COLLECTIONS
OF THE
MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
VOL. II.
PORTLAND:
PUBLISHED FOE THE SOCIETY
1847.
\
I
-2J
WM. VAN NORDEN, PRINTER, NO. 39 WILLIAM STREET, NEW YORK.
PREFACE.
IN presenting to the public a second volume of the Collections of
the Maine Historical Society, the committee desire to give greater
publicity to the " Brief Narration" of Sir Ferdinando Gorges, and
the " Voyage " of Christopher Levett, two prominent articles of the*
volume. They are both rare works and have a peculiar value
among the historical materials of this State. An apology for this
republication cannot be needed.
No part of our country is so deeply interested as Maine, in the
life and story of Gorges. It was he who engaged most early and
earnestly in the colonization of our territory ; obtained the first
charter for it, and established the first regular government which
it enjoyed. It is peculiarly proper that a narrative written by the
founder of our State, in the earnestness and ardor of a man zeal-
ously devoted to the work of colonization, describing his efforts, his
sacrifices, his disappointments and success, in those undertakings,
should be preserved in the transactions of a society, which professes
to search out and perpetuate the early attempts to colonize and
cultivate our soil.
The copy of the original edition of this work used in the present
reprint, was kindly loaned for the purpose, from the Library of
Harvard College, by President Everett.
Levett's voyage is also entitled to a place in our Collections, for
its particular application to our territory. It gives the first minute
account we have of that part of our coast which lies between the
Piscataquu and Pemaquid ; and this is done in so simple and artless
a manner, that it wins greatly on our confidence and regard. It
was republished in the eighth volume, (third series) of the Massa-
iv. PREFACE.
chusetts Historical Collections ; but the circulation of that excellent
work is so limited among our people, that but few have access to
it, or know any thing of the voyage or the voyager. Nothing is
known of Levett but what appears in the " Voyage," and a tran-
sient remark or two in some contemporary record. He built a
house on one of the islands within the limits of Portland, with the
intention of making it his place of residence. When he returned
home, he assured the natives, whose affections he had gained, that
it was only for the purpose of bringing his wife and family, to take
up his permanent abode among them. We hear nothing more of
him, but are well assured that he never more visited this coast ;
a circumstance much to be regretted, as from his good judgment
and conciliatory disposition toward the natives, his services and
influence would have been valuable to the early colonists.
The house which he built on an island in Portland harbor, was
the first erected in that neighborhood by a white man, and ten years
before any other was built in that town.
The other articles in the volume are original contributions, with
one or two exceptions. Several of them are town histories, some
of which have been in possession of the Society a number of years,
and are useful as exhibiting the painful struggles and the toilsome
progress of the pioneers in our early settlements. We have thought
it best to preserve these documents in a form accessible to future ex-
plorers. The more recent history of these towns is perpetuated in
the multiplied and permanent records of the press.
All the articles contained in the volume, with the exceptions
before referred to, reach back, in a greater or less degree, into the
antiquity of our State, and furnish materials or guides to a more
full development of the foundations and growth of our common-
wealth. It is hoped that they will lead to a more full and thorough
investigation of records and documents lying neglected in various
parts of our State, and cause the abundant materials they contain,
to be embodied in a convenient and enduring form.
CONTENTS.
PAGE.
PREFACE iii.
I. DISCOURSE BEFORE THE SOCIETY, at its Annual Meeting,
Sept. 6, 1846, by Hon. George Folsom, of New
York 380
2. BRIEF NARRATION of the Original Undertakings of
Plantations in America. By Sir Ferdinando Gorges,
Kt., Lord Proprietor of the Province of Maine. 1
3. A VOYAGE TO NEW ENGLAND, in 1623, by Christopher
Levett, Esq. - 73
4. ANNALS OF BAKERSTOWN, POLAND AND MINOT, by Wil-
liam Ladd, Esq Ill
5. HISTORY OF THE SEVEN NARRAGANSET TOWNSHIPS,
by Charles Coffin, Esq. - 131
6. SOME ACCOUNT OF NEW GLOUCESTER, by Isaac Par-
sons, Esq. ... . 151
7. HISTORY OF NORTH YARMOUTH, by Edward Rus-
sell, Esq. - - - -165
8. THE HISTORY OF BATH, by Joseph Sewall, Esq. . 189
9. SOME ACCOUNT OF AN ANCIENT SETTLEMENT ON SHEEP-
SCOT RIVER, by Rev. Samuel Johnson, with Supple-
mentary Remarks, by William Willis, Esq. . 229
10. ACCOUNT OF PEMAQUID, by Judge Groton. . . 238
II. EXERTIONS OF THE O'BRIEN FAMILY, at Machias,
in the American Revolution, by Capt. John O'Brien,
of Brunswick. 242
vi. CONTENTS.
12. LETTER FROM GEN. RUFUS PUTNAM TO Gov. BOWDOIN,
in relation to Shay's rebellion. ... - 250
13. NOTICE OF WILLIAM LADD, by William Willis, Esq.] 255
14. DEED from Ferdinando Gorges, Esq. to John Usher. 257
15. " John Usher to the Colony of Massachu-
setts Bay. . .261
16. OPINION of Richard West, Esq. Counsel to the Board
of Trade, as to the King's right to the woods in the
Province of Maine. 265
17. HISTORY OF THE KENNEBEC PURCHASE, by Robert H.
Gardiner, Esq. . 269
18. CONSTITUTION AND BY-LAWS OF THE SOCIETY, AND
LIST OF OFFICERS AND MEMBERS. - - . 295
ANNIVERSARY DISCOURSE,
DELIVERED AT BRUNSWICK,
SEPTEMBER GTH, 1846,
BY GEORGE F O L S O M.
" But I doubt not * * * it will prove a very flourishing place, and be replenished
with many faire Townes and Cities, it being a Province both fruitful and pleasant."
F. GORQKS. Description of the Province of Maine.
DISCOURSE.
MR. PRESIDENT, AND GENTLEMEN OF THE HISTORI-
CAL SOCIETY :
INDIFFERENCE to the past, considered as a na-
tional characteristic, is a mark of rudeness and inciv-
ilizatiori. A purely savage people live only in the
present moment. The satisfaction of immediate
wants, the enjoyment of the passing hour, make
up the sum total of their existence. They have no
monuments of former generations, and they leave
none of themselves. To them, the deeds of forefa-
thers, the exploits of other times, the good or evil
that marked an earlier day, afford no examples and
impart no instruction. It is as if none had lived
before them, and none were to come after. Equally
indifferent to the future, they make no provision for
a day beyond that which already dawns upon them,
and care as little for the next generation as the last.
Such are mankind in their natural and uncultivated
state. But as they emerge into the light of civiliza-
tion, a change comes over the scene. An enlarged
horizon exhibits new objects to the view. Their
gaze is no longer fixed, animal-like, upon the narrow
compass of earth that suffices for present indulgence ;
but looking upward towards Heaven, as well as
around upon the outspreading landscape, they begin
1
6 DISCOURSE.
to feel the sublimity of their intellectual nature, and
to call into exercise the faculties that God has endow-
ed them with, but of which they were before uncon-
scious. Now awakens the thirst of knowledge, the
strong and insatiable desire to grasp at something
beyond mere existence. The well-spring of thought
bubbles up, stimulating and fertilizing the perceptions,
and a thousand imaginations and conceits pour forth
in undisciplined confusion. Reason and reflection
soon, however, assert their rights, and the plastic hand
of cultivation moulds all into shape and order.
The present moment is now no longer the limit of
of the mind's ken. It supplies too gross a material
for the exercise of the awakened powers, and the
imagination scorns to feed upon it. Stretching back
to the past, or diving deep into futurity, it delights
to take to itself the wings of fancy, and revel and
riot amid the scenes that bear it away from the sen-
sualities and follies, the cares and distractions, of the
fleeting moment. It conjures up the realities of a
by-gone age, and seeks to learn the motives, the
principles, the habits, both of body and mind, and all
that was comprised in the career of those who once
lived and flourished, but have long slumbered in the
Valley of Silence. It was at this stage of progress,
that the Father of History unfolded his luminous page,
and recited to his assembled countrymen the glorious
deeds and chivalric achievements of their departed
sires, or traced the daring exploits of the half-fabulous
heroes who made Greece the arena for the display
of superhuman courage and unrivalled prowess. It
is needless to add that the land rung with praises of
the man, who had thus successfully appealed both to
DISCOURSE. 7
the new-born thirst for historic lore, and to that other
and scarcely less civilized sentiment, THE LOVE or
ONE'S OWN NATIVE LAND.
Advancing improvement strengthens the desire to
converse with departed excellence, and national pride
leads to the erection of lasting monuments to perpet-
uate its fame. Memorials are sought on every hand,
but, alas ! it too often happens that inattention or
neglect, on the part of contemporaries, occasions the
loss of what a subsequent age would be sure to prize as
the precious reliques of genius or distinguished merit.
How little is known, for instance, of the private his-
tory of England's great dramatist, and with what
eagerness are the faintest traces of his every-day life
sought and treasured up ! Yet with a little care ex-
ercised either in his own day, or by those of the next
succeeding generation, enough might have been pre-
served to enable his admirers, in all ages, to form a
correct conception of the life and personal character
of the man whose genius is the proudest boast of
English literature.
Great national events likewise often fail of a proper
appreciation from the want of due care in preserving
the memorials of their occurrence. To the historical
student many cases in point will suggest themselves.
The history of American discovery may be mention-
ed as singularly deficient in the requisite materials
for its elucidation. The important voyages of Sebas-
tian Cabot and Americus Vespucius are involved in
much obscurity from this cause, and the chart or map
drawn by the former to illustrate his discoveries, has
long been classed among the things " lost on earth."
Navarrete, in Spain, has done much to rescue from
8 DISCOURSE.
oblivion the services rendered by his countrymen, in
the discovery of the New World ; but had the work
been commenced at an earlier period, the results
would doubtless have been far more satisfactory and
complete.
In this country, something has already been done
towards the preservation of the materials of history ;
and it is gratifying to find an increased interest awa-
kened in the subject, and a higher appreciation of its
importance entertained, at the present time, than at
any former period. It marks to some extent the cha-
racter of the age, and affords, according to the gene-
ral views just presented, an indication of progress,
a sign of intellectual growth, in our social character.
The Documentary History, now in the course of pub-
lication under the auspices of the general government,
is a work of which any country might be proud ;
and if completed according to the plan of its intel-
ligent editor,* it will be a noble monument to the
liberality and enlightened patriotism of our national
legislature. The states individually have also awa-
kened to the importance of collecting and preserving
their public records, and in some of the older com-
monwealths considerable appropriations have been
made of late years to defray the expense of arranging
and making secure what is too often regarded as the
useless lumber of antiquity. It is certainly desirable,
in every point of view, economical as well as histori-
cal, that a similar course should be pursued in the
public offices of all our states ; for often the preser-
vation of a single document may lead to results of
PETER FORGE, Esq., late Mayor of the city of Washington.
DISCOURSE. 9
greater value than all the labor and expense re-
quired to effect this object.
The publications of the English Record Commis-
sions are an example of what may be accomplished
by a great and enlightened nation for the preservation
of its public records. The work was commenced in
the year 1800, and was continued nearly forty years,
during which time there were printed of the ancient
records of the kingdom, commencing with the reign
of William the Conqueror, one hundred and eleven
volumes, of which eighty-six are in folio ; and the
amount expended by the government in connexion with
this object, during that period, is estimated at nearly
a million of pounds sterling, or about five millions
of dollars. The same liberal and munificent spirit that
has led to the achievement of this great enterprise,
not satisfied with having provided for the security of
the documents contained in those massive volumes,
by their publication, has also governed their distribu-
tion ; for copies were sent to most of the colleges
and many other literary institutions of this country,
which certainly had no claim upon the liberality of
the British government. This great work has raised
another monument to the far-famed national spirit of
that monarchy, which ever seeks, by appropriate
means, to foster and sustain the reputation of her sons
and the glory of her ancient name.
The long connexion of the people of this country
with the European governments, of which they were
colonies, renders our own archives incomplete with-
out resorting to those abroad; and hence some of
the State Legislatures have so far interested them-
selves in this subject, as to send agents to the mother
1*
10 DISCOURSE.
countries to procure copies of documents illustrative
of their early history. The Legislature of New York
appropriated about fifteen thousand dollars for this
purpose, and her Agent was employed three years
in the performance of his labors, during which time
he examined the archives of London, Paris, and the
Hague, and brought home an invaluable collection of
State Papers, and other documents of great value and
interest. Georgia, likewise, with commendable liber-
ality, has instituted a similar agency abroad, which re-
sulted in the acquisition of twenty-two folio manuscript
volumes, obtained from the English offices, and deposi-
ted by the direction of the Legislature with the Histor-
ical Society of that state. Massachusetts, distinguish-
ed for her enlightened legislation, and ever alive to
whatever promotes the cause of learning and educa-
tion, has established a similar agency in London and
Paris ; and it is believed that many other States are
prepared to adopt the same course.
But the most striking evidence of the attention now
bestowed on the subject of historical investigation
in this country, is found in the organization of His-
torical Societies throughout the Union, having in view
the specific object of collecting and preserving the ma-
terials of history. The Massachusetts society was the
first in the field: it has already published twenty-
nine volumes of Collections, containing a prodigious
mass of information, relating chiefly to the history
of New England. One of its founders, and its first
President, was a native of this State ; I refer to the
late JAMES SULLIVAN, then a resident of Boston, and
afterwards Governor of Massachusetts. This gentle-
man also produced a history of this State, then the
DISCOURSE. 1 1
District of Maine, which although far from being a
faultless work, was highly creditable to the industry
and patriotism of its Author. Associated with Sulli-
van in founding and sustaining that Society, were
BELKNAP, ELIOT, FREEMAN, MINOT, TUDOR, THACH-
ER, KlRKLAND, WlNTHROP, DAVIS, QlJINCY, SAVAGE,
BRADFORD, HARRIS, and others, who formed a pha-
lanx of intellectual strength and erudition not often
surpassed.*
The New York Historical Society was founded at
a somewhat later period than that of Massachusetts,
but was the next in order of time, and is now in the
forty-second year of its existence. Among those
who were among its earliest members, (but now de-
ceased,) may be named Egbert Benson, John Pintard,
Rufus King, De Witt Clinton, Dr. Hosack, Bishop
Hobart, Daniel D. Tompkins, Dr. Mitchell, Brockholst
Livingston, and Peter A. Jay. The President of this
society, at the present time, is the Hon. ALBERT GALLA-
TIN, who at a very advanced age finds solace in literary
pursuits, to which his time ife chiefly devoted/f The
Library of this institution is large, and rich in American
history ; and is the resort of historical students from
* See an excellent sketch of the history of the Massachusetts Society, by the
Rev. WILLIAM JENKS, D. D., in the twenty-seventh volume of its Collections.
Dr. Jenks states, that the Rev. Dr. Belknap, author of a well known and highly
esteemed History of New Hampshire, " has been uniformly regarded as the prin-
cipal founder of that Society."
t This gentleman is also President of the American Ethnological Society, es-
tablished at New York. The first volume of the Transactions of that learned
association appeared last year, consisting chiefly of an elaborate essay upon the
languages, astronomy, &c. of the ancient inhabitants of Mexico and Central
America, by Mr. Gallatin. This remarkable work, involving much abstruse
learning, and acute discrimination, is one of the greatest trophies of an intellec-
tual old age the world ever saw ; having been composed by the venerable author
in his eighty-fifth year.
12 DISCOURSE.
all parts of the country. Its members are numerous,
and the papers read at its monthly meetings usually
attract a large concourse of persons of literary taste
and habits. Besides its volumes of Collections, this
Society publishes an anual report of its transactions,
containing the Papers read during the year,
I have spokea more particularly of the societies
of Massachusetts and New York, as being the oldest
in the country ; but there are many others of a more
recent date, which are equally efficient and useful.
They bring together much of the learning and talent
of their respective States, and afford to politicians a
neutral ground on which they can meet without dan-
ger of hostile collision ; for surely nothing is better
fitted to inspire proper feelings in the hearts of the
living, than the contemplation of the virtues of those
who have preceded them on the stage of active life,
and patriotism itself is kindled by surveying the tro-
phies and memorials which a grateful country exhibits
to exalt the fame of her distinguished sons. We have
no Westminster Abbey to perpetuate the remem-
brance of valor, genius, or beneficence ; even
Washington sleeps in a common tomb with his kin-
dred, and of his distinguished associates in the field,
how few of us can tell where their remains now repose !
If Historical Associations should do no more than
point out the resting places of departed merit, dis-
encumbering the humble tomb-stone of its moss, and
freshening the sod that lies upon the grave of genius,
they will perform a truly grateful though it may be
humble office, and be the means of holding up to
public view examples worthy of imitation.
The Society I have the honor to address was insti-
DISCOURSE. 13
tuted in 1822, and numbered among its early friends
and founders some of the most eminent names in the
State. It has already rendered good service by the
publication of a volume that sheds much light on the
early history of a large portion of Maine ; and should
its organization give birth to nothing beyond that vol-
ume, so replete with the fruits of patient research, its
existence would be marked by no idle or unsatisfactory
result. But there is no reason it should stop here ;
there is much more work for it to perform before its
destiny be accomplished. There is no part of our
country whose history is more diversified, and in-
structive, than these Northern shores; none less
known, or full of more exciting incident.. The long
subjection of Maine to a rival colony, gave it less inter-
est and importance in the eyes of the general histori-
an than it deserved to possess ; but having at length
resumed its original independence, with the means of
developing its vast resources, and extending its
wealth and population, this State must hereafter oc-
cupy a prominent position in our country, and a con-
spicuous place on the page of history.
I propose in the remainder of this discourse to call
your attention to some of the facts connected with
the early discovery and settlement of Maine, and the
character of those who were most active in the work
of colonization.
To Columbus belongs the glory of having solved
the great problem, as to the existence of lands in the
west ; but in his estimation, the discovery owed its
chief importance to the supposed identity of those
lands with the opulent, but remote regions of Cathay,
or China, and the Indies. Impressed with this idea,
14 DISCOURSE.
the great navigator, even in his last voyage, took with
him persons skilled in the Arabic language, for the
purpose of being enabled to hold intercourse with the
Khan of Tartary, as the Emperor of China was then
styled, whose dominions he expected to reach by sail-
ing west from Hispaniola. This voyage terminated
twelve years after the first discovery, and resulted
only in the exploration of the coast of Central Ame-
rica, from the bay of Honduras to the Spanish Main.
The same idea led to the discovery of the continent
of North America, by the Cabots in 1497. The ac-
count of the matter given by Sebastian Cabot, who
was the master spirit on that occasion, is that the
news of the discoveries made by Columbus, caused a
great sensation at the court cf Henry VII., who then
reigned in England, and it was thought a wonderful
thing, " more divine than human, to sail by the west
to the lands in the east, where spices grow." The fame
of this achievement kindled a desire in his own mind
to attempt something of a similar character, and
" understanding," he says, " by reason of the sphere,
that if I should sail by the northwest, I should by a
shorter tract come into India, I thereupon caused the
king to be advertised of my device," &c. He after-
terwards adds, " I began therefore to sail towards the
northwest, not thinking to find any other land than that
of Cathay, and from thence to turn towards India ;
but after certain days, I found that the land ran towards
, the north, which to me was a great displeasure." *
i
k
* Hakluyt. Thus Lord Bacon characterizes Cabot's discovery as " a memo-
rable accident," and the great navigator he describes " as one Sebastian Gabato,
a Venetian, dwelling at Bristol, a man seen and expert in cosmography and na-
vigation." Hist. Henry VII.
DISCOURSE. 15
The accounts of this voyage, and of a second in
in the same direction, made by Sebastian Cabot the
following year, are extremely meagre ; no details of
them were published by the navigator himself, and
after his death, his original maps and papers disap-
peared in a mysterious manner. But there is suffi-
cient evidence to show that he first discovered land,
after pursuing a northwest course from Bristol Chan-
nel, on the coast of Labrador, in latitude about 56,
on the 24th of June, the day of St. John the Baptist.
In honor of the day, he gave the name of St. John to
a small island, on the same coast, which has latterly
disappeared from our maps. It is now supposed that
Cabot, after making this discovery, continued his
course to the north, as high as latitude 67, and enter-
ed Hudson's bay ; finding the sea still open, he said
that he might and would have gone to Cathay, had it
not been for the mutinous conduct of the master and
mariners, who compelled him to retrace his steps.
The ship in which he sailed was called the Matthew,
of Bristol.
Obtaining a new patent from the king, he again
sailed the following year with several vessels and
about 300 persons, for the purpose, it is supposed, of
forming a colony. It was during this voyage that he
sailed along the whole coast of the United States, and
laid the foundation of the English claim to the country.
Some particulars of these voyages are given by
Peter Martyr, the celebrated Italian, a resident in
Spain at that period, who derived his information from
Cabot himself, when a guest at his house. According
to this writer, Cabot called the lands he had discov-
ered " BACCALAOS, a name," says Martyr, " given by
16 DISCOURSE.
the inhabitants to a large kind of fish, which appear-
ed in such shoals, that they sometimes interrupted the
progress of the ships." This word is now used in
several European languages, to denote the codfish,
either in its natural or dried state. It is found on
some of the oldest maps of North America, as applied
by Cabot to the countries he discovered, but is gene-
rally restricted to the island since called Newfound*-
land*
The name of Labrador is Portuguese, having been
given with some others by a Portuguese navigator,
Gaspar de Cortereal, who visited the same coast in
1501, and left his own name applied to an extensive
tract of country on the borders of Hudson's Bay, long
known as Terra Corterealis.
The name Norumbega was subsequently used to
designate nearly the whole of the Continent north of
Florida. This is supposed to be an Indian word,
with a Latin termination,t and was generally used by
the French, until it was superseded by another Indian
name, which the French wrote Cadie, or Acadie, and
sometimes with the Latin termination, as Cadia, or
Acadia, but which the English changed into a less
poetical word, by writing Quoddy instead of Cadie.%
Norumbega, at a later period, was confined
to the country lying north of Virginia ; thus on a
* Thus Cortes, writing in 1524, proposes to explore "the northern coast of
Florida as far as the Bacallaos." Despatches, p. 417.
t Sometimes written Arambec, or Arambeag. It is remarked by Sullivan
that the Indian word eag signifies land, and he thus accounts for its frequent oc-
currence in local names. Father Rale, in his Dictionary of the Abenaqui dialect,
gives the words ki and kik, (kee and keek,) as meaning land ; but Gallatin's
Synopsis of Indian languages, (Long Island Vocabulary,) has " keagh, or eage ;"
the difference is, however, only in the orthography ; the words are the same.
t The bay of Passamaquoddy, is on the French maps named Pesmo-cadie.
DISCOURSE. 17
map contained in Wytfliet's supplement to Ptolemy,
published as late as 1603, it has New France on the
north, and Virginia on the south. A city of the same
name is also laid down on this map, situated upon a
large river, supposed to be the Penobscot. A map
of North America, contained in the Novus Orbis
of De Laet, published in 1633, distributes the country
into the following divisions, commencing on the
north : New France, Cadie, Norumbega, (comprising
the territory between the St. Croix and Kennebec,)
New England, New Netherland, Virginia, and Flor-
ida. Purchas in describing the coast of Maine, refers
to former accounts of " a great town and fair river
called Norumbega," and adds, that the French discov-
erers deny the existence of any such place, affirming
that there are only cabins, covered with bark or skins,
to be found in that region, and that the true name of
the village and river is Pentegoet, a name long ap-
plied by the French to the Penobscot. This more
accurate account of the matter was the result of visits
to that river, by the French, at the period of their
first settlements in Nova Scotia.
According to Hakluyt, and other writers, the In-
dians had a general designation for the territory com-
prised within the forty -third and forty- fifth degrees
of north latitude, almost the precise limits of the sea
coast of Maine, and extending forty leagues into the
interior. This territory they called MAVOOSHEN,
" which," says Hakluyt, " was discovered by the Eng-
lish in the years 1602, 3, 5, 6, 7, 8, and 9," implying
that voyages were made to it by the English in each
of those years, a statement fully confirmed by evi-
dence from other sources. The government of all
2
18 DISCOURSE.
the Indians dwelling within these limits, and of others
as far south as Massachusetts, was in the hands of a
single Cacique, or Sachem, to whom the inferior
Sagamores of the various tribes owed allegiance.
His title as given by the English Navigators who
first visited the country, was Bashaba, and Dr. Bel-
knap remarks that " we have no account of any other
Indian chief in these northern parts of America,
whose authority was so extensive."* The place of
his residence was probably on the banks of the Pen-
obscot, and as it was also the seat of his government,
the fabulous accounts of a large city in that quarter
may have arisen from exaggerated descriptions of this*
humble capital of the Bashaba's dominions.
Notwithstanding the discoveries of the Cabots,
with the exception of one or two expeditions from
Bristol, fitted out by the enterprising merchants of
that city, no subsequent efforts were made in Eng-
land for a long period to follow up what had been so
well begun. During the protracted reign of Henry
VIII., those important discoveries seem to have been
forgotten ; nor was their memory revived in the
succeeding reigns of Edward VI. and Queen Mary.
The English merchants were satisfied with quietly
despatching their frail barks to the fishing grounds,
and drawing from the ocean-depths the more availa-
ble sources of commercial thrift. Sebastian Cabot
had gone into the service of Spain, and more than
seventy years elapsed before the attention of the Eng-
lish goverment was again directed to the American
coast. During all this long period, not an English
* 1 Am. Biog. 351.
DISCOURSE. 19
colonist was landed upon any portion of the Ameri-
can continent, to mark the possession of the country
on the part of those who afterwards claimed an ex-
clusive right to every inch of the soil from Florida to
Greenland. The maxim in those days was, Veni,
Vidi, Hdbui ; or in the language of the poet,
"The time once was here, to all be it known,
When all a man sailed by, or saw, was his own."
At length, towards the close of the sixteenth centu-
ry, Sir Humphry Gilbert, one of the most accom-
plished men in England, undertook an expedition to
Newfoundland ; and his half brother, Sir Walter
Raleigh, despatched another for the discovery of land
to the north of Florida. But these efforts, however
honorable to their authors, proved disastrous in the
end. The wretched colonists planted by Sir Walter
on the meagre coast of North Carolina were finally
abandoned to their fate, and, cut off from all commu-
nication with the civilized world, are supposed to
have perished of hunger, or by the hands of savages.
The only result of any value or importance that
followed the spirited exertions of that gifted genius,
at whose private expense the attempt was made, was
the opening of the hitherto unexplored wilds of Vir-
ginia to the knowledge of the world, which led to
more successful efforts to colonize that portion of
our country at- a subsequent date.
The French were equally unsuccessful during the
same century in all their enterprises to the new
world ; not a single permanent settlement was effec-
ted by them on any part of the American coast.
20 DISCOURSE.
Although repeated commissions were issued for the
colonization of the country under the name of New
France, the whole of North America, with the excep-
tion of Florida and Mexico, continued an unbroken
wilderness, without a single European family in all
its extent, until the commencement of the seventeenth
century. This vast and dreary solitude was first
broken on the borders of this State, by the French
colony of De Monts, who passed the winter of 1603-4
on the island of St. Croix, situated in the river of
the same name, on the line separating Maine from
New Brunswick.
The spirit of colonization received a new impulse
in England at the same period. The numerous fish-
ing voyages from the western ports, especially Bris-
tol, Exeter, and Plymouth, had divested the ocean of
its terrors, and a visit to the American coast had
become no unusual occurrence. In the summer of
1602, a small party of colonists embarked from Fal-
mouth, and arrived on the coast of Massachusetts ;
having selected a location upon a small island near
the southern shore of that State, to which they gave
the name of Elizabeth island, they prepared to take
up their abode there ; but when the ship was about
to leave on its return to England, their hearts failed
them, and they hastily abandoned the enterprise.
But the pleasing accounts these persons gave of the
country after their return, and the shortness of the
voyage, produced a favorable impression at home,
and encouraged other enterprises of a similar
character.
Richard Hakluyt, the author of the well known
geographical work that bears his name, was at that
DISCOURSE. 21
time a prebendary of St. Augustine's Church at Bris-
tol ; taking a lively interest in promoting voyages of
discovery to different parts of the globe, he induced
the corporation of Bristol and some of the merchants
of that city, to unite in fitting out a small expedition
to America the following year. It consisted of two
vessels named the Speedwell and the Discoverer,
with a ship's company of about fifty persons, amongst
whom were several who had been in the expedition
of the previous year. The command was given to
Martin Pring, an experienced seaman. The vessels
were victualled for eight months, and provided with
various kinds of clothing, hardware and trinkets, to
trade with the natives. They sailed on the 10th of
April, 1603, a few days after the death of Queen
Elizabeth, and reached the American coast on the
7th of June, between the 43d and 44th degrees of
latitude, among those numerous islands with which
Penobscot bay is studded. There they found good
anchorage and fishing, and gave the name of Fox
islands to the group now bearing that name.
Leaving that part of the coast, Captain Pring ran-
ged to the southwest, and explored the inlets, rivers
and bays, as far as the southern coast of Massachu-
setts. Here he named a bay where they landed, " by
the name of the Worshipful Master, John Whitson,
then Mayor of the city of Bristol, and one of the
chief adventurers." A pleasant hill adjoining they
called Mount Aldworth, " for Master Robert Wald-
worth's sake, a chief furtherer of the voyage, as well
with his purse as his travel." Aldworth was a wealthy
merchant of Bristol, who nearly thirty years after
2*
22 DISCOURSE.
was one of the grantees at Pemaquid, in conjunction
with Giles Elbridge.
The object of this expedition having been accom-
plished by a careful survey of the country, and the
vessels having received a full freight of sassafras and
furs, Pring returned to England, where he arrived
after a passage of five weeks. The whole voyage
was completed in six months.
The next visit to the coast of Maine was in 1605,
by Capt. George Weymouth, who having in view the
discovery of Virginia, came in sight of the American
coast on the 14th of May, in the latitude of 41 20' ;
but finding himself in the midst of shoals and break-
ers, he made sail and at the distance of fifty leagues
discovered several islands, to one of which he gave
the name of St. George, which is still borne by a
group of islands near the entrance to Penobscot
river ; about three leagues from this island, Wey-
mouth came into a harbor which he called Pentecost
harbor, and sailed up a noble river, now supposed to
have been the Penobscot. But the most important
circumstance connected with this voyage is, that on
his return to England, Weymouth took with him
several Indians, three of whom on his arrival at Ply-
mouth he committed to the charge of Sir Ferdinando
Gorges, Governor of the Fort at that place. " This
accident," says Gorges, in his Description of New
England, " must be acknowledged the means, under
God, of putting on foot and giving life to all our
plantations." He adds, that he kept these Indians
for three years, and endeavored to elicit from them
as much information as possible respecting their na-
tive country ; and that the longer he conversed with
DISCOURSE. 23
them, the better hope they gave him of those parts
where they inhabited, as well fitted for the purposes
of settlement, " especially when he found what good-
ly rivers, stately islands, and safe harbors those parts
abounded with."
Thus encouraged, Sir Ferdinando despatched a ship
the following year, (1606), under the command of
Henry Challong, accompanied by two of the natives,
with directions to keep a northerly course to Cape
Breton, and then to run to the southward, following
the coast until he reached Penobscot bay. Instead,
however, of following these directions, the ship's
course was shaped for the West Indies ; this led to
their capture by the Spaniards, who carried them into
a Spanish port, where, says Sir Ferdinando, " their
ship and goods were confiscated, themselves made
prisoners, the voyage overthrown, and both the na-
tives lost." This was one of those unfortunate mis-
chances to which projectors of voyages were peculiarly
exposed at that period, and which served to discourage
enterprises of this character.
Soon after the departure of Challong, another ship
under the command of Capt. Thomas Hanham and
Capt. Pring, was despatched from Bristol by Lord
Chief Justice Popham, with instructions to meet
Challong at the Penobscot ;* but not finding him at
that place, they continued their course along shore,
and made, says Gorges, " a perfect discovery of all
* The Plymouth Company, in a relation or manifesto published by them at a
subsequent period, say of this voyage, that " it pleased the noble Lord Chief Jus-
tice, Sir John Popham, knight, to send out another ship, wherein Captain Thom-
as Hanham went commander, and Martine Prinne of Biistow master, with all
necessary supplies, for the seconding of Captain Challons and his people ; who ar-
21 DISCO URSE.
those rivers and harbors indicated in their instructions,
and brought with them the most exact discovery of
that coast that ever came to my hands since."
In the meantime, new and extensive plans were
formed for the colonization of the country. Individ-
ual efforts had been found insufficient for this purpose ;
it was necessary to awaken the attention of the gov-
ernment to its importance, and by securing the con-
currence of the king and persons of rank, to increase
the general interest in the undertaking. Sir John
Popham, the Lord Chief Justice of England, was at
this period in the zenith of his power and influence ;
venerable for his age, respected for his wise adminis-
tration of the law, and strong in the confidence of
the crown. He is accused by a recent writer* of
having displayed too great alacrity in passing sentence
upon Sir Walter Raleigh, when convicted of high
treason ; but the conduct of the Chief Justice on that
occasion seems to have been marked by forbearance
throughout. Sir Walter was tried by a special com-
mission of eleven persons, consisting of several Peers
of the realm, the Chief Justice and three other
Justices of the King's Bench and Common Pleas ;
the jury was composed of knights and gentlemen of
undoubted integrity. It might be difficult to convict
riving at the place appointed, and not finding that Captain there, after they had
made some discovery, and found the coasts, havens and harbors answerable to our
desires, they returned." " Upon whose relations," say the Company " afterwards,
the lord chief justice and we all waxed so confident of the business, that the year
following every man of any worth, formerly interested in it, was willing to join
in the charge for the sending over a competent number of people to lay the
ground of a hopeful plantation."
* Discourse on the Life and Character of Sir Walter Raleigh, delivered by J.
Morrison Harris, before the Maryland Historical Society, May 19, 1846 ; an
able and eloquent production.
DISCOURSE. 25
a person on the same evidence at the present day,
and the trial was scandalously managed on the part
of the prosecuting attorney, Sir Edward Coke, even
for that period ; but Popham is not answerable for
the imperfect state of the rules of evidence nearly
two centuries and a half ago, nor for the brutal con-
duct of Coke towards the unfortunate prisoner. When
called upon to pronounce the judgment of the court,
the Chief Justice manifested feelings of regret and
sorrow, while at the same time he commented with
firmness upon the enormity of the offence of which
one so highly gifted, and so capable of serving the
state, had been found guilty. " I thought," said the
venerable judge, no doubt with tears in his eyes, " I
thought I should never have seen this day, to have
stood in this place to have given sentence of death
against you ; because I thought it impossible that one
of so great parts should have fallen so grievously."
Again he says, " Now it resteth to pronounce the
judgment, which I wish you had not been this day to
have received of me. * * * I never saw the like
trial, and hope I shall never see the like again."
The Chief Justice was a native of the west of
England, and at the period in question resided at
Wellington, in Somersetshire, where he passed much
of his time, and entertained with great hospitality and
splendor. An old writer says of him, that he was the
greatest housekeeper in England, and would have at
his seat of Littlecote four or five Lords at a time.*
In the same county, in the parish of Long Ashton ?
four or five miles from the city of Bristol, lived Sir
* Aubrey's 1 ivesof Eminent Men, &c. Vol. 2d. p. 494.
26 DISCOURSE.
Ferdinando Gorges, the founder of this State, and the
Lord Proprietor of the original Province of Maine.
Among all the friends of American colonization in
England, none displayed so much zeal, energy and
perseverance, -as Gorges ; when others were discour-
aged by unpromising results, he maintained his reso-
lution, and insisted upon the practicability of his plans.
Nor was his mind diverted from this great object of
his life, until the extremities to which the king was
reduced, demanded the entire services of his loyal
subjects. Gorges was then an old man ; full forty
years had elapsed since his attention had been first
directed to the shores of the New World, and he had
expended many thousand pounds in furthering its
discovery and settlement ; but when his services were
required by his sovereign, with all the instincts of
English loyalty, the old knight buckled on his sword,
and followed and shared the fortunes of his royal
master.
Such were the two master spirits, who, in 1606,
undertook the noble work of peopling these northern
shores from the English coast, and who actually plant-
ed, at that early period, a numerous and well-pro-
vided colony on a spot a few miles only from the
place where we are now assembled. It was sneer-
ingly said by an old writer, in speaking of Chief
Justice Popham, that " he not only punished male-
factors, but provided for them, and first set up the
discovery of New England to maintain and employ
those that could not live honestly in the old."* But
the object was generally acknowledged to be one of
* Lloyd's State Worthies, p. 46.
DISCOURSE. 27
great national importance in many points of view, and
Popham and Gorges succeeded in enlisting many of
the first names in England in behalf of the enter-
prise. The plan was to establish two plantations, one
in the north, and the other in the south, to be called
the first and second colony ; the first to be under-
taken by a London company, and the second, " by
certain knights, gentlemen, and merchants in the
west of England." The design received the appro-
bation of the king, by whom a charter was accord-
ingly issued, under which the first permanent colony
was planted in South Virginia, by the London com-
pany. The other associates of the second colony,
who took the name of the Plymouth company, suc-
ceeded in despatching two or three ships with a
hundred colonists to North Virginia, as this part of
the country was then called ; the expedition was com-
manded by Capt. George Popham, a brother of the
Chief Justice, and Capt. Raleigh Gilbert, a nephew
of the unfortunate Sir Humphry, who led a colony to
Newfoundland in the reign of Queen Elizabeth. Sir
John, a brother of Raleigh Gilbert, was also a prom-
inent member of the Plymouth Company. The ex-
pedition sailed from Plymouth on the last day of May,
in the year 1607, consisting of the ships called the
Gift, and the Mary and John, and arrived on the
coast of this State, near the island of Monhegan,
early in August ; thence they proceeded to the mouth
of the Kennebec, then called Sagadehock, where the
the colonists disembarked, and selected a site for their
future residence. There is some doubt as to the pre-
cise spot on which they erected their temporary
dwellings and defences, and organized the govern-
28 DISCOURSE.
ment of the colony ; Stage Island, Parker's Island,
and a neighboring peninsula, have respectively en-
joyed the reputation of having received this band of
English exiles, who first sought a home on our
shores ; but time has probably left no traces of the
settlement. It is stated, however, by Purchas, on the
authority of a letter from Capt. George Popham to
Sir John Gilbert, cited by him, that " they chose
the place of their plantation at the mouth of Saga-
dehoc, in a westerly peninsula, where they heard a ser-
mon, read their patent and laws, and built a fort." *
The peninsula here mentioned was probably that now
known as Cape Small Point, on which it would seem
most probable that the colony was located, and Fort
St. George, as it was called, built for the protection
of the colonists.
Measures were immediately taken to explore the
neighboring country. For this purpose Raleigh Gil-
bert was despatched, attended by one of the Penob-
scot Indians that had been carried to England, two
of whom accompanied the expedition. Gilbert was
kindly treated by the natives with whom he met, and
was invited to their cabins. They expressed a desire
that the head of the colony should pay a visit to the
Bashaba, the great chief, who dwelt on the banks of
the Penobscot. Popham consented to go, and had
proceeded some distance on his journey, when con-
trary winds and bad weather compelled him to return.
The Bashaba afterwards sent his son to visit the
English chief, and open a trade in furs. Such was the
state observed by this Indian potentate, that he ex-
* This account was first published by Purchas in 1616.
DISCOURSE. 29
pected, says Gorges, " all strangers should have their
address to him, and not he to them."
The ships in which the colonists had arrived were
not ready to return until the 15th of December, when
a winter of great severity had set in. In England, as
well as America, that winter was long remembered
for its unusual degree of cold. The Thames at Lon-
don was frozen over, and rendered passable upon the
ice, a circumstance that is said rarely to occur. The
Sagadehock colonists, unused to such rigorous wea-
ther, attributed it to the fault of the climate, and
many of them, disheartened by the farther prospect of
being exposed to numerous privations on a strange
and inhospitable coast, resolved to return to England
with the ships. Of the whole number only forty-five,
less than one half, had the courage to remain.
In the meantime another ship with fresh supplies
for the colony, was on its way to their relief. But
she bore at the same time the melancholy intelligence
of the death of Chief Justice Popham, which had oc-
curred soon after the departure of the first ships from
England, on the tenth of June, 1607. The Company
in their manifesto speak of this event in the following
manner : " In the meanwhile it pleased God to take
from us this worthy member, the Lord Chief Justice,
whose sudden death did so astonish the hearts of the
most part of the adventurers, [the members of the
Company in England,] as some grew cold, and some
did wholly abandon the business. Yet Sir Francis
Popham, his son, and certain of his private friends,
and others of us, omitted not the next year (holding
on our first resolution) to join in sending forth a new
supply, which was accordingly performed. But the
3
30 DISCOURSE.
ships arriving there, did not only bring uncomfortable
news of the death of the lord chief justice, together
with the death of Sir John Gilbert, the elder brother
unto Captain Raleigh Gilbert, who at that time was
president of that council [the colony] ; but found that
the old Captain Popham was also dead ; who was the
only man indeed that died there that winter, where-
in they endured still greater extremities ; for that in
the depth thereof, their lodgings and stores were
burnt, and they thereby wondrously distressed."
It is not strange that amidst so many discouraging
circumstances, to which was added the necessity of
Raleigh Gilbert's return to England on account of his
brother's death, the remaining colonists should turn
their eyes wishfully towards their English homes, and
even resolve to abandon the enterprise. According-
ly, when the ship that had brought them supplies was
ready to sail, early in the spring of 1608, they all
embarked and arrived safely in England.
In justification of this abandonment of the country,
it was of course denounced by the returning emigrants
as unfit to be inhabited by civilized beings ; as cold,
barren and inhospitable. And yet the letters first
received from the colony had represented it as
" stored with grapes, white and red, good hops, onions,
garlick, oaks, walnuts, and the soil good. They
found oysters nine inches in length, and heard of
others twice as great."* As to the climate, although
the winter was one of almost unprecedented severity
everywhere, it had produced no mortality among their
number, unless the death of old Capt. Popham may
* Purchas.
DISCOURSE. 31
be set down to that cause, who was the only one that
died amidst the hardships suffered by the colonists.
How superior was the spirit exhibited twelve years
after by the Pilgrim emigrants at Plymouth, nearly
half of whose number perished within four months af-
ter their landing, yet animated by a settled religious
purpose, no one of the survivors entortained a thought
of relinquishing their design. Had a tithe of their
energy and resolute spirit animated the Kennebec
colonists, whose resources were so much superior, a
more grateful task might have awaited the pen that
should relate the story of this enterprise.*
Nor did the colonists suffer to any considerable ex-
tent from collisions with the natives ; on the other
hand, they seem to have been treated by them with
much kindness and hospitality, owing probably to
favorable representations made by those of their num-
ber who had resided in the family of Gorges at Ply-
* The Massachusetts Colony, under the direction of the prudent WINTHROP,
scarcely suffered a less mortality than the Pilgrims, although they arrived early
in summer. " Many died weekly, yea, almost daily," says one of them ; and
another writes that " almost in every family lamentation, mourning, and woe were
heard, and no fresh food to cherish them." This was chiefly during the few
weeks that the colonists remained at Charlestown, and was occasioned in a con-
siderable degree by the want of good water. After their removal in the same
summer (1630) to the peninsula on which the foundations of Boston were laid by
them, the sickness abated in consequence of a better supply of the pure element
found there. About two hundred died during the season. In the midst of these
troubles, Gov. Winthrop wrote to his wife, whom he had left in England for the
present, in the following words : " I thank God, I like so well to be here that I
do not repent my coming ; and if I were to come again, I would not have al-
tered my course, though I had foreseen all these afflictions. * * I praise
God, we have many occasions of comfort here, and do hope that our days
of affliction will soon have an end, and that the Lord will do us more good in the
end than we could have expected, that will abundantly recompense for all the
trouble we have endured." Winthrop's Journal, Savage's ed. vol. 1. p. 377.
Hist. Charlestown, by R. Frothingham, Jr. pp. 42, 43.
32 DISCOURSE.
mouth, and now acted as guides and interpreters to
the English in their intercourse with the red men.
Purchas, who derived his information from Raleigh
Gilbert, and others of the Colony, thus speaks of the
Indians : " The people seemed affected with our men's
devotions, and would say, ' king James is a good king,
his God a good God, and Tanto nought ;' so they call
an evil spirit which haunts them every moon, and
makes them worship him for fear. He commanded
them not to dwell near or come among the English,
threatening to kill some, and inflict sickness on others,
beginning with two of the sagamore's children ; saying
he had power and would do the like to the English
the next moon, to wit, in December." Then follows
a story calculated to alarm the poor emigrants, and
which may have had some effect in unsettling their
resolution : " The people also told our men of can-
nibals near Sagadehock with teeth three inches long,
but they saw them not." One person, styled Master
Patterson, was killed in an encounter with the Tar-
rentines, an unfriendly tribe, dwelling beyond the
Penobscot; with this exception, nothing seems to
have arisen to disturb the relations of the colonists
with their uncivilized neighbors.
The only member of the Plymouth Company who
seems to have remained undiscouraged and unmoved
by the breaking up of this colony and the unfavorable
reports of the country, was Sir Ferdinando Gorges.
While he regretted, as he says, the Joss of so noble
a friend as the Chief Justice, and his nation so wor-
thy a subject, he refused to be influenced by the idle
stories of the cold being so extreme as to render the
country unsuitable for settlement and cultivation.
DISCOURSE. 33
" As for the coldness of the clime," said he, " I had
had too much experience in the world to be frighted
with such a blast, as knowing many great kingdoms
and large territories more northerly seated, and by
many degrees colder than the clime from whence they
came, yet plentifully inhabited, and divers of them
stored with no better commodities from trade and
commerce than those parts afforded, if like industry,
art and labor be used." But the good sense of the
worthy knight was not capable of reanimating the
drooping energies of the Plymouth Company.
" There was no more speech of settling any other
plantation in those parts for a long time after," say
the Company in their Relation published at a subse-
quent period ; " only," they add, " Sir Francis Pop-
ham having the ships and provision which remained
of the company, and supplying what was necessary
for his purpose, sent divers times to the coasts for
trade and fishing ; of whose loss or gains himself is
best able to give account."
Sir Ferdinando pursued a similar course of private
adventure, at the same time keeping in view his great
object, the settlement of the country; " finding," he
says, " I could no longer be seconded by others, I
became an owner of a ship myself, fit for that employ-
ment, and under color of fishing and trade, I got a
master and company for her, to which I sent Vines
and others my own servants with their provision for
trade and discovery. By these and the help of those
natives formerly sent over, I came to be truly inform-
ed of so much as gave me assurance that in time I
should want no undertakers, though as yet I was
3*
34 DISCOURSE.
forced to hire men to stay there the winter quarter
at extreme rates."
This state of things continued until the year 1614,
when Captain John Smith, who had been governor
of the colony in South Virginia, but had retired in dis-
gust from its service, turned his attention to the
north. "I desired to see this country," he said, " and
spend some time in trying what I could find for all
those ill rumors and disasters." Having induced
four London merchants to join him in the enterprise,
he set sail on the third of March from the Downs, with
two ships and forty -five men and boys, taking with
him also an Indian named Tan turn, and after a voy-
age of eight weeks arrived at the island of Monhe-
gan. Here he built seven boats, in which he sent
all but eight of his men on a fishing voyage, while
with the remainder he embarked in a small boat, and
with his accustomed energy ranged the coast from
Penobscot to Cape Cod, exploring all its inlets, riv-
ers and bays, and trafficking with the Indians. The
commercial results of this voyage must have fully
satisfied the most sanguine expectations of his part-
ners in the enterprise ; for in his small boat, in ex-
change for trifling articles of little value, he ob-
tained nearly 11,000 beaver skins, 100 martens,
and as many otters, and the most of them, he says,
within the distance of twenty leagues. His fishing
was not equally successful, as he had lost the best of
the season in the vain pursuit of whales ; but his
men took and dried about 1,200 quintals of fish,
which sold in Spain for five dollars per quintal.
On his return to England, after an absence of
about six month?, Captain Smith made a highly fa-
DISCOURSE. 35
vorable report of the country, to which he gave the
name of NEW ENGLAND. Having prepared a
written description of his discoveries, together with
a map of the coast, he presented them to Prince
Charles, afterwards Charles I., " humbly entreating
his Highness," he says, " to change their barbarous
names for such English as posterity might say " Prince
Charles was their godfather." The Prince com-
plied with this request, confirming the name of New
England, and substituting English names for those
which had been derived from the Indians, or that had
been given by former navigators. This experiment,
however, proved in the main unsuccessful, as it de-
served to be ; the names of Plymouth, Charles River,
and Cape Ann, being the only ones recommended by
Charles that have been sanctioned by general use ;
while the names of Massachusetts, Piscataqua, Aga-
menticus, Saco, Casco, Androscoggin, Kennebeck,
Pemaquid, Penobscot, Monhegan, Matinicus, and
others, of Indian origin, are still retained.
The success of this voyage in regard to its pecu-
niary returns, and the favorable report of the country,
infused new life into the spirit of colonial enterprise.
Gorges took the lead as usual, and in conjunction with
Dr. Sutcliffe, Dean of Exeter, and other western gen-
tlemen, concerted the plan of a colony to be conduct-
ed by Capt. Smith to New England the following
year. Smith also endeavored to interest the London
merchants in this project, because, he remarks, " the
Londoners have most money ; " but he preferred sail-
ing from a western port, as he says it is nearly as
much trouble, but much more danger, to sail from
London to Plymouth, than from Plymouth to New-
36 DISCOURSE.
foundland.* His plan was that the expedition should
consist of eight ships, four from London and the same
number from the west of England ; but in this he
proved unsuccessful, such was the jealousy of interest
among them. He finally sailed from Plymouth in
March, 1615, with only two vessels, one of 200 tons,
the other of 50 ; besides his ships' company, he was
attended by fifteen men and two boys, who had
agreed to remain in New England, and begin a plan-
tation. Smith gives the names of these persons, and
adds, " I confess I would have wished them as many
thousands, had all other provisions been in like pro-
portion, nor would I have had so few, could I have
had means for more ; yet if God had pleased we had
safely arrived, I doubted not but to have performed
more than I promised, and that many thousands had
been there ere now."
With the knowledge we possess of the resolute and
persevering character of this dauntless and excellent
man, as previously exhibited in the Virginia Colony,
and on other occasions, we have little doubt as to the
success of his efforts to colonize New England, had
he been permitted to reach its shores with his little
band of emigrants ; but a series of cruel and almost
unparalled disasters awaited him on the ocean. The
vessels had proceeded 120 leagues to sea, when they
were overtaken by a gale that carried away all the
masts of the larger ship, which was compelled to re-
turn to Plymouth under jurymasts, the other vessel at
the same time parting company. Not discouraged
* To one familiar with the intricate and dangerous navigation of the river
Thames and the English Channel, this remark would scarcely seem an exaggera-
:.
tion
DISCOURSE. 37
by this accident, Smith again set sail on the 24th of
June in another ship of only sixty tons ; but disasters
still awaited him. Falling in with an English pirati-
cal craft of vastly superior force, Smith refused to
yield to the entreaties of his officers who wished him
to surrender without striking a blow ; but assuming a
bold attitude he succeeded in making terms with the
enemy, and was permitted to continue his voyage.
Soon after he again fell in with two French pirates,
also of greatly superior force ; his officers refusing to
fight, Smith threatened to blow up his ship rather
than yield. He then opened his four guns upon the
enemy, and under the fire effected his escape. But
his next encounter proved fatal to his voyage and all
his plans. Four French men of war made the odds
too great for his little bark, and being summoned on
board the Admiral's ship to show his papers, he obey-
ed ; but although peace existed between England and
France at that time, the French commander detain-
ed him, and took possession of his ship, which was
then plundered by the French sailors, and his men
dispersed about their squadron, now increased to
eight or nine sail. At length these freebooters
consented to restore his ship and men; but after
regaining possession, a dispute arose as to continuing
the voyage, a portion of the officers and men being
disposed to put back to Plymouth, but Smith and the
rest were resolved to proceed. In the meantime, he
was again summoned on board the French admiral's
ship, and had no sooner reached the quarter deck,
than a sail hove in sight to which the Frenchman
gave chase. Thus was he unfortunately separated
from his command, of which the disaffected part of his
38 DISCOURSE.
officers and men took advantage during the night,
and directed the ship's course to Plymouth, where
they arrived in safety.
The French fleet continued to cruise for two
months, for the purpose of intercepting vessels from
the West Indies, of which they made several captures.
When they encountered Spanish vessels, Smith was
compelled to take part in the actions, and give them
the benefit of his military skill and experience ; but
when the prey was English, he was kept carefully out
of the way, and not allowed to come in contact with
his countrymen. On their arrival upon the French
coast near Rochelle, instead of fulfilling their promise
to make him double amends for his losses, to the
amount of 10,000 crowns of prize money, they kept
him a prisoner on board the ship, and threatened him
with further mischief unless he gave them a full dis-
charge before the Admiralty. A storm coming on,
Smith watched his opportunity and escaped in a
boat during the darkness of the night ; but the cur-
rent took the boat out to sea instead of enabling him
to reach the shore. The wind and tide, however,
changing during the night, the boat at length drifted
upon a small island, where he was found in the morn-
ing by some fowlers, nearly drowned, and half dead
with cold and hunger.
Pawning his boat for means to reach Rochelle, he
was informed on his arrival at that place, that on the
night of his escape the man of war with her richest
prize had foundered, and the captain and half of the
ship's company were lost. At Rochelle, Smith sought
justice in a court of admiralty, libelling the goods
saved from the wreck of the man of war ; and having
DISCOURSE. 39
collected from the survivors the fullest evidence of the
losses to which he had been subjected, he left his case
in charge of Sir Thomas Edmonds, the British min-
ister at Bordeaux, and returned to England.
Such was the eventful and disastrous issue of the
second attempt to colonize New England. Yet it
was not without its good results. While detained on
board the French ship, Smith found time to write out
his previous adventures in New England, with a de-
scription of the country which was the most com-
plete and satisfactory that had been yet submitted to
the public. This work was published in June, 1616,
and contained his original map of New England, with
the English names suggested by Prince Charles. He
printed an edition of two or three thousand, he says,
and spent the summer of 1616, in visiting all the
larger towns in the west of England, and distributing
copies of this book and map. He also caused one
thousand copies to be bound up with a great variety
of maps, both of Virginia and New England, which he
presented to thirty of. the principal companies in Lon-
don, at their Halls. Nearly a year was spent by him
in this way, with the hope of inducing another effort
to plant the wilderness of New England ; but all his la-
bors proved ineffectual, and he was compelled to aban-
don the project with the loss of the time and money
he had expended upon it There is no doubt, how-
ever, that the knowledge Smith diffused, did in the
end advance the settlement of the country ; and as
an acknowledgment of the value of his services, the
Plymouth Company bestowed on him the title of Ad-
miral of New England.
The unremitted exertions of Sir Ferdinando Gor-
40 DISCOURSE.
ges were now directed to the formation of a new
company distinct from that of Virginia, whose atten-
tion should be exclusively devoted to the colonization
of New England. A liberal charter was granted to
this company by the sole authority of the king, con-
stituting them a corporation with perpetual succes-
sion, by the name of " The Council established at
Plymouth, in the county of Devon, for the planting,
ruling, and governing of New England in America."
It consisted of forty noblemen, knights, and gentle-
men, among whom were the Duke of Lenox, the
Marquis of Buckingham, the Earls of Arundel and
Warwick, and others scarcely less distinguished in the
history of that period. The charter bears date No-
vember 3d, 1620 ; and as it conveyed to the Council
the territory extending from the fortieth to the forty-
eighth degree of north latitude, one half of which was
comprised in the previous patent to the Virginia
company, objections were made to it at the outset
from that quarter. Not succeeding with the king
and the Privy Council, the complainants carried the
matter before the House of Commons, and Gorges
appeared three several times at the bar of the house
to answer objections ; on the last occasion he was at-
tended by eminent legal counsel. The result was un-
favorable, and the house in presenting to the king the
public grievances of the kingdom, included amongst
them the patent of New England. The effect of this
movement was at first prejudicial to the company, for
it was the means of discouraging those who proposed
to establish plantations in this quarter, as well as
some of the Council. But James was not inclined to
have the propriety of his own acts disputed or deni-
ed on the floor of Parliament; so that instead of car-
DISCOURSE. 41
rying out the design of destroying the Patent, he dis-
missed the Parliament, and committed to the Tower
and other prisons the members who had been most
forward in condemning the charter, and most free in
questioning the prerogative of the Crown.
This charter to the Council of Plymouth was the
next great step towards the colonization of New
England, as it was the foundation of all the grants
that were made of the country upon which titles to
land now rest. One of the first of these was in favor
of the Pilgrims then settled at Plymouth. They
had previously obtained a patent from the old Ply-
mouth Company, which had been taken to Holland
for their inspection before their departure ; but this
not answering their purpose, they applied to the
Council of Plymouth for another after their removal
to New England. Gorges gives the following account
of the matter : " After they had well considered the
state of their affairs, and found that the authority
they had from the Company of Virginia could not
warrant their abode in that place, which they found
so prosperous and pleasing to them, they hastened
away their ship with order to their solicitor to deal
with me, to be the means that they might have a
grant from the Council of New England's Affairs to
settle in the place ; which was accordingly performed
to their particular satisfaction and the good content
of them all ; which place was after called New Ply-
mouth, where they have continued ever since very
peaceable, and in all plenty of all necessaries that
nature needeth, if that could satisfy our vain affec-
tions." Such was the liberal spirit of this worthy
man, that although differing in his religious notions
4
42 DISCOURSE.
toto ccelo from the pilgrim fathers, he yet looked
with evident satisfaction upon the comfortable quar-
ters they had made for themselves within the limits
of the Council's Patent, although without having se-
cured a proper title to their lands ; and it seems he
did not hesitate to aid them in supplying this
deficiency.*
* The Pilgrims after their settlement at Plymouth found themselves without
a legal title to the soil ; hence their application to the Council for a patent,
which was granted in the name of John Pierce, a London merchant, who held
it in trust for them. It was dated June 1st, 1621. But not satisfied with this,
they procured another, in the name of William Bradford, through the influence
of Sir Ferdinando Gorges and the Earl of Warwick, dated January 13th, 1630,
on which their title finally rested. The Pierce patent simply granted to him
and his associates, (without naming them,) one hundred acres of land for each
person, if they should continue three years in the country ; the land to be taken
in any place not already inhabited by English people or selected by the Council
for other purposes. But the Bradford patent contained a general grant of the
territory of the Colony, with specific boundaries, constituting a separate jurisdic-
tion, that existed until the union with Massachusetts in 1691. This patent
likewise conveyed to Bradford and his associates an extensive territory lying orf
both sides of the Kennebec, and an exclusive right to the trade on that river ; a
very liberal concession. The colony at that time contained, as the patent recites,,
about three hundred people.
It is a curious fact that the Old Colony of Plymouth came near being annex-
ed to New York, instead of Massachusetts, in 1691. A strenuous opposition
was made by the agent of Plymouth, in London, to the connexion with Massa-
chusetts, which seems to have arisen from a feeling of jealousy towards the sister
colony. " All the frame of heaven," he says, " moves upon one axis, and the
whole of New England's interest seems designed to be loaden on one bottom, and
her particular motions to be concentric to the Massachusetts tropic ; you know who
are wont to trot after the bay horse," &c. To such length was this opposition,
carried, that when the commission of Governor Sloughter was made out for the
government of New York, Plymouth was actually included in it ; but it was
afterwards changed to meet the views of the Massachusetts agent. Some dis-
turbances that arose in two or three towns of the Old Colony about the same
time, were attributed by the authorities at Plymouth to the influence of Sloughter,
who, however, had enough on his hands, during the three or four months that
intervened between his arrival at New York, and his death, without intermed-
dling with the affairs of a distant Colony. See DAVIS, in Appendix to Morton's
Memorial, pp. 361-3. Ibid. 473-5. 1 Hazard, State Papers, 298. Prince.
198. note.
DISCOURSE 43
The attention of the Council was soon directed to
the importance of establishing a general government
over their extensive territory, as complaints were made
by those who visited the country of disorders com-
mitted on the coast, which there was no power com-
petent to restrain or punish. Having determined on
the appointment ot a Governor to superintend their
affairs in the country, Robert Gorges, Esq., a son of
Sir Ferdinando, was selected for this office, with
whom was joined a board of counsellors, one of whom
was to be the Governor for the time being of the Ply-
mouth colony. An extensive grant of territory was
made at the same time to Robert Gorges, containing
three hundred square miles, on Massachusetts Bay,
which he proceeded at once to occupy. He arrived
in the Bay about the beginning of the autumn of
1623, " with sundry passengers and families," and
gave immediate notice of his arrival to the govern-
ment of Plymouth. " He had a commission from
the Council of New England," says Bradford, who
was then Governor of Plymouth, and entitled by vir-
tue of that office to be one of his Council, " to be
general Governor of the country ; and they appoint
for his council and assistants, Capt. West, [who had
been previously commissioned as Admiral of New
England,] Christopher Levett, Esq., and the Governor
of Plymouth for the time being ; giving him author-
ity to choose others as he should find fit ; with full
power to him and his assistants, or any three of them,
(whereof himself was always to be one,) to do and
execute what to them should seem good in all cases,
capital, criminal, and civil, with divers other instruc-
tions, of which and his commission it pleased him to
44 DISCOURSE.
offer the Governor of Plymouth to take a copy. He
gave us notice of his arrival by letter, and before we
could visit him sails for the eastward with the ship he
came in ; but a storm rising, they bore into our har-
bor, are kindly entertained, and stay fourteen days."
He adds, " Shortly after, Governor Gorges goes to
the Massachusetts by land, being thankful for his kind
entertainment. His ship staying here, fits for Vir-
ginia, having some passengers to deliver there."
The place selected by the Governor General for
the residence of the families that had accompanied
him, is situated on a branch of what is now called
Boston Bay, then known as Massachusetts Bay, in
the present town of Weymouth, about twelve miles
south of the city of Boston. The same place had
been settled the year previous by a band of English
emigrants under the auspices of a London merchant,
named Weston, who had provided them with all the
necessary supplies for establishing a plantation. The
same gentleman had been chiefly instrumental in sup-
plying the P.ymouth colonists with the means of
transportation to New England, but had undertaken
this neighboring settlement with a view to his private
advantage. He employed several vessels in trade and
fishing on the coast, and the men who formed the
settlement, had been chosen as suitable for the fur-
therance of his designs, which were purely of a
mercantile character.* But owing to various causes,
this settlement was broken up in less than a year
from the time it had been commenced, and when
Gorges arrived at the same place, with a considera-
* Morton, New Engliih Canaan, p. 106.
DISCOURSE. 45
ble reinforcement of men and supplies, Weston's peo-
ple seem to have wholly disappeared.
While Gorges was enjoying the hospitality of the
Pilgrims, Mr. Weston arrived there to look after his
affairs, when the Governor General called him to ac-
count for the disorderly conduct of his men, who had
scandalized the country by their riotous behavior ;
but as that gentleman had been a great sufferer from
the abuses that had been committed in his absence,
by the waste of his property and the frustration of
his plans, the matter was soon compromised, and
Gorges embarked in one of his ships for the east-
ward. He entered the mouth of the Piscataqua, and
visited the plantation of Mr. David Thompson, where
he met Christopher Levett, Esq., one of his Counsel-
lors, who had just arrived from England. The Gov-
erner there administered to Levett the oath of office,
in the presence of three more of the Council, and
thus duly organized his government.
The Council of Plymouth, in providing for the pro-
per administration of affairs in New England, did not
forget the religious interests of the country. They
sent over with the governor a clergyman of the church
of England, the Rev. William Morell, for the purpose
of superintending the establishment of churches, and
probably to counteract the efforts of the Puritans for
the spread of their peculiar views. He remained
about two years, chiefly at Plymouth, where his dis-
creet deportment seems to have conciliated the good
will of the colonists ; indeed, such was the condition
of the country, that he did not undertake to execute
his ministerial functions, nor was it known in the
colony that he had an ecclesiastical commission to
4*
46 DISCOURSE.
oversee their religious concerns, until he was about
going away, when he spoke of it to some of the peo-
ple. During his abode in the country, Mr. Morrell
composed a Latin poem, descriptive of the natural
features of New England, which he dedicated to
Charles I. and published, together with an English
translation, after his return.* The following are the
introductory lines ;
NOVA ANGLIA.
Hactenus ignotam populis ego carmine primus,
Te nova de veteri cui contigit Anglia nomen,
Aggredior trepidus pingui celebrare Minerva.
Per mihi numen opem, cupienti singula plectro
Pandere veridico, quse nuper vidimus ipsi ;
Ut breviter vereque sonent modulamina nostra,
Temperiem coeli, vim terrse, munera ponti r
Et varios gentis mores, velamina, cultus.
The author's translation :
NEW ENGLAND.
" Fear not, poor Muse, cause first to sing her fame
That's yet scarce known unless by map or name ;
A grandchild to earth's paradise is born,
Well limbed, well nerv'd, fair, rich, sweet, yet forlorn.
Thou blest director ! so direct my verse,
That it may win her people, friends, commerce ;
*" Morrell, the clergyman who accompanied Gorges, notwithstanding his dis-
appointment, conceived a very favorable opinion of New England, which he
expressed in an elegant Latin poem, descriptive of the country." Grahame, Hist.
U. $. I. 202. It may be found reprinted in vol. I. Mass. Hist. Coll. Gra-
hame alludes to the well known lines in Hudibras, founded on an occurrence in
Weston's colony, where an innocent but bed-rid weaver was said to have been
httng instead of a guilty but useful cobbler, whom they could not so well spare.
In clearing the pilgrims of this charge, Grahame, with equal disregard of truth,
ondeavors to fasten it upon the administration of Gorges. Ibid.
DISCOURSE. 47
Whilst her sweet air, rich soil, blest seas, my pen
Shall blaze, and tell the natures of her men."
The poem concludes with an appeal to the English
people in behalf of the country :
"If these poor lines may win this country love,
Or kind compassion in the English move
Persuade our mighty and renowned state
This pur-blind people to commiserate ;
Or painful men to this good land invite,
Whose holy works these natives may inlight :
If Heaven grant these, to see here built I trust,
AN ENGLISH KINGDOM FROM THIS INDIAN DUST I"
Gorges remained in the country until the spring of
1624, when he returned to England, discouraged by
not receiving promised succor from home for his colo-
ny, and perhaps, as Bradford says, "not finding the
state of things to answer his quality." A portion of
his people remained, and were kindly assisted with
supplies from Plymouth ; but most of them went either
to Virginia or England. He was the oldest son of Sir
Ferdinando, and had married a daughter of the Earl
of Lincoln. He died not long after his return, and
was succeeded in his patent of lands on Massachu-
setts Bay by his brother John, who conveyed the
same to General Sir William Brereton, Bart., in 1629;
the latter is said to have sent over a number of fam-
ilies and servants, who possessed and improved sev-
eral large tracts of land comprised in this patent.*
* This fact is derived from a MS. document recently discovered by Rev. Mr.
Felt, of Boston, in his indefatigable researches and labors to arrange the ancient
archives of Massachusetts.
48 DISCOURSE.
One of the counsellors of Governor Gorges, Chris-
topher Levctt, Esq., soon after his return to England,
published an account of his voyage, from which it
appears that he firs v t arrived at the Isles of Shoals,
and passed a month at the plantation of Mr. Thom-
son, at Piscataqua.* Being there joined by his men,
who had come over in several ships, he left that
place in the autumn of 1623, with two boats, to ex-
plore the eastern coast for the purpose of selecting a
suitable place to form a settlement. He landed in
the course of his expedition at various points along
the coast until he reached what he calls Capeman-
wagen, now probably Cape Newagen, a few miles
east of the mouth of the Kennebec, where he says
nine ships were engaged in fishing during that year.
Here he remained four nights, " in which time," he
says, " there came many savages with their wives
and children, and some of good account among
them ;" of the latter description he mentions a sag-
amore named Somerset, " one that hath been found
very faithful to the English, and hath saved the lives
of many of our nation, some from starving, others
from killing [being killed.]"
Levett states, that when he was about to depart
from this place, the Indians enquired where he inten-
ded to establish his plantation ; he answered, that he
intended to examine the coast farther to the east be-
fore making a decision. Thereupon they assured him
* Thomson afterwards (about 1626) removed to an island in Boston harbor,
still known by his name. See Christian Examiner, Sept. 1846. p. 282. Art.
Young's Mass. Chronicles. The settlement at Piscataqua, one of the first in
New Hampshire, was not, however, abandoned, as stated by Young, (Chron.
Mass. 21.) for it was assessed for certain expenses equally with Plymouth in
1628, 3 Mass. Hist. Coll. 63.
DISCOURSE. 49
there was no suitable place left for him in that quar-
ter, as Pemaquid and Monhegan, as well as C ape-
man wagen, had been already granted to others.
Thus discouraged from pursuing his voyage, Levett
accepted an invitation from the sagamore of Casco
to accompany him and his wife on their return ta
Casco Bay ; where they assured him he should be
made welcome to as much land as he desired. Ac-
cordingly the next day he sailed, he says, " with the
king, queen, and prince, bow and arrows, dog and
kettle in my boat, his noble attendants rowing by us
in their canoes." Selecting a place for his planta-
tion, he gave it the name of York ; it had been the
property of " the queen's father, who left it to- her at
his death, having no more children." " And thus,"
he adds, " after many dangers, much labor, and great
charge, I have obtained a place of habitation in New
England, where I have built a house, and fortified it
in a reasonable good fashion, strong enough against
such enemies as are these savage people."
The rarity of Levett's book is probably the rea-
son that this voyage has not been heretofore noticed
by any of our writers.* What afterwards became of
him, or his settlement, may be an interesting subject
of enquiry. His narrative is valuable as showing the
condition of the coast of Maine at the date of hi&
voyage ; he mentions no English settlement after
* It is entitled, " A Voyage into New England, begun in 1623, and ended in
1624. Performed by Christopher Levett, His Majesty's Woodward of Somer-
setshire, and one of the Council of New England. Printed at London, &c.
1628." A transcript was procured by Mr. Sparks from a copy in England, and
recently printed in Mass. Hist. Coll. vol. 28. A copy of the original edition
belongs to the New York Hist. Society, from which it is proposed to be reprinted
in the new volume of the Maine Historical Collections.
50 DISCOURSE.
leaving Piscatqua, although the Indians informed him
that Pemaquid, Cape Newagen, and Monhegan, had
been granted to others. Sir Ferdinando Gorges had
a plantation at that period on the island of Monhe-
gan,* which had long been a place of resort for ves-
sels engaged in fishing on the coast. The other
places named were also used by fishermen for curing
their fish on ' stages ' erected by them, and gradually
increased into considerable settlements. There is
extant a deed from Somerset, the sagamore mention-
ed by Levett as particularly friendly to the English,
and another, to one John Brown of New Harbor, on
Pemaquid Point, covering a large tract of land in that
quarter, dated July 15th, 1625. The next year, 1626,
two eminent merchants of the city of Bristol, who
had been long concerned in voyages to this coast,
Robert Aldworth and Giles Elbridge, sent over Mr.
Abraham Short to take possession of the island of
Monhegan, which they purchased at this time ; Short
remained in the country, as the agent of those gentle-
men, who soon after obtained a patent of lands at
Pemaquid from the Council of Plymouth, and estab-
lished a flourishing colony at that place, where may
still be found descendants of these early colonists, in
possession of the allotments of lands made to their
ancestors under this patent.
Robert Aldworth, one of these patentees, is still
remembered at Bristol, for his public spirit and mu-
nificent charities ; for many years he was one of the
aldermen of the city, and took a prominent part in
its affairs. A splendid monument in St. Peter's
* Prince. 127.
DISCOURSE. 51
Church, near the altar, perpetuates his memory.
*' He is entitled," says a writer of that city, " to dis-
tinguished notice as a merchant of the first rank of
the age in which he lived."* He was born in 1561,
and died in 1634. Having no issue, he bequeathed
all his estate to Giles Elbridge, Esq., his co-patentee
at Pemaquid, and also a merchant of Bristol, who had
married his niece. The town of Bristol, comprising
a portion of old Pemaquid, commemorates by its name
the origin of its early settlement and of many of its
inhabitants.
The charter of the Council of Plymouth, as has
been already remarked, laid the foundation of all
grants of land in New England ; but the geographical
features of the country were but little understood by
the members of the Council, and great confusion con-
sequently ensued in their conveyances. Of all the
forty noblemen, knights and esquires named in that
instrument, only one, Raleigh Gilbert, had been on
this side of the water. The rivers had not been ex-
plored far beyond their mouths, and nothing was
known of the interior of the country except from the
uncertain and indistinct accounts of the Indians. It
is not strange, therefore, that much perplexity and
embarrassment arose upon the actual settlement of
so large a territory, under grants made in England by
those who had never seen any portion of it. Dr. Bel-
knap well remarks, that " either from the jarring in-
terests of the members, or their indistinct knowledge
of the country, or their inattention to business, or
some other cause which does not fully appear, their
* This monument was repaired and embellished as recently as 1807, at the
expense of a lady. Carry. Hist. Bristol, vol. 2. p. 258*
52 DISCOURSE.
affairs were transacted in a confused manner from the
beginning : and the grants which they made were so
inaccurately described, and interfered so much with
ach other, as to occasion difficulties and controver-
sies, some of which are not yet ended."
No part of New England has suffered more from
this cause than Maine, even at last to a complete de-
nial of the title of its proprietary by a neighboring
colony. The first grant by the Council that included
any portion of this State, seems to have been the pa-
tent of Laconia, to Sir Ferdinando Gorges and John
Mason, in 1622. This comprised "all the lands
situated between the rivers Merrimack and Sagade-
hock, extending back to the great lakes and the river
of Canada ;" and was intended to embrace a region
in the vicinity of the lakes, of which highly colored
and romantic descriptions had been given. Both of
the patentees acted under this patent, although many
subsequent grants of the Council were made within the
same limits. The first settlements in New Hamp-
shire, and perhaps in this State, on the banks of the
Piscataqua, were made under it. After seven years
joint title, Mason, November 7th, 1629, took out a
separate patent of that portion lying south and west
of the Piscataqua, to which he gave the name of New
Hampshire, being at that time Governor of Ports-
mouth in Hampshire, England. * The remaining por-
tion became the exclusive property of Gorges, who,
however, had no separate title until 1635, when he
gave the territory between the Piscataqua and Ken-
nebec the name of NEW SOMERSETSHIRE, in compli-
* 2 Coll, N. H. Hist. Soc., 273.
DTSCOURSE. 53
ment to his native county ; and soon after sent over
his kinsman, Capt. William Gorges as Governor, with
commissions to several gentlemen residing there, as
Counsellors of the new Province. This was the first
general jurisdiction (1636) established in this State.
A portion of the records of New Somersetshire have
been preserved, from which it appears that a court
was held by the Governor and Commissioners at
Saco, in March, 1636, and at subsequent dates.
Gorges now flattered himself that his long cherish-
ed hopes were about to be realized by the speedy
settlement of the cpuntry, in which he had taken so
deep an interest. He had as yet experienced little
else than trouble and disappointment, the only return
for years of labor and many thousand pounds of ex-
pense. Before the date of his separate grant from
the Council, settlements had been made at many dif-
ferent points within his limits, and there was an en-
couraging prospect for the future. The flourishing
condition of the colonies of New Plymouth and Mas-
sachusetts Bay, had the effect of directing a greater
share of public attention towards New England, and
those who did not harmonize with the religious views
of the Puritans, sought new abodes under the more
tolerant sway of the lord proprietor.
When the Council of Plymouth resigned their
charter, in 1635, the resignation was accompanied by
a petition to the king for the establishment of a gen-
eral government in New England, and Sir Ferdinando,
then about three score years of age, was nominated
to be the General Governor. The design received
the approbation of Charles and his privy council, by
whom an order was issued, establishing the new
54 ( DISCOURSE.
government, and appointing Gorges to the office of
Governor over New England ; but the troubles at
home, both in England and Scotland, prevented the
completion of the scheme, which had excited the fears
of the Puritan colonists to a most intense degree.
The death of Mason, who had been a most active
promoter of this plan of a general government,
occurred at this period, and was another cause
of its abandonment. Governor Winthrop has the
following notice of this event in his journal : " 1636,
The last winter Captain Mason died. He was the
chief mover in all attempts against us ; and was to
have sent the General Governor ; and for this end
was providing ships. But the Lord, in mercy, taking
him away, all the business fell asleep."
In the Journal of Richard Mather, grand-father of
Cotton Mather, under the date of May 27th, 1635,
there is an interesting notice of a visit paid by Sir
Ferdinando Gorges to a ship then lying at Bristol, in
which a number of Puritans were about embarking
for New England.* At that time there was a great
probability of Sir Ferdinando's going over as Gen-
eral Governor of the New England Colonies, to which
he evidently alludes in his conversation with one of
the passengers. The passage is as follows : " When
we came there, we found divers passengers, and
among them some lovely and godly Christians, that
were glad to see us there. And soon after we came
on board, there came three or four boats with more
passengers, and one wherein came Sir Ferdinando
Gorges, who came to see the ship and the people.
* This journal has been recently published for the first time, by Dr. Young, in
his valuable collection of documents relating to Massachusetts.
DISCOURSE. 55
When he was come, he inquired whether there were
any people there that went to Massachusetts Bay-
Whereupon Mr. Maud and Barnabas Power were
sent for to come before him. Who being come, he
asked Mr. Maud of his country, occupation, or cal-
ling of life, &c., and professed his good will to the
people there in the Bay, and promised that if ever he
came there, he would be a true friend unto them."
The truth is, an unreasonable jealousy existed to-
wards Sir Ferdinando, on the part of the leading col-
onists in Massachusetts, that was not justified by the
character of that distinguished patron of New Eng-
land, or by his conduct in reference to the Puritan em-
igrants. The active part he had taken from the
beginning, when the country first came into notice,
through a period of more than thirty years, in all
measures for encouraging its settlement, and promot-
ing its prosperity, is sufficient evidence of the sincere
interest he took in the welfare of New England. To
him the Puritans, both of Plymouth and Massachu-
setts, were in the main indebted for their charters,
and the former deserve the credit of having made a
grateful acknowledgment of his kindness, and of the
services he had rendered the country.* But in the
sister colony it was otherwise ; his name was seldom
mentioned there without symptoms of fear or distrust.
The real cause of this unfriendly feeling towards
Sir Ferdinando Gorges may, perhaps, be traced to his
* Thus in a letter to him from Governor Bradford and others, in 1G28, they
say, " Honorable Sir : As you have ever been, not only a favorer, but also a
most special beginner and furtherer of the good of this country, to your great
cost and no less honor, we whose names are underwritten, being some of every
plantation in the land, deputed for the rest, do humbly crave your Worship's help
and best assistance," &c. 3 Mass. Hist. Coll. 63.
56 DISCOURSE.
prominent position as a member of the Council of
Plymouth ; the just claims of his family to lands on
Massachusetts Bay, by a grant prior to that of the
colony ; and the disgust excited in England among
the friends of the established Church, as well as per-
sons of moderation generally, by the intolerance and
fanaticism displayed in some of the first political acts
of the Massachusetts Company after their removal
to New England.* Sharing the common feeling
in England, Gorges was in a situation to exert a
powerful influence, if he chose, in opposition to the
interests of the colony ; but he uniformly befriended
them, until persons suspected of being in his interest
were imprisoned, or ignominiously thrust out of the
country, as in the case of Sir Christopher Gardiner,
who under the pretence of his " having two wives in
* Gorges, in his description of New England, after stating that there were
several sorts of persons who did not altogether agree among themselves, yet all
were disaffected towards Episcopal jurisdiction, adds " Some of the discreeter
sort, to avoid what they found themselves subject unto, made use of their friends
to procure from the Council for the Affairs of New England to settle a colony
within their limits ; to which it pleased the thrice honored Earl of Warwick to
write to me, then at Plymouth, to condescend that a Patent might be granted
to such as then sued for it. Whereupon I gave my approbation so far forth as it
might not be prejudicial to my son Robert Gorges' interest, whereof he had a
Patent under the seal of the Council. Hereupon there was a grant passed, as
was thought reasonable [the Mass. Patent] ; but the same was after enlarged by
his Majesty, and confirmed under the great seal of England ; by the authority
whereof the undertakers proceeded so effectually, that in a very short time num-
bers of people of all sorts flocked thither in heaps, that at last it was specially or.
dered by the king's command, that none should be suffered to go without license
first had and obtained, and they to take the oath of supremacy and allegiance.
So that what I had long before prophesied, when I could hardly get any for
money to reside there, was now brought to pass. The reason of that restraint
was grounded upon the several complaints that came out of those parts of the
divers sects and schisms that were amongst them, all contemning the public gov-
ernment of the ecclesiastical state. And it was doubted that they would, in short
time, wholly Bhake off the royal jurisdiction of the sovereign state."
DISCOURSE. 57
England," was arrested while travelling among the
Indians, and finally brought back to Boston, where
he was thrown into prison. It is now admitted that
nothing criminal was proved against him ;* but when
the authorities of Massachusetts opened his letters,
which had been sent to Boston, one was found to be
from Sir Ferdinando Gorges, " who," says the gov-
ernor, " claims a great part of the bay of Massachu-
setts ;" and " it appeared," he adds, " from his letters
that he had some secret design to recover his pre-
tended right, and that he reposed much trust in Sir
Christopher Gardiner."
The case of Thomas Morton was one of, perhaps,
less undeserved rigor, though cruel and oppressive ;
and it is not strange that both he and Gardiner, on
their return to England, should have blazoned the
outrages that had been heaped upon them, and turned
the benevolent mind of even Gorges himself against
his favorite New England. Yet writing at a later
period, the worthy knight exonerates many of the
colonists from the charge of fanaticism, as well as
from the guilt of a treasonable disposition towards the
king's government ; " doubtless," he says, " had not
the patience and wisdom of Mr. Winthrop, Mr. Hum-
phreys, Mr. Dudley, and others their assistants, been
the greater, much mischief would suddenly have over-
whelmed them, more than did befall them. Notwith-
standing, amongst those great swarms there went
many that wanted not love and affection to the
honor of the king, and happiness of their native coun-
* Davis in Morton's Mem. 165. See also the sensible remarks of Savage, ed.
Winthrop's Journal. I. 54. 57. Young is less judicious. Chron. Mass. 334.
5*
58 DISCOURSE.
try." Being at length called upon personally by the
government, as the author and supporter of the obnox-
ious proceedings in New England, he found it difficult
to avoid the imputations that were raised against him
on account of his agency in these matters ; and that
he might no longer suffer this reproach, he counselled
and urged upon the Council the expediency of sur-
rendering their charter to the crown; which was
accordingly done, on the 25th April, 1635. It thus
appears that while Sir Ferdinando was an object of
suspicion and distrust in Massachusetts, he was com-
pelled to suffer imputations of an offensive character
at home, on account of the support he gave to the
fanatics and traitors of which that colony was believed
to consist.
The next event of general interest in the history of
the State, is the confirmation of the patent from the
Council of Plymouth to Gorges by a new charter
from the Crown, in which the territory is first styled
the PROVINCE OF MAINE, * of which he was made
Lord Palatine, with the same powers and privileges
as the Bishop of Durham, in the County Palatine of
Durham. This charter conferred upon the venerable
knight a high degree of feudal authority, and he im-
mediately proceeded to reorganize his jurisdiction in
the province by the appointment of a new board of
* Sullivan, Hist. Maine, p. 307, says that " the territory was called the Pro-
vince by way of a compliment to the queen of Charles I, who was a daughter of
France, and owned as her private estate a province there, called the Province of
Meyne," &c. Such is the prevailing impression as to the origin of the name
finally given by Gorges to his province, but unfortunately for its accuracy, the pro-
vince of Maine in France did not appertain to Queen Henrietta Maria, but to
the crown ; nor is it discoverable that she possessed any interest in that province.
The biography of this queen recently published by Miss Strickland, is a work of
intense interest, and apparently drawn from original and authentic sources.
DISCOURSE. 59
Commissioners, at the head of whom he first placed
Sir Thomas Josselyn, but that gentleman not coming
over, he substituted in his place his truly and well be-
loved cousin, Thomas Gorges, Esq., who arrived at
Boston in the summer of 1640. Governor Winthrop
speaks of hirn as " a young gentleman of the Inns of
Court ; * * * sober and well disposed ; he staid
a few days at Boston, and was very careful to take
advice of our magistrates how to manage his affairs."
He took up his residence at Agamenticus, which was
now incorporated into a city, by the name of Gorge-
ana, with a mayor and recorder, and seven aldermen.*
At this place also it was ordained by the charter that
Wednesday in every week should be market day, and
that there should be two fairs held every year, viz.,
upon the feast days of St. James and St. Paul.
The plan of government for ' the Province was
based upon the Saxon forms existing in England, and
as old as the days of king Alfred. The province was
to be divided into eight counties, and these into six-
teen hundreds ; the hundreds to be subdivided into
parishes and tythings, as the people should increase.
In the absence of the Lord Proprietor, a Lieuten-
ant was to preside. A chancellor for the hearing of
civil causes ; a treasurer to receive the revenue ; a
marshal for the command of the militia ; a marshal's
court for criminal matters ; an admiral and court of
admiralty for maritime cases ; a master of ordnance,
and a secretary ; were severally constituted. These
officers were to be a standing council, together with
eight deputies to be elected by the people, one for
* On Smith's map this place is named Boston, at the instance of Prince Charles.
60 DISCOURSE.
each county. One lieutenant and eight justices were
allowed to each county ; two head-constables to every
hundred ; one constable and four tythingmen to every
parish ; each tythingman to give an account of the
demeanor of the families within his tything to the
constable of the parish, who was to render the same
to the head constables of the hundred, and they to
the lieutenant and justices of the county, who were to
take cognizance of all misdemeanors ; and from them
an appeal lay to the governor and council.
Such was the system of government Gorges de-
signed to introduce into his province of Maine ; but
it is hardly necessary to say that it was not fully car-
ried into effect. The civil war in England withdrew
the attention of the Lord Proprietor from his own
private affairs ; the governor was called home, and
in the distractions of the times, the colony of Mas-
sachusetts Bay undertook to set up a title to the
greater part of the Province, under color of which
they took possession of it, and excluded the heirs of
Gorges from the exercise of their rights. Maine was
thus summarily annexed to Massachusetts Bay, but
not without a spirited resistance on the part of the au-
thorities of the province, and most of the inhabitants.
The pretext for this usurpation was found in the
terms of the Massachusetts patent, which established
the northern boundary on a line three miles north of
the river Merrimac, and the southern three miles
south of Charles river, the intermediate space being
taken for the breadth of the grant. But when it sub-
sequently appeared that the course of the Merrimac
changed at a certain distance from the sea, and that
its head- waters were situated far to the north, the old
DISCOURSE. 61
limits were abandoned, and a new line drawn for the
northern boundary of the patent, beginning at a point
three miles north of the head waters of the river, and
so running easterly to the sea. Both New Hampshire
and the greater part of Maine were found by this con-
struction to be within the bounds of the Massachu-
setts patent.
The New Hampshire towns, having been settled
chiefly from Massachusetts Bay, were not reluctant
to be brought within her jurisdiction ; * but it was
otherwise with the inhabitants of Maine. Commis-
sioners were sent " to treat with the gentlemen of the
eastward," in the language of the Massachusetts Re-
cords, in the summer of 1652. Edward Godfrey, of
York, was at that time Governor of Maine, and rep-
resented the interests of the heirs of Sir Ferdinando
Gorges, who was then dead. Called upon by the
commissioners of Massachusetts to submit to the
authority of that colony, Godfrey resolutely refused,
declaring that the bounds of Massachusetts had been
determined twenty years ago, since which time many
grants had been made in Maine, a sum of 35,000
expended in promoting the settlement of the coun-
try, and a lawful jurisdiction exercised, which had
been acknowledged by Massachusetts and approved
by the English government. "We are resolved,"
* The original settlers of New Hampshire, who planted themselves at the
mouth of the Piscataqua as early as 1623, under the auspices of Mason and Gor-
ges, were of the Church of England ; but after the death of Mason, (1635,) the
new settlers were almost entirely non-conformists. Miss Aikin, in her Me-
moirs of Charles I., recounting what had been done for the colonization of the
new world prior to the accession of that monarch, states that " a small band of
emigrant Puritans had established themselves in New Hampshire." Vol. 1. p. 29.
This statement is without doubt founded on a misapprehension of the character
of the settlements in that quarter at the period in question.
62 DISCOURSE.
said the Governor, " to exercise our just jurisdiction
till it shall please the Parliament, the Common Weale
of England, otherwise to order, under whose power
and protection we are."
Gorges had taken care to encourage the settlement
of members of the church of England in his province,
and a considerable proportion of the inhabitants
were of that faith ; hence there was a strong aversion
among them to coming under the rule of the Puritans,
by this new process of annexation. But this was not
all ; a deep sense of the flagrant injustice of the claim
of Massachusetts to the soil of Maine, after the royal
confirmation of the grant to Gorges and his heirs,
produced an exasperated state of feeling throughout
the Province, and led in many instances to scenes of
open violence. As a matter of prudence, however,
the towns gradually decided to acquiesce in the
change until intelligence could be obtained from the
heir of Gorges, and there should be a prospect of
offering a successful resistance to such a palpable
usurpation. It must be admitted, likewise, that the
people were somewhat divided in their feelings, a por-
tion who sympathised with the religious views of the
claimants forming a party in their favor. The puri-
tan divines were of course on the side of Massachu-
setts, and when one of them upon the Lord's day had
exhorted the people to be earnest in prayer to the
Lord to direct them in respect they were under two
forms of government, one of the congregation started
up and angrily rebuked him, saying, that he " need
not make such a preamble, for they were under the
government of Gorges." An Episcopal clergyman,
whom the Massachusetts authorities had forbidden
DISCOURSE. 63T
to baptize children, and perform other duties of his
sacred office, was presented by a grand jury for
expressing his opinion of those in power with too
great freedom; in saying "that the Governor of
Boston was a rogue, and all the rest thereof traitors
and rebels against the king." Such was the excited
state of feeling produced by the unjustifiable course
of Massachusetts at that period.
On the restoration of Charles II., Ferdinando
Gorges, Esq., a grandson of the old Lord Proprietor,
sent over his agent with letters from the king to the
Governor of Massachusetts Bay, requiring either a
restitution of his lawful inheritance, or that they
should show reason for the occupation of the Province
of Maine. The next step was the appointment of
Commissioners by the crown to visit New England,
and enquire into all existing grievances. They came
into Maine in the summer of 1665, and issued their
proclamation, in which they charge the Massachusetts
colony with having " refused by the sound of the trum-
pet to submit to his majesty's authority, looking upon
themselves as the supreme power in those parts,
contrary to their allegiance and derogatory to his
Majesty's sovereignty." They then proceed to ap-
point a number of gentlemen in the Province, known
to be friendly to the claims of Gorges, as magistrates
to exercise authority there until his Majesty's
pleasure be further known. These were Messrs.
Champernon* and Cutts, of Kittery ; Rishworth and
Johnson, of York ; Wheelwright, of Wells ; Hook
and Phillips, of Saco ; Josselyn, of Black Point, now
* Francis Champernon wag a relative of Sir W. Raleigh, whose mother wag
a daughter of Sir Philip Champernon of Devonshire.
64 DISCOURSE.
Scarborough ; Jordan, of Richmond's Island ; Moun-
joy, of Casco, now Portland ; and Wincoll, of New-
ichawanock, afterwards Berwick.
Massachusetts did not long acquiesce in this ar-
rangement ; for in July, 1 668, four commissioners
escorted by a military force entered the Province and
proceeded to hold a court at York. The king's
magistrates were present and remonstrated, but to no
purpose. The account of the matter given by John
Josselyn, who was then residing with his brother at
Black Point, is, that " as soon as the commissioners
were returned from England, the Massachusetts men
entered the Province in a hostile manner with a
troop of horse and foot, and turned the judge and his
assistants off the bench, imprisoned the major or
commander of the militia, and threatened the judge
and some others that were faithful to Mr. Gorges'
interest." *
At length both parties lo this exciting controversy
appeared by their agents before the king at the palace
of Whitehall, and his Majesty, upon a fair hearing of
their respective claims, " decided that the Province of
Maine was the rightful property of the heirs of Sir
Ferdinando Gorges, both as to soil and the govern-
ment." As soon as this decision was known, an
agent of Massachusetts made overtures to Mr. Gor-
ges for the purchase of his title, which he finally sold
to that colony, in March, 1677, for the sum of 1250
sterling, or about six thousand dollars. This trans-
action gave great offence to his friends in the
Province, who sent a remonstrance to England, but
* Josselyn's Two Voyages to New England, p. 198. London, 1675.
DISCOURSE. 65
it was too late. Such, however, was the continued
opposition to the authority of Massachusetts on the
part of the inhabitants, that it became necessary
to send an armed force into the Province to awe the
people into submission and prevent disturbances.
Maine was now fairly annexed to Massachusetts,
not in accordance with the wishes of the people, but
by a legal transfer of the soil and government for a
valuable consideration ; and in the act of taking
possession by that colony, the title of Gorges was
duly recited ; nothing further was heard of its being
embraced in their own patent. A separate govern-
ment was now organized for the Province, at the
head of which Thomas Danforth, Esq., of Cambridgej
was placed with the title of President of the Province
of Maine. This state of things continued without
interruption, except during the violent administration
of Sir Edmund Andros, until the revolution in Eng-
land, resulting in the deposition of James II. and the
elevation of William and Mary to the throne. A
new charter was then received, which united in one
province the colonies of Plymouth and Massachusetts
Bay, the Province of Maine and the territory east of
it to the St. Croix, and Nova Scotia. Sir William
Phipps, a native of Maine, arrived at Boston with
this charter, on the 14th of May, 1692, at the
same time bearing a commission as Governor of the
" Province of Massachusetts Bay," the name given
in the new charter to the several jurisdictions united
under it.
There are other topics to which I had proposed to
call your attention in connexion with a rapid review
of the leading events in the early history of this State ;
6
66 DISCOURSE.
but I have already trespassed too long upon the at-
tention of the society, and shall conclude my
remarks with a few words more in reference to the
brave old knight who devoted the best part of a long
life to efforts for the discovery and settlement of the
territory of which this state originally consisted.
Little is known of Sir Ferdinando Gorges before he
engaged in that great work, but there is no doubt
that he early distinguished himself in the public ser-
vice, and received in reward of his services the honor
of knighthood, which like other honors was sparingly
bestowed by Queen Elizabeth. The family of Gor-
ges had an ancient seat at Wraxall in Somersetshire,
six miles and a half from Bristol ; in the church at
that place is a large altar tomb, with figures of Sir
Edmund Gorges, K. B., and Anne, his wife, daughter
of John Howard, the first Duke of Norfolk.* In the
same neighborhood, in the parish of Long Ashton, was
the Manor of Ashton Phillips, belonging to Sir Fer-
dinando. The village of Long Ashton lies on the
southeast slope of an eminence called Ashton Hill,
about five miles from Bristol, affording a fine drive
from the city, as the road through the parish com-
mands an extensive view of Bristol, Clifton, and a
number of villages on the opposite banks of the
Avon. In a valley to the southwest of the village is
* They resided at Wraxhall as early as the year 1260, when Ralph de Gorges
was governor of Sherburne Castle ; " from whose time the family hath been con-
tinued there, and is lately [about the year 1700] reduced to an issue-female."
Camderis Britannia, 2d edition. In 1350, one of the Russels of Gloucester-
shire, " being enriched," says Camden, " by marriage with an heir of the honor-
able family of the Gorges, assumed that name." This person was of the family
of Russels since raised to the peerage. Lord Edward Gorges, an active member
of the Council of Plymouth, and at one time its President, was evidently related
to Sir Ferdinando ; he was of Wiltshire.
DISCOURSE. 67
the manor of Ashton Phillips. The manor-house is
now in ruins ; it seems to have been a structure of
considerable extent and grandeur, but only a snlall
portion of the dwelling apartments, and the chapel
remain.
As early as 1597, we find him embarked in the
expedition of the Earl of Essex against the Spanish
islands, in the capacity of Serjeant Major, correspon-
ding to the rank of senior colonel in the army, at
the same time holding the office of Governor of the
Forts at Plymouth. We next hear of him as
a witness on the trial of the Earl of Essex for high
treason, in the year 1600. The course taken by
Gorges on that occasion must have been deeply
painful to his feelings, and has subjected his memory
to the reproaches of those writers who were more
moved by sympathy for the unhappy fate of that
illustrious nobleman, than governed by a strict regard
to the circumstances of the case. No one can doubt
on reading the accounts of this matter, that the
designs of Essex were of a treasonable character,
and that relying upon his great popularity, he hoped
at least to overawe the queen, and drive his enemies
from court. Great discontent prevailed generally
among the nobility and gentry, of whom one hundred
and twenty were believed to be favorable to the in-
tended movement. In this number Gorges was
reckoned, but although disposed to aid that noble-
man in all lawful means for counteracting the ma-
chinations of his enemies, it does not appear that he
countenanced, or was even made acquainted with,
any designs against the Queen. When called upon
by the government in the course of the trial to state
68 DISCOURSE.
more fully what had passed between him and the
conspirators, he was urged both by Essex and the
Earl of Southampton, (who was tried at the same
time,) to state fully what he knew of their plans ;
his reply was : " Some delivered their minds one
way, and some another ; but by the oath I have
taken, I did never know or hear any thought or pur-
pose of hurt or disloyalty intended to her Majesty's
person by my Lord of Essex."
In his testimony in chief he admitted that Essex
had written to him, complaining of his misfortunes
and expressing a determination to free himself from
the malice of his enemies ; at the same time request-
ing Sir Ferdinando to come up to London, that he
might confer with him. Gorges accordingly repaired
to town, as he states, a week before the insurrection,
and had several interviews with the Earl, when he
endeavored to dissuade him from his imprudent de-
signs, but all to no purpose. He did not, however,
abandon him ; on the contrary, he was at Essex-house
when the insurrection took place ; a large number of
the conspirators, including several noblemen, were
assembled there, undecided it would seem for a long
time as to the course they should pursue. In the
meantime, Sir Walter Raleigh, w r ho was regarded by
Essex as his greatest enemy, sent a messenger to
Gorges at Essex-house, desiring to speak with him
on the river ; and taking a boat from the garden,
which appears to have extended down to the water's
edge, beyond the west gate of the city, Sir Ferdinan-
do, with the approbation of Essex, proceeded to meet
Sir Walter, who earnestly advised him to withdraw
from Essex house, as he valued his life. Raleigh
DISCOURSE. 69
also testified on the trial, that Gorges assured him it
was likely to prove a bloody day's work, and desired
him to go to Court that measures might be taken to
prevent it. Gorges then returned to Essex house.
In the meantime, the Queen being apprised of the
assemblage at Essex house, resorted to an unusual
o 7
step ; for instead of despatching a military force to
disperse the conspirators, she sent four distinguished
personages, members of the privy council, among
whom was Chief Justice Popham, to Essex house to
use their personal influence as well as the authority
of their offices, to induce the malecontents to give
over their designs,. " All four had been chosen," says
Southey, "not only because of their merit, but also
because they were persons whom he was supposed
both to respect, and to regard as friends." They
found the gates shut, but were admitted without their
attendants except the pursebearer with the great seal,
the Lord keeper being one of the four dignitaries,
who appear to have gone in their official robes and
badges of office. The leaders and their company
were assembled in the court-yard, and crowded
around the counsellors as they advanced towards the
Earl of Essex, to whom the Lord keeper in a loud
voice delivered the Queen's message, " that they
were sent to learn the cause of so great a concourse
of people, and let them know that they should be
heard if they complained of any grievances they
wished to have redressed." Essex replied in an
angry tone, reciting the causes of his disaffection ;
and the Earl of Southampton also addressed them
in a similar strain. The lord chief justice then pro-
mised that they would faithfully report their com-
6*
70 DISCOURSE.
plaints to her Majesty. But a tumult arising among
the crowd, the Lord keeper commanded all .upon
their allegiance to lay down their arms and depart.
Essex thereupon went into the house, followed by the
four counsellors, who desired a private interview
with him ; but when they had entered his library, the
Earl gave orders to fasten the doors, and committed
them as prisoners to the charge of three persons,
one of whom, named Salisbury, is said to have been
a notorious robber, who "bore a special spleen
against the lord chief justice." A guard was set by
these persons at the door of the library, with loaded
muskets and lighted matches.
Essex then leaving his house in the charge of Sir
Gilly Merrick, sallied forth with about 200 men, and
entered the city by Ludgate, (which was not far from
Essex-house,) uttering loud cries, the purport of which
was that the Queen was in danger, and that " Eng-
land was bought and sold to the Spaniards." Hasten-
ing along Chenpside, they came to the house of the
Sheriff, on whom they seem to have reckoned, but
that official made his escape by the back door of his
house, and repaired to the lord mayor. Thus check-
ed, and finding that not so much as one man of even
the lowest quality joined them y Essex remained in the
sheriff's house undecided which way he should turn.
In the meantime, formal proclamation was made in
another quarter of the city, denouncing Essex and
his adherents as traitors ; who upon being informed
of it rushed again into the streets, calling upon the
citizens to arm ; but in vain. The only resource left
to the unhappy Earl was to return to his own house,
and endeavor to obtain pardon by means of the four
DISCOURSE. 71
members of the Council whom he had left there in
confinement. But on reaching Ludgate, he found it
guarded by a competent force, that refused to allow
him to pass ; whereupon he gave Gorges a token,
authorizing him to go alone to Essex-house and re-
lease the Lord Chief Justice, and by his means inter-
cede for pardon. Sir Ferdinando, finding that the
Chief Justice refused his liberty unless the Lord
keeper also were released, set all the four councillors
free, and went with them by water to the court. *
This prudent course on the part of Gorges probably
saved him from the consequences of having followed
the fortunes of Essex until they became desperate ;
to have gone farther would have been madness.
Meantime, after the sacrifice of several lives in
their efforts to escape from the city, Essex and his
followers succeeded in reaching his house, which they
at first proposed to defend, but finally surrendered,
and were committed to the Tower and other prisons.
In eleven days after the failure of this desperate en-
terprise, the earls of Essex and Southampton were
arraigned for high treason, and found guilty. A few
days after, five of their associates, Sir Christopher
Blount, Sir Charles Davers, Sir John Davis, Sir Gil-
ly Merrick, and Henry Cuffe, were also tried and
convicted of the same offence. They all suffered
death except the Earl of Southampton, who was final-
ly pardoned.
After these events Gorges appears to have return-
ed to his government at Plymouth, where we have
already seen that he was residing in 1605, when
* Camden. Annales Rerum Ang. et Hib. 610.
72 DISCOURSE.
George Wey mouth arrived at that port from his visit
to Penobscot river, bringing with him the five Indi-
ans who first turned the attention of Sir Ferdinando
to the American coast. He is again noticed in the
general histories of that period as the commander of
one of the ships sent to the aid of the king of France
in 1625; but as soon as it was suspected that they
were to be used against the French Protestants, there
was a general desertion of the officers and men, on
which occasion Sir Ferdinando is described as hav-
ing behaved with great spirit ; for abruptly breaking
away from the rest of the fleet, he returned at once
to England, at the hazard of incurring the displeasure
of the king and his favorite Buckingham.
It has already been stated that in the civil wars he
took up arms in defence of his king. Towards the
close of 1642> when hostilities had just commenced,
efforts were made by the royal party to introduce
troops into the city of Bristol, which had not yet ta-
ken sides in the contest. For this purpose Sir Fer-
dinando Gorges and Mr. Smith of Long Ashton, were
deputed to wait on the mayor to obtain his consent ;
but the application failed. The city was then invest-
ed by a large force in the interest of the king, and
soon after surrendered. In 1645, Cromwell recap-
tured it by assault ; and it is stated by Josselyn, a
contemporary writer, that Sir Ferdinando was plun-
dered and thrown into prison. It is probable that he
died soon after, for in the same year the following or-
der was adopted by the court in his Province of
Maine : " It is ordered, that Richard Vines shall have
power to take into his possession the goods and chat-
tels of Sir Ferdinando Gorges, and to pay such debts
DISCOURSE. 73
as Sir Ferdinando is in any way indebted to any." At
the same time a public fast was ordered to be " sol-
emnly kept upon Thursday, 20th of November next,
through this Province." Vines had been for many
years the agent of Gorges in this country, before and
after its settlement, and for at least fifteen years a
resident on the west side of Saco river, on a patent
granted him by the Council of Plymouth, now con-
stituting the town of Biddeford. After the departure
of Thomas Gorges, he was elected governor of the
Province, and held that office until the death of his
patron and friend, when he sold his patent and remo-
ved to the island of Barbadoes.
A grandson of the Lord Proprietor, Ferdinando
Gorges, Esq., as we have already noticed, succeeded
to the proprietorship of the Province, some time
before the restoration of Charles II. To him we
are indebted for the publication of his grandfather's
Brief Narration, a work evidently written with a
deep conviction of the future importance of these
western shores, and illustrating the indomitable spirit
of enterprise that distinguished its author to the
very close of a long and useful life.
I cannot, perhaps, more appropriately conclude
these remarks than with this imperfect notice of the
man who must ever be regarded as the most active
and persevering of all the friends of American colo-
nization, through periods of discouragement and
difficulty; and especially as the Founder of this
Commonwealth. In my humble opinion, Maine owes
some public acknowledgment to the memory of Sir
Ferdinando Gorges, for having laid the foundation of
its existence as a separate and independent commu-
74 DISCOURSE.
nity. In ancient times, we are told, the founders of
colonies were deified by their successors ; this was
doubtless an exaggerated expression of the proper
feeling to be entertained for them. But it will not be
denied that their services merit a substantial com-
memoration at the hands of their posterity. Nor
have our American republics altogether neglected to
pay tributes of gratitude and admiration to the great
and good men who had the forecast to scatter the
seeds of future growth and prosperity within their
borders. Bradford and Winthrop are names that will
never die amongst their successors at Plymouth and
Massachusetts Bay ; Pennsylvania will never forget her
obligations to the illustrious Friend of humanity who
peopled her wilderness ; nor will Georgia suffer the
memory of the enlightened Oglethorpe to perish ;
Maryland has stamped the name of Baltimore upon
her brilliant commercial metropolis, and North
Carolina has her " city of Raleigh," although the
projected colony of Sir Walter proved a splendid
failure. And shall Maine do nothing to mark her
sense of the merits of the liberal patron and success-
ful abettor of the first settlements within her 4 limits
who expended a large fortune upon his projects of
discovery and colonization who, when the country
was abandoned and denounced by others as too cold
and dreary for human habitation, actually hired men
to pass the winter here to prove the contrary and
who died without reaping any substantial return for
all his labors and outlays, leaving only a legacy of
law suits to his descendants ? It is time that justice
was done to his memory. From the small be-
ginning he made this community has become a wide-
DISCOURSE. 75
ly extended, populous and wealthy state rich in
her resources, and not less distinguished for the active
enterprise and laborious industry of her population.
She can well afford to honor the memory of the man
who foresaw all this, and devoted the energies of a
long life to its consummation.
But the appeal is unneccessary ; for I address an
association that has in its keeping the historical rep-
utation of the State and its Founder, and that will
not suffer to perish a single existing memorial of the
services of those who led the way in planting religion
and civilization upon these northern shores. The
wilderness has budded and blossomed like the rose,
and those who are now living reap the benefits of its
changed condition. Let them not begrudge a hand-
ful of its floral treasures to deck the tomb of the
gallant old cavalier who sowed the seeds from which
have sprung so much beauty and fragrance.
DISCOURSE.
ADDITIONAL NOTES.
PAGE 14. At the period of the discovery of America, the Tartars had been driven
from China, and the Khans were of course no longer at the head of its govern-
ment. This revolution took place A. D., 1366. But this fact was then unknown
in Europe ; and the only available source of knowledge respecting that vast em-
pire seems to have been the travels of Marco Polo, whose visit to China preced-
ed the age of Columbus by a period of two centuries. Strictly, the northern
part of the country was then called Cathay, or Kathai, and the southern Mangi,
or Mangee. Had Columbus succeeded in reaching China, his Arabian interpre-
ters, would have been of course, useless to him.
PAGE 15. The island of S. Joan is laid down on the map of Ortelius, in about
latitude 56 degrees north. This writer professes to have seen a map of the
world by Sebastian Cabot, which he cites among his authorities. " Sebastianus
Cabotus, Venetus. Universalem Tabulam, quam impressam aneis formis vidi-
mus, sed sine nomine loci et impressoris." No such map is now extant.
PAGES 16 and 17. It appears that the first general name for all that portion of
North America extending to the north of Florida, was BACCALAOS, meaning the
land or coast of codfish. Such was the interpretation given to the name by the
Breton and Norman sailors, " La Coste des Molues." DE BRY. America Pars
Quarta. p. 69.
Next came the name of NORUMBEGA, at one time of an application equally ex-
tensive. This was followed by CADIE, or ACADIE, which, however, soon divided
the honor with VIRGINIA. Virginia, in its turn, was cut up into North and South
Virginia, and afterwards was still further limited to the country between Florida
and Delaware Bay, North Virginia taking the names of New England and New
Netherland.
PAGE 22. An account of Weymouth's voyage was published the same year at
London, and attracted public attention to a considerable degree. This work has
been recently reprinted in the Collections of the Mass. Hist. Society, Vol. 28th,
from a transcript procured in England by Mr. Sparks. The title of the book is
as follows : " A True Relation of the most prosperous Voyage made this pres-
ent year, 1605, by Captain George Weymouth, in the discovery of the LAND
of VIRGINIA, where he discovered, sixty miles up, a most excellent river ; togeth-
er with a most fertile land. Written by James Rosier, a gentleman employed
in the voyage. London ; Impensis Geor. Bishop. 1605." The chapter in
Purchas containing extracts from this work, has additional particulars of the voy-
DISCOURSE. . 77
age, derived doubtless from oral or other communications made to the author by
the navigators on their return to England. The patron of the enterprise was
Lord Arundel of Wardour, created Count of the Empire by Rodolph II. Em-
peror of Germany, for his gallant services against the Turks.
PAGES 24. 25. " In the south CHAPEL of this church [of Wellington] there is a
magnificent tomb, erected in honor of Sir John Popham, lord chief justice of
England in the reign of Queen Elizabeth. It is surrounded by a handsome
pallisado of wood and iron. On the table of the monument are the effigies of
Sir John Popham and his lady. He is dressed in his judge's robes, chain, and
small square cap. He reclines with his head towards the west. On the lower
basement, at the head and feet, are four smaller figures of two men and two
women, kneeling face to face. On the north side are five boys and eight girls,
dressed in black, kneeling in a row. On the south side are nine women, kneel-
ing in the same manner. Over Sir John and his lady is a superb arched cano-
py, beautifully ornamented with the family arms, roses, paintings, and obelisks.
The whole is supported by eight round columns of black marble, five feet high,
with Corinthian capitals, green and gilt. On the west side of this canopy is the
following inscription :
' Sir John Popham, knighte, Lord Chief Justice of England ; and of the hon-
ourable privie counsel to Queen Elizabeth, and after to king James ; died the
tenth of June, 1607, aged seventy-six, and is here interred.'
It may not be improper to remark here, that Sir John Popham was one of the
most upright and able judges that ever sat upon the English bench. He was a
native of Huntwith, in this county [Somersetshire], and educated chiefly at Ba-
liol College, in Oxford. From hence he removed to the Temple, and was ad-
mitted barrister in 1568. He was afterwards successively serjeant at law, solici-
tor-general, and attorney-general, previous to his ultimate promotion, which
took place in 1592. Sir John was a munificent patron to Wellington. Here he
built a large and elegant house, for his own residence, which was converted into
a garrison for the use of the parliamentary army, in the time of Oliver Cromwell.
It was soon after besieged by the royalists, and so completely ruined during the
contest, that it was never attempted to be repaired. He also erected an hospital
at the west end of the town, for twelve old and infirm persons, the one half being
men, and the other women. Two children were also to be educated here. It is
still standing [1813], and the charity applied. Sir John endowed it with an es-
tate in land, which is now vested in the governors." The Beauties of England
and Wales, &c. by Rev. J. Nightingale, vol. 13th, Art. SOMERSETSHIRE.
Aubrey, whose notices of Eminent Men are a repository of contemporary
scandal, says that, for several years after Popham entered the legal profession, he
" addicted himself but little to the studie of the lawes, but profligate company,
and was wont to take a purse with them. His wife considered her and his con-
dition, and at last prevailed with him to lead another life, and to stick to the
study of the lawe ; which, upon her importunity, he did, being then about thirtie
years old. He spake to his wife to provide a very good entertainment for his
camerades to take his leave of them ; and after that day fell extremely hard to
his studie, and profited exceedingly. He was a strong, stout man, and could
7
78 DISCOURSE.
endure to sit at it day and night ; became eminent at his calling, had good prac-
tice, was called to be a serjeant [at law], a judge." Vol. 2. p. 492.
Tnen follows a story of the judge having been bribed to save the life of a
man tried for infanticide ; but the manner in which he was able to effect such a
result, is not stated. The annotator remarks, that " Sir John Popham gave
sentence according to lawe, but being a great person and a favorite, he procured
a noli prosequi."
The author of the Discourse on Sir W. Raleigh, referred to in the text, in his
zeal to vindicate his hero, does not hesitate to charge the chief justice with
" taking purses on the highway, and bribes on the bench," on the sole authority
of the gossiping writer above cited. The reader will be able to satisfy his own
mind, probably, without much trouble, as to the probability of those charges
being well founded.
Grahame, Hist. If. S. is also disposed to treat the chief justice with some
harshness, for the same cause, namely, his supposed readiness to have Raleigh
convicted. But that author should have recollected that it was to one of his
own nation that Sir Walter owed all his misfortunes, namely, king James, the
Sixth of Scotland.
PAGES 56. 57. Morton devotes a chapter of his " New English Canaan" to
Sir Christopher Gardiner, whom he characterizes as " a knight, that had been
a traveller, both by sea and land ; a good judicious gentleman in the mathema-.
ticks and other sciences useful for plantations, chimistry, &c. and also being a
practical Engineer ; he came into those parts intending discovery." p. 182.
Again, he says, " Sir Christopher was gone with a guide (a salvage) into the in-
land parts for discovery ; but before he was returned, he met with a salvage that
told the guide, Sir Christopher would be killed," &c. But he," finding how
they had used him, with such disrespect, took shipping, and disposed of himself
for England, and discovered their practices in those parts towards his Majestie's
true-hearted subjects, whom they made wary of their abode in those parts."
Morton's testimony will of course pass for what it is worth. Sir Christopher
and himself both incurred the displeasure of the puritan fathers, and joined com-
mon cause together in opposing their interests in England ; but it is always best
to hear both sides of a case. It must be allowed that the treatment of these
gentlemen was rigorous in the extreme, considering that their chief offence con-
sisted in not harmonizing in sentiment with the people among whom they
were thrown.
PAGES 59, 64. Sir Thomas Josselyn, named in the first charter of Maine at the
head of the Commissioners to organize the government, was the father of Henry
Josselyn, Esq., of Black Point, (now Scarborough,) and of John Josselyn, Gent.,
the traveller, whose two voyages to New England are often quoted in connexion
with its early history. This appears from Morton, who speaking of the " Ero-
coise Lake," [Lake Champlain], says, "A more complete discovery of those
parts is (to my knowledge) undertaken by Henry Joseline, Esquire, son of Sir
Thomas Jose line, ot Kent, knight, by the approbation and appointment of that
heroic and very good Commonwealth's man, Captain John Mason, Esquire, a
DISCOURSE. "79
true foster-father and lover of virtue, who at his own charge hath fitted Master
Joseline, and employed him to that purpose," &c. New English Canaan, pp.
98, 99.
Henry Josselyn resided many years at Black Point, and was highly respected
as a magistrate. He succeeded Mr. Vines as Governor of the Province, in 1645.
I cannot conclude this note without expressing my sincere acknowledgments
to Henry Brevoort, Esq., of the city of New York, for the loan of a copy of
Morton's New English Canaan, now a very rare book.
A
BRIEF IAEEATION
OF THE
ORIGINAL UNDERTAKINGS,
FOR THE
ADVANCEMENT OF PLANTATIONS IN AMERICA.
BY
SIR FERDINANDO GORGES, KT.
LORD PROPRIETOR OF THE PROVINCE OF MAINE,
IN NEW ENGLAND.
VOL. II. 1
1
PRELIMINARY NOTICE.
THIS historical tract was not published until several years after
the death of its distinguished author, when it was edited by his
grandson, Ferdinando. Gorges, Esq., as a part of a more general
work under the title of " America Painted to the Life," &c. This
work comprised notices of the Spanish discoveries and settlements
in North and South America, as well as those of the English and
Dutch on the northern continent, but with a more particular refer-
ence to New England. The compiler professes to have collected
his materials from various standard authorities, and from the
relations and oral discourse of some of the original planters of
New England. His account of the puritan colonies is chiefly
taken from an anonymous work, ascribed to a Massachusetts
planter, named Edward Johnson, which bears the quaint title of
" Wonder- Working Providence of Sion's Saviour, being a Rela-
tion of the first planting in New England, in the yeare 1628," first
published by a London bookseller, in 1654. But all that relates
to the early voyages for the exploration and settlement of New
England, under the auspices of the Plymouth Company, and after-
wards of the Council established at Plymouth, is derived from this
tract of his grandfather, which he also published in full, in con-
nexion with his general work, as already stated. The following
is the title of the latter :
" AMERICA PAINTED TO THE LIFE. The true History of the Spaniards' Proceed-
ings in the Conquests of the Indians, and of their Civil Wars among themselves,
from COLUMBUS his first Discovery, to these later Times. As also, of the
Original Undertakings of the Advancement of Plantations in those parts ; With
a perfect Relation of our English Discoveries, shewing their Beginning, Progress,
and Continuance, from the year 1628, to 1658. Declaring the Forms of their
Government, Policies, Religions, Manners, Customs, Military Discipline, Wars
with the Indians, the Commodities of their Countries, a Description of their
Towns and Havens, the Increase of their Trading, with the names of their
Governors and Magistrates.
Vlil PRELIMINARY NOTICE.
More especially, an Absolute Narrative of the North parts of America, and
of the Discoveries and Plantations of our English in ^VIRGINIA, NEW ENGLAND,
and BERBADOES.
Publisht by Ferdinando Gorges, Esq. ; A Work now at last exposed for the
publick good, to stir up the Heroick and Active Spirits of these times, to benefit
their Countrey, and Eternize their Names by such Honorable Attempts.
For the Reader's clearer understanding of the Countreys, they are lively des-
cribed in a compleat and exquisite Map.
* Ovid. Ami sacra fames quid non
London : Printed for Nath. Brook, at the Angell in Corn-hill, 1659."
Besides the Map, there is a frontispiece representing a female
figure seated beneath a tree, with a tiara of feathers upon the
head and a string of beads about the neck. A slight drapery is
thrown over the loins, and the left hand rests upon a bow, while
the right grasps an arrow. Over the head of this figure is the
word AMERICA ; and in the back-ground are seen two cannibals,
one of whom is cutting up his victim, and the other roasting the
limbs over a fire. An Indian hunter is also seen in the distance,
with his arrow pointed at a deer. The words, " Pavit quigenuit,"
are inscribed upon a scroll on the left of the head of the principal
figure, and beneath the whole are the following lines : :
" Though to my sisters long unknown I lay,
I am as rich and greater farj;han they.
My barbarous rudeness doth at full express
What nature is, till we have Grace's dress;
But where the gloomy shades of death yet be,
The sunshine of God's love I hope to see." t
The Preface to this work is not the least interesting part of it ;
and as a portion of it has some bearing upon the following Narra-
tion, we proceed to lay it before the reader.
" TO THE JUDICIOUS READER.
I SHOTJLD have attempted but an imperfect design, ingenious Reader, in pub-
lishing this relation of my Grand-Father, Sir Ferdinando Gorges, (which was
* Virgil.
t We have been more particular in describing this frontispiece, as Mr. Rich, in his
Catalogue of books relating to America, describes a different one in the copy of the work
possessed by him ; he says, " besides the map, there is a portrait of a young Indian woman
with a human leg in her hand." The lines quoted by him as inscribed on the plate, are
also entirely different from those cited above.
PRELIMINARY NOTICE. ix
left unfinisht, in regard both the late wars put a great stop, and afterwards his
own death an utter end, to these noble and generous undertakings of which he
had laid so fair and hopeful a foundation,) had I not myself supplied this defect,
by adding both out of the choicest authors as Davity,* Jean de Laet, Anthony
Herrera, Oviedo, Francis Ximenes, Champlain, Sparbot,t and others, by
selecting from them that which was most materiall in each of them ; as also
from the relations and discourse of those that have been Governors and Planters
in those parts, as Mr. Edward Godfrey, Mr. Robert Gorges, and others, a more
exact and compleat account of that Country than hath been hitherto made pub-
lick, and particularly of the Province of Maine, of which my Grand-Father was
Lord and Chief Governor by a Patent from the late King ; upon the description
of which Province I have insisted the more largely, as well for that it hath not
been particularly mentioned by others, as for the peculiar interest I myself have
in it as legally descending to me by right of inheritance ; nor do I doubt, though
my just claim be opposed by those of Massachusetts Bay, but when the matter
comes to be decided by a legal hearing, it will be seriously pondered, with what
indefatigable pains and vast charges my Grand-Father undertook the promoting
of this Plantation, notwithstanding the powerful opposition he met with both
from the Virginia Company, and from the French Ambassador, who laid a pow-
erful claim to that country in behalf of the King, his Master ; so that both law
and equity require that the heir should possess that which his ancestors have ac-
quired with so much industry and hazard. Moreover, the care, the vigilance,
the losses, the dangers of those that have had the management of affaires since
his death, have been such, (as may appear by the writings herewith published, of
Mr. Edward Godfrey, who was one of the chiefest of them, and whose long
travail, experience, and integrity render him a person truly capable of such like
employments,) that our adversaries can take no advantage against us, thro'
any default or miscarriage on our parts. But not to dwell longer upon a matter
which concerns myself only, the consideration of what great honor and advan-
tage to this nation our foreign Colonies and Plantations have been, is a matter
of too great concernment to be passed by ; all the Colonies that have been settled
these latter ages, with how much the more peril and difficulty they have been
performed, (as what great attempt hath not danger following the heels,) than
those ancients, so much the more glorious and advantageous they have been to
the undertakers, at least to their country in general, at the prosperity of which
all generous spirits do aim.! * * * *
FERDINANDO GORGES."
Some mystery hangs over another publication to which the name of
Sir Ferdinando Gorges is attached as author, and that of his grand-
son Ferdinando, as editor ; but which is known to have been the pro-
duction of another. The work referred to is the " Wonder- Work-
* Misprint, probably, for Da vila. t L'Escarbot.
I The remainder of this document is without interest in this connexion.
X PRELIMINARY NOTICE.
ing Providence," already mentioned, which is found with a new
title-page, corresponding to that of Gorges, and having the preface
of Sir Ferdinando's Brief Relation prefixed to it ; but the body of
the work is the same as the edition of 1654. This counterfeit has in
the imprint the year 1658, and the name of the bookseller, " Na-
thaniel Brook, at the Angell in Cornhill," who published both the
" Wonder- Working Providence," and the work of Gorges. It is
not improbable that this publisher, finding the " Wonder- Working
Providence" unsaleable as an anonymous work, after the lapse of
four years from the date of its publication, took the liberty of giving
it a new title-page, with the name of Sir Ferdinando Gorges as the
author, to promote its sale. This seems the most plausible con-
jecture, as the interest in the " Wonder- Working Providence"
probably resided in the bookseller, certainly not in Gorges, and it
is well known that old and unsaleable books are often passed off
under fresh and more taking titles by their publishers.
Yet some historical writers have not hesitated to make this mat-
ter a subject of reproach to the younger Gorges, as if the deception
had been practised by his agency, of which there is not the slight-
est evidence. For all that is now known, the deception, when it
came to his knowledge, may have been denounced by him in
proper terms. At all events, so far as appears from the occasional
notices of this gentleman, especially in respect to the maintenance
of his hereditary rights against the claims of the Colony of Mas-
sachusetts Bay, he bore a highly honorable character, and acquit-
ted himself in that controversy with firmness and independence.
F.
A
BRIEFE NARRATION
OF THE
ORIGINALL UNDERTAKINGS
OF THE
ADVANCEMENT OF PLANTATIONS
INTO THE
PARTS OF AMERICA,
ESPECIALLY SHEWING THE
BEGINNING, PROGRESS AND CONTINUANCE
OF THAT OF
NEW ENGLAND.
WRITTEN BY THE RIGHT WORSHIPFULL,
SIR FERDINANDO GORGES,
KNIGHT AND GOVERNOUR OF THE FORT AND ISLAND OF PLYMOUTH,
IN DEVONSHIRE.
L ON DON:
PRINTED BY E. ISRUDENELL, FOR NATH. BROOK,
AT THE ANQKLL IN CORN-HILL.
1658.
TO THE READER.
I THOUGHT it a part of my duty, in this my Brief Narra-
tion of our Plantations, to remember the original underta-
king of those designs in the parts of America, by such
noble spirits of our nation that first attempted it ; as well
for the justification of the right thereof, properly belonging
to kings of our nation, before any other prince or state, as
also the better to clear the claim made thereunto by the
ambassador of France, in the behalf of his master, in the
year 1624, whereto I was required to make answer (as
more at large it appears in the discourse itself) ; withal to
leave to posterity the particular ways by which it hath been
brought to the height it is come unto, wherein the provi-
dence of our great God is especially to be observed, who
by the least and weakest means, oftentimes effecteth great
and wonderful things ; all which I have endeavored to con-
tract in as short a compass as the length of the time and
the variety of the accidents would give leave. As for the
truth thereof, I presume it is so publicly known, as malice
itself dares not only question it ; though I know none, I
thank my God, to whom I have given any just cause mali-
ciously to attempt it, unless it be for the desire I had to do
good to all without wronging of any, as by the course of
my life to this present it may appear.
If in the conclusion of my undertaking and expense of my
fortunes to advance the honor and happiness of my nation,
I have settled a portion thereof to those that in nature must
succeed me, you may be pleased to remember that the
laborer is worthy of his hire :
VOL. II. 2
liv TO THE READER.
That I have not exceeded others not better deserving,
that I go hand in hand with the meanest in this great work,
to whom the charge thereof was committed by royal au-
thority :
That I have opened the way to greater employments, and
shall be (as a hand set up in a cross way) in a desert coun-
try to point all travellers in such like kind, how they may
come safe to finish their journey's end, leaving an example
to others, best affected to designs of such like nature, to
prosecute their intents for further enlargement of those be-
gun plantations, without trenching or intruding upon the
rights and labors of others already possessed of what is
justly granted them :
Especially of such, who in some sort may be termed
benefactors, as secondary donors of what (by God's favor)
is had, or to be had from those springs they first found and
left to posterity to bathe themselves in. But if there be any
otherwise affected, as better delighted to reap what they
have not sown, or to possess the fruit another hath labored
for, let such be assured, so great injustice will never want
a woful attendance to follow close at the heels, if not stayed
behind to bring after a more terrible revenge. But my
trust is, such impiety will not be suddenly harbored where
the whole work is, I hope, still continued for the enlargement
of the Christian faith, the supportation of justice, and love
of peace. In assurance whereof, I will conclude, and tell
you, as I have lived long, so I have done what I could. Let
those that come after me do for their parts what they may,
and I doubt not but the God that governs all, will reward
their labors that continue in his service. To whom be glory
for ever. Amen.
FERDINANDO GORGES.
BRIEF NARRATION,
CHAPTER I.
Of the First Seisin, Possession, and Name of Virginia.
THAT Sir Humphrey Gilbert, and Sir Richard Grenville,
and many others, noble spirits of our nation, attempted to
settle a plantation in the parts of America, in the reign of
Queen Elizabeth, is sufficiently published in the painful
collections of Mr. Hakluyt, together with the variable
successes of those undertakers ; of whose labor and charge
there remained no other fruit than the primor seisin and
royal possession taken thereof, as of right belonging to
the crown of England, giving it the name of Virginia, in
the memory and honor of that virgin queen, the wonder of her
sex, by whose authority those attempts took their first life,
and died not till the actors ended their days, and their
chief supporters and advancers tried with so many fruit-
less attempts and endless charge without hope of profit to
follow for many ages to come ; so that that attempt hac
its end, as many others since that of greater hopes and
better grounded. But what shall we say ? As nothing is
done but according to the time fore-decreed by God's sa-
cred providence, so doth he provide wherewith to accom-
plish the same in the fulness of it. But the mirror of queens
being summoned to the possession of a more glorious reign
left her terrestrial crown to her successor James, the Sixth
of Scotland, to whom of right it did belong.
16 THE BRIEF NARRATION
CHAPTER II.
The reasons and means of renewing the undertakings of Plantations
in America.
THIS great monarch gloriously ascending his throne,
[1603] being born to greatness above his ancestors, to
whom all submitted as to another Solomon for wisdom and
justice, as well as for that he brought with him another
crown, whereby those kingdoms that had so long conten-
ded for rights and liberties, perhaps oft-times pretended
rather to satisfy their present purposes, than that justice
required it. But such is the frailty of human nature as
not to be content with what we possess, but strives by all
means to inthral the weaker that is necessitated to prevent
the worst, though by such means sometimes to their greater
ruin. With this union there was also a general peace
concluded between the State and the King of Spain, the
then only enemy of our nation and religion, whereby our
men of war by sea and land were left destitute of all hope
of employment under their own prince ; and therefore
there was liberty given to them (for preventing other evils)
to be entertained as mercenaries under what prince or
state they pleased, a liberty granted upon show of reason,
yet of a dangerous consequence, when our friends and
allies, that had long travailed with us in one and the same
quarrel, should now find our swords sharpened as well
against as for them. Howsoever reason of state approved
thereof, the world forbore not to censure it as their affec-
tions led them. Others grew jealous what might be the
issue, especially when it was found that by such liberty
the sword was put into their hands, the law had prohibited
them the use. Some there were, not liking to be servants
to foreign states, thought it better became them to put in
practice the reviving resolution of those free spirits, that
rather chose to spend themselves in seeking a new world.
OF SIR FERDINANDO GORGES. 17
than servilely to be hired but as slaughterers in the quar-
rels of strangers. This resolution being stronger than
their means to put it into execution, they were forced to
let it rest as a dream, till God should give the means to
stir up the inclination of such a power able to bring it
to life.
And so it pleased our great God, that there happened to
come into the harbor of Plymouth [July, 1605,] (where I
then commanded) one Captain Weymouth, that had been
employed by the Lord Arundel of Wardour for the discov-
ery of the North-west passage ; but falling short of his
course, happened into a river on the coast of America,
called Pemaquid [the Penobscot,] from whence he brought
five of {he natives, three of whose names were Manida,
Skettwarroes, and Tasquantum, whom I seized upon. They
were all of one nation, but of several parts and several
families. This accident must be acknowledged the means
under God of putting on foot and giving life to all our
plantations, as by the ensuing discourse will manifestly
appear.
CHAPTER III.
Of the use I made of the natives.
AFTER I had those people some time in my custody, I
observed in them an inclination to follow the example of the
better sort, and in all their carriages manifest shows of great
civility, far from the rudeness of our common people. And
the longer I conversed with them, the better hope they gave
me of those parts where they did inhabit, as proper for our
uses ; especially when I found what goodly rivers, stately
islands and safe harbors those parts abounded with, being
the special marks I levelled at, as the only want our nation
met with in all their navigations along that coast. And
having kept them full three years, I made them able to set
me down what great rivers ran up into the land, what men
of note were seated on them, what power they were of, how
2*
18 THE BRIEF NARRATION
allied, what enemies they had, and the like ; of which in his
proper place.
CHAPTER IV.
Captain Henry Challoung sent to make his residence in the country
till supplies came.
THOSE credible informations the natives had given me of
the condition and state of their country, made me [August,
1606] send away a ship furnished with men and all neces-
saries, provisions convenient for the service intended, under
the command of Captain Henry Challoung, a gentleman of
a good family, industrious, and of fair condition ; to whom
I gave such directions and instructions for his better direc-
tion as I knew proper for his use and my satisfaction, being
grounded upon the information I had of the natives, sending
two of them with him to aver the same ; binding both the
captain, his master and company strictly to follow it, or to
expect the miscarriage of the voyage to be laid unto their
charge : commanding them by all means to keep the north-
erly gage, as high as Cape Britton. till they had discovered
the main, and then to beat it up to the southward, as the
coast tended, till they found by the natives they were near
the place they were assigned unto. Though this were a
direction contrary to the opinion of our best seamen of these
times, yet I knew many reasons persuading me thereunto,
as well as for that I understood the natives themselves to be
exact pilots for that coast, having been accustomed to fre-
quent the same, both as fishermen, and in passing along the
shore to seek their enemies, that dwelt to the northward of
them. But it is not in the wit of man to prevent the provi-
dence of the Most High.
For this captain being some hundred leagues of the
island of Canary, fell sick of a fever, and the winds being
westerly, his company shaped their course for the Indies,
and coming to St. John de Porto Rico, the captain himself
went ashore for the recovery of his health, while the com-
OF SIR FERDINANDO GORGES. 19
pany took in water, and such other provision as they had
present use of, expending some time there, hunting after
such things as best pleased themselves. That ended, they
set their course to fall with their own height they were
directed unto ; by which means they met the Spanish fleet
that came from Havana, by whom they were taken and
carried into Spain, where their ship and goods were confis-
cate, themselves made prisoners, the voyage overthrown,
and both my natives lost. This the gain of their breach of
order, which, afterwards observed, brought all our ships to
their desired ports. The affliction of the captain and his
company put the Lord Chief Justice Popham to charge, and
myself to trouble in procuring their liberties, which was not
suddenly obtained.
CHAPTER V.
The Lord Chief Justice despatching Captain Prin from Bristol
for the supply of Captain Challoung.
SHORTLY upon my sending away of Captain Challoung,
it pleased the Lord Chief Justice, according to his promise,
to despatch Captain Prin from Bristol, with hope to have
found Captain Challoung where by his instructions he was
assigned ; who observing the same, happily arrived there,
but not hearing by any means what became of him, after he
had made a perfect discovery of all those rivers and harbors
he was informed of by his instructions, (the season of the
year requiring his return) brings with him the most exact
discovery of that coast that ever came to my hands since ;
and indeed he was the best able to perform it of any I met
withal to this present ; which, with his relation of the coun-
try, wrought such an impression in the Lord Chief Justice
and us all that were his associates, that (notwithstanding
our first disaster) we set up our resolutions to follow it with
effect, and that upon better grounds, for as yet our authority
was but in motion.
20 THE BRIEF NARRATION
CHAPTER VI.
Of his Lordship's care in procuring His Majesty's authority for
settling two Colonies.
IN this interim his Lordship failed not to interest many of
the lords and others to be petitioners to his Majesty for his
royal authority, for settling two Plantations upon the coasts
of America, by the names of the First and Second Colony ;
the first to be undertaken by certain noblemen, knights,
gentlemen, and merchants in and about the city of London ;
the second by certain knights, gentlemen, and merchants in
the Western parts. This being obtained [1606,] theirs of
London made a very hopeful entrance into their design,
sending away [June 2, 1609,] under the command of Sir
Thomas Gates, Sir George Summers, and many other gen-
tlemen of quality, a very great and hopeful Plantation to
repossess the parts of Virginia. Sir Thomas Gates happily
arrived in the bay of Jessepiok [in August,] in which navi-
gation Sir George Summers unhapily cast away his ship
upon the islands of Bermathaes, since called the Summer
Islands, in memory of him that deserved the honor for the
great pains, care and industry he used out of the carcass of
his wrecked ship to build a new barque sufficient for the
transportation of himself, distressed company and provision,
to find out Sir Thomas Gates, who timely arrived, to the
wonder of the rest of his consorts.
CHAPTER VII.
The despatch of the first Plantation for the second Colony sent
from Plymouth.
BY the same authority all things fully agreed upon between
both the colonies, the Lord Chief Justice, his friends and
associates of the West country, sent from Plymouth Captain
OF SIR FERDINANDO GORGES. 21
Popham as President for that employment, with Captain
Rawley Gilbert, and divers other gentlemen of note, in three
sail of ships, with one hundred landmen, for the seizing
such a place as they were directed unto by the Council of
that colony ; who departed from the coast of England the
one-and-thirtieth day of May, anno 1607, and arrived at
their rendezvous the 8th of August following. As soon as
the President had taken notice of the place, and given order
for landing the provisions, he despatched away Captain Gil-
bert, with Skitwarres his guide, for the thorough discovery
of the rivers and habitations of the natives ; by whom he
was brought to several of them, where he found civil enter-
tainment and kind respects, far from brutish or savage na-
tures, so as they suddenly became familiar friends ; especi-
ally by the means of Dehamda, and Skitwarres who had been
in England, Dehamda being sent by the Lord Chief Justice
with Captain Prin, and Skitwarres by me in company ; so as
the President was earnestly entreated by Sassenow, Abere-
met, and others the principal sagamores (as they call their
great lords) to go to the Bashabas, who it seems was their
king, and held a state agreeable, expecting that all stran-
gers should have their address to him, not he to them.
To whom the President would have gone after several in-
vitations, but was hindered by cross winds and foul weather,
so as he was forced to return back without making good
what he had promised, much to the grief of those saga-
mores that were to attend him. The Bashabas notwith-
standing, hearing of his misfortune, sent his own son to visit
him, and to beat a trade with him for furs. How it suc-
ceeded, I could not understand, for that the ships were to
be despatched away for England, the winter being aiready
come, for it was the 15th day of December before they set
sail to return ; who brought with them the success of what
had passed in that employment, which so soon as it came
to the Lord Chief Justice's hands, he gave out order to the
Council for sending them back with supplies necessary.
22 THE BRIEF NARRATION
CHAPTER VIII.
The sending supplies to the Colony, and the unhappy death of the Lord
Chief Justice before their departure.
THE supplies being furnished and all things ready, only
attending for a fair wind, which happened not before the
news of the Chief Justice's death was posted to them to be
transported to the discomfort of the poor planters ; but the
ships arriving there in good time, was a great refreshing to
those that had had their storehouse and most of their pro-
visions burnt the winter before.
Besides that, they were strangely perplexed with the
great and unseasonable cold they suffered, with that ex-
tremity as the like hath not been heard of since, and it
seems was universal, it being the same year that our Thames
was so locked up that they built their boats upon it, and
sold provisions of several sorts to those that delighted in the
novelties of the times. But the miseries they had passed
were nothing to that they suffered by the disastrous news
they received of the death of the Lord Chief Justice, that
suddenly followed the death of their President ; but the lat-
ter was not so strange, in that he was well stricken in years
before he went, and had long been an infirm man. How-
soever heartened by hopes, willing he was to die in acting
something that might be serviceable to God and honorable
to his country. But that of the death of the Chief Justice
was such a corrosive to all, as struck them with despair of
future remedy, and it was the more augmented, when they
heard of the death of Sir John Gilbert, elder brother of
Rawley Gilbert that was then their President, a man wor-
thy to be beloved of them all for his industry and care for
their well-being. The President was to return to settle the
state his brother had left him ; upon which all resolved to
quit the place, [1608] and with one consent to away, by
OF SIR FERD1NANDO GORGES. 23
which means all our former hopes were frozen to death ;
though Sir Francis Popham could not so give it over, but
continued to send thither several years after in hope of bet-
ter fortunes, but found it fruitless, and was necessitated at
last to sit down with the loss he had already undergone.
CHAPTER IX.
My resolution not to abandon the prosecution of the business, in tny
opinion so well grounded.
ALTHOUGH I were interested in all these misfortunes, and
found it wholly given over by the body of the adventurers,
as well for that they had lost the principal support of the
design, as also that the country itself was branded by the
return of the Plantation, as being over cold, and in respect
of that not habitable by our nation.
Besides, they understood it to be a task too great for par-
ticular persons to undertake, though the country itself, the
rivers, havens, harbors upon that coast might in time prove
profitable to us.
These last acknowledgments bound me confidently to
prosecute my first resolution, not doubting but God would
effect that which men despaired of. As for those reasons,
the causes of others' discouragements, the first only was
given to me, in that I had lost so noble a friend, and my na-
tion so worthy a subject. As for the coldness of the clime,
I had had too much experience in the world to be frighted
with such a blast, as knowing many great kingdoms and
large territories more northerly seated, and by many de-
grees colder than the clime from whence they came, yet
plentifully inhabited, and divers of them stored with no bet-
ter commodities from trade and commerce than those parts
afforded, if like industry, art and labor be used. For the
last, I had no reason greatly to despair of means, when God
should be pleased, by our ordinary frequenting that country,
to make it appear it would yield both profit and content to
as many as aimed thereat, these being truly (for the most
24 THE BRIEF NARRATION
part) the motives that all men labor, howsoever otherwise
adjoined with fair colors and goodly shadows.
CHAPTER X.
A resolution to put new life into that scattered and lacerated Body.
FINDING I could no longer be seconded by others, I became
an owner of a ship myself, fit for that employment, and
under color of fishing and trade, I got a master and com-
pany for her, to which I sent Vines and others my own ser-
vants with their provision for trade and discovery, appoint-
ing them to leave the ship and ship's company for to follow
their business in the usual place, (for I knew they would
not be drawn to seek by any means.) By these and the help
of those natives formerly sent over, I eame to be truly in-
formed of so much as gave me assurance that in time I
should want no undertakers, though as yet I was forced to
hire men to stay there the winter quarter at extreme rates,
and not without danger, for that the war had consumed the
Bashaba and the most of the great sagamores, with
such men of action as followed them, and those that re-
mained were sore afflicted with the plague, so that the
country was in a manner left void of inhabitants. Not-
withstanding, Vines and the rest with him that lay in the
cabins with those people that died, some more, some less
mightily, (blessed be God for it) not one of them ever felt
their heads to ache while they stayed there. And this course
I held some years together, but nothing to my private profit,
for what I got one way I spent another ; so that I began to
grow weary of that business, as not for my turn till better
times.*
Vines is supposed to have passed the winter of 1616-7 at Winter Harbor,
now a part of the town of Biddeford, near the mouth of Saco river. Prince.
N. E. Chron. 25. He subsequently procured a patent at the same place, eight
miles on the river and four miles wide, and resided there many years.
OF SIR FERDINANDO GORGES. 25
CHAPTER XI.
Captain Harley coming to me with a new proposition of other hopes.
WHILE I was laboring by what means I might best con-
tinue life in my languishing hopes, there comes one Captain
Henry Harley unto me, bringing with him a native of the
island of Capawick [Martha's VineyardJ a place seated to
the southward of Cape Cod, whose name was Epenowe, a
person of a goodly stature, strong and well proportioned.
This man was taken upon the main with some twenty-nine
others by a ship of London, that endeavored to sell them for
slaves in Spain ; but being understood that they were Amer-
icans, and found to be unapt for their uses, they would not
meddle with them, this being one of them they refused.
Wherein they expressed more worth than those that brought
them to the market, who could not but know that our nation
was at that time in travail for settling of Christian colonies
upon that continent, it being an act much tending to our
prejudice, when we came into that part of the countries, as
it shall further appear. How Captain Harley came to be
possessed of this savage, 1 know not ; but I understood by
others how he had been showed in London for a wonder.
It is true (as I have said) he was a goodly man, of a brave
aspect, stout, and sober in his demeanor, and had learned
so much English as to bid those that wondered at him,
" Welcome ! Welcome /" this being the last and best use they
could make of him, that was not grown out of the people's
wonder. The Captain, falling further into his familiarity,
found him to be of acquaintance and friendship with those
subject to the Bashaba, whom the Captain well knew, be-
ing himself one of the Plantation sent over by the Lord
Chief Justice, and by that means understood much of his
language, found out the place of his birth, nature of the
country, their several kinds of commodities and the like ; by
VOL.-IL 3
26 THE BRIEF NARRATION
which he conceived great hope that good might be made of
him, if means could be found for his employment. But find
ing adventurers of that kind were worn out of date, after
so many failings and so soon upon the return of our late
colony, the gentleman calling to mind my aptness to designs
of that nature, lays up his rest to discover his greatest se-
crets to me, by whom he had hoped to rise or fall in this
action. After he had spoken with me, and that I had seen
his savage, though I had some reason to believe the gentle-
man in what he told me, yet I thought it not amiss to take
some time before I Undertook a business (as I thought) so
improbable in some particulars. But yet I doubted not, my
resolution being such (as is said) I might make some use of
his service ; and" therefore wished him to leave him with
me, giving him my word, that when I saw my time to send
again to those parts, he should have notice of it, and I
would be glad to accept of his service, and that with as
great kindnes as he freely offered it ; in the mean time, he
might be pleased to take his own course,
CHAPTER XII.
The reasons of my undertaking the employment for the island of Capawick.
AT the time this new savage came unto me, I had recov-
ered Assacumet, one of the natives I sent with Captain
Chalownes in his unhappy employment, with whom I lodged
Epenaw, who at the first hardly understood one the other's
speech ; till after a while I perceived the difference was no
more than that as ours is between the Northern and South-
ern people ; so that I was a little eased in the use I made of
my old servant, whom I engaged to give account of what he
learned by conference between themselves, and he as faith-
fully performed it. Being fully satisfied of what he was
able to say, and the time of making ready drawing on, fol-
lowing my pretended designs, I thought it became me to
acquaint the thrice-honored Lord of Southampton with it,
for that I knew the Captain had some relation to his Lord-
OF SIR FERDINANDO GORGES. 27
ship, and I not willing in those days to undertake any mat-
ter extraordinary without his I Lordship's advice ; who
approved of it so well that he adventured one hundred
pounds in that employment, and his Lordship being at that
time commander of the Isle of Wight, where the Captain
had his abiding under his Lordship, out of his nobleness
was pleased to furnish me with some land soldiers, and to
commend to me a grave gentleman, one Captain Hobson,
who was willing to go that voyage and to adventure one
hundred pounds himself. To him I gave the command of
the ship, all things being ready, and the company came to-
gether, attending but for a fair wind. They set sail in
June, in anno 1614, being fully instructed how to demean
themselves in every kind, carrying with them Epenow, As-
sacomet, and Wenape, another native of those parts, sent
me out of the Isle of Wight for my better information in
the parts of the country of his knowledge. When as it
pleased God that they were arrived upon the coast, they
were piloted from place to place by the natives themselves
as well as their hearts could desire. And coming to the
harbor where Epenow was to make good his undertaking,
the principal inhabitants of the place came aboard, some
of them being his brothers, others his near cousins ; who*
after they had communed together, and were kindly enter-
tained by the Captain, departed in their canoes, promising
the next morning to come aboard again, and bring some
trade with them. But Epenow privately (as it appeared)
had contracted with his friends how he might make his
escape without performing what he had undertaken, being
in truth no more than he had told me he was to do though
with loss of his life ; for otherwise, if it were found that he
had discovered the secrets of his country, he was sure to
have his brains knocked out as soon as he came ashore.
For that cause I gave the Captain strict charge to endeav-
or by all means to prevent his escaping from them ; and
for the more surety, I gave order to have three gentlemen
of my own kindred (two brothers of Sturton's, and Master
Matthews) to be ever at hand with him, clothing him with
28 THE BRIEF NARRATION
long garments, fitly to be laid hold on if occasion should
require. Notwithstanding all this, his friends being all
come at the time appointed with twenty canoes, and lying
at a certain distance with their bows ready, the Captain
calls to them to come aboard ; but they not moving, he
speaks to Epenow to come unto him where he was, in the
forecastle of the ship. He, being then in the waist of the
ship between two of the gentlemen that had him in guard,
starts suddenly from them, and coming to the Captain, calls
to his friends in English to come aboard ; in the interim
slips himself overboard, and although he was taken hold of
by one of the company, yet being a strong and heavy man,
could not be stayed, and was no sooner in the water but
the natives sent such a shower of arrows, and came withal
desperately so near the ship, that they carried him away
in despite of all the musketeers aboard, who were for the
number as good as our nation did afford. And thus were
my hopes of that particular made void and frustrate, and
they returned without doing more, though otherwise order-
ed how to have spent that summer to good purpose. But
such are the fruits to be looked for, by employing men
more zealous of gain than fraught with experience how to
make it.
CHAPTER XIII.
Sir Richard Makings undertook, by authority from the Council of the seeond
Colony to try what service he could do them as President for that year.
HAVING received his commission and instructions, he de-
parted in October, 1615, and spent the time of his being in
those parts in searching of the country and finding out the
the commodities thereof. But the war was at the height,
and the principal natives almost destroyed ; so that his ob-
servation could not be such as could give account of any
new matter, more than formerly had been received. From
thence he passed along the coast to Virginia, and stayed
there some time in expectation of what he could not be
OF SIR FERDINANDO GORGES. 29
satisfied in ; so took his next course for Spain, to make the
best of such commodities he had got together, as he coasted
from place to place, having sent his ship laden with fish to
the market before. And this was all that was done by any
of us that year.
CHAPTER XIV.
Of the sending of Captain Rocraft to meet with Captain Dermor in
New-England.
ABOUT this time I received letters from Captain Dermor
out of New-England, giving me to understand that there
was one of my savages sent into those parts, brought from
Malaga in a ship of Bristol, acquainting me with the means
I might recover him : which I followed, and had him sent
me, who was after employed with others in the voyage
with Captain Hobson, sent to Capawike, as is above said.
By this savage Captain Dermor understood so much of the
state of his country, as drew his affections wholly to follow
his hopes that way ; to which purpose he writes, that if I
pleased to send a commission to meet him in New-England?
he would endeavor to come from the New-found-land to re-
ceive it, and to observe such other instructions as I pleased
to give him. Whereupon the next season [1619], I sent
Captain Rocraft with a company I had of purpose hired for
the service. At his arrival upon the coast he met with a
small barque of Dieppe, which he seized upon, according to,
such liberties as was granted unto him in such cases j not-
withstanding the poor Frenchman, being of our religion, I
was easily persuaded, upon his petition, to give content for
his loss, although it proved much to damage afterwards.
For Captain Rocraft, being now shipped and furnished with
all things necessary, left the coast, contrary to my direc-
tions, and went to Virginia, where he had formerly dwelt ;
and there falling into company with some of his old; ac-
quaintance, a quarrel happened between him and another,
so that before he could get away he was slain ; Tby which,
a*
30 THE BRIEF NARRATION
accident the barque was left at random, (the most of the
company being on shore). A storm arising, she was cast
away, and all her provisions lost. Something was saved r
but nothing ever came to my hands.
CHAPTER XV.
Of my employment of Captain Dormer after his failings to come fromr
the New-found-land to New England.
CAPTAIN Dormer being disappointed of his means to come
from New-found-land to New England, took shipping 1 for
England, and came to me at Plymouth [1619,] where I gave
him an account of what I had done, and he me what his
hopes were to be able to do me service, if I pleased to em-
ploy him. Hereupon I conferred his informations together
with mine own I received by several ways, and found them
to agree in many the particulars of highest consequence and
best considerations. Whereupon I despatched him away
with the company he had gotten together, as fast as my own
ship could be made ready for her ordinary employment,
sending with him what he thought necessary, hoping to have
met Captain Rocraft, where he was assigned to attend till
he received further directions from me. But at the ship's
arrival they found Captain Rocraft gone for Virginia, with
all his company, in the barque he had taken, of which before.
Captain Dormer arriving, and seeing Rocraft gone, was;
much perplexed. Yet so resolved he was, that he ceased
not to follow his design with the men and means which I
had sent him ; and so shaped his course from Sagadahock
in forty-four degrees, to Capawike, being in forty-one and
thirty-six minutes, sending me a journal of his proceeding,
with the description of the coast all along as he passed.
Passing by Capawike, he continued his course along the
coast from harbor to harbor till he came to Virginia, where
he expected to meet with Rocraft (as afore.) But finding
him dead, and all lost that should have supplied him, he was
forced to shift as he could to make his return, and coming
OF SIR FERD1NANDO GORGES. 31
to Capawike and Nautican, and going first to Nautican and
from thence to Capawike, he set himself and some of his
people on shore, where he met with Epenow, the savage
who had escaped, of whom- before. This savage, speaking
some English, laughed at his own escape, and reported the
story of it. Mr. Dormer told him he came from me, and
was one of my servants, and that I was much grieved he had
been so ill used as to be forced to steat away. This savage
was so cunning, that after he had questioned him about me
and Sill he knew belonged unto me* conceived he was come
on purpose to betray him, and conspired with some of his
fellows to take the Captain. Thereupon they laid hands
upon him ; but he being a brave, stout gentleman, drew his
sword and freed himself, but not without fourteen woundsv
This disaster forced him to make all possible haste to Vir-
ginia, to be cured of his wounds. At the second return he
had the misfortune to fall sick and die of the infirmity many
of our nation are subject unto at their first coming into those
parts. The loss of this man, I confess, much troubled me,
and had almost made me resolve never to intermeddle in
any of those courses.*
CHAPTER XVI.
The reasons of endeavoring to renew our first Patent, and to establish the form
of Government by way of Corporation at Plymouth.
AFTER I had made so many trials of the state and com-
modities of the country, and nature and condition of the
people, and found all things agreeable to the ends I aimed
* Dormer performed the voyage from Monhegan to Virginia in an open pinnace,
in the summer of 1619. He was the first English navigator who sailed through
Long Island sound and the East river, into the harbor of New York, and thence
by the Narrows and Sandy Hook, towards the south ; and having by this means
ascertained that Long- Island was not a part of the mainland, he has enjoyed the
credit of that discovery ; but the Dutch had explored the Sound several years be-
fore and were already established on. Manhattan island. A letter from Capt. Dor-
32 THE BRIEF NARRATION
at from the first, I thought it sorted with reason and justice
to use the like diligence, order and care for our affairs in
the Northern Plantation, the Company of Virginia for the
Southern, with some alteration of the form of government,
as more proper (in our judgment) for affairs of that kind,
and like enlargement of the borders, begining where they
ended at forty degrees, and from thence to forty-eight north-
wards, and into the land from sea to sea. Of this my resolu-
tion I was bold to offer the sounder considerations to divers
of his Majesty's honorable Privy Council, who had so good
liking thereunto, as they willingly became interested them-
selves therein as patentees and counsellors for the managing
of the business ; by whose favors I had the easier passage
in the obtaining his Majesty's royal charter to be granted
us, according to his warrant to the then Solicitor General,
the true copy whereof followeth, viz.
To Sir Thomas Coventry, Knight, his Majesty's Solicitor General:
Whereas it is thougth fit that a Patent of Incorporation
be granted to the adventurers of the Northern Colony in
Virginia, to contain the like liberties, privileges, power,
authorities, lands and all other things within their limits,
namely, between the degrees of forty and forty-eight, as
were heretofore granted to the company in Virginia, except-
ing only that whereas the said Company have a freedom of
custom and subsidy for twenty-one years, and of impositions
forever, this new Company is to be free of custom and sub-
sidy for the like term of years, and of impositions after so
long time as his Majesty shall please to grant unto them.
This shall be therefore to will and require you to prepare a
Patent ready for his Majesty's royal signature to the purpos
aforesaid, leaving a blank for the time of freedom from im-
mer to Purchas, describing this voyage, is reprinted in 1 New York Historical
Collections, (new Series,) pp. 343-354. Prince, 64. Holmes. Am. Annals,
A. D. 1619.
OF SIR FERDINANDO GORGES. 33
position, to be supplied and put in by his Majesty ; for
which this shall be your warrant. Dated 23d July, IGiiO.
Signed by the
LORD CHANCELLOR. C LORD DIGBY.
LORD PRIVY SEAL. MR. COMPTROLLER.
EARL OF ARUNDELL. < MR. SECRETARY NAUNTON..
MR. SECRETARY CALVERT. I MASTER OF THE WARDS.
MASTER OF THE ROLLS. \^
CHAPTER XVII.
Showing the troubles I underwent by the reason of the Company of Virginia's
exceptions, taken at the Patent granted by the Lords and others
for the Affairs of New-England.
I HAVE briefly given you an account of the failings and
disasters of what hath passed in those my former and foreign
undertakings. I will now (with your patience) let you see
some of my troubles I met with where I might have hoped
for a comfortable encouragement. But such is (we com-
monly see) the condition of human nature, that what is well
intended and confidently pursued by a public spirit, is not-
withstanding sometimes by others made subject to excep-
tions, and so prosecuted as a matter worthy of reprehen-
sion. So fared it with me at this present. For I had no
sooner passed the Patent under the great seal, but certain
of the Company of Virginia took exceptions thereat as
conceiving it tended much to their prejudice, in that they
were debarred the intermeddling within our limits, who.
had formerly excluded us irom having to do with theirs.
Hereupon several complaints were m-ade to the King and
Lords of the Privy Council, who, after many deliberate^
hearings and large debate on both sides, saw no cause
wherefore we should not enjoy what the King had granted
us, as well as they what the King had granted them, es-
pecially having obtained from him so many gracious favors
over and above our aims; as namely, several free gifts,
divers great salaries, and other great advantages, to the
value (as I have understood) of five or six hundred thou-
34 THE BRIEF NARRATION
sand pounds ; whereas our ambition only aimed at the en-
joying of his Majesty's favor and justice to protect and
support us in our freedoms, that we might peaceably reap
the benefits of God's gracious gifts, raised by our own indus-
tries, without any of their help or hinderances ; our desires
being so fair that all that were not over partial easily as-
sented thereunto, and ordered it accordingly, as by the same
it may appear. But that could not satisfy ; for I was
plainly told, that howsoever I had sped before the Lords, I
should hear more of it the next Parliament, assuring me
that they would have three hundred voices more than I.
Whereupon I replied, If justice could be overthrown by
voices, it should not grieve me to lose what I had so hon-
estly gotten. The next Parliament was no sooner assembled
[1621,] but I found it too true wherewith I was formerly
threatened, as you may see it following.
CHAPTER XVIII.
My being summoned to appear in the House of Parliament to answer what
was to be objected against the Patent of New-England.
THE whole House being dissolved into a Committee, Sir
Edward Cook being in the chair, I was called for to the
bar, where, after some space, it pleased him to tell me that
the House understood that there was a Patent granted to
me and divers other noble persons therein nominated, for
the establishing of a colony in New-England. This (as it
seems) was a grievance of the Commonwealth, and so com-
plained of, in respect of many particulars therein contained
contrary to the laws and privileges of the subjects, as also
that it was a monopoly, and the color of planting a colony
put upon it for particular ends and private gain, which the
House was to look unto, and to minister justice to all par-
ties ; assuring me further, that I should receive nothing but
justice, and that the House would do no wrong to any ; that
I was a gentleman of honor and worth, but the public was
to be respected before all particulars. But before they could
OF SIR FERDINANDO GORGES. 35
descend to other matters in the business, the Patent was to
be brought into the House ; therefore he required the deliv-
ery of it.
To this general charge and special command I humbly
replied, that for my own part I was but a particular person,
and inferior to many to whom the Patent was granted, hav-
ing no power to deliver it without their assents ; neither in
truth was it in my custody, But being demanded who had
it, I answered that it remained still (for aught I knew) in
the Crown Office, where it was left since the last Parlia-
ment ; for that it was resolved to be renewed for the amend-
ment of some faults contained therein ; from whence, if it
pleased the House, they might command it, and dispose
thereof as their wisdoms thought it good. But to the gen-
eral charge I know not (under favor) how any action of
that kind could be a grievance to the public, seeing at first
it was undertaken for the advancement of religion, the en-
largement of the bounds of our nation, the increase of trade,
and the employment of many thousands of all sorts of people.
That I conceived it could not be esteemed a monoply,
though it is true at the first discovery of the coast few
were interested in the charge thereof, for many could not
be drawn to adventure in actions of that kind where they
were assured of loss, and small hopes of gain.
And indeed so many adventures had been made, and so
many losses sustained and received, that all or the most
part that tasted thereof grew weary, till now it is found by
our constant perseverance therein, that some profit, by a
course of fishing upon that coast, may be made extraordi-
nary ; which was never intended to be converted to private
uses by any grant obtained by us from his Majesty, as by
the several offers made to all the maritime cities and towns
in the Western parts, that pleased to partake of the liber-
ties and immunities granted to us by his Majesty ; which
was desired principally for our warrant to regulate those
affairs, the better to settle the public Plantation by the
profits to be raised by such as sought the benefit thereof ;
being no more in effect than many private gentlemen and
36 THE BRIEF NARRATION
lords of manors within our own countries enjoyed at this
present, and that both agreeable to the laws and justice of
our nation without offence to the subjects' liberties. But
for my particular, I was glad of the present occasion that
had so happily called them together from all parts of the
kingdom, to whom I was humbly bold, in the behalf of my-
self and the rest of those intrusted in the Patent, to make
present proffer thereof to the House for the general estate
of the whole kingdom, so they would prosecute the settling
the Plantation, as from the first was intended ; wherein we
would be their humble servants in all that lay in our pow-
er, without looking back to the great charge that had been
expended in the discovery and seizure of the coast, and
bringing it to the pass it was come unto* That what was
more to be said to the Patent for the present, I humbly
prayed I might receive in particular, to the end I might be
the better furnished to give them answer thereunto by my
counsel, at such time they pleased to hear me again, being
confident I should not only have their approbation in the
further prosecuting so well-grounded a design, but their
furtherance also. Howsoever, I was willing to submit the
whole to their honorable censures. Hereupon it was or-
dered, that the Patent should be looked into by a committee
assigned for that purpose, and the exceptions taken against
it delivered to me, that had a prefixed day to attend them
again with my counsel at law to answer to those their
objections.
CHAPTER XIX.
My second appearance, with my Counsel.
THE time assigned being come, and I not receiving their
objections (as by the House it was ordered) I attended with-
out my counsel, in that I wanted upon which to build my
instructions for preparing them, as in duty I ought. But
being called, I humbly told them, that in obedience to their
commands, I attended to receive the House's objections
OF SIR FERDINANDO GORGES. 37
against the Patent of New-England ; but it was not yet
come to my hands. Where the fault was I knew not, and
therefore I besought them to assign me a new day, and to
order I might have it delivered to me as was intended. Or
otherwise, if they so pleased, I was ready without my coun-
sel to answer what could be objected, doubting they might
conceive I sought by delays to put off the business. To this
it was answered by Sir Edward Cooke, that I had gained
great favor of the House to receive the particulars in wri-
ting, by which I was able to plead my own cause (though
as yet I had it not.) But I acknowledged the greatness of
their favors, and attended their further commands, according
to the time assigned.
CHAPTER XX.
My appearance the third time, together with my Counsel at Law,
HAVING received the House's exceptions against the Patent,
I drew up my full answers to every particular, and enter^
tained for my counsel Mr. Finch of Gray's Inn (since that the
Lord Finch,) and Mr. Caltrup, afterwards Attorney General
of the Court of Wards. To these I delivered my instructions,
assigning them to proceed accordingly. But, as in great
causes before great states, where the Court seems to be a
party, counsel oftentimes is shy of wading farther than with
their safety they may return. However both did so well,
the one for the matter of justice, the other for the matter of
law, as in common judgment the objections were fully an-
swered ; and they seeming to be at a stand, the House de-
manded of me what I had more to say myself. I being
sensible wherein my counsel came short of my intentions,
besought the House to take into their grave considerations,
that the most part of the fishermen spoken of had, in obedi-
ence to his Majesty's royal grant, conformed themselves
thereunto, and I hoped that they were but particular per-
sons that opposed themselves against it But admit all of
them had joined together, yet had that belonged rather to
VOL. II. 4
38 THE BRIEF NARRATION
the Council for those affairs to have complained of them for
the many injuries and outrages done by them. That the
Council, of their own charge and cost, had first discovered
that goodly coast, and found that hopeful means to settle a
flourishing Plantation for the good of this kingdom in gene-
ral, as well great lords as knights, esquires, gentlemen,
merchants, fishermen, tradesmen, husbandmen, laborers, and
the like, and that both to honor and profit. That the en-
largement of the King's dominions, with the advancement of
religion in those desert parts, are matters of highest conse-
quence, and far exceeding a simple and disorderly course of
fishing, which would soon be given over, for that so goodly
a coast could not be long left unpeopled by the French,
Spanish, or Dutch ; so that if the Plantation be destroyed,
the fishing is lost, and then the profit and honor of our nation
must perish (in all opinion) both to present and future ages,
which these men principally aimed at. That the mischief
already sustained by those disorderly persons, are inhumane
and intolerable ; for, first, in their manners and behavior
they are worse than the very savages, impudently and openly
lying with their women, teaching their men to drink drunk,
to swear and blaspheme the name of God, and in their
drunken humor to fall together by the ears, thereby giving
them occasion to seek revenge. Besides, they cozen and
abuse the savages in trading and trafficking, selling them
salt covered with butter instead of so much butter, and the
like cozenages and deceits, both to bring the planters and
all our nation into contempt and disgrace, thereby to give
the easier passage to those people that dealt more righteous-
ly with them ; that they sell unto the savages muskets,
fowling-pieces, powder, shot, swords, arrow-heads, and other
arms, wherewith the savages slew many of those fishermen
and are grown so able and so apt, as they become most
dangerous to the planters. And I concluded,
That in this particular I had been draw^n, out of my zeal
to my country's happiness, to engage my estate so deeply
as I had done ; and having but two sons I adventured the
life of one of them (who is there at this present) for the
OF SIR FERDINANDO GORGES. 36
better advancement thereof, (with others of his kinsmen of
his own name, with many other private friends,) which so
nearly concerned me, that if I did express more passion than
ordinary in the delivery thereof, I hoped the House would
be pleased to pardon me ; affirming, that if I should do less,
I might appear willing to suffer them to perish by my neg-
ligence, connivance, improvidence or ungratefulness, to the
dishonor of my nation, and burden of my own conscience.
But these things being considered, I presume the honorable
assembly will do what in all respects shall be both just and
lawful, and that in confidence thereof, I will cease to be
further troublesome.
CHAPTER XXL
What followed upon my Answer to the House's Exceptions.
BEING persuaded in my own understanding, as well as in
the judgment of those that accompanied me, I had suffi-
cienly satisfied the most part of the House, the rather for
that they forbade the lawyers to speak any more, after I
began to deliver what I had to say for myself, with this
hope I departed, attending the success, but understanding
(from those that were favorers and parties with me) that
my opposites held their resolutions to make it a public griev-
ance, and for such to present it to his Majesty.
Hereupon I thought it became me to use my best means
his Majesty might have sight of their exceptions and my
answers, which accordingly was performed. So that at the
time the House presented the public grievances of the
kingdom, that of the Patent of New-England was the first.
Wherein was declared, that having heard me and my
learned counsel several days, but that I could not defend
the same ; which the King observing was a little moved,
finding the matter was made greater than the cause re-
quired. This their public declaration of the House's dislike
of the cause shook of all my adventurers for plantation,
and made many of the patentees to quit their interest, so
40 THE BRIEF NARRATION
that in all likelihood I must fall under the weight of so
heavy a burden. But the justness of my cause being truly
apprehended by the King, from which I understood he was
not to be drawn to overthrow the Corporation he so much
approved of in his own judgment, and I was wished not to
omit the prosecution thereof, as cause required. But I
thought better to forbear for the present, in honor and re-
spect of what had passed in so public a manner between
the King and his House of Commons ; who, shortly after,
upon several reasons, rising from particular persons, who
(as it seemed) were more liberal in their language than
became them, trenching farther upon the King's preroga-
tive power, he thought to be tolerated, as doubting of the
consequence thereof. Whereupon the Parliament was dis-
missed, divers of those free speakers committed to the
Tower, others to other prisons ; so that now I was called
upon to attend those affairs on several accidents that hap-
pened. As first, for that the French ambassador made
challenge to those territories granted us by the King our
sovereign, in the behalf of the King of France, his master,
as belonging to his subjects, that by his authority were pos-
sessed thereof, as a part of Nova France. To which I was
commanded by the King to give answer to the ambassador
his claim, which was sent me from the Lord Treasurer,
under the title of Le Memorial de Monsieur Seigneur le
Conte de Tittieres, Ambassadeur pour le Roy de France.
Whereunto I made so full a reply (as it seems) there was
no more heard of that their claim.
But as Captain Dormer, who (as I said) was coasting
that country, met with some Hollanders that were settled
in a place we call Hudson's river, in trade with the natives ;
who, in the right of our Patent, forbade them the place, as
being by his Majesty appointed to us. Their answer was,
they understood no such thing, nor found any of our nation
there, so that they hoped they had not offended. However,
this their communication removed them not, but upon our
complaining of their intrusion to his Majesty, order was
given to his ambassadors to deal with the States, to know
OF SIR FERDINANDO GORGES. 41
by what warrant any of their subjects took upon them to
settle within those limits by him granted to his subjects,
who were royally seized of a part thereof. To which was
answered, that they knew of no such thing. If there were
any, it was without their authority, and that they only had
enacted the Company for the affairs of the West Indies.
This answer being returned, made us to prosecute our busi-
ness, and to resolve of the removing of those interlopers, to
force them to submit to the government of those to whom
that place belonged. Thus you may see how many bur-
thens I travailed under of all sides, and yet not come near
my journey's end.
CHAPTER XXII.
Of the descent of Mr. Peirce, Mr. Day, others their associates, within our limits,
being bound for Virginia.
BEFORE the unhappy controversy happened between those
of Virginia and myself (as you have heard), they were
forced through the great charge they had been at, to heark-
en to any propositions that might give ease and furtherance
to so hopeful a business. To that purpose, it was referred
to their considerations how necessary it was that means
might be used to draw into those enterprises some of those
families that had retired themselves into Holland for scru-
ple of conscience, giving them such freedom and liberty as
might stand with their likings. This advice being heark-
ened unto, there were that undertook the putting it in
practice, and accordingly brought it to- effect so far forth,
as that the three ships (such as their weak fortunes were
able to provide), whereof two proved unserviceable and so
were left behind, the third with great difficulty recovered
the coast of New-England [December, 1620], where they
landed their people, many of them weak and feeble through
the length of the navigation, the leakiness of the ship, and
want of many other necessaries such undertakings required.
But they were not many da-ys ashore before they had gotten
4*
42 THE BRIEF NARRATION
both health and strength, through the comfort of the air r
the store of fish and fowl, with plenty of wholesome roots
and herbs the country afforded ; besides the civil respect
the natives used towards them, tending much to their hap-
piness in so great extremity they were in. After they had
well considered the state of their affairs, and found that the
authority they had from the Company of Virginia could not
warrant their abode in that place, which they found so
prosperous and pleasing to them, they hastened away their
ship, with order to their Solicitor to deal with me, to be a
means they might have a grant from the Council of New-
England's affairs to settle in the place ; which was accord-
ingly performed to their particular satisfaction and good
content of them all ; which place was after called New
Plymouth, where they have continued ever since very peace-
able, and in plenty of all necessaries that nature needeth,
if that could satisfy our vain affections. Where I wiU
leave them for the present.*
* The patent to John Peirce and others in behalif of the Colony at Plymouth*
is the one referred to in this chapter. The original instrument was found a I
Plimton, Mass, in 1741, and deposited in the Land Office at Boston, where it
was seen by Judge Davis x who has described its leading features in the appendix,
to his excellent edition of Morton's Memorial* pp. 361-2. It bore the seals and
signatures of the Puke of Lenox, the Marquis of Hamilton,, the Earl of War-
wick, and Sir Ferdinando Gorges. Recently searches have been made for this
instrument at the Land Office without success, and Dr. Young conjectures that
it is now lost. Chron. Pilgrims. 235. It was never printed.
This is without doubt the patent referred to in the certificate or declaration of
Samuel Welles, of Boston, published in Willis's History of Portland, 1 Maine
Historical Collections, p. 13. When discovered at Plimton, the original instru-
ment was placed in the hands of Mr. Welles, who seems to have been one of
the commissioners to settle the boundary line between Massachusetts and Rhode
Island at that period. Cotton's MS. Diary, cited by Judge Davis. As it was
general in its terms, granting land in any part of New-England not already
granted, this patent easily admitted of being applied to lands in Maine ; but there
is no reason to suppose that it was used for that purpose by Peirce^much less that
be ever settled at Pemaquid, as stated in the certificate of Welles; indeed he
does not appear to have visited New-England, although he once made the attempt,
but was driven back by bad weather. The use made, or intended to be made of
this patent, in the last century, was probably fraudulent.
OF SIR FERDINANDO GORGES. 43
CHAPTER XXIII.
My son Captain Robert Gorges sent by authority of the Council for those Affairs,
as their Lieutenant General.
THE several complaints made to the Council of the abuses
committed by several the fishermen, and other interlopers,
who without order from them frequented those coasts, tend-
ing to the scorn of our nation, both to the ordinary mixing
themselves with their women, and other beastly demeanors,
tending to drunkenness, to the overthrow of our trade, and
dishonor of the government.
For reformation whereof, and to prevent the evils that
may ensue, they were pleased to resolve of the sending
some one into those parts as their Lieutenant, to regulate
the estate of their affairs and those abuses. Hereupon my
son Robert Gorges, being newly come out of the Venetian
war, was the man they were pleased to pitch upon, being
one of the Company, and interested in a proportion of the land
with the rest of the Patentees in the Bay of the Majechew-
sett, containing ten miles in breadth and thirty miles into
the main land ; who, between my Lord Gorges and myself,
was speedily sent away into the said Bay of Massechewset,
where he arrived about the beginning of August following,
anno 1623, that being the place he resolved to make his
residence, as proper for the public as well as for his pri-
vate ; where landing his provisions and building his store-
houses, he sent to them of New Plymouth (who by his
commission were authorized to be his assistants) to come
unto him, who willingly obeyed his order, and as carefully
discharged their duties ; by whose experience he suddenly
understood what was to be done with the poor means he
had, believing the supplies he expected would follow ac-
cording to the undertakings of divers his familiar friends
who had promised as much. But they, hearing how I sped
44 THE BRIEF NARRATION
in the House of Parliament, withdrew themselves; and
myself and friends were wholly disabled to do any thing to
purpose. The report of these proceedings with us coming
to my son's ears, he was advised to return home till better
occasion should offer itself unto him.
Here follows my son Captain Gorges' Patent.
To all to whom these Presents shall come, the Council for the Affairs of New-
England in America send Greeting :
WHEREAS it hath pleased the King's Most Excellent Majesty, by his royal
grant bearing date the third day of November, in the eighteenth year of his Ma-
jesty's reign over this his Highness ? s realm of England, &c., for divers causes
therein expressed, absolutely to give, grant, and confirm unto us, the said Council
and our successors, all the foresaid land of New-England, lying and being from
forty to forty-eight degrees of northerly latitude, and in length by all that breadth
aforesaid, from sea to sea throughout the main land, together with all the woods,
waters, rivers, soils, havens, harbors, islands, and other commodities whatsoever
thereunto belonging, with all privileges, pre-eminences, profits and liberties by
sea and land, as by the said grant, amongst other things therein contained, more
at large appeareth : Now know all men by these presents, that we the Council
of New-England, for and in respect of the good and special service done by Sir
Ferdinando Gorges, Knight, to the Plantation, from the first attempt thereof unto
this present, as also for many other causes us hereunto moving, and likewise for
and in consideration of the payment of one hundred and sixty pounds of lawful
English money unto the hands of our Treasurer by Robert Gorges, son of the
said Sir Ferdinando Gorges, Knight, whereof, and of every part and parcel
whereof, the said Robert Gorges, his heirs, executors and assigns are forever ac-
quitted and discharged by these presents, have given, granted and confirmed, and
by these presents do give, grant and confirm unto the said Robert Gorges, his
heirs and assigns forever, all that part of the main land in New England afore-
said, commonly called or known by the name of Messachusiack, situate, lying
and being upon the northeast side of the Bay called or known by the name of
Massachuset, or by what other name or names soever it be or shall be called or
known, together with all the shores and coasts along the sea for ten English miles
in a straight line towards the northeast, accounting one thousand seven hundred
sixty yards to the mile, and thirty English miles (after the same rate) unto the
main land through all the breadth aforesaid, together with all the islets and
islands lying within three miles of any part of the said lands (except such islands
as are formerly granted), together also with all the lands, rivers, mines and min-
erals, woods, quarries, marshes, waters, lakes, fishings, huntings, fovvlings, and
commodities and hereditaments whatsoever, with all and singular their appurten-
ances, together with all prerogatives, rights, jurisdictions and royalties, and power
of judicature in all causes an.d matters whatsoever, criminal, capital and civil
OF SIR FERDINANDO GORGES. 45
arising, or which may hereafter arise within the limits, bounds and precincts
aforesaid, to be executed according to the Great Charter of England, and such
laws as shall be hereafter established by public authority of the State assembled
in Parliament in New-England, to be executed and exercised by the said Robert
Gorges, his heirs and assigns, or his or their deputies, lieutenants, judges, stew-
ards or other officers thereunto by him or them assigned, deputed or appointed
from time to time, with all other privileges, franchises, liberties and immunities,
with escheats and casualties thereof arising, or which shall or may hereafter
arise within the said limits and precincts, with all the interest, right, title, claim
and demand whatsoever, which we the said Council and our successors now of
right have or ought to have and claim, or may have or acquire hereafter, in or to
the said portion of lands, or islands, or any the premises, in as free, ample, large
and beneficial manner, to all intents, constructions and purposes whatsoever, as
we the said Council by his Majesty's said letters patent may or can grant the
same, saving and always reserving unto the said Council, and their successors,
and to the Court of Parliament hereafter to be in New England aforesaid, and
to either of them, power to receive, hear and determine all and singular appeal
and appeals of every person and persons whatsoever, dwelling or inhabiting with-
in the said territories and islands, or either or any of them, to the said Robert
Gorges granted as aforesaid, of and from all judgments and sentences whatso-
ever given within the said territories, to have and to hold all and every the
lands and premises above by these presents granted (except before excepted)
with their and every of their appurtenances, with all the royalties, jurisdictions,
mines, minerals, woods, fishing, fowling, hunting, waters, rivers, and all other
profits, commodities and hereditaments whatsoever, within the precincts afore-
said, or to the said lands, islands or premises, or any of them in any wise be-
longing or appertaining, to the said Robert Gorges, his heirs and assigns forever,
to the only proper use and behoof of the said Robert Gorges, his heirs and as-
signs for evermore ; to be held of the said Council, and their successors, per
Gladium Comitatus, that is to say, by finding four able men, conveniently armed
or arrayed for the wars, to attend upon the Governor for any service within four-
teen days after warning, and yielding and paying unto the said Council one
fiftieth part of all the ore of the mines of gold and silver which shall be had,
possessed and obtained within the precincts aforesaid, for all services and de-
mands whatsoever, to be delivered into the Tower of London in England, to
and for the use of his Majesty, his heirs and successors from time to time. And
last>y know ye, that we the said Council have deputed, authorized and appointed,
and in our place and stead have put David Thomson, Gent., or in his absence
any other person that shall be their Governor, or other officer unto the said Coun-
cil, to be our true and lawful attorney and attorneys, and in our name and stead
to enter into the said lands, and other the premises with their appurtenances, or
l nto some part thereof, in the name of the whole, for us and in our names to
have and take possession and seisin thereof, and after such possession and seisin
thereof, or of some other part thereof had and taken, then for us and in our
name to deliver the same unto the said Robert Gorges or his heirs, or to his or
their certain attorney or attorneys, to be by him or his heirs appointed in that
behalf, according to the true intent and meaning of these presents, ratifying
46 THE BRIEF NARRATION
confirming and allowing all and whatsoever our attorney or attorneys shall do in
or about the premises, or in part thereof by virtue of these presents. In witness
whereof, we have affixed our common seal, the thirtieth day of December, in
the year of the reign of our sovereign lord, James, by the grace of God, of Eng-
land, France and Ireland King, Defender of the Faith, &c., the twentieth, and
of Scotland the fifty-sijth.*
LENOX, HAMILTON,
ARRUNDELL, SURREY,
BARN. GOACH,
ROBERT MANSELL,
Wi. BOLES.
* THE following document relates to this patent, and is the same referred to in Mr. Fol-
som's Discourse, p. 47 as having been recently discovered among the State Records of Mas-
sachusetts :
" King James the 1st, on the third of November, in the 18th year of his reign, (vizt.) in
the year 1620, by Letters Patent, granted unto the Council for the affairs of New England
and their successors. All the land of New England lying and being from 40 to 48 degrees
of North Latitude, and in length by that breadth aforesaid from sea to sea thro' the Main
Land, together with all Islands, woods, mimics, quarries, &c.
" The said Council, for a consideration, by deed bearing date the 30th December, in the
20th of King James, (vizt.) 1622, granted unto Robert Gorges, youngest son of Sir Ferdi-
nando Gorges, Knight, and his heirs, All that part of the Main Land in New England,
commonly called or known by the name of Massachusetts, or by what other name or
names whatsoever called, with all coasts and shoars along the sea, for ten English miles
in a straight line towards the North East, accounting 1760 yards to the . mile, and thirty
English miles after the same rate into the mayne land thro' all the breadth aforesaid, to-
gether with all islands, &c, lying within three miles of any part of said land.
" Robert Gorges dies without issue ; the said lands descend to John Gorges, his eldest
brother. John Gorges, by deed bearing date 10th January, 1628, 4 Car. I., grants to Sir
William Brereton, of Handforth, in the County of Chester, Baronet, and his heirs, All the
Lands in breadth lying from the east side of Charles River to the easterly part of the Cape
called Nahannte, and all the Lands lying in length twenty miles North East into the Main
Land from the mouth of the said Charles River ; lying also in length twenty miles into the
main land North East from the said Cape Nahannte ; also two islands lying next unto the
shoare between Nahannte and Charles River, the bigger called Brente, and the lesser
Susanna.
" Sir William Brereton dyes, leaving Thomas his only son, afterwards Sir Thomas, and
Susanna his daughter. Sir Thomas dies without issue ; Susanna marries Edmund Len-
thall, Esq., and dyes, leaving Mary her only daughter and heire.
" Mary is married to Mr. Levett of the Inner Temple, who claims the said Lands in right
of Mary his wife, who is heire to Sir William Brereton and Sir Thomas Breretou.
" Sir William Brereton sent over several families and servants, who possessed and
improved severall large tracts of said lands, and made severall leases, as appears by the
said deeds, &c." Copied from, MS. Records of Massachusetts.
" The statements contained in this document, (which is now printed for the first time,) are
partially confirmed by the following extracts from the Records of the Massachusetts Com-
pany, containing the proceedings of the Company at a meeting held in London, March 5th,
1628; present, the Governor, the deputy Governor, the treasurer and six members: "A
proposition being made by Sir William Brereton to the Governor, of a patent granted him of
lands in the Massachusetts Bay by Mr. John Gorges, and that if this Company would make
him a promise, so as he consent to underwrite with this Company, it might not be prejudi-
cial to his patent, it was resolved this answer should be given him, namely, that if he
please to underwrite with us without any condition whatsoever, but come in as all ad
venturers do, he should be welcome upon the same conditions that we have." Young's
Chron. Mass. 51, 52'
OF SIR FERDINANDO GORGES. 47
CHAPTER XXIV.
Captain John Mason the means of interesting the Scottish nation into that of
New Scotland.
CAPTAIN John Mason was himself a man of action, and
had been some time Governor of a Plantation in the New-
found-land^ His time being expired there, he returned into
England, where he met with Sir William Alexander, who
Again ; at " A General Court, holden at Mr. Goff*s house, [in London,] on Wednesday,
the 10th of February, 1629, Present, Mr. John Winthrop, Governor, Mr. John Humfry, Depu-
ty," and many others, the following notice was taken of the same matter: "Motion was
made on the behalf of Sir William Brewerton, who by virtue of a late patent pretends right
and title to some part of the land within the Company's privileges and Plantation in New
England ; yet nevertheless he is content not to contest with the Company, but desires that
a proportionable quantity of land might be allotted unto him for the accommodation of his
people and servants, now to be sent over, which request the Court taking into consideration,
do not think fit to enter into any particular capitulation with him therein, nor to set out any
allotment of land for him more than the six hundred acres he is to have by virtue of his ad-
venture in the joint stock, nor to acknowledge anything due unto him as of right, by virtue of
his said patent, nor to give any consideration incase he should relinquish his pretended right;
but they are well content he should join with them in the prosecution of this business, ac-
cording to their Charter, and do promise in the meantime that such servants as he shall
send over to inhabit upon the Plantation, shall receive all courteous respect, and be
accommodated with land, and what else shall be necessary, as other the servants of the
Company. Which answer was delivered unto those that were sent from him ; and the
Court desired also that Capt. Waller and Mr. Eaton would signify the Company's affection
and due respect unto him, he having written to them about this business." Ibid. 1&2, 123.
Sir William Brereton was subsequently distinguished in the civil wars as a brave and
successful general officer. It does not appear that he contested the decision of the Company
in reference to his patent, nor that he acquiesced in it.
There was another claim under the grant to Robert Gorges, that gave the Mass. Compa-
ny still more trouble than the title of Sir William Brereton. It was founded upon a lease
to John Oldham, which is thus described in a letter Of instructions from the Company to
Eudicott, dated April 17th, 1829:
"I find Mr. Oldham's grant from Mr. Gorge is to him and John Dorrel, for all the lands
within Mattachusetts Bay, between Charles river and Abousett [SaugusJ river, containing
in length by a straight line five miles up the said Charles river into the main land north-
west from the border of said bay, including all creeks and points by the way, and three
miles in length from the mouth of the foresaid river of Abousett, up into the main land,
upon a straight line southwest, including all creeks and points, and all the land in breadth
and length between the foresaid rivers, with all prerogatives, royal mines excepted. The
rent reserved is twelve pence on every hundred acres of land that shall be used ; William
Blaxton, clerk, and William Jeffryes, gentlemen, authorized to put John Oldham in pos-
session. Having a sight of his grant, this I found. Though I hold it void in law, yet h^s
claim being to this, you may in your discretion prevent him by causing some to take pos-
session of the chiefe part thereof." Young's Chron. Mass. 169, 170 1. This part of the
letter to Endicott, in which the writer uses the singular number, is supposed by Dr. Young
to have been written by Cradock, then governor of the Company.
48 THE BRIEF NARRATION
was Master of Requests to his Majesty for the realm'of Scot-
land, but since Earl of Stirling, who, hearing of Captain
Mason's late coming out of the New-found-land, was desi-
rous to be acquainted with him. To that end he invited
him to his house, and after he had thoroughly informed him-
self of the estate of that country, he declared his affection to
plantation, and wished the Captain to be a means to procure
him a grant of the Planters thereof for a portion of land with
them ; who effected what he desired. The Captain, under-
standing how far forth I had proceeded in the business of
New-England, advised him to deal with me for a part of
what we might conveniently spare, without our prejudice,
within the bounds of our grant. Sir William Alexander,
intending to make himself sure of his purpose, procured his
Majesty (for what could they not do in those times in such
cases ?) to send to me to assign him a part of our territories.
His Majesty's gracious message as to me was a command
agreeing with his pleasure to have it so. Whereupon an
'instrument was presently drawn for the bounding thereof,
which was to be called New Scotland, which afterwards
was granted him by the King under the seal of Scotland.
Thus much I thought fit to insert by the way, that posterity
might know the ground from whence business of that na-
ture had their original.
CHAPTER XXV.
Lieutenant Colonel Norton undertaking to settle a Plantation on the river of
Agomentico, if I pleased to bear a part with him and his associates.
THIS gentleman was one I had long known, who had
raised himself from a soldier to the quality he had, from a
Oldham soon after settled at Watertown, probably within the boundaries of his grant,
where he resided until his violent death at the hands of the Indians in 1636. He represen-
ted that town in the first legislative assembly of Massachusetts. He was also a co-patentee
with Richard Vines in the tract now constituting the town of Biddeford, of which legal
possession was taken by them in the summer of 1630. For a further account of him, see
Hist. Saco and Biddeford, pp. 30. 32. 66. Blackstone and Jeffreys were early inhabitants
at Mass. Bay, and are supposed to have come over with Rob. Gorges. Young's Chron.
Mass. 169.
OF SIR FERDINANDO GORGES. 49
corporal to a sergeant, and so upward. He was painful
and industrious, well understanding what belonged to his
duties in whatsoever he undertook, and strongly atected
to the business of plantation. Having acquainted me of
his designs and of his associates, I gave him my word I
would be his intercessor to the Lords for obtaining him
a Patent for any place he desired, not already granted to
any other. But conceiving he should be so much the better
fortified, if he could get me to be an undertaker with him
and his associates, upon his motion I was contented my
grandson Ferdinando should be nominated together with
him and the rest ; to whom was passed a Patent of twelve
thousand acres of land upon the east side of the river Ago-
mentico, and twelve thousand of acres more of land on the
west side to my said son Ferdinando. Hereupon he and
some of his associates hastened to take possession of their
territories, carrying with them their families, and other
necessary provisions ; and I sent over for my son, my ne-
phew Captain William Gorges, who had been my lieutenant
in the fort of Plymouth, with some other craftsmen for the
building of houses and erecting of saw-mills ; and by other
shipping from Bristol, some cattle, with other servants,
by which the foundation of the Plantation was laid. And
I was the more hopeful of the happy success thereof, for
that I had not far from that place Richard Vines, a gentle-
man and servant of my own, who was settled there some
years before, and had been interested in the discovery and
seizure thereof for me, as formerly hath been related ; by
whose diligence and care those my affairs had the better
success, as more at large will appear in its proper place.*
*Dr. Belknap assigns the date of this settlement at Agamenticus, now York,
to the year 1623 ; and he is followed in this particular by others. 1 Am. Biog
378. 6 Mass, Hist. Coll. 3d series, p. 79. Hist. Saco and Bid. 24. But this is
evidently a mistake ; for Edward Godfrey, the able champion of the rights of the
Lord Proprietor, states in a petition to the legislature of Massachusetts, that he
was " the first that ever built or settled" at that place, and that he had then (1654)
resided there for twenty-four years. 1 Maine Hist. Coll. 18. 295. Moreover,
there is no reason to suppose that either Col. Norton, or Capt. William Gorges,
VOL. II. 5
50 THE BRIEF NARRATION
CHAPTER XXVI.
What followed the breaking up of the Parliament in such discontent.
THE King, not pleased with divers the passages of some
particular persons, who in their speeches seemed to trench
came over before 1635. There is a letter in the appendix (No. VII) to Belknap's
History of New Hampshire, from Sir F. Gorges and John Mason, to their agents
on the Piscataqua, dated at Portsmouth, Eng. May 5, 1634, in which they are
desired to consult with " Capt. Norton and Mr. Godfrey ;" but the letter proba-
bly refers to Capt. VV alter Norton, who at that time was an inhabitant of Aga-
menticus. He died soon after, for his widow, Mrs. Eleanor Norton, was married
to William Hooke, Esq. one of the Provincial Council of Maine, in 1640.
Lieut. Col. Norton mentioned in the text is without doubt the same person
referred to in the following extract from Belknap's New Hampshire : " After
the death of Capt. Mason, [Nov. 26th, 1635] his widow and executrix sent over
Francis Norton as her " general attorney ;" to whom she committed the whole
management of the estate. But the expense so far exceeded the income, and the
servants grew so impatient for their arrears, that she was obliged to relinquish
the care of the plantation, and tell the servants that they must shift for them-
selves. Upon which they shared the goods and cattle. Norton drove above a
hundred oxen to Boston, and there sold them for twenty-five pounds sterling per
head, which it is said was the current price of the best cattle in New England at
that time. These were of a large breed, imported from Denmark, from whence
Mason had also procured a number of men skilled in sawing planks and making
potashes." Vol. 1. p. 37. 2</ e d.
Josselyn states that, " in 1635, Capt. W. Gorges was sent over Governor of
the Province of Maine, then called New Somersetshire." He was present at a
meeting of the Commissioners of the Province, held at Saco, March 25th, 1636.
Hist. Saco and Sid. 49. It is probable that Col. Norton accompanied him.
This gentleman seems, however, to have been occupied with the settlement of
Mason's affairs at Piscataqua ; and after the abandonment of his plantation, as
described by Dr. Belknap, he removed to Charlestown, Mass., where he contin-
ued to reside until his death, which occurred on the 27th July, 1667. Frothing,
ham, Hist. Charlestown, 86. His military character, of which Gorges speaks so
highly, shone conspicuously in his new residence, where he commanded the
" train-band" of the town. Johnson styles him " Capt. Lieut. Francis Norton,"
and says that he was " a man of bold and cheerful spirit, being will disciplined.
and an able man." Wonder Working Providence. Chap. 26. He was several
years one of the selectmen of the town, and its representative in the colonial
legislature. Frothingham. 86.
OF SIR FERDINANDO GORGES. 51
farther on his royal prerogative than stood with his safety
and honor to give way unto, suddenly brake off the Parlia-
ment. Whereby divers were so fearful what would follow
so unaccustomed an action, some of the principal of those
liberal speakers being committed to the Tower, others to
other prisons which took all hope of reformation of Church
government from many not affecting Episcopal jurisdiction,
nor the usual practice of the common prayers of the Church,
whereof there where several sorts, though not agreeing
among themselves, yet all of like dislike of those particulars.
Some of the discreeter sort, to avoid what they found them-
selves subject unto, made use of their friends to procure
from the Council for the Affairs of New-England to settle
a colony within their limits ; to which it pleased the thrice-
honored Lord of Warwick to write to me, then at Plymouth,
to condescend that a Patent might be granted to such as
then sued for it. Whereupon I gave my approbation so far
forth as it might not be prejudicial to my son Robert Gor-
ges' interests, whereof he had a Patent under the seal of
the Council. Hereupon there was a grant passed as was
thought reasonable ; but the same was after enlarged by his
Majesty, and confirmed under the great seal of England,
by the authority whereof the undertakers proceeded so effec-
tually, that in a very short time numbers of people of all
sorts flocked thither in heaps, that at last it was specially
ordered by the King's command, that none should be suf-
fered to go without license first had and obtained, and they
to take the oaths of supremacy and allegiance. So that
what I long before prophesied, when I could hardly get any
for money to reside there, was now brought to pass in a high
measure. The reason of that restraint was grounded upon
the several complaints, that came out of those parts, of the
divers sects and schisms that were amongst them, all con-
temning the public government of the ecclesiastical state.
And it was doubted that they would, in short time, wholly
shake off the royal jurisdiction of the Sovereign Magistrate.
THE SECOND BOOK.
CHAPTER I.
Shewing the Reasons of my desire and others ray Associates to resign the
Grand Patent to his Majesty, and the dividing of the Sea coasts
between the Lords who had continued constant favorers
and followers thereof.
AFTER I had passed all those failings in my first attempts
you have heard of, and had undergone those home storms
afore spoken of by those of Virginia, I would willingly have
sat down in despair of what I aimed at, but was stirred up
and encouraged by the most eminent of our Company, not
to give over the business his Majesty did so much approve
of, whose gracious favor I should not want, and whereof I
had already sufficient proof. Hereupon I began again to
erect my thoughts how aught might be effected to advance
the weak foundation already laid, when as it so pleased God
to have it, in the year 1621, after the Parliament that then
sat brake off in discontent, I was solicited to consent to the
passing of a Patent to certain undertakers who intended to
transport themselves into those parts, with their whole fam-
ilies, as I showed before. The liberty they obtained thereby
and the report of their well doing, drew after them multi-
tudes of discontented persons of several sects and conditions,
insomuch that they began at last to be a pester to them-
selves, threatening a civil war before they had established
a civil form of government between themselves. And
doubtless had not the patience and wisdom of Mr. Win-
throp, Mr. Humphreys, Mr. Dudley, and others their assis-
tants, been the greater, much mischief would suddenly have
overwhelmed them, more than did befall them. Notwith-
standing, amongst those great swarms there went many that
OF SIR FERDINANDO GORGES. 53
wanted not love and affection to the honor of the King,
and happiness of their native country. However they were
mixed with those that had the state of the established
Church government in such scorn and contempt, as finding
themselves in a country of liberty, where tongues might
speak without control, many, fuller of malice than reason,
spared not to speak the worst that evil affections could in-
vent, insomuch that the distance of the place could not im-
peach the transportation thereof to the ears of those it most
concerned, and who were bound in honor and justice to
vindicate the State he was so eminent a servant unto.
Hereupon the King and his Council began to take into
their serious considerations the consequences that might
follow so unbridled spirits, and the Lords interested in the
government of those affairs finding the King's dislike thereof,
considered how to give his Majesty and his Council of State
some satisfaction for the time to come, anno 1622. There-
upon it was ordered, that none should be suffered to pass
into New-England, but such as did take the oaths of supre-
macy and allegiance. This held some time, but was omit-
ted till the year 1631 ; till which time, as the daily reports
brought over word of their continued misdemeanors, for that
at last I myself was called upon (with others) as being the
supporter and author of all that was distasteful. I confessed
indeed that I had earnestly sought by all means the planting
of those parts by those of our own nation, and that for divers
weighty considerations, approved of by the King and his
Council; but could not expect that so many evils should
have happened thereby. This answer served for the pres-
ent, but could not wipe away the jealousy that was had of
me, though I labored continually to put off the scandalous
opinion of such as daily did endeavor to do me evil offices,
which I found with the latest ; but was thereupon moved to
desire the rest of the Lords that were the principal actors
in the business, that we might resign our grand patent to
the King, and pass particular patents to ourselves of such
parts of the country along the sea coast as might be suffi-
cient for our own uses, and such of our private friends as had
5*
54 THE BRIEF NARRATION
affections to works of that nature. To this motion there
was a general assent by the Lords, and a day appointed
too, for the conclusion thereof. [April 25, 1635.]
CHAPTER II.
The meeting of the Lords for the dividing of the Coast.
THE time being come their Lordships had appointed, an
Act was made for the resignation of the Patent, with the
confirmation of our particulars, where the bounds were thus
laid out : beginning from the westernmost parts of our bounds
eastwards, where the Lord of Mougrave* began his limits,
and ended the same at the river called Hudson's river ; to
the eastward of the river was placed the Duke of Lenox,
since Duke of Richmond, to the end of sixty miles eastward ;
next to him was placed the Earl of Carlisle ; next to him
the Lord Edward Gorges ; next to him was settled the
Marquis Hamilton ; next to him Captain John Mason ; and
lastly myself, whose bounds extended from the midst of
Merrimeck to the great river of Sagadehocke, being sixty
miles, and so up into the main land one hundred and twenty
miles.
CHAPTER III.
The Orders that are settled for the government of my said Province.
BEING now seized of what I had travailed for above forty
years, together with the expenses of many thousand pounds,
and the best time of my age laden with troubles and vexa-
tions from all parts, as you have heard, I will now give you
Lord Sheffield, created Earl of Mulgrave (anciently written Moulgrave) by
Charles I., was an original member of the Council of Plymouth. His share in
the division comprised all the territory, included in the patent of the Council,
west of Hudson river.
OF SIR FERDINANDO GORGES. 55
an account in what order I have settled my affairs in that
my Province of Maine, with the true form and manner o f
the government, according to the authority granted me by
his Majesty's royal charter. First, I divided the whole into
eight bailiwicks or counties, and those again into sixteen
several hundreds, consequently into parishes and tithings,
as people did increase and the provinces were inhabited.
CHAPTER IV.
The manner and form of the Government I have established for the ordering
of the public affairs within my Province of Maine.
FIRST, in my absence I assigned one for my Lieutenant or
deputy, to whom I adjoined a Chancellor for the determin-
ation of all differences arising between party and party, for
meum and tuum ; only next to him I ordained a Treasurer for
receipt of the public revenue ; to them I added a Marshal
for the managing of the militia, who hath for his lieutenant
a Judge-Marshal and other officers to the Marshal Court,
where is to be determined all criminal and capital matters,
with other misdemeanors or contentions for matter of honor
and the like. To these I appointed an Admiral, with his
lieutenant or judge, for the ordering and determining of
maritime causes, whose court is only capable of what pas-
seth between party and party, concerning trades and con-
tracts for maritime causes, either within the province or on
the seas, or in foreign parts, so far as concerns the inhabi-
tants, their factors or servants, as is usual here in England.
Next I ordered a Master of the Ordnance, whose office is to
take charge of all the public stores belonging to the militia
both for sea and land ; to this I join a Secretary, for the
public service of myself and Council. These are the Standing
Counsellors. To whom is added eight deputies, to be elect-
ed by the freeholders of the several counties, as counsellors
for the state of the country, who are authorized by virtue of
their places to sit in any of the aforesaid courts and to be
assistants to the Presidents thereof, and to give their opin-
56 THE BRIEF NARRATION
ions according^to justice, &c. That there is no matter of
moment can be determined of, neither by myself, nor by
my Lieutenant in my absence, but by the advice and assent
of the whole body of the Council or the greater part of them,
sufficiently called and summoned to the Assembly.
That no judge or other minister of state to be allowed of,
but by the advice and assent of the said Council, or the
greater part of them, as before.
That no alienation or sale of land be made to any, but by
their counsel and assent, be it by way of gift for reward,
or service, or otherwise whatsoever.
That no man to whom there hath been any grant passed
of any freehold, shall alienate the same without the assent
and license of the said Council, first had and obtained.
That in case any law be to be enacted, or repealed,
money to be levied, or forces raised for public defence,
the summons thereof to the several bailiwicks, or counties,
is to be issued out in my name, but with the consent of the
said Council ; by virtue whereof, power is to be given to the
freeholders of the said counties respectively, to elect and
choose two of the most worthy within the said county as
deputies for the whole, to join with the Council for perform-
ance of the service for which they were called to that
assembly, all appeals made for any wrong or injustice com-
mitted by any the several officers of any the standing courts
of justice, or authority of any other person or persons.
For the better ease of the inhabitants of the several bai-
liwicks or counties, there is assigned one lieutenant, and
eight justices, to administer justice for maintenance of the
public peace, according to the laws provided ; these officers
and justices to be chosen and allowed of by myself, or any
lieutenant in my absence, with the assent of the' said Coun-
cil, belonging unto me.
As for the constables of the hundreds, constables of the
parishes, with the several tithing-men of every parish, to be
chosen by the lieutenant and justices of the several coun-
ties, to whom such oaths are to be administered, as by the
Council, and myself or Lieutenant, shall be thought fit.
OF SIR FERDINANDO GORGES. 57
That every hundred shall have two head constables as-
signed them, and every parish one constable and four ti-
thing men, who shall give account to the constable of the
parish of the demeanor of the householders within his tith-
ing, and of their several families. The constable of the
parish shall render the same account, fairly written, to the
constables of the^hundred, or some of them, who shall pre-
sent the same to the lieutenant and justices at their next
sitting, or before if cause require, and if it be matter within
the power of the lieutenant and justices to determine of,
then to proceed therein according to their said authority ;
otherwise to commend it to myself or my Lieutenant and
Council.
These few particulars I have thought fit to commend (as
briefly as I can) unto all whom it may please to take notice
thereof, heartily desiring they will not be sparing modestly
to censure what they conceive proper to be amended, in
that I chose rather to serve such whose wisdom, moderation
and judgments exceed my own, than passionately or willing-
ly to persist in my private fancy,, or to be aggrieved at or
envy their better judgments.
CHAPTER V.
My Answer to some Objections.
BUT hearing that it is objected by many, if there be
such hopes of honor, profit and content in those parts, how
comes it to pass that yourself have not tasted thereof in all
this time, having employed so many of your own servants
as by this discourse it seems you have done, and yet nothing
returned. As this objection is just, so I hope a reasonable
answer will satisfy any reasonable man ; whom I desire in
the first place to consider, that I began when there was no
hopes for the present but of loss, in that I was yet to find a
place, and being found, itself was in a manner dreadful to
the beholders, for it seemed but as a desert wilderness,
58 THE BRIEF NARRATION
replete only with a kind of savage people and overgrown
trees. So as I found it no mean matter to procure any to
go thither, much less to reside there ; and those I sent
knew not how to subsist, but on the provisions I furnished
them withal.
Secondly, I dealt not as merchants or tradesmen are wont,
seeking only to make mine own profit, my ends being to
make perfect the thorough discovery of the country, (where-
in I waded so far with the help of those that joined with me)
as I opened the way for others to make their gain, which
hath been the means to encourage their followers to prose-
cute it to their advantage. Lastly, I desire all that have
estates here in England to remember, if they never come
near their people to take accounts of their endeavors, what
they gain by those courses.
Besides, when there is no settled government or ordinary
course of justice, which way is left to punish offenders or
misspenders of their masters' goods ? Do not servants, nay
sons, the like in these parts ; and are they not many that
misspend the estates their fathers left them ? Yet I have
not sped so ill (I thank my God for it), but I have a house
and home there, and some necessary means of profit by my
saw-mills and corn-mills, besides some annual receipts suf-
ficient to lay a foundation for greater matters, now the gov-
ernment is established.
Let not therefore my evil fortunes or hindrances be a
discouragement to any, seeing there are so many precedents
of the happy success of those that are their own stewards,
and disposers of their own affairs in those parts ; nay, such
as I have sent over at my own charge at first, are now able
to live and maintain themselves with plenty and reputation.
So, as to doubt of well doing for that another hath not pros-
pered, or to be abused by those he trusted, is to despair
without a cause, and to lose himself without trial. Thus
much I presume will clear the objection made by my exam-
ple, and give comfort and courage to the industrious to
follow the precedents of those more able to act their own
parts than I have been, for causes spoken of.
OF SIR FERDINANDO GORGES. 59
CHAPTER VI.
The Benefits that Foreign Nations have made by Plantation.
Now I will only remember some of the benefits that may
arise by Plantations ; and will begin with those princes, our
neighbors, who have laid the way before us. But to speak
of all the goods that may ensue, Plantations is a subject too
large for my intention at this time, who do strive for brev-
ity. By some of those plantations made by our neighbors,
we see what greatness it hath brought them to, that have
undertaken the same, as namely, the King of Spain and
Portugal, the one settling himself in the parts of America
called the West Indies ; the other situate in Brazil, the
southern part of the same continent, and that part peopled
in the infancy of that plantation, as well with base and ba-
nished persons, as other noble and generous spirits ; yet the
success thereof hath answered their expectation. Besides,
we have seen what great riches were drawn by the Portu-
gals, by means of their several plantations in the East
Indies, out of those vast and mighty princes' territories, that
filled the whole world with spices and other aromatic drugs,
and excellent rare curiosities, not vulgarly known to foreign
and former ages in these northerly parts of the world.
Those rarities and rich commodities invited some of our
nation to dive into farther search how we might partake
thereof, without the favor of foreign princes ; and having,
after the way was once opened by private adventurers, and
some relish had of the profits that might arise by those em-
ployments, the adventurers, merchants, and others, noble
spirits, combined together to make it a more public business,
worthy the honor of this nation and reputation of the under-
takers, who having amassed a stock of many hundred thou-
sand, entered so far into it, that the trade so began and
continues to this present day, though not agreeable to the
60 THE BRIEF NARRATION
common hopes conceived thereof. But had the ground been
laid as was advised, it had grown to a far greater certainty
than now it is like to have.
But the Hollanders, better experienced in martial affairs,
were taught to know there is a difference between having
gotten a trade and keeping it ; that there is no safety in
depending upon the will of another, when it is possible to
secure themselves of what they had in possession. This
made them fortify where they found it convenient, and so
to settle the form of their government and course of trade
upon such a foundation as should promise continual growth,
without diminution upon change of humor of those they
traded with, if left to their merciless discretion.
That by the same course they are like in short time to
oust our nation of that little trade left us, who I could wish
would yet in season seek how to settle a better foundation
in such other places as (if I be not deceived) it is possible
they may, thereby not only make good their present profits,
but advance it to a far greater, and make their attempts
more honorable and more safe than now they are.
But seeing I am not able to persuade men of better judg-
ment how to manage their practical affairs, it shall content
me to Set out my opinion of the excellent use that may be
made of those plantations we have now on foot, especially
that of New-England.
CHAPTER VII.
As for those in the islands of the Virginians, it is appa-
rent they may be made of excellent use, if handled as they
ought to be, both for the present and future, whereof I will
speak no more, because so well known already. That of
Virginia might very well brag of itself, if the planters did
but endeavor to settle some plantations further up into the
main, and to travail in raising such commodities as that
clime will afford for trade and commerce with their neigh-
bors and such of our own nation as want what they have.
For if I be not deceived, that clime will afford both wines
OF SIR FERD1NANDO GORGES. 61
of several natures, flax, hemp, pitch and tar, if not sugars
and cottons ; for it cannot but be as proper for any of those
commodities as any other country lying in the same clime.
But these particulars depend upon the wisdom of the gov-
ernors and industry of the inhabitants, to whom I commend
the farther consideration and execution thereof as time and
opportunity will give leave, not doubting but if they follow
the sun's setting, they will meet with better things than are
yet spoken of, if they be sought for.
As for that of New-England, where I am chiefly interest-
ed, by reason of the time and means I have spent in the
prosecution of that business, it is easy to be observed
(partly by what I have said) what commodities may be
raised out of those climes, and how miraculously it hath
succeeded ; and we may justly conclude it hath been
brought to what it is by the special grace of God alone, the
more to make illustration by the manifestation of his pow-
erful operation in effecting for us what we could not expect
from his Divine goodness.
At our first discovery of those coasts, we found it very
populous, the inhabitants stout and warlike, the country
plentiful in grain and other fruits and roots, besides deer of
all sorts and other animals for food, with plenty of fish and
fowl for their sustentation ; so that they could not say (ac-
cording to the manner of their living) they wanted any
thing nature did require.
As for their civil government, that part of the country we
first seated in, seemed to be monarchical, by the name and
title of a Bashaba. His extent was large, and had under
him many great subjects ; such as were auxiliary with
them to the war, some thousand, some fifteen hundred bow-
men, some more, others less ; these they called sagamores.
This Bashaba had many enemies, especially those to the
east and northeast, whom they called Tarentines ; those to
the west and southwest were called Sockhigones. But the
Tarentines were counted a more warlike and hardy people,
and had indeed the best opportunity to make their attempts
upon them, by reason of the conveniency and opportunity
VOL. II. 6
62 THE BRIEF NARRATION
of the rivers and sea, which afforded a speedy passage into
the Bashaba's country, which was called Moasham ; and
that part of the country which lay between the Sockhi-
gones' country and Moasham was called Apistama. The
Massachisans and^ Bashabas were sometimes friends and
sometimes enemies, as it fell out ; but the Bashaba and his
people seemed to be of some eminence above the rest in all
that part of the continent ; his own chief abode was not far
from Pemaquid. But the war growing more and more
violent between the Bashaba and the Tarentines, who (as
as it seemed) presumed upon the hopes they had to be fa-
vored of the French that were seated in Canada, their next
neighbors, the Tarentines surprised the Bashaba, and slew
him and all his people near about him, carrying away his
women and such other matters as they thought of value.
After his death, the public business running to confusion
for want of a head, the rest of his great sagamores fell at
variance among themselves, spoiled and destroyed each
other's people and provision, and famine took hold of many ;
which was seconded by a great and general plague, which
so violently reigned for three years together, that in a man-
ner the greater part of that land was left desert, without
any to disturb or oppose our free and peaceable possession
thereof; from whence we may justly conclude that God
made the way to effect his work according to the time he
had assigned for laying the foundation thereof. In all
which there is to be noted, the next of the Plantations, be-
fore spoken of, were not performed but by war and slaugh-
ter, and some of them with murther of so many millions of
the natives as it is horror to be spoken of, especially being
done by the hands of Christians, who alone of all people in
the world profess the gaining of all souls to God only by
preaching the Gospel of Christ Jesus, our sole Redeemer ;
and all this is done, as being presented persecuted, not
persecuting. But let us be silent and confess that that is best
done that God doth himself; and next, we must know that
what he suffers to be done is not for us rashly to censure,
OF SIR FERDINANDO GORGES. 63
but to give him the glory for all, whose will we desire may
be done here on as, &c.
Yet I trust we may be humbly bold to believe that when
God manifesteth his assistance unto his people, he gives
them cause to believe he will not leave them till they leave
him.
CHAPTER VIII.
The Benefits already received, and what time and industry may produce.
As for the benefit which may arise by such Plantations,
especially those our nation is in travail with at present,
first we find by daily experience what numbers of shipping
and mariners are employed thereby. Next, how many
thousands of the subjects are transported into those parts
that otherwise might have settled themselves under foreign
states, to the prejudice and hindrance of our own manufac-
turers and overthrow of that kind of trade ; whereas by
planting where they do, that is not only prevented, but new
trades impossible to be raised. Further, it prevents our
neighbors from occupying those territories that so diligently
(according to their powers) sought to possess themselves
thereof, who by that means might easily (as it were) besiege
us on all sides, that we should neither be southward, nor
follow our fishing craft in New-found-land, or upon those
coasts, but by their permission.
But the same advantage, by means of those Plantations,
lies now in our power, if the King shall have occasion to
make use thereof ; besides so large a continent abounding
with so many excellent lakes, of so mighty extent, from
whence issue so many rivers, such variable kinds of soil,
rich in fructification of all manner of seeds or grain, so like-
ly to abound in minerals of all sorts, and other rich gain
of commodities not yet to be known, besides furs of several
kinds, both useful and merchantable, proper for foreign
markets.
64 THE BRIEF NARRATION
CHAPTER IX.
Showing more particularly the honor, content and profit of those undertakings.
To descend from those generals to more particulars.
What can be more pleasing to a generous nature than to be
exercised in doing public good ? especially when his labor
and industry tends to the private good and reputation of
himself and posterity : and what monument so durable, as
erecting of houses, villages and towns? and what more
pious than advancing of Christian religion amongst people
who have not known the excellency thereof? But, seeing
works of piety and public good are in this age rather com-
mended by all ^han acted by any, let us come a little nearer
to that which all hearken unto, and that forsooth is profit.
Be it so. Art thou a laborer, that desirest to take pains
for the maintenance of thyself ? the employments in plan-
tations gives thee not only extraordinary wages, but oppor-
tunity to build some house or cottage, and a proportion of
land agreeable to thy fortunes to set thyself when either
lameness or other infirmities seize on thee. Hast thou a
wife and a family ? by plantation thou buildest, enclosest,
and dost labor to live and enjoy the fruits thereof with
plenty, multiplying thy little means for thy children's good,
when thou art no more.
But art thou of a greater fortune and more gloriously
spirited? I have told thee before what thou mayst be
assured of, whereby it may appear thou shalt not want
means nor opportunity to exercise the excellency of thine
own justice, and ingenuity to govern and act the best things,
whether it be for thyself or such as live under thee, or have
their dependency or hopes of happiness upon thy worth and
virtue as their chief. Neither are these parts of the world
void of opportunity to make a further discovery into the
vast territories, that promiseth so much hopes of honor and
OF SIR FERDINANDO GORGES. 65
profits (formerly spoken of) to be raised to posterity by the
means and opportunity of those great and goodly lakes and
rivers, which invite all that are of brave spirits to seek the
extent of them, especially since it is already known that
some of these lakes contain fifty or sixty leagues in length,
some one hundred, some two hundred, others four or five
hundred ; the greatest abounding in multitude of islands fit
for habitation ; the land on both sides, especially to the
southward, fertile and pleasant, being between the degrees
of forty-four and forty-five of latitude ; and to the west of
these lakes that are now known, they pass by a main river
to another sea or lake, which is conceived to disembogue
into the South Seas ; where the savages report that they
have a trade with a nation, that comes once a year unto
them with great ships, and brings shoes and buskins, kettles
and hatchets, and the like, which they barter for skins and
furs of all kinds, the people being clothed with long robes,
their heads bald or shaven, so as it is conceived they must
be Catayons or Chinawaies. Whatsoever they be, were
the strength of my body and means answerable to my heart,
I would undertake the discovery of the uttermost extent
thereof; and whosoever shall effect the same, shall both
eternize his virtues and make happy such as will endeavor
to partake thereof.
But I end, and leave all to Him who is the only author of
all goodness, and knows best his own time to bring his will
to be made manifest, and appoints his instruments for the
accomplishing thereof ; to whose pleasure it becomes every
one of us to submit ourselves, as to that mighty God and
great and gracious Lord, to whom all glory doth belong.
6*
A
BRIEF DESCRIPTION OF LACONIA,
A
PROVINCE IN NEW ENGLAND.
f RE-PRINTED FROM GORGES' " America Painted to the Life," <f c., published at
London, 1658.]
AMONG divers plantations of the English happily founded
in New England, is a province to the landward named
Laconia, so called by reason of the great lakes therein, but
by the ancient inhabitants thereof it is called the country
of the Iroquois.*
It lies between the latitude of 44 and 45 degrees, having
the rivers of Sagadehock and Myrameck on the sea-coast
of New England southerly from it, into each of which rivers
there is a short passage frequented by the Savages inhabit-
ing near the lakes ; also it hath the great lakes which tend
toward California in the South Sea on the west thereof; on
the north-east is the great river of Canada, into which the
said river disgorgeth itself by a fair large river well re-
plenished with many fruitful islands. The air thereof is
pure and wholesome, the country pleasant, having some
high hills full of goodly forests and fair vallies and plains
fruitful in corn, vines, chestnuts, walnuts, and infinite sorts
of other fruits ; large rivers well stored with fish, and en-
vironed with goodly meadows full of timber trees.
One of the great lakes is called the lake of Iroquois,f
which together with a river of the same name running into
Troquois in the original edition, evidently a misprint.
t Lake Champlain.
A BRIEF DESCRIPTION OF LACONIA. 67
the river of Canada, is sixty or seventy leagues in length.
In the lake are four fair islands, which are low and full of
goodly woods and meadows, having store of game for hunt-
ing, as stags, fallow-deer, elks, roe-bucks, beavers, and other
sorts of beasts, which come from the main land to the said
islands ; the rivers which fall into the lakes have in them
good store of beavers, of the skins of which beasts, as also
of the elks, the Salvages make their chiefest traffick.
The said islands have been inhabited heretofore by the
savages, but are now abandoned by reason of their late
wars one with another ; they contain twelve or fifteen
leagues in length, and are seated commodiously for habita-
tion in the midst of the lake, which abounds with divers kinds
of wholesome fish. From this lake run two rivers north-
ward, which fall into the eastern and southern sea-coast of
New England.
Into this lake there went many years since certain French
of ^Quebec, who sided with the Algouinquins, with the
help of their canoes, which they carried the space of five
miles over the impassable falls, to fight a battle in revenge
of some former injuries done by the Iroquois to the Algouin-
quins, who had the victory ; for which cause the French
have been so hated ever since by the nation of the Iroquois,
that none of them durst ever appear in any part of that
lake ; but their beavers and other trade, said to be 16,000
beavers yearly, is partly sold to the Dutch, who trade with
the west end of said lake overland by horses from their
plantation on Hudson's river ; and another part is conceived
to be purchased by the Hiroons [Hurons], who being neuters
are friends both to the one and the other ; and these Hiroons
bring down the greatest part of all the river of Canada.
The way over land to this great lake from the Plantation
of Pascataway hath been attempted by Captain Walter
Neale, once Governour, at the charges of my grandfather,
Capt. Mason, and some merchants of London, and the dis-
covery wanted one day's journey of finishing, because their
victuals were spent, which for want of horses they were
enforced to carry with their armes and their clothes upon
68 A BRIEF DESCRIPTION
their backs ; they intended to make a settlement for trade
by pinnaces upon the said lake, which they reckon to be
about 90 or 100 miles from the Plantation over land.*
The people of this country are given to hunting of wild
beasts, which is their chiefest food. Their arms are bows
and arrows, their armor is made partly of wood, and partly
of a kind of twisted stuff like cotton wool. Their meat is
* Walter Neal arrived at the Piscataqua in the summer of 1630, having
been sent, says Winthrop, " as Governor there for Sir Ferdinando Gorges and
others." 1 Hist. N. E. 39. He remained about three years ; having sailed on
his return to England, August, 1633, in the ship Bonadventure, Capt. Graves.
Winthrop has the following notice of his departure : " Mr. Graves returned.
He carried between five and six thousand weight of beaver, and about thirty
passengers. Capt. Walter Neal, of Pascataquack, and some eight of his com-
pany went with him. He had been in the bay [Boston harbor] above ten days,
and came not all that time to see the Governor. Being persuaded by divers of
his friends, his answer was, that he was not well entertained the first time he
came hither, and, besides, he had some letters opened in the bay," &c. Vol. 1,
p. 106.
Belknap confounds Neal's attempt to discover the Iroquois lake with a visit
to the White Mountains, performed by Darby Field and others, in 1642, described
by Winthrop under that year. " Such an impression had the claims of Laconia
made on the minds of our first settlers, that Neal set out on foot in company
with Jocelyn and Darby Field, to discover these beautiful lakes, and settle a trade
with the Indians by pinnaces, imagining the distance to be short of 100 miles.
In the course of their travels they visited the white Mountains," &c. Hist. N. H.*
Chap. 1. Henry Josselyn did not come over until 1634, as appears from a docu-
ment published by Dr. Belknap, in the Appendix to his History N. H., No. 8.
John Josselyn, the traveller, made his first voyage to New England in 1638. But
it seems that Capt Mason had employed Henry Josselyn to undertake the explora-
tion of Laconia ; but whether he performed his engagement does not appear.
T. Morton says : " About the parts of this Lake [Iroquois] may be made a very
great commodity by the trade of furs, to enrich those that shall plant there ; a
more complete discovery of those parts is (to my knowledge) undertaken by
Henry Joseline, Esq., son of Sir Thomas Joscline, of Kent, Knight, by the ap-
probation and appointment of that heroick and very good commonwealth's man,
Capt. John Mason, Esquire," &c. New English Canaan, p. 98, ed. 1637.
Morton devotes a chapter of his book to a description of the " Great Lake of
Erocoise in New England," and dwells upon the importance of the trade in
beaver, by which, he says, the Dutch on Hudson's river have gained .2000 a
year. He doubts not that Josselyn "will perform as much as is expected, if
the Dutch, by getting into those parts before him, do not frustrate his so hopeful
and laudable designs." p. 99.
OF LACONIA. 69
flour of Indian corn, of that country's growth sodden to pap,
which they preserve for times of necessity when they can-
not hunt. This Province of Laconia, however known by a
distinct name, is included within the Province of Maine,
which offers itself next to our consideration.
OF THE
f
PROVINCE OF MAINE
ALL that part of the continent of New-England which
was allotted by patent to my grandfather, Sir Ferdinando
Gorges, and to his heirs, he thought fit to call it by the
name of the Province of Maine. It takes its beginning at
the entrance of Pascatoway harbor, and so passeth up the
same into the river of Newichwanock, and through the
same unto the farthest head thereof, and from thence north-
westwards for the space of 120 miles ; and from the
mouth of Pascatoway Harbor aforesaid, north-eastwards
along the sea coast to Sagadehock, and up the river thereof
to Kynebequy river, even as far as the head thereof, and
into the land north-westwards for the space of 120 miles.
To these territories are also adjoined the north half of the
Isles of Sholes, together with the isles of Capaweck and
Nautican, as also all the islands and islets lying within five
leagues of the main, all along the sea coast between the
aforesaid rivers of Pascatoway and Sagadehock. He no
sooner had this Province settled upon him, but he gave
public notice that if any would undertake by himself and
his associates to transport a competent number of inhabi-
tants to plant in any part of his limits, he would assign
unto him or them such a proportion of land as should in
reason satisfy them, reserving only to himself some small
high rent, as 2s. or 2s. 6d. for 100 acres per annum ; and
OF THE PROVINCE OF MAINE. 71
if they went about to build any town or city, he would en-
dow them with such liberties and immunities as should
make them capable to govern themselves within their own
limits according to the liberties granted to any town or
corporation within this realm of England ; and as for
others of the meaner sort that went as tenants, that they
should have such quantities of land assigned them as they
were able to manage, at the rate of 4d. or Qd. an acre, ac-
cording to the nature or situation of the place they settle in.
As for the division of the Province and the form of govern-
ment, which he intended to establish, he first divided the
Province into several parts, those he subdivided into distinct
Regiments, east, west, north and south, those again into
several Hundreds, Parishes and Tithings ; and these to have
their several officers to govern according to such laws as
should be agreed upon by public assent of the freeholders,
with the approbation of himself or Deputy, and the principal
officers of the public state.
[Here follows a description of the intended government,
as set forth in the fifth chapter of the Brief Narration.]
The chief town of this Province is called Gorgiana, which
is governed by a Mayor ; the rest are only inconsiderable
villages or scattered houses ; but I doubt not, after the gov-
ernment of New-England comes once to be thoroughly
settled, and good encouragement given to adventurers and
planters, but it will prove a very flourishing place, and be
replenished with many fair towns and cities, it being a
Province both fruitful and pleasant.
LEVETT'S VOYAGE,
ALONG THE COAST OF MAINE,
A. D. 1623-4.
VOL. H. 7.
NOTE.
THE following is a re-print of an extremely rare book, of which we are not
aware that more than a single copy of the original edition exists in this country.
That copy 13- in the Library of the New York Historical Society, to which re-
course has been had in this publication. As the work relates almost wholly to
the coast of Maine, at an extremely early period, it possesses peculiar claims on
the attention of this Society, and cannot fail to interest those who are curious
about the early history of our State.
VOYAGE
INTO
NE ENGLAND,
BEGUN IN 1623, AND ENDED IN 1624.
PERFORMED BY
CHRISTOPHER LEVETT,
f
HIS MAJESTY'S WOODWARD OF SOMERSETSHIRE, AND ONE
OF THE COUNCIL OF NEW ENGLAND.
PRINTED AT LONDON, BY WILLIAM JONES,
And are sold by Edward Brewster, at the sign
of the Bible, in Paul's Churchyard.
1628.
To the Right Honorable, George Duke of Buckingham, his Grace, Thomas Earl
of Arundell and Surrey, Robert Earl of Warwick, John Earl of Holdernes,
and the rest of the Council for New England.
MAY it please your Lordships, that whereas you granted your
commission unto Captain Robert Gorges, Governor of New Eng-
land, Captain Francis West, myself, and the Governor of New
Plymouth, as counsellors with him, for the ordering and governing
of all the said territories, wherein we have been diligent to the ut-
termost of our powers, as we shall be ready to render an account
unto your honors, when you shall be pleased to require us there-
unto. In the mean time, I thought it my duty to present unto
your views, such observation as I have taken, both for the country
and people, commodities and discommodities : a.s also, what places
are fit to settle plantations in, in which not ; what courses are fit in
my understanding to be taken, for bringing glory to God honor to
our king and nation, good unto the commonwealth, and profit to all
adventurers and planters ; which I humbly beseech your lordships
to accept of, as the best fruits of a shallow capacity: so shall I
think my time and charge well employed, which I have spent in
these affairs.
I have omitted many things in this my discourse, which I con-
ceived to be impertinent at this time 'for me to relate, as of the
time of my being"*at sea, of the strange fish which we there saw,
some with wings flying above the water, others with manes, ears,
and heads, and chasing one another with open mouths like stone
horses in a park, as also of the steering of our course, the observa-
tion of the sun and stars, by which the elevation of the pole is
found, the degrees of latitude known, which shows how far a ship
is out of his due course, either to the north or south ; likewise of
the making of the land at our arrival upon the coast of New Eng-
land, how it did arise and appear unto us; how every harbor bears
one from another upon the point of the compass; and what rocks
and clangers are in the way ; how many fathom water is found by
sounding at the entrance of every harbor ; and from how many of
the several winds all the harbors are land-locked. But by this
means 1 thought I should not only be tedious, but also in danger of
losing myself, for want of fit phrases and sound judgment, in the
arts of the mathematics and navigation, (being but a young scholar
though an ancient traveller by sea,) and therefore thought better to
omit those, than anything I have to relate.
Thus beseeching God to bless your Honors, I rest at your Lord-
ships' service. CHRISTOPHER LEVETT
7*
THE CONTENTS.
CHAPTER I.
Contains my Discovery of divers Rivers and Harbors, with their Names, and
which are fit for Plantations and which not.
CHAPTER II.
Sheweth how the Savages carried themselves unto me continually, and of my
going to their Kings' houses ; and their coming to mine.
CHAPTER III.
Sheweth the nature and disposition of the Savages, and of their several Gods,
Squanto and Tanto.
CHAPTER IV.
Contains a description of the Country, with the Commodities and Discom-
modities.
t
CHAPTER V.
Certain objections and answers, with sufficient proofs how it may be exceed-
ing profitable to the commonwealth, and all Planters and Adventurers.
CHAPTER VI.
Shewetb how by adventuring of one hundred pounds more or less, a man may
profit so much every year for twenty years, or more without any more charge
than at the first.
CHAPTER VII.
Showeth how every Parish may be freed of their weekly payments to the
poor, by the profits which may be fetched thence. With certain Objections
against the things contained in this and the former Chapter : with answers
thereunto.
CHAPTER VIII.
Contains certain directions for all private persons that intend to go into
New England to plant.
A VOYAGE INTO NEW ENGLAND.
CHAPTER I.
Contains my discovery of divers Rivers and Harbors, with their names, and
which are fit for plantation, and which not.
The first place I set my foot upon in New England, was
the Isle of Shoulds, being islands in the sea, about two
leagues from the main.
Upon these islands, I neither could see one good timber
tree, nor so much good ground as to make a garden.
The place is found to be a good fishing place for six
ships, but more cannot well be there, for want of convenient
stage room, as this year's experience hath proved.
The harbor is but indifferent good. Upon these islands
are no savages at all.
The next place I came unto was Pannaway, where one
M. Tomson hath made a plantation, there I stayed about
one month, in which time I sent for my men from the east :
who came over in divers ships.*
At this place I met with the Governor, who came thither
in a bark which he had from one M. Weston about twenty
days before I arrived in the land, f
* David Thompson, an agent of Gorges and Mason, under the patent of La-
conia, established a plantation near the mouth of the Piscataqua, in the summer
of 1623. At the same time, a settlement was commenced at Cochecho, now
Dover, by Edward Hilton and his brother William. These were the first at-
tempts to colonize the territory which afterwards received the name of New
Hampshire. Prince. N. E. Chron. 133.
t Weston was a London merchant, extensively engaged in the fisheries. He
had attempted to plant a colony the year before at Wessagusset, now Weymouth,
on Massachusetts Bay ; but his design failed. The " Governor," whom Levett
met at this place, was Robert Gorges, Esq. This account of the organization of
his government over all New England, has escaped the notice of our historians,
even that of the indefatigable Bancroft. See Folsom's Discourse, p. 43.
80 LEVETT'S VOYAGE
The Governor then told me that I was joined with him
in commission as a counsellor, which being read I found it
was so. And he then, in the presence of three more of the
council^ administered unto me an oath.
After the meeting of my men, I went a coasting in two
boats with all my company.
In the time I stayed with M. Tomson, I surveyed as much
as possible I could, the weather being unseasonable, and
very much snow.
In those parts I saw much good timber, but the ground it
seemed to me not to be good, being very rocky and full of
trees and brushwood.
There is great store of fowl of divers sorts, whereof I
fed very plentifully.
About two English miles further to the east, I found a
great river and a good harbor called Pascattaway. But for
the ground I can say nothing, but by the relation of the
sagamore or king of that place, who told me there was
much good ground up in the river about seven or eight
leagues.
About two leagues further to the east is another great
river called Aquamenticus. There I think a good planta-
tion may be settled, for there is a good harbor for ships,
good ground, and much already cleared, fit for planting of
corn and other fruits, having heretofore been planted by the
savages who are all dead. There is good timber, and likely
to be good fishing, but as yet there hath been no trial made
that I can hear of.*
About six leagues further to the east is a harbor called
Cape Porpas, the which is indifferent good for six ships, and
it is generally thought to be an excellent place for fish,
but as yet there hath been no trial made, but there may be
a good plantation seated, for there is good timber and good
ground, but will require some labor and charge, f
The first settlement at Agamenticus, now York, was made in 1630, ac-
cording to the statement of Edward Godfrey. See 1 Maine Hist. Coll. 295.
tThe name of Cape Porpoise is still retained ; it was formerly applied to the
lown now Kennebunk Port.
TO NEW ENGLAND. 81
About four leagues further east, there is another harbor
called Sawco (between this place and Cape Porpas I lost one
of my men) ; before we could recover the harbor a great
fog or mist took us that we could not see a hundred yards
from us. I perceiving the fog to come upon the sea, called
for a compass and set the cape land, by which we knew how
to steer our course, which was no sooner done but we lost
sight of land, and my other boat, and the wind blew fresh
against us, so that we were enforced to strike sail, and
betake us to our oars which we used with all the wit and
strength we had, but by no means could we recover the
shore that night, being imbayed and compassed round with
breaches, which roared in a most fearful manner on every
side of us : we took counsel in this extremity one of another
what to do to save our lives ; at length we resolved that to
put to sea again in the night was no fit course, the storm
being great, and the wind blowing right off the shore, and
to run our boat on the shore among the breaches, (which
roared in a most fearful manner) and cast her away and
endanger ourselves we were loath to do, seeing no land nor
knowing where we were. At length I caused our killick ,
(which was all the anchor we had) to be cast forth, and one
continually to hold his hand upon the rood or cable, by
which we knew whether our anchor held or no : which
being done we commended ourselves to God by prayer,
and put on a resolution to be as comfortable as we could,
and so fell to our victuals. Thus we spent that night, and
the next morning ; with much ado we got into Sawco, where
I found my other boat.*
* The Indian name of Saco river, as given by Capt. Smith, in the account of
his voyage in 1614, was Sawocotuck ; hence the name of Sawco or Saco. The
settlements commenced there about 1630, perhaps two or three years before.
Two patents were granted by the Council of Plymouth in that year, each con-
veying a tract four miles wide on the sea, and eight miles into the main land, on
opposite sides of the river. Legal possession was taken of the tract on the west
side of the river in the summer of 1630, and of the other the following year, by
the patentees. The river is named in the patents, Swanckadock. See copies of
these patents in Hist. Saco and Biddeford.
82 LEVETT'S VOYAGE
There I stayed five nights, the wind being contrary, and
the weather very unseasonable, having much rain and snow,
and continual fogs.
We built us our wigwam, or house, in one hour's space.
It had no frame, but was without form or fashion, only a few
poles set up together, and covered with our boats' sails,
which kept forth but a little wind, and less rain and snow.
Our greatest comfort we had, next unto that which
was spiritual, was this : we had fowl enough for killing,
wood enough for felling, and good fresh water enough for
drinking.
But our beds was the wet ground, and our bedding our
wet clothes. We had plenty of crane, goose, ducks and
mallard, with other fowl, both boiled and roasted, but our
spits and racks were many times in danger of burning be-
fore the meat was ready (being but wooden ones.)
After I had stayed there three days, and no likelihood of
a good wind to carry us further, I took with me six of my
men, and our arms, and walked along the shore to discover
as much by land as I could : after I had travelled about two
English miles I met with a river which stayed me that I
could go no further by land that day, but returned to our
place of habitation where we rested that night (having our
lodging amended) ; for the day being dry I caused all my
company to accompany me to a marsh ground, where we
gathered every man his burthen of long dry grass, which
being spread in our wigwam or house, I praise God I rested
as contentedly as ever I did in all my life. And then came
into my mind an old merry saying, which I have heard of a
beggar boy, who said if ever he should attain to be a king,
he would have a breast of mutton with a pudding in it, and
lodge every night up to the ears in dry straw ; and thus I
made myself and my company as merry as I could, with
this and some other conceits, making this use of all, that it
was much better than we deserved at God's hands, if he
should deal with us according to our sins.
The next morning I caused four of my men to row my
lesser boat to this river, who with much ado got in, myself
TO NEW ENGLAND. 83
and three more going by land ; but by reason of the extrem-
ity of the weather we were enforced to stay there that
night, and were constrained to sleep upon the river bank,
being the best place we could find, the snow being very
deep.
The next morning we were enforced to rise betime, for
the tide came up so high that it washed away our fire, and
would have served us so too if we had not kept watch. So
we went over the river in our boat, where I caused some to
stay with her, myself being desirous to discover further by
land, I took with me four men and walked along the shore
about six English miles further to the east, where I found
another river, which stayed me. So we returned back to
Sawco, where the rest of my company and my other boat lay.
That night I was exceeding sick, by reason of the wet and
cold and much toiling of my body : but thanks be to God I
was indifferent well the next morning, and the wind being
fair we put to sea, and that day came to Quack
But before I speak of this place I must say something
of Sawco, and the two rivers which I discovered in that bay,
which I think never Englishman saw before.
Sawco is about one league to the north-east of a cape land.
And about one English mile from the main lieth six islands,
which make an indifferent good harbor. And in the main
there is a cove or gut, which is about a cable's length in
breadth, and two cable's length long, there two good ships
may ride, being well moored ahead and stern ; and within
the cove there is a great marsh, where at a high water a
hundred sail of ships may float, and be free from all winds,
but at low water must lie aground, but being soft ooze they
can take no hurt.*
In this place there is a world of fowl, much good timber,
and a great quantity of clear ground and good, if it be not a
little too sandy. There hath been more fish taken within
* This cove or gut is now called the Pool, on the north side of Fletcher's Neck,
about nine miles below the village of Saco. It is a favorite place of resort in
84 LEVETT'S VOYAGE
two leagues of this place this year than in any other in the
land.
The river next to Sawco eastwards, which I discovered by
land, and after brought my boat into, is the strangest river
that ever my eyes beheld. It flows at the least ten foot water
upright, and yet the ebb runs so strong that the tide doth
not stem it. At three quarters flood my men were scarce
able with four oars to row ahead. And more than that, at
full sea I dipped my hand in the water, quite without the
mouth of the river, in the very main ocean, and it was
as fresh as though it had been taken from the head of a
spring.
This river, as I am told by the savages, cometh from a
great mountain called the Chrystal hill, being as they say one
hundred miles in the country, yet is it to be seen at the sea
side, and there is no ship arrives in New England, either to
the west so far as Cape Cod, or to the east so far as Mon-
higgen, but they see this mountain the first land, if the
weather be clear.*
The next river eastward which I discovered by land, is
about six miles from the other. About these two rivers I
saw much good timber and sandy ground, there is also
much fowl, fish and other commodities : but these places
are not fit for plantation for the present, because there is no
good coming in either for ship or boat, by reason of a sandy
breach which lieth along the shore, and makes all one
breach.
And now in its place I come to Quack, which I have
named York. At this place there fished divers ships of
Waymouth this year.
* The river referred to by the Indians must have been the Saco, which rises in
the White Mountains, to which the term Chrystal Hill well applies. Those moun-
tains are now, as in Levett's day, the. first object which greets the mariner as he
approaches this part of our coast, from which they are between 80 and 100 miles
distant. There is a small river, called Little River, next east of the Saco, and
about three miles distant ; Black Point or Dunstan river is three miles from that,
but they are both short rivers, and penetrate but a few miles from the shore. The
next river referred to is the Spurwink, which is well described by the sandy
beach which lies on each side of its mouth.
TO NEW ENGLAND. 86
It lieth about two leagues to the east of Cape Elizabeth.
It is a bay or sound betwixt the main and certain islands
which lieth in the sea about one English mile and half.
There are four islands which makes one good harbor ;
there is very good fishing, much fowl, and the main as good
ground as any can desire. There I found one river wherein
the savages say there is much salmon and other good fish.
In this bay there hath been taken this year four sturgeons,
by fishermen who drive only for herrings, so that it is likely
there may be good store taken if there were men fit for that
purpose. This river I made bold to call by my own name,
Levett's river, being the first that discovered it. How far
this river is navigable I cannot tell ; I have been but six
miles up it, but on both sides is goodly ground,*
In the same bay I found another river, up which I went
about three miles, and found a great fall of water, much
bigger than the fall at London bridge at low water ; further
a boat cannot go, but above the fall the river runs smooth
again.
Just at this fall of water the sagamore or king of that
place hath a house, where I was one day when there were
two sagamores more, their wives and children, in all about
* We have no means of determining the precise spot to which the author re-
fers, by the name of " Quack," or " York." Neither name has been preserved,
either by tradition or documents, nor anything which corresponds to them. We
suppose the " bay or sound betwixt the main and certain islands," to be the main
channel which leads into Portland harbor, for that has the main on the west, and
the islands on the east. And the four islands still lie there, under the name of
Bang's, Peak's, House and Hog, affording shelter now in every storm to many a
vessel which seeks its secure anchorage. They form indeed " one good harbour."
The river which he made bold to call by his own name, but alas for fame ! a
name no longer remembered there, must be Casco or Fore river, on whose
northern bank lies the city of Portland ; and the other river, which he could as-
cend only three miles, was the Presumpscot, still rendered inaccessible to naviga-
tion at the same distance by its rocky barrier. The name Cascoe, which he
applies to some place between Portland and the mouth of the Kennebeck, proba-
bly Broad bay in Cumberland and North Yarmouth, was appropriated by the
settlers, who fixed their residence in the bay eight or ten years after, to the
region now embraced by Portland and Falmouth : while the name York was
transferred to Agamenticus.
VOL. II. 8
86 LEVETT'S VOYAGE
fifty, and we were but seven. They bid me welcome and
gave me such victuals as they had, and I gave them tobacco
and aqua vitae.
After I had spent a little time with them I departed and
gave them a small shot, and they gave me another. And
the great Sagamore of the east country, whom the rest do
acknowledge to be chief amongst them, he gave unto me a
beaver's skin, which I thankfully received, and so in great
love we parted. On both sides this river there is goodly
ground.
From this harbor to Sagadahock, which is about eight or
nine leagues, is all broken islands in the sea, which makes
many excellent good harbors, where a thousand sail of ships
may ride in safety ; the sound going up within the islands
to the cape of Sagadahock.
In the way betwixt York and Sagadahock lieth Cascoe,
a good harbor, good fishing, good ground, and much fowl.
And I am persuaded that from Cape Elizabeth to Sagada-
hock, which is above thirty leagues to follow the main, is all
exceeding commodious for plantations ; and that there may
be twenty good towns well seated, to take the benefit both
of the sea, and fresh rivers.
For Sagadahock I need say nothing of it, there hath been
heretofore enough said by others, and I fear me too much.
But the place is good ; there fished this year two ships.
The next place I came to was Capemanwagan,* a place
where nine ships fished this year. But I like it not for a
plantation, for I could see little good timber and less good
* Josselyn writes this name Capeanawhagen ; it is beyond doubt a part of the
town of Boothbay, situated between the Sheepscot and Damariscotta rivers, a
few miles east of the Kennebec. Here an early settlement waa made, which was
long known by the name of Cape Nawagen or Newagen. Sullivan, 390,1.
Williamson, II. 375. The latter has the following description of " the island of
Cape Newagen :" " On the southwest side of Boothbay, which bounds on the east
shore of the Sheepscot, is the island of Cape Newagen, four and a half miles
long, generally one mile wide, and separated from Boothbay, to which it belongs,
by a narrow passage for small vessels, called Townsend Gut. Eberecook harbor
is on the west side, and midway of Cape Newagen island, where was an old
settlement." Hist. Maine, vol. I. p. 55. <
TO NEW ENGLAND. 87
'ground ; there I staid four nights, in which time there came
many savages with their wives and children, and some of
good account amongst them, as Menawormet, a sagamore,
Cogawesco, the sagamore of Casco and Quack, now called
York, Somerset, a sagamore, one that hath been found very
faithful to the English, and hath saved the lives of many of
our nation, some from starving, others from killing.*
They intended to have been gone presently, but hearing
of my being there, they desired to see me, which I under-
stood by one of the masters of the ships, who likewise told
me that they had some store of beaver coats and skins, and
was going to Pemaquid to truck with one Mr. Witheridge,
a master of a ship of Bastable, and desired me to use means
that they should not carry them out of the harbor. I wished
them to bring all their truck to one Mr. Coke's stage, and
I would do the best I could to put it away : some of them
did accordingly, and I then sent for the sagamores, who
came, and after some compliments they told me I must be
their cousin, and that Captain Gorges was so, (which you
may imagine I was not a little proud of, to be adopted cous-
in to so many great kings at one instant, but did willingly
accept of it) and so passing away a little time very pleas-
antly, they desired to be gone, whereupon I told them that I
understood they had some coats and beaver skins which I
desired to truck for : but they were unwilling, and I seemed
careless of it (as men must do if they require anything of
them.) But at last Somerset swore that there should be
* This Sagamore is probably the same one that executed the deed from which
is derived the " Brown claim" to lands at Pemaquid. The instrument is dated
July 15th, 1625, and is signed by " Captain John Somerset," and " Unnongoit ;"
the grantee is described as " John Brown, of New Harbour." Brown is repre-
sented as residing at that date near Pemaquid Point, at the place called
New Harbour. This grant embraced a large tract of land, extending twenty-
five miles from the sea into the interior of the country, and thus conflicted with
the patent of Aldworth and Elbridge from the Council of Plymouth. Levett
did not proceed so far as Pemaquid, as he was in pursuit of a suitable place for a
settlement, and he had been informed that Pemaquid was already granted to others.
This was in the winter of l623-'4. It is possible that Brown was then living at
Pemaquid.
88 LEVETT'S VOYAGE
none carried out of the harbor, but his cousin Levett should
have all ; and then they began to offer me some by way of
gift, but I would take none but one pair of sleeves from
Cogawesco, but told them it was not the fashion of English
captains always to be taking, but sometimes to take and
give, and continually to truck was very good. But in fine,
we had all except one coat and two skins, which they re-
served to pay an old debt with ; but they staying all that
night, had them stolen from them.
In the morning the sagamores came to me with a grievous
complaint. I used the best language I could to give them
content, and went with them to some stages which they
most suspected, and searched both cabins and chests, but
found none, They seeing my willingness to find the thief
out, gave me thanks, and wished me to forbear, saying the
rogues had carried them into the woods where I could not
find them.
When they were ready to depart they asked me where I
meant to settle my plantation. I told them I had seen
many places to the west, and intended to go farther to the
east before I could resolve ; they said there was no good
place, and I had heard that Pemoquid, and Capmanwagan,
and Monhiggon were granted to others, and the best time
for fishing was then at hand, which made me the more
willing to retire, and the rather because Cogawesco, the
sagamore of Casco and Quack, told me if that I would sit
down at either of those two places, I should be very wel-
come, and that he and his wife would go along with me in
my boat to see them ; which courtesy I had no reason to re-
fuse, because I had set up my resolution before to settle my
plantation at Quack, which I named York, and was glad of
this opportunity, that I had obtained the consent of them,
who as I conceive hath a natural right of inheritance, as
they are the sons of Noah, and therefore do think it fit to
carry things very fairly without compulsion, (if it be possi-
ble) for avoiding of treachery.
The next day the wind came fair, and I sailed to Quack
or York, with the king, queen, and prince, bow and arrows,
TO NEW ENGLAND. 89
tlog and kettle in my boat, his noble attendance rowing by
us in their canoes.
When we came to York the masters of the ships came to
bid me welcome, and asked what savages those were. I
told them, and I thanked them ; they used them kindly, and
gave them meat, drink, and tobacco. The woman or re-
puted queen, asked me if those men were my friends. I
told her they were ; then she drank to them, and told them
they were welcome to her country, and so should all my
friends be at any time ; she drank also to her husband, and
bid him welcome to her country too ; for you must under-
stand that her father was the sagamore of this place, and
left it to her at his death, having no more children.
And thus after many dangers, much labor and great
charge, I have obtained a place of habitation in New
England, where I have built a house, and fortified it in a
reasonable good fashion, strong enough against such ene-
mies as are those savage people.
CHAPTER II.
Sheweth how the Savages carried themselves unto me continually, and of my
going to their Kings' houses: and their coming to mine.
WHILST I stayed in this place I had some little truck, but
not much, by reason of an evil member in the harbor, who
being covetous of truck used the matter so that he got the
savages away from me.
And it is no wonder he should abuse me in this sort, for
he hath not spared your lordships and all the council for
New 7 England.
He said unto the governor that the lords had sent men
over into that country with commissions, to make a prey of
others. And yet for my own part I never demanded or
took from any man in that country, the value of a denier,
neither had I so much help from any ship or ship's company
as one man's labor the space of an hour, nor had I any pro-
vision or victual upon any terms whatsoever, save only one
8*
90 LEVETT'S VOYAGE
thousand of bread, and twenty-two bushels of peas, which
was offered unto me, and not by me requested, for which I
gave present satisfaction in beaver skins : and also one run-
let of aqua vitae, which was brought to me sixteen leagues
unexpected, which good manners bid me buy. Much more
provision was offered to me by many masters of ships, but I
had no need thereof, so I gave them thanks for their kind-
ness, and refused all.
Nay, it is well known, that I was so far from doing wrong
to any, that I suffered the land which was granted to me by
patent, and made choice of before any other man came
there, to be used, and my timber to be cut down and
spoiled, without taking or asking any satisfaction for the
same. And I doubt not but all others to whom you gave
authority, will sufficiently clear themselves of all such im-
putations.
He said also he cared not for any authority in that place,
and though he was forbid to truck, yet would he have all he
could get : in despite of who should say to the contrary,
having a great ship with seventeen pieces of ordnance and
fifty men.
And indeed his practice was according to his words, for
every Sunday, or once in the week, he went himself or sent
a boat up the river and got all the truck before they could
come down to the harbor. And so many savages as he
could get to his stage, he would enforce them to leave their
goods behind them. One instance amongst many I will
give you.
On a certain day there came two savages to his place,
who were under the command of Somerset or Conway, I
know not whether, at which time they were both with me
at my house, but the other two who went to him, knew not
so much, but afterwards they understanding of it, came
presently over, but left their coats and beaver skins behind
them, whereat Somerset and Conway were exceeding angry;
and were ready to beat the poor fellows, but I would not suffer
them so to do. They presently went over the harbor them-
selves in their canoe to fetch their goods, but this man would
TO NEW ENGLAND. 91
let them have none, but wished them to truck with him ; they
told him they would not, but would carry them to Captain
Levett ; he said Levett was r,o captain, but a jacknape, a
poor fellow, &c. They told him again that he was a rogue,
with some other speeches, whereupon he and his company
fell upon them and beat them both, in so much that they
came to me in a great rage against him, and said they would
be revenged on his fishermen at sea, and much ado 1 had to
dissuade one of them from going into England to tell king
James of it, as he said ; when they came to me in this rage,
there was two or three masters of ships by, and heard every
word.
But all this did me no hurt, (save the loss of the truck,
which by divers was thought to be worth above fifty pounds,)
for the two sagamores whom he enticed from me and
incensed against me, at length used means to be friends
with me, sending one who asked me, if I were angry with
them ; I told them no, I was not angry with them for any
such matter as lousy coats and skins, but if they were
matchet, that is, naughty men, and rebellious, then I would be
mouchick hoggery, that is very angry, and would cram, that
is kill them all.
When they came themselves to me to seek peace, they
brought me a beaver coat, and two otter skins, which
they would have let me had for nothing, but I would not take
them so, but gave them more than usually I did by way of
truck. I then told them likewise that if at any time they did
truck with me, they should have many good things in lieu
of their beaver ; and if they did not truck it was no matter,
I would be good friends with them ; at which they smiled
and talked one to the other, saying the other was a jack-
nape, and that I had the right fashion of the aberieney saga-
mores ; then they began to applaud or rather flatter me,
saying I was so big a sagamore, yea four fathom, which
were the best words they could use to express their minds :
I replied that I was a poor man as he had reported of me.
They said again it was no matter what I said, or that jack-
nape (which is the most disgraceful word that may be in
92 LEVETT'S VOYAGE
their conceit,) for all the sagamores in the country loved
poor Levett and was muchick sorry that he would be gone,
and indeed I cannot tell what I should think of them, for
ever after they would bring me content, as eggs and the
whole bodies of beaver, which in my conceit eat like lamb,
and is not inferior to it : yea the very coats of beaver and
otter skins from off their backs, which though I many times
refused, yet not always, but I never took any such courtesy
from them, but I requited them answerably, choosing rather
to neglect the present profit, than the hopes I have to bring
them to better things, which I hope will be for a public
good, and which I am persuaded were a grievous sin, to
neglect for any sinister end.
And a little before my departure there came these saga-
mores to see me : Sadamoyt, the great sagamore of the east
country, Manawormet, Opparunwit, Skedraguscett, Coga-
wesco, Somerset, Conway and others.
They asked me why I would be gone out of their coun-
try ? I was glad to tell them my wife would not come thither
except I did fetch her ; they bid a pox on her hounds, (a
phrase they have learned and do use when they do curse)
and wished me to beat her. I told them no, for then our
God would be angry. Then they run out upon her in evil
terms, and wished me to let her alone and take another ; I
told them our God would be more angry for that. Again
they bid me beat her, repeating it often, and very angerly,
but I answered no, that was not the English fashion,
and besides she was a good wife and I had children by her,
and I loved her well, so I satisfied them. Then they told
me that I and my wife and children, with all my friends,
should be heartily welcome into that country at any time,
yea a hundredth thousand times, yea mouchicke, mouchicke,
which is a word of weight.
And Somerset told that his son (who was born whilst I
was in the country, and whom he would needs have to
name) and mine should be brothers and that there should
be mouchicke legamatch, (that is friendship) betwixt them,
TO NEW ENGLAND. 93
until Tanto carried them to his wigwam, (that is until they
died.
Then they must know of me how long I would be want-
ing. I told them so many months, at which they seemed to
be well pleased, but wished me to take heed I proved not
chechaske, in that (that is, a liar.) They asked me what I
would do with my house ; I told them I would leave ten of
my men there until I came again, and that they should kill
all the Tarrantens they should see (being enemies to them)
and with whom the English have no commerce. At which
they rejoiced exceedingly, and then agreed amongst them-
selves that when the time should be expired, which I spoke
of for my return, every one at the place, where he lived
would look to the sea, and when they did see a ship they
would send to all the sagamores in the country, and tell
them that poor Levett was come again. And thus instead of
doing me hurt, I think that either he or I have done good
to all planters, by winning their affections, (which may be
made use of without trusting of them.)
But if your Lordships should put up this wrong done unto
you, and the authority which you gave them, never expect
to be obeyed in those parts, either by planters or fishermen ;
for some have not stuck to say, that if such a man, contemn-
ing authority, and abusing one of the council, and drawing
his knife upon him at his own house, which he did, should
go unpunished, then would not they care what they did
hereafter.
And truly let me tell your Lordships, that if ever you
intend to punish any for disobedience, or contempt of author-
ity, this man is a fit instrument to make a precedent of, for
he is rich, and this year will gain the best part of five hun-
dred pounds by that country, and he hath neither wife nor
child, for whose sakes he should be spared.
And if he go free, as he hath domineered over us, to
whom your Lordships gave authority, but no power to put
it in execution, so will he grow unmannerly too with your
Lordships, as he hath already begun.
And it will discourage men hereafter to take any authority
94 LEVETT'S VOYAGE.
upon them, or to go about to reform any abuses in those
parts, and also it will hinder planters from going over, if fish-
ermen be suffered not only to take away their truck, but
also to animate the savages against them, for this is the way
to cause all planters to have their throats cut.
But I leave these things to your Lordships' consideration,
who have as well power as authority to punish such rebel-
lious persons.
Thus having acquainted you with what I have done,
seen, and heard, now give me leave to tell you what I
think of the savages, the inhabitants of that country : as also
to justify the innocent, I mean the country of New England,
against the slanderous reports of this man, and some others,
which I have heard, and likewise to deliver my opinion
what courses I conceive to be most convenient to be taken,
for bringing most glory to God, comfort, honor and benefit
to our king, and our own native nation.
CHAPTER III.
Sheweth the nature and disposition of the Savages, and of their
several Gods, Squanto and Tanto.
I HAVE had much conference with the savages about our
only true God, and have done my best to bring them to
know and acknowledge him ; but I fear me all the labor
that way will be lost, and no good will be done, except it
be among the younger sort.
I find they have two gods : one they love and the other
they hate : the god they love, they call Squanto, and to him
they ascribe all their good fortunes.
The God they hate they call Tanto, and to him they as-
cribe all their evil fortunes, as thus, when any is killed, hurt
or sick, or when it is evil weather, then they say, Tanto is
hoggry, that is angry. When any dies, they say , Tanto
carries them to his wigwam, that is his house, and they
never see them more.
I have asked them where Squanto dwells ; they say they
TO NEW ENGLAND. 95
cannot tell ; but up on high, and will point upwards. And
for Tanto, they say far west, but they know not where.
I have asked them if at any time they have seen Squanto,
or Tanto : they say no, there is none sees them but their
pawwaws, nor they neither, but when they dream.
Their pawwaws are their physicians and surgeons, and as
I verily believe they are all witches, for they foretell of ill
weather, and many strange things ; every sagamore hath
one of them who belongs to his company, and they are alto-
gether directed by them.
On a time I was at a sagamore's house, and saw a mar-
tin's skin, and asked if he would truck it ; the sagamore
told me no : the pawwaw used to lay that under his head
when he dreamed, and if he wanted that, he could do
nothing : thus we may perceive how the devil deludes those
poor people, and keeps them in blindness.
I find them generally to be marvellous quick of apprehen-
sion, and full of subtlety ; they will quickly find any man's
disposition, and flatter and humour him strangely, if they
hope to get anything of him ; and yet they will count him
a fool if he do not show a dislike of it, and will say one to
another, that such a man is mechecome.
They are slow of speech, and if they hear a man speak
much they will laugh at him, and say he is mechecum, that
is a fool.
If men of place be too familiar with them, they will not
respect them ; therefore it is to be wished that all such per-
sons should be wise in their carriage.
The sagamores will scarce speak to an ordinary man, but
will point to their men, and say sanops must speak to sanops,
and sagamores to sagamores.
They are very bloody-minded and full of treachery
amongst themselves ; one will kill another for their wives,
and he that hath the most wives is the bravest fellow ;
therefore I would wish no man to trust them, whatever they
say or do ; but always to keep a strict hand over them, and
yet to use them kindly, and deal uprightly with them ; so
96 LEVETT'S VOYAGE
shall they please God, keep their reputation amongst them,
and be free from danger.
Their sagamores are no kings, as I verily believe, for I
can see no government or law amongst them but club law ;
and they call all masters of ships sagamores, or any other
man that they see have a command of men.
Their wives are their slaves, and do all the work ; the
men will do nothing but kill beasts, fish, &c.
On a time reasoning with one of their sagamores about
their having so many wives, I told him it was no good fash-
ion ; he then asked me how many wives king James had ;
I told him he never had but one, and she was dead, at
which he wondered, and asked me then who then done all
the king's work. You may imagine he thought their fash-
ion was universal, and that no king had any to work for
them but their wives.
They have no apparel but skins, except they have it from
the English or French ; in winter they wear the hair
side inwards, in summer outwards. They have a piece of
skin about their loins like a girdle, and between their legs
goes another, made fast to the girdle before and behind,
which serves to cover their nakedness ; they are all thus
apparelled, going bare-headed with long hair ; sometimes
you shall not know the men from the women but by their
breasts ; the men having no hair on their faces.
When their children are born they bind them on a piece
of board, and set it upright, either against a tree or any
other place. They keep them thus bound until they be
three months old ; and after, they are continually naked
until they be about five or six years.
Ye shall have them many times take their children and
bury them in the snow all but their faces for a time, to make
them the better to endure cold ; and when they are above
two years old, they will take them and cast them into the
sea, like a little dog or cat, to learn them to swim.
Their weapons are bows and arrows ; I never saw more
than two fowling pieces, one pistol, about four half-pikes,
TO NEW ENGLAND. 97
and three cutlasses amongst them, so that we need not to
fear them much, if we avoid their treachery.
Their houses are built in half an hour's space, being only
a few poles or boughs stuck in the ground and covered
with the bark of trees.
Their language differs as English and Welsh. On a
time the governor was at my house, and brought with him
a savage, who lived not above seventy miles from the place
which I have made choice of, who talking with another
savage, they were glad to use broken English to express
their mind each to the other, not being able to understand
one another in their language.
And to say something of the country. I will not do
therein as some have done to my knowledge, speak more
than is true ; I will not tell you that you may smell the
corn-fields before you see the land ; neither must men think
that corn doth grow naturally, (or on trees,) nor will the
deer come when they are called, or stand still and look on a
man until he shoot him, not knowing a man from a beast ;
nor the fish leap into the kettle, nor on the dry land, neither
are they so plentiful that you may dip them up in baskets,
nor take cod in nets to make a voyage, which is no truer
than that the fowls will present themselves to you with spits
through them.
But certainly there is fowl, deer, and fish enough for the
taking, if men be diligent ; there be also vines, plum trees,
strawberries, gooseberries, and rasps, walnuts, chestnut,
and small nuts, of each great plenty ; there is also great
store of parsley, and divers other wholesome herbs, both
for profit and pleasure, with great store of sassafras, sarsa-
parilla, and aniseeds.
And for the ground there is a large and goodly marsh to
make meadow, higher land for pasture and corn.
There be these several sorts of earth, which I have seen,
as clay, sand, gravel, yea, and as black fat earth, as ever I
saw in England in all my life.
There are likewise these helps for ground, as seasand,
oreworth or wrack, marl, blue and white, and some men
VOL. II. 9
98 LEVETT'S VOYAGE
say there is lime ; but I must confess I never saw any lime-
stone : but I have tried the shells of fish, and I find them to
be good lime.
Now let any husbandman tell me whether there be any
fear of having any kind of corn, having these several kinds
of earth with these helps, the climate being full as good if
not better than England.
I dare be bold to say also, there may be ships as con-
veniently, there as in any place in the world, where I have
been, and better cheap. As for plank, crooked timber, and
all other sorts whatsoever can be desired for such purpose,
the wo; Id cannot afford better. Masts and yards of all
sizes, there be also trees growing, whereof pitch and tar is
made.
And for sails and all sorts of cordish you need not to
want, if you but sow hemp and flaxseed, and after work it.
Now there wants nothing but iron, and truly I think I have
seen iron-stone there, but must acknowledge I have no great
judgment in minerals, yet I have seen the iron-works in
England, and this stone is like ours. But howsoever if the
country will not afford iron, yet it may be easily brought,
for it is good ballast for ships.
There is also much excellent timber for joiners and coop-
ers; howsoever a worthy nobleman hath been abused, who
sent over some to make pipe-staves ; who either for want
of skill or industry did no good. Yet I dare say no place
in England can afford better timber for pipe-staves, than
four several places which I have seen in that country.
Thus have I related unto you what I have seen, and do
know may be had in those parts of New England where I
have been, yet was I never at the Mesachusett, which is
counted the paradise of New England, nor at Cape Ann,
but I fear there hath been too fair a gloss set on Cape Ann.
I am told there is a good harbor which makes a fair invita-
tion, but when they are in, their entertainment is not an-
swerable, for there is little good ground, and the ships
which fished there this year, their boats went twenty miles
to take their fish, and yet they were in great fear of making
TO NEW ENGLAND. 99
their voyages, as one of the masters confessed unto me
who was at my house.*
Neither was I at New Plymouth, but I fear that place is
not so good as many others, for if it were, in my conceit,
they would content themselves with it and not seek for any
other, having ten times so much ground as would serve ten
times so many people as they have now amongst them.
But it seems they have no fish to make benefit of, for this
year they had one ship fish at Pemoquid, and another at
Cape Ann, where they have begun a new plantation, but
how long it will continue I know not.
Neither was I ever farther to the west than the Isle of
Shoulds.
Thus have I done with my commendations of the coun-
try ; I will now speak the worst I know by it.
About the middle of May you shall have little flies, called
musketoes, which are like gnats ; they continue, as I am
told, until the last of July. These are very troublesome
for the time, for they sting exceedingly both by night and
day. But I found by experience that boots or thick stock-
ings would save the legs, gloves the hands, and tiffany or
some such things which will not much hinder the sight,
will save the face, and at night any smoke will secure a
man.
The reason of the abundance of these creatures, I take
to be the woods which hinders the air, for I have observed
always when the wind did blow but a little, we were not
much troubled with them.
And I verily think that if there were a good number of
people planted together, and that the woods were cut down,
the earth were tilled, and the rubbish which lieth on the
ground wherein they breed were burnt, and that there were
many chimneys smoking, such small creatures would do
but little hurt.
* Prince says, quoting Smith's History of New England, " in the spring of
1623, about forty ships go from England to the north-eastern coast of New Eng-
land to fish, who make a far better voyage than ever." And in 1624, about
fifty ships.
100 LEVETT'S VOYAGE
Another evil or inconvenience I see there, the snow in
winter did lie very long upon the ground.
But I understand that all the parts of Christendom were
troubled with a cold winter as well as we. Yet would I
ask any man what hurt snow doeth ? The husbandman
will say that the corn is the better for it. And I hope cattle
may be as well fed in the house there as in England, Scot-
land, and other countries, and he is but an ill husband that
cannot find employments for his servants within doors for
that time. As for wives and children if they be wise they
will keep themselves close by a good fire, and for men they
will have no occasion to ride to fairs or markets, sizes or
sessions, only hawks and hounds will not then be useful.
Yet let me tell you that it is still almost Christmas before
there be any winter there, so that the cold time doth not
continue long.
And by all reason that country should be hotter than
England, being many degrees farther from the north pole.
And thus according to my poor understanding I have
given you the best information I can of the people and coun-
try, commodities and discommodities. Now give me leave
to oppose myself against the man beforementioned, and
others, who speaks against the country and plantations in
those parts, and to set down such objections as I have heard
them make, and my answers, and afterward let wisdom
judge : for my desire is, that the saddle may be set on the
right horse, and the ass may be rid, and the knave punished
either for discouraging or encouraging too much, whatso-
ever he be.
CHAPTER V.
Certain objections and answers, with sufficient proofs how it may be exceeding
profitable to the Commonwealth, and all planters and adventurers.
THEY say the country is good for nothing but to starve so
many people as comes in it.
It is granted that some have been starved to death, and
TO NEW ENGLAND. 101
others have hardly escaped, but where was the fault, in the
country or in themselves. That the country is as I have
said, I can bring one hundred men to justify it ; but if men
be neither industrious nor provident, they may starve in the
best place of the world.
About two years since one Mr. Weston sent over about
fifty persons to plant, with little provision ; when they
came there, they neither applied themselves to planting
of corn nor taking of fish, more than for their present
use, but went about to build castles in the air, and making
of forts, neglecting the plentiful time of fishing. When win-
ter came their forts would not keep out hunger, and they
having no provision beforehand, and wanting both powder
and shot to kill deer and fowl, many were starved to death,
and the rest hardly escaped. There are four of his men
which escaped, now at rny plantation, who have related
unto me the whole business.
Again, this last year there went over divers at one time,
and to one place, with too little provision ; some of them are
dead, yet I cannot hear of any that were merely starved,
except one whose name was Chapman, a Londoner, and
whether he was starved or no is uncertain ; but if he were,
God's just judgment did appear.
For this man (as I am told by an honest man who came
from London with him) brought at the least eighty pounds'
worth of provision, and no more but himself and two ser-
vants, which was sufficient for at the least eighteen months,
if it had been well used. And yet in five months after his
arrival in New England he died miserably.
Let me tell you a strange thing of this man ; (I have it
but by relation from one of his companions) he payed for his
passage, and his mens', and provision, so that he needed not
to have spent any thing until his arrival in New England,
yet would he at Plymouth, (where the ship stayed too long
for him and others,) spend seven or eight pound a week in
wine, tobacco, and whores, and for the maintaining of this
expense he daily fetched his provision from aboard, and sold
it at a low rate. And when they were at sea, his tobacco
9*
102 LEVETT'S VOYAGE
being spent, he gave usually sixpence for a pipe ; he gave
also a suit of clothes, valued to be worth fifty shillings, for
so much tobacco as was not worth half a crown. Nay, at
last, as his comrade told me, he was glad to become servant
to one of his servants. Then his master told him, that if he
would work he would allow him one biscuit cake a day, if
not he should have but half a cake. He made choice of
half a cake, without work ; and so a base, lazy fellow made
a lamentable end. Where was the fault now, in the men or
in the country ?
Another objection which I have met with is this : That
there is nothing got or saved by sending men over to plant ;
neither is it beneficial either to private men, either adven-
turer or planter, or good for the commonwealth.
In answer hereunto, first for matter of profit, it is well
known to all the merchants of the west country, who have
left almost all other trade but this, and yet is grown rich
thereby.
Secondly, for the commonwealth consider these things :
1. The great complaint that hath for so long time been
made in England, that our land is overburthened with peo-
ple, and that there is no employment for our men, so that it
is likely they must either starve, steal, or prove mutinous,
and whether plantations be a means to help this inconve-
nience or no, I desire to know ?
It hath been likewise said unto me, that it benefits the
commonwealth nothing at all to send men over with pro-
vision of clothes, victuals, and continual supplies.
To that I say, let such men, as you send thither to plant,
have provision as Chapman had for eighteen months, and if
after, they cannot live of themselves, and be beneficial either
to the commonwealth or to themselves, let them die Chap-
man's death.
Again plantations may be beneficial to the commonwealth,
by the enlargement of his Majesty's dominions.
Again by the increase of shipping, (which is the strength
of a nation,) and that without wasting of our timber, which
is a commodity that I fear England will find the want of be-
TO NEW ENGLAND. 103
fore many years pass over ; for if timber go to decay as
now it doth, we shall scarce have any to build, or repair
ships or houses. Again, tell me whether it would be bene-
ficial to the commonwealth to have all our idle persons kept
to work, and our populous nation disburthened, and yet to
have them ready to serve our king and country upon all
occasions?
Lastly, tell me whether it would be beneficial to the
commonwealth to have all poor people maintained out of
those arts. And every parish freed from their weekly pay-
ments to the poor, which if I do not make to appear, then
let me accounted an unworthy fellow. But first let me set
down another objection, which seems to be of great force,
and yet in my conceit is like the rest, shallow, and that
is this.
If, say they, there be so many plantations, there will be
no room in the country for such ships as do come yearly to
make voyages, and by this means ships shall lie still and
decay, mariners and fishermen shall want employment, and
so all will be out of frame if ever we should have wars.
And therefore, howsoever it may be beneficial to some few
persons, yet it will be hurtful to the commonwealth.
I answer, that if these things were thoroughly examined
by his Majesty, the parliament, or council-table, it would
plainly appear, that the most of them which keep such ado
against plantations, are the greatest enemies to the public
good, and that their show of care for the commonwealth is
nothing but a color, for the more clearly concealing of their
unknown profits. It will also appear that plantations are
for the public good, and by that means there shall be more
and better cheap ships built and employed, more mariners
and fishermen kept to work than now there are, and more
people partakers of the benefit than now there doth.
Which I prove thus : first, there may be timber had to
build ships, and ground for corn and keeping of cattle, and
all for little or nothing.
Secondly, there may be more men trained up in fishing
104 LEVETT'S VOYAGE
than now there is, whose trade is decayed in England, and
they ready to starve for want of employments.
Thirdly, there may be twice so much fish taken every
year as now there is. For ships that go to make voyages,
seldom or never keep their boats at sea above two months
or ten weeks for making their voyage, and I dare maintain
that there is fish enough to be taken, seven months in the
year, if men be there ready to take opportunities.
Fourthly, the more fish that is taken, the more ships there
must be for the transportation of it.
Fifthly, whereas now none doth take the benefit, but a
few merchants ; not all the merchants in the land, no not
one of a thousand ;
By plantations, not only all the merchants in the land, but
all the people in the land may partake thereof.
And now to shew you how the profit may arise.
CHAPTER VI.
Sheweth how by adventuring of a hundred pounds, more or less, a man
may profit so much every year, for twenty years or longer,
without any more charge than at the first.
I MUST confess I have studied no other art a long time but
the mysteries of New England's trade, and I hope at last, I
have attained to the understanding of the secrets of it, which
I think the fishermen are sorry for ; but it shall be no longer
concealed, for that I think every good subject is bound to
prefer the public before his own private good.
First, therefore, I will shew you the charge which every
merchant is at yearly in sending their ships to fish there,
and so near as I can the profit they make of such voyages.
Then we will see the charge which planters must be at, in
sending men over to stay there, and the profit they are
likely to make, and so by comparing the one with the
other, we shall see which is the better and more profitable
course.
A ship of two hundred ton commonly doth carry in those
TO NEW ENGLAND. 105
voyages fifty men ; these men are at no charge but twenty
shillings a man towards their victuals, neither have they any
wages ; but in lieu thereof, they have one third part of all
the fish and train.
Another third part is allowed the owners of the ship for
their fraught, and the other third part is allowed for the
victual, salt, nets, hooks, lines and other implements for
taking and making the fish.
The charge of victualling (which is usually for nine
months,) the salt, &c., doth commonly amount to about
<3ight hundred pounds ; and for that they have (as I said
one third part of the fish,) which is near sixty-seven ton,
the ship being laden, which will make thirteen hundred and
forty quintals, (at the market). Sometimes when they come
to a good market they sell their fish for forty-four rials a
quintal, and so to thirty-six rials, which is the least, but say
they have forty, one time with another, and at that rate
one-third of the ships' lading doth yield thirteen hundred
and forty pounds, which they have for disbursing of eight
hundred pounds nine months.
Now take notice that they are but eight or ten weeks in
taking all their fish, and about one month longer in making
it fit to be shipped.
Which being considered, then say that such men as are
sent over to plant, have twelve months provision, which
will amount to one thousand and sixty-six pounds, thirteen
shillings four pence ; these men stay in the country, and do
take the benefit both of the first and last fishing season, and
all other opportunities, the fishing continuing good at the
least seven months in the year, though not all at one time ;
now I hope you will grant that they are as likely to take
two ships lading as the other one, which if they do, one
third thereof at the same rate will amount to two thousand
six hundred and eighty pounds ; the charge you are at being
deducted, the profit is one thousand and nineteen pounds,
six shillings, eight pence. Now tell me seriously, which is
the more profitable course ?
Again consider, that in all likelihood this fish is to be
106 LEVETT'S VOYAGE
taken in five months, then have you seven months more to
employ your men in the country every year, about building
of ships, cleaving of pipe-staves, or any other thing, and
will that be worth nothing ?
Truly this I will say, send men over but with eighteen
months' provision, and cattle, and corn to plant, and other
necessaries, and they shall afford you thus much profit
yearly, without ever putting you to more charge, if God
bless them with health/and you, from losses, and I never
heard of any great loss by adventuring thither) and that
you be fitted with good and understanding men to oversee
the business, who is able to direct them.
CHAPTER VII.
Sheweth how every parish may be freed of their weekly payments to the
poor, by the profits which may be fetched thence with certain Objections
against the things contained in this and the former chapter : with answers
thereunto.
AND thus have I shewed you what hopes there is of profit
by plantations, yet have I shewed you no other means to
raise it, but by fish and timber. I would not have you say
there is nothing else in the country to make any benefit of;
for I assure you it is well known to myself, and others who
have been there, that there are divers other good things
there to be had ; but I do not love to speak of all at one
time, but to reserve some to stop the mouths of such prating
coxcombs as will never be satisfied with any reason, but
will always cavil, though to little purpose.
And methinks I hear some such people buzzing in some
other objections, and bidding me stay, and not fish before
the net, for there are many lets, as these. There are many
ships go that make not so good voyages as I speak of : for
they are so long beaten in their passage, or on the coast,
that the best of the fishing is past before they be there.
To that I answer, I speak not what every ship doth, but
what some do, and all others may do, if they be in the coun-
try to take all opportunities.
TO NEW ENGLAND. 107
2. Object. That it is not possible to make plantations so
public a business, as that it should redound to the benefit of
all the king's subjects. And again that there will never be
so much money raised as to establish such plantations, for
that most men of this, age respects their own profit one hun-
dred times more than the public good ; and their hearts are
so glued to the world, that they shall as soon hang them as
draw anything from them, though it be never so charitable
a use. And if it should be by way of commandment, it
would be a grievance not to be endured.
But I would ask such men whether they be so void of
charity, as that they will not do themselves good, because
some others shall have some by it also ? And whether they
will be grieved at a man for shewing of them how, by the
disbursing of twenty shillings, they shall have twenty shil-
lings a year, for seven, ten or twenty years, and perhaps for
ever.
My desire is not that any should be compelled, only this
I could wish that every parish would adventure so much as
they pay weekly to the relief of the poor (which is no great
matter) and so every shire by itself would send over men
to plant. And if after eighteen months they shall not yearly
return so much profits continually as will keep their poor 1
and ease their purses, (provided always, as I said before,
that they send such men as are fit, and that the justices of
every shire be careful to appoint such a man to be their
captain and director as is honest, and of good understanding,
and that God bless them from losses,) will I be contented to
suffer death.
And yet let me tell you, that if it should please God, that
once in seven years a ship should be cast away (which is
more than hath been usual, for I dare say, that for every
ship that is cast away in those voyages, there is one hundred
which cometh safe) yet it is but that year's profit lost, and
perhaps not half.
Another objection may be this, that all men are not fish-
ermen, and that it is not so easy a thing to take fish, as I
make it.
108 LEVETT'S VOYAGE
To that I answer, that take a survey of all the men that
goeth in these voyages, and there shall not be found one-
third of them that are merely fishermen, and no other trades.
Nay I know many ship-companies that have amongst
them house carpenters, masons, smiths, tailors, shoemakers,
and such like, and indeed it is most fit that they should be
such : and I saw by experience, that divers who were never
at sea before this year, proved very good fishermen ; but I
could wish that ever a fifth part of a company be fishermen,
and the rest will quickly be trained up, and made skilful.
I would to God that some one shire or more would begin
this godly and profitable course. For certainly, God hath
created all for the use of man, and nothing hath he created
in vain.
And if we will endure poverty in England wilfully, and
suffer so good a country as this is to lie waste, I am persua-
ded we are guilty of a grievous sin against God, and shall
never be able to answer it.
I could also wish, that the lords both spiritual and tempo-
ral, the knights and others to whom God hath given abun-
dance of these outward things, would (for the honor of God,
the comfort of the poor of our land) join together, and by a
voluntary contribution raise a sum of money, and employ it
this way $ and that the profits might go to the maintain-
ing of poor children, and training them up in this course,
by which they may be kept from begging and stealing.
CHAPTER VIII.
Contains certain directions for all private persons that intend
to go into New England to plant.
NEXT unto this I could wish that every private man that
hath a desire this way, would consider these things which I
will here set down, before he .go too far, least he deprive
himself of the profit I have showed may be had, and be one
of those that repent when it is too late, and so bring misery
upon himself, and scandalize the country, as others have done.
TO NEW ENGLAND. 109
1. That it is a country where none can live except he
either labor himself, or be able to keep others to labor for
him.
2. If a man have a wife and many small children, not to
come there, except for every three loiterers he have one
worker ; which if he have, he may make a shift to live and
not starve.
8. If a man have but as many good laborers as loiterers,
he shall live much better there than in any place I know.
4. If all be laborers and no children, then let him not
fear but to do more good there in seven years than in Eng-
land in twenty.
5. Let no man go without eighteen months' provision, so
shall he take the benefit of two seasons before his provision
be spent.
6. Let as many plant together as may be, for you will find
that very comfortable, profitable and secure.
FINIS.
Vol.. II. 10
ANNALS
OF
BAKERSTOWN, POLAND, AND MINOT,
BY WILLIAM LADD, ESQ.,
LATE OF MINOT.
THE whole tract under the present names of Poland and
Minot, was originally called Bakerstown, from the follow-
ing circumstance. A tract of land was granted, at a very
early date, before the lines between New-Hampshire and
the Province of Maine had been ascertained, probably to
one Baker, by the state of Massachusetts, but when the
line was run, the tract then called Bakerstown was found
to be within the limits of New-Hampshire, and a new
grant was made by the state of Massachusetts, in lieu of
the other, comprising the present towns of Poland and
Minot.
The grant was for 7j miles square, but the limits of
Bakerstown were extended to 12 or 14 miles square ; a
fraud common in those days.
Nathaniel Bailey was the first settler in Bakerstown.
Daniel Lane was the second settler. Moses Emery was
the third settler in Bakerstown, and the first in that part
now called Minot.
1768. Bailey settled in Bakerstown. John Newman in
1769. Mr. Nevins's daughter was the first child born in
Bakerstown.
Moses Emery, jr. was the first male child born in Ba-
kerstown.
112 ANNALS OF BAKERSTOWN,
Moses Emery was the first settler in Minot ; he was born
in the year 1745, and gave most of these memorandums,
in the year 1830, being then 86 years old.
1772. Moses Emery the elder moved from what is now
called Poland, to what is now called Minot.
1773. Daniel Lane second settler in Minot. Indians
then resident in the neighborhood of Bakerstown. Philip,
Swanton, Lazarus, Sabattus, Cookish, and others. Perepole
was the last of the Androscoggin tribe.
Emery kept a ferry at what was afterwards called Em-
ery's Mills, since Payne's Mills, Dunn's Mills, &c. Many
moose and beaver were in Bakerstown when he first settled ;
he used to hunt them on snow-shoes, and he carried usually
a pocket compass with him. He often bivouacked or
" camped," as they call it, in the open air in winter, and
sometimes had the snow three inches deep on him, when
he awaked in the morning. Once, going out without his
gun, he came across a she-bear with two cubs, under a
windfall. The bear made toward him, and he retreated
backward, being afraid to turn lest the bear should seize
him behind ; she followed, grinning and growling, with her
mouth near to his, he still retreating and feeling on the ground
for a stick or club, with which to defend himself. At length,
it came into his head to throw her his jacket, for her to
vent her rage upon, but as soon as he began to take off his
jacket, the bear was frightened and ran away with her
cubs. In his moose hunts, his partner had once wounded
a moose, and his dog had him by the nose, but the moose
swung the dog to and fro, without being able to shake him
off, and was making directly at Emery, when he flung the
dog against a tree which broke the dog's hold, and the
moose sprung directly at Emery, and probably would have
killed him, but just at that moment another shot from his
partner brought the moose to the ground. Emery's gun
would not go off. Preparing to encamp one night, in a
snow storm, he saw a moose which he wounded, and his
dog got him by the nose, but the moose trampled the dog
who would not let go his hold, to death, and both expired
together.
POLAND AND MINOT. 113
1782. Mr. Chandler Freeman and his brother Samuel
removed from Duxbury, Mass., and began a settlement at
the place where he now (1830) lives.
Among the first settlers were Bray, Willcome, Safford,
Hawke, Buckman, Dwinal, Shaw, Vareal, &c.
1784. Chandler Freeman's family removed to Bakers-
town, together with his father, Jos. Freeman and his wife.
The number of families having increased to 60 or 70
Jos. Freeman set up the public worship of God in his son's
house. Sermons were re'ad, with prayers and singing, con-
ducted chiefly by Joseph Freeman. The inhabitants of the
northern parts of what was afterward called Mi not gene-
rally attended.
1785. A remarkable freshet. There has not been any
since so high. The wa"ter in the Little Androscoggin rose
8 feet, and was 3 feet deep on the island at Emery's mills.
1786. Samuel Pool removed to Bakerstown.
The Rev. Mr. Foxcroft of New Gloucester, the Rev. Mr.
Gilman of North Yarmouth, and the Rev. Mr. Williams of
Falmouth, occasionally preached in Bakerstown.
1788. July 3d. Olive, the daughter of Samuel Freeman
deceased, was baptized by the Rev. John Strickland of
Turner, having been offered in baptism by her grand parents.
1791. First revival of religion. The Rev. Wait Corn-
well, missionary from Connecticut, preached and adminis-
tered baptism, and promoted the revival. The people did
something for his support.
Sept. 8th. The first congregational church was gather-
ed, consisting of 39 members. Mr. Joseph Freeman was
chosen moderator. The council met at the house of Mr.
Jonathan Bradford, and consisted of the following persons ;
Churches. Pastors. Delegates.
New Gloucester. Saml. Foxcroft. Peleg Chandler.
North Yarmouth. No pastor. Dea. John South worth
Freeport. Alfred Johnson, (no delegate.)
Missionary. Rev, Wait Cornwell. do.
10*
114 ANNALS OF BAKERSTOWN,
Nov. 30. The first meeting of the first church in Ba-
kerstown, was held at the house of Chandler Freeman, and
the following officers chosen, viz.,
Joseph Freeman, Deacon,
Moses Bradbury, do.
Noah Hersey, " leader in the "worship of singing."
Voted, To read the psalm in the forenoon worship line
by line, as it was singing, but otherwise in the afternoon.
A considerable number of those first received into the
Church, afterwards fell under censure, and many turned
Baptists.
This year was remarkable for grasshoppers, and is still
called the "grasshopper year." They ate the Indian corn
and potatoes down to the ground, so that in some fields
not a bushel of potatoes was raised*
1792. May 12. Deacon Joseph Freeman died, aged 65.
His son Chandler Freeman was chosen deacon in his place,
but there remains no record of the date of his election.
1793. The Rev. Jonathan Scott, who had been ordained
at Middleburgh, Mass., over a church in Yarmouth, Nova
Scotia, there being then no congregational ministers in that
province, came to Bakerstown, as a preacher of the gospel,
by request of the church, Dec. llth, and returned to Nova
Scotia; he again visited Bakerstown in Sept. 1794.
1794. The first congregational meeting house built near
Reuben Chandler's in June.
Oct. 12. Mr. Scott promised the people of Bakerstown
in writing, that he would come and settle among them.
He was to have three dollars for each sabbath's preaching,
but nothing for travelling expenses.
1795. The Rev. Mr. Scott's family removed from Nova
Scotia to Bakerstown, and arrived May 1st. Same time
Doctor Jesse Rice arrived from Nova Scotia. Caroline,
widow of Deacon Joseph Freeman, died about this time.
This year the first Methodist church was formed ; Joel
Ketchum was the first Methodist minister.
1796. By a covenant dated April 18th, 98 persons agree
to the support of Mr. Scott, and gave him a call to settle
with them.
POLAND AND MIN OT. 115
May 28th. Mr. Scott accepted a call to settle in Poland,
on a salary of 65 pounds lawful money, and the land allow-
ed for the first settled minister, which land was never ob-
tained. In his acceptance, he says, " but know for certainty
that I never shall nor will enter any law process against you,
as a society, or any individual of you, on the strength or bond
of that covenant, and I do hereby forever put it out of the
power of my heirs, administrators or assigns, to do it while
I live or after my death."
July 27th. The Rev. Jonathan Scott was installed over
the first congregational church in Bakerstown ; Council
Rev. Sam. Eaton, of Harpswell.
Rev. Tristram Gilman, of North Yarmouth.
Rev. Alfred Johnson, of Freeport.
About this time, James Dunham and Job Cushman,
members of the first church, turned Baptists, and the latter
began to preach.
Bakerstown incorporated by the name of Poland ; Moses
Emery, sen., agent at the Gen. Court of Massachusetts.
1800. Canker-rash very rife in Poland.
1802. Minot set off from Poland by the General Court
of Massachusetts, and incorporated into a town by itself.
Feb. 7th.
April 5th. The first town meeting of the town of Minot,
was held in the schoolhouse at the foot of the hill, near Mr.
Shaw's ; warrant issued by Nathaniel Adams of New Glou-
cester to Nicholas Noyes of Minot. First selectmen, Nich-
olasNoyes, Wm. Briggs and John Chandler ; first treasurer
and town clerk, Chandler Freeman ; committee to settle
accounts with Poland, Doctor Jesse Rice, Ichabod King and
Samuel Shaw.
At a town meeting, " Voted, to raise a sum of money for
the use of the destruction of the crows." " Voted, 12 cents
and 5 mills on the head." " Voted, that the selectmen shall
receive the heads and burn them, and give orders on the
treasury for the bounty." (This bounty was afterwards
increased to 20 cents, Dec. 12, 1803, but the vote was after-
116 ANNALS OF BAKERSTOWN,
wards rescinded.) " Voted, to buy two palls to cover the
dead." " Voted, to raise 50 dollars for the use of the town."
1803, April 14. " Voted, to raise $600 for the use of
schools." This is the first vote of the kind on the records.
May. " Voted, to build a pound near Nicholas Noyes's."
" Voted, that the poor shall be put up at vendue."
" Voted, not to build a meeting house."
" Voted, not to send a representative."
1804, April 6th. Town meeting at the congregational
society's meeting house.
" Voted, to build a bridge near Nason's mills with Poland."
May meeting. " Voted, to number the children on the
first day of May, and all over four years of age to draw an
equal proportion of school money."
Sept. 8th. First meeting of proprietors for building a
meeting house near the centre of the town of Minot.
Sept. 27th. Town meeting at the old meeting house,
opened with prayer by the Rev. Mr. Scott. " Voted, not to
build a meeting house in the centre of the town, and voted
not to build two meeting houses.
1804, Nov. 5th. At town meeting, voted, to accept six
different places for burial grounds, but there was no vote
for burying.
Nov. 27th. At a town meeting, the town consented to
the incorporation of a congregational society, Ayes 54,
Nays 29.
1805, May 6th. It was voted to divide the town into
two parishes, and to have the town meetings half the time
at Mr. Scott's meeting house, and half the time at Deacon
James Perkins'.
May 29th. The east meeting house was raised ; Mr.
Scott prayed.
July 3d. The centre meeting house was raised. As Mr.
Scott had always opposed the building of this meeting
house, it was with great reluctance, that after repeated so-
licitation he consented to make the prayer, the language
of which, as might have been expected, gave great offence
to the proprietors of the house.
POLAND AND MINOT. 117
July 5th. Mr. Scott requested a dismission from the
church, and made a more formal request in writing, dated
July 10th, which was read on the same day at the old west
meeting house, and also before the " covenanted society,"
assembled at the same place, July 1 9th. The reason for his
requesting a dismission was the building of the centre meet-
ing house by a part of his church and society, to which alto-
gether, especially the location, he urged strong objections.
Aug. 21st. An ecclesiastical council was convened in
Minot, consisting of the following ministers, viz. Tristram
Gilman, Samuel Eaton, Jacob Herrick, Elisha Moseley,
Amasa Smith, Eliphalet Gillet and their delegates, who
took into consideration " the difficulties which had existed
between the Rev. Mr. Jonathan Scott and the Church and So-
ciety under his pastoral care." Adjourned to the next day.
Aug. 22d. Convened at the old meeting house, (some-
times called the proprietors' meeting house, and also, at
that time, the west meeting house,) Mr. Scott laid before
the Council a long, written memorial, in which he com-
plains that a part of his church and society had persisted in
building the centre meeting house, which he thinks will
cause great dissensions and divisions, that the house had
been built contrary to the vote of the town, &c., &c., and
that he had, in a manner, been compelled to pray at the
raising of the house, against his will. It was " Voted, unan-
imously to dissolve the pastoral relation between the Rev.
Jonathan Scott and the church and people under his care."
It appears that, nevertheless, Mr. Scott continued to
preach to that part of the church and congregation engaged
in building the last meeting house, and acted as moderator
of the church.
Sept. 23d. At a town meeting, " Voted, to choose a dis-
interested committee, out of town, to fix the division line
[of equal parishes] to consist of three, viz., Judge Carey, of
Turner, Dominicus Record, of Buckfield and John H. Smith,
Esqr." Adjourned to Nov. 18. Met according to adjourn-
ment, and " Voted, not to accept the report of the disinter-
ested committee."
118 ANNALS OF BAKERSTOWN,
About this time, Nov. 13 and 14, one or more papers
were signed, to engage Mr. Scott to preach for six months,
and also for eighteen months, of which papers little or no
use was ever made.
1806. It seems that the dissensions in the church and
society, on account of building the centre meeting house,
increased, and that a part of the church, about twelve, had
met for worship in a separate place, which gave great
offence to their brethren.
June 17th. 7 males and 7 females, 14 in all, signed a
request to the church, to be set off from the church and
erected into a separate church by themselves, on account
of their living in the west of Minot, and therefore suffering
great inconvenience in attending worship in the east.
These persons were among the number of those who had
been, and then were, engaged in building the centre meet-
ing house, so that in fact their request was for a separate
church in the centre.
June 26th. By a vote of the church, the request of the
14 members to be set off as a church was granted, in the
usual form, and communicated to the petitioners in a cer-
tificate signed by Mr. Scott as moderator, dated July 1st.
There are copies of two subscription papers for the sup-
port of Mr. Scott, one dated July 7, with the subscriptions
of 13 members of the church for the amount of $68, and
one dated Oct. 20th, of 35 subscribers to the society for the
amount of $77, in all $145, which appears to be the amount
of compensation promised to Mr. Scott for his services, but
he never got half, probably not a quarter of it.
Aug. 13th. An offer was made to Mr. Scott to settle, on
condition that each party might withdraw at six months
notice, which he declined.
About this time, also, there appears to have been a sub-
scription paper, for the support of Mr. Scott for 18 months.
In fact there are a great many copies of subscription
papers and covenants, dated about this time, most of which,
if not all of them, came to nothing, and Mr. Scott was de-
pendent on his Ijttle farm and his daily labor for his support.
POLAND AND MINOT. 119
Aug. 15th. The first church by a committee gave a
verbal call to Mr. Scott to settle with them.
Oct. 15th. An ecclesiastical council was called by the
seceders for the purpose of forming a second church. The
churches represented at this council were as follows ;
Churches. Ministers. Delegates.
Durham, Jacob Herrick, James Hubbard.
New Gloucester, Elisha Mosely, \ Moses Merrill.
j E. Mason.
Gray, Daniel Weston, Moses Humphrey.
It was voted, to receive the persons, 16 in all, and " ac-
knowledge them as a church, to be known by the name of
the Second Congregational Church in Minot." Moses
Bradbury was chosen first deacon and Moderator, Isaac
Allen second deacon, and Samuel Vareal clerk. A number
of others were afterward dismissed from the First Church
and joined the Second Church.
Sunday, Oct. 26th. Mr. Scott read to the church his
acceptance of their call, dated on the day before.
Nov. 12th. An ecclesiastical council convened in Mi-
not, from the following
Churches. Ministers.
Harpswell, Sam. Eaton. f
Durham, Jacob Herrick.
New Gloucester, Elisha Mosely.
Hallowell, Eliphalet Gillet.
The several subscription papers having been laid before
the council, they proceeded to install the Rev. Jonathan
Scott over the First Congregational Church in Minot, wor-
shipping in the East meeting house.
1806. Dec. 29. First town-meeting in the centre meet-
ing house.
1807. The Rev. Mr. Scott's dwelling house was burnt,
with his youngest son. Feb. 8th. The parish then gave
the old meeting house to Mr. Scott for a dwelling house,
and moved it to the site of the house which was burnt, and
120 ANNALS OF BAKERSTOWN,
where Mr. Scott died. The records of the church except a
few loose papers were burnt with the house. March 18.
The First Church met at the East meeting house. Doctor
Jesse Rice chosen second deacon. Dec. 10. John Staples
Craft chosen 3d deacon.
1807. At town meeting, the town voted in favor of the
incorporation of Chandler Freeman and others, agreeably
to their petition, to be set off as a parish by themselves,
with certain provisos.
June 30. Mr. Scott received a commission from the So-
ciety for propagating the Gospel among the Indians in N.
America, to act as a missionary for two months, which
was laid before the church, and at the request of the
church was declined.
Sept. 1st. The first church kept a day of fasting and
prayer, " that God would appear for our nation, and remove
the calamities we are smarting under by embargo, and
prevent the calamity of war with which the nation is threat-
ened," and other subjects.
1809. The first town meeting for the choice of a repre-
sentative to the General Court of Massachusetts. There
were 34 candidates. Doctor Seth Chandler had 112 votes
out of 308, but the record does not say who was finally
elected, and many of the records are without date. There
seems to have been no political division, but the town was
considered as almost wholly democratic.
Sept. Votes for representative, 242 ; Dr. Seth Chandler
had 142.
Nov. 7th. The second church voted to give a call to the
Rev. William Pidgin to be their mini.' ter.
Dec. 21. A letter missive was sent to the first church to
request their aid in the council to settle Wm. Pidgin.
1811. Jan. 1. The first church met to "hear and deter-
mine on a letter missive from the second church, request-
ing a delegation to assist at the installation of the Rev.
Wm. Pidgin." The first church chose a committee to meet
a committee from the second church, if one should be ap-
pointed, to try to adjust the difficulties between them. A
POLAND AND MINOT. 121
meeting of the committees took place January 9th, but no
reconciliation was effected at this time.
Jan. 15. An ecclesiastical council convened for the pur-
pose of installing the Rev. Wm. Pidgin over the second
church. Present,
Pastors. Delegates.
Elisha Mosely, B. Loring,
( Wm. Sweetser, and
Amasa Smith, j Belvjamin Blanchard ,
John Dutton, Joshua Mitchell,
Noah Cresy, Timothy Stone,
( John Hayes,
Francis Brown, < Jacob Mitchell,
( James Hibbard.
Chose Mr. Mosely Moderator, and Mr. Brown Scribe, and
after sundry examinations, adjourned to the next day.
Jan. 16th. Council met according to adjournment.
" Doubts arose from peculiar circumstances, whether it is
expedient now to proceed to the installation." Council dis-
solved.
Jan. 23d. The 2d. church again invited the 1st. church to
reconciliation, which was not effected,
Feb. 26. A council was convened, consisting of the Rev.
Messrs. Mosely, Herrick, Weston, Miltimore, Smith, and
Creasy, with their delegates.
27th. Rev. Mr. Pidgin installed over the second congre-
gational church in Minot.
There appears to have been but little, if any, additions to
the churches, so that the number of members in both
churches remained about the same as it was before the
separation.
1812. Votes for Representative, 225; Jonathan Nash
had 115. Political divisions begin between democratic and
federal parties. Nash, democrat.
1813. Votes for Representative 235. Jacob Hill, Esq.,
(Fed.) had 138.
1814. April 4. At town meeting, Jacob Hill, Esq., was
chosen town agent. " Voted to choose a committee to go to
VOL. II. 11
122 ANNALS OF BAKERSTOWN,
Dr. Snell, (then living at Winthrop,) for advice for the dis-
order, (typhus fever,) increasing in the town."
May 2d. Votes for representative, Jacob Hill, (Fed.) had
126. Charles Moody, (Dem.) 120.
Godfrey Grosvenor removed from New Gloucester to
Minot.
June. Wm. Ladd removed from Portsmouth, N. H., to
Minot.
About this time, many influential men changed their poli-
tics from democratic to federal.
July 4. An oration at the centre meeting house by Wm.
Ladd, and a public dinner in a grove near Marshall Wash-
burn's.
1815. Votes for representative, Godfrey Grosvenor, (Fed.)
123, Charles Moody, (Dem.) 79.
July 8. Remarkably cold weather for three weeks.
Aug. 22. A frost in the low ground.
1816. April 24. Jesse Rice, Esq,, 2d. deacon of the first
church, died.
May 6. Deacon John Staples Craft, 3d. deacon of the first
church, died.
1816. This year the town sent two Representatives.
First choice,
Wm. Ladd, (Fed.) had 120 votes.
Charles Moody, (Dem.) had 59 votes.
Second choice,
Seth Chandler, (Fed.) had 128 votes.
Charles Moody, (Dem.) had 60 votes.
May 20. The town voted on the question of the separa-
tion of Maine from Massachusetts, ayes, 89, noes, 108.
These two or three years have since been known by the
name of the " cold seasons."
August. An attempt at a reconciliation of the churches,
was made by the second church, which failed.
Sept. 16. Chose Godfrey Grosvenor and Wm. Ladd to
attend the convention at Brunswick to form a constitution,
if there should be five-ninths of the votes of Maine in favor
of a separation.
POLAND AND MINOT. 123
1817. Feb. 14. Remarkably cold night.
March 18. Remarkably great snow storm.
Votes for representative, 124. Dr. Keith, (Fed.) had 69, and
was chosen. The democratic party voted for him, in oppo-
sition to Win. Ladd, having no candidate of their own party.
April 22d. The church met, and after a conversation with
Mr. Pidgin, voted to call a council for advice, leaving the
nomination of the whole council with him.
The council met May 19, and resulted in the suspension
of Mr. Pidgin for six months.
1818. This year it was voted not to send a representa-
tive to the General Court.
July 30th. Samuel Pool was chosen second deacon of the
first church.
Oct. 1st. The first frost this season.
1819. Votes for representative 189 ; Elder George Ricker,
(Dem.) Baptist minister, had 98 votes. The parish difficul-
ties prevented a choice by the Federalists.
July 26. The town voted on the question of a separation
of Maine from Massachusetts, ayes. 100, noes 95.
Chose Chandler Freeman, (Fed.) and Asaph Howard
(Dem,,) delegates to a convention for forming a constitution
for the State of Maine. No opposition.
Aug. 4. The second church voted to dismiss Mr. Pidgin
without a recommendation,
Aug. 15. Sunday Mr. Pidgin preached his farewell ser-
mon to his friends.
1819. Oct. 13th. First frost this year.
Oct. 15th. The Rev, Jonathan Scott died, aged 75 years
and 3 d ays, in the 51st year of his ministry. The Rev. Mr.
Thurston, of Winthrop, preached his funeral sermon.
Nov. 9. A snow storm.
Dec. 5. The second church met and sent a communica-
tion to the first church, on the subject of an union.
Dec. 6. The town voted to accept the new constitution
for the State of Maine, ayes 57. noes, 13.
Dec, 13. At a meeting of the first church, Deacon Chan-
dler Freeman was chosen moderator, and Amos Hersey
124 ANNALS OF BAKERSTOWN,
scribe ; chose a committee to confer with the second church,
as to appointing a day of fasting and prayer.
Dec. 23. The second church chose a committee to meet
the committee of the first church.
1820. Jan. 13. The two churches met together at the
house of Zebulon Davis, and spent the day in religious ex-
ercises and mutual confession of faults.
April 3d. Asaph Howard, (Dem.) chosen representative
to new General Court [the first Legislature], to meet at
Portland, and to continue for the next year, commencing in
January. The representatives are hereafter chosen in Sep-
tember to serve the next year.
May 26. A remarkable snow storm, apple trees in blos-
som, sleighs out.
Aug. 15. The two churches met for religious exercises at
the house of Zebulon Davis.
Rev. Mr. Simson preaching about this time.
Aug. 24. A fast on account of the extraordinary drought.
Oct. 9. First hard frost this year.
Nov. 3d. Snow storm.
1821. Votes for representative, 285 ; Godfrey Grosvenor,
(Fed.) had 155.
Sept. The Rev. Mr. Jones having been invited, arrived
and preached as a candidate.
Sept. 27. At a regular church meeting, held at the centre
meeting house, it was resolved unanimously, that it is expe-
dient that the two congregational churches in this town be
united in one.
Chose a committee to meet a committee of the first church,
to revise the articles of faith and the covenants, and to draft
new ones.
Oct. 18th. At a meeting of the two churches, present
the Rev. Eli.,.Ja Jones, Voted, to accept the articles of
faith and the covenant submitted to the churches by the
committee appointed for that purpose,
Thus the churches were united under the name of the
" United Congregational Church," after a painful separation
of fifteen years.
POLAND AND MINOT. 125
1822. Jan. 1. The United Congregational Society, con-
sisting of one hundred members, formed into a full parish,
according to law, united with the church in giving the Rev.
Mr. Jones a call to settle in the ministry, with but one dis-
senting voice, for $300 per year, without a parsonage. This
was declined by Mr. Jones for want of a parsonage.
Deacon Bradbury died in his sleigh on returning from
meeting.
Willard H. Woodbury, (Dem.) chosen representative by
one or two majority.
In the course of the summer an attempt was made to
build a parsonage, by subscription, which failed.
Wm. Ladd offered a small parsonage and other privile-
ges, and on this condition Mr. Jones accepted the call.
1823. Jan. L.The United Congregational Church and
Society gave a second call to the Rev. Elijah Jones, having
abolished the poll parish, and begun on a new plan of sub-
scription for five years, and chose a committee of arrange-
ments for the ordination.
About this time the Rev. Elijah Jones signified his con-
sent to the call.
1823. Feb. 12. The Rev. Elijah Jones ordained over the
United Congregational Church Society, worshipping at the
centre and the east meeting house in Minot. The ordina-
tion took place at the east meeting house, and the council
were entertained at Major Pollard's.
COUNCIL.
Churches. Pastors. Delegates.
New Gloucester, Elisha Mosely, Dr. Isaac Parsons.
Winthrop, David Thurston, Br. Jonas Stephens.
Pownal, Perez Chapin, Dr. Simeon Jones.
Sumner, Samuel Sewall, ' Br. James Hersey
Otisfield, Josiah G. Merrill, Br. Moses Allen.
Paris and Norway, Joseph Walker, {
Turner, Allen Greely,
11*
126 ANNALS OF BAKERSTOWN,
Together with the Rev. John Smith, Professor in the
Theological Seminary at Bangor.
Rev. ELISIIA MOSELEY, Moderator,
ALLEN GREELY, Scribe,
PROF. SMITH, Preacher.
1823. April 10th. A great snow storm.
May 4th. The " United Church" held its first communion.
The confession of faith was publicly read, and then all the
members present rose and renewed covenants.
Members residing in town, males, 15, females, 22 total 37
Members residing out of town, males, 6 " 7 " 13
21 29 50
May 31. Chandler Freeman drowned while washing
sheep.
W. Woodbury, (Dem.) chosen representative by a great
majority.
Sept. 22d. Frost.
Considerable attention to religion ; 23 members received
into the United Congregational Church before the end of the
year.
1824. Willard H. Woodbury, (Dem,) chosen represen-
tative.
Nov. 13th. Good sleighing.
Seventeen members received into the United Congrega-
ional Church this year.
Dec, 25th. The first address before the Minot Peace So-
ciety, at the centre meeting house, by Jacob Hill, Esq.,
printed.
1825. Statistics of Minot this year.
School Houses, 20
Grist Mills, 6
Fulling Mills, 2
Bark Mills and Tanneries, 3
Carding Machines, - 2
Number of Inhabitants (by census of 1820,) 2,525
Number of families, ... 402
POLAND AND MINOT. 127
Social Libraries,
Number of acres of land, - 34,760
Meeting-houses,
Post Offices, 4
One Congregational Society, Rev. Elijah Jones.
One Baptist Society, Elder G. Ricker.
One Methodist do. Rev. Moses Emery.
One other Congregationalist, partly in Hebron, destitute.
One other Baptist, partly in Hebron, Elder G. Tripp.
One or two Free- Will Baptists.
One Tract Society, one Missionary Society, congregational.
One do. Baptist, two associations auxiliary.
Two Foreign Missions, one Sabbath School Society.
One lodge of Free Masons, one lawyer, three ministers.
Four physicians, and four or five men of liberal education.
Three tavern keepers, about ten shop keepers.
May 5th. A violent snow storm.
Votes for Representative,
Willard H. Woodbury. (Dem.) 94
Jacob Hill, (Fed.) 93
Seventeen members received into the United Congrega-
tional Church this year.
Dec. 21. Second anniversary of the Minot Peace Society.
Address at the east meeting house by Simeon Perkins, A. M.
printed.
1826. May 15th. Heat at 90 at 5 P. M.
June 14. The Cumberland Conference of Churches held
its meeting in the centre meeting house. The sacrament
of the Lord's Supper was administered ; 64 persons were
received into the church. About 600 communicants set
down to the Lord's table ; about 1500 attended the meeting ;
a collection of $ 118 93-100 was taken up. The day was
uncommonly fine, and the meeting extremely interesting,
and a day long to be remembered by many.
Dec. 25. Address before the Minot Peace Society at the
centre meeting house, it being tbe 3d anniversary, by E.
Little.
Votes for Representative, 297.
W. H. Woodbury, (Dem.) had 163.
128 ANNALS OF BAKERSTOWN,
102 persons received into the United Congregational
Church this year.
1827. June 4th. Mr. Samuel Shaw, one of the first set-
tlers in the town, died, aged 79.
June 23d, 1827. Universalist society formed.
Votes for representative.
Charles Moody, (Dem.) 99.
Godfrey Grosvenor, (Fed.) 53.
Daniel Briggs, (Do.) 11.
Address before the Minot Peace Society, by Doctor Jesse
Mighels.
Six persons received into the U. C. Church this year.
1828. April 7th. At a meeting of the United C. Church,
it was voted, that the Rev. E. Jones, Wm. Ladd and
be a committee to draw up some resolutions on the subject
of temperance, and lay them before the next church meeting.
June 2d. Passed 5 resolutions on the subject of tem-
perance.
New party divisions have taken place in politics.
Votes for representatives, 471.
Benj. Johnson, (Adams' party,) 257.
Charles Moody, (Jackson party,) 209.
Scattering, 5.
Nov. 5th. Address before the Minot Peace Society, by
Rev. E. Jones.
Dec. 1st. Josiah Little, Esq., chosen deacon in the place
of Chandler Freeman, resigned on account of age.
Dec. 9th. Ground open and ploughing done.
Six persons received into the United C. Church this year,
1829. Votes for representative,
Benjamin Johnson, (Adams,) 235
, Willard H. Woodbury, (Jackson,) 209
Scattering, 2
Whole number of votes, 446
Two persons received into the church this year.
Address before the Minot Peace Society, by Wm. Ladd.
POLAND AND MINOT. 129
1830. Votes for representative,
Elder George Ricker, (Adams,) 241
W. H. Woodbury, (Jackson,) 225
Scattering, 6
Whole number, 472
Four persons received into the church this year.
Valuation of 1830.
Taxable Polls, 494
Inhabitants, 2908
Paupers supported by the town, 25
Expense of their support, $530,07
Dwelling houses, 392
Barns, 424
Stores for sale of merchandize, 8
Tanneries, 3
Work-shops and out-buildings over $20 value, 169
School districts and school houses, 4 22
Grist mills, 6
Saw mills, 9
Clapboard machine, 1
Shingle machines, 5
Sugar box machine, 1
Clothing mills, 2
Acres of tillage land, 1211
Tons of upland hay cut, 2652
Acres of pasturage, 4061
Barrels of cider made, 892
Horses and colts, 477
Horned stock of all ages, over 1 year, 2802
Sheep, native, 1 year old, 2023
Do. Merino and mixed, 1 year old, 4663
Meeting houses, 4. Church members, U. C., above 200
There h& been another Universalist society formed since
the first. The number of Universalist male members is
said to be about 80, probably including individuals out of
130 ANNALS OF BAKERSTOWN, &c.
town. There is no regular Universalist preaching. There
are about 85 Members of the Methodist church.
There are a number of Free- Will baptists.
No Quakers, or Roman Catholics, no professed infidels.
The town of Minot has two ponds in it, which nearly
separate the town into two parts, there being but a narrow
isthmus between them ; Wilson pond is three miles long
and about two wide, and Taylor pond two miles long and
one mile wide. Lewiston falls are partly in the town, which
is bounded on the east by the Great Androscoggin river,
and for a great part of the way by the Little Androscoggin.
On both rivers, but particularly on the last, are many mill
sites. Salmon were common at Lewiston falls before the
dam was built below, but there are none now. The town
is hilly, but not mountainous, the rocks chiefly granite.
Garnets and chrystallized quartz are common. One speci-
men of emerald ore has been found, hexagon, 5 inches
long, 4 wide, semi-transparent.
Occupation of the inhabitants, chiefly agriculture, next
lumbering, manufacturing and mechanical trades. Fenc-
ing, 1st, hedge fence, so called, being trees felled in the
direction in which the fence is wanted ; 3d, log fence, i&
which the limbs of the trees are cut off, and the logs laid
regularly three or four high ; 3d, post and rail fence ; 4th, half
wall, with two or three rails above ; 5th, stone wall. There
is but little Virginia fence, or hitch pole, or board and stakes.
Lumber, 1st, pine boards and plank ; 2d, clapboards and
shingles, both split and sawed ; 3d, oak and other hard
wood plank ; 4th, sugar boxes for the Havana market ;
5th, shocks and staves.
Manufactures are of chairs and other furniture, leather
and various works in leather, such as shoes, saddles, har-
ness, &c., wagons, ploughs, hats, Leghorn straw and chip
hats and bonnets, blacksmith's work, domestic work in
wool, flax and cotton. Portland is the nearest market town.
THE
NARRAGANSETT TOWNSHIPS
BY
CHARLES COFFIN, ESQ.
To THE SECRETARY OF THE MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY I
SIR-
HAVING recently perused a letter from J. Farmer of Am-
herst, N. H. to the Rev. Dr. Holmes, on the seven Narra-
gansett townships, published in the 2d. Vol., third series, of
the Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society,
I am led to believe, from so good a beginning, that mate-
rials for a full and correct history of these townships may
hereafter be obtained.
Mr. Farmer is clear and satisfactory as to the time and
manner of these grants, and to whom granted ; but as to
the location and present names of these townships, he is
more at a loss, especially as relates to those situated in
Maine.
Being a native of one of the two of these townships
which are situated in Maine, I feel disposed that Mr. Far-
mer should have the benefit of my local knowledge, as ty
the situation of these two townships, and thereby be induced
to revise his communication to Dr. Holmes, and let the
public have the benefit of it. As Mr. Farmer has omitted
publishing an account of the memorable event which oc-
casioned these grants, it is here given in the language of
Cotton Mather. " The Commissioners of the United Colonies
having manifest and manifold proofs, that the great nation
of the Narragansett Indians, with whom the rest were now
132 NARRAGANSETT TOWNSHIPS.
harbored, had not only broken their articles of peace with
the English in divers instances, but were also plotting to
begin a war against them in the spring, when they should
have the leaves of the trees to befriend them, took a gene-
ral resolution, in the depth of winter, to make a vigorous
expedition against them. Accordingly an army, at first
consisting of a thousand, and afterwards of fifteen hundred
men, under the conduct of the truly honorable Josiah Wins-
low, Esqr., marched into the Narragansett country, where
they no sooner arrived on Dec. 12, (1675) but about forty
Indians fell into their hands ; among whom was a fellow
named Peter, who having received some disgust from his
countrymen, proved so faithful and useful a guide unto our
forces, that they afterwards found that they could not well
have lived without him. Several mischiefs were done by
the Indians whilst our army were here waiting for their
brethren from Connecticut, especially their surprisal of a
remote garrison belonging to one Bull, where about fourteen
persons were baited to death by the terrible dogs.
But the Connecticut forces being also arrived on Dec. 18,
they presently marched away by break of day the next
morning, through cold and snow, and very amazing diffi-
culties, enough to have damped any ordinary fortitude, for
eighteen miles together. The Indians had a fort raised
upon an island of about five or six acres, in the midst of a
horrid swamp, which fort, besides its palisadoes, had a kind
of wall or hedge, about a rod thick, encompassing it.
The entrance of this fort was upon a long tree over the
water, where but one man could pass at a time, and this
was waylaid after such a manner, that if our men had
attempted that passage, they must have perished.
Only by the help of Peter they discovered a vulnerable
heel, as I may call it, yet left in the fort at one corner,
where there was a gap supplied only with long trees about
four or five feet from the ground, over which the men might
force their way ; though against this they had built a block
house, from whence a bloody storm of bullets, (and enough
to make every man like the poor man in the twelve signs
NARRAGANSETT TOWNSHIPS. 133
of the almanack) was to be expected by them that should
make their approaches there. Our men came up to the
swamp, from whence the Indians began to fire upon 'em.
They advanced into that part of the fort which was the
most accessible : now having of nothing but mors certa, aut
victoria l&ta, in their eye.
Brave Captain Mosely and Captain Davenport led the
van ; Captain Gardner and Captain Johnson were in the
centre, Major Appleton and Captain Oliver brought up the
rear of the Massachusetts forces, General Winslow with
Plymouth forces, under Major Bradford and Captain Goram,
marched in the centre, and Connecticut forces, under Major
Treat and Captain Siely, Captain Gallop, Captain Mason,
Captain Watts, and Captain Marshall, made up the rear of
the whole body.
Nothing in the world could be more magnanimous than
the spirit which now carried on both leaders and soldiers,
in the enterprise now before them ; they leaped over the trees
of death, into the spot of ground where death in all its terrors
was to be encountered ; the fall of the valiant leaders, no
less than six of them, namely, Davenport, Gardiner, John-
son, Gallop, Siely and Marshall, did but add fire to the rage
of the soldiers ; they beat the enemy from one shelter to
another, till they had utterly driven them out of all their
sconces ; at last they set fire to the fort, from whence the
surviving Indians fled into a vast cedar swamp at some
distance off.
I wish I could particularly give an immortal memory to
all the brave men that signalized themselves in this action.
No less than seven hundred fighting Indians were destroyed,
as it was afterwards confessed, in this desperate action ; be-
sides three hundred which afterwards died of their wounds,
and old men, women and children, sans numbe .* ; but of the
English about eighty-five were slain, and an hundred and
fifty wounded.
Had the assault been deferred one day longer, there fell
such a storm of snow, that for divers weeks it must have
been impracticable, and at the end of those weeks, there
Vox* II. 12
134 NARRAGANSETT TOWNSHIPS.
came so violent and unusual a thaw, that by making
the way to the fort impassable, it would have rendered it
still more impracticable. But now was the time for this
work ; and the work being so far accomplished, our forces
retreating after daylight was almost spent, found it necessary
to go back, with many wounded, and more weary men, unto
their head quarters, near eighteen miles off, in a dismal
night, through hardships that an whole age would hardly
parallel ; which if the remaining enemies had known, they
might have cut off all our enfeebled and bewildered army.
However such a blow was now given to the enemy, as
never could be recovered ! and our forces having in some
following weeks made now and then some happy gleanings
of their late victory, until the enemy was gone, they knew
not whither, they returned unto their several homes until
the next occasion."
The Narragansett country was situated in what is now
the southwest part of Rhode Island, and northeast part of
Connecticut ; Groton and Stonington, in Connecticut, and
Westerly and Charlestown in Rhode Island, are some of the
towns in that country.
Gen. Winslow's head quarters were in the present town
of Swansey, not far from Taunton, eighteen miles distant
from the place of action. The number of fighting Indians
opposed to Winslow, was three thousand five hundred.
They once drove him from their fort, but by the great exer-
tions of Winslow, Appleton, Treat and Bradford, it was re-
gained; when the Indians retreated, but not till their am-
munition was expended, The troops under Winslow must
have suffered greatly, not only in killed and wounded, but
from the severity of the weather, and a march of thirty-six
miles, and an action of three hours' continuance, all in the
space of about twenty-four hours, for they left their camp
on the morning of the 19th of December, 1675, and returned
to it on the morning of the 20th.
The following is Mr. Farmer's account of the grant of the
Narragansett townships to those who were engaged in the
above action, or their legal representatives.
NARRAGANSETT TOWNSHIPS. 135
" Having lately examined some original records and
manuscripts, which relate to the Narragansett townships,
granted by the General Court of Massachusetts in 1728 and
1733, I conceived that a communication respecting them
might be proper for your collections. The history of the
grants of these townships has been illustrated by no histo-
rians whom I have consulted. The only information I find
concerning them, is given by Douglass, in his Summary, and
Hutchinson, in his history of Massachusetts. The former*
in a note to page 424, vol. I. says, nine townships were vo-
ted, but only seven granted to the descendants of the Narra-
gansett or Pequod soldiers, 1637, called Narragansett
townships."'*
Hutchinson, (vol. 2, page 299,) in speaking of the grants
made about that period, 1727, observes, "the government,
under the old charter and the new, had been very prudent
in the distribution of the territory.
" But all on a sudden, plans are laid for grants of vast
tracts of unimproved land, and the last session of Mr. Dum-
mer's administration, a vote passed the two houses appoint-
ing a committee to lay out three lines of towns, &c. Pre-
tences were encouraged and even sought after, to entitle
persons to become grantees. The posterity of all the
officers and soldiers who served in the famous Narragan-
sett expedition, in 1675, were the first pitched upon, those
who were in the unfortunate attempt upon Canada, in
1690, were to come next."f
It w r ill be my object to give a brief view of the Narragan-
sett grants, a short account of the several townships, and
* Dr. Douglass confounds the Narragansett with the Pequod war. The Pequod
\rar occurred, as he states, in 1637. The Narragansett war did not occur till 1675.
t" Nine townships were granted to the heirs of the militia or soldiers who
went against Canada, 1690, and were called Canada townships. A parcel of
these townships, the furthest up in the country, run west, 5 and a half degrees
south, across from Merritnac river 35 miles to Connecticut river, as a barrier
against the Indians ; they are called the double line of towns, whereof Nos. 3,
8 and 9 are very mountainous, rocky and stony, not capable of settlement ; No.
4 and 7 are the best lands." Douglass. Ibid.
136 NARRAGANSETT TOWNSHIPS.
the names of the towns to which they were respectively
assigned. In doing this I shall avail myself of the infor-
mation contained in the records and manuscripts referred
to, and such other sources as are within my reach.
In June, 1728, the General Court of Massachusetts ap-
pointed a committee* to lay out two tracts of land for
townships, each of the contents of six miles square, in some
of the unappropriated lands of the Province. These tracts
of land were granted to the officers and soldiers, (or their
legal representatives,) belonging to Massachusetts, who
were in the service of their country in the Narragansett
war, as a reward for their services, and in full satisfaction
of the grant formerly made them by the Court.
Public notice was to be given in the News Letters, and
advertisements w r ere to be posted up in every town in the
Province, notifying the survivors, and legal representatives
of those who had deceased, to send a list of their names
and descents to the Court, before the next fall session.
The Court appointed a committee to examine the claims
laid before them, of rights in the two tracts of land granted
to the officers and soldiers who were in the Narragansett
fight, who reported that the said tracts of land be granted
to the persons contained in a list, which was probably sub-
mitted with their report. They also report, that the grant-
ees meet at Boston, if the small pox be not there, if it be,
then at Cambridge, on the first Wednesday then succeeding.
The report was accepted, 19th December, 1729.
The grantees accordingly met at Cambridge, but the
Court having revoked their former order, the meeting was
dissolved without transacting any business of importance.
A committee, however, was chosen to petition the Gene-
ral Court for the further grant of land, " so that every
sixty claimers might have a township of six miles square."
In June, 1733, in answer to several petitions, an additional
grant of five townships was voted by the House, and a com-
*"John Chandler, Edward Shaw, Thomas Tilestone, John Hobson, and
Samuel Chandler."
NARRAGANSETT TOWNSHIPS. 137
mittee of five persons appointed to survey and locate them
in some of the unappropriated lands of the Province. The
conditions of this grant were, that the grantees should as-
semble within two months, and regulate each propriety or
township, which was to be holden and enjoyed by one hun-
dred and twenty grantees, that they should settle sixty
families, at least, in every township, and a learned, orthodox
minister within seven years.
It therefore appears that the whole number of grantees,
to whom the seven townships were assigned, amounted to
eight hundred and forty. The grant of the five townships
did not immediately receive the approbation of the Gover-
nor. The act passed the House, 30th June, 1732, and did
not receive the signature of the Governor till the 26th of
April, the year following. The grantees, it appears, were
incessant in their applications, and indefatigable in their
exertions to secure the last mentioned grant. They even
appointed a person* to use his interest with the Governor,
to induce him " to sign the grant."
How far the influence of this person prevailed with the
Governor, it is difficult to determine. From the papers
which I have inspected, it seems that considerable difficulty
arose from the number of descendants, who presented their
claims for the right of the same ancestor. In order to remedy
this evil, the court ordered, that where the person who had
been in the service had deceased, the grant should belong to
his legal representatives in the following manner: "that
the eldest male heir, if such there might be, otherwise the
eldest female, if they pleased, should hold the land by paying
to the other heirs or descendants such proportionable parts
of ten pounds, (which was judged to be the value of a right,
or single share,) as such descendant would be entitled to,
provided the said lands had descended according to the law
of the province for the settlement of intestate estates.
After a number of meetings of the committee of the Nar-
ragansett grantees, the grantees themselves assembled on
* Mr. Samuel Welles, of Boston.
12*
138 NARRAGANSETT TOWNSHIPS.
Boston common and formed seven distinct societies, each
society consisting of one hundred and twenty grantees, and
entitled to one township.
Three persons from each society were chosen a commit-
tee, who met at Luke Verdey's, in Boston, 17th October,
1733, and assigned the seven townships as follows:
NARRAGANSETT No. I.
The tract of land constituting this township and Narra-
gansett No. 7, was between and running from Saco
river to the Presumpscot, beginning at the north-west part
of Biddeford, that part of Biddeford which is now Saco, and
running on the head of Saco, Scarborough, and Westbrook
to the Presumpscot. No. 1, is now Buxton, and No. 7,
Gorham.
No. 1, was assigned to Philemon Dane of Ipswich, and
one hundred and nineteen others, belonging to the towns
of Ipswich, Rowley, Newbury, Haverhill, Salisbury, Ames-
bury, Methuen, Hampton, Greenland, and Berwick. The
committee were Philemon Dane and John Gaines of
Ipswich, and Col. Joseph Gerrish of Newbury. It was
reported as surveyed in February 1734, and the report
accepted. The first meeting of the Proprietors of this
township was held at Newbury-Falls, when John Hobson,
Esq., of Rowley, was chosen clerk, who, with the following
gentlemen, were elected to that office till the Proprietors
ceased to act as a body, namely, Col. Joseph Coffin, of
Newbury, Col. Tristram Jordan, of Saco, Deacon Thomas
Bradbury and the Hon. John Woodman, of Buxton.
Buxton is situated in the County of York, and bounded
on the west by Saco river, which divides it from the town
of Hollis, on the south ; east and north by the towns of
Saco, Scarborough, Gorham and Standish. A settlement
in this township was commenced previous to the year 1744,
by Deacon Amos Chase from Newbury, late of Saco, Joseph
JSimpson, Nathan Whitney, and Messrs. Gage and Bryant.
They erected for themselves log houses and a log meeting
NARRAGANSETT TOWNSHIPS. 139
house. How long they continued in the town is uncertain,
but they all removed from it at the commencement of the
Cape Breton war in 1744 or 1745.
In the fall of the year 1750, the first permanent settle-
ment was commenced, and William Hancock, John Elden,
Samuel Merrill, Timothy Hazletine, Job Roberts, John
Wilson, Joseph and Joshua Woodman, with their families,
moved into the town.
Mr. Hancock was from Londonderry, Ireland; he first
went to Portsmouth, N. H., thence to Buxton. He settled on
the right of the road leading from the Congregational meet-
ing-house to Salmon-Falls. He was a respectable man, died
in the meridian of life ; and his descendants are now in the
town. He took the first newspaper that came into the
town, which was printed in Portsmouth, N. H. Samuel
Merrill was from Salisbury, Mass., of respectable family
connexions, was frequently a selectman of the town and a
Lieut, at the battle of Bunker's Hill, in the company com-
manded by Jeremiah Hill, Esq., of Biddeford, the late col-
lector of the Port of Biddeford and Saco. He settled
within a quarter of a mile of the Salmon Falls, on the road
leading to Saco, which was then and long afterwards
known by the name of the " eight rod road." His descend-
ants are numerous and respectable in the town. He died
in 1822, aged 93 years. Timothy Hazelton was from
Bradford, Mass., and settled within a few rods of the meet-
ing house. As deacon of the church from its first organi-
zation in 1763. till his death, he was desirous to have it
believed, that he had more spiritual discernment than his
minister ; and in this he resembled many who have held
this good office. He died at the age of about 70 years.
John Elden and Job Roberts were both from Saco, and
settled near and on the same road with Mr. Merrill. They
both lived to old age.
John Elden was an active and enterprising man, com-
manded a company at the siege of Boston with repu-
tation. His descendants are numerous in the town,
have been handsomely noticed by their fellow-towns-
140 NARRAGANSETT TOWNSHIPS.
men from its first settlement. Joseph and Joshua Woodman
were brothers from Newbury, Mass. They settled below
the Salmon Falls, near to Pleasant Point. They were both
leading men among the first settlers, and both lived to old
age. John Wilson continued but a short time in the town,
and not much is known of him, only that he settled on the
Beach Plain Road, near where the late Jacob Bradbury,
Esq., resided, and on the direct road from the meeting house
to Saco.
The first settlers established themselves in the lower
part of the town, not because the soil was more productive,
but probably Saco was then their only market, and because
it placed them in the vicinity and under the protection of
the Fort or block house, situated on the river, in the town
of Hollis, two miles below Salmon Falls ; for many years
commanded by Captain Thomas Bradbury. The soil of
Buxton is equal to that of any town in the county of York,
and superior to most of them ; and so far as I am acquaint-
ed, few towns in the state have better soil for tillage,
mowing and pasturage than this town and the town of
Gorham in the county of Cumberland, which is No. 7.
Saco river runs more than ten miles on the west side of
this town, and affords excellent privileges for factories and
mill seats, at Union Falls, Salmon Falls, the Bar and Mode-
ration Falls, on the Saco, and several smaller streams
running through the town.
There are sixteen saws in Buxton on the Saco, which
manufacture 160,000,000 feet of lumber a year; two
fulling mills, four carding machines and four grist mills.
The first saw mill erected in the town, which did any busi-
ness, was on Little river, where Major Samuel Hill now
has a grist mill, on the post road leading from Gorham to
Elden's Corner in Buxton, which was as early as the year
1760. Little river rises in Buxton within two miles of Saco
river, and runs through the most hilly parts of Buxton and
Gorham to the Presumpscot. This to a person passing
through these towns for the first time, would appear like
water running up hill. This river affords a number of mill
NARRAGANSETT TOWNSHIPS. 141
seats in both these towns. In March 1831, "The Pleasant
Point Manufacturing Company'' was incorporated, for the
purpose of manufacturing cotton, wool, iron and steel, in
the towns of Buxton and Hollis, with the right to hold
$600,000 for the above purposes. Gentlemen from Boston
principally hold this privilege and compose this company.
Some progress has been made in erecting darns, &c.
Buxton was a Plantation till July 1772, and known by
the name of Narragansett No. 1., when it was incorporated
into a town by its present name, from Buxton in England.
There is only one pond in the town, called Bonny Eagle
Pond, near Standish line, in the north part of the town ;
from which issues a stream, running into the Saco, of suffi-
cient size to carry a grist mill, on which one is erected,
called the Bog Mill.
It is a singular fact, that when this town was granted
and assigned, more than one half of those to whom it was
assigned, and who were in the Narragansett Fight fifty-
eight years before, were living. There are at this time
the descendants of only two of the original grantees residing
in the town, Appleton from Ipswich, and Hobson from
Rowley. Both of these names have been and now are
among the most respectable citizens of the town. Rebecca
Woodman, daughter of Capt. Joseph Woodman, now the
widow Atkinson, was the first child born in the town, in
the year 1751, now alive, aged 80 years. From the year
1750 to 1763, the settlers were generally supplied with
preaching at the expense of the Proprietors. The Rev.
Joshua Tufts continued with them two years as their reli-
gious teacher. After him a Mr. Thompson, and early in
the year 1761, the late Rev. Dr. Paul Coffin commenced
preaching to the settlers, and was ordained March 16th,
1763. The only clergymen present on this occasion, were
Messrs Little and Hemmenway of Wells, and Morrill and
Fairfield of Biddeford. Others were invited but were pre-
vented from attending by the unusual depth of snow on the
ground. Those who did attend travelled on snow-shoes.
Messrs. Little and Hemmenway with their delegates and
142 NARRAGANSETT TOWNSHIPS.
other gentlemen, in attempting to travel in the directest
course from Kennebunk, through what is now Lyman and
Hollis, to the Block house at Union Falls, passed so far to
the left of the direct course, as to prevent their reaching
Saco river the first day. They remained one night in the
woods, and suffered considerable inconvenience from the
want of food, and the inclemency of the weather.* On
this occasion, Mr. Little, a brother-in-law of the pastor
elect, preached, Mr. Morrill gave the charge, and Mr.
afterwards Dr. Hemmenway gave the right hand of fellow-
ship. Mr. Coffin was supported by the Proprietors of the
township, till the same was incorporated as a town in 1772.
He continued the religious teacher of this people from his
first coming among them more than sixty years. He died
June 6, 1821, aged 84. He was a sound scholar and learn-
ed divine, and possessed that simplicity yet dignity of man-
ners and kindness of heart, which secured to him the love
and respect of all that knew him.
The Rev. Levi Loring is his successor in the ministry.
There are organized Societies of Baptists and Methodists
in the town.
The first Schoolmaster employed by the settlers was the
late Rev. Silas Moody of Kennebunk-Port, who commenced
his school in the winter 1761-2. Those who received the
benefit of his instruction, have uniformly borne the highest
testimony to his ability and fidelity as a teacher ; and con-
sidered it sufficient praise to bestow on the most eminent
of his successors, that he was next to Parson Moody. In
after life, as a clergyman, his purity of life and integrity of
* This was a remarkable winter for the depth of snow. The Rev. Thomas
Smith in his Journal observes: "Feb. 28th 1763. There is no path any where
through the country farther than Siroudwater and up to Windham. Mr. Mars-
ton was obliged to leave his horse at Hampton and come home -on snow-shoes.
March 8th. Yesterday and to day we have had the coldest and longest storm
this winter, there fell 19 inches, about as much as has been consumed. March
I0f.h. I married Samuel Green and Jane Gustin ; they came on snow-shoes
across the Cove, from Capt. Ilsley's to my home."
NARRAGANSETT TOWNSHIPS. 143
intention have rarely been surpassed among his brethren
in the ministry.
The inhabitants of Buxton, although a frontier town
during the French or seven years' war from 1754 to 1761,
were never molested by the Indians. And were only once
alarmed by the discovery of one or two Indians crossing in
the path near the garrison, which was annexed to the house
of Capt. Joseph Woodman. What number of Indians were
in the neighborhood at this time, or what was their design
or object, has never been known. This alarm, as was
natural, brought all the inhabitants to the garrison, who
were aided and assisted on this occasion by the coolness
and decision of Lieut. Merrill.
In the war of the revolution the people were all zealous
whigs, or high sons of liberty, and supplied the continental
army with more soldiers than any other town of its popu-
lation in the commonwealth of Massachusetts, as has
frequently been stated by a gentleman* who was either in
the Legislature of Massachusetts or the Congress of the
Confederation during the war. There were three Captains
and two subaltern officers on the continental establishment
from this town, beside a number of Militia officers who
were occasionally called into service.
In the year 1824, a small part of the upper section of the
town, with ten families on the same, were annexed to the
town of Standish. Except this alteration, the limits of the
town remain the same as when first granted and assigned.
Population in 1830, 2,856 k
The five following townships, principally from Farmer,
are inserted for the purpose of preserving the connection of
the acount of all these townships.
NARRAGANSETT No. II.
" This township, it is said in the records, was situated at
Wachuset. It adjoined Rutland, and was located soon after
*Hori. Nathaniel Gorham,
144 NARRAGANSETT TOWNSHIPS.
the grant of the two townships, in 1728. It was assigned
to grantees belonging to Charlestown, Cambridge, Water-
town, Weston, Sudbury, Newton, Medford, Maiden and
Reading." It is now the town of Westminster, in the county
of Worcester, Massachusetts. Population in 1830, 1695,
MS. letter of Postmaster, Wesminster, Dec. 24, 1833.
NARRAGANSETT No. III.
" Narragansett No. 3, called also Souhegan West, was sit-
uated on the north side of Souhegan river. It was assigned to
inhabitants belonging to Salem, 29 ; Marblehead, 7 ; Lynn,
27 ; Gloucester, 5 ; Andover, 9; Topsfield, 14 ; Beverly, 14 ;
Wenham, 4 ; Boxford, 4 ; Bradford, 1 ; Scarborough, 1 ; Read-
ing, 2 ; York, 1 ; Falmouth,2 ; and Chatham 1. Of the 120
grantees to whom it was assigned, only nineteen who served
in the Narragansett war, were living in 1733. The first
meeting of the grantees after the assignment of the township
was made, was held at Salem village, 17th July, 1734, when
a committee was appointed 'to take a particular view
of the circumstances of the township,' who ' were to have
power to employ a surveyor, and such pilots as might be
necessary.'
" On the 2d of September, the Society met to receive the
report of their committee, who having been disappointed
in the choice of a surveyor made no report. They how-
ever declared verbally that they had been on the land,
and found it well timbered. The proprietors at the same
time voted that the township should be subdivided, as
soon as may be, that the committee for that purpose should
lay out to each proprietor for the first or home lot, sixty
acres, and what was wanting in quality, be made up In
quantity. This probably may serve as a specimen of the
proceedings of the other Societies."
This township was incorporated in 1760, by the name of
Amherst, and is now one of the seats of justice in the county
of Hillsborough, State of New Hampshire. Population
in 1830, 1,657.
NARRAGANSETT TOWNSHIPS, , 145
NARRAGANSETT No. IV.
"Narragansett No. 4, at Amokeag, was assigned to
Northampton. Hadley, Suffield, Enfield, Deerfield, Worces-
ter, Woodstock, Oxford, Brookfield, Killingly, Lebanon,
Mansfield, Norwich, Pomfret, Windham, Bristol, Taunton,
Swansey, Rehoboth, Little Compton, Dighton, Attleborough,
Norton, Freetown, Barrington, Bridge water, Middleborough*
Plympton, Kingston, Rochester, Pembroke, Marshfield, Ash-
ford, Colchester, Haddam, Hebron, Wrentham, Bellingham,
Horseneck, North Kingston : total, 41 towns. The number
of the grantees to each of these towns, must, of course, have
been very small." This township lay partly at a place called
Quibban, and partly west of, and adjoining Hatfield, Mass.
I have not been able to learn its precise situation, or its
present name.
NARRAGANSETT No. V.
" This township was known by the name of Souhegan
East. It was situated on Merrimac and Souhegan rivers,
and embraced a tract of land now comprehending the
township of Bedford, and part of Merrimac. The grantees
to whom it was assigned, belonged to Boston, Roxbury, Dor-
chester, Milton, Braintree, Weymouth, Hingham, Dedham,
Stoughton, Brookline, Needham, Hull, Medfield, Scituate,
Newport, New London, and Providence. The committee
for the township were Col. Thomas Tileston, Jonathan
Williams, and Joseph Ruggles. Merrimac, comprehending
part of this township, was incorporated 2d April, 1746.
Bedford was incorporated in 1750."
Both these townships are situated in Hillsborough county,
New Hampshire. Population of Merrimac in 1830, 1,191.
Population of Bedford in 1830, 1,554*
NARRAGANSE.TT No. VI.
" Number 6, of the Narragansett townships, is said to have
VOL. 11. 13
146 NARRAGANSETT TOWNSHIPS,
been situated west of Pennecook and Sunkook. It Is now
known by some other name. The towns to which this was
assigned, were Concord, Groton, Marlborough, Chelmsford,
Billerica, Lancaster, Lexington, Farmington, Stow, Little-
ton, Shelburne, Stoneham, Southborough, and Woburn. The
committee were Samuel Chandler, of Concord, Jacob
Wright, of Woburn, and Colonel Benjamin Prescott, of
Groton." Mr. Farmer must be mistaken in supposing this
township to be situated in the neighborhood, or west of
Pennecook and Sunkook, which are now the towns of Con-
cord and Pembroke, on the Merrimac, in the State of New
Hampshire. Narragansett No. 6, is now the town of Tem-
pleton, in the county of Worcester, State of Massachusetts.
Population in 1830, 1,551.
NARRAGANSETT No. VII.
This township is mentioned in Douglass' Summary as
being situated near the river Presumpscot. It is reported
as surveyed in Feb. 1734, and the report was accept-
ed. The tract of land which constituted this township and
Narragansett No. 1, was between and extending fromSaco
river to the Presumpscot river, beginning at the northwest
corner of Biddeford, now Saco, and running on the head of
Saco, Scarborough, and Westbrook, to the Presumpscot.
It was assigned to Col. Shubael Gorham, and 119 others,
belonging to Barnstable, Yarmouth, Eastham, Sandwich,
Plymouth, Tisbury, Abington, Duxbury, and one grantee
from Scituate. The committee were Col. Shubael Gorham,
Timothy White, and Robert Sanford. Gorham is situated
in the county of Cumberland, and bounded on the north by
Stand ish and Windham, east by Westbrook, south by Scar-
borough, and west by Buxton.
This township was incorporated in 1764, by the name of
Gorham, from the name of one of the principal grantees.
Previous to its incorporation as a town, it was known by
the name of Gorhamtown. The township was settled in
May, 1736, by Captain John Phinney. He settled at Fort
NARRAGANSETT TOWNSHIPS. 147
Hill, one mile west of Gorham corner, the principal village
in the town, and on the old roa$ from Gorham corner to
Standish. In 1746, this town was attacked by the Indians,
when four or five persons were killed, and two or three
carried prisoners to Canada. In 1755, the Peale's and Bry-
ant's family were killed. Except these instances, the town
was never annoyed by the Indians. The general route of
the Indians in their hostile expeditions against the settlers,
was to the west or east of Gorham and Buxton. The Ossipee
tribe, in their incursions, was west of these towns, as far as
Cape Porpoise or Wells, and the Androscoggin tribe made
their attacks to the eastward.
In 1750, a congregational church was gathered in this
town, and the Rev. Mr. Lombard ordained pastor over the
same. In 1759, some difficulties arose between Mr. Lom-
bard and the church and parish, and a Mr. Townsend became
the minister to the disaffected. Mr. Townsend was intro-
duced into the ministry by what is usually called lay ordi-
nation. " Captain Phinney prayed before the charge, Cap-
tain Morton gave it, and Mr. Townsend performed all the
other services."
Mr. Townsend continued but a few years in the ministry,
being early removed by death. While he continued in the
ministry he was respected for his piety, zeal and constant
labors among his people. In 1764, Mr. Lombard was dis-
missed from the ministry, and the church again united. In
1767, the Rev. Josiah Thacher was ordained over this
church and people, and in 1781 was dismissed. In 1783,
the Rev. Caleb Jewett was ordained, and continued in the
ministry about twenty years, till his death. Mr. Jewett
was succeeded by the Rev. Jeremiah Noyes, who died in
the ministry in three or four years from his ordination, and
was succeeded by the Rev. Asa Rand, who was in about
ten years dismissed from the ministry at his own request.
Mr. Rand had a very respectable standing with his brethren
in the ministry. He was a full believer in the divinity of
our Savior, and with many he was considered a believer
in the divinity of his own opinions. The Rev. Thaddeus
148 NARRAGANSETT TOWNSHIPS.
Pomroy is the present and sole congregational minister in
this town. Few religious societies in Maine are so numer-
ous, wealthy and respectable, as the one in this town. Many
and frequent difficulties arose between the ministers and
people of this town within the first fifty years after a church
was organized, as may be supposed from the frequent chan-
ges of their ministers.
The minister in Buxton was cotemporary with all the
clergymen which have been named and settled in Gorham.
The Presumpscot river divides this town from Windham,
on which, at or near Horse Beef Falls, in Gorham, is situa-
ted the Cumberland cotton factory, which carries 1800 spin-
dles, employs 80 looms, 80 persons, and produces 8000 yards
of sheeting and shirting a week. Above the cotton factory,
on the same river, is a gunpowder factory in successful ope-
ration. And still above this are the Gambo Falls, afford-
ing good sites for mills and factories. Little River rises in
Buxton, and runs through this town, on which are erected,
within its limits, a saw, grist and fulling mills.
Passing over this town, in any direction, the traveller
finds no rugged mountains, or extensive barren plains, but
occasionally ascends swells of land, from which the eye
meets a winding stream, or a well cultivated farm. This
town is eight miles from Portland, and lies on the great
road leading from the upper parts of Vermont and New
Hampshire to Portland. Capt. John Phinney, the first set-
tler in the town, removed from Barnstable to that part of
Falmouth now Portland, in the year 1729, where he contin-
ued, and in that part of Falmouth called Presumpscot, till
he removed to this town in 1736. His daughter, Mary Gor-
ham, was the first child born in the place, August, 1736*
She married a gentleman by the name of Irish. James
Phinney, the son of John, was born April 13, 1741, and is
now alive, and resides on his father's place at Fort Hill.
The second family that settled in the town was that of John
Ayers, in 1737. The third was the Mosiers, in 1738. James
Hosier was born in Falmouth, July 25, 1736, and is now
living in this town. Hugh McLellan removed to this town
NARRAGANSETT TOWNSHIPS. 149
in 1740, He settled on the Fort Hill road, was an indus-
trious and worthy man, and has left numerous descendants
in the town. The late Col. Edmund Phinney, son of Capt.
John Phinney, was born in Barnstable in 1723. Col. Phin-
ney was early and actively engaged, during the war of
1745, against the savages, and in the year 1748, received
three dangerous wounds from them. Towards the close of
this war, a fort was built in Pearsontown, now Standish,
and Mr. Phinney appointed by government to command it.
At the commencement of the war of independence, he was
appointed by the Provincial Congress to the command of a
regiment, in which capacity he repaired to the siege of
Boston, in July, 1775. After serving eight months, the time
for which his regiment was raised, he received the same
appointment from the Continental Congress, and served
one year in the northern campaign in Vermont and New
York.
In his military career, Col. Phinney was always respect-
ed for his patriotism and fidelity. After the peace of 1783,
he frequently represented his town in the legislature of
Massachusetts. He died in 1809, aged 86 years.
The inhabitants of this town, like their neighbors of Nar-
ragansett No. 1, were all zealous whigs or high sons of lib-
erty in the revolutionary struggle, and under their favorite
leader, Col. Phinney, brought to submission the tories of the
neighboring towns in their own county, particularly Fal-
mouth, where they considered it due to the cause they had
espoused to look into the situation of the adjoining county
of York. And the perverse character and political here-
sies of Dr. Abiather Alden being reported to them, they
armed and embodied themselves, and placing Col. Phinney
at their head, moved on to Saco, through Buxton, where
their numbers were doubled by being joined by every able
bodied Whig, and proceeded to Saco in quest of Alden,
where he was found at Scamman's tavern, a mile from the
falls, on the Buxton road. The Doctor was immediately
mounted on a hogshead, and made to read a confession of
crimes and offences, which he never could have committed,
13*
150 NARRAGANSETT TOWNSHIPS.
and solemnly declared he would forsake all his political
errors
" But being convinced against his will,
He was of the same opinion slill."
Dr. Alden was an irascible man and not beloved by his
neighbors, but never left the country, and never did any
act injurious to the cause of his country.
Here Col. Phinney refreshed his forces, and dismissed his
Buxton allies with particular marks of his approbation for
their meritorious services, and returned to Gorham by way
of Scarborough, for the purpose of calling on Richard King,
Esq., who was suspected of toryism. But Mr. King believ-
ing himself politically orthodox, and that the Colonel had
no authority to catechise him on this point, stood upon his
defence and would not admit of a parley. On which the
Colonel, a man of discretion as well as valor, withdrew his
forces, and returned to Gorham, congratulating himself
that no blood had been shed in this excursion, and his fol-
lowers congratulating themselves that they had displayed
to the world their ardor in the good cause.
Population of Gorham in 1830, 2,988.
Thus you see by Mr. Farmer's research and the little I
have been able to add, six of the original Narragansett
Townships, No. 1., Buxton; No. 2., Westminister; No. 3.,
Amherst ; No. 5., Merrimack and Bedford ; No. 6., Temple-
ton; and No. 7., Gorham; have been discovered. If by
publishing the above any other person should be indnced
to pursue the enquiry, and the situation and present name
of the remaining township be ascertained, the history of
the whole might be as interesting as many similar publi-
cations which are given to the public.
CHARLES COFFIN.
PORTLAND, NOVEMBER, 1830.
AN
ACCOUNT OF NEW GLOUCESTER,
BT
ISAAC PARSONS.
NEW GLOUCESTER, NOVEMBER GTH, 1824.
To THE COMMITTEE OF THE MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
HAVING about the tenth of July received yours, dated at
Brunswick, the thirty-first of May, 1824, giving an account
of the incorporation and organization of said Society, and
its objects, and desiring assistance from its friends, I am
willing (under the infirmities of age) to give such informa-
tion on the subjects proposed as my knowledge and recollec-
tion can afford. I have lived in this town sixty-three years ;
during which time, this and most of the towns in the state
of Maine have arisen from a howling wilderness inhabited
by cruel savages, to the state in which they now are. This
town was granted by the General Court of the then Province
of Massachusetts Bay, to sixty of the inhabitants of old
Gloucester, or Cape Ann, on the twenty-seventh of March,
1736, and confirmed to them the 5th of July, 1737, on
condition of their settling the same, (a territory equal to
six miles square, exclusive of water,) reserving one right
or sixty-third part, for the first settled learned, orthodox
minister ; one for the ministry, and another for the support
of schools, obliging them to build a meeting-house for the
public worship of God; and to settle a learned, orthodox
minister. It appears by the records of the proprietors of
152 AN ACCOUNT
said town, that they were at great expense in clearing a
road from Cousin's river in North Yarmouth, in building
bridges, and nineteen houses with hewn timber, and a saw-
mill, and in getting settlers to go on ; but found it imprac-
ticable to fulfil the conditions, by reason of the Indian wars.
The settlers whom they had obtained were called off by
the authority of the Governor, and thereby they lost the
houses and mill that were built, as well as the road they
had made.
In the year 1754, the Proprietors gave great bounties to
settlers, and went on with such resolution as to clear a new
road from where the village in North Yarmouth now stands,
by the way of Walnut Hill, over the river, and up into the
most southern corner of New Gloucester, then on a circui-
tous route on the high land fit for settlements, to a place
where a point of upland made into the interval on the east
side of the river, and where there was some rising ground
on the west side, and thence to the centre of the town.
There they built a strong fort and garrison, and hired men
(with such as intended to settle) sufficient to defend it
against any force that could in any probability be brought
against it. This they continued to do with the assistance
of the Province, who put them upon half pay and allow-
ance ; they being obliged to assist in keeping a strong scout-
ing party from Saco to fort Weston, now Augusta, on the
Kerinebeck ; at which two places were strong forts, and
soldiers, kept by the Province, during the French war, or
until the year 1760, when Canada was taken by the Eng-
lish. During this time two men were taken prisoners,
belonging to the fort, and carried to Canada, and one w r as
killed and scalped in the lower part of the town : after
which the Indians withdrew ; and the settlers began to
move out of the garrison and build log-houses on their lands,
and clear the same with more expedition.
Before they had not been able to clear or raise any thing,
only as the men went altogether armed to their work,
within reach of the shot of the large swivel guns of the
OF NEW GLOUCESTER. 153
Fort ; keeping good sentinels of men and large dogs ; and
leaving the women to keep the fort. The same difficulties
attended most of the settlements in what is now the state
of Maine, until Canada was taken ; a few of the most pop-
ulous towns near the sea excepted.
Of the men that kept the fort in said war time, or part
of the time, the following persons with their families became
the first settlers, viz. John Stenchfield, David Millet, William
Stevens, Humphry Woodbury, Samuel Worthly, Benjamin
Hammon, John Megguire, John Stenchfield, Jr., Horton
Mitchells, Capt. Nathaniel Eveleth, William McLane and
William Stenchfield ; all of whom were born in this country,
except the first, making in the whole twelve families ; and
eight more had moved into the town before the writer came.
As to the longevity of people in this town, a great number
have died between the age of seventy and ninety-five years,
and there are forty-two now living between the ages of
seventy and ninety-two.
There are five stores or trading shops, and five taverns
in the town ; one Social Library, that has been established
about thirty years ; and one Masonic fraternity.
Mr. Moseley the present minister, was ordained Februa-
ry 10th, 1802.
Mr. Foxcroft the first minister, died March 9th, 1807, at
the age of 72 years.
Eleven of the youths of this town have had a college
education ; and many an academical.
Of three attornies at law, two have had a college educa-
tion ; one of whom is a.justice of the Court of Sessions.
There are three Physicians, one of whom, Timothy
Little, is much esteemed as a surgeon and anatomist, in
this part of the country, and has had many students. One
cabinet maker. Three painters. Four house carpenters
or joiners. A number of shoe and boot makers. Two
saddlers, harness makers or chaise trimmers. Three black-
smiths, one of whom is a brass founder. Two tailors.
Two chair makers.
154 AN ACCOUNT
There have been one Major General, three Brigadier Gen-
erals, and three Colonels in this town.
This town was incorporated March 8th, 1774.
The present inhabitants, according to the last census,
amounted to a small number over sixteen hundred souls,
all of whom (one excepted) were born in the United States,
chiefly in old Massachusetts.
The births and deaths in this town have not been given
to the town clerk, as the law requires, consequently no
exact account can be derived from him.
The writer hereof being a native of Old Gloucester, in
the county of Essex, and the then Province of Massachu-
setts, was born April 14th old stile, or 25 new, A. D. 1740-
Having heard much said about the Eastern Country, as it
was then called ; some saying that it would make a good
country in time, others that it would not support its
inhabitants (where they could not have the advantages of
fishing and lumbering), the writer was determined (by the
leave of Providence,) to goto New Gloucester and the
Eastern Country, at the age of twenty one, and examine
for himself. Accordingly he came in the month of June,
1761, and having spent much of that summer in exploring
the country and examining the soil and natural state of the
country generally, he was of opinion that it might be made
a good country by industry, and thought he might do as
much good in his day and generation here as elsewhere ;
although some of the inhabitants, living on the sea board,
tried to discourage him by saying that people could not
subsist so far back in the country where they could not
have the advantage of fishing and lumbering ; and that he
did not intend to stay here, but only came to induce others
to come, who would starve after the assistance of the pro-
prietors and th Preovince should cease. He soon found that
the settlers had not discovered the right way of managing
and improving new lands. He found by strict examination
that land in a natural state, that had a full growth of hard
wood upon it, if the trees were all fallen down upon it and
lay a suitable time, would collect so much nitre, as to be-
OF NEW GLOUCESTER. 155
come light and more suitable for the roots of any vegetable
to penetrate in quest of nourishment, than it could be made
by all the art of cultivation ; especially when the wood
was burnt off, and it had the additional benefit of the alka-
line salts. These advantages he found must be taken as
soon as may be after the fire has run over the land, or the
nitre will waste, the land settle, and the best profits be lost.
He therefore in the year 1762 and 3, was fully convinced
that if corn were planted on new land, cleared and well
burnt over, without breaking the surface any more than
by chopping off the weeds and sprouts, a good and ripe
crop would be produced, and that the opinion that it would
not stand without hilling, was entirely erroneous. He
therefore hired some and persuaded others, to try this me-
thod, and it was found by experience fully to answer his
assertions. And a knowledge of this method soon spreading
through the country, it proved a greater encouragement or
inducement to the settling of the state of Maine, than any
one thing, except the withdrawing of the Indians. Before
this method was introduced, it could not be found that any
farmer to the eastward of old York, ever raised a bushel of
corn to sell ; but the people in general were dependent on
the western and southern parts of the country for their bread.
It must always be observed that new lands, after a fire
has run over them, ought to be planted or sown with some
sort of grain or grass seed as soon as may be, in order that
the grass may take deep root, before the land settles.
It may be a satisfaction to some to enter here a certificate
of the following purport, viz :
This may certify, that Isaac Parsons, Esq., first intro-
duced the practice of raising Indian corn in this country on
new burnt ground without hoeing ; and brought the same
into practice in the years 1762 and 3.
N ATH'L EVELETH, < Two that had families of the
JOHN MEGGUIRE, \ first settlers mentioned.
JAMES STENCHFIELD,J p e that ved in the Fort, buthad
t not a family until the writer came.
156 AN ACCOUNT
The wild animals found in this town, when first settled,
as well as in this part of the country generally, were the
large, elegant moose, (the beef, hides, and tallow of which
were of great service to the first settlers,) bears, deer,
wolves, wild-cats, beavers, otters, foxes of various colors,
large hedge-hogs or porcupines, raccoons, skunks, sables,
minks, musquash, hares, rabbits, woodchucks, weasles, and
divers sorts of squirrels and mice.
The soils in the town are of different kinds ; the land
generally consisting of large swelling hills and wide val-
lies. The hills seem to be founded on rock, with a various
depth of earth upon it. The soil upon them is moist,
heaves much with the frost, has stones of all sizes inter-
mixed with it, more than enough to fence it, (of which most
of the fences on the upland are made.) It produced abund-
antly when new ; but after the stumps and roots are all
gone, the stones taken out and put into fence, and the land
ploughed several years, it falls heavy, and is not so very
productive. Orchards of apple trees, however, flourish on
it, and are cultivated to advantage, as well as pears,
plumbs, and currants ; cherry-trees used to produce luxuri-
antly until within a few years, since which a black worm
has infested and destroyed them.
The soil toward the lower part of the hills is a clayey
loam, heaves much with the frost, is in great measure free
from stones, and produces tolerably well if rightly culti-
vated.
The largest valley contains a large piece of interval
land, that runs almost across the town, and has produced
large crops of hay until of late years. The reason of its
being less productive, seems to be a large white worm, that
eats off the roots of the English grass ; not only on the
interval, but also on the flat parts of the upland. There is
also a small, red, hard-skinned worm, that is very injurious
generally, on such lands.
There is a considerable tract of pine plains in the west-
erly part of the town, which would be the best land we
have for raising bread-stuff, if it were conveniently situated^
OF NEW GLOUCESTER. 157
The vallies, low-lands, and plains, are subject to early frosts,
but the hills are not so.
The disease most prevalent is the consumption, which
has carried off many of the young people ; but for this it
might be called a healthy climate, especially on the high
lands. The productions of the soil are grass, Indian corn,
wheat, rye, barley, oats, peas, beans, potatoes, very good
and profitable, turnips of different sorts, and all sorts of
garden products that are common in the New England
States. The foregoing description of products may answer
for the country generally.
The principal indigenous or natural trees are the rock or
sugar maple, white maple, yellow and white birch, beach,
elm, white and yellow ash, basswood, red or gray oak, suita-
ble for plank stocks and ship building, spruce, hemlock, hack-
matack. Of the white pine, which is valuable for masts and
boards, there was the best growth sixty years ago in the
upper part of this town, Danville, and Poland, and between
Royal's river and the Little Androscoggin river, that the
writer ever saw or heard of in the state of Maine, from
whence were hauled several ship loads of masts for the
navy of the king of England, before the Revolutionary
War. Since that time people have been cutting it into
board logs, and hauling it into the two rivers, and much of
it has been worked up into shingles and clapboards ; so that
it is almost destroyed.
The most common of the indigenous or natural plants
found here, were the life-of-man's-root, sarsaparilla, ginseng,
cohash, blood-root, cancer-root, horse-mint, sinnecal, and
sprig of Jerusalem, called by some archangel.
The horned or neat cattle and sheep are most commonly
and advantageously raised ; from the cows a considerable
quantity of butter and cheese is made for market.
There is a sufficient number of carding machines and
fulling mills for woolen ; but the wool is mostly spun and
woven in families.
The most usual and profitable occupation is husbandry.
As to the morals of the people, (considering the depravity
VOL. II. 14
158 AN ACCOUNT
of human nature,) they may be called good. The proprie-
tors of the town, when they had but their fort and garrison,
took care to have the public worship of God maintained in
it on the Sabbath, which was still practised when the wri-
ter came here, and was continued when they had no preach-
er, by the exercises of prayers, reading a sermon, and singing
psalms or hymns, both in the forenoon and afternoon, until
the proprietors settled the Rev. Samuel Foxcroft, (son of the
Rev. Thomas Foxcroft, of Boston, and father of the present
postmaster and high sheriff,) on January 16th, 1765, (after
a church was organized,) to be their pastor and teacher ;
he was a learned, Calvinistic, congregational minister ; they
paid him his salary for ten years ; his death and age have
been already mentioned.
After the town was incorporated, several other sects
arose, which occasioned great difficulties as to parochial
affairs. The Calvinist Baptists were incorporated in a sep-
arate society, with others of that persuasion, in the town of
Gray. The Congregationalists became organized as the
first parish, and after Mr. Foxcroft became unable to carry
on the ministry, hired many candidates ; and finally settled
the Rev. Mr. Elisha Mosely, from Connecticut ; the time of
his ordination has been mentioned. And after his ordina-
tion, said first parish raised a fund, the interest of which
was sufficient to pay his salary; he still continues their
minister.
The said first parish consists of about 72 families and 82
polls ; the church of about 70 members ; having been re-
duced within seven years past, by death and removals.
With the number of persons belonging to the Calvinistic
Baptists, the societies and churches of the Free-will Bap-
tists, the Methodists and Universalists, I am not acquainted.
The Congregational and Calvinist Baptist Societies have
each a decent meeting house. The other societies usually
meet in school houses.
There is a society or family of Shakers, in the north-
westerly part of the town, consisting of about 80 or 90 souls,
who also have a meeting house.
OF NEW GLOUCESTER. 159
As to learning, the town is divided into ten school dis-
tricts, nearly all of which have comfortable school houses.
The town has a school fund, the interest of which is suffi-
cient to support about half of the schooling. It chooses a
school committee annually, generally of the most learned
men, to visit and examine the schools ; to look into the method
of the instructors, and see what progress is made in learning
And it may be said that the youths have been better in-
structed than they have generally been in the towns in the
vicinity.
There are about two hundred and forty dwelling houses
in the town, all of them of wood, except two of brick ;
about half of them two stories high, and about the same
number of families.
As to a more exact topographical description of this town,
I would mention that the proprietors, in the year 1762, found
that the township interfered with the Pejepscot claim in its
first location, on the north-east side, and that New Marble-
head, now Windham, had crowded New Boston, now Gray,
two miles upon them on the south-west side, and was likely
to ruin this town. They therefore petitioned the General
Court for a committee to be appointed to run out New Mar-
blehead, New Boston, and this town, and establish their
bounds, which petition was granted, and the committee came
and put New Marblehead and New Boston back the two
miles ; and found that they could not give this town but four
miles and a half and thirty-three rods front on Yarmouth
back line ; and that the north-east side line of it must be run
up a north-west-and-by-north course, instead of a north-west
course, until it should contain its quantity exclusive of water;
by which location this town extends further into the country,
and is much wider at the head. And that the main branch
of Royal's river has its rise from a pond in the north corner
of the town of Gray, runs north-easterly about a mile and
half in this town, on which stream is a saw mill ; falls into
Sabbath-day pond, which is about a mile and half long, and
vbout half a mile wide, lying in the westerly part of this
own, and near the Shaker family ; which pond derived its
160 AN ACCOUNT
name, (as the writer hereof understood when he first came
here,) from a number of hunters, who, before this part of
the country was settled, used to hunt for beavers on the
streams of this and Little Androscoggin river, who agreed
to meet there to keep the Sabbath ; and from said pond
takes an easterly direction upwards of two miles, to excel-
lent falls about half a mile long, in a northern direction ; on
which now stand a saw mill, a double stoned, overshot grist
mill, with a bolt, carried by the wheels, a carding machine,
a fulling mill, a bark mill and tannery ; and on which falls
may be erected several other water machines, and near to
which is the upper thick settlement of the town, where four
roads meet, called the upper corner. From said falls, it
takes a circuitous course, and enters the town of Danville
in an eastern direction, about two miles north-east from
said falls, and after continuing its eastern direction about a
mile, it takes its course about south-south-westerly near a
mile, and enters this town again, and continuing nearly the
same course, generally across the town, but in a very ser-
pentine manner, running through a large body of interval
land that is overflowed in large freshets, lying in front of
the thick settlement in the centre of the town where five
roads meet, and where the two meeting houses stand, called
the lower corner, with a descent therefrom of about half a
mile to the interval, affording a beautiful prospect. Then
entering the town of Gray, and crossing the easterly corner
thereof, it takes an easterly direction into the town of North
Yarmouth, and to the falls thereof, which about half a mile
in length, to the tide water, on which falls are many mills ;
nearly the whole of said river from Sabbath-day pond is
very serpentine, but sufficiently large in small freshets to
bring down board logs from the foot of the falls in New
Gloucester, to the saw mills on the falls in North Yarmouth,
of which there has been enough hauled in the several
places and conveyed down to make many millions of feet
of boards. The King's masts, before spoken of, were hauled
by the centre of this town, and put into the river about two
miles below, and conducted down to the falls in North Yar-
OF NEW GLOUCESTER. 161
mouth, and hauled round there about three quarters of a
mile to the tide waters.
The people here, after they began to get lumber for a
market, used to haul it to a landing the proprietors had laid
out for that purpose at said river, near a mile below the
meeting house, and put it into the river near the bridge ;
the boards in rafts, the oar rafters, clapboards and shingles
in bunches, and let them be carried by the gentle current
down to the landing in North Yarmouth, just above the
upper mill dam on the falls ; following them down, and
taking them out and hauling them about three quarters of
a mile to the shipping at the head of the tide water ; and
the inhabitants used to bring up many of their things in
canoes, floats and batteaux, before they could get the road
made good. But since the road is made good, they, nor the
people in Poland, Minot, nor Danville, pretend to make use
of the river, only to let the mill logs go down ; although
there has, and still is a vast quantity of lumber hauled by
the lower corner and over said bridge down to North Yar-
mouth, (some days upwards of a hundred thousand feet,) yet
nothing is said by the lumber men about making use of the
river as a canal ; which may serve to illustrate what may
hereafter be said respecting canals.
There is a stream near the centre of the town, on which
stands an overshot grist mill, there is another stream about
two miles westerly, called Lovell's Brook, on which the fa-
mous Captain Lovell with his large scouting company once
encamped, before he had his great fight with the Indians
at Pigwacket Pond, as it was then called, on which also
stands a grist mill. As to roads, bridges, &c., I would in-
form that the land being moist, so heaves with the frost,
that the people are obliged to heave up or turnpike almost
the whole of them, both on the hills and lowlands, and
notwithstanding they are very bad in the spring of the year
when the frost is coming out. As to bridges, the town has
seven across Royal's river, and private persons three, besides
a great number over small streams.
The lands in the town are almost wholly laid out by
14*
162 AN ACCOUNT
lines at right angles, as well as the roads ; except the
great road leading from North Yarmouth to Poland, which
enters the town near the south corner, and goes out at the
north corner ; the road that goes from Gray corner to the
Shaker settlement, in a northerly direction, passing about
three miles across the westerly corner of this town ; and the
road leading to Brunswick, which leaves the road leading
to North Yarmouth, upwards of two miles below the centre
of this town, and goes in an easterly direction, cutting the
lots diagonally as well as those from Yarmouth and Gray
corner.
The writer found by the smoke that rose up in a straight
column when Portland was burnt, in the time of the revolu-
tionary war, that it lies due south from the centre of this
town. Now a straight course from Portland due north,
crosses Back-cove, and the great ledge of Walnut hill,
which makes so far south-west, together with bad land
for a road ; so that teams or travellers coming from Portland
here by Gray corner must pass Deering's and Winslow's
bridges, and have to rise from Winslow's bridge to the
top .of Blackstrap ledge or hill, and the other hills to
Gray corner ; and when they get there, will in all proba-
bility be three miles from a straight line, run from what is
called Gloucester lower corner or centre of this town, to
Walnut hill meeting house ; and also going from Gray cor-
ner to Gloucester, they have Harris's hill to pass, all making
a very circuitous and hilly route.
The eastern travel from Portland has a bridge over
Presumpscot river, at what is called Staples* point, and it
appears to the writer, ought always to have, (and that it
ought to have been built with a good, tight, stone wall on
each side, and filled solid with mud and earth on the flats,
leaving a sufficient channel way.) There is a county road
laid out and opened from Mr. Buxton's near Walnut hill
down to the road that leads to said bridge, which when
made good, will make easy or comfortable passing into
Portland.
There is a road that has been viewed by a viewing com-
OF NEW GLOUCESTER. 163
mittee, and laid out by a laying committee, and accepted
by the Court of Sessions, from the upper corner (as it is
called) in this town to Nason's mills, and so on to the east
meeting house in Minot, designed by the well wishers of
the state as part of the great northern route, to the line of
lower Canada, or to the Dead river, where a road from
said line comes, as well as for the great accomodation of
the inhabitants. There has also been most violent opposi-
tion to this by the people of Danville, Poland, and Minot,
they probably fearing the expense, and that it will carry
the travelling from them ; and to prevent it, have been
proposing new routes to the great cost of the county ; and
have (as the writer has heard) prevailed with the Court of
Sessions to suspend the work.
The travel by the corners has increased amazingly ; two
of the traders at the lower corner told the writer this day,
July 31st, 1824, that in one day the last week about one
hundred ox teams passed by down the Yarmouth road very
heavily loaded with lumber, (they usually carry from two
to five thousand feet to the load,) besides other carriages ;
near the whole of them came from eight to ten miles back
in the country. Almost all the travel from the corners into
Yarmouth or Portland, goes by Walnut hill meeting house,
since there is a bridge at Staples' point, and a new road up
to Mr. Buxton's ; but are obliged to pass the old, crooked,
hilly road above the Walnut hill meeting house; and it
appears that they must, even to the end of time, unless
there should arise a race of men possessed of a duly benev-
olent and neighborly spirit.
The writer is acquainted with the land where the road
from the upper corner to Nason's mills, and the east meeting,
house in Minot, is laid out, and knows it to be a level tract of
land ; and has some knowledge of the land on said northerly
route, through the northern part of Turner, a part of Liver-
more, and Jay, and is of opinion that a straight, level and good
road might be made there ; which would save a very cir-
cuitous travel, and some of the worst hills he knows of in
the county. The committee when they laid out said road
164 AN ACCOUNT OF NEW GLOUCESTER.
made a short crook to the eastward, so as to go over the
bridge now built near Nason's mills, and said it would be
best to go there until the bridge should be rotten, and then
have one built on a pair of rips above, and the road might
be made straight. They also crooked or hauled to the west-
ward up a hill to go to said meeting house and the neigh-
borhood there ; which hill is descended again in going up
into Turner, which might be shunned entirely by making the
road straight, which probably will be done in process of time,
it being the only hill he knows off worth mentioning, in
thirty miles above this town in said direction.
ISAAC PARSONS.
HISTORY OF NORTH YARMOUTH,
EDWARD RUSSELL.
PRELIMINARY NOTICE.
THE following interesting account of North Yarmouth,
was prepared by the late Edward Russell, Esq., and deliv-
ered by him in the old meeting-house, the first ever erected
in that place, to a crowded audience, in 1833. It is believ-
ed that the audience then assembled, consisting of the
descendants of a race of men remarkable for their integrity
and stability of character, was the last ever gathered in
that venerable structure, then more than a hundred years
old.
Edward Russell was the fourth son of Dr. Edward
Russell, a respectable physician in North Yarmouth, who
was born at West Cambridge, in Massachusetts, graduated
at Harvard College, in 1759, and died at North Yarmouth
in 1785.
His mother was Hannah Clark, daughter of Dr. Parker
Clark of Andover, Mass., and one of the Phillips family of
that place. Edward their son, was born at North Yar-
mouth, August 31st, 1783, graduated at Harvard College in
1803, and died Nov. 29th, 1835, at the age of 52.
In 1812, he married Lucy Stevens of Portland, by whom
he had three children, a son and two daughters, all of whom
survive him. The eldest daughter, Mary, married Milford
P. Norton, Esq., formerly of Maine, now a judge of the
Supreme Court of Texas; the other, Margaret, married
Charles N. Cogswell, Esq., late of South Berwick, recently
deceased.
166 HISTORY OF
Mr. Russell was an upright, honest man, of clear and
sound understanding. For twenty years successively from
1808, he was employed in the affairs of his native town, as
clerk and selectman, with the entire confidence of the
people, and left those offices for that of Secretary of State,
to which he was elected in the years 1829 and 1830.
He imbibed a taste for antiquarian studies, by frequent
examination of the early records in his custody, and thus
became familiar with the history of the early settlement of
his town ; and was led to explore more intimately the
sources of its origin and growth ; the result of which we
have embodied in the following discourse. His death,
which followed two years after its delivery, prevented a
more extensive illustration by him of our early annals.
W.
ADDRESS.
A people justly proud of their ancestors, as are the de-
scendants of the Pilgrim Fathers of New England, can
recur with peculiar satisfaction to the early history of this
country. Generations to come will applaud the wisdom,
integrity and wonderful perseverance of the first planters
of our shores. It is wise to become acquainted with such
characters, and by a centennial celebration to shake hands
with men, not to be sure perfect, but who have probably
done more for their successors than any other set of men
who have inhabited the globe.
The late attention to the collection of historical facts
and the compilation of town histories, does honor to the
present generation ; and if this address does l)ut awaken
curiosity to the collection and preservation of documents for
the materials for a history of this ancient town, my labor
of preparing it will be fully rewarded.
We are now met to celebrate the centennial anniversary
of the first meeting in this town for the choice of town
officers, which meeting was held in the same building where
we are now assembled. But meetings called town meet-
ings, were holden in this town nearly half a century previous
NORTH YARMOUTH. 167
to that of May 14th, 1733. It will therefore be interesting
to go back to the earliest settlement of our territory, and
collect as much of the history of the first adventurers, as
can now be gleaned after so long a period.
The first inhabitants were the aborigines ; I cannot learn
that there was any permanent Indian village within the
limits of this town. The tribe claiming this territory, had
their head quarters about Merrymeeting bay. The settle-
ment at Jay point, called Rocameca, may have been subject to
the same chiefs. The shores of the main and islands furnish
evidence of their residence in numerous places. There is
no spot, to my knowledge, which has ever been called the
Indian planting ground, but there is little doubt, that Lane's
Island was their burying place ; and if any land was culti-
vated by them, within this town, that island from the nature
of the soil would be most likely to invite their attention.
As the banks of the island cave away, humam bones have
been exposed to view for many years. A skeleton which
I examined myself, five years ago, was buried with the head
to the south and the feet to the north, and not more than
twelve inches below the surface of the ground. Now it is
well known, that a custom prevailed with our ancestors,
invariably, to lay the dead east and west ; from this circum-
stance, I presume the graves on Lane's island must be those
of the aborigines.
The Indian names of places now known are few. North
Yarmouth, was called Wescustogo ; Freeport, Harrisekct ;
Harpswell, Meniceneag ; Cousins' Island, Susquesong ; Cou-
sins' River, Sisquisic. The head of the tide on Royal's
river, Pumgustuk. The names yet retained are : Gebeag,
Chebascodegar, Maquoit, and Bungomungomug, now pro-
nounced Bungonug, a small river emptying into Maquoit
bay, at the original north-easterly bound of North Yarmouth.
From our infancy we have been made to shudder at tales
of horror, connected with Indian fights, scalping knives and
tomahawks. It is full time to look at the other side of the
picture. Let us consider a moment the situation of the
natives at the commencement of the English settlements
168 HISTORY OF
in New England. The French had possession of Canada,
anterior to the settlement of Plymouth, and distributed their
catholic missionaries among the natives, " whose imagina-
tions were engaged by the pompous ceremonies and impo-
sing worship of the Catholic faith." By means of the
Jesuits, says a late writer, " did the French 'acquire
possession of that lever, which they could always use, to
impel the Indians to war, from the time when civilization
first cursed them with its presence, until it triumphed by
their extinction." The course adopted by the English was
the reverse. " The Indians themselves," Gov. Hutchinson
informs us, " asked, how it happened, if Christianity were
of such importance, that for six and twenty years together,
the English had said nothing to them about it." The
speech of the Norridgewock chief to the governor of Massa-
chusetts, gives us a good view of the attention paid to
cultivating the friendship of the Indians, by the English and
French settlers. " Neither your predecessors," says he, " nor
their servants, ever spoke to me of prayer or the Great
Spirit. They have seen my peltries, my skins of the beaver
and the deer, and of these only have they taken thought.
These they have sought with eagerness ; I could not furnish
them enough, and when I brought them many, I was
their great friend, that was all. On the contrary, my canoe
being one day lost, I mistook my course and wandered a
long time by chance, until I stopped at a great village near
Quebec, where the black coats lived ; scarcely had I arrived,
when a black coat came to me ; I was loaded with peltries.
The French black coat did not even deign to look at them.
He spoke to me at once of the Great Spirit, of Paradise, of
hell, and of prayer, by which is the only path to heaven ; I
listened to him with pleasure, and relished so well his con-
versation, that I stayed a long time in that village to hear
him."
The capture by Hunt of twenty Indians, which he sold
in Malaga for slaves, in 1614 ; the murder in cold blood
of the brave Myantonomo, a prisoner, by order of the gov-
ernment of Massachusetts, in 1643, with the various
NORTH YARMOUTH.
169
deceptions practised upon their ignorance down to the
trick, the honor of which tradition has fastened upon one of
our own townsmen, who in his purchases of beaver of the
natives used his wife's foot for a pound weight, and her
hand for half a pound, unfolds a fearful account with a
people, whose only law was, " an eye for an eye and a
tooth for a tooth." There was not wanting in those times
a Jesuit, one of the black coats before mentioned, to inflame
their martial fury and incite them to revenge, as in the
following address by Thuny, to the Penobscots : " My chil-
dren," said he, " when shall the rapacity of the unsparing
New Englanders cease to afflict you ? and how long will
you suffer your lands to be violated by encroaching heretics ?
By the religion I have taught, by the liberty you love, I ex-
hort you to resist them. It is time for you to open your
eyes which have long been shut ; to rise from your mats,
and look to your arms and make them once more bright.
This land belonged to your fathers, long before these wicked
men came over the great waters, and are you ready to leave
the bones of your ancestors, that the cattle of heretics may
eat grass on your graves ? The Englishman think and say
to themselves. ' We have many cannon, we have grown
strong while the red man has slept, while they are lying
in their cabins and do not see, we will knock them on the
head ; we will destroy their women and children, and then
shall we possess their land, without fear, for there shall be
none left to revenge them.' My children, God commands
you to shake the sleep from your eyes. The hatchet must
be cleaned of its rust, to avenge him of his enemies and to
secure to you your rights. Night and day, a continual
prayer shall ascend to him for your success ; an unceasing
rosary shall be observed until you return covered with
the glory of triumph."
The English were not far behind the natives in executing
vengeance upon their enemies with demonlike fury ; take
for instance the following account, by the author of New
England's memorial. An attack was made upon the
Pequods, the most warlike tribe in New England, in 1637 ;
VOL. II. 15
170 HISTORY OF
" so they went on," says an author, " and so ordered theii*
march, as the friendly Indians brought them to the fort of
their enemy, in which most of their chief men were, before
day ; they approached the same in great silence, and sur-
rounded it both with English and Indians, that they might
not break out, and so assaulted them with great courage,
shooting among them and entered the fort with great speed,
and those that first entered found sharp resistance from the
enemy, who both shot and grappled with them ; others ran
into their houses and brought out fire and set them on fire,
which soon took in their mats, and their houses standing
close with the wind, all was soon on a flame, and thereby
more men were burnt to death than were otherwise slain.
It burnt their bow strings and made them unserviceable.
Those that escaped the fire were slain with the sword ;
some hewed to pieces, some run through with their rapiers,
so as they were quickly despatched and very few escaped.
The number they thus destroyed was conceived to be above
four hundred. At this time, it was a fearful sight to see
them thus frying in the fire, and the streams of blood
quenching the same ; and horrible was the stench and
scent thereof; but the victory seemed a sweet sacrifice, and
they gave the praise thereof to God, who had wrought so
wonderfully for them."
Can we wonder, under such circumstances, that the In-
dians did not " fight until the soil had drunk all the blood that
flowed in the veins of every white man who stood upon it."
But these scenes have now passed away, and the red man
who proudly traversed the lands we occupy, has nearly
ceased to exist, and notwithstanding the slaughter and cru-
elties he practised to avenge his wrongs, he has left record-
ed by the white man, which deserves to be engraven on his
tomb, this short sentence, ' no instance of the worst violence to
woman has ever been told of our aborigines"
This capacious bay, well stocked with fish and fowl, the
bountiful supply of timber with which its shores were
covered and trade with the Indians, invited settlers here
at an early period. We find that George Felt lived on the
NORTH YARMOUTH. . 171
farm now owned by Mr. Seales, in 1643, where he built a
stone garrison, and there is some reason to believe that
John Phillips, of whom Felt purchased, was an inhabitant
before that time, which will carry the first settlement made
in the town, back to about two hundred years. In 1645
John Cousins lived on the " neck of land which divides the
branches of Cousins' river," and owned also the Island,
which, with the river, still bears his name. In 1646 Wil-
liam Royall purchased the farm, which with the river yet
retains his name. 1647, Richard Bray bought of Cousins
half of the island. 1651, James Lane, of Gloucester, moved
on to the farm now owned by W. Fogg, in Freeport, and
gave his name to the island at the mouth of the river.
1652, John Maine lived on the Foreside ; and a point which
yet ^retains his name, directs us to the place of his settle-
ment. 1666, Shepherd claimed the neck of land on the
north-east side of Hanesicket bay. 1670, John Holman
lived on Holman's, now called Prince's point. 1674, a saw
mill was built at the lower falls, by Gendall and Seward,
called Casco mill. About this time, Gendall lived next to
Falmouth line ; Thomas Blashfield on the farm of the late
Richmond Loring ; Benjamin Larrabee on the farm now
owned by Deacon Halpes ; Amos Stevens who married
the daughter of Wm. Royall, on Wolf's point ; Thomas
Reding on the east side of Cousins' river and west of Lane's
farm ; William Haines on Pine, now called Flying point.
There were also inhabitants on Tobacco point, further east,
and on Mare point, and Potts and others on Merryconneag.
An Old fort is mentioned as situated on Parker's point, but
I do not know who occupied that ground at this early date.
These settlers were compelled to abandon their improve-
ments in the Indian war called Philip's war, which broke
out in June 1675. The mill was burnt and probably most
of their houses. This war continued three years. After
the treaty of Casco, in 1678, the inhabitants returned again
to their desolate homes.
Under the administration of President Danforth, the
172 HISTORY OF
place previously called Wescustogo, was incorporated into
a town, as will appear by the following document.
"At Fort Loyall, in Falmouth, 22nd Sept. 1680.
For the further Inlargement and Incouragement to the
settlement of the township, by the Governor and Company
of the Massachusetts, on the easterly side of Wescustogo
river, on Casco bay. It is hereby granted unto them, that
the waste lands lying between the said grant and Falmouth,
shall be added to the township, and also an island lying be-
tween the sea and said township, called New Dameras Cove.
It is also hereby ordered and declared, that the name of
the said Plantation shall be North Yarmouth.
THOMAS DANFORTH, President."
It is not known why this name for the town was adopted.
I have not been able to trace any of the first settlers to
Yarmouth, in the county of Plymouth. It is quite probable
that some of our earliest planters came from the town of
that name in England, situated at the mouth of the river Tare.
Our records commence with an order relative to the set-
tlement of the town, dated July 13, 1681, signed by Bartho-
lomew Gedney, Joshua Scottow, Silvan us Davis and Walter
Gendall, a committee, " Impowered to order and regulate
the settlement of a township, granted by the Governor and
Company of the colony of Massachusetts, Proprietors of the
Province of Maine, on the northerly part of Casco bay,
formerly called Wescustogo and now named North Yar-
mouth." This committee determined " that the place of
building and settling the town, should be on the land com-
monly called Maine s Point, to be ordered so in the laying
out, as may be compact and most capable of defence. It
being understood by Maine's point includes that whole
neck of land where John Maine and John Holman formerly
dwelt." That ten acres of plain land be laid out in a
square lot for a meeting house, burial place, minister's
house lot, market place and school ; around this ten acre
lot, a street four rods wide, and on this street, house lots of
NORTH YARMOUTH. 173
half an acre each, and in some convenient place, a common
field equal to six acres to each house lot. Any two of the
committee with the selectmen were authorized to grant
lands to such as they should entertain as inhabitants. A
committee was appointed to procure a minister. A grant
was made to W. Gendall of 200 acres near to Falmouth
bounds, and George Peirson was appointed recorder to the
town of North Yarmouth aforesaid."
This compact little town, on paper, calculated only for
twenty-four house lots around the public square, shows us
the caution which our ancestors were obliged to observe in
the formation of their settlements, on account of the hostility
of the natives.
1 We find nothing further of the doings of this committee.
The scattered location of its members, must have rendered
it inconvenient to discharge the trust reposed in them.
Col. Gedney was a land speculator, who lived in Salem,
was a physcian and judge of the court, called to take an
immediate part against those charged with witchcraft.
J. Scottow was a principal man in Scarborough. S. Davis,
formerly of Kennebec, was then an enterprising inhabitant
of Falmouth, and Capt. Gendall lived in this town. , In
1683, the town was represented by Walter Gendall in the
General Assembly, held at York. In June and July of the
following year, two other deeds or instruments were execu-
ted by President Danforth. In the first of these, John
Royall, John York, John Harris and Walter Gendall were
named trustees, and the same persons are appointed trus-
tees by the second, except that Jeremiah Dummer was
named in room of John Harris.
At a general town meeting, held at the house of Thomas
Blashfield, Feb. 24, 1685, the inhabitants determined on the
form of grants to the settlers, and on the same day, portions of
land and marsh were granted, by the Trustees, to Royall,
Blashfield, Coombs, Astofell, William, Samuel, Isaac and
Benjamin Larrabee, J. Harris, R. Edwards, A. Stevens,
and J. Provender.
Here commences an interval in the proprietors' records
15*
174 HISTORY OF
of thirty-seven years ; but by papers on file it appears that
a town meeting was held at the house of John Royall, June
7, 1686, "To hear the proclamation sent by the President
and Council of his Majestie's territories and dominions of
New England, in America." At the same meeting, other
grants of land were made. Soon after this, another Indian
war commenced. Capt. Gendall was killed, as also a Mr.
Scales and others. All the inhabitants, amounting to
thirty-six families, were again compelled to abandon their
improvements and stock to the infuriated natives. Three
houses and two barns, the property of Gendall, were burnt,
as also the saw-mill and grist-mill built by him. He was
the most enterprising and wealthy of all the settlers, and
his death at that time must have been an irreparable loss.
We have now followed our early settlers through a space
of almost half a century, scattered on twelve or fifteen
miles of the bay shore, without roads, the ocean in front,
and an unbounded wilderness in their rear, and destitute of
schools and moral and religious instruction. These are im-
perfect sketches of this interesting period in the history of
our town. The records and files in Massachusetts and in
the county of York, contain ample materials to make us
better acquainted with the men who toiled so long and with
so many discouragements to form a settlement for them-
selves and their posterity, on this territory ; but when an
antiquary will be found, able to devote time and money to
examine these records and files, is very uncertain.
After the destruction of the town in 1688, nineteen years
of war with the Indians intervened, before any effectual at-
tempt was made toward a settlement. It is not known
to me when the inhabitants began to return to the ashes
of their former habitations, covered no doubt, when they
did return, by a growth of young wood. The saw-mill
was rebuilt previous to 1719, by Nathaniel Weare, of
Hampton. Records of some proceedings of the inhabitants
were kept by Peter Weare, son of Nathaniel, as he himself
afterward declared on oath. These records, it is supposed,
NORTH YARMOUTH. 175
contained the doings of the persons interested in Gedney's
claim, and were no doubt intentionally destroyed.
In May, 1722, the inhabitants and others interested in
lands here, petitioned the General Court "to appoint a
committee dwelling in or near to Boston, and at the cost and
charge of the proprietors, to regulate the settlement and
manage the prudentials of the said town for the present ;
and that the town books and papers then in the hands of
Capt. Samuel Phipps, of Charlestown, be ordered into the
hands of some person, to be kept in Boston, that so the
ancient records may be kept safe from falling into the
hands of the Indians, which was the unhappy case of
Falmouth." The prayer of this petition was granted,
and William Tailer, Elisha Cook, William Dudley, John
Smith, and John Powell were appointed. This was a very
respectable committee. Tailer lived in Dorchester, and had
been Lieut. Governor of Massachusetts. William Dudley
lived in Roxbury, was a member of the council, and son of
Governor Dudley. E. Cook was a distinguished political
character. John Smith was a merchant in Boston, and
brother of Rev. Thomas Smith, the first minister of Fal-
mouth, and John Powell was also a merchant in Boston ;
he afterward removed to this town, and died here in 1742.
This Committee held their first meeting at the house of
John Powell, in Boston, in April, 1723, and appointed John
Smith clerk.
The doings of the Committee were guided by judgment
and prudence. The ancient settlers and their heirs received
their first attention, new proprietors were admitted, who
with the old settlers made up one hundred. Ten acre lots
were laid out from Gendall's farm, next to Falmouth line,
almost to the head of the tide on Royall's river. The an-
cient proprietors were allowed to select lots which included
their old possessions, and the remainder drew their lots at a
meeting of the Committee at the house of James Parker,
in this town, in 1727, Two sites were designated, on one
of which the meeting-house was to be erected. Both the
places are on the south side, and near to the creek, now
176 HISTORY OF
called Fitter's creek ; one about eighty rods west and the
other fifty rods east of the present road. . Persons now ac-
quainted with this ground, will smile at the selection of
of these spots for the location of a house of public worship.
Each proprietor, to entitle him to a deed of his home
lot, and share in the after divisions, was required to erect,
before the 1st of June, 1729, " and well finish, a convenient
dwelling house, to clear and fence five acres of their home
lots, and to repair to, abide and remain at North Yarmouth
either in person or by some able bodied man, and reside
there until the expiration of that time." These were hard
terms for those whose lots were poor land, and a large num-
ber were of this description. We accordingly find that in
March, 1730, there were only forty-one houses, and twelve
frames ; and we cannot suppose that many of these w r ere
" well finished" All expenses, including building the meet-
ing-house, the minister's salary and surveying the lands,
were defrayed by a tax upon the home lots or rights. But
the people were poor. The minister, surveyors and car-
penters complained that they were not punctually paid, and
the collectors complained because the proprietors were un-
able to pay. The settlers were anxious for land to im-
prove, in addition to their home lots, but feared to go back
from the bay shore, as appears by a representation signed
by thirty-two inhabitants addressed to the General Com-
mittee, in 1731, relative to the division of the then common
lands, wherein they say. " Whoever's fate it is to have their
lots at four and six miles distance, and perhaps poor land,
near the head of the town, will not go to work on them, except
they intend to starve"
The Committee made their report to the General Court,
February 22, 1 733, giving a detailed account of their pro-
ceedings ; at the close of which they proposed to be dismis-
sed, and that the town have the powers and privileges of
other towns, and that the common and undivided lands be
hereafter managed, divided, improved and disposed of by
the proprietors according to their interests. This report
was accepted and April 6, 1733, the General Court passed
MORTH YARMOUTH. 177
an order authorizing Samuel Seabury, Esq., of North Yar-
mouth, " to call a meeting of the inhabitants as soon as may
be, to choose Selectmen, Constables and other ordinary town
officers," and pursuant to his warrant, a meeting was held
in this meeting house, one hundred years ago, which organ-
isation of the town has continued without interruption to the
present time. At the first meeting, Samuel Seabury, Esq.,
was chosen Moderator, Barna! as Seabury, Clerk, Jedediah
Southworth, Treasurer, Jacob Mitchell, Joseph Chandler
and Francis Wyman, Selectmen, Jacob Mitchell, Joseph
Chandler and Cornelius Soule, Assessors, and Edward King
Constable.
The character of the population of the town, we have
cause to believe, was changed very much by the new pro-
prietors. A number of them were descendants of the first
settlers of Plymouth, and brought with them the habits of
the men " who opened a new world to civilization and
religion."
Jacob Mitchell was a grandson of Experience Mitchell,
who came to Plymouth in the third ship, Ann, in 1623, and
in the division of stock among the planters, in that town,
in 1627, had allotted to him and twelve others, fthe least
of the four black heifers that came in the Jacob, and two she
goats" Gilbert and Barnabas Winslow were descendants
of a brother of Governor Edward Winslow and Samuel
Baker, by the maternal line, was connected with the same
family ; they were from Marshfield. Seabury and South-
worth were from Duxbury. George Soule of Plymouth,
was one of the first Pilgrims ; he afterward removed to
Duxbury ; Cornelius Soule, one of our first Assessors, was
probably one of his descendants. Benjamin Prince who
drew home lot, No. 1, on the point which bears his name,
was also from Duxbury. Mrs. Zeruiah Gray who lived and
died in this town, at an advanced age, was said to be a
grand daughter of Capt. Standish, and Miles Standish is
now the baptismal name of one of her descendants. The
origin of other proprietors, I think, might be traced to Ply-
mouth colony ; and it is certain, that several who have
178 HISTORY OF
been enterprising men, and often employed in public trusts
in this town, in later years, were from the same region.
It is worthy to be recorded here, that a daughter of
Samuel Baker, who drew a ten acre lot 106 years ago, is
now living, and at the age of ninety-two retains her facul-
ties in an unusual degree. She is but little deaf, has never
used spectacles, and describes with much vivacity the scenes
of her youth. She is accompanied in her lengthened pil-
grimage by her husband, also over 90 years old, and
retaining his senses and memory as well as his wife ; they
have been married sixty-eight years. The aged couple here
referred to, are McClough and wife of Cumberland. The
proprietors proceeded to lay out the after divisions, as they
are called in the records, which were the 100 acre division
next Falmouth, the 120 acre division or Gedney's claim,
the east 100 acre division, the division of the marsh into 4
acre lots with lots of upland, equivalent to 4 acres of marsh,
to make one lot to each proprietor. The division called
squadrons in the Gore, which tract was granted by the
General Court in 1734. The islands and pews in the meet-
ing house, constituted two divisions more. The last of these
divisions was drawn for in 1742. Merriconneag and the
islands adjacent, Gebeag, Cousins' island, and some tracts
on the main, within the jurisdictional limits of the town,
claimed by persons under ancient titles, were not included
in these divisions.
As we are indebted to the lawsuit between the proprie-
tors and the assigns of Thomas Stevens, respecting the title
to Gedney's claim, so called, for materials for a considerable
portion of the ancient history of our town, some account of
this claim may not be unacceptable.
In 1673, Thomas Stevens of Kennebec, purchased of
Robin Hood and other sagamores, a tract of land " two
miles on each side of Pumgustuk or Wescustogo river, from
the first falls to the head of the river, every branch and
creek thereunto belonging," for a valuable consideration,
but the sum is not mentioned, and the deed was never ac-
knowledged. The 120 acre division and 280 acre squad-
NORTH YARMOUTH. 179
rons, amounting to about 7,000 acres, came within this
claim. Stephens sold this tract to B. Gedney of Salem,
and Henry Saward of York, Oct. 12th, 1674. In the same
month, Gedney and Saward agreed to complete a saw mill
with two saws, and one corn mill, which were then begun."
Saward mortgaged his moiety to Gedney, which he failed to
redeem, and Gedney became proprietor of the whole.
Saward completed the saw mill, but not the corn mill.
This mill was burnt by the Indians in Phillip's war, and
was rebuilt by Capt. Gendall, who purchased the Indians'
claim of Gedney, in 1681, in the same place, as the witnes-
ses testify, on which stood the one built by Saward. Gen-
dall also mortgaged the land to "Gedney, to secure the
payment of the purchase money, 110, which he never
paid; and in July, 1684, the whole became Gedney's the
second time, there being then on the premises one saw
mill, one grist mill, one house, with about four acres cleared
on the east side of the river, and a hovel, and about the
same quantity cleared on the west side. These mills, as has
already been mentioned, were destroyed by the Indians,
about four years after. Gedney died in 1698, and Nathan-
iel Ware, of Hampton, who had purchased one third of the
claim, built the third saw mill. A number of persons soon
appear as proprietors in this tract ; some of them no doubt
purchased into it on speculation, for, in 1730, Abial Wally,
shopkeeper, Francis Willoughby, Gent., Nathaniel Emmes,
stone cutter, Joseph Robie glasier and John Harrod, baker,
all of Boston, Deborah Clark, of Salem, widow, Thomas
Carpenter, James Shewell, Seth Gibson, Merchants, and
Joseph Thompson, Esq., all of London, recovered judgment
for partition to be made of and in a certain tract of land,
lying partly within and partly adjoining to the town of
North Yarmouth, containing about a hundred thousand
acres of land with the buildings and appurtenances, bound-
ed as described in the Indian deed to Stephens. Partition
was accordingly made, in which one sixth is set off to
Peter Weare, son of Nathaniel, and one sixth to Joseph
Fellows, " who did deny to make partition."
180 HISTORY OF
In 1730, the proprietors of North Yarmouth, probably
with a view in part to try the Indian title, granted to Sam-
uel Seabury and Jacob Mitchell, " so much of the river at
the lower falls as may be needful for a grist mill" and ten
acres of land adjoining. Seabury and Mitchell built the
mill, and it appears that Weare had some share in it, but
in 1733, Nathaniel Emmes commenced his action against
the owners, and recovered judgment and costs. Not dis-
couraged by this failure, the proprietors, in 1741, commenced
their action against the claimants, for that part of the
claim lying in the Gore, and the next year another action for
the 120 acre division, which actions were tried, continued
and reviewed until 1748, when the proprietors obtained
judgment with costs. Thus terminated the most important
euit that the town or inhabitants have ever been engaged
in, even to the present time. A small part of the expense of
carrying on the suit was paid by the proprietors of New
Gloucester.
The bounds of North Yarmouth, in its greatest extent,
were from the white rock, adjoining Falmouth, N. W. eight
miles, thence N. E. about eleven miles, until intersected by
a link running N. W. from the mouth of Bungonug river,
and from the white rock and the mouth of the river, to
extend S. E. to the sea. By these lines, Mare point, Mer-
riconeag, the great island Chebascodegan. and a large
number of islands, and Small point at the mouth of Kenne-
bec river, were included within the limits of North Yar-
mouth. Mare point was set off to Brunswick in 1739, and
in 1741, on the petition of Ebenezer Hall and others, inhab-
itants of Small point, to the General Court, praying to be
set off from North Yarmouth and annexed to Georgetown,
the town voted, " that considering the distance of said point
of land from North Yarmouth meeting house, and the
difficulty of the passage, the town gives free consent" that
the prayer of the petition be granted. Merriconeag and
the islands adjacent were incorporated into a town by the
name of Harpswell, Jan. 25, 1758, having been a parish
previous to that time.
NORTH YARMOUTH. 181
The progress of the settlement of the town was slow.
The inhabitants did not engage much in agriculture, but
were employed in procuring wood and lumber for coasting
vessels, of which many were owned here. Between 1720
and 30, John Powell built a saw mill on the brook at Broad
cove, called Felt's falls, and Gilbert Winslow and others a
tide saw mill on Atwell's creek, which was at that time
considered a hopeless speculation, and was called the folly
mill, by which name the creek is now known, but I have
been informed by a daughter of one of the owners, that it
was a profitable concern. In 1 753, another tide saw mill
was built on a creek between Cousins' river and the farm
now owned by Mr. Fogg, and the same year the first saw
mill was built at the upper falls on Royall's river. The
iron refinery was built a year or two after. In 1763, there
was no house on the northwest road, in what is now Cum-
berland, above Mr. James Tuttle's, or the farm now owned
by Mr. Reed, one hundred and twenty years after the
settlement of George Felt on the west side of broad cove ;
and in 1768, ninety-four years after the first saw mill was
built at the lower falls, there was no house on the road to
New Gloucester, above where the town pound now stands.
There were, however, some families in New Gloucester
prior to that date.
To contrast this snail-like pace in the march of popula-
tion and improvement with the rapid progress of later
years, one astonishing fact should be mentioned in this place.
In the northern states at the present time, millions of
capital are invested in cotton manufactories, millions of
spindles are in operation, and tens of thousands of the people
derive their support from these establishments, yet the man
who made and put in motion the first machinery for spin-
ning cotton in New England, is still living and now present
in this assembly.
The tardiness of the settlement of the interior part of the
town must in a great measure be attributed to the wars
with the Indians. Our records are remarkably barren of
facts respecting the incursions of the aborigines. It is from
VOL. II- 16
182 HISTORY OF
other sources, that this part of the history of the town must
be collected, and I regret that a large portion must depend
entirely upon tradition.
In June, 1746, Joseph Sweat, of Falmouth, was killed
while riding on horseback near Where Capt. Andrew Blan-
chard how lives, and Mr. Philip Greely was killed the same
year, near the present residence of Mr. David True, by a
party of Indians secreted in the gully near the road, waiting
a favorable opportunity to attack Wear's Garrison. They
were discovered by Mr. Greely's dog, and the lives of the
inmates of the garrison were preserved at the expense of
the life of Mr. Greely.
In June, 1748, Ebenezer Eaton was killed on the old road
on the south side of the ledge, and Benjamin Lake was
taken prisoner. In the spring of 1751, Joseph Chandler, son
of Edmund Chandler, aged 12, Solomon Mitchell and Dan-
iel Mitchell, the first aged 12, and the second 7 years, sons
of Capt. Benjamin Mitchell, were taken by the Indians near
the present residence of Mr. Oakes. The boys had been to
Mr. Mitchell's farm where the men were at Work, and were
sent home early in the afternoon to get the cows, below the
meeting house, and their capture was not suspected until
the return of the men to the garrison in the evening. In
,his affair, as in the last, the capture of the sons probably
saved the lives of their fathers. The two eldest boys were
recovered by their friends in two or three years, but the
voungest remained with the Indians more than ten years,
and was not restored until the general peace after the con-
quest of Canada. The last attack by the Indians was upon
the house of Mr. Maines, at Flying Point, May 4, 1756.
Mr. Maines was killed, his wife wounded by the shot
which killed a child in her arms, and a girl by the name of
Skinner taken prisoner. The peace which followed the
surrender of Quebec put an end to wars with the Indians
in New England, and to years and days of peril, when, to
use the language of the aged Mrs. Clough, " almost every
house was a garrison, and every man carried a gun to
meeting."
NORTH YARMOUTH. 183
A late author has enumerated six Indian wars between
1675 and 1760, a period of eighty-five years, in which were
thirty-five years of war, which shows us what desperate
efforts were made by the sons of the forest to retain their
hunting grounds and the graves of their fathers. After 1760
people began to venture back into the woods, as it was
then called to move three or four miles from the salt water,
and the population of the town rapidly increased.
The rest from Indian wars was soon interrupted by the
war of the Revolution. Our records are full of the pro-
ceedings of the town at this momentous crisis. In 1768 the
town voted to pay a bounty on linen and woolen stuffs of
domestic manufacture. The inhabitants of this town en-
gaged with one voice in opposing the earliest acts of
aggression by Great Britain. The answers to the letters
from the select men of Boston are full of the energy and
spirit of the times, and as early as May 1774, speak of " re-
sisting force by force." The use of tea was prohibited, on
penalty of being " regarded as too indifferent, if not crimi-
nal to our real interests and prosperity, and of being
adjudged disqualified for any favor it might be in the power
of the town to bestow." It was afterwards voted, that " if
the skippers of any vessels belonging to this town shall
hereafter presume to carry or contract to carry fuel or lum-
ber of any kind, to the troops or forces in the town or harbor
of Boston, the vessel shall be hauled up and stripped, and
there lay during the town's pleasure ; and the names of the
skippers and owners of the vessel shall be published in the
public newspapers, in order that they may be known and
avoided as enemies of their country." And at a very full
meeting on the 20th of May previous to the Declaration of In-
dependence, " voted unanimously, that should the Honorable
Congress, for the safety of the United Colonies, declare them in-
dependent of the kingdom of Great Britain, the inhabitants of
this town do solemnly engage with their lives and fortunes
to support Congress in the measure"
Three years after the close of the war of the Revolution
the town was invited to send delegates to a convention pro-
184 [ HISTORY OF
posed to be holden in Portland, to adopt measures to obtain
a separation from Massachusetts ; this project the town
resisted at that time, and ever after.
I presume no town in New England can boast of a more
steadfast and consistent career, in both religion and politics,
than North Yarmouth. The inhabitants have been re-
markable for continuing their public servants in office, and
have unquestionably derived great advantage by so doing.
One who has cause to expect that by doing his duty, he
shall receive continued patronage, has a responsibility, and
feels an obligation to serve the public faithfully, which he
does not who is put into office one year with the expectation
of being turned out the next.
During the century since the organization of the town,
eight persons only have held the office of town clerk, three
of these served eighty-three years, and the remaining five
seventeen years. In the same period, seven persons only
have been elected to the office of Treasurer ; four of whom
served ninety years, and the remaining three ten years.
The offices of Selectmen and Representative have been con-
ferred in a similar manner.
The ancient building in which we are assembled deserves
a passing notice, and its history is a history of the small be-
ginnings, slow progress and scanty means of our ancestors.
A tax was assessed upon the home lots for raising money
to build a meeting house, in April 1729. I find nothing
further on record or on file respecting it that year, except a
proposal from a carpenter in Medford to do the work. As
a meeting was held in this house, April 24, 1730, to give
a call to the Rev. Mr. Cutter, there is no doubt the building
was raised, and the outside partly finished, in 1729. The
boards were rafted from the mill at the lower falls, I sup-
pose, to Larrabee's landing, there being no road in which
lumber could be hauled from the mill to the meeting house.
Five years after, a committee was appointed to clapboard
the house, and finish all except making the pews. In two
years more a vote passed to plaister the meeting house over
head, and lay part of the floor. The steeple was raised the
next year, and the pew ground ordered to be laid out,
NORTH YARMOUTH. 185
The steeple was never furnished with a bell, but the in-
habitants about this time contrived a substitute, for we find
that in March 1738, the town " voted five pounds be allowed
Mr. Seth Mitchell, for beating a drum on the hill behind the
meeting house, every Lord 's day morning and noon, to notify
the time of public worship for the year ensuing."
In 1739, ten years after the building was raised, the pews
were finished, and divided by lot among the proprietors of
the home lots. In 1762, the town voted to enlarge the house,
by putting a piece in the middle. The work was immedi-
ately commenced, and the expense was defrayed by the sale
of the additional pews. In this state it has remained, with
occasional repair, until the present time, and is, I have no
doubt, the strongest meeting house built of wood now stand-
ing in the State, and I presume the only one that was never
lighted for an evening lecture. This house was the place
for holding proprietors' town and parish meetings a great
number of years. The garret was used for the magazine
of military stores, the adjacent common was the place for
military musters ; and within half a century, the green in
rear of the meeting house has been ornamented with a pair
of stocks and a whipping post. In 1665 the town, then Wes-
custogo, was presented and fined forty shillings "for not at-
tending to the Court's order for not making a pair of stocks,
cage, and a ducking stool." I presume the whipping post
and stocks erected one hundred years after, were in com-
pliance with some statute, to avoid another fine.
Among the things which recal to our remembrance the
fashions of former times, the horse block deserves a place in
our history. For many years a large congregation assem-
bled for public worship in this house, when there were not
two carriages in town, in which persons could ride to meet-
ing ; yet every horse carried as many as at the present
time, and to accommodate the ladies, a large piece of timber
was placed at the east end of the meeting house, about
three and a half feet high, with steps at one end. When
the congregation were dismissed, this became the centre of
a most animated scene. The top was immediately occu-
16*
186 HISTORY OF
pied. Men and boys soon mounted, came round in turn
with the pillion, the horse hardly stopped to receive his bur-
den, a lady was ready to occupy a seat behind her husband,
another tossed a child into her lap, and the next moment
was on the succeeding horse herself. In this style, half the
assembly were in a few minutes, without confusion or dis-
order, on their way home, the horses two or three abreast,
and conversation was carried on by the riders, either grave
or gay according as impressions had been made upon their
minds by the sermon of the preacher.
The first minister employed here of whom we have any
record, was Samuel Seabury, who preached from 1727 to
Nov. 1729. He received an invitation to settle here, which
was not accepted ; he afterward became a settled minister,
but I do not know in what place. The next and the first
ordained in this house, was the Rev. Ammi R. Cutter,
whose life was characterized by great energy, activity and
usefulness. He was born in Cambridge, in the parish now
incorporated into a town and called West Cambridge, edu-
cated at Harvard College in the class of 1725 ; he began to
preach in North Yarmouth, Nov. 10, 1729, was ordained
Nov. 18, 1730, and dismissed from the pastoral office, Dec.
12, 1735, on account "of the unhappy difference which had
arisen between him and the church." He afterward prac-
tised as a physcian, and was said to be an excellent
surgeon. In Dec. 1742, he removed to Saco, commanded
a fort, and had charge of an Indian trading house. While
there he made, says Sullivan in his history of Maine, a
dictionary of the Indian language, to facilitate his inter-
course with the natives. In 1745, he commanded a company
under General Pepperel, in the memorable expedition to
Louisburg, was appointed to remain there as chief surgeon
of the garrison, through the winter following the surrender
of that place, and died in March 1746, at the early age of
between 40 and 45 years. Although dismissed from the
office of minister, he did not loose the confidence of the
people. He was much employed in transacting the busi-
ness of the proprietors, in drawing reports, deeds and even
NORTH YARMOUTH. 187
writing letters for individuals. The records and ancient
papers furnish ample evidence, that nothing important was
done while he resided here without his aid ; and his elegant
hand writing will render him an agreeable companion to
every antiquary who may examine these documents.
The next clergyman employed was Ephraim Keith, of
Bridgewater, a descendant of the first minister in that town ;
he received a call to settle here in 1736, which he declined
on account of opposition to giving him the invitation, and
the same year, Nov. 10th, Rev. Nicholas Loring from Hull
in Massachusetts, was ordained, and continued the pastor
until his death in July, 1763. We have reason to believe
that the connexion between Mr. Loring and his people was
very harmonious, and the affectionate respect for his
memory which appears in the votes of the town at the time
of his interment, and the grateful acknowledgment of these
testimonials of attachment by his widow, were alike honor-
able to the dead and the living.
In 1751, Merriconeag became a separate parish, and Rev.
Elisha Eaton, formerly minister in the third parish in
Braintree, now Randolph, was installed the pastor in 1754,
and died in 1764. He was succeeded the same year, by
his son Samuel Eaton, who died in 1822, aged 86. The
piety, integrity and fearless independence of this venerable
man, deserves the pen of Irving to do his character justice.
Rev. Edward Brooks from Medford, was unanimously
called to succeed Mr. Loring. He was ordained the 4th
day of July, 1764, and one hundred and sixteen dollars and
sixty-six cents were expended for an ordination dinner ; a
more sumptuous entertainment than has been provided in
town, on the 4th of July, since the declaration of Indepen-
dence. But this auspicious morning of Mr. Brooks' ministry
was soon clouded by disaffection and discontent; and in
about four years, he was dismissed. The separation proved
advantageous to both parties. The inhabitants found in
his successor a man whose feelings and sentiments were
congenial to their own, and Mr. Brooks, who spent the re-
mainder of his life in his native town, used to say, " that
188 HISTORY OF NORTH YARMOUTH. 1
his enemies in North Yarmouth had done him more service
than all his friends."
The last minister settled by the town, was the Rev.
Tristram Oilman, from Exeter, N. H., who was ordained in
Nov. 1769, and communicated religious instruction from
this desk, near forty years.* It is not necessary now to
dwell upon the character of this excellent man, personally
known to so many present, and who can say with the poet ;
" That in his duty prompt at every call,
He watch'd and wept, he pray'd and felt for all.
And as a bird each fond endearment tries
To tempt its new fledged offspring to the skies,
He tried each art, reproved each dull delay,
Allured to brighter worlds, and led the way."
He graduated at Cambridge, in 1757, and died in J809.
HISTORY OF BATH
READ BEFORE THE LYCEUM IN 1833.'
BY GEN. JOSEPH SEWALL.
THE first European settlement in Maine, was made at
the mouth of the Kennebec river, in 1607. Capt. George
Popham, Rawley Gilbert, Edmund Harlow, Edmund Davis,
and about one hundred adventurers irom England, were
sent out by the Plymouth Company to their colony of North
Virginia, as this territory was then called. George Popham
who was a brother of the then Lord Chief Justice of Great
Britain, was President of the colony, and Rawley Gilbert,
Admiral. They had also their Master of Ordnance, Ser-
geant Major, Marshall, Secretary, Captain of the fort, and
chief Searcher. The expedition consisted of two ships, and
they landed on Stage island August llth.
A few days after their landing, they removed to a point
on the west bank of the river, and on the south side of
Atkins' bay, not far from where the United States fort now
is. Here they remained during the winter, which was
very inclement and severe. Sickness prevailed among
them, and before the ensuing spring carried off about one
half their number,* including their President. They also
lost by fire their store house, much of their provisions and
many of their dwellings. The ships having returned to
England in the fall, were by the orders of the Plymouth
Company furnished with supplies for the colony, and di-
rected to proceed with them to Kennebec. The ships
arrived in the spring. The company was disheartened and
* This is incorrect : Popham was the only one who died. See PURCHAS. Ed.
190 HISTORY OF BATH.
discouraged at the loss of their leader, and finding the
country presented so few inducements to remain, and dread-
ing their Indian neighbors, who then were numerous and
powerful in the country, immediately embarked for England,
and carried with them the remains of their President.
Their treatment towards the Indians was not calculated to
conciliate their savage neighbors, nor to establish that con-
fidence and friendship, which would have been so necessary
to protect their feeble colony against Indian attacks, had
they remained. There was during the existence of the
Norridgewocks a tradition among that tribe, that these
Europeans invited a number of their natives, who had come
to trade with them, to draw a cannon by a rope, and that
when they were arranged in a line, for this purpose, the
whites discharged the piece and killed and wounded several
of them. It is probable the resentment of the neighboring
Indians, on being informed of such treachery, was aroused,
and that the fear of retaliation hastened the departure of
the colony. The settlement was recommenced on the
Kennebec, about twenty years after the departure of the
Popham colony, by John Parker, a fisherman, who in 1649,
purchased of Damarine or Robinhood, what was then called
Reskeagan island, in Sagadahock, being the largest in the
present town of Georgetown, and lying on the east side of
the Kennebec, near its junction with the sea. Since the
purchase the island has retained the name of its first
English proprietor, and some parts of it are to this day
retained by the descendants of John Parker. This John
Parker was the ancestor of the late learned Chief Justice
Parker of Massachusetts. The same year, Mr. Parker
purchased of Robinhood, the land on the west side of the
Kennebec, between Winnegance and the sea.
In 1639, Edward Buterman and John Brown commenced
a settlement at Neguasset or Neguascag, having purchased
the same that year of Mahotiwormet, commonly called
Robinhood, for one hogshead of corn and thirty sound
pumpkins. In 1657, John Cole resided at Neguasset, and
in 1667, James Smith resided there.
HISTORY OB 1 OF BATH. 191
It is not known of what tribe Robinhood was the sachem.
He resided near Neguasset falls, at a place now called
4 Gunner's Nose.' He claimed a title to all the lands near
the mouth oftheKennebec, as well as extensive domain on
the main, on each side of this river below Abagadasset. It
is probable he was the chief of all the Indians who resided
on the territory bordering on the Sagadahock, who from
some vestiges of their labors that still remain near the cove
in Georgetown, that now retains the name of Robinhood,
must have been very numerous and powerful. There are
on the hill near Mr. Riggs's, at an elevation of sixty feet
above the sea, two holes excavated into the ledge, both of a
perfect circular shape, and evidently the work of art. One
is of about six feet diameter, and eight feet deep ; the other
about two feet distant, is about half that diameter and
depth. Neither history or tradition informs us how they
were made, or for what purpose. By some they are sup-
posed to have been used in the performance of some of the
religious ceremonies of the natives. An examination of
them, and the stones that lay near them, seems to leave but
little doubt that they were made and used by the natives to
boil their food in, so limited was their knowledge of the
arts, and so rude their implements, that they heated water
for cooking, by throwing hot stones into it. The pebbles
found in and about these holes are such as would resist
the action of the heat, and as if by much use are all worn
very smooth, and the sides of the holes towards the sea being
a little lower than the others, by their smoothness, show the
effect of the action of the pebbles as they were rolled in and
taken from the excavations.
As early as 1050, Thomas Webber resided at the Upper
end of Reskeagan, and in 1658, he and Parker sold the upper
end of the Island to Clarke and Lake. At this time Parker
lived on Arrowsic Island, near Squirrel Point, in a house
which he afterwards sold to Clarke and Lake, with one
hundred acres of land which he owned there. In 1649, John
Richards resided at the north end of Arrowsic Island, or
Arrowscag, as it was called by the natives, having pur-
192 HISTORY OF BATH.
chased the whole island that year of Robinhood. In 1654
Richards sold the Island, excepting Parker's 100 acres, to
Thomas Clarke and Roger Spencer. Mr. Spencer shortly
after sold his moiety to Thomas Lake, the partner of Mr.
Clarke.
As early as 1629, John Parker was en gaged in the fishery
between Monhegan and Kennebec, coming from Boston to
this station annually for this purpose. In 1630, he made a
permanent residence at Reskegan. The Kennebec was re-
sorted to for trade as early as 1625. That year the Ply-
mouth Colony sent a vessel loaded with corn and merchan-
dise up the river under the command of Edward Winslow,
to traffic with the natives, and carried home a quantity of
beaver and other furs. Clarke and Lake having purchased
the Indian title to Arrowscag and other extensive tracts on
the Sagadahoc. In 1658 laid out a town on the south part
of that island, in lots of ten acres each, and intersected them
with streets of ample width, and made other improvements
necessary for their permanent location here.
In 1660, there was a fort at Stinson's point, near Potter's
Mills, which had been erected by one Hammond, an ancient
trader, to guard against a surprise from the natives with
whom he traded. Hammond had also a trading house at
Ticonic falls, where he was so imprudent as to rob the
natives of their furs. This offence was retaliated by an
attack on his fort at Arrowsic on the Sabbath, whilst the
people were at their devotions when Hammond was
killed, and his house plundered. Clarke and Lake had
another fort and trading establishment on Arrowsic, about
two miles below Hammond's, and near where the old
meeting house in Georgetown now stands. The people at
this garrison were also attacked immediately after the
attack upon Hammond's, and overpowered. Capt. Lake
was shot in attempting to escape, and Samuel Smith and
Joshua Grant were among the killed, and Francis Card
taken prisoner. Capt. Sylvanus Davis, who afterwards
was a member of his Majesty's Council, and who in 1670
HISTORY OF BATH. i93
was a representative from Arrovreic, was wounded, but not
taken prisoner. This was in 1676.
October27, 1661, Robert Gutch purchased of Robinhood,
the land now included within the limits of Bath. From the
first settlement by Parker until this period, the English set-
tlements had progressed on the Kennebec without much in-
terruption, there having been peace between the whites and
Indians to that time. In 1670 there were on Arrowsic and
Parker's Island thirty families, and on the west side of the
river below the chops twenty families. In 1661, Ambrose
Hunnewell from whom the point at the Fort takes its name,
resided at the lower end of Sagadahock, and Thomas Atkins
resided on the shore of the bay near the mouth of the river,
which still preserves the name of its ancient settler. Indeed,
in 1654, the inhabitants of the territory who took the oath
of fidelity, would amount to the number of heads of families
already mentioned. The territory was then considered to
be within the jurisdiction of the Plymouth colony, and a com-
mission was granted to Thomas Prince, to establish a
government here, with full and ample powers to summon
all the inhabitants to take the oath of fidelity, and make
the needful laws and regulations for their separate juris-
diction.
Among the Plymouth Records, we find a copy of the
proceedings, had under the warrant to Thomas Prince, to
establish the government at Kennebec. The record is as
follows :
" Government Established at Kennebec.
"Whereas, it hath pleased the Right Honorable the Council
of the State of the Commonwealth of England, notwith-
standing their many great and weighty occasions, to take
into consideration the condition of the English inhabiting
upon or near adjoining unto the river, commonly called
Kennebec, who by reason of remoteness from other juris-
dictions, and their own paucity and fewness, have not
hitherto enjoyed the benefit of government, no doubt to the
great grief of all well affected English. It hath now pleased
the right honorable council of State, by authority of Parlia-
VOL. II. 17
194 HISTORY OF BATH.
merit, to confer the government of the aforesaid inhabitant^
upon the jurisdiction of New Plymouth, the first inhabitants
and government in those parts, as by these Letters Patent
doth appear.
" In pursuance whereof and by virtue of the aforesaid
authority, granted to William Bradford and his associates,
the same William Bradford and his associates, at a general
court held at New Plymouth, gave full power and authority
to Mr. Thomas Prince, one of the assistants in said govern-
ment, for the settling a Government upon the said river
Kennebec, by virtue whereof the said Thomas Prince
issued out a warrant directed to the Marshal of New
Plymouth, bearing date the 15th of May, 1654, requiring
the inhabitants upon the said river to make their personal
appearance at the house of Thomas Ashley, at Merry-
meeting, upon the 23d of that present month, at which time
and place the people generally assembled, and after pub-
lishing the aforesaid authority, the inhabitants hereunder-
written have taken the oath of fidelity, viz : Thomas
Purchase, Messrs. John Stone, Thomas Ashley, John
Richards, James Smith, William James, Thomas Parker,
John White, John Browne, William Davis, Thomas Webber,
Thomas Atkins, James Coale, John Parker, Edmund
Hughes, Alexander Thwoit.
" Orders made and agreed upon at the same meeting.
1. That all capital crimes and trials upon life and death,
be referred to the General Court at Plymouth. 1. Treason
against the Commonwealth of England, or tLsir Colonies.
2. Wilful murder. 3. Solemn conversing or compacting
with the Devil, by way of conjuration or the like.
4. Wilful or purposed burning of houses. 5. That adul-
tery be tried at Plymouth. 6. That theft be punished by
restitution of three or four fold, according to the discretion
of the assistants. 7. That if any person or persons drink
themselves drunk, for the first default, 5s., for the second,
10s., and the third time be set in the stocks. 8. Wilful
profaning the Lord's day, to be punished according to the
discretion of the assistants. 9. Whereas there hath been
HISTORY OF BATH. 195
great abuses in trading wine and other strong liquors with
the Indians, whereby they drink themselves drunk, and in
their drunkenness, commit much horrid wickedness, as
murdering their nearest relations, &c., as by sad and woful
experience is made manifest. It is therefore ordered that
no person whatsoever from this time, sell any strong liquors
directly or indirectly to the Indians within this jurisdiction,
upon forfeiture of the double value of goods so traded for
their first default, and four fold for their second default in
that kind, and for the third default, if an inhabitant, to lose
the privilege of trading with the Indians for the future
and for any stranger, that shall come to trade or commerce
with the English, or any other that have not taken the oath
of fidelity to the Commonwealth of England and this present
Government, and yet reside within the limits of this juris-
diction or any part ther