Think of it if
we ourselves were in the throes of a
European or Asiatic conflict, for be it
remembered, these ninety or a hundred
millions would have to be met apart
from the stupendous cost of a conflict.
Not a few think that this heavy liabi-
lity is a dangerous millstone round the
neck of the commonwealth, but it is
far easier to point to it and moralise
than suggest any royal road out of
the difficulty.
We may just state the items which
go to make up this huge bill of fare.
The contributions are :— -
Customs £20,321,000
Excise 26,600,000
Stamps 11,925,000
Land Tax 1,065,000
House Duty 1,885,000
Income Tax 12,000,000
Post Office
Telegraph Service .
Crown Lands . . .
Suez Canal Interest
Miscellaneous .
7,905,000
1,760,000
380,000
1,027,349
3,174,760
£88,043,109
There is one consolation, that the
items are fairly well distributed, so
that partial paralysis would by no
means cripple the whole working body.
Customs is a dwindling source, and
it is desirable in a free trade
nation that it should be so. Excise
is principally concerned with the
inland duty on spirituous liquors ;
and despite the storm which upset the
late Ministry, in all probability,
especially as regards the beer duty, if
the pinch in right earnest came, this
is the branch that would be' mainly
relied upon. Stamps constitute a
growing source, and as they include
the Succession Duties, there are great
future possibilities in this quarter.
We fancy twenty years' time will see
a different total to eleven millions
from this source. Of the Land Tax
we shall speak further on. The House
Duty and Income Tax are pliable con-
tributors, especially the latter — prime
favourites with finance ministers — but
by no means so with the people. The
Post Office is making rapid strides
as a source of profit ; but ideal re-
formers look to the maximum of
accommodation in this direction rather
than absolute money getting : six-
penny telegrams are a step in this latter
direction, though no doubt telegraphic
rates lower still will yet constitute a
source of profit, despite the admittedly
exorbitant price the nation paid for
the rights of the old companies.
And now we come to the Income
Tax and all the contentious matter it
entails. The Report does not enter
into the polemical aspect of the case,
but some of the historical facts stated
will prove highly valuable at the time
when the question of a "graduated"
Income Tax is under serious discus-
sion. The tax dates from 1798. Mr.
Pitt is the author of it. At that time
he was at his wits' end for money for
carrying on the war. He had failed
in the attempt to treble the assessed
taxes, and the happy thought struck
him that he could indirectly obtain
the same result by stealthy and less
unpalatable means. He therefore
brought in a bill " Granting to his
Majesty an aid and contribution for
the prosecution of the war," promising
that when the war was over there
would be an end of the " aid and con-
tribution." It was not a tax upon
income or property in the proper
sense, but simply an elaborate scheme
for raising the old assessed taxes —
those on houses, windows, men-ser
vants, carriage-horses, and other
articles of luxury — to such an extent
as would represent a certain per cent-
age on incomes. This was in every
sense of the word a "graduated"
Income Tax, so that those who now
advocate the principle have at least
antiquity and parental authority in
their favour. Under it, incomes under
60£. a year were exempted, a sliding
scale was applied to incomes between
QQL and 200?., and 10 per cent, was
expected on incomes of the latter
amount and upwards. The scheme
proved impracticable, but it is pos-
Inland Duties and Taxation.
395
sible that this was owing more to the
fact that it was based on the old
assessed taxes than to any inherent
defect in the principle itself. During
the next four years another scheme
was tried and abandoned ; and this
scheme, too, to some extent, recognised
the " graduated principle." All per-
sons were required to make return of
their incomes from whatever source
derived. Incomes under 60£. a year
were exempted, varying rates were
charged between 6(W. and 2001. and 10
per cent, above that. The only differ-
ence between this scheme and the short-
lived one-year one was, that under the
old scheme only those already liable
to assessed taxes, that is the wealthier
classes, came in for charge, whilst
the second tax brought all classes
into the net. In 1803 the present
system of Income Tax was introduced,
and for the third time we find the
"graduated" system recognised. In-
stead of persons being charged in the
lump, as it were, on the whole of their
incomes from whatever source de-
rived, they were charged separately, so
that a professional man who owned a
house, farmed some land, had an an-
nuity from the funds, and held a local
appointment, would be charged under
five separate heads. The house rent
charge would be under A, the profit
on farming B, the tax on his income
from the funds C, that on his pro-
fessional earnings D, and that on his
salary in connection with the local
appointment E. The motive was ob-
vious. It was to check evasion as
much as possible, so that if a man
suppressed one source of income he
would at least be caught under some
other. A poundage rate varying from
3d. to lid. in the pound was imposed
upon all incomes between 60Z. and
1501. a year, and 5 per cent, upon
sums above that. In 1806 the " gradu-
ated " principle was dropped after
eight years existence, but in lieu of it
we find a principle equally subversive
introduced. It is no less than a differ-
entiation between income from realised
property and that derived from trades
and professions. How some of the
advocates of the principle at the present
time could have missed this point is a
mystery. The Report, cautiously
worded as it is, states the facts plainly
enough. It says —
Between the years 1803 and 1806 several
Acts were passed relating to the income tax
which made no alteration in the principle, but
in the latter year, by 46 Geo. III. cap. 65, the
rate of duty was again increased to 10 per-
cent. The exemption on incomes from realised
property under 601. a year (which before ex-
isted) was, with a few exceptions repealed,
entire exemption was limited to incomes under
501., and a graduated scale imposed on in-
comes "between 501. and 1501., but limited to
pro/its of trades, professions, and offices.
Since then the main principles of the
tax have been entire exemption for
incomes of a certain sum, abatement
more or less, up to another point, and
a uniform charge on the whole.
One fact to be noted is that the gradu-
ated scale in its integrity never ap-
plied to incomes above 2001. Another
is that the principle was tried and found
wanting. But, after all, what is the pre-
sent exemption under 150/. but a grad-
ation from 0 to 8d. in the pound ? What
is the abatement on incomes under
4:001. but the same principle in a less
accentuated shape? The great argu-
ment in favour of the graduated scale
is that income above what is necessary
to supply the necessaries of life should
be taxed more than income barely
necessary for such. Opponents of the
scheme ask where are we to stop if we
once introduce the principle of differen-
tiation at all. The authority of M'Cul-
loch is invoked warning us against the
thin end of the wedge. The late
Chancellor of the Exchequer says it
would impair the wage-spending power
of the wealthier classes, and thus re-
act injuriously on the very poorest
section of the population. John Stuart
Mill was certainly in favour of what
he termed " equality of sacrifice," and
the views of Mr. Chamberlain, M.P.,
Lord Randolph Churchill, and Prince
Bismarck in the same direction are
widely known — in fact we see it
stated that a graduated income tax
has been in force in Germany since
April last ; but pitted against all this
396
Inland Duties and Taxation.
we find the name of a reformer like
Adam Smith who states that " Every
man should contribute to the support
of the State in proportion to the in-
come he enjoys under it."
Passing from theory to practice
from the " dismal science " to figures
usually regarded as " more dismal,"
we come to what have not inaptly
been termed "the marvellous Income
Tax returns." Here, again, we find
the doctors differing. Figures, it is
said can be made to prove anything.
Nothing, say cynics, is falser than facts
except figures. Certainly the figures
in these marvellous returns have been
lately called upon to prove some strange
post-prandial things. In 1868-69 the
gross amount of property in the
United Kingdom assessed under all
schedules was 430,000,000^. In
1883-84 the figures had amounted to
630,000,000/. These 200,000,000/., ac-
cording to Lord Derby, represent the
growth of commerce, manufactures, and
foreign trade in fifteen years. Not
at all, says Mr. Goschen. They only
represent the work of the " jerry "
builder in multiplying doubtful pro-
perty, the additional investments in
railways canals, mines, telegraphs,
and other securities which may or
may not be doubtful, leaving only
60,000,000^. or 70,000,000^. as
the growth of " commerce, manu-
factures, and foreign trade " ; and he
further went on to show, in a masterly,
exhaustive manner in his Manchester
speech, that the profits of the retail
trader would account for the most
even of this. In fact, broadly speak-
ing, he laid it down that the retailer,
grumbler though he be, was the only
person doing well during these fifteen
years, as the public had not' got the
benefit of the fall in cost prices, so
that the difference must have gone
into his pockets.
Let us see what these marvellous
returns say. Some startling facts may
indeed be deduced from them. One
thing first of all is proved, and that
is, that the rent or gross annual value
of land has nofc decreased during these
fifteen years, taking the United King-
dom as a whole. In the United King
dom there is an increase of a million
and a quarter sterling, no less than
three quarters of which goes to
Ireland. Scotland, strange to say,
shows a decrease of 250,000^. The
explanation of all this must be, that
voluntary abatements of rent rather
than permanent reductions have taken
place in England ; that deer forests
are encroaching on the arable soil of
Scotland ; that in Ireland either the
returns must be better obtained or
the total nominal rental must be still
about the old pre-Land League level,
for the inclusion of farm houses in the
returns since 1876 would not quite
account for the apparent increase
shown. No doubt, however, the new
assessment taking place this year will
show a different result. In house
rentals there is, as Mr. Goschen has
pointed out, a striking increase of
47,000,000^. j whether this is a healthy
development is another matter. It
means the flow of population from
healthy villages to crowded cities,
suggestive of the warning given many
years ago that
" 111 fares the land to hastening ills a prey,
Where wealth accumulates and men decay. "
Schedule B., or what is supposed to
be the farmer's profit, has occasioned
as much bone-breaking these last few
weeks as the famous " graduated
income tax" itself. It is a sort of
will o' the wisp, entrapping alike
a wary financier like Mr. Gosohen and
an exact economist like Mr. Leone
Levi. The returns year after year
show sixty odd millions sterling
charged under this head, and poli-
ticians comfortably sat down well
contented with the good times
these ever - grumbling farmers had.
Now the fabric melts away like last
year's snow. For all any income-tax
return in the world can tell, there is
no such thing as a farmer's profit.
These sixty odd millions simply mean
the rental paid. The income-tax au-
thorities assume that half this is profit,
and charge it whether a profit is act-
ually made or not; but since 1851 the
Inland Duties and Taxation.
397
right of appeal has been allowed. The
proportion in Ireland and Scotland is
one-third, but in England a deduction
of one-eighth is allowed. In prosper-
ous times no doubt this was a rough
and ready, and, on the whole, fairly
equitable, way of arriving at the dif-
ference of rental, plus cost of produc-
tion, and the sums realised by the
produce, but during the past seven
years in all probability rental has
been a better clue to loss than to
gain. Farmers, as a rule, are poor
book-keepers, and very often prefer to
pay the tax rather than go to the
trouble of appealing. It would be
difficult, however, to devise any better
system. Lord Howick once suggested
that the profits from land tillage
should be treated like profits from
any other trade, but the proposal did
not meet with any measure of support.
Under the Act of 1803 the profit was
supposed to be three-fourths of the
rental in England and one-half in
Scotland, the reason of the reduction
in 1842 being stated to be the increase
in rentals and the loss consequent
on the importation of foreign corn.
The items under schedule D un-
doubtedly constitute the most im-
portant part of the income-tax returns.
They represent the profits from trades
and professions, and the dividends
from public companies — broadly speak-
ing, as returned by the people them-
selves. Schedule A. may be delusive
as representing the nominal growth
of property, an incumbrance rather
than an addition to the national
wealth ; schedule B may be worse
than delusive, being more or less
bucolic fiction of the rarer sort ; but
here with schedule D, we have ad-
mitted income and profits beyond yea
or nay, received in hard cash. What
say they ? Most satisfactory the ac-
count is. The days of Old England
evidently are not yet numbered, nor
is that much-abused New Zealander
putting in a sketching appearance yet
a while, as far as can be judged by this
official Blue Book. The gross profits
of the United Kingdom have swollen
from 173,000,000^. in 1868-9 to
291,000,000^. in 1883-4, an increase
of 118,000,000^, or 68 per cent. This
does not look like decadence ! This
large increase is as nearly as possible
divided equally between trades and pro-
fessions and public companies.
Pursuing the subdivisions further
we get some instructive facts. Taking
incomes under 3001. a year, for in-
stance, we learn that the recipients have
doubled in fifteen years. Could we have
better evidence of substantial middle-
class progress ? The number of persons
with incomes under 4:001. have likewise
doubled. Under 5001. the increase is
from 12,000 to 19,000, and so on, till
we come to the colossal fortunes — to
the millionaires — and here we find
perhaps, the most astonishing facts in
the whole of the returns. Persons and
corporations in receipt of incomes vary-
ing from 10,000£. to 50,0001. per annum
have increased from 704 to 1,192 in
the fifteen years ; and of 50,0001. and
upwards, from 52 to 104 — exactly
double. Of these 104 no less than sixty
are assessed in London. Could any
other country in the world show such
progress in the same time 1 A certain
German general once remarked of
London, " What a city to plunder ! "
Did he peruse this Blue Book he well
might say, "What a subject for an
indemnity ! " No wonder French
admirals look with greedy eyes to
our coast towns, and dream of sup-
positions requisitions in time of
war.
An analysis of the gross profits from
public companies would show equally
satisfactory results. The development
in fifteen years is about 60,000,000^.,
contributed somewhat in the following
rates : —
Profit, increase of
Quarries £238,000
Mines 1,600,000
Ironworks 1,000,000
Gasworks 3,000,000
Canals 2,300,000
Waterworks 1,200,000
Fishings
Foreign Securities . .
Home Railways . . .
Foreign Railways . ,
Interest out of Rates .
Various undertakings
400,000
8,300,000
14,000,000
3,000,000
2,000,000
23,000,000
398
Inland Duties and Taxation.
These figures speak for themselves.
The income from foreign securities
may not be very certain. A good deal
of it represents colonial borrowings,
legitimate no doubt, but there is the
danger — however remote — that the
borrowing may proceed too rapidly.
The additional money sunk in home
railways in many instances means
competitive schemes useless, or im-
provements profitless. The develop-
ment in foreign railways — in India,
the Argentine country, Canada and
Brazil — is a healthy item.
Shall we ever get rid of the income
tax ? Could the mode of charge be
amended ? Pregnant questions these.
In its present shape it is an acquaint-
ance of forty years standing, and it is
questionable if the opportunity of 1874
will ever again come round. Two
objections are raised against the tax :
its inquisitorial character and the
inequitable nature of its incidence. It
is generally alleged that real property
does not bear its proper share, but the
Commissioners of Inland Revenue very
properly point out that real property
has to bear probate and other financial
burdens other than the income tax
proper. As regards its inquisitorial
nature it only applies where local
collectors are employed, and this
suggests the advisability of transferr-
ing the collection as well as the charging
of the duty entirely to the government
officials. It would lead to considerable
economy, as clerks to local commission-
ers, local assessors, or local collectors,
figure largely in the civil service vote.
A revenue official by the sheer force
of habit alone is inured to secrecy,
apart from that honour which pervades
all professions. The local collector is
often a local shopkeeper, and would be
more than human if he were not in
some instances inquisitive. At present
the income tax in some of the large
towns is entirely managed by Inland
Revenue officials, and with the most
satisfactory results.
Touching on economy at all, the
public may well ask what need of one
Board for Customs and another for
Excise. Why not have one Revenue
Board for the entire kingdom, with a
responsible minister in the House of
Commons, just as there is at present
for the Board of Trade ? In these days
of hundred million budgets there is
not room for both. Already the pro-
cedure of the two departments has been
assimilated, so that the final act of
fusion could at any moment be carried
out. At first the saving would be
small ; owing to superanuations,
there may even be a loss, but in a few
years it would result in a saving of
half a million per annum. The Excise
Board has already swallowed up the
stamp and tax establishments, there-
by effecting a total economy of
74,000£. a year, and there is no reason
why the Customs Board should not
share the same fate as these two.
The Excise collect 54,000,000?. against
the Customs 22,000,000?., and at a cost
of 3 -4 per cent, against 4-4 by the
Customs. The Excise employ 6,000
officials, against 6,209 in the Customs.
Each Excise official collects 9,000?. per
annum, and each Customs official
3,680?. The Customs officials are
better paid, as the frequent public
complaints of the Inland Revenue
officials would testify, but great im-
provement has been effected in the
working of the latter department with-
in the past few years, and no doubt if
public economy be effected, everything
short of an increase in the estimates
will be done under the present regime
to place the department in a thoroughly
equitable and contented position.
The public favour which the depart-
ment as a whole enjoys, is alluded to in
the Report with pardonable pride. Sore
as the income tax is, complaint against
the system of administration is never
heard. Every stage of the distiller's
operation is watched, every scrap of
his goods locked, and yet if he were
given the option, he would retain both
the lock and the custodian of it as a
check against the possibility of pecula-
tion on the part of his own servants.
We enjoy the finest spirit in the
world, thanks to the admirable system
devised for the collection of the duty
on it. Y/hen the paper duty was
Inland Duties and Taxation.
399
repealed, a Scotch manufacturer hoisted
a flag with a quotation from a well-
known song by Burns — himself a
revenue officer — " The deil's awa', the
deil's awa', the deil's awa' wi' th'
exciseman." Yet it is an historic fact
that the maltster, much as he grumbled,
parted with reluctance with the tape
and the dipping rod. No greater fiscal
change was ever introduced than the
transfer of the duty on malt to beer,
with the necessary interference with
the course of manufacture which it
entailed. It would lead to a revolu-
tion in Russia. Yet not the slightest
hitch occurred, the brewers them-
selves, bearing testimony to the tact,
courtesy, and enlightened knowledge
displayed by those entrusted with the
carrying out of the Act of 1880.
Still harping on the key of reform, let
us see what public charges are looming.
We have 1,400,000^. as the produce of
carriage and kindred licences. There
has been some talk of transferring
this in relief of local rates. Liquor
licences now yield 1,900,000. If local
option were carried it would be in-
teresting to speculate what' would
become of this item. The plate duties
are still on the tapis. The arguments
for and against retention are stated
with great clearness and impartiality
in the Report. It appears that the
manufacturers themselves are not at
all anxious for repeal, no doubt having
an eye to monopoly, but in all pro-
bability the claims of Indian workman-
ship must outweigh all considerations.
It is doutbful, indeed, if the tax will
survive the Colonial Exhibition of
next year. Hall marking should, how-
ever, be retained and its provisions
made more stringent.
For some years past the Financial
Reform Association has been assidu-
ously preaching that land is not bear-
ing its proper quota of taxation, that all
the land of the kingdom was primarily
the property of the sovereign as the re-
presentative of the State, that the
Convention Parliament of Charles II.
fraudently converted landholders into
landowners, that these landowners
shifted the burdens which land hither-
to bore, and bore alone, on to the
general body of the people — first, in
the shape of excise ; secondly, in unfair
manipulation of the land tax ; and
thirdly, in the imposition of the in-
come tax. The specific charge respect-
ing the land tax is that it was fixed on
a valuation (tainted, it is said, with
fraud) made in 1692, that this skeleton
valuation has never since been dis-
turbed, so that a nominal quota fixed
at 4s. in the pound now produces a
little over a million, whereas if it were
levied on the actual yearly value of
the same property, it would yield about
19,000,000, thereby inferring that the
nation in this respect alone is cheated
out of 18,000,000 per annum. Some
historical facts now unearthed, and
quoted in this report, to some extent
weaken this contention. It is not our
province to decide which view is the
more correct. No doubt the issue now
raised as to the original scope of the
tax will lead to further investigation.
Up to the middle of the seventeenth
century, the necessities of the realm
were chiefly met by subsidies, land
chiefly bearing the burden. Instead
of hand-to-mouth levies of this kind,
the Long Parliament resorted to regular
assessments. This was the first Land
Tax. In 1692 a general valuation of all
estates was made, and a poundage fixed
upon it, thus laying the basis of the
land-tax as known to us at present.
Five years later it appears to have
dawned upon the " landowners " that
a rate levied upon property, increasing
year by year in value, would be a
very dangerous screw, so they drew a
fixed line of demarcation beyond which
the total payment was not to go, fixing
upon 1,484,015^. as the quota of Eng-
land and Wales. The plain English
of this was that the assessment fixed
in 1692 was to be accepted as the basis,
no matter what the rise in value of the
respective properties may have been.
During the next 105 years this system
continued, the rate varying from Is. to
4s. in the pound, the old assessment
always taken as the basis. In 1798
the tax was made permanent at 4s.
in the pound, and the old valuation
400
Inland Duties and Taxation.
of 1692 was thus irrevocably fixed.
This quota at this valuation produced
something over 2,000,000^., and of this
856,469Z. has been redeemed on the
basis of a scheme, devised by Mr. Pitt,
in 1798, and remodelled in 1853. The
fresh matter now unearthed for the first
time in this report, shows that this ad-
herence to the old partial valuation of
1692 has benefited all kinds of property
and all kinds of income quite as much as
it has land, that the English people as
a whole must plead guilty to the filch-
ing of this 18,000,000^. ; in short, that it
is a sort of good-natured family fraud,
by which Peter is robbed to pay Paul.
And this is proved in a very simple
way, by showing that the Act of 1692
ordained that estates, merchandise,
chattels, incomes, and profits of every
description should be assessed at 4s. in
the pound. This would make it in
reality a 4s. income tax, so that it
would follow that the " estates, mer-
chandise, chattels, and incomes," are
the real backsliders, the real robbers
of the nation, since land alone bears
the quota of the tax still extant. A
strong case this, difficult to rebut. But
there are some weak points in the
armour. It is a most suspicious fact
that the " other estates, chattels, and
incomes " were never in reality as-
sessed. If they were there is no
record left. In 1799, in the Tower
division of London, where, be it re-
membered, most of the shipping of
the day would be assessed, we find per-
sonal estate yielding only 227/. against
29,964£. from land. The report sug-
gests that the final fixing upon land
may have arisen from the fact that the
tax was a fixed one, that those origi-
nally charged upon personal incomes
would naturally shift from' time to
time, and thus slide out of the assess-
ments. It is possible. But is it not
more probable that the commissioners
charged with the carrying out of the
Act of 1692 — in most instances land-
holders themselves — would have a
lively sense of the spirit of the tax,
would be imbued with the feeling that
they were giving a composition for the
burdens which the land for centuries
bore — such as military service, purvey-
ance, aids, relief, premier seisin, ward-
ships, &c., and with that thorough sense
of justice which has always character-
ised the administration of purely
English affairs, put the saddle on
the right horse, knowing that " other-
estates, incomes and chattels " had to
yield liberally in indirect ways, in the
shape of the newly instituted excise.
In conclusion, thanks are due to the
Commissioners of Inland Revenue for
the publication of this valuable and
interesting report. As Mr. Leone
Levi says, they might have been con-
tent with the presentation of the scan-
tiest details. Instead of that they
have given us a living sketch of their
department as it is, and as it has been,
in a report free from the lugubrious,
reader-scaring, ill-digested mass of
statistics too often found in official
publications. And they do well.
The new electorate will be all the
more contented, all the better qualified
to exercise their functions with self
thinking discretion, by knowing the
real nature of the items which the tax-
man demands, why he demands them,
how the money is got, and how
the money is spent. Working men
show sound judgment in the manage-
ment of their weekly wage. Would
not the same broad sound mass of
popular common sense be a healthy
fulcrum in national affairs, if national
finance only were made more popular 1
Lord Salisbury tells us that human
nature is averse to figures. There is
no reason why a nation should be.
Figures have made Germany what
she is. The slide rule and the loga-
rithmic table led to the crowning vic-
tory of Sedan. When men know what
they are paying, directly and indirectly,
they will begin to inquire why they
are paying it. They will want to
know how and for what purposes it
is spent. They will pay all the more
cheerfully, if satisfied, and will thus
bring valuable influence to bear on
the administration of affairs at home
and abroad.
MACMILLAN'S MAGAZINE.
OCTOBER, 1885.
A PRINCE OF COURT PAINTERS.
Extracts from an Old French Journal.
VALENCIENNES, September, 1701.
THEY have been renovating my father's
large workroom. That delightful,
tumble-down old place has lost its
moss-grown tiles and the green
weather-stains we have known all
our lives on the high whitewashed
wall, opposite which we sit, in the
little sculptor's yard, for the coolness,
in summertime. Among old Wat-
teau's work-people came his son, " the
genius," my father's godson and
namesake, a dark-haired youth, whose
large, unquiet eyes seemed perpetually
wandering to the various drawings
which lie exposed here. My father
will have it that he is a genius indeed,
and a painter born. We have had our
September Fair in the Grande Place, a
wonderful stir of sound and colour in
the wide, open space beneath our win-
dows. And just where the crowd was
busiest young Antony was found,
hoisted into one of those eiripty
niches of the old Hotel de Ville, sketch-
ing the scene to the life ; but with a
kind of grace (a marvellous tact, of
omission, as my father pointed out to
us, in dealing with the vulgar reality
seen from one's own window) which
has made trite old Harlequin, Clown,
and Columbine, seem like people in
some fairy-land ; or like infinitely
clever tragic actors, who, for the
humour of the thing, have put on
No. 312.— VOL. LII.
motley for once, and are able to
throw a world of serious innuendo
into their burlesque looks, with a sort
of comedy which shall be but tragedy
seen from the other side. He brought
his sketch to our house to-day, and I
was present when my father questioned
him and commended his work. But
the lad seemed not greatly pleased,
and left untasted the glass of old
Malaga which was offered to him.
His father is a somewhat stern man,
and will hear nothing of educating him
as a painter. Yet he is not ill-to-do,
and has lately built himself a new
stone house, big, and grey, and cold.
Their old plastered house with the
black timbers, in the Rue des Cardi-
naux, was prettier ; dating from the
time of the Spaniards, and one of the
oldest in Valenciennes.
October, 1701.
Chiefly through the solicitations of
my father, old "Watteau has consented
to place Antony with a teacher of
painting here. I meet him betimes on
the way to his lessons, as I return
from mass ; for he still works with the
masons, but making the most of late
and early hours, of every moment of
liberty. And then he has the feast-
days, of which there are so many in
this old-fashioned place. Ah ! such
gifts as his, surely, may once in a way
make much industry seem worth while .
D D
402
A Prince of Court Painters.
He makes a wonderful progress. And
yet, far from being set up, and too
easily pleased with what, after all,
comes to him so easily, he has, my
father thinks, too little self -approval
for ultimate success. He is apt, in
truth, to fall out too hastily with him-
self and what he produces. Yet here
also there is the "golden mean."
Yes ! I could fancy myself offended
by a sort of irony which sometimes
crosses the half -melancholy sweetness
of manner habitual with him ; only
that, as I can see, he treats himself to
the same quality.
October, 1701.
Antony Watteau comes here often
now. It is the instinct of a natural
fineness in him, to escape when he can
from that blank stone house, si peu
historic, and that homely old man and
woman. The rudeness of his home
has turned his feeling for even the
simpler graces of life into a physical
need, like hunger or thirst, which
might come to greed ; and methinks
he perhaps over- values those things.
Still, made as he is, his hard fate in
that rude place must needs touch one.
And then, he profits by the experience
of my father, who has much know-
ledge in matters of art beyond his own
art of sculpture ; and Antony is not
unwelcome to him. In these last
rainy weeks especially, when he can't
sketch out of doors, when the wind
only half dries the pavement before
another torrent comes, and people stay
at home, and the only sound from
without is the creaking of a restless
shutter on its hinges, or the march
across the Place of those weary
soldiers, coming and going so inter-
minably, one hardly knows whether
to or from battle with the English and
the Austrians, from victory or defeat-
Well ! he has become like one of our
family. " He will go far ! " my father
declares. He would go far in the
literal sense, if he might — to Paris,
to Rome. It must be admitted that
our Valenciennes is a quiet — nay, a
sleepy place ; sleepier than ever, since
it became French, and ceased to be so
near the frontier. The grass is grow-
ing deep on our old ramparts, and it is
pleasant to walk there — to walk there
and muse ; pleasant for a tame, un-
ambitious soul such as mine.
December, 1702.
Antony "VVatteau left us for Paris
this morning. It came upon us quite
suddenly. They amuse themselves in
Paris. A scene-painter we have here,
well known in Flanders, has been
engaged to work in one of the Parisian
playhouses ; and young Watteau, of
whom he had some slight knowledge,
has departed in his company. He
doesn't know it was I who persuaded
the scene-painter to take him — that he
would find the lad useful. We offered
him our little presents ; fine thread-
lace of our own making for his ruffles
and the like ; for one must make a
figure in Paris ; and he is slim and
well-formed. For myself, I presented
him with a silken purse I had long ago
embroidered for another. Well ! we
shall follow his fortunes (of which I
for one feel quite sure) at a distance.
Old Watteau didn't know of his de-
parture, and has been here in great
anger.
December, 1703.
Twelve months to-day since Antony
went to Paris ! The first struggle
must be a sharp one for an unknown
lad in that vast, over crowded place,
even if he be as clever as young
Antony Watteau. We may think,
however, that he is on the way to
his chosen end, for he returns not
home ; though, in truth, he tells those
poor old people very little of himself.
The apprentices of the M. Metayer for
whom he works, labour all day long,
each at a single part only — coiffure, or
robe, or hand — of the cheap pictures of
religion or fantasy he exposes for sale
at a low price, along the footways of
the Pont Notre - Dame. Antony is
already the most skilful of them, and
seems to have been promoted of late
to work on church pictures. I like
A Prince of Court Painters.
403
the thought of that. He receives
three limes a week for his pains, and
his soup daily.
May, 1705.
Antony Watteau has parted from the
dealer in pictures b, lion marche, and
works now with a painter of furniture
pieces, (those head-pieces for doors and
the like, now in fashion,) who is also
concierge of the Palace of the Luxem-
bourg. Antony is actually lodged
somewhere in that grand place, which
contains the king's collection of the
Italian pictures he would so willingly
copy. Its gardens also are magnificent,
with something, as we understand
from him, altogether of a novel kind
in their disposition and embellishment.
Ah ! how I delight myself, in fancy
at least, in those beautiful gardens,
freer and trimmed less stiffly than
those of other royal houses. Me-
thinks I see him there, when his long
summer-day's work is over, enjoying
the cool shade of the stately, broad-
foliaged trees, each of which is a great
courtier, though it has its way almost
as if it belonged to that open and un-
built country beyond, over which the
sun is sinking.
His thoughts, however, in the midst
of all this, are not wholly away from
home, if I may judge by the subject of
a picture he hopes to sell for as much
as sixty livres — Un Depart de Troupes —
Soldiers Departing — one of those
scenes of military life one can study
so well here at Valenciennes.
June, 1705.
Young Watteau has returned home ;
— proof, with a character so independent
as his, that things have gone well with
him ; and (it is agreed !) stays with
us, instead of in the stonemason's
house. The old people suppose he
comes to us for the sake of my father's
instruction. French people as we
have become, we are still old Flemish,
if not at heart yet on the surface.
Even in French Flanders, at Douai
and Saint Omer, as I understand, in
the churches and in people's houses,
as may be seen from the very streets,
there is noticeable a minute and scru-
pulous air of care-taking and neatness.
Antony Watteau remarks this more
than ever on returning to Valencien-
nes, and savours greatly, after his
lodging in Paris, our Flemish cleanli-
ness, lover as he is of distinction and
elegance. Those worldly graces he
seemed as a young lad almost to hunger
and thirst for, as if truly the mere
adornments of life were its necessaries,
he already takes as if he had been al-
ways used to them. And there is
something noble — shall I say ? — in his
half-disdainful way of serving himself
with what he still, as I think, secretly
values over-much. There is an air of
seemly thought — le bel serieux — about
him, which makes me think of one of
those grave old Dutch statesmen in
their youth, such as that famous
William the Silent ; and yet the effect
of this first success of his, (greater in-
deed than its actual value, as insuring
for the future the full play of his
natural powers,) I can trace like the
bloom of a flower upon him ; and he
has, now and then, the gaieties which
from time to time, surely, must refresh
all true artists, however hard-working
and " painful."
July, 1705.
The charm of that— his physiog-
nomy and manner of being — has
touched even my young brother,
Jean-Baptiste. He is greatly taken
with Antony, clings to him al-
most too attentively, and will be
nothing but a painter, though my
father would have trained him to
follow his own profession. It may do
the child good. He needs the expan-
sion of some generous sympathy or
sentiment in that close little soul of
his, as I have thought, watching some-
times how his small face and hands
are moved in sleep. A child of ten
who cares only to save and possess, to
hoard his tiny savings ! Yet he is not
otherwise selfish, and loves us all with
a warm heart. Just now it is the
moments of Antony's company he
counts, like a little miser. Well ! that
may save him perhaps from develop-
D D 2
404
A Prince of Court Painters.
ing a certain meanness of character I
have sometimes feared for him.
August, 1705.
We returned home late this sum-
mer evening — Antony Watteau, my
father and sisters, young Jean-Bap-
tiste, and myself — from an excursion
to Saint-Amand, in celebration of
Antony's last day with us. After
visiting the great abbey-church and
its range of chapels, with their costly
encumbrance of carved shrines and
golden reliquaries and funeral scut-
cheons in the coloured glass, half seen
through a rich inclosure of marble
and brass work, we supped at the
little inn in the forest. Antony, look-
ing well in his new-fashioned, long-
skirted coat, and taller than he really
is, made us bring our cream and wild
strawberries out of doors, ranging our-
selves according to his judgment (for
a hasty sketch in that big pocket-
book he carries) on the soft slope of
one of those fresh spaces in the wood,
where the trees unclose a little, while
Jean-Baptiste and my youngest sister
danced a minuet on the grass, to the
notes of some strolling lutanist who
had found us out. He is visibly
cheerful at the thought of his return
to Paris, and became for a moment
freer and more animated than I have
ever yet seen him, as he discoursed to
us about the paintings of Rubens in
the church here. jHis words, as he
spoke of them, seemed full of a kind
of rich sunset with some moving
glory within it. Yet I like far better
than any of these pictures of Rubens
a work of that old Dutch master,
Peter Porbus, which hangs, though
almost out of sight indeed, in our
church at home. The patron saints,
simple and standing firmly on either
side, present two homely old people to
Our Lady enthroned in the midst,
with the look and attitude of one for
whom, amid her "glories," (depicted
in dim little circular pictures, set in
the openings of a chaplet of pale
flowers around her,) all feelings are
over, except a great pitif ulness ; and
her robe of shadowy blue suits my
eyes better far than the hot flesh-tints
of the Medicean ladies of the great
Peter Paul, in spite of that amplitude
and royal ease of action under their
stiff court-costumes, at which Antony
Watteau declares himself in dismay.
August, 1705.
I have just returned from early
mass. I lingered long after the office
was over, watching, and pondering how
in the world one could help a small
bird which had flown into the church
but could find no way out again. I
suspect it will remain there, fluttering
round and round distractedly, far up
under the arched roof, till it dies ex-
hausted. I seem to have heard of
some one who likened man's life to a
bird, passing just once only, on some
winter night, from window to window,
across a cheerfully - lighted hall.
The bird, taken captive by the ill-luck
of a moment, repeating its issueless
circle till it expires, within the close
vaulting of that great stone church —
human life may be like that bird
too !
Antony Watteau returned to Paris
yesterday. Yes ! — Certainly great
heights of achievement would seem to
lie before him — access to regions where
one may find it increasingly hard to
follow him even in imagination, and
figure to one's self after what manner
his life moves therein.
January, 1709.
Antony Watteau has competed for
what is called the Prix de Rome, de-
siring greatly to profit by the grand
establishment founded at Rome by
King Lewis the Fourteenth, for the
encouragement of French artists. He
obtained only the second place, but
does not renounce his desire to make
the journey to Italy. Could I save
enough by careful economies for that
purpose ? It might be conveyed to
him in some indirect way that would
not offend.
February, 1712.
We read, with much pleasure for all
of us, in the Gazette to-day, among
A Prince of Court Painters.
405
other events of the great world, that
Antony Watteau had been elected to
the Academy of Painting under the
new title of Peintre des fetes Galantes,
and had been named also Peintre du
Roi. My brother, Jean-Baptiste, ran
to tell the news to old Jean-Philippe
and Michelle Watteau.
A new manner of painting ! The
old furniture of people's rooms must
needs be changed throughout, it would
seem, to accord with this painting ;
or rather, the painting is designed
exclusively to suit one particular kind
of apartment — a manner of painting
greatly prized, as we understand, by
those Parisian judges who have had
the best opportunity of acquainting
themselves with whatever is most en-
joyable in the arts — such is the
achievement of the young Watteau !
He looks to receive more orders for
his work than he will be able to
execute. He will certainly relish —
he so elegant, so hungry for the
colours of life — a free intercourse with
those wealthy lovers of the arts, M. de
Crozat, M. de Julienne, the Abbe de
la Roque, the Count de Caylus, and
M. Gersaint, the famous dealer in
pictures, who are so anxious to lodge
him in their fine hotels, and to have
him of their company at their country
houses. Paris, we hear, has never
been wealthier and more luxurious
than now : and the great ladies outbid
each other to have his work upon their
very fans. Those vast fortunes, how-
ever, seem to change hands very
rapidly. And Antony's new manner?
I am unable even to divine it — to
conceive the trick and effect of it —
at all. Only, something of lightness
and coquetry I discern there, at vari-
ance, methinks, with his own singular
gravity, and even sadness, of mien and
mind, more answerable to the stately
apparelling of the age of Lewis XIV.,
or of Lewis XV., in these old, sombre
Spanish houses of ours.
March, 1713.
We have all been very happy — Jean-
Baptiste, as if in a delightful dream.
Antony Watteau, being consulted with
regard to the lad's training as a
painter, has most generously offered
to receive him for his own pupil. My
father, for some reason unknown to
me, seemed to hesitate at the first ;
but Jean-Baptiste, whose enthusiasm
for Antony visibly refines and beauti-
fies his whole nature, has won the
necessary permission, and this dear
young brother will leave us to-morrow.
Our regrets and his, at his parting
from us for the first time, overtook
our joy at his good fortune by surprise,
at the last moment, just as we were
about to bid each other good-night.
For a while there had seemed to be
an uneasiness under our cheerful talk,
as if each one present were concealing
something with an effort ; and it was
Jean-Baptiste himself who gave way
at last. And then we sat down again,
still together, and allowed free play
to what was in our hearts, almost till
morning, my sisters weeping much.
I know better how to control myself.
In a few days that delightful new life
will have begun for him : and 1 have
made him promise to write often to
us. With how small a part of my
whole life shall I be really living ai;
Valenciennes !
January, 1714.
Jean-Philippe Watteau has received
a letter from his son to-day. Old
Michelle Watteau, whose' sight is
failing, though she still works (half
by touch, indeed) at her pillow-lace,
was glad to hear me read the letter
aloud more than once. It recounts —
how modestly and almost as a matter
of course ! — his late successes. And
yet ! — does he, in writing to these old
parents, whom he has forgiven for
their hard treatment of him, purposely
underrate his great good-fortune and
present happiness, not to shock them
too much by the contrast between the
delicate enjoyments of the life he now
leads among the wealthy and refined,
and that bald existence of theirs in
his old home t A life, agitated, exi-
gent, unsatisfying! — That is what
this letter discloses, below so attractive
406
A Prince, of Court Painters.
a surface. As his gift expands so
does that incurable restlessness, one
supposed but a humour natural to a
promising youth who had still every-
thing to do. And now, the one realised
enjoyment he has of all this, might
seem to be the thought of the inde-
pendence it has purchased him, so
that he can escape from one lodging-
place to another, just as it may please
him. He has already deserted, some-
what incontinently, more than one of
those fine houses, the liberal air of
which he used so greatly to affect,
and which have so readily received
him. Has he failed really to grasp
the fact of his great success and the
rewards that lie before him? At all
events, he seems, after all, not greatly
to value that fine world he is now
privileged to enter, and has certainly
but little relish for his own works —
those works which I for one so thirst
to see.
March, 1714.
We were all — Jean-Philippe, Mi-
chelle Watteau, and ourselves — half
in expectation of a visit from Antony ;
and to-day, quite suddenly, he is with
us. I was lingering after early mass
this morning in the church of Saint
Vaast. It is good for me to be there.
Our people lie under one of the great
marble slabs before ihejube, some of
the memorial brass balusters of which
nre engraved with their names and the
dates of their decease. The settle of
carved oak which runs all round the
wide nave is my father's own work.
The quiet spaciousness of the place is
itself like a meditation, an acte de
recueillement, and clears away the
confusions of the heart. I suppose
the heavy droning of the carillon had
smothered the sound of his footsteps,
for on my turning round, when I sup-
posed myself alone, Antony Watteau
was standing near me. Constant ob-
server, as he is, of the lights and
shadows of things, he visits places of
this kind at odd times. He has left
Jean-Baptiste at work in Paris, and
will stay this time with the old people,
not at our house : though he has spent
the better part of to-day in my father's
workroom. He hasn't yet put off, in
spite of all his late intercourse with
the great world, his distant and pre-
occupied manner — a manner, it is true,
the same to every one. It is certainly
not through pride in his success, as
some might fancy, for he was thus
always. It is rather as if, with all that
success, life and its daily social routine
were somewhat of a burden to him.
April, 1714.
At last we shall understand some-
thing of that new style of his — the
Watteau style — so much relished by the
great world at Paris. He has taken
it into his kind head to paint and
decorate our chief salon — the room
with the three long windows, which
occupies the first floor of the house.
The room was a landmark, as we
used to think, an inviolable milestone
and landmark, of old Valenciennes
fashion — that sombre style, indulging
much in contrasts of black or deep
brown with white, which the Spaniards
left behind them here. Doubtless
their eyes had found its shadows
cool and pleasant, when they shut
themselves in from the cutting sun-
shine of their own country. But in
our country, where we must needs
economise not the shade but the sun,
its grandiosity weighs a little on one's
spirits. Well ! The rough plaster we
used to cover as well as might be with
morsels of old arras a personnages, is
replaced by dainty panelling of wood,
with mimic columns, and a quite aerial
scroll-work, around sunken spaces of
a pale-rose stuff, and certain oval
openings — two over the doors, open-
ing on each side of the grand canape
which faces the windows, one over the
chimney-piece, and one above the
bahut which forms its vis-a-vis — four
spaces in all, to be filled by and by
with " fantasies " of the Four Seasons,
painted by his own hand. He will
send us from Paris fauteuils of a new
pattern he has devised, suitably covered,
and a painted clavecin. Our old silver
flambeaux look well on the chimney
A Prince of Gour'^ Painters.
407
piece. Odd, faint-coloured flowers till
coquettishly the little empty spaces
here and there, like ghosts of nose-
gays left by visitors long ago, which
paled thus, sympathetically, at the de-
cease of their old owners ; for, in spite
of its new-fashionedness, all this array
is really less like a new thing than the
last surviving result of all the more
lightsome adornments of past times.
Only, the very walls seem to cry out —
No ! to make delicate insinuation, for
a music, a conversation, nimbler than
any we have known, or are likely to
find here. For himself, he converses
well, but very sparingly. He assures
us, indeed, that this new style is in
truth a thing of old days, of his own
old days here in Valenciennes, when,
working long hours as a mason's boy,
he in fancy reclothed the walls of this
or that house he was employed in, with
this fairy arrangement ; — itself like a
piece of " chamber-music," methinks,
part answering to part ; while no too
trenchant note is allowed to break
through the delicate harmony of white,
and pale red, and little golden touches.
Yet it is all very comfortable also, it
must be confessed ; with an elegant
open place for the fire, instead of the
big old stove of brown tiles. The
ancient, heavy furniture of our grand-
parents goes up, with difficulty, into
the grenier, much against my father's
inclination. To reconcile him to the
change, Antony is painting his portrait
in a vast perruque, and with more
vigorous massing of light and shadow
than he is wont to permit himself.
June, 1714.
He has completed the ovals — The
Four Seasons. Oh ! the summer-like
grace, the freedom and softness of the
" Summer " — a hayfield such as we
visited to-day, but boundless, and with
touches of level Italian architecture
in the hot, white, elusive distance, and
wreaths of flowers, fairy hayrakes and
the like, suspended from tree to tree,
with that wonderf ul lightness which is
one of the charms of his work. I can
understand through this, at last, what
it is he enjoys, what he selects by pre-
ference from all that various world we
pass our lives in. I am struck by the
purity of the room he has refashioned
for us — a sort of moral purity ; yet, in
the forms and colours of things. Is
the actual life of Paris, to which he
will soon return, equally pure, that it
relishes this kind of thing so strongly 1
Only, methinks 'tis a pity to incor-
porate so much of his work, of himself,
with objects of use which must perish
by use, or disappear, like our own
old furniture, with mere change of
fashion.
July, 1714.
On the last day of Antony Watteau's
visit we made a party to Cambrai.
We entered the cathedral church ; it
was the hour of Vespers, and it hap-
pened that Monseigneur le Prince de
Cambrai was in his place in the choir.
He appears of great age, assists but
rarely at the offices of religion, and is
never to be seen in Paris ; and Antony
had much desired to behold him. Cer-
tainly, it was worth while to have
come so far only to see him, and hear
him give his pontifical blessing, in a
voice feeble but of infinite sweetness,
and with an inexpressibly graceful
movement of the hands. A veritable
grand seigneur ! His refined old age,
the impress of genius and honours,
even his disappointments, concur with
natural graces to make him seem too
distinguished (a fitter word fails me)
for this world. Omnia Vanitas ! he
seems to say, yet with a profound re-
signation, which makes the things we
are most of us so fondly occupied with
seem petty enough. Omnia Vanitas ! —
Is that indeed the proper comment on
our lives, coming, as it does in this
case, from one who might have made
his own all that life has to bestow 1
Yet he was never to be seen at court,
and has lived here almost as an exile.
Was our " Great King Lewis " jealous
of a true grand seigneur, or grand
monarque by natural gift and the
favour of heaven, that he could not
endure his presence?
408
A Prince of Court Painters.
July, 1714.
My own portrait remains unfinished
at his sudden departure. I sat for it
in a walking-dress, made under his
direction — a gown of a peculiar silken
stuff, falling into an abundance of
small folds, giving me " a certain air
of piquancy " which pleases him, but
is far enough from my true self. My
old Flemish faille, which I shall
always wear, suits me better.
J notice that pur good-hearted but
sometimes difficult friend said little of
our brother Jean-Baptiste, though he
knows us so anxious on his account — •
spoke only of his constant industry,
cautiously, and not altogether with
satisfaction, as if the sight of it
wearied him.
September, 1714.
Will Antony ever accomplish that
long-pondered journey to Italy? For
Lis own sake, I should be glad he
might. Yet it seems desolately far,
across those great hills and plains. I
remember how I formed a plan for
providing him with a sum sufficient
for the purpose. But that he no
longer needs.
With myself, how to pass time be-
comes sometimes the question ; — un-
avoidably, though it strikes me as a
thing unspeakably sad in a life so short
as ours. The sullenness of a long wet
day is yielding just now to an outburst
of watery sunset, which strikes from
the far horizon of this quiet world of
ours, over fields and willow-woods, upon
the shifty weather-vanes, and long-
pointed windows of the tower on the
square — from which the Angelus is
sounding — with a momentary promise
of a fine night. I prefer the Salut at
Saint Vaast. The walk thither is a
longer one ; and I have a fancy'always
that I may meet Antony Watteau
there again, any time ; just as, when
a child, having found one day a tiny
box in the shape of a silver coin, for
long afterwards I used to try every
piece of money that came into my
hands, expecting it to open.
September, 1714.
We were sitting in the Watteau
chamber for the coolness, this sultry
evening. A sudden gust of wind
ruffled the lights in the sconces on
the walls ; the distant rumblings,
which had continued all the after-
noon, broke out at last : and through
the driving rain, a coach, rattling
across the Place, stops at our door ;
and in a moment Jean-Baptiste is with
us once again ; but with bitter tears
in his eyes ; — dismissed !
October, 1714.
Jean-Baptiste ! he, too, rejected by
Antony 1 It makes our friendship and
fraternal sympathy closer. And still,
as he works, not less sedulously than
of old, and still so full of loyalty to
his old master, in that Watteau cham-
ber, I seem to see Antony himself, of
whom Jean-Baptiste dares not yet
speak,- — to come very near to his work,
and understand his great parts. And
Jean-Baptiste 's work may stand, for
the future, as the central interest of
my life. I bury myself in that.
February, 1715.
If I understand anything of these
matters, Antony Watteau paints that
delicate life of Paris so excellently,
with so much spirit, partly because,
after all, he looks down upon it, or de-
spises it. To persuade myself of that,
is my womanly satisfaction for his
preference — his apparent preference —
for a world so different from mine.
Those coquetries, those vain and
perishable graces, can be rendered so
perfectly only through an intimate
understanding of them. For him, to
understand must be to despise them ;
while (I think I know why) he yet
undergoes their fascination. Hence
that discontent with himself which
keeps pace with his fame. It would
have been better for him — he would
have enjoyed a purer and more real
happiness — had he remained here,
obscure ; as it might have been better
for me !
It is altogether different with Jean-
Baptiste. He approaches that life,
and all its pretty nothingness, from a
level no higher than its own ; and,
A Prince of Court Painters.
409
beginning just where Antony Watteau
leaves off in disdain, produces a solid
and veritable likeness of it, and of its
ways.
March, 1715.
There are points in his painting (I
apprehend this through his own per-
sistently modest observations) at which
he works out his purpose more excel-
lently than Watteau ; of whom he has
trusted himself to speak at last, with
a wonderful self-effacement, pointing
out in each of those pictures, for the
rest so just and true, how Antony
would have managed this or that ;
and, with what an easy superiority,
have done the thing better — done the
impossible.
February, 1716.
There are good things, attractive
things, in life, meant for one and not
for another — not meant perhaps for
me ; as there are pretty clothes which
are not suitable for every one. I find
a certain immobility of disposition in
me, to quicken or interfere with which
is like physical pain. He, so brilliant,
petulant, mobile ! I am better far
beside Jean-Baptiste — in contact with
his quiet, even labour, and manner of
being. At first he did the work to
which he had set himself, sullenly ; but
the mechanical labour of it has cleared
his mind and temper at last, as a
sullen day turns quite clear and fine
by imperceptible change. With the
earliest dawn he enters his atelier, the
Watteau chamber, where he remains
at work all day. The dark evenings
he spends in industrious preparation
with the crayon for the pictures he is
to finish during the hours of daylight.
His toil is also his amusement ; he
goes but rarely into the society
whose manners he has to reproduce.
His animals, pet animals, (he knows
it !) are mere toys. But he finishes a
large number of works, dessus de
portes, clavecin cases, and the like. His
happiest, most genial moments, he
puts, like savings of fine gold, into one
particular picture (true opus magnum,
as he hopes) La Ealan^oire. He has
the secret of surprising effects with a
certain pearl-grey silken stuff of his
predilection ; and it must be confessed
that he paints hands — which a draughts-
man, of course, should understand
at least twice as well as all other
people — with surpassing expression.
March, 1716.
Is it the depressing result of this
labour, of a too-exacting labour? I
know not. But at times (it is his one
melancholy) he expresses a strange ap-
prehension of poverty, of penury, and
mean surroundings in old age ; remind-
ing me of that childish disposition to
hoard, which I noticed in him of old.
And then — inglorious Watteau, as he
is ! — at times, that steadiness in which
he is so great a contrast to Antony, as
it were accumulates, changes, into a
ray of genius, a grace, an inexplicable
touch of truth, in which all his heavi-
ness leaves him for a while, and he
actually goes beyond the master ; as
himself protests to me, yet modestly.
And still, it is precisely at those mo-
ments that he feels most the difference
between himself and Antony Watteau.
In that country, all the pebbles are
golden nuggets, he says ; with perfect
good humour.
June, 1717.
'Tis truly in a delightful abode that
Antony Watteau is just now lodged —
the hotel, or town-house of M. de Cro-
zat, which is not only a comfortable
dwelling-place, but also a precious
museum lucky people go far to see.
Jean-Baptiste, too, has seen the place,
and describes it. The antiquities,
beautiful curiosities of all sorts — above
all, the original drawings of those old
masters Antony so greatly admires —
are arranged all around one there, that
the influence, the genius of those
things may imperceptibly play upon,
and enter into one, and form what one
does. The house is situated near the
Rue Richelieu, but has a large gard-
en about it. M. de Crozat gives his
musical parties there, and Antony
Watteau has painted the walls of one
of the apartments with the Four
Seasons, after the manner of ours,
410
A Prince of Court Painters.
but doubtless improved by second
thoughts. This beautiful place is now
Antony's home for a while. The house
has but one story, with attics in its
mansard roof, like those of a farm-
house in the country. I fancy Antony
fled thither for a few moments, from
the visitors who weary him ; breathing
the freshness of that dewy garden in
the very midst of Paris. As for me, I
suffocate, this summer afternoon in
this pretty Watteau chamber of ours,
where Jean-Baptiste is working so
contentedly.
May, 1717.
In spite of what happened, Jean-
Baptiste has been looking forward to
a visit to Valenciennes which Antony
Watteau proposes to make. He hopes
always — has a patient hope — that
Antony's former patronage of him.
may be revived. And now he is
among us, actually at his work — rest-
less and disquieting, meagre, like a
woman with some nervous malady. Is
it pity, then, but pity, one must feel for
the brilliant one 1 He has been criti-
cising the work of Jean-Baptiste, who
takes his judgments generously, grate-
fully. Can it be that, after all, he
despises, and is no true lover of his own
art, and is but chilled by an enthu-
siasm for it in another, such as that
of Jean-Baptiste 1 — as if Jean-Baptiste
over-valued it, or as if some ignoble-
ness or blunder, and a sign that he
has really missed his aim, started out
of his work at the sound of praise —
as if such praise could hardly be alto-
gether sincere.
June, 1717.
And at last one has actual sight of
his work — what it is. He has brought
with him certain long-cherished de-
signs to finish here in quiet, as he
protests he has never finished before.
That charming noblesse — can it be
really so distinguished to the minutest
point, so naturally aristocratic ? Half
in masquerade, playing the drawing-
room or garden comedy of life, these
persons have upon them, not less than
the landscape he composes, and among
the accidents of which they group
themselves with such a perfect fitting-
ness — a certain light we should seek
for in vain, upon anything real. For
their framework they have around
them a veritable architecture — a tree-
architecture — of which those moss-
grown balusters, termes, statues, foun-
tains, are really but members. Only,
as I gaze upon those windless after-
noons, I find myself always saying to
myself involuntarily, "The evening
will be a wet one." The storm is
always brooding through the massy
splendour of the trees, above those
sun-dried glades or lawns, where
delicate children may be trusted thinly
clad : and the secular trees themselves
will hardly outlast another generation.
July, 1717.
There has been an exhibition of his
pictures in the Hall of the Academy
of Saint Luke ; and all the world has
been to see.
Yes ! Besides that unreal, imagi-
nary light upon these scenes and
persons, which is a pure gift of his,
there was a light, a poetry, in those
persons and things themselves, close
at hand, we had not seen. He has
enabled us to see it : we are so much
the better-off thereby, and I, for one,
the better. The world he sets before
us so engagingly has its care for
purity, its cleanly preferences, in what
one is to see — in the outsides of things
— and there is something, a sign, a
memento, at the least, even in that.
There, is my simple notion, wholly
womanly perhaps, but which I may
hold by, of the purpose of the arts.
August, 1717.
And yet ! (to read my mind, my
experience, in somewhat different
terms) methinks Antony Watteau
reproduces that gallant world, those
patched and powdered ladies and fine
cavaliers, so much to its own satisfac-
tion, partly because he despises it : if
this be a possible condition of excellent
artistic production. People talk of a
new era now dawning upon the world,
of fraternity, liberty, humanity, of a
A Prince of Court Painters.
411
novel sort of social freedom in which
men's natural goodness of heart will
blossom at a thousand points hitherto
repressed, of wars disappearing from
the world in an infinite, benevolent
ease of life — yes ! perhaps of infinite
littleness also. And it is the outward
manner of that, which, partly by
anticipation, and through pure intel-
lectual power, Antony Watteau has
caught, together with a flattering
something of his own, added thereto.
Himself really of the old time — that
serious old time which is passing away,
the impress of which he carries on his
physiognomy — he dignifies, by what in
him is neither more nor less than a
profound melancholy, the essential in-
significance of what he wills to touch
in all that ; transforming its mere
pettiness into grace. It looks cer-
tainly very graceful, fresh, animated,
" piquant," as they love to say — yes !
and withal, I repeat, perfectly pure ;
and may well congratulate itself on
the loan of a fallacious grace, not its
own. For in truth Antony Watteau
is still the mason's boy, and deals with
that world under a fascination, of the
nature of which he is half-conscious
methinks, puzzled at " the queer trick
he possesses," to use his own phrase.
You see him growing ever more and
more meagre, as he goes through
the world and its applause. Yet he
reaches with wonderful sagacity the
secret of an adjustment of colours, a
coiffure, a toilette, setting I know not
what air of real superiority on such
things. He will never overcome his
early training ; and these light things
will possess for him always a kind of
worth, as characterising that impos-
sible or forbidden world which the
mason's boy saw through the closed gate-
ways of the enchanted garden. Those
trifling and petty graces, insignia to
him of that nobler world of aspiration
and idea, even now that he is aware,
as I conceive, of their true littleness,
bring back to him, by the power of
association, all the old magical exhil-
aration of his dream, his dream of a
better world than the real one. There,
is the formula, as I apprehend, of his
success — of his extraordinary hold on
things so alien from himself. And I
think there is more real hilarity in
my brother's fetes champetres — more
truth to life, and therefore less dis-
tinction. Yes ! the world profits by
such reflection of its poor, coarse self,
in one who renders all its caprices
from the height of a Corneille. That
is my way of making up to myself
for the fact that I think his days
too, would have been really happier,
had he remained obscure at Valen-
ciennes.
September, 1717.
My own poor likeness, begun so long
ago, still remains unfinished on the
easel, at his departure from Valen-
ciennes— perhaps for ever ; since the old
people departed this life in the hard
winter of last year, at no distant time
from each other. It is pleasanter to
him to sketch and plan than to paint
and finish : and he is often out of
humour with himself because he can-
not project into a picture the life and
spirit of his first thought with the
crayon. He would fain begin, where
that famous master, Gerard Dow, left
off, and snatch, as it were, with a
single stroke, what in him was the
result of infinite patience. It is the
sign of this sort of promptitude that he
values solely in the work of another.
To my thinking there is a kind of
greed or grasping in that humour ; as
if things were not to last very long,
and one must snatch opportunity.
And often he succeeds. The old Dutch
painter cherished with a kind of piety
his colours and pencils. Antony
Watteau, on the contrary, will hardly
make any preparations for his work at
all, or even clean his palette, in the
dead-set he makes at improvisation.
'Tis the contrast perhaps between the
staid Dutch genius and the petulant,
sparkling French temper of this new
era, into which he has thrown himself.
Alas ! it is already apparent that the
result also loses something of longevity,
of durability — the colours fading ex-
changing, from the first, somewhat
412
A Prince of Court Painters.
rapidly, as Jean-Baptiste notes. 'Tis
true, a mere trifle alters or produces
the expression. But then, on the
other hand, in pictures the whole effect
of which lies in a kind of harmony,
the treachery of a single colour must
needs involve the failure of the whole
to outlast the fleeting ! grace of those
social conjunctions it is meant to per-
petuate. This is what has happened,
in part, to that portrait on the easel.
Meantime, he has commanded Jean-
Baptiste to finish it ; and so it must
be.
October, 1717.
Antony Watteau is an excellent
judge of literature, and I have been
reading (with infinite surprise ! ) in
my afternoon walks in the little wood
here, a new book he left behind him —
a great favourite of his ; as it has
been a favourite with large numbers
in Paris. Those pathetic shocks of
fortune, those sudden alternations of
pleasure and remorse, which must
always lie among the very conditions
of an irregular and guilty love, as in
sinful games of chance ; — they have be-
gun to talk of these things in Paris, to
amuse themselves with the spectacle of
them ; set forth here, in the story of poor
Manon Lescaut — for whom fidelity is
impossible ; so vulgarly eager for the
money which can buy pleasures such
as hers — with an art like "Watteau's
own, for lightness and grace. In-
capacity of truth, yet with such ten-
derness, such a gift of tears, on the
one side : on the other, a faith so
absolute as to give to an illicit love
almost the regularity of marriage !
And this is the book those fine ladies
in Watteau's " conversations," who
look so exquisitely pure, lay down on
the cushion when the children run up
to have their laces righted. Yet the
pity of it ! What floods of tears ! There
is a tone about it all which strikes
me as going well with the grace of these
leafless birch-trees against the sky,
the silver of their bark, and a certain
delicate odour of decay which rises
from the soil. It is all one half-light ;
and the heroine (nay ! the hero himself
also, that dainty Chevalier des Grieux,
with all his fervour) have, I think, but
a half-life in them truly, from the
first. And I could fancy myself half of
their condition this evening, as I sit
here alone, while a premature touch
of winter upon it makes the outer
world seem so inhospitable an enter-
tainer of one's spirit. With so little
genial warmth to keep it there, one
feels that an accidental touch might
shake it away altogether : so chilled
at heart it seems to me, as I gaze on
that glacial point in the motionless
sky, like some mortal spot whence
death begins to creep over the body.
And yet, in the midst of this, by
mere force of contrast, comes back to
me, very vividly, the true colour,
ruddy with flower and fruit, of the
past summer, among the streets and
gardens of some of our old towns we
visited ; when the thought of cold was
a luxury, and the earth dry enough to
sleep upon. The summer was indeed
a fine one ; and the whole country
seemed bewitched. A kind of infec-
tious sentiment passed upon one, like
an efflux from its flowers and flower-
like architecture — flower-like to me at
least, but of which I never felt the
beauty befor-e.
And as I think of that, certainly I
have to confess that there is a wonder-
ful reality about this lovers' story ; an
accordance between themselves and
the conditions of things around them,
so deep as to make it seem that the
course of their lives could hardly have
been other than it was. That comes,
perhaps, wholly of the writer's skill ;
but at all events, I must read the
book no more.
June, 1718.
And he has allowed that Made-
moiselle Rosalba — ce bel esprit — who
can discourse upon the arts like a mas-
ter, to paint his portrait — has painted
hers in return ! She holds a lapful
of white roses with her two hands.
Rosa Alba ! himself has inscribed it !
It will be engraved, to circulate and
perpetuate it the better.
One's journal, here in one's solitude,
A Prince of Court Painters.
413
is of service at least in this, that it
affords an escape for vain regrets,
angers, impatience. One puts this
and that angry spasm into it, and
is delivered from it so.
And then, it was at the desire of
M. de Crozat that the thing was done.
One must oblige one's patrons. The
lady also, they tell me, is poitrinaire,
like Antony himself, and like to die.
And he who has always lacked either
the money or the spirits to make that
long-pondered, much-desired journey
to Italy, has found in her work the
veritable accent and colour of those
old Venetian masters he would so
willingly have studied under the sun-
shine of their own land. Alas ! How
little peace have his great successes
given him — how little of that quietude
of mind, without which, methinks, one
fails in true dignity of character.
November, 1718.
His thirst for change of place has
actually driven him to England, that
veritable home of the consumptive.
Ah, me ! I feel it may be the coup de
grdce. To have run into the native
country of consumption — strange
caprice of that desire to travel, which
he has really indulged so little in his
life — of the restlessness which, they
tell me, is itself a symptom of this
terrible disease.
January, 1720.
As once before, after long silence, a
token has reached us — a slight token
that he remembers — an etched plate,
one of very few he has executed, with
that old subject — Soldiers on the
March. And the weary soldier him-
self is returning once more to Valen-
ciennes, on his way from England to
Paris.
February, 1720.
Those sharply-arched brows, those
restless eyes which seem larger than
ever — something that seizes on one,
and is almost terrible in his expres-
sion— speak clearly, and irresistibly
set one on the thought of a summing-
up of his life. I am reminded of the
day when, already with that air of
le bel serieux, he was found sketching,
with so much truth to the inmost
mind in them, those picturesque moun-
tebanks at the Fair in the Grande
Place ; and I find, throughout his
course of life, something of the essen-
tial melancholy of the comedian. He,
so fastidious and cold, and who has
never " ventured the representation of
passion," does but amuse the gay
world; and is aware of that, though
certainly unamused himself all the
while. Just now, however, he is
finishing a very different picture — that
too, full of humour — an English family-
group, with a little girl riding a
wooden horse ; the father, and the
mother, holding his tobacco-pipe, stand
in the centre.
March, 1720.
To-morrow he will depart finally.
And this evening the Syndics of the
Academy of Saint Luke came with
their scarves and banners to conduct
their illustrious fellow-citizen, by torch-
light, to supper in their Guildhall,
where all their beautiful old corpora-
tion plate will be displayed. The
Watteau salon was lighted up to
receive them. There is something in
the payment of great honours to the
living which fills one with apprehen-
sion, especially when the recipient of
them looks so like a dying man. God
have mercy on him !
April, 1721.
We were on the point of retiring to
rest last evening when a messenger
arrived post-haste, with a letter on
behalf of Antony Watteau, desiring
Jean - Baptiste's presence at Paris.
We did not go to bed that night ; and
my brother was on his way before
daylight, his heart full of a strange
conflict of joy and apprehension.
May, 1721.
A letter at last ! from Jean-
Bap tiste, occupied with cares of all
sorts at the bedside of the sufferer.
Antony fancying that the air of the
country might do him good, the Abbe
Haranger, one of the canons of the
Church of Saint Germain 1'Auxerrois,
414
A Prince of Court Painters.
where he was in the habit of hearing
mass, has lent him a house at Nogent-
sur-Marne. There he receives a few
visitors. But in truth the places he
once liked best, the people ! nay, the
very friends, have become to him
nothing less than insupportable.
Though he stills dreams of change,
and would fain try his native air once
more, he is at work constantly upon
his art ; but solely by way of a teacher,
instructing (with a kind of remorseful
diligence, it would seem) Jean-Baptiste,
who will be heir to his unfinished
work, and take up many of his pictures
where he has left them. He seems
now anxious for one thing only, to
give his old " dismissed " disciple
what remains of himself, and the last
secrets of his genius. His property —
9,000 livres only—goes to his relations.
Jean-Baptiste has found these last
weeks immeasurably useful.
For the rest, bodily exhaustion,
perhaps, and this new interest in an
old friend, have brought him tran-
quillity at last, a tranquillity in which
he is much occupied with matters of
religion. Ah ! it was ever so with me.
And one lives also most reasonably so.
— With women, at least, it is so, quite
certainly. Yet I know not what there
is of a pity which strikes deep, at the
thought of a man, a while since so
strong, turning his face to the wall
from the things which most occupy
men's lives. 'Tis that homely, but
honest cure of Nogent he has cari-
catured so often, who attends him.
July, 1721.
Our incomparable Watteau is no
more ! Jean-Baptiste returned unex-
pectedly. I heard his hasty footstep
on the stairs. We turned together
into that room ; and he told his story
there. Antony Watteau departed
suddenly, in the arms of M. Gersaint,
on one of the late hot days of July.
At the last moment he had been at
work upon a crucifix for the good cure
of Nogent, liking little the very rude
one he possessed. He died with all
the sentiments of religion.
He has been a sick man all his life.
He was always a seeker after some-
thing in the world, that is there in no
satisfying measure, or not at all.
WALTER PATER.
415
NOTES IN A SWISS VILLAGE.
•"THESE people, when you come to
know them, are as much worth study
as their Alps and lakes," wrote a once
popular author in his preface to The
Switzers ; yet the Swiss people attract
but little attention in comparison
with the physical features of the
country, the comfort, cookery, and
prices at hotels. The impending re-
organisation of English and Irish
local government gives a special in-
terest to the examination of the
systems which prevail in other parts
of Europe, particularly to systems
which have been found so efficient
and satisfactory that no radical
change in them is contemplated.
Swiss arrangements in this matter
are very different from those in Eng-
land— almost the reverse. Govern-
ment is very much decentralised. The
lowest local governing units are small,
land possess very great independence,
subject to some few general laws ;
they are symmetrically grouped into
larger districts, so that the overlapping
areas, conflicting jurisdictions, numer-
ous taxing authorities levying separate
taxes at different times from the same
individual, with which Englishmen are
familar, are unknown ; in fact, there
is order instead of chaos.
The independence of the Swiss com-
munes has survived from the days of
the primitive village community, re-
spected by the State, designedly pre-
served by legislation, and jealously
guarded by the inhabitants.
Valais is a Catholic canton, there
being less than 1,000 Protestants in
a total population of 100,000. Its
constitution declares it to be a demo-
cratic republic, and that the sove-
reignty is vested in the people. The
State religion is Catholic, but liberty
of belief, conscience, and worship is
accorded to every citizen. All are
equal before the law ; no privileges of
birth or any other kind may exist.
Inviolability of persons and property,
and the freedom of the press, are
fundamental articles of the constitu-
tion. No perpetual and irredeemable
rent can be placed on land. Primary
education is obligatory on all, and
gratuitous. All male citizens are
subject to military service, but the
periods of service are short, and ar-
ranged to meet the convenience of the
people. Drill begins at school. From
the age of twenty to thirty-two about
a month's service in most years is
required ; from thirty to forty-f our
only a few days in each year ; after
forty-four training ceases, and service
would only be required in cases of
national emergency. Continual rifle
practice is encouraged by the State :
a range, targets, and other appliances
are found in almost every village.
There is only one legislative as-
sembly, le Grand Conseil, the members
of which, or deputies, are elected by
manhood suffrage in the proportion of
one to every 1,000 of the population.
This assembly appoints the execu-
tive government, or Council of State,
and the High Court of Appeal. Mem-
bers of the executive cannot also be
deputies ; they sit in the Assembly,
take part in debates, but cannot vote,
or hold any other public office. No
member of the executive may be at
the same time director of a bank or
railway company. Persons related in
the undei'mentioned degrees may not
be members at the same time of the
executive government of the State, or
of any other local governing body : —
1. Father and son. 2. Father-in-law
and son-in-law. 3. Brothers. 4. Bro-
thers-in-law. 5. Uncle and nephew.
416
Notes in a Swiss Village.
The executive makes a detailed re-
port each year of all its operations to
the Assembly.
No revision of the constitution, no
law conflicting with it, no measure
involving an expenditure in excess of
the ordinary revenue by 2,400?. can
take effect unless submitted to the
popular vote, and approved of by a
majority of the electors. This pro-
vision makes the sovereignty of the
people real and effectual.
The canton is divided into thirteen
districts, and these into 165 communes
or townships. The commune is the
division of the most importance. Their
average population is 665 ; that of the
smallest is only 22 ; that of the largest
under 5,000.
Each commune is governed, and its
revenues administered, by a council of
not less than five or more than seven-
teen members, of whom one is the
mayor, or, as he is termed in Valais,
"president." The council is chosen
for four years, the president for two,
every male citizen over twenty years
of age being entitled to vote.
This council is charged with the
care of roads, bridges, public build-
ings, markets, water supply, schools,
poor, public health of man and beast,
fire prevention, police, management of
the common lands, and communal re-
venues. To supplement the produce
of the common lands it levies a direct
tax on real property and on every
household. Nearly every householder
is also a proprietor ; all are therefore
interested in the economical and
efficient administration of the public
property and municipal revenue.
Every commune possesses public
lands, often of great extent ; these
are chiefly upland pastures used in
common, forests, and occasionally
farms or pastures let to tenants.
The communal council cannot im-
pose more than a certain amount of
taxation, nor sell or mortgage the com-
mon property without permission of
the Council of State ; it presents each
year to the electors a statement of
accounts, and budget for the ensuing
year. In the larger communes these
are printed and circulated before they
are formally presented ; in all cases
they must be read aloud to the
assembled electors.
Owing to the small size of the
communes, the frequent elections, the
necessity for submitting measures to-
the popular vote, and the wide distri-
bution of property, the citizens are
practically acquainted with the con-
stitution, revenues, and management
of their commune ; consequently they
take an intelligent interest and part
in its affairs.
Numa Droz, member of the Federal
Council, and author of Instruction
Civique, one of the text-books in
public schools, says of the commune :
" La commune est presque 1'Etat
en petit ; c'est, pour employer une
expression empruntee & 1'histoire
naturelle, une des cellules dont le
corps social se compose. 11 est certain
qu'une vie locale tres developpee con-
tribue a la prosperite et a la force de
1'Etat. Les communes doivent avoir
la liberte de rivaliser d'efforts pour la
satisfaction, des interets qu'elles ont a
soigner. II faut done se garder de les
soumettre a un niveau uniforme qui
etouff erait chez elles tout esprit d'initi-
ative, tout desir de perfectionnement.
" Les communes ont ete les premiers
et principaux foyers de la democratie,
et le sont encore dans bien des pays.
C'est dans leur sein que les citoyens
peuvent le mieux se former a la vie
publique, se familiariser avec les ques-
tions administratives, et apprendre a
les traiter. Elles sont les pepinieres
naturelles dans lesquelles 1'Etat trouve
ses legislateurs, et ses hommes de gou-
vernement. Un citoyen eleve a 1'ecole
pratique de la vie conimunale connaitra
tou jours mieux les besoins populaires
que celui dont 1'education politique
aura ete faite exclusivement dans les
bureaux de 1'administration gouvern-
mentale " (Instruction Civique. p. 110).
This passage expresses well a radical
distinction between the Swiss and Eng-
lish systems of government, namely,
the encouragement and preservation
Notes in a Swiss Village.
417
of habits of self-government in vil-
lages, both as nurseries of independ-
ence and as training schools for higher
politics. The result in Switzerland is
almost universal political contentment.
Conservatives may be discontented
because the Liberals are in power, or
vice versd,, but there is nothing in
Valais, or in any part of Switzerland,
like the deep and dangerous discon-
tent with the governing classes that is
known in England as well as in
Ireland and even in France — demo-
cratic republic as she is called — where
government is so much more central-
ised, so controlled by bureaucratic
wire-pullers, Paris financiers, and the
military party.
Some details of the population, tax-
ation, and expenditure in a commune
of average size, and of a single pro-
prietor's possessions, will give a clearer
idea of the constitution and social
organisation of a Valaisan commune
than any general statements.
The village of Champery lies about
3,000 feet above sea level, the terri-
tory of the commune occupying some
seven miles in length at the head of a
narrow valley, between two ranges of
mountains from 6,000 to 10,000 feet
in height. As yet there are few com-
munal surveys in Valais, and the area
is not ascertainable. The resident
population is 590, of whom 500 are
born citizens, with a right of settle-
ment in, and a right to a share in, the
common property belonging to the
township.
There are 159 heads of households,
and 162 proprietors, so that the pro-
portion of landowners to population is
as one to three and a half. In Ireland
the corresponding proportion is about
one landowner to 200 of the population.
The capital value for taxation of
real property within the commune is
76,000?., but as this is admittedly
from one-fourth to one-third below
the selling value, a more correct esti-
mate of the market value of the com-
mune would be 100,000?., giving an
average of about 600?. as the value of
individual properties.
No. 312. —VOL. ni.
The communal pastures are included
in this estimate, but not the woods,
which are extensive. Every citizen,
who is also a householder, has a right
to put on the common pastures — which
are available from June to September —
fifteen head of cattle and twenty-five
sheep. The pastures would probably
not be sufficient if every one put on
his full quota, but the grazing season
being short and the winters long, the
quantity of stock that can be kept in
the commune is limited to what can
be supported in winter. Moreover, some
citizens have no stock, and scarcely
any one puts on his full allowance.
For each head of cattle depastured
one franc must be paid to the munici-
pality, and one day's work given re-
pairing fences, roads, &c. For every
sheep ten centimes is paid. The owner
may attend to his own cattle, or he
may hire the milch cattle to others, or
he may put them under the charge of
the communal herd for a small pay-
ment ; but no citizen can let or sell
his right to pasture, nor can cattle
not belonging to citizens be hired and
put on the pastures. The communal
forests are managed by the council,
who employ one or more woodrangers,
qualified by examination or training
in the State forestry schools.
After a provision of wood has been
set apart for such public purposes as
construction, repairs, and heating of
schools, church, and communal build-
ings, an allotment is made to every
citizen householder. Extra timber, to
be paid for, may be allotted on appli-
cation for any special purpose, but it
must be used within a fixed time for
the special purpose, and no other, under
a heavy penalty.
Preservation of the forests being a
matter of national importance, the
communal management is subject to
State inspection. The Forest Depart-
ment gives advice, and points out the
necessity of renewal, replanting, and
maintenance of trees necessary for
shelter, or protection against ava-
lanches, earthslips, and falls of rock.
Every citizen, therefore, who is also
E E
418
Notes in a Swiss Village.
a householder, has besides his indivi-
dual property an inalienable right to the
use of the communal pastures, and to
at least as much wood as will supply
his necessary wants. He cannot divest
himself of these rights by sale, letting,
or mortgage, and so far as these are
valuable he is raised above the possi-
bility of being a pauper.
The possession of this common
property is one of the strongest ties
of the community ; it makes it im-
portant that evidence of citizenship
should be preserved, and the registra-
tion of marriages and births is care-
fully attended to by a special officer
(I'officier d'JZtat civil) whose books are
annually inspected by the State.
Taxation in Valais may be best ex-
plained by the instance of a single
individual ; the village blacksmith is
an example of an average citizen
neither rich nor poor. His forge is
the under part of a small house on
the confines of the village. He is
tenant of this, paying 25s. a year rent.
His house, a hundred yards distant,
belongs to him in fee — no other form
of ownership is known in Valais — a
solid, wooden, three-storied building
about sixty feet square ; the eaves
project eight feet or more, and under
their shelter balconies run round the
front and sides of the house ; in the
rear there is but one story, a capacious
hay barn open to the roof. In winter
the cattle occupy part of the lower
story, and all around under shelter of
eaves and balconies are ample stores of
wood, suggestive of warmth, comfort,
and plenty. Most of the houses in
the village are like this, and owned by
their occupants ; there are no really
bad or ruinous buildings ; no slums
or reeking courts. The blacksmith
owns about thirteen acres around and
near the house, besides an unmeasured
plot five miles away adjoining the
common pasture. On this latter pro-
perty he has another dwelling-house
which he lets for the summer, reserv-
ing the land for his own use. The
selling value of the blacksmith's pro-
perty is 600£., its value for taxation
360/. or 9,000 francs, houses being
taxed on two-thirds only of their
assessed value.
For assessment purposes land is
divided into thirty-five classes, valued
at a farthing a yard for the worst, up
to 7s. Qd. a yard for the best class.
The blacksmith's best land is meadow
of the twentieth class assessed at 1 30£.
an acre, which is less than the usual
selling price of the best meadow and
tillage land around the village. His
worst land is a stony slope valued at
51. an acre.
The assessment is made by a local
commission, and revised by three ex-
perts appointed by the State.
Two taxes are levied on real pro-
perty in Valais : — 1. A cantonal tax
of one franc fifty centimes on each
1000 francs of capital value; fifty
centimes of this tax is allocated by
the constitution to the extinction of
the public debt. 2. A communal tax,
varying according to the needs of each
commune ; in Champery it is one franc
per 1000 ; this latter tax may be paid
in work, by arrangement with the
municipality.
If real property is mortgaged a
reduction is made from the assessed
value equal to one half the amount of
the mortgage. The cantonal tax on
capital values is levied not only on
real property but on all securities, on
salaries and pensions capitalised at
ten times, and on incomes capitalised
at twenty times their annual value.
A register of all these taxable
values is kept in each commune, and
furnished by it to the cantonal
authorities.
Besides these direct taxes licence
duties are payable to the State on the
exercise of every kind of industry,
trade, occupation or profession, from
that of a banker to an ordinary
artisan. For each occupation there
are five or six classes with a maximum
and minimum duty.
A banker of the first class pays
4:001., of the lowest class 151. ; the
lowest class of artisans pays Is. 8d. ;
sawmills pay from Is. Sd. up to 20£. ;
Notes in a Suriss Village.
419
wholesale timber merchants from
4:1. tO 401.
Proprietors selling the produce of
their own land are the only important
exception to this law.
The blacksmith is also a guide, and
in both these capacities he pays this
taxe industrielle.
His whole taxation is as follows : —
Frs. Cen-
times.
On real property to the State at 1 "50
per 1,000 on 9,000 francs 13 • 50
To the commune at 1 per 1,000 9 • 00
License as blacksmith 10*00
„ guide 10-00
Total taxation 42 • 50
There is no tax on tobacco, which he
consumes largely, nor on Swiss wines,
beer, or spirits ; there is a small duty
on imported alcoholic drinks, but the
blacksmith is a teetotaller, and makes
no contribution to the State in respect
of liquor. His entire contribution,
therefore, to local and State taxation
is about thirty-five shillings a year — a
very small amount in comparison with
what a man in similar circumstances
in England or Ireland would pay.
The commune is economically man-
aged ; its income amounted in 1884 to
380?. ; but this figure does not repre-
sent the annual value of its property,
as the common pastures and forest
produce are enjoyed for a nominal
payment. The management expenses
were less than 501., including salaries
of police, wood rangers, payments to
president, councillors, and others.
The principle on which most of
these officials are paid is to give a
small salary as a retainer, and daily
wages when employed ; for example
the constable (sergent de police) receives
31. a year, and is paid three or four
francs a day when employed. The
president and councillors get three
francs for each sitting, and for every
day when attending to public business.
This does not, of course, compensate
them for their loss of time, but it is
obligatory on those elected to serve in
their turn, and such posts of honour-
able service are willingly accepted in
general. Council meetings are held
on Sunday, except in cases of emer-
gency.
Pauperism is unknown as an insti-
tution ; the general appearance and
dress of the people and their houses,
show no indications of poverty in the
English or Irish sense ; but poverty is
a comparative term, and there are poor
who are recognised as such. Improvi-
dence, drunkenness, debt, and want
exist, but rarely and fitfully. An
habitual drunkard or improvident
citizen may be made a ward ; the sale
of drink to him is forbidden, and tJie
control of his property taken away by
a commission (la chambre pupillaire)
appointed by the municipality. Wages
of unskilled labour are three and a
half francs a day in summer ; work
cannot always be got in winter, but
this is not of vital importance where
almost every head of a family is also a
proprietor ; the burden and anxiety of
rent to be met weekly or half yearly
does not harass the population. There
is no poor-rate, but a poor fund of
900?. value exists, and is managed by
the council. Paupers and criminals
belonging to other places may be re-
turned to their commune d'origine. In
1884 305 vagrants and beggars were
arrested in Valais, but of these only
sixty-one were citizens of the canton.
There are persons to whom life and
society in a Swiss commune appear in
some respects mean. There are no in-
stances of great wealth ; no household
has the appearance of great ease and
luxury ; there is no " rich, refined, and
splendid aristocracy." In England the
commune would be an estate • the
landlord of an estate equivalent to the
commune of Champery would have a
rental of 3,000?. or 4,000?. a year ; the
150 householders who earned and paid
this rental might be dispossessed and
left homeless at the caprice of a single
man ; at best they would live in a
state of continual anxiety as to the
terms upon which they might remain
as tenants ; the labouring class would
have no idea of what a home meant,
for they would probably have lived all
E E 2
420
Notes in a Swiss Village
their lives in tenements or single
rooms rented by the week. The
landlord would be charged with
certain public duties as magistrate,
poor-law guardian, grand juryman.
He might attend to them or not, as he
liked ; if the duties were performed, it
would be without any direct remunera-
tion, but not always to the satisfaction
or advantage of the community, who
would have no power of expressing its
dissatisfaction by putting some one else
in his place.
The Swiss peasant gets on very well
without a squire ; it seems incredible
to him that such a state of affairs as
an Irish estate of 100,000 acres with
4,000 tenants should exist in this
century. The expulsion of the baillis
and seignewrs is as favourite a fireside
theme with him and his children as
William Tell and the oath of Griitli.
Of what possible use would a landlord
be in Champery 1 He would cost the
community 3,0001. a year ; every duty
that he would be expected in England
to perform is better attended to by the
citizens themselves, at a trifling ex-
pense and to the general satisfaction.
The independent commune with its
numerous proprietary,popularly-elected
mayor, magistrate, and council, is the
Switzers ideal of a social and political
system ; not that he is ignorant of
others, for a comparison of different
systems is part of the ordinary school
instruction, but because under the
commune he and his fellow-citizens
are independent and contented. Such
a system has been the ideal of others
than peasants. Victor Hugo looked
forward to seeing France so re-
organised ; his ideal, which is almost
literally realised in some of the Swiss
cantons, is this : —
" La commune souveraine, regie
par un maire elu ; le suffrage
universel partout. subordonne seule-
ment en ce qui touche les actes
generaux, a 1'unito nationale, voila pour
I'administration. Les syndicats et les
prud'hommes reglant les differends
prives des associations et des indus-
tries ; le jure magistrat du fait,
eclairant le juge magistrat du droit ;
le juge elu ; voila pour la justice. Le
pretre hors de tout, excepte de 1'eglise,
etranger au budget, ignore de 1'Etat,
connu seulement de ses croyants,
n'ayant plus 1'autorite, mais ayant la
liberte : voila pour la religion. La
guerre bornee a la defense du terri-
toire ; la nation garde nationale,
divisee en trois bans, et pouvant se
lever comme un seul homme. La loi
toujours, le droit toujours, le vote
tou jours, le sabre nulle part." l
Immediately the frontier is crossed
from France into Switzerland, the
absence of soldiers, police, and uni-
formed officials of all kinds, who abound
in every French town, is perceived.
There are only fifty-five cantonal police
in the whole of Valais ; the communal
police wear no dress distinguishing
them from their fellow citizens, but
have a small badge which is produced
when necessary.
The attention of a stranger is apt to
be drawn to the excellences rather
than the defects of a system new to
him, which are naturally not so obvious.
The annual report of the Valaisan
Council of State to the Assembly of
Deputies exhibits some of the defects
and shortcomings of the communal
system. The State, even where it
cannot control, inspects and suggests ;
its business is to find fault and propose
amendment. There are complaints of
badly-kept accounts ; negligent man-
agement and deterioration of public
property ; of government inspectors'
remarks not attended to, of sugges-
tions not complied with. Some of
these complaints are due rather to
State interference being resented by
the communes, some to the imprac-
ticable nature of official suggestions ;
but no change in the system or in the
relations between the commune and
the State appear to be contemplated
or desired. The adjoining canton of
Yaud has got over one of these
difficulties by prescribing a fixed form
on which all communal accounts are
kept.
1 Napoleon le Petit, p. 224.
Notes in a Swiss Village.
4-21
The chief differences to be remarked
in Valais, as contrasted with England
or Ireland are : —
The orderly and systematic arrange-
ment of the governing bodies and
areas ; communes grouped into dis-
tricts, districts into cantons, cantons
into the confederation.
The small size, great independence,
and many functions of the commune :
and the good results in contentment,
order, economical administration, and
light taxation.
The general feeling of responsible
citizenship, due to universal suffrage,
and the right of all to take part in
local government.
The wide distribution of landowner-
ship, the absence of any rich leisured
class and of their amusements, which
are such a prominent feature in Eng-
land.
Absence of pauperism, as an
institution, and of that inequality
which in England, as Mr. Matthew
Arnold says, " materialises the upper
class, vulgarises the middle class, and
brutalises the lower."
Above all, the possession by almost
every head of a family, however
humble his circumstances, of a home
belonging to him in fee, with its
civilising influence. Such an influence
is unknown to the labouring classes
and artisans in Ireland. In my neigh-
bourhood— and it is the same almost
everywhere — they live during their
whole lives in rooms or tenements
rented by the week, in cabins often
ruinous and unwholesome in the ex-
treme. There is no escape from this
life, no possibility of buying the site
of a house, in building on which they
might invest their savings of money
and time, and make comfortable
homes. They have no inducement to
accumulate household furniture, books,
or any objects of a durable nature. In
fact, it is a disadvantage to a person,
whose lodging is rented from week to
week, to have a store of such things.
Some of my acquaintances earning
weekly wages have saved from 100Z. to
200/. They may put it in a savings bank
at 2 or 3 per cent, interest, or place it
on deposit with a friendly society — and
probably lose it, as some have done.
Land cannot be obtained in small
parcels, either on lease or to buy.
This is not the fault of the landowners
— except so far as they have resisted
reform — but of the law, with its heavy
costs, complicated deeds, and doubtful
titles. The prices obtained for land
in Switzerland, where it can be sold
by the yard, are amazing ; and no one
would benefit so much as owners by
any change which made land easily
saleable with a secure title in the
United Kingdom. Lord Salisbury
lately said that the costs of land trans-
fer could not be reduced below 7 per
cent, of the price. But for the
purchase of small plots suitable for
building sites, the costs of transfer
at present would probably be nearer
700 per cent ; if it were only 7 per
cent, on small lots, such an expense
would be no obstacle whatever to the
sale. Where a good system of
registration of titles prevails, the
expenses of transfer of land do not
reach 1 per cent, exclusive of the
duty which is imposed in some cantons.
In canton Vaud, where registration of
titles prevails and good surveys exist,
a duty of 3 per cent, is charged by the
State on transfers, and inclusive of
this I have found the total expense of
transfer in many instances to be under
4 per cent. In the report of H.M.'s
representatives abroad on the tenure
of dwelling-houses in the countries in
which they reside, Mr. C. C. Thornton
says, " Absolute ownership is the only
condition known to the Swiss, and
they possess no idea of such tenures
as exist in England, viz., building
leases for ninety-nine years, copyhold,
estate in tail, and so forth." Happy are
the people in such a case !
MURROUGH O'BRIEN.
422
MACAULAY AND SIR ELIJAH IMPEY.
THE essay on Warren Hastings is
perhaps the most brilliant, as it is
certainly the most captivating, of all
Macaulay's historical and biographical
studies. In the hands even of a far
inferior writer the subject could hardly
have been made uninteresting. The
high dramatic interest of the events
with which it deals, the singular fas-
cination of the character and career
which it describes might avail of them-
selves to hold the reader as complete
a prisoner as the wedding guest until
the story has been told. But in the
hands of such an artist as Macaulay
the dramatic element in such a narra-
tive was certain to be indefinitely
strengthened, and the interest of its
hero's exploits and personality inde-
finitely heightened by a thousand of
those pictorial touches, legitimate and
illegitimate, which he had the secret
of adding. In his hands accordingly
the story of Warren Hastings becomes
a veritable epic : in which the master-
ful, resourceful, unscrupulous, inde-
fatigable, undaunted proconsul figures
as a sort of administrative Ulysses,
with Nuncomar for his Polyphemus,
his English political enemies for the
suitors over whom he obtains the
long-delayed triumph, and Dayles-
ford for the Ithaca of his restful old
age. Certainly there is ho essay of
Macaulay's— not even that on Clive
— which is calculated to impress more
powerfully the imagination of the
young ; and the experience of Sir
James Stephen,1 who says that these
two essays gave him in his youth " a
feeling about India not unlike that
which Marryat's novels are said to
have given to many lads about the
sea," could doubtless be easily matched.
1 The Story of Nuncomar and the Impeach-
ment of Sir Elijah Impey. By Sir James
Fitzjames Stephen, K. C.S.I. In two vols.
But if the essay on Hastings makes
the strongest appeal of all Macaulay's
writings to the imagination of the
boy, it is also, perhaps, the first to
arouse the critical suspicions of the
adult. As his knowledge of men and
things increases, and the range of his
first-hand historical study is enlarged,
he begins to be sadly conscious that
the events of real life do not arrange
themselves in so delightfully dramatic
a fashion, or its personages group
themselves in such picturesque atti-
tudes of contrast. Above all he begins
to doubt the full villainy of Macaulay's
villains ; and as no such villain is
anywhere described by him as Sir
Elijah Impey, nor any such villainy as
Impey 's dealings with Nuncomar, it
is on the sketch of this personage and
of his conduct that the nascent critical
faculty of the reader is likely first to
exercise itself. If he should then
have chanced to come across Mr.
Elijah Impey's transparently honest,
but pathetically ineffective, attempt to
vindicate his father's memory, and
should by that time have learned not
to mistake a feeble advocate for a
weak case, he will probably have long
ere this rejected Macaulay's account
of the Chief Justice and his relations
with Hastings as a tissue of cruelly
calumnious fiction. None the less
warmly, however, should he be dis-
posed to welcome the elaborate and
exhaustive vindication of Sir Elijah
Impey which a far abler hand than
his son's has just given to the world.
With all his admiration, which is
great, for Macaulay, Sir James
Stephen starts from a well-founded
distrust of his biographical methods.
" I have not," he says, " in my own
experience of persons holding a con-
spicuous position in life met with any
of the fiends in human shape, or
Macaulay and Sir Elijah Impey.
423
even with any of those parti -coloured
monsters with characters like the
pattern of a shepherd's plaid, half
black, half white, which abound in
Macaulay's histories, and form one of
the principal defects in those most
delightful books." Nor is Sir James
Stephen's experience in this matter by
any means singular. To most men
indeed in whom a love of the curious
is chastened by any faculty of dis-
passionate observation the generally
neutral tint of humanity, whether " in
conspicuous positions in life " or else-
where, must appear one of the most
disappointing things about it. Men
differ from each other very widely,
indeed, in mental capacity, and still
more widely perhaps in the half
physical, half moral attributes of
ecergy, perseverance, and firmness of
resolve ; and Fate, acting upon these
very commonplace and unromantic
distinctions of character, is able to
lead two men quite as far apart from
each other as regards the quality and
effect of their acts as if they respec-
tively started from the standpoint of
saint and devil. The stupid man
blunders into misdeeds ; the lazy man
drifts into them ; the weak man is
thrust into them ; and though all mis-
deeds, no doubt, react upon the doer,
adding at each repetition a slightly
darker shade to his character, they
never succeed in reducing it to that
deep rich black which is frequently
required to made him useful for the
pictorial purposes of a Macaulay.
The historian has to add the deepen-
ing touches for himself, and then it is
a mere accident of the position and
circumstances of the individual per-
sonage under delineation whether he
becomes the " fiend in human shape "
or the "parti-coloured monster." If
the historian is only concerned with
one episode in his life, and that of a
nature which places or is supposed to
place him in an unfavourable light,
he appears, of course, in the former
guise ; if on the other hand his whole
career or a considerable proportion of
it comes under review, and it becomes
impossible to ignore the fact that
some of his actions had at least a
virtuous appearance, the " shepherd's
plaid " pattern has, in that case, to be
adopted. The latter, it is unnecessary
to say, is, though an equally unnatural,
a less unjust mode of treatment.
Fiends in human shape are rare
indeed ; but most of us have the
makings of " parti-coloured monsters "
about us. That is to say, we are com-
posed of black and white, and in, per-
haps, toleraby equal proportions ; only
the two colours are not distributed in
squares over our characters, but are
agreeably blended together into a
becoming grey.
Sir Elijah Impey, unfortunately for
his posthumous reputation, was one
of those biographical subjects with
whom Macaulay was concerned in
respect of only a single episode in their
lives ; and this was, in his case, an
episode which Macaulay's political
sympathies prompted him to view in
the light in which it was generally
regarded by the Whig party. Such a
circumstance, however, would only
have sufficed to expose Impey's con-
duct to the general condemnation of
a Whig biographer of Hastings, and
it is probable that nothing worse
would have befallen it had the bio-
grapher of Hastings been any one else
but Macaulay. The " fiend in human
shape " was an idiosyncratic addi-
tion of the pictorial essayist, who
required a villain of the all-black
description, in order to throw up the
white in Hastings's shepherd's plaid
character. Impey accordingly appears,
to quote Sir James Stephen on Macau-
lay's famous essay, as " one of the
most odious and contemptible of human
beings, committing the most abomin-
able crimes from the basest of motives,
or even without any motive at all.
For, if Macaulay's account of him is to
be believed, he began by committing
the most execrable of all murders — a
judicial murder under the forms of
law — simply out of gratuitous subserv-
iency to Hastings. He proceeded for
no obvious reason to erect a system of
424
Macaulay and Sir Elijah Impey.
tyranny and oppression all over Ben-
gal, attempting with his colleagues to
usurp 'supreme authority through
the whole of the vast territory subject
to the presidency of Fort William.' He
gave up this monstrous pretension in
consideration of an enormous bribe, and
he abetted crimes said to have been per-
petrated in Oudh under the authority
of Hastings, simply ' because there
was something inexpressibly alluring,
we must suppose, in the peculiar rank-
ness of the infamy which was to be
got at Lucknow.' In short, he was a
fiend in human shape, and a very con-
temptible one." And a very unin-
telligible one too, we should be disposed
to add. "Gratuitous" indeed is
the subserviency to Hastings, which
Macaulay attributes to him : so gratui-
tous as to have struck all readers, we
should imagine, of the incredible story.
Even the least critical among them
must have noticed the singular break
in the logical concatenation of the
narrative at the point at which Impey
appears upon the scene as the deus, or
rather the diabolus ex mashind who is
to rid the Governor-General of the
obnoxious Nuncomar. Excellent no
doubt were Hastings's reasons — at
least, on Macaulay's theory of his
character and the situation — for de-
siring (and with him desire meant
determination) to crush the Maha-
rajah. Nor could there be a more
effectual or impressive way of dispos-
ing of him than by a judicial murder.
But what interest Impey had in con-
senting to play the part of judicial
murderer is a question which we may
search Macaulay's pages in vain to
answer. Of course, if you start by
assuming that no Chief Justice would
hesitate to do an innocent man to
death in order to stand well with a
Governor -General, the process of proof
is easy ; and equally easy, of course,
is it if you start as Macaulay appar-
ently does, by assuming that no such
hesitation was to be looked for from the
particular Chief Justice in question.
But, in default of such assumptions,
we ought at least to be favoured with
some specific ground for believing —
or at least with some suspicious cir-
cumstance tending to suggest — that
the governor did, in fact, stand to the
judge in the relation of suborner to
suborned.
Now this, Macaulay nowhere offers
us — neither this nor anything resembl-
ing it. Prior to the point above
referred to, the name of Impey only
occurs in two passages in the narrative :
one, a reference to his schoolfellowship
with Hastings, the other, merely
recording his arrival at Calcutta as
Chief Justice of the Supreme Court.
" Hastings," runs the first passage,
" had another associate [besides
Cowper] at Westminster, of whom we
shall have occasion to make frequent
mention, Elijah Impey. We know
little about their school days, but
we think we may safely venture to
guess that, whenever Hastings
wished to play any trick more than
usually naughty, he hired Impey with
a tart or a ball to act as fag in the
worst part of the prank." This is
amusingly characteristic of Macaulay's
method. He first unjustly represents
a particular person as a wicked man,
and then "safely ventures to guess"
therefrom that he was a bad boy.
From his adult aptitude for the
prank of judicial murder, he infers
his juvenile readiness to lend himself,
for a consideration, to the setting of
a booby trap for his schoolmaster.
It is not suggested however that
Impey would have assisted Hastings
in his schoolboy pranks except for a
consideration, and we have therefore
all the more right to inquire with
what particular tart or ball he was
tempted to make away with Nunco-
mar. The second reference to Impey
is as follows : — " With the three new
councillors came out the judges of the
Supreme Court. The Chief Justice was
Sir Elijah Impey. He was an old ac-
quaintance " (something more than an
old acquaintance surely if he had been
his dme damnee as a schoolboy) " of
Hastings ; and it is probable that the
Governor-General, if he had searched
Macaulay and Sir Elijah Impey.
425
through all the Inns of Court, could
not have found an equally serviceable
tool." It was "probable," we suppose,
in just the same sense in which it was
probable that Impey was Hastings'
serviceable tool at Westminster ; that
is to say. with a probability founded
exclusively on Macaulay's own theory
of their subsequent relations. No
other ground of probability is, at any
rate, alleged. Neither Impey nor his
colleagues are again referred to until
we come to the moment when Nunco-
mar, encouraged by the support of a
majority of the Council in his accu-
sations of corruption against Hastings,
had proceeded to convert his house
into what Macaulay describes as " an
office for the purpose of receiving
charges against the Governor-General ; ' '
who, according to the essayist's theory,
thereupon determined to destroy him.
All that is said here, however, about
the judges, is that "the Supreme
Court was, within the sphere of its
own duties, altogether independent of
the Government;" that "Hastings,
with his usual sagacity, had seen
how much advantage he might derive
from possessing himself of this strong-
hold and had acted accordingly ; "
that " the judges, especially the Chief
Justice, were hostile to the majority of
the Council," and that " the time had
now come for putting this formidable
machinery in motion." This is liter-
ally all. Not a word more is offered
to explain the fact that an English
lawyer of repute, abetted we must
assume by three other equally respect-
able colleagues, is found on his next
appearance in the narrative " dis-
honouring the ermine as no other judge
had done since Jeffries drank himself
to death in the Tower" — an act, by
the by, which was rather in the
nature of a tardy reparation to the
ermine and is therefore somewhat ill-
chosen for its rhetorical purpose. There
is no evidence to our knowledge, there
seems to be none even to Sir James
Stephen's much wider knowledge, that
" the judges, especially the Chief Jus-
tice, were at this date hostile to the
majority of the Council ; " and though
perhaps " the time had now come for
putting this formidable machinery into
action," the question is not one of
time but of means. The utmost oppor-
tuneness of the moment for starting a
locomotive engine will not of itself
supply the boiler with water and the
furnace with coal. Where, we want
to know, was the steam of motive and
the fire of incitement which set this
particular machine in motion for the
purposes for which Hastings is assumed
to have needed it ?
Let us, however, waive the question
of motive, and pass on to Macaulay's
account of the facts. His narrative
of the actual arrest, trial, .and convic-
tion of Nuncomar is remarkably con-
densed, the whole business being dis-
posed of in a couple of short para-
graphs. " On a sudden," he says,
" Calcutta was astounded by the news
that Nuncomar had been taken up on
a charge of felony, committed for trial,
and thrown into the common gaol."
It is curious that no mention what-
ever should have been made of the
previous prosecution instituted some
three weeks earlier by Hastings and
Barwell (his sole supporter on the Coun-
cil) against Nuncomar for conspiracy.
" The crime imputed to him was that
six years before he had forged a bond.
The ostensible prosecutor was a native.
But it was then, and still is, the opin-
ion of everybody, idiots and biogra-
phers excepted, that Hastings was the
real mover in the business." Among
the idiots and biographers we have
now to include a judge of the High
Court of Justice, a man of the keenest
judicial intellect, and the most learned
criminal lawyer of the day. Sir
James Stephen has no belief at all
in Hastings having been the real
mover in Nuncomar's prosecution,
and has furnished the strongest rea-
sons for believing that " the idiots and
biographers " were justified in their
doubts. The civil cause out of which
the prosecution arose had been pend-
ing in the Diwani Adalat for two
years previously ; the plea imputing
426
Macaulay and Sir Elijah Impey.
forgery to Nuncomar had been on
the record for more than a year. In
March, 1774, the attorney for the
plaintiff, and afterwards prosecutor,
Mohun Persaud, had moved in the
Mayor's Court, which then had the
custody of the papers alleged to be
forged, for their production and de-
livery to the plaintiff for the purpose
of founding an indictment upon them ;
but the application, by reason, as was
alleged by the plaintiff's attorney, of
the Mayor's Court being subject to
undue influence, was rejected. In
October of that year the Supreme
Court of Judicature arrived in Bengal,
and Mr. Driver, Mohun Persaud's attor-
ney, advised his client to renew his ap-
plication before that more independent
tribunal. Motions to this effect were
accordingly made on the 25th and 30th
of January, 1775 ; and on the 24th of
March in that year it was peremp-
torily ordered that the papers should
be delivered up to the proper parties
within one month. Supposing the de-
lay in producing them to have been
prolonged, as probably enough it was,
till the latest day possible, this would
bring us to the 24th April ; the com-
mittal of Nuncomar for trial on the
charge of forgery took place on the
6th of May. In other words, the
first proceedings in the Supreme Court
to obtain the materials necessary for
the prosecution of Nuncomar took
place some seven weeks before Nun-
comar had given Hastings any injury
to avenge, and still longer before he
had begun to menace him with any
danger to be averted ; and these pro-
ceedings were prosecuted in a regular
and perfectly normal fashion to their
natural issue. Of course it is conceiv-
able that Hastings may have inter-
vened in the case after the committal
of Nuncomar, or even between the
date of the delivery of the papers
and the application for Nuncomar's
committal. But why conceive so
when the facts do not require it ?
This is surely a case within the
philosophical maxim which enjoins
the economy of hypotheses. If every-
thing which did happen in Nuncomar's
case could have happened without
the interference of any executive
officer, why assume any such inter-
ference at all ? But to proceed with
Macaulay's account. " In the mean-
time," he continues, " the assizes
commenced ; a true bill was found ;
and Nuncomar was brought before a
jury composed of Englishmen. A
great quantity of contradictory swear-
ing, and the necessity of having every
word of the evidence interpreted, pro-
tracted the trial to a most unusual
length. At last a verdict of guilty
was returned, and the Chief Justice
pronounced sentence of death upon
the prisoner."
Sir James Stephen — as indeed was
necessary in order to meet one of the
charges in the projected impeachment
of Impey by the House of Commons —
has collected elaborate and most con-
vincing proofs that Nuncomar had a
scrupulously fair trial ; but we do not
understand Macaulay to have either
here or elsewhere alleged the contrary.
His charge against Impey is not that
of pressing unfairly upon the prisoner
in the matter of admitting or inter-
preting evidence, or in determining
incidental points of law ; it is a charge
of oppressively refraining from the
employment of his judicial discretion
in the matter of passing sentence.
Macaulay might even, from his own
point of view, have admitted, though
we do not observe that he does any
where directly admit, the justice of
Nuncomar's conviction on the facts ;
for he could still accuse the judge of
straining the letter of the law to visit
the offence with an inapplicable and
excessive punishment. Although the
unfairness of the trial had not been
alleged by Macaulay, it was of course
open to Sir James Stephen, and judi-
cious also from the dialectical point
of view, to show that the judge who
has been charged with putting a man
unjustly to death to serve a political
purpose, displayed at any rate no undue
solicitude to obtain a verdict against
him ; but, on the contrary (it may sur-
Macaulay and Sir Elijah Impey.
427
prise many people to learn), an excep-
tional anxiety to bring before the
minds of the jury every point in his
favour. The court consisting of
Impey, with his three puisnes, Hyde,
Le Maistre, and Chambers, sat con-
tinuously through the whole seven
days of the trial, Sunday included,
from 8 A.M. till late at night, and on
the last day till 4 A.M. The month
was June. " The judges then wore
heavy wigs, and (tradition says) re-
tired three or four times daily to
change their linen. One of the judges
was always in court or in an adjacent
room open to it. The jury from time
to time retired to another adjacent
room to take refreshment or sleep. It
must he remembered that in those
days punkahs were not invented, nor
had the importation or manufacture of
ice been thought of." Sir James
Stephen devotes a whole chapter to
an analysis of the evidence, and sets
out Irnpey's charge in full. Its pa-
tient and even laborious effort to hold
the balance fairly between the prisoner
and the prosecution is visible in every
line. If Macaulay ever read it, he
must have persuaded himself that
Impey felt so sure of a conviction
that he could afford to give Nuncomar
every chance that the evidence allowed
him, and had concluded that so lucrative
a quality as judicial dishonesty might
with safety be economised until after
the verdict had been rendered. Be
that as it may, however, Impey's
charge to the jury was equity itself.
The friends of no prisoner convicted in
England after such a trial and sum-
ming up would think for a moment
of impugning the uprightness of the
judge. To quote Sir James Stephen's
own summing up of this part of his
" Putting _ all these matters together, my
own opinion is, that no man ever had or could
have a fairer trial than Nuncomar, and that
Impey in particular behaved with absolute
fairness and as much indulgence as was com-
patible with his duty. In his defence at the
bar of the House of Commons he said, ' Con-
scious as I am how much it was my intention
to favour the prisoner in everything that was
consistent with justice, wishing as I did that
the facts might turn out favourable for an ac-
quittal, it has appeared most wonderful to me
that the execution of my purpose has so far
differed from my intentions that any ingenuity
could form an objection to my personal con-
duct as bearing hard on the prisoner.' My
own earnest study of the trial has led me to
the conclusion that every word of this is abso-
lutely true and just. Indeed, the first matter
which directed my attention to the subject
was the glaring contrast between Impey's con-
duct as described in the State Trials and his
character as described by Macaulay. There is
not a word in the ^summing-up of which I
should have been ashamed had I said it myself,
and all my study of the case has not suggested
to me a single observation in Nuncomar's favour
which is not noticed by Impey. As to the
verdict I think there was ample evidence to
support it."
"Whether, however, it was in fact
correct is a point on which, Sir James
Stephen adds, it is impossible for him
to give an unqualified opinion; "as it
is, of course, impossible now to judge
of the credit due to the witnesses,
and some of the exhibits are un-
intelligible."
But, of course, the correctness or in-
correctness of the verdict is not the
question. The question is as to
the good faith of the judge ; and this,
so far as the trial itself is concerned,
Sir James Stephen must be held to
have amply proved. But the real gist
of Macaulay's indictment relates to
Impey's conduct subsequent to the
trial, and this has still to be con-
sidered : —
"That Tmpey," he says, "ought to have
respited Nuncomar we hold to be perfectly
clear. Whether the whole proceeding was
not illegal is a question. But it is certain
that, whatever may have been, according to
technical rules of construction, the effect of
the statute under which the trial took place,
it was most unjust to hang a Hindoo for for-
gery. The law which made forgery capital
in England was passed without the smallest
reference to the state of society in India. It
was unknown to the natives of India. It had
never been put in execution among them, cer-
tainly not for want of delinquents. It was in
the highest degree shocking to all their
notions. They are not accustomed to the
distinction which many circumstances peculiar
to our own state of society have led us to
make between forgery and other kinds of
cheating. ... A just judge would beyond
428
Macaulay and Sir Elijah Impey.
doubt have reserved the case for the considera-
tion of the Sovereign. But Impey would not
hear of mercy or delay. "
No more characteristic example of
Macaulay's intrepid method of defend-
ing any untenable position to which
he had once committed himself could
perhaps be cited than the foregoing
passage. It consists of ten sentences,
every one of which contains either
a positive misstatement or a ground-
less assumption or a dialectical
sophism. For combined inaccuracy
and irrelevancy it is probably not to
be matched in the whole wide range
of its author's writings ; and it might
confidently be recommended for a
place in an examination paper set for
the purpose of testing the analytic
capacity of a candidate in the school
of logic. The first sentence which
affirms that Impey ought to have
respited Nuncomar conveys a false
implication. The second sentence is,
in this connection and in the absence
of the averment necessary to make it
material, a mere irrelevance. The
third conveys a false implication in
its dependent clause, and is either
meaningless or an abuse of terms in
its main allegation. The fourth rests
upon an implied syllogism which does
not bear its weight, and, if it did,
would be bad for having " four
terms " ; and the same criticism ap-
plies to the sentence which follows
it. The sixth is an irrelevance ren-
dered colourably relevant by a sug-
gestio falsi. The seventh is an irre-
levancy left uncoloured. The eighth
is a misstatement of fact ; the ninth
conveys another false implication ; and
the tenth is once more a misstatement
of fact.
As to the first allegation' that
Impey " ought to have respited Nun-
comar," it implies, of course, that Impey
could have respited him ; and this
Macaulay must, or, at any rate, ought
to have known was not the case.
The trial, which is absurdly spoken of
throughout as if the Chief Justice
had been the sole judge presiding at
it, was held before the whole court,
and to separate the chief from his col-
leagues in respect not merely of the
purely judicial function of conducting
its proceedings, but also of the execu-
tive function of granting or withhold-
ing a respite is even more preposter-
ously unjust. Impey had precisely the
same power in this matter as Hyde,
Chambers, and Le Maistre, neither
more nor less ; and though it is, of
course, possible that, had he seen cause
to interest himself on Nuncomar' s be-
half, he might have persuaded one or
more of his colleagues to join him in
granting the prisoner a reprieve, it
cannot be for a moment contended
that the bare existence of this possi-
bility is a justification for Macaulay's
words. They must imply, according
to their natural meaning, that Impey
had an absolute and not a conditional
power of respiting Nuncomar, and that
for reasons of his own he declined to
exercise it. " Whether the whole
proceeding was not illegal is a ques-
tion." Perhaps ; but it is a question
which has no connection whatever
with the proposition just laid down.
Assuming that the whole proceeding
was illegal, its illegality does not in
any way affect the question of Impey's
good faith, unless it was illegal to his
knowledge; and if it were illegal to
his knowledge it becomes a ridiculous
understatement of the case to say that
Impey " ought to have respited " Nun-
comar. He ought to have quashed the
indictment. " But it is certain that,
whatever may have been, according to
technical rules of construction, the
effect of the statute under which the
trial took place, it was most unjust to
hang a Hindoo for forgery." Two
offences against controversial ethics
are committed in this sentence. First
it suggests that the doubts subse-
quently (and only subsequently) raised
with regard to the application of the
statute under which Nuncomar was
tried were doubts arising as to the
construction of its terms, whereas they
had no such origin, as, again, it seems
impossible that Macaulay should not
have known. Secondly, it asserts broadly
Macaulay and Sir Elijah Impey.
429
that, however this may be — that is to
say, whether the statute was applicable
and the trial legal or not — it was un-
just to hang a Hindoo for forgery.
Now, to say of a judge that he acts
unjustly in permitting the execution
of a legal sentence following upon
legally held judicial proceedings, is
either to use language which has no
meaning or to substitute a question-
begging word for the one which ought
to be employed. In the strict sense
of the word "injustice," the assertion
that a judge acting as above described
has acted unjustly is meaningless ;
whereas, if what Macaulay intended to
convey was that, not justice, but hu-
manity, clemency, policy, or what not,
was opposed to the hanging of a
Hindoo for forgery, he was bound to
use one of these words, and not to ap-
propriate the benefit of one which
stands for a duty of far more authori-
tative obligation upon a judge. "The
law which made forgery capital in Eng-
land was passed without the smallest
reference to the state of society in In-
dia." What then ? The question — even
the political question — governing the
applicability of the law was not
whether it . was passed with any or
how much reference to the state of
society in India, but whether it had
any or how much appropriateness to
the state of society in Calcutta. The
argument, therefore, involves the illicit
assumptions, first, that laws not speci-
ally passed for a community cannot be
properly applied to it ; and secondly,
that laws inapplicable to the great
mass of a vast community, cannot be
properly applied to a limited class of
that community living under certain
special and artificial condition of life.
" It was unknown to the natives of
India." Possibly to the natives of
India at large ; but it was known to
as many of them as it was proposed to
apply it to. "It had never been put
in execution among them." No :
because a sentence previously passed
under it was not carried out ; but
this fact alone, and, as Sir James
Stephen observes " the turn of his
phrase shows that Macaulay knew it,"
deprives the sentence entirely of its
fictitious semblance of value. Obviously
it has been added as in pretended
confirmation of the preceding state-
ment, that the law was " unknown to
the people of India " — a pretence
which could only be kept up by en-
couraging an incurious reader to
interpret " never put into execution "
as equivalent to " never enforced by
criminal proceedings." Otherwise, of
course, its direct conflict with the
sentence which it follows would have
been at once perceived : since all that is
necessary to render a law " known " to
the people governed by it is that people
who break it should be prosecuted to
conviction, whatever punishment, or
whether any or none, be inflicted 'upon
them. That " the law was in the .
highest degree shocking to all their
notions," was equally true of the law
against suttee — a practice which, as Sir
James Stephen felicitously points out,
was first made penal all over India by
Lord William Bentinck, under whom
Macaulay, not long afterwards, held
the office of legal member of council.
"They were not acquainted with the
distinction which circumstances peculiar
to our own state of society have led us
to make between forgery and other
kinds of cheating." The inhabitants
of Calcutta, on the contrary, were
distinctly proved to be well acquainted
with them, and Parliament on two
occasions — namely, in 1813 and after-
wards in 1827 — made forgery in the
Presidency towns punishable with
transportation for life. " Macaulay,
himself, legislating for the whole of
India, makes this very distinction. By
Article 444 of the draft penal code the
maximum punishment for forging a
valuable security is fourteen years'
imprisonment with a minimum of two
years. By Article 394, the maximum
punishment for common cheating is
one year's imprisonment. If Parlia-
ment thought it necessary to punish
forgery at the great commercial towns
by the severest secondary punish-
ment, if Macaulay himself thought it
430
Macaulay and Sir Elijah Impey.
right to extend a similar rule to all
India, how can it be said that the
judges of the Supreme Court must
have been, not only unjust, but corrupt
when they considered that the English
law on this subject was not unsuitable
for Calcutta?" To say that "a just
judge would, beyond all doubt, have
reserved the case for the consideration
of the Sovereign " is again to imply
falsely that the sole discretion as to
reserving the case was vested in the
Chief Justice. To say that Impey
would not hear of mercy or delay, is to
carry suggestio falsi to the verge of
positive misstatement of fact. A man
who " will not hear " of mercy must
be a man who has been solicited to
extend mercy. No such solicitation
had been addressed to the Court from
any quarter. A man who will not
hear of delay in the execution of a
capital sentence, must be a man who
has been urged to respite a prisoner
and who has nevertheless hurried him
to his death with indecent haste. No
petition or application in any form was
made to the Court, as has been said, for
a reprieve. As to haste, the sentence
was passed on the 24th of June, the
prisoner was executed on the 5th of
August. That Nuncomar was, in the
lawyer's sense of the word, " well "
convicted, sentenced and hanged, is,
indeed, open to doubt ; as Sir Jarues
Stephen candidly admits, though he
himself seems to lean slightly to the
opinion that the conviction -was good.
The question as to whether the statute
under which Nuncomar was tried — the
Act of George II. making forgery
capital — was " a part of that part of
the English law " which was in force
in Calcutta in 1775, is of too much
technicality and intricacy to be entered
upon here, and as between Macaulay
and Impey the question does not
arise. For it is quite certain that
the point upon which alone the pro-
ceedings could have been invalidated
was never formally raised at the
trial. "There is not," says Sir James
Stephen, "the smallest trace in any
part of the argument on this subject,
or in any of the speeches on the
impeachment of Impey, that any one
took the point about the date at which
English law was introduced into Cal-
cutta." The doubt momentarily, but
only momentarily, expressed by Mr.
Justice Chambers was simply "as to
the suitability of the English law of
forgery for Calcutta." Consequently,
whether the trial was or was not bad
in law, there is no pretence for saying
that Impey and his brethren acted
otherwise than in good faith.
The trial of Nuncomar, however, is,
as is well known, only one count in
Macaulay's tremendous indictment
against Sir Elijah Impey. He also
violently attacks his conduct with
regard to the alleged undue extension
of the jurisdiction of the Supreme
Court. Here Macaulay's case against
the Chief Justice stood in less need of
the assistance of actual misrepresenta-
tion, and, except in the wholly per-
verted description of the merits of the
quarrel between the Court and the
Council, mere exaggeration serves the
great rhetorician's turn. There was
in reality, of course, no attempt on
the part of the judges to " draw
to themselves supreme authority, not
only within Calcutta, but through
the whole of the great territory
subject to the presidency of Fort
William." It was common ground
between the Executive and the Judici-
ary that beyond the limits of Calcutta
no native not in the employment,
direct or indirect, of the East India
Company was subject to the jurisdic-
tion of the Court. The sole question
in dispute was whether any native
claiming exemption from its authority
was or was not entitled to decide for
himself upon the validity of that
claim, and — instead of appearing in
answer to the summons of the Court
to plead to the jurisdiction— to ignore
and contemn the process altogether.
The affirmative of this proposition was
maintained by the Council, the nega-
tive by the Court, and whatever may
have been the political inexpediency
or inconvenience of their insistence
Macaulay and Sir Elijah Impey.
431
on their opinion, it is difficult to
contend that any judicial body could,
consistently with their duty, have
taken any other view of their rights.
The results of the quarrel, however, as
illustrated in the persons of the natives
of India, have, as is well known, been
depicted by Macaulay in his most
lurid colours. The famous passage in
the essay on Warren Hastings com-
mencing with " A reign of terror
began, of terror heightened by mys-
tery," and closing with the monstrous
assertion that "all the injustice of
former oppressors, Asiatic and Euro-
pean, appeared as a blessing when
compared with the justice of the
Supreme Court," is a truly marvel-
lous example of disproportion between
amount of material and height of
scenic effect. A comparison of the
sensational periods of Macaulay with
Sir James Stephen's cold and bare
enumeration of the few facts which
have sufficed to furnish forth this feast
of horrors is almost too much for a
reader's gravity. "There were in-
stances," said Macaulay, "in which
men of the most venerable dignity,
persecuted without a cause by extor-
tioners, died of rage and shame in the
grasp of the alguazils of Impey."
This is the essayist's way of recording
the fact that a cazi, a native law
officer, who had been sued for gross
oppression and corruption in the
Supreme Court, and judgment given
against him, died on board a boat on
the Ganges while being conveyed to
Calcutta in execution of the judgment.
' 'The vile alguazils of Impey" were
not officers of the Supreme Court at
all ; they were a guard of sepoys set
over him by the provincial council,
which had given bail for him, and
with special directions to treat him
as kindly as might be. " There were
instances" in which "noble Moham-
medans shed their blood in the door-
way of the harem while defending,
sword in hand, the sacred apartments
of their women." There was, it seems,
one instance in which a Mohammedan
of some rank took up his position,
sword in hand, before the door of a
friend's zenana. " He shed his blood,"
but not in defending the zenana, which
was not attacked, but in a fray which
took place in another part of the
house. There were two other cases in
which a zenana was either forced or
reported to have been so, and in one
of them a slave girl was wounded ;
and it is on the strength of these
three cases that Macaulay invites his
readers to imagine " what the state
of our country would be if it were
enacted that any man by merely
swearing that a debt was due to him
should acquire a right to insult the
persons of women of the most shrink-
ing delicacy," and "to treat ladies in
the way which called forth the blow
of Wat Tyler."
So far, however, there was, even in
Macaulay's theory of the case, no
worse charge to be brought against
Impey than that of a high-handed
attempt to enforce a mistaken view
of his judicial powers. The necessary
touch of depravity was wanting to the
picture, and Macaulay adds this in
his singularly unscrupulous perver-
sion of the circumstances attending
Impey's appointment as judge of the
Sudder Diwani Adalat — an unsatis-
factory transaction, as we still think,
even after Sir James Stephen's qualified
defence of it, but utterly unsusceptible
of the colour which Macaulay endea-
vours to put upon it. This appoint-
ment is described by him in terms
which distinctly imply that it was
made at the crisis of the dispute be-
tween the Court and the Council, and
with a view to avoiding a physical
collision between the two. According
to him it was a device adopted to pre-
vent the necessity of an appeal to
arms. " Hastings was seldom at a
loss for an expedient, and he knew
Impey well. The expedient in this
case was a very simple one — neither
more nor less than a bribe. Impey
was by Act of Parliament a judge
independent of the Government of
Bengal, and entitled to a salary of
8,OOOZ. per year. Hastings proposed
432
Macaulay a'fid Sir Elijah Impey.
to make him also a judge of the Com-
pany's service, and to give him in that
capacity about 8,000^. a year more.
It was understood that in consequence
of this new salary Impey would desist
from urging the high pretensions of
his Court. If he did urge those pre-
tensions the Government could at a
moment's notice eject him from the
office which had been created for him.
The bargain was struck ; Bengal was
saved ; an appeal to force was averted.
The Chief Justice was rich, quiet, and
infamous." Who would suppose from
this that an " appeal to force " had al-
ready taken place, and that the Coun-
cil had restrained the jurisdiction of
the Court by military violence ; that
sheriff's officers executing the process of
the Court had been taken prisoners by
two companies of sepoys ; that natives
had been informed by proclamation
that they were at liberty to set its
orders at defiance ; and that all this
had taken place at least nine months
before any proposal was or would be
made to Impey ? Such, however, are
the facts, and no doubt they amply
suffice to refute the particular charge
which Macaulay brings against the
Chief Justice, which is in substance
a charge of having corruptly waived
the claim of jurisdiction previously
advanced by him on behalf of the
Supreme Court in consideration of an
appointment to another highly salaried
judicial office under the East India Com-
pany. But whether these facts entirely
bear out Sir James Stephen's larger
contention that there was nothing in
the nature of a " bargain " between
Hastings and Impey in respect of this
second appointment, we venture, with
submission, to doubt. We do not at
any rate see our way to his apparent
conclusion that this appointment stood
in no consequential relation to the
previous conflict between the Supreme
Court and the Council. Sir James
Stephen's argument on this point is
that in that conflict the Council had
got so signally the best of it that they
might well be content to leave matters
as they stood. They had succeeded in
effectually restraining the judges from
enforcing their own views of their
jurisdiction ; and in that state of
things " it is difficult to see what the
Court had to give for which it was
worth the Council's while to offer a
bribe." But it seems to us that
Hastings's own minute of September
29, 1780, shows what the Court "had
to give," and also at the same time
indicates that Hastings thought it to
be something worth the Council's while
to purchase. Among his reasons for
recommending that Impey should be
requested to " accept of the charge and
superintendency of the office of Sudder
Diwani Adalat under its present
regulations " he adduces the follow-
ing : "It will be the means of lessen-
ing the distance between the Board
and the Supreme Court, which has
perhaps, been, more than the undefined
powers assumed to each, the cause of
the want of that accommodating
temper which ought to have influenced
their intercourse with each other. The
contest in which we have been engaged
with the Court bore at one time so
alarming a tendency that I believe
every member of the Board foreboded
the most dangerous consequences to
the peace and resources of the Govern-
ment from them." And then follows
this very significant passage : " They
are at present composed, but we can-
not be certain that the calm will last
beyond the actual vacation, since the
same grounds and materials of dis-
cussion subsist and the revival of it
at a time like this, added to our
other troubles, might, if carried to
extremities, prove fatal."
Surely these observations indicate
that, however physically complete may
have been the victory of the Executive
over the Judicature, it was not regarded
as morally satisfactory by the chief of
the Executive, and that the mere possi-
bility of a renewal of the strife was
more than sufficient to qualify the
complacency with which he might
otherwise have been disposed to re-
gard his triumph. " Who," asks Sir
James Stephen, " would venture
Macaulay and Sir Elijah Impey.
433
[after the course taken in the Cossi-
iurah cause] to sue any one whom the
Council had taken under its protection 1
The plaintiff could not serve his writ.
He could not execute his judgment if
he got one." It is clear that such
il priori arguments to prove the im-
possibility of a fresh collision between
she Court and the Council had not
convinced Hastings, or he would not
have said that " we cannot be certain
that the calm will last beyond the
actual vacation." Evidently he feared
that, as soon as the Court re-opened for
business, suitors would be found to set
its processes in motion again, as Sir
James Stephen thinks no one would
venture to do ; and in considering his
motives to action, the question is not
whether this fear was reasonable, but
whether it existed. His language,
already cited, seems to us to indicate
plainly that it did exist, and what fol-
lows makes his meaning, we think, un-
mistakable ; " The proposition which
I have submitted to the Board may,
nor have I any doubt that it will,
prove an instrument of conciliation
with the Court ; and it will preclude
the necessity" [that is, will relieve
the Court of the necessity] " of assum-
ing a jurisdiction over persons ex-
empted by our construction of the
Act of Parliament." Surely the Go-
vernor-General must be here under-
stood as saying in effect to his
colleagues : " It is a matter of high
public importance to prevent the
renewal of the struggle between the
Supreme Court and the Executive. It
is true that we have had, and should
again have, physically the best of that
struggle ; but what then 1 We cannot
be always sending companies of sepoys
to make prisoners of sheriff's. We
should endeavour, if possible, to avert
a fresh collision ; but so long as the
Supreme Court is known to insist on
its present views of its jurisdiction,
we cannot prevent suitors aggrieved
by the action of the inferior tribunals
from having recourse to its process,
nor can we prevent the Court itself
from bringing about a fresh collision
No. 312.— VOL. LIT.
by an attempt to put its process in
force. We can, however, largely re-
duce, if not altogether extinguish, the
risk of this by giving to the Chief
Justice of the Supreme Court an ap-
pellate jurisdiction over these inferior
tribunals. We may then expect that
suitors aggrieved by their decisions
will cease from resorting to the
Supreme Court, and will take their
cases before the chief of that court,
sitting in his capacity as judge of the
Sudder Diwani Adalat." That these
were Hastings's main motives for the
appointment is, moreover, to be
gathered from the very objections
raised to it by Francis. Francis
argued that it would be everywhere
understood by the natives as a " re-
instatement of the Court in the
exercise of the jurisdiction which it
had claimed," even if they did not
draw the inference that " some greater
evil was to befall them." He further
urged that the appointment would
place the Chief Justice in an incon-
sistent position ; as "he might do
some act as judge of the Diwani Court
which would subject him to an action
before the Supreme Court, or he might,
as Chief Justice of the Supreme Court,
be called on to issue a habeas corpus
for the release of some one whom he
had committed as judge of the Diwani
Court." That in the face of these
objections the appointment was never-
theless made, appears to us a good
reason for concluding that Hastings
succeeded in convincing the Council
that, though formidable in theory, they
would not be likely to arise in prac-
tice ; and as no one but Impey could
have previously convinced Hastings
himself of this, there must have
been something like a " bargain "
between the two men. Even so it
would be hard to call it a corrupt
bargain, though it might be one which
a man of more scrupulous delicacy
of principle than Impey would have
hesitated to engage in. It was cer-
tainly far from being the profoundly
immoral compact which Macaulay
represents it as being. Impey did
434
Macaulay and Sir JElijah Impey.
not sell the jurisdiction of the Supreme
Court for the emoluments of a judge
of appeal over the inferior tribunals ;
on the contrary, he may rather be
said to have purchased the control of
those tribunals by his consent to
render the services of a judge of appeal.
It was not " understood that in con-
sideration of this new salary Impey
would desist from urging the high
pretensions of his Court." The pre-
tensions remained exactly where they
were; and if it was understood that
for the consideration aforesaid Impey
should do his best to prevent the
occurrence of any necessity for assert-
ing them, that is an altogether different
and obviously a much less reprehensi-
ble arrangement.
Admirably as Sir James Stephen
has executed his self-appointed task,
his final review of its value is curiously
desponding. A belief in the infamies
ascribed to Impey has become, he com-
plains, through Burke and Fox, a "part
of the Whig tradition, and has thus
found its way into the only writings
upon Indian subjects which have ever
been popular — as regards Hastings,
with considerable modification, but as
regards Impey in a compact, condensed
form which has irretrievably damned
his memory. I am sorry for him. I
believe him to have been quite inno-
cent ; but this book will be read by
hardly any one, and Macaulay's para-
graphs will be read with delighted
conviction by several generations.
So long as he is remembered at all,
poor Impey will stand in a posthumous
pillory as a corrupt judge and a 'judicial
murderer. " This is rather a sad modern
variant of magna est veritas et prcevale-
bit. Let us hope it is not the true
reading, and all the more because, if it
should be so, or if Sir James Stephen
should be confirmed in thinking it
so, the literary public are likely to
be deprived of a study of even higher
interest than that which he has just
given us. For these volumes on the
story of Nuncomar and the impeach-
ment of Sir Elijah Impey are, so to
speak, but chips from their author's
workshop. He had resolved to give
an account of the impeachment of
Warren Hastings, but found the
materials so voluminous, and the sub-
ject so intricate that he began to*
doubt, he says, " whether I should
be able to finish it in any reasonable
time, and whether, if I did, the public
would care enough about it to read
what I might write." He decided ac-
cordingly to make the experiment of
giving an account of one branch of the
subject — -the story of Nuncomar ; con-
ceiving that " the degree of the in-
terest which may be felt in the smaller
subject will be some index to the in-
terest likely to be felt in the larger
one, of which it forms a part." We
are not ourselves clear that the test is
quite a safe one, and incline to think
that the interest felt in the smaller
subject may, just because it is the
smaller one, be no accurate index
to the interest likely to be felt in the
larger. Certainly it can hardly be
said that the name of Elijah Impey
conveys a definite idea to anything
like as many minds as would be reached
by the name of Warren Hastings.
And it would certainly be a matter
of serious regret if any erroneous in-
ference as to its chances of popularity
were to deprive us of the promised re-
view of so deeply interesting a chapter
of English and Indian history from
the hand of the man whom a rare com-
bination of legal learning, adrninistra
tive experience, and literary power
has so exceptionally qualified to write
it.
435
WAS GIORDANO BRUNO REALLY BURNED?
IN the month of January, 1593,
Giordano Bruno, then a prisoner in
the Inquisition of Venice, charged
with heresy and apostasy, was handed
over, with the sanction of the govern-
ment, to the Papal Nuncio, in order
that he might be sent to Rome to be
dealt with by the Inquisition there.
From this time he completely disappears
from view, unless we accept the state-
ment, which has been generally be-
lieved, that he was burned alive at
Rome seven years later. About the
year 1620, there first appeared in
print a letter, purporting to be writ-
ten from Rome by Gaspar Schoppe, or
Scioppius, on the 17th of February,
1600, to Conrad Rittershusius, pro-
fessor of law at Altdorf, giving a
detailed account of the trial of Bruno
by the Inquisition, and of his burning,
which, as the writer alleged, had oc-
curred that day, and at which he was
present. In this letter, after giving
an account of the life, the travels, and
the heretical opinions of Bruno, the
writer continues : —
"Finally, at Venice, lie fell into the hands
of the Inquisition, and after being retained
there for some time he was sent to Rome. In-
terrogated on many occasions by the Holy
Office, and confuted by eminent theologians,
forty days were given him to reflect ; he pro-
mised to abjure his errors, then he commenced
again to maintain them, then he demanded
another delay of forty days. In fact he
thought only of playing with the Inquisition
and the Pope. Accordingly, on the 9th of
February last, about two years after his
arrest, in the palace of the Grand Inquisitor,
and in the presence of three illustrious
cardinals, of the theologians who had
been consulted, and of the secular magis-
trates, Bruno was introduced into the Hall
of the Inquisition, and there, on his knees,
heard the sentence pronounced against him.
It set forth at length his life, studies, opinions,
the zeal which the Inquisition had displayed
in trying to convert him, and the obstinate
impiety of which he had given proof. Finally
he was degraded, excommunicated, and de-
livered to the secular magistrates with the
prayer that he should be punished with as
much clemency as possible and without the
shedding of blood. To all this Bruno only
replied with a threatening air : ' The sentence
you pronounce, perhaps troubles you more at
this moment than it does me.' The guards
of the governor then conveyed him to prison.
There another effort was made to induce him
to abjure his errors, but in vain. To-day then
he was led to the stake. "When the image of
the Crucified Saviour was shown to him he
repelled it with disdain, and with a savage
air. The wretch died in the middle of the
flames, and I have no doubt that he has gone
to relate in those other worlds which he had
imagined, how the Romans are accustomed to
treat the blasphemers and the impious. You
see, my dear friend, in what manner we pro-
ceed here against this species of men, or
rather of monsters."
Ever since the appearance of this
letter in print, it has been all but
universally admitted to be genuine,
and though doubts have been occasion-
ally expressed, no serious attempt has
been made until recently to impugn
its substantial accuracy or its authen-
ticity. Certainly after being handed
over to the Roman Inquisition Bruno
entirely disappears from view, and
unless he was burned, as the letter
relates, his fate is an entire mystery.
M. Desdouits, Professor of Philo-
sophy at the Lycee of Versailles, the
writer of several philosophical treatises
which have brought to their author a
considerable reputation — two of them,
on Metaphysics, and the Philosophy of
Kant, having been crowned by the
French Institute — has lately published
a pamphlet of 27 pp., the title of
which sufficiently indicates its object
and the motive of its argument — La
Legende tragique de Jordano Bruno —
comment elle a ete forme — son origins
suspecte — et son invraisemblance.
To treat the burning of Bruno as a
legend resting on no solid foundation
of fact, but invented by a Protestant
propagandist, with a view of throwing
discredit on the Church of Rome gene-
F F 2
436
Was Giordano Bruno Really Burned?
rally and the Roman Inquisition in
particular, requires at least some bold-
ness, and to support this theory with
arguments of so much plausibility and
ingenuity as to induce the editor of a
journal of great influence and deserved
reputation, the Manchester Guardian,
besides several French periodicals, to
reproduce them without a word of
dissent, but with an evident opinion
that they are well grounded, makes it
expedient, in the interests of historical
truth, to inquire whether the theory
rests on any solid foundation, and to
state for the first time (at least in
English) the evidence which exists on
the subject.
According to M. Desdouits, the sole
piece of evidence on which the burning
of Bruno rests, is the letter to which I
have referred, purporting to be written
by Scioppius. It was first printed (in
Germany) in or about 1620, at the end
of an extremely rare pseudonymous
tract, which bears the title Machia-
vellizatio.1 No writer, according to the
belief of M. Desdouits when he printed
his paper, quoted this letter, or had any
knowledge either of the Machiavel-
lizatio or the fate of Bruno, until
J. H. Ursin referred to it in 1661, in
the preface to his Commentaries on
Zoroaster. But in a supplement M.
Desdouits tells us that a friend has
called his attention to a line of Mer-
senne, who, in his Impiete des Deistes,
printed in 1624, speaks of Bruno as
" un athee brUle en Italie." (This
shows that M. Desdouits has not even
1 Of the many writers who have quoted this
book I cannot think that any of them have
seen it, except Ursin, Toland, C. A. Salig,
and, perhaps, Vogt. Brucker is the authority
from whom M. Desdouits and most writers
for the last century and a half have taken its
title. But I am satisfied that Brucker merely
derived his knowledge of it from Ursin and
Toland. A reprint (or possibly the original)
of the first part of the tract is in the British
Museum, but unfortunately it does not con-
tain the letter of Scioppius. The only writer
who gives what seems to me to be the com-
plete or accurate title is Vogt in his Cat. Lib.
Rar. (Hamburg, 1747). It would be interest-
ing to ascertain where a copy containing the
letter of Scioppius is to be found.
read Bayle's article on Bruno, to which
nevertheless he often refers, for Bayle
cites this very line of Mersenne.)
Nicodemo, in his Addizioni alle Bibli-
oteca Napoletana, 1683, quotes Ursin,
but only to throw doubts on the state-
ment of Scioppius, and it was not
until 1701 that the letter of Sciop-
pius was really made known to the
world, having been reprinted in
full by Struvius, in his Acta
Litter aria. " It is from that date, and
from that work," says M. Desdouits,
" that the tradition of the punishment
of Bruno, up to that time uncertain
and nebulous, takes consistence and
reaches its full development." In 1726,
Haym, in his Notizia dei Libri rari
nella Ling. ItaL, expressed an opinion
that Bruno was only burned in effigy ;
and before this time, Bayle had cited
Nicodemo, and had seemingly shared
his doubts.
" There are two grave reasons against the
authenticity of the letter of Scioppius ; first,
it has been found in mysterious circumstances
which do not allow us to mount to its origin ;
secondly, it contains many passages which it
is difficult to attribute to a friend of the Court
of Rome. Printed first in this obscure and
unknown book, Machiavellizatio, where it was
discovered seventy-five years later by Struvius,
there is no sort -of external evidence that it was
written by Scioppius, while the internal evi-
dence from the letter itself is altogether the
other way. That the style is in harmony with
that of Scioppius is no proof of its authenticity,
for a clever forger would take care that no
suspicion on that score could arise. But in
other respects it is not such a letter as Scioppius
would be expected to write. Why does he re-
late to Rittershusius in detail the life and ad-
ventures of Bruno during the last eighteen
years, as if Rittershusius would not be well ac-
quainted with them ? It is clear that this is put
in, in order that the tissue of falsehoods with
which the letter concludes might be preceded
by the accurate recital of facts. But in the
year 1600, Scioppius was entirely devoted to
the Church of Rome, which it was only two
years since he had formally joined. All his
writings at this time show a great zeal for
orthodoxy. How improbable, then, that in a
letter written to the Protestant Rittershusius
to justify the Church of Rome from the re-
proach of cruelty he would add to the
aggravating circumstances, calumnies of a
nature to augment the fury of the Lutherans
against the Church of Rome. But, in fact,
the letter contains one manifest falsehood and
atrocious calumny. ' Bruno, ' says the letter,
Was Giordano Bruno Really Burned ?
437
"will be able to relate in other worlds, how
the Romans are accustomed to treat the blas-
phemers and the impious. ' Would any friend
of the Church of Rome have written the
words ' are accustomed ? ' for every one knows
that it is a falsehood ; every one knows that
the rigours which were habitual in other
countries in Europe, were not habitual at
Rome. No doubt plenty of victims will be
found in Spain, in England, and in France,
but at Rome how many can be discovered ?
What were the rigours of the ecclesiastical
authority when one compares them with the
lay tribunals ? It is clear that the letter is
not that of a friend of the Church, it is prob-
ably the work of a German Lutheran, and this
explains the impossibility of discovering its
origin, and it seems probable that some details
of the letter were borrowed from the account
given by the President de Grammond in 1619,
of the punishment of Vanini. Turning from
the letter itself, the punishment of Bruno is,
a priori, improbable ; the absolute silence of
contemporaries is inexplicable ; if Bruno were
really burnt publicly at Rome, where the spec-
tacle of burning at the stake was unusual, any
such punishment would be sure to be noticed,
especially when the victim was one of the most
illustrious philosophers in Europe, the most re-
doubtableenemy of the Papacy and the Christian
faith. When nineteen years later Vanini was
executed at Toulouse, the attention of the whole
literary world was drawn to it, but no contem-
porary makes the least mention of the tragical
death of Bruno. The absolute silence of the
ambassadors of Venice in their despatches to
their government, is alone an irrefutable argu-
ment against the punishment of Bruno, nor is
the absence of any official record of Ms trial and
execution at Rome less important or less decisive.
The probability is then that he finished his
life at Rome in a convent of his order. No-
thing proves that Giordano Bruno was burnt
at Rome, and the hypothesis of his punish-
ment is not only uncertain but improbable
(inmaisemblable). "
Such, in a somewhat abbreviated
form, are the arguments of M. Des-
douits, and they are maintained with
much ingenuity and ability. Taken
by themselves they seem to be, if not
absolutely conclusive, at least highly
probable, and to deserve the detailed
examination which I proceed to give
them. And first of the letter of
Scioppius. The Machiavellizatio is cer-
tainly now very scarce, but it was a
well-known book for some time after
its appearance. It had the honour to
be placed in the Index. At least two
answers were given to it within a year
after its appearance — one by no less
a person than Balasti, Bishop of
Bosnia — and an account of it is
given by Salig, in his History of the
Augsburg Confession. Now, as the
book was printed, at the latest, in
1621, it is strange if it never came to
the knowledge of Scioppius, who lived
until 1649, and it is quite certain
that if he had learned that a forged
letter purporting to have been written
by him was contained in the Machia-
vellizatio, or in any book, the world
would very soon have heard his loud
and furious complaints. But that
Struvius dug the letter out of the
Machiavellizatio, as stated by M.
Desdouits, is incorrect. Had he re-
ferred to the book of Struvius, in-
stead of merely deriving his knowledge
of it from Brucker, or some other
secondhand source, he would have
known that the letter was communi-
cated in manuscript to Struvius by
Gottlieb Krantz, a professor of Breslau,
and it is clear that both of them be-
lieved it to be unpublished.
M. Desdouits inquires why the
author of this forged letter should
have attributed it to Scioppius, and
addressed it to Rittershusius, and he
replies that it was necessary that it
should take the name of some writer
who was at Rome at the date of the
pretended burning, that Scioppius was
the best known of those then residing
there, and that as he had himself
written and printed, in 1599, an epistle
to Rittershusius, this suggested the
name of the person to whom the letter
was to be addressed. But M.
Desdouits seems to be ignorant that
Scioppius was at this very time in close
correspondence with Rittershusius, and
that Struvius published in his Acta
Litteraria from the original a .tograph,
nine other letters from Scioppius to
the Altdorf professor. All these were
written between January, 1599, and
February, 1600, and the letter of
February 17, 1600, not only contains
the long account of Bruno and his
execution, but also much matter of
general literary interest, precisely of
the same character as the earlier letters,
438
Was Giordano Bruno Really Burned ?
to which it forms a consistent sequel.
The same persons, the same books, the
same subjects are spoken of. The
Vatican manuscript of Sulpicius
Severus, which was being copied for
Rittershusius under the directions of
Scioppius, is referred to in the letter of
the 17th of February just as we should
expect from the mention of it in the
previous letter of the 29th of January.
But when Struvius published the letter
of the 17th of February, he was not
acquainted with the existence of the
nine other letters, which he only
printed sixteen years later in the fifth
part of his second volume. If, there-
fore, the letter in question is a forgery,
the forger must have had before him
these earlier letters which remained
unknown for a century after the pub-
lication of the Machiavellizatio. But
among the letters first printed in 1717
is the angry letter of Rittershusius
renouncing the friendship of Scioppius
and declining all further intercourse.
This letter, written on the 14th of
February, 1600, must have crossed
Scioppius's letter of the 17th, and
thenceforward all intercourse between
the two men absolutely ceased. If,
therefore, the (Bruno) letter is a for-
gery, the forger must have accidentally
hit upon the very latest date at
which it was possible for Scioppius to
write to Rittershusius in friendly
terms, or he must have been acquainted
with this letter of Rittershusius which
was not printed until a century after-
wards, and he must have fixed the
date of the burning, so as to harmo-
nise with it.
Next as to the tone of the letter
itself. Is it the kind of letter likely
to have been written by a friend of
the Church of Rome to a Protestant,
or is it clearly the work of an enemy ?
(I pass over M. Desdouits' indignant
comments on the words " are accus-
tomed," for I have been unable to find
a complete list of the heretics burned
at Rome from 1580 to 1620, but
certainly, though they were not so
numerous as in Spain, they were not
so rare at Rome as to cause much
sensation when they occurred.) Sciop-
pius, it must be remembered, was at
this time a recent convert, and what-
ever the motives of his conversion, he
was at least full of that ardour for
his new faith, which neophytes pro-
verbially display, and he was certainly
desirous of commending it in every
way possible, to one who had long
been, and whom he was most anxious
to retain as his most intimate friend.
Scioppius commences by saying that
if his correspondent were then at
Rome, he would no doubt hear *it
commonly reported that a Lutheran
had been burned, and would thus be
confirmed in his opinion of the cruelty
of the Roman church. For the com-
mon people in Italy did not distinguish
between Lutherans and other heretics,
calling every kind of heresy Luther-
anism, " but in fact," he continues,
" neither Lutherans nor Calvinists are
in the slightest danger at Rome, on
the contrary the Pope has given direc-
tions that they should be treated with
extraordinary attention and civility,
and nothing is attempted against
them ; they are only exhorted to
investigate the truth." Then
he proceeds to give the history of
Bruno and his doctrines, showing that
there was hardly any heresy, old or
new, which the philosopher did not
hold, and he is evidently quite satis-
fied that Rittershusius would agree
with him that the punishment was
entirely justifiable. He adds, in a
very different tone from that which
he used of the same eminent person a
dozen years later, that Casaubon was
setting an excellent example (it was
then rumoured that the great scholar
was about to join the Church of Rome),
and he prays that his correspondent
may follow the same course.
The tone of the letter is exactly
what we should expect from a friend
and adherent of the Church of Rome.
Romanists, Lutherans, Calvinists, and
Anglicans, differing upon almost every
other doctrine were all agreed upon
this one, that it was a Christian duty
to burn atheists and heretics. The
Was Giordano Bruno 'Eeally Burned ?
439
only point as to which they differed
was the definition of heresy. It was
less than half a century since Calvin
and the Grand Inquisitor, Orry, had
vied with each other which was to
have the credit of burning Servetus,
and that the Genevan Reformer had
sneered at the primate of primates
for allowing so notorious an atheist to
live unharmed within the confines of
his cathedral city.
When we read the earlier corre-
spondence with Rittershusius, the argu-
ment of the Bruno letter becomes still
more clear. In the epistle printed by
Scioppius himself in 1599, which so
seriously offended Rittershusius, as
well as in several subsequent letters,
the mildness and gentleness with which
Lutherans were treated at Rome is
much insisted upon. Scioppius was
now endeavouring by every means in
his power, but in vain, to smooth the
justly irritated professor, and he felt
that when his correspondent should
hear, as he probably soon would do,
that a Lutheran had been burnt at
Rome, he would believe that all the
specious statements of his correspond-
ent, as to the gentleness of the Court
of Rome and the favour shown by it
to Lutherans were mere pretence, and
that in urging Rittershusius to visit
Rome, Scioppius desired to place him
in the power of the Inquisition, when
possibly he might share the fate of
Bruno.
Nor is it the fact that until this letter
was unearthed by Struvius,the terrible
fate of Bruno was not generally known,
or, that except the single reference to
it by Mersenne, Ursin was the first to
announce it. Not only does Mersenne,
in 1 624, refer to Bruno, in the line cited
by Bayle and M. Desdouits, as " un
athee brule en Italie," but in the same
work — a work, by the way, that had a
large circulation, and is cited by nearly
every writer on atheism in the 17th
century — in a long chapter devoted to
Bruno, which M. Desdouits has evi-
dently not read, Mersenne remarks
(p. 363), in speaking of the dialogue
De la causa principio et uno, " ce sont
ces dialogues pour lesquels il a est6
brusle & Rome comme quelques uns
m'ont assure" implying that it was not
from the Machiavellizatio, but from con-
temporary information that his know-
ledge was derived. But if any doubts
remain as to the genuineness of the
letter, and as to the fact of the
presence of Scioppius himself at the
execution of Bruno, they are resolved
by Scioppius himself, who in one of
the best known of his books, the
Ecclesiasticus, printed in 1611, and
solemnly burned by order of the
Parliament of Paris on the 24th of
November, 1612, refers to the burning
of Bruno, almost in the same words as
occur in the letter of Rittershusius
(p. 264). " It happened to me about
ten years since,- at Rome, to be a
witness of this memorable obstinacy in
the case of Giordano Bruno, of Nola,
who, rat/ter than recant, preferred to fie
burnt alive in a blazing fire surrounded
by miserable faggots (infelicibus sar-
mentis circumsceptus luculento igne vivus
ustulari maluit). But a still more re-
markable piece of evidence remains,
in the Correspondence of Kepler and
Brengger, first printed in 1858. On the
30th of November, 1607, Kepler wrote,
"Nor was that unfortunate Bruno
who was burnt (prunis tostis) at Rome
the only one who held the opinion
that the stars were inhabited ; my
friend Brabeus took the same view."
Brengger replies on the 7th of March,
1608, "When you write of Giordano
Bruno prunis tostis, I understand you
to mean he was burned (crematum). I
beg of you to tell me whether this is
so, and when and where this
happened." On the 5th of April,
Kepler replies, " I learned from Wacker
that Bruno was burned at Rome, and
that he suffered the punishment with
firmness, asserting the vanity of all
religions, and turning God into the
universe, into circles, or into points."
A further letter of Brengger of the
8th of June refers to the same subject.
(Kepleri Opera, edidit Frisch, 1858-70,
vol. ii., pp.591, 592,596.)
Now there could not possibly be a
440
Was Giordano Bruno Really Burned?
better authority than J. M. Wacker,
who in February, 1600, was residing
at Rome as the imperial Ambassador,
and was also, curiously enough, one of
the chief patrons of Scioppius. His
name frequently occurs in the corre-
spondence with Rittershusius.
I could cite other references to the
burning of Bruno, from writers of an
earlier date than Struvius, amongst
others, Charles Sorel and G. Spitzel
(Spizelius), but I think sufficient has
been said to prove that the fact of the
burning of Bruno was generally known
in the seventeenth century to those
interested in the matter, and that it
was as generally believed.
I now turn to the second head of
M. Desdouits' arguments, namely, that
which refers to the absence of all
official record of the trial or execution.
His studies have evidently stopped
short with the excellent work of
Bartholmess printed at Paris in 1846,
and he seems to be entirely ignorant
of the investigations of several Italian
scholars during the last twenty years
in the Archives of the Vatican, and of
the Inquisition, the results of which
have been published by Signer Berti
in the two following works — " Coper-
nico e le vicende del sy sterna Copernicano
in Italia con documenti inediti intorno a
Giordano Bruno e Galileo" (Rome, 1876),
and " Documenti intorno a Giordano
Bruno " (Rome, 1880). The Records
of the Inquisition state that on the
27th of February, 1598, Giordano
Bruno arrived at Rome, and was
incarcerated in the prison of the
Holy Office ; that in February, 1599,
his trial commenced ; that on the
20th of January, 1600, the Pope
ordered the sentence to be passed,
which terminates with those 'well-
known words, so terrible in their opera-
tion, so vague in their terms, " dictus
Fr. Jordanus tradatur curice seculari ; "
that on the 8th of February this
sentence was actually pronounced, and
the prisoner forthwith delivered to
the Secular Court. So much for the
Records of the Inquisition. Among
the manuscripts of the Vatican, is a
collection of news-letters (Avvisi di
Roma), which in those days did duty as
gazettes or newspapers. In one, dated
Saturday, the 12th of February, 1600,
the gazetteer writes that they were
expecting that day a solemn act of
justice on a Dominican of Nola, who,
on the Wednesday previous, had been
condemned to be burnt alive. But it
seems the pious multitude were dis-
appointed of their entertainment for
several days. In the Avviso of the
19th of the same month, it is written
that " on Thursday morning, in the
Campo de Fiore, that wicked Domini-
can friar of Nola, of whom mention
was made in the last letter, was burnt
alive. A most obstinate heretic, and
having of his own caprice formed divers
dogmas against our faith, and in par-
ticular against the most holy Virgin
and the saints, in which the wretched
man was obstinately determined to die,
saying that he was dying as a martyr
and willingly, and that his soul would
ascend with the smoke into Paradise."
Signer Berti has further discovered
in a book of accounts, an entry of a
payment of twenty scudi to the Bishop
who performed the ceremony of the
degradation of Bruno.
Most persons will probably consider
that the facts here stated are sufficient
to prove beyond reasonable doubt that
Giordano Bruno was burned alive at
Rome. But it is understood that M.
Desdouits does not accept as final or
conclusive the evidence from the
Archives of the Inquisition, and the
Avvisi di JKoma, which have been
brought under his notice by the Italian
press. I have therefore thought it not
inexpedient to point out, at what may
seem unnecessary length, that apart
from the discoveries which have been
given to the world by Signor Berti,
there is abundant proof of the fact
in the writings of the seventeenth
century, and that the genuineness
of the letter of Scioppius is not open
to the suspicions which have been cast
upon it.
RICHARD COPLEY CHRISTIE.
441
CONTINENTAL TROUTING.
How delightfully irresponsible in sport-
ing matters is the average continental
tourists' handbook ! It would almost
seem at times as if the author sought
premature revenge on the angling
fraternity, whose weakness he foresaw
would render them half-hearted fol-
lowers of the complete programme in
mountain waterfall and cathedral that
he had so laboriously sketched out,
cab fares included. With what off-
hand levity do these manuals invite
" piscator " to alight and try his
luck between trains on some stream
from which the last trout vanished a
quarter of a century ago ! With what
guileless generosity these publications
recommend the " lover of the gentle
craft " to spend a few hours on some
river whose owner will scarcely allow
his nearest relations to tread its
banks.
There is a patronising way, too,
of treating poor piscator in such
volumes that might goad him to some-
thing like irritation were he not such
a proverbially sweet-tempered person.
He is not only recommended to flog
rivers sacred to the very gods, and to
devote himself to streams in which
there are no fish, but the language in
which these useful suggestions are
couched is a mixture of the paternal
and the contemptuous. It is quite
evident he is regarded as a species of
degenerate tourist on whom the water-
falls and the cab fares will be to a
great extent wasted. Reading between
the lines the conviction seems plain
in the author's mind that our friend,
if only he have a rod in his hand and
a basket at his back, will be perfectly
happy and need nothing more. The
experienced fisherman, however, fortu-
nately for himself, does not, as the
Americans phrase it, " take much
stock " in the optimistic generalisms
of such books. His professional eye
detects their vagueness in a moment,
and probably he has been bitten again
and again in his youth.
Is not, however, continental trouting
to most of us somewhat like the tradi-
tional mine of Wicklow that Moore
sings of ? Who is there among the
fraternity that has not at some time
or other pursued in France or Belgium
or Germany that ideal river which his
own imagination, his friends' tales, or
their friends' affidavits have conjured
up, and found it only to exclaim with
equal fervour, if with less elevated
emotion, than the gentle Words-
worth— -
' ' And is this Yarrow ! this the stream
My waking fancy cherished " ?
What roving angler does not recall
some Normandy brook or Ardennes
stream that was always better either
above or below the spot at which you
study it, and always inferior to some
still more distant water beyond the
hill?
Yet there is a fascination, to many
of us at any rate, in continental
trouting that makes us to a great
extent oblivious of defeat, sanguine
of the future, and inclined to deal
gently with the light baskets that for
the most part make up the records of
the past. There is at least the happy
element of mystery in your first essay
upon a continental brook. If past
experience tends to weight the scales
very heavily in favour of the most
modest expectations, still there are
the three plump half-pounders which
the landlord lays upon the breakfast
table ; for he does not tell you they
were caught with a drag net- in the
grey of the morning. On the contrary,
he swears that Jean or Pierre in the
village took them with a fly the night
442
Continental Troutiny.
before just below the bridge. But
then " Jean is a bon pecheur," and
this significant remark indicates that
monsieur has got only himself to blame
if he go not and do likewise. The
enthusiasm, however, which in the
kitchen greets your arrival at dinner
time with half-a-dozen three-ounce fish
is too genuine, to be attributed entirely
to national politeness. You have evi-
dently performed a feat, and the story
of Jean's half-pounders assumes a
legendary aspect, or, to quote our
cousins again, begins to look " alto-
gether too thin."
" How as to the liberty of fishing?"
you have previously inquired of the
landlord of some still unexplored
hostelry and water. You pore over
the crabbed handwriting, and with
much difficulty make out that monsieur
has the liberty of fishing over the
commune water above the village, and
over that of Le Comte, below. On
arrival that statement proves to be
substantially correct, but as far as the
eye can see — up and down the stream
in this the height of the May -fly season
— are fields of waving grass not two
weeks off the scythe. Venture only
along the edge of one of these
meadows, my friend, and not all the
counts or all the communes will save
you from the vengeance of an infuriated
peasantry.
" Well," says our host with a shrug
apologetic, " monsieur can fish at any
rate from the orchard below the house,
and from the road in the village ;
(cheerful consolation after travelling a
hundred miles) ; and another year
monsieur must come earlier — in April
— before the meadows are put up."
We don't go ourselves in April, but
we recommend a friend to do so with
the best intention in the world. He
comes back in a white heat with
things in general and us in particular.
Not a fish was moving, and the land-
lord told him that it was a late river,
that he ought to have waited till the
mouche de mai (the May-fly) was on
(grand old scamp), " and then, mon-
sieur, would catch all the fish he
wanted." Then again, not very far off,
there is the water of the Baron de
B , two miles off, as fine a stream
as you ever laid your eyes on. A
keeper, too, and sport, weather per-
mitting, apparently guaranteed. Yes !
there is the keeper in his blue blouse
and black-cloth cap — an exceedingly
pleasant person — neither cynical nor
servile, and eager with the landing
net, which he carries as if he was
looking out for a fish every throw, sly
rascal ! He compliments the English
nation generally, and you in particular
on your casting, which is probably
wasted toil ; but if you do fluke a
decent fish "an' you love it" take the
net yourself, and do not let that
amiable man approach the bank. If
you don't deprive him of it your whole
French vocabulary will vanish in fumes
of rage ere you can stop him from
lunging furiously at the lightly hooked
fish, and breaking everything in the
wild impression that he is assisting in
its capture.
You are not very likely, however,
to require such assistance often, for
this very custodian of the preserve
himself is about as salutary to the
fishing as a cart load of otters or a
few thousand pike would be.
His energy is boundless, but it is
misdirected. If an unfortunate gentle-
man with a " Farlowe " rod and a
card-case in his pocket were to put his
foot over the boundary of Monsieur
le Baron's preserve, the eagle eye of
our garde would mark him, and his
swift foot hunt him down with all the
terrors of continental provincial law.
Monsieur le Baron, who lives away in
Brussels, should know what a faithful
protector of his interests lives at the
chateau gate. But in the dark of the
night what quiet netting parties of
the village neighbours are arranged,
upon distinct and profitable under-
standings upon the part of the former
with that conscientious bucolic ! It
is by no means extraordinary that
your basket is a light one, on the
contrary, when the sad truth leaks
out the feeling that is uppermost in
Continental Trouting.
443
your breast is one of self-satisfaction
and surprise that there is anything in
it at all.
There are red-letter days occasion-
ally in these continental fishing trips,
and some of us have streams, no doubt,
hid away in remote spots whose secrecy
we have sworn a solemn oath to hold
inviolate. Fish or no fish, however,
there is a charm in the continental
brook that encourages perseverance.
In face of the unequalled delights of
English pastoral scenery, one can only
attribute this aforesaid charm to the
novelty and consciousness of exploring
hidden nooks and meeting odd folks
that the general tourist passes by.
Perhaps also there is something in the
absence of the postman's bag.
Then, too, there are those foreign
water-mills ! We have nothing — or
nothing, at any rate, but isolated
exceptions — to compare to them, and
the true angler is, or should be, an
epicure in the matter of mills. What
your educated trout fisherman does
not know about the "points" of a
mill, the whole of South Kensington
and Chelsea certainly cannot teach
him.
What a contrast, for instance, in a
a Normandy landscape between the
present and the past ! On the bare
hill-side, under the single line of
poplars that borders the broad, admi-
rably-graded road, glares the big white
milestone of the French Eepublic,
bristling with kilometres and deci-
mals of kilometres. Below, in the
rich and leafy valley, an old mill,
grey with age and patched with the
mellowed masonry of every age but
this, lifts its high walls above the
foaming stream. Memories of old
feudal mill-rights, that died with the
revolution, and lingered among the
seigneuries of French Canada till twenty
years ago, seem in fancy to lurk be-
neath the quaint, fantastic gables.
The pigeon towers on the hills have
gone. The old-time chateaux are only
here and there preserved where some
towered and turreted farm-house, half-
buried amid stacks of wheat and hay,
and echoing to the sounds of rural
life, retains in its gray stones the
names of some proud, forgotten race ;
but in the slow throb of the mill-
wheels the pulse of old France seems
still to beat. Nor to find that it is
necessary to penetrate inaccessible
regions. Among the quiet and un-
pretending hills of Picardy — nay, in
the very Pas de Calais itself, within
sight even of the Cathedral of Boulogne
or the frowning ramparts of Mont-
reuil — the mill-wheel sings in cool,
quiet nooks that the ordinary traveller
may never see, but where the angler, if
his creel be light and trout be scarce,
may find his consolation in the heat
of a summer noon.
Our English mills, if taken in detail,
will generally be found to owe their
picturesqueness very much to their
surroundings. If they are large and
prosperous, their walls are as neat as
those of the county jail, their slate
roofs are in as good repair as those of
the rectory close at hand. The little
stone mill in tthe narrow valley of the
north or west is, it is true, no un-
pleasing foreground to the boiling
stream, the strip of emerald meadow,
and the hanging oak wood ; but with-
out its flashing wheel and without its
natural surroundings — taken, so to
speak, out of its frame — our rough
stone mill would seldom stir the emo-
tions of either angler or artist. The
French mill, however, is most fre-
quently a thing of beauty by itself,
and is independent of the aspens and
the beeches and the sycamores whose
shadows quiver in its restless pool — a
venerable pile of time-worn stone and
mellowed brick, patched in a happy
makeshift way by the hands of a dozen
generations ; stained every hue by the
spray and the rain and the sun of un-
numbered years. Tufts of grass and
trailing weeds wave from the cracked
walls and catch the bright drops ever
rising from the foam below. The
gabled roof waves in quaint fashion
over the twisted rafters. Tiles rich
in colouring, and slates, chipped and
silvery with age, droop in promiscuous
444
Continental Troutiny.
fashion over the rows of swallows'
nests that cluster beneath the over-
hanging eaves. Odd windows and
dark, mysterious loopholes break here
and there the tall pile of masonry.
Clouds of pigeons circle in the air or
cluster and coo in the hanging boxes
where, midway between the roof and
the foaming mill-tail, they make their
home. Here, too, the air is full of
life with the swift rush of martins
and swallows that revel amid the
gnats and flies which come out to
dance in this the broadest and sun-
niest spot upon the otherwise narrow
stream.
Upon the opposite bank, behind an
old brick wall which, half-buried in
ivy, stems the rush of the current,
stands the miller's house. Its blue-
washed walls and green shutters, its
grey thatch and bright tiles, half seen
through a wall of fruit blossoms and
gay old-fashioned flowers, light up
with pleasing contrast the more sombre
hues of the mill itself.
The miller himself, too, is a hearty,
jovial fellow, and comes out for a chat
as soon as he sees from his dusty
haunts the gleam of our rod waving
backwards and forwards in the sun-
shine. For he was a conscript at the
Alma, and has a regard for English-
men as being connected with the chief
event of his life. The international
loves and hates of the Paris boulevards
have no more influence upon him than
if he were a Chinaman. General opinion
has. I think, agreed that English tour-
ists have ceased to be popular upon
the Continent, but in the almost un-
beaten paths which the more adven-
turous angler treads, he will find no
sign of this. In remote villages, where
the English name has been almost
wholly in the keeping of his craft, the
angler will find his predecessors re-
membered, for the most part, with
something like affection. Old reels
and well-worn flies and much be-
spliced top-joints, crop up everywhere
as relics of the munificence of some
bon pecheur, Monsieur le Colonel
Anglais.
If the scenery of the French brook-
side is a thought too true, it has at
any rate characteristic charms of its
own. The alders trail unlopped it is
true above the current, and here and
there leave scarcely room for even the
expert to drop his fly safely in mid-
stream. But everything beyond is
seen through interlacing lines of tall
straight stems, crossing and recrossing
one another, and growing finer and
apparently denser as the distance and
the foot of the hill that bounds the
valley is approached. The shadows of
the whitening rustling leaves from
their lofty tops play upon the grass,
and that of their tall limbless trunks
as day declines, convert into stripes of
black and emerald the soppy meadows,
where rushes and wildflowers threaten
in May days to choke the springing
grass. The slender thorn hedges, set
and trimmed in the diamond fashion
of the Continent, run this way and
that, dividing the little meadows from
one another and from the large stretch
of commune land, where blue-bloused
peasants and their short-skirted wives
and daughters are planting the late
potatoes in the warm red soil. Then
peeping through the teeming forest of
slender tree-stems, and almost smoth-
ered in apple blossoms, are the bright
red roofs of the little hamlet. Nearest
of all to the stream is the cottage of
the garde de chasse — stalking at our
side with the landing net, up a deep
rutted lane leading thereto, that good
man insists on our visiting his home.
His two stalwart daughters are hitched
up to a big barrow in the garden,
which they pull with a steadiness that
would do credit to a pair of Normandy
mares. But in the dark recesses of
the huge chimney a row of curly heads
gradually dawn upon our vision, as
the latter gets used to the gloom, and
olive branches of a tenderer age, armed
with slates and books, come shyly out
to stare at the gentleman from across
the sea. The buxom matron herself
would be deeply hurt if you refused
the proffered petit verre of cognac, and
the good garde himself would still
Continental Trouting.
445
more keenly feel it as the loss would
be his own also. The high chimney-
piece is laden with the gay shep-
herdesses and white poodles in china
that seem to gladden the heart of the
poor in all countries alike. On the
heavy smoke- darkened rafters, that
support the ceiling, hangs, as else-
where, the emblem of the goodman's
craft — a ponderous double-barrelled
gun. Framed in glass upon the wall
is the certificate of his military ser-
vice and discharge. " But why the
cumbrous sabre that hangs upon a
nail above the door ? Infantry pri-
vates, even if they were allowed to
carry away the weapons of the
republic do not wear cavalry sabres."
" Ah ! monsieur doesn't understand,
the sabre is for the braconniers — the
poachers." It is, in fact, our friend's
weapon of defence and attack, as he
follows his profession upon the river-
banks or among the rye- and wheat-
fields and clover patches, which cover
the 600 acres constituting the chasse.
One has to imagine then our harmless-
looking friend skipping over the hills
at a safe distance from his village
acquaintances and friends, the bracon-
niers, and brandishing this appalling
weapon at their departing figures.
In France too, no matter how
remote the angler's path may be, there
is the little village auberge, almost
always at hand where some consolation
for indifferent sport may be found in
a bottle of good ordinaire, and perhaps
a fillet of veal, or at any rate an excel-
lent omelette. Unlike most other
countries, however, extreme rural inno-
cence is by no means incompatible in
France with a talent for extortion.
" As grasping as a man of Picardy,"
is an old French ^saying that the
wanderer in that portion of the
country at any rate, will do well to
bear constantly in mind. In rural
Belgium you may generally dispense
with preliminary agreements in small
inns. Across the border, however,
never be tempted among the most
guileless seeming communities to put
yourself outside the reach of black and
white.
One great source of inconvenience
to English anglers upon French
streams is the number of persons or
corporations, whose permission has to
be gained to secure enough water for
a good day's fishing. The smallness
of properties — whether owned by
communes or individuals — is of course
the cause of this. To the peasant,
whose idea of fishing is sitting xipon a
stump with a worm and a float, a
kilometre of river seems almost bound-
less space for sporting purposes. You
may be given to understand that the
water, for which you have with some
difficulty succeeded in getting leave, is
practically without limit. Your land-
lady, by waving her hands out towards
the distant horizon and shrugging her
shoulders, will check further inquiry
and lull you into a perfect sense of
security on this point. Even the garde
himself discusses the boundary ques-
tion with such confidant levity, that it
is with the bitterest disappointment
you find that worthy man in an hour
or two's time drawing your attention
to a white board nailed on to a poplar-
tree, bearing the ominous inscription,
" Defense pour pecker."
A. G. BRADLEY.
446
THE EXTENSION OF LOCAL GOVERNMENT IN IRELAND.
ONE of the most intricate and difficult,
and at the same time one of the most
pressing problems with which the new
Parliament will have to deal, will be
the measure of extension of Local Go-
vernment in Ireland. That there must
be some extension is more or less cer-
tain, but how far it will go and upon
what principles it will be based are
questions upon which the constitu-
encies will have much to say, and
upon which, therefore, they may rea-
sonably search for anything which
throws light. Hotly as the Irish
question has been for many years, it
would be almost safe to say for many
generations, discussed, there are few,
either among our statesmen or our
public writers,, who have intimate
knowledge with the many-shadowed
difficulties which surround it. By
some it is approached with a hopeless
dread of its insolubility. Such men
think that the utmost we can hope for
is a prolonged postponement of a crisis.
To keep Ireland quiet even at the
cost of some theoretically indefensible
concession, to produce temporary
peace at even a high price, is with
them the highest and the only object
possible of attainment. There are
others who have bright ideas as to a
near future for Ireland, who hope that
by some change of policy, by some
course of conciliation, Ireland may, in
a very brief period, be brought into
such a state that she not only will be
no source of difficulty or delay to
national administration, but may be
actually an element of strength to
those responsible for the conduct of
imperial affairs. A third party, again,
go to the other extreme of despair.
With them Irishmen are centuries be-
hind the rest of the Queen's subjects
in all that has contributed to the
national greatness, are unfit to have
the " bounds of freedom wider yet,"
and are unable to use the opportuni-
ties, the privileges, and the powers
which may with advantage be placed
in the hands of those who live on this
side of the Irish Channel. With such
men the sole desire is to rule Ireland
with a rod of iron, to govern her by
force, to repress all extension of
national aspiration. They would en-
trust her people with no influence, her
local council, with no power. They would
firmly fix the centre of her Govern-
nent in London, and would part with
no jot of parliamentary control. They
see in every furtherance of religious
equality the possible development of
priestly bigotry, in every extension of
Local Government the sure ferment
of rebellion and dismemberment of
the empire.
With this last party the readers of
this paper will find no sympathy ex-
pressed. The time when such a policy
could find any strong support in Parlia-
ment or in the press is gone. But it
may be useful to present a few con-
siderations to those who only hope for
temporary palliation of Irish troubles
as well as to those who think that
Ireland can be made happy and pros-
perous by a coup de main.
And in the first place I would urge
that nothing can be more dangerous
in approaching the Irish question than
to treat Irishmen as wholly different
from Englishmen, in nationality, in
prejudice, or in caste. It has lately
been the fashion, stimulated by a cer-
tain section of Irishmen, to speak of,
if not to think of, Irishmen and Eng-
lishmen as foreign to each other.
Much has been said of the imperial
rule of Ireland as if it were an alien
rule. It may have once been reason-
able to speak of the ascendency of the
Protestant class as the hateful ascend-
The Extension of Local Government in Ireland.
447
ency of a religious minority. But it
is a grave mistake to speak of the
present regime in Ireland, faulty
though in some respects it may be,
as a foreign supremacy full to the
brim with all the terrible evils insepar-
able from a rule of aliens. That there
are elements of distinction, linguistic,
religious, ethical, between Englishmen
and Irishmen, I admit, but they are
not one whit stronger than those be-
tween Irishmen and Scotchmen, or
Scotchmen and Welshmen. And to
press these distinctions is a mistake of
which the consequences must be dis-
astrous to the progress, nay, even to
the existence of the British empire.
If Irishmen and Englishmen were
really as foreign to each other in all
those characteristics and idiosyncra-
cies which go to make national unity
as in some quarters it has been at-
tempted to show, the sooner there
came about total disunion between the
two countries the better it would be
for both. In such a case the problem
of united government would indeed
be hopeless, and political, financial,
and commercial severance, speedy and
total would be the only method of treat-
ment which would have the slightest
prospect of success. From such a policy
Irishmen would be the first to suffer,
and their suffering would be severe.
If in the administration of Irish
affairs all were forbidden to play a part
save those who could claim to be
Irishmen, then from administration of
English affairs Irishmen would be
compelled to abstain ; and not only
this, but the thousands of Irishmen
who in various parts of Great Britain
make their influence deservedly and
worthily felt would at once be branded
with the impotency of alienism, and
would be grievously affected by dis-
qualifications now non-existent. To
the extreme members of the Parnellite
party such a policy may possibly com-
mend itself, they may be willing to
take the risks with what they con-
sider the advantages. But few dis-
passionate friends of Irishmen would
wish to see them liable to the conse-
quences of a pressure to its logical con-
clusion of the principle of " Ireland
for the Irish," while to the imperial
statesman who sees in the solid weld-
ing together of the interests of all
classes of her Majesty's subjects
the best prospect of the progress of
the Queen's empire and the best chance
of success in the huge national compe-
tition of modern days, the splitting
up of Celt and Saxon, Cymric and
Gael, can only be regarded with
despair.
Upon the present system of govern-
ment in Ireland, the most lavish abuse
has been showered on the score of its
being " alien." Much has been made
of the fact that the last three viceroys
have been Englishmen and that the
present under- secretary is a Scotch-
man. But the principle on which
men are selected for high administra-
tive posts in this country is that the
best man is chosen for each place ir-
respective of his place of birth. And
on the whole it is a wise principle.
The viceroyalty of India is not con-
fined to Anglo-Indians, or the go-
vernor-generalship of Canada to Cana-
dians. For the most important offices
in England Irishmen are not disquali-
fied. And in the present Cabinet, the
office which has influence on the
position and power of the British
Empire second to none, is held and
deservedly held by an Irishman. It
would be a fatal hindrance to the
proper selection of high officials if
birth-place were an all important ele-
ment of choice. The same rule applies
to the permanent service of the State,
in all parts of which Irishmen hold
positions of influence and trust, with
credit to themselves and advantage to
the community. There would there-
fore be little weight in the argument,
even if it were true, that several of the
principal places in the Irish Civil Ser-
vice were occupied by Englishmen.
But it is not true. The under-secre-
tary to the lord-lieutenant is indeed
a Scotchman, one who has gained
experience in many departments and
in many parts of the world. But his
448
The Extension of Local Government in Ireland.
predecessor was an Irishman, and his
nationality did not save him from the
knife of his countrymen. The present
assistant under-secretary is an Irish-
man. The head of the constabulary
is an Irishman. The vice-president
of the Local Government Board is an
Irishman. The chairman and his two
fellow commissioners on the Board of
Works are Irishmen. The head of
the Prisons Board is an Irishman, so
is the head of the Industrial Schools.
The resident commissioner of National
Education is an Irishman and a zeal-
ous Catholic, enjoying the confidence
of the heads of his Church as well as
that of all friends of education. The
Inspectors of Lunatics are Irishmen,
and one was O'Connell's private secre-
tary. The Registrar of Petty Sessions
Clerk is an Irishman, who represented
an important constituency on advanced
Home Rule principles. How it can
be said with the slightest show of
truth that these men press Ireland
under the domination of an alien race,
I am at a loss to understand. The
fact is that in their several ways they
have a knowledge of the circumstances
of their country, and an, appreciation
of the peculiarities of their country-
men, which can never be attained
even by the cleverest of distant critics.
It may be said, that as " Castle "
nominees, they can never enjoy the
confidence of the people. What does
this mean ? That there can be no con-
fidence in the administration of officers
not selected by popular vote ? If so I
totally deny the statement. The higher
positions in the civil service of the
whole country are filled by men
appointed by the parliamentary heads
of departments, who are themselves
answerable to Parliament ' and the
constituencies. The system is gener-
ally approved, and the result is good
work. No one has yet been found to
propose that the chief civil servants
of the State should be appointed by
popular vote. Such a plan would lead
to chaos of administration in England,
and in Ireland would rapidly produce
terrible disaster. Does it mean that
considerations other than of efficiency
enter into the selection 1 Generations
ago this may have been the case, but
the days of sinecures and jobbery are
gone by. For the last ten or fifteen
years, the qualifications sought for in
the principal civil servants in Ireland
have been ability, integrity, and per-
severance. The chief posts are in the
gift of the viceroy, who usually, as
regards the most important, consults
the prime minister. As the viceroy
goes out with the Cabinet, he is sub-
ject to the same control of Parliament
direct and indirect as other ministers,
and his appointments are open to like
criticism and like influence. Even if
he had the will he has not the power
to foist upon the service of the State
incapable officers. Those who know
anything of the manner in which
appointments have been made in Ire-
land during the last few viceroyalties
are aware of the intense pains which
are always taken to find men — and, as
a rule, to find Irishmen — who are best
able to discharge in a true spirit of
love for Ireland the duties of the
-department concerned. The proof of
the success attained is to be found in
the inability of the most searching
critics to find fault. For many years
the government of Ireland has been
subjected to a bitter hostility, which
is not the hostility of the people but
the hostility of a self-interested party.
There is no single act of the recent Irish
executive which has not been subjected
to a severe examination by men anxi-
ous to pick holes. Yet, in spite of the
liability to error, from which not even
the most upright civil servant is free,
no instances of wilful mal-administra-
tion have been brought to light and
very few mistakes of judgment or pro-
cedure. That the system of civil
government in Ireland has been cruelly
and fiercely assailed cannot be denied.
But its assailants have not been the
people on whose behalf the work is
done ; but a parliamentary party, the
breath of whose nostrils is agitation,
and whose only hope of existence lies
in the keeping up of discontent. If the
The Extension of Local Government in Ireland.
449
present method were as entirely wrong
as its enemies aver, if the men who
carried it out were so entirely un-
worthy of the confidence of the people
for whom they work, it is absolutely
certain that some grave blunder or
some huge injustice would have been
brought to light. But this has not been
the case. The impartial historian of
the future will assuredly allow that
the charges so lavishly made have not
been proved, and will not only acquit
but applaud the system and the men
of the civil service of Ireland of the
present day.
But if the contempt passed on the
Irish executive and the Irish civil ser-
vice is unwarranted on the one hand,
equally unfounded is the mistrust of
Irish local authority which is displayed
on the other. One class of politicians
can see no good in the government of
Ireland as at present constituted ; the
other hold the Irish people to be utter-
ly incapable of self-government. The
latter would not only not extend the
powers of local authorities but would
curtail those already exercised. They
would keep all the administration of
the Boards of Guardians out of the
hands of the elected members, and
would raise rather than lower the
municipal franchise and the qualifica-
tion for town councils and local boards.
Such a policy is opposed to the whole
spirit of recent legislation : it is based
on a want of knowledge of the charac-
teristics of Irishmen and of the good
work for many years carried out with-
out clamour and without boast by a
large number of local authorities in
Ireland ; it is founded on the intoler-
ance, that in bygone years opposed
Catholic Emancipation, kept up State
sanction of the religion of a minority,
repressed agriculture by oppressing
occupying tenants, and in a word
sowed the seed of evil of which the
present generation has reaped a plen-
tiful crop. I earnestly believe that it
is not likely to find support in the
coming Parliament, and that as was
stated at the head of this paper, the
question for future 'decision is not
No. 312.— VOL. LII.
whether there should be any extension
of Local Self-government in Ireland,
but what form it should take and how
far it should go.
And here it will be convenient to
refer to a proposal which has been put
forward by what is believed to be high
authority. It is suggested that, in
addition to the setting up of county,
or perhaps provincial, councils, there
should be a National Elective Council
established in Dublin, and wielding
the powers of all the principal central
departments as at present constituted.
Details of this proposal are not forth-
coming, but it would seem to be con-
templated that such a council should
be formed by either direct or second-
ary election, that is to say, either
direct election by the ratepayers, or
election by bodies chosen by the
ratepayers, with or without crown
nominees ; and that to it should be
transferred the powers and the respon-
sibilities of the Local Government
Board, the Education Board, the
Board of Works, the Fishery and
Lunacy Boards, the Prison Board,
certain financial functions of the
Treasury, and certain functions of
private legislation now vested in Par-
liament itself. It has been urged
that such a scheme would be sup-
ported by those who claim to be the
exponents of all Irish opinion, and
would be a wide, if not final, step to the
complete pacification of Ireland : that
by it the Irish people would be fixed
with the responsibility of their own
affairs ; and that under it they would
cease to trouble themselves unduly
with imperial concerns : that peace and
contentment would speedily replace
agitation and hate.
If such a scheme were carried out
it would be impossible to maintain for
a decade the union between the coun-
tries, and the severance would be
brought about with an amount of
turbulence far in excess of that con-
sequent upon any other plan leading
to the same goal. Let us see what
would be the early effect of such a
system. The National Council would
G G
450
The Extension of Local Government in Ireland.
claim at once to represent the national
will, and to speak with the voice of
the people. Upon every matter affect-
ing Ireland directly or indirectly,
whether properly within its discretion
or not, the national council would be
urged to express an opinion, and —
who that knows Ireland can deny it ]
— would do so. It is not proposed
that the imperial executive respon-
sible to Parliament should be divested
of military and police control, or that
the collection and disbursement of
imperial funds should cease to be in
the hands of imperial officers. Yet
every act of every member of the con-
stabulary would be criticised by the
national council, and the interference
of Parliament demanded with a force
compared with which modern obstruc-
tion would be pitiably weak. Irish
members are ready enough now to
call the attention of the House of
Commons to whatever fails to com-
mend itself to their good pleasure ;
what would be .their course of action
if there were a national council
behind them 1 If Parliament finds it
difficult now to resist concession after
concession to importunate obstruction,
what would be the state of affairs
when whatever representations were
made came with the sanction of a
national council? The statutable
limitation of the functions of such a
body might be as precise as possible,
but Irish ingenuity would evade it.
Every pretext would be made for an
expression of opinion which would
suffice to sway the decision of Parlia-
ment. It is not too much to say that
no regiment could be moved in Ireland,
no arrest made, without interference
by the national council. Whatever
action of the imperial executive de-
pended on the collection of local funds
would be liable to be thwarted by the
veto of the national council. Even
foreign affairs would not escape. For
is it reasonable to suppose that an
Irish national council would abstain
from offering an opinion in the event
of Great Britain being concerned in a
European war ? There is not one
single step which Parliament could
take in which it would not be necessary
to consider the opinion and possible
action of the Irish national council.
Instead of pacifying the relations be-
tween the two countries, the establish-
ment of the Irish national council
would embitter them, for it would
invite and compel conflict, not upon
minor matters of local administration,
but upon grave affairs, in regard to
which discussion would be difficult and
dispute full of the most terrible risk.
The object of the Parnellite party
is either (1) Legislative independence
or (2) Entire separation. As they have
not even now formulated their demand it
is not possible from their own utterances
to say which is their real aim ; but if
reliance may be placed on the speeches
made and the arguments used at the
numerous meetings held throughout
Ireland under the auspices of the
National League, nothing short of
entire separation from England will
satisfy the extreme leaders of the
present movement. In all considera-
tions of the action which they are likely
to take upon any particular policy, it
is far safer to start with the assump-
tion that they are working for separa-
tion than that they are working for
anything short of it. And any states-
man who hopes to obtain their lasting
support by something less than the
absolute autonomy of Ireland, and the
consequent dismemberment of the
empire, must be prepared for disap-
pointment. Let us, however, assume
for a moment that legislative inde-
pendence and some undefined plan of
federation is the goal to which the
Parnellites are directing their steps.
Are they likely, even if this is the
case, to be satisfied and weaned from
further action by the setting up of
such a national council as has been
referred to I Would not such an
elected administrative body be used
solely as an instrument for obtaining
legislative powers 1 Would it not be
a powerful instrument for such a
purpose] The aspirations of such a
council would not be satisfied by
The Extension of Local Government in Ireland.
451
powers of local legislation. They
would speedily adopt the position of
declining to carry out laws for which
they were not responsible and in the
framing of which they had no voice.
They would be content with nothing
less than the entire administration of
all affairs in Ireland, whether imperial
or local ; and they would rapidly agi-
tate for the power of legislating on all
subjects of whatever magnitude. Such
a movement could only be met by Par-
liament with resistance. Repressive
measures would become necessary, and
these would be met by more energetic
action on the part of the Irish council.
The controversy would grow hotter,
feeling on each side more and more
exasperated. And the end, whatever
it might be, would be reached after
a tenfold increase of the distrust
and hostility between the two coun-
tries which I believe there is not the
slightest necessity for incurring.
If legislative independence were
necessary for the prosperity of Ire-
land, it would be far better to concede
it voluntarily and without delay than to
wait till it is forced from an unwilling
Parliament. It would be wiser to be
too soon than too late in such a move-
ment. But there is nothing whatever
to show that the connection of Ire-
land with Great Britain is to the
legislative detriment of the former.
For several years the Imperial Parlia-
ment has shown the greatest readiness
to deal with Irish questions legis-
latively, and any measure upon which
there has been anything approaching
agreement on the part of Irish mem-
bers has been fully - accepted and
readily dealt with. Irish speakers
delight to speak of Irishmen as serfs,
and the fashion has been followed.
But it is difficult to find the serfdom.
In every relation of life the Irishman
is as free as air, bound only to respect
the equal rights of his neighbour. His
religion is free. He has provided for
him education in schools of his own
denomination for his children. His
commerce is free ; and if he is an
agriculturist he cannot be dispossessed
against his will of his tenant right,
the value of which has, in many
parts of the country, approached
if not outgrown the value of the fee
simple of the holding. Moreover,
money is freely given to encou-
rage all praiseworthy movements in
Ireland, and some of very doubtful
expediency. One of the very last acts
of the expiring Parliament was to
apply five millions of the national
capital to loans for the purchase of
their holdings by Irish agricultural
tenants. For the development of
tramways, for the improvement of
land, for the extension of inland navi-
gation, money is made available in a
way to which the taxpayers would
never consent if Ireland were to
achieve the legislative independence
for which some of her friends un-
wisely clamour.
And this touches one of the chief diffi-
culties in dealing with Ireland and the
Irish. It requires not only the greatest
care but much experience of men and
manners to separate real grievances
from imaginary, matters of fact from
matters of sentiment ; nor only so,
but to know what importance is to be
attached to sentiment when sentiment
cannot with safety be entirely disre-
garded. On the one hand it is fatal
to mistake the shadow for the sub-
stance, to put aside sound principles
and break laws of universal applica-
tion which are founded on general ex-
perience, in order to attempt to satisfy
that which is at best an unreal and an
unenduring complaint. On the other
hand, it is foolish to ignore sentiment
on matters about which sentiment is
all-powerful. Let me give briefly an
instance of the latter. Irishmen are
urged to be loyal to the throne and
the constitution, to pray for the wel-
fare of the Queen and the royal
family. Yet for many years Ireland
has seen nothing of the Queen, and
very little of any member of her
Majesty's family. With Mr. Parnell
and his followers all parts of Ireland
are thoroughly acquainted. Loyalty
to them is a realty which Irishmen
G G 2
452
The Extension of Local Government in Ireland.
can understand. Loyalty to the Queen
is a shadowy thing which has for too
long been left without any substantial
encouragement.
Though Irishmen have little to gain
and much to lose by entire legislative
independence, and though both Ireland
and England (the latter, perhaps, far
the least) would suffer from entire
administrative separation ; it would
be for the advantage of each country
that Irishmen should have a greater
share of self-government than is at
present accorded to them. The desire
of influence which now finds vent in a
tendency to intrigue, in the formation
of unions and leagues, which endure
for a time and after effecting little
good and much mischief split up into
fragments, should be turned into
proper channels. The energy dis-
played in moonlight drills, in the
banding together of men to exert
improper and more or less useless in-
fluence on local affairs, should be at-
tracted to the many purposes with re-
ference to which local opinion should
have proper sway. At present the
recognised exercise of local authority
is confined to too small a class, and
consequently the classes outside the
favoured few show their discontent by
combinations for the exercise of un-
recognised authority. These not being
properly formed or properly guided do
more harm than good, even from the
point of view of their promoters. They
ferment a needless antagonism between
the law of the land and the wishes of
the people ; they give an appearance
of divergence between what is and
what ought to be, for which there is
no real reason. The comparative suc-
cess of the National League in forming
local branches has proved the exist-
ence of a power of self-government
among Irishmen, which wise states-
manship will use and not ignore. If
the men who form these branches
were entrusted with responsibility
for matters concerning themselves,
and over which their control would
be useful, they would be far less eager
than now to interfere in matters in
which their influence is not wanted,
and can do no good. A very brief ex-
perience would make them aware of
the difficulties inherent in all adminis-
tration, and a knowledge of their own
perplexities and their own obstacles
would soon set up a respect for the
difficulties and obstacles of others.
Ireland, like England, suffers from
a complexity of areas of local adminis-
tration. Inasmuch as the poor-law,
upon which local government in both
countries is more or less built, was
later in Ireland than in England,
the confusion is, perhaps, not so con-
founded in the former as in the latter ;
but still the intricacy of local jurisdic-
tions, as well as the overlapping of
local powers, calls loudly for simplifica-
tion. The incidence too of local rating
is involved. The county cess differs
in its incidence from the poor-rate.
Rural rating differs from urban rating.
The poor rate is not a union charge as
in England, but a charge on electoral
divisions. It will need a firm hand as
well as a wise head to deal with these
various anomalies, with due considera-
tion of vested interests on the one hand,
and without yielding to the vis inertice
on the other. But the task should be
resolutely faced ; and if it is success-
fully accomplished will be of wide and
lasting benefit ; for upon it depends
the building up of a sound system of
Local Government in Ireland.
It is impossible within the limit of
a paper to discuss the many details of
such a system. Briefly, I may say that
in Ireland the county should be made
the basis of administration. County
councils should be formed by a care-
fully framed system of election, in the
consideration of which the principle of
voting to be adopted should be an all-
important element.1 To these councils
should be transferred the powers of
1 If, as is now the case with the poor-rate,
the incidence is to be half on ownership, half
on occupancy, provision must in fairness bi^
made for the due representation of each. But
it is a groat question, which I have no space
here to examine, whether occupancy should
not for the future be made the sole source
both of liability and of power.
The Extension of Local Government in Ireland.
the grand juries, and, with opening
for delegation, of baronial sessions.
They should have the management
of lunatic asylums, and of all poor-law
institutions. Upon the county should
be thrown the cost of all indoor relief
of the poor, leaving outdoor relief as a
charge upon a smaller area. The sani-
tary administration of the county
should be in the hands of the county
councils, save that in this respect large
urban districts should be autonomous.
Licensing powers, and all powers of
taxation for purposes connected with
the county should be vested in then
county councils. Inasmuch as there
would probably be many men of ability
and power who would not obtain seats
on the county councils, there should
be smaller local bodies subordinate to
the county councils, and acting over
precisely defined areas wholly within
the county boundary. Because much
local work has to be done in which
more than one county is interested,
there should be ample power of combi-
nation of counties, and ultimately, if
perhaps not at first, provincial boards
might be formed with fiscal powers
over the whole area of each province.
The county councils, and still more
the provincial boards, might safely be
entrusted with many of the powers of
inspection and control now wielded by
the several central departments. It
would perhaps be impossible to do
away with all imperial check on ex-
penditure. The interests of the gene-
ral taxpayer and of the future rate-
payer should be guarded against lavish
and improper pledging of the present
rates, or greedy calls on the present
taxes. But many of the functions of
the Treasury, the Board of Works, and
the Local Government Board on fiscal
matters might safely be left to the
county councils and provincial boards.
Lastly, Parliament might well part
with much of the work now done in
the committee rooms. If county coun-
cils were not held large enough bodies
to deal with all private-bill legislation
affecting their own counties, then, pend-
ing the establishment of provincial
boards, the control exercised over
private-bill legislation in London should
be either transferred to Dublin, or a
system be set up of itinerant courts.
There should be no longer any excuse
whatever left for the complaint that
the cost of promotion of or opposition
to private Bills in Westminster is pro-
hibitive as far as Ireland is concerned.
In this respect Parliament has shown
itself very tenacious of control. But
it is quite clear that the time has come
when this tenacity, valuable enough in
the past, may safely be abandoned.
It is, I have said, quite impossible
in a paper like this to attempt to set
out what must be an intricate and
ought to be a comprehensive scheme.
The above is the briefest possible
sketch of such a system as I believe
would be of enormous advantage to
Ireland. Every detail of it must be
carefully thought out by men capable
of forming a valuable opinion, and
boldly worked out by men of construc-
tive ability. If based on a wise
gradation of power, opportunity would
be given for the exercise of all degrees
of local statesmanship. There is quite
enough work to do for a share to
be available for every one able to
take it. The difficulty will be far
greater to find men for work than
work for men ; and a full demand
would be made on the local energy
which is now either wasted or used
for valueless or mischievous objects.
I have explained what I consider
would be the danger certain to arise
from the establishment of a general
national council. But there is one
sphere of administration in which a
central elective board would do much
good without liability to the same
danger. Ere long education in Ireland
must be made compulsory. The present
educational system is not suited to the
requirements of the day. The Board
of National Education, though its
members are selected from among the
wisest in the land with sole regard to
their ability to do their work in the
interests of the people, has less popu-
larity and consequently less sanction
454
The Extension of Local Government in Ireland.
than there would be in the case of an
elected board. If a central board
were set up upon some well considered
suffrage entrusted with the carrying
out of the new law a great concession
would be made to local self-govern-
ment at very little risk. Such a body
would be limited to one purpose and
unable to speak with authority on
others. It would do much to remove
friction in the spread of education.
It would be necessarily economical.
It would have to do with many ques-
tion of difficult detail, and yet be
able to avoid shipwreck on matters of
principle. The lines of its action
should be so laid down by Parliament
as to reduce as much as possible all
danger from religious disputes, but with-
in these lines there would be plenty
of room for broad and valuable work.
The course of Local Government in
Ireland must be cleverly steered.
There are rocks on either hand. But
if it is cleverly steered, without weak
abandonment of sound principles or
equally weak mistrust of local honesty,
with a firm determination to maintain
imperial unity and with an equally
firm desire to extend local responsi-
bility, I earnestly believe that much
may be done to wean the Irish people
from mischievous agitation — the pur-
suit of a will-o'-the-wisp which is
leading them to ruin — and attract
them to spheres of usefulness in which
their wit, their keenness, and their
love of combination may be of real
and lasting benefit to their country.
PHILO-CELT.
455
MRS. DYMOND.
CHAPTER XXVII.
THE BLACK SHADOWS.
As disasters thickened and closed
in Mrs. Marney's letters became more
scarce. She was still alone with
Madame, whose chief anxiety was
for Max, little as he deserved it.
" All those friends of his were drdles,
and he should tell them so," said
the old lady, who seemed to think
that this was the way to settle matters
at once. Then came the news of the
siege of Paris. Max was there shut
up with the rest of them, but Mrs.
Marney wrote in happy excitement,
for that same post had brought a letter
from her husband. He was safe at
head quarters, and day by day the
readers of the Daily Velocipede might
trace his brilliant career. Emperors,
princes, marshals, diplomats, Marney
seemed to be the centre, and the lead-
ing figure of them all.
It was not till January was nearly
over that the confirmation of the
surrender of Paris reached Tarndale.
This news was followed by rumours of
every sort, and finally by a long ram-
bling letter from Mrs. Marney, full
of many laments. She had seen
little of Marney, who had been at
Chalons and Metz most of the time,
and who was returning to Paris now
that the siege was being raised.
Did Susy know that poor Max had
been wounded at Champigny ? They
had had a letter by a balloon from
Mademoiselle Fayard, who had seen
him in the Wallace ambulance.
Madame du Pare also was determined to
nurse her son, and talked of return-
ing to the house at ISTeuilly, which
they heard was safe and scarcely
injured.
" Do not be surprised if you see me
after all," wrote Mrs. Marney. " I
cannot stop here alone with all I love
so far distant from me. Ah ! Susy ; I
should have done better to come to
you, as you wished, but with my hus-
band in danger how could I leave the
country ? "
Susy was full of alarm at the
thought of her mother's dangerous
journey through such a country at
such a time. She wrote at once to
Neuilly and to Avignon, imploring
Mrs. Marney to wait until things
were more settled, promising to meet
her later in Paris if need be. To
her letters she received no answer ;
and a week passed full of anxiety. Jo
was at Cambridge, she had no one but
Mr. Bolsover to consult. She might
as well have talked to a looking-glass
as to the sympathising little man who
invariably reflected her own expression
of face. One day Susy thought of
telegraphing to Neuilly to ask if her
mother had arrived ; the answer came
sooner than Susanna had dared expect
it, early next morning before she was
up:—
' Madame du Pare, Neuilly, to Mrs. Dymond,
Crowbeck Place, Tarndale.
" Your mother is here very ill ; pray
come."
Susy did not wait to consult Mr.
Bolsover again ; she wrote a line to
Mrs. Bolsover, sent her little Phraisie
to the hall with the nurse, and started
at once by an early train to town.
And thus it happened that at three
o'clock in the morning awakening
out of a common-place dream, Susy
found herself on board a steamer
nearing the shores of France ; with
the stars shining through the glass
in the roof of the cabin. A lamp is
swinging, some of the".: passengers
are preparing to land, wrapping
456
Mrs. Dymond.
rugs and parcels together. There
are dull sounds and tramplings over
head, and a couple of low voices are
whispering to each other such things
as people whispered in that disastrous
year of 1871, when all voices were
telling of changes and death, and
trouble, and people gone away and
families ruined and separated. "We
shall be in directly," says the first
voice, that of the stewardess, " but I
don't think you will find one of them
left as you expect."
" Ah ! those Prussians ! " says the
second speaker in that whispering
voice which people use in darkened
places and at night; and still the
steamer paddles on. Susy's own
thoughts are too anxiously travelling
ahead for her to take so keen an
interest as she might have done at any
other time in this new and unexpected
phase of life. Is her journey too late
she wonders, or is her mother still
alive, still calling for her, and wanting
her ? Susy is superstitious, as anxious
people are. The two melancholy voices
depress her, and seem like an echo of
evil things to come ; the look of her
own hands lying listless in her black
lap, frightens her. She starts up im-
patiently, and begins to hope again as
unreasonably as she had feared. Is
everything changed, is nothing changed 1
Can it be that she shall find it all as
in old days when troubles were not,
nor wars to call men from their quiet
toil to join the ranks of devastating
armies 1 Presently they reached the
French coast, it is time to go up on
deck with the rest of the passengers.
Susy keeping to the protection of the
other two women comes up on deck
and sees the dark line of the quai ;
lights go by, ropes are hauled in, and
once more Susanna hears the familiar
French sing-song of the people exclaim-
ing and calling to one another. The
voices sound melancholy, but that may
be her fancy, or because it is a cock-
crow sort of hour. Mrs. Dymond
carrying her hand-bag walks along to
the hotel in company with her fellow
travellers. She had come across by
chance with a party of Cook's tourists
availing themselves of the escort of
the great circumnavigator of our days
whose placards and long experience
seemed to guarantee the safety of his
adventurous followers. The only other
ladies of the party were English-
women like Susanna herself, and also
evidently travelling with a purpose.
One, the friend of the stewardess, an
old bedizened creature belonging to
the race of the wandering British
spinster, walked ahead still bemoaning
herself as she went, the other a hand-
some young woman, of sober dress and
appearance, stopped short suddenly as
she crossed the quai by Mrs. Dymond' s
side.
"Look!" she said, "a German!"
and with a thrill they recognise a
brazen spike and the gleam of a
helmet as the sentinel passes steadily
up and down under a lamp-post in
front of a garish -looking restaurant
of which all the doors and windows
are awake and flaring with gas, and
evidently expecting guests.
Susanna for all her sad preoccupa-
tions stopped short with the rest of
them, and experienced a curious thrill
seeing the first ripple of that brazen
tide which had overspread the desolate
country of France. There the whole
story seemed told as she watched the
spike of the helmet and the big boots
steadily pacing the pavement. She
wondered at the courage of the English
girl who went straight up to the
sentry and asked him in abruptest
German, "How soon was he going
back to Berlin ? " The helmet stopped
and answered good-naturedly enough,
" He didn't know, the King was at
Rheims, they expected to leave in a
day or two." He was a big tawny
young fellow with a handsome heavy
face. Mademoiselle Celestine, the
waitress at the Hotel et Restaurant des
Etrangers, pouring out her cafe-au-laits
told the passengers that he and his
companions were tres gentils, they had
done no harm. They had good
appetites but the mayor paid for all
they ate ; she didn't believe the stories
Mrs. Dymond.
457
people told. They were there with
the general and his staff. . . . Made-
moiselle Celestine would have gone on
blessing her enemies at greater length
but people from above, from around,
from below, from within, from with-
out, began calling out ' •' Gar$on, gar$on ! ' '
bells rang violently, Cook's tourists
shouted, and Britons demanded their
suppers.
The house was so crowded, so noisy
and uncomfortable, that Susy and her
two casual acquaintances, after listen-
ing for some minutes to the landlady's
glowing descriptions of blazing fires
and velvet sofas at the railway station
close by, started boldly into the night
to find this haven, and to await the
six o'clock train there.
A few gas becks were flickering at
the station, where they found looking-
glasses and velvet sofas according to
promise. In the first-class waiting-
room a group of oificers in white uni-
forms with many accoutrements were
dozing away the time, with their boots
and swords extended upon the chairs
and couches.
Susy looked at them and instinc-
tively left them to their slumbers, and
went into the second waiting-room
with her companions and sank down
into the first-come seat.
A lady and a little girl were already
sitting upon the wooden bench beside
her. It was too dark to see their
faces, but not too dark to hear the
lady's plaintive voice — " What a jour-
ney ! what nervous terrors ! what
delays ! after six months' enforced
absence to return to a country in such
a state — no lamps, no omnibus, no
trains to depart, Germans every where."
(Two tall jangling officers with great
cloaks and boots come in from the
next room, look round and walk
away.) "Ah!" shrieks the lady
with fresh exclamations of alarm,
" and I without a passeport ! I
could not get one where I was, at
Vittington, a little village in the
Eastern Conte ; nor have I one for that
child who only yesterday was study-
ing her piano at a school, for why
should she lose her time because her
country is being ravaged ? " And so the
poor lady talks on unheeded, finally
nodding off to sleep. The time passed
slow and strange and chill, the dawn
began to grow, Susy was sitting by a
window looking on the platform. A
veil of early dew was upon everything,
and figures began to move like dreams
across the vapour. At last a train
arrived with snorts and clamour about
five o'clock, conveying among other
passengers some wounded Prussians.
Then for the first time, Susy, forgetting
her own preoccupation, realised the
horrors of war ; and as she looked
again she saw that these were the
victors, these wounded, wearied men,
scarce able to drag themselves along.
Some were carried in their compan-
ions' arms, some sick and languid
came leaning on their guns, some
again were loaded with spoil and
bags. One soldier passed the window
carrying a drawing-room clock under
his arm, and a stuffed bag like an old-
clothes-man's upon his back. The
wounded were to change carriages, and
went hobbling from one train to
another ; among the rest came a poor
Prussian soldier, pale, wasted, with
one leg amputated, slowly, painfully
dragging on a single crutch, with
another man to help him, and in the
crowded rush the crutch slipped and the
soldier fell to the ground half fainting.
His companion tried in vain to raise
him ; not one of the shadowy figures
moved to his help. Susy, with a cry
of pity started up ; but the glass door
was locked and she could not get out.
It was a Frenchman, at last, who came
forward and picked the poor fellow up,
helping to carry him with looks of
aversion and deeds of kindness.
And then, at last, the way being
clear, the weary Prussians having de-
parted, another train drew up in the
early morning light, and Susy found
herself travelling towards Paris and
her journey's end. The light grew,
and with it came the thought of the
coming day, what would it bring to
her, of good or evil? This much of
458
Mrs. Dymond.
good it must bring that she should be
with her mother. And Du Pare, did
she hope to see him ? She could not
have answered or acknowledged, even
to herself, what she hoped. From her
mother she hoped to hear something
of his doings, and to get news of that
one person in all the world who
seemed most to exist for her. She
longed to see him, to speak to him
once more, to get some certainty of his
well-being, to be reassured by one
word, one look. She dreaded the
meeting, its inadequate explanation, its
heartbreaking, disappointing silence.
The English girl opposite had
taken off her hat and smoothed her
long plaits of hair, and now, with
a Testament in her hand, was read-
ing her early orison. The morning
grew, the sunrise touched the wide
country, they passed orchards in
flower, green spring shining upon
every cottage and pleasant garden and
spreading fields. One little orchard
remained fixed- in Susanna's mind,
pink with blossoms, and in the midst
upreared the figure of a Prussian sol-
dier in full uniform, stretching his
arms while the children of the house-
hold clustered round about him, and
the rays of the rising sun flashed from
his brass helmet.
As they travelled on, stopping
at the various stations, more pas-
sengers got in, all with the same
miserable story, sometimes piteous,
sometimes half-laughable. An old
lady with frizzed curls described her
home as she had found it after eighty
Prussians had inhabited her house, the
linen, the crockery, the clocks, all stolen
and spoilt, the flowers down-trampled.
" They even took my son's • cigars,
which I had hidden in my wardrobe,"
said the poor lady, waxing more and
more wrath ; " and the monsters left a
written paper in the box, ' Merci pour
les bons cigars ! ' Ah ! that emperor,"
says the old lady, " to think what he
has brought us to, with his flatteries,
and his vanity, and his grand army."
Another woman, dressed in black,
sadder, more quiet, who seemed to be
returning home, utterly worn out, now
spoke for the first time.
"One thing we must not forget,"
she says, " we have had twenty years
of peace, and yet only one man in
France has had the courage to adhere
to the fallen emperor."
Susy's heart failed her as they
neared their journey's end, for they
came to a desolate country of broken
bridges, of closed houses, of windows
and palings smashed, of furniture piled
in sheds along the line ; and as they
neared Paris, to a wide and devastated
plain across which the snow was be-
ginning to drift. The plain spread
dim and dreary, sprinkled with ghosts
of houses, skeletons of walls that had
once inclosed homes, now riddled and
charred with burnt beams, and seams,
and cracks, telling the same sad story,
reiterated again and again, of glorious
conquest and victory.
CHAPTER XXVIII.
THREE MILES ALONG THE ROAD.
WHEN Susy stepped out of the train
and looked around, she was struck by
the change in the people standing all
about the station. They had strange,
grave, scared faces ; they were more
like English people than French
people ; every woman was in mourn-
ing, which added to the sadness of the
place. A cold east wind was blowing
up the silent street and across the
open place in front of the railway. A
man came to offer to carry her bag ;
when she told him she wanted a car-
riage to take her to Neuilly, he
shrugged his shoulders — " A carriage,"
said he ; " where am I to find a car-
riage 1 the Prussians have made cutlets
of our horses."
Susy looked round, there were
porters and trucks in plenty, but not
a carriage was to be seen. It was a
long weary tramp after a night
spent in travelling ; but there was
no help for it, and after a minute's
hesitation, Susy told the man to take
up her bag. She had walked farther
Mrs. JJymond.
459
in old days when she was coming and
going and giving her music lessons.
The man trudged in silence ; it was
a good three miles' walk across the
boulevards, and by streets and shops ;
some were open, some were not yet
reassured enough to let down their
closed shutters. One of the very first
sights which met Susy along the road
was a dispirited, straggling regiment
marching into Paris from the frontier,
torn, shabby, weary, the mud-stained
officers marching with the men. These
men were boys, for the most part half
grown, half clothed, dragging on with
a dull and piteous look of hunger and
fatigue, while the piercing wind came
whistling up the street. " They are
disarmed, that is why they look so
cold," said the porter stopping for a
moment to look after them. "There
is one who can keep up no longer ; "
as he spoke one of the poor fellows fell
out of the ranks, too much exhausted
to go on any farther ; a halt was
called, and many of them sank down
on the pavement just where they
stopped.
The way seemed longer and longer ;
more than once she was obliged to
rest upon the benches along the road.
It was now about twelve o'clock, the
sun had come out bright though with-
out warmth, and it somewhat cheered
the shivering city. They reached the
Arc at last, still swathed in its wooden
shields. Susy thought of her last sunset
drive, and of the glories in which the
stony heroes of the past had then
brandished their spears. Here Susy
saw an empty carriage coming out of a
side street, and she told the porter to
secure it.
The man thanked her for the money
she pxit into his hand as she sank tired
out into a corner of the coach. The
driver leant back upon his seat, and
seeing she was tired and prepared to
pay, began to make difficulties.
"Villa du Pare, Avenue de Neu-
illy 1 " says the coachman ; "you will
not find any houses standing in the
Avenue de Neuilly. The Prussians
have taken care of that. I will drive
you if you like ; but you will have
your course for nothing."
" Pray drive on," said Susy wearily,
" I will tell you when to stop."
''•When I tell you that there are
no houses left to drive to ! " persists the
coachman, " but I must be paid all the
same, whether the house is there or
not."
"Yes, of course you shall be paid,"
said poor Susy, utterly tired, fright-
ened, impatient, scarcely knowing
what to fear or to expect.
Madame Du Fare's letter had been
dated from the villa, but Susanna's
heart began to fail her as she drove on.
They drove past blackened walls, by
trees half destroyed and charred, and
breaking out into pale fresh green
among the burnt and broken branches ;
and by gardens all trampled and
ravished.
Susanna was almost too weary
to think, too sadly impressed to be
frightened. She seemed to herself to
have gone through some great battle,
some long and desperate siege, and
now again, when the victory had
been so sorely won, the enemy re-
pulsed with such desperate resolution,
now that she was so tired, so worn,
came a fresh assault more difficult to
withstand than anything that had
gone before. Should she see him
again, would he be there at home
once more, was he well of his wound,
was it — was it Max or her mother
that she had come for ? she suddenly
asked herself with an angry, desperate
effort. Mrs. Dymond, absorbed in
her own thoughts had driven past
the house without seeing it, and
the coachman had stopped of his own
accord in a sunny, windy corner,
where three ruined streets divided
from the broad avenue.
" Well ! " says he, " I told you how
it would be."
She looked blankly up and down
the road ; she scarcely knew where
she was. Then, as she looked again,
she remembered once seeing Du Pare
coming up one of these streets in his
workman's blouse.
460
Mrs. Dymond.
" Am I to turn up these roads — am
I to go on ? " cries the coachman, again
stamping his wooden shoes upon the
box to warm his feet.
"I will get out, follow me," says
Susy, suddenly remembering where
they had come to, and she sprang out
and walked back along the avenue to
the villa, which was not far distant.
It seemed like a miracle to see the
old green gates actually standing,
and the villa unaltered in the shaded
garden. The gates were splintered
and half broken down, the garden
trampled over, but the house was
little changed and stood in the cold
spring sunshine, with no sign of the
terrible wave of war which had passed
over the village. Even the weather-
cock was safe, glittering and quivering
changefully, for the east wind had gone
round to some warmer quarter. A
sick woman, propped up by pillows, was
sitting out in the garden, a stout old
lady was trotting backwards and for-
wards from the house with wraps and
bottles and all that miserable para-
phernalia of sickness. (How well one
knows the look of it, one could almost
believe that pain and suffering and
sleepless nights came in those bottles
and round china pots. Nervous mise-
ries, brown studies, blue devils, pink,
yellow, white decoctions, there they
all stand waiting to be taken at bed-
time or dinner-time, or whatever the
proper time may be.)
Poor Mary Marney was looking
wild and worn, and strangely changed
in these few months.
" The wind blows chill," she was
saying, querulously. " If only I could
get into that patch of sunshine, but I
can't move, I can't get there," she
cried, suddenly breaking down.
" La ! la ! la ! la ! " says Madame du
Pare, extra noisy, trying to be cheerful.
" What is there to prevent you being
in.the sunshine. A'ie /" adds madame,
" if it was not for this rheumatic arm
I could carry you there myself. Denise !
what are you about ? "
Susy stood frozen in the gateway
for a moment, too shocked to move.
Was this her mother, this her busy
hard-working mother, thus changed,
thus terribly altered in so short a
time?
While she paused, Mary, looking
up, saw her daughter, and gave a
faint scream. Madame also looks up.
"A la bonheur/" says the one
cheerful, unemotional person present.
" You see she come at once, and 1
was right," cries the old lady, rushing
to the front, and bestowing two hearty
kisses on Susy's pale cheeks.
All madame's preventions were gone.
Susy was in her highest favour.
" You are a googirl to come," she
repeated, pronouncing it as if it was
one single word.
" Mamma, my dear ! my dear ! ".. Susy
whispered, kneeling down by her
mother's side ; for she could not
stand. " I have come to fetch you,
I have come to make you well again,
mamma ! mamma ! " She hardly
knew what she said in her low, tender
whisper ; but Mary saw her looks of
love, felt her warm, panting breath,
and the quick beat of the pulses, and
asked no more.
Madame took Susy up stairs after a
while. The house had been used as
an ambulance. There were beds
everywhere — in the dining-room and
the drawing-room. Most of the
appliances of the ambulance had
remained.
Susy followed her hostess into one
of the rooms; it had been the little
boys' nursery ; it was now full of empty
iron bedsteads.
The old lady made her sit down on
one of them, as she told her, not with-
out kindness, but plainly enough, what
the doctor had said.
" He had declared Mrs. Marney to
be suffering from an aneurism ; her
very life depended on perfect calm
and quiet — Calm ! quiet ! I ask you
how is that to be procured ? And that
vile husband ! Oh ! I could tell her
how deceived she is in him, but she
will not hear reason ; " and madame, in
that peculiar voice in which people
repeat scandal and bad news, assured
Mrs. Dymond.
461
Susy that Marney was not far off, he
was comfortably established in the
neighbourhood, and absenting himself
on purpose. Max had heard things in
his ambulance. A wounded man there
had had dealings with Marney. We
will go together," says madame, " we
will make inquiry. When we are
chased from this, as my son declares
will be the case, your dear mother
must not be abandoned. I must go
back ; I have no rents, nothing to
depend upon here. In the south Max
has a little 'farm, which will keep us
both. I sent for you, my poor
child, when I heard the doctor's ter-
rible announce, and we will arrange
presently what we should do. Here
is your old room ; the doctor of the
ambulance has been living here ; you
see nothing is new. It is all the
same."
There is something which appeals to
most imaginations in places scarcely
altered, when those who inhabit them
are so changed. Susy looked round
as she sank wearily down upon the
old creaking wooden bedstead. How
often before this had she cried herself
to sleep upon it. She looked at the
whitewashed walls, at the shadow of
the window bar travelling across the
tiles ; then a curious shock reminded
her of the difference of the now and
of the time to which she had travelled
back again. . . .
She came down to find her mother im-
patiently waiting for her. Mrs. Marney
had been carried into the sitting-room,
and Susy's hope sank afresh as she
looked at the changed face turned to
the door, and expecting her so eagerly.
One little crisp, familiar wave of curly
hair beneath her cap seemed the only
thing which remained of Susy's mother
as she had been but a few weeks ago.
Poor Mrs. Marney was worn by
many sorrows and anxieties besides
her illness. Of Marney she knew
scarcely anything, and that was the
chief of her many pains.
' ' Oh, Susy ! I would not trouble
you with my troubles." she said, " but
I have gone through more than I could
bear. After the first weeks at Avignon
he scarcely wrote ; he scarcely gave
one sign, and I knew not what to fear.
I have been mad to see him. Madame
has said cruel things which I seem to
have no strength to hear. I wrote to
him when I first came here. And
now I hear nothing, I know nothing,"
Susy turned scarlet ; but she soothed
her mother again, with many gentle
words and caresses.
CHAPTER XXIX.
ADIEU LES SONGES D*OE.
THINGS come about simply and na-
turally which seem very terrible and
full of emotion before hand. Here
was Susanna, after all that had hap-
pened, standing with Madame du Pare
by Max's bedside, and neither of the
three seemed moved beyond their
ordinary looks and ways. Had they
parted yesterday in a garden of roses
they could not have met more
quietly, though they met with disaster
all about, among omens and forebod-
ings of worse evil to come. For a
moment the room seemed to Susy to
shake beneath her feet, but it was
only for a moment. The sight of
his pale worn face, so sad and strangely
marked with lines of care, and yet so
familiar withal, called her back to
the one thought of late so predomi-
nant in her mind : what she could
do for him, how she could help him
best. Of sentiment and personal feel-
ing she could not think at such an
hour.
Great events carry people along into
a different state of mood and being,
to string them to some greater chord
than that of their own personality.
In all these strange days and stirring
episodes Susanna seemed to herself but
one among the thousands who were
facing the crisis of their fate, a part of
all the rest, and yet at the same time
she knew that every feeling she had
ever known was there keenly alive,
unchanged by change.
" Ah ! we have had a narrow
escape," said madame. " They got
462
Mrs. Dymond.
the ball out of his chest ; a little more
and it was in his lungs. But he is well
now, and he was able to save his man.
Eh! Max?"
" Save my man, mamma 1 " said
Max, smiling faintly. " There was
not much of him saved, poor fellow. I
pulled what was left of him from
under his horse, then some one helped
me up. By the way, can you arrange
for Adolphe to return to the villa to-
morrow ? Caron will bring a carriage
for us."
" Why, of course, comment done. I
will speak to the sister at once," said
Madame du Pare, jumping up. Then
she paused. " Susy has something to
ask you," she said. " Who was it, Max,
who saw Marney at St. Cloud ? Who
can give us his address ? "
"It was Adolphe," said Max, shortly.
" You had better leave Mr. Marney to
his own affairs."
" I wish it were possible," Susy said
with a sigh ; " but my mother cannot
rest day or night. I am driven to look
for him. It is only to help her that I
am here."
" You will find Adolphe in the next
room," said Du Pare, looking disap-
pointed. " My mother will guide
you. Good-bye; do not stay now,"
and he put out his hand.
He spoke advisedly. He was still
weak from illness. This meeting was
almost too much for his strength, and
he dreaded one kind word from Susy,
lest, like a woman, he should break
into tears. These were not times for
• tears of sensibility. There had been
too many tears shed, Max used to
think. Statesmen wept when they
should have resolved ; made speeches
where silence would have been
more to the purpose ; and Du Pare
felt that for the present, for Susy's
sake and for his own, they must be as
strangers together. His was a some-
what old-fashioned creed, but one
which, after all, has kept the
world going in honour and self-
respect since the beginning of all
honour, and Du Pare, having made up
his mind, was not in the habit of
wasting his time by undoing it again.
He was but half a Frenchman, but he
loved his country, its welfare, its good
name beyond all other things. For
the last four weeks he had laid
patiently waiting for his wound to
heal, now that his strength was
returning he longed to be at work once
more. It was little enough, but it was
something. One more pair of arms to
help to keep order in the chaos, one
more recruit on the side of justice and
of law.
Max followed Susanna's tall re-
treating figure to the door with his
sick man's wistful looks. She stopped
for a moment, looked back, faintly
smiled, and passed on. The two were
in deeper sympathy in their silent
estrangement than in any romantic pro-
tests and explanations. The next room
had been a grand lady's boudoir once.
It was still hung with a few smart
pictures and ornamental glasses. A
young soldier, in undress, with a
wounded shoulder, who was standing
in a window, greeted them cheerfully
and immediately began fumbling with
his good arm at his red trousers pocket.
" Good-morning, Madame du Pare,"
he cried. " Your son told me he was
expecting you. I want to show you
this." And he produced a purse, in
which, with some coppers, was a piece
of his own bone wrapped up in news-
paper.
The next man to him who was
bedridden brought a bit of his knee-
cap from under the pillow. He had a
handsome brown face, and lay looking
up wearily ; he couldn't sleep, he was
never at ease, he said ; his comrade
had been writing home for him. " He
won't tell them of his wound," cried the
man in the window. " He made me
say that he had a slight sprain in the
leg," and the good-natured young
fellow roared with laughter at the
joke. " Never mind, we shall see
thee a captain yet, Jean ! " he said
gaily.
"A captain! not even a corporal,'
answers poor Jean.
Some other men who were playing
Mrs. Dymond.
462
cards and dominoes at a table in the
centre of the room looked up and
greeted Madame du Pare, who seemed
to know them all. One poor fellow,
who was looking over a comrade's
cards, came striding forward with
both hands in his trousers pockets.
This was the Adolphe whom Max had
saved at the risk of his own life. He
was a sergeant, a superior sort of
man, with a handsome face. He had
been a carpenter when the war broke
out. He had been wounded in the
side. He had a wife and three little
children, he told Susanna. He was
going home to them, " but I shall
never be able to work for them again,"
he said sadly, and Susy could hardly
repress a cry of compassion as he
showed her his stumped lingers — they
had been clean cut oft' both hands.
" Tu vivras de tes rentes " cried one of
the card players cheerfully, and again the
poor fellows all laugh, not heartlessly,
but with the real courage and humility
of endurance, which is more touching
than any bitter complaints. Adolphe,
who had been taken prisoner, had seen
Marney at Versailles in the Prussians'
head- quarters, and it was Marney who
had helped his escape, giving him
money and also certain commissions
to execute in Paris. Adolphe, being
questioned, told Susy of a place where
Marney was always to be heard of ;
he had often carried letters for him
there — a cafe at St. Cloud, it was easy
enough to find. While they were talk-
ing madame, who hated being quiet,
was walking round the room with her
basket on her arm, distributing various
things which she thought might be
useful to the patients. She offered a
' newspaper to one of them, who refused
it gaily with thanks.
" I never read them," said he,
" since the war began, they are nothing
but lies. Holloa ! Who wants the last
number of the Fausse Nouvelle ?" he
shouts.
A few beds off lay a poor English-
man. He had enlisted in the line. He
had been with General Failly at Lyons.
" He has been very ill, poor fellow,"
said madame, as Susy joined her.
"John Perkins! here is an English
lady come to see you ! "
" See me ! There is not much of me
fit to see," muttered poor John Perkins,
wearily, pulling up the sheet over his
face.
The sister-in-charge now came up.
She was dressed in her sisters' dress,
with a white coiffe and loose grey
sleeves. She had a fine and sensitive
face, and spoke like a person of some
distinction, but she seemed distressed
and over-tasked.
" Your son has a home to go to ; he
is ready to go, the doctor tells me. So
many of my patients would be the
better for a change, but I have no-
where to send them. Everything is
in ruins. Our convalescent hospital
has been wrecked ; the furniture has
been given for ambulances. All is
gone, all is destroyed. We do all we
can for them. Mr. Wallace says they
are to have anything they want."
It was a handsome house, polished
and shining, there were Englishmen
to wait, carved ceilings, tall windows,
and yet it was a sad place to think of.
Susy came away haunted by pain.
Madame was not a comforting com-
panion, the consciousness of all this
suffering rendered her morose and
irritable. She was anxious about
her son, and she had the fate of her
old friend, Mademoiselle Fayard, on
her mind. Mademoiselle Fayard, after
being driven from Neuilly, had lodged
over an undertaker's shop in the same
street as the hospital, and thither
madame insisted on going.
The young undertaker received them
in the uniform of the National Guard.
" Mademoiselle Fayard and her brother
were gone," he said, " but their address
was always to be had at the convent
of the Petite SMUTS." In reply to
inquiries about himself, he answered
blushing, that he had volunteered. He
had been in three battles, and had
got his discharge ; he had been
wounded. His wife had given him up
for dead. He found her in mourning
for him when he got back. . . .
464
Mrs. Dyrnond.
It was but a few hours since Susy had
left her home, and already it seemed to
her natural to hear all these histories,
to see ruin and trouble on every side,
and incongruous things which no longer
surprised her. A few minutes later she
was standing with Madame du Pare
in the old courtyard of a convent. A
pile of knapsacks was heaped against
the old grey wall, some soldiers were
coming in at the gateway, and two nuns
were advancing to receive them. The
soldiers looked well pleased, and the
nuns, too, seemed amused. They were
all on the best of terms. The nuns
smile and fold their hands, the soldiers
laugh and nod and scamper up stairs
to their allotted cells. " Poor fellows !
they would have had to sleep out of
doors all night if we had not taken
them in," said the nuns. " We had
one ward of the infirmary empty, and
the Superior said the soldiers might
occupy it." The sister went on to tell
Madame du Pare how they had kept
their infirmary open almost all through
the siege until one morning when a
poor old fellow had gone out early to
get a drink at the fountain in the
garden, and an obus fell and killed him,
"just there where the sun is shin-
ing," said the Sceur Marie Joseph.
" All of the nuns wanted to go to him,
but Bonne Mere ordered us down
on our knees and went alone. The
Prussians seemed to have got the
range of our convent, for the shells
fell at intervals all that day, and we
moved the old men, not without diffi-
culty and danger. We had hardly
got them out when a great bomb came
crashing into the infirmary. You can
see for yourself," says the sister, open-
ing the infirmary door.
All was restored again, the holes
were mended in the floor with squares
of new wood, the orderly beds were
in their places, and the old men safe
back in their beds.
"Nothing happens to us," said
an old fellow, with a long white
beard, sitting up in bed ; " here we lie,
tied by the leg ! "
"I have been to Prussia," says
another, in an arm-chair, beside him,
with a white nightcap pulled over
his ears, talking on continuously
whether anybody listened to him
or not, " I have pillaged, too, in my
time, but, thank God [Diod marchi
he pronounced it], we are not bad
men like those Prussians. We used
to take to eat because we were hungry.
We didn't pillage for nothing at all.
No, no ; we are soldiers, not bandits,"
says he bringing his hand down upon
his knee. "If we hadn't been be-
trayed we should have smashed those
Prussians."
" Yes, we should have smashed
them ! " cries a third old feeble fellow
on his pillow just beyond.
A lady in black was sitting by his
bedside, a sweet-faced woman. A
dame de charite they called her, an
Englishwoman, living in Paris, who
gave herself up to visiting the poor.
When they asked the nuns about
Mademoiselle Fayard, they said she too
was well known at the convent, and
often came to read to the old men.
She was lodging close by with her
brother, next door to the Carmelite
convent in the adjoining street. Mrs.
Dymond was longing to get home to
her own sick woman again, and
Madame du Pare promised that this
should be their last visit. Susanna
could not help thinking of Dante's
journey as she followed madame's
steady steps. They came out into the
street, and presently found themselves
standing in the Rue d'Enfer in front
of an old grim house, with grey and
silent walls, against which came the
beating sleet and the cutting winds.
Two men were at work in the yard
carting away a heap of stones and
plaster. A little girl was standing
at the door, too much engrossed by
the bombshells to understand what
they said at first. " Look ! they are
removing the ruins from the chapel,
the bombs fell just there, mesdames,
piercing right through into the cellar
beneath. The director of the ladies
escaped as by a miracle. We only
came home yesterday. Our lodge
Mrs. Dymond.
465
is in an indescribable state." By
degrees the little girl was made to
understand what it was they wanted,
and after consultation with her
mother, who was at work indoors,
she came back with the news
that Mademoiselle Fayard was at
home, up stairs at the very top of the
house, and Susy and her old guide
now climbed flight after flight of stone
steps, bound together, as in old French
houses, by wrought iron banisters. At
the very top of the house, under the sky-
light, they found the door to which
they had been directed, and rang a
bell, which echoed in the emptiness.
Presently they heard steps, and the
door was opened, and Mademoiselle
Fayard, the shadow of herself, so thin,
changed, worn, limp, opened the
door. Madarne's grunts of compassion-
ate recognition nearly overcame the
poor lady as she fell weeping into her
old friend's arms. She flitted before
them exclaiming, and hastily opened
the door of the room where she had
been sitting with her brother. It was
a long, low room in the roof of the old
house, littered with books and pack-
ing cases. They had prepared to fly
at one time, Mademoiselle Fayard
explained, and had commenced to
pack.
" Brother ! brother ! here is Ma-
dame du Pare," cries the ghost of
Mademoiselle Fayard to the skeleton of
her brother, who was sitting in an old
dressing-gown by a smouldering stove
in the semi-darkness of the room. ^The
old lady had already lit up her lamp,
and as they came in she hospitably
turned it up with her trembling hands,
while he disencumbered two chairs for
the ladies. " Oh ! my poor frens,"
says madame, sitting heavily down.
" What have we all suffered ! " Susy
could only look her pity as she listened
to the sad reiteration of cold, hunger,
hope deferred, darkness and anxiety.
The Fayards were both speaking to-
gether ; they described their past
alarms, their weary waiting, how the
food and the fuel failed first, and
then the light ; they used to go
No. 312.— VOL. LII. '
to bed at seven o'clock, and lie
awake the long hours listening to the
boom of the guns ; how towards the
end of the siege the bombs began to
fall in their street and upon the houses
all around them ; the old lady and
gentleman felt the crash of the first
that fell into the linen-closet of the
ladies of the Carmelite Convent next
door ; the pompiers had hardly put
out the tire when another bomb broke
into the chapel. The petite soeur
towriere, who was arranging the altar,
stood alone and unhurt in the midst of
the falling timber and glass, but the
pulpit was destroyed, and the marble
columns were injured, the sisters could
not escape because of their vow, and
had to remain in the cellars. For a
whole fortnight, every day, the priest
went down to say mass, though it wa?
dangerous to cross the court, for bomb
after bomb kept falling there.
"Once we went away," said
Mademoiselle Fayard, in her extin-
guished voice, " but we had to come
back for food. Our ticket was of no
use in any other district, and we
thought it best to remain at home.
Many days I have waited for three
hours in the pouring rain to obtain
our daily allowance of food. We could
hardly cook it, we had no fuel left.
Oh ! it was bitter cold," said she ; " we
have endured very much; and if only it
had been to some good end we should
not have felt our sufferings." The
old people promised to come over
very soon. They asked affectionately
after Max. Mademoiselle Fayard
had been to see him in the ambulance
as soon as she heard of his wound.
He, too, had been to see them
during the siege. He had brought
them a couple of new-laid eggs "as a
present," said the old lady. " I know
he paid fifteen francs for the two. Oh,
madame, the price of everything !
Cabbages were five francs apiece !
Elephants, monkeys, cats, all were
at exorbitant prices."
As the two women turned home-
wards, the streets were full of peo-
ple in black, with sad faces ; they
H H
466
Mrs. Dymond.
passed soldiers and more soldiers,
all disarmed and ragged to look
upon, and Franctireurs in top-boots
lined with old newspapers. As
they passed the Luxembourg Gar-
dens they could see the tents of
the shivering soldiers sleeping within.
Many of them were sick, just out of
ambulance, some had not even tents.
Madame du Pare walked on steadily,
and Susy hurried after. They were
both anxious to get home, but as they
passed a bookseller's shop on the
quay, Madame du Pare went in for one
minute to ask some questions about
M. Caron, who was a friend of the
shopkeeper. M. Caron was down near
Corbeil looking after his mills ; he
was coming up next day ; nobody was
doing any business. The bookseller
himself had only opened his shop for
company. He directed them to a
coach-yard close by, where they now
went in search of a carriage, and
thought themselves lucky to find one.
Their journey home was enlivened by
the coachman's remarks. What did
they think of his horse ? It was one
of three left out of a hundred and
fifty. The man stopped of his own
accord before the column of victory.
A flag was flowing from the top,
garlands had been twined about its
base. " A mirliton, that is what it
looks like," he cried, cracking his whip
gaily.
As he spoke a little cart was slowly
passing by, in which sat two women
dressed in black.
CHAPTER XXX.
ST. CLOUD AFTEE THE STORM.
MAX and Adolphe came back next
day in the carriage M. Caron had
sent for them. They were a pale
and depressed - looking couple. As
their strength returned day by day,
in common with many of the
wounded they seemed to feel their
country's cruel wounds more and more
keenly. Bourbaki was not alone in his
despair and passionate regret. Many
men committed suicide, many lost
their senses, but others pulled them-
selves together and bravely by degrees
began to reconstruct their lives once
more. Max tried to make a rally
when he came in to see his old friend,
Mrs. Marney. But he could not put
away the lines in his face, the hollow
rings round his eyes ; he laughed, but
it was but a melancholy echo of long-
past gaiety.
" Why, Maxwell, ye look thin and
half-starved, and yet none the less
handsome for that," said Mrs. Marney,
smiling faintly, and indeed what she
said was true enough. As he stood
there in his torn and shabby uniform,
he seemed to the three women more
stately than any general in brilliant
orders and triumphant prosperity.
" We must keep him with us, and
make him strong and fat ! " says
madame, who was the least changed of
the party as she stood beside her son
in her Rembrandt-like old age.
" Are ye a general, Max, or only a
colonel 1 " said Mrs. Marney. " I wish
you would tell them to cease firing
their cannon and to leave us in
peace !"
"I am neither a general nor a
colonel," said Max gravely, " and as
for telling them to leave off, I might
as well speak to the winds and the seas.
Our troubles are not over ; you must
let your daughter take you to her
home, madame ; this is no place for
women. There is no time to lose. She
should be away from here."
And yet he was glad that Susy had
come ; he had doubted her at one time,
tried to do her cruel injustice, to put
her away out of his thoughts with some
hatred mixed with his feeling, some
angry resentment for those very quali-
ties for which he had loved her. Now
they met with an abyss between them,
but he could not see her unmoved even
at such a time as this, and as Max went
on packing, ordering, arranging, the
thought of her was in all he did ; she
looked worn and tired, the worst had
not yet come. Max stopped to consider
what would be best for them all. His
Mrs. Dymond.
467
mother must go into safety and chance
had favoured him there. Susy must
be sent back without delay taking her
mother with her.
But Mrs. Marney would not hear of
going away, she almost screamed when
her daughter gently and tenderly sug-
gested it, and repeated what Max had
said. The mere hint of a move threw
her into a state of such hysteric grief,
that Susy feared she might die then
and there in her arms.
" Go without seeing Mick, Susy,
are you made of stone1? Don't you
know that he is my husband, my
love, my life ? Go home yourself, — and
indeed your child must be wanting
you, — leave me, only leave me, in
peace to die. Madame must go, I
know that well enough ; has she not
said so a dozen times a day 1 I only
ask to be left ; my husband might come
back and find me gone, I who never
failed him yet." It was all so piteous,
so incoherent, so tragical, that neither
Susy nor her old friend knew how to
reason with it.
Madame du Pare was preparing to
start at once, her " affairs " were
weighing on her mind. " If I delay
there are those who are ill-disposed,
who are hungering to lay their 'ands
on our propriety. I must have a 'ome
for Max." In despair, and scarcely
knowing what to suggest, Mrs. Dy-
mond determined to go and find Mar-
ney at once, if he could be found. He
would be the best person to persuade
his wife.
Madame du Pare had been talking
to Maxwell's coachman. It happened
by chance that the carriage Caron
had engaged belonged to Versailles,
and was returning that afternoon.
Carriages were rare, and Susy, finding
that she could hire this one, after a
couple of hours' rest for the horses,
determined to set off on her quest
without loss of time. Denise was
left in charge of the sick woman ;
madame, availing herself of the oppor-
tunity proposed to accompany Mrs.
Dymond.
" Max is at home," she said ; "your
mother is used to him ; he will go up
if he is wanted, and that Adolphe is
very handy, poor fellow." It was
Adolphe who saw them off, and who
told the coachman where to drive
when they reached St. Cloud. So
they started along the desolate road.
Madarne's grunts, groans, and ex-
clamations, seemed the most lively
and cheerful sounds by the way.
"Oh! Oh! Oh! Only look at the
ruined houses ! That is poor Made-
moiselle Fayard's apartment up there,
right up there."
Mademoiselle Fayard's late apartment
was now nothing but a sort of hang-
ing grotto in the air, and consisted of
three sides of a blackened room, of
which the floor was gone, the ceiling
was gone, although by some strange
freak of chance and war the gilt
looking-glass still hung upon its nail
in which Mademoiselle Fayard had
been used to crimp her curls. All
the rest of the tidy little home had
crumbled and fallen away.
"Ah! Susy— I must call you Susy still
— how terrible it all is. Only just now
I say to my son, ' Let us go together,
Max ; come away to the South — bring
your tools and your work and let us
live rational lives once more.' But he
will not. He say to me, ' Go, mother ;
you go, I will follow when my work here
is done.' His work, what is it, I ask
you ? He have finished M. Caron's
book, and now, when I go into the
studio I see nothing on the walls.
Why does he not come away ? If only
your dear mamma could travel with us
she too might enjoy the peace, the
beautiful clime of Avignon. But she
have you now ; you are a better cure
than an old patraque like me ; you
must take her to your home, and
make her happy with you."
Susy looked away, her eyes were
heavy with tears, she felt that no
nurse, no care could ever make her
mother happy again. Madame went
on talking and exclaiming ; when Susy
could listen to her again, she found she
had gone back to the war, to her ter-
rors, to her joy, when she found her
H H 2
468
Mrs. Dymond.
house spared by miracle. They floated
their ambulance flag over the roof, and
those abominable Prussians did not
dare fire upon the villa. " And now
they say there is still danger, and we
must go. It is horrible."
So the voice monotonously droned on,
and meanwhile they drove their way by
a desolate road, a Pompeii of the nine-
teenth century, past deserted houses,
open to the winds, past fallen walls,
between the blackened homes, all alike
forsaken and abandoned. The pleasant
country seats, the schools, the shops
were all empty and wrecked. Here and
there they passed soldiers leading horses;
and carts, loaded with household
goods, slowly labouring along the way.
Men and women came slowly dragging
trucks piled with whatofew possessions
they had saved from the storm.
At last they reached St. Cloud
itself, and once more madame ex-
claimed in consternation. Overhead
the sky shone blue and the clouds
were floating gaily, but the village
of St. Cloud looked like a pile
of children's bricks overthrown by a
wayward hand, so complete was the
change and confusion. The stones
were heaped in the streets, only the
shells of the tall houses were standing
still, with strips of paper fluttering
from the ruined walls. Here and
there were relics and indications of
the daily life of the inhabitants. In
one place a bird-cage was found hang-
ing unharmed among the ruins. At
the corner of the principal street (how
well Susy remembered standing there
little more than a year before with
Max, when the Imperial carriages
rolled by and all seemed so prosperous)
a tall pile of ruined houses upreared
their black walls. High up overhead a
kitchen range, with its saucepans, was
still fixed, and some toppling chairs
were wedged into a chimney stack.
At the foot of the ruin, three women
in country cloaks were standing to-
gether looking up vacantly at the
charred houses. They had but just
come home to find their homes gone
and utterly destroyed.
A few steps farther on Susy saw a
child playing battledore and shuttle-
cock in front of the blown-up houses.
High up against the sky she could
see the gutted chateau, still standing
on its terrace, while the sky showed
pink through the walls. Some sight-
seers were standing looking about.
" Papa, monte par id, si tu veux voir
quelquechose de beau," cries a boy,
springing up on a heap of bricks, and
pointing to a falling street. Although
the whole place was thus ravaged and
destroyed, by some odd chance the spire
of the church and its bells remained
xintouched.
The cafe was also little harmed, and
some people were sitting as usual
drinking at the little tables in front
of the windows.
For once the presence of these in-
different philosophers was reassuring ;
one of them, who had already imbibed
more drink than was necessary, to
prove his philosophy began a song
with a chorus in which two or three
of his companions joined.
" Listen to them," said a workman
going by ; "they drink and sing
while their country is in ruins." And
he flung some common word of disgust
at them, and trudged on his way.
Madame was looking at the address
Adolphe had given her.
" This must be the very place — see,
' Cafe de 1' Empire ' is painted outside.
Here, garcon ! " and she beckoned to
the waiter.
The waiter professed to know no-
thing of M. Marney. He had never
heard the name ; no Englishman was
staying there. In vain madame ha-
rangued and scolded.
Madame was not to be repulsed by a
little difficulty. She slipped a five-
franc piece into the waiter's hand.
" Try and find out Monsieur Marney's
address within," said she, "and I
will give you a second piece."
" His wife is very ill," said Susy,
bending forward ; " he is sadly wanted
at home. We have come to find him."
" Can it be the capitaine you want ? "
said the waiter, suddenly relenting,
Mrs. Dymond.
469
as he looked at her entreating face ;
" a fine man, not tall, but well-dressed,
and well set-up, curly hair, moustache
en croc-? " And as they assented, " I
did not know his name ; our patron
sends all his letters to Versailles.
Wait ! " And the man ran back into
the house.
"Ah, you see, he knew very well,"
says Madame du Pare, with satisfac-
tion, and in a minute the waiter re-
turned with a paper, on which was
written, in Marney's writing, " 15,
Rue des Dominicains, Versailles."
• " Ah ! That is just what we wanted;
and now the coachman must take us
on quickly," said madame. " Good
morning, young man."
The waiter refused the second five-
franc piece that Susy would have given
him as they drove away.
" One is enough," said he. " If the
captain comes I will do your commis-
sion." And spreading his napkin wings
he flew back again to his work.
CHAPTER XXXI.
AT VERSAILLES.
THE carriage rolled on along by the
banks of the river, by more ruin, by
desolation in every form ; a few people
were out, a few houses and shops were
opening once more ; the gardens
bloomed with spring, and lilac, and
laburnum ; the skies were bright, and
the ruins black.
The coachman stopped at a village
to give his horse a drink. A
great pile of crockery stood in the
middle of the street ; all about houses,
wine-shops, wayside inns, alike aban-
doned, a blacksmith's forge, empty and
silent, a great seared barrack standing
gaunt and deserted. It was one con-
tinuous line of desolation all along.
Here and there a face looked out of
some rifled home, and disappeared
into the ruins. A cart went crawling
by, piled with household goods. Out
of one big broken house, with shutters
flapping and windows smashed, issued
a grand carriage, with a coachman and
groom in full livery, and twinkling
harness, and horses looking strangely
smart and out of place. A little
further on was a china shop that
seemed to have escaped by miracle ; its
broken panes were mended with paper.
Then came children two by two. They
reached Versailles in less time than
they expected. It was barely five
o'clock, the sun was sinking in a
warm and cheering stream of light.
As they drove into the city, they
heard the distant sound of a military
band. Great changes were taking
place, not the least being that the
Germans were leaving. As they came
up the street they met a company,
spiked and girt, tramping out of the
town. The soldiers marched past the
old palace that had sheltered so many
dynasties with stony impartiality,
bearing in turns the signs of each
invading generation. The noble gar-
dens were flushed with blossom and
growing summer ; the shops were all
open, the children were at play in the
streets. On the walls were affixed
papers in French and German, sales
of horses, of camp furniture. Susy
read of the approaching departure of
the - — Company of the Hessian
Division, with a notice requiring any
claims to be immediately sent up, and
a list of the articles to be disposed of
by public sale. As they waited to let
the soldiers pass, some more Germans
came out of a stable across the road,
carrying huge bundles of straw upon
their backs and talking loudly to one
another. How strange the echo of
their voices sounded, echoed by the
stately old walls of Versailles !
The soldiers were gone ; they were
driving on again along the palace
gardens, when Madame leant forward
with a sudden exclamation. "There
is Marney ! " she said. " I see him ;
he turn in there at the palace gate."
And the old lady, leaning forward,
loudly called to the coachman to stop.
"We will go after him," she said to
Susy ; " there is no time to lose."
Susy did not say a word. It had to
be gone through, and she silently fol-
47U
Mrs. Dymond.
lowed Madame, who was crossing the
great court with heavy rapid steps in
pursuit of the figure she had recog-
nised. They met with no opposition.
The guardian of the galleries stared
at them as they hurried by ; the place
was nearly empty ; they saw a distant
figure rapidly retreating, and Madame
hurried on in pursuit from one echo-
ing gallery to another, past the huge
pictures of Napoleon and his victories,
past a great gilt frame boarded care-
fully from view. One or two people
were passing and re-passing along the
gallery, but Marney (if Marney it
was) vanished suddenly, and was no-
where to be found. Madame severely
questioned a guardian standing by a
doorway. He had seen no one pass
within the last few minutes, but there
were many exits ; there was one door
leading to the great hall, which had
been turned into an ambulance, and
people were constantly going out by
it. The officers . were gone, he told
them ; a few of the men still remained,
and one young lieutenant, whose sister
had come from Germany to nurse him.
Susy had hardly patience to listen
during Madame's various questions and
observations, to which the custodian,
being a cautious man, returned guarded
answers. " That was a portrait of
the Queen of Prussia, boarded over by
command ; now that the Prussians were
going it was to be unboarded, by
order." "Yes, he had been there all
the time. He had faithfully served
the Emperor. He was prepared as
faithfully to do his duty by any one
who came." A Coriolanus could not
have uttered sentiments more noble
and patriotic. At last, finding it was
hopeless to inquire further, they got into
the carriage once more, and drove to
the address in the Rue des Dominicains.
"No. 15! This must be No. 15,"
says Madame, stopping before a low
white house, with a high roof and a
door opening to the street. She
knocked with two loud decided raps,
raising the heavy scrolled knocker.
In a little while the heavy door was
opened by a stupid-looking girl in a
white cap, who seemed utterly be-
wildered by her questions.
" Yes," she said, " Mr. Marney lived
there. He was not at home ; he was
gone to St.. Cloud."
" When will he be in 1 " says
Madame in her loud voice. " I will
wait for him. I am Madame Marney's
friend."
The girl looked more and more
stupid. "Madame is here, I will call
her," she said, and she went into a
ground-floor room.
Almost immediately a woman, with
strange glittering eyes and yellow
tawny hair, and some sort of a pink
dressing-gown, flung open a door upon
the passage. " You are asking for
Madame Marney 1 " she said, with a
defiant air. " What do you want 1 "
" I come from Madame Marney,"
said the old lady, looking very terrible.
" She is ill, seriously ill. She wishes
to see her husband at once, and I must
insist "
But before the old lady could finish
her sentence the woman screamed out
to the girl, " What are you doing,
Marie ? Turn out these German spies,"
and, with a look of furious hatred,
sprang forward, violently thrusting
poor old Madame backwards out of
the doorway and banging the heavy
door in her face. Susy, who had not
come in, had just time to catch Madame
du Pare, or she would have fallen. It
was a horrible scene, a hideous de-
grading experience.
The old lady was a minute recover-
ing her breath ; then the two looked
at one another in silence as they stood
together outside the closed house.
"Oh, what abomination!" said
Madame, shuddering and putting up
her hands. '•' Oh, my poor, poor fren' !
Oh, Susie, my poor Susie, I have long
feared how it might be ; I have now
the certainty.''
Susanna, who had turned pale, rallied
with a great effort. She would not
acknowledge, even to herself, much
less to Madame, what a miserable
revelation had come to her in that
brief moment. " That woman had
Mrs. Dymond.
471
been drinking," she said, very coldly ;
" she seemed half mad. Dear Madame,
we will go no farther. Mr. Marney
is sure to receive my mother's mes-
sage from one person or another, and
perhaps, to make sure, you will kindly
write to both his addresses when you
get back. Let us go home now, mamma
will be waiting." And then, telling
the man to drive them to the station,
they drove away in the rattling car-
riage, with the tired horses, scarcely
speaking a single word.
The wreck of her sweet mother's
generous love and life's devotion
seemed to Susy sadder and more ter-
rible than any crash of war, any
destruction and ravage. What were
broken stones, what were overturned
walls and fortunes, so long as people
could love and trust each other 1 Once
more that idea came into her mind,
which she would never let herself
dwell upon, a thought of what two
lives might be/ even tried, even parted,
but with trust and love and holy
confidence to bind them together.
They were too soon for the train,
and had to wait some few minutes at
the station ; as they stood there in the
sunset, two deputies were walking up
and down the platform talking gloomily.
" So ! the young men of Metz and
Strasbourg are to wear the Prussian
helmet," said one of them as they
passed; " it is of a piece with all the
rest."
" I don't know what there is left
for us now," said the other, speaking
with emotion. " Where is our safety?
Paris is at the mercy of the first
comer. I have seen as many as two
hundred young men in a week passing
in a file through my village to avoid
conscription." And the voices passed
on.
The train arrived at last, puffing
along the line, and Susy and Madame
got into the first vacant carriage.
There they found a trio — a father, a
mother in a smart bonnet, a son, a
pink-faced youth holding a huge cane
and tassel. All these, too, were talk-
ing eagerly — they paid no attention
whatever to the entrance of the two
women.
FATHEB. " Yes, yes, yes ! talk to
me of change ! what does change mean 1
A Revolution. Quick, add 2,000,000 or
3,000,000 to the national debt. Do you
know what the debt was thirty years
ago when the minister of finance pro-
posed to pay it off ] Now it is just
four times the sum ! Give us another
revolution and we double it again.
Liberty ! Oh yes ! Liberty, or every
man for himself. As for me I vote
for the man in power because I love
my country, and I wish for order above
all ; I voted for the Emperor and now
I shall vote for a Republic, and believe
me the only way to preserve a Republic
is to take it out of the hands of the
republicans."
SON (angrily). "But, father, our
armies were gaining, if only we re-
publicans had been allowed to have
our way."
FATHER (sarcastically). " Yes, every-
body gained everywhere, and mean-
while the Prussians advanced."
MOTHER (shrilly echoing the father).
" Pyat ! Flourens ! these are your
republicans, Auguste. They are mud,
do you hear, mud, mud, mud."
Enter an old lady, handed carefully
by the guard. " Ah ! sir ! many thanks !
Madame ! I thank you. I am a poor
emigr<ie returning after six months
absence, alas ! I had hoped to be
spared the sight of a Prussian, but
that was not to be."
MOTHER (proudly). "We, Madame,
remained. When one has a son fighting
for his country, one cannot leave one's
home." (Son looks conscious and twirls
his cane.)
OLD LADY. " Alas ! you have more
courage than I have. For my part I
am grateful from my heart to Trochu
for his surrender, for sparing useless
slaughter."
FATHER. " What could he do alone 1
he was driven on by your so called
patriots. This is the result of your
free press."
SON. " But, papa, give us progress,
you would not refuse us progress."
472
Mrs. Dymond.
MOTHER (vehemently echoing the son).
" Yes, progress and liberty of discus-
sion. ..."
" FATHER (desperately). " I give you
progress but I do not give you leave
to talk about it. Progress comes best
alone. When people begin to talk
nonsense, and pass votes in favour of
progress, they show they are not ready
for it. ..."
Sad and preoccupied as Susy was,
she could not but listen to the voices
on every side ; they interested her
though they were anything but cheer-
ing. When she and Madame du Pare
reached the villa, tired and dispirited,
a figure was standing at the gate, and
evidently looking out for them. It was
Jo, only a little more dishevelled than
usual, and bringing with him a feeling
of home and real comfort of which
poor Susy was sadly in need at that
moment.
It was the simplest thing in the
world. He had started off then and
there, hearing that Susanna was gone
to her mother ; he had come to see if
he could help to bring Mrs. Marney
back ; he had left his bag in the train.
. . . While Susy walked on with her
arm in his, listening to his explana-
tions, Madame du Pare poured out her
pent-up indignation to Max who also
came out to receive them. He had
been at home all day finishing a couple
of sketches ordered by M. Hase for
his pictorial newspaper ; he had been
up once or twice to see Mrs. Marney,
whom he thought very ill.
" You must tell her nothing, except
that you failed to find Marney," he
said compassionately, " but for God's
sake, mamma, leave this place and
try to get your friends to go. The
sooner the better for us all. The
Federals are sure to come down upon
Neuilly another day, and it may be
too late. I must go back to my work
now, for I have no time to lose."
To be continued.
473
TARENTIJM.
L'antica storia cui non e conta
Del gran Taranto ? " . . .
— Delizie Tarantine, CARDUCCI.
THE modern town of Taranto
occupies the site of the Acropolis of
the famous and splendid Tarentum,
already a place of some importance
when the Spartan Parthenii arrived
there 707 years B.C. Of the queen of
the Ionian sea, once so rich that the
value and magnificence of the spoils
taken by Fabius Maximus astonished
the Roman citizens, little now remains
but the name and immense mounds of
rubbish, which are at length being
scientifically examined by Professor
Viola, on behalf of the Italian Govern-
ment.
Taranto lies like a ship on the
water, an island town. The streets
are narrow and tortuous, and the
houses high ; some of the palaces in
the upper town are handsome in a
baroque, rococo style, and being all
built of white stone, recall Malta. A
feature peculiar to Taranto is the
elaborate carving of the lunettes above
the doorways, all made of wood and
most fantastic in design ; a baboon's
head is a favourite centrepiece. There
are a few fine gargoyles, and here and
there an old balcony suggests serenades,
and flowers fluttering down, and
poignards gleaming.
The most important ruin of ancient
Tarentum is a fine column of a Doric
temple, and a fragment of its com-
panion, encased in the wall of a little
courtyard in the Oratory of the Con-
gregation of the Trinity in the Strada
Maggiore. Professor Viola tells me
that the measurements exactly corre-
spond with those of the columns of the
temple of Diana at Syracuse. The
height of the column is 27 feet 8 inches,
of which 9 feet 10 inches are buried
underground. The abacus measures
1 foot 10 inches in height, and 10 feet
7 inches in width. It probably be-
longed to the temple of Poseidon, the
titular deity of Tarentum, and was
evidently one of the most important
buildings of the Acropolis. The size
of this column may be imagined by
two people having lived on the top of
the capital in a small house, which was
only demolished a few years ago, and
replaced by a pergola overgrown with
vines, and with seats underneath for
enjoying the bel fresco.
San Domenico, with a fine Norman
doorway, stands high above the steep
street of the same name, on the top of
a treble flight of steps, flanked by two
quaint old saints. Unfortunately the
Tarentines have the eastern passion
for whitewash, and have whitened the
doorway and the rose window above.
The ceiling is all painted, and the
pilasters of the church bear the cross
of the Knights of Malta. The seats
of the choir are of fine intarsia work,
and in the centre is the following
modest inscription : —
" Qualunque sia dell' opra il lavorio,
Jl difetto e dell' norn, il buon di Dio.
" RAPHAEL MONTEANNI,
" Terrse Lequilarum, F.H. A.D. MCCLXXXVII."
(" "Whatever is the fatigue of this work,
The faults are due to the man, the good is
of God.")
Just as we were coming out of San
Domenico the impressive strains of a
funeral march rose from the street
below, and we waited on the top of the
steps for the procession to pass. All
the confraternities were there in their
quaint mediaeval dresses, as it was the
burial of a person of some consequence.
First came the " Addolerati," who
wore long white cotton robes with a
hood tight over the face, and holes cut
474
Tarentum.
for the eyes ; they looked most ghostly
figures, quite unfit to be abroad in the
bright sunlight. Then followed the
" Carmeliti," with cream-coloured
mohair capes, and large, black, broad-
brimmed hats, trimmed with blue silk
ribbon. After them came the " San
Gaetani " in blue silk capes and white
hoods covering the face ; and then the
bearded Capucine monks, and the
Pasquilini monks who are clean shaven.
The regular clergy and the canons of
the cathedral in capes of ermine and
purple silk preceded the coffin, borne
on the shoulders of members of the
different confraternities.
I was lucky enough to be in Ta-
rento during Holy Week, and thus
saw the procession on Good Friday,
which is very curious, and a source of
great pride to the Tarentines. The
crowd were most orderly and good
tempered, and anxious to explain
everything to a foreigner. A pleasant
young sailor lad told me that he had
heard that at. Rome, where the Pope
was, they once had processions, but
never one to be compared to this.
The sight was most picturesque as
the procession wound round down the
hill from the " Borgo Nuovo," as the
new part of Tarento is called, a mot-
ley, many-coloured crowd, the 'brilli-
ant yellow, red, and salmon-coloured
handkerchiefs the women wear tied
over their heads and under their chins,
and the heavy gold chains and neck
ornaments they delight in, glistening
in the fitful sun ; the life-size painted
figures swaying high above the
crowd, and ever and anon stopping as
the bearers rested.
The municipal band playing a solemn
funeral march headed the procession,
followed by a large black flag ; then
came two of the confraternity of
the " Carmeliti," they were bare-foot,
and bore long white staves in their
hands, representing the apostles.
Then, borne high on the shoulders of
four brothers of the confraternity of
the " Addolerati," in white cotton
flowing robes and bare legs and feet,
was a platform with the instruments
of the Passion. The next Mistero,
as they call the painted images, was
a life-size statue, either of wood or
papier-mache, of Christ kneeling, His
hands extended and His face turned
towards heaven ; a small, winged
angel, by some arrangement of wires,
hovered over Him, bearing a gold
cup in one hand. Two of the repre-
sentatives of the apostles walked
between this figure and the next,
which was a most ghastly representa-
tion of Christ being scourged — an
emaciated figure tied to a pillar, with
the flesh all livid, lacerated and bloody.
The bearers of this figure and of all the
following ones had crowns of thorns on
their heads, as had also the four at-
tendants, who, dressed in their holi-
day best, carried strong staves with
an iron crescent at the top to rest the
poles of the platform upon, which was
a considerable weight and hurt the
bearers' shoulders, for they borrowed
handkerchiefs from friends in the
crowd to bind round the poles as they
staggered along with difficulty.
Christ in a long crimson robe, with
His hands tied and crowned with thorns,
was the next figure, attended as usual
by two bare-footed apostles. After
this came the crucifix, so heavy
that ten bearers had evident difficulty
in carrying it. All round the base of
the cross were stuck petroleum lamps,
to be lit at sundown, and which were
strangely incongruous in such an old-
world scene.
An immense black cross, with yards
upon yards of white drapery most
artistically arranged upon the arms,
was the next Mistero, and now the
crowd, which had been rather apathet-
ic, showed signs of interest and some
slight emotion. All the men bared
their heads as a huge bier, borne by
some twenty men, came slowly along.
It was covered with a black velvet
pall, and on this was laid the body of
our Lord, covered with a fine muslin
veil, all embroidered with large golden
rosettes, rather the shape of sun-
flowers. Four apostles attended at
the corners of the bier, and on either
Tarentum.
475
side walked two Tarentine nobles, in
full evening dress and bare-headed.
They are called the " Cavalieri di
Cristo," and were as much out of
keeping as the petroleum lamps. A
crowd of priests of different grades
followed behind, and the procession
wound up with a figure of the Virgin
Mary in a black silk dress, holding a
heart pierced with an arrow in her
right hand, and an elaborately em-
broidered handkerchief trimmed with
lace in the other. She was attended
by the two last apostles.
My pleasant young Tarentine sailor
told me that the privilege of carrying
the Misteri and having bruised shoulders
for many a long day afterwards, was
put up to auction, the average price
being fifty francs, which went towards
the expenses. Another curious cus-
tom is that one church steals from
another the honour of starting and ar-
ranging the procession. Each church
has its own confraternity, out of whose
member the twelve apostles are chosen.
They must never leave their places
near the Misteri in a procession, and
are jealously watched by all the less
fortunate confraternities. Some six
years ago there was a most violent
storm, and two of the unhappy bare-
legged and bare-footed apostles took
refuge for a moment in a cafe. The
" Carmeliti " instantly rushed into
their places, and have held the privi-
lege for their church in the Borgo
Nuovo ever since.
It is obligatory for the precession to
visit the little church attached to the
convent " Delle Pentite," where the
figure of the Madonna Addolerata is
placed on a table near her altar, and
all the the other Misteri defile before
her, making the round of the church
one by one. Unfortunately the rain
had begun to fall fast, and the thunder
growled ominously before the proces-
sion could reach the " Pentite," and
it crowded pell-mell into another
church. We went on to the convent,
and saw the ghostly figures of the
nuns flitting hither and thither be-
hind the lattice ^windows high above
the church. I was evidently an ob-
ject of some curiosity to them, as well
as to the small boys, who speculated
as to whether I was a princess or a man
from some " far countrie."
Meanwhile the rain fell heavily out-
side, and the sky looked like lead, so
we determined to go to dinner, and
asked our nice sailor lad to join us.
He appeared astonished, and at first
refused, but on my pressing him he
accepted, and was a most pleasant
companion, behaving with that charm-
ing, easy good breeding so character-
istic of the lower classes in Italy, whose
innate courtesy might serve as a model
to most gentlefolk.
From him I learnt that the un-
happy bearers, the apostles, the Cava-
lieri, and, in short, all who belonged
to the procession, would have to stay
in the small church where they had
taken refuge until the next morning at
ten, if the rain did not cease before
eleven that evening and admit of the
performance at the " Pentite," which
took an hour, and must be concluded
before midnight. It poured all the
night, and I did not envy the crowd of
people who were stewing in the little
church.
The Marina, re-christened Via Gari-
baldi, is picturesque but decidedly
dirty ; the side streets are so narrow
that it was a perpetual source of specu-
lation to me what a Tarentine does
when he becomes fat. Some of these
alleys are only two feet wide, and
populous as rabbit-warrens. The in-
habitants do not look healthy, their
faces are pale and pasty, but the
teeth are splendid, and the hair black
as a raven's wing, while the Greek
blood comes out in the almost uni-
versally beautiful ears and graceful
head so well poised on the shoulders.
Now and then one meets a girl who
might have posed for Praxiteles, or a
youth who looks as though he had
stepped out ; of a Greek vase. Occa-
sionally the Saracen blood shows
strongly, as a swarthy fisherman strolls
along, his brown net thrown over one
shoulder.
476
Tarentum.
Earrings are generally worn by the
men in and about Taranto. The
trainieri or carters have very charac-
teristic gold circlets, shaped like a half
moon, which stand out from the face
and are decidedly becoming.
Taranto was made into an island by
Ferdinand I. of Arragon, who in 1480
cut through a narrow tongue of land
to secure the town from the attacks of
the Turks after the storming of
Otranto and the massacre of the
inhabitants. The noble castle built
by Charles V.- — now, alas ! being de-
stroyed by the Italian Government, in
order to build an Admiralty — flanks
the canal at its entrance into the
Ionian Sea. At the other end the fine
round tower which guarded the Mare
Piccolo has disappeared under the
crowbar and pickaxe. The canal is
to be widened and deepened to admit
the largest ironclads, and Taranto
is destined to become what it once
was — the great seaport of Southern
Italy, and to see the Mare Piccolo
again teem with shipping as of old.
The canal is cut where Hannibal
dragged the ships across the land,
when the Roman garrison held the
citadel and prevented the Tarentine
vessels from leaving the inner port.
Near the village of Statte on the
slope of the hill is a masseria or
farmhouse called Triglio, where there
is an enormous cistern which collects
the infiltrations from a very large
extent of country. The aqueduct is
tunnelled through the rock for about
four miles, and its course is marked
by spiracoli or air-holes. It is a
marvellous piece of work as the
labourers must have cut their way
through the living rock, bent double,
the measurements being only four feet
high and two feet three inches wide.
The last three miles of the aqueduct
is supported on 203 arches of irregular
size, and of modern construction. The
water is excellent and the supply
unlimited.
The peasants have a curious legend
relating to the aqueduct ; they say
that the wizard Virgil disputed with
the witches for the dominion of
Taranto, and tried to gain the affec-
tion of the inhabitants. A most dire
drought afflicted the whole country,
so Virgil thought water would be the
greatest boon he could confer on the
city. One night he set to work and
made the aqueduct ere morning. Before
he had finished the witches discovered
what he was doing, and they began to
construct the aqueduct of Saturo, but
dawn broke ere they had got half way
to the city, and they heard the applause
and joyous acclamations of the Taren-
tines at the sight of the clear, bright
water brought into their town by
Virgil. The Avitches were beaten, and
their aqueduct still remains half
finished and in ruins.
The first date we can establish in
the history of Tarentum is the defeat
of its inhabitants by the Messapians
mentioned by Diodorus in B.C. 473.
The city suffered considerably on its
capture by Hannibal, but nothing in
comparison to the degradation it under-
went when taken by Fabius Maximus
in 207. He, however, opposed its
proposed reduction to a condition
similar to that of Capua, and Taren-
tum remained the seat of the Praetor
and the chief town of Southern Italy.
During the civil wars between Octa-
vian and Antony and S. Pompeius
it is often mentioned as a naval
station of importance, and in B.C. 36
an agreement between Octavian and
Antony was arranged to which Tacitus
alludes as the Tarentinumfoedus.
Brundusium rather destroyed the
importance of Tarentum, and we do
not find any mention of the city until
after the fall of the Western Empire,
when it played an important part in
the Gothic wars. Taken by Belisarius
and retaken by Totila in A.D. 549,
Tarentum remained in the hands of the
Goths until wrested from them by
Narses. In 661 Romoaldus, Duke of
Beneventum, took it from the Byzan-
tine Empire, and it fell successively
into the hands of the Saracens and of
the Greek Emperors, until taken by
Robert Guiscardi in 1063. Ever since
Tarentum.
477
Taranto has formed part of the kingdom
of Naples.
The view seawards off " La Ring-
hiera," now called Corso Cavour, is
most beautiful. At a little distance
from the high sea-wall on which one
stands is a powerful fresh-water spring,
rising with such force in the sea that
a small boat cannot get near it, and a
ship loses her anchor if let go beside
the " Ring of Saint Cataldo." Shoals
of porpoises race and tumble, glinting
in the bright sun, and the gulls flap
lazily over the sea, which literally
swarms with fish. Watching the por-
poises gambol below, Taras, the son of
Poseidon and of the lovely nymph
Satura, the fabled founder of the city,
rises in one's imagination on his dol-
phin from the waves, and irresistibly
one recalls the splendour of the proud
Tarentum, whose schools were so
famous that Plato came from Athens
to visit them, and was received by
Archytas, the mathematician, the
astronomer, the philosopher, and the
brilliant writer, who was seven times
named Strategos, and who, by the
ascendency of his eloquence, his vir-
tues, and his talents, improved the
laws of his country and made them
respected. A great general, he held
the Lucanians in check, and the
Tarentine arms, during his supremacy,
were victorious ; her navy swept the
Ionian sea and the whole basin of the
Adriatic, and the political and com-
mercial influence of Tarentum was at
its highest point.
One thought of the great city which
could send forth an army of 30,000
foot and 5,000 horse, and whose
citizens dared to insult the Roman
ambassador, Lucius Posthumius Me-
gellus, who went to Tarentum to
demand reparation for grievous in-
juries. The Roman spoke bad Greek
and roused the laughter of the flip-
pant Tarentines, who at length hissed
him out of the theatre, as though he
had been a bad actor. A buffoon,
known as the Pint-pot, from his
constant drunkenness, with indecent
gestures, bespattered his senatorial
gown with filth. Lucius held it aloft,
saying, "Men of Tarentum, it will
take not a little blood to wash this
gown."
For ten years Tarentum, aided by
Pyrrhus, maintained the war against
Rome, and at first, thanks to the
superior talents of their ally, and still
more to his elephants, so finely de-
scribed by Lord Macaulay —
' ' Beside him stalks to battle
The huge earth-shaking beast,
The beast on whom the castle
With all its guards doth stand ;
The beast who hath between his eyes
The serpent for a hand — "
the Greeks had this advantpge , but
near Beneventum Pyrrhus was com-
pletely defeated, and Tarentum lost
its independence for ever.
The names of Pythagoras, who founded
an asylum with Archytas ; of Livius
Andronicus, the Tarentine Greek, who
gave the first rudiments of the regular
drama to Rome ; of Rinthon, the
founder of a new kind of burlesque —
farce ; of the philosopher and musician
Aristoxenes, pupil of Xenophilus and
of Aristotle, of whose 453 volumes
we only possess the Elements of ffar-
inony, the oldest treatise extant on
music, come before our minds, and we
search in vain for a modern counter-
part to so much that is glorious in
story. Modern Taranto can only boast
of one famous child, the graceful and
charming musician Paisiello.
To the east of the town of Taranto,
overlooking the Mare Piccolo, which
is divided into two basins by the pro-
montories of " II Pizzone " and " Punta
della Penna," are hills formed almost
entirely of shells of the murex. The
Tarentine red-purple dye was cele-
brated, and is supposed to have owed
its peculiar hue to the use of two
kinds of shell-fish, Murex trunculus,
which was the one used at Tyre, and
Murex brandaris, used at Laconia.
' Pliny says the murex were caught by
pandering to their greediness. Small
nets with a fine mesh were used, and
Tarentum.
into these were put small shell-fish
called mitole, which had been kept
out of the water until half dead.
When lowered into the sea they gape
wide open with thirst and delight,
when the murex rushes up, and find-
ing that he cannot push his long
spiny snout through the meshes of
the net, he thrusts his lance-like
tongue into the open shells of the
mitole, which instantly closes, catch-
ing the enemy in a vice. When the
nets were drawn up the murex hung
in clusters, and were sorted according
to size. The small ones were pounded
and the larger broken, and the fish
extracted with an iron hook ; the
colour -bags were cut out and thrown
into salt. Three days were sufficient
for maceration, and the fresher the
murex the finer was the dye.
Sixteen miles in circumference, the
Mare Piccolo resembles an inland lake ;
its sapphire-blue water reflects the
sun's rays, and it is so perfectly clear
that one can. distinguish the founda-
tions of many an old building far
beneath the boat. Fragments of fine
Greek vases are often hauled up in
the nets, and now and then an old
coin is found along the beach. Fish-
ing-boats, piled high with faggots of
lentisk covered with the spawn of
oysters and mussels, are perpetually
snooting from under the bridge, com-
ing in from the open sea to deposit
their precious burden in the quiet
depths of the inner port. The wealth
of shell fish is astounding ; there are
over 150 different species, and ninety-
three kinds of fish come at different
times of the year to spawn in the
inland sea. The fishing is worth over
5,000,000 francs per annum. Tall
poles stand out of the Mare Piccolo
in every direction, whence are sus-
pended, under the water, row upon
row of rope made of grass, into the
strands of which are stuck the spat
of oysters and mussels. The ropes
of mussels, called cozze nere at Taranto,
are sold all over Italy ; razor-fish,
cockles, date-mussels, sea-urchins, the
various murex, and other shell-fish
are eaten raw, and go by the generic
name of frutti di mare, or sea fruit.
The little market-place is picturesque,
but dirty, and all kinds of fish and
shells are on sale. The elegant little
sea-horses are common, and the beau-
tiful shells of the Pinna nobilis, for
which they still fish with the peculiar
net called penuetico, identical with
the pernilegum described by Pliny.
The silky beard of the lana-pesce,
as the fishermen call the pinna, is
woven into gloves and scarves as a
curiosity ; in ancient times the trans-
parent robes of the dancing girls were
made of it, and it was valued as a
costly and beautiful material, being
either dyed purple or left the natural
beautiful golden-brown hue. Fish
culture and fishing have been culti-
vated in Taranto by thejigli del mare
(sons of the sea), as the guild of
fishermen are called, from time im-
memorial, and the ancient laws were
codified in the fifteenth century by
the last prince of Taranto, John An-
tony de Balzo, in the Libra JRosso, or
Red Book.
On calm summer days the fairy-like
argonaut sails about on the Mare
Piccolo, and one is tempted to regret
that a scene so peaceful and so fraught
with classical memories should be des-
tined to become a busy arsenal and
seaport.
At the further extremity from the
town, two small brooks, the Cervaro
and the Rascho, enter the Mare
Piccolo ; and opposite the Monte de'
Coccioli, the hill formed of murex
shells, stands the church of the " Ma-
donna del Galesio," on the little stream
of Le Citrezze, the ancient Galesus.
Formerly it was well wooded, but now
the flat banks of the tiny river are but
scantily cultivated with cotton. Two
hundred yards from where the Citrezze
flows into the Mare Piccolo rise two
powerful fresh-water springs, now
called Citro and Citrello, with suffi-
cient force to prevent any small boat
from approaching close. On the left
Tarentum.
479
bank of this streamlet Virgil met the
old Corycian swain, who
" With unbought dainties used to pile his
board,"
thanks to his skill in agriculture.
Horace sings of
" Galerus, thy sweet stream I'll choose,
Where flocks of richest fleeces bathe :
Phalantus there his rural sceptre sway'd,
Uncertain offspring of a Spartan maid.
" No spot so joyous smiles to me
Of this wide globe's extended shores ;
Where nor the labours of the bee
Yield to Hymettus' golden stores,
Nor the green berry of Venafran soil
Swells with a riper flood of fragrant oil."
Martial and Pliny talk of the excel-
lent leeks of Tarentum ; Varro praises
its honey as the best in Italy. The
salubrity of the climate and the fer-
tility of the soil were celebrated.
Pears, figs, oil, wine, corn, and fine
white salt were among the products ;
and the breed of horses was famous,
and supplied the Tarentine light
cavalry (Tapavrlvof) so noted in the
armies of Alexander the Great and
his successors.
The Tarentine wool has been praised
by many classical writers. Varro
speaks of its softness, while Strabo
praises its lustre ; Pliny, Horace, and
Martial all laud it, and Columella de-
scribes the great care taken of the
sheep. They were never allowed to
graze with their heads turned towards
the sun, for fear of blindness, or let
out while the dew was on the grass.
Their wool was washed with wine,
oiled and combed, and then covered
with a cloth. The breed had degene-
rated in the time of Queen Joan II.,
who in 1415 issued an edict to relieve
the guild of wool manufacturers from
various imposts and taxes, in order to
improve the quality of the produce.
The sheep now seen in Apulia are
small, and give little wool ; they are
almost universally black, with curiously
brilliant yellow eyes, and agile as
deer.
Tarantismo is still implicitly be-
lieved in, not only by the common
people, but by most of the Apulian
gentry. I have never seen a case, as
the tarantola only becomes venomous
when the weather is hot. The women
gleaning in the corn-fields are most
liable to be bitten, as they wear but
scant clothing, on account of the in-
tense heat. The .following account,
which differs considerably from any
hitherto given, is from an eye-witness,
a Tarentine gentleman, who has seen
many cases.
There are various species of the in-
sect, and two different kinds of
tarantismo, the wet and the dry.
A violent fever attacks the person
bitten, who sits moaning and swaying
backwards and forwards. Musicians
are called, and begin playing ; if the
air does not strike the fancy of the
tarantata, as the patient is called,
she moans louder, and says " No, no,
not that." The fiddler instantly
changes, and the tambourine beats fast
and furious to indicate the difference
of the time. "When at last the
tarantata gets an air to her liking,
she springs up and begins to dance
frantically. If she has the dry ta-
rantismo, her friends try to find out
the colour of the tarantola that has
bitten her. and adorn her dress and her
fingers with ribbons that recall the tints
of the insect — white or blue, green,
red, or yellow. If no one can indicate
the colour, she is decked with streamers
of every hue, which flutter wildly about
as she dances and tosses her arms in
the air. The ceremony generally
begins in the house, but what with
the heat and the concourse of people,
it often ends in the street.
If it is a wet tarantismo the
musicians choose a spot near a well,
and the dancer is incessantly deluged
with water by relays of friends, who
go backwards and forwards to the well
with their picturesque brown earthen-
ware jars. My informant tells me
that it is incredible what an amount
of water is used on these occasions.
He spoke feelingly as drought is the
great enemy of the Apulian landowners,
480
Ta/rmtwrn.
£
who occasionally lose their crops and
their cattle from want of rain.
When the tarantata is quite worn
out, she is undressed and put to
bed. The fever lasts seventy-two
hours, and the state of nervous ex-
citement must be intense to sustain a
woman under such fatigue as dancing
for three whole days. If the musicians
are not called in, and the person bitten
is not induced to dance, the fever con-
tinues indefinitely, and is in some cases
followed by death.
There is a master-mason living near
Taranto who mocked at the whole
thing, threatening to beat any of his
female belongings, who, if bitten by a
tarantola, dared to try the dancing
cure. As ill-luck or Saint Cataldo
would have it, he was himself bitten,
and after suffering great pain, and
being in a high fever for several
days, he at last sent for the musicians
„ to his own house, carefully locking the
doors and closing the windows. But
the frenzy was too strong, and to the
malicious delight of the women he was
soon seen bounding about in the middle
of the street, shrieking " Le femmine
hanno ragion ! " (The women are
right.)
A favourite ornament at these mad
dances are vine branches decked with
ribbons of various hues, which makes
one suspect that there may still linger
vestiges of the old Bacchanalian orgies
in these Apulian dances.
The small terra-cotta figures and
heads, of which many thousands have
been dug up lately at Taranto, have a
distinct type of their own, and are
occasionally very beautiful. The
heads are remarkable for the rather
theatrical exuberance of the head-
dress ; heavy wreaths and large flowers
like rosettes entwine the male heads as
well as the female. The tine gold
ornaments in the museum at Naples,
which were found at Taranto, show the
same love of exaggerated magnificence.
Ancient writers mention many works
of art ordered by the Tarentines from
the great Greek artists for the deco-
ration of their city ; the Heracles and
the Poseidon, by Lysippus ; the Winged
Victory, which was taken to Rome,
where it became one of the chief
ornaments of the Curia Julia ; Eu-
ropa on the Bull, by Pythagoras of
Rhegion, and many others. Let us
hope that some of these treasures, and
the great candelabra of bronze, with
365 burners sent by Dionysios the
younger, to be placed in the senate-
house, as a proof of his friendliness for
Archytas, as well as the " irate gods "
left by Fabius Maximus to the con-
quered Tarentines, may come to light
in the excavations now going on. The
coins of Tarentum are among the
finest in the world, the most beautiful
are of the fifth and fourth century
B.C. Taras astride on his dolphin,
holding the trident in one hand,
figures on many ; in others he stands
in a chariot driving two horses, which
probably refer to an Agonistic victory.
Shell-fish figure largely on the reverse
sides of these coins, showing that the
fishery was a matter of great import-
ance even in those days. Mionnet
gives a list of 125 different coins of
the city, a proof of the importance and
richness of " imbelle Tarentum."
JANET Ross.
END OF VOL. LII.
LONDON : RICHARD CLAY AND SONS, BREAD STREET HILL
V
AP
4
M2
v.52
Macmillan's
PLEASE DO NOT REMOVE
CARDS OR SLIPS FROM THIS POCKET
UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO LIBRARY
VWVtf
V 'A^i,r;^AAn
f^wm
X ^ "i *
£$*$£$&
£-*<? XC ^
;AA^.
-' 'AAV nH
fli/W^£A*
?^W