Skip to main content

Full text of "Madoc : an essay on the discovery of America by Madoc ap Owen Gwynedd in the twelfth century"

See other formats 


^00 
•CM 


-"•        on 


LO 


-co 


Presented  to  the 

UNIVERSITY  OF  TORONTO 
LIBRARY 

by  the 

ONTARIO  LEGISLATIVE 
LIBRARY 


-I     DISCARDED 


LIBRARY, 
DEC  9     1895 


M  AD  O  C 


a? 


MADOC 


AN   ESSAY   ON   THE   DISCOVERY   OF  AMERICA  BY 

MADOC  AP  OWEN  GWYNEDD  IN  THE 

TWELFTH  CENTURY 


BY 


THOMAS  STEPHENS 


AUTHOR   OF    '  THE   LITERATUBE    OF   THE   KYMBY  ' 


Edited   by    LLYWARCH   REYNOLDS,    B.A.  (Oxen.) 


LONDON 
LONGMANS,    GREEN,     AND    CO. 

AND   NEW  YORK:  15  EAST   16th   STREET 
1893 

All    rights    referred 


/ll 


EDITOR'S   PEE  FACE. 


THE  QUESTION  discussed  in  the  following  pages  has  per- 
sistently engaged  the  attention  of  the  Welsh  people  from 
time  to  time  during  the  last  three  hundred  years,  and  it 
might  well  be  supposed  that  the  last  word  had  long  since 
been  spoken  upon  this  subject.  But  that  this  is  not  so,  and 
that  the  topic  is  possessed  of  a  perennial  charm  for  the  Cymric 
race,  is  shown  by  the  continually  recurring  discussions  thereof, 
in  the  native  press  and  elsewhere,  even  in  our  own  day ;  and 
the  alleged  discovery  of  America  by  Prince  Madoc  ab  Owain 
Gwynedd  in  the  twelfth  century  is  still,  by  a  certain  class  of 
minds,  accepted  as  an  article  of  faith,  and  its  truth  as 
implicitly  believed  as  when  first  enunciated  by  Humphrey 
Llwyd  in  the  sixteenth  century.  The  tercentenary  cele- 
brations in  the  past  year  in  honour  of  Columbus,  and  the 
forthcoming  Eisteddfod  to  be  held  at  Chicago  in  the  present 
summer,  have  combined  to  revive  the  interest  felt  in  the 
Madoc  story,  which  has  induced  the  representatives  of  the 
late  Mr.  Thomas  Stephens  to  yield  to  the  oft-repeated  solici- 
tations of  many  of  his  fellow-countrymen,  and  to  give  the 
following  work  to  the  world. 

This  essay  was  written  for  competition  at  the  celebrated 
Llangollen  Eisteddfod,  held  on  September  21,  1858,  and  three 


VI  MADOC. 

following  days.  The  subject  for  competition  was  announced 
in  these  terms :  '  For  the  best  essay  upon  the  discovery  of 
America  in  the  twelfth  century  by  Prince  Madoc  ab  Owain 
Gwynedd,  prize  201.  and  a  silver  star';  and  the  following 
well-known  Welsh  literati  were  appointed  to  adjudicate  upon 
this  contest:  the  Eev.  Thomas  James  ('Llallawg')  and 
'  Myvyr  Morganwg,'  both  since  deceased ;  and  the  veteran 
Welsh  lexicographer,  the  Rev.  D.  Silvan  Evans,  B.D.,  who 
still  happily  survives  to  serve  the  cause  of  Welsh  literature. 

Six  essays  were  sent  in  for  competition,  five  of  which 
took  the  affirmative  view,  and  assumed  the  truth  of  the  Welsh 
tradition.  Of  these  the  only  one  which  need  be  mentioned 
here  was  that  bearing  the  nom-de-guerre  of  '  Wild  Man  of  the 
Woods.'  In  the  remaining  essay,  under  the  assumed  name 
of  '  Gwrnerth  Ergydlym,'  the  writer,  Mr.  Thomas  Stephens, 
the  lamented  author  of  The  Literature  of  the  Kymry,'  after 
presenting  an  almost  exhaustive  summary  of  the  literature  of 
the  subject,  and  marshalling  all  the  evidence  usually  cited 
for  and  against  the  Cambrian  story,  subjected  them  to  a  rigid 
criticism,  and  finally  adopted  the  negative  view,  and  declared 
himself  a  disbeliever  in  the  tale 

'  How  Madoc  from  the  shores  of  Britain  spread 
The  adventurous  sail.' 

That  essay  is  now  for  the  first  time  submitted  to  the  public  in 
the  following  pages. 

The  action  of  the  Eisteddfod  committee  in  reference  to 
this  competition  created  great  commotion  at  the  time,  and 
roused  the  indignation  of  all  fair-minded  Welshmen  ;  and  it 
may  not,  therefore,  be  considered  out  of  place  to  give  a  short 
summary  of  the  facts,  taken  from  the  journals  of  that  day,  and 


EDITORS   PREFACE.  vii 

from  authentic  documents  still  extant ;  and  to  stigmatise  as 
it  deserves  conduct  calculated  to  tarnish  the  fair  fame  of  our 
national  institution,  the  Eisteddfod,  and  rivalling  in  turpitude 
the  disgraceful  treatment  accorded  to  '  Dewi  Wyn  o  Eifion ' 
and  his  '  Awdl  Elusengarwch '  in  a  previous  generation. 

Having  become  aware  of  the  existence  of  the  negative 
essay,  the  committee  decided  that  the  essay  in  question, 
being  an  essay  not  on  the  discovery  but  on  the  non-discovery 
of  America  by  Madoc,  was  not  upon  the  given  subject,  and 
must  therefore  be  excluded  from  the  competition.  This  un- 
warrantable interference  with,  and  usurpation  of  the  functions 
of,  the  judges  was  warmly  resented  by  those  gentlemen ;  and 
'  Llallawg '  promptly  resigned  his  office  and  declined  to  ad- 
judicate. Mr.  Silvan  Evans  forwarded  to  the  secretaries,  the 
day  before  the  Eisteddfod,  his  award,  which  was  in  the  follow- 
ing terms : 

To  the  Secretaries  of  the  Llangollen  Eisteddfod. 

GENTLEMEN, — I  have  read  the  essays  on  'the  Discovery  of 
America  by  Madoc  ab  Owain  Gwynedd  in  the  twelfth  century  ' 
with  as  much  care  and  attention  as  the  circumstances  would  per- 
mit ;  and  the  impression  which  the  perusal  of  them  has  left  on  my 
mind  is — that  the  existence  of  the  so-called  Welsh  Indians  has  not 
yet  been  fully  established — that  Madoc's  alleged  discovery  of  the 
American  continent  rests  upon  bare  conjecture,  and  that  it  is  still 
an  open  question  whether  he  ever  left  his  native  shores.  If  these 
essays  may  be  considered  as  exhausting  the  subject  to  which  they 
refer,  I  can  draw  no  other  inference  from  their  contents  than 
that  these  points  cannot,  with  our  present  stock  of  knowledge, 
be  proved  to  the  satisfaction  of  any  unbiassed  mind.  All  the 
competitors,  with  one  exception,  adopt  the  affirmative  side  of  the 
question,  and  defend  it  with  greater  or  less  ability  ;  but  'Gwrnerth 
Ergydlym,'  by  far  the  ablest  toriter,  takes  the  opposite  side.  He 


Vlll  MADOC. 

examines  the  subject  fully  and  candidly,  and  displays  throughout 
a  deep  acquaintance  with  it,  and  no  small  amount  of  critical 
sagacity  ;  and  I  cannot  but  regret  that  the  promoters  of  the 
Eisteddfod  should  have  deemed  it  their  duty  to  exclude  his 
masterly  essay  from  competition  simply  because  the  author  arrives 
at  a  different  conclusion  from  that  of  the  others. 

As  all  the  essays  which  assume  the  truth  of  Madoc's  dis- 
covery, whether  we  take  them  singly  or  collectively,  appear  to 
me  to  fall  far  short  of  establishing  the  points  which  their  respec- 
tive writers  have  undertaken  to  prove,  and  as  no  other  view  of 
the  subject  is  to  be  entertained,  I  hope  I  may  be  excused  from 
pronouncing  any  opinion  as  to  the  comparative  merits  of  these 
productions. 

I  remain,  Gentlemen, 

Your  faithful  servant, 

(Signed)        D.  SILVAN  EVANS. 
Llangian,  Pwllheli : 
Sept.  20,  1858. 

This  communication  was  carefully  suppressed,  and  no 
mention  was  made  of  it  at  the  Eisteddfod.  The  Rev.  Mr. 
Silvan  Evans  was,  in  consequence  of  severe  domestic  afflic- 
tion, unable  to  be  present  at  the  Eisteddfod ;  and  the  other 
adjudicator,  '  Myvyr  Morganwg,'  who  was  present,  and  who 
had  written  an  adjudication,  was  not  called  upon  to  read 
it.  When  this  part  of  the  programme  was  reached,  the  Rev. 
R.  W.  Morgan,  one  of  the  conductors  of  the  Eisteddfod, 
instead  of  stating  the  facts  as  they  were,  announced  that '  of 
the  essays  sent  in,  one  was  not  on  the  subject ;  and  of  the 
others  the  judges  could  not  decide  which  was  the  best ;  con- 
sequently, there  would  be  no  award.'  The  following  account 
of  the  scene  which  ensued  is  reproduced  from  a  contemporary 
newspaper  report  of  the  proceedings  : 


EDITORS   PREFACE.  IX 

Mr.  T.  Stephens  then  stepped  on  the  platform  and  claimed 
permission  to  say  a  few  words  in  reference  to  the  announcement 
made  by  Mr.  Morgan  ;  but  the  chairman  and  '  Carn  Ingli '  begged 
he  would  refrain  from  doing  so,  and  Mr.  Morgan  ordered  the 
band  to  play  up  in  order  to  drown  the  voice  of  the  speaker  •  but 
the  audience  claimed  a  hearing  for  him,  urged  by  Mr.  Francis  of 
Manchester,  who  said  it  would  be  a  burning  shame  to  refuse  a 
hearing  to  a  man  of  Mr.  Stephens's  literary  reputation.  The 
chairman  yielded,  and  Mr.  Stephens  then  came  forward.  He 
had  risen,  he  said,  to  protest  against  the  terms  of  Mr.  Morgan's 
announcement.  He  had  said  that  one  essay  was  not  on  the 
subject.  This  was  not  correct.  The  essay  was  strictly  to  the 
point,  and  he  would  not  hesitate  to  announce  that  the  essay 
pointed  at  was  that  of  '  Gwrnerth  Ergydlym,'  of  which  he  was  the 
author.  The  real  objection  was  that  the  conclusion  arrived  at 
was  at  variance  with  the  preconceptions  of  the  committee  ;  and 
if  they  had  manfully  announced  the  fact,  he  would  have  made  no 
remonstrance  ;  but  they  had  now  thrown  dust  in  the  eyes  of  the 
assembly,  and  committed  an  unfairness  to  him  (hear,  hear)  .  .  . 
He  had,  of  course,  seen  that  the  committee  held  the  affirmative 
view  ;  but  he  had  before  denied,  and  continued  to  deny,  that  an 
Eisteddfod  was  to  be  an  arena  for  special  pleading,  but  rather 
for  the  promulgation  of  the  truth  ;  and  he  protested  that  no 
committee  had  any  right  to  look  upon  their  prizes  as  fees  for  the 
advocacy  of  one-sided  views  of  disputed  questions  (hear,  hear). 
The  Madoc  business  had  been  under  discussion  for  fifty  years  ; 
and  it  was  therefore  not  to  be  wondered  at  if  the  competitors  took 
different  sides.  For  his  own  part  he  treated  it  as  an  open  question  ; 
and  as  the  committee  gave  great  prominence  to  the  motto  '  Y gwir 
yn  erbyn  y  byd,'  he  was  led  to  conclude  that  there  was  to  be  full 
liberty  of  discussion,  and  that  their  object  was  to  arrive  at  the 
truth  (hear,  hear).  In  that  spirit  he  had  written.  .  .  .  He  said 
he  was  supported  in  his  views  by  several  of  the  ablest  historical 
critics  in  Wales  ;  by  the  late  Mr.  Humffreys  Parry,  the  Rev. 
Thomas  Price  ('  Carnhuanawc  '),  and  the  Rev.  Walter  Davies 
('  Gwallter  Mechain  ').  His  ambition,  he  said,  was  to  be  the  inter- 


X  MADOC. 

preter  of  the  claims  of  the  language  and  literature  of  the  Princi- 
pality to  neighbouring  and  continental  nations  ;  he  had  hitherto 
done  so  to  the  best  of  his  ability,  and  had  the  satisfaction  to  find 
that  he  was  considered  to  be  an  honest  exponent  of  well-founded 
claims  ;  and  he  would  still  continue  to  urge  strongly  and  persis- 
tently every  merit  honestly  pertaining  to  the  history  and  national 
character  of  the  Kymry  (hear,  hear)  ;  but  he  thought  it  lowered 
them  as  a  people  to  be  arguing  claims  which  they  could  not  prove, 
and  that  they  were  only  clouding  their  own  reputation  in  attempt- 
ing to  deprive  Christopher  Columbus  of  the  fame  to  which  he  was 
justly  entitled  (hear,  hear).  He,  for  one,  would  be  content  with 
simple  truthfulness  ;  he  would  never  be  a  jackdaw  decked  out 
with  borrowed  feathers,  but  would  be  content  with  his  own 
plumage,  brilliant  or  plain  as  that  might  be  (hear,  hear).  He 
then  concluded  by  entering  his  protest  against  the  announcement 
made  by  Mr.  Morgan  as  being  that  of  the  committee  and  not  of 
the  judges,  as  being  in  itself  untrue,  and  as  being  at  variance 
with  what,  he  knew  from  private  information  to  be  the  opinion  of 
the  adjudicators  (applause). 

'  Cam  Ingli  '  (the  Rev.  J.  Hughes,  one  of  the  secretaries  of  the 
Eisteddfod — the  other  being  the  Rev.  John  Williams,  '  Ab  Ithel ') 
then  replied  that  Mr.  Stephens  was  under  a  misapprehension. 
The  announcement  was  not  intended  to  be  final  ;  and  he  gave  a 
pledge  to  have  the  decision  reconsidered. 

Mr.  Stephens  said  there  was  no  reservation  in  the  first 
announcement ;  but  since  they  had  promised  to  reconsider  the 
subject,  he  would,  pending  that  decision,  withdraw  his  pro- 
test. 

The  action  of  the  committee  in  this  matter  was  loudly 
and  almost  universally  condemned,  as  appears  from  the 
heated  correspondence  which  followed  in  the  Welsh  and  other 
newspapers  of  the  day,  notably  the  '  Herald  Cymraeg ' — '  Ab 
Ithel,'  who  took  upon  himself  their  defence,  relying  upon  the 
quibble  that  in  their  prospectus  the  committee  had  '  claimed 


EDITOR'S  PREFACE.  xi 

to  themselves  the  right  of  deciding  on  all  subjects  of  contro- 
versy that  might  arise,  and  that  their  decision  in  such  cases 
should  be  considered  final,'  and  stating  that  the  adjudi- 
cators had  not  made  any  award.  He  professed  to  treat  the 
letter  of  Mr.  Silvan  Evans  as  being  an  informal  document, 
and  not  amounting  to  an  adjudication ;  but.  no  such  objection 
was  made  to  that  gentleman's  equally '  informal '  adjudication 
in  the  case  of  the  essay  on  Barddas  (Bardism)  and  the 
collection  of  Welsh  Proverbs,  the  successful  competitors 
on  those  subjects  being  respectively  '  Ab  Ithel '  and  his 
daughter. 

It  is  right  to  mention  that '  Cam  Ingli '  disapproved  of  his 
colleagues'  action,  and  admitted  (to  use  his  own  words)  '  that 
the  duty  of  the  committee  was  merely  ministerial,  and  not 
judicial ;  and  that  it  was  his  desire  that  an  award  be  made.' 
Mr.  Silvan  Evans  subsequently  wrote  a  formal  adjudication, 
which  was  published  in  the  '  Carnarvon  and  Denbigh  Herald,' 
and  is  reproduced  in  the  Appendix  to  this  work  (p.  236). 
The  full  text  of  '  Myvyr  Morgan wg's '  adjudication  has  never 
seen  the  light ;  but  extracts  from  it  appeared  in  some  of  the 
Welsh  newspapers  in  the  course  of  the  controversy.  The 
pith  of  it,  in  the  Archdrnid's  autograph,  in  the  Welsh 
language,  is  still  extant.  In  it  he  states  that  a  tradition 
always  existed  among  the  Cymric  race  that  Madoc  ab  Owain 
went  to  some  strange  land  beyond  the  Western  seas ;  and 
what  land,  he  asks,  could  that  be  if  not  America  ?  He  then, 
in  a  strain  of  maudlin  sentimentality,  deprecates  the  surrender 
of  what  he  calls  '  one  of  the  chief  jewels  hanging  upon  the 
breast  of  our  mother-race  ; '  goes  on  to  argue  that  the  essay 
of  'Ergydlym'  is  'not  upon  the  subject-,'  and  adds:  'But  if 


Xll  MA  DOC. 

"  Ergydlym  "  be  admitted  into  competition,  irhicli  will  be  the 
course  most  commendable  in  the  committee,  and  satisfactory  to 
the  public,  .  .  .  what  appears  to  me  the  wisest  course  in  this 
complicated  matter  is  to  divide  the  prize  between  the  best  of 
the  affirmative  essayists  and  the  negative  essayist  ("  Gwrnerth 
Ergydlym  ") ' ;  and  with  respect  to  the  latter  he  adds  :  '  The 
testimonies  and  proofs  that  are  brought  forward  by  the 
affirmative  essayists  upon  the  whole  appear,  before  examina- 
tion, to  be  strong  and  clear — too  much  so,  I  should  think,  to  ex- 
pect it  to  be  admitted  that  they  are  overturned  by  "  Gwrnerth 
Ergydlym " ;  although  it  must  be  admitted  that  he  has 
completely  overturned  several  things  that  were  usually 
brought  forward  to  prove  the  departure  of  Prince  Madoc  to 
the  Western  world.  "  Gwrnerth  "  has  opposed  this  opinion 
energetically,  and  has  composed  his  essay  showing  that 
Madoc  did  not  discover  America,  that  he  never  went  there, 
but  that  he  died  in  his  own  country.  And,  in  truth,  his  essay 
is  a  masterly  work,  and  has  proved  its  author  to  be,  in  con- 
formity with  his  name,  "  Gwrnerth  Ergydlym  "  ("  Gwrnerth 
Keeiistroke  "),  and  that  he  is  a  powerful  and  systematic  writer, 
a  critical  reviewer  of  the  keenest  character,  and  a  master  of  his 
subject,  on  the  side  he  has  adopted.' 

'  Myvyr '  stated,  during  the  Eisteddfod,  that  the  best  essay 
on  the  affirmative  side  was  that  signed  '  Wild  Man  of  the 
Woods,'  to  whom,  upon  a  false  construction  of  the  terms  of 
the  competition,  he  would  have  awarded  half  the  prize.  It 
subsequently  transpired  that  this  essay  had  been  sent  in  by 
'  Ab  Ithel '  himself !  The  essay  was  in  the  handwriting  of 
'  Ab  Ithel ' ;  and,  when  challenged  in  the  public  press  as  to  this 
point,  that  gentleman  for  a  time  ignored  the  charge,  but 


EDITOR  S   PREFACE.  Xlii 

ultimately  admitted  that  he  had  written  the  essay,  though 
only  as  the  amanuensis  of  another  person ! 

The  essay  so  sent  in  for  competition  by  '  Ab  Ithel '  was 
subsequently  published  in  his  own  organ,  the  '  Cambrian 
Journal '  for  1859. 

The  Llangollen  committee  could  not  be  induced  to  do 
what  was  right  in  the  matter  of  this  competition,  and  tbe 
prize  was  never  awarded.  The  hope  of  pecuniary  reward  was 
ever  the  smallest  incentive  to  Mr.  Stephens's  labours  in  the 
fields  of  Welsh  literature,  the  prizes  offered  being  altogether 
disproportionate  to  the  toil  and  care  he  bestowed  upon  what- 
ever work  he  undertook ;  but,  now  that  the  reader  has  an 
opportunity  of  comparing  Mr.  Stephens's  work  with  that  of 
his  ablest  rival  on  the  affirmative  side,  it  is  hoped  that 
Stephens's  reputation  will  not  suffer  from  the  comparison,  but 
that  his  work  will  now  receive  from  the  reading  public  the 
meed  of  praise  awarded  to  it  by  the  adjudicators  thirty-five 
years  ago. 

The  duties  of  the  present  Editor  have  been  almost  entirely 
confined  to  verifying  references  and  correcting  the  press,  Mr. 
Stephens  having  previously  to  his  lamented  death  carefully 
revised  the  work  and  prepared  it  for  the  press ;  but  for  the 
few  notes  indicated  by  square  brackets,  and  for  the  Index,  the 
Editor  alone  is  responsible. 

It  only  remains  to  notice  a  statement  which  has  on 
several  occasions  of  late  years  been  made  in  the  columns  of 
some  of  our  local  journals,  to  the  effect  that  Mr.  Stephens's 
views  upon  the  Madoc  question  had  undergone  a  considerable 
change  previous  to  his  death  ;  the  suggestion  being  that  he 
had  become  a  convert  to  the  truth  of  the  Madoc  story.  In 


XIV  MADOC. 

support  of  this  assertion  has  been  adduced  the  following  state- 
ment by  the  Editor  of  the  second  edition  of  Stephens's '  Litera- 
ture of  the  Kymry ' :  '  It  was  his  (Mr.  Stephens's)  intention  to 
re-write  the  part  relating  to  the  alleged  discovery  of  America 
by  Prince  Madoc  ab  Owain  Gwynedd,  his  opinion  alter 
further  investigation  having  undergone  a  considerable  change 
on  that  subject.'  That  Mr.  Stephens  was  always  possessed 
of  sufficient  courage  and  honesty  to  give  up  an  erroneous 
opinion,  and  not  to  hold  to  any  position  for  a  moment  longer 
than  he  believed  it  tenable,  is  well  known  to  all  who  knew 
him,  and  is  borne  out  by  his  published  writings.  But  the 
change  of  opinion  referred  to  in  the  passage  just  quoted  was 
a  change  from  the  position  taken  on  this  subject  in  the  first 
edition  of  the  '  Literature  of  the  Kymry,'  in  which  the  writer 
said  (p.  141)  :  '  I  have  not  paid  sufficient  attention  to  the 
evidence  to  form  any  opinion  as  to  the  credibility  of  the 
popular  story  as  to  Madoc's  emigration.'  Mr.  Stephens  in 
the  present  essay  (p.  97)  refers  to  this  change  of  position  on 
his  part  as  having  been  announced  in  another  essay  from  his 
pen  published  in  the  Welsh  magazine  called  '  Y  Traethodydd.' 
But  that  Mr.  Stephens  had  abandoned  the  maturer  views  set 
forth  in  the  following  work  is  at  variance  with  the  known 
facts.  The  present  Editor  enjoyed  the  friendship  of  Mr. 
Stephens,  and  was  privileged  from  his  earliest  years  to  look 
upon  him  as  '  guide,  philosopher,  and  friend,'  and  had  many 
conversations  with  him  with  reference  to  his  views  upon 
controverted  points  of  Welsh  history ;  and  such  a  complete 
'  change  of  front '  would  surely  have  been  disclosed  if  it  had 
been  a  fact ;  and  this  silence  upon  the  question  is  attested 
by  members  of  Mr.  Stephens's  family,  and  other  persons  who 


EDITOR  S  PREFACE.  XV 

knew  him  intimately.  The  allegation  is  also  contradicted  by 
documentary  evidences  consisting  of  numerous  notes  inter- 
spersed throughout  the  manuscript,  the  result  of  continued 
research  and  reflection,  and  communications  from  correspon- 
dents, down  to  a  year  or  two  before  his  death.  Mr.  Stephens 
had  fully  intended  bringing  out  the  work  himself,  and  would 
no  doubt  have  done  so  but  for  the  fatal  illness  which  so  pre- 
maturely cut  him  off,  and  put  an  untimely  end  to  his  labours 
in  the  service  of  his  native  land,  whose  language  and  litera- 
ture he  loved  so  well. 


CONTENTS. 


EDITORS   PREFACE 


PAOK 

V 


INTRODUCTION 


CHAPTER   I. 

THE    FACTS    AND    STATEMENTS    USUALLY    CITED    TO 

PROVE  THE  DISCOVERY  OF  AMERICA  BY  MADOC  AP  OWEN 

GWYNEDD. 

SECTION      I. — Bardic  Poems 

„  II. — Historical  Testimonies  ...... 

III.— Travellers'  Tales  . 


7 

20 
41 


CHAPTER   II. 

IMPRESSIONS   PRODUCED   BY  THESE   FACTS  AND  STATE- 
MENTS   UPON   THE   MINDS   OF   HISTORICAL   WRITERS. 

SECTION     I. — The  Affirmative  View 

„          II.— The  Tentative  View 

„        III. — The  Negative  View 


74 
87 
94 


XV111  MADOC 

CHAPTER  III.  • 

A   CRITICAL   EXAMINATION   OF   THE   PRECEDING 
FACTS,    STATEMENTS,   AND    OPINIONS. 

PAGE 

SECTION     I. — Are  there  Welsh  Indians  ? 100 

„         II. — Was  the   Madoc    Narrative   written  before    the 

Voyage  of  Columbus  ? 171 

„        III. — Does  the  Narrative  of  the  Discovery  of  America  by 
Madoc  ab  Owen  bear  the  Marks  of  Originality 

and  Probability  ?  185 

„        IV. — Did  Madoc  leave  his  own  Country  ?  199 

„          V.— The  Growth  of  the  Legend     .         .        .        .        .     216 


APPENDIX. 

MADOC   LITERATURE. 

I.— Letter  of  Charles  Lloyd,  of  Dolobran         ....  '227 

II. — Letter  of  John  Evans 229 

III. — Letter  from  Dr.  Samuel  Jones 231 

IV. — John  Evans's  Ascent  of  the  Missouri,  and  Visit  to  the 

Mandans 232 

V.— Dr.  Williams ;  Rev.  G.  Burder ;  Southey's  '  Madoc  '          .  233 

VI.—'  Y  Cylchgrawn  ' ;  '  Madoc's  Speech  '  233 

VII.— Letter  of  J.  T.  Roberts 234 

Llangollen  Eisteddfod  Adjudication 236 

INDEX 239 


MADOC. 


INTRODUCTION. 

THE  Kymry  are  a  small  remnant  of  the  primitive  inhabitants 
of  Britain ;  they  are  but  few  in  number,  yet  they  inherit 
considerable  renown ;  they  are  now  an  obscure  race,  inhabit- 
ing a  corner  of  a  sea-girt  island,  but  they  have  rendered  the 
world  some  services,  the  memory  of  which  will  not  willingly 
be  allowed  to  perish.  They  have  preserved  and  still  speak 
one  of  the  parent  languages  of  the  world,  a  monument  de- 
scended from  the  time  of  the  dispersion  of  the  Aryan  races, 
which  still  furnishes  the  means  of  illustrating  many  of  the 
social  features  of  those  remote  times,  and  is  held  in  deserved 
veneration  by  all  the  great  philologists  of  our  day.  They 
gave  a  hearty  reception  to  the  blessed  truths  of  the  Gospel ; 
preserved  them  for  many  centuries,  free  from  Romish  corrup- 
tions ;  and  still  present  to  the  world  the  spectacle,  almost 
unique  in  its  character,  of  a  whole  people  distinguished  for 
the  earnestness  of  their  religious  worship,  for  their  firm 
adherence  to  the  Protestant  faith,  for  their  ardent  advocacy 
of  the  cause  of  civil  and  religious  liberty,  and  for  the  total 
absence  of  all  great  crimes  among  the  inhabitants.  They 
were  the  means  of  enriching  the  world  with  a  whole  class  of 
literature  which  is  still  held  in  deserved  respect ;  it  was  from 
them  that  the  Norman  Trouveres  received  the  materials  of  the 

B 


r~ 


2  MADOC. 

Arthurian  and  other  British  romances ;  and  it  is  primarily  to 
them  that  the  world  owes  '  The  Faery  Queen '  of  Spenser,  and 
the  Lear  and  Cymbeline  of  Shakespeare.  And,  lastly,  they 
present  to  all  oppressed  nationalities  the  gratifying  'example 
of  a  people  who,  being  true  to  their  country,  have  vindicated 
for  themselves,  against  many  opposing  and  oppressing  powers, 
and  in  the  midst  of  many  vicissitudes,  their  distinctive  rights 
and  liberties ;  and  still  speak,  with  all  the  force  and  fluency  of 
ancient  times,  that  noble  language  which  they  have  inherited 
from  the  mists  of  ages  in  the  far  Past,  and  which  they  fer- 
vently hope  will  survive  to  that  great  day  when  the  Lord 
and  Master  of  all  Christian  men  shall  come  to  judge  both  the 
quick  and  the  dead. 

We  have  here  enumerated  but  a  few  of  the  many  services 
rendered  to  the  world  by  the  Kymry.  We  might  have  cited 
several  others ;  but  as  some  of  these  are  disputed,  we  con- 
fined ourselves  to  a  few  brilliant  services,  which  are  universally 
admitted.  One  of  these  disputed  services  will  form  the 
subject  of  the  present  essay.  It  is  an  indisputable  fact,  that 
Welshmen  have,  and  ought  to  have,  an  honourable  place  in 
the  annals  of  the  United  States  of  America.  It  is  perfectly 
well  known  that  Rhode  Island,  one  of  those  States,  was 
founded  by  a  native  of  Wales,  named  Roger  Williams ;  it  is 
known  that  many  Welshmen  accompanied  William  Penn,  and 
helped  him  to  found  Pennsylvania ;  and  I  have  recently  shown, 
in  the  '  Traethodydd,'  l  that  the  descendants  of  Welsh  settlers, 
in  the  various  capacities  of  signers  of  the  Declaration  of  In- 
dependence, Members  of  Congress,  military  officers,  lawyers, 
artists,  &c.,  have  played  a  great  and  important  part  in  the 
history  of  the  New  Continent.  It  will  be  an  admirable  in- 
troduction to  these  services,  a  brilliant  fact  in  the  history  of 
the  world,  a  lustrous  page  in  the  annals  of  the  Kymry,  and  a 
bright  feather  in  the  national  plume,  if  it  can  be  proved  that 
1  Y  Traethodydd  (The  Essayist)  for  1857,  pp.  392,  393. 


INTRODUCTION.  3 

Madoc  ap  Owen  Gwynedd  anticipated  Christopher  Columbus 
and  Amerigo  Vespucci,  and  that  the  New  World  was  discovered 
by  a  Welsh  prince  in  the  twelfth  century  ;  for  the  finding  of 
America  is  the  most  prominent  fact  in  the  history  of  maritime 
discovery,  and  has  been  fraught  with  most  important  con- 
sequences to  the  world  at  large,  from  that  time  to  the  present. 
But  it  is  to  be  borne  in  mind  that  the  claims  of  Madoc  have 
been  disputed ;  that  several  men  of  high  reputation  in  Wales 
itself  have  denied  the  truth  of  the  story  as  commonly  told ; 
and  that,  however  generally  believed  among  the  natives  of 
the  Principality,  the  account  is  not  now  received  by  any 
historian  of  repute  in  England  or  elsewhere.     Many  discus- 
sions have  taken  place  respecting  it ;    many  persons  have 
taken  upon  them,  both  affirmatively  and  negatively,  to  set 
the  question  at  rest ;  and  it  has  been  three  times  proposed 
as   a   subject   for   competition   at   Eisteddvodau,  or   Welsh 
Bardic  Meetings ;  but,  somehow  or  other,  all  these  attempts 
have    proved    unsatisfactory.       Most    of   those   who    have 
written  on  the  subject  have  been  very  strongly  prejudiced 
either  for  or  against ;  and  though  there  have  been  several 
set  treatises  on  the  subject,  they  have  displayed  great  in- 
capacity for  dealing  with  the  facts  in  a  judicial  and  impartial 
spirit,  and  have  given  credence  to  foolish  and  exaggerated 
statements,  which  have  afterwards  been  proved  to  have  been 
intentional  and  flagrant  falsehoods.     There  has  been  as  yet 
no  systematic  treatise  by  any  historian  of  repute,  competent 
to  deal  with  the  facts  according  to  the  canons  of  criticism, 
and  at  the  same  time  thoroughly  acquainted  with  the  Welsh 
records  and  the  bardic  poems.     It  is,  I  presume,  a  wish  to 
obtain  such  an  authoritative  and  impartial  discussion  of  the 
question  that  has  induced  the  Committee  of  the  Llangollen 
Eisteddvod  to  propose  the  subject ;  for,  though  the  wording 
betrayed  the  hand  of  one  who  held  the  affirmative  opinion, 
it  was  to  be  presumed  that  a  subject  which  had  been  constantly 

B2 


4  MADOC. 

under  discussion  for  three-quarters  of  a  century,  and  which 
had  been  proposed  as  an  open  question  at  the  Carmarthen 
Eisteddvod  in  1823,  when  the  decision  was  essentially  nega- 
tive, would  certainly  have  been  quite  as  open  in  1858.     This 
presumption  was  also  warranted  by  the  terms  of  the  announce- 
ment :  '  An  Essay  on  the  Discovery  of  America,  by  Prince 
Madoc ; '  the  word  essay  implies  liberty  of  thought,  promises 
a  field  for  discussion,  and  excludes  the  idea  of  a  foregone 
conclusion.     The  positive  character  of  the  word  discovery  does 
not  limit  the  meaning  of  the  word  essay,  and  must  be  inter- 
preted  in   conformity  therewith.       Besides,  it  is  perfectly 
consistent  with  literary  usage,  to  retain  a  positive  title  when 
it  has  become  familiar,  when  the  subject  is  one  open  to  dis- 
cussion, and  even  when  the  conclusion  is  negative.     A  few 
examples  will  make  this  clear.     Dr.  Richard  Bentley,  one  of 
the   greatest   of  English   scholars,   in    1697   published   his 
'  Dissertations  on  the  Epistles  of  Phalaris,'  in  which  he  adopted 
the  positive  title  given  to  those  Epistles  by  Boyle  and  previous 
writers ;  while  the  aim  of  his  book  was  to  prove  that  they 
were  forgeries,  and  that  Phalaris  was  not  their  author.     Wolf, 
the  great  German  critic,  in  his  'Prolegomena  ad  Homerum,' 
retained  the  current  name  of  the  author  of  Iliad  and  Odyssey, 
though  his  aim  was  to  prove  that  they  were  not  the  work  of 
any  one  man  named  Homer.     Dr.  Thomas  Brown  published 
*  An  Essay  on  the  Relation  of  Cause  and  Effect,'  in  which  he 
upheld  Hume's  doctrine  that  there  are  no  such  things  as  causes 
and  effects.       Mr.  Nash  has  published  a  work  designated 
'Taliesin,'  though  he  holds  Taliesin  to  be  a  myth.     And, 
lastly,  Sir  George  Cornewall  Lewis  has  published  two  volumes 
'  On  the  Credibility  of  Early  Roman  History,'  the  purport  of 
which  is  this,  that  the  early  Roman  history  is  incredible. 
The  examples  of  Bentley,  Wolf,  and  Lewis  fully  justify  me 
in  having  considered  the  subject  as  one  which  might  fairly 


INTRODUCTION.  5 

be  examined  and  discussed.  I  presumed  that  the  Committee 
were  not  wholly  insensible  to  the  enlightened  spirit  and  un- 
compromising love  of  truth  that  form  the  characteristics  of 
the  nineteenth  century.  I  could  not,  therefore,  readily  have 
believed  that  there  was  any  intention  to  exclude  the  discussion 
of  the  subject,  and  to  bind  the  competitors  to  take  the 
affirmative  side,  without  any  inquiry  into  the  value  and  nature 
of  the  evidence  ;  for  I  should  have  felt  myself,  in  the  interests 
of  historical  truth,  bound  to  denounce,  as  an  insult  to  the 
literary  sons  of  Cambria,  as  a  stigma  upon  the  truthfulness  of 
my  countrymen,  any  compulsion  or  inducement  to  uphold 
that  as  veritable  truth  which  could  not  be  shown  to  be  so 
when  subjected  to  a  searching  and  candid  examination,  '  Yng 
ngwyneb  haul  a  llygad  goleuni,'  '  in  the  face  of  the  sun  and  in 
the  eye  of  light.'  I,  therefore,  considered  the  question  to  be 
an  open  one,  and  treated  it  accordingly. 

The  fairest  method  of  treating  the  subject,  and  that  which 
will  be  most  calculated  to  induce  a  judicial  frame  of  mind,  in 
both  the  reader  and  myself,  seems  to  me  to  be  this  :  firstly, 
to  present  the  literature  of  the  subject,  leaving  the  statements, 
without  note  or  comment,  to  make  their  own  impression  ; 
secondly,  to  pass  in  review  the  opinions  of  the  various  writers 
who  have  treated  the  subject,  and  to  exhibit  the  impressions 
produced  by  the  facts  upon  other  minds ;  and,  lastly,  to 
engage  ourselves  in  a  critical  discussion  of  the  whole 
matter. 

Pursuing  this  line  of  inquiry,  I  have  discussed  the  subject 
in  all  its  bearings,  and  have  endeavoured  to  treat  it  exhaus- 
tively. In  so  doing,  I  may  have  laid  myself  open  to  the  charge 
of  excessive  diffuseness,  but  I  have  done  so  in  deference  to 
the  feelings  of  my  countrymen.  The  subject  has  taken  a  firm 
hold  of  their  minds,  and  has  all  the  force  of  a  patriotic  senti- 
ment. They  are  naturally  and  pardonably  proud  of  the 


6  MADOC. 

supposed  achievement  of  Madoc;  they  will  hold  to  it  with 
all  their  wonted  tenacity,  so  long  as  a  single  shred  cf  supposed 
evidence  remains  unrefuted ;  and  therefore,  in  calling  upon 
them  to  give  up  this  illusion,  I  feel  it  to  be  my  duty  to  present 
them  with  such  an  overwhelming  weight  of  argument  as  will 
command  even  their  unwilling  assent. 


CHAPTER  I. 

THE  FACTS  AND   STATEMENTS    USUALLY  CITED    TO    PROVE    THE 
DISCOVERY    OF    AMERICA   BY  MADOC   AP   OWEN   GWYNEDD. 

I  SHALL  present  these  statements  in  the  order  of  chronology, 
and  cite  them,  each  and  all,  with  all  the  fulness  that  the 
subject  demands,  omitting  nothing  that  is  relevant  to  the 
inquiry ;  including  nothing  calculated  to  convey  a  false 
impression,  and  abstaining  from  any  expression  of  opinion  on 
my  own  part. 

Section  I. — BARDIC  POEMS. 

Of  all  the  authorities  usually  named  in  this  connection, 
the  earliest  in  point  of  date  are  the  Bardic  Poems ;  and  as 
several  of  the  passages  referred  to  were  composed  by  bards 
who  were  the  contemporaries  of  Madoc,  their  testimony,  if 
clear  and  full,  is  entitled  to  the  greatest  consideration.  These 
poems,  especially  the  portions  of  them  usually  cited,  have 
therefore  been  held  in  considerable  esteem ;  but,  singularly 
enough,  this  estimation  has  been  shared  by  each  of  several 
contending  parties,  and  all  appeal  to  them  with  equal  confi- 
dence ;  some  to  prove  that  Madoc  found  an  unknown  country 
in  the  West,  some  to  show  that  he  landed  either  in  Armorica 
or  Gallicia  ;  and  some  to  deny  that  Madoc  ever  left  his  own 
country.  All  these  interpretations  cannot  possibly  be  correct ; 
and  it  therefore  becomes  of  importance  to  have  the  passages 
presented  in  their  simple  and  original  form,  that  the  reader 
may  be  able  to  draw  his  own  inferences  therefrom.  The 


8  MADOC. 

passages  in  dispute  occur  in  the  poems  of  bards  named 
Cynddelw,  Llywarch  ab  Lly welyn — called  '  PrydydA  y  Moch/ 
— Gwalchmai,  and  Meredydd  ab  Rhys. 

We  will  cite  the  passages  in  the  order  of  the  above  names. 
CYNDDELW  was  one  of  the  principal  bards  of  the  twelfth 
century  ;  and  as  his  poems  extend  over  the  latter  half  of  the 
twelfth,  into  the  first  half  of  the  thirteenth  century,  he  must 
have  lived  to  a  good  old  age.  He  has  several  poems  addressed 
to  Owen  Gwynedd,  the  father  of  Madoc  ;  and  among  these  is 
one  entitled  '  Marwnat  Teulu  Ywein  Gwynet,'  or  the  Elegy  of 
the  Family  of  Owen  Gwynedd,  who  was  Prince  of  North 
Wales  from  A.D.  1137  to  1169.  In  this  poem  are  found  four 
lines,  which  to  all  appearance  have  reference  to  Madoc  the 
son  of  Prince  Owen.  They  constitute  a  Welsh  verse  of  the 
kind  called  an  englyn,  and  appear  to  have  been  first  cited  in 
this  connection  by  the  late  Dr.  Owen  Pughe.  He  cited  them 
on  two  occasions,  and  with  some  slight  variations.  While 
yet  simple  William  Owen,  he  supplied  a  copy  to  Dr.  John 
Williams,  who  published  them  in  1792,  and  in  the  following 

form : 

Oni  lias  Madawg,  myr  dygyforth  far  ? 
Mau  afar  car  cynnorth, 
Oedd  anwas  cas  cad  ehorth, 
Oedd  anwar  par  yn  y  porth. 

It   was   accompanied  by  an  English  translation,  which   ran 
thus : 

Is  not  Madog  dead,  by  the  overwhelming  wrath  of  seas  ? 

Ah !  Grief  assails  me  for  the  ready  helping  Friend ; 

He  was  not  the  Slave  of  Hatred  in  the  toils  of  Battle, 

Nor  was  he  tame  in  the  Gate  when  he  grasped  his  spear. ' 

1  Farther  Observations  on  the  Discovery  of  America,  by  Prince 
Madog  ab  Owen  Gwynedd  (London,  1792),  p.  48.  This  was  a  con- 
tinuation of  Dr.  Williams's  Enquiry  into  the  Truth  of  the  Tradition 
concerning  the  Discovery  of  America  by  Prince  Madog  ab  Owen 
Gtvynedd  <tc.  (London,  1791). 


BARDIC   POEMS.  9 

Dr.  Pughe  cited  the  englyn  subsequently,  in  his  Welsh- 
English  Dictionary,  under  the  word  Dygyforth,  and  again 
rendered  it  into  English ;  but  here  he  discards  the  interrogative 
oni,  and  reads  '  yn  y  ; '  alters  the  punctuation ;  substitutes 
cymhorth  for  cynnorth,  and  eorth  for  ehorth;  and  gives  a 
diametrically  opposite  meaning  to  the  third  line  : 

"Where  did  the  wrath  of  overflowing  seas 
Cut  Madog  off !     Grief  for  the  aiding  friend 
Remains  to  me  !  in  ruthless  conflict  high 
His  hate ;  nor  tame  was  in  the  gate  his  spear. 

Dr.  John  Jones  and  Mr.  Humphreys  Parry,  though  taking 
different  sides,  accepted  the  first  of  these  forms.  But  on 
comparing  these  two  citations  with  the  original  poem,  as 
published  in  the  'Myvyrian  Archaiology/  we  find  that 
Dr.  Pughe  has  made  two  alterations  in  his  extract.  He  has 
not  only  substituted  o?ii,  is  not,  for  the  retrospective  eny, 
since,  but  also  changed  mur,  rampart  or  bulwark,  the  Kymric 
form  of  the  Latin  '  murus,'  into  myr,  the  plural  of  mm',  sea ; 
and  he  has  thus  introduced  a  reference  to  the  sea  into  his 
citation  when  it  had  no  place  in  the  original. 

The  englyn  in  its  authentic  form  runs  thus  : 

Eny  lias  madawc  mur  dygyuorth  uar 

Meu  auar  car  kynnorth 
Get  anwas  cas  cad  ehorth 
Get  anwar  par  yn  y  porth.  * 

This  differs  from  the  first  citation  both  in  words  and 
orthography  ;  it  has  mur  in  the  first  line  instead  of  myr ;  uses 
the  initial  u  as  a  consonant,  with  the  power  of  /  or  v  ;  and 
has  a  k  in  cynnorth,  in  accordance  with  mediaeval  usage, 
though  that  letter  has  now  no  place  in  the  Kymric  alphabet. 
That  mur  is  the  reading  of  the  '  Myvyrian  '  will  be  seen  on 
verifying  my  reference  ;  and  that  its  meaning  is  what  I  have 

1  MIJV.  Arch.  i.  225  (Gee's  edit.  164). 


10  MADOC. 

represented  it  to   be,  may  be   seen   in  any  Welsh-English 
Dictionary.     Two  illustrations  will  suffice  : 

Mur,  «.    A  wall.     So  in  Armoric. — Richards. 

Mur,  s.m. — pi.  £.-iau  (mu-ur).    That  is  firm,  fixed,  or  established ;  a 
wall ;  a  rampart. — Pughe. 

In  translating  examples  of  the  use  of  this  word,  the  latter 
author  gives  '  bulwark  '  as  an  additional  meaning  of  mur,  and 
'  fences '  as  a  rendering  of  the  plural  muriau ;  and  this  may 
safely  be  assumed  to  be  the  signification  of  the  word.  These 
points  being  established,  it  becomes  necessary  to  offer  a  new 
translation,  which  I  now  submit : 

Since  Madoc,  the  bulwark  of  swelling  rage,  was  slain, 

I  mourn  a  helping  friend ; 
The  virile  1  one  was  fierce  in  the  busy  fight ; 
He  was  an  arrogant  commander  in  the  portal. 

That  is  the  real  sense  of  the  passage,  which  will  now  be 
left  to  produce  its  own  impression,  with  only  one  additional 
remark.  The  poem  in  which  it  occurs  laments  the  death  of 
several  members  of  Owen  Gwynedd's  family  who  had  died  in 
his  lifetime  ;  it  opens  with  an  invocation  to  Owen  himself,  as 
one  living  in  honourable  old  age ;  and,  therefore,  seems  to 
have  been  composed  before  his  death,  which  took  place  in 
A.D.  1169. 

LLYWAKCH  Prydydd  y  Moch  was  also  contemporary  with  the 
sons  of  Owen  Gwynedd,  though  probably  twenty  or  thirty 
years  younger  than  Cynddelw.  He  has  numerous  poems 
addressed  to  the  sons  and  grandsons  of  Prince  Owen ;  and  no 
less  than  three  passages  from  his  poems  have  been  cited  in 
the  present  connection.  The  first  of  these  in  point  of  date 
is  a  short  poem  of  variable  yet  old  orthography,  here  sub- 
joined : 

1  Under  the  word  Anwas,  Dr.  Pughe  gives  a  third  version  of  this 
line,  and  an  absurd  rendering  of  this  word,  i.e.  '  not  a  hero,  a  coward ; ' 
whereas  the  literal  meaning  is,  '  not  a  servant,'  or, '  not  a  boy.' 


BARDIC   POEMS.  11 

AWDYL  YR  HAEARN  TWYMYN. 
Prydyt  y  Moch  ae  cant. 

Creawdyr  nef  crededun  y  was 
Credwn  y  hwn  val  y  credwn  yonas 
Dur  ynad  detyf  rad  ry  sswynas  douy t 

Dof  wyf  yt  yn  wanas 
Dywynnyc  dy  wir  dy  wynnyas l 
Dy  wynnuyd  ym  kywyd  nyd  kas 
Edrych  pan  vernych  ueint  uyn  tras 
Creadur  poethgur  path  greas 
Archaf  arch  y  bedyr  o  berthynas  crist 

A  due  crog  yn  vrtas 
Trwy  eiryawl  tec  ymyawl  tomas  a  phylip 

A  phawl  ac  Andras 
O  afleu  uy  llaw  a  llauyn  wyn  las 
O  afeith  goleith  galanas 
Da  haearn  diheura  pan  lias 
Lleith  madawc  nad  om  llaw  y  cauas 
Noc  ae  ceif  cain  ae  glas 
Rann  o  nef  ae  naw  ternas 
A  minheu  mynnaf  gyweithas 
Bot  duw  ym  a  dianc  oe  gas. 

Myv.  Arch.  i.  289  (Gee's  edit.  205). 

The  relevance  of  this  poem  was  first  indicated  by 
Mr.  Humphreys  Parry  (Cambro-Briton,  i.  61) ;  but  it  was 
first  translated  in  the  Literature  of  the  Kymry  (p.  142), 2 
though  somewhat  incorrectly.  I  shall  therefore  again  give 
my  own  version. 

ODE  TO  THE  HOT  IRON  (OR  FIERY  ORDEAL). 
Prydydd  y  Moch  sang  it. 

Creator  of  heaven  !     His  servant  is  a  believer. 
Shall  we  credit  this  one,  as  we  credit  Jonas  ? 
Steel  judge  !     Of  free  judgment,  inspired  by  God ; 

I  am  submissive  to  thee,  and  bound  : 
Consecrated  is  thy  truth,  and  glowing  heat ; 
Thy  blessedness  is  not  repugnant  to  my  song. 
See  when  thou  judgest,  the  greatness  of  my  kindred. 

1  Neu,  di  wir  yn  wynias.  *  2nd  edit.  p.  131 


12  MADOC. 

Heat-afflicting  creature  !  what  created  thee  ? 

I  will  address  a  request  to  Peter,  the  relative  of  Christ,    I 

Who  honourably  bore  the  cross, 
Through  the  intercession  of  Thomas  and  Philip, 
And  Paul  and  Andrew. 

From  having  with  my  hand  and  blade  slain  the  blessed  one, 
From  being  accessory  to  a  murderous  deed, 
Good  iron  exonerate  me ;  that  when 

The  assassin  slew  Madoc,  he  received  not  (the  blow)  from  my  hand  ; 
And  that  he  who  slew  the  brilliant  one, 
Shall  have  no  share  of  heaven,  and  its  nine  kingdoms ; 
And  I  will  obtain  fellowship 
In  God's  love,  and  escape  His  enmity. 

Here  it  may  be  allowable  to  observe  that  Madoc  was  not 
an  uncommon  name  among  the  Kymry  in  the  twelfth  century  ; 
and  that  this  singular  poem  does  not  expressly  intimate  that 
this  Madoc  was  the  son  of  Owen ;  but  as  there  is  a  consider- 
able degree  of  probability  in  favour  of  that  supposition,  and 
as  Mr.  Parry  also  thought  that  it  had  reference  to  this  Madoc, 
we  may  reservedly  adopt  that  assumption. 

The  second  passage  in  the  works  of  Llywarch  occurs  in 
a  poem  addressed  to  Rodri  ab  Owen ;  but  it  has  always  been 
cited  without  the  first  four  lines,  though  they  are  very  neces- 
sary to  understand  the  full  bearing  of  the  passage : 

Ker  aber  congwy  kynnognes  dwy  dreic 

Deu  dragon  yn  ygres 
Deu  dremud  am  dud  ae  dodes 
Dwy  uytin  orllin  orllawes 
Deu  deyrn  derrwyn  didorres  yn  llid 

Liu  daear  ae  hoffes 
Vn  ar  dir  ar  doruoet  ry  dres 
Yn  aruon  yn  arwar  trachwres 
Ac  arall  mynawc  y  mynwes  mawrvor 

Y  mawr  uar  agkymhes 
Yn  esguraw  hawl  hawt  adnes 
Yn  esgar  y  bawb  am  beues. 

Myv.  Arch.  i.  284  (Gee's  edit.  202). 

This  passage  also,  with  the  exception  of  the  first  four  lines, 


BARDIC   POEMS.  13 

was  first  put  forward  by  Dr.  Williams,  on  the  authority  of 
Mr.  Owen,  who  at  that  time  did  not  include  the^last  two 
lines.  His  translation  was  as  follows : 

Two  princes,  who  in  their  wrath  dealt  quick  devastations, 

Were  by  the  Inhabitants  of  Earth  beloved  ; 

One  on  Land,  leading  his  hard  toiling  Bands, 

In  Arvon,  quenching  fierce  ambition's  Flame, 

The  other  of  disposition  mild,  on  the  bosom  of  the  mighty  Sea, 

In  great  excess  of  Trouble.1 

Three  years  later,  Mr.  Owen 2  added  the  last  two  lines, 
and  gave  a  different  translation  of  the  whole,  viz.  : 

Two  princes  of  strong  passions  broke  off  in  Wrath  ; s 

The  multitudes  of  the  earth  did  love  them ; 4 

One  on  land 5  in  Arvon,  allaying  of  ambition,6 

And  another,  a  placid  one  7  in  the  bosom  of  the  vast  ocean, 

In  trouble  great  and  immeasurable,8 

Prowling 9  after  a  possession  easy  to  be  guarded, 

Estranged  from  everyone  for  a  country.10 

Mr.  Parry  gives  a  similar  translation,  differing  only  in  the 
variations  here  added  as  foot-notes ;  but  he  also  commits  the 
inconsistency  of  attributing  '  strong  passions '  and  placidity 
to  the  same  person ;  and  the  translations  of  both,  especially 
in  the  last  four  lines,  are  coloured  by  the  prejudices  of  the 
writers ;  but  for  the  present  they  may  be  allowed  to  stand. 
It  will  probably  be  observed  that  the  name  of  Madoc  does 

1  Farther  Observations  etc.,  p.  46. 

2  Cambrian  Register,  i.  413. 

s  '  Broke  out  into  anger,'  J.  H.  Parry,  Essay  on  the  Navigation 
of  the  Ancient  Britons  &c.  (Carmarthen,  1825). 
*  '  Delighted  in  them.'     Ibid. 

5  Add :  '  With  hard  toiling  hosts.'     Ibid. 

6  '  Excessive  heat.'     Ibid. 

7  '  Of  placid  manners,  on.'     Ibid. 

8  '  Troubles  great  and  immeasurable.'     Ibid. 

9  '  Roaming.'     Ibid. 

10  '  For  the  sake  of  a  dwelling.'     Ibid. 


14  MADOC. 

not  occur  in  this  passage  ;  and  I  may  add  that  his  name  does 
not  occur  in  any  part  of  the  poem  from  which  it  is  taken  ; 
but  Mr.  Owen  l  saw  a  '  remarkable  allusion  to  his  fate '  in  the 
last  four  lines ;  and  Mr.  Parry  considered  this  to  be  '  on 
every  account  the  most  important  of  the  Bardic  testimonies.' 2 
My  opinion  on  the  relevance  of  this  passage  will  appear  in 
the  third  chapter. 

The  third  and  last  of  the  Llywarch  passages  occurs  in  a 
poem  addressed  to  Llywelyn  ab  lorwerth,  Prince  of  North 
Wales  from  1194  to  1240,  whom  the  bard  lauds  very  heartily. 

Nyd  treid  tra  dilyn  pell  ouyn  pwy 
Py  geidw  yr  gorddwfyr  rac  pob  gorddwy 
Llywelyn  ae  keidw  llew  yn  adwy 
Llyw  gwynet  ae  met  hyd  y  mawddwy 
Llaw  orthrech  wrth  rwyfan  mordwy 
Lloegyr  wrthryn  tra  llynn  llwmynnwy 
Wyr  madawc  ermidet  uwyuwy 
Wyr  ywein  uirein  y  auarwy. 

Myv.  Arch.  i.  301  (Gee's  edit.  213). 

This  passage  also  was  first  brought  forward  by  Mr.  Owen, 
and  sadly  misrepresented ;  the  last  line,  which  nullifies  the 
inference  drawn  from  the  others,  was  omitted ;  the  fifth  was 
transposed  and  placed  after  the  seventh,  in  order  to  connect 
a  reference  to  the  sea  with  the  name  '  Madoc ' ;  and  those 
two  lines  were  then  translated  thus  : 

Llywelyn, 

Nephew  of  Madoc  whose  departure 
We  lament  more  and  more.3 

Here,  nephew  is  a  palpable  misrepresentation;  for  the 
Kymric  wyr  signifies  grandson  and  nothing  else.  The  word 
ermidedd,  here  translated  '  departure,'  signifies  eremitical ;  and 

1  Cambrian  Begister,  loc.  cit.  *  Cambro- Briton,  i.  61. 

8  Farther   Observations,   p.  47.     Dr.  Jones,  Monthly  Magazine, 
September  1819  ;  and  Woodward's  History  of  Wales,  p.  327, 


BARDIC   POEMS.  15 

both  words  were  differently  rendered  by  Mr.  Owen  himself  in 
his  dictionary,  under  the  word  ermidedd,  viz.  : 

Llywelyn, 

The  adversary  of  Lloegr,  beyond  the  lake  of  Llwmynwy, 

The  grandson  of  Madog,  inured  to  conflicts. 

Here  the  ideas  of  departure,  loss,  and  lamentation  dis- 
appear altogether  ;  and  the  reading  '  grandson '  involves  this 
dilemma  :  if  the  Madoc  of  this  poem  was  the  grandfather  of 
Llywelyn,  he  was  not  Madoc  ab  Owen,  and  the  passage 
becomes  irrelevant ;  but  if  this  was  the  son  of  Owen,  then  the 
poet  was  wrong  in  his  genealogy.  Mr.  Owen  had  recourse  to 
a  process  of  accommodation,  and  made  his  version  to  suit  the 

following  pedigree  : 

OWEN  GWYNEDD 


I  I 

lorwerth  Madoc 

Llywelyn  ab  lorwerth 

Here  it  is  clear  that  Llywelyn  was  the  nephew  of  Madoc 
ab  Owen  ;  and  accordingly  the  word  wyr  has  been  mistrans- 
lated to  suit  this  fact ;  but  as  wyr  means  '  grandson,'  and  as 
Llywelyn  was  both  wyr  Madoc  and  wyr  Ywein,  the  question 
naturally  arises,  was  not  this  some  other  Madoc  ?  It  is  also 
to  be  observed  that  the  idea  of  '  departure  '  does  not  occur  in 
the  original,  which  might  be  thus  rendered : 

It  is  not  necessary  to  go  far  and  ask, 

Who  will  guard  the  Gorddwr  1  from  invasion  ? 

Llywelyn  will  guard  it,  a  lion  in  the  pass ; 

The  ruler  of  Gwynedd  possesses  it  to  Mawddwy  ; 

Dominant  hand  in  rowing  upon  the  sea, 

Opposer  of  Lloegr  beyond  Loch  Lomond, 

Grandson  of  Madoc,  .  .  . 

Grandson  of  Owen,  sadness  for  whom  is  becoming. 

1  This  is  probably  a  proper  name — that  of  a"  port  in  North  Wales. 
It  is  mentioned  by  Giraldus,  whose  words  are  thus  rendered  by  Sir  B. 
C.  Hoare :  '  The  length  [of  Wallia]  from  the  Port  of  Gordher  in 


16  MADOC. 

GWALCHMAI  was  also  the  contemporary  of  Owen  and  his 
sons,  and  has  left  poems  addressed  to  Owen  Gwynedd  ;  to  his 
sons  David  and  Rodri ;  and  to  Madoc  ab  Meredydd,  Prince  of 
Powys.  The  passage  usually  referred  to  Madoc  ab  Owen 
occurs  in  a  poem  addressed  to  Prince  David,  Owen's  son 
and  successor.  After  lamenting  the  death  and  burial  of  lords 
of  high  renown,  he  says  he  could  not  rest  without  naming 
them,  as  they  '  bought '  (the  word  is  intended  as  a  compli- 
ment) l  the  praises  '  of  the  bards  : 

Owain  angerdawl  anaw  anfeidrawl 

Aer  wrawl  wrhydri 
Cadwallawn  cyn  ei  golli 
Nid  oed  a  lludw  y  llawdai  fi 
Cadwaladr  cerdgar  cerdau  cyfarwar 

Cyfarfu  a'm  perchi 
Madawg  madioed  godoli 
Mwy  gwnaeth  uy  mod  no'm  codi 
Un  mab  Mar'edud  a  thri  meib  grufud 

Biau  bud  beird  weini. 

Myv.  Arch.  i.  198  (Gee's  edit.  146). 

The  seventh  and  eighth  lines  are  those  which  are  under- 
stood to  have  a  reference  to  the  asserted  discoverer  of 
America ;  but  the  force  of  the  passage  will  perhaps  be  better 
understood  in  an  English  translation.  Mr.  Owen's  version 
(Farther  Obs.  p.  48)  does  not  differ  materially  from  mine, 
and  therefore  need  not  be  inserted  here ;  but  he  omits  the 

Anglesey,  unto  Port  Eskewin  in  Monmouthshire  is  eight  days'  journey.' 
Hoare's  Giraldus,  ii.  253.  Humphrey  Llwyd,  a  Denbighshire  man,  and 
therefore  a  good  authority  on  this  point,  instead  of  Gordher  has  Gorawr 
in  citing  this  passage  in  his  description  of  Britain.  {Breviary  of 
Britain,  p.  57.) 

In  the  Triads,  the  extreme  port  from  Portskewitt  is  given  as  Porth 
Wygyr,  or  Bed  Wharf  Bay ;  and  possibly  Gorddwr,  literally  '  the  upper 
water,'  was  another  name  for  that  port.  Hoare's  idea,  that  the  name 
was  derived  from  Gor-ddyar,  the  roaring  of  the  sea,  is  not  a  very  just 
one.  [More  probably  the  Gorddwr  of  the  poet  was  the  low,  flat  border 
district  on  the  Severn,  on  the  borders  of  Montgomeryshire  and 
Shropshire,  sometimes  called  Gorddior  Hafren.} 


BARDIC    POEMS.  17 

last  two  lines  of  the  extract  here  cited,  which,  it  will  be  ob- 
served, have  an  important  bearing  upon  this  inquiry,  as  they, 
too,  may  possibly  suggest  a  doubt  as  to  whether  the  Madoc 
there  named  was  really  the  son  of  Owen.  It  may  also,  perhaps, 
be  questioned  whether,  even  upon  the  affirmative  assumption, 
this  passage  has  any  relevance  to  the  discovery  of  America. 

In  an  English  dress  the  passage  may  be  thus  ren- 
dered : 

Owen  the  vehement,  transcendent  musician, 

Hero  of  valiant  war  ; 
Cadwallon,  before  he  was  lost, 
It  was  not  with  ashes  that  he  favoured  me. 
Cadwaladr  the  song-loving,  for  con-sonant  poems 

Honoured  me. 

Madog  kindly  apportioned  gifts ; 
He  did  more  to  please  than  to  offend  me. 
The  one  son  of  Meredydd,  and  three  sons  of  Griffith, 

Had  the  ministry  of  benefit  to  bards. 

For  the  information  of  the  reader  it  may  perhaps  be  as 
well  to  state  that  Owen,  Cadwallon,  and  Cadwaladr  were 
three  sons  of  Gruffydd  ab  Cynan.1  Perhaps  he  can  find  who 
was  the  son  of  Meredydd  without  my  aid. 

The  passage  from  '  Meredydd  ab  Ehys '  is  better  known 
than  any  of  the  others,  and  is  much  more  explicit.  This  bard 
is  variously  said  to  have  flourished  between  the  years  1430 
and  1460,2  about  the  year  1440,3  and  in  the  year  1477.4  He 
was  a  clergyman,  lived  at  Ruabon  in  Denbighshire,  and  was 

1  '  Owain  Gwynedd  was  the  eldest  son  of  Gruffydd  ab  Cynan.' 

'  Cadwallawn,  one  of  the  sons  of  Gruffydd  ab  Cynan,  was  put  to 
death  at  Nanheudwy  about  1130.' 

'  Cadwaladr,  the  second  son  of  Gruffydd  ab  Cynan,  ended  his  tur- 
bulent life  in  1172.' 

"Williams' s  Eminent  Welshmen,  pp.  56,  60,  369. 

2  Owen,  Cambrian  Biography,  p.  251. 

3  Eev.  Peter  Bayley  Williams,  Cambro-Briton,  i.  210. 

4  Sir  Thomas  Herbert's  Travels  (London,  1634). 

C 


18  MADOC. 

the  poetical  tutor  of  Davydd  ab  Edmwnt.1  Several  of  his 
poems  are  preserved  in  manuscript ; 2  two  of  them  are 
printed  with  English  translations  in  the  '  lolo  Manuscripts '  ; 
and  one  of  the  poems,  there  given  in  full,  contains  the 
passage  referred  to,  which  we  extract  as  it  stands  in  that 
collection. 

The  two  poems  in  the  '  lolo  Manuscripts '  are  addressed  to 
one  Ifan  ab  Tudur  ab  GrufFydd  Llwyd,  who  lived  at  or  about 
Maelor ;  one  was  composed  to  beg  him  to  present  the  poet 
with  a  fishing-net ;  and  the  other  to  return  thanks  for  the 
gift.  In  the  latter  we  find  these  lines  : 

Helied  Tfan  hael  dyfiad 
Ar  ei  dir  teg  wir  dre  Tad. 
Mewn  awr  dda  minnau  ar  ddwr, 
O  fodd  hael  a  fydd  heliwr, 
Madog  wych  mwyedig  wedd, 
lawn  genau  Owain  Gwynedd, 
Ni  fynnai  dir,  f 'enaid  oedd, 
Na  da  mawr  ond  y  moroedd. 
Madog  wyf  im  oed  ai  gais 
Ar  foroedd  hyn  arferais. 
Rhodiaf  hyd  For  ac  Afon 
Ar  hyd  eu  gro  a'm  rhwyd  gron. 

lolo  MSS.  pp.  323-4. 

Portions  of  this  passage  have  been  already  translated  by 
Sir  Thomas  Herbert,  Mr.  Owen,  Dr.  Jones,  and  others ;  and 
the  whole  is  translated  in  the  '  lolo  Manuscripts,'  p.  703 ; 
but  here,  again,  I  will  take  the  liberty  of  giving  my  own 
version,  which  in  the  ninth  and  tenth  lines  will  be  found  to 
differ  materially  from  that  of  the  editor  of  that  compilation. 
He  renders  the  lines, 

Madoc  am  I,  who  throughout  my  life  will  seek, 
Upon  the  seas,  that  which  I  have  been  used  to ; 

and  our  version  of  the  whole  passage  will  here  follow : 

1  P.  B.  Williams,  loc.  cit. 

7  "Williains's  Imminent  Welshmen,  p.  327. 


BARDIC    POEMS.  19 

Let  Evan,  of  generous  growth,  hunt 
Upon  his  fair  land,  his  true  patrimony ; 
In  an  auspicious  hour,  I  also  on  water, 
With  the  consent  of  the  generous  one,  will 

be  a  hunter. 

Madoc  the  bold,  of  expanding  form, 
True  whelp  of  Owen  Gwynedd, 
Would  not  have  land  (my  kindred  soul), 
Nor  great  wealth  but  the  seas. 
I  am  a  Madoc  to  my  age,  and  to  his  passion 
For  the  seas  have  I  been  accustomed. 
I  will  walk  by  sea  and  river, 
Along  the  strand  with  my  circled  net. 

Here  we  evidently  have  a  Madoc  tradition  ;  and  it  will  be 
well  to  bear  it  in  mind. 

Another  bard  is  named  by  Sir  Thomas  Herbert,  i.e. 
Cynvrig  or  Cynwrig  ab  Grono ;  but  he  does  not  cite  his  words  ; 
the  name  is  wholly  unknown  Ho  our  two  Cambrian  biographers, 
Owen  and  Williams  ;  the  modern  writers  on  the  affirmative 
side  do  not  cite  him  as  one  of  their  authorities ;  and  hence  we 
may  assume  that,  at  present  at  least,  he  is  not  forthcoming. 

1  [At  least  five  persons  of  this  name  are  known  to  have  existed,  viz. : 

1.  A  '  KenewricTf  ab  Gronoei,'  Bailiff  of  Ehuddlan,  took  part  in  an 
Inquisition  held  at   Prestanton,  Dec.  13,  1279  (8  Edward  I.).     Vide 
Archceologia  Cambrensis,  first  series,  i.  p.  339  ('  Basingwerk  Abbey,' 
&c.). 

2.  '  David  Lloyt  ap  Kenric  ap  Gronow  '  is  mentioned  in  a  '  Boll  of 
Fealty  and  Presentments  '  on  the  accession  of  Edward  the  Black  Prince 
to  the  title  of  Prince  of  Wales.     (Original  Documents,  ap.  Archceologia 
Cambrensis,  p.  clii.) 

3.  '  Cynrig  ab  Gronw  '  is  named  as  one  of  the  Jurors  in  an  '  extent ' 
of  the  Commot  of  Glyn  Llivon,  Anglesey,  26  Edw.  III.  (A.D.  1352). 
Cymmrodorion  Transactions,  vol.  i.  p.  352. 

4.  The  same  names  figure  as  one  of  the  ancestors  of  Dafydd  ab 
Gwilym  in  the  pedigree  given  in  the  printed  edition  of  that  poet's 
Works  (first  edit.  p.  vi ;  second  edit.  p.  vii.). 

5.  '  Cynfrig  ab  Gronw  '  was  the  leading  minstrel  at  the  '  Carmarthen 
Eisteddfod  of  1451.'     (Prof.  J.  E.  Lloyd  on  '  Welsh  Name-System  ' ; 
Y  Cymmrodor,  vol.  ix.  p.  40.)     But  in  the  account  of  this  Eisteddfod, 
published  in  Y  Greal  (London,  1805,  p.  103),  the  minstrel  in  question 
is  called  simply  '  Cynwrig  Bencerdd,  a  native  of  Tegeingl.'] 

C2 


20  MADOC. 

Edward  Jones  saw  an  allusion  to  Madoc  in  the  following 
lines,  by  Howel  ab  Owen,  Madoc's  brother : 

Ked  bwyfy  karyadawc  kerted  ouyt 

Gobwylled  uy  nuwy  uy  nihenyt 

Tonn  wenn  orewyn  wychyr  wrth  dreuyt. 

Since  I  am  a  love  wight,  one  inured  to  wander, 

May  God  direct  (retard  ?)  my  fate  ! 

Fair  foam-crowned  wave  of  impetuous  course.1 

But  I  must  confess  I  see  nothing  of  the  sort.  The  last 
line  is  a  kind  of  catch-line  commencing  several  verses  in  the 
same  poem.  (Myv.  Arch.  i.  277 ;  Gee's  edit.  198.) 


Section  II. — HISTORICAL  TESTIMONIES. 

Having  thus  exhausted  the  list  of  Bardic  passages,  we 
come  in  the  next  place  to  deal  with  those  which  are  of  a  more 
historical  form. 

One  of  these,  and  that  which  has  been  relied  upon  with 
most  confidence,  though  not  perhaps  the  earliest  in  date,  is 
the  following  TRIAD,  which  occurs  in  the  Third  Series 
published  in  the  '  Myvyrian  Archaiology  ' : 

'  10.  Tri  Difancoll  ynys  Prydain :  Cyntaf,  Gafran  ab 
Aeddan  a'i  wyr  a  aethant  i'r  mor  ynghyrch  y  Gwerdonau 
Llion,  ac  ni  chlywyd  mwyach  am  danynt;  Ail,  Merddyn  Bardd 
Emrys  Wledig  a'i  naw  Beirdd  Cylfeirdd  a  aethant  i'r  mor  yn 
y  Ty  Gwydrin,  ac  ni  bu  son  i  ba  le  ydd  aethant ;  y  Trydydd, 
Madawg  ab  Owain  Gwynedd,  a  aeth  i'r  mor  a  thrichannyn 
gydag  ef  mewn  deg  Hong,  ac  ni  wyddys  i  ba  le  ydd  aethant.'2 

In  translation,  as  follows : 

'  The  three  Vanished  Losses  of  the  Isle  of  Britain  :  First, 
Gavran  son  of  Aeddan  and  his  men,  who  went  to  sea  in  search 

1  The  Bardic  Museum  <tc.  (London,  1802),  p.  37. 
*  Myv.  Arch.  ii.  59  (Gee's  edit.  401). 


HISTORICAL   TESTIMONIES.  21 

of  the  Green  Isles  of  Floods,  and  were  never  heard  of  more.1 
Second,  Merddin,  the  Bard  of  Aurelius  Ambrosius,  and  his 
nine  Scientific  Bards,  who  went  to  sea  in  the  House  of  Glass, 
and  there  has  been  no  account  whither  they  went.2  Third, 
Madoc  son  of  Owen  Gwynedd,  who  went  to  sea  with  three 
.hundred  men  in  ten  ships,  and  it  is  not  known  to  what  place 
they  went.' 

This  Triad  appears  to  have  been  framed  after  the  Triads 
of  the  first  and  second  series  ;  for,  though  they  mention  the 
'  difancoll '  of  Gavran,  they  make  no  reference  whatever  to 
the  disappearance  of  Madoc.  The  orthography  of  the  third 
series  is  comparatively  modern ;  and  it  is  thought  that  the 
two  sets  of  materials  of  which  it  is  constituted  could  not  have 
been  composed  before  the  commencement  of  the  sixteenth 
century;3  for  it  was  compiled  in  1601  by  Thomas  Jones  of 
Tregaron,  from  the  Book  of  leuan  Brechva,  and  another 
manuscript  called  The  Book  of  Caradoc  of  Llancarvan.  The 
propriety  of  this  designation  has  been  denied ;  and  the 

1  Some  remarks  respecting  Gavran  will  be  made  hereafter.    Southey 
refers  to  this  legend  in  the  lines,  '  Where  are  the  sons  of  Gavran  ?  '  &c. ; 
and  Dr.  Callcott  has  set  the  verses  to  some  fine  music. 

2  Houses   of  glass  are  often  mentioned  in  the  romances  of  the 
Middle  Ages.     Southey  has  a  note  on  the  subject  in  his  Madoc,  i.  276 ; 
see  also  Lit.  of  the  Kymry,  p.  201   (second  edit.  p.  192).      Nennius 
alludes  to  a  tower  of  glass  seen  off  the  Irish  Coast ;  and  the  Romance 
of  Alexander  the   Great,  composed  in  the   thirteenth   century,  and 
supposed  to^  contain   some   Persian   elements,  speaks  of  a  vessel  of 
glass  in  which  Alexander  went  under  the  sea,  to  observe  how  the  fish 
lived  \ 

There  seems  to  be  some  misconception  as  to  Glastonbury  Abbey, 
at  the  root  of  this  Ty  Gwydrin  legend — for  that  was  built  in  the  Isle 
of  Avallon,  called,  probably  by  translation  of  Glaston,  Ynys  Wydrin  : 
so  that,  after  all,  Merddin  and  his  nine  bards  might  simply  have  become 
monks  at  Glastonbury  Abbey,  though  the  Triads  must  intend  that  he 
was  wholly  lost. 

3  [Mr.  Stephens  has  discussed  the  so-called  '  Historical  Triads  '  at 
considerable  length,  in  an  essay  published  in  the  "Welsh  magazine. 
Y  Beirniad  (Llanelly,  1863-65).] 


22  MADOC. 

manuscript  in  question  certainly  appears  to  have  been  written 
in  the  orthography  of  the  sixteenth  century,  four  hundred 
years  after  the  time  of  the  monk  Caradoc. 

Another  testimony  is  that  of  IEUAN  BRECHVA,  a  Car- 
marthenshire antiquary,  herald,  and  bard,  of  some  celebrity, 
who  died  about  the  year  1500.  He  composed  an  epitome  of 
Welsh  History,  which  has  been  published  in  the  '  Myvyrian 
Archaiology ' ;  but  that  contains  no  reference  whatever  to 
Madoc  ap  Owen.  The  testimony  in  question  is  said  to  occur 
in  another  work,  and  is  thus  represented  by  Mr.  W.  Owen  in 
his  '  Cambrian  Biography  ' : 

1  This  expedition  (i.e.  the  one  mentioned  in  the  preceding 
Triad)  was  planned  by  Madog  and  his  brother  Rhiryd,  in 
consequence  of  a  prior  one  in  1170,  whereby  he  discovered 
land  far  in  the  ocean  of  the  West,  as  it  is  recorded  in  a  book 
of  pedigrees  written  by  leuan  Brechva,  about  the  year 
1460.'  > 

Mr.  Humphreys  Parry  also  lays  stress  upon  the  testimony 
of  leuan  Brechva;9  but  neither  of  these  writers  gives  the  exact 
words  of  this  antiquary ;  and  it  is  a  noticeable  fact  that  the 
Rev.  Robert  Williams,  in  reproducing  the  usual  testimonies 
in  the  article  '  Madog  '  in  his  '  Eminent  Welshmen,'  omits  all 
mention  of  this  '  book  of  pedigrees.'3  But  Mr.  Owen  and  Mr. 
Parry  probably  referred  to  the  statement  made  by  Dr.  Williams 
in  these  words :  '  It  is  said  by  leuan  Brechfa,  a  bard  who 
flourished  about  the  year  1480,  that  Rhiryd,  an  illegitimate 
son  of  Owen  Gwynedd,  who,  Dr.  Powel  says,  was  Lord  of 
Clochran  in  Ireland,  accompanied  Madog  across  the  Atlantic 

1  Article  Madog  ap  Owain  Gwynedd,  p.  233. 

5  Cambro- Briton,  vol.  i.  p.  61. 

8  [There  is  in  the  Hengwrt  collection  at  Peniarth  a  '  Book  of  Pedi- 
grees '  (Hengwrt  MS.  414)  in  the  autograph  of  leuan  Brechfa,  and 
under  No.  114  in  the  catalogue  of  Peniarth  MSS.  this  is  called  'Llyfr 
leuan  Brechfa.'  (Arch.  Cambrensis,  fourth  series,  vol.  i.  p.  339.) 
This  MS.,  however,  makes  no  mention  of  any  such  expedition.] 


HISTORICAL   TESTIMONIES.  23 

(Morwerydify  to  some  lands  they  had  found  there,  and  there 
dwelt.'  '  Dr.  Williams  does  not  state  where  he  found  this 
statement ;  neither  does  he  give  the  passage  in  the  exact 
words  of  the  writer ;  and  we  have  no  means  of  judging  in 
what  connection  the  statement  originally  appeared.  He 
naturally  infers  that  leuan  Brechva  supports  the  Madoc 
tradition  ;  but  on  the  other  side  it  has  been  argued  that 
leuan  simply  meant  that  Madoc  went  somewhere  '  across 
Morwerydd ' ; 2  and  it  is  not  improbable  that  Morwerydd  with 
him  meant  the  Irish  Sea. 

The  testimony  of  the  bard  of  Brechva  is  thus  found  to  be 
in  a  very  unsatisfactory  condition  ;  and  we  shall  discover,  in 
the  next  place,  that  similar  difficulties  present  themselves  in 
regard  to  the  testimony  of  Guttyn  Owen.  Of  all  the  witnesses 
in  this  case,  to  use  legal  phraseology,  he  has  been  deemed  to 
be  the  most  important;  his  testimony  has  been  thought 
decisive  ;  and  more  than  one  writer  of  note  has  made  his 
acceptance  of  the  asserted  discovery  to  turn  upon  the  question 
whether  Guttyn  Owen  wrote  before  or  after  the  discovery  of 
the  new  continent  by  Columbus.  But  when  we  seek  the 
ipsissima  verba  of  this  bard,  we  are  at  once  confronted  by  this 
difficulty.  On  the  one  side  it  is  affirmed  that  Guttyn  Owen 
wrote  in  Welsh  the  account  afterwards  given  by  Humphrey 
Lhoyd  or  Llwyd,  and  that  Llwyd's  account  is  simply  a  trans- 
lation from  the  works  of  that  bard.  On  the  other  hand,  it 
is  affirmed  that  Llwyd  does  not  mention  Guttyn  Owen,  that 
he  makes  no  reference  to  any  other  authority,  that  he  was 
the  first  writer 3  who  declared  that  Madog  had  discovered  a 

1  Farther  Observations,  p.  28. 

2  Woodward's  History  of  Wales,  p.  328. 

3  [It  has  been  generally  assumed  that  the  Madoc  story  was  first 
made  known  to  English  readers  in  the  work  of  Dr.  Powel  in  1584. 
The  fallacy  of  this  assumption  was  first  shown  by  Mr.  Edward  Owen, 
who,  in  an  able  Essay  on  this  subject,  published  in  the  Red  Dragon 
(Cardiff,   1885),  drew  attention  to  a  rare  tract  by  Sir  George  Peckham 


24  MADOC. 

western  continent,  and  that  Guttyn's  testimony  was  simply 
what  is  given  on  his  authority  by  Dr.  Powel,  namely,  that 
Madoc  sailed  with  ten  ships.  Now  it  is  certainly  true  that 
Llwyd  does  not  name  Guttyn,  and  gives  no  indication  of 
having  used  any  other  authority,  while  the  fact  that  he 
advances  several  opinions  of  his  own  militates  against  the 
supposition  of  his  being  a  translator.  And  it  is  also  true  that 
Dr.  Powel,  who  mentions  Guttyn  Owen,  cites  him  specially 
as  an  authority  for  the  '  ten  ships ' ;  but  whether  Guttyn 
Owen  merely  made  a  statement  similar  to  that  of  the  Triad, 
or  went  further  and  indicated  the  discovery  of  a  western  con- 
tinent, cannot  be  confidently  inferred  from  this  citation. 
Powel  believed  the  reported  discovery,  and  Guttyn  Owen's 
words,  as  they  are  set  in  Powel's  narrative,  have  the  appear- 
ance of  confirming  it;  but  whether  they  would  signify  as 
much  when  separated  from  this  connection,  and  standing 
alone,  cannot  be  determined.  I  have  made  several  efforts  to 
obtain  the  exact  words,  but  have  hitherto  been  unsuccess- 
ful. 

Having  thus  fairly  stated  the  actual  facts  respecting  the 

published  in  1583,  and  entitled  '  A  True  Eeporte  of  the  late  discoveries 
and  possession  taken  in  the  right  of  the  Crowne  of  England  of  the 
New  found  Landes  by  that  valiaunt  and  worthye  Gentleman  Sir 
Humfrey  Gilbert  Knight.'  Peckham's  account,  which  is  dedicated  to 
Sir  Francis  Walsingham,  agrees  substantially  with  that  of  Powel,  and 
both  are  professedly  supported  by  statements  made  by  one  David 
Ingram,  of  whom  more  hereafter.  Mr.  Owen,  in  the  essay  in  question, 
regrets  his  inability  to  discover  any  particulars  of  the  life  of  Peckham. 
There  are,  however,  various  references  to  him  in  the  State  Papers  of 
the  period,  in  one  of  which  he  is  described  as  '  of  Denham  in  the 
County  of  Kent,  Knight.'  (State  Papers,  Domestic,  Elizabeth,  vol. 
clxi.  No.  44,  which  is  an  Indenture  between  Sir  Philip  Sydney  and 
Sir  George  Peckham,  assuring  to  the  latter  30,000  acres  of  land  in 
America,  part  of  a  grant  to  Sir  Philip  of  '  thirty  hundred  thousand 
acres  of  ground  to  be  discovered.'  Other  references  to  Peckham 
are  in  St.  P.  vol.  xcv.  No.  63 ;  vol.  cxlvi.  No.  40,  and  vol.  cxlviii. 
No.  4.)] 


HISTORICAL   TESTIMONIES.  25 

testimony  of  Guttro^MjbijC ^  rftayr,n<5w>|>erhaps  be  permitted 
to  relate  what  J*§Po*ne  appearance  or^envg  a  joke.  Mr. 
Woodward  teUK  tke  story?  ^A  zealous  anMtmary  did  once/ 
he  said,  '  get  light  of  QiR0n dpwei^B $&ry  chiUiiicle,  wherein 
was  Llwyd's  nataatire  exactJ^told ;  but  wh^n.  he  wished  to 
make  a  more  carer^^^^JBfis^n,-j^e'^i]b^ous  MS.  was  gone  ; 
nor  could  he  ever  afteMurds  le'STrn  so  much  as  where  it 
was.' l 

This  is  probably  another  version  of  a  statement  made  by 
Dr.  Williams,  which  is  to  the  effect  that  the  Rev.  Josiah  Rees 
informed  Mr.  Edward  Williams  (lolo  Morganwg) — who  in 
such  matters  was  himself  a  better  authority — that  he  had 
two  or  three  fair  MSS.  of  Caradoc  of  Llancarvan,  with  the 
continuation  by  the  monks  of  Strata  Florida,  Guttyn  Owen, 
&c. ;  that  he  compared  them  with  Dr.  Powel's  translation ; 
and  that  he  found  the  latter  to  be  the  most  faithful  that  he 
ever  met  with  in  any  language.' 2  But  this  statement  is  not 
strictly  relevant  to  the  inquiry  ;  for,  though  the  translation 
of  Llwyd  and  Powel  is  faithful,  where  it  is  a  translation  at 
all,  the  part  of  the  '  Historie  of  Cambria '  relating  to  Madoc 
neither  appears  nor  professes  to  be  so.  Mr.  Rees  does  not 
appear  to  have  stated  specifically  that  he  had  in  MS.  an 
original  counterpart  of  their  statement ;  and,  if  he  had,  he 
might  have  been  convicted  of  misstatement  by  his  own  act ; 
for  in  the  Welsh  magazine 3  of  which  he  was  editor  he 
published  one  of  these  MS.  chronicles ;  but  it  makes  no  refer- 
ence whatever  to  Madoc  ap  Owen. 

Dr.  Williams  supposed  that  these  MSS.  had  disappeared  ; 
but,  as  I  have  said,  one  of  them  was  published  in  1770  by 
Mr.  Rees,  and  the  Chronicle  of  Guttyn  Owen  is  very  well 

1  Woodward's  History  of  Wales,  pp.  329,  330. 
1  Farther  Observations,  p.  20. 

s  Trysorfa   Gwijbodaeth,   neu,   Eurgraivn    Cymraeg.      .T.  Ross, 
Caerfyrddin  (1770). 


26  MADOC. 

known.  It  is  now  in  the  possession  of  Thomas  Griffith,  Esq., 
of  Wrexham,  and  is  the  MS.  usually  cited  as  the  '  Book  of 
Basingwerk ' ;  but  I  believe  that  it  may  be  confidently  affirmed 
that,  so  far  from  containing  Llwyd's  narrative,  it  has  not  as 
much  as  a  single  word  on  the  subject.  It  is  well  known  that 
the  late  Mr.  Aneurin  Owen,  under  the  auspices  of  what  was 
termed  the  Record  Commission,  prepared  an  edition  of  the 
Welsh  Chronicles  for  the  press.  A  portion  of  this  work, 
coming  down  from  A.D.  688  to  1066,  was  published  in  the 
handsome  folio  volume  entitled  '  Monumenta  Historica  Bri- 
tannica  ' ;  and  in  that  portion  Mr.  Owen  is  seen  to  have  made 
frequent  use  of  the  '  Book  of  Basingwerk,'  and  to  have  collated 
that  with  the  other  chronicles.  Feeling  perfectly  assured 
that,  if  this  MS.  contained  the  Madoc  narrative,  it  would  ap- 
pear in  Mr.  Owen's  MS.  edition,  I  wrote,  for  the  purpose  of 
this  essay,  to  his  son,  the  late  William  Owen,  Esq.,  of  Tan  y 
Gyrt,  near  Denbigh,  to  make  the  requisite  search ;  and  in  a 
reply,  dated  Feb.  10,  1858,  he  informs  me  that,  under  and 
about  the  year  1170.  there  is  no  reference  whatever  to  Madoc 
or  his  expedition.  We  must  therefore  cease  to  refer  this 
narrative  to  Guttyn  Owen's  Chronicle,  and  seek  elsewhere 
for  the  statement  cited  by  Dr.  Powel. 

Next  in  order  comes  the  testimony  of  that  '  paineful  and 
worthie  searcher  of  Brytish  antiquities,'  Humphrey  Llwyd. 
He  was  a  native  of  Denbigh,  born  of  highly  respectable 
parents,  received  a  collegiate  education,  took  the  degree  of 
M.A.  at  Oxford  in  1551,  represented  his  native  town  in  Par- 
liament, and  died  in  his  forty-first  year  in  1568.  He  corre- 
sponded with  several  of  the  most  learned  men  of  his  day,  and 
composed  several  works  relating  to  Wales  and  its  history. 
Of  these  the  most  important  was  an  historical  work,  written 
in  1559,  which  he  left  in  MS.  and  unfinished.  A  copy  being 
in  the  hands  of  Sir  Henry  Sidney,  Lord  President  of  the 
Marches,  it  was  at  his  solicitation  edited,  extended,  and 


HISTORICAL   TESTIMONIES.  27 

published  in  1584,  by  Dr.  David  Powel,  under  the  designa- 
tion of  the  '  Historie  of  Cambria.'1 

In  this  volume  we  meet  with  the  following  passage,  or 
rather  paragraph,  for  which  the  sole  authority  named  in  the 
margin  is  '  H.  Lhoyd  ' ;  and  hence  it  has  been  argued  that 
Dr.  Powel  knew  of  no  other  authority  for  the  statements 
therein  contained.2 

Llwyd's  words  here  follow : 

'  Madoc  another  of  Owen  Gwyneth  his  sonnes  left  the 
land  in  contention  betwixt  his  brethren,  and  prepared  certaine 
ships  with  men  and  munition,  and  sought  aduentures  by  seas, 
sailing  West,  and  leaning  the  coast  of  Ireland  so  far  north, 
that  he  came  to  a  land  vnknowen,  where  he  saw  manie  strange 
things.  This  land  must  needs  be  some  part  of  that  countrie 
of  which  the  Spaniardes  affirme  themselves  to  be  the  first 
finders  sith  Hanno's  time  ;  for  by  reason  and  order  of  Cosmo- 
graphie,  this  land,  to  the  which  Madoc  came,  must  needs  be 
some  part  of  Noua  Hispania  or  Florida.  Wherevpon  it  is 
manifest,  that  that  countrie  was  long  before  by  Brytaines 
discouered,  afore  either  Columbus  or  A mericus  Vesputius  lead 
anie  Spaniardes  thither.  Of  the  viage  and  returne  of  this 
Madoc  there  be  manie  fables  fained,  as  the  common  people 
doo  vse  in  distance  of  place  and  length  of  time  rather  to 
augment  than  to  diminish :  but  sure  it  is,  that  there  he  was. 
And  after  he  had  returned  home  and  declared  the  pleasant 
and  fruitfull  countries  that  he  had  scene  without  inhabitants ; 
and  vpon  the  contrarie  part,  for  what  barren  and  wild  ground 
his  brethren  and  nephues  did  murther  one  another :  he  pre- 
pared a  number  of  ships,  and  got  with  him  such  men  and 
women  as  were  desirous  to  Hue  in  quietnes,  and  taking  leaue 

1  Williams's  Eminent  Welshmen.     This  work  contains  a  very  ful 
biographical  notice  of  Humphrey  Lhoyd,  Lhuyd,  or  Llwyd. 

2  Woodward's  History  of  Wales,  p.  329. 


28  MADOC. 

i 

of  his  freends  tooke  his  iournie  thitherward  againe.1  There- 
fore it  is  to  be  presupposed,  that  he  and  his  people  inhabited 
part  of  those  countries ;  for  it  appeareth  by  Francis  Loues,2 
that  in  Acusanus 3  and  other  places,  the  people  honored  the 
crosse  :  whereby  it  may  be  gathered  that  Christians  had  beene 
there,  before  the  comming  of  the  Spaniards.  But  bicause  this 
people  were  not  manie,  they  folowed  the  maners  of  the  land 
they  came  vnto,  and  vsed  the  language  they  found  there.' 4 

Columbus  landed  on  October  12,  1492,  on  one  of  the 
Bahama  Islands,  a  little  to  the  south  of  Florida ;  and  in  the 
course  of  the  ensuing  months  discovered  St.  Domingo,  which 
he  named  Hispaniola,  and  which,  after  leaving  the  crew  of 
one  of  his  vessels  to  form  a  colony,  he  left  to  return  homewards, 
January  4,  1493.  Llwyd  here  supposes  that  Madoc  must  have 
landed  in  one  of  the  two  places  discovered  by  Columbus  ;  but 
Dr.  Powel  held  a  different  opinion,  and,  in  continuation  of 
the  above  account,  made  the  following  remarks : 

'  This  Madoc  arriuing  in  that  Westerne  countrie,  vnto 
the  which  he  came,  in  the  yeare  1 1 70,  left  most  of  his  people 
there ;  and  returning  backe  for  more  of  his  owne  nation, 
acquaintance  and  freends,  to  inhabite  that  faire  and  large 
countrie  :  went  thither  againe  with  ten  sailes,  as  I  find  noted 
by  Gutyn  Owen.  I  am  of  opinion  that  the  land,  wherevnto 
he  came,  was  some  part  of  Mexico :  the  causes  which  make 
me  to  thiuke  so  be  these. 

1  The  point  of  departure  is  unsettled.     Sir  Thomas  Herbert  makes 
it  Abergwilley  (Abergwili,  near  Carmarthen,  or  Abergele,  Carnarvon- 
shire ?) ;    Howel,   Milford  (Epistolce   Ho-Eliance,  Bk.  ii.  1.  55 ;   and 
Ilev.  Isaac  Taylor,  '  Ynys  Hir,'  near  Port  Madoc  (Words  and  Places, 
p.  372).  '  From  YNYS  HIR,  now  some  way  inland,  Madoc  is  said  to  have 
sailed  in  quest  of  unknown  lands.' 

2  Lopez  de  Gomara.  s  Acusamil  and  Yucatan. 

4  Historic  of  Cambria,  pp.  166  7  (ed.  1811).  See  also  Wynne's 
edition  (1697)  under  A.D.  1170. 


HISTORICAL   TESTIMONIES.  29 

1 1 .  The  common  report  of  the  inhabitants  of  that  countrie, 
which  affirme,  that  their  rulers  descended  from  a  strange 
nation,  that  came  thither  from  a  farre  countrie  :  which  thing 
is  confessed  by  Mutezuma,  king  of  that  countrie,  in  his  oration 
made  for  quieting  of  his  people,  at  his  submission  to  the  king 
of  Castile,  Hernando  Curteis  being  then  present,  which  is 
laid  downe  in  the  Spanish  Chronicles  of  the  conquest  of  the 
West  Indies. 

'  2.  The  Brytish  words  and  names  of  places,  vsed  in  that 
countrie  euen  to  this  daie,  doo  argue  the  same  :  as  when 
they  talke  togither,  they  use  this  word  Gwrando,  which  is, 
Hearken  or  listen.  Also  they  haue  a  certeine  bird  with  a 
white  head,  which  they  call  Pengwin,  that  is,  white  head. 
But  the  Hand  of  Corroeso,  the  cape  of  Bryton,  the  river  of 
Gwyndor,  and  the  white  rocke  of  Pengwyn,  which  be  all 
Brytish  or  Welsh  words,  doo  manifestlie  shew  that  it  was 
that  countrie  which  Madoc  and  his  people  inhabited.'  ' 

Hakluyt,  Raleigh,  Purchas,  Marriott,  Paget,  Abbott,  and 
a  host  of  other  writers,  afterwards  repeated  the  story ;  but 
they  add  nothing  of  any  importance  to  the  narrative  of 
Llwyd  and  Powel,  and  cannot  be  considered  to  be  original 
authorities.2 

Dr.  John  Williams  gives  Hakluyt's  account  in  his  essay, 

1  Historic  of  Cambria,  p.  167  (ed.  1811). 

3  Hakluyt,  Voyages,  iii.  (1st  ed.  1589,  p.  506) ;  Raleigh,  History  of 
the  World ;  Pagett,  Christianography,  p.  47  ;  Purchas,  Pilgrimage, 
b.  viii.  p.  890  ;  Abbott,  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  History  of  the  World, 
pp.  255  et  seq.,  says  America  was  discovered  by  a  Welsh  prince,  and 
was  known  to  King  Arthur  (!).  John  Marriott  seems  to  have  written 
in  the  reign  of  Queen  Elizabeth.  He  also  refers  to  two  Cambrian 
traditions  relative  to  the  discovery  of  America — one  by  King  Arthur, 
and  the  other  '  by  a  knight  of  Wales  and  some  pretty  company,' 
meaning  Madoc.  Dr.  Williams  (Enquiry,  &c.  p.  17)  seems  inclined 
to  elevate  him  to  the  rank  of  an  original  authority  ;  but  the  fifth  edi- 
tion, quoted  by  Williams,  is  dated  1620,  and  the  reference  to  the 
Penguin  seems  to  imply  that  he  had  read  or  heard  of  Powel's  narra- 
tive. 


30  MA  DOC. 

and  in  reference  to  the  words  '  with  ten  sailes,  as  I  find  noted 
by  Guttun  Owen,'  appends  the  following  note  : 

'  Hakluyt  says,  that  he  derived  this  account  from  Guttun 
Owen :  his  writings,  therefore,  must  have  been  extant  in  the 
days  of  Hakluyt.  He  does  not  refer  to  Humphrey  Llwyd  or 
Dr.  Powel  as  his  authorities.' ' 

Dr.  Williams  is  in  error.  Hakluyt  does  refer  to  Powel's 
'  History  of  Wales '  as  his  authority ;  and  his  account  is  a  mere 
repetition  of  Llwyd  and  Powel's.  He  gives  Guttyn  Owen's 
statement  in  the  exact  words  of  Dr.  Powel ;  and  therefore 
Dr.  Williams's  inference  falls  to  the  ground  ;  for  the  original 
authority  is  therefore  Powel,  and  not  Hakluyt.  There  need 
be  no  question  that  Powel  saw  the  statement  in  one  of 
Guttyn's  manuscripts  :  and  the  question  which  interests  us  is 
this  :  Was  the  statement  about  the  '  ten  ships  '  all  that  Powel 
found  in  the  writings  of  that  bard  ? 

Sir  Thomas  Herbert,  a  great  traveller  in  the  early  part  of 
the  seventeenth  century,  is  the  next  writer  of  note  upon 
this  question.  His  account  has  been  republished  at  length 
in  'The  Literature  of  the  Kymry,'  pp.  143-7,2  and  is  there- 
fore easily  accessible.  In  this  place,  for  that  reason,  we  shall 
omit  the  first  part  thereof,  which  cites  a  passage  from  Seneca, 
supposed  to  be  a  '  dim  light  to  show  the  way  to  the  western 
world,'  and  gives  an  account  of  the  contentions  between  the 
sons  of  Owen  Gwynedd.  He  then  proceeds  thus  : 

'  These  intestine  broils  were  in  no  way  pleasing  to  Madoc, 
another  of  the  sons  of  Owain,  who  seems  to  have  foreseen 
that  the  ruin  of  their  country  would  be  the  consequence  of 
their  discord  and  fraternal  rage.  Therefore,  to  avoid  the 
storm  and  provide  for  himself,  he  resolves  upon  a  sea  adven- 
ture, hoping  to  find  some  place  abroad  where  he  might  fix 
himself  securely,  and  not  be  open  to  invasion.  Thus  says 
tradition.  It  is  not  unlikely  but  that  Madoc  was  acquainted 
1  Enquiry  <fc.  p.  12.  2  Second  edition,  pp.  133  et  aeq. 


HISTORICAL   TESTIMONIES.  31 

with  the  prophecy  or  "  dim  lights  "  which  led  to  the  discovery 
of  the  western  world.  Madoc  having  provided  ships,  men, 
and  provision,  put  to  sea  from  Abergwilley,  in  the  year  1170. 
Wind  and  sea  favouring  his  design,  after  some  weeks'  sailing 
due  west,  he  descried  land,  probably  Newfoundland ;  but 
whatever  it  was  it  overjoyed  him.  Madoc  then  ranging  the 
coast,  so  soon  as  he  found  a  convenient  place,  sat  down  to 
plant,  meaning,  fixed  on  a  spot  to  form  his  intended  settle- 
ment. After  he  had  stayed  there  awhile  to  recruit  the  health 
of  his  men,  he  fortified  his  settlement  and  left  120  men  there 
to  protect  it.  And  by  providence  (the  best  compass)  he 
returned  in  safety  to  his  own  country.  Having  recounted 
his  voyage,  the  fruitfulness  of  the  soil,  the  simplicity  of  the 
savages,  the  wealth  abounding  there,  and  facility  of  enlarge- 
ment, after  some  months'  refreshment,  in  ten  barques  laden 
with  necessary  provisions,  they  put  to  sea  again,  and  happily 
recovered  their  settlement.1  They  found  but  few  of  those 
whom  they  had  left  remaining,  their  death,  it  is  conjectured, 
being  by  an  incautious  indulgence  in  the  produce  of  a  novel 
climate  and  country,  or  the  treachery  of  the  natives.  Madoc, 
with  the  assistance  of  his  brothers  Eineon  and  Edwal,  put 
things  once  more  in  comparative  good  order,  and  remained 
there  some  time,  expecting  the  arrival  of  more  of  their  country- 
men from  Wales,  for  which  they  had  made  arrangements 
previous  to  their  departure ;  but  they  never  came,  and  caused 
grievous  disappointment.  The  cause  of  this  failure  is  said  to 
have  been  the  wars  which  ensued,  and  which  called  for  the 
service  of  every  man  for  the  defence  of  his  country,  but 
which  ended  in  the  subjugation  of  Wales  by  the  English. 

'  But  though  Madoc  and  his  Cambrian  crew  be  dead,  and 
their   memory    moth-eaten,   yet   are   their  footsteps  plainly 

1  Edward  Williams  (lolo  Morganwg)  assigns  the  date  of  1195  to 
the  second  voyage,  and  professes  to  have  Herbert's  authority  (Poems, 
Lyric  and  Pastoral,  ii.  p.  65) ;  but  this  is  apparently  an  error. 


32  MADOC. 

traceable,  which  the  language  they  left,  the  religion  they 
taught,  and  the  reliques  they  found  do  clearly  evidence. 
Otherwise  how  are  we  to  account  for  the  British  words,  not 
much  altered  from  the  dialect  used  at  this  day,  among  the 
Mexicans  ?  Whence  had  they  the  use  of  beads,  crucifixes, 
&c.  ?  All  which  the  Spaniards,  as  we  read  in  Lopez  de 
Gomeza  and  others,  found  amongst  those,  Acusano  and 
Calhusean,  at  their  first  landing  in  America.  Yea,  whence 
comes  that  tradition  amongst  the  Mexicans,  that  a  strange 
people  came  thither  in  corraugles  who  taught  them  the  know- 
ledge of  God,  and  by  whose  instruction  they  became  civilised, 
as  is  related  by  Columbus,  Postellus,  Francus,  Lopez,  Cortes, 
and  other  Castilians  ? 

1  That  of  Herniando  Cortes,  who  A.D.  1519  was  ambassador 
and  general  for  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  is  most  remarkable. 
In  some  discourse  between  him  and  Montezuma,  the  second 
eon  of  Antzol,  and  father  of  Quabutimoc,  the  last  king  of 
Mexico,  Cortes,  observing  the  Indians  to  have  many  ceremo- 
nies which  the  Spaniards  used,  demanded  who  instructed  them. 
The  answer  was,  that  many  years  before,  a  strange  nation 
landed  there,  who  were  such  a  people  as  induced  his  ancestors 
to  afford  them  a  civil  reception.  But  how  they  were  called, 
or  whence  they  came,  he  could  not  satisfy.  Another  time,  in 
a  panegyric  which  Montezuma  returned  them,  he  had  this 
expression :  "  One  chief  cause  of  my  affection  to  your  nation 
is,  I  have  heard  my  father  say,  how  that  he  had  heard  his 
grandfather  affirm,  that  some  generations  before,  his  progeni- 
tors came  thither  as  strangers  in  company  of  a  nobleman  who 
abode  there  awhile,  and  then  departed,  but  left  many  of  his 
people  behind.  That  upon  his  return,  most  of  those  he  left 
there  died  ;  and  that  from  him  or  some  of  them  they  supposed 
themselves  to  be  descended."  By  which  narrative  it  may  be 
presumed,  the  people  he  meant  were  Welsh  rather  than 
Spaniards.  And  the  records  of  that  voyager,  writ  by  many 


HISTORICAL   TESTIMONIES.  33 

bards  and  genealogists,  confirm  as  much,  as  may  appear  by 
the  learned  poems  of  Cynwric  ab  Grono,  Guttyn  Owain,  who 
lived  in  Edward  the  Fourth's  time ;  and  Sir  Meredith  ab  Rees, 
who  lived  in  1477,  of  Madoc  had  this  eulogy  : 

Madoc  wif  mwydic  wedd 
lawn  genau  Owain  Gwynedd 
Ni  fannwn  dyr  fy  enaid  oedd 
Na  da  mawr  ond  y  moroedd. 

Madoc  ab  Owen  called  was  I ; 
Strong,  comely,  brave,  of  stature  high  ; 
No  home-bred  pleasures  proved  my  aim  ; 
By  land  and  sea  I  won  high  fame.1 

*  By  their  language  also,  Welsh  names  being  given  to  birds 
and  beasts,  rivers  and  nooks,  &c.  &c.,  as  pengwyn,  a  bird  that 
has  a  white  head  ;  craigwen,  a  white  rock  ;  gwynddwr,  white 
water ;  nev,  heaven  ;  llwynog,  a  fox ;  wy,  an  egg ;  calaf,  a 
quill ;  bara,  bread ;  trwyn,  a  nose ;  mam,  a  mother ;  tad, 
father ;  dwr,  water ;  pryd,  time  ;  and  many  others.  There 
are  islands  called  Corrhoeso,  and  a  cape  Britain.  Buwch,  a 
cow  ;  and  clugar,  a  heathcock,2  &c.,  &c.  Nor  is  it  a  phansie 

1  These   four   lines   were   first  published  in   this  connection  by 
Hakluyt,  and  they  were  communicated  to  him  by  the  celebrated  anti- 
quary, William  Camden,  with  this  title  : 

'  Carmina  Meredith  Filii  Ehesi,  mentionem  facientia  de  Madoco, 
Filio  Oweni  Gwyneth,  et  de  sua  Navigatione  in  Terras  incognitas. 
Vixit  hie  Meredith  circiter  Anno  Domini  1477.' 

Then  follow  the  lines  as  given  by  Herbert ;  and  it  is  probable  that 
he  found  them  in  and  cited  them  from  Hakluyt's  Voyages,  which 
were  first  published  in  1589,  and  again  in  1599-1600. 

It  has,  indeed,  been  suggested  by  lolo  Morganwg  (Poems,  Lyric 
and  Pastoral,  ii.  p.  65),  and  after  him  by  Mr.  Humphreys  Parry 
(Cambro-Briton,  i.  p.  61),  that  Herbert  had  his  materials  from  the 
library  of  Eaglan  Castle ;  but  his  statements  can,  for  the  most  part,  be 
traced  to  other  sources,  and  there  does  not  seem  to  be  any  authority 
for  this  suggestion. 

2  I   am  unable  to  trace  the  authorities  for  these  Welsh  words. 
Howell  (ii.  Ep.  Ivi.)  refers  them  to  '  some  navigators.'     '  Penguin  ' 
and  Givynethes,  and  '  divers  other  Welsh  words,'  are  named  by  David 

D 


34  MADOC. 

of  yesterday,  since  learned  men  both  of  late  and  former  times 
have  taken  notice.  Such  are  Cynwric  ab  Grono,  Meredith 
ab  Rees,  Guttyn  Owain,  Lloyd,  Howell,  Prys,  Hackluit, 
Broughton,  Purchas,  Davy,  and  others,  whose  learning  and 
integrity  have  credit,  and  abundantly  convince  the  ingenious, 
so  as  no  doubt  had  it  been  known  and  inherited,  then  had  not 
Columbus,  Americus  Vespusius,  Magellan,  nor  others  carried 
away  the  honour  of  so  great  a  discovery.  Nor  had  Madoc 
been  defrauded  of  his  memory,  nor  our  kings  of  their  just 
title  to  a  portion  of  the  West  Indies.' l 

Ingram,  an  enterprising  voyager  of  the  sixteenth  and  seventeenth  cen- 
turies, in  some  '  Relations,'  cited  in  Gilbert's  Voyages.  Dr.  Harris,  the 
naval  historian,  names  Ingram  in  connection  with  one  Miles  Phillips.* 

*  ['  The  relation  of  David  Ingram,  of  Barking,  in  the  County  of 
Essex,  sailor,'  who  sailed  with  Sir  John  Hawkins  on  his  third  voyage 
to  the  West  Indies  in  1568,  was,  together  with  the  narrative  of  his 
fellow -sailor,  Miles  Phillips,  printed  in  the  first  edition  of  HakluyVs 
Voyages,  1589,  p.  557,  but  Ingram's  Eelation  was  omitted  in  the 
second  edition,  1599-1600.  Ingram's  words  are  as  follows  :  '  There  is 
also  another  kind  of  fowl  in  that  country  .  .  .  they  have  white  heads, 
and  therefore  the  countrymen  call  them  Penguins,  which  seemeth  to  be 
a  Welsh  name.  And  they  have  also  in  use  divers  other  Welsh  words. 
A  matter  worth  the  noting.'  Ingram's  Eelation  (the  original  MS.  of 
which  is  still  extant  in  the  British  Museum,  Sloane  MS.  1447)  is  ex- 
pressly stated  to  have  been  made  to  Sir  Francis  Walsingham,  Knight, 
Sir  George  Peckham,  Knight,  and  others  in  August  and  September 
1582.  Ingram  is  thus  the  earliest  known  authority  for  these  Welsh 
words.] 

1  '  Eelation  of  some  Years'  Travaillinto  Africa  and  Asia  the  Great, 
especially  describing  the  famous  Empires  of  Persia  and  Industan, 
as  also  divers  other  Kingdoms  in  the  Oriental  Indies  and  the  Isles 
adjacent.  With  a  Discourse  on  the  Discovery  of  America  by  the 
Welsh  three  hundred  years  before  Columbus.  By  Sir  Thomas  Her- 
bert, Bart.  Pawb  yn  y  arver.'  (Folio.  London,  1634.  Eepublished 
in  1638  and  1677.) 

[This  '  just  title  '  was  again  seriously  asserted  in  the  year  1739  in 
an  anonymous  work  entitled,  The  British  Sailor's  Discovery  ;  or,  the 
Spanish  Pretensions  confuted  (London,  1739).  In  pp.  12-14,  the  dis- 
covery of  America  by  Madoc  is  mentioned,  and  a  long  quotation  from 
Powel  given,  but  no  new  matter  is  added.] 


HISTORICAL   TESTIMONIES.  35 

Sir  Thomas  Herbert  was  made  a  baronet  by  Charles  the 
Second  for  his  fidelity  to  that  king's  father ;  but  his  travels 
belong  to  an  earlier  period  of  his  life.  He  was  born  at  York 
in  1606,  educated  at  Oxford  and  Cambridge,  and  went  to 
Persia  in  1626,  in  the  suite  of  Sir  Dodmore  Cotton,  through 
the  interest  and  at  the  expense  of  his  kinsman,  William 
Herbert,  Earl  of  Pembroke.  He  returned  to  England  at  the 
end  of  four  years,  having  travelled  very  extensively  in  Eastern 
parts.  He  published  his  travels  in  1634;  a  second  edition, 
revised  and  enlarged,  appeared  in  1638  ;  and  a  third  in  1677  ; 
but  the  first  must  be  taken  to  be  the  date  of  the  testimony 
above  given. 

Another  writer  on  this  subject  was  James  Howell,  a  cele- 
brated author  of  the  same  age.  He  was  bom  in  1596,  was 
a  native  of  Carmarthenshire,  the  son  of  a  clergyman,  and 
educated  at  Jesus  College,  Oxford,  where  he  took  his  bachelor's 
degree.  He  lived  in  the  stormy  period  of  the  Civil  War,  got 
involved  in  debt,  and  was  committed  to  the  Fleet  prison  in 
London.  Here  he  took  to  writing  for  the  press  ;  but  is  best 
known  by  his  letters,  which  were  characterised  by  liveliness, 
sagacity,  and  good  sense.  These  were  the  earliest  collection 
of  the  kind  published  in  this  country,  and  extended  over  four 
volumes.  The  first  volume  of  the  '  Epistolas  Ho-Elianae ' 
appeared  in  1645,  and  the  fourth  in  1655.  There  were 
many  subsequent  editions,  but  these  are  the  dates  we  require ; 
and  it  is  in  the  first,  second,  and  fourth  volumes  that  Howell 
speaks  of  Madoc.  He  adds  nothing  to  the  preceding  state- 
ments, with  the  exception  of  the  extraordinary  misconception, 
and  flagrant  misstatement,  that  the  four  lines  just  cited  from 
Meredith  ab  Rees  were  found  upon  the  tombstone  of  Madoc  in 
the  West  Indies !  A  part  of  this  misconception  is  due  to  the 
mistranscription  of  these  lines,  in  which  the  verb  wyf,  '  I  am,' 
of  line  9  of  our  quotation  (ante,  p.  18)  appears  in  line  5 
instead  of  the  adjective  wych,  '  bold,'  thus  making  Madoc 

D  2 


36  MADOC. 

speak  in  his  own  person ;  but  the  idea  that  the  lines  formed 
an  epitaph  appears  for  the  first  time  in  HowelFs  Letters ;  and 
the  misconception  existed  in  his  mind  as  early  as  the  year 
1630,  as  appears  from  Vol.  ii.  Letter  56,  p.  351  (4th 
edition,  1673),  dated  Westminster,  August  9  of  that  year, 
and  addressed  to  Earl  Rivers,  in  which  he  writes  thus  : 

'  But,  my  Lord,  you  would  think  it  strange,  that  divers 
pure  Welsh  words  should  be  found  in  the  new-found  World  in 
the  West  Indies.  Yet  it  is  verified  by  some  Navigators ;  as 
grando  (hark),  nef  (heaven),  lluynog  (a  fox),  pengwyn  (a  bird 
with  a  white  head),  with  sundry  others  which  are  pure 
British.  Nay,  I  have  read  a  Welsh  Epitaph,  which  was 
found  there,  upon  one  Madoc,  a  British  Prince,  who  four  years 
before  the  Norman  Conquest,  not  agreeing  with  his  brother, 
then  Prince  of  South  [rather  North]  Wales,  went  to  try  his 
fortunes  at  sea,  imbarking  himself  at  Milford-Haven,  and  so 
tarried  on  those  coasts.  This,  if  well  -proved,  might  well 
entitle  our  Crown  to  America,  if  first  discovery  may  claim  a 
right  to  any  country.' 

Mr.  Humphreys  Parry  republished  this  letter  in  the 
Cambro-Briton,  iii.  462,  and  suggested  that  Howell  got  the 
above  account  from  Herbert ;  but  the  letter  was  written  four 
years  before  Herbert  published  his  travels ;  and  it  would 
probably  be  more  correct  to  assume  that  Powel  and  Hakluyt 
were  his  authorities,  and  that  Howell  and  Herbert  wrote 
independently  of  each  other. 

Howell  may  or  may  not  have  been  the  originator  of  the 
epitaph  story.  I  am  inclined  to  think  he  was  ;  and  there 
are  several  loose  assertions  in  the  foregoing  letter,  which  show 
that  he  did  not  take  much  pains  to  inform  himself  accurately 
respecting  the  details  of  the  Madoc  narrative.  Herbert,  it 
will  have  been  observed,  launches  our  hero,  a  North  Wales 
prince  from  the  little  village  of  Abergwili  in  Carmarthen- 
shire, probably  from  not  knowing  that  a  small  place  on  the 


HISTORICAL   TESTIMONIES.  37 

sea,  called  Abergele,  existed  in  Denbighshire.  Howell,  equally 
uninformed,  has  shaped  the  story  to  suit  this  misconception  ; 
Madoc,  the  son  of  Owen  Gwynedd,  becomes  in  his  hands  a 
brother  to  a  prince  of  South  Wales ;  he  sails  from  Milford 
Haven,  and  is  sent  adrift  before  the  Norman  Conquest  (i.e. 
1066),  some  half-century  before  he  was  born  probably,  and 
more  than  a  century  before  the  usually  assigned  date,  viz. 
1170.  But  whether  the  misconception  originated  with  Howell 
or  some  other  person,  it  evidently  had  taken  a  strong  hold  of 
his  mind,  and  we  find  him  referring  to  it  a  second  time.  A 
relative  having  asked  him  for  a  copy  of  the  epitaph,  he  replies 
in  these  terms  : 

'  To  Howel  Gwyn,  Esq. 

1  My  much  endeared  Cosen, — I  send  you  herewith  accord- 
ing to  your  desires  the  British  or  Welsh  Epitaph  (for  the  Saxons 
gave  us  that  new  name  calling  us  Welshmen  or  Strangers  in 
our  own  countrey)  which  Epitaph  was  found  in  the  West  Indies 
upon  Prince  Madoc  neer  upon  600  years  since.'  Then 
follows  a  corrupt  copy  of  the  lines  quoted  by  Herbert,  and  a 
translation  in  which  Herbert's  verse  is  improved,  though  pro- 
fessedly given  as  his : 

Madoc  ap  Owen  was  I  call'd, 
Strong,  tall,  and  comly,  not  inthrall'd 
With  home-bred  pleasure,  but  for  Fame, 
Through  Land  and  Sea  I  sought  the  same.1 

He  then  remarks  :  '  This  British  Prince  Madoc  (as  many 

1  This  '  epitaph '  seems  also  to  have  attracted  the  attention  of  Dr. 
Samuel  Johnson,  who  gave  it  a  Latin  form  : 

'  Inclytus  hie  Hseres  magni  requiescit  Oe'ni 

Confessus  tantum  mente  modoque  patrem. 
Servilem  talis  Cuitum  contempsit  Agelli, 
Et  petiit  Terras  per  Freta  longa  Novas.' 

Cited  by  Dr.  AYilliams  from  The  Public  Advertiser,  May  25,  1787 
[Enquiry,  p.  14]. 


38  MADOC. 

authors  make  mention)  made  two  voyages  thither,  and  in  the 
last  left  his  bones  there,  upon  which  this  epitaph  lay ' ;  and 
concludes  his  observations  with  the  usual  reference  to  Cape 
Britain,  a  promontory  '  not  far  from  Mexico,'  '  a  creek  called 
Gwyndwor,'  and  '  the  sign  of  the  Crosse.' l 

Fourteen  years  previously,  Howell  had  thought  it  desi- 
rable to  have  the  Cambrian  tradition  well  proved ;  but  here  he 
speaks  quite  confidently. 

Howell's  Letters  obtained  much  celebrity,  and,  as  a  natural 
consequence,  the '  Epitaph  '  became  an  accredited  fact.  It  was 
probably  from  him  that  it  found  its  way  into  Hackett's  Col- 
lection of  Epitaphs ;  and  the  story  is  again  referred  to  in  the 
collection  of  Letters  published  in  London  in  1694,  under  the 
title  of  the  '  Turkish  Spy,'  which  we  shall  have  occasion 
hereafter  to  notice  in  greater  detail,  and  in  which  the  writer 
represents  the  Tuscaroras  or  Doeg  Indians  to  be  the  descendants 
of  Madoc,  adding  that  they  '  show  his  Tomb  to  this  day,  with 
Beads,  Crucifixes,  and  other  Reliques.' 2 

Howell's  authority,  also,  commended  the  story  to  the  at- 
tention even  of  Welsh  writers;  and  so,  in  1716,  we  find  it 
cited  in  '  Drych  y  Prif  Oesoedd,  or  The  Mirror  of  the  Primitive 
Ages,'  by  the  Rev.  Theophilus  Evans.  Evans's  work  became 
the  favourite  manual  of  Welsh  history,  retained  its  place  for 
a  century,  and  has  impressed  the  Madoc  narrative  so  deeply 
upon  the  Kymric  mind  that  it  will  probably  not  be  effaced 
for  a  century  to  come,  even  though  it  should  ultimately  appear 
to  have  no  foundation  in  fact.  He  bases  his  narrative  upon 
the  triple  assertion  that  Madoc's  voyage  is  recorded  in  '  the 
chronicles  of  the  ages  ' ;  that  the  natives  of  America  use  the 
Kymric  words  named  by  Powel ;  and  that  the  foregoing 
'  epitaph '  was  found  upon  Madoc's  tomb  in  that  country.  He 

1  EpistolcB  Ho-Eliance,  vol.  iv.  Letter  29,  dated  Oct.  8,  1654  (?). 

2  The  Turkish  Spy  (London,  1694),  vol.  viii.  Bk.  iii.  Letter  xii. 
p.  204. 


HISTORICAL   TESTIMONIES.  39 

has  been  much  blamed  for  the  latter  assertion  by  recent 
writers ;  but  he  gives  as  his  authority  f  Hoel.  Ep.  Vol.  iv. 
Ep.  29,  p.  474,  Ed.  7,'  namely,  the  foregoing  letter,  and  is, 
therefore,  not  primarily  responsible  for  the  assertion  ;  and  in 
referring  to  '  the  chronicles  of  the,  or  those,  ages,'  he  was 
probably  unconscious  of  the  fact  that  the  Welsh  Chronicles 
have  no  record  of  Madoc's  voyage,  and  that  he  only  knew 
them  in  Llwyd's  translation.  He,  however,  adds  to  the  pre- 
ceding narrative,  (1)  that  Madoc  on  the  second  voyage  reached 
the  port  where  he  had  landed  before,  in  eight  months  and  ten 
days  ;  (2)  that  while  that  generation  survived  they  remained 
together,  having  one  language,  one  religion,  and  one  law ; 
(3)  but  that  in  the  lapse  of  time,  after  two  or  three  genera- 
tions, they  associated  with  the  natives,  and  became  one  people 
with  them,  just  as  milk  and  water  become  mixed  together.1 
He  gives  no  authority  for  these  statements,  though  they  espe- 
cially require  to  be  well  supported.  The  asserted  absorption 
of  the  hypothetical  descendants  of  Madoc  may  be  only  an 
expansion  of  Llwyd's  remark ;  but  the  extraordinary  length 
of  a  voyage  now  accomplished  in  nine  days  involves  consider- 
able difficulties,  both  nautical  and  alimentary ;  and  the 
specific  duration  assigned  to  a  voyage  from  which  no  one 
ever  returned,  and  of  which  there  could  scarcely  be  any  re- 
cord, betrays  the  absence  of  critical  discernment,  and  a  remark- 
able unconsciousness  of  historical  responsibility. 

Another  significant  contribution  to  these  testimonies  is 
made  by  Dr.  Williams.  '  From  various  concurrent  evidences 
it  appears  that  Madog  was  the  Commander  of  his  Fathers  Fleet, 
which  was  so  considerable  as  successfully  to  oppose  that  of 
England,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Menai  (the  channel  between 
Carnarvonshire  and  the  island  of  Anglesea),  in  the  year  1142. 
This  victory  was  celebrated  by  Gwalchmai,  the  son  of  Meilir, 

1  Drych  y  Prif  Oesocdd,  Spurrell's  ed.  1854,  p.  11. 


40  MADOC. 

in  one  of  the  most  animated  pieces  of  poetry  to  be  found  in 
any  language. 

*  It  is  very  probable  that  Madoc  hesitated  which  side  to 
take  in  the  dispute  between  his  brothers  about  the  succession, 
and  at  last  determined  to  join  neither,  but  resolved  to  with- 
draw himself;  and,  being  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  Fleet, 
he  was  able  without  delay  to  leave  his  native  country.  These 
circumstances  will  help  us  to  account  for  his  speedy  departure, 
for,  by  all  that  appears,  he  sailed  within  about  a  year  after 
his  father's  death.' l  Dr.  Williams  gives  as  his  authorities 
Caradoc's  'History  of  Wales,'  p.  163,  4th  ed.  1697;  and 
Evans's  '  Specimens  of  the  Welsh  Bards,'  p.  125  (rede,  25),  ed. 
1764.  I  have  verified  his  references,  but  my  copies  of  these 
works  .make  no  mention  of  Madoc,  in  any  capacity,  in  connec- 
tion with  the  battle  of  1142  ;  neither  do  they  report  it  to 
have  been  a  naval  engagement. 

The  latest  and  only  subsequent  testimony  of  an  historical 
form  is  that  of  the  Rev.  R.  W.  Morgan. 

'  On  the  death  of  Owen  Gwynedd,  his  son  Madoc,  who 
had  commanded  his  fleets,  fitted  out  eight  vessels  and  dis- 
covered America,  A.D.  1160.  He  returned  in  1164,  and  with 
a  second  fleet  of  eighteen  vessels  and  three  thousand  of  his 
countrymen,  crossed  the  Atlantic  and  took  possession  of  the 
throne  and  kingdom  of  Mexico.  The  family  traditions  of  the 
Mexican  royal  family,  when  the  Spaniards  under  Cortez  in- 
vaded their  country,  clearly  establish  their  extraction  from 
Madoc  and  Britain.' 2 

It  will  be  observed  that  this  statement  differs  in  several 
important  points  from  any  of  the  preceding ;  but  I  know  of 
no  authority  for  them,  and  Mr.  Morgan  gives  none.  Hence 
it  is,  I  presume,  to  be  inferred  that  he  got  the  number  of 
ships  and  men  from  his  imagination,  and  that  he  conceives 
his  own  assertion  to  be  historic  evidence.  In  terming  Madoc 
1  Farther  Observations,  p.  49.  3  The  British  Kymry,  p.  166. 


HISTORICAL   TESTIMONIES.  41 

the  commander  of  his  father's  fleet,  he  adopts  the  statement 
of  Dr.  Williams,  that  Madoc  commanded  at  the  battle  of  the 
Menai,  for  which  there  seems  to  be  no  real  authority. 

Section  III. — TRAVELLERS'  TALES. 

Having  exhausted  the  list  of  historic  statements,  we  come, 
in  the  next  place,  to  an  entirely  different  class  of  evidences. 

The  discovery  of  America  by  Columbus  led  to  subsequent 
expeditions,  and  ultimately  to  various  settlements,  by  the 
Spaniards,  Dutch,  English,  and  French.  While  Spain  took 
possession  of  the  Southern  part,  England  claimed  North 
America,  from  the  discovery  of  the  two  Cabots  in  1498  ;  and 
various  settlements  were  made  there  in  the  years  1578, 1607, 
1620,  1630,  1632,  1663,  and  in  1680,  in  which  year  William 
Penn  led  a  band  of  colonists  to  found  Pennsylvania. 

While  these  momentous  events  were  taking  place,  the 
Madoc  narrative  was  often  uppermost  in  the  minds  of  the 
natives  of  the  Principality ;  and  as  the  statements  of  Llwyd, 
Powel,  Herbert,  and  Howell  received  implicit  credence,  Welsh- 
men, persons  favourable  to  the  English  claims  of  prior  dis- 
covery, and  even  learned  foreigners,  were  not  indisposed  to 
find  confirmations  of  their  narratives  on  the  American  conti- 
nent itself. 

The  first  indubitable  fact  of  this  kind  was  the  discovery 
made  in  1519,  by  Hernando  Cortes,  in  a  temple  on  the  island 
of  Acusamil  or  Cozumel,  near  the  Gulf  of  Mexico.  Here  he 
was  amazed  by  the  sight  of  a  cross,  of  stone  and  lime,  about 
ten  palms  high.1  This  discovery  suggested  many  conjectures 
to  the  unlettered  soldiers ;  and  European  scholars,  when  the 
fact  became  known,  made  it  the  subject  of  frequent  and  learned 
discussions.  The  presence  of  a  symbol  supposed  to  be  of 
Christian  origin  led  to  many  speculations  as  to  the  character 

1   Prescott,  Hist.  Mc.rirn.  vol.  i.  p.  228. 


42 


MADOC. 


of  the  American  races  ;  a  further  acquaintance  with  the  cere- 
monies of  the  Mexicans  deepened  the  impression  ;  and  learned 
men  found  among  them  traces  of  Baptism,  the  Trinity,  the 
Lord's  Supper,  the  Sabbath,  and  Hebrew  Fasts.1  Various 
interpretations  were  placed  upon  these  coincidences ;  some 
thought  they  might  have  been  introduced  by  the  Chinese  or 
Japanese,  and  others  conceived  that  the  Lost  Tribes  of  Israel 
had  found  their  way  to  America  ;  but  Humphrey  Llwyd  saw 
in  them  traces  of  Madoc  ap  Owen  and  his  followers,  and  Dr. 
Williams  drew  the  same  inference.2 

Other  confirmations  of  the  Cambrian  narrative  were  con- 
ceived to  be  furnished  in  the  State  of  Virginia,  where  it  was 
believed  that  Madoc  must  have  landed.  '  The  Virginians  and 
Guatimalians,  from  ancient  times,  are  said  to  have  worshipped 
one  Madoc  as  an  hero.'  This  statement  was  made  by  Hornius, 
and  professedly  rested  on  the  authority  of  Peter  Martyr 
(Decade  vii.  c.  3),  but  I  have  not  seen  the  original ; 3  and  as 
the  forms  given  to  the  names  among  the  Guatimalians, 
according  to  the  same  authority  (Decade  viii.  c.  5),  are  Matec 
Zungam  and  Mat  Ingam*  it  is  probable  that  these  are  the 
true  forms  of  the  Virginian  name  as  well.  Hornius  held  this 
to  be  a  trace  of  the  Kymric  Madoc,  and  others  have  al- 
lowed his  deduction.5  Another  writer  identified  Madoc  '  and 
his  wife,'  of  whom  we  now  hear  for  the  first  time,  with  the 
Manco  Capac  and  Mam/ma  Ocello  who  figure  in  the  traditions 

1  Hornius,  De  Origin.  American,  pp.  128,  278. 

2  Enquiry,  p.  67. 

3  [The  following  is  the  passage  referred  to :  '  Ad  gelidas  arctos  & 
concretas  niuibus  regiones  aiunt  illas  (scil.  "animas  post  hanc  vitam  ") 
proficisci,  expiarique  apud  regem  terrarum  dominum  nomine^Matec 
Zunguse.'     (Dec.  vii.  cap.  iii.  HakluyVs  edit.  Paris,  1587.)] 

4  [The   form  actually  given  by  Peter  Martyr  is  Malingeni ;  e.g. 
4  Quid   sit  Malinges :  .  .  .  Malingem  inuictum   et  potentein  heroem 
appellant.'     (Dec.  viii.  cap.  5,  Hakluyt's  edit.)] 

5  De   Origin.  American.  Lib.  iii.  cap.  2,  p.  136  ;    quoted  in  Dr. 
"VVilliams's  Enquiry,  p.  18. 


TRAVELLERS'  TALES.  43 

of  the  Deluge  among  the  Peruvians.1  And  other  traces  of 
Madoc's  name  were  visible  to  the  eyes  of  faith  in  the  names 
of  the  Indian  tribes,  the  Mactotatas,  or  Matocautes,2  the 
Padoucas,3  and  the  Mandans.4  Evidences  of  a  monumental 
character  were  also  cited  in  the  same  connection  ;  ancient 
wells,  burial  places,  and  encampments  were  found  in  the 
State  of  Kentucky,  as  well  as  ruined  buildings  and  antique 
pottery  ; 5  and  upon  the  assumption  that  they  could  not  be 
Indian  remains,  and  that  the  aborigines  could  not  manufacture 
pottery,  they  were  held  to  warrant  the  inference,  not  only  that 
Madoc  had  discovered  America,  but  that  he  had  landed  in 
Florida.  Some  of  these  statements  represent  actual  facts, 
but  others  are  affirmed  to  be  geological  rather  than  archaeo- 
logical ; 6  and  as  to  the  validity  of  the  inference,  the  reader 
must  judge  for  himself. 

The  language  of  the  American  aborigines  was  also  held  to 
favour  the  Kymric  tradition.  Bishop  Nicholson  believed  that 
the  Welsh  language  formed  a  considerable  part  of  several  of 
the  American  tongues  ; 7  and  the  authority  of  a  famous  British 
antiquary  8  was  erroneously  quoted  to  show  that  the  LI  of  the 
Spaniards  was  received  from  the  Welsh  through  the  medium 
of  the  Mexicans. 

Nor  was  this  all.  We  have  seen  in  the  extracts  from 
Powel,  Herbert,  Howell,  and  others,  that  Welsh  words  were 
said  to  be  spoken  in  Mexico ;  and  as  the  rocks,  rivers,  and 

1  John  Williams,  Nat.  Hist.  Min.  Kingdom,  vol.  ii.  p.  410,  quoted 
in  Dr.  Williams's  Farther  Observations,  p.  25. 

2  lolo  Morganwg,  Gent.  Mag.  1791,  vol.  ii.  p.  613. 

3  W.  Owen,  ibid.  vol.  i.  p.  329. 

4  Catlin's  Letters   and  Notes  on  the  North  American  Indians, 
vol.  i.  p.  206  ;  vol.  ii.  p.  259. 

6  Filson,  State  of  Kentucky,  cited  by  Williams,  Farther  Observa- 
tions, p.  8. 

6  Bancroft,  Hist.  United  States,  vol.  ii.  p.  919  (Routledge's  edit.). 

7  Cited  in  Univ.  Hist.  vol.  xx.  p.  193. 

8  Llwyd,  Breviary  of  Britain,  p.  2. 


44  MADOC. 

animals  of  that  country  were  thought  to  have  British  names, 
the  question  naturally  arose,  May  not  the  descendants  of  Madoc 
and  his  followers  still  survive  on  the  American  continent  ? 

This  startling  question  soon  received  an  affirmative  reply. 
The  views  of  Humphrey  Llwyd,  adopted  and  disseminated  by 
Hakluyt,  pointed  to  Florida  and  Virginia  as  the  probable 
seat  of  the  descendants  of  Madoc ;  and  there  traces  of  them 
were  reported  to  have  been  found.  A  man  named  David 
Ingram,  a  Scotchman  apparently,1  if  we  may  judge  from  the 
name,  travelled  for  eleven  months  among  the  Indians  settled 
between  Mexico  and  Virginia,  and  reported  that  he  had  dis- 
covered Indians  who  spoke  the  Welsh  language.2  Other 
persons  reported  themselves  to  have  made  the  same  discovery 
A  conversation  on  the  subject  of  Madoc's  emigration,  and  the 
presumed  survival  of  descendants  of  his,  took  place  at  the 
house  of  Mr.  Thomas  Price,  of  Llanvyllin,  between  himself 
and  his  relatives,  Thomas  and  Charles  Lloyd  of  Dolobran,  in 
the  course  of  which  the  host  related  that  one  Stedman,  about 
1670,  landed  on  the  coast  between  Virginia  and  Florida, 
spoke  to  the  Indians  in  their  native  language,  and  was  in- 
formed by  them  that  they  had  come  '  from  a  country  called 
Gwynedd  in  Prydain  Fawr.'  One  Oliver  Humphreys,  also, 
told  Charles  Lloyd  that  he  had  conversed  with  Indians  near 
Florida,  and  that  their  language  was  '  perfect  Welsh.' 3 

The  two  Lloyds,  as  well  as  their  cousin  Price,  influenced 
by  the  Cambrian  History  of  Llwyd  and  Powel,  and  the  re- 
ports of  Stedman  and  Humphreys,  were  quite  prepared  to 
find  descendants  of  Madoc's  colony  between  Florida  and 
Virginia ;  and  their  expectations  were  soon  destined  to  receive 
confirmation.  The  two  Lloyds  of  Dolobran,  which  is  in  the 

1  [See  p.  34,  ante.] 

2  Hakluyt,  Pt.  iii.  p.  557  (1st  edit,  1589). 

s  Letter  of  Charles  Lloyd,  see  Appendix.  The  letter  is  dated  Sept. 
14,  1704,  and  Stedman's  adventure  took  place  thirty  years  before. 


TRAVELLERS'  TALES.  45 

parish  of  Meivod,  Montgomeryshire,  had  been  educated  at 
Oxford  ;  and  among  their  college  friends  was  one  Morgan 
Jones,  a  native  of  Basaleg  or  Maes  Aleg,  Monmouthshire. 
The  latter  became  an  Episcopalian,  and  accompanied  a  body 
of  emigrants  to  America ;  but  the  two  Lloyds  became  con- 
verts to  the  doctrines  of  Richard  Davies,  of  Cloddiau  Cochion 
in  the  same  county,  the  first  Welsh  Quaker ;  and  they  suffered 
much  for  conscience  sake  in  that  age  of  bigoted  intole- 
rance. The  '  esquire,'  Charles  Lloyd,  built  a  meeting-house 
on  his  estate  near  Coed  Cowryd,  which  was  still  standing  in 
1829  ;  and  both  brothers  naturally  felt  a  keen  interest  in  the 
colonial  project  of  William  Penn.  Thomas  Lloyd  accom- 
panied Penn  to  America  ;  and,  being  held  in  great  esteem,  he 
in  1699  became  the  Governor  of  Pennsylvania,  in  which 
capacity  he  is  honourably  commemorated  by  the  historian 
Bancroft. 

It  would  seem  that  Thomas  Lloyd  settled  in  the  first  place 
at  New  York,  and  there,  at  his  own  house,  he  renewed 
his  acquaintance  with  the  Rev.  Morgan  Jones.  Being 
acquainted  with  the  Cambrian  tradition  respecting  Madoc, 
and  mindful  of  the  conversation  at  Llanvyllin,  this  naturally 
formed  the  subject  of  conversation,  when  Jones  related  an 
adventure  which  befell  him  about  the  same  time  as  that  of 
Stedman.  Lloyd  desired  him  to  put  the  narrative  in  writing, 
which  Jones  accordingly  did,  then  and  there  ;  and  to  please 
his  brother  Charles,  and  his  cousin  Thomas  Price,  Lloyd  sent 
the  document  to  Wales  addressed  to  the  former.1 

Two  copies  of  Jones's  narrative  have  appeared  in  print,  one 
in  the  'Gentleman's  Magazine,'  March  1740,  and  the  other 
in  Owen's  '  British  Remains,'  1777  (pp.  103-106).  Whether 
they  are  two  different  copies,  or  one  a  variation,  is  uncertain. 
They  differ,  however,  in  several  respects.  The  latter  contains 
several  passages  which  are  absent  from  the  former,  and 
1  Letter  of  Charles  Lloyd. 


46  MADOC. 

differs  from  it  in  dating  Jones's  adventure  in  1669  instead  of 
1660.  It  is  also  uncertain  whether  this  variation  was  made 
by  Owen  to  harmonise  with  a  date  given  in  the  letter  of  the 
original  copyist,  Charles  Lloyd.  I  incline  to  this  supposition, 
and  infer  the  date  given  by  Jones  to  have  been  1660  ;  but 
Owen's  transcript  being  the  fullest,  I  have  adopted  that  for  a 
text,  and  have  inserted  the  variations  of  the  former  as  foot- 
notes. The  transcript  in  the  '  Gentleman's  Magazine '  was 
furnished  by  the  Rev.  Theophilus  Evans,  author  of  '  Drych  y 
Prif  Oesoedd.' 

Jones's  statement  is  here  subjoined  at  length  : 

'  These  presents  may  certify  all  persons  whatsoever,  That 
in  the  year  1669  a  I  being  then  an  inhabitant  in  Virginia,  and 
chaplain  to  Major-General  Bennett,b  Sir  William  Berkeley 
sent  two  ships  to  c  search  the  place  which  then  was  called 
Port  Royal,  but  now  South  Carolina,  which  is  60  leagues  to 
the  southward  of  Cape  Fair ;  and  I  was  sent d  thither  with 
them  to  be  their  minister. 

'  Upon  the  8th  of  April  we  set  out  from  Virginia,  and 
arrived  at  the  harbour's  mouth  of  Port  Royal  the  19th  of  the 
same  month,  where  we  waited  for  the  rest  of  the  fleet  that 
was  to  come e  from  Barbadoes  and  Bermudas  with  one  Mr. 
West,  who  was  to  be  Deputy  Governor  of  the  said  place.  As 
soon  as  the  fleet  came  in,  the  small  vessels  that  were  with  us 
went  f  up  the  river  to  a  place  called  g  Oyster-Point,h  for  we 
durst  not  go  up  with  the  great  ships  because  of  the  bar  of 
sand  that  was  before  the  harbour's  mouth. 

'  After  we  were  seated,  I  staid  there  between  seven  and 
eight  months,  till  the  10th  of  November  following  ;  at  which 
time,1  being  almost  starved  for  want  of  provisions,  I  and  five 

»  1660.  b  Bennet  of  Mauseman  County,  the  said  Major  Bennet 
and.  c  Port  Eoyal,  now  called  South  Carolina.  a  therewith  to  be, 
&c.  *  sail.  f  sail'd  *  the  Oyster  Point.  h  The  sentence  ends  with 
the  word  '  Point ' ;  the  remainder  of  it  is  omitted.  '  There  I  continued 
about  eight  months,  all  which  time. 


TRAVELLERS'  TALES.  47 

more  took  our  flight  from  thence,h  and  travelled  through  the 
wilderness  till  we  came  to  the  Tuscarora  (  country,  where m 
the   Tuscarora n  Indians  took  us  prisoners,  because  we  told 
them  we  were  bound  for  Eoanoke,  °  for  they  then  had  wars 
with  the  English  at  Roanoke  ;  and  p  they  carried  us  into  their 
town  that  night,  and  shut  us  up  in  a  house  q  by  ourselves,1" 
and  the  next  day  held  a  Macchcomoco8  l*  about  us,  which 
after  it  was  over  their  interpreter  came  to  us,  and  told  us  we 
must  fit  *  ourselves  to  die  next  morning ;  whereupon,  being 
something  cast-down,"  and    speaking  to  this   effect  in   the 
British  tongue,  "  Have  I  escaped  so  many  dangers,  and  must 
I  now  be  knocked  on  the  head  like  a  dog  ?  "  v  an  Indian 
came  to  me,  who  afterwards  appeared  to  be  a  war-captain 
belonging  to  the  Sachinw  of  the  Doegs  (whose  original  I 
found  x  must  needs  be  from  the  Welsh  y),  and  took  me  up  by 
the  middle,  and  told  me  in  the  British  tongue  I  should  not 
die  ;  and  thereupon  went  to  the  Emperor  of  the  Tuscaroras,* 
and  agreed  for  my  ransom  and  the  men  that  were  with  me, 
and  paid  it  the  next  day.a     Afterwards  they 2*  carried  us  to 
their  town,  and  entertained  us  civilly  for  four  months,  and  I 
did  converse  with  them  of  many  things  in  the  British  tongue,b 
and  did  preach  to  them  three  times  a  week  in  the  British 
tongue,0  and  they  would  usually  confer  with  me  about  any- 

k  The  words  '  took  our  flight  from  thence  and '  are  absent. 
1  Tuscarara.  m  There.  n  Tuscarara.  °  Roanok.  p  The  clause  °  to  p 
is  absent.  q  '  close  '  instead  of  '  in  a  house.'  T  to  our  no  small  dread. 
*  They  enter'd  into  a  consultation.  '  prepare.  u  very  much  dejected. 
T  There  presently  an  Indian.  w  Sachim.  x  find.  >  Old  Britons 
z  Tuscorara.  *  The  words  '  and  paid  it  the  next  day '  are  absent. 
b  They  then  welcomed  us  to  their  town  and  entertained  us  very  civilly 
four  months,  during  which  time  I  had  the  opportunity  of  conversing  with 
them  familiarly  in  the  British  language.  c  the  same  language. 

1*  Macocomocock  is  the  name  of  a  river  in  North  Carolina  :  does 
this  word  also  signify  '  consultation  '  ?     (T.S.) 
2*  Who :  the  Tuscaroras  or  the  Doegs  ?     (T.S.) 


48  MADOC. 

thing  that  was  difficult  to  them ; d  and  when  we  came  from 
them  they  shewed  themselves  very  civil  and  courteous.6 

'  They  are  seated  upon  Pantigo  l*  river,  not  far  from  Cape 
Atros.  This  is  a  recital f  of  my  travels  among  theDoeg  Indians.2* 

4  MORGAN  JONES, 
1  New  York,  the  son  of  John  Jones  of  Basleg,g  near 

c  March  10,  168-|.  Newport,  in  Monmouthshire.'  h 

Who  further  added,  by  way  of  postscript,  that  he  was 
very  ready  to  conduct  any  Welshmen,  or  others,  that  desired 
further  satisfaction.1 

This  surprising  narrative  was  transmitted  by  Charles 
Lloyd  '  to  his  cousin  Edward  Lhuyd,  the  philologist ;  it  was 
published  in  the  '  Gentleman's  Magazine'  for  March  1704,  and 
again  in  1740  ;  it  was  given  by  Lhuyd  to  Dr.  Plott,  who  read 
the  substance  of  it  before  the  Royal  Society ;  it  was  embodied 
in  the  '  British  Remains ' 2  of  the  Rev.  Nicholas  Owen  (1777)  ; 

d  therein.  e  at  our  departure  they  abundantly  supply'd  us  with 
whatever  was  necessary  to  our  support  and  well-being.  f  brief  recital. 
*  Basaleg.  h  County  of  Monmouth.  '  P.S. — I  am  ready  to  conduct 
any  Welshmen  or  others  to  the  country. 

l*  Charles  Lloyd  says  this  word  '  hath  a  British  sound ' ;  and  Dr. 
Williams  interpreted  it  to  mean  the  '  bridge  of  the  blacksmith  ' — Pont 
y  gov.  Theophilus  Evans  made  it  signify  '  the  fair  hollow  ' — Pant-Teg ; 
and  in  1740,  having  found  there  were  no  Welsh  Indians  on  the  river 
Pamlico  (the  proper  form  of  the  word),  fixed  the  site  of  his  Pant-Teg 
on  th*>  Missouri. 

2*  Charles  Lloyd,  in  1693,  says  that  the  Doegs  '  in  the  new  maps 
of  the  English  Empire  '  are  placed,  not  in  Carolina,  but  in  Virginia. 

1  The  account  of  the  connection  of  the  Lloyds  of  Dolobran  with  the 
statement  of4he  Rev.  Morgan  Jones  is  given  on  the  authority  of  the 
late  Eev.  Walter  Davies,  Cambrian  Quarterly  Magazine,  1829  ;  vol.  i. 
pp.  440-1,  and  of  the  works  undermentioned. 

2  '  British  Remains  ;  or,  a  Collection  of  Antiquities  relating  to  the 
Britons :  Comprehending,  .  .  .  iv.  An  account  of  the  Discovery  of 
America  by   the   Welsh  more  than  300  Years  before   the  Voyage  of 
Columbus.  .  .  .  By  the  Eev.  N.  Owen,  Jun.,  A.M.     London,  1777.' 

Dr.  Plott's  paper  is  here  republished  by  Owen  ;  but  it  presents  no 
features  of  interest. 


TRAVELLERS'  TALES.  49 

and  Dr.  John  Williams,  of  Sydenham,  included  it  in  his  first 
essay  on  the  Welsh  Indians  (1 790),  the  '  Enquiry,'  to  which  we 
have  so  often  referred.1 

By  the  time  Dr.  Williams  published  his  essay,  statements 
of  this  kind  had  become  very  numerous,  and  also  divergent, 
if  not  contradictory ;  so  that  this  writer  found  it  necessary 
to  include  no  less  than  five  tribes,  namely,  the  Doegs  or 
Delawares,  Tuscarores,  another  tribe  left  unnamed,  the 
Padoucas,  and  the  Pawnees,  as  Welsh  Indians ; 2  but  the 
common  opinion,  at  all  events  a  few  years  afterwards,  was, 
that  the  descendants  of  Madoc,  or  the  Madogwys,  were  more 
especially  the  Padoucas. 

The  key-note  having  been  thus  struck,  the  Welsh  Indians 
were  found  by  many  persons,  and  confirmations  of  the 
principal  points  of  the  preceding  narrative  were  found  in 
many  forms  and  places. 

There  is  thus  a  large  mass  of  testimony  bearing  upon  this 
subject ;  and  it  deserves  consideration  on  grounds  irrespective 
of  its  reference  to  Welsh  Indians.  If  it  be  valid,  it  forms 
strong  presumptive  evidence  of  the  truth  of  our  native  tradi- 
tion ;  but  if  it  be  fictitious,  it  reveals  an  extraordinary  amount 
of  dishonesty  and  credulity,  and  deserves  a  prominent  place 
in  the  history  of  popular  delusions.  I  will  therefore  endea- 
vour to  classify  it,  in  accordance  with  its  leading  points, 
accepting  the  statements  as  they  stand,  without  instituting 
any  inquiry  as  to  their  authenticity.  The  various  testimonies 
may  thus  be  conveniently  grouped  under  the  following 
heads  : — 

I.  Belief  in  Welsh  Indians. 

II.  Belief  in  White  Indians. 

III.  Indian  Traditions. 

IV.  Welsh-speaking  Indians : — 

1  An  Enquiry  <tc.,  ut  sup. 

2  Enquiry,  p.  50 ;  Farther  Observations,  pp.  5,  7,  15,  20. 

£ 


50  MADOC. 

(a)  Indirect  evidence. 
(#)  Direct  statements. 

V.  Sacred  Books. 

VI.  Topography  ;  Archaeology  ;  and  Civil  Usages. 

I.  BELIEF  IN  WELSH  INDIANS. — A  considerable  number  of 
persons  living,  or  who  had  lived,  in  America,  expressed  their 
belief  in  the  existence  of  Welsh  Indians,  but  without  assign- 
ing any  reasons  for  their  convictions.     Among  these  were  a 
Rev.  Mr.  Rankin,  of  Kentucky;  Mr.  William  Prichard,  a 
bookseller  in  Philadelphia ;  the  Mr.  Filson  already  named ; 
the  Rev.  Morgan  Jones,  of  Hammersmith,  and  a  friend  of  his, 
the  Rev.  Morgan  Edwards,  of  Pennsylvania ;  and  Dr.  Samuel 
Jones,  of  the  same  place,  who  at  the  age  of  fifty-five  declared 
his  resolution  to  visit  the  Welsh  Indians  as  soon  as  their 
location  should  be  determined.1 

II.  WHITE  INDIANS. — Several  persons  spoke  of  the  exist- 
ence of  White  or  Welsh  Indians  ;  and  many  of  them  conceived 
the  terms  to  be  convertible ;  but  others  spoke  of  White  Indians 
simply.    A  General  Bowles  knew  Padoucas,  or  White  Indians ; 
a  Mr.  Rimington  said  tolerably  White  Indians  were  to  be  met 
with  on  the  Mississippi,  Forks  of  the  Ohio,  &c. ;  a  Mr.  Pond 
knew  White  Pawnees ; 2  the  Moravian  missionaries,  and  the 
Rev.  Morgan  Rees,  had  heard  of,  and  believed  there  were 
White  Indians  ;  3  Lieutenant  Ruxton  speaks  of  Albinoes  and 
a    white   tribe   among  the   Pueblo    and   Navajo   Indians ; 4 
General  Clarke    told  Mr.    Catlin  that  he    would   find   the 
Mandans  half-white ;  and  Mr.  Catlin  says  he  found  them  to 
be  lighter  in  complexion  than  other  Indians.5 

1  Williams'  Farther  Observations,  pp.  7,  8,  9,  43 ;  Gent.  Mag. 
Sept.  1791. 

a  Farther  Observations,  pp.  3,  16,  36. 

8  Cambrian  Register,  vol.  i.  pp.  377,  379. 

*  Adventures  in  Mexico  and  the  Rocky  Mountains  (London :  1849), 
p.  195. 

8  Catlin,  North  American  Indians,  vol.  i.  pp.  93,  94. 


TRAVELLERS'  TALES.  51 

So  far  there  is  a  unity  of  testimony  ;  bat  there  is  a  little 
discrepancy  as  to  the  colour  of  the  hair.  General  Bowles  said, 
some  of  the  '  White  Padoucas '  had  sandy,  some  red,  and 
some  l  black  hair ;  and  Captain  Stewart  said  the  hair  of  the 
white  Indians  was  mostly  reddish  ; 2  but  Mr.  Catlin  says  that 
red  hair  is  wholly  unknown  among  the  Indians ;  and  that 
General  Clarke  received  from  the  Minatarees  the  name  '  Red 
Hair,'  because  that  was  an  unexampled  thing  in  their 
country.3  Another  witness,  a  brother  of  the  Rev.  Morgan 
Jones  of  Hammersmith,  reports  a  friend  of  his  to  have  seen 
'  copper-coloured  '  Indians,  from  the  Arctic  regions,  with  white 
bear  skins,  who  conversed  in  Welsh  with  a  Welshman  at 
Mazores  on  the  Ohio.4 

III.  INDIAN  TRADITIONS. — Montezuma  is  reported  to  have 
said,  in  a  speech  professing  to  have  been  found  in  Spanish 
in  Mexico,  that  his  race  came  from  '  a  far  distant  Northern 
nation,  whose  tongue  and  manners  we  yet  have  partly  pre- 
served ; '  and  Dr.  Williams  thinks  he  referred  to  Britain.5 
Captain  Stewart  states  that  he  found  (in  1776)  on  the  '  small 
river  Post,'  near  the  Red  River  (in  Texas  ?  )  a  white  and  mostly 
reddish-haired  tribe  ;  that  a  Welshman  named  John  Davey, 
who  accompanied  him,  said  he  understood  their  language — ifc 
being  but  little  different  from  the  Welsh ;  that  Davey  went 
with  him  to  the  chief  men  of  the  toicn ;  and  that  they 
informed  Davey  in  a  language  unknown  to  him  (Stewart), 
that  their  forefathers  came  from  a  foreign  country,  and  landed 
on  the  east  of  the  Mississippi,  describing  particularly  the 
country  now  called  Florida,  and  that  on  the  Spaniards  taking 
possession  of  Mexico,  they  fled  to  their  then  abode.6 

1  Williams,  Farther  Observations,  p.  4. 

2  Williams,  Enquiry,  p.  47,  from  the  Public  Advertiser,  Oct.  8,  1785. 

3  Catlin,  op.  cit.,  vol.  i.  pp.  94,  187. 

4  Y  Great,  neu  Eurgraum,  1800,  p.  16. 

5  Farther  Observations,  p.  33. 

6  Cited  by  Williams,  Enquiry,  pp.  47-48. 

E2 


52  MADOC. 

This  tradition,  it  will  be  observed,  rests  on  the  authority 
of  Davey ;  and  it  has  the  merit  of  being  in  harmony  with  the 
Cambrian  tradition,  which  he  may  have  known  ;  but  it  repre- 
sents the  Indians  to  have  committed  the  folly  of  taking  alarm 
when  the  Spaniards  were  far  to  the  South,  and  to  have  sought 
safety  by  flying  towards  them.     Other  reports  coincide  with 
the  above.     A  Captain  Drummond  was  informed  by  the  only 
descendant  of  Montezuma  then  living,  that  his  forefathers 
came  from  '  a  distant  land,'  which  that  officer  considered  to 
be  Britain ; J  and  other  Mexican  chiefs,  in  negotiating  with 
Sir  John  Hawkins,  in  the  time  of  Elizabeth,  are  reported  to 
have   considered  themselves  to   have   been  descended  from 
Ancient   Britons.2     One  Benjamin  Sutton,  as  reported  by  a 
missionary  named  Beatty,3  noticed  that  the  Delaware  women 
kept  apart  seven  days  from  the  males,  at  certain  times,  as 
prescribed  in  the  Mosaic  law ;  and  learnt  from  some  of  the 
old  men  that  they  knew  not  for  a  certainty  how  they  came  to 
the  American  Continent,  but  they  came  to  their  habitations 
on  the  Delaware  river  under  the  following  circumstances.     A 
king  of  their  nation  left  his  kingdom  to  his  two  sons  ;  that 
one  made  war  upon  the  other ;  and  that  the  defeated  party 
resolved  to  seek  a  new  habitation  ;  that  after  wandering  for 
forty  years,  he  and  his  followers  settled  on  that  river,  370 
years  before  Button's  visit  to  them — a  few  years  before  1766  ; 
and  that  they  kept  this  account  by  placing  a  bead  of  wampum 
on  a  belt  every  year.     Dr.  Williams  was  doubtful  whether 
this  had  reference  to  Madoc,  or  was  a  confused  tradition  of 
the  wanderings  of  the  Israelites  in  the  wilderness.     But  a 

1  Williams,  Farther  Observations,  p.  30. 

3  This  is  Dr.  Williams'  version,  Observations,  p.  33. 

*  Journal  of  a  Two  Months'  Tou/r  with  a,  view  of  Promoting  Re- 
ligion, by  Charles  Beatty,  A.M.  London  :  1768.  Quoted  by  the  Rev. 
George  Burder  in  a  pamphlet  dated,  London,  1787,  and  addressed  to 
the  Missionary  Society  ;  and  also  by  Dr.  Williams,  in  his  Enquiry, 
p.  45. 


TRAVELLERS'  TALES.  53 

letter  written  by  Charles  Lloyd,  of  Dolobran,  furnishes  far 
more  positive  evidence.  The  letter  is  dated  '  8 in.  I4id.  3/4,' 
170f  or  1705  ;  and  in  it  he  says,  on  the  authority  of  a  friend, 
that  some  thirty  years  before  the  date  of  this  letter,  i.e.  in 
1674  or  1675,  one  Stedman,  a  native  of  Breconshire,  was  off 
the  coast  of  America,  supposed  by  Mr.  Lloyd  to  be  between 
Virginia  and  Florida,  in  a  Dutch  vessel,  when  the  natives 
refused  to  let  them  land  to  obtain  water,  but  he,  understanding 
their  language,  made  the  fact  known,  and  the  Indians  then 
treated  them  courteously.  They  then  informed  him  that  they 
came  from  a  country  called  Gimjnedd  (North  Wales)  in  Prydain 
Fawr  (Great  Britain).1  This  is  perfectly  explicit ;  but  Dr. 
Williams  thinks  the  Indians  could  not  have  named  '  Great 
Britain,'  as  that  designation  only  prevailed  after  the  accession 
of  James  I.,  in  1603  ;  or  else  that  they  were  descendants  of 
a  new  colony,  settled  after  the  accession  of  the  Stuarts ;  but 
his  preference  for  this  alternative  was  unreasonable,  for  Welsh- 
men would  scarcely  sink  down  into  Indians  in  half  a  century  ; 
and  therefore  he  ought  to  have  accepted  Stedman's  evidence 
as  it  stood. 

Nor  is  this  all ;  for  a  Mr.  Binon,  an  Indian  trader  (of 
whom  more  hereafter),2  is  reported  to  have  said  that  some 
Indians  whom  he  visited  not  only  affirmed  that  their  ancestors 
came  from  Wales,  though  they  knew  not  in  what  part  of  the 
world  it  was  ;  but  also  that  they  had  revived  the  relationship 
in  America,  and  that  '  thirty  or  forty  of  them  sometimes 
visited  the  Ancient  Britons  settled  on  the  Welsh  Track  in 
Pennsylvania.'  3  Again,  in  1801,  an  Indian  chief  told  Lieu- 
tenant Roberts  that  the  traditions  of  his  country  referred  the 

1  Inserted  in   Owen's   British  Remains,  and  cited  in  Williams' 
Enquiry,  p.  34. 

2  Post,  p.  60. 

3  Williams,  Farther  Observations,  pp.  12,  13. 


54  MADOC. 

origin  of  his  tribe  to  the  East ;  but  he  had  never  heard  of 
Wales,  though  he  spoke  Kymraeg.1 

IV.  WELSH-SPEAKING  INDIANS. — A  considerable  number 
of  persons  affirm  that  they  had  either  spoken  Welsh  to  Indians 
who  spoke  and  understood  that  language,  or  that  they  had 
heard  what  they  were  told  was  Welsh  spoken  between  Indians 
and  Welshmen. 

(a)  Indirect  Evidence. — To  the  latter  class  we  must  assign 
the  evidence  of  the  majority  of  the  persons  named  in  this 
connection. 

1.  Messrs.  Beatty  and  Duffield,  sent  by  the  Synod  of  New 
York  and  Philadelphia,  in  1766,  to  visit  Pennsylvania  and 
the  Indians  on  that  frontier,  fell  in  with  three  persons,  named 
Hicks,  Joseph,  and  Sutton.     Levi  Hicks  had  been  a  captive 
with  the  Indians  from  his  youth,  and  he  informed  these  mis- 
sionaries that  when  attending  an  embassy  he  had  been  in  a 
town  of  Indians,  on  the  west  side  of  the  Mississippi  river,  the 
inhabitants  of  which  talked  '  Welsh,'  as  he  was  told,  for  he  did 
not  understand  them.2 

2.  The  interpreter  of  the  missionaries,  by  name  Joseph, 
said  he  saw  some  Indians  whom  he  supposed  to  be  of  the  same 
tribe,  who  talked  '  Welsh,'  and  he  repeated  some  of  their 
words,  which  '  he  knew  to  be  Welsh,'  as  he  had  been  ac- 
quainted with  some  Welsh  people.3 

3.  Benjamin  Sutton  saw  some  Indians  on  the  west  side 
of  the  Mississippi,  a  considerable  distance  above  New  Orleans, 
who  were  less  tawny  than  other  Indians,  and  who  spoke  Welsh. 
Sutton  does  not  appear  to  have  known  Welsh  himself,  and  this 
assertion  seems  to  be  an  inference  from  what  he  afterwards 
heard  and   saw,  in  a  town  called  the  Lower  Shawanaugh. 
Here  there  was  a  captive  Welshman  named  Lewis,  and  Sutton 

1  Y  Greal  (1805),  p.  228 ;  see  post,  p.  61. 

2  Beatty,  op.  cit.,  quoted  in  Williams'  Enquiry,  p.  42. 

3  Ibid. 


TRAVELLERS'  TALES.  55 

heard  some  of  those  Trans-Mississippian  Indians  speaking 
Welsh  to  and  with  him.1  One  Eichard  Burnell,  as  reported 
by  Edward  Williams  (lolo  Margaaiwg),  knew  '  this  Mr.  Lewis 
who  saw  those  Welsh  Indians  at  a  Congress  among  the 
Chickasaws,  with  whom  and  the  Natch  es  they  were  in 
alliance.' 2  Here  the  whole  force  of  the  evidence  seems  to  rest 
on  an  assumption  that  Lewis,  being  a  Welshman,  must  have 
spoken  Welsh.  There  is  no  direct  proof  that  Lewis  himself 
said  that  what  he  had  spoken  was  Welsh,  or  that  those  he 
spoke  to  understood  Kymraeg. 

4.  This   Mr.   Burnell  went   to   America   in   1763,   and 
returned    on   the   outbreak   of   the   war   in    1775.      Many 
'  Ancient    Britons '  at  Philadelphia  informed  him  that  the 
Welsh  Indians  were  known  to  many  in  Pennsylvania  ;  and 
he  knew  a  very  rich  Quaker  named  Willin  or  Willain,  who 
had  placed  settlers  on  a  large  extent  of  ground  in  the  district 
of  the  Natches.     He  assured  Mr.  Burnell  that  among  his 
colony  were  two  Welshmen,  who  perfectly  understood  the 
Indians,  and  conversed  with  them  for  hours  together ;  that 
these  Welshmen  had  often  assured  him   (Willin)  that  the 
Indians  spoke  the  Welsh  language,  and  that  some  of  the 
Indians  were  settled  in  those  parts,  some  on  the  west  of  the 
Mississippi  in  several  places,  and  some  in  very  remote  parts.3 
Mr.  Burnell   had  a  son  named  '  Cradog '  settled  at  Buck's 
Island,  near  Augusta,  in  the  State  of  Georgia.     He  is  said  to 
have  been  a  c  capital  trader,'  to  have  read  and  written  Welsh 
well,  and,  in  the  judgment  of  the  father,  '  probably '  knew 
more  of  these  Welsh  Indians  than  any  man  then  living;4  but 
'  probable  '  evidence  is  inadmissible. 

5.  Sir  John  Caldwell,  Bart.,  an  English  officer  serving 
in   the   American    War,    said   he   had    some  Welshmen    in 

1  Beatty,  op.  cit.,  quoted  in  Williams'  Enquiry,  p.  41. 

2  Williams,  Farther  Observations,  p.  13. 

3  Ibid.  p.  13.  4  Ibid.  pp.  14.  15. 


56  MADOC. 

his  company.  They  knew  the  Panis  or  Pawnees,  under- 
stood the  language  of  those  Indians,  and  affirmed  it  to  be 
Welsh.1 

6.  Another  officer  (not  named  by  Dr.  Williams),  who  had 
been  stationed  at  Illinois,  said  that  an  Indian  nation  called 
the  Mud  Indians,  which  came  down  the  Missouri,  spoke  a 
guttural  language,  which  some  Welshmen  in  his  regiment 
pronounced  to  be  Welsh.2  Mrs.  Campbell,3  in  her  '  Tales 
about  Wales,'  imputes  this  statement  to  a  Captain  Davies  ; 4 
but  as  he  was  captain  of  a  ship  called  the  '  Albion,'  from 
Trevdraeth,  Pembroke,  it  is  difficult  to  conceive  that  he  was 
the  person  here  alluded  to. 

.  7.  A  Mr.  Gibson,  a  trader,  told  Mr.  Kennedy,  a  gentleman 
who  was  in  London  in  1791,  that  he  had  been  among  Indians 
who  spoke  Welsh.  This  seems,  at  the  first  glance,  to  be 
positive  and  personal  evidence ;  but  he  immediately  adds  that 
he  had  conversed  at  different  times  with  very  many  others, 
who  assured  him  that  there  was  such  a  people  ; 5  and  hence 
we  are  led  to  suspect  that  he  did  not  himself  understand 
Welsh.  Hence,  instead  of  spoke,  we  are  to  read  were  said  to 
speak  Welsh. 

8.  Filson,  the  historian  of  Kentucky,  makes  a  similar 
statement,  on  the  authority  of  an  American  captain.  Writing 
in  1784,  he  says :  '  Of  late  years  the  Western  settlers  have 
received  frequent  accounts  of  a  nation  at  a  great  distance  up 
the  Missouri,  in  manner  and  appearance  resembling  other 
Indians,  but  speaking  Welsh,  and  retaining  some  ceremonies 

1  Williams,  Farther  Observations,  pp.  14,  15.  2    Ibid.  p.  18. 

3  This  lady,  the  widow  of  Captain  Robert  Campbell,  cousin  of  the 
poet,  published  a  very  interesting  little  volume,  entitled  Tales  about 
Wales,  by  a  Lady  of  the  Principality,  in  which  the  Welsh  Indians  find 
a  place.    A  second  issue  was  edited,  in  1837,  by  Captain  Basil  Hall, 
and  is  that  quoted  here. 

4  Page  115. 

&  Williams,  Farther  Observations,  p.  87. 


TRAVELLERS'  TALES.  57 

of  the  Christian  worship :  and  at  length  this  is  universally 
believed  to  be  a  fact.  Captain  Abraham  Chaplain,  of  Ken- 
tucky, a  gentleman  whose  veracity  may  be  depended  upon 
assured  me  that  in  the  late  war,  being  with  his  company  in 
garrison  at  Kaskaski,  some  Indians  came  there,  and,  speakin» 
the  Welsh  language,  were  perfectly  understood,  and  con- 
versed with,  by  two  Welshmen  in  his  company;  and  that 
they  informed  them  of  their  situation  as  mentioned  above.' 1 

9.  The  Rev.  Morgan  Jones,  of  Pennsylvania,  said  that, 
about  the  year  1750,  a  friend  of  his  had  been  visited  by  an 
Indian  who  knew  a  little  Welsh,  and  who  said  he  knew  a 
nation  a  great  way  beyond  the  Mississippi,  who  spoke  that 
language.2 

10.  Two  Cherokee  chiefs,  General  Bowles  (by  birth  an 
Irishman)  and  a  Mr.  Price,  when  in  London  on  a  mission, 
made    similar    statements   to   Mr.   Edward  Williams.      The 
general  had  a  Welshman  with  him  for  some  time,  who  had 
been  a  prisoner  among  the  Spaniards,  and  had  worked  in  the 
Mexican    mines.     Making   his  escape,  he  came  among  the 
Padoucas,  and  was  able  to  converse  with  them.3     This  does 
not  amount  to  an  explicit  statement  that  the  Padoucas  spoke 
Kymraeg ;  but  the  general  understood  the  Welshman  to  say 
so.     Mr.  Price  did  not  know  Welsh,  but  said  that  his  father 
did,  and  that  the  latter  had  often  conversed  with  the  Padoucas 
in  that  language.4 

11.  In  all  these  cases,  except  perhaps  in  the  case  of  Lewis, 
the  names  of  the  Welshmen  are  not  given  ;  but  in  that  of 
Captain  Stewart  we  have  the  name  of  John  Davey.     This  is 
a  Welsh  name  ;  and  the  statement  of  Stewart  was  doubtless 
made  in  good  faith ;  and  we  have  only  one  of  two  alternatives 

1  Cited  in  Williams'   Farther   Observations,  p.  9,  and  Burder's 
pamphlet,  p.  21. 

2  Ibid.  p.  10. 

3  Williams,  Farther  Observations,  p.  5.  *  Ibid.  p.  7. 


58  MADOC. 

to  adopt,  assuming  that  Davey  was  equally  honest,  viz.  either 
that  he  deceived  himself,  or  that  the  Indians  really  spoke 
Welsh  ;  but  the  proof  adduced  by  Davey,  in  the  form  of 
'parchment'  which  he  could  not  read,  is  not  conclu- 
sive.1 

12.  The  statement  made  by  a  Mr.  Rimington,  an  English 
interpreter,  seems  equally  circumstantial,  but  is  not  really  so. 
He  saw  strange  Indians  at  the  forks  of  the  Ohio ;  but  on  his 
saying  that  he  did  not  understand  them,  a  companion  said : 
'  O  !  they  are  the  Welsh  Indians.'  A  Welshman  named  Jack 
Hughes  being  sent  for,  understood  them  well,  and  became 
their  interpreter  while  they  remained  there.2  This  is  not 
equivalent  to  a  similar  statement  made  by  Jack  Hughes 
himself. 

(/3)  We  come  now  to  our  second  division — that  of  direct 
statements. 

1.  The  testimony  of  Stedman  has  been  already  given.3 

2.  An  English  privateer  or  pirate,  while  careening  his 
vessel  near  Florida,  learnt  what  he  thought  was  an  Indian 
language ;  but,  coming  in  contact  with  Oliver  Humphreys,  a 
merchant  at  Surinam,  the  latter  pronounced  it  to  be  Welsh.4 

3.  The  statement  of  the  Rev.  Morgan  Jones,  of  New  York, 
has  been  already  laid  before  the  reader.5 

4.  A  clergyman  from  Britain,  supposed  by  Burder  and 
Dr.  Williams  to  be  the  same  person  as  the  Rev.  Morgan 
Jones,  was  taken  prisoner  by  the  Indians,  and  sentenced  to 
death  ;  but  on  his  praying  in  Welsh,  they  were  surprised  to 
hear  their  own  language,  released  him  from  bondage,  and 

1  Williams,  Enquiry,  p.  48 ;  Burder,  p.  81  [see  post,  p.  641. 

2  Williams,   Farther   Observations,  p.   16;   Analectic  Magazine 
(Philadelphia),  vol.  ii.  p.  410. 

3  Ante,  p.  44. 

4  Keported  by  Charles  Lloyd,  Esq.,  published  in  Owen's  British 
Remains,  and  cited  by  Dr.  Williams,  Enquiry,  p.  34 

5  Ante,  pp.  46^48. 


TRAVELLERS'  TALES.  59 

treated  him  very  kindly.1  All  these  statements  have  reference 
to  the  Indians  of  Florida. 

5.  A  similar  statement  was  made  by  a  Mr.  Childs,  an 
American  gentleman,  respecting  a  Welshman  named  Morris 
Griffiths,  who,  being  a  prisoner  among  the  Shawnees,  went 
with  five  young  men  of  that  tribe,  about  1760,  to  explore  the 
sources  of  the  Missouri.  Having  ascended  that  river  a  very 
long  way,  they  fell  in  with  a  race  of  White  Indians,  who, 
deeming  them  to  be  spies,  resolved  to  put  them  to  death;  but 
Griffiths,  overhearing  their  deliberations,  and  understanding 
their  language,  which  was  Welsh,  spoke  to  them  in  that 
tongue;  and  thereupon  he  and  his  companions  were  released, 
and  treated  very  courteously.  After  a  stay  of  eight  months, 
he  returned  to  Roanoke. 

This  narrative  also  presents  a  striking  resemblance  to 
those  of  Mr.  Jones  and  the  nameless  clergyman.  Like  them, 
Griffiths  was  taken  prisoner,  doomed  to  death,  and  released 
on  speaking  Welsh ;  like  Mr.  Jones,  the  hero  of  the  tale,  he 
had  five  companions ;  and,  like  Mr.  Jones,  he  made  for 
Roanoke.2 

6.  A  statement  to  the  same  effect  is  made  by  Dr.  Williams. 
1  In  Glamorgan  and  Monmouthshire  especially,  there  are  now 
living  several  old  people,  who  have  often  heard  of  these  Welsh 

1  Beatty,  op.  cit.,  Border,  p.  31,  and  Williams'  Enquiry,  p.  43. 

2  This  narrative  was  written  on  the  authority  of  Mr.  Childs,  who 
knew  Griffiths,  by  Mr.  Henry  Toulmin,  son  of  a  Dr.  Toulmin  of  Exeter, 
who,  on  leaving  for  America,  promised  to  write  if  he  heard  of  the 
Welsh   Indians.      It   was   published   in  two  American   papers,   the 
Kentucky  Palladium,  Dec.  12,  1804,  and  the  Eastern  Argus,  Feb.  8, 
1805.     From  the  latter  it  was  republished  in  Nicholson's  Journal  of 
Natural  Philosophy,  vol.  xii.  p.  181,  with  additional  remarks  and 
conjectures  by  the  editors ;  and  hi  the  London  Volunteer,  April  28, 
1805  ;  and  was  thence  translated  into  Welsh.     This  Welsh  translation 
was  published  in  the  Greal,   1805-6,  republished  in  the  Iforydd  for 
April   1842 ;  and  again  republished  in   1859,  in  the   Ymofynydd  for 
January,  and  the  Brytlwn  for  March. 


60  MADOC. 

Indians,  some  who  have  actually  been  among  them.  Many, 
daring  the  last  hundred  years,  from  those  parts  went  to 
America,  and  becoming  acquainted  with  some  of  those  Welsh 
tribes,  sent  accounts  of  them  to  their  friends  in  Wales.' l 
Our  author,  however,  confines  himself  to  these  general  terms ; 
but  one  of  the  '  some,'  and  possibly  the  principal  one,  was,  it 
is  probable,  the  person  to  be  named  in  the  next  para- 
graph. 

7.  About  the  year  1790,  there  lived  at  Coetty,  in 
Glamorganshire,  an  eccentric  old  gentleman  named  Binon  or 
Bindon,  who  is  still  (1858)  remembered  in  the  neighbourhood 
as  a  rigid  vegetarian.  He  had  left  Wales  very  young,  and 
remained  away  in  America  for  upwards  of  thirty  years. 
There  he  followed  the  occupation  of  an  Indian  trader  from 
Philadelphia.  Edward  Williams  (lolo  Morganwg)  happening 
to  be  in  his  company,  asked  if  he  knew  anything  of  the  Welsh 
Indians ;  and  Binon  replied  that  about  1750,  being  one  of  a 
party  of  five  or  six  traders,  they  penetrated  much  farther  than 
usual  into  the  remote  parts  of  the  Continent  (westwards),  far 
beyond  the  Mississippi,  when,  to  their  great  surprise,  they 
found  a  nation  of  Indians  who  spoke  the  Welsh  tongue.2 
Another  remark  strengthened  this  statement;  for  not  only 
did  the  Indians  speak  Welsh,  but  they  also  spoke  it,  said 
Mr.  Binon,3  '  with  much  greater  purity  than  we  speak  it  in 
Wales.'  f  They  gave  Mr.  Binon  a  very  kind  reception,  but 
were  very  suspicious  of  his  English  companions,  and  took 
them  for  Spaniards  or  Frenchmen,  with  whom  they  seemed 
to  be  at  war  ;  but  Mr.  Binon  soon  removed  their  doubts,  on 
which  a  friendly  intercourse  ensued.' 4  To  mistake  clean- 

1  "Williams,  Farther  Observations,  p.  19. 

2  Ibid.  p.  11. 

*  Edward  Williams,  Gentleman's  Magazine,  1791,  vol.  ii.,  p.  213. 
Dr.  Williams  omits  this  remark. 

*  Ibid.  op.  cit. ;  Burder,  p.  17. 


TRAVELLERS'  TALES.  61 

shaved  Englishmen  for  bearded  '  mounseers '  and  garlic- 
scented  hidalgoes  does  not  tally  with  what  is  commonly  said 
of  Indian  penetration,  and  seems  to  indicate  that  Mr.  Binon 
had  heard  or  read  of  Morgan  Jones's  narrative,  and  was  here 
using  a  current  formula. 

8.  The  same  remark,  as  to  the  purity  of  the  Indian 
Kymraeg,  is  made  by  another  person,  one  Mr.  or  Lieutenant 
Joseph  Roberts,  a  native  of  Flintshire  ;  and  as  his  letter  is  a 
curiosity,  I  insert  it  entire,  leaving  the  reader  to  form  his 
own  judgment  as  to  the  veracity  of  the  allegations  therein 
made : — 

'  In  the  year  1801,  when  I  was  at  Washington  in  America, 
I  happened  to  be  in  a  hotel  smoking  my  pipe,  according  to 
the  custom  of  the  country ;  and  there  was  a  young  lad  (a 
native  of  Wales),  a  waiter  in  the  house,  who  displeased  me  by 
bringing  me  a  glass  of  brandy  and  warm  water,  instead  of 
cold.  I  said  to  him  jocosely,  in  Welsh,  "  Mi  dy  lainiav  diy 
myn  d — I !  "  (i.e.  "  I  will  thrash  thee,  per  diavolo  !  "). 

1  There  happened  to  be  at  the  time  in  the  same  room  one 
of  the  secondary  princes  (tywysogion  iselradd)  of  the  Indians, 
who  rose  up  hastily,  and  asked  me  in  Kymraeg,  extending 
his  hand  at  the  same  time  :  "  Ai  dyna  dy  iaith  di  ?  "  ("  Is  that 
thy  language  ?")  I,  shaking  hands,  said  it  was ;  and  the  Prince 
said  it  was  his  language  also,  and  the  language  of  his  father 
and  mother,  and  also  the  language  of  his  nation.  "  So,"  said 
I,  "  it  is  the  language  of  my  father,  mother,  and  country  also." 
Thereupon  the  Indian  began  to  inquire  whence  I  had  come. 
I  answered  that  it  was  from  Cambria — (Kymru)  ;  but  he  had 
never  heard  a  word  of  such  a  place  (sic).  I  told  him  that 
Kymru  was  a  principality  in  the  kingdom  called  Lloegr 
(England).  He  had  heard  of  Lloegr,  and  of  the  Saxons  also ; 
but  he  had  never  heard  of  Kymru.  I  asked  him  if  there  were 
any  traditions  among  them,  as  to  whence  their  ancestors  had 
come,  and  he  answered  that  there  were,  and  that  they  came 


62  MADOC. 

from  a  far  country,  far  in   the   East,  and  across  the  great 
waters. 

'  I  conversed  with  him  in  Welsh  and  English.  He  knew 
Kymraeg  better  than  I  did ;  and  at  my  request,  he  counted 
rapidly,  in  Kymraeg,  a  hundred  or  more.  He  knew  English 
well  also  ;  because  he  traded  so  much  with  the  Saxons  of 
America.  Among  other  things  I  asked  him,  how  they  came 
to  retain  their  language  so  well  from  being  mixed  with  the 
language  of  other  Indians.  He  replied,  that  they  had  in 
their  country  a  custom  or  law,  forbidding  any  of  them  to 
teach  any  other  language  to  their  children,  until  they  were 
fully  twelve  years  old ;  but  after  that  age  they  might  learn 
any  language  they  pleased. 

'  I  asked  him  if  he  would  like  to  go  to  Lloegr  and  Kyuiru. 
He  replied  that  he  had  not  the  least  inclination  to  leave  his 
native  country,  and  that  he  preferred  living  in  a  n-igwam,  that 
is,  a  cot,  to  a  palace. 

'  He  had  ornamented  his  bare  arms  with  bracelets,  and  on 
his  head  were  ostrich  feathers.  I  was  astonished  and  startled 
greatly,  when  I  saw  and  heard  a  man  who  had  painted  his 
face  a  yellowish  red,  and  who  appeared  in  such  a  form,  speaking 
the  old  Kymric  language  as  freely  and  fluently  as  if  he  had 
been  born  and  bred  among  the  rocks  of  Snowdon.  His  hair 
was  shaved  off,  excepting  around  the  crown  of  his  head  ;  but 
there  it  was  somewhat  long,  and  neatly  plaited  ;  and  upon 
the  crown  he  ha,d  placed  the  ostrich  feathers,  of  which  I  have 
spoken,  to  adorn  himself. 

'  The  situation  of  these  Indians  is  about  800  miles  to  the 
South-West  of  Philadelphia,  said  he  ; — and  they  are  commonly 
called  Acquaws,  or  the  Asquaw  nation. 

'  This  prince  loved  my  society  greatly,  seeing  that  we  had 
sprung  from  the  same  race.  He  was  accustomed  to  call  upon 
me  almost  daily,  and  to  take  me  to  the  woods  to  show  me  the 
virtues  of  the  various  leaves  that  grew  there,  and  which  were 


TRAVELLERS'  TALES.  63 

best  to  cure  various  kinds  of  disease,  because  neither  he  nor 
his  nation  knew  any  other  medicine. 

JOSEPH  ROBERTS, 
formerly  of  Penardd  Lag  (Hawarden),  Flintshire.' ' 

This  is  tolerably  stiff  testimony,  and  may  appropriately 
close  this  class  of  evidences.  The  editor  of  the  Great,  in 
which  the  letter  seems  to  have  been  first  published,  thought 
the  Asquaws  were  a  distinct  tribe,  and  but  few  in  number,  as 
compared  with  the  main  body  about  the  sources  of  the  Mis- 
souri. 

The  purity  of  Indian  Kymraeg  is  mentioned  by  Dr. 
Richards  of  Lynn,  Norfolk,  on  the  authority  of  a  Kentucky 
correspondent.2 

In  conclusion,  I  might  also  add  the  statement  of  an  anony- 
mous writer,  who  professes  to  have  the  authority  of  Mr.  John 
T.  Roberts,  who  went  to  St.  Louis  in  1819  in  search  of  Welsh 
Indians,  that  while  this  gentleman  was  at  that  town  he  heard 
an  American  who  was  filling  him  a  cask  of  whiskey  use  two 
Welsh  words,  viz.,  digon,  for  '  enough,'  and  neisiau,  for '  want- 
ing ; '  and  that,  on  being  asked  if  he  knew  they  were  Welsh, 
the  American  said  he  did  not,  but  that  they  were  used  in 
these  senses  by  the  Cherokee  Indians.  But  as  this  is  at 
variance  with  Mr.  Roberts's  own  statements,  the  assertion  may 
be  thought  to  want  authority.3 

V.  SACRED  BOOKS. — A  considerable  number  of  persons 

1  This  was  written  from  Eoberts's  dictation  to  a  number  of  Kymry 
in  London,  in  1805,  and  signed  by  him.     It  was  then  published  in  the 
Great,  a  Welsh  magazine,  1805-6,  p.  228.     My  translation  diners  a 
little  from  the  version  given  by  Mrs.  Campbell,  Tales  about  Wales, 
pp.  112-114,  which  she  had  from  Dr.  Pnghe.     See  also  Seren  Gomer, 
1819,  p.  5. 

2  '  A  Welchman,  that  was  in  the  camp,  could  talk  with  them  ;  but 
they  exceeded  him,  as  not  being  so  corrupt  in  their  language.'— Gent. 
Mag.,  June  1791. 

3  Cambro-Briton,  iii.  p.  435. 


64  MADOC. 

speak  with  more  or  less  distinctness  of  Sacred  Books  said  to 
have  been  preserved  among  the  Welsh  Indians.  John  Davey, 
to  convince  Captain  Stewart  that  the  Indians  he  saw  were 
Welsh,  brought  forth  rolls  of  parchment,  which  were  care- 
fully tied  up  in  otter  skins,  on  which  were  large  characters 
written  with  blue  ink.  '  The  characters,'  says  the  Captain, 
'  I  did  not  understand ;  and  the  Welshman  being  unacquainted 
with  letters,  even  of  his  own  language,  I  was  not  able  to  know 
the  meaning  of  the  writing.' l 

2.  General  Bowies'  Welsh  informant  gave  fuller  testimony. 
'  The  Padoucas,'  he   says,   '  had  several  books,  which  were 
religiously  preserved  in  skins,  and  were  considered  by  them 
as  mysteries.     These  they  believed  gave  an  account  of  their 
origin.     They  had  not  seen  a  white  man  like  themselves,  who 
was  a  stranger,  for  a  long  time.' 2 

3.  This  belief  becomes  a  certainty  in   the   evidence   of 
another  witness,  who  says  that  about  40°  N.  latitude,  and 
45°  (of  Philadelphia,  or  115°  Greenwich)  W.  longitude,  there 
was  a  tribe  of  Americans,  said  to  possess  curious  MSS.  about 
an  island  called  Brydon,  whence  their  ancestors  came.     Their 
language  resembles  the  Welsh  ;  their  religion  is  a  compound 
of  Christianity  and  Druidism ;  they  know  the  use  of  letters, 
and  are  fond  of  music  and  poetry.     They  call  themselves 
Brydanes,  and  are  generally  believed  to  be  the  descendants  of 
some  wandering  Britons,  who  were  expelled  from  hence  about 
the  time  of  the  Saxons,  and  were  carried  by  wind  and  current 
to  the  great  western  continent,  into  the  heart  of  which  they 
have  been  driven  by  the  successive  encroachments  of  modern 
settlers.3 

1  Public  Advertiser,  Oct.  8,  1785.     Mr.  Border  thinks  the  MS. 
may  have  been  a  Greek  Bible.     Williams's  Enquiry,  p.  48. 

2  Gent.  Mag.  1791,  vol.  i.  p.  397  ;  Williams'  Farther  Observations, 
p.  5  ;  Burder,  p.  9. 

3  Gentleman's   Magazine,  Oct.    1828.      The   original  has  simply 
45°  W.  longitude ; '  and  Mr.  Woodward  (History  of  Wales,  p.  331, 


TRAVELLERS'  TALES.  65 

4.  Mr.  Binon  speaks  to  a  similar  effect.     The  Indians  he 
visited  showed  him  a  book  in  manuscript,  which  they  care- 
fully kept,  believing  it  to  contain  the  mysteries  of  religion. 
They  told  him  that  it  was  not  long  since  a  man  had  been 
among   them  who   understood  it.      This   man,  whom  they 
esteemed  a  prophet,  told  them  that  a  people  would  some  time 
visit  them,  and  explain  the  mysteries  of  the  book,  which  would 
make  them  completely  happy.     They  very  anxiously  asked 
Mr.  Binon  if  he  understood  it ;  and,  being  answered  in  the 
negative,  appeared  very  sad,  and  earnestly  desired  him  to 
send  one  to  them  who  could  explain  it.1     There  is  a  little 
discrepancy  between   this    statement    and    that   of  General 
Bowles  ;    but  perhaps  the  next  paragraph  may  furnish  an 
explanation. 

5.  Sutton,  Mr.  Beatty's  informant,  saw  a  book  among  tho 
Indians,  carefully  wrapped  in  skins,  which  he  supposed  to  be 
a  Bible.     The  clergyman  mentioned  by  Mr.  Beatty  is  re- 
ported to  have  spoken  more  explicitly.     He  was  shown  a 
book,  which  he  found  to  be  a  Bible,  but  which  they  could  not 
read ;  '  and  if  I  mistake  not,'  says  the  missionary,  '  my  ability 
to  read  it  tended  to  raise  their  regard  for  me.' 2     Dr.  Williams 
says  it  were  to  be  wished  that  this  book,  or  a  copy  of  it,  could 
be  procured ;  but  if  this  gentleman  be  identified  with  the 
Rev.  Morgan  Jones,  it  must  be  observed  that  the  silence  of 
the  latter  raises  a  difficulty  as  to  the  existence  of  the  book ; 
and  another  difficulty  arises  from  the  evidence  of  the  next 
witness. 

note)  thinks  this  should  be  115°.  It  is  probable  that  the  longitude 
from  Philadelphia  was  intended  ;  for  Mr.  Thomas  Roberts  (Great,  1805, 
p.  40)  locates  the  Welsh  Indians  at  the  sources  of  the  Missouri,  between 
40°  and  44°  N.  latitude,  and  in  longitude  105°  or  110°  W.  of  London, 
or  between  45°  and  50°  W.  of  Philadelphia. 

1  Gentleman's  Magazine,   1791,   vol.  ii.  p.  613  ;    Burder,  p.   17 ; 
Williams,  Farther  Observations,  p.  11. 

3  Beatty,  p.  24  ;  Burder,  p.  24;  Williams,  Enquiry,  p.  43. 

F 


66  MADOC. 

6.  A  gentleman  who  signed  himself  '  J.   J.,  Cheapside, 
January  28, 1792,'  and  who  had  lived  upwards  of  twenty  years 
at  New  Orleans  and  on  the  banks  of  the  Mississippi,  believed 
in  the  existence  of  '  Welch  or  White  Indians,'  having  been 
often  assured  of  the  fact  by  traders  who  had  no  inducement  to 
speak  untruth  on  this  head.  He  knew  an  Illinois  merchant  who 
said  there  was  not  the  smallest  doubt  as  to  their  being  '  white- 
bearded  Indians,'  as  they  were  called  by  the  French,  and  that 
they  consisted  of  thirty-two  villages  or  towns  ;  and  he  was  a 
near  relation  of  a  Mr.  Chisholm,  who  had  been  in  their  country, 
which  was  a  thousand  miles  from  Illinois.     When  Mr.  Chis- 
holm was  introduced  to  the  chief  of  the  Padouca  nation,  he 
was  received  with   much  solemnity,  owing  to  his  being  of 
white  complexion,  and  being  deemed,  as  he  thought,  an  angel 
of  God.     His  hands  and  feet  were  washed,  by  order  of  the 
chieftain,  who  appeared  much  advanced  in   years,   his  hair 
being  long  and  perfectly  white.1     And  this  aged  man,  who, 
with  his  two  sons,  had  been  in  captivity  among  the  Cherokees, 
had  in  his  possession  an  old   manuscript    on   vellum,  very 
dingy,  which  appeared  to  be  an  old  Romish   missal.     Mr. 
Chisholm  wished  to  take  it  to  Philadelphia  for  the  purpose  of 
finding  someone  who  could  read  it ;  but  the  old  man  would 
not  let  it  go  out  of  his  hands,  for  he  preserved  it  as  a  precious 
relic.2 

7.  The  silence  of  the  Rev.  Morgan  Jones,  and  the  dis- 
crepant testimony  of  Mr.  Chisholm,  might  be  thought  un- 
favourable to  the  '  Bible '  story ;  but  it  is  supported  by  other 
persons.     Captain  Davies,  already  mentioned,3  says  that  the 
Mud   Indians,  so    called    because  they   only  descended  the 
Missouri  when  it  was  flooded,  and  whom  he  heard  conversing 

1  Griffith  Williams  in  Gentleman's  Magazine,  1792,  vol.  li.  p.  597. 

2  Mrs.  Campbell,  Tales  about   Wales,  p.  116;  on  the  authority  of 
the  MSS.  of  Dr.  \V.  Owen  Pughe. 

3  Ante,  p.  56. 


TRAVELLERS'  TALES.  67 

in  Welsh  with  Welshmen  on  the  Illinois,  had  among  them  a 
manuscript  Welsh  Bible.1 

8.  A  letter  dated  'Winchester  (America?),  August  24, 
1753,'  written  by  a  Mr.  or  Colonel  Crochan  or  Cochran,  and 
addressed  to  Mr.  Dinwiddie,  Governor  of  Virginia,  may  be 
cited  to  the  same  effect. 

This  letter  has  a  prominent  place  among  the  evidences  in 
favour  of  the  Welsh  Indians.  The  original  is  supposed  to  lie 
at  the  British  Museum ;  but  whether  it  does  so  or  not,  I  do 
not  know.  Copies  of  it,  however,  were  repeatedly  taken.  A 
copy  was  made  by  Dr.  Morton,  of  the  British  Museum,  at  the 
request  of  Mr.  Maurice  Morgan,  Under-Secretary  of  State, 
for  the  inspection  of  Lord  Shelbiirne,  when  Colonial  Secretary 
in  Rockingham's  Administration  in  1763-5.  Another  copy, 
dated  March  27,  1766,  occurs  among  the  papers  of  the  Eev. 
Evan  Evans  (leuan  Brydydd  Hir),  having  been  taken  by  Dr. 
James  Phillips,  Rector  of  Llangoedmor,  Cardiganshire,  for  a 
Dr.  Worthington.  And  another  copy — how  obtained  does  not 
appear — was  supplied  by  the  Rev.  W.  Richards,  of  Lynn,  to 
Mr.  William  Owen,  who  published  it  in  the  '  Gentleman's 
Magazine'  for  June  1791.  The  letter  is  here  given  in 

full: 

'  Winchester:  August  24,  1753. 

'  MAY  IT  PLEASE  YOUR  HONOUR, — Last  year  I  understood, 
by  Col.  Lomax,  that  your  Honour  would  be  glad  to  have 
some  information  of  a  nation  of  people  settled  to  the  West, 
on  a  large  river  that  runs  to  the  Pacific  Ocean,  commonly 
called  the  Welch  Indians.  As  I  had  an  opportunity  of 
gathering  some  account  of  those  people,  I  make  bold,  at  the 
instance  of  Col.  Cressup,  to  send  you  the  following  accounts. 
As  I  formerly  had  an  opportunity  of  being  acquainted  with 
several  French  traders,  and  particularly  with  one  that  was 

1  Williams,  Farther  Observations,  p.  18.     Mrs.  Campbell  (p.  115) 
gives  the  Captain's  evidence  without  any  reference  to  this  MS. 

F  2 


68  MADOC. 

bred  up  from  his  infancy  amongst  the  Western  Indians,  on 
the  west  side  of  the  Lake  Erie,  he  informed  me  that  the  first 
intelligence  the  French  had  of  them  was  by  some  Indians 
settled  at  the  back  of  New  Spain,  who,  in  their  way  home, 
happened  to  lose  themselves  and  fell  down  upon  this  settle- 
ment of  people,  whom  they  took  to  be  French,  by  their 
talking  very  quick ;  so,  on  their  return  to  Canada,  they  in- 
formed the  Governor  that  there  was  a  large  settlement  of 
French  on  a  river  that  ran  to  the  sun's  setting ;  that  they 
were  no  Indians,  although  they  lived  within  themselves  as 
Indians,  for  they  could  not  perceive  that  they  traded  with  any 
people,  or  had  any  trade  to  sea,  for  they  had  no  boats  or  ships 
as  they  could  see  ;  and  though  they  had  guns  amongst  them, 
yet  they  were  so  old  and  so  much  out  of  order,  that  they  made 
no  use  of  them,  but  hunted  with  their  bows  for  the  support  of 
their  families. 

'  On  this  account  the  Governor  of  Canada  determined  to 
send  a  party  to  discover  whether  they  were  French  or  not, 
and  had  300  men  raised  for  that  purpose.  But  when  they 
were  ready  to  go,  the  Indians  would  not  go  with  them,  but 
told  the  Governor  that  if  he  sent  but  a  few  men,  they  would 
go  and  show  them  the  country  ;  on  which  the  Governor  sent 
three  young  priests,  who  dressed  themselves  in  Indian  dresses, 
and  went  with  those  Indians  to  the  place  where  those  people 
were  settled,  and  found  them  to  be  Welch.  They  brought 
some  old  Welsh  Bibles  to  satisfy  the  Governor  that  they  were 
there  ;  and  they  told  the  Governor  that  these  people  had  a 
great  aversion  to  the  French ;  for  they  found  by  them  that 
they  had  been  settled  at  the  mouth  of  the  river  Mississippi, 
but  had  been  almost  cut  off  by  the  French  there.  So  that  a 
small  remnant  of  them  escaped  back  to  where  they  were  then 
settled,  but  had  since  become  a  numerous  people.  The 
Governor  of  Canada,  on  this  account,  determined  to  raise  an 
army  of  French  Indians  to  go  and  cut  them  off;  but  as  the 


TRAVELLERS'  TALES.  69 

French  have  been  embarrassed  in  war  with  several  other 
nations  nearer  home,  I  believe  they  have  laid  that  project 
aside.  The  man  who  furnished  me  with  this  account  told  me 
that  the  messengers  who  went  to  make  this  discovery  were 
gone  sixteen  months  before  they  returned  to  Canada,  so  that 
those  people  must  live  at  a  great  distance  from  thence  to  the 
West. 

'  This  is  the  most  particular  account  I  ever  could  get  of 
those  people  as  yet. 

'  I  am,  your  Honour's 

'  Most  obedient  humble  servant, 

(Signed)  '  GEORGE  CHROCHAN.'  ' 

A  postscript  states  further  that  'Governor  Dinwiddie 
agreed  with  three  or  four  of  the  back  traders  to  go  in  quest 
of  the  Welsh  Indians,  and  promised  to  give  them  500£.  for 
that  purpose ;  but  he  was  recalled  before  they  could  set  out  on 
that  expedition.' 

This  completes  the  evidence  in  favour  of  the  sacred  books, 
and  is  now  left  to  the  consideration  of  the  reader. 

VI.  TOPOGRAPHY,  ARCH^OLOG/,  AND  CIVIL  USAGES. — 
Another  class  of  evidences  used  in  this  connection  consists 
of  the  topography  and  archaeology  of  Aboriginal  America, 
and  of  the  arts  said  to  be  known  to  the  Wliite  or  Welsh 
Indians,  who,  whether  rightly  or  wrongly,  are  assumed  very 
generally  to  be  identical. 

1.  Topography. — 'It   is   observable,'  says   Dr.  Williams, 
'  that  the  names  of  Indian  tribes,  and  of  places  in  those  parts 
occupied  by  Welsh  Indians,  very  much  resemble,  and  seem 
derived  from,  the  ancient  British.' 2     But  he  does  not  give 
any  examples. 

2.  Archaeology. — Filson,the  Rev.  Mr.  Rankin,  and  another 

1  Gentleman's  Magazine,  June    1791 ;  Burder,  p.  11 ;   Williams, 
Farther  Observations,  p.  22. 

a  Farther  Observations,  p.  19. 


70  MADOC. 

clergyman  speak  of  wells,  ruins,  abundance  of  nice  earthen- 
ware, millstones,  and  fortifications  found  in  Kentucky,  and 
attributed  by  them  to  the  Welsh  Indians. 

Another  gentleman,  the  Rev.  Morgan  Rees,  of  Philadelphia, 
in  a  letter  remarkable  for  its  good  sense,  repeats  these  state- 
ments, but  does  not  advance  any  special  theory  to  account 
for  them.  '  Every  part  of  this  continent,'  he  says,  '  affords 
sufficient  proofs  of  a  more  civilised  people  having  existed  here 
than  the  present  Indians.'  He  then  promises  '  a  description 
of  the  ancient  fortifications,  mounds,  barrows,  graves,  and  the 
curiosities  found  in  them,  on  the  Ohio  and  other  places.'  '  I 
have  seen,'  he  says,  '  some  of  the  finest  crystallising  glass, 
some  sheets  of  copper,  with  stones  polished  in  very  great 
perfection,  taken  lately  out  of  a  grave  at  Cincinnati,  on  the 
Ohio.  I  have  likewise  seen  the  ruins  of  an  old  fort,  part  of 
it  fallen  into  the  same  river,  the  mortar  being  exactly  of  the 
same  quality  with  that  of  the  old  castles  of  Wales.  Several 
other  articles  I  have  seen,  which  prove  to  demonstration  that 
the  arts  were  either  cultivated  in  the  country,  or  else  the 
people  must  have  been  a  regular  importation  from  other 
countries.' l 

Mr.  Catlin  also  mentions  these  mounds,  and  other  remains, 
and  argues,  with  much  apparent  reason,  from  their  resem- 
blance to  Mandan  fortifications,  arts,  and  usages,  that  they 
prove  that  tribe  or  people  to  have  ascended  the  Ohio  and 
Missouri  rivers.  If,  as  he  thinks,  the  Mandans  were  the 
Madogwys,  these  remains  connect  themselves  with  the  Welsh 
tradition  ;  but  this  is,  of  course,  a  point  that  requires  to  be 
proved. 

Mr.  Binon,  however,  positively  connects  such  remains  with 
our  Cambrian  Prince.  The  Indians  he  visited  had  iron 
amongst  them,  lived  in  stone-built  villages,  and  were  better 

1  Cambrian  Register,  vol.  i.  p.  380. 


TRAVELLERS'  TALES  71 

clothed  than  other  tribes.  There  were  some  ruinous  buildings 
amongst  them ;  one  appeared  like  an  old  Welsh  castle,  and 
another  like  a  ruined  church.1  He  is,  moreover,  reported  to 
have  said  that  '  he  considered  the  Padoucas  to  be  the  original 
inhabitants  of  the  spot  where  he  found  them,  and  that  they 
showed  him  a  stone  on  which  there  was  an  inscription,  which 
they  kept  in  honour  of  one  Madog  ! ' 2 

3.  Civil  Usages. — Several  other  writers  speak  of  a  dis- 
tinctive civilisation  among  the  White  Indians,  and  assume 
White  and  Welsh  to  be  convertible  terms.  Sir  John  Caldwell 
and  Mr.  Remington  said  the  Pawnees,  called  White  and 
Welsh,  were  considerably  civilised,  cultivated  the  ground, 
built  houses,  and  had  implements  of  fine  copper.  Mr.  Gibson 
said  the  civilisation  of  the  Welsh  Indians  was  a  matter  of 
astonishment  to  the  traders  in  general.  Baron  La  Houtan, 
Charlevoix,  Bossu,  and  Cox  spoke  of  highly  civilised  Indians, 
on  the  borders  of  a  great  salt  lake,  beyond  the  Rocky 
Mountains,  who  wore  good  clothes,  lived  in  villages  built  with 
white  stones,  and  navigated  the  lake  in  great  piraguas ;  and 
Mr.  Edward  Williams,  widening  the  area  of  the  Welsh 
Indians,  includes  these  Matocantes  and  Mactotatas,  with  the 
Padoucas,  Panes,  and  Kansez,  under  that  general  designa- 
tion.3 

'  J.  J.'s '  friend  said  the  white-bearded  Indians  were 
vastly  attached  to  certain  religious  ceremonies ; 4  Sutton 
made  the  same  remark  respecting  the  Delawares  ;  Ruxton  of 
the  Moquis ;  and  Mr.  Catlin  of  the  Mandans.5 

1  Mr.  Edward  Williams,  in  Gentleman's  Magazine,  1791,  vol.  ii. 
p.  613. 

2  The  same  authority,  in  Williams's  Farther  Observations,  p.  21. 
This  statement  does  not  occur  in  the  Gentleman's  Magazine,  loc.  cit. 

3  Williams,  Farther  Observations,  pp.  15,  21,  38. 

4  Gentleman's  Magazine,  1792,  vol.  ii.  p.  597. 

5  Letters  and  Notes  on  the  North  American  Indians,  vol.  i.  p.  156. 


72  MADOC. 

We  have,  therefore,  an  abundance  of  testimony  respecting 
the  Welsh  Indians;  but  it  lacks  definiteness and  consistency ; 
so  that,  after  all,  there  has  been  much  uncertainty  as  to  who 
the  Welsh  Indians  really  were,  even  among  those  who 
believed  in  their  existence.  While  Dr.  Williams  identified 
the  descendants  of  Madoc  with  the  Delawares,  Tuscarores, 
and  a  third  tribe,  others  discovered  the  Madogwys  in  the 
Doegs,  Matocantes,  and  Mud  Indians ; l  Dr.  Owen  Pughe 
made  choice  of  the  Padoucas,2  whose  name  was  conjectured  to 
be  a  form  of  Madawg ;  3  while  others  claimed  the  Pawnees, 
Kansez,  Asquaws,  the  Hietans  or  Aliatans,  and  the  Cherokees;4 
and  latterly  Lieutenant  Ruxton  affirmed  them  to  be  the 
Moquis ; 5  while  Mr.  Catlin  identified  them  with  the  Man- 
daus,  and  has  found  favour  with  Cambrian  critics  in  so 
doing.6 

Thus  pretty  nearly  the  whole  of  America,  from  Canada  to 
Cuba,  or  even  Peru,  has  been  at  various  times  claimed  as  the 
local  habitation  of  the  Madogwys :  they  have  been  found, 
generally  speaking,  everywhere  on  the  new  continent,  east, 
south,  and  west ;  but,  unfortunately,  none  of  the  indications 
have  been  sufficiently  specific ;  everywhere  has  proved  to  be 
another  form  of  nowhere;  and  it  still  remains  for  future 
inquirers  to  determine  the  true  name  and  precise  locality  of 
the  Welsh  Indians,  while  many  deny  that  they  exist  any- 
where. 

I  have,  therefore,  to  suggest  for  the  consideration  of  the 
reader,  assuming  the  substantial  veracity  of  the  less  suspicious 
testimonies  here  cited : 

1  Woodward's  History  of  Wales,  p.  383 :  Mr.  Edward  Williams 
(lolo  Morganwg)  cited  in  Williams's  Farther  Observations,  p.  21. 
3  Cambrian  Biography,  art.  '  Madog  ab  Owen  Gwynedd.' 

3  Cambro- Briton,  vol.  iii.  p.  372. 

4  Ibid.  vol.  iii.  p.  485. 

5  Adventures  in  Mexico,  p.  195. 

8  Williams's  Eminent  Welshmen,  art.  '  Madog,'  p.  810. 


TRAVELLERS'  TALES.  73 

1.  Whether  the  origin  of  the  arts,   monuments,  books, 
ceremonies,  and  languages  of  the  white  or  half-white  Indians 
may  not  admit  of  explanation  upon  some  other  hypothesis, 

2.  And,  if  so,  whether  there    are  sufficient  reasons  for 
assigning   the  preference  to  the   '  Welsh  Indian '    views  of 
Cambrian  writers. 


CHAPTER  II. 

IMPRESSIONS  PRODUCED  BY   THESE  FACTS   AND  STATEMENTS 
UPON   THE   MINDS   OF   HISTORICAL   WRITERS. 

I  HAVE  now  laid  open  a  full  and,  it  is  hoped,  fair  statement 
of  the  three  classes  of  testimonies  usually  brought  to  bear 
upon  this  question ;  and  it  is  more  than  probable  that  the 
reader  has  come  to  some  positive  conclusion.  Nevertheless, 
it  is  just  possible  that  all  minds  may  not  be  affected  alike, 
and  that  some  men  may  think  that  this  testimony  amounts 
to  an  incontrovertible  demonstration,  while  others  may  think 
the  evidence  loose,  incoherent,  and  insufficient.  Some  may 
consider  it  to  be  in  some  cases  irrelevant,  and  in  others  false  ; 
while  others  may  hold  it  to  be  trustworthy  and  coherent  in 
all  its  parts. 

At  all  events,  we  know  that  this  has  been  the  case  already  ; 
and,  as  the  minds  of  men  are  very  differently  constituted  and 
very  differently  furnished,  this  may  also  take  place  hereafter. 
It  will,  therefore,  in  my  judgment,  be  wise  to  study  the  im- 
pressions produced  upon  the  minds  of  others,  many  of  them 
the  greatest  luminaries  in  Cambrian  literature,  before  we 
finally  resolve  the  matter  for  ourselves. 

Section  I. — THE  AFFIRMATIVE  VIEW. 

1.  Most  of  the  older  writers  held  the  discovery  of  Madoc 
to  be  a  demonstrated  fact,  and  took  firmly  and  unhesitatingly 
what  we  shall  call  the  affirmative  side. 


THE    AFFIRMATIVE    VIEW.  75 

It  will  be  unnecessary  to  repeat  the  words  of  Humphrey 
Llwyd  and  Dr.  Powel. 

Hakluyt  and  Purchas  accepted  their  statements  and 
views,  and  Hakluyt  also  introduced  a  variation,  that  Madoc 
made  not  only  one  voyage  according  to  the  Triad,  or  two 
according  to  Lhvyd  and  Powel,  but  three  voyages — a  state- 
ment, however,  supported  by  no  authority. 

Dr.  John  Davies,  of  Mallwyd,  accepted  the  affirmative 
view.1 

Of  the  older  writers,  James  How  ell  is  the  only  one  who 
speaks  doubtfully.  His  words  are :  '  if  well  proved  ; '  but 
Herbert,  his  contemporary,  felt  no  hesitation ;  and  he 
emphatically  affirms  that  Madoc  discovered  America;  and 
that,  had  it  been  inherited,  the  Kings  of  England  would  not 
have  been  defrauded  of  their  title  to  the  new  continent. 

Enderbie  ('Cambria  Triumphaus,'  London,  1661)  ac- 
cepted the  Cambrian  narrative. 

The  Eev.  Charles  Edwards,  author  of  '  Hanes  y  Ffydd,'  or 
'  History  of  the  Christian  Faith,'  also  took  the  same  side.  His 
work  was  first  published  in  1671  ;  and  therein  he  adopts  the 
statements  of  Llwyd  and  Powel. 

The  Rev.  Theophilus  Evans,  author  of  the  very  popular 
little  History  of  Wales,  already  referred  to,  called  '  Drych  y 
Prif  Oesoedd,'  first  published  in  1716,  repeated  the  usual 
statements,  and  gave  currency  in  Welsh  to  James  Howell's 
blunder  respecting  the  inscription  said  to  have  been  found  on 
Madoc's  tombstone.  In  the  preface  to  a  second  edition  he 
embodied  the  narrative  of  Morgan  Jones. 

Emanuel  Bowen,  '  Geographer  to  his  Majesty,'  in  a 
geography  published  in  1747,  also  accepted  the  Welsh  tradi- 
tion as  historic  truth. 

The   next   writers  were  the  compilers  of  the  '  Universal 

1  Antique  Linguae  Britanniccc  Eudimenta  (London,  1621),  Pre- 
face, p.  10,  note. 


76  MADOC. 

History.'  One  of  these  held  the  discovery  to  have  been  real ; 
but  another  scouted  it  as  an  absurdity.1 

The  Rev.  Nicholas  Owen,  jun.,  was  a  firm  believer  in  the 
truth  of  this  tradition,  and  embodied  in  his  '  British  Remains  ' 
the  letter  of  Morgan  Jones ;  the  letter  of  Charles  Lloyd  of 
Dolobran  to  his  cousin,  dated,  Quaker  fashion,'  8m.  14  day,  f ;' 
and  a  copy  of  Dr.  Plott's  account  of  '  an  ancient  discovery  of 
America  from  Wales.'  Owen's  work  appeared  in  1777  ;  thir- 
teen years  afterwards,  Dr.  Williams  published  his  '  Enquiry ' ; 
and  two  years  later  (1792)  his  second  work,  on  the  same 
subject,  to  which  we  have  so  often  referred,  under  the  title 
of  '  Farther  Observations  on  the  Discovery  of  America  &c.' 
He  also  was  a  firm  believer  in  the  Cambrian  tradition. 

Dr.  Campbell,  author  of  the  '  Naval  History,'  gave 
credence  to  the  statement ;  M.  Buache,  a  Frenchman,  takes 
the  same  side,  in  the  '  Memoirs  of  the  Royal  Academy  of 
Paris'  for  1784;  Dr.  Cotton  Mather  advocated  it  warmly  in 
his  '  Magnalia  Christi  Americana ' ;  and  the  Rev.  George 
Burder,  in  1797,  collected  the  evidences  in  a  pamphlet 
addressed  to  the  Missionary  Society  of  London,  and  urgently 
desiring  them  to  send  missionaries  to  the  Welsh  Indians. 

But,  probably,  the  most  sanguine  man  of  that  day  was 
Edward  Williams,  better  known  as  lolo  Morganwg.  In 
common  with  many  of  the  vigorous  thinkers  and  outspoken 
men  of  that  day,  he  looked  upon  America  as  the  land  of  liberty, 
and  entertained  serious  thoughts  of  emigrating  thither.  He 
has,  accordingly,  introduced  the  subject  into  his  '  Poems,  Lyric 
and  Pastoral,'  in  two  places  (vol.  ii.  pp.  64  and  186)  ;  and  in  the 
former  he  has  published  a  long  note,  making  the  usual  state- 
ments, but  with  some  variations,  which  will  be  noticed  here- 
after. He  gave  implicit  credence  to  the  statement  respecting 
the  Welsh  Indians ;  said  there  were  then  living,  in  Wales 
and  America,  Welshmen  who  had  conversed  with  these 
1  Modern  Part,  vol.  xxxviii.  p.  5. 


THE    AFFIRMATIVE    VIEW.  77 

people  ;  and  fixed  their  locality  on  the  river  Missouri,  about 
five  hundred  miles  above  its  junction  with  the  Mississippi. 
But  the  intensity  of  his  belief  will  perhaps  be  best  represented 
in  his  own  verse : 

Boast,  CAMBRIA,  boast  thy  sceptred  Lord, — 
'Twas  HE,  thy  MADOC,  first  explor'd, 

What  bounds  the  Atlantic  tide ; 
He,  from  the  tumults  of  a  Crown, 
Sought  shelter  in  a  world  unknoum, 

With  Heav'n  his  only  guide. 

He  soon,  with  joyful  tale,  return'd 

To  CAMBRIAN  hills,  where  thousands  mourn'd, 

Scourg'd  by  fell  Discord's  hand  ; 
Now,  loos'd  from  HELL,  she  there  appear'd, 
With  brother's  blood  her  front  besmear'd, 

She  triumph 'd  in  the  Land. 

At  LUNDY'S  Isle  what  numbers  meet ; 
All  throng  with  joy  to  MADOC'S  fleet, 

That  first  subdu'd  the  main  ; 
They  quit  the  gory  sod  of  WALES, 
Proud  SNOWDON'S  height,  Silurian  vales, 

And  MONA'S  ravag'd  plain. 

Fled  from  Contention's  ireful  crew, 
To  native  cots  they  bid  adieu, 

Returning  there  no  more ; 
But,  through  rude  storms  at  endless  war, 
With  PROVIDENCE  their  friendly  star, 

They  seek  the  peaceful  shore. 

We  heard  of  late  astonish'd  Fame 
Declare  that  still  our  MADOC'S  name 

Bids  Glory's  trump  resound, 
Where  still,  amid  the  desert  wild, 
A  free-born  race,  of  manners  mild, 

Old  British  tribes  are  found. 

I  thither  fly  with  anxious  haste, 
Will  brave  all  dangers  of  the  waste, 

Range  'tangled  woods  about ; 
Pierce  ev'ry  corner,  like  the  wind, 
Till  Death  forbids,  or  surely  find 

My  long-lost  brethren  out. 


78  MADOC. 

I'll  teach  them  all  the  truth  I  know, 
To  them  extol  the  lively  glow 

Of  soul-refining  grace  ; 
And,  heedless  there  of  worldly  gains, 
Will  glide  through  life  with  these  remains 

Of  BRITAIN'S  injur'd  race. 

Haste  !  and  forsake  your  meagre  hills, 
Their  woful  rounds  Oppression  fills, 

0  1  think  of  no  delays  ; 
Where  Madoc's  offspring  still  abides, 
Or  in  the  Land  where  PENN  presides, 

Will  end  our  tranquil  days. 

Adieu,  GLAMORGAN,  from  whose  vales 
I'm  driven  far  through  stormy  gales, 

O'er  foamy  billows  wide  ; 
May'st  thou,  though  fiends  afflict  thee  sore, 
Still  thy  forbidden  GOD  adore, 

Whatever  ills  betide.1 

Fortunately  for  the  interests  of  Welsh  literature,  the  bard 
thought  better  of  his  project ;  circumstances  occurred,  after 
1794,  the  date  of  the  Lyric  Poems,  to  lessen  the  value  of  the 
tales  told  of  the  Welsh  Indians ;  but  the  bard,  so  far  as  I  am 
aware,  never  ceased  to  uphold  what  had  then  become  a 
national  tradition. 

His  contemporary,  the  Rev.  Dr.  William  Richards  of  Lynn, 
a  man  much  respected  in  his  day,  was  also  a  warm  advocate 
of  the  affirmative.  He  supplied  Mr.  William  Owen  with 
several  letters  from  friends  of  his  in  America,  and  himself 
drew  up  a  concise  statement  of  the  evidences  for  the  '  Gentle- 
man's Magazine'  in  October  1789. 

Dr.  Owen  Pughe,  then  plain  William  Owen,  shared  the 
enthusiasm  of  the  old  Bard  of  Glamorgan,  and  sympathised 
heartily  with  his  sensitive  and  excitable  feelings.  The 
'  Gentleman's  Magazine,'  at  the  close  of  the  last  century,  was 
often  made  the  vehicle  to  convey  news  of  the  Welsh  Indians ;  2 

1  Poems,  Lyric  and  Pastoral,  vol.  ii.  p.  64. 

2  Vol.  Ixi.  Part  i.  pp.  329,  386,  534  ;  and  also  Part  ii.  pp.  612,  693, 
795,  800. 


THE    AFFIRMATIVE    VIEW.  79 

and  in  the  year  1791  the  names  of  both  these  ardent  patriots 
appear  in  that  magazine,  united  in  a  defence  of  the  presumed 
existence  of  these  Indians,  who  were  then,  and  thenceforth, 
usually  called  by  the  new  name  of  Madogians  or  Madogwys. 
In  the  '  Cambrian  Register,'  which  he  edited,  for  the  year 
1795,  he  said  that  two  persons  (himself  and  lolo  ?)  had  been 
engaged  five  years  previously  in  collecting  accounts  of  the 
Welsh  Indians ;  that  they  had  brought  together  the  accounts 
of  twenty  different  persons,  which  agreed  exactly  with  each 
other ;  that  other  accounts  were  continually  flowing  in  ;  that 
a  young  man  named  John  Evans  had  gone  over  to  America, 
in  1793,  to  discover  the  Madogwys,  though  the  result  of  his 
enterprise  was  unknown  ;  and  he  submitted  two  documents 
as  the  most  interesting  of  the  recent  additions.1 

The  two  documents  consist  (1)  of  questions  and  answers 
respecting  White  Indians  and  Welsh  Indians,  from  the 
Moravian  missionaries  in  America  to  their  brethren  in 
England;  and  (2)  a  letter  dated  November  24,  1795,  'from 
the  Rev.  Morgan  Rees,  then  resident  in  Philadelphia.'  The 
documents  are  interesting,  and  both  clearly  prove  the  exist- 
ence of  '  White  Indians  '  on  the  Missouri ;  but  the  first  stops 
short  of  proving,  except  at  third  hand,  that  these  '  White 
Indians '  were  also  Welsh  Indians  ;  and  the  second  appears  to 
me  to  be  evidence  to  the  contrary.  Further  on,  in  the  same 
volume,  Owen  affirms  the  departure  of  Madoc  and  Riryd,  in 
1172,  to  a  land  discovered  far  to  the  westward  by  Madoc  in  a 
former  voyage  in  1 1 70,  and  cites  in  support  of  the  statement 
the  passage  about  the  '  two  princes,'  in  the  poem  of  Prydydd 
y  Moch.2  In  the  'Cambrian  Biography,' published  in  1803, 
we  find  him  again  affirming  the  same  views  in  these  terms : 

'  I  have  collected  a  multitude  of  evidences,  in  conjunction 
with  Edward  Williams,  the  bard,  to  prove  that  Madog  must 
have  reached  the  American  continent,  for  the  descendants  of 

1   Cambrian  Register,  vol.  i.  p.  377  et  seq. 
*  Ibid.  vol.  i.  pp.  412,  413. 


80  MADOC. 

him  and  his  followers  exist  there  as  a  nation  to  this  day ; 
and  the  present  position  of  which  is  on  the  southern  branches 
of  the  Missouri  river,  under  the  appellations  of  Padoucas, 
White  Indians,  Civilised  Indians,  and  Welsh  Indians.' ' 
Again,  in  1805-6,  he,  as  editor  of  the  '  Greal,'  published 
several  letters  affirming  and  advocating  the  affirmative  con- 
clusion, which,  it  would  seem,  he  retained  to  his  dying  day. 

Most  of  the  bards  and  minor  literati  of  the  day  naturally 
followed  in  the  wake  of  lolo  and  William  Owen.  Dafydd 
Ddu  Eryri  deserves  special  mention,  as  in  a  note  to  his '  Awdl 
ar  Wirionedd '  (Ode  to  Truth)  he  assumes  the  existence  of 
the  Madogwys,  and  makes  this  fine  reflection : 

'  A  remarkable  Providence  appears  in  the  migration  of 
this  stock,  deserving  of  our  respect  and  reverence,  when  we 
reflect  that  a  host  of  our  fellow-countrymen  disappeared  from 
us  so  long  ago,  and  in  the  ninth  age  of  the  world,  and  that 
we  now  have  a  trace  of  them,  as  a  numerous  and  increasing 
nation,  in  the  centre  of  a  far-distant  land ! ' 2 

The  idea  is  striking,  and  to  the  assumed  facts  appropriate  ; 
but  it  yet  remains  to  be  seen  whether  the  assumptions  of  that 
day  have  stood  the  test  of  subsequent  inquiry. 

A  pamphlet  published  about  the  year  1798,  under  the 
title  '  The  Tower  of  Babel,  or  Essays  on  the  Confusion  of 
Tongues,  by  John  Jones,  Member  of  Eminent  Societies  at 
Home  and  Abroad,'  professes  to  contain  '  fresh  evidence 
concerning  the  first  discovery  of  America  by  a  Prince  of  Wales 
in  the  twelfth  century.' 3 

Important  events  were  taking  place  in  the  meantime. 
The  sources  of  the  Missouri  were  explored ;  the  Padoucas 
turned  out  to  have  no  resemblance  to  Welsh  Indians  ;  faith  in 

1  Cambrian  Biography,    art.  '  Madog,  son  of  Owen   Gwynedd,' 
p.  233. 

5  Y  Cylchgrawn  Cynmraeg  (Trefecca,  1793),  p.  54. 
»  Notes  and  Queries  (Jan.  12,  18G7),  p.  33. 


THE    AFFIRMATIVE    VIEW.  81 

the  Cambrian  story  became  considerably  shaken ;  suspicions 
attached  themselves  to  the  '  travellers'  tales ' ;  and  various 
symptoms  of  doubt,  affecting  the  whole  narrative,  began  to 
make  their  appearance. 

A  slight  trace  of  scepticism  is  observable  in  the  language 
of  the  Rev.  W.  Warrington,  who  published  his  '  History  of 
Wales '  about  this  time.  In  the  main,  however,  he  lent  his 
sanction  to  the  tradition,  though  not  without  reserve.  He 
stated  in  his  text,  not  that  Madoc  had  sailed,  but  that  he  '  is 
said '  to  have  done  so  ;  and  in  a  note  he  adds  :  '  We  know 
nothing  of  the  reality  of  this  discovery,  but  what  is  gathered 
from  the  poems  of  Meredydd  ab  Rhys,  who  flourished  in  the 
year  1470,  Guttyn  Owain  in  1480,  and  Cynfrig  ap  Gronw, 
near  the  same  period.  These  bards  preceded  the  expedition 
of  Columbus,  and  relate  or  allude  to  that  of  Madoc  as  an 
event  well  known,  and  universally  received,  to  have  happened 
three  hundred  years  before.'  '  Warrington  makes  this  last 
remark  on  the  authority  of  Edward  Jones,  author  of  the 
'  Musical  and  Poetical  Relicks  of  the  Welsh  Bards  ' ;  and  'we 
may  take  this  opportunity  to  remark  that  Mr.  Jones  also  was 
an  aflSrmer  of  the  truth  of  the  Madoc  story. 

The  tale  — 

How  Madoc  from  the  shores  of  Britain  spread 
The  adventurous  sail 

was  ushered  into  the  literary  world,  in  two  quarto  volumes  of 
poetry ;  and  the  upholders  of  this  tradition  had  the  triumphant 
satisfaction  of  seeing  it  adorned  by  the  genius,  and  sanctioned 
by  the  authority,  and  enshrined  in  the  verse  of  Robert  Southey. 
He  was  the  friend  of  lolo  Morganwg  and  William  Owen  ;  and, 
convinced  by  their  reasonings,  he  used  these  words  in  his 
preface,  dated  1805 : 

Strong  evidence    has   been   adduced   that    he    (Madoc) 

1  History  of  Wales,  1st  ed.  (1786),  p.  834. 

G 


82  MADOC. 

reached  America,  and  that  his  posterity  exist  there  to  this 
day,  on  the  southern  branches  of  the  Missouri,  retaining  their 
complexion,  their  language,  and,  in  some  degree,  their  arts.' 

But  the  exploration  of  these  regions  dispelled  this  belief; 
and,  accordingly,  ten  years  later,  he  appended  this  note  to  the 
first  statement : 

'  That  country  has  now  been  fully  explored,  and  wherever 
Madoc  may  have  settled,  it  is  now  certain  that  no  Welsh 
Indians  are  to  be  found  upon  any  branches  of  the  Missouri, 
1815.' 

Yet  his  scepticism  went  no  farther  than  this :  he  gave 
up  the  belief  that  the  Indians  of  the  Missouri  were  the 
descendants  of  the  Britons,  but  he  does  not  appear  to  have 
abandoned  the  belief  that  Madoc  really  did  land  somewhere 
on  the  New  Continent. 

This  question  occupied  a  large  share  of  the  attention  of 
the  Kymry,  and  especially  of  Welshmen  resident  in  London, 
during  the  thirty  years  that  intervened  between  1791  and 
1821.  During  the  former  year,  as  we  have  seen,  the 
*  Gentleman's  Magazine  '  was  inundated  with  letters  respect- 
ing the  Welsh  Indians  ;  and  in  1818  and  1819,  when  '  SEREN 
GOMER  '  appeared,  that  publication  also  gave  place  to  several 
letters  written  for  and  against  their  existence,  but  principally 
maintaining  the  former  view.  A  letter  signed  *  Begeryr '  is 
the  first  negative  paper  in  Welsh  that  has  come  under 
my  notice,  and  evidently  came  from  no  ordinary  pen ; l 
but  other  persons  began  to  entertain  misgivings ;  and 
doubts  found  their  way  even  to  the  Cymreigyddion  and 
Gwyneddigion  Societies  of  London.  The  question  of  the 
existence  or  non-existence  of  Welsh  Indians  was  frequently 
discussed  by  the  members,  and  one  elaborate  speech  on 
the  affirmative  side,  by  Mr.  John  Solomon  Jones,  one  of  the 
Vice-Presidents  of  the  former  Society,  has  been  preserved.2 

'    1  Seren  Gomer,  1818,  p.  199.  2  Ibid.  p.  29/5. 


THE   AFFIRMATIVE   VIEW.  83 

It  was  delivered  May  21,  1818,  and  was  much  commended  at 
the  time.  Mr.  Thomas  Roberts  of  Llwynrhudol,  whose 
sanguine  advocacy  of  the  '  Welsh  Indian '  cause  obtained  for 
him  the  name  of  the  '  Father  of  the  Madogwys,'  also  followed 
on  the  same  side,  May  26,  when  he  submitted  nine  resolutions 
for  the  approval  of  the  Society.  The  whole  of  these  were 
adopted,  and  afterwards  confirmed  at  another  meeting,  held 
June  4,1  and  one  of  them  embodied  a  vote  of  thanks  to  Mr. 
Solomon  Jones  for  his  '  excellent  oration ' ;  but,  though  the 
speech  displays  much  ability,  and  includes  a  large  number  of 
'  proofs,'  it  will  not  be  deemed  quite  satisfactory  at  the 
present  day.  Where  the  question  turns,  not  upon  the 
number  of  authorities,  but  upon  their  critical  value,  we  can- 
not attach  any  importance  to  the  opinion  of  a  man  who  said, 
wilfully  or  ignorantly,  that  Caradoc  records  the  voyages  of 
Madoc,  and  that  Hakluyt  saw  the  statements  of  Llwyd  and 
Powel  made  by  Guttyn  Owen,  who  quotes  the  following 
verse  of  a  modern  song  composed  for  the  London  Cymreigydd- 

ion  Society : 

Aeth  Madoc  heb  dra, 
A'i  ddyfais  oedd  dda  ; 
Ei  lestr  a  hwyliodd 
Hyd  wyneb  y  dyfroedd 
Trwy  nerth  y  moroedd  certh, 
I'r  America a 

as  being  of  equal  authority  with  the  Englyn  of  Cynddelw, 
and  who  was  so  careless  as  to  place  the  death  of  John  Evans 
at  New  Orleans.  His  contemporaries,  however,  were  still 
less  critical ;  and  the  question  was  generally  decided  in  the 
affirmative  ;  but  the  minority  still  held  to  their  denial ;  and  in 
so  doing  had  the  sanction  of  no  less  a  man  than  the  Rev. 
Walter  Davies  (Gwallter  Mechain),  who,  in  reference  to  these 

1  Seren  Gomer,  1818,  p.  316. 

2  '  Ehuddenfab,'  the  editor  of  a  small  collection  of  Welsh  songs 
(Cerddi  Cymru,  p.  12),  attributes  this  song  to  John  Jones  of  Glanygors 

G  2 


84  MADOC. 

very  discussions,  adds  this  comment  after  the  word  '  affirma- 
tive '  :  '  as  majority  of  votes  too  often  do,  upon  the  wrong  side 
of  a  question,  be  its  importance  and  consequence  ever  so 
great.' !  The  question  again  came  under  the  consideration 
of  the  Cymreigyddion  on  December  8  in  the  same  year,  in 
consequence  of  a  letter  from  the  Rev.  George  Lewis,  D.D. 
At  a  missionary  meeting  held  in  August  of  that  year  at 
Llanfyllin,  it  was  thought  that  a  mission  to  the  Madogwys 
had  special  claims  upon  the  attention  of  the  Kymry.  Dr. 
Lewis,  without  committing  himself  to  the  affirmative  side, 
urged  the  matter  upon  the  attention  of  the  Cymreigyddion, 
and  they  on  the  above  day  replied  to  his  letter,  approving  of 
the  suggestion,  and  endeavoured  to  remove  his  doubts.2 

Time  has  not  altered  these  relative  positions  ;  for  though 
the  tradition  lost  credit  with  English  writers,  except  Mrs. 
Campbell,  the  majority  of  Welshmen,  possibly  even  of 
Cambrian  writers,  still  continue  to  affirm  that  Madoc  dis- 
covered the  land  of  the  far  west ;  and,  even  if  not,  that  there 
are  Welsh  Indians  on  the  Missouri.  Many  writers,  seeing 
that  the  Madogwys  receded  farther  and  farther  as  the 
American  continent  became  more  fully  explored,  wavered  in 
their  belief;  but  Mr.  Catlin's  work  has  reassured  them  ;  and 
one  at  least,  the  careful  biographer  of  '  Eminent  Welshmen,' 
has  recorded  his  conviction,  not  only  that  Madoc  discovered 
the  New  World,  but  also  that  the  expeditions  of  Madoc  are 
mentioned  by  three  poets  who  were  his  contemporaries,  as 
well  as  by  Meredydd  ab  Rhys,  before  Columbus  was  heard 
of;  and  that  the  Welsh  Indians  were  the  Mandans  of  Mr. 
Catlin.3  This  work  was  published  in  1852. 

A  still  later  writer,  namely,  the  Rev.  R.  W.  Morgan, 

1  Cambrian  Quarterly  Magazine,  1829,  vol.  i.  p.  446. 
*  Seren  Oomer,  1818,  p.  317  ;  and  1819,  p.  4. 

3  Williams's  Eminent  Welshmen,  articles  '  John  Evans '  and 
'  Madog  ap  Owen  Gwynedd.' 


THE    AFFIRMATIVE   VIEW.  85 

adopts  tbe  Madoc  narrative,  and  affirms  his  conviction  that 
its  truth  has  been  clearly  established.1 

The  most  distinguished  living  writer  on  this  side  is  Dr. 
Rowland  Williams,  if  he  still  retains  his  conviction  of  1846. 
It  does  not  appear,  however,  that  he  had  examined  the  evi- 
dence critically  ;  and  it  should  be  observed  that  he  does  not 
expressly  assent  to  the  affirmative  proposition.  He  says,  '  It 
is  one  of  those  traditions,  "  poeticis  magis  decora  fabulis,  quge 
nee  affirmare  nee  refellere  in  animo  est."  ' 2  But  as  he  has 
made  it  the  basis  of  a  poem,  entitled  '  Madoc  at  Sea,'  the  bias 
of  his  mind  seems  to  have  inclined  to  this  side. 

It  is,  therefore,  very  apparent  that  the  affirmative  view  is 
very  powerfully  supported,  and  that  many  of  the  best-known 
natives  of  the  Principality — men,  too,  of  great  talent  and  ex- 
tensive learning — have  ranged  themselves  on  what  may, 
perhaps,  be  termed  the  popular  side. 

Our  Cambrian  story  seems  to  have  fascinated  men  of  every 
order  of  mind,  and  amongst  others  the  late  Baron  Humboldt. 
'  It  is  much  to  be  desired,'  he  says,  '  that  in  these  days  of 
just,  and  not  excessive  scepticism,  in  historic  research,  an  in- 
quiry could  be  made  into  Prince  Madoc's  story,  in  Wales. 
Old  traditions,  and  the  genuine  chronicles  of  the  Principality, 
would  thus  be  usefully  examined.  I  by  no  means  share  the 
contempt  with  which  some  writers  rashly  treat  this  story. 
On  the  contrary,  I  am  strongly  convinced  that  some  facts, 
hitherto  lost  sight  of,  may  be  recovered,  to  throw  light  upon 
the  voyages  of  the  Middle  Ages ;  and  upon  the  striking  re- 
semblances of  some  things  now  familiar  to  us  in  the  New 
World,  to  many  things  well  known  in  the  East.' 3 

It  has  also  found  favour  with  his  countryman,  the  tra- 

1  The  British  Eymry,  p.  166. 

2  Lays  from  the  Cimbric  Lyre,  by  '  Goronva  Camlan  '  (Dr.  Row- 
land Williams),  London,  1846,  pp.  10,  237. 

3  Examen    Critique  de  VHistoire  de  Geographic    (Paris,    1837) 
cited  in  Eev.  T.  Price's  Literary  Remains,  vol.  ii.  p.  273. 


86  MADOC. 

veller  J.  G.  Kohl,  who  in  his  last  work  says  that  the  Cambrian 
narrative  '  looks  very  like  a  discovery  of  America.'  And  he 
adds,  in  continuation, '  An  American  writer  (probably  meaning 
Catlin)  of  the  present  day  has  even  taken  the  trouble  to  show 
that  the  traditions  and  the  language  of  the  so-called  Mandan 
Indians,  '  who  now  dwell  in  central  Missouri,  prove  them  to 
be  the  descendants  of  the  followers  of  Prince  Madoc.  Indeed, 
many  have  found  these  Welsh  wanderers  again  in  one  of  the 
most  remote  tribes  to  the  far  West  in  California.  In  conse- 
quence of  the  supposed  discovery  of  traces  of  Madoc's  Welsh, 
spread  so  extensively  throughout  the  whole  of  America,  an 
Englishman  has  proposed  that  the  New  World  should  not  be 
named,  as  at  present,  after  Amerigo  Vespucci,  nor  called 
Columbia  after  Columbus,  but  rather  Madocia  after  Prince 
Madoc.' '  Mr.  Kohl  is  probably  not  aware  that  it  has  been 
suggested  that  America  is  itself  a  word  of  Welsh  origin, 
formed  from  Ar  myr  ucliel  or  ycha,  l  on  the  high  or  farthest 
seas ' ;  that  this  descriptive  name  was  used  by  the  natives, 
and  that  Vespucci  took  his  prcenomen  therefrom  ! 2 

The  subject  appears  to  have  also  occupied  the  attention 
of  our  cousins  across  the  Atlantic.  Mr.  John  Russell  Bartlett, 
the  Secretary  of  the  American  Ethnological  Society,  in  the 
winter  of  1841,  at  New  York,  stated  that  he  had  been  inves- 
tigating the  subject,  and  that  he  was  in  possession  of  affidavits 
and  other  documents,  to  attest  the  truth  of  the  Cambrian 
tradition,  and  of  the  existence  of  Welsh  Indians.3  His  work 
has  not,  I  believe,  yet  seen  the  light ;  but  if  the  affidavits 
were  those  of  the  Rev.  Morgan  Jones  and  Colonel  Crochan, 
they  will  be  found  in  the  present  Essay.4  The  Rev.  Thomas 

1  History  of  the  Discovery  of  America,  vol.  i.  pp.  33,  35  ;  vol.  ii. 
p.  142. 

8  Cambrian  Quarterly  Magazine,  vol.  iv.  p.  469. 

3  Sir  J.  E.  Alexander,  L'Acadie,  vol.  iv.  p.  89  ;  and  Mr.  J.  Toulmin 
Smith,  Discovery  of  America  by  the  Northmen,  1842,  p.  235. 

4  [The  affirmative  view  is  maintained  in  two  American  works,  pub- 


THE    AFFIRMATIVE    VIEW.  87 

James,  of  Netherthong,  Yorkshire,  under  his  Kymric  signature 
Llallawg,  in  'Notes  and  Queries,'  December  7,  1862,  states 
that  he  had  written  to  Mr.  Bartlett,  inquiring  whether  the 
promised  work  had  been  published,  but  that  he  had  not  re- 
ceived any  reply.  Mr.  James  was  one  of  the  judges  of  this 
Essay  at  Llangollen.  He  then  declined  to  adjudicate,  and  it 
would  seem  that  he  is  still  unable  to  say,  '  Liberavi  animam 
meam.' 

Section  II. — THE  TENTATIVE  VIEW  :  that  there  is  no  sufficient 
evidence  that  Madoc  discovered  America ;  but  that  he  left 
Wales,  and  that  it  is  not  known  whither  he  went. 

It  has  been  seen  in  the  preceding  section  that  a  minority 
of  the  Gwyneddigion,  countenanced  by  no  less  a  man  than 
the  Rev.  Walter  Davies,  differed  in  opinion  from  their  fellow-, 
members  on  this  subject ;  and  as  several  men  of  note,  distin- 
guished by  critical  ability,  historic  research,  and  sound  judg- 
ment, have  numbered  themselves  either  among  positive 
dissentients  or  as  entertaining  very  serious  doubts,  it  becomes 
necessary  to  pass  them  in  review. 

The  first  avowed  opponent  of  the  Cambrian  tradition  was 
Lord  Lyttelton,  in  his  '  History  of  Henry  II.,'  the  first  edition 
of  which  was  published  in  1 764-7. l  He  supposed  that  Dr. 
Powel  had  interpolated  the  Madoc  narrative  in  the  Chronicle 
of  Caradoc.  Here  he  was  evidently  mistaken ;  but  if  he  had 
said  this  of  Humphrey  Llwyd,  he  might  have  pleaded  Powel's 
authority  for  the  statement.  He  grants  that  Madoc  may 
have  been  a  bolder  navigator  than  any  of  his  countrymen  in 
that  age,  and  that  he  might  have  been  famous  for  some  voyage ; 

lished  since  the  death  of  Mr.  Stephens,  entitled,  America  discovered 
by  tJie  Welsh  in  1170  A.D.,  by  the  Rev.  Benjamin  F.  Bowen  (Phila- 
delphia, 1876) ;  and  The  Pre-Columbian  Voyages  of  the  Welsh  to 
America,  by  B.  F.  De  Costa  (Albany,  1891).] 

1  History  of  Henry  II.  note  to  Book  v.  p.  505  (1st  ed.  1764-1767 ; 
vol.  iv.  p.  371). 


88  MADOC. 

but,  says  he,  '  as  the  course  was  not  marked,  it  is  of  no  impor- 
tance to  the  matter  in  question.' '  We  may,  therefore,  place 
him  in  our  second  class. 

Its  next  assailant  was  Robertson,  the  Historian  of  America, 
who  thought  that  if  Madoc  made  any  discovery  at  all,  it  was 
most  probably  Madeira  or  some  of  the  Western  Isles.2 

The  first  Kymro  who  openly  declared  his  hostility  to  this 
tradition  was  Dr.  John  Jones.  He  was  a  native  of  the  parish 
of  Llandybi'e,  in  Carmarthenshire,  having  been  born  at  Der- 
wydd,  August  17,  1772.  He  studied  on  the  Continent,  at 
the  University  of  Jena,  which  conferred  on  him  the  degree  of 
LL.D.,  took  to  the  Bar  as  a  profession  in  1803,  and  died  at 
Islington  in  distressed  circumstances,  September  28,  1837. 
He  wrote  several  works,  amongst  others  '  A  History  of  Wales,' 
but  most  of  his  writings  are  characterised  by  a  tendency  to 
flippancy  and  sarcasm,  and  this  is  observed  in  his  treatment 
of  this  question.  He  wrote  a  letter  on  this  subject,  dated 
'Islington,  July  19,  1819,'  which  appeared  in  the  'Monthly 
Magazine '  for  September  of  that  year. 

He  commences  by  saying  that  '  an  unfounded  tradition 
among  the  uncultivated  natives  of  North  Wales,  respecting 
the  migration  of  Madog,'  was  '  still  persisted  in  by  certain 
illiterate  Methodist  and  other  preachers,  who  have  of  late 
raised  considerable  sums  of  money,  by  calling  upon  public 
characters  and  procuring  subscriptions  towards  defraying  the 
expenses  requisite  for  making  a  pretended  simple  hunt  after 
the  imaginary  Welsh  Indians.' 

He  charges  the  Madoc  narrative  with  improbability,  and 
says  '  that  the  whole  population  of  Gwynedd  at  that  time  did 
not  equal  that  of  St.  Mary  at  Islington  ;  that  Madoc  would 
not  have  been  suffered  to  deport  the  subjects  of  his  brother, 

1  History  of  Henry  II.  loc.  cit.  (1st  ed.  1764). 

2  The  question  is  discussed  in   a  long  note  to  the  first  volume, 
p.  373  (ed.  1788) ;  or  pp.  368-871  (9th  ed.  1800). 


THE    TENTATIVE    VIEW.  89 

and  that  the  fleet  of  Commodore  Madog,  consisting  of  wicker- 
boats  covered  with  hides  or  tarred  blankets,  effected  a  rather 
extraordinary  performance,  if  they  were  able  to  leave  Ireland 
on  the  north,  and  cast  these  supposed  deserters  of  their  country 
on  the  coasts  of  Armorica  or  Gallicia.' 

After  this  he  examines  the  bardic  quotations  from  the 
poems  of  Cynddelw,  Prydydd  y  Moch,  Gwalchmai,  and  Mere- 
dydd  ab  Rhys,  and  sums  up  the  result  in  these  words : 

'  Thus,  Mr.  Editor,  the  bards  make  no  mention  whatever 
of  any  migration  of  Madog  into  a  western  continent,  but 
merely  take  passing  notice  of  him  as  lost  at  sea  ;  that  he  had 
left  his  country,  that  his  departure  was  lamented,  and  that  he 
was  of  a  generous  disposition,  and  an  eminent  fisherman.' 

He  then  quotes  the  concluding  words  of  Humphrey  Llwyd, 
and  uses  them  to  show  '  that  they  afford  positive  testimony 
against  the  existence  of  the  Welsh  Indians.' 

In  an  early  part  of  the  letter  he  said  there  was  no  pretence 
for  believing  in  '  a  colony  of  Madogion,  mad- dogs,  or  Welsh 
Indians,'  and  concludes  his  letter  with  this  paragraph  : 

'  It  may  be  expected  that  I  should  notice  tales  related  of 
Welsh  Indian  chiefs  ;  of  Welshmen  taken  prisoners,  and  re- 
leased on  account  of  their  similarity  of  language ;  and  of 
Welsh  Methodist  preachers  who  have  resided  among  the 
Indians,  and  preached  among  them  for  years.  But  this  would 
be  making  a  very  idle  use  of  your  valuable  pages,  since  it  is 
well  known  that  there  are  not  a  hundred  square  miles  of  the 
inhabited  or  inhabitable  parts  of  America  that  have  not  been 
traversed ;  and  that,  in  consequence  of  the  labours  of  naviga- 
tors and  travellers,  geography  is  now  become  a  positive  science.' 

This  letter  produced  a  great  sensation  at  the  time ;  its 
pun  upon  '  Madogwys,'  with  its  sarcastic  allusions,  and  ap- 
parently unfounded  imputations,  gave  great  offence ;  and  it 
would  seem  that  it  has  not  been  forgiven  to  this  day.1 

1  See  Williams's  Eminent  Welshmen,  art.  '  John  Jones,'  p.  560. 


90  MADOC. 

Mr.  Humphreys  Parry,  editor  of  the  '  Cambro-Briton,' 
replied  to  Dr.  Jones  in  the  number  of  that  magazine  for 
October  1819,  and  said  that,  'after  long  and  dispassionate 
consideration,'  he  had  been  induced  to  believe  in  the  existence 
of  the  Madogwys.  He  charged  Dr.  Jones  with  having  evaded 
the  testimony  of  leuan  Brechva,  Guttyn  Owen,  Herbert,  and 
the  historic  Triad,  admitted  the  words  already  given  as  those 
of  Llwyd,  not  to  have  been  the  words  of  Caradoc,  but  affirmed 
them  to  have  been  the  words  of  Guttyn  Owen,  and  suggested 
that  they  set  forth  an  erroneous  opinion.  He  admitted  that 
the  bardic  quotations  of  Jones  only  affirmed  that  Madoc  left 
his  country  and  went  to  sea,  but  laid  stress  on  the  passage 
respecting  the  '  two  princes,'  which  Dr.  Jones  had  not  cited, 
and  he  summed  up  his  argument  in  these  words  : 

'  What  he  (Dr.  Jones)  has  quoted,  if  they  determine  any- 
thing, prove  that  Madog  had  disappeared  by  sea :  what  he 
has  kindly  left  to  be  cited  by  others  extend  to  the  circum- 
stances, and  even  to  the  object  of  his  voluntary  exile.  These, 
united  with  the  facts  which  have  transpired  during  the  last 
sixty  years,  respecting  the  settlement  of  a  strange  nation  on  the 
higher  branches  of  the  Missouri,  differing  essentially  in  their 
habits  and  manners  from  the  adjacent  tribes,  and  even  speak- 
ing the  Welsh  language,  can  leave  little  room  for  scepticism, 
except  to  such  as  make  scepticism  a  profession.  Yet  all  this 
testimony,  derived  from  a  hundred  various  sources,  and  uniting 
in  one  focus,  is  thrown  by  our  candid  objector  unceremoniously 
into  the  shade.  So  strong,  however,  is  the  concatenation  of 
evidence  thus  produced,  as  to  be  considered  irresistible  by 
many  persons  fully  capable  of  estimating  its  value.' ' 

The  reply  contained  as  much  sarcasm  as  the  attack,  though 

couched  in  more  polished  phraseology ;  but  characterised,  as 

it  was,  by  assertion  rather  than  proof,  it  could  not  have  been 

deemed  quite  satisfactory,  even  at  that  time ;  and,  upon  reflec- 

1  Cambro-Briton,  vol.  i.  p.  61. 


THE    TENTATIVE    VIEW.  91 

tion,  it  does  not  appear  to  have  been  deemed  conclusive  by 
the  writer  himself.  He  referred  to  the  subject  two  years 
afterwards,  but  in  a  less  confident  tone ; l  and  having  subse- 
quently redeemed  his  promise  to  review  the  whole  of  the 
evidence,  he  finally  adopted  the  modified  conclusion  which 
forms  the  heading  of  this  section.  At  the  Carmarthen 
Eisteddfod,  September  24  and  25,  1823,  a  prize  was 
offered  for  the  best  Essay  on  the  following  subject :  'On  the 
Navigation  of  the  Britons  from  the  earliest  dawn  of  their  his- 
tory to  the  close  of  the  twelfth  century,  including  the  proba- 
bility or  improbability  of  Madog  ab  Owain  Gwynedd  and 
his  followers  settling  in  any  part  of  the  Western  Hemisphere.' 

The  judges  were  the  Yen.  Archdeacon  Beynon  and  the 
Eev.  Mr.  Prothero,  Vicar  of  Llandeilo  Vawr ;  they  awarded 
the  prize  to  the  author  of  the  Essay  signed  '  Omer,'  who 
turned  out  to  be  John  Humphreys  Parry,  Esq. 

The  conclusions  of  the  author,  as  exhibited  in  the  published 
Essay,  were  these  : 

I  1.  As  to  the  historic  statements,  'that  the  disappearance 
of  Madoc  is  an  event  as  free  from  doubt  as  any  other  recorded 
in  the  annals  of  Wales.  With  respect,  however,  to  the 
particular  country  he  is  said  to  have  discovered,  whatever 
ground  may  have  existed  formerly  for  such  an  assumption, 
either  traditionally  or  otherwise,  the  account  must  now  be 
received  with  the  caution  naturally  suggested  by  the  lapse  of 
so  many  ages,  and  the  consequent  absence  of  positive  evi- 
dence '  (p.  35). 

/  2.  As  to  Welsh  Indians,  '  that  the  testimony  is  by  no 
means  decisive  as  to  the  fact,  notwithstanding  the  positiveness 
with  which  some  of  the  points  have  been  asserted.  For  if  the 
Welsh  language  be  actually  spoken  among  the  Indians  of 
America,  and  there  really  exist  among  them  ancient  Welsh 
MSS.,  it  is  truly  extraordinary  that  the  fact  has  not,  before 
1  Cambro-Briton,  vol.  iii.  p.  435. 


92  MADOC. 

this  time,  been  placed  beyond  the  reach  of  cavil,  or  the 
necessity  for  inquiry.  More  than  three  centuries  have  elapsed 
since  the  acknowledged  intercourse  between  Europeans  and 
the  New  World,  and  this  interesting  question  is  still  unde- 
termined. Adhuc  sub  judice  Us  est.'  (P.  41.) 

The  subject  was  referred  to  in  the  year  1820,  by  the  Rev. 
E.  Hughes,  of  Bodfari,  who  introduced  it  into  his  poem  on 
'  Hiraeth  Cymro  am  ei  Wlad,'  sent  to  the  Wrexham 
Eisteddfod  in  that  year.  See  the  collected  poems  on  that 
subject,  published  at  Denbigh.1 

We  come,  in  the  next  place,  to  consider  the  testimony  of 
the  Rev.  Thomas  Price,  fondly  known  among  his  countrymen 
by  his  cognomen  Carnhuanawc.  His  opinion  upon  difficult 
historical  questions  is  held  to  be  of  great  weight ;  and  I  am 
happy  to  be  able  to  concur  in  this  general  and  favourable 
estimate ;  for  he  took  much  pains  to  collect  trustworthy 
evidences,  approached  the  facts  in  a  spirit  at  once  patriotic 
and  candid,  and  displayed  much  critical  acumen  and  sound- 
ness of  judgment  in  forming  his  opinions  thereupon.  He, 
too,  shows  a  disposition  to  reject  the  common  tradition,  and 
to  hold  the  proofs  as  yet  adduced  in  its  favour  to  be  insuf- 
ficient. In  dealing  with  this  question  he  commences  thus 
(we  translate  his  work,  which  is  in  the  Welsh  language) : 

'  The  history  of  the  voyage  of  this  prince  (i.e.  Madoc  ab 
Owen)  is  given  by  Powel,  as  he  affirms,  on  the  authority  of 
Guttyn  Owen,  who,  as  is  said,  wrote  between  1460  and  1490, 
and  therefore  before  the  voyage  of  Columbus,  for  Columbus 
sailed  in  1492,  and  returned  in  1493.  The  history  of  Madoc, 
according  to  the  above  authority,  is  as  follows.! 

Having  recounted  the  usual  statements,  he  further  adds 
that  the  lines  of  Meredydd  ap  Rhys  and  Triad  No.  10  were 
cited  in  support  of  that  narrative,  and  sums  up  his  conclusions 
in  the  following  terms  : 

1  Y  Powysion  (Denbigh,  1821),  pp.  61-63. 


THE   TENTATIVE    VIEW.  93 

'  Reference  is  also  made  to  other  proofs  in  the  works  of 
the  Gogynfeirdd  (or  mediaeval  bards);  but. I  never  had  the 
good  fortune  to  alight  upon  them  ;  and  I  am  of  opinion  that 
the  above  cited  are  the  strongest  on  record.  As  to  the  recent 
correlative  proofs,  respecting  the  discovery  of  a  tribe  of 
Madogwys  in  America,  so  many  vain  and  thoughtless  asser- 
tions have  been  made  and  repeated,  and  so  many  naked  and 
designed  falsehoods  have  been  added  to  them,  that  whoever 
takes  tliis  subject  in  hand  must  be  very  watchful  lest  he  be 
misled.  One  of  the  strongest  arguments  against  the  narrative 

o  o  o 

is  the  difficulty  of  the  voyage,  because  the  mariner's  compass 
was  unknown  at  that  time,  and  it  was  not  usual  to  sail  out  of 
the  sight  of  land.  In  reply,  it  is  said  that  the  latter  statement 
is  not  true,  for  that  they  made  voyages  to  Norway  ;  to  the 
Continent  generally,  and  to  Iceland  ;  that  the  islanders  of  the 
South  Seas  had  made  such  voyages  ;  and  that  in  fair  weather, 
with  a  clear  sky,  the  voyage  of  Madoc  was  not  impossible. 
And,  therefore,  after  weighing  the  various  arguments  against 
each  other,  I  conclude  that  the  determination  rests  entirely 
upon  the  date  of  Guttyn  Owen's  narrative,  viz.  :  whether  it 
was  written  before  or  after  the  voyage  of  Columbus.  That 
Madoc  chose  a  seafaring  life,  rather  than  contend  hopelessly 
for  territorial  possessions,  is  not  improbable  ;  and  if  the  lines 
above  cited  are  rightly  dated,  this  is  undeniable.  But  as  to 
the  other  parts  of  the  proofs  we  must  wait  until  the  evidences 
have  been  more  minutely  examined.' ! 

Commending  this  thoughtful  passage  to  the  attention  of 
the  reader,  I  now  proceed  to  unfold  a  third  aspect  of  this 
question. 

1  Hanes  Cymru,  pp.  589-591.  This  work  was  published  in  parts 
from  1836  to  1842.  Living  authors  of  note  suppose  that  Madoc  may 
have  left  his  country  and  landed  in  Spain,  or  on  some  European  coast ; 
but  hone  of  them  accept  the  national  tradition  of  the  Kymry  in  its 
entirety. 


94  MADOC. 


Section  III. — THE  NEGATIVE  VIEW  :  that  Madoc  neither  sought, 
nor  found,  a  new  country  in  the  far  West ;  and  that  he 
fell  by  the  sword  in  his  own  country. 

Besides  the  two  preceding  aspects  of  this  question;  there 
is  a  third,  namely,  that  which  we  have  called  the  negative 
view ;  and  this  has  been  supported  by  several  writers  of  con- 
siderable ability. 

The  first  Welshman  who  rejected  the  Madoc  claim  was 
Thomas  Pennant,  the  eminent  naturalist,  whose  judgment  will 
be  cited  in  another  connection. 

After  him  came  the  late  Rev.  Walter  Davies,  M.A.,  known 
among  the  bards  as  Gw oilier  Mechain.  He  was  the  author 
and  editor  of  many  works  deservedly  held  in  great  repute, 
and  a  frequent  contributor  to  the  Cambrian  magazines,  which 
owe  to  him  many  of  their  most  valuable  articles.  He  was, 
up  to  his  death  (December  5,  1849,  cet.  89),  generally  ac- 
counted to  be  the  clearest-headed  and  best-informed  Kymro 
of  his  day ;  his  writings  are  all  characterised  by  great  candour, 
much  critical  sagacity,  and  an  enlightened  judgment.  In  the 
course  of  his  life  he  showed  an  intimate  acquaintance  with 
the  writings  of  the  elder  bards ;  was  the  author  of  a  prize 
essay  on  the  Welsh  Metres,  in  which  he  gave  an  analysis  of 
the  metres  used  in  our  most  ancient  poems  ;  edited  the  works 
of  Huw  Morus,  and  assisted  in  editing  those  of  Lewis  Glyn 
Cothi ;  and  he  was  himself  one  of  the  most  distinguished  of 
recent  Welsh  poets.  He  was,  therefore,  admirably  qualified 
to  form  an  opinion  upon  any  question  involving  a  reference 
to  the  poems  of  the  old  bards,  such  as  that  which  is  now  under 
consideration  ;  and  his  judgment,  whatever  it  might  be,  was 
always  held  to  be  of  much  weight. 

Like  Dr.  Jones,  who  undertook  '  to  upset  this  idle  tale,' 


THE    NEGATIVE    VIEW.  95 

lie  thought  he  could,  with  a  few  words  from  his  pen,  dispose 
of  the  reputed  discovery  of  America  and  the  Welsh  Indians  ; 
but  he  underrated  the  vitality  of  a  tradition  so  intimately 
interwoven  with  our  national  feelings ;  and  it  is  not  impro- 
bable that  it  would  have  still  survived,  even  if  his  view  of  it 
had  amounted  to  a  clear  and  conclusive  demonstration ;  for 
traditions,  honourable  to  the  pride  of  a  high-minded  people 
retentive  of  their  fame,  retain  their  vitality  even  when  found 
to  be  untrue  ;  and  as  Hercules  had  to  cut  off  all  the  heads  of 
the  Lernean  Hydra,  so  must  the  refuter  of  such  traditions 
leave  no  stone  unturned,  no  argument  unanswered,  no  sem- 
blance of  authority  unnoticed  ;  but,  if  true,  like  the  rightful 
heir  to  a  disputed  property,  or  the  legitimate  descendant  of 
a  royal  house,  it  rises  again  and  again  to  assert  its  rights, 
and  will  eventually  establish  its  claim.  To  which  of  these 
classes  the  Madoc  tradition  belongs  we  shall  presently  en- 
deavour to  show. 

But  we  return  to  Gwallter  Meckain,  He  says  :  '  To  set 
this  question  at  rest,  I  believe  it  may  be  proved,  from  indis- 
putable documents,  that  Madoc  ab  Owen  Gwynedd,  the  sup- 
posed discoverer  of  America  many  centuries  before  Columbus, 
fell  by  the  sword  (the  too  frequent  death  of  the  brave  in  those 
days)  in  his  own  country.  Let  Columbus,  then — the  great 
and  injured  Columbus — have  every  merit  that  is  strictly  due 
to  his  unrivalled  genius. 

'  Charles  Lloyd,  his  brother  Thomas,  and  the  Morgan 
Jones  above  mentioned,  had  been  contemporary  students  at 
Jesus  College,  Oxford ;  but  the  fable  of  the  Welsh  Indians  in 
America  did  not  originate  with  them.  Dr.  Powel,  in  his 
"  History  of  Cambria,"  Hakluyt  in  his  "  Voyages,"  Sir  Thomas 
Herbert  in  his  "  Travels,"  had  all  of  them  previously  given 
their  sanction  to  the  credibility  of  the  tradition  that  Prince 
Madoc  had  sailed  "far  to  the  West,"  &c. ;  but  we  have  no 
authority  for  supposing  that  he  ever  sailed  beyond  Ireland, 


96  MADOC. 

or  the  Isle  of  Man,  or  even  that  he  ever  boarded  a  skiff,  save 
over  the  Straits  of  the  Menai.  He  met,  as  is  above  hinted, 
with  a  violent  death  in  his  native  land.' ' 

Mr.  Davies  does  not  state  what  those  documents  were,  on 
which  he  relied ;  but  it  is  not  difficult  to  discover  that  he  had 
in  his  mind  the  elegiac  verse  of  Cynddelw,  and  the  '  Ode  to  the 
Hot  Iron  '  of  Llywarch  ab  Llywelyn.  An  anonymous  writer 
in  the  '  Cambrian  and  Caledonian  Magazine,'  1831,  vol.  iii. 
p.  140  (probably  Mr.  Davies),  says :  '  There  are  notices  of 
several  emigrations  in  ancient  times  from  Britain,  in  the 
Triads  and  other  authorities.  The  one  by  Madog  ab  Owain 
Gwynedd  and  his  followers,  as  recorded  by  Welsh  historians, 
is  not  now  believed  to  have  any  foundation,  notwithstanding 
several  late  attempts  to  authenticate  the  narrative.  The  first 
emigration  from  Wales  to  America  took  place  in  the  reign  of 
the  licentious  Charles  II.' 

Bancroft,  the  best-known  historian  of  America,  passes  over 
the  Madoc  narrative  in  silence.  It  is  difficult  to  conceive 
that  he  was  not  acquainted  with  it,  for  he  frequently  cites 
Hakluyt's '  Voyages,'  in  which  it  occurs  ;  and  hence  it  becomes 
probable  that  he  held  it  to  have  been  of  no  authority.  The 
writer  of  the  '  History  of  Maritime  Discovery,'  in  Lardner's 
'  Cyclopaedia,'  takes  the  narrative  into  consideration,  and  pro- 
nounces it  to  have  no  foundation  in  fact. 

The  next  writer  in  the  order  of  chronology  is  the  author 
of  the  '  Literature  of  the  Kymry,'  '  a  self-educated  Welsh 
druggist  at  Merthyr  Tydfil.' 2 

In  1848,  when  that  work  was  published,  this  subject  was 
evidently  new  to  him.  He  introduces  it  with  the  remark 
that  he  had  not  paid  sufficient  attention  to  the  evidence  to 

V  Cambrian  Quarterly  Magazine,  1829,  vol.  i.  p.  441. 

2  The  Literary  Remains  of  the  Rev.  Thomas  Price,  Carnhuanawc, 
Vicar  of  Cwmdu,  Breconshire,  and  Rural  Dean  :  with  a  Memoir  of 
his  Life,  by  Jane  Williams,  Ysgafell,  vol.  ii.  p.  37G. 


THE   NEGATIVE   VIEW.  97 

form  a  definite  opinion,  and  concludes  his  observations  in 
these  terms : 

'The  passage  first  quoted  (i.e.  that  about  the  "two 
princes  ")  looks  as  if  it  had  been  written  after  Madoc's  return, 
for  it  describes  the  newly-found  territory  as  "  easily  guarded." 

The  line 

Tn  esguraw  hawl  hawt  adnes 
(Prowling  after  a  possession  easily  guarded) 

seems  more  decisive  of  the  question  than  any  other  evidence 
that  can  be  adduced,  as  the  description  seems  applicable  to  a 
new  and  thinly  populated  country.  Too  much  stress  has  been 
laid  upon  the  poem  of  Meredydd  ab  Rhys,  both  by  the  op- 
ponents and  the  advocates  of  this  story ;  for,  after  all,  it 
simply  states  the  fondness  of  Madoc  for  the  sea,  and  leaves 
the  question  of  the  discovery  of  America  just  where  it  was 
before.  That  Madoc  left  the  country  is  quite  clear  from  the 
concurrent  testimony  of  the  bards  and  the  following  triad 
(i.e.  No.  10)  ;  but  the  annals  of  the  country  leave  his  landing- 
place  unknown.  We  must,  therefore,  look  elsewhere  for 
proofs  of  his  discovery  of  the  American  continent.' l 

He  then  gives  Herbert's  account  at  length,  but  without 
any  express  sanction  of  the  statements  therein  set  forth;  and 
it  is  evident  that  he  had  not  finally  made  up  his  mind  on  the 
subject.  Had  he  rested  here,  we  should  have  had  to  place 
him  in  our  second  class,  in  company  with  Jones,  Parry,  and 
Price. 

Latterly  (1856),  he  has  again  given  an  opinion  on  the 
subject,  and  it  is  evident  that  his  judgment  has  now  been 
fully  formed,  and  that  it  is  adverse  to  the  claims  of  Madoc. 
In  an  essay  in  the  Welsh  language,  entitled  '  Sefyllfa 
Wareiddiol  Cymru,'  or  '  The  Position  of  Wales  in  Civilisa- 
tion,' and  published  in  the  {  Traethodydd,'  he  has  the  words 
here  translated  : 

1  Literature  of  the  Kymry,  p.  143,  2nd  ed.  p.  132. 

H 


98  MADOC. 

'  It  is  frequently  asserted  that  a  Kymro  first  discovered 
the  American  continent ;  but  for  all  that  is  said  about  Madoc 
ab  Owen  Gwynedd,  and  notwithstanding  the  positive  yet  false 
assertion  in  "  Drych  y  Prif  Oesoedd  "  respecting  his  reputed 
epitaph,  the  history  is  very  doubtful ;  and  there  is  reason  to 
believe  that  Madoc  was  slain  in  some  tumult  at  home,  and 
that  he  never  was  very  far  from  the  land  of  his  birth.' ! 

In  a  note  he  cites  as  a  proof  the  lines  of  Cynddelw,  and 
adds :  '  The  warlike  character  attributed  to  Madoc  in  this 
verse  is  directly  opposed  to  the  pacific  character  usually 
assigned  to  him.  There  was  some  mystery  about  his  assassi- 
nation ;  and  it  is  not  improbable  that  he  might  have  loved 
to  be  a  sailor  ;  but  there  is  no  ground  for  the  belief  that  he 
discovered  America.' 

It  is,  therefore,  manifest  that,  whatever  value  may  be 
attached  to  the  judgments  of  Mr.  Stephens,  the  Madoc  nar- 
rative has  been  weighed  in  his  balance  and  found  wanting.2 

The  next  writer  on  the  negative  side  is  Mr.  B.  B.  Wood- 
ward, who,  in  1854,  published  an  illustrated '  History  of  Wales.' 
He  enters  largely  into  the  evidences  on  this  point,  and  dis- 
plays considerable  scepticism  in  the  course  of  his  remarks. 
He  accepts  the  representation  that  Madoc  was  fond  of  the 
sea,  and  was  drowned  therein ;  and  holds  that  this  distinction 
among  a  people  notoriously  averse  from  maritime  pursuits  was 
the  foundation  of  his  fame ;  that  his  reputed  discovery  is 
nothing  more  than  a  legend,  which  for  baselessness  might 
rival  those  about  Arthur,  although  it  cannot  be  compared 

1  Y  Traethodydd  (The  Essayist),  Dec.  1857,  p.  391. 

a  The  present  Essay,  when  sent  into  competition,  was  necessarily 
anonymous,  and  purported  to  be  '  from  the  quill  pen  or  saeth  wellten 
of  Gwrnerth  Ergydlym  ' ;  the  omission  of  any  reference  to  the  notice 
of  the  subject  in  my  former  work  would  have  awakened  suspicion  as 
to  the  authorship  of  the  Essay ;  and,  as  some  reference  to  the  change 
in  my  views  would  naturally  be  looked  for,  I  have  thought  it  advisable 
to  allow  these  paragraphs  to  remain 


THE   NEGATIVE   VIEW.  99 

with  them  in  grandeur  and  renown,  Southey's  efforts  not- 
withstanding ;  that  this  originated  after  the  discovery  of 
Columbus,  and  when  the  English  were  the  enemies  of  Spain, 
with  a  Welshman  who  was  courageous  enough  to  convert  the 
vague  exaggerations  of  the  bards  in  praise  of  the  Kymric 
prince,  who  had  identified  his  name  with  a  too  daring  maritime 
exploit,  into  prosaic  reality ;  and  that,  on  this  ground,  he 
claimed  priority  for  his  country  in  the  discovery  and  occupa- 
tion of  the  New  World.1 

A  still  later  writer  has  to  be  added  to  the  list  of  dis- 
sentients, namely,  the  Rev.  John  Emlyn  Jones,  M.A.,  who, 
in  his  recent  edition  of  Titus  Lewis's  '  Hanes  Prydain  Fawr,' 
has  these  remarks : 

1  Not  the  least  known  of  the  sons  of  Owen  Gwynedd  was 
Madoc,  who,  they  say,  sailed  to  America  years  before  Columbus 
thought  of  it.  Much  has  been  written  on  this  head,  and 
much  search  has  been  made  for  the  Madogwys,  or  Welsh 
Indians,  in  America ;  but  no  sufficient  evidence  has  yet  been 
obtained  to  establish  the  departure  of  Madoc  ab  Owe  a 
Gwynedd  as  a  historical  fact '  (p.  103). 

Having  thus  enumerated  the  principal  writers  on  this 
question;  having  shown  that  it  has  been  viewed  in  very 
various  ways ;  and  having  shown  that  the  story  is  disbelieved 
by  historical  critics,  while  it  retains  its  hold  on  the  popular 
belief  among  the  inhabitants  of  Wales,  we  shall  proceed  in 
the  next  place  to  review  the  whole  of  the  evidence  ourselves, 
and  thus  endeavour  to  form  a  definite  opinion. 

1  History  of  Wales,  pp.  326-334. 


CHAPTER  III. 

A   CRITICAL   EXAMINATION    OF    THE    PRECEDING    FACTS,   STATE- 
MENTS,  AND    OPINIONS. 

IN  conducting  this  inquiry  we  shall  adopt  a  different  course 
from  that  taken  in  the  first  chapter.  We  there  began  with 
the  earliest  facts  in  the  history  of  Madoc,  the  poems  of  con- 
temporary bards,  and  ranged  in  chronological  order  all  the 
succeeding  testimonies,  until  we  arrived  at  a  period  compara- 
tively recent ;  but  we  shall  now  begin  with  the  latest  state- 
ments alleged  as  proofs,  and  ascend,  step  by  step,  to  the 
earliest  stages  of  the  Madoc  narrative. 

We  have  seen  that  the  latest  confirmation  of  the  current 
statement  was  the  alleged  discovery  of  Welsh  Indians  in 
North  America,  who  preserved  the  manners,  arts,  and  com- 
plexion of  their  assumed  progenitors,  spoke  the  Welsh 
language,  and  understood  fluent  discourses  from  Cambrian 
preachers,  even  though  the  said  preachers  spoke  the  dialect 
of  Siluria,  while  the  Indians  must,  upon  the  hypothesis,  have 
descended  from  natives  of  Gwynedd.  But  these  statements 
have  been  disputed ;  and,  accordingly,  it  becomes  our  first 
duty  to  ascertain  the  character  of  these  allegations,  and  to 
determine  what  amount  of  confidence  is  to  be  placed  in  them. 
Let  us  therefore  at  once  raise  the  question. 

Section  I. — ARE  THERE  WELSH  INDIANS  ? 

If  this  question  were  asked  at  an  Eisteddfod — that  of 
Llangollen,  for  instance — the  whole  assembly,  with  not  more 


ARE   THERE   WELSH   INDIANS?  101 

than  two  or  three  dissentients,  would  immediately  give  an 
affirmative  response  ;  several  living  writers,  respectable  from 
their  position,  learning,  and  talents,  would  unite  with  them 
in  so  doing ;  and  many  of  the  illustrious  dead,  as  we  have 
already  seen,  held  the  same  opinion.  But  this  testimony 
must,  in  the  majority  of  cases,  rest  upon  hearsay  ;  and  those 
who  had  formed  their  own  opinions,  from  evidence  presented 
to  their  minds,  would  probably  be  few  in  number.  We  are, 
therefore,  brought  back  to  the  groundwork  of  their  belief; 
and  our  business  just  now  is  not  with  the  opinions  which 
have  been  formed  from  the  evidence,  but  with  the  evidence 
itself. 

This,  also,  is  equally  strong  in  affirmation.  Crosses  were 
found,  it  is  said,  in  Mexico  and  Central  America;  from  which, 
and  a  few  insignificant  rites,  the  learned  Hornius  inferred  the 
knowledge  of  Baptism,  the  Lord's  Supper,  the  Trinity,  and 
most  of  the  leading  features  of  the  Catholic  religion.  The 
Jesuit  missionaries  said  the  Indians  were  strangely  agitated 
by  the  sight  of  the  cross,  and  hence  inferred  that  they  had 
been  evangelised  by  Madoc.  And  one  Benjamin  Sutton  said 
the  Welsh  Indians  had  a  kind  of  Sabbatical  observance 
among  them.  The  Kev.  Morgan  Jones  preached  to  them  in 
Welsh,  and  conversed  with  them  in  the  same  language.  Mr. 
Binon  found  iron  among  them,  and  castles  and  churches  such 
as  were  in  Wales.  A  cloud  of  witnesses  affirm  that  the 
Indians  spoke  the  Welsh  language.  General  Bowles  and 
others  found  among  them  a  sacred  volume  written  in  blue 
ink,  and  others  affirmed  them  to  possess  Welsh  Bibles.  The 
name  of  Madoc  appeared  to  survive  in  the  Mexican  names  of 
Matec  Zunga  and  Mat  Ingam ;  his  tomb,  bearing  an  inscription 
in  the  Welsh  language  and  in  the  Cynghanedd  of  the  four- 
teenth century,  was  held  in  reverence  ;  and  both  his  name 
and  that  of  his  wife  were  kept  in  grateful  remembrance  as 
Manco  Capac  and  Mamma  Ocello. 


102  MADOC. 

Are  these  statements  true  or  false  ?  And,  if  true,  is  the 
Madoc  solution  the  only  one  of  which  they  admit  ?  Before 
answering  these  questions,  we  must,  however,  observe  that 
some  of  the  statements  are  inferences,  and  therefore  belong 
to  a  different  category.  Of  this  kind  are  the  testimonies  of 
Hornius,  the  Jesuits,  and  the  identity  of  the  names  Madoc, 
Matec  Zunga,  and  Manco  Capac.  Hornius  proceeded  upon 
an  assumption  that  all  the  practices  prevalent  in  the  Catholic 
Church  were  natural  developments  of  Christianity,  and  had 
grown  up  within  the  pale  of  the  Church  itself :  whereas  the 
fact  is  that  the  Church  adopted  numerous  pagan  forms  and 
practices,  and  that  many  of  its  distinctive  features,  even  those 
which  have  been  adopted  in  the  Church  of  England,  are  of 
heathen  origin.1  Practices  analogous  to  those  of  the  Catholic 
Church  were  found  among  the  Buddhist  priests  of  Thibet ; 
crosses  have  been  found  among  many  nations;  and  baptismal 
rites  were  at  least  Jewish  before  they  became  Christian.  The 
cross,  therefore,  is  not  an  exclusively  Christian  symbol,  and 
its  occurrence  among  the  aborigines  of  America  would  not  in 
itself  afford  any  proof  of  an  antecedent  Christian  colonisation. 
And  as  to  the  similarity  in  names,  it  requires  considerable 
prejudice  to  see  any  resemblance  between  Madoc  and  Manco 
Capac ;  while  Madoc  might  be  thought  to  have  no  more 
necessary  connection  with  Matec  than  Manu  the  Hindu  with 
Alderman  Moon. 

Others  are  positive  statements,  which  must  either  be  wilful 

1  Christian  Freedom  in  the  Councils  of  Jerusalem  :  &  Sermon  by 
the  Rev.  Rowland  Williams,  D.D.,  p.  9. 

'  No  man  can  survey,  with  the  calm  eye  of  an  historian,  the  Church 
of  England  as  she  stands,  without  tracing  the  signs  of  a  rich  and 
manifold  inheritance  in  her  manners,  her  dress,  her  dignities,  her 
language,  and  her  modes  of  thought.  Our  surplices  are  perhaps  from 
Egypt ;  our  gowns  represent  either  the  old  Philosopher's  cloak,  or 
possibly  the  Roman  toga,  &<;.  &c.' 

The  whole  paragraph  is  admirably  written,  and  full  of  information 


ARE    THERE    WELSH    INDIANS?  103 

falsehoods,  or  represent  actual  facts.  Many — indeed,  most  of 
them — have  a  very  suspicious  appearance;  and  some  of  them, 
such  as  those  of  Mr.  Binon,  strike  the  mind  at  once  as  being 
deliberate  lies ;  but  others  again  are  so  circumstantial  as  to 
demand  investigation.  The  testimony  of  the  Rev.  Morgan 
Jones  will  serve  as  a  fair  specimen  of  the  whole  class.  If 
true,  it  is  of  a  kind  that  will  admit  of  verification ;  but  if  he, 
a  minister  of  the  Gospel,  and  a  man  having  the  advantages  of 
an  Oxford  education,  could  either  have  been  grossly  self- 
deceived  or  have  been  so  wilfully  deceitful  towards  others, 
what  other  testimony  can  have  any  claim  to  acceptance? 

According  to  that  statement,  the  Rev.  Morgan  Jones 
dwelt  among  Welsh  Indians  for  four  months,  preached  to 
them  three  times  a  week  in  the  Welsh  language,  and  was 
treated  by  them  with  great  kindness  in  consequence  of  this 
similarity  of  language.  These  Indians  were  called  Doegs,  and 
were  by  the  common  consent  of  Messrs.  Owen,  Williams,  and 
Parry,  the  Padoucas  of  the  end  of  the  last  century.  Indeed, 
Mr.  Owen  does  not  hesitate  to  affirm  that  the  latter  went 
under  the  appellation  of  Welsh  Indians  '  among  the  traders,' 
though  an  English  writer  suggests  that  they  only  received 
that  name  from  Cambrian  antiquaries.1  Such  circumstantial 
statements  as  these  admitted  of  being  proved  or  disproved. 
If  the  Padoucas  or  Doegs  were  the  Madogwys,  and  spoke  the 
Welsh  language,  the  fact  could  be  ascertained,  and  placed 
beyond  any  possibility  of  denial.  This  was  felt  to  be  the 
case  ;  and  Messrs.  Owen  and  Williams,  of  whose  sincerity  there 
need  be  no  doubt,  felt  confident  their  statements  could  abide 
this  test.  Subscriptions  were  proposed  for  the  purpose  of 
sending  competent  persons  to  verify  these  statements ;  but 
whether  a  sufficient  sum  of  money  was  obtained  for  this 
purpose  does  not  appear. 

1  Cambrian  Register,  vol.  i.  p.  377 ;  History  of  Maritime  Di»- 
covery,  Lardner's  Cyclopedia,  vol  i.  p.  215. 


104  MADOC. 

The  tales  told  respecting  the  Welsh  Indians  found  favour 
with  many  persons,  even  beyond  the  bounds  of  the  Princi- 
pality ;  but  in  Wales  itself  they  produced  a  profound  and 
enduring  impression.  Many  causes  concurred  to  commend 
them  to  the  acceptance  of  the  Kymry.  The  simplicity  of  the 
national  character  has  always  led  my  countrymen  to  give  im- 
plicit and  unsuspecting  credence  to  all  strong  and  positive 
assertions ;  the  honour  which  would  accrue  to  the  Principality, 
from  the  expected  demonstration  of  the  fact  that  a  Welsh 
Prince  had  been  the  first  discoverer  of  America,  fired  the 
imagination  of  a  people  who  have  ever  dwelt  with  fondness, 
upon  the  heroism  of  their  ancestry ;  the  theological  culture 
of  the  Kymry  led  them  to  see  a  remarkable  dispensation  of 
Providence  in  the  reputed  discovery  of  their  brethren,  after 
the  lapse  of  six  centuries  ;  and  the  zeal  with  which  they  have 
advocated  Christian  Missions  found  here  objects  more  deserv- 
ing than  any  others — objects  grateful  alike  to  their  native 
pride  and  religious  feelings.  A  devout  bard  prayed  in  this 

spirit : 

Taened  goleu,  tywyniad  gwiwlon, 
I'r  gorllewinol  barthau  llawnion  ; 
Gwawr  o  ddiwygiad  gywir  ddigon, 
Draw  i  Fadawgwys  drefedigion. 

And  the  Kymry  with  one  voice  joined  in  this  aspiration  of 
Davydd  Ddu  Eryri. 

Under  the  influence  of  these  feelings,  John  Evans,  a  native 
of  Waunfawr,  in  Carnarvonshire,  offered  to  undertake  this 
mission,  perilous  as  he  knew  it  must  be.  He  was  the  son  of 
a  Calvinistic  Methodist  preacher,  and  was  himself  a  member 
in  that  connection. 

He  left  this  country,  not  in  1790,  as  is  stated,1  nor  yet  in 

1  Cambrian  Biography,  and  Williams'  a  Eminent  Welshmen,  art. 
'  John  Evans.' 


ARE   THERE   WELSH   INDIANS?  105 

1793,'  but  in  the  month  of  September  1792,2  and  arrived  at 
Baltimore  in  America  on  December  10  following.  From  Balti- 
more he  went  to  Philadelphia,  and  from  thence  twelve  miles 
farther,  to  pay  a  visit  to  Dr.  Samuel  Jones  at  a  place  called 
Lower  Dublin.  This  gentleman  was  a  member  of  Congress, 
and  offered  to  get  Evans  an  escort  of  twenty  armed  men. 
Evans  then  returned  to  Baltimore,  where  he  spent  the  winter 
in  a  merchant's  office,  at  a  salary  of  fifty  pounds  a  year.  From 
this  place  he  sent  a  letter,  dated  St.  Stephen's  Day,  1792,  to 
his  brother  in  Carnarvonshire,  and  in  it  the  spirit  by  which 
he  was  actuated  appears  very  manifest.  '  I  believe  it,'  he 
says,  '  to  be  my  duty  to  honour  the  name  of  Jesus,  if  I  can, 
by  opening  a  door  for  the  everlasting  Gospel  to  penetrate  to 
these  miserable  beings,  my  brethren ;  for  this  I  have  offered 
my  life  to  the  work  of  the  Lord,  trusting  that  He  will  care 
for  me.'  He  further  said  that  he  was  going  forward  to  Fort 
Cumberland,  from  thence  to  Fort  Pitt,  and  from  thence  down 
the  Ohio  in  an  armed  boat.3  He  then  returned,  at  the  end  of 
January,  to  concert  matters  with  Dr.  Jones  ;  and,  taking  his 
route  through  Kentucky,  he  left  the  house  of  Dr.  Jones  in 
the  beginning  of  March.4  He  had  obtained  information  of  a 
person  '  who  had  been  among  the  Welsh  Indians,'5  and  in- 
tended to  visit  him  on  the  way.  Having  arrived  at  St.  Louis, 
on  the  north-west  of  the  Mississippi,  and  twelve  miles  below 
the  mouth  of  the  Missouri,  he  excited  the  suspicion  of  the 
Commandant  of  that  place,  which  was  then  in  the  possession 
of  the  Spaniards,  and  was  by  him  thrown  into  prison,  from 

1  Cambrian  Register,  vol.  i.  p.  377. 

2  Cylchgrawn  Cynmraeg,  May  1793,  p.  104. 

3  Letter  from  John  Evans  to  his  brother,  published  in  the  Cylch- 
grawn Cynmraeg,  May  1793,  p.  114.     See  Appendix. 

4  Letter  of  Dr.  Samuel  Jones  to  Thomas  Evans,  brother  of  John 
Evans,  published  in  the  above  Cylchgrawn  for  August  1793,  p.  150. 
See  Appendix. 

5  Cylchgrawn  Cynmraeg,  May  1798,  p.  105. 


106  MADOC. 

which  he  was  released  at  the  intercession  of  a  Welshman 
named  Jones,  living  in  that  town. 

Through  the  representations  of  Judge  Turner,  one  of  the 
Supreme  Judges  of  the  United  States  North- Western  Terri- 
tory, who  had  been  visited  by  the  Commandant,  and  told  by 
him  of  the  detention,  Evans  was  allowed  to  proceed  ;  and  the 
object  of  his  mission  having  been  satisfactorily  explained,  and 
being  thought  likely  to  lead  to  other  good  results  to  the  world 
at  large,  the  Commandant  supplied  him  with  passports  in 
Spanish,  French,  and  English,  to  go  on  his  journey.  From 
thence,  instructed  by  Judge  Turner  how  to  conduct  himself 
among  the  Indians,  he  went  up  the  Missouri,  furnished  with 
proper  articles  to  introduce  himself  to  the  different  tribes. 
He  had  instructions  to  keep  a  diary ;  to  trace  the  Missouri 
to  its  source ;  to  approach  the  Burning  Mountain  as  near  as 
he  could ;  to  follow  the  Western  Waters  to  the  Pacific  ;  and, 
on  producing  proof  that  he  had  reached  the  Pacific,  whether 
he  met  with  Welsh  Madogians  or  not,  he  was  to  receive,  on 
his  return,  two  thousand  dollars  from  the  Spanish  Govern- 
ment ; l  so  that  he  would  have  had  a  comfortable  support  in 
after  years  if  he  had  fully  accomplished  the  proposed  survey. 

The  Rev.  Morgan  Rees  exhorted  John  Evans  to  keep  a 
diary,  and  expressed  a  hope  that,  for  the  purpose  of  publica- 
tion, it  might  yield  a  hundred  pounds ;  but  it  does  not  appear 
that  the  diary,  if  kept,  was  ever  published.  Evans,  however, 
appears  to  have  written  to  his  friends  at  home,  and  his  letters 

1  The  principal  authorities  for  these  facts  are  three  letters  from 
1  M.  ap  loan  Rhys '  (the  Rev.  M.  J.  Rees),  who  emigrated  to  America  in 

1794.  The  first  is  dated  Washington,  August  21,  1795,  was  addressed 
to  Mr.  Robert  Roberts  of  New  York,  when  on  the  point  of  returning  to 
the  old  country,  and  was  published  in  the  Geirgraivn  Cymraeg,  Holy- 
well,  1796,  pp.   9-14.     Another,  dated   Philadelphia,  November   24, 

1795,  was  published  in  the  Cambrian  Register,  vol.  i.  p.  379 ;  and  a 
third,  published  in  Burder's  pamphlet,  p.  34,  was  addressed  to  a  friend 
at  Bala. 


ARE  THERE  WELSH  INDIANS?  107 

enable  us  to  give  some  account  of  his  progress.  A  summary 
was  published  in  1800,  in  a  rare  Welsh  magazine  published 
at  Carnarvon,  and  entitled  the  '  Greal,  or  Eurgrawn ' ;  and 
as  this  is  the  only  account  known  to  me,  it  is  here  reproduced 
in  an  English  form,  omitting  only  the  introductory  paragraph 
(see  Appendix) : 

Hanes  Taith  John  Evans  yn  yr  America. 
(History  of  John  Evans's  Journey  in  America.) 

' .  .  .  After  overcoming  various  obstacles,  he  started  on 
his  journey  from  St.  Louis,  in  August  1795,  in  the  company 
of  Mr.  James  Mackay,  superintendent  of  the  trade  upon  the 
Missouri  river ;  and  towards  the  end  of  the  year  he  landed 
among  a  tribe  of  Indians  called  Mahas,  about  900  miles  up 
the  Missouri,  and  wintered  there.  In  February  1796  he  re- 
commenced his  journey  to  the  West,  and  advanced  about  300 
miles  farther ;  but,  finding  that  the  Sioux  Indians  had  assumed 
a  warlike  attitude,  he  returned  to  his  previous  station.  In 
the  following  June  he  started  again  on  the  same  route,  and 
in  August  he  landed  among  the  Mandans  and  "  the  populous 
nations,"  1  900  miles  from  the  Mahas. 

'  "  The  Missouri,"  says  he,  "  for  780  miles  from  St.  Louis, 
meanders  and  assumes  a  beautiful  fern-like  form ;  it  runs 
through  delightful  dales,  and  sometimes  runs  on  each  side  of 
the  hills  as  smooth  as  a  board  ;  but  its  general  inclination  is 
southward  to  the  plains  for  about  1,200  miles.  It  is  full  of 
small  islands,  and  receives  various  streams,  from  the  Mandas, 
and  the  Pancas,  which  flows  for  600  miles.  The  river  (Mis- 
souri) has  its  own  way,  and  rushes  impetuously  through 
mountains  and  hills  full  of  mines." 

'  After  surveying  and  delineating  the  river  for  1,800  miles, 
he  returned  with  the  stream,  in  sixty-eight  days,  and  reached 
St.  Louis  in  July  1797,  after  an  absence  of  nearly  two  years. 

1  The  original  has  '  y  Mandan  a'r  cenhedloedd  bobliog.' 


108  MADOC. 

'  With  reference  to  the  Welsh  Indians,  he  says  that  he 
was  unable  to  meet  with  any  such  people ;  and  he  has  come 
to  the  fixed  conclusion,  which  he  has  founded  upon  his  ac- 
quaintance with  various  tribes,  that  there  are  no  such  people 
in  existence?  l 

The  Spanish  Commandant  is  said  to  have  encouraged 
him  to  undertake  a  second  journey,  and  to  have  furnished 
him  with  attendants,  and  the  requisite  appliances  to  make 
discoveries ;  but,  whether  this  was  so  or  not,  he  died  of  fever 
at  St.  Louis  in  that  year,  having  heroically  sacrificed  his 
life  in  the  vain  pursuit  of  what  he  was  ultimately  led  to  be- 
lieve did  not  exist.2 

In  the  meantime,  it  had  been  positively  ascertained  by 
another  Kymro,  that  the  Padoucans  were  certainly  not  Welsh 
Indians ;  and  a  competent  judge  had  declared  that  no  Indian 
language  resembled  the  Welsh.  This  comes  out  in  the  letter 
of  the  Rev.  Morgan  Rees :  '  I  have  heard,'  he  says,  '  many 
additional  tales  of  the  Welsh  Indians.  I  have  conversed  with 
the  acting  partner  in  the  Missouri  Company.  He  has  been 
among  more  Indians  than  any  other  white  man  on  this  con- 
tinent. He  knows  nothing  of  the  Welsh  language  ;  but,  by 
my  conversing  in  it,  he  could  not  say  that  he  recognised  the 
words  or  the  idiom  among  the  Indians  north  of  the  Missouri. 

1  Greal  neu  Eurgrawn,  pp.  15,  16. 

2  Warrington's  History  of  Wales,  ed.   1823,  vol.  i.  p.  566.     Mr. 
William  Williams,  of  Brecon,  the  publisher  of  this  edition  of  Warring- 
ton,  appends  this  note : 

'  The  supposed  existence  of  Welsh  Indians  in  America  has,  for 
many  years,  elicited  much  discussion,  and  various  but  ineffectual 
attempts  have  been  made  to  discover  them.  A  very  intelligent  gentle- 
man informed  me,  at  New  York,  in  the  year  1819,  that  he  corresponded 
on  the  subject  with  Mr.  Evan  Evans  [John  Evans  signed  his  name 
leuan  ab  Ivan],  who  is  well  known  to  have  gone  over  to  America  in 
search  of  them,  and  to  have  traversed  the  continent  from  the  Atlantic 
to  the  Pacific.  His  enterprising  endeavours,  however,  were  unavailing; 
he  could  find  no  trace  whatever  of  any  such  people.' 


ARE  THERE  WELSH  INDIANS?  109 

He  thinks  the  Padoucas  are  out  of  the  question.' l  At  Mr. 
Rees's  request  he  promised  to  assist  John  Evans  in  his  search, 
if  he  happened  to  meet  with  him. 

Other  attempts  to  discover  the  Madogwys  have  been 
equally  unsuccessful.  The  United  States  acquired  possession 
of  Louisiana  in  1803,  and  soon  afterwards  sent  out  several 
expeditions  to  explore  the  extensive  regions  between  the  Mis- 
sissippi and  the  ocean.  The  first  and  most  celebrated  of  these, 
and  that  which  bears  most  closely  upon  the  present  inquiry, 
was  that  of  Captains  Lewis  and  Clarke.  They  had  special 
instructions  to  look  out  for  the  Welsh  Indians.2  They  entered 
the  Missouri  at  St.  Louis,  where  it  enters  the  Mississippi, 
May  14,  1804  ;  reached  the  Mandan  towns  in  Lat.  47°  21' 
47"  N.  and  Long.  99°  24'  45"  W.  from  Greenwich,  Novem- 
ber 1 ;  and  remained  there,  1,600  miles  from  St.  Louis,  until 
April  7,  1805 ;  and  during  their  stay  completed,  from  the 
information  of  the  Indians,  a  map  of  the  whole  country 
between  the  Mississippi  and  the  Pacific,  from  Lat.  34°  to  54.° 
They  then  continued  the  ascent  of  the  Missouri  till,  on 
August  18,  1805,  they  reached  its  extreme  navigable  point, 
about  2,500  miles  from  its  junction  with  the  Mississippi. 
They  then  explored  the  portion  that  lay  between  them  and 
the  Pacific,  remained  in  that  country  until  March  27,  1806, 
and,  returning,  reached  St.  Louis  on  September  23.3 

This  expedition  has  generally  been  considered  to  have  de- 
prived the  Welsh  Indian  tale  of  any  foundation  in  fact.  If 

1  Cambrian  Register,  vol.  i.  p.  379. 

2  "VVarrington's  History   of  Wales,  ed.  1823,  vol.  i.  p.  507,  pub- 
lisher's note  :  '  Captains  Lewis  and  Clarke  were  strictly  directed  by 
the  American  Government  to  make  similar  inquiries,  but  they  were 
equally  unsuccessful. — W.  Williams.' 

3  I  have  taken  these  details  from  the  article  '  America  '  in  the  Penny 
Cyclopaedia,  p.  435. 

[Vide  Travels  to  the  Source  of  the  Missouri  River  and  Across  the 
American  Continent  to  the  Pacific  Ocean,  by  Captains  Lewis  and 
Clarke,  new  edit.  London :  Longman  &  Co.  1817,  pp.  xii-xvii.] 


110  MADOC. 

the  Morgan  Jones  story  had  been  true,  it  would  have  been 
verified  by  a  commission,  of  which  a  Lewis  and,  probably,  a 
man  of  Welsh  extraction,  if  not  a  Welshman,  was  the  princi- 
pal member :  if  there  had  been  Welsh  Indians  on  the  Missouri, 
they  would  have  been  found  by  Lewis  and  Clarke :  but  they 
found  no  such  people.  It  was  the  result  of  this  expedition 
that  changed  the  views  of  Southey;  and  most  candid 
persons  acquiesced  in  his  conclusion,  though  the  majority 
of  the  Gwyneddigion  still  affirmed  the  reality  of  the 
Madogwys. 

While  these  events  were  taking  place,  the  Kymric  mind, 
both  in  Wales  and  America,  was  intensely  excited,  and  but 
few  persons  were  prepared  for  the  negative  result.  An  apt 
parallel  was  furnished  in  the  course  of  the  late  Crimean  War. 
When  it  became  known  that  the  allied  forces  had  landed  at 
Eupatoria,  had  defeated  the  Russians  at  the  Alma,  and  had 
marched  upon  Sebastopol,  most  persons  expected  that  the 
object  of  the  campaign  would  speedily  be  accomplished ;  so 
that  when  the  famous  '  Tatar  message '  came,  affirming  the 
capture  of  that  stronghold  by  assault,  all  Europe  rejoiced  at 
the  news,  and  but  few  persons  expected  that  thousands  upon 
thousands  would  have  to  lose  their  lives  before  that  result 
could  be  achieved.  So  in  this  case.  Most  Welshmen,  being 
satisfied  of  the  reality  of  the  Madogwys,  never  doubted  that 
they  would  be  found  ;  and  no  sooner  was  it  known  that  the 
explorers  had  returned  than  it  was  concluded  that  they  must 
have  come  in  contact  with  the  descendants  of  Madoc ;  and 
letters  announcing  the  discovery  as  an  accomplished  fact 
were  sent  repeatedly,  and  in  good  faith,  from  Welshmen 
settled  in  America  to  their  friends  at  home.  One  of  these 
false  messages  is  dated  as  early  as  1752,  when  one  Reynold 
Howells,  living  at  Philadelphia,  wrote  to  a  Mr.  Miles,  say- 
ing: 

'  The  Welsh  Indians  are  found  out ;  they  are  situated  on 


ARE    THERE    WELSH    INDIANS?  Ill 

the  west  side  of  the  great  river  Mississippi.'  *    It  thus  appeared 
that  between  1660,  when  Morgan  Jones  said  he  preached  to 
them  on  the  Atlantic  seaboard,  and  1752,  they  had  migrated 
westward ;    but   we   scarcely  need   observe  that  competent 
inquirers  would  have  found  as  much  difficulty  in   finding 
them  here  as  in  their  first  reported  location.     Howells'  re- 
port proved  to  be  a  canard ;  and  when,  forty  years  later,  John 
Evans  started  in  search,  the  Madogwys  had,  in  public  esti- 
mation, settled   themselves   on  the  Missouri  at  a   distance 
from  St.  Louis  variously  estimated  at  400,  800,  and  1 ,000 
miles.     His  journey  was  watched  with  great  anxiety  by  the 
Kymry,  who  lived  in  daily  expectation  of  hearing  the  joyful 
news  of  his  success ;  it  was  feared,  from  hearing  nothing  of 
him,  that  he  had  perished  in  the  attempt ;  but  no  sooner  was 
it  known  that  he  had  returned  than  it  was  concluded  that  he 
must  have  met  with  the  object  of  his  search  ;  for  it  was  as- 
sumed as  an  established  fact  that  there  were  Welsh  Indians 
on  the  Missouri,  and  it  was  inferred,  naturally  enough,  that 
John  Evans  would  not  have  retraced  his  steps  until  he  had 
found  them.       Letters  written  in  this  sense  were  sent  to 
England ;  and  one  of  them,  in  which  the  writer  states  his  own 
hypothetical  conjectures  as  facts  actually  ascertained  by  Evans, 
is  a  mythic  curiosity.    The  letter  was  addressed  to  the  Eev.  Mr. 
Davies  of  Somersetshire,  by  a  son  of  his,  resident  in  America  ; 
and  the  purport  of  it,  as  given  by  Burder,  was  as  follows : 

'  He  states  that  a  young  Welchman  is  returned  from  a 
long  journey  which  he  has  undertaken  with  a  view  to  dis- 
cover whether  such  a  people  existed  as  the  Welch  Indians. 
He  saith,  this  person  has  discovered  such  a  tribe,  inhabiting 
the  country  west  of  the  mouth  of  the  Missouri  about  700 
miles  ;  and  they  treated  him  with  friendship  and  hospitality, 
and  adopted  him  as  their  son.  Their  language  is  the  old 

1  Hanes  y  Bedyddwyr,  by  the  Rev.  Joshua  Thomas,  p.  xviii. — 
Memoirs  of  the  Eev.  W.  Eichards,  p.  267. 


112  MADOC. 

British,  and  he  particularly  noticed  the  common  words  to 
be  the  same  as  are  now  in  use  in  Wales  to  describe  the 
same  objects,  such  as  houses,  light,  windows,  water,  bread, 
&c.  &c.  The  history  these  Indians  give  of  themselves  is 
this,  that  their  ancestors  came  from  a  far  country,  and 
landed  at  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi  from  thirteen  ships, 
about  the  year  of  Christ  1018  ;  there  they  built  a  town ; 
but  since  that  period  their  descendants  have  been  falling 
back  to  their  present  residence.' l 

This  seems  at  first  sight  to  be  a  hoax ;  and  the  ignorance 
it  displays  of  Welsh  history,  and  of  Indian  life,  to  which 
windows  and  bread — both  in  fact  and  name,  are  alike  unknown 
— warrants  the  supposition  ;  but,  seeing  that  it  was  addressed 
by  a  young  man  to  his  father,  and  that  a  similar  incapacity 
to  discriminate  between  fact  and  conjecture  is  repeatedly 
displayed  in  the  statements  made  in  reference  to  this 
Cambrian  tradition,  I  conclude  that  it  is  a  mythic  narrative 
— an  historic  form  given  to  a  current  expectation.  The  writer 
could  have  had  no  authority  for  his  statement  from  John  Evans, 
whose  letters  show  that  he  knew  the  common  date  1170; 
and  the  affirmation  that  the  young  man,  meaning  Evans,  had 
fully  accomplished  the  object  of  his  journey  was,  as  the 
sequel  showed,  a  palpable  misstatement. 

The  same  imaginative  tendency  displayed  itself  again  in 
reference  to  the  expedition  of  Messrs.  Lewis  and  Clarke,  as 
appears  from  a  letter  addressed  to  the  editors  of  the  '  Greal '  by 
Mr.  J.  W.  Prisiart  (or  Prichard),  of  Plas  y  Brain,  in  Anglesey. 
'  Here,'  says  he,  '  is  a  bit  of  a  letter  that  came  from  Phila- 
delphia, from  the  brother  of  a  neighbour  of  mine.'  Then 
follows  the  extract  which  I  subjoin : 

'Inform,'  says  the  Philadelphian,  'William  Jones,  of 
Pont  Ddu,  that  I  intend  to  send  him  the  history  of  the  men 
who  have  been  with  the  Welsh  Indians  at  the  farthest  end  of 
1  Burder,  p.  27. 


ARE  THERE  WELSH  INDIANS?  113 

the  Missouri.  They  have  newly  arrived  in  this  State,  but 
have  not  yet  reached  this  city.  Their  history  has  been  given 
in  the  newspaper  here ;  and  a  book  of  the  history  is  now 
being  made.  They  (the  Welsh  Indians)  live  at  the  farthest 
end  of  the  river  Missouri,  which  they  (Lewis  and  Clarke  ?) 
followed  for  four  thousand  miles  from  the  Mississippi.  They 
live  at  the  other  side  of  America,  facing  the  Pacific  Ocean. 
There  are  mountains  in  their  country  very  rich  in  gold. 
Fifty  persons  started  to  discover  the  country,  and  but  forty 
have  returned.  Five  returned  home  when  they  had  only 
gone  half  the  way. 

'  WILLIAM  WILLIAMS, 

'  formerly  of  Mynydd  Paris. 
'  Philadelphia,  Oct.  6, 1806.' 

To  this  the  editors  append  the  following  remark  : 
'  The  travellers  referred  to  went  by  order  and  at  the  cost 
of  the  Government ;  and  the  whole  of  the  history,  when  it  is 
published,  may  be  implicitly  relied  on.'  *  The  remark  was 
just ;  but  the  expectation  implied  therein  was  destined  to  be 
disappointed.  Captains  Lewis  and  Clarke,  though  instructed 
to  make  inquiries  for  the  Welsh  Indians,  failed  to  find  any 
trace  of  that  imaginary  people. 

Discouraging  as  were  these  results,  the  tenacity  of  the 
Kymric  mind  offered  a  firm  resistance.  Convinced,  sorely 
against  their  will,  Welshmen  remained  of  the  same  opinion 
still.  They  had  been  far  too  profoundly  impressed  by  what 
they  heard  and  read  to  accept  these  negative  results ;  the 
idea  of  the  existence  of  the  Madogwys,  and  the  hope  of  dis- 
covering them,  were  far  too  grateful  to  the  minds  of  my 
Cambro-brethren,  and  had  been  too  fondly  and  sincerely 
cherished,  to  be  relinquished  without  another  effort ;  and, 
accordingly,  fourteen  years  later,  when  the  effect  of  these 

1  Y  Greal,  December  21,  1806,  p.  303. 


114  MADOC. 

failures  had,  in  some  measure,  passed  away,  the  Kymry  of 
America  determined  to  have  another  attempt  made  to  discover 
the  Welsh  Indians.  It  was,  therefore,  resolved  to  employ 
two  men,  named  Roberts  and  Perry,  to  institute  another 
search.  In  this  case,  also,  the  attempt  proved  equally  futile. 
Roberts  published,  in  the  form  of  a  letter,  an  interesting 
account  of  his  inquiries;  and  I  subjoin  the  narrative  in  a 
translation  of  his  own  words. 

But  it  may  be  well,  in  the  first  place,  to  notice  the 
expedition  of  Major  Long,  who  was  commissioned  by  the 
American  Government,  in  1819,  to  explore  the  region  to  the 
south  of  the  Missouri.  He  started  from  Pittsburgh  on 
May  5 ;  but,  when  he  was  about  to  do  so,  Messrs.  Roberts 
and  Perry  came  to  that  place,  on  their  route  to  St.  Louis. 
They  made  known  to  him  the  object  of  their  journey;  and 
he  informed  them,  in  reply,  that  he  had  been  advised  by  a 
Dr.  Mitchell,  of  New  York,  to  take  a  Welshman  with  him ; 
that  he  would  take  them  ;  and  that  General  Clark,  who  was 
then  Governor  of  the  Missouri  Territory,  had  informed  him 
that  the  Welsh  (Padouca  ?)  Indians  lived  in  a  valley  near  the 
Rocky  Mountains,  but  that  he  could  not  give  much  of  their 
history.  They  agreed  to  meet  Major  Long  at  St.  Louis.1 
Having  met  again  at  Cincinnati,  the  Major  said,  on  recon- 
sideration, that  as  his  party  would  be  divided  on  the  way,  he 
could  only  take  one  up  the  Missouri,  but  that  the  other  might 
go  with  the  other  party  to  explore  the  Arkansas  river.  If 
he  went  near  the  place  where  the  Kymry  (Padoucas  ?)  were 
thought  to  be,  he  would  detach  some  of  his  men  with  one  of 
them  to  visit  the  said  Indians ;  but  he  said  that  he  should 
prefer  seeing  them  himself.  They  deferred  acceding  to  this 
suggestion  until  they  met  at  St.  Louis,  where  they  proposed 

1  Letter  of  Mr.  J.  T.  Roberts  to  his  friends  at  Utica,  dated  Pittsburgh, 
May  1,  1819  ;  Seren  Gomer,  September  1819,  p.  292.  See  another 
letter  in  the  same  volume,  p.  201. 


ARE   THERE   WELSH   INDIANS?  115 

to  visit  General  Clark ;  l  and  they  ultimately  resolved  to  stay 
at  St.  Louis  until  they  should  obtain  some  specific  and  reliable 
information.  Major  Long,  however,  did  visit  the  region 
named  as  the  residence  of  the  Welsh  Indians,  namely,  on  the 
northern  branch  of  the  river  Platte.  This  has  been  variously 
named  Loup  Fork  and  Padouca  Fork.  Major  Long,  with  the 
main  body  of  the  explorers,  visited  there  Pawnee  villages ; 
but  he  found  no  reason  to  believe  they  were  Welsh  Indians. 
From  thence  the  party  descended  to  the  Platte,  and  followed 
it  to  the  Eocky  Mountains.  In  the  meantime  the  other 
division  explored  the  Arkansas,  where  Captain  Stoddart 
placed  the  Welsh  Indians;  but  on  neither  river  were  any 
such  people  found.2 

An  inquiry  was  made  in  1821,  in  the  November  number 
of  a  Welsh  monthly  publication  called  '  Goleuad  Cymru,'  by 
a  writer  signing  himself  'Myvyr,'  as  to  the  result  of  the 
mission  of  Roberts  and  Perry ;  and  the  following  reply  ap- 
peared in  the  same  magazine  for  April  1822,  with  a  very 
inappropriate,  if  not  ironical,  heading  by  the  editor,  the 
Rev.  John  Parry : 

'  A  NEW,  TRUE,  and  REMARKABLE  HISTORY  respecting  the 
Madogians  or  the  WELSH  INDIANS  ;  which  will  serve  for  an 
admirable  reply  to  the  enquiry  of  "  Myvyr  Glandwrdwy." 

'  MR.  GOLEUAWR  (i.e.  Illuminator), 

*  A  few  weeks  back  I  returned  from  the  wilds  of  America, 
and  saw  in  "  Goleuad  Cymru  "  an  enquiry  to  this  effect,  viz. 
What  became  of  the  men  who  went  from  Utica  and  Stuben  to 
seek  the  Madogians  ?  And  what  assistance  did  they  receive 
from  Wales  ?  I  consider  that  it  is  my  duty  to  reply  to  the 

1  Letter  of  Mr.  Eoberts  dated  Cincinnati,  May   11,  published  in 
Seren  Gomer,  loc.  cit. 

2  Major    Long's    Expedition  from    Pittsburgh    to    the    RocJcy 
Mountains,  in  1819-1820,  by  Edwin  James.     3  vols.  8vo.    London, 
1823. 

I  2 


1 1  6  MADOC. 

enquiry,  as  I  and  a  young  man  named  Perry  were  the  persons 
selected  for  that  purpose. 

'  About  three  years  ago,  there  was  no  small  commotion  in 
Oneida  County,  North  America,  as  well  as  in  other  places, 
among  the  Kymry,  respecting  the  descendants  of  Madoc  ab 
Owen  Gwynedd.  It  was  resolved  that  two  men  should  go  to 
the  town  of  St.  Louis,  which  is  on  the  bank  of  the  river 
Mississippi,  a  little  below  the  junction  of  the  Missouri  with 
it,  to  make  enquiries  of  the  traders  who  deal  with  the  Indians, 
as  well  as  of  their  interpreters ;  and  to  proceed  further,  if 
they  obtained  any  satisfactory  intelligence  there  respecting 
them.  The  reason  we  went  to  St.  Louis  rather  than  to  any 
other  place  was  because  the  Western  Indians  are  better 
known  there  than  in  any  other  place  in  America.  Hundreds 
of  them  descend  every  summer  with  hides,  tallow,  buffalo 
tongues,  sugar,  &c.  Also,  scores  of  persons  every  year,  from 
St.  Louis  and  its  vicinities,  ascend  the  Missouri  and  Mississippi 
rivers,  for  thousands  of  miles,  to  trade  with  the  Indians  and 
to  shoot. 

'  We  started  on  our  journey  on  the  14th  of  April,  1819, 
and  reached  St.  Louis  on  the  28th  of  the  following  month. 
We  saw  there  a  great  number  of  persons  who  had  been 
thousands  of  miles  up  the  Missouri ;  also,  some  who  knew 
the  languages  of  all  the  Indians  located  on  the  Missouri 
waters.  I  saw  several  who  had  been  four  thousand  miles  up 
that  river,  who  had  crossed  the  Rocky  Mountains,  and  had 
descended  the  river  Columbia  to  the  Pacific  Ocean.1  They 
all  said  that  they  had  nowhere  seen  a  tribe  of  White  Indians; 
but  they  had,  before  starting,  heard  much  respecting  them ; 
and  they  expected  to  meet  them  on  their  journeys.  Several 
of  them  said  they  had  made  many  enquiries  respecting  them  ; 
but  they  were  then  of  opinion  that  the  White  Indians  did 

1  This  was  the  course  taken  by  Lewis  and  Clarke,  the  latter  of 
whom  was  stationed  at  St.  Louis  in  an  official  capacity. 


ARE   THERE   WELSH   INDIANS?  117 

not  exist  upon  the  Missouri,  nor  upon  the  rivers  which  flow 
into  it.  I  saw  several  persons  who  had  been  residing  many 
years  among  the  Indians,  very  near  the  Rocky  Mountains, 
where  the  Missouri  has  its  source.  They  also  asserted  that 
such  a  people  as  the  Welsh  Indians  did  not  exist.  I  saw  two 
or  more  men  who  said  they  understood  the  language  of  the 
Padoucas,  viz.  those  whom  many  consider  to  be  the  Welsh 
Indians  ;  but  they  did  not  understand  a  word  of  Kymraeg.  I 
made  minute  and  diligent  enquiries  in  St.  Louis  and  its 
vicinities,  for  all  who  understood  the  languages  of  the 
Indians,  which  are  very  numerous,  namely,  the  professional 
interpreters  and  others.  I  uttered  to  them  Welsh  words, 
such  as  haul,  lloer,  ser,  pen,  troed,  llaw,  &c.  (i.e.  sun,  moon, 
stars,  head,  foot,  hand)  ;  but  no  one  of  them  understood  one 
word. 

'  I  saw  many  strange  Indians  coming  there  at  various 
times  ;  and  I  uttered  to  them  various  Welsh  words ;  but  they 
quickly  put  their  fingers  in  their  ears,  to  signify  that  they 
did  not  understand.  I  went  to  a  printing  office  in  St.  Louis, 
and  got  them  to  publish  in  their  newspaper  various  traditions 
respecting  the  Welsh  Indians,  and  that  two  persons  had  come 
there  in  search  of  them ;  with  an  earnest  request  to  their 
correspondents  to  give  some  account  of  them,  if  they  could. 
These  things  appeared  in  other  newspapers,  from  town  to 
town,  for  hundreds  of  miles  from  thence  to  New  Orleans,  near 
the  Mexican  Gulf ;  but  not  a  word  was  heard  of  their  history. 
I  read  there  the  work  of  Colonel  Stoddart,  viz.  "  The  History 
of  the  Western  Parts  of  America."  He  said  that  [a  few  years 
before  he  wrote,  sixty  Indians,  speaking  the  Welsh  language, 
had  visited  the  town  of  Nackitoches ;  and  that]  !  they  dwelt 
on  the  Arkansas  and  the  Red  River  under  the  name  of  letans 

1  The  words  in  brackets  do  not  occur  in  the  original ;  they  have 
been  inserted  to  complete  and  give  a  clear  view  of  Stoddart's  state- 
ment. 


118  MADOC. 

or  Alitans.  I  saw  some  who  said  they  understood  the 
language  of  these  Indians ;  and  I  went  to  them  expecting  that 
I  should  be  able  to  converse  with  them  in  my  mother  tongue ; 
but  they  did  not  understand  a  word  of  Kymraeg. 

'  Therefore,  on  the  whole,  I  failed  to  obtain  any  trustworthy 
information  respecting  the  descendants  of  Madoc.  I  have 
now  been  satisfied,  from  the  testimony  of  those  who  had 
traversed  the  country,  that  they  do  not  dwell  upon  the  river 
Missouri.  Nevertheless,  I  am  unwilling  to  conclude,  in  the 
face  of  all  the  statements  made  respecting  them,  that  they  do 
not  exist.  Still,  I  may  boldly  affirm  that  much  that  was  said 
respecting  them  was  untrue ;  for,  if  they  had  been  within  two 
or  three  thousand  miles  on  the  Missouri,  I  feel  assured  that 
they  could  not  be  unknown  to  persons  whom  I  saw  at  St. 
Louis.  I  resided  more  than  two  years  in  that  town  and  its 
neighbourhood  ;  and  my  friend  Perry  ascended  the  Missouri 
for  seven  hundred  miles,  on  other  business.  I  heard  from 
him  the  last  summer. 

1  The  contributions  we  received  from  Stuben  and  Utica 
were  enough  to  pay  our  expenses  to  St.  Louis ;  we  received 
no  assistance  from  Wales.  It  would  have  been  easy  to 
obtain  further  supplies  if  we  had  seen  reason  to  proceed 
farther. 

'  After  all,  it  is  gratifying  to  reflect  that  there  is  one  sure 
way  to  reach  them  (if  they  exist),  if  every  other  means  prove 
unsuccessful,  viz.  by  sending  the  everlasting  Gospel  to  every 
nation  under  heaven.  We  have  the  assurance  of  the  God  of 
Truth  that  the  Gospel  shall  come  to  every  language,  tribe, 
nation,  and  people.  It  would  be  well  if  energetic  exertions 
were  made  to  send  the  Gospel  to  the  innumerable  hosts  of 
Indians  inhabiting  the  wilds  of  America,  who  are  now  in 
profound  darkness.  Some  missionaries  and  artisans  have 
been  sent  to  the  west  of  the  Mississippi ;  and  the  Lord  has 
crowned  their  labours  with  a  large  measure  of  success.  I  in- 


ARE   THERE   WELSH   INDIANS?  119 

tend  returning  to  America  soon ;  and  if  I  obtain  any  account 
of  value  respecting  the  Madogians,  I  shall  not  be  remiss  in 

sending  it  to  my  countrymen. 

'  I  am,  &c., 

*  JOHN  T.  EGBERTS.1 

*  Rosa  Vawr,  near  Denbigh :  March  14, 1822.' 

This  letter,  the  original  of  which  has  been  repeatedly 
published,  reflects  much  credit  upon  its  writer,  and  shows  him 
to  have  been  well  qualified  for  the  duty  he  had  undertaken  ; 
and  in  the  face  of  the  facts  therein  stated,  after  the  utter 
failure  of  such  various  and  well-directed  inquiries,  it  is  very 
difficult  to  resist  the  conclusion  that  the  Madogwys  do  not 
exist  upon  the  Missouri.  It  had  been  repeatedly  and  confi- 
dently asserted  that  they  were  there  to  be  found ;  but,  after 
the  publication  of  this  letter,  such  assertions  became  evidently 
untenable,  and  thenceforth  they  were  very  generally  dis- 
credited. 

The  last  account  I  have  seen  of  Roberts  in  connection  with 
the  discovery  of  Welsh  Indians  is  contained  in  a  letter  which 
he  sent  from  California,  dated  Sacramento  City,  November 
17,  1857,2  in  which  he  states  that  a  Mr.  Gilman  had  told  him, 
on  the  authority  of  an  old  Mormonite  woman,  that  there  were 
White  or  Welsh  Indians  to  the  south-west  of  the  Salt  Lake. 
On  examination,  the  proofs  resolve  themselves  into  three  : 

1.  That   the  Indians    in  question    were  religious,  had 
a  large  meeting-house,  and  refused  to  be  converted  to  Mor- 
monism. 

2.  That  they  had  red  hair  and  light  complexions. 

3.  That  they  spoke  Welsh. 

We  shall  speak  of  these  again ;  and  at  present  will  only 

1  Goleuad  Cymru,  1822,  p.  410;  Scren  Gomer,  1822,  p.  113 ;  Yr 
Ymofynydd,  March  1859;  Y  Brython,  April  1859. 

2  Published  in  the  Amserau  newspaper,  March  31,  1858.     See 
Appendix. 


1 20  MADOC. 

remark  that  red  hair  is  a  rarity  among  Indians ;  that  the 
Kymry  are  a  dark-haired  people,  and  that  red  hair,  assuming 
the  fact,  would  prove  the  said  Indians  to  have  descended  from 
either  Danes  or  Saxons  rather  than  from  any  Kymric 
parentage.  And  then,  as  to  the  only  point  of  any  importance, 
namely,  their  speaking  Welsh,  that  rests  on  the  authority  of 
the  old  woman  :  but  who  is  to  answer  that  she  knew  Welsh  ? 
We  have  seen  from  Roberts's  former  account  that  the  Hietan 
Indians  were  said  to  have  spoken  Welsh  ;  but  an  interpreter, 
whom  he  saw,  said  there  was  no  resemblance  between  the 
two  languages.  So  in  this  case  we  ought  to  have  some  better 
evidence  than  the  story  of  an  old  woman,  who  may  not  have 
known  Welsh  herself,  and  that  story  told  at  third  hand. 

It  thus  appears  that  all  attempts  hitherto  made  by  com- 
petent persons  to  discover  the  Welsh  Indians  have  proved 
futile.  It  might,  indeed,  be  suggested  that  the  inquiries  did 
not  proceed  far  enough ;  that  they  did  not  display  sufficient 
zeal ;  or  that  the  Madogwys  may  exist  in  some  other  quarter ; 
but  the  first  objection  cannot  apply  to  John  Evans,  who 
visited  the  Mandans,  nor  to  Captains  Lewis  and  Clarke. 
Mr.  Roberts,  in  the  face  of  his  discouragements,  could  not  have 
been  expected  to  proceed  farther  ;  and  no  other  region  offered 
so  much  promise  as  the  banks  of  the  Missouri.  It,  therefore, 
only  remains  for  us  to  examine  the  evidences  adduced,  to  see 
whether  they  afford  a  sufficient  presumption  in  favour  of  the 
Madogian  hypothesis.  On  careful  examination,  the  evidences 
resolve  themselves  into  four  classes  : 

1.  Statements  manifestly  fraudulent. 

2.  Statements  irrelevant  to  the  inquiry. 

3.  Evidences  possibly  capable  of  being  otherwise  inter- 
preted; and 

4.  Positive  affirmations,  which,  if  true,  prove  the  existence 
of  Welsh  Indians  in  America. 

1.  To  the  first  class  we  may  assign  one  of  the  assertions  of 


ARE  THERE  WELSH   INDIANS?  121 

Mr.  Binon ;  the  statement  of  Stedman ;  the  letter  of  Colonel 
Cochran  ;  and  the  letter  of  Lieutenant  Roberts. 

(a.)  We  have  seen  already  that  the  idea  of  Madoc's  tomb- 
stone originated  in  the  fertile  brain  of  James  Howell ;  that 
the  so-called  '  epitaph '  was  first  cited  as  the  reference  of  a 
Cambrian  bard  to  Madoc's  seafaring  predilections,  and 
without  any  reference  to  a  tombstone;  and  that  the  lines 
occur  only  in  a  poem  composed  in  the  middle  of  the  fifteenth 
century.  If,  therefore,  Mr.  Binon  affirmed  that  he  had  been 
shown  a  stone  with  an  inscription  in  memory  of  one  Madog, 
he  must  have  told  a  manifest  untruth;  but  it  should  be 
observed,  in  justice  to  this  old  gentleman,  who,  I  am  informed, 
was  an  eccentric  '  Herbal  doctor,'  that  the  statement  does  not 
occur  in  Edward  Williams's  first  account  of  the  conversation, 
and  may  possibly  not  have  been  made  by  him. 

(5)  The  assertion  of  Stedman,  told  at  third  hand,  was  not 
only  false,  but  also  displayed  a  considerable  amount  of  igno- 
rance on  the  part  of  all  the  parties  concerned ;  for  no  Indian 
descendants  of  Madoc  could  have  used  the  modern  designation 
'  Great  Britain.' 

(c)  The  letter  of  Colonel  Cochran  was  copied  for  Mr. 
Maurice  Morgan,  about  1763-5,  in  order  to  show  Lord 
Shelburne.  Mr.  Morgan  was  a  native  of  Pembrokeshire, 
and  at  that  time  occupied  the  important  position  of  Under 
Secretary  of  State.  He  is  known  in  the  world  of  letters  as 
the  author  of  an  admirable  essay  on  '  The  Character  of  Falstaff,' 
and  was  far  too  acute  a  critic  to  be  imposed  upon  by  such  a 
clumsy  fabrication.  The  assertion  that  the  French  priests 
had  brought  '  Old  Welsh  Bibles '  from  among  the  '  Welsh 
Indians '  struck  him  at  once  as  a  falsehood ;  and  he  very 
properly  told  Lord  Shelburne  that  the  letter  deserved  no 
notice. 

The  suggestion  of  Dr.  Williams  that  the  Bibles  may  have 
been  left  by  recent  visitors  was  simply  an  indication  of  his 


122  MADOC. 

weakness  and  credulity,  and  was  completely  disposed  of  by 
the  subsequent  admission  of  Colonel  Cochran  to  Mr.  Morgan 
at  New  York,  two  or  three  years  afterwards,  that  the  letter 
was  founded  on  a  delusion.1  Mr.  Morgan  was  sent  out  to 
Canada  by  Lord  Shelburne,  afterwards  Marquis  of  Lansdowne, 
to  legislate  for  that  colony,  after  its  conquest  by  Wolfe  in 
1759,  and  cession  by  the  French  in  1763.  He  then  served 
either  in  conjunction  with  or  under  the  orders  of  Sir  Guy 
Carleton.2 

The  statement  of  Mr.  or  Lieutenant  Roberts  presents 
evident  marks  of  fabrication.  An  Indian  would  not  have 
understood  an  oath,  as  we  learn  from  the  recently  published 
work  of  Paul  Kane,  who  affirms  that  the  Indian  languages 
contain  no  oaths  ;3  the  oath  '  myn  diawl '  is  therefore  a  fiction, 
and  only  serves  to  damage  the  character  of  the  witness. 
Women  among  Indians  occupy  a  degraded  position ;  Indian 
chiefs  felt  insulted  when  Catlin  proposed  to  paint  the  por- 
traits of  their  '  squaws  ' ;  and  the  last  thing  an  Indian  would 
have  spoken  of  would  have  been  his  maternal  language.  The 
name  '  Asquaw '  is  simply  a  fabrication  from  '  squaw  ' :  there 
was  no  Indian  tribe  so  called.  No  one  who  had  heard  of 
'  Lloegr  '  and  {  Saeson,'  words  only  used  by  Welshmen,  could 
have  been  unacquainted  with  the  designation  '  Cymru.'  The 
'  eastern '  origin  is  at  variance  with  all  Indian  tradition;  the 
location  '  800  miles  S.W.  of  Philadelphia '  is  simply  the 
common  formula,  with  a  blundering  substitution  of  S.W.  for 
N.W. ;  and  the  assertion  that  the  Indian  chief  spoke  Welsh 
as  fluently  as  a  native  of  Snowdon  simply  proves  that  Mr. 
Roberts  was  shamelessly  mendacious.  Several  instances 

1  Williams,  Farther  Observations,  p.  24. 

2  Dr.  Symonds,  Life  of  Morgan,  prefixed  to  the  Essay  on  Falstaffe  ; 
Fenton's  Pembrokeshire,  p.  491;  Hume's  History  of  England,  Ann. 
1759-1763  ;  Dr.  Richards,  Gentleman's  Magazine,  June  1791. 

3  Wanderings  of  an  Artist  among  the  Indians  of  North  America. 
London,  1859,  p.  183. 


ARE   THERE  WELSH   INDIANS?  123 

occur  of  Europeans  having  adopted  Indian  habits,  and  of 
their  sons  having  become  chiefs;  the  names  Clennont, 
Prettyman,  Gillivray,  and  John  Ross  occur  as  those  of  Indian 
chiefs;  Price,  the  Creek  chief,  and  companion  of  Bowles, 
another  Cherokee  chief,  was  the  son  of  a  Welshman ;  and 
Oceola,  the  Seminole  chief,  was  the  son  of  a  Welshman 
named  Powell ;  but  I  fear  that  Mr.  Roberts's  story  has  not 
even  this  amount  of  truth.  Were  it  a  verity,  other  Welsh- 
men living  at  Washington  would  have  heard  of,  and  known, 
the  said  Indian  chief;  but  we  find  that  they  were  wholly  un- 
conscious of  any  such  circumstances  as  Mr.  Roberts  relates : 
as  the  Rev.  Jenkin  Davies,  a  Baptist  minister,  in  a  letter 
dated  '  Washington  Village,  November  5,  1805  '  (the  very  year 
when  Roberts  made  his  statement),  written  in  answer  to  in- 
quiries respecting  Welsh  Indians,  states  that  he  had  heard  much 
in  England  and  America  of  such  a  people ;  but  that  he  had  no 
surer  information  respecting  them  than  the  statement  of 
a  South-Walian  named  Richards,  who  said  he  had  seen 
Welsh  Indians,  but  that  he  did  not  understand  them  very 
well,  because  they  talked  North  Wales  Welsh  !  A  companion 
named  Jones  understood  them  better ;  but  he  had  been  killed 
in  trying  to  make  his  escape  from  other  Indians.1 

That  some  such  hoaxes  were  perpetrated  and  imposed 
upon  the  credulity  of  the  Welsh  Indophilists  is  abundantly 
clear.  A  letter  dated  February  21,  1819,  appeared  in  the 
'  Courier '  newspaper  a  few  days  afterwards,  was  thence 
copied  into  the  '  Cambrian,'  and  thence  again  translated  for 
*  Seren  Gomer.'  It  was  signed  '  Owen  Williams,'  professedly 
a  fur  trader  from  Baltimore,  then  in  London,  and  it  affected 
surprise  that  anyone  doubted  the  existence  of  the  Welsh 
Indians.  The  writer  said  he  had  traded  with  hundreds  of 
them ;  they  lived  on  the  Madooga  river,  in  latitude  40°,  and 
longitude  80°,  spoke  purer  Welsh  than  the  Kymry,  were 
1  Seren  Gomer,  1818,  p.  342. 


1 2  I  MADOC. 

named  Brydones  and  Madogians,  could  read  well,  had  many 
MSS.,  and  their  religion  was  a  compound  of  Christianity  and 
Druidism !  This  highly-coloured  narrative  excited  suspicion  ; 
and,  on  inquiry  at  the  '  Courier '  office,  it  was  found  to  be  in 
a  handwriting  known  to  Koberts  of  Llwynrhudol  as  that  of  a 
'  mother's  accursed,'  and  thought  to  be  Dr.  John  Jones.1 
Another  letter,  signed 'H.  Phillips,  Bridgend,  Glamorganshire,' 
was  published  in  the  '  Carmarthen  Journal '  for  March  23, 
1821 ;  it  related  the  discovery  by '  a  gentleman  '  of  twenty-six 
Welsh  Indians  in  Indiana  ;  but  the  editor  of  '  Seren  Gomer  ' 
thought  it  looked  very  like  Owen  Williams's  letter,  and  de- 
clined to  copy  it.2  As  the  letter  of  Owen  Williams  was  the 
original  authority  respecting  the  Brydones,  I  need  not  allude 
to  them  any  further. 

I  am,  therefore,  of  opinion  that  all  these  statements  must 
be  eliminated  from  the  inquiry. 

2.  We  come,  in  the  next  place,  to  consider  the   asser- 
tions of  Sutton,    Rimington,  Gibson,  and   Chisholm.     The 
latter  does  not  affirm  that  he  knew  Welsh,  or  had  heard 
Indians  speaking  it ;  but  simply  that  he  had  been  among 
'  White   Indians,'    and  that  a  Padouca   chief  had   a   book, 
which  he  thought  was  a  Romish  missal.     Mr.  Gibson  does 
not  affirm  that  he  knew  Welsh ;  neither  does  it  appear  how 
he  came  to  suppose  that  the  Indians  he  knew  spoke  'Welsh.' 
Mr.  Rimington  saw  strange  Indians,  whom  someone  declared 
to  be  '  Welsh '  Indians ;  but  Jack  Hughes,  the  interpreter, 
does   not   appear  to   have  confirmed    the    statement ;   and 
Benjamin  Sutton  heard  a  Welshman  named  Lewis  speaking 
to  some  Indians ;  but  Lewis  does  not  seem  to  have  said  that 
they  were  '  Welsh ' ;  nor  does  Sutton  seem  to  have  understood 
the  language  of  the  Kymry. 

3.  The  evidences  of  the  third   class    are    less  open  to 

1  Seren  Gomer,  1819,  pp.  93,  136 ;  Cambro- Briton,  vol.  i.  p.  62. 
3  Seren  Gomer,  1821,  p.  122. 


ARE   THERE   WELSH   INDIANS?  125 

objection  on   the  score  of  untruthfulness ;  but   it   may   be 
doubted  whether  they  do  not  admit  of  explanation  on  some 
other   hypothesis.     There   are   Indians   of  many   colours — 
yellow  skins,  cinnamon-coloured,  tawny,  and  copper-coloured 
tribes;  and  there  are  albinoes,  or  persons  with  white  hair, 
eyelashes,  and  skins  among  several  of  these  tribes ;  but  these 
are  exceptional  instances,  and  no  conclusion  can  safely  be 
drawn  therefrom.     There  are  pictorial    skins   among   these 
tribes,  but  they  are  not  Bibles ;  and,  indeed,  the c  Bibles  '  may 
be  said  to  dissolve  when  the  assertions  respecting  them  are 
closely  examined.     The  '  Brydones '  had  a  Bible ;  but  then 
there  were  no  Indians  of  that  name ;  they  and  their  Bibles 
were  the  figment  of  the  brain  of '  Owen  Williams.'     Captain 
Davies's  Mud  Indians  had  a  '  manuscript  Welsh  Bible  ' ;  but  if 
the  two  statements  of  his  evidence  be  compared,  it  will  be 
seen  that  the  MS.  story  appears  in  only  one  of  them.     Truth, 
when  twice  told,   will  be  consistent ;  but  falsehood  varies. 
The  nameless  captive  clergyman  who  saw  a  '  Welsh  Bible '  is 
admitted  to  be  the  alter   ego  of  the   Rev.  Morgan  Jones ; 
but,  as  Mr.  Jones  mentions  no  such  thing,  the  {  Bible '  must 
have  been  a  fictitious  addition.     And  Colonel  Cochran's  '  Old 
Welsh  Bibles '  are  admitted  to  have  been  delusive  coinages  of 
heated   imaginations.     We  can,   therefore,   only  admit   the 
existence  of  pictorial  documents  ;  for  it  is  abundantly  clear 
from  other    facts  that   the    North  American   Indians   were 
wholly  unacquainted  with  books   and  letters.     The   Indian 
languages  have  no  names  for  these  things.     When  the  Scrip- 
tures came  to  be  translated  into  their  languages,  it  was  found 
necessary  to  give  new  meanings  to  their  words,  and  to  intro- 
duce English   words  where  the  Indians  had  nothing  analo- 
gous.    Thus,  in  translating  Daniel  v.  24,  25,  vi.  9,  and  John 
xix.  19,  it  was  found  necessary  to  use  the  Indian .  word  for 
painting,  i.e.  wussuk,  to  denote  writing  and  written  ;  and  in 
translating  Matt.  i.  1,  2   Kings  v.   9,  and   xxii.   8,  it  was 


126  MADOC. 

found  necessary  to  transfer  the  English  word  book,  as  the 
Indians  have  no  such  word  or  thing. 

The  monuments  on  the  Ohio  and  Missouri,  the  coloured 
pottery,  quasi  Welsh  castles  and  churches,  religious  tradi- 
tions, and  civilised  arts,  are  also  facts ;  but  whether  the 
Madoc  theory  is  the  only  possible  solution  of  their  existence 
will  form  the  subject  of  further  remark.  One  account 
{'  Seren  Gomer,'  1818,  p.  317)  speaks  of  'Roman  coins' 
found  in  Kentucky  about  1815  ;  but  Catlin  does  not  seem  to 
have  heard  of  them,  and  I  know  of  no  sufficient  authority  for 
the  statement. 

4.  Lastly,  we  have  a  considerable  number  of  testimonies 
in  favour  of  'Welsh-speaking'  Indians.  These  may  be 
ranged  under  two  heads,  viz.  direct  and  indirect  evidences. 
Of  these  the  second  class  consists  of  the  statements  of 
persons  who  did  not  themselves  understand  Welsh,  but  who 
say  that  they  heard  Welshmen  conversing  with  Indians  in  a 
language  which  the  Welshmen  affirmed  to  be  Kymraeg. 
And  some  of  them  are  still  further  removed  from  direct 
testimony. 

(a)  In  the  '  indirect '  class  we  may  place  the  letter  of  the 
Rev.  Morgan  Rees,  '  a  respectable  inhabitant  of  Kentucky,' 
who  wrote  to  the  Rev.  Dr.  Richards  of  Lynn,  and  stated,  on 
the  authority  of '  a  report '  in  that  country,  that  a  Welshman 
among  an  exploring  party  met  with  Indians  with  whom  he 
could  talk.  It  is  not  said  expressly  that  the  conversation 
was  in  Welsh,1  but  that  is  implied  ;  and  '  they  exceeded  him, 
as  not  being  so  corrupt  in  their  language.' 

Captain  Chaplain  heard  two  Welshmen  converse  with 
Indians  in  Welsh  at  Kaskaski ;  Captain  Davies  heard  Welsh- 
men converse  with  the  Mud  Indians;  Mr.  Willin  had 
Welsh  settlers  at  Natches  who  understood  the  Indians,  and 
affirmed  that  tley  spoke  Welsh;  Sir  John  Caldwell  had 
1  Border,  p.  11. 


ARE  THERE  WELSH  INDIANS?  127 

Welshmen  in  his  company  who  affirmed  the  language  of  the 
Pawnees  to  be  Welsh ;  Davey,  the  companion  of  Captain 
Stewart,  made  the  same  assertion  of  the  Indians  of  the  Red 
River ;  General  Bowles's  Welsh  friend  and  Mr.  Price's  father 
said  that  Welsh  was  the  language  of  the  Padoucas. 

In  these  cases  the  evidence  is  all  secondary,  and  does  not 
rest  upon  the  authority  of  our  informants.  They  seem  to 
have  had  no  means  of  testing  the  accuracy  of  the  assertions 
made  to  them,  and  it  is,  therefore,  within  the  range  of  ordinary 
possibilities  that  they  might  have  been  deceived. 

(6)  The  '  direct '  testimonies  are  those  of  the  Rev. 
Morgan  Jones  and  Mr.  Binon.  The  narratives  attributed  to 
the  '  clergyman  '  and  Morris  Griffith  are  evidently  amplifica- 
tions of  Jones's  statement  respecting  the  Doegs,  and  may  be 
set  aside ;  so  that  for  our  purpose  the  original  statement  is 
alone  available.  That  was  made  by  a  Welshman  who  had 
graduated  at  Oxford,  and  professedly  rested  on  his  own 
experiences.  He  was  qualified  to  judge  as  to  what  was  or 
was  not  Welsh ;  and  his  statement  must  necessarily  be  either 
strictly  true  or  manifestly  false,  for  it  cannot  be  placed  on 
any  intermediate  ground. 

The  statement  of  Mr.  Binon  is  equally  direct ;  but  his 
qualifications  do  not  seem  so  satisfactory.  He  is  reported  to 
have  said  that  he  had  heard  Indians  speaking  purer  Kymraeg 
than  was  spoken  in  Glamorganshire  ;  but  it  was  admitted  that 
he  could  not  read  the  c  Indian  Welsh  ' — if  he  could  read  at 
all ;  and  as  he  left  Wales  when  very  young,  and  before  he 
had  learned  any  alphabet,  and  remained  away  thirty  years,  we 
•may  reasonably  be  a  little  sceptical  as  to  his  competency  to 
speak  of  the  purity  of  '  Indian  Welsh.'  Indeed,  there  is  only 
evidence  at  third  hand  that  he  knew  Welsh  at  all ;  and  it 
must  be  quite  apparent  that  his  statement  betrays  an 
acquaintance  with  the  famous  narrative  of  Jones,  and  that  of 
Jones's  other  self,  the  '  clergyman  '  and  '  prophet,'  who  was 


128  MADOC. 

said  to  have  interpreted  the  MS.  Bible — which  did  not 
exist. 

The  assertions  of  Stedman  and  Oliver  Humphreys  may 
also  appear  to  be  direct  evidences ;  but  the  first  is  very- 
suspicious,  if  not  positively  false  ;  and  the  second,  in  affirm- 
ing that  the  '  pirate '  learnt  the  language  of  an  Indian  tribe, 
with  whom  he  could  have  had  but  little  communication,  and 
that  in  a  very  short  space  of  time,  makes  a  large  demand 
upon  our  faith.  Still,  it  is  possible  that  both  may  have  a 
slight  substratum  of  fact. 

It  is  thus  seen  that  the  whole  of  the  direct  evidence 
collapses,  and  all  that  remains  is  that  of  the  Rev.  Morgan 
Jones.  That  is  evidently  connected  in  some  way  with  the 
statements  of  Stedman  and  Humphreys,  for  they  all  refer  to 
the  same  locality,  and  they  are  nearly  coincident  in  date. 
Jones  says  his  adventure  took  place  in  1660  ;  Stedman 's 
occurred  about  1674 ;  and  Humphreys  died  a  little  before 
1704.  But  Jones  published  no  account  of  his  marvellous 
'  discovery '  for  upwards  of  twenty-five  years  (i.e.  not  until 
1686),  and  Stedman  and  Humphreys  became  first  known  to 
us  in  1704.  Did  Stedman  borrow  from  Jones?  Did  both 
Jones  and  Stedman  find  a  vague  story  of  this  sort  floating 
about  in  America,  and  appropriate  it  to  themselves  ?  Or  was 
there  any  peculiarity  about  the  Indians  of  Cape  Hat- 
teras  ? 

The  internal  evidence  of  Jones's  letter  is  very  unsatisfac- 
tory. The  date,  1660,  is  at  least  ten  years  too  early  ;  for  the 
introduction  of  the  name  West — namely,  that  of  Joseph  West, 
— shows  that  Jones  had  but  a  confused  knowledge  of  the  facts 
to  which  he  refers ;  and  his  historical  perspective  is  so  indis- 
tinct that  he  has  represented  as  one  combined  movement 
three  independent  expeditions,  separated  by  intervals  of  two 
and  four  years,  starting  from  opposite  points,  and  directed  to 
three  different  places.  The  first  of  these  was  an  expedition 


ARE  THERE   WELSH   INDIANS?  129 

set  on  foot  by  the  planters  of  Barbadoes.     They  had  sent  a 
party  to  inspect  the  coast  of  Carolina  in  1663  ;  and  two  years 
afterwards,  Sir  John  Yeamans,  a  needy  planter,  led  a  band  of 
emigrants,  and  effected  a  settlement  on  the  south  side  of  Cape 
Fear.1     In   the   following  year   (1666)   the   north   part   of 
Carolina  was  constituted  into  a  regular  settlement  by   Sir 
William   Berkeley,   the   Governor    of  Virginia.2       And   in 
January    1670    a   considerable    number   of    emigrants    left 
England  under   the   auspices  of  the  corporate   body  called 
'Proprietaries,'  who  claimed  under  a  Royal  Charter  the  pos- 
session of  a  great  part  of  North  America.     They  were  con- 
ducted by  one  Joseph  West,  as  agent  for  the  Proprietaries, 
and  by  William  Sayle,  as  governor  of  the  settlement  they 
intended  to  effect.     They  touched  at  Bermuda,  or,  as  some 
improperly   say,    at   Barbadoes,    and    settled   themselves   at 
Oyster  Point,  now  Charleston — so  called  from  Charles  II.3 
This,  it  is  evident,  was  the  expedition  referred  to,  and  the 
Rev.  Morgan  Jones  had  some  indistinct  knowledge  thereof ; 
but  it  is  difficult  to  believe  that  a  man  who  described  three 
distinct  settlements  as  only  one,  and  antedated  a  compara- 
tively recent  event  by  ten  years,  was  recounting  his  personal 
experiences ;  and  the  truth  seems  to  be  that  he  had  only  a 
hearsay  knowledge  of  these  events.     Even  if  we  assume  the 
true  date  to  be  1669,  that  would  still  be  a  full  year  too  early, 
and  leave  other  difficulties  unexplained.     He  may  have  been 
chaplain  to  General  Bennet  of  Nousemund  (not  Mansoman) 
County ;  but  as  the  Virginians  had  nothing  to  do  with  the 
Oyster  Point  settlement,  he  could  not  have  been  sent  there 
as  minister ;  and,  besides,  that  settlement  was  not  neglected. 
A  glance  at  a  good  map  will  show  that  a  journey  from  Oyster 
Point  to  Roanoke,  at  that  time,  was  an  arduous  undertaking ; 
and  as  Yeamans,  who  succeeded  Sayle  in  the  following  year, 

1  Bancroft,  Hist.  United  States,  vol.  i.  p.  450,  Routledge's  edit. 
2  Ibid.  3  Ibid.  pp.  472-75. 

K 


130  MADOC. 

was  already  settled  to  the  north  at  Cape  Fear,  there  was  no 
necessity  for  risking  so  perilous  an  adventure. 

At  the  next  stage,  Jones's  narrative  appears  to  receive 
some  confirmation  from  the  Autobiography  of  George  Fox. 
There  does  not  appear  to  have  been  any  actual  war  between 
the  Tuscaroras  and  the  settlers  in  North  Carolina  in  or  about 
1660  or  1669  ;  but  the  relations  between  them  appear  to  have 
been  unfriendly ;  and  Fox  states  that,  when  he  was  there  in 
1672,  the  Emperor  of  the  Tuscaroras  '  was  come '  to  Captain 
Batts,  the  Governor  of  Roanoke,  '  to  treat  of  peace.5  * 

Upon  the  same  authority  we  learn  that  one  of  their  chiefs 

was  friendly  to  the  whites ;  and  hence  the  intervention  on 

behalf  of  Jones  might  be  explained,  without  assuming  that 

the  Indian  chief  was  of  Welsh  origin.     Fox  paid  them  a 

visit,  and  preached  to  them  by  means  of  an  interpreter  ;  and 

their  young  king,  with  others  of  their  chief  men,  seemed  to 

receive  kindly  what  he  said  to  them.     At  another  meeting,  in 

the  same  district,  there  was  '  an  Indian  captain  who  was  very 

loving,  and  acknowledged  it  to  be  truth  that  was  spoken. 

There  was  also  an  Indian  priest,  whom  they  call  a  Pawaw, 

who  sat  soberly  among  the  people.'     This  '  loving  captain ' 

may  have  been  the  person  who  befriended  Jones,  assuming 

the  truth  of  his  story ;  but  no  sooner  do  we  concede  this  than 

we  are  involved  in  another  difficulty.     The  head-quarters  of 

the  Tuscaroras  were  on  the  river  Neuse,  in  the  centre  of 

North    Carolina.      This    river,   like  the  Pamlico,    falls  into 

Pamlico  Sound ;  but  it  is  difficult  to  believe  that  the  Doegs 

were  in  alliance  with  the  Tuscaroras,  or  located  near  Cape 

Hatteras ;  for  we  read  that  the  Hatteras  Indians  were  called 

Yeopims  ; 2  and  we  know  that  in  early  maps  of  North  America 

the  Doegs  or  Doogs  are  placed  considerably  to  the  north,  in 

Virginia,  between  the  Potomac  and  the  Rappahanoc,  a  little 

1  Fox's  Journal,  vol.  i.  pp.  173,  174. 
3  Bancroft,  vol.  i.  p.  449. 


ARE  THERE  WELSH  INDIANS?  131 

to  the  eastward  of  the  falls  on  the  latter  river.1  Hence  we 
may  conclude  that  they  were  Algonquins  rather  than  Iroquois, 
and  that  they  acknowledged  the  authority  of  the  successors  of 
Powhattan  rather  than  that  of  the  '  Emperor '  of  the  Tusca- 
roras.  We  have  now  a  considerable  amount  of  information 
respecting  the  Algonquin  and  Iroquois  class  of  languages, 
and  are  enabled  to  affirm  that  these  Indians  neither  did  nor 
could  speak  Welsh. 

Another  fact  unfavourable  to  Jones's  credit  is  his  paren- 
thetical reference  to  the  Doegs,  '  whose  original  I  found  (or 
find)  must  needs  be  from  the  Welsh  (or  Old  Britons).'  The 
Rev.  Theophilus  Evans  inferred  from  this  that  Jones  was 
unacquainted  with  the  asserted  discovery  of  America  by 
Madoc  ;  but  to  me  it  seems  that  this  ignorance  was  affected, 
in  order  to  give  his  narrative  an  air  of  truth,  and  of  unex- 
pected discovery ;  for  the  ignorance  of  a  Welshman,  and  a 
student  of  Jesus  College,  Oxford,  of  this  national  tale  is  in- 
credible, especially  when  it  is  considered  that  the  literature 
of  that  period  was  full  of  it,  and  that  a  considerable  number 
of  the  following  works  were  published  before  he  left  Wales, 
viz. : 

Powel's '  Historie  of  Cambria,'  1584  ;  Hakluyt's  '  Voyages,' 
1589,  1599-1600  ;  Purchas's  '  Pilgrimage,'  1613,  1614, 1617, 
1626;  Sir  Thomas  Herbert's  'Travels,'  1634;  Howell's 
Letter,  dated  1630,  published  in  1645;  also  Letter  dated  1654, 
published  1655 ;  Charles  Edwards's  <  Diffyniad  y  Ffydd,'  1671 
(Oxford,  1677).  Thomas  and  Charles  Lloyd  knew  of  it  before 
1682,  and  the  latter  possessed  Powel's  '  History.' 

It  is,  therefore,  highly  improbable  that  Jones  was  ignorant 
of  what  every  other  Welshman  of  education  knew,  and  held 
in  much  estimation. 

The  pathetic  incident  in  Jones's  story  is  also  provocative 
of  suspicion,  and  it  is  not  improbable  that  the  real  solution 

1  Thornton,  Maps  and  Charts  of  North  America,  folio,  1704. 

K  2 


132  MADOC. 

is  this :  that  the  Rev.  Morgan  Jones  has  claimed  for  himself 
an  adventure  that  befell  Captain  John  Smith,  often  named 
the  '  Father  of  Virginia.'  The  story  is  told  by  the  hero 
himself,  in  his  '  True  Relation '  of  events  connected  with  the 
colonisation  of  Virginia,  printed  in  1608;  it  is  abridged  by 
Bancroft,1  and  is  repeatedly  referred  to  in"  Thackeray's 
1  Virginians.'  Penetrating  into  the  interior,  with  some  com- 
panions, in  the  year  1604,  along  the  Chickahominy  river, 
they  were  taken  prisoners  by  the  Indians.  His  companions 
were  put  to  death ;  but  he,  preserving  his  calmness,  awed  the 
Indians  by  the  display  of  a  pocket  compass,  and  by  exhibition 
of  superior  knowledge.  The  Indians  were  for  some  time 
undetermined  what  to  do  with  him ;  but,  after  practising 
incantations  for  three  days,  after  many  consultations  and 
delays,  and  after  postponing  several  resolutions  to  put  him 
to  death,  the  ultimate  decision  was  referred  to  Powhattan,  the 
*  Emperor  of  the  Country,'  whose  residence  was  then  in 
Gloucester  County  on  York  River.  Here  Smith's  manners 
interested  Natoaca  or  Metoaca,  better  known  by  her  title 
Pocahontas,  the  daughter  of  Powhattan,  a  young  girl  twelve 
years  old,  who,  when  the  uplifted  tomahawk  was  about  to 
descend  upon  him,  sprang  towards  him,  clung  firmly  to  his 
neck,  and  entreated  the  Indians  to  spare  the  agreeable 
stranger,  that  he  might  make  hatchets  for  her  father,  and 
rattles  and  beads  for  herself,  the  favourite  child.  This  saved  his 
life ;  Smith  remained  among  them  for  some  time ;  he  learned 
the  Indian  language ;  and  when  he  had  succeeded  in  establish- 
ing peaceful  intercourse  between  them  and  the  colonists,  the 
Indians  dismissed  him  with  mutual  promises  of  friendship 

1  Hist.  United  States,  vol.  i.  p.  99,  Routledge's  edit.  [Captain 
Smith's  collected  works  have  recently  been  reprinted  by  Mr.  Edward 
Arber,  in  his  English  Scholar's  Library,  1884.  The  deliverance  by 
Pocahontas  is  not  mentioned  in  the  True  Relation  of  1608,  but  is  first 
mentioned  in  the  Generall  Historic  of  Virginia  &c.  published  in  1624. 
See  Arber's  reprint,  p.  400.] 


ARE  THERE   WELSH   INDIANS?  133 

and  benevolence.1  We  have  here  all  the  prominent  features 
of  Jones's  narrative ;  and  it  is  not  improbable  that  Captain 
Smith  was  the  real  hero  of  the  adventure,  which  Jones  per- 
verted to  his  own  use,  and  the  deception  of  his  countrymen. 
Else,  how  is  it  that  none  of  the  many  Welshmen  in  America 
had  known  of  this  adventure  ? 

It  is  said  by  the  Eev.  John  Williams  (Ab  Ithel),  whose 
essay  on  the  Madoc  question  has  been  published  in  the  '  Cam- 
brian Journal,' 2  that  about  the  middle  of  the  seventeenth 
century  a  Captain  Jocelyne  published  a  '  History  of  Virginia,' 
giving  a  similar  account  of  an  adventure  among  the  Tuscaroras 
and  Doegs ;  and  that  the  story  is  told  in  Jocelyne's  words  in 
the  '  Turkish  Spy,'  vol.  viii.  p.  205 ;  but  the  '  Spy '  in  the 
place  cited  does  not  make  any  reference  to  Jocelyne  or  any 
other  authority.  The  letter  in  the  '  Spy '  bears  the  fictitious 
date  '  Paris  ;  the  2nd  day  of  the  1 1th  moon,  in  the  year  1682,' 
and,  if  the  letters  were  genuine,  would  indicate  some  earlier 
authority  than  Jones,  whose  narrative  is  dated  *  New  York, 
March  10,  1686.'  In  that  case  '  Jocelyn '  might  stand  for 
'  John  Smith ' ;  but,  in  reality,  the  letter  affords  traces  of 
an  acquaintance  with  Jones's  narrative,  in  the  reference 
to  the  Tuscaroras  and  Doegs ;  and  as  the  volume  was  pub- 
lished in  1694,  after  Jones's  story  had  been  made  known 
in  England  and  Wales,  this  involves  no  difficulty.  As 
this  curious  old  collection  is  of  somewhat  rare  occurrence, 
the  letter  is  here  subjoined.  The  letter  purports  to  be 
addressed  '  to  Kerk  Hassan,  Bassa,'  and,  after  describing 
King  Charles  II.,  England,  and  the  Popish  plot,  the  writer 
says: 

'  This  Prince,  as  I  said  before,  has  several  Nations  under 
his  Dominion ;  and,  'tis  thought,  he  scarce  knows  the  just 
extent  of  his  Territories  in  America.  There  is  a  region  in 
that  Continent,  inhabited  by  a  People  whom  they  call  Tuscaroras 

1  [Arber's  edit.  pp.  400,  581.}  2  [Vol.  for  1859,  p.  104.] 


134  MADOC. 

and  Doegs.  Their  language  is  the  same  as  is  spoken  by  the 
British  or  Welsh ;  a  Nation  that  formerly  possessed  all  the 
Island  of  Great  Britain,  but  were  driven  out  of  it  into  a 
Mountainous  Corner  of  the  Island,  where  their  Posterity  remain 
to  this  Day. 

'  These  Tuscaroras  and  Doegs  of  America  are  thought  to 
descend  from  them,  being  the  Posterity  of  such  as  follow'd 
the  Fortune  of  one  Madoc  a  British  Prince,  who,  about  Five  or 
Six  Hundred  Years  ago,  being  discontented  at  Home,  resolv'd 
to  seek  Adventures  Abroad.  Wherefore,  being  provided  with 
Ships,  Men,  and  all  other  Necessaries,  he  made  a  Voyage 
towards  the  West,  over  the  Atlantic^  Ocean,  not  knowing  what 
would  be  the  Event  of  his  Undertaking.  However,  the  Moon 
had  scarce  twice  completed  Her  Voyage  through  the  ZodiacJc, 
when  an  end  was  put  to  His  on  the  -Sea,  by  landing  in  America, 
where  he  planted  a  Colony  of  Britains,  and  then  returned  to 
his  native  Country.  But  soon  after  he  put  to  sea  again,  and 
sailed  directly  to  the  same  place.  What  became  of  him. 
afterwards  is  not  certainly  known.  But  the  inhabitants  of 
that  Province  [Wales  ?  or  America  ?]  have  a  Tradition,  that  he 
lived  to  a  Great  Age,  and  saw  his  people  multiplied  to  many 
Thousands,  before  he  died.  For  in  the  Second  Voyage  he  carried 
over  British  Women  with  him  for  the  sake  of  Posterity.  They 
show  his  Tomb  to  this  Day ;  with  Beads,  Crucifixes,  and  other 
Reliques.  It  is  certain  that,  when  the  Spaniards  first  conquer'd 
Mexico,  they  were  surpriz'd  to  hear  the  Inhabitants  discourse 
of  a  strange  People  that  formerly  came  thither  in  Corraughs, 
who  taught  them  the  knowledge  of  God  and  Immortality ; 
instructed  them  also  in  Virtue  and  Morality,  and  prescribed 
Holy  Rites  and  Ceremonies  of  Religion.  'Tis  remarkable,  also, 
what  an  Indian  king  said  to  a  Spaniard,  viz.,  "  That  in  Fore- 
going Ages,  a  Strange  People  arrived  there  by  Sea,  to  whom 
his  ancestors  gave  Hospitable  Entertainment ;  in  regard  they 
found  them  men  of  Wit  and  Courage,  endued  also  with  many 


ARE   THERE   WELSH   INDIANS?  135 

other  Excellencies.  But  he  could  give  no  account  of  their 
original  or  Name."  And  Montezuma,  Emperor  of  Mexico,  told 
Fernando  Cortez,  the  Spanish  King's  Ambassador,  and 
General  in  those  Parts,  "That  his  own  Ancestors  Landed 
there  as  Strangers,  being  conducted  by  a  certain  Great 
Man,  who  tarried  there  a  while,  and  then  departed,  having 
left  a  considerable  number  of  Followers  behind  him. 
After  a  Year,  he  returned  again  with  a  greater  Company ; 
and  that  from  Him  the  Emperors  of  Mexico  derived  their 
Pedigree,  and  his  subjects  from  the  Rest."  The  British 
Language  is  so  prevalent  here,  that  the  very  Towns,  Bridges, 
Beasts,  Birds,  Rivers,  Hills,  &c.,  are  call'd  by  British  or 
Welsh  names.  And  a  certain  Inhabitant  of  Virginia  (a  place 
subject  to  the  King  of  Great  Britain},  straggling  not  long  ago 
into  the  Wilderness,  by  chance,  fell  among  a  People  who  ac- 
cording to  some  Law  or  Custom  of  theirs  condemned  him  to 
Death;  when  he,  in  Hearing  of  them,  made  his  Prayer 
to  God  in  the  British  Tongue ;  upon  which  he  was  Re- 
leas'd.'  ! 

These  '  Letters  of  a  Turkish  Spy '  were  the  work  of  a 
Scotchman  named  John  Cleland.  The  work  alluded  to  as 
'  Jocelyne's  History  of  Virginia '  was  probably  one  of  the 
curious  publications  of  John  Josselyn,  who  paid  a  visit  to  New 
England  in  1638-9,  and  another  in  1663—71.  He  published 
his  impressions  of  the  country  in  two  works,  viz. :  '  New 
England's  Rarities  Discovered,'  8vo.  1672,  1674,  1675  ;  and 
'  An  Account  of  Two  Voyages  to  New  England,'  12mo.  1674. 
From  pp.  123  to  144  of  the  latter  work,  he  describes  the 
inhabitants  of  New  England  and  Virginia,  and  speaks  of 
many  of  their  customs  as  resembling  those  of  the  Ancient 
Britons ;  but  they  are  not  called  by  him  Welsh  Indians.  The 
author  seems  a  little  credulous,  for  he  tells  us  that  some  frogs, 

1  The  Turkish  Spy,  London,  1694,  vol.  viii.  Book  3,  Letter  12, 
p.  202. 


136  MADOC. 

when  they  sit  upon  their  breech,  are  a  foot  high ' ;  and  that 
'  barley  frequently  degenerates  into  oats.' l 

There  is,  indeed,  a  semblance  of  an  earlier  authority  for 
the  existence  of  Welsh  Indians  than  Jones's  narrative.  After 
Penn  had  obtained  a  cession  of  land  in  America,  in  1681,  it 
is  said  that  he  endeavoured  to  induce  his  Quaker  friends  in 
England  and  Wales  to  join  him  in  founding  a  new  settle- 
ment ;  that,  in  or  about  1682,  an  Address  to  this  effect  was 
circulated  among  the  Quakers  in  South  Wales  ;  that  in  this 
it  is  reported  to  have  been  said  that  many  credible  accounts 
had  been  received  of  the  discovery  among  the  Indians  of  a 
people  who  spoke  Welsh,  and  who  were  supposed  to  be  the 
descendants  of  Madoc's  Colony ;  and  that  the  discovery  was 
attributed  to  some  of  Penn's  own  attendants.2  I  have  searched 
in  vain  for  this  Address  ;  but  think  it  in  the  highest  degree 
improbable  that  Penn  ever  issued  any  document  containing 
these  assertions,  which  would  have  been  utterly  at  variance 
with  his  deliberately  expressed  opinion  that  the  American 
Indians  were  the  descendants  of  the  lost  tribes  of  Israel.3 
We  also  have  letters  from  Welshmen  in  Pennsylvania,  of 
about  the  same  date,  which  speak  of  their  Indian  neighbours, 
but  give  no  hint  whatever  as  to  their  being  of  Welsh  origin.4 
On  the  contrary,  they  exclude  any  such  supposition,  as  an  ex- 
tract from  one,  written  in  the  year  1705,  will  clearly  show  : 

'  He  (Penn)  also  bought  the  freehold  of  the  soil  from  the 
Indians — a  savage  race  of  men,  who  have  lived  here  from 

1  Notes  and  Queries,  April  6,  1861 ;  2nd  series,  vol.  xi.  p.  267. 

2  Ab  Ithel ;  Cambrian  Journal,  1859,  p.  105. 

3  Clarkson,  Life  of  Penn,  vol.  i.  p.  397.     Letter,  dated  August  16, 
1683 :  '  For  their  original,  I  am  ready  to  believe  them  of  the  Jewish 
race,  I  mean  of  the  stock  of  the  ten  tribes.'     '  The  passage  is  not  im- 
possible from  the  easternmost  parts  of  Asia  to  the  westernmost  of 
America.'     The  latter  was  a  bold  and  sagacious  conjecture :  it  is  now 
known  to  have  been  true. 

4  Y  Greal,  1806,  p.  210  ;  Y  Guryliedydd  for  1831,  p.  15 ;  Cambrian 
Quarterly  Magazine,  vol.  iii.  p.  141. 


ARE    THERE   WELSH   INDIANS?  137 

time  immemorial,  as  far  as  I  am  able  to  understand.  They 
can  give  no  account  of  themselves,  not  knowing  whence  or 
when  they  came  here — an  irrational  set  I  should  imagine ; 
but  they  have  some  kind  of  reason  too,  and  extraordinary 
natural  endowments,  in  their  peculiar  way.  They  are  very 
observant  of  their  customs,  and  more  unblamable,  in  many 
respects,  than  we  are.  They  had  neither  towns  nor  villages, 
but  lived  in  booths  or  tents.' 

Penn's  Addresses  in  the  years  1681,  1682,  and  1683, 
frequently  mention  the  Indians,  but  only  to  enjoin  a  fair  and 
just  treatment  of  them  by  the  emigrants.  A  large  number 
of  Quakers  from  Wales  joined  in  the  '  Holy  Experiment,' 
influenced  by  the  religious  persecutions  at  home,  and  the 
hope  of  greater  liberty  of  conscience  in  the  Free  Democracy 
of  Pennsylvania  ;  and  it  was  the  intention  of  Penn  to  name 
his  settlement  New  Wales,  after  the  analogy  of  New  England 
— an  intention  frustrated  by  a  Welshman,  Blathwayte,  the 
Secretary  of  Charles  II.1  A  misconception  of  these  facts 
formed  the  only  basis  for  the  story  of  the  Address. 

But,  it  may  be  asked,  is  it  probable  that  such  a  story  as 
that  of  Jones  could  have  been  a  pure  invention  ?  Even  on 
this  point  it  is  not  difficult  to  suggest  an  unfavourable  answer. 
Roanoke,  it  will  be  observed,  figures  prominently  in  Jones's 
narrative ;  and  at  Roanoke  there  had  been  several  early 
settlements  of  Europeans.  Pamlico  Sound  and  Roanoke  Island 
were  explored  by  Sir  Walter  Raleigh  in  1584;  and  a  colony 
under  one  Ralph  Lane  was  settled  there  in  1585,  with  the  sanc- 
tion, of  the  Indians,  who  treated  the  whites  in  a  very  friendly 
manner.  One  of  these,  named  Hariot,  displayed  the  Bible  to  the 
natives,  and  explained  its  truths ;  and  they,  reveriug  the  Book 
rather  than  its  doctrines,  embraced  it,  kissed  it,  and  held  it  to 
their  breasts  and  heads,  as  if  it  had  been  an  amulet.  The  colony 
was  visited  by  Sir  Francis  Drake  in  1586  ;  and  the  colonists, 

1  Clarkson,  Life  of  Penn,  vol.  i.  p.  279 ;  Dixon,  do.  p.  228. 


1 38  MAUOC. 

being  ill-provisioned,  and  having  become  despondent,  induced 
him  to  take  them  away.  In  the  meantime,  Raleigh,  mindful 
of  their  wants,  had  sent  a  vessel  with  supplies  ;  but  it  arrived 
a  few  days  too  late.  In  another  fortnight  Sir  Richard  Gren- 
ville  came  with  three  well-provisioned  ships ;  and,  finding 
Lane  had  departed,  he  left  a  second  colony  of  fifty  men  at 
Roanoke,  as  guardians  of  English  rights.  Raleigh,  ever 
chivalrous,  sent  another  band  of  settlers  in  1587,  under  one 
John  White,  who,  on  his  arrival,  found  that  Grenville's  men 
had  been  murdered  by  the  Indians;  but  a  friendly  chief 
named  Manteo,  by  the  command  of  Raleigh,  received  Christian 
baptism,  and  was  named  Lord  of  Roanoke.  As  the  time 
came  for  the  departure  of  the  ship,  this  colony  also  became 
despondent,  and  urged  White  to  return  and  bring  back  rein- 
forcements. He  left  his  grandchild,  born  there,  and  named 
from  the  place  of  her  birth,  VIRGINIA,  at  Roanoke ;  and  the 
colony  then  consisted  of  eighty-nine  men,  seventeen  women, 
and  two  children  ;  but  more  than  a  year  elapsed  before  White 
could  return  ;  and  then  Roanoke  was  a  desert.  An  inscrip- 
tion on  the  bark  of  a  tree  pointed  to  Croatan,  but  no  search 
was  then  made  for  the  settlers.  Raleigh,  however,  was  more 
zealous.  Five  several  times  he  sent  parties  to  search  for  his 
liegemen ;  but  they  were  never  found.  It  has  been  conjectured 
that  the  deserted  colony  were  hospitably  adopted  into  the 
tribe  of  the  Hatteras  Indians  (Jones's  Doegs),  and  became 
amalgamated  with  them.  The  traditions  of  the  natives  at  a 
later  day  affirmed  this  to  be  the  fact ;  they  said  their  fore- 
fathers could  '  talk  in  a  book  ' ;  and  this  statement  has  been 
thought  to  derive  confirmation  from  the  physical  character  of 
the  tribe,  in  which  the  English  and  Indian  seem  to  have  been 
blended ; l  for  the  Hatteras  Indians  have  grey  eyes,  and  therein 
differ  from  all  the  other  tribes.2 

1  Bancroft,  Hist.  United  States,  vol.  i.  pp.  70-82. 
3  Lawson,  Voyage  to  Carolina,  p.  62. 


ARE  THERE  WELSH  INDIANS?  139 

There  is  no  evidence  that  I  am  aware  of,  whether  there 
were  or  were  not  any  Welshmen  among  these  colonists ;  but 
it  must  be  evident  that  this  colony,  and  the  tradition  respect- 
ing its  fate,  have  an  important  bearing  on  the  narrative  under 
consideration.  If  this  tradition  was  known  to  Jones,  it  might 
have  suggested  the  idea  of  a  Welsh  origin  for  the  Hatteras 
Indians.  In  any  case,  his  narrative  ceases  to  have  any 
relevance  to  the  Madoc  legend;  for  the  Hatteras  Indians,  even 
if  they  had  a  few  Welsh  words  among  them,  would  have  been 
descendants  of  Raleigh's  colonists,  not  of  Madoc  and  his 
followers.  The  truth  or  falsehood  of  Jones's  narrative  does 
not  affect  this  conclusion.  If  he  really  was  at  Oyster  Point, 
and  attempted  to  make  his  way  through  the  wilderness,  it  is 
not  improbable  that  some  such  incident  may  have  occurred ; 
for  the  Indians,  steeped  in  superstition,  would  naturally 
respect  the  sacred  office  of  a  clergyman,  as  they  revere  their 
own  '  mystery  man,'  and  the  Hatteras  Indians  would  be  more 
likely  to  do  so  than  any  others.  But  the  essential  part  of 
Jones's  story,  the  assertion  that  an  Indian  chief  addressed  him 
in  Welsh,  and  that  he  preached  in  Welsh  to  the  Doegs,  three 
times  a  week,  and  for  four  months,  must  have  been  a  false- 
hood, and  may  have  been  intended  as  a  hoax.  The  simplicity 
of  the  Welsh  character  favoured  its  circulation ;  the  stern 
Puritanical  logic,  that  knows  nothing  but  absolute  truth  or 
malignant  falsehood,  naturally  led  them  to  place  implicit 
confidence  in  the  formal  affirmation  of  a  minister  of  the 
Gospel ;  and  the  lore  of  the  antiquary  gave  '  confirmation 
strong  as  holy  writ '  to  a  fiction  and  a  deliberate  untruth. 

An  examination  of  the  American  languages  strengthens 
this  negative  conclusion.  The  statements  made  in  reference 
to  '  Welsh  Indians '  point  in  three  directions,  namely,  to  the 
Mexican  frontier,  to  the  Missouri,  and  to  the  east  of  the  Mis- 
sissippi. Reserving  the  first  class  for  further  consideration, 
we  will  now  deal  with  the  others.  On  the  Missouri  we  have 


140  MADOC. 

the  Padoucas ;  and  on  the  eastern  side  of  the  Mississippi  we 
have  the  Doegs,  and  the  people  who  descended  to  Illinois, 
who  most  probably  belonged  to  the  great  Chippeway  nation. 

1.  The  Padoucas  are  now  extinct,  and  their  name  only 
survives  in  Paducas  Fork  ;  but,  though  they  were  confidently 
affirmed  to  be  Welsh  Indians,  and  though  Mr.  Binon  said 
they  spoke  Welsh  to  him  with  remarkable  purity,  it  is  quite 
manifest  that  the  assertion  was  untrue.  John  Evans  ascended 
the  Missouri  in  the  belief  that  they  were  Kymry,  but  dis- 
covered that  no  race  on  that  river  spoke  Welsh,  and  concluded 
that  the  Welsh  Indians  did  not  exist.  The  Rev.  Morgan 
Rees  met  a  gentleman  who  knew  the  Padouca  language,  and 
found  that  the  Padouca  had  no  resemblance  to  Kyrnraeg. 
Mr.  J.  T.  Roberts  met  persons  who  knew  Padouca,  but  they 
did  not  understand  one  word  of  Welsh.  This  is,  therefore, 
tolerably  conclusive  evidence,  and  we  may  safely  dismiss  them 
from  our  consideration. 

2.. The  occupants  of  the  region  about  Cape  Hatteras  and 
Pamlico  Sound,  improperly  called  Doegs  by  Jones,  but  better 
known  as  Yeopims  and  Nanticokes,  spoke  a  dialect  of  the 
Algonquin  language,  as  also  did  the  Chippeways ;  and  both 
may  therefore  be  classed  under  that  head. 

A  great  deal  of  absurdity  has  been  spoken  and  written 
respecting  the  languages  of  the  North  American  aborigines. 
Governed  by  preconceptions  as  to  the  origin  of  the  inhabi- 
tants, many  persons  have  affirmed  that  the  speech  of  the  new 
continent  sanctioned  each  of  several  discordant  theories. 
William  Penn,  who  was  imbued  with  the  belief  that  the  lost 
ten  tribes  of  Israel  (whose  descendants  probably  still  occupy 
the  shores  of  the  Caspian  Sea)  had  found  their  way  to 
America,  considered  the  language  to  have  a  striking  resem- 
blance to  the  Hebrew ;  a  Jew  named  Montesini  said  he  had 
heard  an  American  Indian  repeat  in  Hebrew  the  words  in 
Deuteronomy :  '  SCHELAH  ISRAEL  ADONAI  ELOHENU  ADONAI 


ARE    THERE    WELSH    INDIANS?  141 

EHAD,'  '  Hear,  0  Israel,  the  Lord  our  God  is  one  Lord ' ;  and 
one  Rabbi  Manasseh  wrote  a  book  entitled  the  '  Hope  of 
Israel '  in  favour  of  this  assumption.1 

The  learned  Grotius,  who  favoured  the  theory  of  a  Scan- 
dinavian settlement,  said  there  was  a  striking  affinity  between 
the  languages  of  the  Germans  and  the  North  Americans.2 
Bishop  Nicholson  thought  the  Welsh  formed  the  basis  of  all 
the  Indian  dialects  ;  and  others  quite  as  confidently  assert 
that  the  aborigines  spoke  the  (Irish)  Erse  or  Gaelic  language. 
Several  persons  said  the  Pawnees  spoke  Welsh,  but  some 
Scotch  Highlanders  said  they  understood  them,  ergo,  that 
they  spoke  Gaelic  ;  and  a  gentleman  from  Quebec  confirmed 
the  statement.  Nor  was  the  Gaelic  confined  to  the  Pawnees  ;3 
for  it  is  also  said  to  have  been  spoken  by  the  Mexicans ;  and 
a  Captain  Drummond  gravely  affirmed  that  he  heard  a 
Mexican  woman  singing  Erse  to  her  child.4  Are  not  these 
assertions  quite  as  strong  as  anything  urged  in  favour  of  the 
Welsh  Indians  ?  If  we  believe  one  class  of  assertions,  why 
may  we  not  believe  all  ?  Comment  upon  such  statements 

1  Basnage,  Appendix  to  the  English  translation  of  Jahn's  Hebrew 
Commonwealth,  vol.  ii.  p.  309. 

At  the  Spanish  Missions,  as  well  at  the  Convent  of  Caripi  as  at  the 
Orinoco,  in  Peru  as  well  as  in  Mexico,  the  opinion  was  generally  enter- 
tained that  the  American  languages  have  an  affinity  with  the  Hebrew ; 
in  the  North  of  America,  among  the  Choctaws  and  the  Chickasaws, 
travellers,  somewhat  credulous,  have  heard  the  strains  of  the  Hallelujah 
of  the  Hebrews  (L'Escarbot,  Charlevoix,  and  even  Adair,  History  of 
the  American  Indians,  1775,  Humboldt's  Travels,  vol.  i.  p.  324,  Bonn's 
edit.). 

'  The  American  languages  show  the  infancy  of  language ;  the 
mechanism  is  all  exposed  to  view.  They  are  in  marked  contrast  to  all 
inflected  languages.' — Humboldt,  op.  cit.  vol.  i.  p.  327,  Bohn's  edit. 

2  De  Orig.  Gent.  Americ.,  cited  by  Basnage  ;  Op.  cit.  vol  ii.  p.  313. 

3  ['  De  savants  linguistes  ont  constate  une  ressemblance  singuliere 
entre  la  langue  irlandaise  et  le  dialecte  algonquin." — M.  Gaffarel,  Les 
Expeditions  Maritimes  des  Irlandais  au  Moyen-dge,  quoted  in  Revue 
Celtique,  vol.  ii.  p.  433.] 

4  Williams,  Farther  Observations,  pp.  19,  30. 


142  MADOC. 

would  be  superfluous.  Let  me,  therefore,  offer  the  reader 
something  more  scientific. 

The  languages  of  the  North  American  Indians  have  been 
carefully  studied,  and  have  been  found  to  resolve  themselves 
into  eight  distinct  forms  of  speech,  all  of  which  converge 
towards  a  common  centre  in  the  north-western  part  of  the 
continent,  where  it  is  separated  from  Asia  by  Behring's 
Strait.1  These  are : 

(1)  The  Algonquin  language ;  (2)  the  Iroquois ;  (3)  the 
Sioux  ;  (4)  the  Catawba  ;  (5)  the  Cherokee  ;  (6)  the  Uchel ; 
(7)  the  Natchez ;  and  (8)  the  Mobilian  language. 

The  latest  researches,  indeed,  reduce  these  to  three,  namely, 
Algonquin,  Iroquois,  and  Floridian  ;  or,  according  to  Latham, 
into  two,  the  Algonquin  and  the  Floridian,  the  latter  including 
the  Sioux,  Iroquois,  and  the  five  others.2 

These  have  all  certain  characteristics,  which  are  thought 
to  distinguish  them  from  all  other  languages,  and  to  constitute 
a  distinct  family.  With  one  exception,  they  all  exclude  the 
letter  I  •  the  Algonquins  have  no  /,  and  the  Iroquois  no  m. 
All,  without  exception,  had  no  alphabet,  and  could  not  write. 
They  are  mostly  destitute  of  pronouns,  they  have  no  abstract 
terms,  and  cannot  express  father,  son,  master,  tree,  house, 
without  compounding  them  with  relative  terms.  The  doxology 
could  not  be  translated  literally,  and  had  to  be  rendered  thus: 
'  Glory  be  to  our  Father,  and  his  Son,  and  their  Holy  Ghost ' ; 
the  verb  to  be  cannot  be  used  abstractly,  but  is  made  to 
include  space  and  time ;  an  Algonquin  cannot  use  any  verb 
in  a  simple  form,  nor  say  I  love,  or  I  hate,  without  saying 
also  in  one  word  whom  he  loves  or  hates  ;  nouns,  adjectives, 
and  pronouns  are  all  joined  together,  and  cannot  be  used 
separately ;  they  have  no  simple  adjectives,  nor  have  they 

1  Prichard,  Eastern  Origin  of  the  Celtic  Nations,  p.  6  ;  Latham's 
Supplement,  edit.  1857,  p.  22. 
3  Ibid.  p.  24. 


ARE  THERE  WELSH  INDIANS?  143 

distinctive  genders  for  male  and  female,  but  only  for  animate 
and  inanimate  objects,  and  the  compound  words  are  simply 
aggregations — patchwork,  in  which  the  component  parts 
remain  distinct  and  heterogeneous.  A  few  words  may  serve 
as  specimens.  Thus  the  sentence,  '  Give  me  your  pretty  little 
paw,'  would  be  expressed  in  one  word,  namely,  kuligatschis, 
which  would  be  compounded  of  fc,  thou  or  thy ;  idi,  part  of 
wulit,  handsome  or  pretty ;  gat ,  a  part  of  wichgat,  a  leg  or 
paw ;  and  schis,  a  word  expressive  of  littleness ;  and  a  gesture 
would  supply  the  place  of  the  verb.  The  conjugation  of  the 
verb,  however,  shows  a  much  higher  development ;  and  the 
multitude  of  ideas  which  it  is  often  made  to  express  has 
often  excited  much  surprise  and  admiration.  But  here,  also, 
the  synthetic  character  predominates ;  and  the  phrase,  '  /  do 
not  like  to  eat  -with  him,'  would  be  expressed  in  Algonquin  in 
the  one  word  N'schingiwipoma.  The  conjugation  of  the  verb 
presents  some  points  of  analogy  with  other  languages ;  but  in 
their  general  features  the  American  languages,  judging  from 
the  Algonquin,  the  best  known  of  them,  have  a  distinct  and 
peculiar  character.1 

With  respect  to  their  philological  affinities,  authorities 
differ.  Du  Ponceau,  who  made  this  polysynthetic  class  the 
subject  of  careful  study,  thought  they  were  quite  independent 
of,  and  had  no  affinity  with,  any  others ;  and  Bancroft 
believes  them  to  have  no  other  affinities  than  such  as  arise 
from  the  similarity  of  the  organs  of  speech ; 2  but  Mr.  Johnes 
thinks  differently,  and  affirms  that,  both  in  their  vocabulary 
and  their  grammar,  they  are  related  to  the  primitive  language 
of  mankind  ; 3  and  I  am  inclined  to  think  that  he  has  made 
out  a  tolerably  strong  case  in  favour  of  that  assumption.  He 

1  Bancroft,  Hist.  United  States,  chap.  xxii. 

2  Du  Ponceau,  Systeme  Gram,  des  Langues  Indiennes,  &c. ;  Ban- 
croft, loc.  cit. 

3  Johnes.  Philological  Proofs  of  the  Unity  and  Recent  Origin  of 
the  Human  Bace,  chap.  vii. 


144  MADOC. 

thinks,  however,  that  the  resemblances  are  generic  rather 
than  specific,  and  that  they  afford  no  presumption  whatever 
in  favour  of  any  recent  connection  with  the  Kymric  language.1 
These  languages,  therefore,  the  languages  of  a  people  who 
cannot  sound  r  and  TO,  who  have  no  /,  and,  with  one  exception, 
have  no  / ;    who  cannot  sound  either  Madoc  or  Llewelyn ; 
languages  which  have  no  separable  pronouns,  nor  abstract 
nouns,  and  whose  words  are  aggregations,  not  regular  com- 
pounds, can  have  no  specific  affinity  to  the  language  of  the 
Kymry.     And,  therefore,  the  question  of  the  Welsh  Indians, 
considered  as  it   formerly  stood,   and  in   reference   to   the 
numerous  statements  made  respecting  them,  admits  only  of  a 
negative  reply.    We  can  have  no  hesitation  whatever  in  com- 
ing to  the  conclusion  that  none  of  the  several  tribes  mentioned 
spoke  anything  at  all  resembling  Kymraeg ;  and  that,  in  a 
word,  no  such  people  as  Welsh  Indians  do  now  or  ever  did  exist. 
The  inflexibility  of  the  Indian  character  is  also  opposed 
to  the  idea  of  a  European  origin.     The  Indian,  accustomed 
to  live  by  the  chase,  and  free  from  all  social  or  legal  restraint, 
spurns  the  idea  of  labour,  as  being  both  an  evil  and  a  disgrace. 
His  pride  and  his  indolence  alike  dispose  him  to  offer  an  in- 
vincible resistance  to  every  advance  of  civilisation.    He  retains 
his  opinions,  and  the  most  insignificant  of  his  habits,  with  a 
degree  of  tenacity  which  has  no  parallel  in  history.     For  two 
hundred  years  the  wandering  tribes  of  North  America  have 
had  daily  intercourse  with  the  whites,  and  they  have  never 
derived  from  them  either  a  custom  or  an  idea.     '  The  Indian,' 
says  De  Tocqueville,2  from  whom  I  have  taken  these  state- 
ments, '  will  never  conform  to  civilisation ' ;  if  so,  will  it  be 
patriotism  to  affirm  his  descent  from  the  family  of  Owen 
Gwynedd?     Mackenney  and  Hall,  who   spent  many  years 
among  them,  paint  the  picture  in  still  darker  colours :     '  All 

1  Johnes,  op.  cit.  p.  165. 

3  Democracy  in  America,  vol.  ii.  pp  282,  296. 


ARE   THERE   WELSH   INDIANS?  145 

the  Indian  tribes,  under  every  variety  of  climate,  were  alike 
stationary  and  improvident.  Ages  passed  by  and  made  no 
impression  on  them;  the  experience  of  the  past  and  the 
aspirations  of  the  future  were  alike  unheeded  ;  and  they  lived 
only  in  and  for  the  present.  Their  history  is  utterly  lost  in 
the  darkness  which  precedes  authentic  records  among  other 
nations :  it  rests,  and  probably  ever  will  rest,  upon  the  Indians, 
for  no  Indian  tradition  is  of  any  value  whatever  that  extends 
back  further  than  fifty  years.' l  If  these  pictures  are  truthful — 
and  that  they  are  admits  of  no  doubt — will  any  of  my  country- 
men be  bold  enough  to  acknowledge  an  affinity,  and  to  pro- 
claim the  Indians  to  be  worthy  descendants  of  the  Ancient 
Britons  ? 

In  deference  to  the  prejudices  of  many  of  my  countrymen, 
I  have  gone  thus  patiently  through  a  large  mass  of  details, 
and  have  refuted  the  belief  in  Welsh  Indians  with  all  becom- 
ing gravity ;  but  in  sober  seriousness,  and  in  justice  to  the 
higher  intelligence  of  Wales,  I  ought  to  remark  that  the 
stories  told  of  these  people  have  long  been  known  to  be  false, 
and  felt  to  be  foolish.  John  Evans,  in  searching  for  them, 
became  convinced  of  their  non-existence.  The  Eev.  Walter 
Davies  distinctly  states  that  not  only  the  narrative  of  Morgan 
Jones,  but  '  several  others  of  a  later  date,  turned  out  to  be 
complete  fictions.' 2  Mr.  J.  T.  Roberts,  as  we  have  seen,  spoke 
to  the  same  effect.  The  Rev.  Thomas  Price  still  more  strongly 
says  that  these  were  '  empty  and  thoughtless  assertions — 
naked  and  designed  falsehoods ' ; 3  and  the  Rev.  Robert 

1  Condensed  from  their  History  of  the  Indian  Tribes,  a  sumptuous 
work,  in  3  vols.  folio,  published  under  the  auspices  of  the  United  States 
Government,  vol.  iii.  pp.  12,  et  seq. 

*  Cambrian  Quarterly  Magazine,  vol.  i.  p.  440  (1829). 

3  Hanes  Cymru,  p.  591.  '  Am  y  cyf-brofion  diweddar,  am  gaff  had 
llwyth  y  Madawgwys  yn  America,  y  mae  cymrnaint  o  haeriadau  gwag, 
ac  amhwyllog  wedi  eu  gwneud  a'u  hail-adrodd,  a  chymmaint  o 
geltvyddau  noeth  a  bwriadol,  wedi  eu  ychwanegu  attynt,  a  bod  gofyn 

L 


146  MADOC. 

Williams  is  equally  candid.  '  Many  accounts,'  he  says,  { have 
been  published  within  the  last  seventy  years  of  the  supposed 
discovery  of  tribes  of  Indians  bearing  Welsh  names,  and  even 
speaking  in  purity  the  Welsh  language.  Such  statements, 
however,  are  not  entitled  to  a  moment's  consideration.' l  But, 
having  a  lingering  faith  in  the  reality  of  the  Madogwys,  and 
apparently  unconscious  of  the  fact  that  John  Evans  had  visited 
the  Mandans,  he  continues  :  '  Yet  the  probability  is  in  favour 
of  Madog's  claim,  which  has  lately  been  confirmed  by  Mr. 
Catlin,  the  American  traveller,  who  is  convinced  that  he 
found  the  descendants  of  the  Welsh  immigrants  in  the  Man- 
dans,  an  amiable  and  civilised  tribe,  with  which  he  resided 
for  a  considerable  length  of  time,  and  became  intimately 
acquainted ;  and  he  has  described  in  detail  their  manners, 
customs,  ceremonies,  and  peculiarities/  2 

Mr.  Catlin  is  the  only  stay  of  the  Madogwys  that  now 
remains,  and  it  should  be  admitted  that  he  is  the  most  respect- 
able witness  that  has  yet  appeared  on  their  behalf.  His  book 
is  replete  with  interest,  and  his  account  of  the  Mandans  the 
most  pleasing  part  of  the  work.  He  is  therefore  entitled  to 
a  candid  hearing.  It  appears  to  have  struck  him  at  once  that 
the  Mandans  were  radically  different  from  other  Indians,  and 
that  they  were  either  a  different  people,  or  a  mixture  of  a 
civilised  with  a  native  race.  They  appear,  from  mounds  and 
traces  of  encampments,  to  have  ascended  the  Missouri  from 
the  eastern  sea-board,  and  to  have  been  settled  on  the  Ohio. 
They  had  a  kind  of  pottery  and  blue  glass  peculiar  to  them- 
selves, had  coracles  like  the  Welsh,  and  spoke  a  language 
which  he  considered  had  a  resemblance  to  Kymraeg.  Madoc 
is  said  to  have  landed  at  Florida,  and  to  have  probably 
ascended  the  Mississippi ;  and  in  Mr.  Catlin's  opinion  the 

ar  y  neb  a  gymmero  y  testun  hwn  mewn  Haw  fod  yn  wyliadwrus  iawn 
rhag  cael  ei  gam-arwain.' 

1  Eminent  Welshmen,  art.  '  Madog."  *  Ibid. 


ARE  THERE  WELSH  INDIANS  ?  147 

Mandans  were  the  descendants  of  these  Cambrian  settlers ;  for 
Mandan,  he  thought,  had  an  appearance  of  being  a  derivative 
of  Madawgwys,  and  mandon,  he  says,  is  a  Welsh  word  for  a 
red  colour,  a  kind  of  madder,  of  which  these  Indians  are  very 
fond.1  These  are  all  arguments  that  assume  the  point  to  be 
proved,  and  it  is  evident  that  Mr.  Catlin  shines  more  as  a 
pictorial  than  as  a  critical  writer.  With  the  exception  of  the 
remarks  about  the  language,  the  whole  hangs  upon  the  sup- 
position that  Madoc  landed  at  Florida ;  and  that  supposition 
rests  only  on  the  conjecture  of  Humphrey  Llwyd,  that,  by  order 
of  cosmography,  Madoc  must  have  landed  at  Florida  or  New- 
foundland— that  is,  at  nearly  the  same  point  as  Columbus. 
But  this  falls  to  the  ground  of  itself,  if  Dr.  Powel's  idea  be 
adopted  that  he  landed  in  Mexico.  It  may  be  admitted  that 
the  Mandans  ascended  the  Missouri,  and  were  the  remains  of 
a  civilised  race  ;  but  it  may  also  be  urged  that  Madoc's  colony 
were  neither  the  only  nor  the  most  probable  settlers  from 
whom  they  could  have  sprung.  The  native  races  to  the  south — 
for  instance,  the  Aztecs— might  have  sent  forth  this  colony, 
which  from  other  indications  seems  to  have  come  from  a  more 
southern  country.  Or,  if  the  indications  of  a  European  origin 
were  clear,  as  they  certainly  are  not,  might  not  a  Spaniard  say 
that  they  were  the  descendants  of  the  colony  which  Columbus 
left  at  San  Domingo,  and  which  had  disappeared  when  he 
came  a  second  time  ?  This  we  know  to  be  a  fact ;  but  there 
are,  as  we  have  seen,  good  Cambrian  critics  who  think  the 
Madoc  narrative  has  no  foundation  in  reality. 

Let  us  see,  in  the  next  place,  whether  the  test  of  language 
will  furnish  any  proof  of  a  more  conclusive  character.  The 
derivation  of  Mandans  from  Madawgwys  may  be  dismissed  at 
once  ;  that  is  out  of  the  question  ;  the  Kymry  have  no  word 
for  '  madder,'  and  the  Welsh  word  mandon  means,  not  madder, 

1  Catlin's  NortJi  American  Indians,  vol.  L  p.  206,  and  vol.  ii.  pp. 
259-261. 

L2 


148 


MADOC. 


but  dandriff!  If  there  be  one  characteristic  more  than 
another  which  a  Welsh  colony  would  preserve,  it  would  be 
their  name ;  but  these  people,  so  far  from  calling  themselves 
Kymry,  said  their  name  in  their  own  language  was  See-pohs- 
Jca-nu-ma-ka-kee,  or  '  the  people  of  the  pheasants,'  a  designa- 
tion that  cannot  possibly  have  been  applicable  to  Wales  in  the 
twelfth  century,  but  might  with  propriety  have  been  applied 
to  Mexico. 

Mr.  Catlin  found  a  striking  similarity  between  certain 
Mandan  pronouns  and  the  corresponding  words  in  Welsh, 
and  his  table  is  here  subjoined : 

Mandan. 
Me 
Ne 
E 
Ea 
Ount 
Noo 

Eona 


Megosh 


Pan 
Mahopeneta. 


But  it  must  be  evident,  to  anyone  who  examines  these 
columns  with  a  critical  eye,  that  the  writer  had  only  a  very 
imperfect  acquaintance  with  the  Welsh  language  or  even  the 
Welsh  pronouns,  and  that  several  of  his  parallels  must  be 
rejected.  Thus,  the  Kymric  language  has  no  neuter  per- 
sonal pronoun  ;  hwynt,  given  as  the  equivalent  of  it,  is  really 


English. 

Welsh. 

I 

Mi 

You 

Chwi 

He 

A 

She 

E 

It 

Hwynt 

We 

Ni 

They 

(Hwna) 
(Hona) 

Those  ones 

Y  rhai  hyna 

No,  or,  There  is  not 

Nagoes 

No 

(Nage) 
Nag 
(Na    j 

Head 

Pen 

The  Great  Spirit 

Mawrpenaethir 

ARE  THERE  WELSH  INDIANS?  149 

the  third  person  plural,  they ;  and  hwna  (masculine),  hona 
(feminine),  are  really  two  forms,  not  of  they,  but  of  the  de- 
monstrative pronoun  that.  The  compound  Mawr-penaethir 
is  formed  in  opposition  to  the  genius  of  the  Welsh  language, 
in  which  the  adjective  follows  the  noun ;  and,  if  allowed,  the 
initial  p  would  undergo  the  regular  mutation  into  b ;  for  the 
Welsh  would  be  either  Penaeth  Mawr  or  Mawrbenaeth. 

These  Mandan  pronouns  have  already  attracted  the  atten- 
tion of  an  able  philologist,  namely,  our  countryman,  Mr.  Arthur 
James  Johnes.  He  added  a  column  of  '  other  Asiatic  and 
European  analogies ; '  and  arrived  at  a  conclusion  somewhat 
different  from  that  of  Mr.  Catlin,  which,  as  it  has  a  direct 
bearing  on  this  inquiry,  may  be  here  transcribed.  '  By  some 
of  our  countrymen,'  he  says,  '  it  has  been  sanguinely  main- 
tained that  the  descendants  of  a  body  of  Welsh,  who  left 
their  country  under  Prince  Madoc  in  the  twelfth  century, 
may  be  still  traced  by  affinities  of  language  among  the  North 
American  Indian  tribes.  Struck  by  the  resemblance  he  has 
detected,  Mr.  Catlin  has  been  led  to  favour  the  same  con- 
clusion, and  to  suggest  that  the  Mandans  may  probably  be 
shown  to  be  the  descendants  of  the  lost  Cambrian  colony  ! 
But  the  examples  selected  by  this  writer,  however  creditable 
to  his  accuracy  and  research,  do  not  tend,  as  he  suggests, 
to  prove  the  existence  of  a  specific  connection  between  the 
Welsh  and  the  Mandans !  This  will  be  evident  from  the 
words  contained  in  the  right-hand  column,  which  have  been 
added  by  the  author  of  this  work.  An  examination  of  the 
whole  comparison  will  serve  to  show  clearly  that  though,  in 
most  of  the  instances  he  has  noticed,  the  resemblance  dis- 
played by  the  Mandan  to  the  Welsh  is  a  close  one,  in 
many  of  them  it  displays  an  equally  close  affinity  to  the 
Latin  and  Greek;  while,  in  some,  this  North  American 
Indian  dialect  totally  differs  from  the  Welsh  tongue,  and  at 
the  same  time  agrees  with  other  languages  of  the  Old  World. 


150  MADOC. 

Many  of  those  examples  which  precede  the  comparison  are 
also  illustrations  of  the  principle  that  the  Mandan,  like 
other  North  American  Indian  dialects,  exhibits  a  general 
resemblance  to  all,  and  not  a  specific  relation  to  any  one  of 
the  Asiatic  and  European  tongues.'  ' 

We  have  thus  the  assurance  of  a  competent  linguist  that 
Mr.  Catlin's  '  proofs '  do  not  establish  a  specific  connection 
between  the  Mandans  and  the  Kymry. 

The  other  resemblances  are  equally  illusory  ;  the  vocabu- 
lary of  this  tribe  presents  no  analogy  to  Kymraeg ;  and  the 
Mandan  canoe,  as  figured  by  Catlin  (vol.  ii.  p.  138,  pi.  240), 
has  no  resemblance  to  the  Welsh  coracle.  Finally,  John 
Evans,  a  Welshman  fully  competent  to  decide  this  point, 
spent  a  winter  among  the  Mandans,  but  found  no  reason  to 
believe  that  either  they  or  any  other  Indian  tribe  were  of 
Kymric  origin.  Messrs.  Lewis  and  Clarke  had  similar  op- 
portunities for  judging  of  their  affinities ;  but  they  never 
suspected  them  to  be  Welsh  Indians ;  and  our  own  examina- 
tion has  now  proved,  beyond  any  possibility  of  a  doubt,  that 
Mr.  Catlin  was  mistaken. 

I  have  already  intimated  that  the  archaeological  remains 
are  evidences  of  a  more  authentic  and  important  character ; 
and  we  have  now  to  consider  their  bearings  upon  this  inquiry. 
The  Kymry  have  never  been  famous  for  their  castrametation 
or  their  pottery;  and  it  remains  to  be  seen  whether  these 
remains  can  be  more  satisfactorily  accounted  for  in  any  other 
way. 

Much  has  been  said  of  White  Indians ;  the  Moravian 
missionaries  had  heard  of  such  persons ;  the  Rev.  Morgan 
Rees  considered  that  the  various  concurrent  evidences  respect- 
ing them  were  worthy  of  credence,  and  it  may  be  assumed  that 
there  was  a  tribe  of  Indians  to  whom  this  designation  was 
not  altogether  inappropriate.  The  accounts  generally  point 
1  Johnes,  Philological  Proofs  &c.  p.  165. 


ARE  THERE  WELSH  INDIANS?  151 

towards  the  Mandans ;  and  the  statement  of  Mr.  Catlin,  that 
one  in  ten  of  the  Mandans,  especially  of  the  female  sex,  had 
clieveux  gris,  grey,  and  in  some  instances  perfectly  white  hair, 
as  also  light  complexions,1  places  this  beyond  a  doubt ;  but 
this  affords  no  support  to  the  Madoc  narrative  ;  for  whether 
we  regard  this,  with  Mr.  Catlin,  as  an  ethnographic  peculiarity, 
or  attribute  it,  with  Mr.  Johnes,  to  their  settled  habits,  or, 
what  is  still  more  probable,  if  we  consider  them  to  be  '  albinoes ' 
and  exceptional  instances,  the  result  to  us  is  the  same,  since 
the  Mandans  could  not  have  had  any  specific  affinity  to  the 
Kymric  race. 

The  archaeological  remains  lead  to  the  same  conclusion. 
The  pottery  found  on  the  Ohio,  the  remains  of  ancient 
buildings,  and  the  skulls  found  in  the  old  sepulchral  mounds 
and  burial  places,  afford  no  trace  whatever  of  European  affini- 
ties or  of  high  civilisation  ; 2  but  they  may  be  assumed  to  have 
belonged  to  the  ancestors  of  the  Mandans,  and  they  point 
unmistakably  to  a  connection  with  the  ancient  inhabitants 
of  Mexico  and  Peru.  The  skulls  have  been  by  competent 
authority  pronounced  to  be  Mongolian,3  and  not  Caucasian, 
as  they  should  have  been  (according  to  Blumenbach's  classifi- 
cation) to  suit  our  Kymric  story ;  and  they  have  been  found 
to  resemble  very  closely  the  Mexican  and  Peruvian  skulls 
preserved  in  ancient  mounds  further  south.4  Even  Mr.  Catlin 
found  the  Mexican  features  to  prevail  among  the  Missourian 
Indians,  as  also  in  Mandan  paintings ; 5  and  Pickering  un- 
equivocally refers  all  the  North  American  Indians  to  the 
Mongolian  type.6  The  pottery  also  closely  resembles  that  of 
the  old  inhabitants  of  Mexico  ;  and  the  ruined  buildings, 

1  NortJi  American  Indians,  vol.  i.  p.  94. 

3  Bancroft,  History  of  the  United  States,  vol.  ii.  p.  920. 

*  Pickering  On  the  Races  of  Man,  p.  37. 

*  Bancroft,  History  of  the  United  States,  vol.  ii.  p.  920. 

5  Catlin,  op.  cit.  vol.  i.  p.  193. 

6  Pickering,  ubi  sup. 


152  MADOC. 

remarkable  alike  for  their  large  proportions,  purity  of  taste, 
and  refined  ornamentation,  can  only  be  referred  to  those  par- 
tially civilised  races  who  reared  the  stupendous  temples  of 
Central  America.1  Even  the  traditions  of  existing  tribes 
point  in  the  same  direction.  The  Choctaws  on  the  Missis- 
sippi referred  their  origin  to  the  west  of  the  Rocky  Mountains, 
from  whence  the  Mexicans  deduce  their  origin,  and  where  the 
Flathead  Indians  still  retain  the  abandoned  Choctaw  custom 
of  depressing  the  skull ; 2  the  Natchez  Indians  expressly  claim 
for  themselves  a  Mexican  origin  ; 3  of  a  civilised  tribe  located 
north-west  of  the  Missouri  and  St.  Pierre  (probably  the 
Mandans)  Captain  Carver  said  they  were  supposed  to  be  some 
of  the  different  tribes  that  were  tributary  to  the  Mexican 
kings,  and  who  fled  from  their  native  country,  to  seek  an 
asylum  in  these  parts,  about  the  time  of  the  conquest  of 
Mexico  by  the  Spaniards ; 4  and  the  Chichemecs,  on  the  Mis- 
sissippi, retained  in  their  new  settlement  the  name  of  a  tribe 
well  known  in  the  history  of  Mexico.5  It  is  not  improbable, 
also,  that  the  Toltecs,  flying  before  the  Chichemecs,  might  have 
executed  a  movement  resembling  that  of  the  Crimean  Kim- 
meroi  flying  before  the  Scythians ;  and  that  when  they  left 
Mexico,  in  1050,  they  turned  their  faces  northward  and 
eastward,  while  the  Chichemecs  descended  on  the  western 
side  of  the  Rocky  Mountains :  for  the  peculiar  letter  '  I ' 
was  preserved  among  the  Mandans  and  the  Iroquois,  and 
the  law  of  succession  among  the  Iroquois  and  Ojibbe- 
ways  shows  them  to  have  been  akin  to  the  Toltecs  and 
Aztecs.6 

1  Humboldt's  Travels  (Bohn's  edit.),  vol.  ii.  p.  309. 
3  Catlin,  op.  cit.  vol.  ii.  p.  112. 
3  Bancroft,  op.  cit.  vol.  ii.  p.  876. 
*  Cited  by  Dr.  Williams,  Farther  Observations,  p.  36. 
5  Bancroft,  op.  cit.  vol.  ii.  p.  921. 

0  "Wilson,  New  History  of  the  Conquest  of  Mexico,  London,  1859, 
pp.  62-68. 


ARE  THERE  WELSH  INDIANS  ?  153 

Following  these  indications,  we  now  turn  our  backs  on  the 
North  Americans,  and  proceed  to  the  Mexican  frontier.  This 
is  marked  by  Mr.  Catlin  as  '  hostile  ground,'  and  the  climate 
is  fatal  to  Europeans  ;  but,  as  we  travel  only  in  imagination, 
we  need  be  under  no  apprehension  of  Indian  assaults  or  bilious 
fever.  This  is  the  direction  indicated  by  Captain  Stewart  ; 
his  light-complexioned  and  red-haired  Indians  probably  were 
the  Pueblos,  or  civilised  Indians  of  the  province  of  New 
Mexico,  which  are  said  by  Humboldt  to  number  twenty-four 
tribes  ;  they  live  in  towns  or  villages.  Seven  hundred  miles 
up  the  Red  River  would  have  brought  him  to  its  upper  course, 
where  it  is  called  Rio  de  Pecos,  probably  his  river  Post,  where 
the  Pueblos  may  be  found.  Again,  on  the  west  side  of  the 
Rocky  Mountains  are  the  Moqui  Indians,  who  may  stand  as 
the  representatives  of  the  Mactotantes,  in  whose  name  Mr. 
Edward  Williams  thought  he  detected  that  of  Madoc.  They 
may  be  considered  together. 

The  population  of  Mexico  or  New  Spain  is  thus  classified 
by  Humboldt : 

(1)  Gachupines,  or  persons  born  in  Europe  ;  (2)  Creoles, 
or  Whites  born  in  America ;  (3)  Mestizoes,  descendants  of 
Whites  and  Indians ;  (4)  Mulattoes,  descendants  of  Whites 
and  Negroes ;  (5)  Zamboes,  descendants  of  Negroes  and 
Indians  ;  (6)  Indians  of  the  indigenous  race ;  and  (7)  African 
Negroes. 

The  Indians  form  two-fifths  of  the  whole  ;  they  have  the 
same  leading  character  as  the  North  American  tribes ;  and, 
like  them,  have  many  different  languages.  Of  these,  said  to 
be  twenty  in  number,  fourteen  have  been  studied,  and  have 
grammars  and  dictionaries  ;  but  that  which  is  most  widely 
distributed  is  the  Aztec  or  Mexican. 

Some  of  these  Mexican  tribes  have  made  considerable 
advances  in  civilisation ;  and  those  located  in  New  Mexico,  as 
well  as  those  who  dwell  between  the  rivers  Gila  and  Colorado, 


154  MADOC. 

to  the  south-west  of  the  Great  Salt  Lake,  and  to  the  east  of 
California,  invite  especial  notice.  The  district  occupied  by  the 
latter  was  formerly  called  the  Province  of  Moqui ;  but  the 
Moquis  are  now  (I860)  only  a  subdivision  of  the  Apaches, 
located  north  of  the  Colorado  and  south  of  the  San  Juan. 
They  live  in  towns,  and  have  asserted  their  independence  of 
the  Spaniards  since  1680.  Some  Spanish  priests  visited 
them  in  the  year  1773,  and  found  there  ruins  of  extraordinary 
extent,  and  corresponding  in  character  to  the  architecture  of 
the  Aztecs  or  old  Mexicans.  They  wore  clothes,  and  lived  in 
villages,  where  they  cultivated  the  soil.  On  the  Rio  Yoquesila, 
lat.  36°,  Father  Garces  said  he  found  an  Indian  town  with 
two  great  squares,  houses  of  several  stories,  and  streets  well 
laid  out  in  parallel  directions.  Every  evening  the  people 
assembled  on  the  terraces  which  formed  the  roofs  ;  and  these 
edifices  in  construction  resembled  the  Aztec  remains  on  the 
Rio  Gila.1  They  cultivate  cotton,  maize,  gourds  ;  and  the  former 
article  is  used  in  the  manufacture  of  blankets  among  the 
Moquis  and  Navajoes.  These  are  said  to  be  excellent  in 
quality,  are  dyed  in  brilliant  colours,  and  so  close  in  texture 
as  to  be  impervious  to  rain.  It  was  of  a  Navajo  blanket  that 
an  old  negro  woman  at  Fort  Leavenworth  declared,  '  That  is 
a  Welsh  blanket,  I  know  it  by  the  woof  ; 2  but  in  the  Indian 
blanket  the  warp  was  of  cotton,  which  is  not  usual  in  real 
Welsh  flannel ;  and  the  resemblance  extends  no  further  than 
this  woof.  The  Moqui  are  said  to  have  five  pueblos  or  towns  ; 
and  this  tribe,  says  Ruxton,  is  known  to  the  trappers  and 
hunters  of  the  mountains  as  Welsh  Indians.  They  are  said 
to  be  much  fairer  in  complexion  than  other  tribes  ;  and,  like 
the  Navajoes,  to  have  among  them  several  Albinoes,  perfectly 
white,  with  Indian  features,  and  with  light  eyes  and  hair. 
All  this,  however,  is  only  hearsay  evidence,  as  Ruxton  did  not 

1  Humboldt,  cited  in  Bell's  Geography,  vol.  v.  p.  603. 
1  Ruxton,  Adventures  in  Mexico,  p.  195. 


ARE   THERE  WELSH   INDIANS?  155 

visit  the  Moqui  district.  A  surer  criterion  would  be  that  of 
their  language,  if  it  were  sufficiently  known  ;  but  at  present 
the  '  doctors '  differ  respecting  it.  Humboldt  pronounces  the 
language  spoken  by  the  Moqui,  and  other  Indians  on  the  Eio 
Colorado,  to  be  essentially  different  from  the  Mexican  ;  but 
Ruxton  says  that  all  the  Indians  of  Northern  Mexico,  including 
the  Pueblos,  belong  to  the  Apache  family,  understand  each 
other's  tongue,  and  speak  dialects  of  the  same  language, 
all  analogous  in  structure,  and  more  or  less  approximating 
to  the  Apache,  which,  it  was  his  impression,  would  be  found 
to  assimilate  greatly  to,  if  not  to  be  identical  with,  the 
Mexican.1 

Notwithstanding  the  vagueness  of  the  information  given 
respecting  the  Moquis,  they  form  the  last  stay  of  the  Welsh 
Indian  tradition.  The  trapper  friends  of  Ruxton  pointed  to 
them ;  Mr.  J.  T.  Roberts,  in  California,  heard  statements  to 
the  same  effect ;  and  it  seems  to  have  been  an  accepted  belief 
among  the  Mormon  settlers  that  the  Moquis  were  the  descen- 
dants of  Madoc  and  his  reputed  colonists. 

Brigham  Young  told  Captain  Jones,  one  of  the  most 
astute  of  his  lieutenants,  on  the  authority  of  a  nameless  c  man 
of  good  character,'  that  there  was  a  Welsh  settlement  on  the 
Rio  Colorado ;  and  a  trader  named  Barney  Ward  told  Jones 
that  the  Moqui  spoke  Kymraeg  ;  but  Ward  himself  was  not 
a  Welshman,  and  his  informant  was  a  man  who  knew  '  a  few 
words  only '  of  the  Welsh  language.  The  captain  himself 
had  heard  much  of  Madoc  and  his  colonists  ;  had  read  in  a 
Wesleyan  publication  at  St.  Louis  that  there  were  Welsh 
Indians  on  the  Iroquois  river  in  the  state  of  Illinois  ;  and  had 
heard  of  traces  of  supposed  Kymric  settlers  in  the  mounds  of 
the  Ohio,  where  monuments  had  been  found  showing  that  the 
dresses  worn  were  of  a  Roman  form,  and  exhibiting  a  mermaid 
playing  upon  the  harp !  He  had  heard,  besides,  of  their 
1  Euxton,  op.  cit.  p.  194. 


156  MADOC. 

having  ascended  the  river  of  Taunton  in  Massachusetts  4  in 
ten  floating  houses,'  and  having  settled  themselves  after 
defeating  the  natives  ;  and  he  felt  convinced  there  was  some 
truth  in  this  tradition.  Where  there  was  so  much  smoke,  he 
said,  there  must  be  some  fire.  He  commenced  a  journey  in 
1851  to  the  Colorado,  with  the  view  of  exploring  that  river, 
and  of  visiting  the  Moquis  ;  but  he  returned  without  having 
accomplished  the  last  object,  and  without  making  any 
addition  to  our  knowledge  of  the  Welsh  Indians. l  An  abortive 
attempt  was  made  in  America,  in  1858,  to  collect  subscriptions 
for  a  mission  to  the  Welsh  Indians,  but  it  was  very  properly 
distrusted ;  2  and  until  Captain  Jones  visits  the  Moquis  and 
discovers  them  to  be  Kymry,  we  need  not  trouble  ourselves 
with  Mormon  tales. 

The  most  civilised,  however,  of  the  Indian  aborigines  of 
New  Spain  are  those  who  are  located  on  the  Eio  del  Norte, 
in  the  province  of  New  Mexico,  and  who,  from  their  living 
in  towns,  are  called  Pueblos.  They  attracted  attention  as 
early  as  1583,  when  Antonio  de  Epejo  gave  a  graphic  account 
of  them.  This  was  copied  by  Hakluyt,3  and  has  been  re- 
peatedly used  to  show  that  they  were  Welsh  Indians.4 
They  were  recently  visited  by  Lieutenant  Kuxton,  and  his 
account  confirms  that  of  Epejo.  They  cultivate  the  soil 
more  assiduously  than  even  the  New  Mexicans  themselves, 
dress  leather  of  various  kinds,  breed  cattle  and  fowls,  rear 
corn,  grapes,  fruit,  and  roses,  make  fine  mantles  of  cotton 
dyed  blue  and  white,  and  have  curious  kinds  of  feather  work. 

1  Udgorn  Seion  (a  Welsh  Mormonite  publication),  vol.  iii.  pp.  220, 
257.  ['  Captain '  Dan  Jonea  was  very  well  known  in  South  Wales 
a  generation  ago,  and  was  a  brother  of  the  redoubtable  '  Jones, 
Liang  ollen.'] 

9  Y  Bardd,  a  Welsh  American  periodical  (Minersville,  Pa.  1858). 

3  Hakluyt,  Voyages,  vol.  iii.  p.  311. 

*  Dr.  Williams,  Farther  Observations,  p.  37 ;  J.  S.  Jones,  Scren 
Gomer,  1818,  p.  297. 


ARE  THERE  WELSH  INDIANS?  157 

They  inhabit  houses  built  of  stone  and  lime,  several  stories 
high,  and  in  the  flat-roofed  architectural  style  of  their  Mexican 
progenitors ;  and  they  retain  in  secret  many  of  the  religious 
rites  of  the  Aztecs,  though  they  are  nominally  Christian.1  I 
do  not  find  any  notice  of  books  or  pictorial  skins  among  them ; 
but  such  pictorial  skins  existed  among  the  North  American 
Indians ; 2  and  the  Aztecs,  though  neither  they  nor  any  of 
the  American  tribes  had  any  alphabet,  were  famous  for  their 
hieroglyphics.3  It  is,  therefore,  quite  credible  that  some 
Pueblos  may  have  shown  some  hieroglyphic  document  to 
Captain  Stewart ;  for  such  remains  have  been  found  even  in 
recent  times ;  but  the  art  of  deciphering  them  is  lost  both  to 
the  natives  and  Europeans. 

Nothing  definite  can  hence  be  deduced  in  proof  of  the 
existence  of  '  Welsh  Indians ' ;  but  these  civil  arts  of  the 
Moquis  and  the  Pueblos  show  them  to  have  been  akin  to,  if 
not  descended  from,  the  former  occupants  of  the  country ; 
and  the  same  presumption  arises  with  respect  to  their  lan- 
guage. Hence,  in  pursuing  this  inquiry,  the  next  question 
that  presents  itself  is,  Who  were  the  Aztecs  or  Mexican 
aborigines  ? 

This  naturally  leads  us  to  consider  the  suggestion  of  Dr. 
Powel.  If  Madoc  did  not  land  at  Florida,  might  he  not 
have  landed  in  Mexico  ?  If  it  be  hopeless  to  think  of  finding 
Welsh  Indians  on  the  Missouri,  are  there  not  proofs  that  the 
British  language  was  spoken  in  the  territories  of  Montezuma  ? 
Let  us  see.  Powel,  Herbert,  and  Howell  give  a  list  of 
Mexican  words  supposed  to  be  of  British  origin,  of  which 
the  most  striking  were  Corroeso,  the  name  of  an  island ;  Cape 
Bryton  ;  and  pevigivyn,  the  name  of '  a  bird  with  a  white  head.' 

1  Euxton,  Adventures  in  Mexico,  pp.  190-194. 
*  Bancroft,  vol.  ii.  p.  881 ;  Catlin,  vol.  i.  p.  148. 
3  Lardner's  Cyclopcedia  :  The  Western  World,  vol.  i.  p.  25 ;  Ban- 
croft, loc.  cit. 


158  MADOC. 

Let  us  examine  these.  The  island  is  supposed  to  bear  a 
kindly  and  poetical  name,  the  equivalent  of  '  welcome  ' ;  but 
in  the  Spanish  orthography  Curagoa  does  not  look  or  sound 
particularly  like  the  Welsh  word  groesaw ;  and  it  is  known  to 
be  a  South  American  name  for  the  sun.1  Cape  Breton  is  a 
better  example ;  but,  unfortunately  for  Powel's  argument,  the 
island  of  Cape  Breton  is  thirty  degrees  too  far  east,  and 
twenty  degrees  too  far  north,  to  be  included  in  any  part  of 
Mexico ;  and  it  received  its  name,  not  from  the  Madogwys, 
but  in  or  about  the  year  1504,  from  a  colony  of  Armorican 
Bretons.2  Lastly,  the  word  pengwyn  proves  equally  deceptive ; 
for  the  bird  so  called  has  a  black  instead  of  a  white  head,  as 
also  all  the  birds  of  that  genus  ;  and  hence,  as  an  eminent 
naturalist,  our  countryman  Pennant,  pointedly  observes, '  we 
must  resign  every  hope  founded  on  this  hypothesis,  of  re- 
trieving the  Cambrian  race  in  the  new  world.' 3  The  other 
words  mentioned  by  Herbert,  Howell,  and  others,  are  equally 
illusory.  I  do  not  know  to  what  localities  craigiven,  white 
rock,  and  gwenddwr  [fair  water]  are  intended  to  apply ;  but 
these  words,  with  tad,  father,  wy,  egg,  buwch,  cow,  fcora,  bread, 
dwr,  water,  trwyn,  a  nose,  pryd,  time,  and  clugar,  a  heathcock 
or  partridge,  may  be  at  once  denied  any  claim  to  a  Mexican 
character;  for  we  are  informed  by  Clavigero,  himself  a 
Mexican,  and  therefore  a  good  authority,  that  the  consonants 
b,  d,  /,  g,  r,  s,  have  no  place  in  the  Mexican  language.  The 
vowel  w  is  peculiar  to  the  Kymric  speech ;  and  the  word 
llwynog,  a  fox,  lies  open  to  the  additional  objections  that  the 

1  Johnes,  Philological  Proofs,  p.  18. 

2  Bancroft,  History  of  United  States,  vol.  i.  p.  12.     '  Within  seven 
years  of  the  discovery  of  the  continent,  the  fisheries  of  Newfoundland 
were  known  to  the  hardy  mariners  of  Brittany  and  Normandy.    The 
island  of  Cape  Breton  acquired  its  name  from  their  remembrance  of 
home,  and  hi  France  it  was  usual  to  esteem  them  the  discoverers  of 
that  country." 

3  Philosophical  Transactions,  cited  by  Robertson,  voL  i.  p.  370. 


AEE  THERE  WELSH  INDIANS? 


159 


Mexican  word  is  coyotl ;  that  the  letter  I  never  begins  a  word 
in  this  or  any  of  the  American  languages ; !  and  that  the 
Kymric  and  Iberian  II  only  occurs  in  the  words  llanos  and 
llama,  introduced  by  the  Spaniards.  On  the  other  hand,  the 
old  Mexicans  had  the  letters  ch,  as  sounded  in  chill,  chair  ; 
and  q,  x,  and  z,  which  are  unknown  to  the  Welsh  language. 
It  must  therefore  be  quite  apparent  that  the  Aztec  speech 
had  no  affinity  to  Kymraeg  ;  and  a  few  words  thereof,  noted 
in  reading  Prescott's  '  History,'  will  place  this  beyond  any 

reasonable  doubt. 

Kymraeg. 

Benyw 
Gwyn 
Benyw  wen 


Woman 

White 

White-woman 

Serpent-woman 

[Child  of  the]  Sun      Haul 

Moon  Lleuad 

A  Hill  Bryn 

Smoking-hill 

Flowers  Blodau 

Field  of  Flowers 

Water  Dwr 

Root  Gwraidd 

Place  Lie 

Place  of  bread 

Place  of  worship         Addoldy 

Paper  Papur 

Book  Llyfr 


Aztec. 
Cihuatl 
Iztac 

Iztac-cihuatl 
Cioa-coatl 
Tonatiuh 
Meztli 
Popo 

Popo-catepetl 
Milco 

Xochimilco 
Huac 
Cimatl 
Calli,  callan 
Tlaxcallan 
Teocalli 
Amotl 
Moxtli 


The  grammar  of  this  language  suggests  the  same  con- 
clusion, and,  when  considered  in  reference  hereto,  all  the 
languages  of  New  Spain,  as  well,  indeed,  as  those  of  all 
America  from  its  northern  to  its  southern  extremity,  resolve 


1  Humboldt's  Travels,  vol.  i.  p.  322. 


160  MADOC. 

themselves  into  two  classes,  monosyllabic  and  polysynthetic. 
The  first  class,  or  the  Othomite,  spoken  by  the  tribes  located  on 
the  shores  of  the  Pacific  Ocean,  has  a  remarkable  affinity  to 
the  Chinese,  and  Pickering  affirms  the  people  to  be  Malays. 
All  the  other  languages,  widely  different  as  they  are  in  their 
vocabularies,  have  the  same  organisation — namely,  that 
peculiar  synthetic  structure  which  distinguishes  every  dia- 
lect throughout  the  whole  continent  from  the  land  of  the 
Esquimaux  to  Tierra  del  Fuego.  This  consists  in  a  curious 
mechanism,  which  brings  a  great  number  of  ideas  within  a 
small  compass,  and  condenses  whole  sentences  into  a  single 
word.  A  few  examples  were  given  in  speaking  of  the  North 
American  dialects;  and  two  words  will  suffice  to  illustrate 
the  flexibility  of  the  Mexican  language.  The  sentence, 
'  Venerable  minister  of  God,  that  I  love  as  my  father '  is  ex- 
pressed in  the  one  word  Notlazomahuczteopixcatatzin ;  and 
the  still  more  comprehensive  word  Amatlacuilolitquitcatlax- 
tlahuitli  signifies  '  the  reward  given  to  a  messenger  who 
bears  a  hieroglyphic  map  conveying  intelligence.' l  This, 
most  certainly,  is  not  the  language  of  the  Kymry. 

We  are  thus  thrown  back  upon  what  the  Rev.  R.  W. 
Morgan  calls  '  the  family  traditions  of  the  Mexican  kings.' 
Herbert's  account  of  these  is  much  exaggerated;  and  the 
most  modest  statement  is  that  of  Powel,  who  says  that 
Montezuma  confessed  in  his  speech  to  the  Mexicans,  spoken 
in  the  presence  of  Cortes,  that  the  Mexican  rulers  '  descended 
from  a  strange  nation  that  came  thither  from  a  farre  countrie.' 
This  statement  of  itself  would  not  prove  much ;  and,  even  if 
correct,  would  fall  far  short  of  justifying  Mr.  Morgan's  bold 
statement  that  '  it  clearly  proved  their  descent  from  Madoc  and 
his  followers.'  But,  in  the  first  place,  let  us  see  if  this  was 
what  Montezuma  really  said,  or  is  reported  to  have  said  by 
the  Spanish  chronicles.  On  such  a  point  as  -this  Prescott, 

1  Prescott,  History  of  the  Conquest  of  Mexico,  vol.  iii.  p.  324. 


ARE  THERE  WELSH  INDIANS?  161 

the  historian  of  the  '  Conquest  of  Mexico,'  is,  in  the  republic  of 
letters,  considered  to  be  the  highest  authority ;  and  he  reports 
the  speech  in  these  terms.  Montezuma  was  at  this  time  a 
kind  of  prisoner  in  the  Spanish  quarters  ;  and  in  compliance 
with  the  demand  of  Cortes,  that  he  should  recognise  the 
supremacy  of  the  Spanish  Emperor,  he  called  his  nobles 
together  and  thus  addressed  them  : 

1  They  were  all  well  acquainted,  he  said,  with  the  ancient 
tradition,  that  the  great  Being,  who  had  once  ruled  over  the 
land,  had  declared,  on  his  departure,  that  he  should  return  at 
some  future  time,  and  resume  his  sway.  That  time  had  now 
arrived.  The  white  men  had  come  from  the  quarter  where 
the  sun  rises  beyond  the  ocean,  to  which  the  good  deity  had 
withdrawn.  They  were  sent  by  their  master  to  reclaim  the 
obedience  of  his  ancient  subjects.  For  himself,  he  was  ready 
to  acknowledge  his  authority.' l 

This  has  not  the  remotest  reference  to  the  descent  of  the 
Mexicans.  It  is  a  tradition  of  an  Aztec  god  who  had  once 
ruled  in  that  country,  and  who,  having  left  it,  was  expected 
to  return,  just  as  King  Arthur,  or  King  Cadwaladr,  was  in 
olden  times  expected  to  reappear  in  Wales.  This  differs 
essentially  in  its  character  from  the  representation  of  Powel 
and  Herbert,  and  it  affords  no  support  whatever  to  the 
Cambrian  tradition.  But,  as  the  subject  is  interesting,  I 
will  pursue  it  a  little  further.  The  name  of  this  god 

1  Prescott,  History  of  the  Conquest  of  Mexico,  vol.  ii.  p.  1C8 
(Bentley's  edit.  1850).  Robertson,  History  of  America,  vol.  ii.  p.  332. 
Another  speech,  differing  from  this  both  in  argument  and  spirit,  was 
published  in  the  Public  Advertiser,  September  23,  1790,  by  an  anonj"- 
mous  '  Columbus,'  in  a  letter  to  the  Right  Hon.  "William  Pitt ;  but, 
whether  seen  by  the  writer  in  Mexico  or  not,  it  is  a  manifest  forgery, 
and  Dr.  Williams  (Farther  Observations,  p.  35)  certainly  mistook  its 
purport  when  he  thought  it  countenanced  the  Cambrian  story ;  for,  in 
assigning  the  origin  of  the  Mexicans  to  '  a  northern  country,'  it  could 
only  have  pointed,  in  accordance  with  all  Mexican  traditions,  to  the 
north-west  of  the  Rocky  Mountains. 

M 


1G2  MADOC. 

was  Quetzalcoatl,  and  Prescott  gives  this  account  of 
him  : 

'A  far  more  interesting  personage  [than  the  Mexican 
Mars,  Huitzilopochtli]  in  (Mexican)  mythology  was  Quetzal- 
coatl, god  of  the  air — a  divinity  who,  during  his  residence  on 
earth,  instructed  the  natives  in  the  use  of  metals,  in  agriculture, 
and  in  the  art  of  government.  He  was  one  of  those  benefactors 
of  their  species,  doubtless,  who  have  been  deified  by  the 
gratitude  of  posterity.  Under  him  the  earth  teemed  with 
fruits  and  flowers,  without  the  pains  of  culture.  An  ear  of 
Indian  corn  was  as  much  as  a  single  man  could  carry.  The 
cotton,  as  it  grew,  took,  of  its  own  accord,  the  rich  dyes  of 
human  art.  The  air  was  filled  with  intoxicating  perfumes 
and  the  sweet  melody  of  birds.  In  short,  these  were  the 
halcyon  days  which  find  a  place  in  the  mythic  systems  of  so 
many  nations  in  the  Old  World.  It  was  the  golden  age  of 
Anahuac. 

'  From  some  cause,  not  explained,  Quetzalcoatl  incurred 
the  wrath  of  one  of  the  principal  gods,  and  was  compelled  to 
abandon  the  country.  On  his  way  he  stopped  at  the  city  of 
Cholula,  where  a  temple  was  dedicated  to  his  worship,  the 
massy  ruins  of  which  still  form  one  of  the  most  interesting 
relics  of  antiquity  in  Mexico.  When  he  reached  the  shores  of 
the  Mexican  Gulf,  he  took  leave  of  his  followers,  promising 
that  he  and  his  descendants  would  revisit  them  hereafter ; 
and  then,  entering  his  wizard  skiff,  made  of  serpents'  skins, 
embarked  on  the  great  ocean  for  the  fabled  land  of  Tlapallan. 
He  was  said  to  have  been  tall  in  stature,  with  a  white  skin, 
long  dark  hair,  and  a  flowing  beard.  The  Mexicans  looked 
confidently  to,  and  kept  a  continual  watch  by  a  holy  fire  for, 
the  return  of  this  benevolent  deity,  throughout  the  wide 
borders  of  Anahuac  ;  a  general  feeling  seems  to  have  prevailed, 
in  the  time  of  Montezuma,  that  the  period  for  the  return  of  the 
deity  and  the  full  accomplishment  of  his  promise  was  near  at 


ARE   THERE   WELSH   INDIANS?  163 

hand  ;  and  this  remarkable  tradition,  deeply  cherished  in  their 
hearts,  prepared  the  way  for  the  future  success  of  the  Spaniards. 
Even  after  the  conquest  it  still  lingered  among  the  Indian 
races,  by  whom  it  was  fondly  cherished,  as  the  advent  of  their 
King  Sebastian  continued  to  be  by  the  Portuguese,  or  that  of 
the  Messiah  by  the  Jews.' 1 

This  superstition  respecting  Quetzalcoatl  and  his  expected 
return  remains  in  the  interior  of  Mexico  to  this  day  among 
the  descendants  of  the  Aztecs,  who  are  now  known  as  the 
Apache  Indians.  The  Pueblos,  who  are  a  branch  of  the 
Apaches,  retain  the  rites  of  their  ancestors  ;  the  sacred  fire 
in  honour  of  this  deity  is  still  kept  burning  in  a  solitary  cave, 
and  its  dim  light  is  often  seen  by  the  wandering  hunter. 
Even  when  nominally  Christian,  the  aged  and  devout  of  both 
sexes  cling  in  secret  to  their  ancestral  rites  ;  they  are  often 
seen  on  the  tops  of  their  flat  houses,  with  their  earnest  gaze 
turned  to  the  rising  sun ;  for  from  that  direction  they  expect, 
sooner  or  later,  that  the  beneficent  '  god  of  the  air '  will  make 
his  appearance.2  The  only  point  of  analogy  is  found  in  the 
statement  that  this  divinity  was  a  white  man,  wearing  a  long 
beard,  and  that  he  came  from  the  East,  to  which  he  returned, 
and  from  which  he  is  expected  to  appear  again  ;  but  it  must 
be  borne  in  mind  that  Mexican  traditions  have  come  down  to 
us  through  the  hands  of  Christian,  and  not  very  scrupulous, 
monks  ;  and,  if  we  assume  him  to  have  been  Madoc,  we  must 
contest  the  accumulated  '  proofs '  of  Father  Veytia  that  he 
was  my  inquisitive  namesake,  the  Apostle  Thomas,  and  the 
still  wilder  assertion  of  Lord  Kingsborough  that  he  was  a 
dim-veiled  type  of  the  Messiah  ! 3 

1  History  of  the  Conquest  of  Mexico,  vol.  i.  pp.  49,   264.     The 
reference  to  the  holy  fire  has  been  added  to  Prescott's  narrative,  on  the 
authority  of  Euxton,  Adventures  in  Mexico,  p.  192. 

2  Ruxton,  Adventures  in  Mexico,  pp.  192-194. 

3  Prescott,  vol.  iii.  p.  313,  and  the  references  there  given. 


164  MADOC. 

Other  religious  analogies  prove  equally  illusory.  The 
Mexicans  had  rites  resembling  baptism  and  the  communion ; 
but  these  also  prevailed  among  pagan  nations  on  whom  the 
light  of  Christianity  never  shone.  Baptism  prevailed  among 
the  Jews  as  well  as  the  ancient  Greeks,  and  consecrated  bread 
and  wine  were  used  among  the  Egyptians,  Greeks,  and 
Romans.1  The  Mexicans  had  a  tradition  of  an  Eve  or  primi- 
tive mother  of  mankind,  named  Cioacoatl,  or  serpent-woman. 
They  had  also  a  tradition  of  a  Deluge,  from  which  two  persons 
only  were  saved,  namely,  Coxcox  and  his  wife ;  and  the  Peru- 
vians,2 and  the  White  Indians,3  Mandans,4  with  the  American 
tribes  generally,  had  traditions  of  a  '  great  water,'  a  '  big 
canoe,'  and  a  Noah  named  Nu-mohk-muck-a-nah  ;  but  similar 
traditions  prevailed  among  the  Hindoos,  Chaldeans,  Greeks, 
and  Romans,5  apparently  without  their  having  any  knowledge 
of  the  Hebrew  records ;  and  hence,  in  accordance  with  the 
reasoning  applied  in  Comparative  Philology  and  Mythology, 
it  becomes  probable  that  they  are  all  radiations  from  some 
common  centre  of  still  higher  antiquity.  When  the  Spaniards 
visited  the  island  of  Cozumal,  they  were  amazed  to  see  a  cross 
of  stone  and  lime,  about  ten  palms  high,6  and  wildly  conjectured 
that  it  must  have  been  of  Christian  origin  ;  but  they  were  not 
aware  that  the  cross  was  antecedent  to  Christianity,  and  that 
it  was  a  symbol  of  worship  of  the  highest  antiquity  in  Egypt, 
Syria,  and  Italy.  Several  specimens  of  crosses  have  been 
found  among  Egyptian  inscriptions,  and  have  been  interpreted 
to  mean  '  life  to  come,'  and  '  support  or  saviour  ' ; 7  a  cross 
was  found  in  the  '  House  of  Pansa,'  among  the  ruins  of  Pom- 
peii, overwhelmed  by  a  volcanic  eruption  before  the  Christian 

1  Prescott,  vol.  iii.  p.  316. 

2  Humboldt,  Travels,  voL  ii.  pp.  182,  473. 

3  Cambrian  Register,  vol.  i.  p.  380. 

4  Catlin,  vol.  i.  pp.  177-178. 

5  Prescott,  vol.  iii.  p.  316,  and  his  authorities. 

•  Ibid.  vol.  L  p.  228.  »  Ibid.  vol.  iii.  p.  316. 


ARE  THERE   WELSH  INDIANS?  165 

era,1  and  the  Tau,  or  last  letter  of  the  Hebrew  as  well  as 
several  other  Eastern  alphabets,  had  a  crucial  form.  This 
cross-like  letter  was  inscribed  on  Jewish  shekels,  and  was  the 
mark  spoken  of  in  Ezekiel  ix.  4,  which  was  to  save  the  chosen 
of  Jerusalem.2  This  saving  mark  is  even  now  often  used  in 
infant  baptism  ;  and  when  illiterate  men  sign  their  names  with 
a  cross,  they  are  unconsciously  perpetuating  a  Jewish  custom 
of  high  antiquity.  These,  with  other  remarkable  coincidences, 
have  given  rise  to  many  attempted  explanations  ;  Lord  Kings- 
borough  concluded  that  the  Mexicans  had  an  extensive 
acquaintance  with  both  the  Old  and  New  Testaments,  and  the 
Spanish  monks  at  first  leaned  to  the  same  view ;  but  they 
afterwards  concluded  that  the  relics  in  question  were  all  the 
works  of  the  Devil,  and  that  the  enemy  of  mankind  had  given 
in  America  a  counterfeit  presentment  of  the  history  of  God's 
chosen  people.3  It  must  be  manifest,  however,  that  these,  as 
well  as  the  Madoc  hypothesis,  are  wholly  inapplicable,  and  we 
must  seek  further  light  in  the  traditions  of  the  Mexicans 
themselves. 

The  origin  of  the  Mexicans  has  puzzled  philosophers  of 
all  countries.  The  general  outline  of  their  architecture,  and 
some  of  their  rites,  present  analogies  of  an  Egyptian  character ; 
the  statues  and  pottery  of  the  Mexicans  have  points  of  resem- 
blance to  those  of  the  Etruscans ;  their  massive  walls  remind 
us  of  the  Cyclopean  remains  found  in  Pelasgian  settlements  ; 
and  in  some  other  respects  they  resemble  Mongolian  struc- 
tures.4 Some  writers,  looking  at  the  first  class  of  analogies, 
identify  the  Mexicans  with  the  subjects  of  Rameses  and 
Sesostris ;  but  others,  with  more  reason,  assign  them  a  Mon- 

1  Woodward,  History  of  Wales,  p.  329. 

2  Notes  and  Queries,  January  16,  1858  (2nd  ser.  vol.  v.  p.  52). 

3  Prescott,  vol.  iii.  pp.  316,  317.     This  historian  has  discussed  the 
whole  subject  with  great  learning  and  ability,  and  should  be  consulted 
for  further  information. 

*  Wilson's  New  History  of  Mexico,  chap.  v. 


166  MADOC. 

golian  origin,  and  in  so  doing  are  borue  out  by  the  whole 
current  of  American  tradition,  as  well  as  by  their  craniological 
affinities.  The  Mexicans  refer  their  origin  to  the  northern 
and  north-western  parts  of  the  American  continent;  they 
affirm  themselves  to  have  come  from  Aztlan,  a  region,  whether 
fabulous  or  not,  usually  placed  in  the  country  now  forming 
the  newly-constituted  state  of  British  Columbia.  Mexican 
history  speaks  of  several  distinct  migrations  from  that  quarter. 
The  first  of  these  was  that  of  the  Toltecs,  a  highly-civilised 
tribe,  and  the  supposed  builders  of  the  ruined  temples  of 
Central  America ;  the  second  was  that  of  a  ruder  tribe,  the 
Chichemecs,  whose  name,  as  we  have  seen,  survives  on  the 
Mississippi ;  a  third  was  that  of  the  Acolhuans,  and  the  last 
was  that  of  the  Aztecs  or  Mexicans. 

The  Toltecs  arrived  in  the  Mexican  valley  A.D.  648  ; 
they  abandoned  the  country  in  1051.  The  Chichemecs 
arrived  in  1170.  The  Acolhuans  arrived  about  1200.  The 
Mexicans  reached  Tula,  to  the  north  of  the  valley,  in  1196 ; 
were  subject  for  a  time  to  the  Coluhans,  and  ultimately 
founded  Mexico  in  1325.1  All  these  races  belong  to  the 
Mongolian  type,  and  are  with  reason  said  to  be  of  Asiatic 
origin.  The  Toltecs  date  their  migration  in  A.D.  544,  and 
it  is  a  remarkable  fact  that  this  date  corresponds  with 
that  of  the  ruin  of  the  Tsin  dynasty  in  China.  Indeed,  it 
is  said  that  a  Chinese  book  has  recently  been  discovered 
which  gives  an  account  of  a  voyage  from  China  to  Mexico  as 
early  as  the  fourth  century.2  This  people  occupied  a  country 
to  the  north-we.st  of  the  Rio  Gila,  called  Hueliuetlapallan,  from 
which  they  were  expelled,  and  104  years  later  they  arrived 
in  the  Mexican  valley.  About  644  the  Chichemecs  occupied 
the  Toltec  settlement  beyond  the  Gila,  and  five  centuries  later 

1  Prescott,  History  of  the  Conquest  of  Mexico,  vol.  ii.  pp.  8,  13 
(cabinet  edit.). 

-  Notes  and  Queries,  January  7,  1860,  2nd  ser.  vol.  ix.  p.  13. 


ARE  THERE  WELSH  INDIANS?  167 

they  expelled  the  Toltecs  from  Mexico.  Lastly,  the  Aztecs 
followed  the  same  southward  route.  They  left  Aztlan,  which 
is  usually  placed  in  N.  lat.  57°,  between  Nootka  Sound  and 
Cook's  River,  in  1160 ;  and  after  a  migration  of  fifty-six  years, 
which  is  divided  into  three  grand  periods,  reached  the  Mexican 
valley  in  1216.  The  first  migrated  to  the  south  of  the  Rio 
Nabajoa,  in  lat.  35° ;  then  to  the  south  of  the  Gila,  lat. 
33°  30' ;  then  to  the  vicinity  of  Yanos,  lat.  30°  30' ;  afterwards 
to  Tula  in  1196,  and  Zumpanco  in  12 16  ;  and,  after  the  lapse  of 
165  years  from  the  first  migration,  founded  the  city  of  Mexico 
in  1325,  where  they  were  found  by  the  Spaniards.1 

Architectural  remains  attest  the  reality  and  mark  the 
course  of  these  migrations.  To  the  south  of  the  Gila,  in  the 
country  of  the  Moqui,  ruins  are  found  extending  over  three 
square  miles  ;  the  whole  surrounding  plain  is  filled  with  frag- 
ments of  Mexican  stoneware,  beautifully  painted  in  red,  white, 
and  blue  ;  ruins  of  acequias  or  irrigating  canals  of  great 
length  and  depth  are  here  found ;  and  the  Spanish  monks, 
Garces  and  Font,  who  visited  this  region  in  1773,  said  they 
found  there,  in  the  middle  of  an  ancient  Aztec  city,  an  edifice 
of  extraordinary  magnitude,  being  445  feet  long  by  276  feet 
broad,  built  with  bricks,  and  having  three  stories  and  a  terrace. 
It  was  divided  into  five  apartments ;  the  walls  were  four  feet 
thick ;  and  a  wall  interrupted  with  large  towers  surrounded 
it,  with  a  view,  apparently,  to  its  defence.  Five  such  ruined 
cities  are  said  to  have  been  found  in  the  country  of  the 
Moqui ;  and  the  architecture  in  each  resembles  that  of  the 
ancient  Aztecs  and  the  modern  Pueblos.2 

The  country  to  the  north  of  the  Gila  and  the  Colorado 
has  not  been  fully  explored ;  but  hunters  are  said  to  have  seen 
similar  remains  in  those  districts ;  and,  in  still  higher  regions, 
traces  of  a  kindred  race  are  still  found.  The  Cora  language, 

1  Humboldt,  cited  in  Bell's  Geography,  vol.  v.  p.  575. 

2  Ibid.  p.  602  ;  Huston's  Adventures  in  Mexico,  p.  194. 


168  MADOC. 

spoken  along  the  Californian  Gulf,  closely  resembles  the 
Mexican ;  the  tl  so  common  among  the  Aztecs  still  prevails 
in  the  neighbourhood  of  Nootka  Sound,  and  tribes  still  exist 
there,  such  as  the  Chinooks  and  Nisquallys,  whose  dialects 
resemble,  in  their  terminations  and  general  sound,  the  speech 
of  the  Aztec  race.  Their  fringed  dress,  plaited  hair,  predilec- 
tion for  hieroglyphics,  and  general  style  of  carving,  as  dis- 
played in  their  clay  pipes  and  rock  sculptures,  present  other 
points  of  resemblance  ;  '  and  these  facts,  taken  in  their  totality, 
clearly  indicate  a  Mongolian  origin,  not  only  for  the  Mexicans, 
but  also  for  all  the  American  tribes.  The  alphabet  of  Mexico 
wanted  precisely  the  same  letters  as  are  now  wanting  in  that 
of  the  Chinese,  who  have  no  b,  d,  g,  r,  v,  or  short  a ; 2  the 
languages  of  Northern  Asia  resemble  closely  those  of  Northern 
America  in  their  grammatical  structure;  philology  and 
craniology  alike  attest  the  Mongolian  origin  of  the  American 
races ; 3  Ledyard  saw  but  one  race  on  each  side  of  the  North 
Pacific ;  and  it  may  safely  be  assumed  that  the  New  World 
was  first  colonised  from  the  Asiatic  side,  principally  through 
the  Aleutian  Islands,  and  partly,  perhaps,  across  Behring's 
Strait.4 

The  latest  account  of  the  Indians  of  the  Gila  and  Colorado 
is  that  of  Julius  Froebel,  in  hie  '  Journeys  in  Central  America/ 
and  that  fully  sustains  the  views  here  put  forth.  He  affirms, 

1  Preseott,  vol.  iii.  p.  327  ;  Pickering,  Races  of  Men,  p.  841.  Captain 
Jones  says  that  the  Indian  rock  inscriptions  or  sculptures  coincide  in 
form  and  purport  with  the  tablets  of  the  Book  of  Mormon  I     (Udgorn 
Seion,  vol.  iii.  p.  240). 

2  Saturday  Review  on  the  Researches  of  M.  Stanislaus  Julien, 
March  8,  1861. 

3  Bancroft,  History  of  United  States,  vol.  ii.  p.  927  (Koutledge's 
edit.). 

4  Bunsen,  Philosophy  of  the  History  of  Mankind,  vol.  ii.  p.  3; 
Latham,  in  his  edition  of  Prichard's  Eastern  Origin  of  the  Celtic 
Nations,  pp.  7,  22 ;  also  in  Orr's  Circle  of  the  Sciences,  pp.  349  et  seq., 
where  the  question  is  fully  discussed  and  settled; 


ARE    THERE    WELSH    INDIANS?  169 

quite  decidedly,  that  the  physiognomy  of  these  people  is 
Mongolian.  He  gives  fac-similes  of  the  Indian  hieroglyphics, 
or  rock  inscriptions ;  some  of  them  resemble  patterns  of 
embroidery ;  some  are  figures  of  birds,  beetles,  and  other 
animals  ;  and  when  they  have  any  appearance  of  being  letters, 
the  characters  have  a  close  resemblance  to  the  Chinese.1 

Unlike  most  of  the  persons  who  met  with  Welsh  Indians, 
he  had  much  difficulty  in  collecting  words  and  names  of 
objects  in  the  native  tongue,  as  the  Indians  generally  spoke 
Spanish,  and  were  very  chary  of  using  their  own  language  in 
the  presence  of  strangers ;  but  he  attests  the  prevalence  of 
Aztec  words  in  most  of  the  Indian  dialects.  Many  of  their 
names  of  objects,  chiefs,  and  tribes,  as  mesquite,  Moqui,  Cocopa^ 
had  a  decidedly  Aztec  sound ;  and  the  names  of  chiefs  and 
other  persons  invariably  have  the  agglutinate  and  bi-literal 
syllabic  character,  now  so  familiar  to  us  in  Mongolian  or 
Chinese  names.  Finally,  Froebel  identifies  their  arts, 
manners,  and  customs  with  those  of  the  Aztec  race. 

Lastly,  it  may  possibly  be  expected  that  I  should  notice 
an  attempt  made  in  the  early  part  of  the  last  century  to  prove 
a  connection  between  the  language  of  the  Ancient  Britons 
and  that  of  the  Indians  of  the  Isthmus  of  Darien,  who  had 

1  Seven  Years1  Travel  in  Central  America,  London,  1859,  pp.  502, 
519,  et  seq.  Since  this  work  was  published  a  pretentious  work  on 
Indian  hieroglyphics,  by  the  Abbe  Domenech,  was  issued  under  the 
auspices  of  the  Emperor  of  the  French ;  but  as  the  figures  are  supposed 
to  be  the  work  of  some  German  boy,  they  need  not  occupy  our  atten- 
tion. 

'  A  portion  of  Von  Tschudi's  researches  is  devoted  to  the  aboriginal 
inhabitants.  He  declares  his  most  decided  conviction  that  these  belong 
to  the  Mongolian  race,  and  addg  that,  but  for  the  difference  of 
costume,  it  would  frequently  be  impossible  to  distinguish  a  Botocudo 
Indian  from  a  Chinese,  and  vice  versa.  The  opinion  of  so  intelligent 
an  observer,  who  has  lived  so  much  among  both  nations,  is  entitled  to 
the  greatest  weight,  and  is  amply  confirmed  by  the  portraits  of  Indians 
which  illustrate  this  volume.' — Saturday  Review,  February  16,  1867, 
pp.  216,  217;  art.  Von  Tschudi  on  American  Aborigines. 


170  MADOC. 

been  for  two  centuries  in  contact  with  Spaniards.  This  idea 
was  first  started  in  Wafer's  '  Description  of  the  Isthmus  of 
America'  (1699),  being  possibly  a  faint  echo  of  the  unfortunate 
and  premature  attempt  of  Patterson  to  found  a  colony  at 
Darien.  He  noted  down  twenty-four  words,  which  he  said 
resembled  Gaelic  in  sound,  though  not  in  signification ;  the 
Rev.  David  Malcolme,  in  an  essay  on  the  antiquities  of  Great 
Britain  and  Ireland,  endeavoured  to  show  that  twenty-three 
of  them  were  related  to  the  Gaelic,  Erse,  Welsh,  Cornish,  or 
Armorican  forms  of  speech ;  and  a  Welshman,  possibly  Dr. 
Owen  Pughe,  has  countenanced  the  same  assertion.  The 
latter  selects  thirteen  words  for  comparison  ;  and  to  these  he 
only  suggests  five  analogous  Welsh  words,1  viz. : 

Darien.  Welsh. 

Cotchah,  sleep  Cwsg 

Doolah,  water  Dwvr 

Eenah,  to  call  or  name  Enwi 

Pa,  an  interrogative  Pa,  which 

Tautah,  father  Tad 

Here  the  first  two  have  no  resemblance  to  Welsh ;  and 
in  the  third  and  fourth  the  comparison  is  deceptive,  as  the 
Welsh  words  have  specific  meanings,  whereas  those  of  the 
Indian  words  are  vague.  Thus,  enwi,  to  name,  as  '  Adam 
named  the  animals  in  Eden,'  to  give  an  instance  familiar  to 
and  accepted  by  Welshmen,  is  an  abstract  term  not  likely  to 
be  found  in  any  Indian  language,  while  the  Welsh  word  '  to 
call '  is  galw.  It  is  equally  idle  to  compare  pa  with  an  inter- 
rogative. Tautah  is  simply  an  infantile  ejaculation.  The 
Erse  analogies  are  equally  unreliable. 

1  Cambro-Briton,  vol.  iii.  p.  32.  This,  as  well  as  the  subject  of 
Welsh  Indians  generally,  has  been  ably  discussed  by  Professor  Elton 
and  Mr.  Thomas  Jones  of  Chetham's  Library,  Manchester,  in  the 
earlier  volumes  of  Notes  and  Queries,  to  which  I  refer  any  reader  who 
may  be  still  unsatisfied. 


WHEN   WAS   THE   MADOC   NARKATIVE   WBTTTEN?          171 

We  have  thus  examined,  step  by  step,  and  one  by  one, 
all  the  evidences  adduced  in  proof  of  the  existence  of  the 
Madogwys.  We  have  discovered  some  instances  of  gross  and 
deliberate  falsehood  ;  many  indications  of  extraordinary  cre- 
dulity, and  not  a  few  evidences  of  a  remarkable  proneness 
to  self-deception.  Every  one  of  the  pretended  facts,  when 
closely  looked  at,  vanishes  '  like  the  baseless  fabric  of  a  vision,' 
and  the  whole  mass  of  '  proofs  '  has  crumbled  away  under  the 
test  of  criticism,  leaving  no  semblance  of  reality  to  the  Indian 
tale.  And  when  we  look  at  the  claims  urged  in  favour  of 
these  tales,  and  by  men  of  eminence  in  Cambrian  literature, 
can  we  help  being  surprised  at  their  inability  to  discriminate 
between  fact  and  fiction,  and  at  their  utter  want  of  critical 
capacity  ?  The  Cambrian  mind  has  here  given  '  a  local  habi- 
tation and  a  name '  to  a  mere  figment  of  the  mind  ;  and  the 
fact  suggests  not  a  few  humiliating  reflections. 

I  do  not  know  what  effect  this  examination  has  produced 
on  the  mind  of  the  reader;  but  it  has  led  me  to  conclude 
THAT  THERE  ARE  NOT,  AND  THAT  THERE  NEVER  WERE,  ANY 
WELSH  INDIANS. 

This  denial,  however,  does  not  necessarily  imply  a  rejec- 
tion of  the  Madoc  narrative,  in  the  simpler  form  in  which 
it  is  given  by  Humphrey  Llwyd.  That  will  come  under  con- 
sideration in  the  next  section. 

Section  II. — WAS  THE  MADOC  NARRATIVE  WRITTEN 

BEFORE    THE   VOYAGE    OF    COLUMBUS  ? 

It  has  been  seen  already  that  the  Rev.  Thomas  Price 
(Ga/rnhua/nawc)  suspended  his  belief  in  this  Cambrian  story 
until  it  should  be  definitely  ascertained  whether  Guttyn 
Owen's  account  of  the  discovery  of  America  was  written 
before  or  after  the  voyage  of  Columbus  ;  but,  as  I  believe  this 
to  be  a  false  issue,  and  as  it  may  turn  out  that  Guttyn  Owen 


172  MADOC. 

did  not  write  any  such  narrative,  I  have  placed  the  issue  on 
a  broader  basis,  and  raised  the  question  whether  it  was 
written  by  anyone  before  that  voyage.  We  have  thus  widened 
the  range  of  inquiry,  and  raised  the  issue  in  a  form  which 
does  not  restrict  us  to  the  consideration  of  the  writings  of 
that  bard,  but  enables  us  to  consider  whether  it  may  or  may 
not  have  been  written  by  some  other  person. 

Dr.  John  Williams  said  the  first  account  of  this  discovery 
was  found  in  the  '  History  of  Wales,'  written  by  Caradoc  of 
Llancarvan,  and  translated  by  Humphrey  Llwyd ;  but  he 
supposed  the  passage  which  he  found  in  Powel's  edition  of 
Llwyd's  work  to  have  been  written  by  Llwyd  himself,  and  not 
by  Caradoc.  If  the  common  supposition,  which  he  rejected, 
had  been  correct,  the  statement  would  not  have  been  open  to 
question,  and  the  Madoc  discovery  would  have  rested  on  the 
firm  basis  of  contemporary  history;  but,  as  Dr.  Williams 
acutely  remarked,  this  statement  could  not  be  correct ;  for 
Caradoc  died  in  1 156  ;  and,  accordingly,  it  becomes  quite  clear 
that  he  could  not  have  written  any  account  of  a  voyage  in  the 
year  1170. 

It  should  be  observed,  however,  that  there  is  and  has  been 
a  loose  practice  of  giving  the  name  '  Chronicles  of  Caradoc '  to 
almost  everything  in  the  Welsh  language  that  was  cast  in  an 
historical  form ;  and  this  practice  is  justified  to  some  extent 
by  the  probability,  if  not  the  known  fact,  that  most  of  our 
old  Welsh  chronicles  are  based  upon,  and  are  continuations 
of,  the  original  chronicle  of  Caradoc.  There  would,  therefore, 
be  no  difficulty  in  assuming  that  the  statement  might  have 
occurred  in  one  of  these  continuations ;  and  the  question 
naturally  arises,  Does  this  narrative  occur  in  any  document 
called  a  '  Chronicle  of  Caradoc '  ? 

There  is  a  great  deal  of  difficulty  in  determining  what  the 
original  chronicle  of  Caradoc  really  was ;  as  the  document 
published  under  that  name  contains  several  anachronisms, 


WHEN   WAS   THE   MADOC   NARRATIVE   WRITTEN?          173 

and  mentions  persons  who  lived  A.D.  1203,  1293,  1316,  1328, 
and  1555,  while  its  orthography  is  comparatively  recent ; l 
and  as  there  now  remains  no  copy,  nor  any  trace  of  any  copy, 
that  can  on  critical  grounds  be  considered  to  have  been  that 
original.  Judging,  however,  from  the  MSS.  we  now  have, 
the  true  Chronicle  of  Caradoc  must  have  been,  assuming  it 
to  have  been  in  the  Welsh  language,  a  translation  from  the 
Latin*  chronicles  called  '  Annales  Cambrias.'  The  best  part  of 
the  Latin  originals,  and  the  whole  of  the  translations,  namely, 
'  Brut  y  Tywysogion '  and '  Brut  y  Saeson,'  are  now  in  print,  so 
that  we  know  what  they  really  contain  ;  but  neither  in  any  one 
of  the  three  copies  of  '  Brut  y  Tywysogion,'  for  which  Caradoc's 
original  work  may  have  served  as  the  basis,  and  which  con- 
tains independent  additions,  nor  in  c  Brut  y  Saeson,'  nor  in 
the  chronicle  attributed  to  Caradoc,  which  the  Eev.  Thomas 

1  I  have  recently  subjected  this  document  to  a  careful  examination 
in  an  article  entitled  '  The  Book  of  Aberpergwm,'  improperly  called 
'  The  Chronicle  of  Caradoc  '  (Arcliceologia  Cambrensis,  January  1858, 
3rd  ser.  vol.  iv.  p.  77). 

I  am  warranted,  by  the  authority  of  the  Eev.  Thomas  Price  (Hanes 
Cymru,  p.  427),  in  giving  this  document  the  designation  of  Llyfr  Aber- 
pergurm.  My  views  are  opposed  in  the  Cambrian  Journal  for  April 
1858,  though  not,  I  think,  successfully. 

[The  following  are  the  conclusions  at  which  Mr.  Stephens  arrives  in 
the  article  in  question  : 

'  (1)  That  the  Book  of  Aberpergwm  is  not  the  Chronicle  of  Caradoc, 
but  ought  always  to  be  cited  by  the  former  name. 

'  (2)  That  it  is  a  respectable  authority  for  the  history  of  Glamorgan, 
but  not  for  the  general  history  of  Wales. 

'  (3)  That  it  abounds  in  mistakes,  conjectures,  and  unauthorised 
additions ;  that  it  exhibits  several  anachronisms,  and  names  persons 
who  lived  in  the  years  1203,  1293,  1317,  and  1328 ;  and  that  it  was 
written  in  or  about  A.D.  1555. 

'  (4)  That  it  has  many  parallelisms  with  Brut  leuan  'Brechfa,  and 
that  several  of  its  special  statements  are  evidently  founded  on  that 
document. 

'  (5)  That  both  the  Book  of  Aberpergwm  and  the  so-called  Book  of 
Caradoc  are  written  in  an  orthography  comparatively  recent,  and  are 
both  documents  of  the  sixteenth  century.'] 


174  MADOC. 

Price  calls  '  Llyfr  Aberpergwm,'  nor  yet  in  '  Brut  lenan 
Brechfa,'  is  there  any  reference  whatever  to  Madoc  ab  Owen 
Gwynedd  himself,  to  his  departure  from  Wales,  or  to  his  re- 
puted discovery  of  a  new  land  in  the  Far  West.  If  the 
narrative  had  a  place  in  any  of  these  records,  the  fact  could 
not  have  failed  to  attract  attention,  and  to  have  been  deemed 
important,  if  not  conclusive ;  but  as  the  ancient  chronicles  of 
Wales  contain  no  such  statement,  the  reputed  discovery 'loses 
much  of  its  authority.  Still,  this  is  not  absolutely  fatal  to 
the  Kymric  claim,  since  there  are  a  few  remarkable  instances 
of  the  absence  of  local  records  of  important  events  where  they 
might  confidently  have  been  expected.  It  is  an  undeniable 
fact  that  Columbus  entered  triumphantly  into  the  town  of 
Barcelona ;  but  there  is  no  trace  of  the  fact  in  the  local  records. 
Marco  Polo  must  have  seen  the  Great  Wall  of  China ;  but 
he  has  no  notice  thereof.  And  Amerigo  Vespucci  sailed  on  a 
voyage  to  America  under  the  auspices  and  in  the  service  of 
the  Crown  of  Portugal ;  but  the  archives  of  that  kingdom  are 
absolutely  silent  upon  that  point.1  The  argument  ab  silentio 
is  not,  therefore,  quite  conclusive ;  but  it  must,  nevertheless, 
be  allowed  considerable  weight,  especially  when  it  is  borne  in 
mind  that  the  Welsh  records  are  particularly  copious  about 
that  period  ;  that  the  event,  had  it  occurred,  would  have  formed 
a  unique  fact  in  the  history  of  Wales  ;  that  there  is  no  posi- 
tive record  elsewhere  ;  and  that  the  claim  to  the  discovery  of 
America  was  first  put  forth  sixty-seven  years  after  the  voyage 
of  Columbus.  History  failing  us,  we  may  next  attend  to  the 
voice  of  tradition. 

In  historical  trustworthiness,  the  '  Brut '  of  leuan  Brechfa 
conies  after  '  Brut  y  Tywysogion '  and  '  Brut  y  Saeson,'  and 
before  the  Book  of  Aberpergwm ;  and,  as  will  be  recollected, 
leuan  Brechfa  is  one  of  the  authorities  cited  on  the  affirmative 

1  Humbolclt,  History  of  tJie  Geography  of  the  Neiv  World,  part  iv. 
pp.  1GO  et  seq. 


WHEN   WAS   THE    MADOC   NARRATIVE   WRITTEN?          175 

side ;  but  his  statement  occurs,  not  in  his  '  Brut '  or  chronicle, 
but  in  '  A  Book  of  Pedigrees  ' ;  and  then  we  only  have  it  at 
second-hand.  So  far  as  we  can  judge  from  the  citation  of 
Dr.  Williams,  his  testimony  amounts  to  this  :  that  Madoc 
and  his  brother  Riryd,  who  was  Lord  of  Clochran  in  Ireland, 
went  (somewhere)  across  Mor-werydd,  to  some  lands  they  had 
there,  and  there  dwelt.1 

What  precise  meaning  he  attached  to  these  words  cannot 
positively  be  determined ;  but  it  must  be  at  once  apparent 
that  sailing  '  across  the  Irish  Sea  ' 2 — for  that  is  the  proper 

1  It  is  difficult  to  find  trustworthy  evidence  in  dealing  with  this 
question.  We  must  assume  the  existence  of  this  statement  in  some 
Book  of  Pedigrees,  hitherto  only  known  to  those  who  quote  it ;  but 
they  differ  in  the  words  they  profess  to  find.  The  author  of  the  Essay 
sent  by  Ab  Ithel  to  Llangollen  (lolo  Morganwg  ?)  represents  the  words 
of  leuan  Brechfa  to  have  been  these  : 

1  Madoc  a  Khiryd  a  aethant  draw  i'r  Morwerydd,  i  diroedd  a  gawsant 
yno,  lie  trigfanasant.' — Cambrian  Journal,  1859,  p.  98. 

Here  the  most  significant  word  is  draw,  beyond  ;  but  Humphreys 
Parry,  professing  to  cite  the  very  words  of  the  author,  uses  terms  quite 
different,  but  equally  significant,  viz. : 

'  Madog  a  Ehiryd  a  gawsant  dir  yn  mhell  yn  y  Merwerydd,  ac  yno 
y  cyfaneddasant.'— Carmarthen  Essay,  p.  33. 

The  first  is  Englished  thus :  '  Madoc  and  Eiryd  went  beyond 
(Morwerydd)  the  Atlantic,  to  land  they  had  found  there,  where  they 
remained.'  The  second  is  rendered  thus  :  '  Madoc  and  his  brother 
Khiryd  discovered  land  at  a  considerable  distance  in  the  Western 
Ocean,  and  settled  there.'  Can  two  citations  so  different  both  be 
genuine  ?  Dr.  Williams's  Essay  discountenances  the  suspicious  words 
in  both  these  professed  originals,  and  says  that  '  Ehiryd,  who  was  Lord 
of  Clochran  in  Ireland,  accompanied  Madoc  across  the  Atlantic  (Mor- 
werydd— properly,  the  Irish  Sea),  to  some  lands  they  had  found  there, 
and  there  dwelt.'  Cawsant,  again,  does  not  signify  to  find  or  discover, 
but  to  have  a  thing  given  one,  to  get  or  obtain. 

2  Morwerydd  is  now  used  to  denote  the  Atlantic  Ocean  ;  but  this 
signification  first  occurs  in  Dr.  Williams's  Enquiry  (1792),  and  has 
only  been  admitted  into  the  dictionaries  within  the  present  century. 
It  first  occurs  in  W.  Eichards's  Dictionary,  1821.     In  the  verses  attri- 
buted to  Gwyddno  Garanhir,  descriptive  of  the  irruption  of  the  sea 
over  '  Cautrev  y  Gwaelod,'  or  the  Submerged  Cantrev,  on  the  coasts  of 


176  MADOC. 

meaning  of  Morwerydd,  and  was  the  only  meaning  in  lenan 
Brechfa's  time — conveys  a  very  different  meaning  from  Llwyd's 
words,  '  sailing  to  the  west,  leaving  Ireland  to  the  north '  j 
and  if  we  may  use  the  Book  of  Aberpergwm  to  interpret  the 
words  of  the  herald-bard  of  Brechva,  we  shall  hare  historical 
authority  for  giving  his  words  their  plain  and  natural  signifi- 
cation— that  Madoc  and  Riryd  went  to  Ireland.  The  herald- 
bard  says  in  his  '  Brut '  that  Owen  Gwynedd  married  an  Irish 
lady  named  Pyvog,  by  whom  he  had  his  celebrated  son  Hy  wel  ; 
that  Hywel,  on  the  death  of  his  mother,  went  to  Ireland  to 
claim  her  property ;  and  that  this  was  the  reason  why  the 

Merioneth,  Cardigan,  and  Pembroke,  the  Irish  Sea  is  called  '  Mererit ' ; 
and  it  is  highly  probable  that,  in  leuan  Brechva's  time,  this  was  the 
name  of  the  Irish  Channel.  [Cf.  Humphrey  Llwyd,  Commentarioli 
Sritannicce  Descriptionis  Fragmentum,  Cologne,  1572,  p.  41 : 
'  Albanise  parte  in  Mare  Vergivio  (quod  Britahi  Morweridh  quasi  Mare 
Hibernicum  vocant,  et  unde  antiquum  vocabulum  Vergivium  deflux- 
isse  reor)  sunt  Hebrides  insulae.'  Also  his  description  of  Cambria 
prefixed  to  Powel's  Historic  of  Cambria,  p.  xvii  (edit.  1810) :  '  From 
Humber  to  the  sea  Orkney,  called  in  the  Brytish  toong  Mor  Werydh, 
and  in  Latine  Mare  Caledonicum.']  At  a  later  date,  and  even  within 
a  very  recent  period,  it  certainly  had  this  signification.  Dr.  Davies,  in 
his  Dictionary  (1632),  uses  it  in  this  sense,  and  adds  Dr.  Powel's 
authority  to  his  own :  '  Morwerydd  =  Mare  Hibernicum.  D.P.'  An 
eminent  antiquary  of  the  seventeenth  century,  John  Jones  of  Gelli 
Lyfdy,  in  a  MS.  uses  the  word  in  the  same  sense.  Sion  Rhydderch's 
English-Welsh  Dictionary  (2nd  edit.  Shrewsbury,  1737)  has:  'Irish 
Sea.  Mor  Werydd.  Mor  y  Werddon.'  Richards,  the  author  of  the 
Welsh-English  Dictionary  (1751),  also  renders  it  thus:  'Morwerydd 
and  Mor  Gwerydd,  «.ra.  the  Irish  Sea.'  Thos.  Jones's  Dictionary 
(Shrewsbury,  1777)  has  '  Morwerydd — Mor  y  Werddon,  the  Irish 
Sea  ' ;  and  Davydd  Ddu  Eryri  (1795),  in  explaining  the  verses  attributed 
to  Gwyddno,  says  that  (Cylchgrawn  Cynmraeg,  p.  227)  '  Mor  y  Werydd 
yw  Mor  y  Werddon,'  i.e.  is  the  Sea  of  Ireland,  as  positively  as  he  would 
have  said  that  two  and  two  make  four. 

Morwerydd,  properly  speaking,  is  the  'Q*ceai/6s  Ovfpyiovios,  or 
Oceanus  Vergivius  of  Ptolemy — that  is,  St.  George's  Channel ;  and  the 
v  of  Vergiv  or  Weryv,  in  accordance  with  a  mutation  common  in  South 
Wales,  would  acquire  the  sound  of  dh  or  dd.  Thus  Caerdyv,  or  Cardiff', 
is  sounded  Cuerdydd ;  and  iyvu,  to  grow,  is  sounded  tyddn. 


WHEN   WAS   THE   MADOC   NARRATIVE   WRITTEN?          177 

Britons  say  that  a  large  part  of  Ireland  thenceforth  belonged 
to  them.1  So  far  leuan  Brechva's  '  Brut ' :  the  Book  of  Aber- 
pergwm  says,  further,  that  Hywel  having  been  defeated  by  his 
brother  David,  and  wounded  in  the  side,  his  brother  Riryd 
took  him  to  a  ship  and  went  to  Ireland,  that  Hywel  died 
there,  and  that  he  left  his  possessions  in  that  country  to  his 
brother  Riryd.2  Hence  it  becomes  highly  probable  that 
leuan  Brechva  alluded  by  the  word  cawsant  to  the  lands  thus 
bequeathed  to  Riryd,  and  that  in  his  estimation  Madoc  must 
have  gone  to  Ireland.  This  bard  signed  an  heraldic  return, 
August  12,  1460,3  and  is  usually  said  to  have  died  about 
1500.4  If  so,  may  we  not  assume  that,  in  its  present  form, 
the  Madoc  narrative  was  to  him  unknown  ?  Does  not  his 
statement  point  to  Ireland  rather  than  America  ? 

lolo  Morgan wg  says :  '  We  have  manuscript  accounts  of 
this  discovery  [i.e.  of  America]  that  were  written  before  the 
birth  of  Columbus.  Dr.  David  Powel.  in  Queen  Elizabeth's 
time,  says,  in  his  History  of  Wales  (on  the  authority  of  Guttyn 
Owen,  who  wrote  in  Welsh  in  King  Edward  the  Fourth's 
time),  that  Madoc  sailed  westward  in  hopes  of  discovering 
the  lands  that  lay  beyond  the  Atlantic  (of  which  there  were 
ancient  manuscript  accounts,  as  well  as  traditions,  in  Wales).'5 
This  statement  was  published  in  1794,  before  the  publication 

1  Brut  leuan  Brechva,  sub  an.  1130.     Myv.  Arch.  vol.  ii.  pp.  556-7  ; 
Gee's  edit.  p.  720.     This  Brut  terminates  with  the  year  1150-1.     The 
Welsh  Chronicles  were  called  Bruts,  from  the  fact  that  the  Welsh 
translation  of  Geoffrey  of  Monmouth's  History  of  Brutus,  &c.  was 
called  Brut  y  Brenhinoedd. 

2  Llyfr  Aberpergwm,  improperly  called  the  Chronicle  of  Caradoe, 
and  Brut  y  Tywysogion,  sub  an.   1169.     Myv.  Arch.  vol.  ii.  p.  572 ; 
Gee's  edit.  p.  712. 

3  This  return  is  published  in  Fenton's  Pembrokeshire,  Appendix, 
No.  14,  pp.  45-47. 

4  Owen's  Cambrian  Biography,  and  Wilh'ams's  Eminent  Welsh- 
men, articles  '  leuan  Brechva  '  and  '  Berchva  (a  misprint  for  Breohva) 
leuan.' 

5  Edward  Williams,  Poems.  Lyric  and  Pastoral,  vol.  ii.  p.  64. 

N 


178  MADOC. 

of  the  'Myvyrian  Archaiology '  (1801),  when  Cambrian  anti- 
quaries used  to  make  very  loose  assertions  respecting  the 
contents  of  Welsh  MSS.  I  venture  to  assert  that  lolo 
Morgan wg  has  done  so  in  this  instance.  The  contents  of  our 
MSS.  are  now  well  known,  and  I  deliberately  affirm  that  no 
such  early  traditions  or  manuscript  accounts  of  lands  beyond 
the  Atlantic  are  known  to  have  existed  in  Wales,  neither  are 
there  any  manuscript  records  in  the  Principality  of  the  dis- 
covery of  America,  or  other  transmarine  lands  in  the  West, 
'  before  the  birth  of  Columbus.'  And,  independently  of  these 
a  priori  grounds  for  doubting  this  statement,  there  are  two 
ways  by  which  we  may  estimate  its  truthfulness.  The  first 
arises  from  the  consideration  of  the  Book  of  Aberpergwm,  and 
the  second  will  appear  in  speaking  of  Guttyn  Owen.  I  have 
said  already  that  the  Aberpergwm  document  names  persons 
who  lived  in  1316  (Llywelyn  Brenn)  and  in  1328  (Bishop 
Martin  of  St.  Davids) ;  but  further  we  read,  under  the  year 
1114,1  of  '  Owylliaid  Mawddwy,  a  geffir  fyth  yn  anrheithiaw 
gwlad  ym  mhell  ac  agos,'  •  who  are  ever  found  despoiling  the 
country  far  and  near.'  These  Gwylliaid  Mawddwy  were  a 
band  of  robbers,  whose  head-quarters  were  at  Mawddwy,  in 
Merionethshire,  who  caused  much  terror  in  the  first  half  of 
the  sixteenth  century,  who  murdered  Baron  Owen,  October 
11,  1555,  and  who  were  exterminated  soon  after.2  The 
present  tense,  are  ever,  furnishes  the  date  of  this  composition ; 
but  this  document,  thus  seen  to  be  written  about  1555,  makes 
no  mention  whatever  of  Madoc  ab  Owen,  or  of  any  such  dis- 
covery of  transatlantic  lands.  Can  we,  then,  believe  the 
statement  of  lolo  that  manuscript  accounts  of  the  discovery 
of  America  existed  in  Wales  c  before  the  birth  of  Columbus '  ? 
This  assertion  stands  alone,  is  unsupported  by  any  specific 

1  Llyfr  Aberpergwm,  Myv.  Arch.  vol.  ii.  p.  547  ;  Gee's  edit.  p.  706. 

2  "Williams's  Eminent  Welshmen,  art.  'Owen,  Lewis,  y  Barwn, 
pp.  882-8. 


WHEN   WAS   THE   MADOC    NARRATIVE    WRITTEN?          179 

reference,  and  is  nowhere  anticipated  or  repeated  by  any 
other  writer.  I  therefore  deliberately  affirm  that  lolo  here 
asserted  more  than  he  could  have  proved,  and  that  his  state- 
ment is  highly  improbable,  if  not  utterly  untrue. 

Seeing  that  in  all  these  cases  we  have  failed  to  find  any 
traces  of  a  circumstantial  narrative  of  Madoc's  discovery 
written  in  early  times,  we  come  in  the  next  place  to  consider 
the  statements  made  respecting  Gutty n  Owen.  No  name 
plays  so  important  a  part  in  this  controversy  as  that  of  this 
bard ;  his  authority  has  been  confidently  claimed  for  the 
affirmative  side  by  Dr.  Williams,  lolo  Morganwg,  and  Mr. 
Humphreys  Parry  (in  his  earlier  writings)  ;  and  not  a  little 
dexterity  has  been  shown  in  the  endeavour  to  place  him 
chronologically  before  Columbus. 

Guttyn  Owen  was  a  bard  and  herald  of  high  reputation, 
living  near  Oswestry  at  a  place  called  Ifton.  He  has  left 
behind  him  a  large  number  of  poems,  called  Cywyddau  •  a 
Welsh  Chronicle,  that  of  Basingwerk,  brought  down  to  his 
own  day ;  and  one  or  more  books  of  pedigrees.  And  so  high 
was  his  reputation  that  he  was  employed  as  an  historiographer, 
both  at  the  Abbey  of  Basingwerk  and  at  that  of  Ystrad  Fflur 
(Strata  Florida),  residing  alternately  at  both  monasteries.  As 
dates  are  important  in  the  present  discussion,  we  must  aim  at 
exactness.  He  is  said  by  one  authority  to  have  died  about 
1480;1  but,  as  will  be  seen  hereafter,  this  is  evidently  too  early. 
Another  says  he  flourislied  about  1480  ; 2  and  a  third  that  he 
wrote  in  Welsh  in  the  reign  of  Edward  IV.  (1461-1483) ;  3 
a  fourth  that  he  wrote  from  1460  to  1490  ; 4  and  a  fifth  that 
he  was  a  person  of  note  in  the  reign  of  Henry  VII.,5  who 

1  "Williams's  Eminent  Welshmen,  art.  '  Owain,  Guttyn.' 

2  Pennant,  Tours  in  Wales,  vol.  i.  p.  40  (edit.  1810) ;  Rev.  P.  B. 
Williams,  Cambro-Briton,  vol.  i.  p.  210. 

3  Sir  Thos.  Herbert,  ante,  p.  33. 

4  Cambrian  Biography,  art.  '  Gutyn  Owain,'  p.  152. 

5  Dr.  Williams's  Enquiry  &c.,  p.  9  (note/). 


180  MADOC. 

ascended  the  throne  in  1485.  That  he  was  living  in  this 
reign  is  quite  clear,  as  he  was  named  among  other  persons  in 
a  Royal  Commission  to  make  out  the  king's  descent  from  the 
ancient  British  kings ;  but  the  date  of  this  Commission  is 
undetermined.  Pennant  places  it  in  the  early  part  of  the 
king's  reign  ;  *  Dr.  Williams  thinks  it  was  issued  about  the 
year  1500,  when  Henry  sent  his  son  Arthur  into  Wales;  and 
Dr.  Jones  dates  it  in  1504.2 

We  are  now  in  a  position  to  discuss  some  of  the  questions 
raised  in  reference  to  this  bard.  It  is  currently  assumed  that 
he  wrote  an  account  of  Madoc's  discovery,  and  that  Humphrey 
Llwyd  and  Dr.  Powel  were  simply  translators  of  that  original. 
The  only  question,  therefore,  that  affected  the  holders  of  the 
affirmative  view  was  this,  whether  he  wrote  before  or  after 
the  voyage  of  Columbus  in  1492  ?  Some  writers  have  striven 
to  show  that  he  wrote  before  1492 ;  and  in  confirmation  it 
might  be  said  that  the  last  entry  in  the  Book  of  Basingwerk 
is  dated  1461 ;  but  as  that  MS.  chronicle  makes  no  reference 
to  the  voyages  of  Madoc,  or  his  discovery  of  America,  the 
fact  may  also  be  used  on  the  other  side  to  show  that  his 
reference  to  Madoc  must  have  been  written  at  a  later  date. 
The  opponents  of  the  narrative  affirm  that  he  wrote  after  the 
voyage  of  Columbus,  and  it  cannot  be  denied  that,  as  the  bard 
formed  one  of  the  above-mentioned  Royal  Commission,  he 
might  very  well  have  done  so.  But  whether  his  reference  to 
this  matter  was  made  in  words  corresponding  to  those  of 
Llwyd  and  Powel,  and  before  or  after  1492}  cannot  be 
determined,  as  we  have  not  the  Welsh  original,  and  it  is  not 
known  on  what  writing  of  his  Dr.  Powel  founded  his  state- 
ment.3 

1  Pennant,  op.  cit.  vol.  iii.  p.  49. 

2  History  of  Wales,  by  John  Jones,  LL.D.  (London,  1824),  p.  119. 

3  Humphreys  Parry  (Carmarthen  Essay,  p.  33)  asserts  that  Guttyn 
Owen,  '  in  his  epitome  of  Welsh  history,  gives  a  particular  relation  of 


WHEN   WAS   THE   MADOC   NARRATIVE   WRITTEN?          181 

The  late  Rev.  Thomas  Price,  as  we  have  already  seen, 
suspended  his  belief  in  the  Madoc  narrative  until  the  above 
question  had  been  decided ;  '  but  this  was  rather  uncritical 
ground  to  take  ;  for,  though  it  be  assumed  that  Guttyn  Owen 
did  write  some  account  of  Madoc's  discovery,  it  should  have 
been  quite  clear  to  him,  from  the  Llwyd  narrative  alone,  that 
Guttyn  Owen  did  not  write  anything  corresponding  to  that, 
and  that,  in  its  present  form,  this  could  not  have  been  written 
until  long  after  the  discovery  by  Columbus ;  for  Guttyn  would 
hardly  have  quoted  the  Spanish  writings  of  Francis  Lopez  de 
Gomara,  published  in  1553,  and  no  one  could  have  referred 
to  '  Nova  Hispania '  until  the  Spaniards  had  given  it  that 
name ;  neither  would  anyone  affirm  that  America  had  been 
discovered  by  Britons  '  long  before  either  Columbus  or 
Vespucci  led  any  Spaniards  thither,'  until  these  two  navi- 
gators had  become  pretty  generally  known.  I  conclude, 
therefore,  that,  though  Guttyn  Owen  might  have  written 
something  in  reference  to  Madoc  and  some  voyage  of  his,  the 
Llwyd  narrative,  as  it  stands,  cannot  be  a  translation  of  any 
writing  of  his. 

But,  if  Guttyn's  statement  is  not  represented  by  Llwyd's 
account,  what  was  it  that  Dr.  Powel  saw  ?  A  moment's  con- 
sideration will  suffice  to  show  that  he  could  not  have  seen 
any  reference  by  Guttyn  to  Spaniards,  Columbus,  or  Amerigo 
Vespucci ;  and  it  will  probably  be  equally  evident  that  Dr. 
Powel's  own  reasons  for  differing  from  Llwyd,  and  for  believing 
that  Madoc  went  to  Mexico,  could  have  had  no  place  in 
Guttyn's  MS.  Omitting  these  particulars — namely,  the  Llwyd 
narrative,  which  makes  no  reference  to  the  bard,  and  Dr. 
Powel's  own  speculations — we  shall  only  have  to  consider  the 
following  paragraph  : 

this  occurrence.'      This  is  a  mere  assertion  which  we  know  to  be 
untrue. 

1  Ante,  pp.  92-93. 


182  MADOC. 

'  This  Madoc  arriuing  in  that  Westerns  Countrie  unto  the 
which  he  came  in  the  yeare  1170,  left  most  of  his  people 
there :  and  returning  backe  for  more  of  his  owne  nation, 
acquaintance,  and  freends,  to  inhabite  that  faire  and  large 
countrie  ;  went  thither  againe  with  ten  sailes,  as  I  find  noted 
by  Gutyn  Oiven.  I  am  of  opinion,  &c.' l 

This  only  differs  from  Llwyd  in  giving  the  date,  1170, 
and  in  the  passage  in  italics ;  and  the  question  now  arises, 
What  did  Powel  find  noted  by  Gutyn  Owen  ?  Or,  first  of 
all,  how  much  of  this  paragraph  rests  on  his  authority  ?  I 
cannot  answer  for  other  persons,  but  it  seems  to  me  quite 
clear  that  the  bard's  authority  covers  nothing  but  the  '  ten 
ships.'  But,  if  so,  was  that  all  that  Powel  found  '  noted  '  by 
him  ?  Here  again  I  answer  affirmatively ;  for  it  is  scarcely 
credible  that  he  would  have  omitted  any  further  particulars 
if  they  had  occurred  in  the  MS. ;  and  this  supposition  gains 
strength  when  Guttyn's  statement  is  compared  with  the  Triad 
quoted  in  the  first  chapter.2 

One  other  question  yet  remains.  In  the  connection  in 
which  the  statement  is  used  by  Powel,  Guttyn  Owen  seems 
to  say  that  Madoc  went  to  America  ;  but  are  we  to  infer  that 
his  words  would  convey  that  meaning  if  we  had  them  in  their 
original  and  independent  form?  Before  answering  that 
inquiry,  it  may  be  well  to  observe  that  the  reference  to  the 
'ten  ships'  suggests  a  comparison  with  the  Triadic  statement. 
There  we  find  that  Madoc  went  away  with  ten  ships  and  three 
hundred  men,  but  that  it  was  not  known  where  he  went  to. 
Here  we  have  two  points  not  specified  by  Powel ;  but  it  is 
scarcely  probable  that  he  would  have  omitted  the  '  three 
hundred  men '  if  they  had  been  named  by  Guttyn,  and  I  must 
therefore  conclude  that  the  bard's  statement  was  simpler  in 
its  form  than  even  this  Triad,  and  that  in  the  original  it  did 

1  Historic  of  Cambria  (edit.  1811),  p.  167. 

2  [Ante,  p.  20.] 


WHEN   WAS   THE   MADOC   NARRATIVE   WRITTEN?          183 

not  affirm  the  discovery  of  the  western  continent,  or  of  any 
other  country. 

If  this  reasoning  be  correct,  the  statement  of  Guttyn 
Owen  is  far  less  important  than  it  is  generally  supposed  to 
be,  and  belongs  exclusively  to  the  earlier  and  simpler  form  of 
the  Madoc  tradition.  The  assertion  that  '  the  rightful  whelp 
of  Owen  Gwynedd '  discovered  America  must,  therefore,  remain 
without  the  sanction  of  the  herald-bard  of  Oswestry. 

We  are  thus  brought  back  to  the  consideration  of  the  Llwyd 
narrative,  and  have  now  to  determine  whether  it  is  a  trans- 
lation from  some  Welsh  account,  or  is  itself  an  original  state- 
ment. It  must  be  evident,  from  many  allusions  and  authentic 
facts  given  in  the  preceding  pages,  that  there  was  a  Madoc 
tradition  of  some  kind  before  the  times  of  either  Columbus  or 
Humphrey  Llwyd ;  and  it  is  not  difficult  to  conceive  that 
there  may  have  been  an  embryo  narrative  in  the  minds  of  the 
natives  of  Wales,  before  it  assumed  its  present  written  form  ; 
but  I  know  of  no  Cambrian  document  from  which  it  could 
have  been  translated ;  and  as  we  have  it,  it  bears  unmistaka- 
ble evidences  of  having  come  from  the  hands  of  an  accom- 
plished scholar,  not  only  well  acquainted  with  the  science  and 
literature  of  his  day,  but  also  thoroughly  conversant  with  the 
literature  of  American  discovery.  The  hand  of  Humphrey 
Llwyd  is  too  evident  in  its  phraseology,  topography,  and 
allusions,  to  render  it  doubtful  that  he  did  not  translate  the 
words  of  any  other  writer ;  and  as  Powel  gives  the  name  of 
Llwyd  as  the  authority  in  his  margin,  and  evidently  knew  of 
no  other,  it  must  be  considered  to  be  a  point  fully  established, 
that  the  sole  author  of  Llwyd's  narrative  was  Llwyd  him- 
self. 

Of  this  there  cannot  possibly  be  any  doubt.  Columbus 
made  his  discovery  in  1492  ;  and,  half  a  century  later,  Spanish 
writers  published  histories  of  the  New  World.  The  writer 
of  Llwyd's  narrative  quotes  these  writers ;  and  no  one  will 


184  MADOC. 

venture  to  affirm  that  he  could  have  quoted  them  before  the 
date  of  their  publication.  One  of  these  writers  was  Francis 
Lopez  de  Gomara,  the  first  edition  of  whose  '  Cronica  de  la 
Nueva  Espafia'  appeared  at  Medina  in  1553.  It  was  re- 
published  at  Antwerp  in  1554 ; l  and,  as  Llwyd's  continental 
correspondents  were  Hollanders,  it  is  almost  certain  that  it 
was  this  reprint  that  came  under  his  notice.  Llwyd's  work 
was  written  in  1559;  and  that  is  the  earliest  date  that  can 
possibly  be  assigned  to  the  written  assertion  of  the  discovery 
of  America  by  Madoc  ab  Owen  Gwynedd.  His  narrative  was 
not  written  until  sixty-seven  years  after  the  discovery  by 
Columbus;  and  it  was  first  published  in  1584,  twenty-five 
years  later,  or  ninety-two  years  after  the  first  voyage  of  that 
great  navigator. 

If,  therefore,  the  question  be  asked,  whether  the  narrative 
of  the  discovery  of  America  by  Prince  Madoc  was  written 
before  the  accomplishment  of  that  feat  by  Columbus,  I  shall 
have  no  hesitation  in  giving  a  negative  reply ;  but  it  must 
not  be  assumed  too  hastily  that  it  is  on  that  account  all 
pure  invention.  The  traces  of  Llwyd's  pen  might  be  all 
removed  without  destroying  the  integrity  of  the  native 
legend,  of  which  they  form  no  essential  parts.  There  was, 
as  we  have  observed,  an  antecedent  tradition ;  and  Llwyd 
himself  informs  us  that  there  were  such  narratives  in  his 
day: 

'  Of  the  viage  and  returne  of  this  Madoc  there  be  manie 
fables  fained,  as  the  common  people  doo  use  in  distance  of 
place  and  length  of  time,  rather  to  augment  than  to  diminish  ; 
but  sure  it  is,  that  there  he  was.' 2 

He,  therefore,  simply,  to  all  appearance,  adorned  and  gave 
a  definite  form  to  a  vague  tradition  already  current  among 
his  countrymen ;  and,  as  it  did  not  originate  with  him,  so  its 

1  Prescott,  History  of  the  Conquest  of  Mexico,  vol.  ii.  p.  402. 
9  Powel's  Historic  of  Cambria,  p.  167. 


WHEN   WAS   THE   MADOC   NARRATIVE   WRITTEN  ?          1 85 

vitality  in  its  earlier  form  does  not  cease  when  his  authority 
is  withdrawn.  We  shall,  therefore,  continue  the  discussion  in 
another  form. 


Section  III. — DOES   THE    NARRATIVE    OF  THE   DISCOVERY    OF 

AMERICA  BY  MADOC  AB  OWEN  BEAR  THE  MARKS  OF 
ORIGINALITY  AND  PROBABILITY  ? 

Traditions  are  the  foundlings  of  history.  They  have  no 
recognised  paternity,  and  are  the  expressions  of  popular 
rather  than  individual  feeling,  the  aggregate  contributions  of 
many  minds,  warmed  by  the  breath  of  zeal  or  nationality, 
rather  than  emanations  from  the  minds  of  independent 
authors.  And  this  is  the  case  with  that  now  under  considera- 
tion ;  the  germs  of  it  existed  long  before  Llwyd  wrote ;  and 
it  appears  from  him  that  the  tradition  had  assumed  something 
of  its  present  form,  and  become  current  in  his  day ;  but  all 
our  efforts  to  determine  its  paternity  have  failed ;  and  we  must 
therefore  waive  that  question  in  order  to  deal  with  the 
tradition  in  itself,  and  to  determine  whether  it  bears  the 
marks  of  originality  and  probability. 

In  order  to  obtain  a  clear  conception  as  to  whether  the 
Cambrian  story  has  or  has  not  marks  of  originality,  it  may  be 
well  to  compare  it  with  the  leading  facts  in  the  history  of 
the  voyages  of  Columbus.  If  it  differs  from  these,  we  may 
reasonably  infer  that  it  is  a  tradition  of  native  and  inde- 
pendent growth  ;  for,  though  there  were  many  navigators  in 
that  day  famed  for  American  discovery,  the  voyages  of 
Columbus  were  the  best  known  of  all  these,  and  the  most 
likely  to  influence  the  growth  of  such  a  tradition  as  that 
under  our  notice.  But  if  the  Madoc  narrative  presents  any 
very  striking  coincidences  with  the  voyages  of  Columbus, 
there  will  be  reasonable  grounds  to  suspect  that  it  took  its 
form  under  their  influences  ;  and  it  must  be  evident  that 


186  MADOC. 

between  1492  or  1493,  and  1559,  when  Llwyd  wrote,  there 
had  been  quite  enough  of  time  to  account  for  such  develop- 
ments. 

Columbus  sailed,  on  his  first  voyage  to  the  West,  on 
August  3,  1492,  from  the  bar  of  Saltes,  near  Palos,  in  Spain, 
with  three  small  ships  and  120  men.  After  many  mishaps, 
and  much  opposition  from  his  own  men,  he  discovered  the 
New  Continent,  and  landed  at  one  of  the  Bahama  Islands — 
either  San  Salvador  or  Watliiig  Island — on  the  morning  of 
October  12.1  On  the  24th  he  proceeded  to  explore  the 
newly-discovered  region,  and  found  other  islands,  such  as 
Concepcion,  Exuma,  Cuba,  and  Hayti.  He  took  the  latter  to 
be  the  ancient  Ophir,  the  source  of  the  riches  of  Solomon,  and  he 
gave  it  the  Latin  diminutive  name  of  Hispaniola,  from  its  re- 
sembling the  fairest  tracts  of  Spain.  He  there  constructed  a 
fort,  and,  leaving  there  the  germ  of  a  future  colony,  he  set  sail 
homeward  on  January  4,  1493,  and  landed"  triumphantly 
at  Palos  on  March  15  following.  On  September  25,  1493, 
he  left  Cadiz  on  a  second  expedition,  with  seventeen  ships 
and  1,500  men,  many  of  them  volunteers,  eager  for  gold 
and  glory.  He  discovered  many  new  islands,  and  visited 
Hispaniola  to  recruit  his  health ;  but  here  he  found  that  the 
men  he  had  left  there  were  nowhere  to  be  found ;  and  it  was 
thought  they  had  quarrelled  with,  and  been  massacred  by,  the 
natives.  He  returned  in  1496  ;  and  after  having  made  two 
more  voyages,  and  suffered  many  vicissitudes  of  fortune,  died 
at  Valladolid  in  Spain,  on  May  20,  1506,  with  a  world- wide 
reputation,  which  becomes  more  and  more  lustrous  with  each 
succeeding  age.  This  outline  of  his  career  is,  of  course,  ex- 
ceedingly meagre,  and  is  not  intended  to  be  a  biography  of  the 
great  navigator  ;  but  it  will  suffice  for  the  present  purpose. 

Two  considerations  at  once  present  themselves.     When 

1  History  of  Maritime  Discovery,  vol.  i.  pp.  393,  396 ;  vol.  ii. 
pp.  3-4. 


ORIGINALITY  '  OF   THE   MADOC    NARRATIVE.  187 

Columbus  returned,  he  brought  with  him  several  natives  of 
the  newly-discovered  country  ;  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  loaded 
him  with  honours ;  the  news  spread  like  wildfire  through  the 
length  and  breadth  of  Christendom  ;  all  Europe  rang  with  the 
praise  of  the  great  admiral ;  and  the  learned  men  of  every  city 
and  kingdom  in  the  civilised  world  united  in  rendering  their 
tribute  of  admiration  to  the  daring  and  sagacious  navigator 
who  had  conceived  the  existence  and  accomplished  the  dis- 
covery of  the  New  Continent.  But  Madoc,  assuming  the 
truth  of  the  story,  was  far  less  fortunate ;  Europe  remained 
wholly  unconscious  of  any  such  discovery ;  and  even  the  annals 
of  his  own  country  afford  no  trace  of  an  event  which,  had 
it  been  real,  they  certainly  would  have  recorded.  Again,  had 
Madoc  sailed  to  America,  and  returned,  he  could  scarcely  have 
failed  to  note  and  record  the  wholly  different  and  very  peculiar 
aspect  of  the  American  heavens.  The  ancients,  having  sailed 
round  the  Cape,  have  left  us  descriptions  of  what  they  saw, 
which  enable  us  to  say  that  they  visited  the  Southern  and 
Indian  Seas  ;  and  descriptions  of  the  astronomical  phenomena 
of  the  southern  hemisphere  find  place  in  the  accounts  of 
all  the  Spanish  voyages ;  but  Welsh  literature  affords  no 
trace  of  an  acquaintance  with  the  new  stars  and  nebulee  which 
attracted  the  attention  of  the  Spaniards ;  and  the  repeated  re- 
ferences to  the  '  three  quarters  '  of  the  world  shows  that  the 
Kymry  had  no  conception  of  the  existence  of  a  new  and 
fourth  quarter. 

Let  us  now  compare  the  two  narratives,  and  see  whether 
there  be  any  resemblance  between  them.  '  Madoc,'  it  is  said, 
'  left  the  land  in  contention  betwixt  his  brethren,  and  prepared 
certaine  ships  with  men  and  munition,  and  sought  aduentures 
by  seas,  sailing  West,  and  leaning  the  coast  of  Ireland  so  far 
north  that  he  came  to  a  land  unknowen,  where  he  saw  manie 
strange  things.' '  This  land,  in  the  opinion  of  Llwyd,  must 
1  Historic  of  Cambria,  p.  166. 


188  MADOC. 

needs  be  '  Nova  Hispania,'  discovered  by  Columbus,  or  Florida, 
discovered  by  Juan  Ponce  de  Leon  in  1512  ;  but  these  con- 
jectures could  have  formed  no  part  of  the  native  tradition. 
'  Madoc  then  returned  home,  declared  the  pleasant  and  fruit- 
ful countries  that  he  had  seene  without  inhabitants,  prepared 
a  number  of  ships,  got  with  him  such  men  and  women  as 
were  desirous  to  Hue  in  quietnes,  and  taking  leaue  of  his 
freends,  took  his  journie  thitherward  againe.'1 

Are  there  any  resemblances  here  ?  Madoc,  like  Columbus, 
is  said  to  have  sailed  directly  West,  and  like  him  to  have 
found  a  strange  land ;  but,  unlike  Columbus,  he  did  not  give 
it  a  name.  Why  was  this  ?  And  when  Llwyd  gave  the  new 
land  a  name,  why  was  he  compelled  to  use  one  given  by  the 
Spaniards  ?  These  facts  seem  to  indicate  that  the  tale  of  the 
discovery  was  post-Columbian.  Again,  Madoc  left  Wales  in 
disgust ;  but  no  sooner  has  he  found  a  land  to  his  liking  in  the 
Far  West  than  he  returns  to  fetch  more  of  his  countrymen 
than  cared  at  first  to  accompany  him.  Is  this  a  satisfactory 
explanation?  Columbus  went  out  intending  to  return;  took 
possession  in  the  name  of  the  King  of  Spain  ; 2  left  the  germ 
of  a  colony  behind  him  ;  and  returned  to  get  a  larger  number 
of  men.  In  his  case  the  motive  is  clear ;  but  the  return  of 
Madoc  is  not  so  easily  explained  ;  and  the  fact  begets  a  sus- 
picion that  here  also  the  statement  is  a  myth,  and  that  the 
story  has  been  shaped  in  accordance  with  the  voyages  of 
Columbus. 

Llwyd,  it  will  have  been  observed,  represents  Madoc  to 
have  made  a  speech  to  his  countrymen  on  his  return ;  and 
this,  again,  has  the  appearance  of  being  an  imitation  ;  for 
Columbus,  when  he  had  an  audience,  on  his  return,  from 
Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  the  King  and  Queen  of  Spain,  gave, 

1  Historic  of  Cambria,  p.  167. 

2  History  of  Maritime  Discovery,  vol.  i.  p.  393  ;  and  Kobertson's 
History  of  America,  vol.  i.  p.  128. 


ORIGINALITY    OF   THE    MADOC    NARRATIVE.  189 

in  an  elaborate  oration,  a  circumstantial  account  of  his  dis- 
coveries ;  and  the  effect  of  that,  and  the  speeches  of  his  fellow- 
voyagers,  was  the  same.  '  The  name,'  says  Robertson,  '  by 
which  Columbus  distinguished  the  countries  which  he  had 
discovered  (West  Indies)  was  so  inviting,  the  specimens  of 
the  riches  and  fertility  which  he  produced  were  so  consider- 
able, and  the  reports  of  his  companions,  delivered  frequently 
with  the  exaggeration  natural  to  travellers,  so  favourable, 
•as  to  excite  a  wonderful  spirit  of  enterprise  among  the 
Spaniards.' ' 

Llwyd  does  not  state  that  Madoc  left  any  men  behind 
him  on  his  first  voyage  ;  neither  does  he  give  its  date  or 
the  number  of  his  ships ;  but  Dr.  Powel  supplies  these 
omissions.  He  fixes  1170  as  the  date  of  the  first  voyage, 
and  says  that  Madoc  '  left  most  of  his  people  there,  and 
returning  back  for  more  of  his  own  nation  to  inhabit 
that  fair  and  large  country,  went  thither  again  with  ten 
ships.' 

The  authority  for  the  number  of  ships  we  know  to  be  Gutty  n 
Owen  ;  and  as  that  presents  no  resemblance  to  any  Columbian 
fact,  it  must  be  assumed  to  be  of  home  growth.  The  date  was 
easily  determined  from  the  wars  of  the  sons  of  Owen  Gwynedd ; 
but  where  is  the  authority  for  the  assertion  that  Madoc  left 
most  of  his  men  behind  him  ?  If  he  had  native  authority  for 
this,  why  does  he  not  give  it,  as  he  did  in  the  case  of  the  ten 
ships  ?  But  if  he  had  no  such  authority,  may  we  not  conclude 
that  he  was  shaping  his  narrative  in  accordance  with,  and 
under  the  influence  of,  Columbian  facts  ? 

Sir  Thomas  Herbert  writes  still  more  circumstantially. 
He  says  that  Madoc  ranged  the  coast  of  the  new  world,  and 
as  soon  as  he  found  a  convenient  place  sat  down  to  plant, 
meaning  thereby  that  he  fixed  on  a  spot  to  form  his  intended 
settlement ;  that  after  he  had  stayed  there  a  while  to  recruit 
'  History  of  America,  vol.  i.  p.  157. 


190  MADOC. 

the  health  of  his  men,  as  Columbus  did,1  he  fortified  his 
settlement,  as  Columbus  had  done,2  and  left  120  men,  the 
exact  number  Columbus  had  left,  there  to  protect  it.  The 
same  thing  occurred  to  these  settlers  as  to  the  crew  left  by 
Columbus ;  for,  on  the  reported  return  of  Madoc  and  his 
countrymen,  they  found  but  few  remaining,  and  they  attri- 
buted their  death  to  the  same  causes — either  an  incautious 
indulgence  in  the  produce  of  a  novel  climate  and  country,  or 
the  treachery  of  the  natives.  Coincidences  of  this  kind  cannot 
have  been  accidental ;  for,  though  many  other  navigators 
visited  the  same  regions,  no  such  resemblances  occur  between 
their  adventures  and  those  of  the  discoverers  of  Hispaniola  ; 
and  we  must  therefore  adopt  one  of  two  alternatives,  either 
that  Columbus  followed  servilely  in  the  footsteps  of  Prince 
Madoc,  of  whom  to  all  appearance  he  never  heard,  or  that 
the  Madoc  narrative  in  its  successive  stages  was  closely 
modelled  upon  that  of  the  great  admiral. 

It  would  be  thought  to  be  a  satire  on  Welsh  credulity  if 
I  were  to  say  that  any  of  my  countrymen  would  adopt  the 
first  alternative  ;  and  yet  Dr.  John  Williams  did  not  hesitate 
to  suggest  that,  '  in  the  space  of  about  300  years,  a  report  of 
Prince  Madog's  successful  Western  navigations  might  obtain 
throughout  Europe  ;  and  that  the  penetrating  and  enterprising 
genius  of  Columbus  might  excite  him  to  pursue  the  same 
course,  in  hopes  of  finding  a  nearer  way  to  China,  and  other 
countries.' 3  But  there  is  no  warrant  for  any  such  suggestion, 
and,  for  my  own  part,  I  must  adopt  the  other  alternative ;  and, 
in  answer  to  the  question  proposed  at  the  head  of  this  section, 
I  have  no  hesitation  in  affirming  that  the  narrative  of  Madoc's 
discovery  does  not  bear  the  marks  of  originality. 

1  History  of  Maritime  Discovery,  vol.  ii.  p.  7.  This  was  on  the 
second  voyage. 

*  Ibid.  vol.  i.  p.  397  ;  Robertson,  History  of  America,  vol.  i.  p.  144. 
3  Farther  Olaervations  &c.,  p.  58,  note. 


PROBABILITY    OF    THE    MADOC    NARRATIVE.  191 

The  foregoing  remarks  must,  I  conceive,  have  made  the 
fact  quite  manifest,  that  the  Madoc  narrative,  in  the  form  in 
which  we  now  have  it,  and  so  far  as  it  relates  to  the  discovery 
of  America,  must  have  been  framed  after  the  voyages  of 
Columbus,  and  under  the  influence  of  his  discoveries ;  but 
the  criticism,  so  far  as  it  has  yet  gone,  affects  the  form  of  the 
narrative  rather  than  its  essence,  and  does  not  exclude  either 
the  possibility  or  the  probability  of  the  discovery.  Still,  in 
the  absence  of  any  positive  record  of  the  fact,  we  can  only 
discuss  it  now  in  the  light  of  probability.  This  question 
presents  itself  under  three  aspects,  which  we  shall  consider 
seriatim : — 

(1)  Is  it  probable  that  America  would  have  been  dis- 
covered by  accident  ?  This  is  the  form  in  which  it  first 
suggests  itself;  for  we  are  told  that  Madoc  went  in  search  of 
adventure,  sailed  direct  West,  and  discovered  the  New  Conti- 
nent. Is  this  probable  ?  Columbus,  we  have  seen,  set  his 
face  westward,  sailed  in  that  direction  continuously  for  nine 
weeks,  and  then  descried  Guannahi,  which  he  named  San 
Salvador.  He  had  a  firm  persuasion  that  India,  for  that  was 
what  he  sought,  could  be  approached  from  the  West,  and  he 
determined  to  sail  westward  until  he  should  find  it.  But  is  it 
within  the  range  of  probability,  either  ordinary  or  extraor- 
dinary, that  Madoc,  without  having  any  such  persuasion,  and 
in  mere  search  of  adventures,  would  have  sailed  continuously 
for  nine  weeks,  into  an  unknown  sea,  and  without  any  pro- 
spect or  expectation  of  finding  new  lands  ?  Raised  in  this 
form,  the  question  admits,  in  my  judgment,  of  but  one 
answer,  and  that  one  wholly  adverse  to  the  claims  of  Prince 
Madoc.1 

1  I  here  assume  that  the  course  marked  by  Llwyd,  i.e.  that  Madoc 
left  Ireland  on  the  North,  is  the  correct  one.  Had  he  sailed  up  the 
North  Sea,  leaving  Ireland  to  the  South,  the  question  would  have  ad- 
mitted of  a  different  answer ;  for,  as  will  be  seen  in  the  sequel,  Gree  n 
land,  and  probably  North  America,  had  been  discovered  from  this 


192  MADOC. 

(2)  Rejecting  this,  let  us  next  inquire  whether  it  is 
probable  that  the  existence  of  a  new  continent  was  suspected 
in  the  twelfth  century,  and  whether  it  would  have  been 
sought  by  Madoc  or  any  of  his  contemporaries.  This  is  the 
form  of  the  question  suggested  by  Sir  Thomas  Herbert.  He 
quotes  the  prediction  of  Seneca,  the  Roman  philosopher,  in 

his  '  Medea ' : 

Venient  annis 

Secula  seris,  quibus  Oceanus 
Vincula  rerum  laxet  et  ingens 
Pateat  Tellus,  Typhisque  Novos 
Detegat  Orbes,  nee  sit  Terris 
Ultima  Thule. 

In  English  : 

The  time  shall  one  day  be, 
Guided  by  Providence,  when  men  shall  see 
The  liquid  Ocean  to  enlarge  her  bounds, 
And  pay  the  earth  a  tribute  of  more  grounds 
In  ample  measure.     For  the  sea  gods  then 
Will  show  new  worlds  and  rarities  to  men, 
Yea,  by  His  leave  who  everything  commands, 
See  Thule  far  less  north  than  other  lands. 

He  then  remarks  that  these  were  '  dim  lights  to  show  the 
way  to  the  western  world  ' ;  and  adds  that  '  it  is  not  unlikely 
that  Madoc  was  acquainted  with  the  prophecy  or  dim  lights 
which  led  to  the  discovery  of  the  western  world.' l  The 

quarter  as  early  as  the  end  of  the  tenth  century,  and  that,  to  all  ap- 
pearance, accidentally. 

At  the  quarterly  meeting  of  the  Eoyal  Society  of  Northern  Anti- 
quaries, December  6,  1861,  Mr.  Gisle  Brynjulfsson  suggested  that,  as 
Madoc  was  the  grandson  of  Griffith  ab  Conan,  who  on  the  mother's 
side  was  descended  from  the  Scandinavian  Kings  of  Dublin,  he  may 
have  heard  of  the  discovery  of  Greenland  and  other  western  countries 
by  the  Northmen,  '  these  being  well  known  to  the  Scandinavians  in 
Ireland.'  The  remark  is  ingenious,  but  I  presume  there  is  no  positive 
evidence  to  support  the  last  statement  (Arch.  Camb.  1862,  3rd  ser. 
vol.  viii.  p.  150). 

1  Quoted  in  Stephens's  Literature  of  the  Kymry,  p.  144 ;  2nd 
edit.  p.  133. 


PROBABILITY  OF  THE  MADOC  NARRATIVE.        193 

suggestion  here  thrown  out  is  ingenious;  but  there  is  a 
total  absence  of  evidence  to  show  that  any  such  ideas  existed 
in  the  dark  ages,  or  in  the  twelfth  century ;  while  Seneca 
was  an  author  only  known  to  a  few,  if  known  at  all ;  and  it 
is  perfectly  certain  that  these  '  dim  lights  '  had  no  share  what- 
ever in  the  ultimate  discovery ;  for  Columbus  sought  to  find 
a  western  way  to  India ;  and  to  his  dying  day  he  thought  he 
had  discovered,  not  a  new  continent,  but  the  extremity  of 
Asia.  He  gave  the  name  of  Indies  to  the  islands  he  had  dis- 
covered ;  and  the  West  Indies  retain  to  this  day  the  name 
thus  given  nnder  a  false  impression.  It  is  therefore,  I  think, 
improbable  that  Madoc  and  his  contemporaries  had  any 
suspicion  of  the  existence  of  the  American  continent ;  and, 
even  if  they  had,  it  is  improbable  that  Madoc,  in  the  absence 
of  a  sufficient  motive,  would  have  gone  to  seek  it.  Columbus 
was  allured  by  the  riches  of  India,  and  the  glory  that  would 
accrue  to  himself  from  the  discovery  of  a  new  highway  for 
Western  commerce ;  but  while  India  was  comparatively  un- 
known, and  the  foreign  commerce  of  Europe,  and  especially 
Wales,  very  small,  this  motive  would  scarcely  have  sufficed  to 
influence  Madoc. 

I  may,  however,  state  in  this  connection,  though  not 
strictly  relevant  to  the  inquiry,  that  in  the  fifteenth  century 
the  existence  of  other  lands  was  strongly  suspected.  Pulci, 
the  Italian  poet,  affirmed,  '  it  is  possible  to  navigate  far 
beyond  the  Pillars  of  Hercules  [i.e.  the  Straits  of  Gibraltar], 
as  the  sea  is  level  everywhere,  although  our  world  has  a 
round  form,  as  everything  above  is  attracted  to  the  centre, 
and  the  earth  itself  stands  suspended  among  the  stars.  And 
ships  shall  proceed  far  beyond  the  boundaries  which  Hercules 
fixed  here  in  times  of  ignorance,  and  they  will  discover  another 
hemisphere,  where  are  towns,  nations,  and  empires.  Those  are 
the  Antipodes,  and  they  adore  the  Sun.  ind  Jupiter  and 

o 


194  MADOC. 

Mars,  they  have  trees  and  cattle,  as  you  have,  and  often  wage 
war  against  one  another.' ' 

This  was  written  fifteen  years  before  Columbus  sailed  ; 
and  if  not  inspired  by  his  previous  voyages,  and  those  of  his 
fellow-countrymen,  as  well  as  by  the  grand  project  he  was 
known  to  entertain  long  before  he  executed  them,  may  have 
had  some  influence  on  his  mind ;  but  he  evidently  had  clear 
and  definite  conceptions  of  what  he  sought,  and  had  no 
intention  of  going  to  the  Antipodes  to  seek  the  New  World. 

(3)  We  now  approach  the  third  form  of  the  question. 
Assuming  that  Madoc  believed  in  the  existence  of  such 
transmarine  lands,  and  desired  to  reach  them,  is  it  probable, 
considering  the  state  of  navigation  in  Wales  in  the  twelfth 
ceutury,  that  he  could  have  made  his  way  to  America  ? 
This  view  of  the  question  has  been  already  under  discussion. 
Lord  Lyttelton  affirmed  that,  '  if  Madoc  did  really  discover 
any  part  of  America,  he  performed  an  achievement  incom- 
parably more  extraordinary  than  that  of  Columbus ;  but, 
without  the  help  of  the  compass,  at  a  time  when  navigation 
was  ill  understood,  and  with  mariners  less  expert  than  any 
others  in  Europe,'  he  held  such  a  feat  to  be  in  the  highest 
degree  improbable.  On  the  other  hand,  it  was  alleged  by 
Dr.  Williams  that  the  voyages  of  the  Phoenicians,  the  Greeks, 
&c.,  to  Britain  and  the  Baltic  were  equally  long  and  equally 
dangerous ;  but  this  is  a  very  weak  argument ;  for  these 
voyages  were  made  by  sailing  in  sight  of  land,  and  along 
known  coasts.  It  was  more  forcibly  urged  that  the  Britons 
in  the  middle  ages  had  frequent  intercourse  with  the  conti- 
nent, visited  Norway,  and  went  to  Iceland  ;  that  the  natives 
of  the  South  Sea  often  made  such  voyages ;  and  that,  with 
fair  weather,  Madoc's  voyage  was  not  impossible.2  And  a 

1  Morgante  Maggiore,  Canto  xxv.  stan.  228  et  seq. 

2  Hanes  Cymru,  p.  591.     With  modern  skill  and  scientific  appli- 
ances, it  might  be  possible  to  make  the  voyage  to  or  from  America 


PROBABILITY  OF  THE  MADOC  NARRATIVE.        195 

still  better  argument  might  have  been  found  in  the  fact  that 
the  Icelanders  in  the  eleventh. century  used  the  loadstone  in 
navigation,  and  that  the  mariner's  compass  really  was  known, 
if  not  to  Madoc,  at  least  to  the  Arabians,  at  or  near  the  date 
of  his  reputed  voyage ;  for  Guiot  de  Provins,  one  of  the 
Troubadour  poets,  about  1181,  mentions  the  magnet,  its 
property  of  turning  to  the  pole,  and  its  being  suspended ; 
and  he  also  adds  that  it  is  useful  to  direct  the  mariner  through 
the  ocean.1  Jaques  de  Vitry,  Bishop  of  Ptolemais,  expressly 
notices  it  in  1204,  as  the  well-known  guide  of  seamen;  it 
was  in  general  use  among  the  Spanish  navigators,  who  are 
supposed  to  have  received  it  from  the  Arabian  Moors,  in  the 
middle  of  the  thirteenth  century  ; 2  and  a  circumstantial  ac- 
count of  its  properties  was  written  by  a  German  physician, 
named  Peter  Adsiger,  in  1269.  It  is,  therefore,  manifest  that 
Flavio  Gioja,  a  native  of  Amalfi,  in  the  kingdom  of  Naples, 
who  is  supposed  to  have  invented  it  about  the  year  1302,3 
was  rather  the  improver  of  the  instrument  than  its  real 
inventor.  But,  though  the  compass  was  thus  known,  its 

with  inferior  craft.  Four  rnen  sailed  from  Benrmda  to  Ireland  in  a 
decked  boat  in  1618  ;  but  they  had  a  compass  and  were  experienced 
mariners  (Calendar  of  Colonial  Papers,  1862  ;  World  Displayed, 
vol.  iv.  p.  144).  For  a  reference  to  passages  to  and  from  America  in 
small  vessels,  see  the  Atlienceum,  September  8,  1866,  p.  305. 

1  Claude  Fauchet,  Becueil  de  I'Orig.  de  la  Lang.  Francaise,  p.  555, 
cited  in  the  History  of  Maritime  Discovery,  vol.  i.  p.  349. 

'  Un  art  font  qui  mentir  ne  peut, 
Par  la  vertu  de  la  mariniere, 
Un  pierre  laide,  et  bruniere, 
Ou  le  fer  volontiers  se  joint, 
Ont  regardent  ler  droit  point.' 

La  Bible  Guyot. 

2  Capmany,  Quest.  Crit.,  Quest.  11,  cited  in  the  same  work  and 
page.     In  1266,  larl  Starla,  a  Norwegian  poet,  was  rewarded  with  a 
mariner's  compass  for  an  elegy  on  a  Swedish  Count  (Torfaeus,  History 
of  Norway). 

3  History  of  Maritime  Discovery,  vol.  i.  p.  347. 

o  2 


196  MADOC. 

value  was  but  little  understood;  and  most  navigators,  especially 
in  Southern  Europe,  were  very  timid  in  trusting  themselves 
to  the  Atlantic,  out  of  the  sight  of  land. 

However,  this  is  apparently  a  false  issue ;  for  the  inhabi- 
tants of  Iceland,  who  were  already  half  way,  discovered 
Greenland  in  982,  and  North  America  in  986,1  without  the 
aid  of  the  compass ;  and,  on  the  other  hand,  a  Portuguese 
navigator,  who  by  a  breach  of  faith  on  the  part  of  John  II., 
King  of  Portugal,  was  made  acquainted  with  the  plans  of 
Columbus  himself,  failed  to  realise  them,  was  unable  to  direct 
his  course  at  sea,  and,  after  being  greatly  tossed  about,  had  to 
return  home,  and  confess  the  treachery  and  failure.2  It  must, 
therefore,  be  evident  that  the  most  important  element  in  the 
solution  of  this  problem  is  the  character  of  the  navigators 
and  their  chief.  Let  us,  therefore,  inquire,  What  kind  of 
character  do  the  Kymry  bear  as  sailors  ? 

This  question,  also,  has  been  answered  in  two  different 
senses.  Dr.  Williams  affirms  that  they  had  a  large  navy  in  the 
time  of  Julius  Caesar,  and  that  they  had  an  extensive  trade 
with  the  Phoenicians ;  3  but  these  reasons  are  rather  far- 
fetched, considering  that  the  principal  question  is  the  naval 
character  of  the  Kymry  in  the  twelfth  century,  even  if  they 

1  Blackwell's  edition  of  Mallet's  Northern  Antiquities,  pp.  244, 251. 
There  can  be  but  little  doubt  that  the  Scandinavian  or  Icelandic  pirates 
did  discover  Greenland,  though  Eobertson  (History  of  America,  vol.  i. 
p.  337,  note)  and  Bancroft  (vol.  i.  p.  5)  have  some  hesitation  in  admit- 
ting the  fact.  The  proofs  are  given  in  the  Antiquitates  Americana 
of  the  Northern  Antiquaries,  of  which  there  is  an  English  translation 
by  Mr.  J.  T.  Smith  (Discovery  of  America  by  the  Northmen  in  the 
Tenth  Century  &c.,  2nd  edit.  1850).  Wheaton  (History  of  the 
Northmen ;  as  also  in  his  Scandinavia,  vol.  i.  p.  163)  affirms  the 
reality  of  the  discovery ;  Blackwell  also  accepts  the  testimony  of  the 
Icelandic  Sagas;  and  the  evidence  has  been  popularised  in  one  of 
Chambers's  Papers  for  the  People.  The  Vikings  used  to  take  ravens 
with  them  to  direct  their  course  homeward  (Frode,  Landnamabok). 

3  History  of  Maritime  Discovery,  voL  i.  p.  386. 

s  Williams's  Enquiry  &c.,  p.  60. 


PROBABILITY  OF  THE  MADOC  NARRATIVE.       197 

were  sound ;  unfortunately  they  are  both  erroneous ;  for  the 
ships  mentioned  by  Cassar  were  those  of  the  Veneti  of  Gaul, 
and  the  foreign  trade  was  carried  on  in  Phoenician  ships. 

Another  writer  comes  nearer  home,  and,  in  the  interest  of 
the  Madoc  legend,  claims  naval  celebrity  for  the  Britons  of 
the  fourth  century.  This  impression,  which  Camden  had 
attempted  to  produce  before,  is  effected  by  garbling  the  words 
of  Festus  Avienus  (who  wrote  about  A.D.  370)  thus : 

Turbidum  late  fretum 
Et  belluosi  gurgitem  oceani  secant 
Kei  ad  miraculum. 

Far  and  wide  they  plough  the  rough  sea. 
And  the  gulf  of  the  raging  ocean 

In  a  most  wonderful  manner.1 

But,  on  verifying  this  quotation,  the  original  is  found  to 
produce  a  more  specific  and  less  flattering  impression. 
Speaking  of  the  people  of  the  OEstrymnides,  or  Scilly  Islands, 

he  says : 

Multa  vis  hie  gentis  est, 
Superbus  animus,  eificax  sollertia, 
Negotiandi  cura  jugis  omnibus ; 
Notisque  cymbis  turbidum  late  fretum, 
Et  belluosi  gurgitem  oceani  secant. 
Non  hi  carinas  quippe  pinu  texere 
Acereve  norunt,  non  abiete,  ut  usus  est, 
Curvant  faselos ;  sed  rei  ad  miraculum, 
Navigia  junctis  semper  aptant  pellibus, 
Corioque  vastum  saepe  percurrunt  salum.a 

That  is : 

This  is  the  great  power  of  the  nation, 

Their  proud  mind,  their  efficient  skill, 

Their  desire  of  negotiating  with  all  climes  ; 

Their  well-known  boats  widely  traverse 

The  troublous  sea,  and  the  gulf  of  the  monster-bearing  ocean. 

Certainly,  they  know  not  how  to  cover  their  keels 

1  Camb.  and  Caledon.  Quart.  Mag.  vol.  iv.  p»  470. 

2  Monumenta  Historica  Britannica,  p.  xix. 


108  MADOC. 

With  pine  or  maple  (decks),  nor  do  they,  as  is  customary, 
Curve  their  little  vessels  with  fir ;  but  the  wonder  is, 
They  always  make  their  vessels  of  joined  skins, 
And  often  run  through  the  vast  deep  in  a  hide. 

This,  therefore,  is  only  a  description  of  that  very  primitive 
British  boat — the  coracle — which  may  still  be  seen  on  the 
Towy  and  the  Teivy,  and  certainly  does  not  lend  much 
support  to  the  Madoc  narrative. 

A  better  argument  might  be  founded  upon  the  '  Gododin,' 
from  which  it  is  quite  evident  that  the  British  aborigines  had 
a  navy  in  the  seventh  century ;  one  Cynddilig  is  specially 
named,  with  his  '  glassawc  tebedawc  tra  mordwy  alon,'  or 
'  blue  flag  against  naval  foes  ' ;  and  of  another  chief  it  is  said, 
1  0  golet  moryet  ny  bu  aesawr '  (v.  79),  that, '  from  having  led 
a  seafaring  life,  he  bore  no  shield.'  Cynddilig  is  also  called 
*  gwrawl  amddyvrwys,  gorvawr  ei  lu'  (v.  81),  'hero  of 
surrounding  waters,  great  was  his  host.' l  But  it  does  not 
appear  that  the  Kymry  had  a  navy  in  the  twelfth  century ; 
and  it  is  a  pure  fiction  to  affirm  that  Madoc  commanded  his 
father's  fleet  at  the  battle  of  Tal  y  Moelvre  in  1142,  for  the 
battle  took  place  on  land — '  ac  am  dal  moelvre  mil  fanieri,'  as 
Gwalchmai  says ;  and  the  only  shipping  present  was  that  of 
the  invaders.  Still  it  was  a  gross  misrepresentation  on  the 
part  of  Dr.  Jones  to  say  they  had  only  coracles  and  wicker 
boats  ;2  for  they  often  went  to  and  from  Ireland,3  and  cer- 

1  It  will  be  observed  that  I  have  given  my  own  version  of  the 
'  Gododin  '  passages :  I  am  not  satisfied  with  any  of  the  translations  yet 
published. 

2  Monthly  Magazine,  September  1819. 

3  '  Note  the  frequent  notices  of  emigration  from  Wales  to  Ireland, 
about  A.D.  1170,  and  insert  in  text : — 

Annales  Cambrice,  A.D.  1167. 

Book  of  Aberpergwm,  A.D.  1169,  1172,  1173. 

Gruffydd  ab  Cynan,  1170. 

Hywel  ab  Owain,  1171. 

Pyvog,  &cv  1172,  1173,  1177.' 

[Author's  note  inserted  on  revision.] 


PEOB ABILITY    OF   THE    MADOC   NARRATIVE.  199 

tainly  had  some  kinds  of  shipping.  It  does  not,  however, 
appear  that  their  ships  were  numerous ;  and  it  must  be  con- 
fessed that  the  testimony  of  Giraldus,  who  wrote  within  a 
few  years  of  the  reputed  voyages  of  Madoc,  is  unfavourable  to 
any  supposition  of  their  having  been  partial  to  naval  pursuits  ; 
for  he  says  expressly  that  the  Cambrians  '  pay  no  attention 
to  commerce,  shipping,  or  manufactures.' l  This  distaste  for 
the  sea  seems  to  have  continued  to  later  times ;  and  it  is 
difficult  to  deny,  in  the  face  of  such  facts  and  of  our  own 
experience,  that  there  was  some  truth  in  Lord  Lyttelton's 
assertion  that  the  natives  of  Wales  are  less  expert  as 
mariners  than  any  others  in  Europe.  There -are,  it  is  true, 
a  few  brilliant  exceptions,  as  Captain  Griffiths  (commander  of 
the  '  Conqueror '  at  Port  Royal,  1766),  Sir  Edward  Parry,  and 
a  few  others :  still  they  were  exceptions.  Among  such  a 
people  as  we  know  ourselves  to  be  in  this  respect,  and  in 
the  face  of  the  adverse  contemporary  testimony  of  Giraldus, 
we  should  not  expect  to  find  a  great  naval  commander  and 
adventurous  sailors  in  Wales  in  the  twelfth  century ;  and, 
in  the  total  absence  of  good  positive  testimony  in  favour  of 
Madoc's  discovery  of  America,  I  am  compelled  to  decide 
against  its  probability. 

Section  IV. — Dm  MADOC  LEAVE  HIS  OWN  COUNTRY  ? 

Having  now  examined  the  evidences  in  favour  of  what  I 
have  termed  the  affirmative  view,  and  found  them  insufficient 
to  prove  the  discovery  of  America,  we  come  in  the  next  place 
to  consider  the  evidence  in  favour  of  what  may  be  termed  the 
tentative  view. 

This,  it  has  been  seen,  was  held  by  Dr.  Jones,  and  Mr. 
Humphreys  Parry,  and  less  positively  by  the  late  Eev.  Thomas 
Price.  Dr.  Jones  held  that  Madoc  was  an  eminent  fisherman ; 

1  Hoare's  Giraldus,  vol.  ii.  p.  289. 


200  MADOC. 

that  he  left  his  country  ;  that  his  departure  was  lamented  ; 
and  that  he  was  lost  at  sea.1  Mr.  Parry  held  that  he  left  his 
own  country,  but  that  there  is  no  sufficient  evidence  to  show 
what  country  he  discovered.  And  Mr.  Price  contented  him- 
self with  affirming  that  he  preferred  a  seafaring  life  to  con- 
tending hopelessly  for  landed  possessions  ;  but  that,  for  any- 
thing more  than  that,  it  was  necessary  to  wait  for  further 
proofs. 

We  are  now  entering  into  the  region  of  pure  native 
tradition ;  and  it  affords  me  pleasure  to  be  able  to  state  that, 
whatever  conclusions  we  may  draw  from  the  facts  now  to  be 
presented,  there  can  be  no  good  ground  for  doubting  the 
authenticity  of  the  documents  in  which  they  occur.  They  are 
found,  on  examination,  to  consist  of  three  classes,  namely : 

(1)  Testimonies  that  are  irrelevant  to  the  inquiry; 
(2)  Affirmations  that  Madoc  went  to  sea,  and  was  never  heard 
of  more  ;  (3)  Facts  showing  that  he  died  in  Wales,  and  tend- 
ing to  prove  that  he  was  murdered  by  and  among  his  own 
countrymen  in  Wales.  We  will  examine  them  in  the  order 
of  this  classification. 

(1)  Let  us  first  produce  the  passages  which  are,  or  seem  to 
be,  irrelevant.  It  is  stated  by  the  biographer  of  '  Eminent 
Welshmen'  that  '  the  expeditions  of  Madoc  are  mentioned  by 
Cynddelw,  Llywarch  Prydydd  y  Moch,  Gwalchmai,  and 
Meredydd  ab  Rhys ' ; 2  but  Mr.  Williams  could  scarcely  have 
examined  their  statements  very  carefully ;  for  of  all  the  pas- 
sages usually  cited,  one  alone  can  be  thought  to  justify  this 
assertion. 

Apparently  the  least  relevant  of  these  bardic  testimonies 
is  that  of  Gwalchmai.  After  naming  Owen,  Cadwaladr,  and 
Cadwallon,  the  three  sons  of  Gruffydd  ab  Cynan,  he  pro- 
ceeds : 

1  Monthly  Magazine,  September  1819. 

3  Eminent  Welshmen,  art.  '  Madog  ab  Owain.' 


DID    MADOC    LEAVE    HIS    OWN    COUNTRY  ?  201 

Madog  madioedd  goddoli 
Mwy  gwnaeth  vy  modd  no'm  coddi, 
Un  mab  Maredudd  a  thri  meib  Gruffudd, 
Biau  budd  beirdd  weird.1 

The  lines  are  thus  translated  by  Mr.  Humphreys  Parry  : 

And  Madog,  too,  of  liberal  heart 
Delight  to  me  would  oft  impart : 
Yes  he,  Maredudd's  only  heir, 
With  Gruffydd's  sons  my  praise  shall  share, 
For  they  in  proud  esteem  the  bardic  name  would  bear. 

Here,  assuming  that  the  passage  really  alludes  to  Madoc 
ab  Owen,  there  is  evidently  no  reference  to  any  sea  voyage ; 
but  it  is  also  evident  that  the  Madoc  of  this  poem  was  not 
the  reputed  hero  of  American  discovery,  but  Madoc  ab 
Meredydd,  Prince  of  Powys,2  who  was  a  liberal  patron  of  this 
bard.  To  him  Gwalchmai  addressed  one  or  more  poems  ;  and 
he  perpetuated  his  fame  in  a  long  and  very  beautiful  elegy. 
This  testimony  of  Gwalchmai's  may,  therefore,  be  dismissed  as 
being  irrelevant  to  this  inquiry. 

One  of  the  passages  from  Prydydd  y  Moch  also  seems  to 
have  no  reference  to  our  present  subject.  Modernised,  it  runs 

thus : 

Llywelyn 

Wyr  Madawc  ermidedd  vwyvwy 
Wyr  Twein  virein  ei  avarwy. 

Myv,  Arch.  vol.  i.  p.  301 ;  Gee's  edit.  p.  213. 

1  Myv.  Arch.  vol.  i.  p.  198 ;  Gee's  edit.  p.  146.     I  have  modernised 
the  orthography  for  the  convenience  of  the  reader.     The  passage  at 
length,  and  in  its  original  form,  was  given  in  the  first  chapter  (a/nte, 
p.  16). 

2  Mr.  Humphreys  Parry  uniformly  treated  this  passage  as  being 
irrelevant :  see  the  Cambro-Briton,  vol.  i.  p.  60,  where  one  of  the  bardic 
passages  is  said  to  be  relevant ;  the  Carmarthen  Essay,  where  it  is 
omitted ;  and  the  Cambro-Briton,  vol.  iii.  p.  184,  where  the  whole 
poem  is  translated,  and  these  lines  said  to  be  intended  for  Madoc  ab 
Meredydd. 


202  MADOC. 

and  may  be  rendered  in  these  terms : 

Llywelyn 

Grandson  of  Madoc, 

Grandson  of  Owen,  grief  for  whom  is  becoming. 

On  the  same  page  Llywelyn  is  said  to  be  (  Wyr  Madawc 
vreiniawc  enwawc  ' ;  but  it  must  be  evident  at  a  glance  that 
the  epithet  '  vreiniawc '  (royal)  does  not  apply  to  the  reputed 
voyager ;  and  an  examination  of  Llywelyn's  pedigree  shows 
that  here  again  we  have  the  Prince  of  Powys. 

OWEN  GWYNEDD  MADOC  AB  MEREDYDD 

I  I 

IOEWEETH  AB  OWEN  married  MARGED,'  a  daughter 

to  this  prince,  and 
by  her  had 


LLYWELYN  AB  IOKWERTH, 

who  was  thus  the  grandson  of  both  Owen  Gwynedd  and  Madoc 
ab  Meredydd.  It  was  thought  that  an  allusion  to  Madoc  ab 
Owen's  departure  lurked  in  the  word  'ermidedd';  but 
Dr.  John  Davies  renders  it '  vita  eremitica,'  and  Richards  '  an 
ascetic  solitary  life,  the  life  of  a  hermit.' 

And  as  Madoc  ab  Meredydd  was  a  devout  man,  who  feared 
God,  and  built  a  church  at  Meifod  at  his  own  cost,2  it  was 
probably  intended  to  refer  to  his  pious  life,  or  to  his  death 
and  burial;  for  he  died  in  1159,  upwards  of  thirty-five  or 
forty  years  before  the  date  of  this  poem.  We  therefore  find 
that  this  also  is  irrelevant. 

Another  of  the  poems  of  Llywarch,  on  which  much  stress 
has  been  laid,  is  that  which  refers  to  the  '  two  princes  '  who 

1  Sir  John  Wynne's  History  of  the  Gwedir  Family,  Miss  Angharad 
Llwyd's  edit.  p.  21 ;  also  Williams's  Eminent  Welshmen,  art. 
'  lorwerth  Drwyndwn.' 

3  Eminent  Welshmen,  art.  '  Madoc  ab  Meredydd.' 


DID   MADOC   LEAVE   HIS   OWN   COUNTRY?  203 

broke  off  in  wrath ;  but  in  this  poem  the  name  '  Madoc '  does 
not  occur  at  all.  It  is  addressed  to  Rodri  ab  Owen  ; l  and  a 
little  acquaintance  with  the  history  of  this  period  shows  that 
he  was  the  person  alluded  to,  and  not  Madoc.  In  1175  Rodri 
was  put  in  prison  by  his  brother  David ;  but,  escaping  there- 
from,2 he  took  possession  of  and  expelled  David  from  Anglesey 
and  Gwynedd  '  uwch  Conwy,'  above  the  Conway,  towards  the 
end  of  the  same  year.  This  is  probably  the  subject  of  the 
reference  in  the  poem;3  the  two  princes  were  David  and 
Rodri ;  the  one  '  on  land  in  Arvon '  was  David  ;  the  one  '  on 
the  bosom  of  the  great  sea ' — one  of  the  designations  of  Mona 4 
— was  Rodri  ;  and  the  '  claim  easily  guarded '  was  not 
America,  but  Ynys  Fon,  the  Isle  of  Anglesey.  The  expres- 

1  It  is  entitled  '  Arwyrein  Rodri  vab  Ywein.     Prydyt  y  Moch  ae 
cant.'     [Myv.  Arch.  vol.  i.  p.  284 ;  Gee's  edit.  p.  202.] 

2  Brut  y  Tyun/sogion,  Myv.  Arch.  vol.  ii.  p.  437 ;  Gee's  edit.  p.  632 ; 
Brut  y  Saeson,  Myv.  Arch.  vol.  ii.  p.  577  ;  Gee's  edit.  p.  681.     Llyfr 
Aberpergwm,  called  by  uncritical  writers  '  The  Chronicle  of  Caradoc,' 
gives  1177  as  the  date  of  his  escape  [Myv.  Arch.  vol.  ii.  p.  577 ;  Gee's 
edit.  p.  714] ;  but  I  have  followed  the  older  authorities. 

3  The  four  lines  given  at  p.  12,  ante,  and  left  untranslated,  bear 
expressly  on  this  meeting  at  Aberconway,  between  David  and  Rodri : 

'  Near  Aberconway  two  "  draigs  "  met  by  appointment, 

Two  Dragons  in  the  Strait  (of  the  Menai), 
Two  taciturn  ones  placed  on  the  land, 
Two  illustrious armies.' 

And  it  is  scarcely  possible  to  doubt  that  these  lines  refer  to  the  facts 
mentioned  in  the  native  chronicles,  and  that  they  have  no  reference 
at  all  to  Madoc  ab  Owen. 

4  The  Isle  of  Anglesey  is  so  called  by  Gwilym  Ddu  (A.D.  1280) 
(Myv.  vol.  i.  p.  411 ;  Gee's  edit.  p.  277) : 

'  Mon,  mynwes  eigion.' 
(Mona,  bosom  of  Ocean.) 

And  it  is  evident  that  the  epithet  of  the  earlier  bard  was  applied  to 
that  island.  Indeed,  we  may  consider  that  the  latter  bard  had  in  view 
the  passage  under  consideration,  and  that  his  repetition  of  the  epithet 
fully  establishes  my  position. 


204  MADOC. 

sion  '  separated  from  all  for  a  habitation '  must  probably  be 
taken  in  connection  with  other  lines  which  follow  it : 

Ar  honn  rodri  mon     .... 
Due  eil  ruthyr,  &c. 

Myv.  Arch.  vol.  i.  p.  284 ;  Gee's  edit.  p.  202. 

That  is, 

On  this,  Eodri  of  Mona 
Made  a  second  attack. 

This  refers  to  a  later  event.  Rodri  retained  possession  of 
Anglesey,  apparently  by  treaty  with  David,  for  about  fifteen 
years.  He  was  the  lord  of  that  island  in  1188,  when 
Giraldus  made  his  crusading  tour  with  Archbishop  Baldwin. 
But  he  lost  it  a  few  years  afterwards.  He  was  first  married 
to  Agnes,  daughter  of  the  Lord  Rhys  of  South  Wales,  and  by 
her  had  two  sons,  named  Gruffydd  and  Einion.  But  after  her 
death,  being  expelled  about  the  year  1192,  he  went  to 
Gotheric,  king  of  the  Isle  of  Man,  married  his  daughter,  and 
with  his  assistance  recovered  Anglesey  in  1193.1  This  was 
probably  the  '  second  assault '  named  by  the  poet ;  but  he 
was  repulsed  the  same  year  by  the  sons  of  Cynan  ab  Owen 
Gwynedd;  and,  in  1194,  Llywelyn  ab  lorwerth  became  king 
of  North  Wales  by  the  aid  of  the  sons  of  Rodri.  What 
became  of  Rodri  afterwards  is  not  known,  except  that  he 
died,  and  was  buried  at  Caergybi,  or  Holyhead.2 

Great  stress  was  laid  upon  this  passage  by  Mr.  Humphreys 
Parry,  and  he  rested  much  of  his  case  upon  it ;  but  it  does 
not  stand  the  test  of  examination ;  and,  unless  I  am  much 
mistaken,  it  will  be  admitted  to  have  no  reference  whatever 
to  the  matter  under  discussion. 

1  Brut  y  Tywysogion,  Myv.  Arch.  vol.  ii.  p.  439  ;  Gee's  edit.  p.  633  ; 
and  Brut  y  Saeson,  Myv.  Arch.  vol.  ii.  p.  580  ;  Gee's  edit.  p.  683.    Also 
Wynne's  History  of  the  Gwedir  Family,  p.  25  ;  but  Sir  John  was  in 
error  when  he  put  1243  as  the  date  instead  of  1193. 

2  History  of  tJie  Gwedir  Family,  p.  25. 


DID   MADOC   LEAVE   HIS   OWN   COUNTRY  ?  205 

(2)  We  now  approach  the  second  class  of  testimonies,  and 
will,  at  least,  have  the  satisfaction  of  dealing  with  statements 
that  are  of  importance.  Of  these  the  first  in  point  of  date  is 
the  passage  from  Meredydd  ab  Rhys,  who  says,  in  returning 
thanks  for  a  fishing-net : 

Let  Evan,  of  generous  growth,  hunt 

Upon  his  fair  land,  a  true  patrimony, 

In  an  auspicious  hour,  I  also  on  water, 

With  the  consent  of  the  generous  one,  will  be  a  hunter. 

Madoc  the  bold,  of  expanding  form, 

True  whelp  of  Owen  Gwynedd, 

Would  not  have  land  (he  was  my  kindred  soul), 

Nor  great  wealth,  except  the  seas. 

I  am  a  Madoc  to  my  age.  and  his  passion 

For  the  seas  have  I  also  shared ; 

I  will  walk  by  sea  and  river, 

Along  the  strand  with  my  circled  net. 

The  boldness  here  attributed  to  Madoc  is  at  variance 
with  the  placidity  claimed  for  him  by  late  writers,  and  quite 
accords  with  the  character  given  to  him  by  his  contemporary 
Cynddelw  ;  and  it  is  quite  evident  that  in  the  middle  of  the 
fifteenth  century,  when  this  poem  was  written,  there  was  a 
distinct  Madoc  tradition.  The  only  question  here  is,  What  is 
the  purport  of  the  passage  ?  It  clearly  proves  that,  to 
Meredydd  ab  Rhys,  Madoc  had  the  reputation  of  being  fond 
of  a  seafaring  life,  and  of  being  eminent  as  a  fisherman  ;  but 
does  it  prove  more  than  this  ?  The  Rev.  Thomas  Price 
thought  it  did  not ;  and  I  confess  that  to  be  my  opinion  also ; 
for  the  expressions  used  were  clearly  intended  to  mark  an 
opposition  between  sea  and  land,  and  to  show  that  he  preferred 
a  sea  life  to  landed  possessions ;  and  it  seems  to  me  that  they 
exclude  the  supposition  that  Madoc  would  have  cared  for  land 
anywhere,  either  in  his  own  country  or  in  foreign  parts.  And 
this  view  is  supported  by  the  concluding  lines ;  for  how  else 
could  the  bard  say,  '  Madog  wyf  im  hoes '  ('  I  am  a  Madog  to 


206  MADOC. 

my  age ')  ?  The  subject  of  comparison  is  evidently  the  pisca- 
torial character ;  and  the  meaning  of  the  bard  certainly  was 
that  both  St.  Peter  and  Madoc  resembled  him  in  this 
respect.1 

The  statement  of  leuan  Brechva  seems  to  come  next  in 
point  of  date,  though,  as  we  have  neither  the  original  words 
nor  a  specific  reference  to  the  work  from  which  they  are 
taken,  we  cannot  speak  very  positively  on  this  head.  All  we 
know  for  certain  is  that  this  carries  the  tradition  a  step 
further.  leuan  Brechva  may  only  have  meant  that  Madoc 
went  to  Ireland  ;  but,  at  most,  his  statement  can  only  warrant 
the  inference  that,  in  his  judgment,  Madoc  left  his  own 
country,  and  went  across  St.  George's  Channel.  This  is, 
however,  an  advance  upon  the  statement  of  Meredydd  ab 
Rhys. 

We  are  in  the  same  uncertainty  respecting  the  testimony 
of  Guttyn  Owen.  The  reference  to  the  '  ten  ships '  is  evidently 
an  advance  upon  the  statement  of  the  bard  of  Brechva ;  but 
how  much  more  it  meant,  and  whether  it  afforded  any  express 
indication  as  to  whither  Madoc  went,  now  remains  unknown. 
As  we  have  his  words  in  citation  only,  though  Dr.  Powel,  in 
all  probability,  stated  all  that  he  found,  we  can  only  assert 

1  '  It  is  better  to  be  the  wife  of  a  fisherman 
Than  of  such  as  would  not  go  to  the  water. 
Peter,  great  was  his  fortune, 
Was  a  fisherman,  the  best  of  men. 
To  the  same  pursuit  will  I  go, 
More  than  Peter  I  will  not  desist.' 

lolo  MSS.  pp.  324,  703. 

The  lines  are  interpreted  in  this  sense  by  the  Editor  of  the  latter 
part  of  the  lolo  MSS.,  the  late  Eev.  W.  J.  Rees,  of  Cascob.  '  The 
passage  in  itself,'  he  says,  '  contains  no  more  than  an  intimation  of 
Madoc's  preferring  the  sea  to  living  on  land.'  He  adds,  it  is  true,  that 
'  when  joined  to  the  history  given  by  Guttyn  Owen,  it  assumes  some 
degree  of  importance  ' ;  but  as  Guttyn  wrote  no  such  history,  the 
passage  must  be  viewed  in  and  by  itself. — lolo  MSS.  p.  703,  note. 


DID   MADOC   LEAVE   HIS   OWN  COUNTRY?  207 

the  authority  of  Guttyn  Owen  so  far  as  this,  that  Madoc  left 
his  country  and  went  to  sea  with  ten  ships.1 

The  Triads  of  the  third  series  present  the  statements  of 
the  two  persons  last  mentioned  in  a  still  more  advanced 
stage,  and  enable  us  to  see  what  the  native  tradition  really 
was  before  the  voyages  of  Columbus.  As  the  triad  here 
referred  to  is  in  every  way  the  most  important  of  this  class, 
it  will  be  well  to  note  the  exact  words  :  The  third  '  divancoll ' 
of  the  Isle  of  Britain  was  that  of  '  Madag,  son  of  Owen 

1  [The  following  curious  traditional  tale  of  the  ship  of  Madoc,  re- 
duced into  writing  in  the  year  1582,  while  speaking  of  Madoc's  fond- 
ness for  a  seafaring  life,  his  many  voyages  to  foreign  countries,  and  the 
wreck  of  his  ship,  says  nothing  of  his  discoveries  or  his  fate.  The  story 
occurs  in  a  MS.  in  the  possession  of  the  Rev.  D.  Silvan-Evans,  B.D.,  is 
in  the  orthography  of  Griffith  Roberts's  Welsh  Grammar  (A.D.  1567), 
and  in  the  handwriting  of  Roger  Morris,  and  was  published  in  a 
modernised  orthography  in  Y  Bryilion  for  1863,  p.  471. 

'  Madoc  ap  Ouain  guyned  oed  voriur  maur  a  chuannoc  i  drafel  ac 
am  na  ale  o  vod  aral  entrio  ir  Sygned  guneiithur  ac  adeilad  a  unaeth 
long  heb  hayarn  ond  i  hoylio  a  chyrn  keiru  rhac  lynckii  or  mor  hunnu 
hi  ai  galu  oi  guneiithuriad  Guennan  gorn  ac  ynn  honno  i  nofiod  y 
moroed  urth  i  blesser  ac  i  trafaeliod  i  lauer  or  uledyd  tra  mor  ynn 
diarsuyd  ond  urth  dymchuelyd  adre  ynn  gyfagos  at  Ynys  Enli  yr 
yskyttiod  phrydie  yno  hi  yn  greulon  ac  ai  hamharod  ymhel  ac  am 
hynny  vyth  hyd  hediu  i  geluir  y  mann  hunnu  ar  y  mor  Phrydie 
Kasuennan  yr  ystori  honn  a  doeth  o  lau  buy  gilyd  dann  uarat  gredaduy 
o  hynny  hyd  hediu.  /  vely  i  dyvod  Eduart  ap  Sion  uynn  i  mi  1582  y  13 
o  Vis  Maurth.' 

('  Madoc  ap  Owain  Gwynedd  was  a  great  sailor,  fond  of  travel,  and 
since  he  could  not  otherwise  enter  the  Vortex  he  made  and  built  a 
ship  without  iron,  but  nailed  with  stags'  horns,  lest  that  sea  should 
swallow  her  up,  and  he  called  her  from  her  make  Horn-Gwennan, 
and  in  her  he  sailed  the  seas  at  his  pleasure,  and  fearlessly  voyaged  to 
many  foreign  countries.  But  in  returning  home,  near  Bardsey  Island, 
the  currents  there  shattered  her  cruelly,  and  greatly  damaged  her ;  and 
therefore  is  that  part  of  the  sea  called,  from  that  day  to  this,  "  the 
currents  of  Gwennan's  Bane."  This  story  has  come  down  from  hand  to 
hand,  under  credible  warranty,  from  that  time  to  this  day.  So  Edward 
ap  Sion  Wynn  told  me,  this  13th  March,  1582.') 

Another  copy  of  this  story  occurs  in  Hengwrt  MS.  No.  337. 


208  MADOC. 

Gwynedd,  who  went  to   sea  with  three  hundred  men  in  ten 

ships,  AND  IT  IS  NOT  KNOWN  TO  WHAT  PLACE  THEY  WENT.'  ' 

It  must  be  quite  evident  that  the  first  and  last  clauses 
expressly  exclude  all  reference  to  America,  or  to  any  known 
location,  and  that  they  are  directly  opposed  to  the  idea  that 
Madoc  had  made  any  such  discovery.  Mr.  Humphreys  Parry, 
therefore,  overrated  this  passage  when  he  inferred  'that 
Madoc  left  Wales,  but  that,  with  respect  to  the  particular 
country  he  discovered,  there  is  no  positive  evidence  ' ;  for  the 
triad  affirms  no  discovery  at  all ;  and  it  would  evidently  have 
been  looked  upon  as  a  disqualification  for  inclusion  in  this 
triad  if  any  such  discovery  had  been  made ;  for  it  could  not 
then  be  said  that  the  place  whither  he  went  was  wholly  un- 
known ;  while  it  is  evidently  a  part  of  the  very  essence  and 
intention  of  the  triadic  statement  to  say  that  he  was  never 
heard  of  more.  Still  less  is  there  any  indication  here  that 
he  had  discovered  new  lands  in  the  West ;  had  returned 
home,  reporting  the  result  of  his  voyage ;  and  departed 
thence  a  second  time.  It  may  be  presumed,  assuming  that 
he  had  gone  away  at  all,  that  he  had  some  object  in  view  ; 
but  no  hint  is  given  as  to  what  that  may  have  been.  On  the 
other  hand,  there  is  an  indication  that,  whatever  his  object 
was,  he  had  failed  to  attain  it.  The  exact  meaning  of  the 
word  divancoll  does  not  appear  to  be  known.  It  is  sometimes 
rendered  '  loss  by  disappearance ' ;  by  Dr.  Pughe,  who  falsified 
a  quotation  to  support  his  version,  it  is  translated  '  devasta- 
tion ' ;  and  by  Humphreys  Parry  '  vanished  loss.'  The  word 
occurs  only  three  times  in  our  ancient  literature ;  the  first 
time  in  Davydd  ab  Gwilym  ;  once  in  the  Triads  of  the  second 
series,  in  connection  with  the  straying  of  Gavran  ab  Aeddan ; 2 

1  [Triads,  ser.  iii.  tr.  10;  Myv.  Arch.  vol.  ii.  p.  59;  Gee's    edit. 
p.  401.] 

2  [Triads,  ser.  ii.  tr.  34  ('  Tri  Diweir  Deulu  '),  Myv.  Arch.  vol.  ii.  p.  7 ; 
Gee's  edit.  p.  390.] 


DID   MADOC   LEAVE   HIS   OWN   COUNTRY?  209 

and  in  the  triad  under  consideration.  It  seems  to  mean 
'  straying.'  Davydd  relates  his  adventure,  on  amorous 
thoughts  intent,  on  a  winter's  night,  when  he  lost  his  way, 
stumbled  over  frozen  ditches,  ponds,  and  other  obstructions, 
and  imagines  himself  to  die  of  the  cold  caught  thereby.  His 
ghost,  he  says,  would  be  seen,  '  a  sad  object,  because  of  death 
from  straying  (oherwydd  trangc  difangcoll),  and  fittingly, 
all  over  ice'  (Wor,ks,  p.  387).  If  this  be  the  meaning  of  the 
word,  the  Triad  merely  affirms  that  Madoc  went  astray,  and 
that  it  is  not  known  where  he  went. 

These  passages  fall  short  of  proving  the  discovery  by 
Prince  Madoc  of  any  unknown  lands ;  and  being  manifestly 
of  a  traditional  character,  capable  of  solution  into  simpler 
forms,  and  exhibiting  the  phenomena  of  growth,  they  have 
no  claim  to  take  the  place  of  authentic  history ;  but,  waiving 
these  considerations,  they  may  be  admitted  to  afford  pre- 
sumptive evidence  that  Madoc  left  the  Principality,  unless 
there  be  some  other  evidence  of  an  opposite  character. 

(3)  Leaving  this  matter  in  suspense  for  a  while,  let  us  now 
proceed  to  examine  the  third  class  of  facts,  mentioned  above. 

On  examining  the  evidences  on  the  subject  of  Madoc  and 
his  reputed  discoveries,  most  persons  have  been  surprised  to 
find  that  there  is  no  notice  whatever  of  any  naval  expeditions 
of  the  kind  named  in  the  pages  of  any  contemporary  historian. 
If  the  statements  were  true,  they  could  scarcely  have  been 
thought  unimportant;  and,  if  Madoc  had  returned  from  a 
strange  land,  it  is  utterly  incredible  that  none  of  the  annalists 
of  the  time  would  have  placed  the  fact  on  record ;  yea,  even 
if  he  had  gone  to  sea  with  ten  ships  and  three  hundred  men, 
and  never  returned,  it  is  fairly  to  be  presumed  that  the  fact 
would  have  found  an  historian.  But  no  such  record  appears. 
'  Brut  y  Tywysogioii '  says  nothing  of  any  such  expedition, 
neither  does  it  name  Madoc  at  all ;  the  three  other  '  Bruts ' 

p 


210  MADOC. 

published  in  the  '  Myvyrian  Archaiology  '  are  all  equally 
silent ;  and  all  the  MSS.  of  '  Brut  y  Tywysogion '  at  Hengwrt 
and  elsewhere  are  equally  destitute  of  any  reference  to  Madoc, 
or  his  reputed  voyages  and  discoveries.  Giraldus  Cambrensis 
visited  North  Wales  in  1188,  within  eighteen  years  of  the 
reputed  date  of  the  expedition  ;  and  he,  who  was  so  ready  to 
seize  upon  such  marvels,  would  undoubtedly  have  mentioned 
the  fact  if  he  had  heard  it ;  but  he  has  not  a  word  upon  the 
subject ;  and  this  silence  is  ominous,  for,  had  it  been  a  fact, 
some  priest,  if  no  other  person,  would  surely  have  told 
him. 

The  inference  deducible  from  these  negative  indications  is 
seen  to  be  strengthened  by  two  bardic  poems,  both  of  which 
assert  that  Madoc  was  slain  at  home ;  and  one  of  them  indi- 
cates that  he  was  murdered.  The  latter  of  these  is  the  '  Ode 
to  the  Hot  Iron,'  by  Llywarch  Prydydd  y  Moch ;  and  from 
that,  as  given  in  the  first  chapter,1  it  appears  (1)  that  Madoc 
was  slain  by  an  assassin ;  (2)  that  Llywarch  was  suspected 
of  the  murder  ;  (3)  that  he  denied  the  charge,  as  he  does  in 
addressing  '  the  Hot  Iron ' : 

From  having  with  my  hand  and  blade  slain  the  blessed  one, 
From  being  accessory  to  a  murderous  deed, 
Good  iron  exonerate  me :  that  when  the  assassin 
Slew  Madoc,  he  received  not  (the  blow)  from  my  hand ; 

and  that  he  was  put  upon  his  trial  for  the  murder.  He  was 
evidently  threatened  with  the  trial  by  ordeal  when  he  com- 
posed this  poem ;  but  it  is  not  known  whether  the  threat 
was  put  in  practice.  At  any  rate,  it  would  seem  that  he  was 
acquitted;  for  the  poem  must  have  been  composed  before 
1169,  and  he  was  living  forty  or  fifty  years  later.  This  poem 
is  utterly  at  variance  with  the  notion  that  the  Madoc  men- 
tioned in  it  had  openly  left  his  country,  and  even  with  that 
which  affirms  that  he  was  lost  at  sea ;  for  the  fact  that  he 
1  [Ante,  pp.  11,  12.] 


DID   MA  DOC   LEAVE   HIS   OWN  COUNTRY?  211 

died  at  home  is  distinctly  indicated ;  the  statement  that  he 
was  murdered  is  equally  explicit ;  and,  if  the  poem  really 
refers  to  Madoc  ab  Owen,  as  I  believe  it  does,  it  saps  the 
foundation  of  the  popular  narrative. 

The  other  poem  is  still  more  significant.  It  is  entitled 
1  MARWNAD  TEILU  YWEIN  GWYNET,'  and  was  attributed  to 
Llywelyn  Vardd ;  but  the  copy  in  the  '  Myvyrian '  has  the 
inscription  '  Cyndelw  ai  cant ' ;  and  the  internal  evi- 
dences favour  that  statement.  At  the  first  glance  one  is  apt 
to  think  that  the  title  includes  all  the  seventeen  sons  of  Owen 
Gwynedd ;  but,  on  closer  examination,  we  find  that  the  word 
'  Teilu,'  or  Family,  here  includes  only  so  many  of  the  family 
of  Owen  as  had  died  towards  the  latter  end  of  his  life  ;  for 
the  poem  opens  with  an  invocation  to  Owen  himself ;  it  does 
not  include  the  names  of  his  sons  David,  Howel,  Maelgwn, 
Rodri,  and  others  who  survived  their  father,  and  must  have 
been  composed  shortly  before  the  year  1169,  when  Owen  died. 
The  poem  commences  thus  : 

Ewein  arwyrein  aur  wron  Kymry 
Kymroeyd  orchordyon 
Mur  metgyrn  mechdeyrn  mon 
Meu  hoet  am  hoetyl  y  dragon.1 

Or,  in  English  : 

Owen  I  extol,  golden  hero  of  Cambria, 
Of  Kymric  retinues ; 

Bulwark  of  mead-horns,  monarch  of  M6n, 
Sorrow  is  mine  for  the  life  of  the  dragon. 

And  it  thus  becomes  clear  that  Owen  was  living  at  the  time, 
though  far  gone  in  years.  The  bard  then  mentions  first  the 
name  of  Llywelyn,  one  of  the  sons  of  Owen  ;  afterwards,  a  long 
string  of  others  now  unknown ;  and  towards  the  end  introduces 
the  verse  on  Madoc : 

1  Myv.  Arch.  vol.  i.  p.  224  ;  Gee's  edit.  p.  163. 


212  MADOC. 

Eny  lias  Madawc  mur  dygyvorth  var, 

Meu  avar  car  cynnorth 
Oet  anwas  cas  cad  ehorth 
Get  anwar  par  yn  y  porth. 

The  Llywelyn  here  named  died  in  the  year  1164  ; 1  and 
thus  it  is  seen  that  the  poem  was  composed  after  that  date, 
and  before  the  year  1169.  Madoc  must,  therefore,  have  been 
killed  between  these  two  dates,  in  the  lifetime  of  his  father, 
and  probably  not  later  than  1168. 

Bearing  these  points  in  mind,  let  us  now  proceed  to 
render  the  verse  into  English,  and  to  apply  the  facts  connected 
therewith  to  the  subject  of  our  inquiry.  Dr.  Owen  Pughe, 
then  Mr.  William  Owen,  altered,  as  I  have  already  intimated, 
the  word  '  mur '  into  '  myr,' 2  and  made  the  verse  to  testify 
that  Madoc  had  been  killed  '  by  the  overwhelming  wrath  of 
the  seas' ;  but  the  verse  makes  no  reference  to  the  sea  what- 
ever ;  the  original  reading  is  '  mur  ' ;  and  anyone  who  knows 
anything  of  our  old  poetry  is  well  aware  that  this  metaphor 
is  applied  very  commonly.  It  occurs  in  two  other  instances 
in  this  very  poem ;  Owen  G-wynedd  is  termed '  mur  meddgyrn,' 
and  his  son  Morgant  is  called  '  mur  gawr.'  It  is  also  applied, 
in  the  very  next  poem,  five  times  in  succession,  to  the  Lord 

Rhys : 3 

Mur  mawrgor,  &c. 
Mur  mawrdir,  &c. 
Mur  mawrdut,  &c. 
Mur  mawrdaryf,  &c. 
Mur  mawrdreis,  &c. 

And  hence  I  presume  there  can  be  but  little  doubt  that '  mur ' 

1  [Brut  y  Tyivysogion,  Myv.  Arch.  vol.  ii.  p.  432 ;  Gee's  edit.  p.  629.] 

2  Mr.   Humffreys  Parry  also  indulges  in  this  misrepresentation, 
though  he  expressly  refers  to  the  Myv.  Arch.  vol.  i.  p.  225  [Gee's  edit. 
p.  164],  where  the  true  reading  occurs  (Carmarthen  Essay,  p.  31). 
[See  Pughe's  Dictionary,  s.v.  '  Myr,'  for  a  different  rendering  of  the 
word — e.g. '  Myr  meddgyrn  '  is  translated  by  '  spirit  of  mead-horns.'] 

3  Myv.  Arch.  vol.  i.  p.  226;  Gee's  edit.  p.  164. 


DID   MADOC   LEAVE   HIS   OWN   COUNTRY?  213 

is  the  proper  reading.     Assuming  that,  the  verse  was  thus 
rendered  in  Chapter  I. : ' 

Since  Madoc,  the  bulwark  of  swelling  rage,  was  slain, 

I  mourn  a  helping  friend : 
The  virile  one  was  fierce  in  the  busy  fight, 
He  was  an  arrogant  commander  in  the  portal. 

And  there  can  scarcely  be  any  room  to  doubt  that  this  is  a 
fair  representation  of  the  poet's  meaning. 

Let  us,  then,  proceed  to  apply  the  facts  thus  obtained  to 
the  allegations  usually  made  in  reference  to  Madoc.  He  was 
(so  Dr.  Powel  affirms)  an  illegitimate  son  ; 2  and,  at  a  time 
when  the  commanding  abilities  of  his  brother  Howel  failed  to 
wash  out  the  stain  of  illegitimacy,  he  could  not  have  possessed 
a  very  large  amount  of  influence.  Howel,  though  he  failed 
to  obtain  a  throne,  had  a  celebrity  which  extended  itself  over 
the  whole  of  Wales,  and  obtained  for  him  an  honourable 
place  in  Welsh  history,  both  as  a  warrior  and  as  a  poet ;  but 
Madoc  has  no  place  in  the  annals  of  that  time,  and  could 
scarcely  have  displayed  abilities  of  a  high  order,  else  this 
silence  is  unaccountable.  All  the  allegations  respecting  him 
break  down  when  closely  examined.  He  is  said  to  have  been  of 
a  placid  disposition ;  but  Cynddelw  says  he  was  '  the  bulwark 
of  swelling  rage,'  '  fierce  in  the  busy  fight,  and  an  arrogant 
commander  in  the  portal.'  He  is  said  by  Owen  and  others  to 
have  been  overwhelmed  by  the  sea ;  but  the  verse  cited  in 
evidence  makes  no  reference  to  the  sea  at  all.  He  is  said  to 
have  sailed  on  a  voyage  of  discovery  in  1170;  but  we  find 
that  he  must  have  been  killed  two  years  at  least  before  that 
date.  His  departure  is  said  to  have  been  deplored  ;  but  the 
passage  relied  on  in  support  of  this  refers  to  Madoc  ab 
Meredydd,  Prince  of  Powys.  He  is  said  to  have  sought  a 

1  Ante,  p.  10. 

2  Wynne's  edition  of  Powel's  Historic  of  Cambria,  p.  194,  edit. 
1812  ;  Rev.  T.  Price,  Hanes  Cymru,  p.  580. 


214  MADOC. 

peaceful  settlement  in  foreign  lands ;  but  the  nearest  proof 
on  this  point  only  indicates  that  he  disliked  landed  possessions, 
and  preferred  a  seafaring  life.  It  is  said  he  was  led  to  take 
this  step  in  consequence  of  the  dissensions  of  his  brethren 
after  the  death  of  his  father ;  but  we  find  that  Owen  was  yet 
living,  while  Cynddelw  sang  the  elegy  of  Madoc ;  and 
Prydydd  y  Moch  was  tried  upon  a  charge  of  having  been 
either  a  principal  or  an  accessory  to  his  death.  We  are  told 
that  he  discovered  strange  lands,  returned  home,  and  sailed 
away  a  second  time  ;  and  yet  his  contemporaries  are  as  silent 
as  the  grave  as  to  anything  of  the  sort.  And  we  are  further 
told  that  he  went  to  sea,  and  was  never  heard  of  more ;  but 
his  contemporaries  affirm  that  he  came  to  a  violent  death  in 
his  own  country,  point  to  his  dead  body,  sing  his  'In 
Memoriam,'  and  try  his  suspected  murderers.  Thus,  on 
every  point,  the  statements  of  Madoc's  contemporaries,  whose 
incidental  testimony  is  free  from  any  suspicion,  and  is 
necessarily  of  the  highest  authority,  is  directly  at  variance 
with,  and  completely  upsets,  all  the  allegations  usually  made. 
Again,  he  appears  to  have  had  a  family,  and  they  remained 
in  Wales ;  for  at  a  later  date  we  find  persons  tracing  their 
descent  from  him.  Edward  Morus,  slain  at  Llanfyllin  fair, 
1689,  is  thus  described: 

Gwiwddyn  gweddaidd  mewn  tangnefedd, 

0  hil  Madog,  enwog  annedd,  ab  Owain  Gwynedd  gain. 

(Huw  Morus,  Poems,  vol.  ii.  p.  221.) 
A  good  man, — 

Of  the  race  of  Madoc,  of  celebrated  residence, 
Son  of  the  brilliant  Owen  Gwynedd. 

It  does  not  seem  to  be  known  at  the  present  day  where 
this  '  celebrated  residence  '  was  ;  but  it  may,  seeing  that  his 
brother  lorwerth  possessed  the  Commot  of  Ardudwy,  in 
Merionethshire,  have  been  Gallt  Vadog,  near  Barmouth. 
There  is  a  place  called  Cae  Madog  in  the  same  parish 


DID   MADOC   LEAVE   HIS   OWN  COUNTRY?  215 

(Llanaber),  and  a  Havod  Vadog  in  the  parish  of  Llanvor  in 
the  same  county.  Conan,  one  of  Owen's  seventeen  illegitimate 
sons,  is  said  to  have  had  Merioneth,1  hence  called  by  Giraldus 
'  Terra  filii  ConamV  Possibly  his  illegitimate  brethren  had 
shares  of  it  also. 

Relying  on  these  bardic  passages,  the  late  Rev.  Walter 
Davies  said,  '  I  believe  it  may  be  proved  from  indisputable 
documents  that  Madog  ab  Owen  Gwynedd  .  .  .  fell  by  the 
sword  in  his  own  country  ' ;  2  and  as  a  competent  critic,  and 
one  of  the  most  clear-headed  of  Welshmen,  his  opinion  carries 
with  it  much  weight.  Can  we  honestly  arrive  at  any  other 
conclusion  ?  We  have  carefully  and  conscientiously  examined 
every  scrap  of  evidence  adduced  in  favour  of  the  Madoc  narra- 
tive ;  and  yet  have  we  not  found  them  to  be 

Like  Dead  Sea  fruit,  that  tempt  the  eye, 
But  turn  to  ashes  on  the  lip  ? 

We  examined  the  plausible  tale  of  the  '  Welsh  Indians,' 
and  patiently  considered  the  numerous  '  proofs '  adduced  on 
their  behalf;  and  yet,  did  we  not  find  that  in  many  instances 
the  statements  were  deliberate  falsehoods,  and  that"  in  all 
there  was  gross  credulity?  Transferring  our  attention  to 
home  authorities,  we  found  an  abundance  of  confident  asser- 
tions; and  yet,  in  all  instances,  did  not  the  affirmative 
evidences  turn  out  to  be  either  mere  conjectures  or  total 
misconceptions  ? 

Ascending  to  the  more  respectable  platform  of  pure  Welsh 
tradition,  have  we  not  found  that  the  statements  were  still  of 
a  shadowy  character,  and  that  the  basis  of  fact  became  smaller 
and  smaller  as  we  approached  the  time  when  Madoc  lived, 
moved,  and  had  his  being?  Arriving  among  the  contem- 

1  Wynne's  History  of  the  Gwedir  Family,  p.  359  (in  Harrington's 
Miscellanies :  London,  1781). 

2  Cambrian  Quarterly  Magazine  (1829),  vol.  i.  p.  440. 


216  MADOC. 

poraries  of  the  traditional  voyager,  have  we  not  found  them 
totally  unconscious  of  everything  usually  alleged  respecting 
*  the  true  whelp  of  Owen  Gwynedd,'  and  not  only  unconscious 
of  these  allegations,  but  affording  indications  strikingly  in- 
consistent with  almost  every  portion  of  the  national  legend  ? 
In  an  era  redolent  of  bards  and  bardism,  we  might  have  ex- 
pected to  find  poets  and  annalists  lauding  the  wonderful 
sailor,  voyager,  and  discoverer ;  and  had  he  been  so  in  reality, 
he  most  certainly  would  not  have  been  left  unhonoured  and 
unsung;  but,  instead  of  that,  we  find  his  contemporaries 
mourning  his  death,  distinctly  affirming  him  to  have  been 
killed  at  home,  among  his  own  kinsmen,  and  trying  parties 
charged  with  his  murder.  After  such  an  examination,  ending 
in  such  results,  it  is,  in  my  judgment,  impossible  honestly 
to  arrive  at  any  other  conclusion  than  that  of  the  Rev.  Walter 
Davies.  In  answer,  therefore,  to  the  question  proposed  at 
the  head  of  this  section,  I  have  to  state,  after  a  careful  and, 
it  is  believed,  fair  consideration  of  all  the  evidence,  that 
Madoc  the  son  of  Owen  Gwynedd  never  left  Wales,  but  came 
to  a  violent  death  in  his  own  country,  in  the  lifetime  of  his 
father,  and  from  two  to  six  years  before  the  assigned  date  of 
his  first  alleged  voyage. 

This  narrative  must,  therefore,  cease  to  be  accounted 
historical ;  and  it  is  to  be  hoped  that  my  countrymen  may 
henceforth  feel  that  they  degrade  themselves,  and  heap  dis- 
credit upon  our  motherland,  by  giving  credence  to  this  idle 
and  unfounded  tale. 

Section  V. — THE  GROWTH  OF  THE  LEGEND. 

The  early  literatures  of  almost  all  nations  abound  in 
legendary  elements ;  and  whether  we  view  the  histories  of 
Greece,  Rome,  Germany,  or  the  far  East,  we  shall  find  abun- 
dant evidences  of  this  fact.  As  to  Greece,  we  have  the 


THE  GROWTH  OF  THE  LEGEND.  217 

evidences  of  the  fact  in  the  Homeric  and  Cyclic  poems,  in 
the  pages  of  Herodotus,  the  Pindaric  Odes,  and  the  dramas 
of  ^Eschylns,  Sophocles,  and  Euripides.  <  The  Heroic  Legends 
of  Ancient  Rome '  have  been  preserved  by  Livy,  disengaged 
from  the  body  of  Roman  history  by  the  sagacious  Niebuhr, 
and  ably  illustrated  in  the  metrical  versions  of  Lord  Macaulay. 
In  Germany,  the  long  poem  called  the  '  Nibelungen  Lied  ' 
is  a  great  storehouse  of  historic  legends.  And  the  ancient 
literatures  of  Arabia,  Persia,  and  India,  which  are  slowly 
becoming  known  in  the  West,  exhibit  the  same  fact,  in  the 
legendary  histories  of  Antar.  Rustum,  Sohrab,  Krishna,  Dama- 
yanti,  and  a  host  of  others.  In  France,  also,  do  we  not  find 
a  cluster  of  legends  around  the  name  of  Charlemagne  ? 

If,  therefore,  the  literature  of  Wales  were  free  from,  and 
destitute  of,  historic  legends,  the  Kymry  would  form  a  grand 
exception  to  the  general  rule  of  other  nations,  and  would  sink 
at  once  into  an  inferior  position ;  for  the  absence  of  legendary 
lore  indicates  a  want  of  imagination  in  the  people ;  and  a 
deficiency  of  imagination  is  proof  of  intellectual  sterility.  But 
this  character  cannot,  and  does  not,  apply  to  the  Kymry  ;  for 
it  is  almost  a  proverbial  saying  that  '  a  Kymro  has  imagina- 
tion enough  for  fifty  poets,'  though,  it  is  added,  '  without 
judgment  enough  for  one.'  Here,  then,  are  the  constituents 
of  legendary  literature  ;  and  will  anyone  say  that,  when  the 
soil  is  so  well  adapted  for  their  growth,  historic  legends  have 
no  place  in  the  Principality  of  Wales  ?  On  the  contrary,  has 
it  not  been  the  nursery  of  fables,  legends,  and  romances  for 
the  whole  of  Europe  ?  Did  not  the  Arthurian  romances, 
current  in  Wales  in  the  twelfth  century,  and  first  introduced 
into  European  literature  by  Geoffrey  of  Monmouth,  find  their 
way  into,  and  expand  and  fructify  in,  England,  France,  Spain, 
Italy,  Greece,  Germany,  and  Scandinavia  ?  And  have  we  not 
still  in  our  own  language  a  whole  series  of  '  Mabinogion '  ? 
Have  we  not  already  in  print  the  '  Mabinogion  '  of  Bran  ab 


218  MADOC. 

Llyr,  of  Pwyll  and  Pryderi,  of  Lludd  and  Llevelys,  of  Kilhwch 
and  Olwen,  of  the  Lady  of  the  Fountain,  of  Geraint  ab  Erbin, 
of  Peredur  ab  Evrawc,  and  the  bard  Taliesin  ?  Do  we  not 
know  that  '  Ystori  Bown  o  Hamtwn,'  '  Ystori  Gwlad  leuan 
Vendigaid,' '  Ystori  Idrian  Amherawdyr  ag  Ipotis  Ysprydawl,' 
and  '  Ystori  mal  yr  aeth  Mair  i  Nef,'  are  rotting  and  being 
worm-eaten  in  the  libraries  of  North  Wales  ?  And  are  not 
all  the  antiquarians  of  Wales  shaking  in  their  shoes  lest  the 
famous  '  Ystori  Seynt  Greal,'  which  Gutto'r  Glyn  called  '  Llyfr 
o  grefft  yr  holl  Ford  Gron,'  should  meet  at  Rhug  with  the 
same  fate  as  the  manuscripts  at  Hafod,  and  the  library  of  Sir 
Watkin  Williams  Wynn  recently  at  Wynnstay  ?  Heaven  for- 
bid that  this  valuable  MS.  should  meet  such  a  fate ;  and  I 
trust  that  Cambrian  archaeologists  will  raise  their  voices  in 
favour  of  having  this  story,  which  has  never  been  published, 
speedily  made  known  to  the  world  at  large.1 

Who,  then,  shall  say  that  the  Kymry  are  destitute  of 
imagination,  or  that  the  native  mind  of  Wales  is  unfavourable 
to  the  growth  of  historic  legend  ?  And  if  they  indulged  in 
fiction  in  past  times,  have  they  completely  changed  their 
nature  since  ?  If  they  clothed  the  actions  of  Arthur,  Geraint, 
Peredur,  Owain  ab  Urien,  Gwalchmai,  Kai,  and  Klydno  in  a 
romantic  garb,  who  shall  say  that  they  stopped  there,  and 
that  the  same  imaginative  faculty  may  not  have  been  at  work, 
shaping  the  imputed  adventures  of  Madoc  ab  Owen? 

Assuming  that  there  is  no  antecedent  improbability  in 
that  supposition,  let  us  notice  the  story  in  its  various  forms, 
and  see  whether  it  does  not  exhibit  the  phenomenon  of 
development,  and  present  a  legendary  character.  We  find, 
then,  as  a  fact  admitting  of  no  doubt,  that  Madoc  was  killed 

1  [The  author  had  the  satisfaction  of  living  to  see  the  calamity  here 
BO  fervently  deprecated  happily  averted,  and  the  Seynt  Greal,  and 
several  of  the  other  MSS.  mentioned  above,  published  through  the 
liberality  of  their  owner,  the  late  Mr.  W.  W.  E.  Wynne  of  Peniarth,  in 
the  series  of  Hengwrt  MSS.  edited  by  the  late  Canon  Williams.] 


THE  GROWTH  OF  THE  LEGEND.  219 

at  home,  and  by  the  hand  of  an  assassin ;  and  it  is  evident 
that  the  murder  was  secret,  and  instigated  by  some  powerful 
motive,  whether  political  or  otherwise ;  for  it  is  probable  that 
the  assassin  was  hired  for  the  purpose,  as  Prydydd  y  Moch 
only  claims  to  be  exonerated  from  having  himself  struck  the 
blow,  and  does  not  profess  to  have  no  knowledge  of  the 
murder,  while  it  is  clear  that  he  was  a  warm  partisan  of  Rodri 
ab  Owen.  There  was  a  mystery,  therefore,  about  the  death 
of  Madoc,  and  that  is  what  the  human  mind  generally  abhors. 
Many  conjectures  would,  therefore,  get  into  circulation,  and 
in  the  lapse  of  time  and  space  the  popular  imagination  would 
multiply  their  number,  and  crystallise  them  into  alleged 
facts. 

The  chief  difficulty  in  explaining  the  growth  of  this  story 
is  encountered  at  the  first  step — that  is,  in  accounting  for  the 
seafaring  reputation  of  Prince  Madoc.  He  may  have  been 
fond  of  the  sea  for  all  that  we  know,  and  the  framers  of  the 
original  legend  may  have  had  some  traditional  information  on 
this  head  that  we  have  not ;  but  there  is  no  reference  to  any 
seafaring  taste  in  the  poems  of  his  contemporaries,  and  we 
have,  therefore,  no  right  to  assume  the  existence  of  any  such 
testimony.  Hence  the  difficulty.  The  Rev.  Walter  Davies, 
admitting  that  '  we  have  no  authority  for  supposing  that  he 
[Madoc]  ever  sailed  beyond  Ireland  or  the  Isle  of  Man,  or 
even  that  he  ever  boarded  a  skiff,  save  over  the  straits  of  the 
Menai,  and  that  he  met,  as  is  above  hinted,  with  a  violent 
death  in  his  native  land,'  suggested  that  '  the  perpetrators  of 
the  nefarious  deed,  to  account  for  his  disappearance,  spread  a 
report  that  he  had  collected  a  fleet  and  set  sail  in  quest  of  a 
more  pacific  settlement.' l  But  this  explanation  does  not 
seem  satisfactory,  for  there  could  have  been  no  doubt  of  his 
death  among  his  contemporaries,  as  Cynddelw  affirms  that  he 
was  killed  ;  and  Prydydd  y  Moch,  in  denying  his  participation 
1  Cambrian  Quarterly  Magazine,  vol.  i.  p.  441. 


220  MADOC. 

in  the  murder,  yet  admits  and  affirms  the  fact.  The  story, 
therefore,  is  not  likely  to  have  been  either  invented  or  circu- 
lated at  that  time,  and  it  was  probably  only  after  the  lapse  of 
a  couple  of  centuries,  when  the  fact  of  the  murder  had  been 
resolved  by  time  into  a  'disappearance,'  that  imagination, 

which 

.  .  .  bodies  forth 
The  forms  of  things  unknown  .  .  . 

.  .  .  and  gives  to  airy  nothing 
A  local  habitation  and  a  name, 

gave  a  definite  form  to  the  disappearance  of  Madoc. 

The  traditions  of  various  countries  furnish  many  illustra- 
tions of  this  kind.  National  heroes,  though  dead,  still  lived 
in  the  native  traditions.  The  fate  of  Arthur  must  have  been 
well  known  to  his  contemporaries,  but  in  later  times  he  was 
said  to  be  still  alive,  and  he  will 

Come  again,  they  say, 
Blowing  trumpets  into  day. 

King  Sebastian  lived  in  Portuguese  tradition  long  after  his 
death ;  the  Cid  Rodrigo  was  expected  for  centuries  to  reappear 
and  redress  the  wrongs  of  the  Spaniards ;  it  is  said  that  the 
Emperor  Frederick  Barbarossa  still  lives  in  the  popular  tradi- 
tions of  Germany ;  and,  on  a  recent  visit  to  Ireland,  I  found 
that  the  O'Donoghue  still  '  lives '  beneath  the  Lakes  of  Kil- 
larney,  and  that  the  boatmen  of  that  lake  really  believe  that 
he  occasionally  reappears. 

Neither  did  local  knowledge  prevent  the  formation  of 
legends  analogous  to  that  of  Madoc.  The  death  of  Aristobulus, 
Joseph  of  Arimathea,  and  St.  Paul,  must  have  been  known 
to  their  contemporaries ;  but  in  later  traditions  Aristobulus 
and  St.  Paul  preached  to  the  Britons,  and  Joseph  founded 
the  Abbey  of  Glastonbury.  Nero's  fate  must  have  been 
well  known  in  Rome ;  but  the  Book  of  Revelation  furnishes 
evidence  of  the  existence  of  a  fabulous  statement,  even  among 


THE  GROWTH  OF  THE  LEGEND.  221 

his  contemporaries,  that  he  had  gone  to  the  East,  and  was 
expected  to  reappear.  Mexican  history  furnishes  a  parallel 
in  the  tradition  of  Quetzalcoatl ;  and  mediaeval  romance  re- 
presents Charlemagne  to  have  visited  Jerusalem,  and  to  have 
contended  with  c  Hugun  le  Fort,  Emperor  of  Constantinople,' 
or  the  Hu  Gadarn  of  the  Kymric  Triads.  Nor  are  such 
parallels  wanting  in  the  traditions  of  Wales  itself.  St.  David 
was  said  to  have  visited  the  Holy  City,  as  also  was  King 
Arthur  ;  and  King  Cadwaladr,  who  died  in  Wales,  was  said 
to  have  gone  to  Rome,  and  was  expected  to  return  in  order 
to  expel  the  Saxon  intruders. 

And  it  is  not  improbable  that  the  genesis  of  the  Madoc 
legend  may  be  satisfactorily  explained.  There  were  two 
precedents  already  existing,  in  or  about  the  fourteenth  century, 
when  the  formation  of  Triads  began  to  become  a  recognised 
form  of  literary  composition.  The  first  of  these  was  that  of 
Gavran  ab  Aeddan,  whose  fate  is  thus  indicated : 

'  The  three  faithful  families  of  the  Isle  of  Britain.  The 
family  of  Cadwallawn  when  they  wore  fetters ;  the  family  of 
Gavran  ab  Aeddan,  when  the  "  diuankoll "  was ;  and  the  family 
of  Gwenddolau  ab  Cei'dio,  at  Arderyd,  who  continued  the  fight 
a  fortnight  and  a  month  after  their  lord  was  slain.  And  the 
number  of  each  of  these  families  was  2,100  men.' 1 

The  name  Gavran  ab  Aeddan  is  a  mistake,  for  Aeddan 
was  a  king  of  the  Scots,  who  died  in  A.D.  607,  and  Gavran 
was  his  father  ;  but  Aeddan  had  a  son  named  Conan,  who  was 
drowned  in  the  sea  in  the  year  622,2  and  that  fact  is  the  basis 
of  this  legend.  The  second  series  of  Triads  gives  a  further 
insight  into  the  nature  of  this  '  divancoll '  or  disappearance, 

1  Triads,  oldest  series,  from  the  Llyfr  Coch  (14th  century) ;  Myv. 
Arch.  vol.  ii.  p.  16  ;  Gee's  edit.  p.  897.     [This  series,  although  the  oldest 
in  point  of  date,  is  given  as  series  ii.  in  the  Myv.  Arch.] 

2  Tighernac,  quoted  by  O'Flaherty,  Ogygia,  p.  475  :     '  DCXXII. 
Conangus  regis  Aidani  filius  mari  demersus.'     [See  a  long  and  inter- 
esting note  upon  Aeddan  ab  Gavran  in  Stephens's  Gododin,  recently 


222  MADOC. 

and  states  that  this  family  '  went  to  sea  for  their  lord  ' — a 
aethant  i'r  mor  dros  eu  harglwyd. !  And  the  third  series  states 
the  object,  that '  they  went  to  sea  in  quest  of  the  "  Gwerddonau 
Llion,"  or  Green  Isles  of  Ocean,  and  were  never  heard  of  more.'2 
This  '  divancoll '  seems  to  have  been  the  only  one  known  to 
the  compilers  of  the  first  and  second  series  of  Triads,  but  it  is 
possible  that  this  may  have  suggested  the  form  given  to  the 
'  divancoll '  of  Madoc ;  and  most  certainly,  when  a  second 
'  divancoll '  had  been  framed  from  the  legend  of  Merddin 
Emrys,  the  nine  bards,  and  the  '  Glass  House,'  which  of  course 
is  a  complete  fiction,  the  temptation  would  have  been  very 
strong  to  make  Madoc  complete  the  Triad.  The  suggestion 
that  he  was  lost  at  sea  would  naturally  arise  from,  and  be 
confirmed  by,  these  two  precedents,  even  without  any  nucleus 
of  fact. 

However  this  may  be,  it  is  quite  clear  that,  in  the  time  of 
Meredydd  ab  Rhys,  Madoc  had  obtained  the  character  of  a 
sailor,  a  fisherman,  and  lover  of  the  sea.  It  is  possible,  indeed, 
that  the  origin  of  this  legend  may  be  traced  to  the  words  of 
Llywarch  [Prydydd  y  Moch],  '  Ar  vynwes  mor,'  &c.,  and  that 
Meredydd  ab  Rhys  may  have  thought  they  referred  to  Madoc. 
Such  a  misconception  in  an  unlettered  age  would  have  been 
natural,  and  far  more  pardonable  than  that  of  such  men  as 
Dr.  Pughe  and  Humffreys  Parry  in  later  times.  leuan 
Brechva's  story  is  an  advance  upon  the  words  of  Meredydd 
ab  Rhys ;  Guttyn  Owen's  '  ten  ships  '  is  a  still  further  advance ; 
and  the  last  addition,  the  '  three  hundred  men '  of  the  Triad, 
probably  represents  its  complete  form  as  a  native  legend. 
Up  to  this  time,  the  close  of  the  fifteenth  century,  there  was 
evidently  no  supposition  that  any  discovery  had  been  made 

edited  for  the  Cymmrodorion  Society,  by  Professor  Powel,  pp.  280 
et  aeq^\ 

1  Myv.  Arch.  vol.  ii.  p.  7 ;  Gee's  edit.  p.  390  [series  i.  tr.  34]. 

-  Ibid.  vol.  ii.  p.  59 ;  Gee's  edit.  p.  401  [series  iii.  tr.  10]. 


THE  GROWTH  OF  THE  LEGEND.  223 

by  Gavran,  Merddin,  or  Madoc ;  and  of  the  latter  and  his 
three  hundred  men,  the  Triads  of  the  third  series,  composed 
not  earlier  than  the  close  of  the  fifteenth  century,  expressly 
assert  that  '  it  is  not  known  whither  they  went,'  and  that  the 
place  where  they  were  lost  was  utterly  unknown.  And  it  is 
in  the  highest  degree  probable  that,  if  no  such  discovery  had 
been  made  by  Columbus,  no  such  claim  would  have  been 
made  on  behalf  of  Prince  Madoc. 

Thus,  up  to  the  very  close  of  the  fifteenth  century,  this 
tradition,  in  its  pure  Kymric  form,  did  not  pretend  to  affirm 
that  Madoc  had  discovered  any  Western  lands,  nor  to  know 
whither  he  had  gone;  but  when  the  discovery  of  America 
took  place,  and  became  generally  known,  and  not  before,  the 
Madoc  legend  assumed  a  new  form,  and  adapted  itself  to  the 
facts  thus  published  to  the  world.  Before  the  voyages  of 
Columbus,  it  is  expressly  said  that '  it  was  not  known '  whither 
Madoc  went ;  but,  the  new  lands  having  been  found,  there 
was  no  longer  any  mystery  about  the  matter;  and  patriotic 
Welshmen  easily  convinced  themselves  that  Madoc  went  to 
America.  Humphrey  Llwyd  could  now  clearly  mark  the 
course  he  took ;  declare,  with  all  the  appearance  of  historical 
authority,  that  he  sailed  to  the  West,  leaving  Ireland  to  the 
North ;  and  affirm,  without  hesitation,  that  Madoc  must  have 
landed  where  the  Spaniards  did.  But  the  must  of  Llwyd 
failed  to  satisfy  Powel ;  and,  having  the  results  of  Mexican 
conquests  before  him,  he  sought  and  found,  to  his  own  satis- 
faction, traces  of  the  Madogian  settlement  in  that  locality. 
Hornius  and  Hakluyt,  who,  for  reasons  of  their  own,  fixed  the 
settlement  in  Virginia,  circulated  the  new  tale;  and  Sir 
Thomas  Herbert,  who  is  erroneously  supposed  to  have  drawn 
his  materials  from  the  library  of  Raglan  Castle,  adorned  the 
narrative  with  details  from  the  voyages  of  Columbus,  as 
Llwyd  and  Powel  had  done  before  him  ;  and  having  a  cordial 
hatred  of  the  Spaniards,  who  were  then  the  enemies  of  England, 


224  MADOC. 

he  claimed  the  priority  of  discovery  for  the  Cambrian  Prince. 
Then  followed  the  crowning  glory  of  the  poetic  epitaph  found 
in  Mexico,  upon  the  tomb  of  '  the  true  whelp  of  Owen 
Gwynedd.' 

Up  to  this  point  there  had  been  no  suspicion  of  Welsh 
Indians.  Llwyd  was  of  opinion  that  Madoc  and  his  followers 
had  neither  preserved  their  language  nor  remained  a  distinct 
people  ;  for  he  expressly  says  that,  '  because  this  people  were 
not  manie,  they  followed  the  manners  of  the  land  they  came 
unto,  and  used  the  language  they  found  there.'  But,  as  time 
rolled  on,  the  story  grew  ;  Morgan  Jones  preached  to  the 
Welsh  Indians  in  Silurian  Kymraeg  ;  Welsh  Bibles  were  found 
among  them ;  and  every  confirmation  that  falsehood  and 
credulity  could  invent  and  credit  were  eagerly  pressed  into 
the  service,  until  the  Kymry,  wise  and  foolish,  learned  and 
unlearned,  elevated  the  existence  of  the  Welsh  Indians  into 
an  article  of  national  faith,  and  believed  as  firmly  that  Madoc 
crossed  the  Atlantic  and  settled  on  the  Missouri  as  that  Moses 
crossed  the  Red  Sea,  and  that  the  Israelites  occupied  the 
land  of  Canaan.  Southey  made  the  reputed  discovery  the 
subject  of  an  epic  poem ;  and  the  story,  through  the  zeal  of 
William  Owen  and  Edward  Williams,  and  the  genius  of  the 
late  Poet  Laureate,1  gained  very  general  acceptance. 

Then  came  a  reaction.  Tangible  proofs  were  demanded 
of  these  confident  assertions.  Searches  were  made  for  the 
Welsh  Indians ;  but  they  could  not  be  found.  The  survey  of 
Lewis  and  Clarke,  as  well  as  the  journeys  of  Evans  and 
Roberta,  proved  that  they  did  not  exist ;  Southey's  epic  was 
found  to  rest  on  '  the  baseless  fabric  of  a  vision ' ;  and  ever 
since  the  credit  of  the  whole  story  has  rapidly  declined,  so 
that  at  the  present  moment  it  is  generally  discredited,  and 
not  a  single  living  writer  of  any  standing  in  literature  can  be 

1  [The  allusion  here  is  to  Southey  ;  this  work  having  been  written 
a  few  years  after  his  death,  and  in  the  lifetime  of  Tennyson.] 


THE  GROWTH  OF  THE  LEGEND.  225 

named  as  a  positive  authority  in  its  favour.  My  readers  and 
myself  have  now  carefully  examined  the  evidence,  in  order  to 
form  our  own  judgment ;  and  I  shall  marvel  much  if  any 
candid  reader  rises  from  the  perusal  of  these  pages  with  any 
other  impression  than  that  the  story  is  not  founded  on  facts. 

Seeing,  then,  that  we  have  here  a  legend,  and  not  an 
historic  narrative,  it  behoves  us  seriously  to  consider  whether 
we  are  not  wantonly  trifling  with  our  national  character,  and 
bringing  our  name  and  country  into  much  discredit,  by  boast- 
ing of  glories  which  do  not  belong  to  us,  while  neglecting  to 
perform  duties  which  would  really  enlarge  our  name  and 
fame  ;  and  by  thrusting  in  the  faces  of  English  and  Continental 
scholars  assertions  which  we  cannot  prove  and  they  will  not 
believe.  The  Madoc  story  has  already  done  us  very  serious 
injury ;  it  has  lowered  our  character  as  truthful  men,  and 
lost  us  much  of  our  credit  as  a  literary  people.  How  long 
are  we  to  continue  this  ruinous  practice  ?  The  story  is  clearly 
a  legend,  and  has  had  its  day ;  and  it  is  rather  late  for  us 
even  to  retrieve  our  lost  ground.  But  let  us  do  our  duties, 
late  as  it  is.  Let  us  put  the  legend  in  its  proper  place  in  the 
list  of  our  '  Mabinogion.'  Let  us  show  that  we  are  not  inca- 
pable either  of  self-analysis  or  of  historical  criticism ;  and  let 
us  show  that  we  have,  in  our  ancient  history,  literature,  and 
language,  honours  enough  that  are  really  our  own,  without 
filching  the  glories  or  tarnishing  the  renown  of  Christopher 
Columbus. 

We  inherit,  and  still  fluently  speak,  one  of  the  parent 
languages  of  the  world ;  let  it  be  our  aim  to  illustrate  it 
worthily,  and  obtain  for  it  an  honoured  place  in  comparative 
philology.  We  have  an  ancient  literature,  which  Europe 
expects  us  to  translate  and  illustrate  :  be  it  our  pleasing  duty 
to  gratify  the  expectation.  We  have  an  honourable  history, 
as  yet  unwritten,  and  existing  in  bardic  materials :  may  we 
seek  to  study  these  records,  to  write  our  annals  honestly 

Q 


226  MADOC. 

and  thoroughly,  and  to  present  such  pictures  of  our  forefathers 
and  ourselves,  as  from  their  fidelity  shall  obtain  for  us  lasting 
honours,  when  the  fables  which  form  the  texts  of  stump- 
oratory  have  been  scattered  to  the  four  winds  of  heaven.  Our 
fathers  did  their  duties  in  their  days  and  generations ;  let  us 
be  worthy  inheritors  of  their  fame,  and  discharge  the  duties 
of  our  own  day,  manfully  and  well,  so  that  our  names  also 
shall  savour  as  sweetly  in  the  nostrils  of  our  posterity  as 
those  of  our  ancestors  do  in  ours. 


TEEFYNAIS. 


APPENDIX. 

MADOC   LITERATURE. 

I. 

HONOURED  COUSIN, — This  is  a  copy  of  the  paper  which  my  dear 
brother  T.  K.  sent  unto  me  from  New  York,  in  America,  which 
I  promised  to  give  you  a  copy  of  when  I  was  at  Trefnanny,  and 
which  thou  hast  a  desire  to  let  the  Bishop  of  St.  Asaph1  see.  My 
long  absence  from  home  hindered  me  till  now  ;  but  to  elucidate 
things  a  little  to  thyself,  as  well  as  to  that  great  antiquary,  give 
me  leave  to  premise  a  few  things  of  the  occasion  of  it.  Myself 
and  brother,  some  years  since,  discoursed  with  cousin  Thomas 
Price,  of  Llanvilling,  on  this  subject ;  and  he  told  us  that  one 
Stedman,  of  Brecknockshire,  was,  about  thirty  years  ago,  more  or 
less,  on  the  coast  of  America,  in  a  Dutch  bottom,  and,  being  about 
to  land  for  refreshment,  the  natives  kept  them  off  by  force,  till 
at  last  this  Stedman  told  his  fellow  Dutch  seamen  that  he  under- 
stood what  the  natives  spoke:  the  Dutch  bid  him  speak  to  them, 
and  they  were  thereupon  very  courteous  ;  they  supplied  them 
with  the  best  things  they  had  ;  and  these  men  told  Stedman  that 
they  came  from  a  country  called  Gwynedd  in  Prydain  Fawr. 
This  was  the  substance  of  it  as  far  as  I  can  remember.  It  was, 
as  I  think,  betwixt  Virginia  and  Florida  or  Mexico.  This  dis- 
course is  said  to  be  attested  by  the  dying  man.  Oliver  Humphreys, 
a  merchant,  lately  dead  (whose  wife  was,  not  long  since,  at  St. 
Asaph,  to  prove  his  nuncupative  will),  told  me  that  he  spoke, 
when  he  lived  at  Surinam,  with  an  English  privateer  or  pirate, 
who,  being  near  Florida  a-careening  his  vessel,  had  learnt,  as  he 

1  Dr.  William  Lloyd.  (T.S.) 

Q2 


228  MADOC. 

thought,  the  Indian  language,  which  my  friend  said  was  perfect 

Welsh  ;  and,  to  omit  other  uncertain  relations  and  conjectures, 

Sir  Thomas  Herbert  hints  at  this  about  the  last  half  of  his  book 

of  Travels  to  the  East  Indies,  and  he  cites  Dr.  Powel's  chronicle, 

or  rather  his  annotator's,  H.  Lloyd  l  of  Denbigh,  for  confirmation 

of  it ;  both  which,  or  one  of  them,  are  said  to  extract  this  relation 

out  of  Gitto  of  Glyn,  and,  as  I  remember,  in  Owen  Gwynedd,  or 

his  son  David's  life,  for  I  have  not  the  book  by  me  at  present,  it 

being  now  in  Herefordshire,  in  which  place  it  is  said  that  five  or 

six  ships  went  from  Anglesey  towards  the  south-west,  leaving 

Ireland  on  the  right  hand,  and  found  at  last  this  country,  and 

returned  back  and  persuaded  his  countrymen  not  to  strive  with 

the  English,  or  kill  one  another  about  so  barren  a  country,  for 

that  he  hath  lately  found  a  better  with  few  or  no  inhabitants  ; 

and  upon  this  about  eleven  ships  went  away,  full  of  Britons, 

which  were  never  heard  of  to  any  purpose  until  now.    My  brother 

having  heard  this,  and  meeting  with  this  Jones  at  New  York,  he 

desired  him  to  write  it  with  his  own  hand  in  my  brother's  house ; 

and  to  please  me  and  my  cousin,  Thomas  Price,  he  sent  me  the 

original.     This  Jones  lived  within  twelve  miles  of  New  York, 

and  was  contemporary  with  me  and  my  brother  at  Oxford.     He 

was  of  Jesus  College,  and  called  then  Senior  Jones  for  distinction. 

The  names  being  not  inserted  as  modern  writers  do  write  them 

nowadays ;   but   I   bid   the   clerk   transcribe  according   to   the 

original.     The  bishop  will  soon  rectify  them,  or  any  geographer  : 

I  was  willing  to  leave  the  apographon  to  be  like  the  autographon. 

But,  if  I  may  speak  my  sentiments,  the  Doeg  Indians  may  be 

corrupted  from  the  Madog  Indians,  and  Cape  Atros  may  be  Cape 

Hatterash,  near  Cape  Fair  in  Carolina  ;  for  he  saith  that  these 

British  Indians  be  seated  on  Pantigo  river,  near  Cape  Atros. 

This  Pantigo  is  perhaps  some  old  name,  yet  hath  a  British  sound. 

He  names  Cape  Fair,  not  Feir ;  quaere  an  idem  ?     He  names 

Port  Royal,  which  is  now  in  Carolina.     Then  he  fled  towards 

Virginia.     The  Tuscorara  Indians  and  Doeg  Indians  are  placed 

there  in  the  new  maps  of  the  English  empire.     I  suppose  his 

flight,  and  finding  deliverance  from  his  unexpected  countrymen, 

was  about  Bacon's  rebellion  in  Virginia,  and  was  with  the  Indians 

about  1669.    This  Jones  promised  to  bring  any  thither,  his  charges 

being  borne,  in  a  month's  time  from  New  York. 

1  Powel  was  the  annotator  of  H.  Lloyd.  (T.S.) 


APPENDIX.  229 

Bear  with  my  hasty  one  hour's  descant,  the  bearer  being  in 
haste,  which  I  thought  once  to  publish  more  largely  in  print,  if 
some  more  worthy  would  not  attempt  it.  If  I  came  near  the 
bishop,  I  might  enlarge  about  this  and  some  other  things  of 
antiquity,  of  which  I  had  some  cursory  discourse  with  him  at 
London. 

I  am, 

Thy  much  obliged  friend  and  kinsman, 

CHARLES  LLOYD.' 

M.    Day 
Dolobran:  8     14     f  (i.e.  August  14,  1704). 


II. 

JOHN  EVANS'S  LETTER. 
'TAITH  AT  Y  MADOGION.' 

Copi  o  Lythyr  oddiwrth  JOHN  EVANS  o'r  WAUNFAWR,  yn  ARFON, 
at  ei  Frawd. 

Baltimore  :  Dydd  Gwyl  Stephan,  1792. 

ANWYL  FRAWD, — Nid  yw  yr  ehangder  sydd  rhyngof  &  thydi, 
yn  lleihau  dim  ar  y  gwreiddiol  gariad  sydd  yn  fy  nghalon  tu  ag 
attoch  oil.  Llawer  a  feddyliais  am  danoch,  pan  oeddwn  wedi  fy 
amgylchi  gan  fynyddoedd  o  donau  ar  y  cefnfor  ;  yn  ganlynol  ti 
a  gai  ychydig  o'm  hanes  :  Mi  a  gyrhaeddais  y  Porthladd  yma,  y 
degfed  o  Ragfyr  •  gan  mai  y  neges  fwyaf  gennyf  oedd  ymholi 
ynghylch  yr  Indiaid  Cynmreig  ;  er  mwyn  dwyn  ar  ddyall  i  ti 
pwy  wyf  yn  feddwl  wrth  Indiaid  Cynmreig,  rhaid  it  wybod 
ddarfod  i  Fadawg  ab  Owain  Gwynedd  hwylio  gyd  &  deg  o  longau 
i  eigion  y  Gorllewin  yn  y  flwyddyn  1170  :  yr  Indiaid  Cynmreig 
ydynt  hiliogaeth  y  gwr  enwog  hwnnw,  wedi  amlhau  yn  genhedl 
liosog,  yn  awr,  yn  preswylio  y  wlad  ehangaf  a  ffrwythlonaf  dan 
haul,  o  ddeutu  i  dair  mil  o  filltiroedd  yn  y  gorllewin  oddi  yma. 
Myfi,  dy  ffyddlonaf  frawd  sydd  wedi  cymmeryd  arnaf  y  gwaith  o 
fyned  i'w  plith. 

Mor  ddedwydd  wyf  yn  tybied  fy  hun  o  gael  bod  yngwaith  fy 
anwyl  lesu,  y  Person  bendigedig  hwnnw  a  gymmerodd  arno  ein 
natur  ni,  ac  ynddi  a  foddlonodd  ddwyfol  gyfiawnder.  Bendigedig, 

1  Published  in  Owen's  British  Remains,  pp.  107-111. 


230  MADOC. 

ie,  bendigedig  a  fyddo  ei  enw  yn  dragywydd,  efe  a  fu  yn  gym- 
morth  i  mi,  yn  wyneb  mil  o  brofedigaethau,  pan  oedd  pob  noddfa 
arall  wedi  pallu,  i'r  agen  hon  o'r  Graig  gorfu  i'm  ddiangc,  a 
chefais  ddiogelwch  :  y  Gwr  sydd  yn  noddfa  rhag  y  gwynt,  ac  yn 
lloches  rhag  y  dymhestl  a  wnaeth  i  mi  cyn  hyn  edrych  angeu  yn 
ei  wyneb  pan  yr  oedd  o  fewn  modfedd  i  mi,  a  hynny  gyd  a 
sirioldeb.  Yr  ydwyf  yn  meddwl  mai  fy  nyledswydd  yw  gogoneddu 
ei  enw,  os  gallaf ,  drwy  agor  y  drws  i'r  efengyl  dragywyddol  fyned 
i  blith  y  trueiniaid  hyn,  fy  mrodyr  ;  am  hynny  yr  ydwyf  wedi 
offrymmu  fy  mywyd  i  waith  yr  Arglwydd,  gan  ymddiried  y  gofala 
ef  am  danaf.  Yr  ydwyf  yn  bresennol  yn  Glare  i  un  o'r  mar- 
siandwyr  mwyaf  yn  y  dref  hon,  fy  nghyflog  y w  50  punt,  a  rhyfeddol 
o'r  cyfeillion  sydd  gennyf  yn  y  Byd  newydd  yma,  llawer  mwy  nag 
oedd  gennyf  yn  Nghynmru,  nac  yn  Lloegr ;  cynnygiodd  fy  meistr 
fy  rhoddi  mewn  Masnach  (Bussiness)  fy  hun,  neu  adael  i  mi 
yrru  am  eiddo  i  Loegr,  a'u  gwerthu  yn  ei  Slop  ef,  os  arhoswn  yno ; 
ond  yr  ydwyf  yn  rhwym  yn  fy  nghydwybod  i  gynnyg  cael  allan 
fy  mrodyr,  y  Cynmry,  yr  wyf  yn  hynod  o  hoff  o'r  hen  Gynmraeg, 
siarad  Cynmraeg  wrthyf  fy  hun,  rhag  im'  ei  gollwng  yn  anghof,  a 
bob  amser  yn  canu  Cynmraeg.  Dywed  wrth  fy  nghar,  Dafydd 
Thomas,  ddarfod  im'  ganu  ei  garol,  ar  Ryw  beth  arall  i'w  wneuthur, 
yma,  ddydd  Nadolig.  Y  mae  chwech  o  Gynmry  yn  y  dref  hon, 
a  llawer  o  feibion  Cynmry,  y  rhai  nid  ydynt  yn  dyall  yr  iaith. 
Mi  a  gerddais  dri  chant  o  filldiroedd,  i  ymweled  a'r  Dr.  Samuel 
Jones,  Cynmro,  ac  un  o  aelodau  y  Senedd-dy  yn  America  ;  y  mae 
ef  yn  cynnyg  cael  i  mi  ugain  o  wyr  ag  arfau  i  fyned  gydS,  mi,  i'm 
diogelu  rhag  yr  Indiaid. — Dyma  y  wlad  hyfrydaf  a  welais  erioed ; 
y  mae  y  bobl  dlodion  yn  y  wlad  yma  yn  byw  yn  well  na'r 
Ffarmwyr  yn  Nghynmru.  Ti  a  ellit,  pe  bait  yn  gwerthu  Tai'r 
Ffynnon,  a  dyfod  yma,  brynu  tyddyn  mwy  na'r  Glyn-Llifon,  am 
yr  arian.  Nid  wyf  yn  meddwl  byth  ddyfod  i  Loegr  i  ymsefydlu, 
ond  e  allai  y  deuaf  i'ch  ceisio  chwi,  ac  i  ganu  ffarwel  i  wlad  fy 
ngenedigaeth.  Mi  a  fedraf  ddyfod  am  ddim,  am  fod  gennyf 
gydnabyddiaeth  gyd  a'r  Marsiandwyr  yn  y  dref  yma.  O  y 
llawenydd  a  fydd  yno!  pan  y  cyfarfyddom  a'n  gilydd  etto,  wedi 
i'r  Arglwydd  fy  ngwared  o  filoedd  o  gyfyngderau,  cymmaint  a 
fydd  ein  llawenydd  a  phan  gyfarfu  yr  hen  Siacob  a'i  fab  Sioseph. 
Y  mae  Mr.  John  Williams,  mab  Meillionen,  yn  meddwl  dyfod 
ar  fy  ol  ymhen  blwyddyn.  Yr  ydwyf  yn  gobeithio  y  byddaf  yn 
ngwlad  y  Madawywys  cyn  hynny.  Y  mae  myrdd  o  beryglon  yn 


APPENDIX.  231 

arcs  am  danaf,  ti  a  elli  feddwl,  gan  fod  gen  i  fil  a  banner  o 
filldiroedd  i'w  teithio  drwy  wlad  y  dynion  gwylltion. 

O  fy  mrawd,  a  phawb  sydd  yn  caru  fy  llwyddiant,  gweddiwch 
droswyf,  ar  i  Dduw'r  nefoedd  fy  nwyn  yn  ddiogel  i  ben  fy 
ymdaith,  er  gogoniant  i'w  enw. — Yr  ydwyf  yn  eich  cofleidio  i  gyd 
yn  fy  meddwl,  gyd  &  dagrau,  rhag  mai  dyma  y  tro  diweddaf  y 
clywch  oddi  wrth  eich  brawd  :  ond  os  cwympaf  o  flaen  fy 
ngelynion,  yn  yr  ymdrechiad  ;  gwybyddwch  fy  mod  wedi  marw 
yn  ddewr  yn  achos  fy  nghyd-wladwyr,  fal  y  dylai  Brython. 

Na  wylwch  droswyf,  am  fod  presennoldeb  yr  Hollalluog  wedi 
bod  gyd  S,  mi  yn  neillduol,  ynghanol  coedwig  y  gorllewinol  fyd 
hwn  yn  fynych,.  pan  wrthyf  fy  hun,  yr  wy'n  canu  fal  hyn: 

Ar  for  o  Wydr  teithio 'r  wy' 
Lie  garw,  enbyd,  yw  ; 
Lie  soddodd  myrdd,  a  llawer  mwy 
A  mi  trwy  ras  yn  fyw,  &c. 

Wyf  dy  garedig  Frawd, 

IEUAN  AB  IF  AN. 

O.S.  Eyddaf  yn  myned  oddi  yma  i  Ffort  Cumberland,  oddi 
yno  i  Ffort  Pitt,  oddi  yno  i  lawr  yr  afon  Ohio  mewn  cwch  arfog. 


III. 

LETTER  FROM  DR.  SAMUEL  JONES. 

Llythyr  oddiuurth  DR.  SAMUEL  JONES  at  T.  E.  o'r  WAUNFAWR, 

yn  ARFON. 

Lower  Dublin  :  Mai  'r  8fed,  1793. 

SYR, — Eich  brawd,  fel  yr  wyf  yn  meddwl,  a  diriodd  i  Baltimore 
yr  hydref  diweddaf,  oddiyno  y  daeth  i  Philadelphia,  ac  yna  i'm 
ty  inau,  ddeuddeg  milldir  oddiyno.  Wedi  ychydig  amser  fe  a 
ddychwelodd  i  Baltimore,  lie  treuliodd  y  gauaf  mewn  Cyfrif-dy, 
ac  yna  dychwelodd  yn  y  gwanwyn.  Dywedodd  wrthyf  fi,  mai  ei 
brif  ddiben  yn  dyfod  i  America  oedd  amcanyd  cael  allan  yr  Indiaid 
Cymreig,  Cychwynodd,  o'm  ty  i,  ddechreu  mis  Mawrth  ar  ei  daith 
i'r  gorllewin,  i'r  diben  hyny.  Anturiaeth  glodfawr  ond  ei  bod 
yn  beryglus.  Fel  yr  ydwyf  fy  hun  yn  wresog  yn  yr  achos  hwn, 
dymunaf  iddo  Iwyddiant  o'm  calon,  ond  ni  roddais  iddo  ddim 
annogaeth,  ond  yn  hytrach  mi  ai  cynghorais  i'r  gwrthwyneb,  hyd 


232  MADOC. 

onis  cawsai  ragor  o  gyfeillion  i  uno  ag  ef  yn  y  daith.  Ond  yr 
oedd  wedi  ragderfynu  yn  ei  feddwl  i  fyned,  ac  felly  efe  a  aeth. 
Erbyn  hyn  yr  wyf  yn  disgwyl  ei  fod  fil  o  filldiroedd  yngwlad  yr 
Indiaid.  Pan  gadawodd  fy  nhy  i  dymunodd  arnaf  anfon  y 
llythyrau  a  allswn  ei  gael  oddiwrtho,  ac  atteb  y  cyfryw  a  anfonyd 
iddo  yma,  am  y  byddai  yn  amhosibl  eu  hanfon  ar  ei  ol  ef. 

Yr  ydwyf  wedi  'sgrifennu  dau  lythyr  i  Lundain  yn  barod 
mewn  atteb  i'w  eiddo  ef. 

Ni  ychwannegaf,  ond  bod  gennym  wlad  hyfryd,  lie  yr  ydym 
yn  rhydd  ac  yn  ddedwydd,  a  lie  mae  rhyw  beth  o  rym  duwioldeb, 
yn  gystal  a'i  rith.  O  na  b'ai  miloedd  yn  dyfod  drosodd,  yma,  o 
wlad  fy  ngenedigaeth,  lie  tynais  yr  anadliad  gyntaf,  ar  lie  sydd 
anwyl  gennyf  hyd  y  dydd  hwn. 

Ydwyf  eich,  <fec., 

SAMUEL  JONES. 

IV. 

EVANS'S  ASCENT  OP  THE  MISSOURI,  AND  VISIT  TO  THE  MANDANS. 

'  Hanes  Taith  John  Evans  yn  yr  America.' 

(  '  Greal  neu  Eurgrawn,'  1800.) 

'  Ynghylch  chwe'  blynedd  (neu  ychwaneg),  a  aethant  heibio, 
yr  hyspyswyd  yn  gyhoeddus,  fod  llwyth  o  Indiaid  Cymreig  yn 
cyfaneddu  ar  Ian  afon  Missouri ;  a  bod  dyn  ieuangc  o'r  enw  John 
Evans  (yr  hwn  a  anwyd  yn  y  Bettws  Garmon,  gerllaw  Caernarfon) 
wedi  cymmeryd  y  gwaith  yn  Haw  o  gael  gafael  yn  y  cyfryw  bobl. 

4  Ar  ol  gorchfygu  amrywiol  rwystrau,  efe  a  gychwynnodd  ei 
daith  yn  Awst  1795,  o  St.  Lewis  ynghwmp'ni  Mr.  James  Mackay, 
goruchwiliwr  y  farsiandaeth  ar  yr  afon  Missouri ;  ac  ynghylch 
diwedd  y  flwyddyn,  efe  a  diriodd  ymhlith  llwyth  o  Indiaid  a  elwir 
Mahas,  900  o  filldiroedd  i  fynu  yr  afon  Missouri,  ac  yno  y  gauafodd 
efe.  Yn  Chwefror  1796,  efe  a  ail  gychwynnodd  i'w  daith  tu  a'r 
Gorllewin,  ac  a  aeth  yn  ei  flaen  ynghylch  300  milldir  ;  ond  gorfu 
iddo  droi  yn  ol  i'w  sefydle  flaenorol,  pan  ganf u  fod  y  Seaux  mewn 
agwedd  ryfelgar  ;  ond  yn  y  Maihafhin  canlynol,  efe  a  gychwyn- 
nodd ar  hyd  yr  un  ffordd  ;  ac  yn  Awst,  efe  a  diriodd  yn  mysg  y 
Mandan  a'r  cenhedloedd  bobliog,1  900  milldir  oddiwrth  y  Mahas. 

1  '  Pobliog '  is  here  used  apparently  in  the  sense  of  the  Spanish 
word  pueblo,  a  town,  to  denote  that  the  Man  dans  had  fixed  habitations, 
unlike  the  migratory  Indians. 


APPENDIX.  233 

'  Mae'r  Missouri,  medd  efe,  dros  780  o  filldiroedd  o  St.  Lewis, 
yn  ymddolenu,  ac  yn  ffurfio  camrhedyneu  ardderchog,  ac  yn 
rhedeg  drwy  ddolydd  hyfryd  morwastad  a  bwrdd;  ond  ar  ambell 
dro,  y  mae'r  afon  yn  rhedeg  ar  bob  ochr  i'r  bryniau  ;  ond  ei 
thyniad  cyffredinol  sydd  tu  a'r  dehau  i'r  gwastadedd  ynghylch 
1200  o  filldiroedd  ;  y  mae  hi  yn  llawn  o  ynysoedd  by  chain,  ac  yn 
derbyn  iddi  amryw  o  ffrydiau  mawrion  o'r  Mandas,  a'r  Puncas, 
yr  hyn  sydd  agos  i  600  milldir.  Mae'r  afon  wedi  ynnill  ei  ffordd, 
ac  yn  rhedeg  yn  orwyllt  drwy  fynyddoedd  a  bryniau  yn  llawn  o 
fwngloddiau. 

'Wedi  golygu  achymmeryd  darlun  o'r  afon  Missouri  am  1800 
milldir,  efe  a  ddychwelodd  gyd  a  chefnffrwd  yr  afon  mewn  68  o 
ddyddiau.  Cyrhaeddodd  i  St.  Lewis,  yn  y  Gorphenhaf  1797,  ar 
ol  bod  yn  absenol  agos  i  ddwy  flynedd. 

'  Mewn  perthynas  i'r  Indiaid  Cymreig,  y  mae  efe  yn  dy wedyd, 
nad  allai  ef  gyfarf od  a'r  fath  bobl  :  ac  y  mae  efe  wedi  sefydlu  ei 
farn,  yr  hon  a  seiliodd  ar  gydnabyddiaeth  gyd  ag  amryw  Iwythau, 
nad  oes  y  fath  bobl  mewn  bod.' 

This  document  alone  would  suffice  to  negative  the  supposition 
of  the  Kymric  origin  of  the  Mandans,  and  of  the  existence  of 
Welsh  Indians  on  the  Missouri.  The  editor  of  the  '  Greal ' 
suggested  that  Evans  did  not  go  far  enough  ;  but  the  researches 
of  Catlin  have  shown  that  this  was  an  error,  and  that  the  Black  - 
feet,  Crows,  and  Knisteneux,  who  lay  further  west,  were  not 
'  Welsh '  Indians. 

V. 

There  are  several  pieces  composed  in  reference  to  the  supposed 
voyages  of  Madoc,  which  may  be  referred  to  here,  if  not  repro- 
duced. Of  course,  they  cannot  be  accounted  to  be  authorities. 
Dr.  Williams's  two  essays  have  been  frequently  cited  in  the  fore- 
going pages,  as  also  the  pamphlet  of  the  Rev.  G.  Burder ;  but  the 
most  celebrated  work  of  this  kind  is  Southey's  epic  poem,  which, 
being  now  well  known,  needs  no  further  notice. 

VI. 

The  ;  Cylchgrawn,'  already  quoted,  contains  in  No.  2,  p.  103,  a 
speech  entitled  '  Madawg  ab  Owain  Gwynedd,  yn  ymadaw  d 
Chynmru ' ;  but,  as  it  is  not  remarkable  for  imaginative  power  or 
literary  ability,  I  will  simply  indicate  its  existence. 


\ 


234  MADOC. 

VII. 

THK  LATEST  REFERENCE  TO  THE  MADOGWYS. 

LETTER   OF  ME.  J.   T.  ROBERTS. 

'YR  INDIAID  CYMREIQ.' 

Sacramento  City,  California :  Tach.  17,  1857. 

ANWYL  FRAWD  EVERETT, — Yr  wyf  yn  ysgrifenu  attach  eto 
ychydig  linellau  ar  yr  hen  bwnc,  sef  yr  Indiaid  Cymreig  neu 
Wynion.  Ychydig  ddyddiau  yn  ol  darfu  i  ddyn  o'r  enw  Gilman 
arcs  yn  fy  nhy  (yn  y  mwngloddiau)  am  rai  dyddiau,  yr  hwn  a 
dreuliasai  auaf  1852-3  yn  Great  Salt  Lake  City.  Yr  oedd  yn 
byw  y  pryd  hyny  tua  40  milldir  o'r  ddinas  hen  wreigan  a'i  merch. 
Tra  bu  fy  hysbysydd  yno,  gwelodd  dri  o  Indiaid  Gwynion  yn 
galw  yn  y  ty,  un  ddynes  a  dau  hogyn  mawr,  sef  dau  frawd  a 
chwaer.  Gwynion  oedd  y  tri,  a'r  hogiau  yn  bengoch.  Yr  oedd 
y  ddynes  yn  brydweddol  ac  yn  lied  ffyrf  a  thra  llydan  ei 
hysgwyddau,  a  gwallt  du.  Yr  oedd  ganddi  fab  yn  bengoch. 
Dywedai  yr  hen  wreigan  fod  gan  ei  gwr  wallt  coch.  Dywedai  yr 
hen  wraig  y  gallai  hi  ddeall  yn  mron  y  cwbl  a  ddywedai  mai 
Cymraeg  oedd.  Dywedai  yr  Indies  i'w  phobl  hi  ddyfod  dros  y 
Dwfr  Mawr,  mewn  tair  Hong,  ac  na  ddychwelsant  fyth.  Dywedai 
eu  bod  wedi  eu  hamddiffyn  yn  gadarn,  lie  y  preswyliant  yn  awr, 
a  bod  gaiiddynt  lawer  o  ddefaid,  a'u  bod  yn  gweithio  y  gwlan  i 
wneyd  dillad.  Dillad  gwlan  oedd  ganddi  hi  y  pryd  hyny. 
Maent  yn  cael  llawer  o  helbul  oddiwrth  Indiaid  eraill.  Y  bechgyn 
a  ddywedent  iddynt  gael  eu  lladratta  gan  Indiaid  a'u  gwerthu  i 
bobl  wynion  yn  Calif ornia-Isaf  neu  Mexico  Newydd.  Yr  oeddynt 
wedi  bod  yn  ymweled  a'u  pobl  ;  ac  yr  oeddynt  yn  awr  ar  eu 
ffordd  yn  dychwelyd  at  y  bobl  wynion  yn  ol  eu  haddewid,  a  mynai 
y  chwaer  ganlyn  y  brodyr.  Gwelodd  Mr.  Gilman  dri  o  Indiaid 
Gwynion  eraill  a  gwallt  coch  yn  yr  un  gymydogaeth,  dau  ddyn 
ac  un  bachgen;  a  barna  oddiwrth  yr  hysbysrwydd  a  gafodd  trwy 
yr  hen  wraig  hono,  a  rhai  o'r  Mormoniaid  a  fuasent  yn  eu  gwlad, 
eu  bod  yn  byw  i'r  de  oddiwrth  y  Llyn  Halen  Fawr,  yn  agos  i'r 
llinell  derfyn  rhwng  Utah  a  Mexico  Newydd. 

Daeth  teulu  yma  yn  ddiweddar  y  rhai  a  welsant  yn  mysg  yr 
Indiaid  hyny  lawer  o  rai  gwynion  a  gwallt  coch.  Dywedir  fod 
rhai  o'r  Mormoniaid  wedi  bod  yn  eu  mysg,  yn  ceisio  eu  prosely tio 


APPENDIX.  235 

i'w  ffydd  hwy,  a'u  bod  wedi  methu.  Maent  yn  grefyddol  a 
chanddynt  dy  cwrdd  mawr.  Nid  oedd  Mr.  Oilman  wedi  clywed 
son  am  Madog  ab  Owen  Owynedd  erioed.  Fy  meddwl  i  yw,  fod 
hyn  yn  brawf  o  fodob'aeth  yr  Indiaid  Cymreig  cryfach  na  dim  a 
welais  eto  ;  a  barnaf  nad  oes  llawer  o  amheuaeth  nad  ellid  cael 
hyd  iddynt.  Yr  wyf  yn  meddwl  pe  buasai  genyf  y  fath  hysbys- 
rwydd  a  hyn  pan  yr  oeddwn  yn  St.  Louis  yn  ymchwilio  am 
danynt  yn  1819,  y  buaswn  yn  gwneyd  fy  ffordd  atynt.  Nid  oedd 
y  pryd  hyny  ond  ychydig  o  Gymry  yn  America  mewn  cydmariaeth 
i'r  hyn  sydd  yn  awr,  a'r  casgliad  a  wnaed  y  pryd  hyny  nid  oedd 
ddim  mwy  na  digon  i  dalu  traul  dau  ddyn  i  St,  Louis  ac  yn  ol. 
Nis  gallwyd  cael  dim  hanes  am  eu  bodoliaeth  yno,  ac  ni  awd  dim 
yn  mhellach.  Meddyliwyf  y  gellid  cael  hyd  iddynt  yn  awr  heb 
lawer  o  drafferth. 

JOHN  T.  ROBERTS. 

(Extracted  from  the  '  Cenhadwr,'  an  American  publication, 
into  the  '  Amserau,'  published  at  Liverpool,  March  31,  1858.) 

Mr.  Roberts  here  shows  a  livelier  faith  in  the  existence  of  the 
Welsh  Indians  than  he  showed  in  1819;  and  it  is  not  improbable 
that  his  hint  respecting  a  subscription  may  lead  to  another 
search.  But,  in  order  to  prepare  Kymric  minds  for  the  dis- 
appointment that  must  result,  it  may  be  well  to  remark  that  the 
Indians  here  spoken  of,  who  wore  and  wove  woollen  garments, 
had  a  large  meeting-house  among  them,  had  white  skins  and  red 
hair,  and  lived  to  the  south  of  the  Great  Salt  Lake,  could  be  no 
other  than  the  Moquis  or  Navajoes,  of  whom  we  have  already 
written  at  length.  We  know  from  Ruxton  and  others  that  they 
have  albinoes  among  them,  that  they  are  light-coloured  as  com- 
pared with  other  Indians,  that  they  have  a  casa  grande  or  great 
temple,  and  that  they  make  blankets ;  but  all  that  does  not  show 
them  to  be  Welsh,  and  we  cannot  trust  the  statement  of  an  old 
woman,  who  possibly  did  not  know  Welsh  herself,  or,  perhaps, 
like  Barney  Ward's  friend,  knew  '  only  a  few  words.'  The 
Moquis,  as  we  have  already  said  on  the  authority  of  Ruxton, 
spoke  the  Aztec  or  Mexican  language,  which  has  no  resemblance 
to  Kymraeg. 


236  MADOC. 

THE  LLANGOLLEN  ADJUDICATION  ON  THE  MADOC  ESSAYS. 

The  adjudication  of  the  Rev.  D.  S.  Evans,  formerly  professor 
of  the  Welsh  language  at  Lampeter  College,  and  author  of  an 
excellent  English- Welsh  dictionary  in  two  vols.,  recently  pub- 
lished, is  as  follows  : 

To  the  Secretaries  of  the  Llangollen  Eisteddfod. 

GENTLEMEN, — Inasmuch  as  a  controversy  has  arisen  respecting 
the  adjudication  on  the  Madoc  Essays,  and  as  one  of  the  reasons 
alleged  by  the  Llangollen  committee  for  withholding  the  prize 
from  the  author  of  the  best  essay  is  an  imputed  informality  in 
my  award,  I,  as  one  of  the  appointed  judges,  consider  it  to  be  my 
duty  to  the  competitors  and  to  myself  again  to  lay  before  the 
committee  a  formal  statement  of  my  views. 

The  subject  was  announced  in  these  terms  :  '  For  the  best 
essay  on  the  discovery  of  America  in  the  12th  century,  by  Prince 
Madoc  ap  Owen  Gwynedd,  2QI.  and  a  silver  star.' 

Six  essays  were  forwarded  to  me.  Five  of  the  writers  took 
the  affirmative  side,  and  laboured  with  more  or  less  ability  to 
show  that  Madoc  ap  Owen  had  discovered  America  ;  but  one  of 
them,  under  the  signature  of  GWRNERTH  ERGYDLYM,  by  far  the 
ablest  writer,  took  the  opposite  side  ;  examined  the  subject  fully 
and  candidly  ;  displayed  throughout  a  deep  acquaintance  with  all 
the  evidences  bearing  upon  the  question  ;  and  manifested  no 
small  amount  of  critical  sagacity. 

While  the  essays  were  under  consideration,  I  received  a  note 
from  one  of  the  secretaries,  stating  that  both  he  and  his  colleague 
were  of  opinion  that  a  treatise  '  sent  in  on  the  non-discovery  of 
America  ought  not  to  be  received,  there  being  no  such  subject  in 
the  programme.'  This  interference  with  the  functions  of  the 
judges  appears  to  me  to  have  been  irregular  and  improper,  and 
implied  that  those  to  whom  the  adjudication  of  these  essays  had 
been  entrusted  were  not  capable  of  deciding  whether  they  were 
on  the  proposed  subject  or  not.  I  therefore  claim  for  myself,  and 
for  those  who  acted  with  me,  the  right  to  interpret  the  terms  of 
the  announcement  in  accordance  with  their  obvious  meaning,  and 
the  spirit  of  the  age  in  which  we  live.  I  am  decidedly  of  opinion 
that  the  negative  essayist  ought  to  participate  in  the  competition; 
and  I  emphatically  deny  that  the  competitors  were  bound  to 


APPENDIX.  237 

commit  the  immorality  of  adopting  any  conclusion  that  seemed 
to  them  not  warranted  by  the  premises. 

I  do  not  think  it  necessary  to  enter  into  the  comparative 
merits  of  the  affirmative  essays.  All  of  them,  whether  we  take 
them  singly  or  collectively,  appear  to  me  to  fall  far  short  of 
establishing  the  points  which  their  respective  writers  have  under- 
taken to  prove  ;  and  as  literary  compositions,  none  of  them  will 
bear  comparison  with  the  masterly  essay  of  Gwrnerth  Ergydlym. 

Having  read  the  whole  of  the  essays  with  as  much  care  as  the 
circumstances  permitted,  the  impressions  produced  on  my  mind 
are  these  : 

1.  That  the  existence  of  the  so-called  Welsh  Indians  has  not 
yet  been  established. 

2.  That  Madoc's  alleged  discovery  of  the  American  continent 
rests  upon  bare  conjecture. 

3.  And  that  it  is  still  an  open  question  whether  he  ever  left 
his  own  country. 

If  these  essays  exhaust  the  subject  to  which  they  refer,  I  can 
draw  no  other  inference  from  their  contents  than  that  these  points 
cannot,  with  our  present  stock  of  knowledge,  be  proved  to  the 
satisfaction  of  unbiassed  minds.  I  am,  therefore,  of  opinion  that 
one  judgment  alone  is  possible  ;  and  that  the  prize  ought  to  be 
awarded  to  Gwrnerth  Ergydlym. 

In  this  sense,  but  less  fully,  I  had  expressed  myself  to  you  in 
the  communication  which  I  addressed  to  you  in  the  earlier  part 
of  the  Eisteddfod  week;  and  I  must  be  permitted  to  observe  that 
my  decision  in  this  case  was  as  formal  as  in  the  case  of  'Barddas' 
and  the  'Diarebion  Cymreig,'of  which  I  acted  as  one  of  the  judges, 
and  no  complaint  was  made  that  -my  verdict,  in  reference  to  those 
subjects,  was  deficient  in  point  of  formality. 

I  now  confirm  my  former  judgment,  and  must  be  understood 
to  affirm  emphatically, — 

1.  That  the  essay  of  Gwrnerth  Ergydlym  is  strictly  upon  the 
subject,  and  entitled  to  compete. 

2.  That  it  is  by  far  the  best  essay  sent  to  me. 

3.  And  that  the  author  is  fully  entitled  to  the  prize  of  201. 
and  the  silver  star. 

I  remain,  Gentlemen, 

Your  faithful  servant, 
Llangian  :  December  8, 185K.  D.  SILVAN  EVANS. 


238  MADOC. 

'  I  hereby  certify  that  the  above  is  a  true  copy  of  the  adjudica- 
tion sent  this  day  to  the  honorary  secretaries  of  the  Llangollen 
Eisteddfod.  Witness  my  hand  this  eighth  day  of  December, 
1858. 

'D.  SILVAN  EVANS.' 

(The  prize  for  '  Barddas'  was  awarded  to  one  of  the  Hon.  Sees., 
the  Rev.  John  Williams  ('  Ab  Ithel '),  who  is  also  a  competitor 
for  the  Madoc  prize.) 


INDEX. 


ABBOTT,  '  History  of  the  World '  by, 
29 

Abergwili  (or  Abergele?),  Madoc 
sailed  from,  28 

Aberpergwm,  book  of,  improperly 
called  '  Chronicle  of  Caradoc,' 
178 ;  Stephens's  views  respecting, 
ib. ;  contains  no  reference  to  Madoc, 
174  ;  its  probable  date,  178 

Ab  Ithel,  Rev.  John  Williams,  Madoc 
essay  by,  133,  136 

Acusamil,  people  of,  adored  the  Cross, 
28 

Adair, '  History  of  American  Indians,' 
cited,  141 

Adjudication,  Llangollen  Eisteddfod, 
236 

Alexander  the  Great,  romance  of,  21 

Alexander,  Sir  J.  E.,  'L'Acadie,' 
cited,  86 

America,  place  of  Welshmen  in  his- 
tory of,  2  ;  alleged  discovery  of,  by 
Madoc,  disputed  by  Welshmen  of 
repute,  3 ;  a  frequent  subject  for 
competition  at  Welsh  Eisteddf  odau, 
ib. ;  English  Colonies  in,  41 ;  said 
to  have  been  discovered  by  King 
Arthur,  29  ;  from  Canada  to  Peru 
claimed  as  habitation  of  Madogwys, 
72  ;  the  name  said  to  be  Welsh, 
86 ;  '  discovered  by  the  Welsh,'  by 
Rev.  B.F.  Bowen,  87 ;  '  Pre-Colum- 
bian Voyages  of  Welsh  to,'  by  De 
Costa,  ib. ;  Robertson's  history  of, 
88,  158,  161, 189, 190, 196  ;  hardly 
discoverable  by  accident,  191 

Americus  Vesputius,  27,  34,  86 

4  Amserau,'  the,  newspaper,  John  T. 
Roberts's  letter  in,  119,  235 

Analectic  Magazine,  the,  referred  to, 
58 


Archseologia  Cambrensis  referred  to, 
178,  192 

Arctic  regions,  Indians  from,  said  to 
speak  Welsh,  51 

'  Ar  myr  ucha,'  alleged  original  Welsh 
form  of  '  America,'  85 

Arthur,  King,  said  to  have  discovered 
America,  29 

Asquaw  Indians,  Welsh,  62 

'  Athenaeum,'  the,  on  voyages  to 
America  in  small  vessels,  195 

'  Awdyl  yr  Haiarn  Twymyn,'  by 
Llywarch  Prydydd  y  Moch,  11 ;  its 
relevance  first  indicated  by  Mr. 
Humffreys  Parry,  ib. ;  first  trans- 
lated in  Stephens's  '  Literature  of 
the  Kymry,'  ib. 

Aztecs,  or  Mexican  aborigines,  ac- 
count of,  157  ;  their  language  had 
no  affinity  to  Welsh,  159 


'  BABEL,    the    Tower    of,'  by  John 

Jones,  80 
Bancroft's  History  of  United  States, 

43,  130,  142,  151,  158 
'  Bardd,    Y,'     a    Welsh    American 

periodical,  156 
Bardic    Museum,   the,    by  Edward 

Jones,  20 
-  Poems,    supposed    allusions    to 

Madoc  in,  8 ;  cited  in  support  of 

conflicting  theories,  7 ;  shown  to 

be  irrelevant,  200 ;  or  prove  Madoc 

to  have  been  killed  in  Wales,  210 
Bartlett,  John  Russell,  professed  to 

hold  documents  proving  truth  of 

Cambrian  tradition,  86 
Beatty,   Rev.   Charles,    '  Journal  of 

Two  Months'  Tour  '  <fec.,  52,  55,  65 
—  and  Duffield,  Messrs.,  54 


240 


MA  DOC. 


'  Beirniad,  Y,'  Stephens 's  essay  on 
'  Triads '  in,  21 

Bell's  Geography  referred  to,  167 

Bennett,  Major-General,  Morgan 
Jones  chaplain  to,  45,  129 

Bentley 's  Dissertations  on  'Phalaris  ' 
referred  to,  4 

Berkeley,  Sir  William,  Governor  of 
Virginia,  129 

Bibles,  Indians  said  to  possess  MS., 
65 

Binon,  Mr.,  of  Coetty,  an  Indian 
trader,  53  ;  Indians  told  him  their 
ancestors  came  from  Wales,  ib. ; 
his  stay  among  Welsh  Indians,  60 ; 
great  purity  of  Indian  Welsh,  ib. ; 
Indians  showed  him  MS.  book,  65  ; 
and  stone  with  inscription  in 
honour  of  Madoc,  71 

Blathwayte,  Secretary  of  Charles  II., 
a  Welshman,  137 

Bowen,  Emanuel,  geographer,  ac- 
cepted Madoc  tradition,  75 

—  Rev.  B.  F.,  '  America  discovered 
by  the  Welsh,'  87 

Bowles,  General,  Cherokee  chief, 
knew  Padoucas  or  Welsh  Indians, 
50,51 

Brechfa,  leuan,  Triads  compiled 
from  his  book,  21 ;  died  about 
A.I>.  1500,  22 ;  '  Brut,'  epitome  of 
Welsh  History  by,  ib. ;  contains 
no  reference  to  Madoc,  ib. ;  '  Book 
of  Pedigrees  '  by,  makes  no  men- 
tion of  Madoc's  expedition,  ib., 
174,  177 ;  signs  heraldic  return 
in  1460,  177 

Bretons,  Armorican,  gave  name  to 
Cape  Breton,  158 

'  Breviary  of  Britain,'  by  Humphrey 
Llwyd,  16 

'British  Sailor's  Discovery,'  the, 
34 

'  British  Remains,'  Nicholas  Owen's, 
45,48 

Britons  of  4th  century,  alleged  naval 
celebrity  of,  197 

Broughton  cited  by  Sir  Thomas 
Herbert,  34 

Brown,  Dr.  Thomas,  essay  on  '  Cause 
and  Effect,'  4 

Brydones,  reputed  descendants  of 
Britons,  64 ;  possessed  MSS. 
referring  to  island  '  Brydon,'  ib. 

Brynjulfsson,  Mr.  Gisle,  on  Madoc's 
presumable  knowledge  of  North- 
men's discovery  of  Greenland,  192 


'  Brython,  Y,'  59,  119 

Buache,   M.,  a   believer  in    Madoc 

tradition,  75 
Bunsen's  '  Philosophy  of  History  of 

Mankind '  cited,  168 
Burder,  Rev.  George,  52,  57,  58,  65, 

76,  111 
Burnell,  Richard,  knew  Lewis,  who 

saw  Welsh  Indians  among  Chick- 

asaws,  55 


CABOTS,     the,    their    discovery    of 

America,  41 
Caldwell,  Sir  John,  Welshmen  in  hia 

company     said     Pawnees     spoke 

Welsh,  71 
'  Cambrian   Biography,'  Owen's,  22, 

72,  79,  104,  177,  179 
'  Cambrian    Journal,'     Ab     Ithel's 

Madoc  essay  in,  133,  136,  175 
'  Cambrian '       newspaper,       Owen 

Williams's  letter  in,  123 
'  Cambrian  Quarterly  Magazine,'  84, 

86,  96,  136, 143,  197,  215 
'  Cambrian  Register,'  the,  14,  50,  79, 

103,  105,  109,  164 
1  Cambro-Briton,'   the,    11,    14,   17, 

22,  33,  36,  63,  72,  90,  170,  179 
Camden,  William,  33 
Campbell,    Dr.,    author    of   'Naval 

History,'    a    believer    in    Madoc 

story,  76 
Campbell's,     Mrs.,     'Tales     about 

Wales,'  56,  66 
Canada,  Governor  of,  his  mission  to 

Welsh  Indians,  68 
Cape  Breton,  so  named  from  Breton 

sailors,  not  Madogwys,  158 
Caradoc  of  Llancarvan,  21 ;  Madoc 

narrative     not     found     in     any 

chronicle  of  his,  172  ;    '  Book  of 

Aberpergwm '      wrongly      called 

chronicle  of,  173 
Carmarthen    Eisteddfod     of     1823, 

Madoc  question  an  open  one  there- 
at, 4 ;  the  decision  there  essentially 

negative, ib.,  91;  Humffreys  Parry 

essay  for,  9,  22 
'Carmarthen   Journal,'  letter  of  H. 

Phillips  in,  124 
'  Carnhuanawc '       (Rev.       Thomas 

Price),  92,  145,  194,  213 
Carolina,   North,   settlement  of,  by 

Sir  Wm.  Berkeley,  129 
Catlin's  'North  American  Indians,' 

43,  50,  51,  70, 147,  151 


INDEX. 


241 


4  Cenhadwr,  Y,'  John   T.  Boberts's 

letter  in,  235 

Chaplin,     Captain      Abraham,      of 
Kentucky,  heard  Indians  speaking 
Welsh  to  Welshmen,  57,  126 
Charlevoix  refers  to  civilised  Indians, 

71,  141 
Cherokee  Indians  said  to  use  Welsh 

words,  63 
Chickasaws,    Welsh     Indians    seen 

among,  55 
Childs,  Mr.,  his  statement  respecting 

Morris  Griffith,  59 
Chisholm,  Mr.,  said  Padouca   chief 

possessed  MS.  Komish  missal,  66, 

124 
Christian  relics  in   Mexico,  alleged, 

32 
Clarke,  General,  said  Mandans  were 

half  white,  50,  51 
Clarkson's    '  Life    of    Penn '    cited, 

136 
Cleland,  John,  writer  of  '  Letters  of 

Turkish  Spy,'  135 

Colorado,  Bio,  alleged  Welsh  settle- 
ment on,  155 
Columbus,     Christopher,     28 ;      no 

Welsh  MS.  record  of  discovery  of 

America    before  his    birth,   178 ; 

striking      coincidences      between 

Madoc    narrative    and    facts    of 

Columbus's  voyages,  184 ;  sketch 

of  his  voyages,  186 
Compass,  Mariner's,  known,  but  its 

value  little  understood,  in  twelfth 

century,  195 
Cortes,  29,  32 ;  finds  stone  cross  in 

Mexico,  41 
'  Courier '    newspaper,   Owen    Wil- 

liams's  letter  in,  123 
Crochan,  Col.,  his  letter  to  Governor 

Dinwiddie,  67 
Cross  among  American    aborigines, 

not  necessarily  Christian,  102,  164 
'  Cylchgrawn  Cynmraeg,   Y  '     (Tre- 

fecca),  Dafydd  Ddu  Eryri'shotein, 

80,  105 
Cymreigyddion   Society  of   London, 

discussions  on  Madoc  question,  82 
Cynddelw,  his  supposed  allusions  to 

Madoc,  8  ;  first  cited  by  Dr.  Owen 

Pughe,    ib. ;  elegy    of    family   of 

Owain  Gwynedd,  8,  211 
Cynwrig  ab  Gronw,  a  bard  named  by 

Sir  Thomas    Herbert,  his   works 

lost,  19 ;  five  persons  so    named, 

ib, ;  '  the  learned  poems  of,'  33 


DABIEN,  isthmus  of,  supposed  Celtic 
affinities  of  words  used  there,  170 

Davey,  John,  a  Welshman,  under- 
stood Indians  speaking  language 
like  Welsh,  51;  produced  parch- 
ment MSS.  obtained  from  Indians, 
64 

Davies,  Captain,  of  Trefdraeth, 
referred  to  by  Mrs.  Campbell,  56  ; 
said  Mud  Indians  spoke  Welsh 
and  had  MS.  Welsh  Bible,  67 

—  Dr.  John,  of   Mallwyd,  accepted 
Madoc  story,  75 

—  Bev.    Jenkin,    of    Washington, 
letter  to  '  Seren  Gomer,'  123 

-  Bev.  Mr.,  of  Somersetshire, 
letter  from  his  son  in  America, 
111 

-  Bichard,  of  Cloddiau  Cochion, 
first  Welsh  Quaker,  45 

—  Bev.    Walter    ('  Gwallter    Me- 
chain '),    rejected    Madoc     story, 
48,  84,  94,  219 

Davydd  ab  Gwilym,  his  use  of  the 

word  '  divancoll,'  209 
Davydd  Ddu  Eryri   believed  in  ex- 
istence of  Madogwys,  80,  104 
De  Costa's  '  Pre-Columbian  Voyages 

of  the  Welsh  to  America,'  87 
De  Tocqueville's  opinion  of  American 

Indians,  144 

'Difancoll,'  the  word,  208 
Dixon's  '  Life  of  Penn  '  cited,  137 
Doeg  Indians,  Morgan  Jones  preaches 

in  Welsh  to,  47 
Dolobran,  the  Lloyds  of,  44 
Drummond,  Captain,  heard  Mexican 

woman  singing  Erse,  141 
'  Drych  y   Prif   Oesoedd,'   by    Bev. 

Theophilus  Evans,  38,  39,  75 
Duffield  and  Beatty,  Levi  Hicks  told 

them   Mississippi   Indians    spoke 

Welsh,  54 
Du  Ponceau  on  Indian  languages, 

143 


EASTERN  ARGUS,  the,  story  of  Morris 
Griffiths,  59 

Edwards's,  Bev.  Charles,  '  Hanes  y 
Ffydd,'  accepted  Madoc  story,  75 

Edwards,  Bev.  Morgan,  of  Penn- 
sylvania, believed  in  existence  of 
Welsh  Indians,  50 

Eisteddfod,  the  Carmarthen,  4 ; 
Llangollen,  3 

'  Eminent   Welshmen,'    Williams's, 


R 


242 


MADOC. 


17,  18,  22,  27,  72,  84,  89,  104,  146, 
177-9,  200,  202 

Emrys  Wledig,  20 

Enderbie,  author  of  '  Cambria  Tri- 
umphans,'  accepted  affirmative 
view,  75 

Englyn,  Cynddelw's,  8 

'  Enquiry  into  Truth  of  Madog  Tradi- 
tion,' by  Dr.  John  Williams,  passim 

1  Epistolse  Ho-Elianse,'  by  James 
Howell,  28,  33,  35-7,  75 

'  Essay,'  the  term,  implies  liberty  of 
thought,  4 

'  Eurgrawn  Cymraeg,'  edited  by  Eev. 
Josiah  Eees,  25 

Europeans  adopting  Indian  habits, 
instances  of,  113 

Evans,  Eev.  D.  Silvan,  his  adjudica- 
tion at  Llangollen  Eisteddfod,  236 

—  John,    his     attempts     to    dis- 
cover Madogwys,  79, 104  ;  account 
of  his  journey,  107,  232  ;  letter  to 
his   brother,    229 ;    concluded  no 
Welsh  Indians  in  existence,  108 

—  Eev.     Theophilus,     '  Drych     y 
Prif    Oesoedd,'    quotes    Madoc's 
'  Epitaph,'  38 ;  his   expansion  of 
Madoc  narrative,  39 ;  and  belief 
in  it,  75 

'  Examen  Critique  de  1'Histoire  de 
Geographic,'  by  Baron  Humboldt, 
referred  to,  85 


1  FAKTHEB  Observations  on  Discovery 

of  America  by  Madoc,'    by    Dr. 

John  Williams,  passim 
Fenton's  '  Pembrokeshire  '  referred 

to,  122,  177 
Festus  Avienus,  citation  from,  refers 

to  Scilly  Islands,  197 
Filson's  '  State  of  Kentucky,'  43,  56, 

70 

Fox,  George,  autobiography  of,  130 
Froebel's,     Julius,    '  Seven     Years' 

Travel  in  Central  America,'  168  ; 

describes  Indians  of  the  Gila  and 

Colorado,  ib. 


GAFFAREL,  M. ,  on  resemblance  between 
Irish  and  the  Algonquin  language, 
141 

Gafran  ab  Aeddan,  Triad  as  to  dis- 
appearance of,  20,  221 

'  Geirgrawn  Cymraeg  '  (Holywell), 
Eev.  Morgan  J.  Eees's  letter  in,  106 


'  Gentleman's  Magazine,'  43,  45,  48, 

60,  63-67,  71,  122 
Gibson,  Mr.,  on  civilisation  of  Welsh 

Indians,  71,  124 
Gilbert,  Sir  Humphrey,  24 
'  Gilbert's  Voyages,'  34 
Giraldus  Cambrensis,  Hoare's  edition 

of,  referred  to,  16,  199 ;   visited 

North    Wales,     but     apparently 

ignorant  of  Madoc  story,  210 
Glanygors,  John  Jones  of,  allusion 

to  Madoc  in  song  by,  83 
Glass  house  in  mediaeval  romances, 

21 ;    in    Triad    probably    means 

Glastonbury  Abbey,  21 
'  Gododin,'  the,  shows  Britons  had 

navy  in    seventh   century,    198 ; 

Stephens's  work  on,  220 
'  Goleuad  Cymru,'  J.  T.  Boberts's 

letter  in,  115 

Gorddwr,  the,  its  situation,  15 
'  Greal,  neu  Eurgrawn  '  (Carnarvon), 

51,  54,  59,  63,  65,  80,  107 
'  Greal,  Y  '  (London),  54,  59,  63,  65, 

80,  112,  136 
Griffiths,     Morris,     conversed    with 

Welsh-speaking  white  Indians  on 

the  Missouri,  59 
-   Thomas,    owner    of    '  Book    of 

Basingwerk,'  26 

Grotius,  on  affinity  of  North  Ameri- 
can to  Germanic  languages,  141 
Growth  of  the  Madoc  legend,  216 
Guttyn  Owen,  23,  24,  26,  180 
Gwalchmai,  contemporary  of  Owain 

Gwynedd  and  his  sons,  16  ;  poem 

to  Prince  David,  son  and  successor 

of  Owen,  16 ;  supposed  allusions 

to   Madoc  therein,   16,  39,   198; 

translation  of,  17  ;  his  testimonies 

irrelevant,  201 
1  Gwennan  Gorn,'  the  ship  of  Madoc, 

207 
'  Gwerddonau  Llion,'  search  for,  by 

Gafran  ab  Aeddan,  20 
'  Gwyliedydd,  Y,'  136 
Gwyn,  Howel,  James  Howel's  letter 

to,  with  Madoc's  epitaph,  37 
Gwyneddigion    Society  of   London, 

discussions  on  Madoc  question,  82 


HACKETT'S  collection  of  epitaphs,  38 

Hakluyt's '  Voyages,'  29 ;  his  account 

a  mere  repetition  of   Llwyd   and 

Powel,  30,  33,   44;    says    Madoo 

made  three  voyages,  75 


INDEX. 


243 


'  Hanes  Cymru,'  by  Eev.  T.  Price 
('  Carnhuanawc  '),  summarises 
Madoc  story,  but  declares  proofs 
insufficient,  93,  145,  194,  213 

Harris,  Dr.,  the  naval  historian,  34 

Hatteras  Indians  (Morgan  Jones's 
Doegs),  descendants  of  Ealeigh's, 
not  Madoc's,  followers,  139 

Hawkins,  Sir  John,  34,  51 

Hengwrt  MS.,  414 ;  a  '  Book  of  Pedi- 
grees,' by  leuan  Brechfa,  makes 
no  mention  of  Madoc's  expedition, 
22 

—  MSS.  referred  to,  207,  218 
Henry  II.,  Lord  Lyttelton's  History 

of,  87 

Herbert's,  Sir  Thomas,  '  Travels,' 
17,  28,  30,  35,  75,  179 

Hicks,  Levi,  said  Indians  on  Missis- 
sippi talked  Welsh,  54 

Historical  testimonies  as  to  Madoc, 
20 

Hornius  referred  to,  42 

Howel  ab  Owen,  Madoc's  brother, 
supposed  reference  to'  Madoc  in 
verses  by,  20 

Howell,  James,  his  '  Epistolae  Ho- 
Elianse,'  28,  33  ;  account  of,  35  ; 
Welsh  epitaph  on  Madoc's  tomb- 
stone in  Mexico !  35 ;  letter  to 
Earl  Kivers,  36 ;  letter  to  Howel 
Gwyn,  giving  Madoc's  epitaph,  37, 
75 

Howells,  Reynold,  his  letter  to  Mr. 
Miles,  '  Welsh  Indians  found  out 
on  west  side  of  Mississippi,'  111 

Hu  Gadarn,  or  '  Hugun  le  Fort,' 
Charlemagne's  visit  to,  221 

Hughes,  Jack,  interpreter  to  Welsh 
Indians  on  the  Ohio,  58,  124 

—  Rev.  E.,  of  Bodfari,  reference  to 
Madoc  in  poem  by,  92 

Humboldt,  Baron,  desired  inquiry 
into  Madoc  story,  85;  'Travels,' 
141,  152,  164,  167  ;  '  History  of 
Geography  of  New  World,'  174 

Hume's'  History  of  England '  referred 
to,  122 

Humffreys  Parry,  J.,  9,  11,  12,  22, 
33,  36,  90,  180,  201,  212 

Humphreys,  Oliver,  said  Florida 
Indians  spoke  'perfect  Welsh,'  44, 
58 

'  IFORYDD,  YB,'  59 

Indian  languages,  125  ;  said  to  re- 
semble Hebrew,  Scandinavian, 


Welsh,   Irish   (Erse),   and   Gaelic 
languages,  141 ;  classification  and 
characteristics  of,  142 
Indian  skulls,  Mongolian,  not  Cauca- 
sian, 151 

—  traditions,  51 

—  tribes,  names  of,  said  to  involve 
name  of  Madoc,  43 

'  Indian  Tribes,  History  of,'  by  Mac- 
kenny  and  Hall,  145 

Indians,  American,  supposed  de- 
scendants of  lost  tribes  of  Israel, 
136,  140 ;  Mongolian  origin  of, 
169 ;  said  to  possess  MSS.  and 
Bibles,  63,  65,  125 

Ingram,  David,  24;  his  'Relation,' 
the  earliest  authority  for  Indian 
Welsh,  34,  44 

lolo  MSS.,  the,  poems  by  Meredydd 
ab  Rhys,  18,  206 

lolo  Morganwg,  25,  31,  33,  43,  60, 
71,  77,  177 

Ireland,  emigration  from  Wales  to, 
in  twelfth  century,  198 


JAHN'S    '  Hebrew     Commonwealth  ' 

cited,  141 
James,  Rev.  Thomas  ('  Llallawg  '), 

one  of  the  judges  of  this  essay,  87 
'  J.  J.'  (Cheapside),  his  reasons  for 

believing  in   existence  of  Welsh 

Indians,  66 
Jocelyne's   (or    Josselyn),   Captain, 

'  History  of  Virginia,'  133 ;  other 

works  of,  135 
Johnes'   '  Philological   Proofs,  &c.,' 

143,  149,  158 

Johnson's,  Dr.  Samuel,  Latin  ver- 
sion of  Madoc's  'Epitaph,'  37 
Jones,    Captain    Dan,    Mormonite, 

155,  168 

—  Edward,  'Bardic  Museum,'  29 

—  John,  '  The  Tower  of  Babel,'  by, 
80 

-  John,  LL.D.,  an    opponent  of 
claims  of  Madoc,  9 ;  account  of, 
88 ;  article  in '  Monthly  Magazine  ' 
ridiculing  Madoc   story,    14,   88; 
'  History  of  Wales  '  by,  180 

-  John   (Glanygors),    allusion    to 
Madoc  in  song  by,  83 

—  John   Solomon,   his  speech   on 
affirmative  side,  82 

—  Morgan,  of  Maes  Aleg,  45  ;    his 
narrative,  46  ;  preaches  in  Welsh 
to  Indians  (Doegs),  47 


244 


MA  DOC. 


Jones,  Rev.  John  Emlyn,  M.A.,  editor 
of '  Hanes  Prydain  Fawr,'  held  evi- 
dence for  Madoc  story  insufficient, 
99 

—  Rev.  Morgan,  of  Hammersmith, 
believed  in  existence  of  Welsh 
Indians,  50 

—  Rev.  Morgan,  of  Pennsylvania, 
his  friend  visited  by  Welsh- 
speaking  Indians,  57 
-  Rev.  Samuel,  of  Pennsylvania, 
resolved  to  visit  Welsh  Indians, 
50 ;  his  letter  to  Thomas  Evans, 
103,  231 

Joseph,  an  Indian  interpreter,  knew 
Welsh-speaking  Indians,  54 


KANE,   PAUL,    'Wanderings    among 

Indians '   &c.,   says  no  oaths   in 

Indian  languages,  122 
'  Kentucky,'  Filson's  '  State  of,'  43, 

56 
Palladium,'     story    of    Morris 

Griffiths  in,  59 
—  Roman  coins  said  to  be  found  in, 

126 
Kohl,  J.  G.,  '  History  of  Discovery 

of  America,'  favours  the   Madoc 

story,  86 
Kymry,   the,  as    sailors,   196 ;    Gi- 

raldus's  negative  testimony,  199 


'  L'AcAniE,'  by  Sir  J.  E.  Alexander, 

referred  to.  86 
La    Houtan,    Baron,    on     civilised 

Indians,  71 

Legend,  the  Madoc,  growth  of,  216 
Lewis,  a  captive  Welshman,  Indians 

spoke  Welsh  to,  55 

—  Rev.  George,  D.D.,  urged  Cymreig- 
yddion    to   send  missionaries    to 
Madogwys,  89 

-  Captain,  and  Captain  Clarke, 
their  ascent  of  the  Missouri,  109  ; 
found  no  trace  of  Welsh  Indians, 
113 

—  Sir     G.     Cornewall,    referred 
to,  4 

Lhuyd,  Edward,  48 
Literature    of    the    Kymry,'    Ste- 

phens's,  11,  21,  30,  96 
Llangollen    Eisteddfod    Committee, 

3 ;  Rev.  D.  Silvan  Evans's  adjudi 

cation  at,  230 


Lloyd,  Charles,  letter  of,  44,  53,  227 

—  Thomas,  of  Dolobran,  44 ;  Gover- 
nor of  Pennsylvania,  45 

Llwyd,  Humphrey,  his  '  Breviary  of 
Britain,'  16,  43;  his  Welsh  His- 
tory written  A.D.  1559 ;  extended 
and  published  in  1584  by  Dr. 
Powel,  26  ;  his  account  of  Madoc, 
27  ;  says  '  Morwerydd  '  was  '  Mare 
Hibernicum,'  176 ;  must  have 
seen  Lopez  de  Gomara's  work, 
published  in  1554  ;  wrote  his  own 
work  in  1559 ;  the  earliest  written 
assertion  of  Madoc's  discovery, 
184 

Llywarch  ab  Llywelyn  ('  Prydydd  y 
Moch  '),  8  ;  his  '  Ode  to  the  Hot 
Iron,'  11,  210;  poem  to  Rodri  ab 
Owain  Gwynedd,  12 ;  Owen's 
(Pughe)  translation  thereof,  13 ; 
Parry's  translation,  ib. ;  his  verses 
shown  to  be  irrelevant,  ib. ;  poem 
to  Llywelyn  ab  lorwerth,  14 ; 
misrepresented  by  Owen  (Pughe), 
ib. ;  the'Madoc  referred  to  therein 
was  Madoc  ab  Meredydd,  Prince 
of  Powys,  202 

'  London  Volunteer,'  the,  59. 

Long,  Major,  his  '  Expedition  to 
Rocky  Mountains  ;  '  found  no  evi- 
dence of  existence  of  Welsh 
Indians,  115 

Lopez  de  Gomara,  Francis,  28,  32  ; 
his  '  Cronica  de  Nova  Espafia,' 
published  at  Antwerp  1554,  pro- 
bably known  to  Humphrey  Llwyd, 
184 

Lyttelton,  Lord,  the  first  avowed 
opponent  of  the  Cambrian  tradi- 
tion, 87,  194 


MACKENNY  and  Hall's  '  History  of 
Indian  Tribes,'  145 

Madoc,  alleged  discovery  of  America 
by,  a  frequent  subject  for  com- 
petition at  Eisteddfodau,  3,  4 ;  but 
disputed  by  Welshmen  of  repute, 
3  ;  supposed  contemporary  bardic 
testimonies  to,  8-17 ;  not  an 
uncommon  name  among  Kymry 
in  twelfth  century,  12  ;  Triad  re- 
specting disappearance  of,  20 ;  and 
his  brother  Rhiryd  said  to  have 
crossed  '  Morwerydd  '  (Irish  Sea), 
23;  landed  in  Nova  Hispania,  or 
Florida,  according  to  Humphrey 


INDEX. 


245 


Llwyd,  27  ;  in  Mexico,  according 
to  Powel,  28  ;  narrative,  striking 
coincidences  of,  with  leading  facts 
of  Columbus's  voyages,  185  ;  story 
of  his  ship,  207 ;  probably  killed 
in  Wales,  210 ;  situation  of  his 
residence,  214 ;  legend,  growth  of, 
216 ;  should  be  placed  among 
'  Mabinogion,'  225  ;  analogous 
legends  among  other  peoples,  220 ; 
and. in  Wales  itself,  221 

Madoc  ab  Meredydd,  the  real  subject 
of  verse  of  Prydydd  y  Moch,  202 ; 
built  church  at  Meifod,  202 

Madoc's  tombstone,  with  Welsh  in- 
scription, found  in  Mexico,  35,  37, 
75 ;  reputed  partiality  for  sea- 
faring life,  205 

Magellan  referred  to,  34 

Mallet's  '  Northern  Antiquities,'  re- 
ference in,  to  Northmen's  discovery 
of  Greenland,  196 

'  Manco  Capac '  and '  Mamma  Ocello,' 
42 

Mandan  words  compared  with  Welsh, 
148 ;  their  alleged  resemblances 
found  illusory,  150 

Mandans  identified  with  Madogwys 
by  Catlin,  70 

Mariner's  compass  known  in  12th 
century,  but  its  value  little  under- 
stood, 196 

'  Maritime  Discovery,  History  of,' 
103,  186,  196 

Marriott,  John,  referred  to,  29 

Martyr,  Peter,  '  Decades  '  of,  42 

'  Matec  Zunga  '  and '  Mat  Ingam,'  42 

Mather's,  Dr.  Cotton,  '  Magnalia 
Christ!  Americana,'  76 ;  a  believer 
in  Madoc  tradition,  ib. 

'  Mawddwy,  Gwylliaid,'  178 

Meifod,  Madoc  ab  Meredydd  built 
church  at,  202 

Merddin,  bard  of  Emrys  Wledig, 
went  to  sea  in  glass  house,  21  ;  and 
his  nine  bards,  possibly  monks  of 
Glastonbury,  21 

Meredydd  ab  Rhys,  two  poems  by, 
18 ;  imply  a  Madoc  tradition,  19, 
33  ;  proved  Madoc  to  have  loved 
a  seafaring  life,  but  nothing  more, 
207 

Mexican  peoples,  classification  and 
characteristics  of,  153  ;  and 
language,  account  of,  157  ; 
language  certainly  not  Welsh,  160 

Mexicans,  origin  of,  165 


Mexico,    Madoc  said  to  have  landed 

in,  28  ;  British  words  alleged  to  be 

used  in,  29 ;  Prescott's   '  History 

of    Conquest    cf,'    41,    159,    102 ; 

Button's  '  Adventures  in,'  50,  71, 

72 ;    Wilson's   '  New    History    of 

Conquest  of,'  152,  165 
Milford,  Madoc  said  to  have  sailed 

from,  28 
Mississippi,   a   nation    beyond    the, 

said  to  speak  Welsh,  57 
'  Missouri,  Travels  to  Sources  of,'  by 

Captains  Lewis  and  Clarke,  109  ; 

no  trace  of  Welsh  Indians  found 

on, 118 
Montezuma,    29  ;     his    speech    to 

Mexicans,  32,  51 ;  his  last  descen- 
dant, 52,  161 
'  Monthly  Magazine,'  Dr.  John  Jones' 

letter  in,  88,  198,  200 
'  Monumenta   Historica  Britannica  ' 

referred  to,  26 
Moquis,    the    last    stay    of    Welsh 

Indian  tradition,  155  ;  believed  by 

Mormons   to    be   descended  from 

Madoc's   followers,  ib.  ;    said   by 

Barney  Ward    to    speak    Welsh, 

155 
Moravian    missionaries     heard     of 

Welsh  Indians,  50 
Morgan,   Maurice,   Under-Secretary 

of  State,  his  copy  of  Colonel  Cro- 

chau's  letter,  67  ;  account  of,  121 
—  Rev.  R.  W.,  '  The  British  Kymry  ' 

by,   40   ;    a   believer    in     Mados 

story,  85, 160 
'  Morgante  Maggiore,'  the,  of  Pulci, 

cited,  193 

Morris  Griffiths,  story  of,  59 
Morris,  Roger,  his  story  of  the  '  Ship 

of  Madoc,'  207 
Morus,  Huw,  reference  to  Madoc  in 

poem  by,  214 
Morwerydd     anciently     meant    the 

Irish  Sea,   175  ;    authorities    for 

this  statement,  176 
Mud  Indians  said  to  speak  Welsh, 

56 ;  to  possess  MS.  Welsh  Bible, 

67 

Myvyrian     Archaiology    of     Wales, 
passim 


NASH'S,   D.  W.,  '  Taliesin  '   referred 

to,  4 
Navigation  in  Wales  in  the  twelfth 

century,  state  of,  194 


246 


MADOC. 


Nennius  mentions  '  Tower  of  GlasB,' 

21 
Nicholson,  Bishop,  referred   to,  43, 

141 
Nicholson's    '  Journal    of    Natural 

Philosophy,'      story     of     Morris 

Griffiths  in,  59 
Northmen,   discovery  of   Greenland 

by,  196 ;  History  of,  by  Wheaton, 

196 
1  Notes  and  Queries  '  referred  to,  80, 

87,  136,  165,  166,  170 


ORB'S  '  Circle  of  the  Sciences '  referred 

to,  168 
Owen,  Aneurin,  his  edition  of  Welsh 

Chronicles,  26 

—  Baron,  murdered   by  •  Gwylliaid 
Mawddwy,'  A.D.  1555,  178 

—  Mr.  Edward,  his  '  Madoc  '  Essay 
in  '  The  Bed  Dragon,'  23 

—  Guttyn,    most    important    wit- 
ness in  this   case,  23  ;  supposed 
authority  for  Humphrey  Llwyd's 
statements,   23  ;  really   authority 
for    '  ten    ships '    only,   24 ;    his 
Chronicle   (Book   of  Basingwerk) 
still  extant,  but  contains  no  refer- 
ence  to   Madoc,   26  ;  account  of, 
179 ;     named    in     Henry    VII.'s 
Pedigree  Commission,  180 ;  criti- 
cal   examination    of    statements 
ascribed  to,  180 

—  Gwynedd,  Prince  of  North  Wales, 
father  of   Madoc,  8 ;    Cynddelw's 
Elegy  of,  8  ;  died  A.D.  1169,  10 

—  Nicholas,  his  '  British  Remains,' 
45,  48,  53,  58,  76 

—  William   (Pughe),    his    transla- 
tions of  bardic  poems,  8,  9,  13, 14, 
43  ;  a  firm  believer  in  Madoc  story, 
78 ;  '  Cambrian  Biography  '  by,  17, 
22 ;   '  Cambrian  Biography  '  cites 
'  Book   of    Pedigrees '    by   leuan 
Brechfa,   22 ;  letters   in  '  Gentle- 
man's Magazine,'  43 ;  articles  in 
'  Cambrian  Register,'  79,  103 


PADOTJCAS  believed  to  be  Welsh  In- 
dians, 49 ;  said  to  possess  sacred 
books,  64  ;  proved  to  have  no  re- 
semblance to  Welsh,  80,  140 

Paget's  '  Christianography '  referred 
0.29 


Pantigo  river,  abode  of  Morgan 
Jones's  Welsh  Indians  (Doegs),  48 
Parry,  J.  Humffreys,  9  ;  his  essay 
for  Carmarthen  Eisteddfod,  22 ; 
cites  leuan  Brechfa'a  '  Book  of 
Pedigrees,'  22,  33,  36  ;  replies  to 
Dr.  John  Jones,  90 ;  his  conclu- 
sions, 91,  180,  201,  212 
Pawnees,  white,  known  to  Mr.  Pond, 
50 ;  called  '  white '  and  '  Welsh  ' 
Indians,  71;  considerably  civilised, 
71 

Peckham,  Sir  George,  pamphlet  by, 
23  ;  the  first  printed  reference  to 
Madoc  story,  23,  24 
'  Pedigrees,    Book    of,'    by    leuan 
Brechfa,  Hengwrt  MS.  of,  contains 
no  reference  to  Madoc,  22 
'  Penguin,'  the  bird  so  called  has 

black  head,  158 

Penn,  William,  founder  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, 41 ;  alleged  address  to  South 
Wales  Quakers,  136 
Pennant,  Thomas,  rejected  the  Madoc 
claim,  94;  says  penguins  have  black 
heads,  158 ;  '  Tours  in  Wales,'  179 
'  Penny  Cyclopffidia,'  art.  '  America,' 

cited,  109 
Perry    and    Roberts's   unsuccessful 

search  for  Welsh  Indians,  115 
Phillips,   Miles,   a    fellow-sailor    of 

David  Ingram,  34 

'  Philosophical   Transactions,'  Pen- 
nant's account  of  '  penguins '  in, 
158 
Pickering,  '  On  the  Races  of  Man,' 

cited,  151,  168 

Plott,    Dr.,   reads    Morgan    Jones's 

narrative  before  Royal  Society,  48 

Pocahontas  and  Captain  John  Smith, 

132 

'  Poems,    Lyric    and    Pastoral,'   by 
Edward     Williams     ('  lolo    Mor- 
ganwg  '),  31,  33,  77,  177 
Pond,    Mr.,   knew   white  Pawnees, 

50 

Postellus  cited  by  Sir  Thomas  Her- 
bert, 32 
Powel,   Dr.  David,  his  '  Historie  of 

Cambria '  cited,  23,  28,  182,  187 
1  Powysion,   Y,'   Rev.   E.   Hughes's 

poem  in,  92 
Prescott's  '  History  of  Conquest  of 

Mexico  '  cited,  41,  159,  162 
Price,  Thomas,  of  Llanfyllin,  44 
—  Rev.  Thomas  ('  Carnhuanawc  '), 
considered  Madoc  story  not  proved, 


INDEX. 


247 


92,  145  ;  '  Hanes  Cymru  '  by,  93, 

145,  194,  213 
Price,  Mr.,  his  father  said  to  have 

conversed  in  Welsh  with  Padoucas, 

57 
Prichard,  William,  of  Philadelphia, 

believed    in    existence    of  Welsh 

Indians,  50 
Prichard's  '  Eastern  Origin  of  Celtic 

Nations  '  cited,  142,  168 
'Prydydd  y  Moch,'  Llywarch,  'Ode 

to  the  Hot  Iron,'  11 ;  poem  to  Rodri 

ab  Owen  Gwynedd,  12  ;  irrelevant 

to  this  subject,  201 
'  Public  Advertiser,'  the,  37,  51,  64, 

161 

Pueblo  Indians  of  New  Mexico,  156 
Pughe,  Dr.  William  Owen  (see  Owen, 

William) 
Purchas's  '  Pilgrimages '  cited,  29 


RALEIGH'S,  Sir  Walter,  '  History  of 
the  World,'  29 

Rankin,  Rev.  Mr.,  of  Kentucky,  be- 
lieved in  existence  of  Welsh  In- 
dians, 50,  70 

'  Red  Dragon,'  the,  Mr.  Edward 
Owen's  '  Madoc  '  essay  in,  23 

Rees,  Rev.  Josiah,  his  magazine, 
'  Eurgrawn  Cyrnraeg,'  25  ;  Welsh 
chronicle  inserted  therein  makes 
no  mention  of  Madoc,  ib. 

—  Rev.  Morgan,  had  heard  of  Welsh 
Indians,  50,  70;   his  letters,  79, 
106 

'  Revue  Celtique  '  referred  to,  141 
Rhiryd  and  his  brother  Madoc,  alleged 
discovery  of  western  lands  by,  22  ; 
across  the  Atlantic,  23 
Richards,  a  South-Walian,  saw  In- 
dians   who    spoke    North-Wales 
Welsh,  123 

—  Dr.,  of  Lynn,  mentions  purity  of 
Indian  Welsh,  63  ;  a  firm  believer 
in  Madoc  story,  78  ;  published  the 
evidences  in  '  Gentleman's  Maga- 
zine,' ib. 

—  Rev.    W.,   '  Memoirs  '   of,    cited, 
111 

Rimington,  Mr.,  spoke  of  white  In- 
dians on  Mississippi  and  Ohio, 
50,  58,  124 

Rivers,  Earl,  James  Howell's  letter 
to,  36 

Roanoke,  prominent  in  Morgan 
Jones's  story,  137  ;  also  in  Capt. 


John   Smith's,  ib. ;    fortunes    of 
settlers  of,  138 

Roberts,  John  T.,  of  Rosa  Vawr,  63 ; 
his  fruitless  search  for  Welsh  In- 
dians, 115  ;  his  last  letter,  234 

—  Lieut.  Joseph,  Indian  chief  said 
to  have  spoken  Welsh  to  him,  54 ; 
his  letter,  61 ;  superiority  of  In- 
dian's Welsh,  62 

—  Thomas    (Llwynrhudol),  locates 
Welsh   Indians  on  the  Missouri, 
65  ;    '  Father  of  the  Madogwys,' 
83 

Robertson,  the  historian  of  America, 
assailed  the  Cambrian  tradition, 
88,  158,  161,  189,  190,  196 

Rodri  ab  Owain  Gwynedd,  203 

Roman  coins  said  to  be  found  in 
Kentucky,  126 

Ruxton,  Lieut.,  his  '  Adventures  in 
Mexico  and  Rocky  Mountains,'  50 ; 
found  albinoes  among  Pueblo  and 
Navajo  Indians,  50,  71 ;  identified 
Moquis  with  Madogwys,  72,  154, 
167 


SACRED  books,  alleged  possession  of, 
by  Indians,  63 

Salt  Lake,  the  Great,  white  or  Welsh 
Indians  said  to  be  found  to  S.W. 
of,  119 

'Saturday  Review,'  the,  on  'Re- 
searches of  M.  Stanislaus  Julien,' 
168  ;  on  Von  Tschudi,  169 

Sayle,  William,  Governor  of  Oyster 
Point  Settlement,  129 

Seneca's  '  Medea '  quoted  by  Sir 
Thomas  Herbert,  192 

'  Seren  Gomer,'  Joseph  Roberts's 
letter  in,  63  ;  letter  signed  '  Be- 
geryr,'  the  first  Welsh  utterance 
on  negative  side,  82;  other  articles, 
83,  84,  114,  115,  119,  123,  126 

'  Ship  of  Madoc,'  traditional  tale  of 
the,  207 

Sidney,  Sir  Henry,  possessed  Hum- 
phrey Llwyd's  MS.,  26 
-   Sir    Philip,   indenture    between 
him   and    Sir   George    Peckham, 
24 

Smith,  Captain  John  ('Father  of  Vir- 
ginia'), story  of  Pocahontas,  the 
foundation  of  Morgan  Jones's 
tale,  132 

—  J.  Toulmin,  'Discovery  of  America 
by  Northmen  '  cited,  86,  196 


248 


MADOC. 


Southey,  Robert,  his  epic  '  Madoc,' 
21,  81 ;  song, '  Where  are  the  sons 
of  Gavran  ?  '  21 

(Spaniards'  II  received  from  Welsh 
through  Mexicans,  43 

'  Spy,  Turkish,'  the,  letters  of,  9,  38 

Stedman,  a  native  of  Breconshire, 
met  Indians  '  from  Gwynedd  in 
Prydain  Fawr,'  44,  53 

Stephens's '  Literature  of  the  Kymry,' 
11,  21,  30,  96,  192;  '  Essay  on  the 
Triads,'  21 ;  on  '  Position  of  Welsh 
in  Civilisation,'  97  ;  work  on  '  The 
Gododin,'  220  ;  on  '  Book  of  Aber- 
pergwm,'  178 

Stewart,  Captain,  referred  to,  51 

Stoddart's,  Colonel,  '  History  of 
Western  Parts  of  America,'  117 

Sutton,  Benjamin,  on  Delaware 
customs,  53  ;  saw  Welsh-speaking 
Indians  west  of  Mississippi,  54, 
who  possessed  Bible,  65,  124 

Symonds's '  Life  of  Maurice  Morgan  ' 
referred  to,  122 


TAL  Y  MOELFRE,  battle  of,  198 
Thomas's,  Eev.  Joshua,  '  Hanes  y 

Bedyddwyr  '  cited,  111 
Tombstone  of    Madoc,   alleged,  in 

Mexico,  35,  37,  75 
Toulmin,    Henry,    wrote    story    of 

Morris  Griffiths  from  Mr.  Child's 

narration,  59 
'  Traethodydd,  Y,'  Stephens's  Essays 

in,  2,  98 
Travellers'   tales  respecting  Welsh 

Indians,  41 
Triad,  the, '  Three  Vanished  Losses 

of  Isle  of  Britain,'  20  ;  third  series 

of  Triads  composed  in  sixteenth 

century,  21,  207 

1  Turkish  Spy,'  letters  of,  38,  133 
Tuscaroras    said    to    have    spoken 

Welsh,  134 


UDOORN  SEION,'  Welsh  Mormonite 
magazine,  Captain  Dan  Jones's 
letter  in,  156,  168 


VESPUTITJS  AMEKICDS,  27 

Virginia,  alleged  traces  of  Welsh  in, 
44 ;  '  Generall  Historie  of,'  by 
Captain  John  Smith,  132 ;  '  His- 
tory of,'  by  Jocelyne,  133 


Virginians  and  Guatemalians  said  to 
worship  Madoc,  42 

Von  Tschudi  on  American  abori- 
gines, 169 

Voyages  to  and  from  America  in 
small  vessels,  196 


WAFER'S  '  Description  of  Isthmus  of 
America,'  170 ;  words  used  in 
Darien  akin  to  Celtic,  ib. 

Walsingham,  Sir  Francis,  Ingram'a 
'  Relation  '  made  to,  24,  34 

Ward,  Barney,  told  Captain  Dan 
Jones  that  Moquis  spoke  Welsh, 
155 

Warrington's,  Rev.  W.,  '  History  of 
Wales,'  accepted  Madoc  tradition 
with  reserve,  81,  108 

Welsh  Indians  identified  with  Doegs, 
Delawares,  Tuscaroras,  Padoucas, 
Pawnees,  and  another  tribe,  un- 
named, 49 ;  with  Matocantes,  Mac- 
totatas,  and  Kansez,  71  ;  Mud  In- 
dians, Asquaws,  Hietans,  Aliatans, 
Cherokees,  Moquis,  and  Mandans, 
72  ;  their  astonishing  civilisation, 
71 ;  said  to  exist  S.E.  of  Great 
Salt  Lake,  119  ;  there  never  were 
any,  171 

Welsh-speaking  Indians,  belief  in, 
54 

Welsh  words  used  in  Mexico,  29, 
33,43 

West,  Joseph,  his  settlement  at 
Oyster  Point,  129 

Wheaton's  '  History  of  the  North- 
men '  referred  to,  196 

'  White  '  or  '  Welsh  '  Indians  be- 
lieved convertible  terms,  50,  71 

Williams,  Edward  ('  lolo  Mor- 
ganwg  '),  25,  31,  33,  43  ;  his  con-, 
versation  with  Mr.  Binon,  60,  71 ; 
locates  Welsh  Indians  on  Missis- 
sippi, 77  ;  his  verses  on  Madoc,  77 
-  Griffith,  letter  respecting  Mr. 
Chisholm,  66 

—  John, '  Natural  History  of  Mineral 
Kingdom '  cited,  43 

—  Rev.  John  ('  Ab  Ithel '),  his  essay 
on    Madoc    question,    133,    136 ; 
query  lolo  Morganwg,  author  of 
essay,  175 

—  Dr.  John,  of  Sydenham,  his  '  En- 
quiry '  and  '  Farther  Observations 
on  Discovery  by  Madoc,'  passim 

—  Owen,  letter  in  '  Courier  '  news- 


INDEX. 


249 


paper,  123  ;  a  concoction  by  Dr. 
John  Jones,  124 
Williams,  Bev.  Peter  Bayley,  17 

—  Eev.   Eobert,    '  Eminent   Welsh- 
men,' 17,  18,  22,  27,  72,  84,  89, 
104,  146 

—  Dr.  Eowland,  his  verses  on  Ma- 
doc,  85  ;  reference  to  sermon  by, 
102 

-  William,  of  Philadelphia,  letter 
from,  said  '  Welsh  Indians  live  at 
sources  of  Missouri,'  112 

Willin,  Mr.,  a  Quaker,  his  statement 
to  Burnell,  55 ;  his  son  Cradog's 
superior  knowledge  of  Welsh 
Indians,  ib. 

Wilson's  '  New  History  of  Conquest 
of  Mexico  '  cited,  152,  165 


Wolf's  '  Prolegomena  ad  Homerum  ' 

referred  to,  4 
Woodward's,    B.    B.,    '  History    of 

Wales,'  14,  23,  25,  27,  64,  72,  98, 

165 
'  Words  and  Places,'  Taylor's,  cited, 

28 
Wynne's,  Sir  John,  '  History  of  the 

Gwedir  Family,'  202,  204,  215 


YEAMANS,  SIB  JOHN,  his   settlement 

south  of  Cape  Fear,  129 
'  Ymofynydd,  Yr,'  59,  119 
Ynys  Hir,  near  Portmadoc,  Madoc 

said  to  have  sailed  from,  28 
Young,  Brigham,  his  statements  to 

Captain  Dan  Jones,  155 


PRINTED    BY 

8POTTISWOODK    AND    CO.,    NEW-STREET    KQ0ARK 
LONDON 


A   CATALOGUE    OF   WORKS 

IN 

GENERAL    LITERATURE 

PUBLISHED    BY 

MESSRS.  LONGMANS,  GREEN,  &  CO. 

39  PATERNOSTER  ROW,  LONDON,  E.G. 

15  EAST  i6TH  STREET,  NEW  YORK. 


MESSRS.  LONGMANS,  GREEN,  &  CO. 

Issue  the  undermentioned  Lists  of  their  Publications,  which  may  be  had  post  free  on 

application : — 


i.  MONTHLY  LIST  OF  NEW  WORKS  AND 
NEW  EDITIONS. 


6.  CATALOGUE    OF    SCHOOL    BOOKS    AND 
EDUCATIONAL  WORKS. 


2.  QUARTERLY      LIST      OF     ANNOUNCE-     !     7.  CATALOGUE     OF     BOOKS     FOR     ELE- 


MENTS  AND  NEW  WORKS. 

3.  NOTES  ON  BOOKS  ;  BEING  AN  ANALYSIS 

OF  THE  WORKS  PUBLISHED  DURING 
EACH  QUARTER. 

4.  CATALOGUE  OF  SCIENTIFIC  WORKS. 

5.  CATALOGUE  OF  MEDICAL  AND  SURGICAL 

WORKS. 


MENTARY     SCHOOLS     AND      PUPIL 
TEACHERS. 

8.  CATALOGUE  OF  THEOLOGICAL  WORKS 
BY  DIVINES  AND  MEMBERS  OF  THE 
CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 

g.  CATALOGUE  OF  WORKS  IN  GENERAL 
LITERATURE. 


ABBEY  (Rev.  Charles  J.),  and  OVERTON 

(Rev.  John   H.). 

THE  ENGLISH  CHURCH  IN  -THE 
EIGHTEENTH  CENTURY.  Cr.  8vo. 
75.  6d. 

ABBOTT  (Evelyn,  M.A.,  LL.D.). 
A  SKELETON  OUTLINE  OF  GREEK 

HISTORY.     Chronologically  Arranged. 

Cr.  8vo.  as.  6d. 
A  HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 

Part  I.— From  the  Earliest  Times  to  the 
Ionian  Revolt.     Cr.  8vo.  IDS.  6d. 

Part  II.— 500-445  B.C.     Cr.  8vo.  IDS.  6d. 
HELLENICA.     A  Collection  of  Essays  on 

Greek    Poetry,    Philosophy,    History  and 

Religion.      Edited  by  EVELYN  ABBOTT, 

M.A.,  LL.D.     8vo.  i6s. 

ACLAND  (A.  H.  Dyke,  M.P.),  and  RAN- 

SOME  (Cyril,  M.A.). 
A     HANDBOOK    IN     OUTLINE     OF 
THE     POLITICAL     HISTORY     OF 
ENGLAND  TO  1890.     Chronologically 
Arranged.     Cr.  8vo.  6s. 


ACTON  (Eliza). 

MODERN  COOKERY.  With  150  Wood- 
cuts. Fcp.  8vo.  45.  6d. 

AMOS  (Sheldon). 

A  'PRIMER  OF  THE  ENGLISH  CON- 
STITUTION  AND  GOVERNMENT. 
Cr.  8vo.  6s. 

ANNUAL  REGISTER  (THE).     A  Review 
of  Public  Events  at  Home  and  Abroad, 
for  the  year  1891.     8vo.  i8s. 
%*  Volumes  of  the  '  Annual  Register '  for 
the  years  1863-1890  can  still  be  had. 

ANSTEY  (F.),  Author  of 'Vice  Versa'. 

THE  BLACK  POODLE,  and  other  Stories. 
Cr.  8vo.  2s.  boards ;  2s.  6d.  cloth. 

VOCES  POPULI.  Reprinted  from 'Punch'. 
With  Illustrations  by  J.  BERNARD  PART- 
RIDGE, ist  Series.  Fcp.  410.  55.  2nd 
Series.  Fcp.  410.  6s. 

THE  TRAVELLING  COMPANIONS. 
Reprinted  from  'Punch'.  With  Illustrations 
by  J.  BERNARD  PARTRIDGE.  Post  410.  55. 


A  CATALOGUE  OF  BOOKS  IN  GENERAL  LITERATURE 


ARISTOTLE. 

THE  POLITICS  :  G.  Bekkers  Greek  Text 
of  Books  I.  III.  IV.  (VII.),  with  an 
English  Translation  by  W.  E.  BOLLAND, 
M.A. ;  and  short  Introductory  Essays  by 
A.  LANG,  M.A.  Cr.  8vo.  js.  6d. 

THE  POLITICS :  Introductory  Essays. 
By  ANDREW  LANG.  (From  Bolland  and 
Lang's  '  Politics  '.)  Cr.  8vo.  2s.  6d. 

THE  ETHICS:  Greek  Text,  Illustrated 
with  Essays  and  Notes.  By  Sir  ALEXAN- 
DER GRANT,  Bart.  2  vols.  8vo.  325. 

THE  NICOMACHEAN  ETHICS:  Newly 
Translated  into  English.  By  ROBERT 
WILLIAMS.  Cr.  8vo.  75.  6d. 

ARMSTRONG  (G.  F.  Savage-). 

POEMS  :  Lyrical  and  Dramatic.    Fcp.  8vo. 

65. 
KING  SAUL.      (The   Tragedy  of  Israel, 

Part  I.)     Fcp.  8vo.  55. 
KING  DAVID.     (The  Tragedy  of  Israel, 

Part  II.)     Fcp.  8vo.  6s. 
KING    SOLOMON.      (The    Tragedy    of 

Israel,  Part  III.)     Fcp.  8vo.  6s. 
UGONE  :  A  Tragedy.     Fcp.  8vo.  6s. 
A  GARLAND  FROM  GREECE :  Poems. 

Fcp.  8vo.  ys.  6d. 
STORIES  OF  WICKLOW :  Poems.   Fcp. 

8vo.  75.  6d. 

MEPHISTOPHELES       IN       BROAD- 
CLOTH :  a  Satire.     Fcp.  8vo.  45. 
ONE  IN  THE  INFINITE  :  a  Poem.    Cr. 

8vo.  75.  6d. 
THE    LIFE  AND   LETTERS   OF  ED- 

MUND  y.  ARMSTRONG.     Fcp.  8vo. 

7s.  6d. 

ARMSTRONG  (Edmund  J.). 

POETICAL  WORKS.     Fcp.  8vo.  55. 
ESSA  YS  AND  SKETCHES.  Fcp.  8vo.  55. 

ARMSTRONG  (Edward),  Queen's  College. 

Oxford. 

ELIZABETH  FARNESE  :  The  Terma- 
gant of  Spain.  8vo.  i6s. 

ARNOLD  (Sir  Edwin,  K.C.I.E.). 

THE  LIGHT  OF  THE  WORLD  :  or,  the 

Great   Consummation.       A    Poem.      Cr. 

8vo.  TS.  6d.  net. 
Presentation    Edition.      With    Illustrations 

byW.  HOLMAN  HUNT,  &c.    410.  205.  net. 
SEAS  AND  LANDS.      Reprinted  letters 

from  the   'Daily  Telegraph'.      With  71 

Illustrations.     Cr.  8vo.  js.  6d. 
POTIPHAR'S   WIFE,  and  other  Poems. 

Cr.  8vo.  55.  net. 
ADZUMA ,  or  the  Japanese  Wife.     A  Play. 

Cr.  8vo.  6s.  6d.  net. 


ARNOLD  (T.,  D.D.),  formerly  Head  Master 
of  Rugby  School. 

INTRODUCTORY  LECTURES  ON  MO- 
DERN HISTORY.     8vo.  ;s.  6d. 
MISCELLANEOUS  WORKS.  8vo.7s.6d. 

ASHLEY  (W.  J.,  M.A.). 

ENGLISH  ECONOMIC  HISTORY  AND 
THEORY.  Part  I.  The  Middle  Ages. 
Cr.  8vo.  55.  Part  II. 

ATELIER  (THE)  DU  LYS :  or,  An  Art 
Student  in  the  Reign  of  Terror.  By  the 
Author  of  '  Mademoiselle  Mori '.  Cr. 
8vo.  2s.  6d. 

BY    THE    SAME    AUTHOR. 

MADEMOISELLE    MORI:    a    Tale    of 

Modern  Rome.     Cr.  8vo.  2s.  6d. 
THAT   CHILD.      Illustrated  by  GORDON 

BROWNE.     Cr.  8vo.  2s.  6d. 
UNDER  A  CLOUD.     Cr.  8vo.     2s.  6d. 
THE    FIDDLER    OF    LUGAU.      With 

Illustrations     by     W.      RALSTON.       Cr. 

8vo.  2s.  6d. 
A    CHILD    OF    THE    REVOLUTION. 

With  Illustrations  by  C.  J.  STANILAND. 

Cr.  8vo.  2s.  6d. 
HESTER'S    VENTURE:   a  Novel.     Cr. 

8vo.  2s.  6d. 
IN  THE  OLDEN  TIME  :  a  Tale  of  the 

Peasant    War    in    Germany.      Cr.    8vo. 

2s.  6d, 
THE     YOUNGER     SISTER  :     a    Tale. 

Cr.  8vo.  6s. 

BACON  (Francis). 
COMPLETE  WORKS.     Edited  by  R.  L. 

ELLIS,  J.  SPEDDING  and  D.  D.  HEATH. 

7  vols.  8vo.  £3  135.  6d. 
LETTERS   AND   LIFE,   INCLUDING 

ALL    HIS    OCCASIONAL    WORKS. 

Edited   by  J.    SPEDDING.      7  vols.    8vo. 

£4  4*- 
THE    ESSA  YS  :    with   Annotations,      By 

RICHARD  WHATELY,  D.D.     8vo.  lot.  6d. 
THE  ESSAYS:  with  Introduction,  Notes 

and  Index.     By  E.  A.  ABBOTT,  D.D.     2 

vols.  fcp.  8vo.  price  6s.     Text  and  Index 

only,  without  Introduction  and  Notes,  in 

i  vol.  fcp.  8vo.  2s.  6d. 

BADMINTON.  LIBRARY  (THE), 
Edited  by  the  DUKE  OF  BEAUFORT,  K.G., 
assisted  by  ALFRED  E.  T.  WATSON. 
ATHLETICS  AND  FOOTBALL.  By 
MONTAGUE  SHEARMAN.  With  51  Illus- 
trations. Cr.  8vo.  los.  6d. 

[Continued  on  next  page. 


PUBLISHED  BY  MESSRS.  LONGMANS,   GREEN,  &  CO. 


BADMINTON       LIBRARY      (THE)— 

continued. 

BOATING.  By  W.  B.  WOODGATE.  With 
49  Illustrations.  Cr.  8vo.  IDS.  6d. 

COURSING  AND  FALCONRY.  By 
HARDING  Cox  and  the  Hon.  GERALD 
LASCELLES.  With  76  Illustrations.  Cr. 
8vo.  los.  od. 

CRICKET.  By  A.  G.  STEEL  and  the 
Hon.  R.  H.  LYTTELTON.  With  63  Illus- 
trations. Cr.  8vo.  IDS.  6d. 

CYCLING.  By  VISCOUNT  BURY  (Earl  of 
Albemarle),  K.C.M.G.,  and  G.  LACY 
HILLIER.  With  89  Illustrations.  Cr. 
8vo.  los.  6d. 

DRIVING.  By  the  DUKE  OF  BEAUFORT. 
With  65  Illustrations.  Cr.  8vo.  105.  6d. 

FENCING,  BOXING  AND  WREST- 
LING. By  WALTER  H.  POLLOCK,  F.  C. 
GROVE,  C.  PREVOST,  E.  B.  MICHELL 
and  WALTER  ARMSTRONG.  With  42 
Illustrations.  Cr.  8vo.  105.  6d. 

FISHING.  By  H.  CHOLMONDELEY- 
PENNELL. 

Vol.  I.  Salmon,  Trout  and  Grayling. 
With  158  Illustrations.  Cr.  8vo. 
IDS.  6d. 

Vol.  II.  Pike  and  other  Coarse  Fish. 
With  132  Illustrations.  Cr.  8vo. 
105.  6d. 

GOLF.  By  HORACE  HUTCHINSON,  the  Rt. 
Hon.  A.  J.  BALFOUR,  M.P.,  ANDREW 
LANG,  Sir  W.  G.  SIMPSON,  Bart.,  &c. 
With  88  Illustrations.  Cr.  8vo.  105.  6d. 

HUNTING.  By  the  DUKE  OF  BEAUFORT, 
K.G.,  and  MOWBRAY  MORRIS.  With  53 
Illustrations.  Cr.  Svo.  105.  6d. 

MOUNTAINEERING.  By  C.  T.  DENT, 
Sir  F.  POLLOCK,  Bart.,  W.  M.  CONWAY, 
DOUGLAS  FRESHFIELD,  C.  E.  MATHEWS, 
C.  PILKINGTON,  and  other  Writers.  With 
108  Illustrations.  Cr.  Svo.  105.  6d. 

RACING  AND  STEEPLECHASING. 
By  the  EARL  OF  SUFFOLK  and  BERKSHIRE, 
W.  G.  CRAVEN,  &c.  With  56  Illustra- 
tions. Cr.  Svo.  iO5.  6d. 

RIDING  AND  POLO.  By  Captain 
ROBERT  WEIR,  J.  MORAY  BROWN,  the 
DUKE  OF  BEAUFORT,  K.G.,  the  EARL  of 
SUFFOLK  and  BERKSHIRE,  &c.  With  59 
Illustrations.  Cr.  Svo.  105.  6d. 

SHOO  TING .  By  LORD  WALSINGH  AM  and 
Sir  RALPH  PAYNE-GALLWEY,  Bart. 

Vol.  I.    Field  and  Covert.     With  105 

Illustrations.     Cr.  Svo.  los.  6d. 
Vol.  II.    Moor  and  Marsh.      With  65 
Illustrations.     Cr.  Svo.  105.  6d. 


BADMINGTON     LIBRARY    (THE)— 

continued. 

SKATING, CURLING, TOBOGGANING 
AND  OTHER  ICE  SPORTS.  By  J.  M. 
HEATHCOTE,  C.  G.  TEBBUTT,  T.  MAX- 
WELL WITHAM,  the  Rev.  JOHN  KERR, 
ORMOND  HAKE  and  Colonel  BUCK.  With 
284  Illustrations.  Cr.  Svo.  los.  6d. 

TENNIS,  LAWN  TENNIS,  RACKETS 
AND  FIVES.  By  J.  M.  and  C.  G. 
HEATHCOTE,  E.  O.  PLEYDELL-BOUVERIE 
and  A.  C.  AINGER.  With  79  Illustra- 
tions. Cr.  Svo.  io5.  6d. 

BAGEHOT  (Walter). 
BIOGRAPHICAL  STUDIES.     Svo.  125. 

ECONOMIC  STUDIES.     Svo.  105.  6d. 
LITERARY  STUDIES.     2  vols.  Svo.  285. 
THE  POSTULATES  OF  ENGLISH  PO- 
LITICAL ECONOMY.     Cr.  Svo.  25.  6d. 

BAGWELL  (Richard,  LL.D.)- 
IRELAND  UNDER  THE  TUDORS. 
(3  vols.)  Vols.  I.  and  II.  From  the  first 
invasion  of  the  Northmen  to  the  year 
1578.  Svo.  325.  Vol.  III.  1578-1603. 
Svo.  185. 

BAIN  (Alexander). 

MENTAL  AND  MORAL  SCIENCE. 
Cr.  Svo.  105.  6d. 

SENSES  AND  THE  INTELLECT. 
Svo.  155. 

EMOTIONS  AND  THE  WILL.    Svo.  155. 

LOGIC,  DEDUCTIVE  AND  INDUC- 
TIVE. Part  I.  45.  Part  II.  65.  6d. 

PRACTICAL  ESSAYS.     Cr.  Svo.  25. 

BAKER  (Sir  Samuel  W.). 
EIGHT  YEARS  IN  CEYLON.     With  6 

Illustrations.     Cr.  Svo.  35.  6d. 
THE  RIFLE  AND  THE  HOUND  IN 
CEYLON.      6    Illustrations.      Cr.   Svo. 
35.  6d. 

BALL  (The  RL  Hon.  J.  T.). 

THE  REFORMED  CHURCH  OF  IRE- 
LAND. (1537-1889.)  Svo.  75.  6d. 

HISTORICAL  REVIEW  OF  THE 
LEGISLATIVE  SYSTEMS  OPERA- 
TIVE IN  IRELAND,  from  the  Invasion 
of  Henry  the  Second  to  the  Union  (1172- 
1800).  Svo.  65. 

BARING-GOULD  (Rev.  S.). 
CURIOUS  MYTHS  OF  THE  MIDDLE 

AGES.     Cr.  Svo.  35.  6d. 
ORIGIN    AND    DEVELOPMENT    OF 

RELIGIOUS  BELIEF.     2  vols.  75. 

BARRAUD  (Clement  William,  S.J.). 
SAINT  THOMAS   OF  CANTERBURY 
AND  SAINT  ELIZABETH  OF  HUN- 
GARY: Historical  Dramas.    Cr.  Svo.  55. 


A  CATALOGUE  OF  BOOKS  IN  GENERAL  LITERATURE 


BEACONSFIELD  (The  Earl  of). 
NOVELS  AND  TALES.    Cheap  Edition. 
Complete  in  n  vols.     Cr.  8vo.  is.  each, 
boards ;  15.  6d.  each,  cloth. 

VIVIAN  GREY. 

THE   YOUNG  DUKE,  &>c. 

ALROY,  IX ION,  &>c. 

CONTARINI  FLEMING,  &>c. 

HENRIETTA    TEMPLE. 

VENETIA.  T A  NCR  ED. 

CONINGSBY.       SYBIL. 

LO  THA IR.  END  YMION. 

NOVELS  AND  TALES.  The  Hughen' 
den  Edition.  With  2  Portraits  and  n 
Vignettes,  n  vols.  Cr.  8vo.  425. 

BECKER  (Professor). 

GALLUS  :  or,  Roman  Scenes  in  the  Time 
of  Augustus.  Illustrated.  Post  8vo.  75. 6d. 

CHARICLES  :  or,  Illustrations  of  the 
Private  Life  of  the  Ancient  Greeks. 
Illustrated.  Post  8vo.  75.  6d. 

BELL  (Mrs.  Hugh). 

CHAMBER  COMEDIES:  a  Collection  of 

Plays  and  Monologues  for  the  Drawing 

Room.     Cr.  8vo.  6s. 
NURSERY   COMEDIES:    Twelve   Tiny 

Plays  for  Children.     Fcap,  8vo.  is.  6d. 

BENT  (J.  Theodore,  F.S.A.,  F.R.G.S.). 
THE  RUINED  CITIES  OF  MAS- 
HONALAND  :  being  a  Record  of 
Excavation  and  Exploration  in  1891. 
With  a  Chapter  on  the  Orientation  and 
Mensuration  of  the  Temples.  By  R.  M. 
W.  SWAN.  With  5  Maps  and  Plans,  13 
Plates,  and  104  Illustrations  in  the  Text. 
8vo.  185. 

BOYD  (A.  K.  H.,  D.D.). 

TWENTY -FIVE  YEARS  OF  ST. 
ANDREWS,  1865-1890.  2  vols.  8vo. 
Vol.  I.  8vo.  i2s.  Vol.  II.  155. 

AUTUMN  HOLIDAYS  OF  A  COUN- 
TRY PARSON.  Cr.  8vo.  35.  6rf. 

CHANGED  ASPECTS  OF  UN- 
CHANGED TRUTHS.  Cr.  8vo.  35.  6rf. 

COMMONPLACE  PHILOSOPHER. 
Cr.  8vo.  35.  6d. 

COUNSEL  AND  COMFORT  FROM  A 
CITY  PULPIT.  Cr.  8vo.  35.  6d. 

CRITICAL  ESSAYS  OF  A  COUNTRY 
PARSON.  Cr.  8vo.  35.  6d. 

EAST  COAST  DAYS  AND  MEMO- 
RIES. Cr.  8vo.  3*.  6d. 

GRAVER  THOUGHTS  OF  A  COUN- 
TRY PARSON.  Three  Series.  Cr. 
8vo.  35.  6d.  each. 

LANDSCAPES,  CHURCHES  AND 
MORALITIES.  Cr.  8vo.  35.  6d. 


BOYD  (A.  K.  H.,  D.D.).—  continued. 
LEISURE    HOURS    IN    TOW.N.      Cr. 
8vo.  35.  6d. 

LESSONS  OF  MIDDLE  AGE.  Cr.  8vo. 
3s.  6d. 

OUR  LITTLE  LIFE.  Two  Series.  Cr. 
8vo.  35.  6d.  each. 

OUR  HOMELY  COMEDY :  AND  TRA- 
GEDY. Cr.  8vo.  35.  6d. 

PRESENT  DAY  THOUGHTS.  Cr. 
8vo.  35.  6d. 

RECREATIONS  OF  A  COUNTRY 
PARSON.  Three  Series.  Cr.  8vo. 
35.  6d.  each.  Also  ist  series.  Popular 
Edition.  8vo.  6d. 

SEASIDE  MUSINGS.     Cr.  Svo.  35.  6d. 

SUNDAY  AFTERNOONS  IN  THE 
PARISH  CHURCH  OF  A  SCOTTISH 
UNIVERSITY  CITY.  Cr.  Svo.  35.  6d. 

'TO  MEET  THE  DAY1  through  the 
Christian  Year:  being  a  Text  of  Scripture, 
with  an  Original  Meditation  and  a  Short 
Selection  in  Verse  for  Every  Day.  Cr. 
Svo.  45.  6d. 

BRASSEY  (Lady). 

A  VOYAGE  IN  THE  'SUNBEAM,' 
OUR  HOME  ON  THE  OCEAN  FOR 
ELEVEN  MONTHS. 

Library  Edition.      With   8   Maps   and 

Charts, and  1 18 Illustrations.  Svo. 2is. 

Cabinet  Edition.      With   Map  and  66 

Illustrations.     Cr.  Svo.  75.  6d. 
'  Silver   Library '    Edition.      With    66 

Illustrations.     Cr.  Svo.  35.  6d. 
Popular  Edition.    With  60  Illustrations. 

4to.  6d.  sewed,  is.  cloth. 
School  Edition.     With  37  Illustrations. 
Fcp.  25.  cloth,  or   35.  white   parch- 
ment. 

SUNSHINE  AND  STORM  IN  THE 
EAST. 

Library  Edition.      With  2   Maps   and 

114  Illustrations.     Svo.  2is. 
Cabinet  Edition.      With   2    Maps   and 

114  Illustrations.     Cr.  Svo.  75.  6d. 
Popular    Edition.      With   103   Illustra- 
tions.    410.  6d.  sewed,  is.  cloth. 
IN    THE    TRADES,    THE    TROPICS, 
AND  THE  'ROARING  FORTIES'. 
Cabinet  Edition.     With  Map  and  220 

Illustrations.     Cr.  Svo.  75.  6d. 
Popular   Edition.      With   183    Illustra- 
tions.    4to.  6d.  sewed,  is.  cloth. 
THE  LAST  VOYAGE  TO  INDIA  AND 
AUSTRALIA  IN  THE  'SUNBEAM'. 
With  Charts  and  Maps,  and  40  Illustra- 
tions   in    Monotone   (20    full-page),    and 
nearly  200  Illustrations  in  the  Text  from 
Drawings  by  R.  T.  PRITCHETT.    Svo.  2is. 
[Continued  on  next  page. 


PUBLISHED  BY  MESSRS.  LONGMANS,  GREEN,  &  CO. 


BRASSEY  (Lady)— continued. 

THREE  VOYAGES  IN  THE  'SUN- 
BEAM'. Popular  Edition.  With  346 
Illustrations.  4*0.  25.  6d. 

BRAY  (Charles). 

THE  PHILOSOPHY  OF  NECESSITY: 
or,  Law  in  Mind  as  in  Matter.  Cr.  8vo.  55. 

BRENDA. 

OLD  ENGLAND'S  STORY  IN  LITTLE 

WORDS  FOR  LITTLE  CHILDREN. 

With  29  Illustrations.     Imp.  i6mo.  35.  6d. 

WITHOUT  A  REFERENCE.     A  Story. 

Cr.  8vo.  35.  6d. 

BRIGHT  (Rev.  J.  Franck,  D.D.),  Master 

of  University  College,  Oxford. 
A  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND.     4  vols. 
Cr.  8vo. 

Period  I. — Mediaeval  Monarchy  :  The 
Departure  of  the  Romans  to  Richard 
III.  From  A.D.  449  to  1485.  45.  6d. 
Period  II. — Personal  Monarchy:  Henry 
VII.  to  James  II.  From  1485  to 
1688.  55. 

Period  III. — Constitutional  Monarchy: 
William  and  Mary  to  William   IV. 
From  1689  to  1837.     75.  6d. 
Period  IV.— The  Growth  of  Democracy : 
Victoria.     From  1837  to  1880.     6s. 

BUCKLE  (Henry  Thomas). 
HISTORY     OF     CIVILISATION     IN 
ENGLAND   AND   FRANCE,  SPAIN 
'  AND  SCOTLAND.   3  vols.    Cr.  8vo.  245. 

BULL  (Thomas). 

HINTS  TO  MOTHERS  ON  THE  MAN- 
AGEMENT OF  THEIR  HEALTH 
DURING  THE  PERIOD  OF  PREG- 
NANCY. Fcp.  8vo.  15.  6d. 

THE  MATERNAL  MANAGEMENT 
OF  CHILDREN  IN  HEALTH  AND 
DISEASE.  Fcp.  8vo.  is.  6d. 

BUTLER  (Samuel). 

Op.  i.  ERE  W HON.     Cr.  8vo.  55. 

Op.  2.  THE    FAIR    HAVEN.      A  Work 

in  defence  of  the  Miraculous  Element  in 

our  Lord's  Ministry.     Cr.  8vo.  75.  6d. 
Op.  3.  LIFE    AND   HABIT.      An  Essay 

after   a   Completer   View    of    Evolution. 

Cr.  8vo.  75.  6d. 
Op.  4.  EVOLUTION,  OLD  AND  NEW. 

Cr.  8vo.  105.  6d. 
Op.  5.  UNCONSCIOUS  MEMORY.    Cr. 

8vo.  75.  6d. 
Op.  6.  ALPS  AND  SANCTUARIES  OF 

PIEDMONT  AND  CANTON  TICINO. 

Illustrated.     Pott  410.  105.  6d. 
Op.  7.  SELECTIONS   FROM   OPS.  1-6. 

With  Remarks  on  Mr.  ROMANES'  '  Mental 

Evolution  in  Animals  '.     Cr.  8vo.  75.  6d. 


BUTLER  (Samuel)— continued. 
Op.  8.  LUCK,  OR  CUNNING,  AS  THE 

MAIN  MEANS  OF  ORGANIC  MODI- 

FICA  TION  ?     Cr.  8vo.  75.  6d. 
Op.  g.  EX    VOTO.      An   Account  ot   the 

Sacro  Monte  or  New  Jerusalem  at  Varallo- 

Sesia.     105.  6d. 
HOLBEIN'S  '  LA  DANSE  '.     A  Note  on 

a  Drawing  called  '  La  Danse '.     35. 

CARLYLE  (Thomas). 
LAST  WORDS  OF  THOMAS  CAR- 
LYLE —  Wotton  Reinfred  —  Excursion 
(Futile  Enough)  to  Paris — Letters  to 
Varnhagen  von  Ense,  &c.  Cr.  8vo. 
65.  6d.  net. 

THOMAS  CARLYLE:  a  History  of  his 
Life.  By  J.  A.  FROUDE.  1795-1835.  2 
vols.  Cr.  8vo.  75.  1834-1881.  2  vols. 
Cr.  8vo.  75. 

CHESNEY  (Lieut -General  Sir  GeorgeX 
INDIAN  POLITY:  a  View  of  the  System 
of  Administration  in  India.     New  Edition, 
Revised  and  Enlarged. 

CHETWYND  (Sir  George,  Bart). 
RACING       REMINISCENCES      AND 
EXPERIENCES  OF  THE  TURF.     2 

VOls.    8VO.    215. 

CHILD  (Gilbert  W.). 
CHURCH  AND  STATE  UNDER  THE 
TUDORS.    8vo.  155. 

CHILTON  (E.). 

THE  HISTORY  OF  A  FAILURE,  and 
other  Tales.  Fcp.  8vo.  35.  6d. 

CHISHOLM  (G.  G.). 
HANDBOOK  OF  COMMERCIAL  GEO- 
GRAPHY.   With  29  Maps.    8vo.  105.  net. 

CLERKE  (Agnes  M.). 
FAMILIAR     STUDIES    IN    HOMER. 
Crown  8vo.  75.  6rf. 

CLODD  (Edward). 

THE  STORY  OF.  CREATION:  a  Plain 
Account  of  Evolution.  With  77  Illustra- 
tions. Cr.  8vo.  35.  6d. 

CLUTTERBUCK  (W.  J.). 

ABOUT  CEYLON  AND  BORNEO  : 
being  an  Account  of  Two  Visits  to 
Ceylon,  one  to  Borneo,  and  How  we 
Fell  Out  on  our  Homeward  Journey 
With  47  Illustrations.  Cr.  8vo.  105.  6d' 

COLENSO   (J.  W.,    D.D.,  late  Bishop  of 

Natal). 

THE  PENTATEUCH  AND  BOOK 
OF  JOSHUA  CRITICALLY  EX- 
AMINED. Cr.  8vo.  65. 


A  CATALOGUE  OF  BOOKS  IN  GENERAL  LITERATURE 


COMYN  (L.  N.). 

ATHERSTONE  PRIORY:  a  Tale.  Cr 
8vo.  25.  6d. 

CONINGTON  (John). 

THE  MNEID  OF  VIRGIL.     Translated 

into  English  Verse.     Cr.  8vo.  6s. 
THE  POEMS  OF  VIRGIL.     Translated 
into  English  Prose.     Cr.  8vo.  65. 

COPLESTON  (Reginald  Stephen,  D.D. 

Bishop  of  Colombo). 

BUDDHISM,  PRIMITIVE  AND  PRE- 
SENT, IN  MAGADHA  AND  JN 
CEYLON.  8vo.  i6s. 

COX  (The  Rev.  Sir  G.  W.,  Bart.,  M.A.). 
A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  GREECE, 
from  the  Earliest  Period  to  the  Death  ol 
Alexander  the  Great ;  with  a  sketch  oi 
the  subsequent  History  to  the  Present 
Time.  With  n  Maps  and  Plans.  Cr. 
8vo.  75.  6d. 

CRAKE  (Rev.  A.  D.). 

EDWY  THE  FAIR  :  or,  The  First  Chro- 
nicle of  ^Escendune.  Cr.  8vo.  25.  6d. 

ALFGAR  THE  DANE  :  or,  the  Second 
Chronicle  of  ALscendune.  Cr.  8vo.  25.  6d. 

THE  RIVAL  HEIRS:  being  the  Third 
and  Last  Chronicle  of  ^Escendune.  Cr. 
8vo.  25.  6d. 

THE  HOUSE  OF  WALDERNE.  A 
Tale  of  the  Cloister  and  the  Forest  in 
the  Days  of  the  Barons'  Wars.  Cr.  8vo. 

25.  6d. 

BRIAN  FITZ-COUNT.     AStoryofWal- 

lingford    Castle   and    Dorchester    Abbey. 

Cr.  8vo.  25.  6d. 
HISTORY  OF  THE  CHURCH  UNDER 

THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE,  A.D.  30-476. 

Crown  8vo.  75.  6d. 

CREIGHTON    (Mandell,     D.D.,    LL.D., 

Bishop  of  Peterborough). 
HISTORY  OF  THE  PAPACY  DURING 
THE  REFORMATION.     8vo.     Vols.  I. 
and  II.,  1378-1464,'  325.;  Vols.   III.  and 
IV.,  1464-1518,  245. 

CROZIER  (John  Seattle,  M.D.). 
CIVILISATION  AND  PROGRESS. 
Third  Edition,  Revised  and  Enlarged,  and 
with  New  Preface.  More  fully  explaining 
the  nature  of  the  New  Organon  used  in 
the  solution  of  its  problems.  8vo.  145. 

CRUMP  (A.). 

A  SHORT  ENQUIRY  INTO  THE  FOR- 
MATION OF  POLITICAL  OPINION, 
from  the  reign  of  the  Great  Families  to 
the  Advent  of  Democracy.  8vo.  75.  (Jd. 


CRUMP  (A..)— continued. 
AN  INVESTIGATION  INTO  THE 
CAUSES  OF  THE  GREAT  FALL 
IN  PRICES  which  took  place  coinci- 
dently  with  the  Demonetisation  of  Silver 
by  Germany.  8vo.  65. 

CURZON  (The  Hon.  George 'N.,   M.P., 
late  Fellow  of  All  Souls  College,  Oxford). 
PERSIA  AND  THE  PERSIAN  QUES- 
TION.    With  9  Maps,  96  Illustrations, 
Appendices,  and  an  Index.     2  vols.  8vo. 

425. 

DANTE. 

LA  COM  MEDIA  DI  DANTE.  A  New 
Text,  carefully  Revised  with  the  aid  of 
the  most  recent  Editions  and  Collations. 
Sm.  8vo.  65. 

DAVIDSON  (W.  L.). 

THE  LOGIC  OF  DEFINITION  EX- 
PLAINED AND  APPLIED.  Cr  8vo. 
65. 

LEADING  AND  IMPORTANT  ENG- 
LISH WORDS  EXPLAINED  AND 
EXEMPLIFIED.  Fcp.  8vo.  35.  6d. 

DEAD  SHOT  (THE) :  or,  Sportsman's  Com- 
plete Guide.  Being  a  Treatise  on  the 
Use  of  the  Gun,  with  Rudimentary  and 
Finishing  Lessons  on  the  Art  of  Shooting 
Game  of  all  kinds,  also  Game  Driving, 
Wild-Fowl  and  Pigeon  Shooting,  Dog 
Breaking,  &c.  By  MARKSMAN.  Cr.  8vo. 

105.    6d. 

DELANO  (Margaret,  Author  of  'John 
Ward '). 

THE  STORY  OF  A  CHILD.  Cr.  8vo. 
5*- 

DE    LA  SAUSSAYE  (Professor  Chan- 

tepie). 

A  MANUAL  OF  THE  SCIENCE  OF 
RELIGION.  Translated  by  Mrs.  COL- 
YER  FERGUSSON  (nee  MAX  MULLER).  Cr. 
8vo.  125.  6rf. 

DE  SALIS  (Mrs.). 
CAKES    AND    CONFECTIONS   A    LA 

MODE.     Fcp.  8vo.  15.  6d. 
DRESSED   GAME  AND  POULTRY  A 

LA  MODE.     Fcp.  8vo.  15.  6d. 
DRESSED  VEGETABLES  A  LA  MODE. 

Fcp.  8vo.  15.  6d. 

DRINKS  A  LA  MODE.     Fcp.  8vo.  is.  6d. 
ENTRIES    A    LA    MODE.      Fcp.   8vo. 

15.  6d. 

FLORAL  DECORATIONS.  Suggestions 
and  Descriptions.  Fcp.  8vo.  15.  6d. 

[Continued  on  next  page 


PUBLISHED  B  Y  MESSRS.  LONGMANS,  GREEN,  &  CO. 


DE  SALIS  (Mrs.)—  continued. 
NEW-LAID   EGGS:    Hints  for  Amateur 

Poultry  Rearers.     Fcp.  8vo.  is.  6d. 
OYSTERS  A  LA  MODE.  Fcp.Svo.  is.6d. 
PUDDINGS     AND     PASTRY    A     LA 

MODE.     Fcp.  8vo.  is.  6d. 
SAVOURIES  A  LA  MODE.      Fcp.  8vo. 

is.  6d. 
SOUPS  AND   DRESSED  FISH  A  LA 

MODE.     Fcp.  8vo.  is.  6d. 
SWEETS   AND   SUPPER   DISHES  A 

LA  MODE.     Fcp.  8vo.  is.  6d. 
TEMPTING    DISHES    FOR     SMALL 

INCOMES.     Fcp.  8vo.  is.  6d. 
WRINKLES     AND     NOTIONS     FOR 

EVERY    HOUSEHOLD.        Cr.     8vo. 

is.  6d. 


DE  TOCQUEVILLE  (Alexis). 
DEMOCRACY  IN  AMERICA. 
Cr.  8vo.   i6s. 


2  vols. 


DOROTHY  WALLIS:  an  Autobiography. 
With  Preface  by  WALTER  BESANT.  Cr. 
8vo.  6s. 

DOUGALL  (L.). 

BEGGARS  ALL:  a  Novel.  Cr.  8vo. 
3s.  6d. 

DOWELL  (Stephen). 
A  HISTORY  OF  TAXATION  AND 
TAXES  IN  ENGLAND,  from  the  Ear- 
liest Times  to  the  Year  1885.  (4  vols. 
8vo.)  Vols.  I.  and  II.  The  History  of 
Taxation,  2is.  Vols.  III.  and  IV.  The 
History  of  Taxes,  2is. 

DOYLE  (A.  Conani. 

MICAH  CLARKE.    A  Tale  of  Monmouth's 
Rebellion.     With  Frontispiece  and  Vig- 
nette.    Cr.  8vo.  3s.^6<f. 
THE  CAPTAIN  OF  THE  POLESTAR  : 
and  other  Tales.     Cr.  8vo.  35.  6d. 

DUBLIN  UNIVERSITY  PRESS 
SERIES  (THE)  :  a  Series  of  Works 
undertaken  by  the  Provost  and  Senior 
Fellows  of  Trinity  College,  Dublin. 

CODEX  RESCRIPTUS  D  UBLINENSIS 
OF  ST.  MAT  1  HEW.  By  T.  K.ABBOTT. 
4to.  2is. 

EVANGELIORUM  VERSIO  ANTE- 
HIERONYMIANA  EX  COD  ICE 
USSERIANO  (DUBLINENSI).  By 
T.  K.  ABBOTT.  2  vols.  Cr.  8vo.  2is. 

SHORT  NOTES  ON  ST.  PAUL'S 
EPISTLES  TO  THE  ROMANS, 
CORINTHIANS,  GALATIANS,EPH- 
ESIANS  AND  PHILIPPIANS.  By 
T.  K.  ABBOTT.  Fcp.  8vo.  4$. 


DUBLIN        UNIVERSITY        PRESS 

SERIES  (THE)— continued. 
GREEK  GEOMETRY  FROM  THALES 

TO  EUCLID.     By  G.  J.  ALLMAN.     8vo. 

los.  6d. 
THEORY  OF  EQUATIONS.     By  W.  S. 

BURNSIDE    and    A.   W.   PANTON.      8vo. 

i2s.  6d. 
SEQUEL  TO  EUCLID'S  ELEMENTS. 

By  JOHN  CASEY.     Cr.  8vo.  35.  6d. 
ANALYTICAL   GEOMETRY  OF   THE 

CONIC  SECTIONS.     By  JOHN  CASEY. 

Cr.  8vo.  7S.  6d. 
EU 'MEN IDES  OF  AESCHYLUS.     With 

Metrical  English  Translation.     By  J.  F. 

DAVIES.     8vo.  75. 
DUBLIN       TRANSLATIONS      INTO 

GREEK      AND      LATIN      VERSE. 

Edited  by  R.  Y.  TYRRELL.     8vo.  6s. 
LIFE  OF  SIR  WILLIAM  HAMILTON. 

By  R.  P.  GRAVES.     3  vols.     155.  each. 
ADDENDUM  TO   THE  LIFE  OF  SIR 

WILLIAM     ROWAN     HAMILTON, 

LL.D.,  D.C.L.     8vo.  6d.  sewed. 
PARABOLA,  ELLIPSE  AND  HYPER- 
BOLA.   By  R.  W.  GRIFFIN.    Cr.  8vo.  6s. 
MEDICAL  LANGUAGE  OF  ST.  LUKE. 

By  W.  K.  HOBART.     8vo.  i6s. 
ESSAYS   IN  POLITICAL  ECONOMY. 

By  T.  E.  CLIFFE  LESLIE.     8vo.  los.  6d. 
ZOOLOGY   AND   MORPHOLOGY    OF 

VERTEBRATA.      By  A.  MACALISTER. 

8vo.  los.  6d. 

MATHEMATICAL  AND  OTHER 
TRACTS.  By  JAMES  MACCULLAGH. 
8vo.  155. 

PARMENIDES  OF  PLATO,  Text,  with 
Introduction,  Analysis,  &c.  By  T. 
MAGUIRE.  8vo.  75.  6d. 

INTRODUCTION  TO  LOGIC.  By  W. 
H.  S.  MONCK.  Cr.  8vo.  55. 

EXAMPLES  ON  THE  ANALYTIC 
GEOMETRY  OF  PLANE  CONICS. 
By  R.  A.  ROBERTS.  Cr.  8vo.  55. 

CORRESPONDENCE  WITH  CARO- 
LINE BOWLES.  By  R.  SOUTHEY. 
Edited  by  E.  DOWDEN.  8vo.  145. 

HISTORY  OF  THE  UNIVERSITY  OF 
DUBLIN,  from  its  Foundation  to  the 
End  of  the  Eighteenth  Century.  By  J. 
W.  STUBBS.  8vo.  i2s.  6d. 

THE  JENEID  OF  VIRGIL,  freely  trans- 
lated into  English  Blank  Verse.  By  W. 
J.  THORNHILL.  Cr.  8vo.  75.  6d. 

CICERO'S  CORRESPONDENCE.  By  R. 
Y.TYRRELL.  Vols.I.,II.,III.  Svo.eachias. 

THE  ACHARNIANS  OF  ARISTO- 
PHANES, translated  into  English  Verse. 
By  R.  Y.  TYRRELL.  Cr.  8vo.  is. 

[Continued  on  next  page. 


A  CATALOGUE  OF  BOOKS  IN  GENERAL  LITERATURE 


DUBLIN        UNIVERSITY       PRESS 
SERIES  (THB>—e0tt*t»twf. 

GOETHE'S  FAUST,  Translation  and 
Notes.  By  T.  E.  WEBB.  8vo.  125.  6d. 

THE  VEIL  OF  ISIS :  a  Series  of  Essays 
on  Idealism.  By  T.  E.  WEBB.  8vo. 
IDS.  6d. 

THE  GROWTH  OF  THE  HOMERIC 
POEMS.  By  G.  WILKIN.  8vo.  6s. 


EPOCHS  OF  ANCIENT  HISTORY. 
Edited  by  the  Rev.  Sir  G.  W.  Cox, 
Bart.,  M.A.,  and  by  C.  SANKEY,  M.A. 
Fcp.  8vo.  with  Maps,  25.  6d.  each. 

The  Athenian  Empire  from  the  Flight  of 
Xerxes  to  the  Fall  of  Athens.  By  the 
Rev.  Sir  G.  W.  Cox,  Bart.,  M.A.  With 
5  Maps. 

Rome  to  its  Capture  by  the  Gauls.  By 
WILHELM  IHNE.  With  a  Map. 

The  Roman  Triumvirates.  By  the  Very 
Rev.  CHARLES  MERIVALE,  D.D.,  Dean  of 
Ely.  With  a  Map. 

The  Spartan  and  Theban  Supremacies. 

By  CHARLES  SANKEY,  M.A.  With  5  Maps. 
Rome  and  Carthage,  the  Punic  Wars. 

By  R.  BOSWORTH  SMITH,  M.A.     With  9 

Maps  and  Plans. 

The  Gracchi,  Marius,  and  Sulla.  By  A. 
H.  BEESLY,  M.A.  With  2  Maps. 

The  Early  Roman  Empire.  From  the 
Assassination  of  Julius  Caesar  to  the 
Assassination  of  Domitian.  By  the  Rev. 
W.  WOLFE  CAPES,  M.A.  With  2 
Maps. 

The  Roman  Empire  of  the  Second 
Century,  or  the  Age  of  the  Antonines. 
By  the  Rev.  W.  WOLFE  CAPES,  M.A. 
With  2  Maps. 

The  Greeks  and  the  Persians.  By  the  Rev. 
Sir  G.  W.  Cox,  Bart.,  M.A.  With  4 
Maps. 

The  Rise  of  the  Macedonian  Empire.   By 

ARTHUR  M.  CURTEIS,  M.A.  With  8  Maps. 


EPOCHS    OF    MODERN    HISTORY. 
Edited  by  C.  COLBECK,  M.A.     Fcp.  8vo. 
with  Maps,  2s.  6d.  each. 
The  Beginning  of  the  Middle  Ages.     By 

the  Very  Rev.  RICHARD  WILLIAM  CHURCH, 
M.A.,  &c.,  late  Dean  of  St.  Paul's.  With 
3  Maps. 

The  Normans  in  Europe.      By  the  Rev. 

A.  H.  JOHNSON,  M.A.     With  3  Maps. 
The  Crusades.     By  the  Rev.  Sir  G.  W. 

Cox,  Bart.,  M.A.     With  a  Map. 

The  Early  Plantagenets.  By  the  Right 
Rev.  W.  STUBBS,  D.D.,  Bishop  of  Oxford. 
With  2  Maps. 


EPOCHS  OF  MODERN   HISTORY— 

con  tinned. 

Edward    the  Third.      By  the   Rev.    W. 

WARBURTON,  M.A.     With  3  Maps  and  3 

Genealogical  Tables. 
The  Houses  of  Lancaster  and  York ;  with 

the  Conquest  and  Loss  of  France.      By 

JAMES  GAIRDNER.     With  5  Maps. 
The  Early  Tudors.      By  the  Rev.  C.  E. 

MOBERLY,  M.A. 

The  Era  of  the  Protestant  Revolution. 
By  F.  SEEBOHM.  With  4  Maps  and  12 
Diagrams. 

The  Age  of  Elizabeth.  By  the  Right 
Rev.  M.  CREIGHTON,  LL.D.,  Bishop  of 
Peterborough.  With  5  Maps  and  4 
Genealogical  Tables. 

The  First  Two  Stuarts  and  the  Puritan 
Revolution  (1603-1660).  By  SAMUEL 
RAWSON  GARDINER.  With  4  Maps. 

The  English  Restoration  and  Louis 
XIV.  (1648-1678).  By  OSMUND  AIRY. 

The  Fall  of  the  Stuarts;  and  Western 

Europe  from  1678  to  1697.     BY  tne  Rev. 
'     EDWARD   HALE,   M.A.      With  n    Maps 

and  Plans. 
The  Age  of  Anne.      By  E.  E.  MORRIS, 

M.A.     With  7  Maps  and  Plans. 
The  Thirty  Years'  War,  1618-1648.     By 

SAMUEL  RAWSON  GARDINER.  With  a  Map. 

The     Early    Hanoverians.       By    E.    E. 

MORRIS,  M.A.     With  9  Maps  and  Plans. 
Frederick    the    Great   and    the   Seven 

Years'  War.      By   F.    W.    LONGMAN. 

With  2  Maps. 

The  War  of  American  Independence,  1775- 
1783.  By  J.  M.  LUDLOW.  With  4  Maps. 

The  French  Revolution,  1789-1795.  By 
Mrs.  S.  R.  GARDINER.  With  7  Maps. 

The  Epoch  of  Reform,  1830-1850.  By 
JUSTIN  MCCARTHY,  M.P. 


EPOCHS  OF  CHURCH  HISTORY. 

Edited    by    the    Right    Rev.     MANDELL 
CREIGHTON,     D.D.,     Bishop    of    Peter- 
borough.    Fcp.  8vo.  25.  6d.  each. 
The    English  Church  in  other   Lands. 
By  the  Rev.  H.  W.  TUCKER. 

The  History  of  the  Reformation  in  Eng- 
land.    By  the  Rev.  GEORGE  G.  PERRY. 

A  History  of  the  University  of  Oxford. 
By  the  Hon.  G.  C.  BRODRICK. 

A   History  of  the   University  of  Cam- 
bridge.    By  J.  BASS  MULUNGER,  M.A. 

The  Church  of  the  Early  Fathers.     By 
A.  PLUMMER,  D.D. 

The   Church  and    the   Roman   Empire. 
By  the  Rev.  A.  CARR. 

[Continued  on  next  page. 


PUBLISHED  BY  MESSRS.  LONGMANS,  GREEN,  &  CO. 


EPOCHS   OF  CHURCH  HISTORY— 

continued. 

The  Church  and  the  Puritans  (1570-1660). 
By  H.  OFFLEY  WAKEMAN,  M.A. 

The  Evangelical  Revival  in  the  Eigh- 
teenth Century.  By  the  Rev.  J.  H. 

OVERTON. 

The  Church  and  the  Eastern  Empire- 
By  the  Rev.  H.  F.  TOZER. 

Hildebrand  and  his  Times.  By  the  Rev. 
VV.  R.  W.  STEPHENS. 

The  English  Church  in  the  Middle  Ages. 

By  the  Rev.  W.  HUNT,  M.A. 
The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaufen.     By 

UGO  BALZANI. 

The    Arian    Controversy.      By    H.    M. 

GWATKIN,    M.A. 

The  Counter-Reformation.  By  A.  W. 
WARD. 

Wycliffe  and  Early  Movements  of  Re- 
form. By  REGINALD  L.  POOLE,  M.A. 

EPOCHS  OF  AMERICAN  HISTORY. 
Edited  by  Dr.  ALBERT  BUSHNELL  HART, 
Assistant  Professor  of  History  in  Harvard 
College,  U.S.A.  Fcp.  8vo.  y.  6d.  each. 
The  Colonies  (1492-1750).  By  REUBEN 
GOLD  THWAITES,  Secretary  of  the  State 
Historical  Society  of  Wisconsin. 

Formation  of  the  Union  (1750-1829).  By 
ALBERT  BUSHNELL  HAKT,  A.B.,  Ph.D., 
the  Editor  of  the  Series.  With  5  Maps. 

Division  and  Re-Union  (1829-1889).  By 
WOODROW  WILSON,  Ph.D.,  LL.D.,  Pro- 
fessor of  Jurisprudence  in  Princeton 
College.  With  5  Maps.  Fcp.  8vo. 

EPOCH  MAPS,  Illustrating  American  His- 
tory. By  ALBERT  BUSHNELL  HART, 
Ph.D.,  Assistant  Professor  of  History  in 
Harvard  College.  14  Maps.  Oblong 
4to.  25.  6d. 

EPOCHS  OF  ENGLISH    HISTORY. 

Complete  in  One  Volume,  with  27  Tables 
and  Pedigrees,  and  23  Maps.  Fcp.  8vo. 
5s. 

%*  For  details  of  Parts  see  Longmans  &  Co.'s 
Catalogue  of  School  Books. 

EWALD  (Heinrich). 

THE     ANTIQUITIES     OF     ISRAEL. 

Translated  from   the  German  by  H.   S. 

SOLLY,  M.A.     8vo.  i2s.  6d. 
THE  HISTORY  OF  ISRAEL.      Trans- 
lated  from   the   German.      8  vols.   8vo. 

Vols.  I.  and  II.  245.     Vols.  III.  and  IV. 

2is.     Vol.  V.  185.     Vol.  VI.  i6s.      Vol. 

VII.  2is.     Vol.  VIII.,  with  Index  to  the 

Complete  Work,  i8s. 


FALKENER  (Edward). 

GAMES,  ANCIENT  AND  ORIENTAL, 
AND  HOW  TO  PLAY  THEM.  Being 
the  Games  of  the  Ancient  Egyptians,  the 
Hiera  Gramme  of  the  Greeks,  the  Ludus 
Latrunculorum  of  the  Romans,  and  the 
Oriental  Games  of  Chess,  Draughts, 
Backgammon  and  Magic  Squares.  With 
numerous  Photographs,  Diagrams,  &c. 
8vo.  2 is. 

FARNELL  (George  S.,  M.A.). 

GREEK  LYRIC  POETRY :  a  Complete 
Collection  of  the  Surviving  Passages  from 
the  Greek  Song- Writers.  Arranged  with 
Prefatory  Articles,  Introductory  Matter 
and  Commentary.  With  5  Plates.  8vo. 
i6s. 

FARRAR  (Archdeacon). 
DARKNESS   AND  DAWN:   or,  Scenes 

in  the  Days  of  Nero.     An  Historic  Tale. 

Cr.  8vo.  75.  bd. 
LANGUAGE  AND   LANGUAGES.      A 

Revised  Edition  of  Chapters  on  Language 

and  Families  of  Speech.     Cr.  8vo.  6s. 

FITZPATRICK   (W.   J.,   F.S.A.,  Author 
of  '  Correspondence  of  Daniel  O'Connell '). 
SECRET    SERVICE     UNDER     PITT. 
8vo.  145. 

FITZWYGRAM  (Major-General  Sir  F., 

Bart). 

HORSES  AND  STABLES.  With  19 
pages  of  Illustrations.  8vo.  55. 

FORD  (Horace). 

THE  THEORY  AND  PRACTICE  OF 
ARCHERY.  New  Edition,  thoroughly 
Revised  and  Re-written  by  W.  BUTT, 
M.A.  With  a  Preface  by  C.  J.  LONGMAN, 
M.A.,  F.S.A.  8vo.  145. 

FOUARD  (Abbe  Constant). 

THE  CHRIST  THE  SON  OF  GOD: 
a  Life  of  our  Lord  and  Saviour  Jesus 
Christ.  With  an  Introduction  by  Cardinal 
MANNING.  2  vols.  Cr.  8vo.  145. 
ST.  PETER  AND  THE  FIRST  YEARS 
OF  CHRISTIANITY.  Translated  from 
the  Second  Edition,  with  the  Author's 
sanction,  by  GEORGE  F.  X.  GRIFFITH. 
With  an  Introduction  by  Cardinal  GIB- 
BONS. Cr.  8vo.  gs. 

FOX  (Charles  James). 

THE  EARLY  HISTORY  OF  CHARLES 
JAMES  FOX.  By  the  Right  Hon.  Sir 
G.  O.  TREVELYAN,  Bart. 

Library  Edition.     8vo.  i8s. 
Cabinet  Edition.     Cr.  8vo.  6s. 


A  CATALOGUE  OF  BOOKS  IN  GENERAL  LITERATURE 


FRANCIS  (Francis). 
A  BOOK  ON  ANGLING  :  or,  Treatise 
on  the  Art  of  Fishing  in  every  branch ; 
including  full  Illustrated  List  of  Salmon 
Flies.  With  Portrait  and  Coloured  Plates. 
Cr.  8vo.  151. 

FREEMAN  (Edward  A.). 

THE  HISTORICAL  GEOGRAPHY  OF 
EUROPE.  With  65  Maps.  2vols.  8vo. 
3is.  6d. 

FROUDE  (James  A.,    Regius  Professor  of 

Modern    History    in    the    University    of 

Oxford). 
THE    HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND,  from 

the  Fall  of  Wolsey  to  the  Defeat  of  the 

Spanish    Armada.      12    vols.      Cr.    8vo. 

35.  6d.  each. 
THE  DIVORCE  OF  CATHERINE  OF 

ARAGON  :    the   Story   as   told    by   the 

Imperial    Ambassadors    resident    at   the 

Court  of  Henry  VIII.    In  usum  Laicorum. 

8vo.  i6s. 
THE     SPANISH     STORY     OF     THE 

ARMADA,  and  other  Essays,  Historical 

and  Descriptive.     Cr.  8vo.  6s. 
SHORT   STUDIES   ON  GREAT  SUB- 
JECTS.    Cabinet  Edition.     4  vols.     Cr. 

8vo.  245.      Cheap  Edition.     4  vols.     Cr. 

8vo.  35.  6d.  each. 

CMSAR  :  a  Sketch.     Cr.  8vo.  35.  6rf. 
THE     ENGLISH    IN    IRELAND    IN 

THE  EIGHTEENTH  CENTURY.     3 

vols.     Cr.  8vo.  i8s. 
OCEAN  A  :  or,  England  and  her  Colonies. 

With  9  Illustrations.     Cr.  8vo.  2s.  boards, 

2s.  6d.  cloth. 
THE     ENGLISH     IN     THE      WEST 

INDIES  :  or,  the  Bow  of  Ulysses.     With 
'9  Illustrations.    Cr.  8vo.  2s.  boards,  2s.  6d. 

cloth. 

THE  TWO  CHIEFS  OF  DUN  BOY : 
an  Irish  Romance  of  the  Last  Century. 
Cr.  8vo.  35.  6d. 

THOMAS  CARLYLE,  a  History  of  his 
Life.  1795101835.  2  vols.  Cr.  8vo.  75. 
1834  to  1881.  2  vols.  Cr.  8vo.  ys. 

GALLWEY  (Sir  Ralph  Payne-,  Bart.)- 
LETTERS    TO    YOUNG    SHOOTERS. 
(First  Series.)     On  the  Choice  and  Use 
of  a  Gun.     With  Illustrations.     Cr.  8vo. 
75.  6d. 

LETTERS  TO  YOUNG  SHOOTERS. 
(Second  Series.)  On  the  Production, 
Preservation  and  Killing  of  Game.  With 
Directions  in  Shooting  Wood-pigeons  and 
Breaking-in  Retrievers.  With  a  Portrait 
of  the  Author,  and  103  Illustrations.  Cr. 
8vo.  12$.  6d. 


GARDINER  (Samuel  Rawson,  Fellow  of 

All  Souls  College,  Oxford). 
HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND,    from    the. 
Accession  of  James  I.  to  the  Outbreak  of 
the  Civil  War,  1603-1642.     10  vols.     Cr. 
8vo.  price  6s.  each. 

THE  STUDENTS  HISTORY  OF 
ENGLAND.  Complete  in  i  vol.  With 
378  Illustrations.  Cr.  8vo.  I2s. 

Vol.  I.  B.C.  55 — A.D.  1509.     With  173 

Illustrations.     Cr.  8vo.  45. 
Vol.  II.  1509-1689.     With  96  Illustra- 
tions.    Cr.  8vo.  45. 

Vol.  III.  1689-1885.     With  109  Illustra- 
tions.    Cr.  8vo.  45. 

A  SCHOOL  ATLAS  OF  ENGLISH 
HISTORY.  With  66  Maps  and  22 
Plans  of  Battles,  &c.  Fcp.  410.  55. 

GOETHE. 

FAUST.  A  New  Translation  chiefly  in 
Blank  Verse  ;  with  Introduction  and 
Notes.  By  JAMES  ADEY  BIRDS.  Cr. 
8vo.  6s. 

FAUST.  The  Second  Part.  A  New 
Translation  in  Verse.  By  JAMES  ADEY 
BIRDS.  Cr.  8vo.  6s. 

GREEN  (Thomas  Hill). 

THE  WORKS  OF  THOMAS  HILL 
GREEN.  Edited  by  R.  L.  NETTLESHIP. 
3  vols.  Vols.  I.  and  II.  Philosophical 
Works.  8vo.  i6s.  each.  Vol.  III.  Mis- 
cellanies. With  Index  to  the  three 
Volumes  and  Memoir.  8vo.  125. 

THE  WITNESS  OF  GOD  AND  FAITH: 
Two  Lay  Sermons.  Fcp.  8vo.  2s. 

GREVILLE  (C.  C.  F.). 
A    JOURNAL   OF   THE   REIGNS  OF 
KING  GEORGE IV., KING  WILLIAM 
IV.  AND  QUEEN  VICTORIA.    8  vols. 
Cr.  8vo.  6s.  each. 

GWILT  (Joseph,  F.S.A.). 
'AN     ENCYCLOPAEDIA     OF    ARCHI- 
TECTURE.    Illustrated  with  more  than 
1700  Engravings  on  Wood.     8vo.  525.  6d. 

HAGGARD  (Ella). 

LIFE  AND  ITS  AUTHOR:  an  Essay 
in  Verse.  With  a  Memoir  by  H.  RIDER 
HAGGARD,  and  Portrait.  Fcp.  8vo.  35.  6d. 

HAGGARD  (H.  Rider). 

SHE.  With  32  Illustrations  by  M.  GREIF- 
FENHAGEN  and  C.  H.  M.  KERR.  Cr.  8vo. 
35.  6d. 

ALLAN  QUATERMAIN.  With  31  Illus- 
trations by  C.  H.  M.  KERR.  Cr.  8vo. 
3s.  6d. 

MAIWA'S  REVENGE:  or,  The  War  of 
the  Little  Hand.  Cr.  8vo.  is.  boards, 
is.  6d.  cloth. 


PUBLISHED  BY  MESSRS.  LONGMANS,  GREEN,  <&   CO. 


HAGGARD  (H.  Rider)— continued. 

COLONEL  QUARITCH,  V.C.  A  Novel. 
Cr.  8vo.  3s.  6d. 

CLEOPATRA.  With  29  Full-page  Illus- 
trations by  M.  GREIFFENHAGEN  and  R. 
CATON  WOODVILLE.  Cr.  8vo.  35.  6d. 

BEATRICE.     A  Novel.     Cr.  8vo.  35.  6d. 

ERIC  BRIGHTEYES.  With  17  Plates 
and  34  Illustrations  in  the  Text  by 
LANCELOT  SPEED.  Cr.  8vo.  65. 

NAD  A  THE  LILY.  With  23  Illustra- 
tions by  C.  H.  M.  KERR.  Cr.  8vo.  6s. 

HAGGARD  (H.  Rider)  and  LANG  (An- 
drew). 
THE  WORLD'S  DESIRE.     Ci.  8vo.  6s. 

HALLIWELL-PHILLIPPS  (J.  O.). 
A  CALENDAR  OF  THE  HALLIWELL- 
PHILLIPPS'  COLLECTION  OF 
SHAKESPEAREAN  RARITIES.  En- 
larged by  ERNEST  E.  BAKER,  F.S.A. 
8vo.  IDS.  6d. 

OUTLINES  OF  THE  LIFE  OF  SHAKE- 
SPEARE. With  numerous  Illustrations 
and  Fac-similes.  2  vols.  Royal  8vo. 
£i  "• 

HARRISON  (Jane  E.). 
MYTHS  OF  THE  ODYSSEY  IN  ART 
AND  LITERATURE.     Illustrated  with 
Outline  Drawings.     8vo.  i8s. 

HARRISON  (Mary). 
COOKERY  FOR    BUSY  LIVES   AND 
SMALL  INCOMES.     Fcp.  8vo.  is. 

HARTE  (Bret). 

IN  THE  CARQUINEZ  WOODS.  Fcp. 
8vo.  is.  boards,  is.  6d.  cloth. 

ON  THE  FRONTIER.     i6mo.  is. 

BY  SHORE  AND  SEDGE.     i6mo.  is. 
%*  Complete  in  one  Volume.    Cr.  8vo.  3s.  6d. 

HARTWIG  (Dr.). 

THE   SEA   AND  ITS  LIVING   WON- 

DERS.     With  12  Plates  and  303  Wood- 
cuts.    8vo.  75.  net. 
THE    TROPICAL    WORLD.       With    8 

Plates  and  172  Woodcuts.     8vo.  ys.  net. 
THE  POLAR  WORLD.    With  3  Maps,  8 

Plates  and  85  Woodcuts.     8vo.  js.  net. 
THE       SUBTERRANEAN       WORLD. 

With  3  Maps   and   80  Woodcuts.     8vo. 

75.  net. 
THE  AERIAL   WORLD.    With  Map,  8 

Plates  and  60  Woodcuts.     8vo.  75.  net. 
HEROES  OF    THE   POLAR    WORLD. 

19  Illustrations.     Cr.  8vo.  2s. 
WONDERS      OF      THE      TROPICAL 

FORESTS.   40  Illustrations.    Cr.8vo.2s. 
WORKERS    UNDER    THE   GROUND. 

29  Illustrations.     Cr.  8vo.  2s. 


HARTWIG  (Dr.)— continued. 
MARVELS    UNDER   OUR   FEET.     22 

Illustrations.     Cr.  8vo.  2s. 
SEA   MONSTERS  AND   SEA  BIRDS. 

75  Illustrations.     Cr.  8vo.  2s.  6d. 
DENIZENS     OF     THE     DEEP.       117 

Illustrations.     Cr.  8vo.  2s.  6rf. 
VOLCANOES   AND   EARTHQUAKES. 

30  Illustrations.     Cr.  8vo.  2s.  6d. 
WILD  ANIMALS  OF  THE  TROPICS. 

66  Illustrations.     Cr.  8vo.  35.  6d. 

HAVELOCK  (Sir  Henry,  Bart.). 
MEMOIRS    OF   SIR    HENRY   HAVE- 
-  LOCK,  K.C.B.     By  JOHN  CLARK  MARSH- 
MAN.     Cr.  8vo.  35.  6d. 

HEARN  (W.  Edward). 

THE  GOVERNMENT  OF  ENGLAND: 
its  Structure  and  its  Development.  8vo. 
1 6s. 

THE  ARYAN  HOUSEHOLD:  its  Struc- 
ture and  its  Development.  An  Introduc- 
tion to  Comparative  Jurisprudence.  8vo. 
1 6s. 

HISTORIC  TOWNS.  Edited  by  E.  A. 
FREEMAN,  D.C.L.,  and  Rev.  WILLIAM 
HUNT,  M.A.  With  Maps  and  Plans. 
Cr.  8vo.  35.  6d.  each. 

BRISTOL.     By  Rev.  W.  HUNT. 

CARLISLE.  By  MANDELL  CREIGHTON, 
D.D.,  Bishop  of  Peterborough. 

CINQUE  PORTS.  By  MONTAGU  BUR- 
ROWS. 

COLCHESTER.     By  Rev.  E.  L.  CUTTS. 

EXETER.     By  E.  A.  FREEMAN. 

LONDON.     By  Rev.  W.  J.  LOFTIE! 

OXFORD.     By  Rev.  C.  W.  BOASE. 

WINCHESTER.  By  Rev.  G.  W.  KIT- 
CHIN,  D.D. 

NEW  YORK.    By  THEODORE  ROOSEVELT. 
BOSTON    (U.S.).       By    HENRY     CABOT 

LODGE. 
YORK.     By  Rev.  JAMES  RAINE. 

HODGSON  (Shadworth  H.). 

TIME  AND  SPACE  :  a  Metaphysical 
Essay.  8vo.  i6s. 

THE  THEORY  OF  PRACTICE  :  an 
Ethical  Enquiry.  2  vols.  8vo.  245. 

THE  PHILOSOPHY  OF  REFLEC- 
TION. 2  vols.  8vo.  2is. 

OUTCAST  ESSAYS  AND  VERSE 
TRANSLATIONS.  Essays:  The 
Genius  of  De  Quincey — De  Quincey  as 
Political  Economist — The  Supernatural 
in  English  Poetry  ;  with  Note  on  the 
True  Symbol  of  Christian  Union — Eng- 
lish Verse.  Verse  Translations :  Nineteen 
Passages  from  Lucretius,  Horace,  Homer, 
&c.  Cr.  8vo.  8s.  6d. 


A  CATALOGUE  OF  BOOKS  IN  GENERAL  LITERATURE 


HOOPER  (George). 

ABR  A  HA  M  FABERT :  Governor  of  Sedan, 
Marshall  of  France.  His  Life  and  Times, 
1599-1662.  With  a  Portrait.  8vo.  IDS.  6d 

HOWITT  (William). 

VISITS  TO  REMARKABLE  PLACES, 
Old  Halls,  Battle-Fields,  Scenes,  illus- 
trative of  Striking  Passages  in  English 
History  and  Poetry.  With  80  Illustra- 
tions. Cr.  8vo.  35.  6d. 

HULLAH  (John). 

COURSE  OF  LECTURES  ON  THE 
HISTORY  OF  MODERN  MUSIC. 
8vo.  8s.  6d. 

COURSE  OF  LECTURES  ON  THE 
TRANSITION  PERIOD  OF  MUSI- 
CAL HISTORY.  8vo.  IDS.  6d. 

HUME  (David). 

THE  PHILOSOPHICAL  WORKS  OF 
DAVID  HUME.  Edited  by  T.  H. 
GREEN  and  T.  H.  GROSE.  4  vols.  8vo. 
565.  Or  separately,  Essays.  2  vols.  285. 
Treatise  of  Human  Nature.  2  vols.  28s. 

HUTH  (Alfred  H.). 

THE  MARRIAGE  OF  NEAR  KIN, 
considered  with  respect  to  the  Law  of 
Nations,  the  Result  of  Experience  and 
the  Teachings  of  Biology.  Royal  8vo.  2is. 

HYNE  (C.  J.  Cutcliffe). 

THE  NEW  EDEN:  a  Story.  With 
Frontispiece  and  Vignette.  Cr.  8vo.  2s.  6d. 

INGELOW  (Jean). 
POETICAL  WORKS.     2  vols.     Fcp.  8vo. 

I2S. 

LYRICAL  AND  OTHER  POEMS. 
Selected  from  the  Writings  of  JEAN 
INGELOW.  Fcp.  8vo.  2s.  6d.  cloth  plain, 
3s.  cloth  gilt. 

JAMESON  (Mrs.). 

SACRED  AND  LEGENDARY  ART. 
With  19  Etchings  and  187  Woodcuts.  2 
vols.  8vo.  2os.  net. 

LEGENDS  OF  THE  MADONNA.  The 
Virgin  Mary  as  represented  in  Sacred  and 
Legendary  Art.  With  27  Etchings  and 
165  Woodcuts,  i  vol.  8vo.  los.  net. 

LEGENDS  OF  THE  MONASTIC 
ORDERS.  With  ii  Etchings  and  88 
Woodcuts,  i  vol.  8vo.  IDS.  net. 

HISTORY  OF  OUR  LORD.  His  Types 
and  Precursors.  Completed  by  Lady 
EASTLAKE.  With  31  Etchings  and  281 
Woodcuts.  2  vols.  8vo.  2os.  net. 


JEFFERIES  (Richard). 

FIELD  AND  HEDGEROW:  last  Essays. 

With  Portrait.     Cr.  8vo.  35.  6d. 
THE    STORY    OF    MY    HEART:    my 

Autobiography.     With  Portrait  and  new 

Preface   by  C.   J.    LONGMAN.      Cr.  8vo. 

35.  6d. 

RED  DEER.  With  17  Illustrations  by 
J.  CHARLTON  and  H.  TUNALY.  Cr.  8vo. 
3s.  6d. 

THE  TOILERS  OF  THE  FIELD.  With 
Portrait  from  the  Bust  in  Salisbury  Cathe- 
dral. Cr.  8vo.  6s. 

JENNINGS  (Arthur  Charles,  M.A.). 
ECCLESIA    ANGLICANA.      A   History 
of  the  Church  of  Christ  in  England,  from 
the  Earliest  to  the  Present  Times.     Cr. 
8vo.  75.  6d. 

JEWSBURY  (Geraldine  Endsor). 

SELECTIONS  FROM  THE  LETTERS 
OF  GERALDINE  ENDSOR  JEWS- 
BURY  TO  JANE  WELSH  CARLYLE. 
Edited  by  Mrs.  ALEXANDER  IRELAND. 
Prefaced  by  a  Monograph  on  Miss  Jews- 
bury  by  the  EDITOR.  8vo.  i6s. 

JOHNSON  (J.  and  J.  H.). 

THE  PATENTEE'S  MANUAL:  a  Trea- 
tise on  the  Law  and  Practice  of  Letters 
Patent.  8vo.  los.  6d. 

JORDAN  (William  Leighon). 

THE  STANDARD  OF  VALUE.    8vo.  6s. 

JUSTINIAN. 

THE  INSTITUTES  OF  JUSTINIAN: 
Latin  Text,  chiefly  that  of  Huschke,  with 
English  Introduction,  Translation,  Notes 
and  Summary.  By  THOMAS  C.  SANDARS, 
M.A.  8vo.  i8s. 

KALISCH  (M.  M.). 

BIBLE  STUDIES.  Part  I.  The  Prophe- 
cies of  Balaam.  8vo.  los.  6d.  Part  II. 
The  Book  of  Jonah.  8vo.  IDS.  6d. 

COMMENTARY  ON  THE  OLD  TES- 
TAMENT:  with  a  New  Translation. 
Vol.  I.  Genesis.  8vo.  i8s.  Or  adapted 
for  the  General  Reader.  i2s.  Vol.  II. 
Exodus.  155.  Or  adapted  for  the  General 
Reader.  I2S.  Vol.  III.  Leviticus,  Part 

I.  155.       Or   adapted   for   the    General 
Reader.      8s.      Vol.   IV.    Leviticus,   Part 

II.  155.      Or  adapted   for   the  General 
Reader.     8s. 

KANT  (Immanuel). 

CRITIQUE  OF  PRACTICAL  REASON, 
AND  OTHER  WORKS  ON  THE 
THEORY  OF  ETHICS.  Translated 
by  T.  K.  ABBOTT,  B.D.  With  Memoir. 
8vo.  i2s.  6d. 

[Continued  on  next  page. 


PUBLISHED  BY  MESSRS.  LONGMANS,  GREEN,  &  CO. 


KANT  (Immanuel) — continued. 
INTRODUCTION  TO  LOGIC,  AND 
HIS  ESSAY  ON  THE  MISTAKEN 
SUBTILTY  OF  THE  FOUR 
FIGURES.  Translated  by  T.  K. 
ABBOTT,  and  with  Notes  by  S.  T. 
COLERIDGE.  8vo.  6s. 

KEITH   DERAMORE  :    a  Novel.      By  the 
Author  of  '  Molly '.     Cr.  8vo. 

KILLICK  (Rev.  A.  H.,  M.A.). 

HANDBOOK  TO  MILL'S  SYSTEM  OF 
LOGIC.  Cr.  8vo.  35.  6d. 

KNIGHT  (E.  F.). 

THE  CRUISE  OF  THE  ' ALERTE  ' : 
the  Narrative  of  a  Search  for  Treasure 
on  the  Desert  Island  of  Trinidad.  With 
2  Maps  and  23  Illustrations.  Cr.  8vo. 
35.  6rf. 

LADD  (George  T.). 

ELEMENTS  OF  PHYSIOLOGICAL 
PSYCHOLOGY.  8vo.  ars. 

OUTLINES  OF  PHYSIOLOGICAL 
PSYCHOLOGY.  A  Text-book  of  Men- 
tal Science  for  Academies  and  Colleges. 

8VO.    I2S. 

LANG  (Andrew). 

HOMER  AND  THE  EPIC.  Cr.  8vo. 
gs'.  net. 

CUSTOM  AND  MYTH  :  Studies  of  Early 
Usage  and  Belief.  With  15  Illustrations. 
Cr.  8vo.  75.  6d. 

BALLADS  OF  BOOKS.  Edited  by 
ANDREW  LANG.  Fcp.  8vo.  65. 

LETTERS  TO  DEAD  AUTHORS.  Fcp. 
8vo.  2s.  6d.  net. 

BOOKS  AND  BOOKMEN.  With  2 
Coloured  Plates  and  17  Illustrations. 
Fcp.  8vo.  2s.  6d.  net. 

OLD  FRIENDS.     Fcp.  8vo.  2s.  6d.  ne  t . 

LETTERS  ON  LITERATURE.  Fcp. 
8vo.  2s.  6d.  net. 

GRASS  OF  PARNASSUS.  Fcp.  8vo. 
2s.  6d.  net. 

ANGLING  SKETCHES.  With  20  Illus- 
trations by  W.  G.  BURN  MURDOCH.  Cr. 
8vo.  75.  6d. 

THE  BLUE  FAIRY  BOOK.  Edited  by 
ANDREW  LANG.  With  8  Plates  and  130 
Illustrations  in  the  Text  by  H.  J.  FORD 
and  G.  P.  JACOMB  HOOD.  Cr.  8vo.  6s. 

THE  RED  FAIRY  BOOK.  Edited  by 
ANDREW  LANG.  With  4  Plates  and  96 
Illustrations  in  the  Text  by  H.  J.  FORD 
and  LANCELOT  SPEED.  Cr.  8vo.  6s. 


LANG  (Andrew) — continued. 

THE    GREEN   FAIRY  BOOK.      Edited 
by  ANDREW  LANG.     With  n  Plates  and 
88  Illustrations  in  the  Text  by  H.  J.  FORD. 
•  Cr.  8vo.  6s. 

THE  BLUE  POETRY  BOOK.  Edited 
by  ANDREW  LANG.  With  12  Plates  and 
88  Illustrations  in  the  Text  by  H.  J.  FORD 
and  LANCELOT  SPEED.  Cr.  8vo.  6s. 

THE  BLUE  POETRY  BOOK.  School 
Edition,  without  Illustrations.  Fcp.  Svo. 
2s.  6d. 

THE  BLUE  POETRY  BOOK.  Special 
Edition,  printed  on  Indian  paper.  With 
Notes,  but  without  Illustrations.  Cr. 
Svo.  75.  6d. 

LAVISSE   (Ernest,   Professor   at   the  Sor- 

bonne). 

GENERAL  VIEW  OF  THE  POLITI- 
CAL HISTORY  OF  EUROPE. 
Translated  by  CHARLES  GROSS,  Ph.D. 
Cr.  Svo.  ss. 

LECKY  (William  Edward  Hartpole). 
HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND     IN    THE 

EIGHTEENTH  CENTURY. 
Library  Edition.     8  vols.     Svo.  £j  45. 
Cabinet  Edition.      England.      7  vols.     Cr. 

Svo.   6s.   each.      Ireland.      5   vols.      Cr. 

Svo.  6s.  each. 

HISTORY  OF  EUROPEAN  MORALS 
FROM  AUGUSTUS  TO  CHARLE- 
MAGNE. 2  vols.  Cr.  Svo.  i6s. 

HISTORY  OF  THE  RISE  AND 
INFLUENCE  OF  THE  SPIRIT  OF 
RATIONALISM  IN  EUROPE.  2 
vols.  Cr.  Svo.  i6s. 

POEMS.     Fcp.  Svo.  55. 

LEES    (J.    A.)    and    CLUTTERBUCK 

(W.  J.). 

B.  C.  1887:  A  RAMBLE  IN  BRITISH 
COLUMBIA.  With  Map  and  75  Illus- 
trations. Cr.  Svo.  35.  6d. 

LEWES  (George  Henry). 

THE  HISTORY  OF  PHILOSOPHY, 
from  Thales  to  Comte.  2  vols.  Svo. 
325. 

LEYTON  (Frank). 

THE  SHADOWS  OF  THE  LAKE,  and 

other  Poems.     Cr.  Svo.  75.  6d. 
Cheap  Edition.     Cr.  Svo.  35.  6d. 

LLOYD  (F.  J.). 

THE  SCIENCE  OF  AGRICULTURE. 
Svo.  i  as. 


A  CATALOGUE  OF  BOOKS  IN  GENERAL  LITERATURE 


LONGMAN  (Frederick  W.). 

CHESS  OPENINGS.     Fcp.  8vo.  2s.  6d. 
FREDERICK  THE  GREAT  AND  THE 

SEVEN    YEARS'    WAR.      Fcp.    8vo. 

as.  6d. 


LONGMAN'S     MAGAZINE. 
Monthly.     6d. 

Vols.  1-20.     8vo.  55.  each. 


Published 


LONGMANS'  NEW  ATLAS.  Political 
and  Physical.  For  the  Use  of  Schools 
and  Private  Persons.  Consisting  of  40 
Quarto  and  16  Octavo  Maps  and  Dia- 
grams, and  16  Plates  of  Views.  Edited 
by  GEO.  G.  CHISHOLM,  M.A.,  B.Sc. 
Imp.  410.  or  Imp.  8vo.  125.  6d. 

LONGMORE  (Surgeon  General  Sir  T., 

C.B.,  F.R.C.S.,  &c.). 

RICHARD  WISEMAN,  Surgeon  and 
Sergeant- Surgeon  to  Charles  II.:  a  Bio- 
graphical Study.  With  Portrait  and 
Illustrations.  8vo.  IDS.  6d. 

LOUDON  (J.  C.). 

ENCYCLOPEDIA  OF  GARDENING. 
With  1000  Woodcuts.  8vo.  2is. 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA  OF  AGRICUL- 
TURE :  the  Laying-out,  Improvement 
and  Management  of  Landed  Property. 
With  i  loo  Woodcuts.  8vo.  2 is. 

ENCYCLOPEDIA  OF  PLANTS:  the 
Specific  Character,  &c.,  of  all  Plants  found 
in  Great  Britain.  With  12,000  Woodcuts. 
8vo.  425. 

LUBBOCK  (Sir  J.,  Bart.,  M.P.). 

THE  ORIGIN  OF  CIVILISATION, 
and  the  Primitive  Condition  of  Man. 
With  5  Plates  and  20  Illustrations  in  the 
Text.  8vo.  1 8s. 

LYALL  (Edna,  Author  of  Donovan,'  &c.). 

THE  AUTOBIOGRAPHY  OF  A  SLAN- 
DER. Fcp.  8vo.  is.  sewed. 

Presentation  Edition.  With  20  Illustrations 
by  LANCELOT  SPEED.  Cr.  8vo.  55. 

LYDEKKER  (R.). 

PHASES  OF  ANIMAL  LIFE,  PAST 
AND  PRESENT.  With  82  Illustra- 
tions. Cr.  8vo.  6s. 

LYDE  (Lionel  W.). 
AN  INTRODUCTION  TO  ANCIENT 
HISTORY  :  being  a  Sketch  of  the  His- 
tory of  Egypt,  Mesopotamia,  Greece  and 
Rome.  With  a  Chapter  on  the  Develop- 
ment of  the  Roman  Empire  into  the 
Powers  of  Modern  Europe.  With  3 
Coloured  Maps.  Cr.  8vo.  35.- 


LYONS  (Rev.  Daniel)! 

CHRISTIANITY  AND  INFALLI- 
BILITY—Both  or  Neither.  Cr.  8vo.  5*. 

LYTTON  (The  Earl  of).  (Owen  Meredith.) 

MARAH.     Fcp.  8vo.  6s.  6d. 

KING  POPPY:  a  Fantasia.  With  i  Plate 
and  Design  on  Title-page  by  ED.  BURNE- 
JONES,  A.R.A.  Cr.  8vo.  ics.  6d. 

MACAU  LAY  (Lord). 
COMPLETE    WORKS    OF  LORD   MA- 
CAUL  AY  : 

Library  Edition.     8  vols.     8vo.  £5  55. 
Cabinet  Edition.     16  vols.     Post  8vo. 

f  A.    I  OS . 
A>»" 

HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND  FROM  THE 
ACCESSION  OF  JAMES  THE 
SECOND  : 

Popular  Edition.     2  vols.     Cr.  8vo.  55. 

Student's  Edition.    2  vols.    Cr.  8vo.  i2s. 

People's  Edition.     4  vols.     Cr.  8vo.  i6s. 

Cabinet  Edition.    8  vols.    Post  8vo.  485. 

Library  Edition.     5  vols.     8vo.  £4. 
CRITICAL     AND     HISTORICAL 
ESSAYS,  with   LAYS   OF  ANCIENT 
ROME,  in   i  vol.: 

Popular  Edition.     Cr.  8vo.  2s.  6d. 

Authorised  Edition.     Cr.  8vo.  2s.  6d.  or 
35.  6d.  gilt  edges. 

'  Silver  Library'  Edition.  Cr.  8vo.  35.  6d. 
CRITICAL     AND    HISTORICAL 
ESS  A  YS  : 

Student's  Edition,     i  vol.     Cr.  8vo.  6s. 

People's  Edition.     2  vols.     Cr.  8vo.  8s. 

Trevelyan  Edition.    2  vols.    Cr.  8vo.  gs. 

Cabinet  Edition.    4  vols.    Post  8vo.  245. 

Library  Edition.     3  vols.     8vo.  365. 
ESS  A  YS  which  may  be  had  separately  price 
6d.  each  sewed,  is.  each  cloth  : 

Addison  and  Walpole. 

Frederick  the  Great. 

Croker's  BoswelPs  Johnson. 

Hallam's  Constitutional  History. 

Warren  Hastings.  ($d .  sewed,  6d.  cloth.) 

The  Earl  of  Chatham  (Two  Essays). 

Ranke  and  Gladstone. 

Milton  and  Machiavelli. 

Lord  Bacon. 

Lord  Clive. 

Lord  Byron,  and  The  Comic  Dramatists 
of  the  Restoration. 


The  Essay  on  Warren  Hastings  anno- 
tated by  S.  HALBS.  is.  6d. 

The  Essay  on  Lord  Clive  annotated  by 
H.  COURTHOPE  BOWEN,  M.A.  2s.  6d. 

SPEECHES : 

People's  Edition.     Cr.  8vo.  35.  6d. 

[Continued  on  next  page. 


PUBLISHED  BY  MESSRS.  LONGMANS,  GREEN,  &  CO. 


MACAULAY  (Lord— continued. 
LAYS  OF  ANCIENT  ROME,  &-c.: 

Illustrated  by  G.  SCHARF.     Fcp.  410. 

IQS.  6d. 

. Bijou  Edi- 
tion.   i8mo.  2s.  6d.  gilt  top. 

: Popular 

Edition.       Fcp.   4to.   6d.  sewed,   is. 
cloth. 
Illustrated  by  J.  R.  WEGUELIN.      Cr. 

8vo.  35.  6d.  cloth  extra,  gilt  edges. 
Cabinet  Edition.     Post  8vo.  35.  6d. 
Annotated  Edition.  Fcp.  8vo.  is.  sewed, 

15.  6d.  cloth. 
MISCELLANEOUS  WRITINGS: 

People's  Edition,    i  vol.    Cr.  8vo.  45. 6d. 
Library  Edition.     2  vols.     8vo.  2 is. 
MISCELLANEOUS    WRITINGS   AND 
SPEECHES  : 

Popular  Edition,    i  vol.    Cr.  8vo.  2s.  6d. 

Student's  Edition,      i  vol.     Cr.  8vo.  6s. 

Cabinet     Edition.       Including    Indian 

Penal  Code,  Lays  of  Ancient  Rome 

and  Miscellaneous   Poems.     4  vols. 

Post  8vo.  245. 

SELECTIONS  FROM  THE  WRITINGS 
OF  LORD  MAC  A  ULA  Y.  Edited,  with 
Occasional  Notes,  by  the  Right  Hon.  Sir 
G.  O.  TREVELYAN,  Bart.  Cr.  8vo.  6s. 
THE  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  LORD 
MACAULAY.  By  the  Right  Hon.  Sir 
G.  O.  TREVELYAN,  Bart. : 

Popular  Edition,  i  vol.  Cr.  8vo.  2s.  6d. 
Student's  Edition,  i  vol.  Cr.  8vo.  6s. 
Cabinet  Edition.  2  vols.  Post  8vo.  i2s. 
Library  Edition.  2  vols.  8vo.  365. 

MACDONALD  (George,  LL.D.). 

UNSPOKEN  SERMONS.     Three  Series. 

Cr.  8vo.  3s.  6d.  each. 
THE  MIRACLES  OF  OUR  LORD.     Cr. 

8vo.  35.  6d. 
A  BOOK  OF  STRIFE,  IN  THE  FORM 

OF  THE  DIARY  OF  AN  OLD  SOUL  : 

Poems.     i2mo.  6s. 

MACDONELL  (Arthur  A.,  M.A.,  Ph.D., 
(Deputy)  Professor  of  Sanskrit  in  the 
University  of  Oxford). 
A  SANSKRIT-ENGLISH  DICTION- 
ARY :  being  a  Practical  Handbook,  with 
Transliteration,  Accentuation  and  Ety- 
mological Analysis  throughout.  4to. 
£2  zs. 

MACFARREN  (Sir  G.  A.). 
LECTURES  ON  HARMONY.  8vo,  125. 

MACKAIL  (J.  W.). 
SELECT     EPIGRAMS     FROM      THE 
GREEK   ANTHOLOGY.     Edited  with 
a  Revised  Text,  Introduction,  Translation 
and  Notes.     8vo.  i6s. 


MACLEOD  (Henry  D.). 

THE     ELEMENTS      OF     BANKING. 

Cr.  8vo.  3s.  6d. 

THE  THEORY  AND  PRACTICE  OF 
BANKING.  Vol.  I.  8vo.  i2s.  Vol.  II. 

I4S. 

THE  THEORY  OF  CREDIT.  8vo. 
Vol.  I.  -JS.  6d.  Vol.  II.  Part  I.  45.  6d. 
Vol.  II.  Part  II.  IDS.  6d. 

MANNERING  (George  Edward). 

WITH  AXE  AND  ROPE  IN  THE 
NEW  ZEALAND  ALPS.  With  18 
Illustrations.  8vo.  i2s.  6d. 

MANUALS   OF  CATHOLIC   PHILO- 
SOPHY (Stonyhurst  Series]  : 

LOGIC.  By  RICHARD  F.  CLARKE,  S.J. 
Cr.  8vo.  55. 

FIRST  PRINCIPLES  OF  KNOW- 
LEDGE. By  JOHN  RICKABY,  S.J.  Cr. 
8vo.  55. 

MORAL  PHILOSOPHY  (ETHICS  AND 
NATURAL  LAW).  By  JOSEPH  RICK- 
ABY, S.J.  Cr.  8vo.  55. 

GENERAL  METAPHYSICS.  By  JOHN 
RICKABY,  S.J.  Cr.  8vo.  55. 

PSYCHOLOGY.  By  MICHAEL  MAKER, 
S.J.  Cr.  8vo.  6s.  fid. 

NATURAL  THEOLOGY.  By  BERNARD 
BOEDDER,  S.J.  Cr.  8vo.  6s.  6d. 

POLITICAL  ECONOMY.  By  CHARLES 
S.  DEVAS.  Cr.  8vo.  6s.  6d. 

MARBOT  (Baron  de). 

THE  MEMOIRS  OF  THE  BARON  DE 
MARBOT.  Translated  from  the  French. 
2  vols.  8vo.  32s. 

MARTINEAU  (James,  D.D.,  LL.D.). 
HOURS   OF  THOVGHT  ON  SACRED 
THINGS.     Two  Volumes  of  Sermons. 
2  vols.     Cr.  8vo.  js.  6d.  each. 
ENDEAVOURS  AFTER  THE  CHRIS- 
TIAN   LIFE.       Discourses.      Cr.    8vo. 
7s.  6d. 
THE  SEAT  OF  AUTHORITY  IN  RE 

LIGION.    8vo.  i4s. 

ESSAYS,  REVIEWS  AND  AD- 
DRESSES. 4  vols.  Cr.  8vo.  7$.  6d. 
each. 

I.  Personal :  Political. 
II.  Ecclesiastical:  Historical. 

III.  Theological:  Philosophical. 

IV.  Academical :  Religious. 
HOME  PRAYERS,  with  Two  Services  for 

Public  Worship.     Cr.  8vo.  35.  6d. 

MATTHEWS  (Brander). 
A    FAMILY    TREE,    and   other   Stories. 
Cr.  8vo.  6s. 

[Continued  on  next  page. 


i6 


A  CATALOGUE  OF  BOOKS  IN  GENERAL  LITERATURE 


MATTHEWS  (Brander)— continued. 

PEN  AND   INK:  Papers  on  Subjects  of 

more  or  less  Importance.     Cr.  8vo.  55. 
WITH    MY    FRIENDS  :    Tales   told   in 
Partnership.    With  an  Introductory  Essay 
on  the  Art  and  Mystery  of  Collaboration. 
Cr.  8vo.  65. 

MAUNDER'S  TREASURIES. 

BIOGRAPHICAL  TREASURY.  With 
Supplement  brought  down  to  1889.  By 
Rev.  JAMES  WOOD.  Fcp.  8vo.  65. 

TREASURY  OF  NATURAL  HISTORY: 
or,  Popular  Dictionary  of  Zoology.  With 
goo  Woodcuts.  Fcp.  8vo.  65. 

TREASURY  OF  GEOGRAPHY,  Physi- 
cal, Historical,  Descriptive  and  Political. 
With  7  Maps  and  16  Plates.  Fcp.  8vo.  gs. 

SCIENTIFIC  AND  LITERARY  TREA- 
SURY. Fcp.  8vo.  6s. 

HISTORICAL  TREASURY:  Outlines  of 
Universal  History,  Separate  Histories  of 
all  Nations.  Fcp.  8vo.  6s. 

TREASURY  OF  KNOWLEDGE  AND 
LIBRARY  OF  REFERENCE.  Com- 
prising an  English  Dictionary  and  Gram- 
mar, Universal  Gazetteer,  Classical 
Dictionary,  Chronology,  Law  Dictionary, 
&c.  Fcp.  8vo.  6s. 

THE  TREASURY  OF  BIBLE  KNOW- 
LEDGE. By  the  Rev.  J.  AYRE,  M.A. 
With  5  Maps,  15  Plates  and  300  Wood- 
cuts. Fcp.  8vo.  6s. 

THE  TREASURY  OF  BOTANY.  Edited 
by  J.  LINDLEY,  F.R.S.,  and  T.  MOORE, 
F.L.S.  With  274  Woodcuts  and  20  Steel 
Plates.  2  vols.  Fcp.  8vo.  125. 

MAX  MULLER  (F.,  Professor  of  Com- 
parative Philology  in  the  University  of 
Oxford). 

SELECTED  ESSAYS  ON  LANGUAGE, 
MYTHOLOGY  AND  RELIGION. 
2  vols.  Cr.  8vo.  i6s. 

THE  SCIENCE  OF  LANGUAGE, 
Founded  on  Lectures  delivered  at  the 
Royal  Institution  in  1861  and  1863.  2  vols. 
Cr.  8vo.  2 is. 

THREE  LECTURES  ONTHESCIENCE 
OF  LANGUAGE  AND  ITS  PLACE  IN 
GENERAL  EDUCATION,  delivered  at 
the  Oxford  University  Extension  Meeting, 
1889.  Cr.  8vo.  35. 

HI B BERT  LECTURES  ON  THE  ORI- 
GIN AND  GROWTH  OF  RELIGION, 
as  illustrated  by  the  Religions  of  India. 
Cr.  8vo.  75.  6d. 

INTRODUCTION  TO  THE  SCIENCE 
OF  RELIGION :  Four  Lectures  delivered 
at  the  Royal  Institution.  Cr.  8vo.  3$.  6d. 


MAX  MULLER  (F.)— continued. 

NATURAL  RELIGION.  The  Gifford 
Lectures  delivered  before  the  University 
of  Glasgow  in  1888.  Cr.  8vo.  IDS.  6V/. 

PHYSICAL  RELIGION.  The  Gifford 
Lectures  delivered  before  the  University 
of  Glasgow  in  1890.  Cr.  8vo.  IDS.  6d. 

ANTHROPOLOGICAL  RELIGION  : 
The.  Gifford  Lectures  delivered  before  the 
University  of  Glasgow  in  1891.  Cr.  8vo. 

1  os.  6d, 

THE  SCIENCE  OF  THOUGHT.      8vo. 

2IS. 

THREE  INTRODUCTORY  LECTURES 
ON  THE  SCIENCE  OF  THOUGHT. 
8vo.  2s.  6d. 

BIOGRAPHIES  OF  WORDS,  AND  THE 
HOME  OF  THE  ARYAS.  Cr.  8vo. 
75.  6d. 

INDIA,  WHAT  CAN  IT  TEACH  US? 
Cr.  8vo.  35.  6d. 

A  SANSKRIT  GRAMMAR  FOR  BE- 
GINNERS. Abridged  Edition.  By  A. 
A.  MACDONELL.  Cr.  8vo.  6s. 

MAY  (Sir  Thomas  Erskine,  K.C.B.). 
THE    CONSTITUTIONAL    HISTORY 
OF  ENGLAND  since  the  Accession  of 
George  III.  1760-1870.  3  vols.  Cr.8vo.i8s. 

MEADE  (L.  T.). 
DADDY'S  BOY.    With  Illustrations.    Cr. 

8vo.  35.  6d. 
DEB    AND    THE    DUCHESS.       With 

Illustrations   by  M.   E.  EDWARDS.       Cr. 

8vo.  35.  6d. 

THE  BERESFORD  PRIZE.  With  Illus- 
trations by  M.  E.  EDWARDS.  Cr.  8vo.  55. 

MEATH  (The  Earl  of). 

SOCIAL  ARROWS:  Reprinted  Articles  on 
various  Social  Subjects.  Cr.  8vo.  55. 

PROSPERITY  OR  PAUPERISM? 
Physical,  Industrial  and  Technical  Train- 
ing. 8vo.  5$. 

MELVILLE  (G.  J.  Whyte). 
THE  GLADIATORS. 
THE  INTERPRETER. 
GOOD  FOR  NOTHING. 
THE  QUEEN'S  MARIES. 
HOLM  BY  HOUSE. 
KATE  COVENTRY. 
DIG  BY  GRAND. 
GENERAL  BOUNCE. 
Cr.  8vo.  is.  each  boards,  is.  6d.  each  cloth- 

MENDELSSOHN  (Felix). 

THE  LETTERS  OF  FELIX  MENDELS- 
SOHN. Translated  by  Lady  WALLACE. 

2  vols.     Cr.  8vo.  IDS. 


PUBLISHED  BY  MESSRS.  LONGMANS,  GREEN,  &  CO. 


MERIVALE  (The  Very  Rev.  Chas.,  Dean 
of  Ely). 

HISTORY  OF  THE  ROMANS  UNDER 
THE  EMPIRE.  Cabinet  Edition.  8 
vols.  Cr.  8vo.  485. 

Popular    Edition.      8   vols.      Cr.  8vo. 
35.  6d.  each. 

THE  FALL  OF  THE  ROMAN  RE- 
PUBLIC :  a  Short  History  of  the  Last 
Century  of  the  Commonwealth.  iamo. 
75.  6d. 

GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  ROME  FROM 
B.C.  753  TO  A.D.  476.  Cr.  8vo.  75.  6d. 

THE  ROMAN  TRIUMVIRATES.  With 
Maps.  Fcp.  8vo.  2s.  6d. 

MILL  (James). 

ANALYSIS  OF  THE  PHENOMENA 
OF  THE  HUMAN  MIND.  2  vols. 
8vo.  28s. 

MILL  (John  Stuart). 

PRINCIPLES  OF  POLITICAL  ECO- 
NOMY. 

Library  Edition.     2  vols.     8vo.  305. 
People's  Edition,    i  vol.    Cr.  8vo.  35.  6d. 

A  SYSTEM  OF  LOGIC.     Cr.  8vo.  35.  6d . 

ON  LIBERTY.     Cr.  8vo.  is.  4rf. 

ON  REPRESENTATIVE  GOVERN- 
MENT. Cr.  8vo.  2s. 

UTILITARIANISM.     8vo.  55. 

EXAMINATION  OF  SIR  WILLIAM 
HAMILTON'S  PHILOSOPHY.  8vo. 
i6s. 

NATURE,  THE  UTILITY  OF  RELI- 
GION, AND  THEISM.  Three  Essays. 
8vo.  55. 

MOLESWORTH  (Mrs.). 

SILVERTHORNS.  Illustrated.  Cr.8vo.ss. 

THE  PALACE  IN  THE  GARDEN. 
Illustrated.  Cr.  8vo.  55. 

THE  THIRD  MISS  ST.  QUENTIN. 
Cr.  8vo.  6s. 

NEIGHBOURS.    Illustrated.     Cr.8vo.6s. 

THE  STORY  OF  A  SPRING  MORN- 
ING, &-c.  Illustrated.  Cr.  8vo.  55. 

STORIES  OF  THE  SAINTS  FOR 
CHILDREN  :  the  Black  Letter  Saints. 
Illustrated.  Royal  i6mo.  5$. 

MOORE  (Edward,    D.D.,   Principal  of  St. 

Edmund  Hall,  Oxford). 
DANTE   AND   HIS   EARLY  BIOGRA- 
PHERS.    Cr.  8vo.  7s.  6d. 

MULHALL  (Michael  G.). 
HISTORY    OF   PRICES    SINCE    THE 
YEAR  1850.     Cr.  8vo.  6s. 


NANSEN  (Dr.  Fridtjof). 

THE  FIRST  CROSSING  OF  GREEN- 
LAND. 

Abridged  Edition.  With  numerous  Illus- 
trations and  a  Map.     Cr.  8vo.  75.  6d. 

NESBIT  (E.)  (Mrs.  Hubert  Bland.) 
LEAVES  OF  LIFE  :  Verses.     Cr.  8vo.  55. 
LAYS    AND    LEGENDS.      First   Series. 
New    and   Cheaper    Edition.      Cr.    8vo. 
35.  6d.     Second  Series.     With  Portrait. 
Cr.  8vo.  55. 
-. 

NEWMAN  (Cardinal). 

APOLOGIA  PRO  VITA  SUA.  Cabinet 
Edition.  Cr.  8vo.  6s.  Cheap  Edition. 
Cr.  8vo.  35.  6d. 

DISCOURSES  TO  MIXED  CONGRE- 
GATIONS. Cabinet  Edition.  Cr.  8vo. 
6s.  Cheap  Edition.  Cr.  8vo.  35.  6d. 

SERMONS  ON  VARIOUS  OCCASIONS. 
Cabinet  Edition.  Cr.  8vo.  6s.  Cheap 
Edition.  35.  6d. 

THE  IDEA  OF  A  UNIVERSITY 
DEFINED  AND  ILLUSTRATED. 
Cabinet  Edition.  Cr.  8vo.  75.  Cheap 
Edition.  Cr.  8vo.  35.  6d. 

HISTORICAL  SKETCHES.  3  vols. 
Cabinet  Edition.  Cr.  8vo.  6s.  each. 
Cheap  Edition.  3  vols.  35.  6d.  each. 

THE  ARIANS  OF  THE  FOURTH 
CENTURY.  Cabinet  Edition.  Cr.  Svo. 
6s.  Cheap  Edition.  Cr.  Svo.  35.  6d. 

SELECT  TREATISES  OF  ST.  ATHA- 
NASIUS  in  Controversy  with  the  Arians. 
Freely  Translated.  2  vols.  Cr.  Svo.  155. 

DISCUSSIONS  AND  ARGUMENTS 
ON  VARIOUS  SUBJECTS.  Cabinet 
Edition.  Cr.  Svo.  6s.  Cheap  Edition. 
Cr.  Svo.  35.  6rf. 

AN  ESSAY  ON  THE  DEVELOPMENT 
OF  CHRISTIAN  DOCTRINE.  Cabinet 
Edition.  Cr.  Svo.  6s.  Cheap  Edition. 
Cr.  Svo.  35.  6d. 

CERTAIN  DIFFICULTIES  FELT  BY 
ANGLICANS  IN  CATHOLIC  TEACH- 
ING CONSIDERED.  Cabinet  Edition. 
Vol.  I.  Cr.  Svo.  7s.  6rf.  Vol.  II.  Cr. 
8vo.  55.  6d.  Cheap  Edition.  2  vols.  Cr. 
Svo.  35.  6d.  each. 

THE  VIA  MEDIA  OF  THE  ANGLI- 
CAN CHURCH.  Illustrated  in  Lectures, 
&c.  2  vols.  Cabinet  Edition.  Cr.  Svo. 
6s.  each.  Cheap  Edition.  2  vols.  35.  6d. 
each. 

ESSAYS,  CRITICAL  AND  HISTORI- 
CAL. Cabinet  Edition.  2  vols.  Cr. 
Svo.  i2s.  Cheap  Edition.  2  vols.  Cr. 
Svo.  75. 

[Continued  on  next  page. 


18 


A  CATALOGUE  OF  BOOKS  IN  GENERAL  LITERATURE 


NEWMAN  (Cardinal)— continued. 

ESSAYS  ON  BIBLICAL  AND  ON 
ECCLESIASTICAL  MIRACLES. 
Cabinet  Edition.  Cr.  8vo.  6s.  Cheap 
Edition.  Cr.  8vo.  35.  6d. 

TRACTS,  i.  Dissertatiunculae.  2.  On  the 
Text  of  the  Seven  Epistles  of  St.  Igna- 
tius. 3.  Doctrinal  Causes  of  Arianism. 
4.  Apollinarianism.  5.  St.  Cyril's  For- 
mula. 6.  Ordo  de  Tempore.  7.  Douay 
Version  of  Scripture.  Cr.  8vo.  8s. 

AN  ESSAY  IN  AID  OF  A  GRAMMAR 
OF  ASSENT.  Cabinet  Edition.  Cr. 
8vo.  js.  6d.  Cheap  Edition.  Cr.  8vo. 
33.  6d. 

PRESENT  POSITION  OF  CATHOLICS 
IN  ENGLAND.  Cabinet  Edition.  Cr. 
8vo.  75.  6d.  Cheap  Edition.  Cr.  8vo. 
3s.  6d. 

CALLISTA  :  a  Tale  of  the  Third  Century. 
Cabinet  Edition.  Cr.  8vo.  6s.  Cheap 
Edition.  Cr.  8vo.  35.  6d. 

•LOSS  AND  GAIN:  a  Tale.  Cabinet 
Edition.  Cr.  8vo.  6s.  Cheap  Edition. 
Cr.  8vo.  35.  £>d. 

THE  DREAM  OF  GERONTIUS.  i6mo. 
6d.  sewed,  is.  cloth. 

VERSES  ON  VARIOUS  OCCASIONS. 
Cabinet  Edition.  Cr.  8vo.  6s.  Cheap 
Edition.  Cr.  8vo.  35.  6d. 

FABULAE  QUAEDAM  EX  TERENTIO 
ET  PL  A  UTO  AD  US  UM  PUEROR  UM 
ACCOMMODATAE.  With  English 
Notes  and  Translations  to  assist  the 
representation.  Cardinal  Newman's  Edi- 
tion. Cr.  8vo.  6s. 

*,*  For  Cardinal  Newman's  other  Works 
see  Messrs.  Longmans  and  Co.'s  Cata- 
logue of  Church  of  England  Theological 
Works. 

NORTON  (Charles  L.). 

A  HANDBOOK  OF  FLORIDA.  With 
49  Maps  and  Plans.  Fcp.  8vo.  55. 

O'BRIEN  (William,  M.P.). 

WHEN  WE  WERE  BOYS:  a  Novel. 
Cr.  8vo.  2s.  6d. 

OLIPHANT  (Mrs.). 

'MADAM.    Cr.  8vo.  is.  boards,   is.  6d.  cloth. 
INTRUST.   Cr.  8vo.  is.  boards,    is.  6d.  cl. 

OMAN  (C.  W.  C.,  M.A.,  F.S.A.). 
A  HISTORY  OF  GREECE  FROM  THE 
EARLIEST  TIMES  TO  THE  MACE- 
DONIAN   CONQUEST.      With    Maps 
and  Plans.     Cr.  8vo.  45.  6d. 

PARKES  (Sir  Henry,  G.C.M.G.). 
FIFTY  YEARS  IN  THE  MAKING  OF 
AUSTRALIAN    HISTORY.      With    2 
Portraits  (1854  and  1892).  2  vols.  8vo.  325. 


PAUL  (Hermann). 

PRINCIPLES  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 
LANGUAGE.  Translated  by  H.  A. 
STRONG.  8vo.  IDS.  6d. 

PAYN  (James). 

THE  LUCK  OF  THE  DARRELLS. 

Cr.  8vo.  is.  boards,     is.  6d.  cloth. 
THICKER    THAN    WATER.      Cr.  8vo. 
is.  boards,     is.  6d.  cloth. 

PERRING  (Sir  Philip). 
HARD    KNOTS    IN    SHAKESPEARE- 

8vo.  75.  6d. 

THE  'WORKS  AND  DAYS'  OF 
MOSES.  Cr.  8vo.  35.  6d. 

PHILLIPPS-WOLLEY  (C.). 

SNAP :  a  Legend  of  the  Lone  Mountain. 
With  13  Illustrations  by  H.  G.  WILLINK. 
Cr.  8vo.  35.  6d. 

POLE  (W.,  F.R.S.). 

THE  THEORY  OF  THE  MODERN 
SCIENTIFIC  GAME  OF  WHIST. 
Fcp.  8vo.  2s.  6d. 

POOLE  (W.  H.  and  Mrs.). 

COOKERY  FOR  THE  DIABETIC. 
With  Preface  by  Dr.  PAVY.  Fcp.  8vo. 
25.  6d. 

PRAEGER  (Ferdinand). 

WAGNER  AS  I  KNEW  HIM.  Cr.  Svo. 
75.  6d. 

PRATT  (A.  E.,  F.R.G.S.). 

TO  THE  SNOWS  OF  TIBET  THROUGH 
CHINA.  With  33  Illustrations  and  a 
Map.  Svo.  1 8s. 

PRENDERGAST  (John  P.). 
IRELAND,    FROM     THE     RESTORA- 
TION     TO      THE      REVOLUTION, 
1660-1690.     Svo.  55. 

PROCTOR  (Richard  A.). 

OLD   AND   NEW  ASTRONOMY.      By 

RICHARD   A.    PROCTOR  and  A.   COWPER 

RAN  YARD.       With    31     Plates    and    472 

Woodcuts.     4to.  365. 
THE  ORBS  AROUND  US  :   a  Series  of 

Essays  on  the  Moon  and  Planets,  Meteors 

and  Comets.     With  Chart  and  Diagrams. 

Cr.  Svo.  55. 
OTHER  WORLDS  THAN  OURS:  The 

Plurality   of    Words    Studied    under    the 

Light   of    Recent    Scientific    Researches. 

With     14     Illustrations.       Cr.    Svo.    55. 

Silver  Library  Edition.     Cr.  Svo.  35.  (>d. 
[Continued  on  next  page. 


PUBLISHED  BY  MESSRS.  LONGMANS,  GREEN,  <t  CO. 


PROCTOR  (Richard  PL.)— continued. 

THE  MOON  :  her  Motions,  Aspects, 
Scenery  and  Physical  Condition.  With 
Plates,  Charts,  Woodcuts,  &c.  Cr.  8vo.  55. 

UNIVERSE  OF  STARS  :  Presenting 
Researches  into  and  New  Views  respect- 
ing the  Constitution  of  the  Heavens. 
With  22  Charts  and  22  Diagrams.  8vo. 
los.  6d. 

LARGER  STAR  ATLAS  for  the  Library. 
In  12  Circular  Maps.  With  Introduction 
and  2  Index  Pages.  Folio  155.  Or  Maps 
only  i2s.  6d. 

THE  STUDENT'S  ATLAS.  In  12  Cir- 
cular Maps  on  a  Uniform  Projection  and 
one  Scale.  8vo.  55. 

NEW  STAR  ATLAS  for  the  Library, 
the  School  and  the  Observatory.  In  12 
Circular  Maps.  Cr.  8vo.  55. 

LIGHT  SCIENCE  FOR  LEISURE 
HOURS.  Familiar  Essays  on  Scientific 
Subjects.  3  vols.  Cr.  8vo.  55.  each. 

CHANCE  AND  LUCK:  a  Discussion  of 
the  Laws  of  Luck,  Coincidences,  Wagers, 
Lotteries  and  the  Fallacies  of  Gambling, 
&c.  Cr,.  8vo.  2s.  boards,  2s.  6d.  cloth. 

STUDIES  OF  VENUS-TRANSITS. 
With  7  Diagrams  and  10  Plates.  8vo.  5$. 

HOW  TO  PLAY  WHIST:  WITH  THE 
LAWS  AND  ETIQUETTE  OF 
WHIST.  Cr.  Svo.  35.  6d. 

HOME  WHIST  :  an  Easy  Guide  to  Cor- 
rect Play.  i6mo.  is. 

THE  STARS  IN  THEIR  SEASONS. 
An  Easy  Guide  to  a  Knowledge  of  the 
Star  Groups.  In  12  Maps.  Roy.  Svo.  55. 

STAR  PRIMER.  Showing  the  Starry  Sky 
Week  by  Week.  In  24  Hourly  Maps. 
Cr.  410.  2s.  6d. 

THE  SEASONS  PICTURED  IN  48 
SUN-VIEWS  OF  THE  EARTH,  and 
24  Zodiacal  Maps,  &c.  Demy  410.  55. 

STRENGTH  AND  HAPPINESS.  With 
9  Illustrations.  Cr.  Svo.  55. 

STRENGTH:  How  to  get  Strong  and 
keep  Strong,  with  Chapters  on  Rowing 
and  Swimming,  Fat,  Age  and  the  Waist. 
With  9  Illustrations.  Cr.  Svo.  2s. 

ROUGH  WAYS  MADE  SMOOTH. 
Familiar  Essays  on  Scientific  Subjects. 
Cr.  Svo.  55.  Silver  Library  Edition. 
Cr.  Svo.  35.  6d. 

OUR  PLACE  AMONG  INFINITIES. 
A  Series  of  Essays  contrasting  our  Little 
Abode  in  Space  and  Time  with  the  Infini- 
ties around  us.  Cr.  8vo.  55. 

THE  EXPANSE  OF  HE  A  VEN.  Essays  on 
the  Wonders  of  the  Firmament.  Cr.  Svo.  55. 

THE  GREAT  PYRAMID,  OBSERVA- 
TORY, TOMB  AND  TEMPLE.  With 
Illustrations.  Cr.  Svo.  55. 


PROCTOR  (Richard  A.)— continued. 

PLEASANT  WAYS  IN  SCIENCE.  Cr. 
Svo.  55.  Silver  Library  Edition.  Cr. 
Svo.  35.  6d. 

MYTHS  AND  MARVELS  OF  ASTRO- 
NOMY. Cr.  Svo.  55. 

NATURE  STUDIES.  By  R.  A.  PROCTOR, 
GRANT  ALLEN,  A.  WILSON,  T.  FOSTER, 
and  E.  CLODD.  Cr.  Svo.  55. 

LEISURE  READINGS.  By  R.  A.  PROC- 
TOR, E.  CLODD,  A.  WILSON,  T.  FOSTER, 
and  A.  C.  RANVARD.  Cr.  Svo.  55. 

RANSOME  (Cyril,  M.A.). 

THE  RISE  OF  CONSTITUTIONAL  GO- 
VERNMENT  IN  ENGLAND  :  being  a 
Series  of  Twenty  Lectures  on  the  History 
of  the  English  Constitution  delivered  to  a 
Popular  Audience.  Cr.  Svo.  6s. 

RAWLINSON   (George,   M.A.,  Canon  of 

Canterbury,  &c.). 

THE  HISTORY  OF  PHOENICIA.  With 
numerous  Illustrations.  Svo.  245.  - 

READER  (Emily  E.). 

VOICES  FROM  FLOWER-LAND:  a 
Birthday  Book  and  Language  of  Flowers. 
Illustrated  by  ADA  BROOKE.  Royal  i6mo. 
cloth,  zs.  6d. ;  vegetable  vellum,  3s.  6d. 

RIBOT  (Th.). 

THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  ATTENTION. 
Cr.  Svo.  3s. 

RICH  (A.). 

A  DICTIONARY  OF  ROMAN  AND 
GREEK  ANTIQUITIES.  With  2000 
Woodcuts.  Cr.  8vo.  75.  6d. 

RICHARDSON  (Dr.  B.  W.). 

NATIONAL  HEALTH.  Abridged  from 
'  The  Health  of  Nations  '.  A  Review  of 
the  Works  of  Sir  Edwin  Chadwick,  K.C.B. 
Cr.  45.  6d. 

RILEY  (Athelstan,  M.A.,  F.R.G.S.). 
ATHOS  :  or,  the  Mountain  of  the  Monks. 
With  Map  and  29  Illustrations.     Svo.  2is. 

RILEY  (James  Whitcomb). 
OLD-FASHIONED      ROSES :      Poems. 
I2mo.  55. 

RIVERS  (Thomas  and  T.  F.). 

THE  MINIATURE  FRUIT  GARDEN: 
or,  The  Culture  of  Pyramidal  and  Bush 
Fruit  Trees.  With  32  Illustrations.  Cr. 
Svo.  4$. 

RIVERS  (Thomas). 

THE  ROSE  AMATEUR'S  GUIDE. 
Fcp.  Svo.  45.  6d. 

ROBERTSON  (A.). 

THE  KIDNAPPED  SQUATTER,  and 
other  Australian  Tales.  Cr.  Svo.  6s. 


A  CATALOGUE  OF  BOOK'S  JN  GENERAL  LITERATURE 


ROGET  (John  Lewis). 
A  HISTORY  OF  THE  'OLD  WATER- 
COLOUR'  SOCIETY  (now  the  Royal 
Society  of  Painters  in  Water-Colours). 
With  Biographical  Notices  of  its  Older 
and  all  its  Deceased  Members  and  Asso- 
ciates. 2  vols.  Royal  8vo.  425. 

ROGET  (Peter  M.). 
.THESAURUS  OF  ENGLISH  WORDS 
AND  PHRASES.  Classified  and  Ar- 
ranged so  as  to  Facilitate  the  Expression 
of  Ideas  and  assist  in  Literary  Composi- 
tion. Recomposed  throughout,  enlarged 
and  improved,  partly  from  the  Author's 
Notes,  and  with  a  full  Index,  by  the 
Author's  Son,  JOHN  LEWIS  ROGET.  Cr. 
8vo.  IDS.  6d. 

ROMANES  (George  John,  M.A.,  LL.D., 

F.R.S.). 

DARWIN,  AND  AFTER  DARWIN: 
an  Exposition  of  the  Darwinian  Theory 
and  a  Discussion  of  Post-Darwinian  Ques- 
tions. Part  I.  The  Darwinian  Theory. 
With  Portrait  of  Darwin  and  125  Illustra- 
tions. Cr.  8vo.  IDS.  6d. 

RONALDS  (A.). 

THE  FLY-FISHER'S  ENTOMOLOGY. 
Wth  20  Coloured  Plates.  8vo.  145. 

ROSSETTI  (Maria  Francesca). 
A    SHADOW    OF    DANTE  :    being    an 
Essay    towards     studying    Himself,    his 
World  and  his  Pilgrimage.     With  Illus- 
trations.    Cr.  8vo.  IQS.  6d. 

ROUND  (J.  H.,  M.A.). 
GEOFFREY    DE     MANDEVILLE  :     a 
Study  of  the  Anarchy.     8vo.  i6s. 

RUSSELL  (Earl). 

A  LIFE  OF  LORD  yOHN  RUSSELL 
(EARL  RUSSELL,  K.G.).  By  SPENCER 
WALPOLE.  With  2  Portraits.  2  vols. 
8vo.  365.  Cabinet  Edition.  2  vols.  Cr. 
8vo.  I2S. 

SEEBOHM  (Frederic). 

THE  OXFORD  REFORMERS— JOHN 
COLET,  ERASMUS  AND  THOMAS 
MORE  :  a  History  of  their  Fellow- Work. 
8vo.  145. 

THE  ENGLISH  VILLAGE  COMMU- 
NITY Examined  in  its  Relations  to  the 
Manorial  and  Tribal  Systems,  &c.  13 
Maps  and  Plates.  8vo.  i6s. 

THE  ERA  OF  THE  PROTESTANT 
REVOLUTION.  With  Map.  Fcp.  8vo. 
2s.  6d. 


SEWELL  (Elizabeth  M.). 
AMY  HERBERT. 
THE  EARL'S  DAUGHTER. 
THE  EXPERIENCE  OF  LIFE. 
A  GLIMPSE  OF  THE   WORLD. 
CLEVE  HALL. 
KATHARINE  ASH  TON. 
MARGARET  PER  CIV  A  L. 
LANETON  PARSONAGE. 
URS  ULA .         GERTRL  IDE. 
IVORS.  HOME  LIFE. 

AFTER  LIFE. 

Cr.  8vo.  is.  f>d.  each  cloth  plain.  2s.  6d. 
each  cloth  extra,  gilt  edges. 

SHAKESPEARE. 

BOWDLER'S  FAMILY  SHAKES- 
PEARE. With  36  Woodcuts.  i  vol. 
8vo.  145.  Or  in  6  vols.  Fcp.  8vo.  2  is. 

OUTLINES  OF  THE  LIFE  OF 
SHAKESPEARE.  By  J.  O.  HALLIWELL- 
PHILLIPPS.  With  numerous  Illustrations 
and  Fac-similes.  2  vols.  Royal  8vo. 

£i  "• 

A  CALENDAR  OF  THE  HALLIWELL- 
PHILLIPPS'  COLLECTION.  OF 
SHAKESPEAREAN  RARITIES  En- 
larged by  ERNEST  E.  BAKER,  F.S.A. 
8vo.  IDS.  6d. 

THE  SHAKESPEARE  BIRTHDAY 
BOOK.  By  MARY  F.  DUNBAR.  32010. 
is.  6d.  cloth.  With  Photographs.  321110. 
55.  Drawing-Room  Edition,  with  Photo- 
graphs. Fcp.  8vo.  IDS.  6d. 

SHERBROOKE  (Viscount). 
LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  THE  RIGHT 
HON.  ROBERT  LOWE,  VISCOUNT 
SHERBROOKE,  G.C.B.,  together  with 
a  Memoir-  of  his  Kinsman,  Sir  JOHN 
COAPE  SHERBROOKE,  G.C.B.  By  A. 
PATCHETT  MARTIN.  With  5  Copper-plate 
Portraits,  &c.  2  vols.  8vo. 

SHIRRES  (L.  P.). 

AN  ANALYSIS  OF  THE  IDEAS  OF 
ECONOMICS.  Cr.  8vo.  6s. 

SIDGWICK  (Alfred). 

DISTINCTION:  and  the  Criticism  of 
Belief.  Cr.  8vo.  6s. 

SILVER    LIBRARY   (THE).      Cr.  8vo. 

y.  6d.  each  volume. 

Baker's  (Sir  8.  W.)  Eight  Years  in  Ceylon. 
With  6  Illustrations,  y.  6if. 

Baker's  (Sir  S.  W.)  Rifle  and  Hound  in  Ceylon. 
With  6  Illustrations,  y.  6J. 

Baring-Gould's  (Rev.  8.)  Curious  Myths  of  the 
Middle  Ages.  y.  >>,!. 

Baring-Gould's  (Rev.  S.)  Origin  and  Develop- 
ment of  Religious  Belief.  2  vols.  -js. 

Brassey's  (Lady)  A  Voyage  in  the  'Sunbeam'. 
With  66  Illustrations.  35.  6d. 

[Continued  on  next  page. 


PUBLISHED  BY  MESSRS.  LONGMANS,  GREEN,  &  CO. 


SILVER  LIBRARY  (THE)-<wi/intt«f. 
Clodd's  (E.)  Story  of  Creation:  a  Plain  Account 

of  Evolution.     With  77  Illustrations,    y.  6d. 
Conybcare  (Rev.  W.  J.)  and   Howson's  (Very 

Rev.  J.  S.)  Life  and  Epistles  of  St.  Paul. 

46  Illustrations.     Cr.  8vo.  3-r.  6d. 
Dougall's  (L.)  Beggars  All :  a  Novel.     Cr.  8vo. 

3J.  6d. 
Doyle's  (A.  Conan)  Micah  Clarke.      A  Tale  of 

Monmouth's  Rebellion,     y.  6d. 
Doyle's  (A.  Conan)  The  Captain  of  the  Polestar, 

and  other  Tales.     Cr.  8vo.  y.  6d. 
Froude's  (J.  A.)  Short  Studies  on  Great  Sub- 
jects.   4  vols.     y.  6d.  each. 
Froude's  (J.  A.)  Caesar :  a  Sketch,     y.  6d. 
Froude's  (J.  A.)  Thomas  Carlyle :  a  History  of 

his  Life.      1795-1835.     2  vols.      1834-1881. 

2  vols.     7.?.  each. 
Froude's  (J.  A.)  The  Two  Chiefs  of  Dunboy :  an 

Irish  Romance  of  the  Last  Century.     3^.  6d. 
Gleig's    (Rev.    G.    R.)    Life    of    the    Duke    of 

Wellington.     With  Portrait.     3^.  6d. 
Haggard's  (H.  R.)  She :  A  History  of  Adventure. 

32  Illustrations,     y.  6d. 
Haggard's  (H.  R.)   Allan   Quatermain.      With 

20  Illustrations.     y.  6d. 
Haggard's  (H.  R.)  Colonel  Quaritch,  V.C.  :    a 

Tale  of  Country  Life.     y.  6d. 
Haggard's  (H.  R.)  Cleopatra.      With  29  Full- 
page  Illustrations,     y.  6if. 
Haggard's  (H.  R.)  Beatrice,     y.  6d. 
Harte's  (Bret)  In  the  Carquinez  Woods  and 

other  Stories,    y.  6d. 
Kowitfs  (W.)  Visits  to  Remarkable  Places. 

80  Illustrations.     3^.  6d. 
Jefferies'  (R.)  The   Story  of  My  Heart:    My 

Autobiography.     With  Portrait,     y.  6d. 
Jefferies'    (R.)    Field    and    Hedgerow.       Last 

Essays  of.     With  Portrait.     3^.  6d. 
Jefferies'  (R.)  Red  Deer.     With  17  Illustrations 

by  J.  CHARLTON  and  H.  TUNALY.   Cr.  8vo. 

3-T.  6(f. 
Knight's  (E.  F.)  The  Cruise  of  the    'Alerte': 

the  Narrative  of  a  Search  for  Treasure  on 

the    Desert    Island   of   Trinidad.      With    a 

Maps  and  23  Illustrations.     Cr.  8vo.  y.  6d. 
Lees  (J.  A.)  and  Clutterbuck's  (W.   J.)  B.  C- 

1887,  A  Ramble  in  British  Columbia.     With 

Maps  and  75  Illustrations.     3^.  6d. 
Macaulay's  (Lord)  Essays  and  Lays.      With 

Portrait  and  Illustration.     3*.  6d. 
Hacleod's  (H.  D.)  The   Elements  of  Banking. 

y.  6d. 
Marshman's    (J.    C.)    Memoirs   of    Sir   Henry 

Havelock.    3*.  6d. 
Max  Mailer's  (F.)  India,  what  can  it  teach  us  ? 

Cr.  8vo.  3*.  6d. 
Max  Miiller's  (F.)  Introduction  to  the  Science 

of  Religion.     Cr.  8vo.  y.  6d. 
Merivale's    (Dean)    History    of    the    Romans 

under  the  Empire.     8  vols.     y.  6d.  each. 
Hill's  (J.  S.)  Principles  of  Political  Economy. 

y.  6d. 
Mill's  (J.  S.)  System  of  Logic,     y.  6d. 


SILVER  LIBRARY  (THE)— continued. 
Newman's  (Cardinal)  Historical  Sketches.      3 

vols.     y.  6d.  each. 
Newman's  (Cardinal)  Apologia  Pro  Vit&  Sua. 

y.  6d. 
Newman's  (Cardinal)  Callista :  a  Tale  of  the 

Third  Century,     y.  6d. 
Newman's  (Cardinal)  Loss  and  Gain :  a  Tale. 

y.  6d. 
Newman's    (Cardinal)    Essays,    Critical    and 

Historical.     2  vols.     75. 
Newman's     (Cardinal)     An     Essay     on     the 

Development  of  Christian  Doctrine,     y.  6d. 
Newman's    (Cardinal)    The    Arians    of    the 

Fourth  Century,    y.  6d. 

Newman's     (Cardinal)     Verses    on     Various 

Occasions.     3.1-.  6d. 
Newman's  (Cardinal)  The  Present  Position  of 

Catholics  in  England,     y.  6d. 
Newman's    (Cardinal)    Parochial    and    Plain 

Sermons.     8  vols.     y.  6d.  each. 
Newman's  (Cardinal)  Selection,  adapted  to  the 

Seasons  of  the  Ecclesiastical  Year,  from  the 

'  Parochial  and  Plain  Sermons  '.     3^.  6d. 
Newman's  (Cardinal)  Sermons   bearing  upon 

Subjects  of  the  Day.      Edited  by  the  Rev. 

W.  J.  Copeland,  B.D.,  late  Rector  of  Farn- 

ham,  Essex.     3.?.  €>d. 
Newman's     (Cardinal)     Difficulties     felt     by 

Anglicans  in  Catholic  Teaching  Considered. 

2  vols.     y.  6d.  each. 
Newman's  (Cardinal)  The  Idea  of  a  University 

Defined  and  Illustrated,     y.  6d. 
Newman's  (Cardinal)  Biblical  and  Ecclesias- 
tical Miracles,     y.  6d. 

Newman's  (Cardinal)  Discussions  and  Argu- 
ments on  Various  Subjects,     y.  6d. 
Newman's    (Cardinal)    Grammar  of    Assent. 

y.  6d. 
Newman's       (Cardinal)       Fifteen       Sermons 

Preached  before  the  University  of  Oxford. 

Cr.  8vo.  y.  6d. 
Newman's  (Cardinal)  Lectures  on  the  Doctrine 

of  Justification.    Cr.  8vo.  3*.  6d.  ' 
Newman's   (Cardinal)    Sermons    on    Various 

Occasions.     Cr.  8vo.  y.  6d. 
Newman's  (Cardinal)  The  Via  Media  of  the 

Anglican  Church,  illustrated  in  Lectures,  &c. 

2  vols.     y.  dd.  each. 
Newman's    (Cardinal)    Discourses    to    Mixed 

Congregations,     y.  6d. 
Phillipps-Wolley's  (C.)  Snap :  a  Legend  of  the 

Lone    Mountain.       With    13    Illustrations. 

y.  6d. 

Proctor's  (R.  A.)  Other  Worlds  than  Ours.  y.6d. 
Proctor's  (R.  A.)  Rough  Ways  made  Smooth. 

y.  6d. 
Proctor's  (R.  A.)  Pleasant  Ways  in   Science. 

y.  6d. 
Stanley's  (Bishop)  Familiar  History  of  Birds. 

160  Illustrations,     y.  6d. 
Stevenson   (R.   L.)   and   Osbourne's  (LI.)  The 

Wrong  Box.     Cr.  8vo.  3^.  6d. 

[Continued  on  next  page. 


A  CATALOGUE  OF  BOOK'S  IN  GENERAL  LITERATURE 


SILVER  LIBRARY  (THE)—  continued. 

Weyman's  (Stanley  J.)  The  House  of  the 
Wolf:  a  Romance.  Cr.  8vo.  y.  6d. 

Wood's  (Rev.  J.  0.)  Petland  Revisited.  With 
33  Illustrations,  y.  6d. 

Wood's  (Rev.  J.  G.)  Strange  Dwellings.  With 
60  Illustrations.  3*.  6d. 

Wood's  (Rev.  J.  G.)  Out  of  Doors,  n  Illustra- 
tions. 3.?.  6</. 

SMITH  (R.  Bos  worth). 

CARTHAGE  AND  THE  CARTHA- 
GINIANS. With  Maps,  Plans,  &c.  Cr. 
8vo.  6s. 

SOPHOCLES.  Translated  into  English 
Verse.  By  ROBERT  WHITELAW,  M.A., 
Assistant  Master  in  Rugby  School ;  late 
Fellow  of  Trinity  College,  Cambridge. 
Cr.  8vo.  8s.  6d. 

STEPHEN  (Sir  James). 
ESSAYS   IN  ECCLESIASTICAL  BIO- 
GRAPHY.    Cr.  8vo.  7s.  6d. 

STEPHENS  (H.  Morse). 
A    HISTORY  OF  THE   FRENCH   RE- 
VOLUTION.    3  vols.     8vo.      Vols.   I. 
and  II.  i8s.  each. 

STEVENSON  (Robert  Louis). 

A    CHILD'S    GARDEN    OF    VERSES. 

Small  Fcp.  8vo.  55. 
A    CHILD'S    GARLAND    OF   SONGS, 

Gathered    from    '  A    Child's   Garden    of 

Verses  '.     Set  to  Music  by  C.  VILLIERS 

STANFORD,   Mus.  Doc.      410.  zs.  sewed. 

35.  6d.  cloth  gilt. 
THE  DYNAMITER.     Fcp.  Svo.  is.  sewed. 

is.  6d.  cloth. 
STRANGE    CASE    OF    DR.    JEKYLL 

AND  MR.  HYDE.     Fcp.  Svo.  is.  sewed. 

is.  6d.  cloth. 

STEVENSON   (Robert   Louis)  and  OS- 
BOURNE  (Lloyd). 
THE  WRONG  BOX.     Cr.  Svo.  35.  6d. 

STOCK  (St.  George). 

DEDUCTIVE  LOGIC.     Fcp.  Svo.  35.  6d. 

'STONEHENGE'. 
THE    DOG    IN   HEALTH    AND    DIS- 
EASE.      With    84    Wood    Engravings. 
Square  Cr.  Svo.  75.  6d. 

STRONG  (Herbert  A.,  M.A.,  LL.D.), 
LOGEMAN  (Willem  S.),  and 
WHEELER  (Benjamin  Ide). 
INTRODUCTION  TO  THE  STUDY 
OF  THE  HISTORY  OF  LANGUAGE. 
Svo.  IDS.  6d. 


STURGIS  (Julian,   Author  of  '  My  Friends 
and  I,'  '  Thraldom,'  &c.). 

AFTER  TWENTY  YEARS,  and  other 
Stories.  Cr.  Svo.  6s. 

SULLY  (James). 

THE  HUMAN  MIND:  a  Text-Book  of 
Psychology.  2  vols.  Svo.  2 is. 

OUTLINES  OF  PSYCHOLOGY.  Svo. 
gs. 

THE  TEACHER'S  HANDBOOK  OF 
PSYCHOLOGY.  Cr.  Svo.  55. 

SUPERNATURAL  RELIGION:  an  In- 
quiry into  the  Reality  of  Divine  Revela- 
tion. 3  vols.  Svo.  365. 
REPLY  (A)  TO  DR.  LIGHTFOOT'S 
ESSAYS.  By  the  Author  of  'Super- 
natural Religion  '.  Svo.  75.  6d. 

SUTTNER  (Bertha  von). 

LAY  DOWN  YOUR  ARMS  (Die  Waff  en 
Nicdcr)  :  The  Autobiography  of  Martha 
Tilling.  Translated  by  T.  HOLMES. 
Cr.  Svo.  75.  6d. 

SWINBURNE  (A.  J.,  B.A.). 

PICTURE  LOGIC  :  an  Attempt  to  Popu- 
larise the  Science  of  Reasoning.  Post 
Svo.  55. 

SYMES  (J.  E.). 

PRELUDE  TO  MODERN  HISTORY: 
being  a  Brief  Sketch  of  the  World's 
History  from  the  Third  to  the  Ninth 
Century.  With  5  Maps.  Cr.  Svo.  2s.  6rf. 

A  COMPANION  TO  SCHOOL  HIS- 
TORIES OF  ENGLAND.  Cr.  Svo. 
2s.  6d. 

POLITICAL  ECONOMY.  With  Problems 
for  Solution,  and  Hints  for  Supplementary 
Reading.  Cr.  Svo.  2s.  6d. 

TAYLOR  (Colonel  Meadows,  C.S.I.,  &c.). 

A    STUDENT'S    MANUAL    OF    THE 

HISTORY  OF  INDIA.    Cr.  Svo.  75.  6d. 

THOMPSON  (D.  Greenleaf). 

THE  PROBLEM  OF  EVIL:  an  Intro- 
duction to  the  Practical  Sciences.  Svo. 
i  os.  6d. 

A  SYSTEM  OF  PSYCHOLOGY.  2  vols. 
Svo.  365. 

THE  RELIGIOUS  SENTIMENTS  OF 
THE  HUMAN  MIND.  Svo.  -js.  6d. 

SOCIAL  PROGRESS :  an  Essay.  Svo. 
75.  6d. 

THE  PHILOSOPHY  OF  FICTION  IN 
LITERATURE  :  an  Essay.  Cr.  Svo.  6s. 

THOMPSON  (Annie). 

A  MORAL  DILEMMA  :  a  Novel.  Cr. 
Svo.  6s. 


PUBLISHED  BY  MESSRS.  LONGMANS,  GREEN,  &  CO. 


THOMSON   (Most  Rev.  William,    D.D., 

late  Archbishop  of  York). 
OUTLINES     OF     THE     NECESSARY 
LAWS  OF  THOUGHT:  a  Treatise  on 
Pure  and  Applied  Logic.     Post  8vo.  6s. 

THREE  IN  NORWAY.  By  Two  of  THEM. 
With  a  Map  and  59  Illustrations.  Cr. 
8vo.  2s.  boards.  2s.  6d.  cloth. 

TOYNBEE  (Arnold). 

LECTURES  ON  THE  INDUSTRIAL 
REVOLUTION  OF  THE  i8TH  CEN- 
TURY IN  ENGLAND.  8vo.  los.  6d. 

TREVELYAN  (Sir  G.  O.,  Bart). 

THE  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  LORD 
MACAU  LAY. 

Popular  Edition.     Cr.  8vo.  as.  6d. 
Student's  Edition.     Cr.  8vo.  6s. 
Cabinet  Edition.     2  vols.    Cr.  8vo.  125. 
Library  Edition.     2  vols.     8vo.  365. 
THE  EARLY  HISTORY  OF  CHARLES 
JAMES   FOX.     Library  Edition.     8vo. 
185.     Cabinet  Edition.     Cr.  8vo.  6s. 

TROLLOPE  (Anthony). 

THE     WARDEN.      Cr.    8vo.    is.  boards. 

is.  6d.  cloth. 
BARCHESTER  TOWERS.     Cr.  8vo.  is. 

boards,     is.  6d.  cloth. 

VERNEY  (Frances  Parthenope). 

MEMOIRS  OF  THE  VERNEY  FAMILY 
DURING  THE  CIVIL  WAR.  Com- 
piled from  the  Letters  and  Illustrated  by 
the  Portraits  at  Claydon  House,  Bucks. 
With  a  Preface  by  S.  R.  GARDINER,  M.A., 
LL.D.  With  38  Portraits,  Woodcuts  and 
Facsimile.  2  vols.  Royal  8vo.  425. 

VILLE  (George). 

THE  PERPLEXED  FARMER  :  How  is 
he  to  meet  Alien  Competition  ?  Trans- 
lated from  the  French  by  WILLIAM 
CROOKES,  F.R.S.,  V.P.C.S.,  &c.  Cr. 
8vo.  55. 

VIRGIL. 

PUBLI  VERGILI  MARONIS  BUCO- 
LICA,  GEORGICA,  JSNEIS  :  The 
Works  of  VIRGIL,  Latin  Text,  with  Eng- 
lish Commentary  and  Index.  By  B.  H. 
KENNEDY,  D.D.  Cr.  8vo.  los.  6d. 

THE  1ENEID  OF  VIRGIL.  Translated 
into  English  Verse.  By  JOHN  CONING- 
TON,  M.A.  Cr.  8vo.  6s. 

THE  POEMS  OF  VIRGIL.  Translated 
into  English  Prose.  By  JOHN  CONING- 
TON,  M.A.  Cr.  8vo.  6s. 

THE  ECLOGUES  AND  GEORGICS 
OF  VIRGIL.  Translated  from  the  Latin 
by  J.  W.  MACKAIL,  M.A.,  Fellow  of 
Balliol  College,  Oxford.  Printed  on 
Dutch  Hand-made  Paper.  Royal  i6mo.  55. 


WAKEMAN    (Henry    Offley,    M.A.)   and 

HASSALL  (Arthur,  M.A.). 
ESSAYS  INTRODUCTORY  TO  THE 
STUDY  OF  ENGLISH  CONSTITU- 
TIONAL HISTORY.  By  Resident 
Members  of  the  University  of  Oxford. 
Cr.  8vo.  6s. 

WALFORD     (L.     B.,     Author    of     'Mr. 

Smith  '). 
THE  MISCHIEF  OF  MONICA  :  a  Novel. 

Cr.  8vo.  2s.  6d. 
THE  ONE  GOOD  GUEST  :  a  Story.     Cr. 

8vo.  6s. 
TWELVE  ENGLISH  AUTHORESSES. 

With    Portrait  of  HANNAH   MORE.      Cr. 

8vo.  45.  6d. 

WALKER  (Major  A.  Campbell-, F.R.G.S.). 

THE  CORRECT  CARD  :  or,  How  to  Play 

at  Whist;  a  Whist  Catechism.    Fcp.  8vo. 

25.  6(i. 

WALPOLE  (Spencer). 

HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND  FROM  THE 
CONCLUSION  OF  THE  GREAT 
WAR  IN  1815  TO  1858.  6  vols.  Cr. 
8vo.  6s.  each. 

THE  LAND  OF  HOME  RULE:  being 
an  Account  of  the  History  and  Institu- 
tions of  the  Isle  of  Man.  Cr.  8vo.  6s. 

WELLINGTON  (Duke  of). 

LIFE  OF  THE  DUKE  OF  WELLING- 
TON. By  the  Rev.  G.  R.  GLEIG,  M.A. 
Cr.  8vo.  35.  6d. 

WEST  (B.  B.). 

HALF-HOURS  WITH  THE  MILLION- 
AIRES :  Showing  how  much  harder  it  is 
to  spend  a  million  than  to  make  it.  Cr. 
8vo.  6s. 

WEST    (Charles,    M.D.,    Founder  of   the 

Hospital  for  Sick  Children). 
THE  MOTHER'S  MANUAL  OF  CHIL- 
DREN'S DISEASES.     Fcp.  8vo.  as.  6d. 

WEYMAN  (Stanley  J.). 

THE  HOUSE  OF  THE  WOLF:  a 
Romance.  Cr.  8vo.  35.  6d. 

WHATELY  (E.  Jane). 

ENGLISH  SYNONYMS.     Edited  by  R. 

WHATELY,  D.D.  "  Fcp.  8vo.  35. 
LIFE    AND    CORRESPONDENCE    OF 

RICHARD     WHATELY,     D.D.,     late 

Archbishop   of  Dublin.      With    Portrait. 

Cr.  8vo.  IDS.  6d. 

WHATELY  (Archbishop). 
ELEMENTS  OF  LOGIC.   Cr.  8vo.  45. 6d. 
ELEMENTS  OF  RHETORIC.     Cr.  8vo. 
45.  6d. 

[Continued  on  next  page. 


A  CATALOGUE  OF  BOOKS  IN  GENERAL  LITERATURE. 


WHATELY  (Archbishop)— continued. 
LESSONS  ON  REASONING.     Fcp.  Svo. 
15.  6d. 

BACON'S    ESSAYS,    with    Annotations. 
Svo.   105.  6d. 

WHIST  IN  DIAGRAMS  :  a  Supplement 
to  American  Whist,  Illustrated  ;  being  a 
Series  of  Hands  played  through,  Illus- 
trating the  American  leads,  the  new  play, 
the  forms  of  Finesse,  and  celebrated  coups 
of  Masters.  With  Explanation  and  Ana- 
lysis. By  G.  W.  P.  Fcp.  Svo.  65.  6d. 

WILCOCKS  (J.  C.). 

THE  SEA  FISHERMAN,  Comprising  the 
Chief  Methods  of  Hook  and  Line  Fishing 
in  the  British  and  other  Seas,  and  Remarks 
on  Nets,  Boaj*Tn nr^8t>arrrr 
Illustrated. 

WILLICH 

POPULAR 

tion  for  ascertaining  f 
Leasehold,    and    CUiu'fch 
Public  Funds,  &c.     3 
JONES.     Cr.  Svo. 

WITT  (Professor).    Transl 
YOUNGHUSBAND. 

THE  TROJAN  WAR. 

MYTHS  OF  HELLAS 
Cr.  Svo.  35.  6d. 

THE    WANDE.RINGS    OF 
Cr.  Svo.  35.  6d. 

THE  RETREAT  OF  THE  TEN  THOU- 
SAND :  being  the  Story  of  Xenophon's 


'  Anabasis  '. 
8vo.  35.  6d. 


With    Illustrations.       Cr. 


WOLFF  (Henry  W.). 
RAMBLES  IN  THE  BLACK  FOREST. 

Cr.  Svo.  75.  6d. 
THE    WATERING   PLACES   OF  THE 

VOSGES.     Cr.  Svo.  45.  6d. 
THE    COUNTRY   OF    THE    VOSGES. 

With  a  Map.     Svo.  125. 

WOOD  (Rev.  J.  G.). 

HOMES  WITHOUT  HANDS:  a  De- 
scription of  the  Habitation  of  Animals, 
classed  according  to  the  Principle  of  Con- 
struction. With  140  Illustrations.  Svo. 
75.  net. 

INSECTS  AT  HOME:  a  Popular  Account 
of  British  Insects,  their  Structure,  Habits 
and  Transformations.  With  700  Illustra- 
tions. Svo.  75.  net. 

INSECTS  ABROAD  :  a  Popular  Account 
of  Foreign  Insects,  their  Structure,  Habits 
and  Transformations.  With  600  Illustra- 
tions. Svo.  75.  net. 

10,000/1/93. 


WOOD  (Rev.  J.  G.}— continued. 

BIBLE  ANIMALS*:  a  Description  of 
every  Living  Creature  mentioned  in  the 
Scriptures.  With  112  Illustrations.  Svo. 
75.  net. 

STRANGE  DWELLINGS:  a  Description 
of  the  Habitations  of  Animals,  abridged 
from  '  Homes  without  Hands'.     With  60 
Illustrations.     Cr.  Svo.  35.  6d. 
OUT  OF  DOORS  :  a  Selection  of  Original 
Articles   on    Practical    Natural    History. 
With  ii  Illustrations.     Cr.  Svo.  35.  6d. 
PETLAND  REVISITED.     With  33  ^lus- 
trations.    Cr.  Svo.  35.  6d. 
BIRD    LIFE    OF    THE    BIBLE.       32 

Illustrations.     Cr.  Svo.  35.  6d. 
WONDERFUL  NESTS.    30  Illustrations. 
-8^ -«.  6d. 

[DER  THE  GROUND.      28 

Cr.  Svo.  35.  6d. 
fMALS  OF  THE  BIBLE.     29 

Cr.  Svo.  35.  6d. 

"1C       ANIMALS       OF      THE 
23  Illustrations.  Cr.  Svo.  35.  6d. 
BRANCH  BUILDERS.     28  Illus- 
itions.     Cr.  Svo.  25.  6d. 
tCIAL  HABITATIONS  AND  PARA- 
SITIC NES.TS.      18  Illustrations.     Cr. 

SVO.   25. 

WORDSWORTH        (Charles,       D.C.L., 

Bishop  of  St.  Andrews). 
ANNALS  OF  MY  EARLY  LIFE,  1806- 
1846.    Svo:  155. 

WYLIE  (James  Hamilton). 

HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND  UNDER 
HENRY  IV.  2vols.  ¥01.1.1399-1404. 
Cr.  Svo.  105.  6d.  Vol.  II.  [In  the  Press. 

ZELLER  (Dr.  E.). 
HISTORY     OF      ECLECTICISM      IN 

GREEK    PHILOSOPHY.      Translated 

by  SARAH  F.  ALLEYNE.     Cr.  Svo.  105.  6d. 
THE     STOICS,    EPICUREANS    AND 

SCEPTICS.     Translated  by  the  Rev.  O. 

J.  REICHEL,  M.A.     Cr.  Svo.  155. 
SOCRATES    AND     THE     SOCRATIC 

SCHOOLS.     Translated  by  the  Rev.  O. 

J.  REICHEL,  M.A.     Cr.  Svo.  105.  6d. 
PLATO  AND  THE  OLDER  ACADEMY. 

Translated   by  SARAH   F.  ALLEYNE  and 

ALFRED  GOODWIN,  B.A.     Cr.  Svo.  185. 
THE    PRE-SOCRATIC    SCHOOLS  :    a 

History  of  Greek    Philosophy   from   the 

Earliest  Period  to  the  time  of  Socrates. 

Translated   by  SARAH    F.   ALLEYNE.      2 

vols.     Cr.  Svo.  305. 
OUTLINES    OF    THE    HISTORY    OF 

GREEK    PHILOSOPHY.      Translated 

by    SARAH    F.    ALLEYNE    and    EVELYN 

ABBOTT.     Cr.  Svo.  105.  6d. 


THE   ABERDEEN   UNIVERSITY    PRESS. 


109 

WMS8 

1893 

C.I 

ROBA