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3ENEALOGY COLLECTION

HISTORY OF MAINE

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MAINE

A HISTORY

CENTENNIAL EDITION

Editor-in-Chief

LOUIS CLINTON HATCH, Ph.D.

Member of Maine Historical Society.

Author of "The Administration of the American Revolutionary Army'

Assisted by

MEMBERS OF MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY

AND OTHER WRITERS

VOLUME II

THE AMERICAN HISTORICAL SOCIETY

NEW YORK

1919

:32

Chapter XII
WHIGS AND DEMOCRATS

CHAPTER XII
WHIGS AND DEMOCRATS

On March 4, William Henry Harrison was duly inaugurated President
before crowds of Whigs who had come to rejoice in the triumph of their
party, and, many of them, at least, to press their claims for office. But the
hopes both of the new President and of his eager followers were quickly
blasted. General Harrison died of pneumonia exactly a month after his
inauguration, and John Tyler, a States-rights man of the strictest sort, suc-
ceeded him.

For the first time in the history of the country, a President had died in
office, and there were various new questions to be solved, among them what
honors should be paid to the memory of a deceased Chief Magistrate. Con-
gress voted a solemn public funeral, and throughout the country bells were
tolled, minute guns fired, and in some cases orations were delivered and
sermons preached. The Democrats were in an embarrassing situation.
Neither as gentlemen nor as shrewd politicians could they stand aside when
the people offered their tribute of respect to the dead, yet they could not,
without stultifying themselves, join in the Whig praises of the man they
had so recently and so bitterly attacked. But the Argus succeeded in
speaking of Harrison in a becoming way, and yet in maintaining full con-
sistency. It said : "May he rest in peace. He has departed almost in the
moment of his political triumph, and before the cares and anxieties of office
had time to embitter his high destiny. He will be mourned by the whole
country, for death sanctifies its victims, and while his virtues as a citizen
and a man will be remembered, no one will wish now to cherish against hirn
any recollection of what they may honestly regard as his political errors.
De mortuis nil nisi bonum."

A fortnight later the Argus, protested at what it regarded as an attempt
of the Whigs to make political capital out of tributes paid to Harrison's
memory. "We are willing," it said, "to go as far as any one in respecting
the ashes of the deceased, but we must protest against loading him with
praise for qualities, the absence of which we felt called upon to notice, dur-
ing his life, and which we cannot now ascribe to his character, without
reprobating our own course hitherto, and doing violence to our own opinions
now. If it is proper for Democrats now to forget the political principles
and acts which they opposed in the late President, and to let him rest in
peace, as a good citizen who has been called to his fathers from a high
office, it is surely proper, also, that his political friends should refrain from
disturbing that peace by constant, excessive eulogy of his political character."

The Whigs, however, might be excused for praising Harrison, for his
successor was a sore trial to them. Harrison had called an extra session of
Congress, and Henry Clay now demanded the passage of numerous Whig

3 io HISTORY OF MAINE

measures, including the chartering of a national bank. Tyler had been
opposed to such a bank as unconstitutional and when the Legislature of h's
State instructed him to vote for one he had resigned rather than obey.
Congress now passed a moderate bank bill which it was hoped that he might
accept, but despite all the efforts of the Clay men the President vetoed it.
Then a bill for a "fiscal corporation" was drawn, the President being con-
sulted, and it was alleged that he had agreed to sign it, but Mr. Tyler finally
vetoed this also. The Cabinet except Webster, the Secretary of State, then
resigned in a body, hoping probably to so embarrass the President that he
would cry for mercy, but Tyler was ready with a new Cabinet and refused
to yield. The Whig Congressmen appointed a committee to prepare an
address to the people. The committee recited the President's sins of omis-
sion and commission, declared that he had voluntarily separated himself
from those who had elected him, and read him out of the party.

The Democrats in Maine, as in other States, were delighted. The
Argus had called Tyler's message, when Congress assembled, "a mass of
betweenity," but of the first veto it said that this was just what should have
been expected if the President was a man of integrity and that "we recog-
nize the finger of Providence in raising up and placing in the executive chair
a man who has had the firmness to stand between the people and the great
fraud contemplated by the conspirators who had obtained a majority in
Congress." 1

The Maine Whigs went into the gubernatorial campaign in the fall
weakened by the internal quarrel of their party. The Maine Democrats also
were not entirely harmonious, for they were disputing over the skin of the
Whig bear, or coon, before they had killed him. Governor Kent had again
removed many Democrats from office and these martyrs felt that their suf-
fering should be compensated by immediate re-appointment if the Democrats
won. But others who perhaps had not belonged to the office-holding fac-
tion held very different views and while condemning the political proscrip-
tion practiced by the "Federalists" demanded a rigid adherence to the prin-
ciple of rotation in office, and that the future appointing power "should
be unshackled by the past condition of things," and under no obligation to
reappoint men who had been removed.

Both Fairfield and Kent were nominated by their respective parties,
with substantial unanimity. The Democrats declared that Kent sympa-
thized with his "silver-gray," that is, old Federalist relatives, while Fairfield
when only a boy had served on a privateer in the War of 1812 and asked,
"Which will the Sailors choose ? The Federalist Kent, or honest John Fair-
field, the sailor-boy?"

The Democrats circulated great numbers of pamphlets containing
speeches of Benton, Levi Woodbury of New Hampshire, Secretary of the

'Tri-Argus, Aug. 20, 1841.
'Tri- Argus, Aug. 23, 1841.

WHIGS AND DEMOCRATS 311

Treasury under Van Buren, and others. The Whigs claimed that they
resorted to less honorable means, spreading numerous false stories, such as
that Maine public lands would be given away to other States, that the fish-
ing bounties would be repealed unless Fairfield were elected, that such heavy
duties would be laid on tea and salt that the people could not buy them,
and that Kent was a Catholic.

The principal State issues were the apportionment of representatives
and the appointments to the Supreme Court. The Whig Legislature had
made the decennial apportionment of State Senators and Representatives,
and the Democrats declared that it was unfair and unconstitutional and
their State convention told the people in its platform, "If you would not
have such Log Cabinism as robs the Laboring Classes of a Representative
to give to a city of Monopolists and Speculators, vote for Fairfield." An
amendment to the constitution had just been passed limiting the terms of
judges to seven years. This vacated the seats of Chief Justice Weston and
Associate Justice Nicholas Emery, and the Whigs put men of their own
party in their places. The Democrats loudly protested against the alleged
introduction of partisanship into judicial appointments. Governor Kent
himself had wished to reappoint Chief Justice Weston, but the Council
refused its assent.

The Liberty [anti-slavery] party appeared in Maine this year for the
first time, and nominated for Governor, Jeremiah Curtis, of Calais. The
Argus asserted that this was a Federalistic trick to prevent an election and
give the choice to the Legislature, that in the large towns the leading Feder-
alist Abolitionists avoided pledging themselves to vote for Curtis.' But the
Kennebec Journal declared that Curtis was a loco-foco who had voted for
Van Buren, that the Democrats planned, if there was no election, and they
could succeed by stratagem in controlling the House, to name Fairfield and
Curtis as the constitutional candidates, knowing that a Whig Senate would
probably choose Fairfield "because Mr. Curtis is entirely unfit for such a
station, having nothing to recommend him but his wealth, the most of which
he acquired by selling rum." The Whig Calais Advertiser, however, seems
to have feared Curtis, and yet hoped to make him useful. It said that there
was no reason why Whig Abolitionists should prefer Curtis to Kent, but
that the case was otherwise with the Democratic anti-slavery men, that they
had nothing in common with Fairfield, and that if they would not vote a
Whig ticket, they should support Curtis, who agreed with them both in
regard to slavery and politics.

The hope of preventing an election by the people proved totally un-
founded. Fairfield was elected, leading Kent by over 10,000 votes. The
official returns gave Fairfield 47,354 votes, Kent 36,790, Curtis 1,662; there
were 347 scattering. It was a great triumph for the Democrats, and the
Argus did not fail to contrast 1840 with 1841, and to hail the latter year as

'Tri-Argus, Aug. 23, 1841

3 i2 HISTORY OF MAINE

the rainbow of promise after the flood. It said: "If, then, it was humiliat-
ing to see the hard cider party triumph last year, it is glorious now to see
how baseless the fabric of their power, and the history of their success and
downfall is one which the people will not fail to profit by. We shall have
no more coon-skin campaigns in this country the present age. One will
suffice for a generation." 4

In the following year (1842) the Democrats again nominated Mr. Fair-
field. He had declined to run, and it was intended to hold a State conven-
tion to choose a candidate, but such serious differences of opinion appeared
in the discussion as to who this should be, that the leaders induced the
Governor to stand again. There was an extra session of the Legislature
called to consider the question of the northeastern boundary, and the Demo-
cratic members held a caucus, decided that there should be no convention,
and nominated Fairfield. Mr. Kent refused another nomination, and a State
convention nominated Edward Robinson, of Thomaston. Mr. Robinson was
born November 25, 1796. His original occupation was that of a sailor and
shipmaster. In 1831 he retired from the sea and became a merchant. In
1836 he was a member of the Maine Senate, and in 1838 a Representative
in Congress, where he served one term. He died February 19, 1857.

The Democrats again praised Fairfield for his patriotism in the War
of 1812. The Kennebec Journal answered: "The Governor went out in a
privateer when a boy. He did not go like Captain Robinson, to earn an
honest living by trade, but he went out to murder and rob peaceable and
honest traders of their money and their goods. He went for plunder on the
high seas. This might be a preliminary qualification for a loco-foco leader,
but it is far from establishing a character as a sailor. Not succeeding in this
kind of robbery, he went into trade in some small matters and failed in that.
Then he took up the law, went to making writs, and got rich.'"

The State issue which received the greatest attention in the campaign
was one affecting not Maine, but Rhode Island. The constitution of Rhode
Island confined the right of suffrage to landowners. Being unable to obtain
a change in a legal way, a convention met, prepared a new constitution, and
submitted it to the people. The persons arranging the affair reported that a
majority of the adult males of the State had voted to accept it. They also
alleged that a majority of the legal voters had ratified it. The new consti-
tution was then treated as adopted, an election was held under it, and
Thomas W. Dorr chosen Governor. He attempted to seize the capital, but
the regular Governor was prepared to meet force by force, and Dorr fled
from the State. The Dorrites were mainly Democrats, their opponents were
chiefly Whigs, and in the discussion of the affair throughout the country
party lines were often drawn. In Maine the Democrats had much to say of
the sovereignty of the people. The Augusta Age quoted a statement from

'Tri-Argus, Oct. 15, 1841.
'Kennebec Journal, Aug. 26, 1842.

WHIGS AND DEMOCRATS 313

the Belfast Re publican- Journal, giving extracts from the constitutions of
fifteen States, declaring that the people had the right to change their govern-
ment in any manner that seemed good to them. The Kennebec Journal
answered that not one of these constitutions permitted it to be done in the
Dorr manner. "So that the idea of changing their governments 'in such
mode as they may select' is all an abstraction," a "glittering generality," as
Rufus Choate said later of the Declaration of Independence. The Bangor
Whig challenged the Re publican- Journal to give a direct answer to the ques-
tion, "Can the Constitution of the United States be altered by a majority of
the people of the United States, in any manner they see fit?" The Whig
said that, according to the theory of the Maine Legislature, any body of
men could call meetings, the votes, too, might be counted by any body, and
these men could proclaim themselves the chosen of the people and seize
the government. It also pointed out that negroes were a part of the
"people," and so were women and children.

Some attention was given to national issues, the tariff was mentioned,
and also the disposal of the public lands. Clay and the Whigs had brought
forward various measures for distributing the proceeds of the sales, with
special grants of money or land to the States wherein the land sold was
situated. The Democrats of Maine were inclined to oppose such bills, on
the ground that the land was the property of all the States and should not
be given away. The protectionists, however, even in the East, approved of
distribution bills because they lessened the income of the government and
so made a tariff more necessary. The Kennebec Journal said that if a long
view were taken, distribution appeared a wise measure, that it would settle
the question if anything could and give the old States their just share, which
otherwise they would lose. "It will secure a great degree of steadiness and
permanence in the tariff,* which is of more importance, if possible, than the
rate of duties."

When election day came, the Whigs met a Waterloo. The Kennebec
Journal said : "We have treated him (Robinson) scandalously. Where are
the working men that they did not come forward to sustain him? Don't
let us hear anything more against nominating lawyers for Governors. We
shall not trouble ourselves about collecting election returns. They are not
worth printing.'" Today, however, even those of us who are straight-out
Republicans, can read without excessive emotion that Fairfield received 40,-
855 votes, Robinson 26,745, Appleton (Liberty) 4,080, and "Mr. Scatter-
ing," 100.

President Tyler, who had left the Democrats and had been thrown out
by the Whigs, was trying to build up a third party with the aid of patronage
and the efforts of his "corporal's guard" of State Rights Virginians and

'The amount received from the public lands fluctuated greatly and the custom
duties were apt to vary' inversely with the receipts from other sources.
'Kennebec Journal, Sept. 23, 1842.

314 HISTORY OF MAINE

Caleb Gashing. Mr. Webster had remained in the Cabinet when the other
members resigned, and he had recently made a powerful speech in Faneui!
Hall, urging conciliation and disapproving the action of the members of the
late Cabinet and that of a Massachusetts Whig convention, which had de-
clared the President no Whig. In Massachusetts the speech was not without
influence, but in Maine it produced less effect. The Kennebec Journal said
that the situation of foreign affairs justified Webster's remaining in the Cab-
inet, "but we do not think we can ever forgive him for saying that Bell,
Evving and Badger had no reason for withdrawing." A week later Mr.
Severance admitted that Webster had made a good case for himself in his
speech, but added that he ought not to expect Whigs to support Tyler. "If
Mr. Webster chooses to attach himself to imbecility, treachery and infamy
in the seat of power, let him do so, keep his own skirts as clean as he can,
and do what good he can. What he does for his country under such cir-
cumstances will be a severe sacrifice to himself ; but let him not ask the
Whigs to kiss the rod which smites them or worship the ungrateful ingrate
who has betrayed them to promote his own selfish ambition."*

Nor was the President successful in attracting the Democrats, not-
withstanding his bank vetoes and his States-rights views. The Argus said
in an editorial of March 4, 1842, that it did not complain of the removal
of Democrats, and the appointment of Whigs, but that the whole country
would oppose the building up of a Tyler faction by such means, and that
it believed that never before had it been shamelessly avowed that appoint-
ments were made for personal advantage, irrespective of party claims.

The chief business transacted by the Legislature of 1843 was tne e l ec
tion of a United States Senator. Mr. Williams had served with fidelity and
credit. His taste and abilities, however, fitted him for the work of the bar
rather than that of the Senate, and he determined to resign. The question
of his successor was involved with that of the Democratic nomination for
President. Governor Fairfield in his message had expounded Democratic
doctrine and Van Buren wrote to him expressing his approval. In his
reply the Governor gave an account of political conditions in Maine. He
said:

"Preble, Parris,' Parks, et id omne genus, have long been endeavoring
to make friends for Mr. Calhoun and to organize a party in his favor, and
on assembling here this winter the Calhoun men seriously contemplated mak-
ing a legislative nomination. On hearing this I deemed it my duty to go to
work, not only to ascertain how we stood, but to make things stand right.
The result is, that the project of nominating Mr. C. is abandoned, and
I verily believe that three out of four of both branches of the Legislature
are decidedly in favor of Mr. V. B. I refer of course to the Democratic
members, and this / believe to be a fair representation of the democracy of

"Kennebec Journal, Sept. 30, Oct. 7, 1842.

'Not the ex-Governor, but Virgil Delphini Parris, a prominent member of the pro-
slavery wing of the Democratic party.

WHIGS AND DEMOCRATS 315

the State, though the matter has been so little discussed that one cannot
speak with entire confidence. Heretofore the friends of Mr. Calhoun have
freely expressed their preference, while others have been silent. It will be
so no longer. The bad policy of holding back is beginning to be perceived.
We lost this State for Mr. Crawford by pursuing just such a policy, and
will now endeavor to avoid the rock upon which we then split. Caution
and good management, however, is necessary. Our differences must not be
pushed so as to jeopard the great object of carrying the whole party for the
nominee of a national convention. Hence I doubt whether our friends will
attempt a legislative nomination." 10

The Calhoun men, however, did not give up the struggle, but made
desperate efforts to win. If their opponent may be believed they offered
"appointments and other quasi-bribes" for votes. The House senatorial
caucus showing by some preliminary ballottings that Fairfield had a large
majority, twenty of the Parks men withdrew, and the Governor was
nominated by a vote of 88 to 20. When the election was held in the House.
Fairfield received 88 votes, there were four scattering, and the Whigs cast
40 votes for William Pitt Fessenden. The Senate voted unanimously for
Fairfield.

Mr. Fairfield resigned the governorship on being elected to the Senate,
and his office devolved upon Edward Kavanagh, of Newcastle, the presi-
dent of the Maine Senate. Mr. Kavanagh was born in Nobleborough,
Maine. His father, a wealthy merchant, was of Irish birth ; his mother was
an American. The young Kavanagh was educated in Boston, Canada, and
various colleges in the United States. He studied law, but did not practice.
On the death of the elder Kavanagh his son paid his debts from his own
means, though not legally bound to do so. Mr. Kavanagh served in the
State Senate and House, and for four years in the National House. In
1835 President Jackson appointed him charge d'affaires at Lisbon, where
he remained six years, negotiating an important treaty of commerce. In
1841 and 1842 he served again in the Maine Senate; in the latter year he
was chosen president of that body and succeeded Governor Fairfield by con-
stitutional provision. Willis says of Mr. Kavanagh : "He was a man of fine
personal appearance, distinguished for natural politeness of manners,
founded on the great benevolence of his disposition, which was constantly
manifested." In religion Mr. Kavanagh was a Roman Catholic, and is the
only member of that denomination who has been Governor of Maine.

Although the election of a Senator was the chief business transacted
by the Legislature, it was by no means the only matter of importance con-
sidered. Many resolutions on national questions were introduced, dis-
cussed and finally passed, and the Whig quoted the suggestion of a "con-
temporary," "that as the time of the Legislature of this State has been taken
up in discussing the bankrupt law, General Jackson's fine, West Point
Academy, the Post Office Law, &c, Congress had better refer their busi-
ness to the Legislature of Maine and adjourn."

"Fairfield to Van Buren, Jan. 28, 1843. Van Buren MSS.

3 i6 HISTORY OF MAINE

The election of Governor Fairfield to the Senate not only rendered it
necessary for the Democrats to find a new candidate for Governor, but made
the choice more difficult than it would have been had Mr. Fairfield served
out his term. It is probable that an agreement had been reached between
the friends of Governor Fairfield and those of Hugh J. Anderson, of Bel-
fast, that they should unite to send Fairfield to the Senate and make Ander-
son Governor. But it was customary to give the Governor several terms,
and the friends of Mr. Kavanagh determined to press his claims. It might
be alleged that he had never been elected by the people, that he was only
acting governor, and that neither William D. Williamson, who had had the
longest term of any acting governor in Maine, nor any other man who had
held that office, had been nominated for a second term. To this it could
be replied that Mr. Kavanagh was highly qualified for the position, and
that Williamson had not sought a renomination, but had gone to Congress.

Fairfield wrote to Van Buren that he should resign and that Mr. Kava-
nagh would become acting governor. "This," he said, "may give him some
advantage over Anderson, but I trust not much. Kavanagh's being a Cath-
olic, having participated in the negotiation of the late treaty (the Ashbur-
ton treaty), which sacrificed a large part of Maine's boundary claims,
and being in favor of Mr. Calhoun, will, I think, more than counterbalance
the advantage which he can derive from his position as president of the
Senate and acting governor."

Beaten on the senatorial question, the Calhoun men bent all their efforts
to secure the nomination of Kavanagh. The State Convention met at Ban-
gor in June. The Calhoun men had worked quietly and it is said that they
had succeeded in getting many Calhoun delegates from Van Buren towns.
They had also sent their ablest men to the convention, with William Pitt
Preble at their head. The Van Buren men offered resolutions endorsing
their candidate. Calhoun's supporters fought them most vigorously, threat-
ening to defeat the nominee for Governor if they were passed. Albert G.
Jewett, of Bangor, wrote to William L. Marcey, of New York, that a Port-
land delegate, brother-in-law of Levi Woodbury, attacked Van Buren in a
manner "unworthy of a gentleman in a Federal caucus." But all the Cal-
houn efforts were in vain. The resolutions were adopted, and Mr. Anderson
was nominated on the first ballot, receiving 162 votes against 124 for Mr.
Kavanagh and 13 scattering.

Mr. Anderson was a self-made man, who had begun life as a grocer.
He had held no important State office, but had served two years in Con-
gress. His friends said that he had by private study acquired a knowledge
of history and political economy, and was also acquainted with the lighter
literature of the day, but that his distinguishing characteristic was general
and accurate knowledge of men and things. As this phrase implied, Mr.
Anderson was a skilled political manager ; he had courteous and suave man-
ners, and while in Congress he had been on terms of intimacy with Mr, Van

WHIGS AND DEMOCRATS 317

Buren. The Whig remarked that this was not strange, since the one was a
miniature of the other. After his governorship he held the office of Com-
missioner of Customs from 1853 to 1858 and that of Sixth Auditor in the
Treasury Department from 1866 to 1869. He died on May 31, 1881, at
the age of eighty.

Now that Anderson had been nominated, every effort was made to pla-
cate the friends of Kavanagh. The Age said in a lengthy editorial, which
was copied by the Argus, that Anderson had been in the field for a long
time, while Kavanagh had only been brought forward since he was acting-
governor," and that the support he received under such circumstances was
another proof, though perhaps an unnecessary one, of the regard in which
he was held by the Democrats of Maine. The Age stated that it had reason
to know that "Mr. Kavanagh in allowing his name to be used rather
acquiesced in the wishes of his friends than indulged his own, and that he
regards the result with pleasure and satisfaction."

The Argus copied an article from the Christian Mirror denying that
Kavanagh had been defeated because he was a Catholic. The Mirror
claimed that if this circumstance lost him some votes among the Protestants
it gained him others. It stated that it had heard Baptists and Congrega-
tionalists express the hope that he would be nominated lest his defeat should
be ascribed to his religious opinions, and that after the convention persons
of the same denominations had regretted the result because of the prejudice
the Whigs had attempted to excite among the Catholics."

The "prejudice" was only partly removed by these assurances. A meet-
ing of Irish Democrats at Augusta voted to oppose the regular nomination
and appointed a committee to state the reasons for their action. The con;
mittee reported that a large number of the Kennebec voters did not approve
the nomination, but felt that their interests and principles would be better
preserved by the re-election of the present Governor, that Mr. Anderson
would probably not receive the support of his own county and that it was
a duty to secure the election of Mr. Kavanagh, a man free from cabals
and of unspotted character. A convention was held in Waldo which de-
clared for Kavanagh. Kavanagh himself withheld his approval from the
movement in his favor. In reply to a letter from the Augusta committee, he
said that he had repeatedly stated that he would "support Anderson .with
great pleasure." At the close of the campaign the Argus manifested an
intention notwithstanding this statement to hold Kavanagh answerable for
the bolting of his friends. It said : "No one who desires him to stand well
with the party, for its future confidence, and honors, will vote for him next
Monday." 1 *

"This was not quite correct. Fairfield in his letter to Van Buren written in
January said that Anderson and Kavanagh were rivals for the nomination ; (and a
correspondent of the Argus in a letter written the middle of February spoke of
Anderson and Kavanagh as the two men having the best chance for the nomination).

"Tri-Argus, July 12, 1843.

"Tri- Argus, Aug. 28, 1843.

3 i8 HISTORY OF MAINE

The Whigs renominated Edward Robinson, though not without opposi-
tion, Waldo presenting the name of William G. Crosby, an esteemed and
highly cultivated citizen of Belfast. Robinson, however, was nominated on
the first ballot by a vote of 710 to 141 for Crosby, and 24 scattering. The
campaign, at least as far as the two leading parties were concerned, was a
listless one. The Argus said that such indifference had not been seen for
sixteen years. The Kennebec Journal declared that the Whigs were under
the perfect command of General Apathy.

Election day showed a falling off even from the light vote of the previ-
ous year, of between 8,000 and 9,000 votes ; the smaller parties or factions,
however, made a good showing, and although Anderson led Robinson by
over 11,000 votes, he came within less than 500 of failing of a majority, and
hence of an election by the people. The official returns gave Anderson
32,029 votes, Robinson 20,973, Appleton (Liberty) 6.746, Kavanagh 3,221,
scattering 170.

President Tyler continued his efforts to build up a party in Maine but
with small success. The Democrats were willing to use him against their
enemies, but would do nothing more. On April 21 the Argus said: "As
Captain Tyler is now at work among the Clay Whig office-holders, we invite
his attention to Maine, where scarcely a Democrat has been suffered to
remain in office, and where we believe not one has received an appointment
from his hands. The Officers (offices) in this State are generally held by
his bitterest political opponents, the Clay Whigs." So keen was the feeling
against Tyler that men of both parties were glad to avoid extending the
usual social courtesies to the President. Mr. Tyler came to Boston, in
June, 1843, to attend the ceremonies at the completion of Bunker Hill monu-
ment. The Argus wished Portland to invite the President to visit the city,
and the office-holders made strenuous efforts to induce the municipal authori-
ties to do so, but in vain. Apparently but one paper, the Bath Enquirer,
seconded the Argus. The Argus cited this refusal, and with reason, as proof
that the President had no party in Maine. Its own position it thus defined.
"While we are a Democrat, and in favor of another for the next presidency,
we are disposed to treat Mr. Tyler with the respect due to him as a high-
minded Virginia gentleman, and the Chief Magistrate of the United States ;
and we regret that he has not been invited to visit our State. But so it is."

The Democratic State convention bluntly refused a Tyler alliance,
though not committing itself as to action in the future. It resolved "That
the principles and success of the Democratic party of the country will not
be benefitted by any amalgamation of its members at this time with either
the Tyler or Clay factions of the Whig party."

The Clay Whigs of Maine, who made up the great bulk of the party
in the State, were ready not only to separate from but to insult the Presi-
dent. The Kennebec Whigs passed a resolution uniting the names of
Arnold, Iscariot and Tyler (did they dare to imply that Tyler was worse

WHIGS AND DEMOCRATS 319

than Judas?) and reminding "John Tyler" "that the meed of a traitor is 'a
life of blushing and a death of shame' !"

The Democrats of Maine made ready for the battle for the Presidency
in 1844, forgetful for the most part of the differences of the preceding
June. At first the defeated faction had been very sore and a few men had
attempted to keep up the fight by declaring that Van Buren would proscribe
his opponents, but they met with little success, and when Anderson became
Governor he endeavored to distribute his appointments in such a manner as
to show that opposition to Van Buren had not affected their party standing.

To an outsider it might have appeared that Van Buren's nomination
was almost certain, but some politicians who feared that they would be
neglected by him or who supported Cass or Buchanan, others who thought
that Van Buren could not be elected, and very many Southerners who
ardently desired the annexation of Texas, were quietly working for his
defeat.

The question of annexation had now reached a critical stage. Texas
had revolted from Mexico, had defeated the Mexican army at San Jacinto
and captured President Santa Ana, and had been recognized as an inde-
pendent nation by Jackson in 1837. Mexico could not subdue her, but
Texas was also quite unable to take the offensive. It was reported that
England was preparing to intervene and secure the recognition of Texas
by Mexico, if Texas would promise to remain independent, and give Eng-
land trade privileges. It was said that the abolition of slavery might also
be made a condition. The South was naturally much excited. Tyler and
Calhoun (who had been appointed Secretary of State) had negotiated a
treaty of annexation with Texas and it was now awaiting ratification by the
Senate. It was very doubtful, however, if the necessary two-thirds vote
could be obtained.

A member of Congress from Mississippi, William H. Hammett, wrote
to Van Buren, asking his opinion on the Texas question. Van Buren after
some delay prepared a reply and sent it to his intimate friend and political
ally, Senator Silas Wright, of New York. Wright consulted his messmates,
among whom was Senator Fairfield, and Benton was then asked his opinion.
All three highly approved the letter. It was taken to Hammett and then
hurried to the office of the Washington Globe before he had time to read it,
lest the all-important declaration should be too late for the next issue.

The letter pronounced against annexation mainly because it would not
consist with the honor and high reputation of the United States to intervene
between Mexico and Texas. But it also declared that should England
attempt to control Texas the American people would interpose with great
unanimity. Immediately on the publication of the letter, there was a tre-
mendous outburst against Van Buren. The South alarmed for slavery, the
West eager for expansion, were both strongly in favor of annexation, and
politicians who wished to turn against Van Buren but who had been afraid

320 HISTORY OF MAINE

to do so, joyfully seized on the letter to Hammett as an excuse for deser-
tion. A month after the appearance of the letter, the Democratic National
Convention met. Only ten less than a majority of the delegates had been
instructed for Van Buren. Unless these instructions were broken his vote
was sure to exceed on the first ballot that of all other candidates taken
together. To defeat him, it was moved that the requirement of a two-thirds
vote to nominate, established by the convention of 1832, and continued by
that of 1836, but not made part of its rules by the convention of 1840, be
again adopted. Though it was perfectly clear that this would result in the
defeat of Van Buren, the motion was carried. Among the ayes were the
votes of sixteen delegates who had been instructed to support him. These
men have been severely blamed for their action, but it may be urged in their
defense that the letter to Hammett had changed the situation, and that in
substance, though not in form, they represented their constituents. When
the first ballot for a candidate for President was taken, Van Buren received
26 more than half the votes, on the second he obtained less than a majority,
and during that day his vote steadily declined. The next day he made an
unimportant rally on the first ballot, but on the second the New York dele-
gation, fearing the nomination of Cass, withdrew Van Buren's name and
threw their votes for James K. Polk, of Tennessee, who was unanimously
nominated.

Silas Wright was nominated for Vice-President, but refused to accept.
The convention then seemed to be turning to Senator Fairfield, of Maine-
On the ballot following the declination of Wright, he received 107 votes,
his nearest competitor, Levi Woodbury, of New Hampshire, obtaining only
44, but a question was raised as to Fairfield's orthodoxy in the matter of
Texas, a Georgia delegate told the convention that when Governor of Maine
he had refused to surrender a captain and mate whose extradition had been
demanded by Georgia for "slave-stealing," that is, carrying away negroes
on their vessels, and Fairfield was dropped. On the next ballot he received
only 30 votes, while George M. Dallas, of Pennsylvania, was given 260
totes and was nominated.

Polk had been chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means and
Speaker of the National House; Dallas had served part of a term in the
United States Senate and had been Minister to Russia, but neither of them
tvas well known to the country, a circumstance of which the Whigs did not
fail to take advantage in the ensuing campaign. Their candidate was cer-
tainly well known, both as a statesman and an aspirant for the presidency.
After their experience with Tyler, the Whigs had no further wish for
availabilities and half-and-half men, and their convention nominated Henry
Clay unanimously and enthusiastically. For Vice-President they nominated
Theodore Frelinghuysen. of New Jersey, a man whose Puritan nature would
make him very acceptable to New England.

Clay had already stated that he was opposed to the annexation of Texas,

WHIGS AND DEMOCRATS 321

because it would injure the reputation of the United States, involve the
country in war with Mexico and provoke serious dissension at home. He
argued that annexation would be injurious to the South because the North
would then demand Canada, and that the United States would be better off
with Texas and Canada independent republics than it would if these exten-
sive territories were incorporated into the Union. The convention made no
reference to Texas or Oregon.

In Maine the decisions of the conventions were well received by the
respective parties. Before the Democratic convention met, the Argus had
endorsed Van Buren's letter, but had made it as pro-annexation as possible.
It said : "We consider the tone and argument of the letter decidedly friendly
to the annexation, whenever it can be done, without injustice to Mexico, and
in accordance with the wishes of the American people, and the people of
Texas." The Argus claimed that Clay opposed annexation because the Bos-
ton Atlas and other rabid Whig prints, in order to win part of the abolition
votes, had declared that they would oppose any man who did not come out
flat-footed against it. It said that the "Federalists" were against annexa-
tion under any circumstances, and that Clay was driven to take his present
stand in order to retain their support. "His recent definition of his posi-
tion contrasts to great disadvantage with the full, clear, and straight-for-
ward, manly and independent letter of Mr. Van Buren."

A few days later the Argus said that the annexationists of Maine
heartily responded to Van Buren's views and that no one opposed to them
could get the vote of the State. On May 13 it declared that the open
opposition to Van Buren in Maine silenced by the choice of the delegates
to the convention had been revived by the Texas letter which had enlisted
a few recruits. "This new explosion will be a nine days' wonder, and no
more." After the convention had repudiated Van Buren and his policy, the
Argus had little to say about Texas. It quoted a long article from the Demo-
cratic Review, asserting that the slaves in the United States would be sent
to Texas and then to Central America, and that the country would thus
finally be rid of slavery. It also declared that Texas was not a party ques-
tion, and even claimed that Polk was not opposed to the doctrines of the
Hammett letter, nor in favor of immediate annexation !

The Argus had earnestly supported Mr. Van Buren, but when another
was chosen to lead the party, the paper, with its customary loyalty, followed
the new standard-bearer. "The nominations are now made," it said, "and
we must sacrifice all private feelings and wishes on the altar of our coun-
try." It gave the same reason for the Van Buren men in the convention
finally deserting him that one of their leaders did, in writing to Van Buren
himself, had they not done so there was great danger of the nomination of
Cass. It also said that Polk had been nominated for the sake of harmony
and in order to defeat the Whigs.

The Whigs of Maine were embarrassed by no surprises or changes that

322

HISTORY OF MAINE

might be hard to defend. The nomination of Clay had long been a fore-
gone conclusion, and while Maine, like other States of New England, might
have preferred John Davis, of Massachusetts, for Vice-President, Freling-
huysen was a New Englander by character, if not by birth. The Bangor
Whig had said the year before that if the West had the President, the East
should have the Vice-President, and that Davis should be the man. But it
now declared that the nomination of Frelinghuysen, though not expected,
was received in "this city and vicinity, with enthusiastic delight."

Each party was very uncomplimentary in speaking of the candidate of
its opponents- In the previous year, the Argus had said of Clay: "The man
whose hands are still red with the blood of Hon. Jonathan Cilley, a
distinguished and murdered citizen,"" and whose political principles would
plunder her agriculture and commerce for the benefit of a few mercenary
and private speculators, can never, under any circumstances, receive the
vote of Maine for the presidency." After the Whig nominations were
made, the Argus said: "Mr. Frelinghuysen is a man of moderate talents,
far inferior to either John Sargent or John Davis (who had been candi-
dates for the nomination for Vice-President). He is of an irreproachable
moral character, and in this respect there is a very strong contrast between
him and Mr. Clay. Mr. Frelinghuysen was the head of the party that
undertook about fifteen years ago, to stop the Sunday mails, and travelling
on the Sabbath. He is an enemy to gambling, lasciviousness, horse-racing,
and duelling." All of which were charged against Clay. The Argus
pointed out that Clay had taken the oath as a United States Senator
before he was thirty, the minimum age required by the Constitution for
holders of that office, and that in 1841, when he was over sixty, he had,
as a result of a quarrel with Senator King of Alabama, been put under
bonds to keep the peace.

Sergeant S. Prentiss revisited his old home during the campaign and
made a powerful speech advocating the election of Clay. In reply the Argus
attacked Prentiss personally, saying: "He departed from the stern prin-
ciples of New England morality, and among other errors became a duellist,
and shot and wounded his man badly, though not mortally." It is said
that the Democrats sent men throughout the State to urge religious people
not to vote for a man for President whom they could not vote to admit to
church membership.

Polk was a church member, and his private life offered small oppor-
tunity for attack, but, like Dallas, his public career had not given him a
national reputation, and when pitted against Henry Clay he seemed, to
the Whigs at least, like a dwarf claiming equality with a giant- The Port-
land Advertiser said: "Three-fifths of the 'Democratic' voters of this

"Clay, like the other representatives of Kentucky in Washington, had been con-
sulted by Wise, he had drawn the challenge in its final form, somewhat moderating
the draft before him, and he had advised the acceptance of Cilley's choice of weapons
and manner of fighting, saying that no Kentuckian could back out from a rifle.

WHIGS AND DEMOCRATS 323

State will ask in perfect ignorance, 'Who is this Mr. Polk? and five-sixths
of them if not more will demand, Who is this Mr. Dallas'?" The Bangor
Whig said: "Against such men as Polk and Dallas the Whigs can walk
over the course in triumph." The Whig State convention called Polk and
Dallas great politicians on a small scale and declared that their nomination
was "a compromise without conciliation, and a union without harmony."

Here as in New York and other States, the "Liberty" men refused to
vote for Clay notwithstanding his opposition to the annexation of Texas.
General Fessenden, one of the leading anti-slavery men in Maine, published
a letter stating that neither he nor General Appleton (the Liberty candidate
for Governor in this and the preceding year) would support Clay, and that
he was firmly convinced that Clay had done more than any other man in
the United States to extend slavery, by securing the passage of the Mis-
souri Compromise, and that his present opposition to annexation was for
selfish political purposes, "nor," said General Fessenden, "can I feel any
assurance that he will not sacrifice on the altar of slavery every principle
of the Whig party, with as much facility, and as little reluctance, as he did
the interests of the North by the Compromise Tariff of i832[3]" Another
insuperable objection to Clay, in General Fessenden's opinion, was that he
was a duellist.

The reference to Clay's alleged betrayal of the manufacturing interests
sounds strangely now when the protectionists regard him as their hero and
defender, but he was, in fact, more moderate on the tariff question than
such men as Lawrence of Massachusetts and Clayton of Delaware. Clay
had recently made what was, perhaps, the least "protective" of all his tariff
speeches. Addressing a great meeting at Augusta, Georgia, he had declared
that his policy was to avoid ultraism. A Georgia paper, in summarizing the
speech, said that Mr. Clay "dwelt in detail upon the advantage of a revenue
tariff, with incidental protection as contrasted with the miscalled system of
free trade." The Argus asked the Portland Advertiser, Kennebec Journal
and Bangor Whig and Courier, how they liked "Mr. Clay's incidental, hori-
zontal protection. Speak out, neighbors, and let your opinions on the sub-
ject be known."

If Clay's views of the tariff appeared to change some with the latitude
in which his speeches were delivered, the Democratic trumpet also gave
forth an uncertain note- Polk wrote a famous letter to John G. Kane of
Pennsylvania, in which he stated that he had voted for duties giving a
moderate, incidental protection, and the Argus claimed that there was little
difference between the views of Polk on the tariff and those of Clay. It
also said that the Democrats did not intend to repeal the existing tariff,
that of 1842, but only to modify it and remove inequalities. Usually, how-
ever, the Maine Democrats took ground against the tariff. The York county
Democratic convention resolved that the compromise tariff of 1833 ought
never to have been repealed. The Democrats had much to say of the duties

3 2 4 HISTORY OF MAINE

on iron and sugar, declaring that the interests of Maine were sacrificed to
those of Pennsylvania and Louisiana, and this argument proved very
effective.

Each side made special appeals to the Catholics. The Democrats
accused Mr. Frelinghuysen of active opposition to them. Some very serious
anti-Catholic riots had recently occurred in Philadelphia, and the Demo-
cratic papers laid the blame on the Whigs. The Whigs denied the charges,
pointed to the refusal of the Democrats the preceding year to renominate
Governor Kavanagh, and twitted their opponents with the fact that New
Hampshire, the most reliable "loco-foco" State in the Union, forbade the
election of any Catholic to the office of Governor, Councillor or Represen-
tative.

Both parties obtained the services of out-of-the-State speakers. As has
been said above, Sergeant S. Prentiss addressed the Whigs of Portland.
For the Democrats, Levi Woodbury spoke at Bangor on the Fourth of
July, attacking the tariff. Benjamin Hallett of Massachusetts spoke at the
same place. He discussed the tariff in a rather ambiguous way, brought
up the case of "Governor" Dorr of Rhode Island who had returned to that
State and had been sent to prison for life, and urged his hearers not to
vote for a duellist for President.

Anderson, Robinson and Appleton were the candidates for Governor
of the Democratic, Whig and Liberty parties, as in the preceding year, but
the question of the Presidency displaced all others. The Argus declared
that State issues were scarcely mentioned in the canvass. The Whigs had
no hope of electing Robinson but some of them thought that they might
prevent a choice by the people. Election day proved, however, that they
had been over-confident. The official returns gave Anderson 48,942 votes,
Robinson 38,501, Appleton 6,245, and there were 165 scattering. The Whig
Central Committee sent a circular to their friends in the other States, in
which they admitted their disappointment, particularly in the falling off of
the Whig vote from that of 1840. They said that they had relied too much
on meetings and arguments and not enough on organization to get out the
voters, and that the success of their opponents was due to their calumnies
against Clay and to their fostering the prejudices of the poor against the
rich, that only since the election had they learned the extent of the influence
brought to bear to poison the minds of the laborers against the tariff doc-
trines of the Whigs. They then gave some frank advice which in principle
anticipated Dudley's circular of 1888 demanding that the fat be fried out of
the protected manufacturers. They said: "If in any degree the result of
our election has disappointed any of our friends abroad, we can only hope
that our experience and observation of the mode and manner of conducting
the campaign by our opponents, may enable them to avoid our errors, and
to redouble their diligence, to secure the great, the vital point, a perfect,
systematic and detailed organization, by which it shall be rendered certain

WHIGS AND DEMOCRATS 325

that every voter will be at the polls. We would especially hope that the
business men who are most directly and deeply interested in the success and
permanency of Whig principles, will in each State enter into the contest
with the spirit, activity and personal effort for which they were distinguished
in 1840."

Between the election of Governor and that of President, the Maine
Whigs had the pleasure of witnessing a very pretty little quarrel among
their opponents- In October the President removed the United States
Marshal for Maine and one of the chief officers in the Portland custom
house, and appointed in their places two of the most rabid Calhounists in
the State, Virgil D. Parris and Benjamin Kingsbury. The Argus was
extremely angry. It declared that the Calhounists who had any influence
in Maine were opposed to the appointments and that they were made
''against the known opposition of all the active and best Democrats in the
State."

The Hickory Club of Portland sharply censured those who deserted
the ranks to plunder the dying, and resolved that "we view with disgust
and sorrow every premature and clandestine attempt to grab the offices of
the government against the will of the people ; and that, as Democrats we
censure and condemn all such proceedings."

The Bangor Whig exhorted its friends to stand firm, saying that if
they could not carry the State they might prevent a choice by the people
and so compel the Governor to summon the Legislature. 15 But these hopes
proved vain. Polk carried Maine, his electors leading those of Clay by
11,000 votes. He also carried New York, which gave him a good majority
in the electoral college. The result in New York was for some time in
doubt and when it was at last clear that the State had gone Democratic,
the disappointment of the Whigs was bitter in the extreme. They claimed
the defeat was due to the slanders and frauds of their opponents, the
Liberty party, and foreign vote. The Bangor Whig declared that "The
doctrine of protection must now apply to Americans themselves as well
as their industry." A letter to the paper asserted that the despots of Europe
were pouring their most vicious subjects on our shores in order to destroy
the Whig party and our liberties. It almost shook the faith of the Whigs
in America and republicanism to have the people prefer a Polk to a Clay.
Where Henry Clay had failed, who could succeed? But the Portland
Advertiser, though it doubtless mourned, yet mourned as one not without
hope, and it seems to have instantly decided that Clay's work was done. It
called on the Whigs to "stand firm to our principles. Let no fear for our
future leader weaken our present resolve. Providence will give another

"A law passed that year required an absolute majority for the choice of electors.
Should this not be attained. Maine would lose her voice in the Electoral College
unless a new law were passed at a special session of the Legislature. This year also
an amendment to the Constitution made the political year begin on the second
Wednesday in May, and the officers then elected were to serve until the second
Wednesday in Ala)-, 1S46.

326 HISTORY OF MAINE

leader whose wisdom and patriotism will yet establish our country's good.''

The election of Polk, although regarded as a decision of the people in
favor of the annexation of Texas 18 had of itself no legal effect in the matter
and a vigorous effort was made even now to defeat Tyler's treaty by induc-
ing more than one-third of the Senate to remain firm against ratification.
The attempt promised to be successful and the Democrats then decided to
annex Texas by a joint resolution of both Houses of Congress. Such a
resolution was put through the House of Representatives. Only one
Maine Representative, Shepherd Cary, voted for the resolution; a second,
William D. McCrate, did not vote at all. Both Cary and McCrate were
Democrats. Mr. Cary came from Aroostook, where the pro-slavery Demo-
crats were very strong. Indeed, there were so many of them in that
sparsely settled region that the whole faction were popularly known as
Wild Cats. The other Maine Representatives, Morse and Severance
(Whigs), and Dunlap, Hamlin, Herrick and White (Democrats), voted
nay. Hannibal Hamlin made an elaborate speech against the resolutions and
was one of the most active of their opponents. He was therefore roundly
denounced by the pro-slavery men. The Senate passed the resolution with
an amendment authorizing the President to proceed by negotiation if he
deemed it best to do so, and the House accepted the change. Mr. Tyler,
however, declined to avail himself of the alternative, and hurried off a
messenger to Texas with the annexation resolutions, which were duly
accepted by the young Republic.

The leading Democratic papers of Maine were at least lukewarm on
the annexation question. The editor of the Argus said that he did not know
how he should have voted but that the attacks on Hamlin and his com-
panions deserved the deepest contempt.

The Texas resolutions provided that Texas might later be divided into
not more than five States, and that slavery should be excluded from any
State formed north of 36° 30'. The Augusta Age said that it would prefer
a line farther south, which had been proposed by Hey wood of Tennessee,
that would give more territory to freedom and yet leave sufficient space to
drain off the negroes. The North, it claimed, had a right to expect a sub-
stantially equal division- The Argus declared that in the House Texas
bill "the yielding was wholly on the side of the North, the South giving up
nothing." When, however, annexation had been accomplished, the Argus
rejoiced that the question had at last been put to rest, though not on just
such terms as it could have wished, and with an eye to anti-slavery votes
pointed out the aid that Whigs had given in securing Texas.

While the struggle was going on, annexation meetings were held in
Augusta, Bangor, Brunswick and Thomaston. At the Bangor meeting two
sets of resolutions were submitted — one presented by Albert G. Jewett stated

"Prof. Justin H. Smith in his elaborate work on the subject shows that the issu«
was not as clear-cut as is sometimes supposed.

WHIGS AND DEMOCRATS 327

that a difference of opinion was permissible; the other, offered by Colonel
Parks, declared that Maine had pronounced in favor of the annexation of
Texas and requested Senator Fairfield to vote for her admission into the
Union.

At Thomaston the meeting approved the action of Carey, and censured
that of their own Representative, Morse, who like the other Whig member,
Severance, of Augusta, had voted against the annexation resolutions.

The opponents of annexation seem to have been less active ; those who
were Whigs may have felt that the Democratic Representatives would hardly
be strengthened in their resistance to party pressure by praise from oppo-
nents. A letter, approving Hamlin's course was, however, sent to Fairfield
from Bangor and the Whig claimed that the number of signatures exceeded
that of the legal voters at the Democratic indignation meeting. There was
a great annexation celebration at Augusta, a free collation was provided,
trumpets were blown, drums beaten, cannon fired, and the State House
illuminated. Perhaps the Democrats would have declared that the town also
was blazing with lights, but the Whig Kennebec Journal asserted that only
seven houses gave these signs of joy. Later a supper was given to Cary
as a testimonial of approbation of his conduct.

Maine was particularly interested this year in the formation of the
cabinet since the friends of Senator Fairfield were urging his appointment as
Secretary of the Navy. The Argus said that had Anderson been defeated
in September Clay would have been elected. (There was probably more
ground for this assertion than might appear at first sight. Polk had only
small majorities in New York and in other States that he carried, and the
capture by the Whigs of the usually Democratic State of Maine would have
produced a great effect.) Had the Whigs won, Evans would have been
given a Cabinet place. Maine had never had a seat in the Cabinet. The
Maine Democrats now asked what was a mere matter of justice and what
would no doubt be cheerfully conceded to them, but, added the loyal Argus,
"should it be denied this will not disturb their temper or cause them to relax
in their efforts for the common good."

It may be that this editorial was written to prepare the party for dis-
appointment. Fairfield had been re-elected to the Senate and had no special
desire for the secretaryship, and Governor Anderson had written to George
Bancroft, now chiefly known for his elaborate history of the United States
but then a leader of the Massachusetts Democracy, that Fairfield's friends
proposed to withdraw his name and that he wished Bancroft himself to
enter the race. Bancroft did so and won the position, being appointed Secre-
tary of the Navy by Mr. Polk, who had even considered him for the Secre-
taryship of the Treasury.

Before the expiration of Mr. Polk's term, however, Maine obtained a
Cabinet place. In September, 1846, Mr. Bancroft resigned the Secretaryship
of the Navy to become Minister to England, and was succeeded by Attorney-

328 HISTORY OF MAINE

General Mason. President Polk felt that as New England was no longer
represented in the Cabinet, a New Englander should be appointed Attorney-
General, and offered the place to Franklin Pierce of New Hampshire, who
declined. Senators Bradbury and Fairfield of Maine, Judge Rice and some
other gentlemen, urged the appointment of Nathan Clifford. Mr. Polk then
took the advice of his Cabinet. He says in his diary:

"I informed them that the Hon. Nathan Clifford of Maine had been
recommended to me, but that I had very little knowledge of him and did
not know his qualifications as a lawyer, and added that I did not desire to
bring any one into the Cabinet who would be exceptionable to any of its
members, as I desired to preserve the harmony which had hitherto prevailed
in our councils. All the members present expressed their entire satisfaction
with Mr. Clifford, but none of them were able to inform me what his legal
attainments were. They knew him to be a man of talents and to stand high
in Maine, but they had not sufficient knowledge of him as a lawyer to speak
with confidence. At my request the Secretary of the Treasury agreed to
consult Judge Parris of Maine confidentially (the 2nd Comptroller of the
Treasury) as to Mr. Clifford's standing in Maine as (and?) especially as
to his legal attainments. The Cabinet adjourned & in about an hour the
Secretary of the Treasury returned and informed me that he had seen Judge
Parris, who informed him that Mr. Clifford was a man of very high stand-
ing; that he had filled the office of attorney Gen'l under the State Govern-
ment of Maine for several years, and that his attainments as a lawyer were
respectable. I sent for Mr. Appleton of Maine (ch. Clk. in the Navy De-
partment) and consulted him confidentially as to Mr. Clifford & his legal
attainments. He gave me about the same account of him which Judge Parris
had given to the Secretary of the Treasury.""

A lawyer of whom it could only be said that his attainments v. ere
respectable, would hardly seem qualified for the position of Attorney-
General of the United States but Air. Polk offered and Mr. Clifford accepted
the position. Mr. Clifford later became doubtful as to his fitness for the
office. Mr. Polk describes the interview in his diary and says:

"I understood distinctly, however, from his conversation, that he had
some apprehensions that, having come into the office but a short time before
the meeting of the Court, he might not be able to sustain himself reputably.
It seemed to be diffidence in his own capacity, which had induced him to
think of resigning. I told him if he resigned now it would be assumed by
his political opponents that he was not qualified, & 'that it would ruin him
as a public man. In the course of the conversation he dropped a remark to
the effect that perhaps I had some other person in my mind who could per-
form the duties better than he could. I told him I had not, and that if he
were to resign it would greatly embarrass me. I think Mr. Clifford an
honest man and a sincere friend. He feels in his new position somewhat
timid, fears that he will not be able to sustain the reputation of his predeces-
sors, and had therefore brought himself to the conclusion that he had better
resign. He finally concluded not to tender his resignation, and retired
apparently well satisfied at the interview I held with him.""

: Polk. Diary, II, 150-160. Sept. 20, if
"Polk. Diary, II, 274-275. Dec. 13, 18,

WHIGS AND DEMOCRATS 329

In March, 1848, Mr. Clifford was appointed joint commissioner to
ratify the treaty with Mexico, and subsequently made Minister to that
country. He resigned in 1849 and settled in Portland, devoting himself to
law and politics.

Several gentlemen were considered for the vacant Attorney-Generalship-
Two of them were from Maine, — Judge Shepley and John Anderson. It is
probable that Judge Shepley would have refused the office, as he had
declined to permit his appointment as Attorney-General to be suggested to
President Van Buren in 1838. The proposal came from Silas Wright, and
it is therefore probable that it was made with Mr. Van Buren's knowledge
and approval. Mr. Anderson would probably have accepted. He had served
in Congress from 1825 to 1833, and was then Collector of Customs at Port-
land. But the appointment finally went to ex-Governor Toucey of Con-
necticut.

The campaign for Governor in 1845 was a quiet one, and the vote was
considerably lighter than in the preceding year. The Whigs chose as their
leader Freeman H. Morse of Bath. Mr. Morse was a mechanic who devoted
much of his time to politics, and had considerable reputation as a speaker.
He had served one term in the national House. Sixteen years later he was
to serve again, and President Lincoln then gave him the very lucrative
appointment of Consul- General at London- He was reappointed by Presi-
dent Johnson and again by President Grant, although it is said that all but
one of the Representatives and Senators from Maine were opposed to the
second renomination. Indeed, it was unusual for so minor a politician to
hold such a desirable office for twelve years.

Governor Anderson was re-elected, receiving 34,711 votes against 26,341
given to Morse. Samuel Fessenden, the candidate of the Liberty party,
obtained 5,687 votes and there were 486 scattering.

The annexation of Texas and Polk's pressing of her doubtful boundary
claims involved the country in the following year in a war with Mexico.
The Whigs had opposed the war in Congress. They declared that it was
brought on by the Executive in violation of the spirit of the Constitution
and the principles of justice. In Maine, the Bangor Whig pointed out the
danger to our commerce from "piratical monsters," that is, from European
vessels to whom Mexico would grant letters of marque and call them Mex-
ican vessels, even if they never had touched at a Mexican port ; but the
Whig added: "No matter though it (the war) be brought upon us by the
vanity or wickedness of the executive, war having come, every man must
stand firmly by the country." But the Kennebec Journal said a year later:

"Glorious Victories. We cannot say that we feel either pride or a
disposition to rejoice in victories gained over the Mexicans. They are fight-
ing in defense of their country. What are we to gain by victories if we
win them? He must be a very thoughtless or very heartless man, who
delights to hear that our troops have killed three or four thousand Mex-
icans at whatever loss to themselves. On the contrary, we should look upon

330 HISTORY OF MAINE

it with sorrow and shame, feeling much as we would to hear that a favorite
son had succeeded in murdering a traveller on the highway, stripping off
his watch and purse. The morality of the two acts are about on a par."

The Argus made the comment, "The above is undiluted New England
Federalism, of the Hartford Convention stamp. We are not surprised at
it — but merely put it on record for future reference"

Though a majority of the Maine Democrats may have approved the
war in words, there were few who were ready to fight. Governor Anderson
issued a proclamation calling for volunteers, but it produced little effect.
In a message to the Legislature he said that "The Bangor City Greys have
promptly tendered their services and various individuals have asked author-
ity to recruit. With these exceptions, the indications have not been as
favorable as could be desired, and considering the remoteness of our posi-
tion from the theatre of active operations, that the call is made at a season
of the year when all classes of our fellow-citizens are actively engaged in
their various avocations, it may be doubted whether some additional induce-
ment will not be needed to command the immediate services of those, whose
patriotic feelings, would otherwise impel them at this juncture to engage
in the military service of the country." But no bounty was offered and
no regiment was raised.

In 1846, Governor Anderson was serving his third term, custom limited
the service of the Governor to three years and the Democrats were there-
fore obliged to seek a new candidate. Thy chose John W. Dana of Frye-
burg, a son of ex- Judge and Senator Judah Dana.

Mr. Dana was a man of sincerity and frankness, a friend of tem-
perance, though not of prohibition, and known "for his gentlemanly bearing,
the courtesy of his manners and generosity of his feelings." He had always
been a consistent Democrat, had served in both branches of the State Legis-
lature, and had been President of the Senate. On the slavery question he
belonged to the conservative wing of the party but was not a violent Wild
Cat like Shepherd Cary. He was very popular. The Argus declared that
he would receive the warm and enthusiastic support of every Republican,"
and that he resembled Lincoln and Kavanagh more than any one living. The
Bangor Democrat predicted that "the people will set him down to be more
like Lincoln than any Governor we have had since his day-" His urbanity
and popularity were probably the chief reasons for his nomination; it was
believed that he would unite factions and conciliate waverers. Some of the
Whigs sneered at him, spoke of his lack of experience in national affairs
and inquired, "Who is this Mr. Dana?" The Argus replied that the Whig
candidate had served but one term in Congress when he had been set aside
for Mr. Severance, and reminded his opponents that two years before they
had been asking, "Who is this Mr. Polk?"

Had the Whigs acted according to precedent, they would have given

"The Democrats at times still used the old

WHIGS AND DEMOCRATS 331

Morse an uncontested renomination, but shortly before the meeting of the
Whig State convention, he declined being a candidate. If the Argus may
be believed there had been difference of opinion among the Whigs in regard
to the choice of a leader. It said that the "aristocrats" of the party wished
to nominate Mr. Evans but that Morse's friends thought that he should be
given another nomination as he had only been run down once and the
"demagogues" hoped to win votes by pretending that he was a self-made
man, while the friends of Mr. Severance, who had been severely censured
for his attacks on the Mexican war, wished to "vindicate" him by making
him their candidate for Governor. The nomination finally went to David
Bronson of Anson, who had served out Mr. Evans' term in the National
House when that gentleman was elected Senator. The Liberty party nom-
inated Samuel Fessenden.

The campaign was fought chiefly on national issues. Much was said
about the war with Mexico. The Kennebec Journal declared the war
"unjust. . . . Successful we shall undoubtedly be (unless Euro-
pean war is induced), disgrace must and will be brought upon our national
character, by a contest with so weak a foe, brought on as it is by such
cowardly and ungenerous provocations." The Journal accused the Demo-
crats of causing the war "that they might ride again into power and place
upon the wings of a popular war excitement." The Journal added, how-
ever, that for the sake of humanity it desired a quick prosecution of the war.

The Whig Congressional convention of Penobscot and Piscataquis
counties, and the Whig county conventions of Cumberland and Lincoln,
condemned the war. The Democrats appealed to love for the Union, the
Argus declaring that the Union came before all. The Age charged Bronson
with saying in an address to the people that the annexation of Texas would
justify a dissolution of the Union, and that the Northern States would not
and ought not to submit to it. The Whig replied to the Argus in language
which suggested Hayne rather than Webster.

Some attention was also paid to the question of Oregon. In the cam-
paign of 1844 the Democrats had loudly demanded that the whole northwest
territory claimed by both Great Britain and the United States be at once
occupied. But after his election President Polk accepted a compromise and
by Whig aid obtained a ratification of his treaty. In the preceding Novem-
ber the Kennebec Journal had argued that the territory if obtained would
not long remain a part of the United States and had asked, "Does any one
believe this mighty people (of California and Oregon) . . . will com-
pose part of our Republic fifty years hence? Will they rest content under
a government whose central focus must be three thousand miles distant,
even though that distance be travelled by steam?"

The Whig convention of Lincoln county now declared that it approved
of the Oregon treaty but said that we "share in the general mortification of
the country, at the extravagant demands and graceless yielding of James K.

332 HISTORY OF MAINE

Polk, so discordant with one of our national mottoes 'to ask nothing that is
not clearly right, to submit to nothing that is wrong'."

The interests of the fishermen and the fishing bounties were again
made a campaign issue. The Democrats accused the Whig representatives
of voting against the provision in the tariff law reducing the duty on salt,
which was much used in the curing of fish, and of supporting a motion to
strike out the part of the act continuing the fishing bounty. The Whigs
replied that they did this because they hoped thereby to kill the whole law
which was a bad one and that the New England Democrats voted against
a free salt amendment to a bill which they meant to pass and did pass.

The Whigs also reproached the Democrats with the President's veto
of the French spoliation bill. During the French revolution, France had
unlawfully seized many American vessels and cargoes; in 1800 a treaty
was made by which the United States abandoned its claim for redress and
France released the United States from the obligation assumed by the treaty
of 1778 of guaranteeing to her the possession of her West India islands.
The persons who had suffered from the French spoliations, and their heirs,
asserted that since the United States had received a good and valuable con-
sideration for abandoning their claims it was in honor bound to pay them
itself. A bill for this purpose passed Congress but was vetoed by the
President.

The Whig Lincoln county convention included this veto in a bitter
indictment of the Administration, and the Cumberland convention declared
that if there was one act more than another which showed Polk's disregard
of justice and common humanity it was his refusal to sign the French
spoliation bill.

The Whigs did not expect to carry the State. On election day the
Bangor Whig said that the most they could hope for, was to prevent a
choice, and this they did. The official returns gave Dana 36,031, Bronson
29,557, Fessenden 9,938, scattering 678. The Whig declared that it was
satisfied with the result, that the Democrats were in a minority and would
be more so, that there were many Democrats who had joined the Liberty
party because they were not yet ready to be Whigs, that for several years
there had been nothing to specially criticise in State legislation and that
Dana had been nominated because of his personal popularity and to har-
monize factions. The Argus said that the "unexpected disaster" was not
caused by discontent with the national administration, but by inactivity,
excess of confidence, lack of organization, and failure to adhere to regular
nominations.

Although there had been no choice of Governor by the people there
was no doubt that Mr. Dana would be the next Governor, as the Democrats
had carried the Legislature, and the next May he was duly elected.

The year 1846 was also marked by a very bitter contest for the Sena-
torship- The anti-slavery feeling had been gaining strength among the

WHIGS AND DEMOCRATS 333

Maine Democrats, and in 1845 they determined to send to the Senate Han-
nibal Hamlin, who had served two terms in Congress, where he had vigor-
ously opposed the views of the slavocrats. A majority of the Democrats
in the Legislature of 1846 were for Hamlin, but it was the custom for the
two houses to caucus separately. The Democratic Representatives nom-
inated Hamlin by a large majority; the Senate after twelve ballots nom-
inated Governor Anderson, the vote standing Anderson 14, Hamlin n. The
"pro-slavery" men were willing to take almost any man except Hamlin, but
the House refused all compromise. It was also intimated that Mr. Hamlin
might be elected if he would take a more moderate attitude in the slavery
question, but he stood firm. At last, after the fight had gone on for six
weeks and the Legislature was about to adjourn, Mr. Hamlin rather than
have Maine represented by only one Senator withdrew his name and advised
his friends to support James W. Bradbury of Augusta. John Anderson,
who was the leading anti-Hamlin candidate at the time, also withdrew and
the bulk of the Democrats joined in supporting Mr. Bradbury, who was
elected.

The new Senator had been active in political management but had held
no important public offices. He had been a delegate to the Democratic
National Convention of 1844 and is said to have taken a leading part in the
manoeuvres which secured the nomination of Polk. He belonged to the
conservative wing of the Democratic party but was more moderate than
many of his allies.

Mr. Bradbury was an able lawyer and did creditable work in the
Senate, but his chief fame is as an associate and survivor- He was a mem-
ber of Bowdoin's most famous class, that of 1825, which contained Long-
fellow, Hawthorne, and other distinguished men, and he survived them all.
He lived to be the oldest graduate of his college and the senior ex-Senator
of the United States. Mr. Bradbury died at Augusta on January 6, 1901,
in his ninety-ninth year.

The matter of greatest public interest in Maine during the year 1847
was the conflict over the "Wilmot Proviso." In 1846 President Polk had
asked Congress to appropriate $2,000,000 for purchasing Mexican territory
when peace should be made. The House of Representatives voted the
money, but with a proviso offered by David Wilmot of Pennsylvania, that
slavery should forever be excluded from territory thus purchased. The
bill reached the Senate almost at the close of the session, and that body was
debating it on the morning fixed for the adjournment of Congress, when
news came that the House had adjourned, and the bill was lost. At the
opening of the next Congress the President again asked for money to buy
Mexican territory and the House voted $3,000,000 for that purpose, but
on the same condition as the year before. The Senate did not act on the
bill but passed another granting $3,000,000 without the proviso.

An attempt was made in the House to attach the proviso, but it was

334 HISTORY OF MAINE

defeated and the bill was passed. On the question of adding the proviso
to the bill all the Maine members voted yea except McCrate, who was
absent. On the passage of the bill, one Maine Democrat, Hamlin, and one
Maine Whig, Severance, voted no ; the other Representatives, all Democrats,
voted yes. In Maine several of the leading Democratic papers took a decided
stand in favor of the proviso. The Argus said that the North was united
against making free territory slave, that it was itself in favor of the vigor-
ous prosecution of the war, "but we say with frankness, with firmness, and
with a full consideration of all the responsibility of the avowal, the Democ-
racy of Maine ought not, and will not sanction any vote which will lead to
the introduction into the Union of another inch of slave territory which is
now free.'"*

When the Legislature of Maine met in May, it declared itself in favor
of the principle of the proviso. Hannibal Hamlin's term in Congress had
expired, and having served four years, the customary period at that time,
he declined to be a candidate again, but once more entered the Maine House
of Representatives. His object was partly to unite the Democrats of his
district who had been so divided that three elections had been held without
result, and partly to further his chances for the United States Senatorship
at the next election. Mr. Hamlin now took the lead of the anti-slavery
Democrats in the House and introduced three resolutions:

"The first declared that, 'Maine, by the action of her State govern-
ment and representatives in Congress, should abide honestly and cheerfully
by the letter and spirit and concessions of the Constitution of the United
States, at the same time resisting firmly all demands for their enlargement
or extension.' The second said that, 'The sentiment of this State is pro-
found, sincere and almost universal that the influence of slavery upon pro-
ductive energy is like the blight of mildew ; that it is a moral and social evil ;
that it does violence to the rights of man as a thinking, reasoning, and
responsible being. Influenced by such considerations, this State will oppose
the introduction of slavery into any territory which may be acquired as an
indemnity for claims upon Mexico.' The third asserted that, 'In the acqui-
sition of any free territory, whether by purchase or otherwise, we deem it
to be the duty of the general government to extend over the same the
Ordinance of 1787, with all its rights, privileges, conditions, and im-
munities.' "

An attempt was made to substitute other resolutions condemning slavery
but proposing no action against it. The substitute was defeated, and the
Hamlin resolutions passed the House, only six members voting no. In the
Senate they were passed unanimously. It is doubtful, however, if the Demo-
cratic leaders were as much opposed to the extension of slavery as this vote
would seem to indicate, for during the ensuing campaign only two Demo-
cratic conventions in the State declared in favor of the proviso.

The Whigs in their State convention, in county conventions, on the

"Argus, Feb. 3, 1847.

WHIGS AND DEMOCRATS 335

stump and in the press, opposed the acquisition of territory, but declared
that if any part of Mexico should be annexed it ought to remain as it then
was, free from slavery. They accused the administration of waging a war
of conquest and of treating the heroes of the war, Generals Scott and
Taylor, (both of whom to the great embarrassment of the Democrats,
chanced to be Whigs) with shameful injustice- Passing from national to
State matters the Whigs charged their opponents with having hindered the
development of Maine by opposing banks and corporations.

The candidates for Governor in the previous year were again nom-
inated. The campaign was a quiet one, and there were 10,000 fewer votes
cast than in the preceding year. Governor Dana, however, was this time
elected by the people. The official returns gave Dana 33,429 votes, Bron-
son 24,246, Fessenden 7,352, scattering 275.

Governor Dana's message to the Legislature which appeared a little
before the opening of the campaign, had shown such opposition to slavery
that it was quoted and praised by that influential anti-slavery, though
Democratic journal, the New York Evening Post. But shortly after the
election, the Governor issued a Thanksgiving proclamation in which he gave
great offense by advising anti-slavery ministers to keep the subject of slavery
out of their Thanksgiving sermons. He said: "Let not the voice of mur-
muring disturb the songs of praise. Let party bitterness and sectarian zeal
be silent. Let not the day be desecrated or the house of God profaned, by
political harangues, assaults upon the institutions of our sister States, or
denunciation of the terms of Union. But let us all join in a general festival
that another year has passed, and we are still a united, prosperous and
happy people." The Governor's exhortations, as he might have foreseen,
produced little effect except to stir up ill feeling. The Whig styled his
recommendations commands. The New York Tribune called them im-
pudent.

The close of the year was marked by the sudden and unexpected death
of Senator Fairfield, the result of an operation. As the Maine Legisla-
ture did not meet until May, the right of appointing a Senator to serve
until the Legislature acted or adjourned, devolved on Governor Dana.
The privilege was an embarrassing one, for there would be many can-
didates for election by the Legislature, the person already serving as
Senator though only a locum tenens, would have an advantage and
the Governor who appointed him would incur the displeasure of all
the other candidates and their friends. Mr. Dana solved the difficulty
by appointing W. B. S. Moore of Waterville, who promised to be satisfied
with a few months' term. Mr. Moore was then Attorney-General of Maine.
He was an able lawyer, and a skillful and influential politician. Subse-
quently he was appointed by President Buchanan Consul-General to Canada.

Moore's appointment roused the anti-slavery men, and again they bent
all their efforts to send Hamlin to the Senate. From the other wing of the

336 HISTORY OF MAINE

parly there were four candidates — Attorney-General Clifford, the leader
of the Hunkers, or more extreme pro-slavery Democrats, who as a member
of the Cabinet had the support of most of the national office-holders in
Maine; ex-Governor Anderson, an unflinching Democrat, an intimate friend
of Mr. Van Buren, and popular; Samuel Wells, a former Whig, and John
D. McCrate, an experienced politician and persistent office-seeker, who was
well inclined to Mr. Hamlin. The Democratic caucuses met on the same
day. That of the House promptly nominated Hamlin by a good majority,
in the Senate caucus there was no choice. Fearing a repetition of the
extreme and perhaps corrupt means used against them in the preceding
year, the friends of Hamlin concealed their strength and allowed their oppo-
nents in the Senate to believe that they could again defeat Hamlin's nomina-
tion- An agreement was made that there should be no bolting but that all
should support the regular Democratic nominee. The anti-Hamlin men had
consented, feeling sure that Hamlin could not get the nomination of the
Senate caucus and so would not be the regular nominee of the Legislature.
The balance of power in the caucus was held by a few men who disliked
slavery but who hesitated to go against the party leaders, the machine, and
who also were anxious to be on the successful side. To win them by giving
an impression of increasing strength, the Hamlin men refrained from throw-
ing their full vote at first, but on the second ballot there was a gain for
Hamlin of one vote, on the third of two, on the fourth the undecided men
came over and Hamlin was nominated. Great was the surprise of the
"Wild Cats," but they were pledged to support the nominee, bolting under
such circumstances was not to be thought of, and they joined their late
opponents in electing Mr. Hamlin over George Evans, the Whig candidate.
Hannibal Hamlin was born at Paris Hill, Maine, on August 27, 1809.
His grandfather, Captain Eleazer Hamlin, had an honorable record as an
officer in the army of the Revolution. His military and classical tastes and
the independence of his mind were proved by the names he gave his sons.
Abandoning the old custom of calling children after Scriptural characters,
he named a son Scipio Africanus. The neighbors, however, less classical
and possessing the American fondness for the short cut, persisted in calling
the boy Africa. This gave the father a new idea, and succeeding children
were named America (abbreviated to Merrick), Asia, and Europe. The
continents were now exhausted, and when some time afterward twins
arrived, ancient history was again resorted to and the babies were named
Cyrus and Hannibal. Cyrus became a physician, settled in Livermore,
Maine, and married Anna Livermore, daughter of Deacon Elijah Liver-
more, the founder and great man of the little town. In 1805 the Doctor
moved with his family to Paris. About four years later he and his twin
brother Hannibal agreed that each should name his next son after the other.
Dr. Hamlin soon had occasion to fulfill his pledge, and somewhat later it
became the duty of Hannibal to return the compliment. Both cousins were

/itf-cuC- /U7 O-^l.-

WHIGS AND DEMOCRATS 337

to do honorable work and to attain high place. The elder was to sit for a
quarter of a century in the United States Senate and to have his name
indissolubly associated with Lincoln's ; the younger was the working founder
and first president of Robert College, Constantinople.

Hannibal was a very sickly infant, but under the treatment prescribed
by an aged squaw, said to be a daughter of Paugus, the Indian chief killed
in Lovewell's fight, his health quickly improved and he grew to be a remark-
ably strong and healthy boy and a leader among his mates. He was ex-
tremely fond of out-door life. His grandson says: "Hannibal used to scour
the mountains and neighboring country for game and fish. He became a
crack shot and a true fisherman. He seemed to find trout brooks by intui-
tion, and eventually cared more for fishing than for hunting. When once
he found a trout brook in an out-of-the-way place, he kept his secret to
himself and one or two of his cronies. Years afterward he would go back
to Paris Hill to drink in the vitalizing air and to fish. People around the
Hill said that he could still find his secret trout brook, and no one else
could. He was one of the best fishermen in Maine, and his passion for
angling carried him from home every season until the last year of his life."
(He lived to be nearly eighty-two.)

Mr. Hamlin was educated at the Paris schools and at Hebron Academy-
He had hoped to go to college, but the ill health of a brother and the sudden
death of his father compelled him first to postpone and then to abandon the
plan entirely. An offer of a cadetship at West Point had been refused at
his mother's request. He cultivated the family farm with much success.
He taught school a little, surveyed a little, and was for a brief period part
owner of a short-lived newspaper, the Jeffersonian; acting also as reporter
and printer. His co-proprietors were Henry Carter, afterwards a promi-
nent citizen of Portland and editor of the Advertiser, and Horatio King,
subsequently Assistant Postmaster-General under President Buchanan.
Meanwhile he was devoting his spare moments to the study of law. By the
time he was twenty-three he had saved enough money to warrant his spend-
ing a year as a student in the office of Fessenden and Deblois, two of the
leading lawyers of Portland. They treated Hamlin with great kindness,
gave him special advice and opportunities in his work, and at the end of the
year declined the usual fee, General Fessenden saying, "I think you can
make a better use of the money than we can, my boy. Then again, if I
know you right, and I think I do, you will yourself encourage deserving
young men when you will be able to."

After completing his study with Fessenden and Deblois, Hamlin was
duly admitted to the bar, and won his first case on the same day, defeating
his future father-in-law, Stephen Emery, a leader of the Oxford county
bar. That gentleman, however, accepted the situation with a good grace,
congratulated the victor, and made formal announcement of his engagement
to his daughter.

338 HISTORY OF MAINE

Mr. Hamlin settled in Hampden, a more active place eighty years ago
than it is today, and began to build up a practice, giving special attention
to admiralty law. But he soon turned from law to politics, and found
therein his true vocation. His father had been a Federalist and National
Republican, his older brother Elijah was the Whig candidate for Governor
in 1848 and 1849, but Hannibal was from the first a Democrat. His being
a younger son is said to have been an indirect cause of his apostasy from
the family creed. Dr. Hamlin took both the leading Portland papers, the
Gazette and the Argus, but the youthful Hannibal was obliged to wait for
the Gazette until his father and brother had read it, meanwhile he consoled
himself with the Argus, "and before his father realized it, Hannibal had
become a pronounced Democrat, and warm partisan of the doctrines of
Jefferson and Jackson." This was, however, the occasion rather than the
cause of his conversion, for he was a Democrat by nature. Of great phys-
ical strength, hale and hearty, he enjoyed associating with all classes of
men, and was in no way repelled by a roughness which would have been
offensive to a person of a highly strung nervous temperament like his future
colleague, William P. Fessenden. He was an inveterate smoker, and in
the privacy of his apartments, when there was no one to be disturbed, pre-
ferred a pipe to a cigar. He had no use for what he termed "that expen-
sive noise called music," and is said to have come late to church to escape
it. He never left the United States until over seventy, when he accepted
an appointment as Minister to Spain. In Europe he studied the men rather
than the buildings. One cathedral would answer for him, and he thought
it "the grand show in every European city, the parade horse of them all."
His chief interest was in things American. His grandson says, "Dickens
and Thackeray were not favorites of his, though he recognized the former
as a great humanitarian, and the latter as a true artist. But their books did
not specially appeal to him ; he preferred to read about his own people." He,
however, cared something for painting and more for poetry. He enjoyed
dancing, was an inveterate card player and took an intelligent interest in
the drama. Indeed in his youth he once considered going on the stage.

Mr. Hamlin was a man of great kindness of heart. He was extremely
fond of children and animals. No one who knew him "could remember the
time when he did not have a dog and a cat. He had at least, from first to
last, a dozen dogs." When Minister to Spain he was greatly shocked by
the amount of infant mortality in Madrid, and astonished the conservative,
easy-going Dons by urging that the women abandon the national custom of
sitting out doors till midnight with their babies.

Mr. Hamlin kept until the end of his life the humanitarian, optimistic
view, characteristic of the middle nineteenth century. When Speaker of
the Maine House in 1837, he took the floor in defense of a bill abolishing
capital punishment, and just fifty years later, in 1887, he appeared before
the Legislature to make a similar plea. In closing, he said, "You have

1271592

WHIGS AND DEMOCRATS 339

honored me a great many times, and in the evening of my life, when the
shadows are gathering about me, grant me this; it is all I shall ever ask
you. What little time I have left, brighten for me, and let me return to
my home with the knowledge that I have not wholly outlived my usefulness,
and have in a small measure aided the cause of humanity."

Mr. Hamlin entirely disapproved of President Hayes' reconstruction
policy, and regretted the final abandonment of the negro by the Republican
party. His last long speech in the Senate was made against a bill denounc-
ing the Burlingame treaty with China permitting free movement from one
country to the other. Mr. Hamlin was actuated not simply by compassion
for the Chinese, but by unwillingness to abruptly break a solemn treaty in-
stead of politely seeking a modification. The stand was characteristic of his
sturdy honesty. He resolutely refused to make money out of his position,
and he held in the deepest contempt a man who broke his word.

Mr. Hamlin's "homely" tastes and warmth of heart gave him great
political influence which was increased by his loyalty to his friends and
supporters. He had entered politics at the time of the triumph of the spoils
system and, like most men of his day, including Lincoln, he accepted and
used it ; indeed, he was in close association with such well known spoilsmen
as Chandler, Logan and Cameron. Yet it should be remembered that rota-
tion in office helped break down a system under which office was in danger
of being treated as personal property, and at times as inheritable property,
that spoilsmen like Chandler could manage a department with honesty and
efficiency, that the examination system of appointment is specially favorable
to men of routine and red tape. The great defect of the old method was
that persons were recommended for appointment to office from considera-
tions of their usefulness, past or future, to their political backer, rather
than to the country. In this respect Hannibal Hamlin's record was good.
Senator Hoar remarked to Judge Carter of Haverill, formerly editor of the
Portland Advertiser, "It is said that Mr. Hamlin has secured the appoint-
ment of more men to office than any other man now in public life; but I
will say that he always supports good men for office, never bad men."

Mr. Hamlin began his political career in the fall of 1835 as a successful
candidate for election to the Maine House of Representatives, and served
there five years, three of them as speaker. In 1840 he was nominated for
Congress, but it was a Whig year and he was defeated. He tried again in
1842, was successful, and served the usual two terms. He then began to
work for the United States Senatorship and in 1848 obtained it-

From this time his methods as a legislator changed. He was through
life a very effective stump speaker, and while a member of the Maine House
and a Representative in Congress he had taken an active part in debate,
speaking at length and in the somewhat florid style which had been common
in public life for many years. But when Mr. Hamlin entered the United
States Senate, he found that the long set speech was less highly regarded

34Q

HISTORY OF MAINE

than formerly. The great masters, — Calhoun, Clay and Webster, — were
closing their careers. Many of the would-be orators who tried to follow in
their footsteps bored rather than charmed or swayed the Senate, and their
endless talk was specially offensive to one of Mr. Hamlin's practical busi-
nesslike nature. Accordingly he seldom spoke at length and, especially in
the latter part of his career endeavored both by precept and example to
make the Senate a legislative rather than a talking body. He looked care-
fully after the interests of his State and of individual constituents, worked
in committee, and did valuable service in the daily business of the Senate
which is so important, yet which attracts so little public attention. When
he completed his final term in 1881 he was the last of the anti-slavery old
guard, had served longer than any other Senator and was said to be the
most influential of them all.

The year 1848 was marked by the death of John Ouincy Adams, struck
down by a paralytic stroke in his seat in the House. The Argus, that had
opposed and abused him, calling him corrupt, a madman and a nuisance,
now said that he "battled manfully and eloquently for what he believed to
be right, often running counter to the views and wishes of his warmest
friends." "He was a man of great simplicity, purity and industry."

The Maine Legislature, when it met in May, found the contest for the
Democratic nomination for the presidency still unsettled, but with the
chances decidedly in favor of General Cass. The other candidates were
James Buchanan and Levi Woodbury, of New Hampshire, then a justice
of the United States Supreme Court. The Democrats of the Legislature
held a caucus and by a vote of 94 to 14 declared that they believed that Levi
Woodbury was the first choice of the people of Maine for President. When
the convention met, Judge Woodbury was nominated by Hannibal Hamlin
and obtained 53 votes on the first ballot. But General Cass received on
the same ballot only one less than a majority, and on the fourth ballot more
than two-thirds of the votes were cast for him, and he was therefore
r.ominated.

The Democrats of Maine had appeared to be nearly unanimously in
favor of Woodbury, but he was supported as a New Englander rather than
from any great personal popularity, and his defeat caused little or no bit-
terness. The Whigs were less fortunate. After the defeat of Clay in
1844, many of his most loyal supporters felt that he could never be Presi-
dent, and they returned to the methods of 1840 and began to look around
for a leader who could win. His qualifications for the presidency and his
belief in Whig principles were matters of less importance. The Mexican
War turned their attention to General Taylor, the victor of Buena Vista,
who was a kind of Whig. The people were ready to follow him without
inquiring about his views on public questions. There was a widespread
discontent with politicians, who were regarded as selfish and scheming, and
were sager :o turn from them to "Old Rough and Ready," the simple,

WHIGS AND DEMOCRATS 341

honest soldier. Democrats as well as Whigs considered him as a candidate.
Taylor accepted the nomination of a Young Men's Democratic Convention
and the General's managers had some trouble in preventing him from being
so non-partisan as to disgust the Whigs.

The Taylor movement in Maine began early. In April, 1847, the Argus
thought it well, while expressing admiration for General Taylor, to urge the
Democrats not to be hasty in selecting a candidate, and to declare that he
must be known to be strictly orthodox. At the Whig convention for nomi-
nating a Governor, held at Augusta, May 27, 1847, a notice was given of a
meeting of the friends of Taylor. The gathering was not harmonious, for
though Whigs were managing the meeting, Democrats who were Taylor men
attended. Three resolutions were reported. The third charged the national
administration with imbecility and corruption, and predicted that a Buena
Vista awaited it. A Democrat, Mr. Smith, of Augusta, said that this kind
of an entertainment was not the one to which he had been invited, that he
believed that the administration was a wise and virtuous one, and that Tay
lor was a Republican of the old Virginia school. Mr. Farley, of New-
castle, replied that he would not support Taylor did he not believe him a
Whig; that he believed that Taylor was honest and "would break down the
accursed spoils system, which was eating in like a gangrene to the vitals
of our Republic." A motion to strike out the third resolution was defeated
on a show of hands by a vote of about 3 to 1, and the resolutions were
passed.

The opponents of Taylor, however, were far from giving up the fight.
The Portland Advertiser claimed that the Maine Whigs desired the nomina-
tion of various men eminent in civil life rather than that of Taylor. The
party was divided geographically, the East supporting Taylor, the West
being in favor of Clay or Webster.

A series of able letters signed "Union" appeared in the Bangor Whig,
urging the nomination of Taylor. The author was ex-Governor Kent, who
led the Taylor forces in Maine. Eastern Maine, however, was not una:r-
mous in supporting the general. "Consistency," in a letter to the Whig,
opposed him because he was a soldier, a slave-holder, and not in favor of
the exclusion of slavery from our newly acquired territory. A caucus at
Bangor instructed its representatives in the State convention to vote for
Taylor men as delegates to the National convention, but a strong minority
favored sending an unpledged delegation.

Shortly after the Bangor caucus, a letter from Taylor was published
in which he said that he should remain in the field even if the Whigs nomi-
nated Clay- This was a bitter pill for the Bangor Whig to swallow, but it
attempted to prove that the letter was modified by another in which Taylor
stated that he would gladly retire if his friends manifested such a wish.
The Whig argued that Taylor's friends were Whigs, and that if Clay was
nominated by the Whig National Convention, then the general's "friends"
would have clearly expressed a wish that he should withdraw.

342 HISTORY OF MAINE

The Whig State Convention met at Augusta and the Democrats gener-
ously put Representatives Hall in the State House at their service. The
Whig, in acknowledging their politeness, said: "It was a very courteous
movement on the part of the majority of the House of Representatives to
offer the use of their hall to the Whig State Convention. . . . Such acts
are calculated to soften the asperities of political parties and to make them
feel that with all their differences they are brethren."

The members of the convention were in danger of forgetting not only
that the Democrats, but that they themselves, were brethren. The contest
over the choice of delegates at large to the National convention was bitter.
Finally ex-Governor Kent and George C. Getchell, of North Anson, both
Taylor men, were chosen. Kent received 173 votes to 139 for the unpledged
candidate, Samuel Bradley, of Saco. Getchell obtained 162 to 153 for
Bradley, who ran again. The Argus alleged that the Taylor men won by a
trick, that they promised to support Bradley if their opponents would help
them elect Kent, and then broke their word.

At the National convention the speech nominating Taylor was made by
Mr- Kent, and on the fourth ballot the convention chose the general as its
candidate. On the first Maine had voted solidly for him, but all the other
votes from New England had gone to Clay or Webster. 21

The nomination was a triumph of expediency. The Bangor Whig in
endorsing the action of the convention said of Taylor: "If indeed he is not
the clearest and best exponent of Whig principles, he is the Whig most
certain of election, and the party can with him relieve the country of loco-
foco misrule, introduce a prudent and honest administration of public affairs
and a just balance between the several departments of the government,
instead of having them all absorbed in the hands of the President. In this
way they can commend the principles and measures of the Whig party to
the common sense and experience of mankind and thus secure to their coun-
try their beneficent action."

For Governor, the Whig State Convention nominated Elijah Hamlin, a
brother of Hannibal Hamlin, by a vote of 206 to 114 for various other can-
didates. The Whig said of him: "His reputation rests upon his known
intellectual ability and his enlarged public spirit. In early life, the com-
panion and intimate friend of Governor Lincoln, he has the same tastes and
manly qualities, without his faults, and far greater attainments, too, on sub-
jects of general interest. The history and resources of Maine have been
with him favorite topics of inquiry, and no man in Maine can compare with
him in profound knowledge of both." In 1837 and in 1841 Mr. Hamlin
had held the office of land agent and had administered it with much vigor.

This year there was a third presidential candidate in the field, no other
than that erstwhile head of the Democracy, ex-President Van Buren. Van
Buren and his friends had been deeply offended by what they regarded as

"Stanwood, "History of the Presidency," 238.

WHIGS AND DEMOCRATS 343

Polk's unjust and ungenerous treatment of them in his choice of Cabinet
officers and his distribution of the New York patronage. The Democratic
nominee, General Cass, was very obnoxious to them. New York had sent
rival delegations to Baltimore and the convention, unwilling to decide be-
tween them, voted to allow each to cast half the vote of the State. But both
factions differing in so much else agreed that in this case no bread was
better than half the loaf, and refused the offer.

Angry at what they regarded as a succession of insults, the New York
Van Burenites held a State convention and nominated Van Buren for Presi-
dent on a platform demanding the exclusion of slavery from the new terri-
tories. Other anti-slavery political organizations joined them and the Free
Soil party was formed, with Martin Van Buren as its leader.

The new Apostle of Freedom was of course bitterly assailed by the party
he had left. The Argus, which had warmly supported him for the Demo-
cratic nomination in 1844, now declared that his purpose was to organize
the North against the South as a first step in the destruction of the Union,
and that it regretted to say that it could give him little credit for sincerity.
"The truth is, and it is useless to disguise it, that this whole movement is
more a matter of revenge than of conscience. We are aware that it will be
difficult to comprehend such treason as has been committed by Martin Van
Buren — a man who has been more pampered with office, and as nobly sus-
tained by the people, as any one man living. The Democratic party of the
South as well as the North made him great. From the dawn of his political
life until his sun was hiding itself, lustrous and beautiful, behind an honor-
able old age, it has held him up. Now, with an ingratitude unsurpassed,
because the party has no more honors to confer on him, he deserts it, and
lends his influence to throw the mighty interests of this great nation into
the hands of Federalism."

Van Buren's son, John, a shrewd politician and an excellent campaign
orator, visited Portland and spoke in his father's behalf, pouring scorn on
regular nominations. The Argus caustically remarked that he had "some-
what altered his views from 1836, when his father was elected President
by the power of that usage — a usage originally established for his express
benefit."

The Argus endeavored to enlist the anti-slavery men in the Cass ranks.
It brought up Van Buren's vote for excluding anti-slavery matter from the
mails of States where the circulation of such matter was forbidden, laid
stress on the fact that Taylor was a slave-holder, and quoted from Southern
papers which praised Taylor and expressed suspicions of Cass. After the
election it said that if Taylor was chosen it was because "the Federal party
has bowed itself down to the Moloch of slavery," and declared that it was
proud that the Democrats had stood for principles.

The Whigs accused Cass of drawing excessive compensation as a public
officer, of truckling to Louis Philippe when Minister to France, of being a

344 HISTORY OF MAINE

waverer, and two-faced. The Portland Advertiser said of the Democratic
nominations :

"The Locos are now fairly launched, with a regular, full-blooded fight-
ing ticket. General Cass, the candidate for President, has always been a
truckling demagogue, ready to yield to those who clamored loudest and bid
highest, and as the South has always clamored loudest and bid highest, the
result has been that upon almost all the greatest questions which have agi-
tated the country, after quivering and shaking in the wind, until he placed
himself in a ridiculous attitude, he has always finally settled down as the
faithful ally of the South, and is perfectly sound on Southern institutions.
Hence the South selected him as the most complete dough-face of the whole
lot and gave him an almost undivided support. The other candidates have
bowed down to the South for nothing, having now learnt by experience that
in order to satisfy the Southern portion of the loco party they must not
only bow down, but roll in the very filth and mire of slavery.

"On only one subject has General Cass always been consistent. His
voice has always been for war."

On the subject of the Wilmot Proviso the Advertiser said:

"When Southern slave-holders speak boldly and impudently of their
right to extend slavery over territory now free, it is time that the issue
should be met boldly and decidedly by the North without any such miser-
able shifts and compromises. 'But we must preserve the Union,' says one.
That is always the cry of slave-holders whenever they wish to intimidate
a dough- face. The only way to preserve the Union is to promptly meet and
decide this question of liberty. Southern slave-holders may then cease their
impudent demands and have some respect for Northern politicians. But if
Northern men go on yielding one point after another, these demands of a
greedy, desperate and vile institution will be increased beyond forbearance,
and add strength and fuel to the abolition feeling of the North, until a
collision between them may cause a dissolution of the Union."

The candidacy of Van Buren split the Democratic party in New York,
and so gave the State and the presidency to Taylor. Two Maine men were
earnestly pressed for Cabinet positions. Ex-Governor Kent had been an
early and able advocate of Taylor's nomination. His friends urged the
President to reward his services with the post of Attorney-General. Others
set forth the claims of George Evans to be Secretary of the Treasury, a
place which Mr. Evans' abilities qualified him to fill with high credit. In
the end, neither of the candidates found favor in Taylor's sight, and the
New England seat in the Cabinet went to Vermont, Jacob Collamer, of that
State, being appointed Postmaster General. But as consolation prizes, Mr.
Kent was given the consulship at Rio Janeiro and Mr. Evans the chair-
manship of the Commission on Mexican Claims. Taylor's treatment of the
subordinate officers provoked much criticism. Before his election he had
expressed disapproval of removals of minor officers for political reasons, his
supporters had said that, not being a politician, he would have no friends
to reward, and this was twisted into an assertion that Taylor himself had
e&Jd that he had no friends to reward and no enemies to punish. After the

jCa^ //«<<&

-dL

WHIGS AND DEMOCRATS 345

inauguration, however, the Whigs discovered that the welfare of the coun-
try demanded a sweeping removal of their opponents and the President
yielded to their wishes. Maine early felt the effects of this policy. The
Argus in an editorial of May 15, 1849, said that ex-Governor Dunlap, who
had worked ten hours a day at his desk and never urged his opinions
obnoxiously, had been removed from the collectorship of Portland, that
Rufus Mclntyre, the United States Marshal, and every collector and sur-
veyor in Maine but one had been removed, that most of the postmasters had
suffered a like fate, and that the few that remained would soon follow
them. "To us," said the Argus, "and to the Democratic party, this will not
be a source of regret. Its tendency will be to exhibit the fraud, falsehood,
intense hypocrisy, and consummate selfishness of the Federal party, and the
weakness, mental and moral, of their nominal head. It will give unity to
the Republican organization — heal its internal divisions — and impart to it
matchless determination and zeal." s

Notwithstanding Taylor's surrender to the spoilsmen, some of the
Whigs were discontented. "The cake was not big enough to go round,"
and those who did not get a piece made their disappointment felt. Bangor,
a Whig city, elected Hastings Strickland, a prominent Democrat, to the
Legislature. The Jeffersonian, an anti-slavery Democratic paper which had
been established under the auspices of Hannibal Hamlin, said that Mr-
Strickland's success was due to disgust with the President's appointments
and with Kent. The Whig said that the party vote was small and that it
feared that one of the reasons was a desire to protest against the action of
the leaders.

If the Whigs were somewhat divided over the Federal offices, the Demo-
crats were engaged in a quarrel over the nomination for Governor. Under
the lead of Senator Hamlin, the anti-slavery wing of the party decided to
support for Governor, Dr. John Hubbard, of Hallowell, a popular physician
"of immense practice," who it was hoped would win back the Democrats
that had voted with the Free Soil party the year before. The Wild Cats
determined to have a candidate from their own district, Eastern Maine,
and selected Col. John Hodgdon, of Houlton. To Hubbard's nomination
they declared unyielding opposition. The Bangor Whig, of June 28, said
that three weeks previously the Hunkers swore that Hubbard should never
be nominated; they were indignant that Kennebec, "the weakest, frailest
sister in their household, should presume to force a Governor, on them."
Colonel Hodgdon, however, was not a Wild Cat, at least not a full-blooded
one, and he might hope for support in Hubbard's own county, for some of
the Augusta politicians, Kennebeckers though they were, disliked Hubbard's
Free Soil proclivities. They were reported to have said that Hodgdon was
nigger enough, but that Hubbard was still more nigger. But Hodgdon was
under the disadvantage of having acted with the Whigs during Van Buren's

"W. Argus, May 15, 1849.

34 6 HISTORY OF MAINE

administration and of having supported Harrison in 1840. This wavering
was not forgotten. The Saco Democrat said that it would not favor the
nomination for Governor of one who left the party in time of stress, it
would not nominate a comet. The Belfast Journal hoped that the nominee
would be a man who embodied the Democratic opinion on the important
question of the times, free territory, and whose adherence to the party had
been strong and unwavering.

When the convention met, two gentlemen claimed the right to call it
to order, and for a while it seemed that two conventions would result. An
arrangement was at length agreed to, but another serious difficulty arose
over questions of rights to seats. Twenty-three delegates had been chosen
by unorganized plantations, fifty-four were not residents of the localities
which they claimed to represent. The convention decided against the right
of unorganized plantations to be represented, but allowed the absentee
delegates to take their seats. The Jeffersonian said that the latter vote
was passed rather as a matter of favor than of strict right. Most, if not
all, of the places whose delegates were excluded were small plantations
with a shifting population, some of them were almost deserted except dur-
ing the lumbering season. Many of the delegates were large lumber oper-
ators who owned most or all the land in the plantation for which they sat,
as did the proprietors of the English "pocket boroughs."

The decision on the seating was a victory for Hubbard, which was
followed by his nomination on the first ballot, the vote standing Hubbard
353, Hodgdon 235, scattering 5. A Hodgdon delegate then read a letter
from him, thanking his friends, praising Hubbard, and promising hearty
support. A Hubbard leader moved resolutions complimenting Hodgdon,
which were passed unanimously, and the convention gave three hearty
cheers for Hubbard and three more for Hodgdon.

The Whigs renominated Elijah Hamlin, the Free Soilers nominated
George F. Talbot. The vote was considerably less than in the preceding
year, that of the two leading parties falling off about 2,000 each and the
Free Soilers 4,000. The official count gave Hubbard 37,636 votes, Hamlin
28,056, and Talbot 7,987. There were 102 scattering.

Chapter XIII
COMPROMISE OF 1850— PROHIBITION

CHAPTER XIII
COMPROMISE OF 1850— PROHIBITION

The principal events of the year 1850 were, in National affairs, the
passage of the last of the great compromises ; in State affairs, the re-elec-
tion of Senator Hamlin, after a protracted and most bitter fight. The
organization of the territory ceded by Mexico had been delayed by a vio-
lent dispute between the North and South as to whether it should be free
or slave. Henry Clay returned to the Senate in the hope of rendering a
last service to the Union by the arrangement of another compromise. A
committee of which he was chairman proposed that California be admitted
as a free State, that New Mexico and Arizona be organized without stating
whether slavery was or was not allowed therein, that Texas be given
$10,000,000 to withdraw certain claims in regard to her boundary, and that
a stricter fugitive slave law be passed. On the seventh of March, 1850,
Daniel Webster made a speech in favor of this plan. His sympathies now
seemed to be almost wholly with the South and the champions of freedom
felt that he had deserted them. He was met with a torrent of censure from
old friends, while old enemies praised him. In July, President Taylor, who
had opposed the compromise, died. His successor, Fillmore, favored it,
and with great difficulty it was got piecemeal, not as a single bill, through
Congress.

The Maine Senators and Representatives were divided on the ques-
tion. Mr. Bradbury voted for the compromise, Mr. Hamlin against it.

Mr. Webster, roused by the attacks upon him, made public speeches
and wrote open letters defending his course and treating his opponents
with an anger and contempt unworthy of him or them. One of his letters
was to the Whig press of Maine. The Saco Union replied in a dignified
and courteous manner, that every Whig paper in the State disapproved of
the compromise, but that all had expressed their opinions mildly, without
imputation of motive and making but slight reference to Mr. Webster per-
sonally.

The Democratic papers who belonged to the pro-slavery wing were
inclined to support the compromise. The Argus praised Clay. A Senator
had quoted a threat of secession made by Representative Rhett, of South
Carolina. Clay answered : "If he follows up that declaration by corre-
sponding overt acts, he will be a traitor, and I hope he will meet the fate
of a traitor." The Argus highly commended this reply.

On September 24, the Argus strongly advised acquiescence in the com-
promise. It said : "The Republic needs repose. Its business interests have
suffered already from the long contest which has just terminated. . . .
Let all good citizens rejoice now that that contest is at an end and frown
upon all attempts to revive it without necessity." Such language was

350 HISTORY OF MAINE

typical. There was a strong feeling among business men and people who
loved peace and quiet, that agitation should cease. Non-partisan union
meetings were held throughout the country. In December a large and care-
fully arranged one met at Bath. A "Wild Cat," a Democratic Liberal and
a Whig all called for support of the compromise. Nathan Clifford bitterly
attacked the anti-slavery men, but proclaimed their defeat. He said:

"The moment they acquired influence, some of the more daring of
their leaders came forward and boldly avowed the intent and aim of the
agitation. It is now seen in all its deformity, embracing as it does, in its
scope and ultimate purpose, the abolition of slavery everywhere in the
United States. The means for the accomplishment of this end, as every
sane man knows, are and can be, no other than a dissolution of the Union,
and the consequent overthrow of our Federal constitution.

"It was here, I believe, that the first voice in Maine was raised in
opposition to the peace measures of the last session of Congress — where
is that voice? All being silent — hearing no response, I am led to believe
that it is sleeping the sleep of death." One person said "No, here," and
Mr. Clifford instantly replied: "There was one Judas among the twelve
Apostles ; but it is fortunate for our Union, and the honor of Maine, that
here there is only one among thousands."

Governor Hubbard was present and made a speech in which he classed
the negroes with monkeys. Mr. Evans wrote a letter to be read at the
meeting, in which he said: "Resistance to the fugitive slave law is as
criminal as to any other law, and he who encourages it encourages anarchy."

During the struggle over slavery and the compromise there was
another, and similar, bitter fight within the Democratic party over the re-
election of Mr- Hamlin, whose term would expire on the fourth of March,
1851. It is said that more than two-thirds of the Democrats elected to the
Legislature had been instructed by their constituents to vote for Hamlin.
But there was a minority ready to resort to almost any means to defeat
him. Governor Dana had swung away from his old position of moderate
opposition to slavery and was now in close alliance with the Wild Cats.
Conferences were held in the Governor's room at Augusta, plans were
made, and Governor Dana's last important act before yielding his chair to
Dr. Hubbard was to fill all the offices at his disposal, which were many
and important, with "bitter and avowed supporters of the doctrine of
slavery extension."

For a time it was thought that Mr. Dana, himself, might be the Hunker
candidate for Senator, but it was found that he could not carry his own
county, Oxford, and he was therefore dropped. The choice of the man-
agers then fell on one of the most skillful of their number, Bion Bradbury,
of Eastport, who eagerly set to work to procure his own nomination.
Charles E. Hamlin says in his life of his grandfather, "Although Bradbury
had small chance of success, he evinced, in so marked a degree, a talent for
organization, and an ability for pulling wires, that Mr. Hamlin quickly

COMPROMISE OF 1850— PROHIBITION 351

recognized in him a dangerous opponent. If Bion Bradbury had lived in
New York city, where his peculiarly adroit political ability would have
found a suitable field, he doubtless might have attained great prominence
as a political leader. He was a member of the National Executive Com-
mittee of the Democratic party for many years, and exercised no mean
influence in its councils, though he was but little known outside of Maine."
In Hannibal Hamlin he found a foeman worthy of his steel. That gentle-
man kept the direction of his campaign in his own hands, not giving his
entire confidence even to the most trusted of his lieutenants- To one divi-
sion of them was assigned the duty of holding his supporters firm, another
group unknown to the first was craftily stirring up dissension in the enemy's
ranks. It was quietly intimated to the friends of John Anderson, of Port-
land, who had served four terms in Congress, that he would make a good
Senator and ought to have the support of his home county of Cumberland.
"Mr. Hamlin," says his grandson, "introduced clever tactics in other coun-
ties, and before long the Hunkers had a very interesting contest in their
own camp to settle, without dreaming how it originated." Bradbury had
won over many of the managers, but he had neglected to look after the
rank and file, and when the Legislature met the leaders found to their
dismay that their men would not follow them, and that Bradbury must be
dropped. It was a bitter mortification to the would-be Senator, and what
was more important, a serious blow to his prestige. Mr. Bradbury was a
member of the House, where his influence as a leading party manager and
his ability for intrigue made him a power, but his authority was now seri-
ously diminished by his utter failure in his contest for the senatorship.

When the Democratic caucuses of the House and Senate were held,
the Hunkers absented themselves in order not to be bound by the result.
Shepherd Cary, however, the well-known Aroostook Wild Cat, appeared at
the Senate caucus and denied that Mr. Hamlin was a Democrat. The speci-
fications of the charge were that he had opposed various measures for the
benefit of slavery, which had never been formally endorsed by a National
convention, and that he had opposed General Cass in 1848, which was
false. The attack, however, made considerable impression in the Senate,
where Mr. Hamlin was weakest. The Wild Cats, those sticklers for party
regularity, came to an understanding with the Whigs on the filling of a
vacancy from Cumberland. It will be remembered that vacancies in the
Senate were filled by the House, and the Senators who had been elected.

It was the custom for the Senators and Representatives of each party
from a district where there was a senatorial vacancy to hold a caucus
and nominate a Senator who was then supported for election by the
whole party. Accordingly, the anti-slavery Democrats helped elect
a Hunker to fill a vacancy from Washington county because he
had been nominated by the Washington Senators and Representatives.
There was also a vacancy from Cumberland. Here there had been two

352 HISTORY OF MAINE

Democratic candidates for election, Charles Megquier, anti-slavery, and
George F. Shepley, Hunker. The Democratic Senators and Representa-
tives from Cumberland voted 15 to 2 for Megquier, but the Hunkers made
an alliance with the Whigs and the coalition elected Shepley. The motto
of the Hunkers was "Anything to beat Hamlin." The Whigs justified their
action on the ground that it would help them to elect a Whig to succeed
Senator Bradbury.

The success of the alliance caused great alarm among Mr. Hamlin's
friends, and they sent to Washington for him to come to Augusta and
advise them. On his arrival he found that his opponents were demanding
that resolutions against the introduction of slavery into free territory,
passed by the Legislature in 1849, be repealed or modified. The refusal
of Mr. Hamlin and his friends to agree, induced several wavering Senators
to remain with the bolters throughout the struggle. Some of the Hamlin
men were inclined to yield in the matter, but the Senator gathered his
forces, bade them stand firm, assured them of victory, and warned them
against personalities. "Don't abuse my opponents," he said; "let them do
all the abusing and trading. I am going to win, and I want as little hard
feeling as possible after it is all over." The Hamlin men closed their ranks,
but they were not strong enough to prevent the Hunker- Whig coalition from
postponing the election a month.

Most of the leading Democratic papers opposed the bolt- Among those
that did so were the Bangor Jeffer soman, Saco Democrat, Belfast Journal,
Augusta Age, and Portland Argus. The Bangor Democrat, always viciously
Wild Cat, approved it.

On June 20 the House again balloted for Senator. Mr. Hamlin re-
ceived 67 votes, or 8 less than a majority ; Mr. Evans, the Whig candidate,
obtained 42; the Free Soilers gave General Fessenden 15 votes; 20 Hunkers
voted for Governor Hubbard, and there were 5 scattering votes. Next day
Governor Hubbard wrote a letter forbidding the use of his name and urging
support of the regular nominee. The Hunkers then united on John Ander-
son. In the Senate there were 13 votes for Hamlin, 3 less than a majority,
7 for Evans, 6 for Anderson, 4 or 5 for Fessenden. After eleven ballots
had been taken in the Senate and ten in the House, the election was post-
poned for another month. The Hunkers again attempted to repeal the
instructions to vote against the introduction of slavery into free territory,
but the Whigs refused to assist them, and they failed disastrously. They
then tried to slip through some resolutions that appeared to reaffirm the
former ones, but which were not actual instructions. Here, too, they failed.

The contest was sharp and rough. One prominent Hunker invented a
story which he so told as to intimate that Hamlin had negro blood in his
veins. The candidate's friends were ready to proscribe and to raise the
cry of "no more neutrals" A letter to the Jeffersonian declared that the
opposition to Hamlin came mainly from collectors of customs in Aroostook

COMPROMISE OF 1850— PROHIBITION 353

and Washington counties, that the appointments to these offices were referred
to the Committee on Commerce, of which Mr. Hamlin was chairman, and
that he would consult the people as to the men they wanted. The meaning
of this was clear. The Jeffersonian said in an editorial of July 23, 1850,
that no neutrality was permissible, that all men who did not sustain regular
nominations would be held accountable ; that if they or their friends should
be put up for an elective office "Mr. Hamlin's friends will remember them.
Be sure of that."

Mr. Hamlin had seen his election defeated by a minority refusing to
yield to a majority. He now determined to seek help outside the Demo-
cratic lines. Careful management, however, was necessary to prevent this
bringing more loss than gain. In the Senate there were eleven men who
were warm supporters of Hamlin, four others it had been hoped would
vote for him against their personal preferences, because he was the regular
nominee. But two had been won over by the Hunkers and two were very
uncertain. It was feared that Free Soil support for Hamlin would drive
them over to Hunkerdom. There were five Free Soil Senators. Two were
ready to aid in electing Hamlin. A third, an elderly Senator, Ozias
Blanchard, of Blanchard, was undecided what to do. General Fessenden,
the candidate of the Free Soilers, had no chance of election. He sym-
pathized with Mr. Hamlin as a man persecuted by the slave power and
used his influence with Blanchard to induce him to vote for Hamlin.
Joshua R. Giddings and Neal Dow also labored with Blanchard and he
promised to vote for Hamlin. In the House, too, a sufficient number cf
Free Soilers had been gained.

The arrangement with the Free Soilers was kept secret until the mo-
ment of balloting. They had agreed to secure the election of Hamlin if
just before a vote Blanchard should tell them that the time was come by
drawing a ballot from his left side pocket. The signal was made. Blan-
chard and Allen, of Industry, voted for Hamlin, as did the Democrats
whose desertion was feared, one Free Soiler threw a blank ballot, and two
did not vote; twenty-nine ballots had been cast. Fifteen of the votes were
for Hannibal Hamlin and he was elected.

Shortly after the election of Hamlin, the gubernatorial campaign began.
The Democrats renominated Governor Hubbard; the Whigs nominated
William G. Crosby, of Belfast, in whom, according to a letter to the Whig,
ability, integrity, general fitness and availability were "happily combined."

When election day came, Governor Hubbard was chosen by a small
majority. The vote stood: Hubbard 41,203, Crosby 32,120, Talbot (Free
Soil) 7,267, scattering 75- At the same time a constitutional amendment
was passed, making the political year begin as formerly in January and pro-
longing the term of office of the Governor and Legislature chosen in the
summer of 1850, to January, 1853. The change of 1844 had not resulted

ME.-23

354 HISTORY OF MAINE

in shortening the sessions, as was hoped, a spring and summer meeting was
inconvenient for the farmers, who made up the majority of the Legisla-
ture, and the return to winter sessions was carried by a large majority.

The year 185 1 was a quiet one politically, both in Maine and in the
nation. There was no Governor to elect, and there was now a reaction
from the fierce struggle over slavery, and a readiness to acquiesce in the
compromise, even among many who had opposed it. There was indeed a
serious difference of opinion in regard to the fugitive slave act. The
Democratic Clarion, of Skowhegan, said of it : "Humanity sickens at the
picture, and we turn away from the operations of the law with very loath-
ing, and pronounce it a foul stain upon our statute book." Some who
accepted the other parts of the compromise made a reservation in regard
to this law. The Jeffersonian, Age, Saco Democrat, Oxford Democrat,
Belfast Journal, even the Argus, objected to making the maintenance of the
act unchanged a test of party feality.

The attention of politicians was turning toward the selection of a can-
didate for the presidential campaign of the ensuing year. There was a
strong demand among the New England Democrats that the choice should
be made from one of their number, and the New Hampshire Democrats
declared in favor of the nomination of their fellow-citizen, Levi Woodbury,
who had been an aspirant for the office for many years. Thomas H. Ben-
ton, Hannibal Hamlin and other Democrats who were opposed to slavery
extension, joined in a carefully planned effort to secure his nomination. They
believed that his record as an old Jacksonian would gain the support of the
Southern Democrats, but that he could be relied upon to veto any measures
for the extension of slavery. Benton wrote a eulogistic article on Wood-
bury, describing him as the rock of New England Democracy, and sent it
to Hamlin, who arranged for its publication in various Maine newspapers.
Woodbury's friends believed that his chances of success were good, but
their hopes were disappointed, and their plans to put the Jackson Demo-
crats once more in control of the party disarranged by his sudden death.

There were three principal candidates for the Whig nomination —
President Fillmore, whose strength was in the South; Mr. Webster, who
was supported by the greater part of New England; and General Scott,
who was the candidate of the anti-compromise Whigs and of the availa-
bility men. The Whig papers in Maine were inclined to support General
Scott. Anti-slavery was strong in Maine, and the people of the State had
not forgiven Mr. Webster for the Ashburton treaty. On matters of policy
the Whigs of the Union were even more seriously divided than on the ques-
tion of a candidate. The South demanded an endorsement of the compro-
mise. The "Conscience Whigs" of the North were utterly opposed to any-
thing of the kind. The Kennebec Journal objected to "sectional tests."
"Let the compromise of 1850," it said, "take its place in silence beside its
antique namesakes of 1820 and 1833. '" A little later the Journal said:

'Kennebec Journal, Jan. 19, 1852.

COMPROMISE OF 1850— PROHIBITION 355

"And so it becomes a question solely for Southern Whigs to decide whether
or not we shall have a Whig President at the next election. If they insist
upon incorporating this test (approval of the compromise) into the code of
the Whig party, then it is inevitable that the Whig party is sundered and
defeated. And what is worse than that, it is equally inevitable that a great
sectional party will rise upon its ruins."

The friends of the compromise, the Silver Greys, were not, however,
inactive in Maine. They made an earnest attempt in Portland, led by
John A. Poor and R. A- L. Codman to elect delegates to the district and
State conventions, but their candidates were defeated and a resolution
praising Webster was voted down.

Undiscouraged by their failure, the Silver Greys held a great meeting
at Portland which was addressed by out-of-State speakers and by some
leading Portland citizens. Mr. Poor said that he saw many faces from
other parts of the State, to which he wished to extend the hand of friend-
ship, which caused the Argus to remark that the only way to do it would
be to pull their noses. The meeting passed resolutions against sending only
opponents of the nomination of Fillmore or Webster to the National con-
vention, and stated that they opposed all measures calculated to divide by
the introduction of personal prejudices or sectional issues, and they called
on their delegates in the district and the State convention to resist the
pledging of the National delegates to the support of one particular candi-
date over all others.

The State convention, however, endorsed Scott, and elected George
Evans and William Pitt Fessenden delegates-at-large. For Governor, they
nominated William G. Crosby, of Belfast. Mr. Crosby was a Whig of the
highest type, a refined and cultured gentleman of excellent moral charac-
ter, conservative by nature, desirous of improvement but only if it could
be obtained without agitation, disorder, and interference with vested rights.
He had been secretary of the State Board of Education, an office corre-
sponding roughly with that of superintendent of schools today, and had
shown himself a zealous and valuable officer.

The National convention met on June 16. Fifty-two ballots were taken
without result. On the fifty-third, General Scott was nominated by a small
majority- The contest had been bitter and hard fought, as well as long.
The first vote stood, Fillmore 133, Scott 131, Webster 29, and until the
fiftieth ballot there was but little alteration. Many of the Fillmore men
were well disposed to Webster, but hesitated to change, fearing that enough
Southern votes would be transferred to Scott to give him the nomination.
It was calculated that if the Free State delegates could muster 41 votes
for Webster, 106 Fillmore men would come to the support of the New
Englander and he would be nominated. Had the Maine delegation been
willing to vote for him, probably enough New Yorkers would have joined
them to secure Webster the long-coveted prize. The Maine delegates were

35 6 HISTORY OF MAINE

plied with the most earnest entreaties, but not one would yield. William
Pitt Fessenden, on his return, said in a speech at Portland that they did
not feel justified in abandoning Scott (for whom they had been instructed),
but Mr. Webster's friends laid the blame on Mr. Evans, who was the leader
of the Maine delegation. It is said that he had desired to succeed Justice
Woodbury on the Supreme Bench, and that when Curtis, of Boston, was
appointed, the defeated candidate believed that Mr. Webster was respon-
sible, and now took revenge.' The New York Courier and Enquirer de-
clared, "Never was malignity and hatred made more manifest than in the
manner which the delegation from Maine proclaimed their vote.'"

Though Maine was pleased with the candidate, she was greatly dis-
satisfied with the platform. When Southern delegates left Fillmore for
Scott, they exacted a pledge that the compromise of 1850, including the
fugitive slave law, should be accepted, its strict enforcement insisted on,
and that agitation should be deprecated and a promise given to discourage
it everywhere. Such a bargain was gall and wormwood to the anti-slavery
men. William Pitt Fessenden, who was on the Committee on Resolutions,
fought it both in the committee and the convention. He wished the Whigs
to follow the precedents of 1840 and 1848 and go into the fight with a sol-
dier for a candidate and no principles to encumber them- But the South
insisted on its pound of flesh, and the resolution was adopted by a vote
of 212 to 70.

The Democratic convention was also much divided on the subject of a
candidate. Forty-eight ballots were taken without result. On the forty-
ninth the convention "broke" to Franklin Pierce, of New Hampshire, a
dark horse whose nomination, however, like that of most dark horses, was
the result of careful planning and strategy. One of the principal con-
trivers was Senator Bradbury, of Maine, "a college mate and lifelong friend
of Pierce."*

The reception of the nomination of Pierce was not unlike that of Polk.
The Whig asked, "Who in all the great West, who in the South, who among
the mountains and plains, has read of or heard of Frank Pierce, of New
Hampshire?" The Argus praised Pierce and declared that the rush of the
followers of the great men to unite upon him proved that he was no com-
mon man. The campaign both in the State and the Nation was somewhat
listless and was marred by personalities. In February, before the Whigs
had chosen their standard-bearer, the Argus had assailed their leaders,
paying particular attention to Webster. "We will not," it said, "draw the
veil from his too well-known private life — at least not at present." It
accused him of aristocratic principles, of receiving large salaries as Senator

! Rev. A. V. Bliss, a son of the late Charles E. Bliss, of Bangor, for years an
enthusiastic student of Webster, states that Evans wished to be minister to England
when Edward Everett was appointed to that position by Tyler and that he blamed
Webster, then Secretary of State, for his disappointment.

'Quoted in Argus, June 8, 1852.

'Whig, June 9, 1852.

COMPROMISE OF 1850— PROHIBITION 357

and Secretary of State, but of never having enough. "The masses may
honor his unquestionable talents — so might they those of the archangel who
fell' — but they would never dare trust either of them with the high interests
of the country. They must have a man who with commanding ability, shall
be like Caesar's wife, 'without suspicion.' "

The Argus said that if Fillmore should be nominated he would be
defeated by the corruption of his administration, and that Scott would be
an automaton President. After Scott's nomination an effort was made to
stir up the Irish and other Catholics against him. The Argus quoted from
a letter in which he had said that the Cardinals in a papal election were
accustomed to vote first for themselves and then for the most superan-
nuated, in the hope that there would soon be another papal vacancy and
they would have another opportunity of grasping at the tiara- The Argus
also spoke of Scott's violent temper and of his making charges against
officers which were not sustained, and revived the story of his quarrels with
De Witt Clinton and Jackson. Scott's vanity was notorious and the Argus
remarked that in his short letter of acceptance "I" occurred fourteen
times.

The Whigs replied that the men who attacked Scott defamed Harri-
son; and by implication at least they accused Pierce of intemperance,
incapacity, and cowardice. They declared that an allegation that Scott
had issued an order against enlisting foreigners was a lie, and that by his
threats of retaliation, backed up by preparatory measures for carrying them
into effect, he had saved the lives of twenty-three Irish soldiers whom the
English had captured in the War of 1812 and were going to ha»g as
traitors. They pointed out that New Hampshire, Pierce's own State,
excluded Catholics from various offices. They also reminded the voters
that Pierce's father had approved of the Alien and Sedition laws. The
Advertiser criticised Pierce for voting against appropriations for certain
internal improvements. The Argus replied that Pierce had approved of
them all, but that they were in a bad bill, and that the Democrats favored
internal improvements which were of general benefit.

Scott's supporters praised him for settling the Maine boundary ques-
tion. The Argus answered that the people had not yet forgotten the terri-
tory Maine had lost under the Whigs. The tariff was also brought into
the campaign. The Democrats declared that the tariff of 1846 was better
for Maine shipowners than that of 1842. The Barnburners had come back
to the Democratic party and John Van Buren, and John A. Dix, the Free
Soil candidate for Governor of New York in 1848, spoke at a Pierce meet-

"Had the editor in mind Whittier's lines:

"Of all we loved and honored
Naught save power remains,
A fallen angel's pride of thought
Still strong in chains."

358 HISTORY OF MAINE

ing in August. All the signs pointed to a victory for the Democrats, and
the election justified their utmost hopes. Pierce carried Maine, having
9,000 majority over Scott, and swept the country, only four States, Ver-
mont, Massachusetts, Kentucky and Tennessee, voting for the Whig can-
didate.

The Whig papers in Maine took their overthrow calmly. The Adver-
tiser said : "Our candidate is not responsible for our defeat. He has suf-
fered from a division in the party which must have insured the defeat of
any candidate nominated by the same convention with the same platform."
As a wag put it, the coroner's verdict on the defunct Whig party was
"died of an attempt to swallow the fugitive slave law." The Advertiser
counselled the Whigs to stand firm, to resist the extension of slavery, but
not to meddle with it where it existed. The Bangor Whig showed little
disappointment. It said that the leading locos had killed each other off and
then all had united on Pierce, who was known to ba ready to follow the
South. Such was not the case with Scott, but his friends allowed sup-
porters of the other candidates to shape the issues, and thereby cooled
many without securing the active co-operation of those who differed
from them. It also said: "The doctrine of intervention (in behalf of
Hungary) in one direction, free trade in another, and money in others,
have all united with disaffected Whigs of every caste, whether from gen-
eral or local causes, and all have gone in a body for Pierce. His party
today is the most incongruous that was ever combined in this country."

The campaign of 1852 was the last National one made by the Whigs.
They had been organized to deal with issues most of which were now set-
tled for the time being or obsolete; they lacked the insight and courage
necessary to meet the new questions which were dividing the country, and
the prophecy of the Bangor Whig that the demand of the South for the
acceptance of the compromise would mean the destruction of the Whigs
and the rise of a great sectional party in their place was quickly fulfilled.

The year that witnessed the passing of the Whigs as a National party
was fittingly marked by the deaths of their two great leaders. When Clay
secured the passing of the compromise of 1850 his work was done. He
returned to the capital, but took little part in legislation, his strength failed,
and he died at a Washington hotel in May, 1852. Daniel Webster con-
tinued his advocacy of the compromise and his work as Secretary of State
to the last- But he was bitterly disappointed by his failure to obtain even
a respectable support in the Whig convention of 1852; he highly disap-
proved of the refusal of his old party to enthusiastically support the com-
promise, and in September he died at his home in Marshfield, oppressed
by a sense of failure.

High honors were paid in Maine and throughout the country to the
memory of Clay and of Webster. Old opponents joined in the tribute the
more readily since they had approved the public conduct of the dead states-

COMPROMISE OF 1850— PROHIBITION 359

men during the closing period of their lives. Old friends pronounced their
eulogies, but often these were less cordial than they would have been had
not the speakers felt that the men they praised had at the last failed to
answer with the best that was in them. The Advertiser, however, though
disapproving of the compromise, said of Clay that when engaged in the
advocacy of the numerous important measures he proposed he avoided par-
tisanship, and "invariably addressed his strongest appeals to the noblest
feelings of our nature. . . . Many a year and age will pass away before
the world looks upon his like again."

The year was also marked by another death of interest to the State,
though not to the Nation, that of William King, the first Governor of
Maine.

In a presidential year, the campaign for Governor usually plays but
a small part, but in 1852 it was fiercely fought and aroused great, perhaps
equal, interest. It was the custom, if one party remained in power, for the
Governor to serve for three terms, the second and third nominations were
little more than a form, and to avoid the trouble and expense of a State
convention they were made by a legislative caucus. There was much feel-
ing between the Hunker and the Hamlin wings of the Democracy, but at
first it seemed that the former would agree, for a price, to the renomina-
tion of the Governor. On January 26, 1852, the Whig said that probably
"... the Wild Cats, upon promise not to kill Governor Hubbard, will
be allowed to sweep the cupboard of all else it contains. The seeming
outside advantage of form will be taken by Speaker Sewall and his drive
(the Hamlin men) as ample consideration for the substance."

But the treaty failed. It may be that Hamlin's supporters were less
ready to efface themselves than the Whig supposed, and the opposition to
Hubbard was very bitter. He had given great offense to certain old politi-
cians by some of his appointments and by what his friends described as a
refusal to let them plunder the treasury. He had, moreover, signed the
prohibitory law of 1851, had presided at a temperance convention at Au-
gusta, and had made a speech praising the law, acts which the opponents
of the new liquor legislation found it hard to forgive. Owing to the amend-
ment of the constitution changing the beginning of the political year, Hub-
bard would, in January, 1853, have served parts of three years, that is,
from May, 1850, to January, 1853, or two years and eight months and the
Hunkers claimed that he would substantially have had his three years.
They therefore demanded that the State committee issue a call for a con-
vention, but the committee refused to do so. A legislative caucus was
held which renominated Governor Hubbard. The Hunkers thereupon
"withdrew from the caucus . . . amidst the derisive caterwauling of
the Hamlin wing."

But the anti-Maine Law men were seriously considering an organized
bolt, and the Democratic papers assailed them, not with caterwauling, but

3 6o HISTORY OF MAINE

with arguments and entreaties- The Belfast Republican-Journal urged that
Hubbard might have doubted both the wisdom and the constitutionality of
the prohibitory law, but that a doubt was no reason for vetoing it, and
that its constitutionality was a question for the courts. As to his speech
to the convention, if he thought the law worked well there was no reason
that he should not say so. The Journal pointed out that it was not merely
the governorship which was at issue, but that the defeat of Hubbard would
help elect Scott. The article was copied by the Bath Times and the Bangor
Jeffersonian. The Argus repeated its substance when Hubbard was nomi-
nated and said: "It is not the Governor alone that would be risked, but
the House of Representatives — the subordinate State and county officers —
the United States Senator (Senator Bradbury's term expired March 4) —
and even the next presidency. All these might be lost by the defeat of our
candidate for Governor, some of them certainly."

The appeal to party loyalty, however, failed to move the Hunkers and
they held a convention and nominated an independent candidate for Gov-
ernor, Anson G. Chandler, a son of Gen. John Chandler.

The friends of Governor Hubbard spoke as partisans when arguing
with disaffected Democrats, but they promptly called on temperance Free
Soilers and Whigs to break party ties for the sake of principle and come
to the help of a man wounded in the house of his friends because of his
service to the cause of temperance. The cry was not unheeded. The Gar-
diner Fountain, a temperance paper, Ezekiel Holmes, the Free Soil candi-
date for Governor, and Elder Peck, a clerical champion of temperance and
anti-slavery, announced their intention of supporting Hubbard.

The Whigs, who had renominated Governor Crosby, did their best to
stop the rush of temperance men to the Hubbard camp. They accused the
Fountain of precipitancy and injustice in enlisting under the Hubbard flag
before it knew whom the Whigs would nominate- The Bangor Whig de-
clared that the Governor could not be considered a shining light in the
temperance cause, "either by personal habits or vigorous advocacy," that
his services "consisted only in signing the prohibitory bill under circum-
stances which, according to his friends would, if he had the spirit of a man,
permit him to do nothing else, and in presiding for a short time for political
effect over a temperance convention." The People's Press, of Skowhegan,
went further in personal assault, declaring that the people of the town
were too near to Moosehead Lake to vote for Hubbard as a temperance
man, the proposition was ridiculous.

At the election, as must have been foreseen, there was no choice for
Governor. The official vote stood, Hubbard 41,999, Crosby 29,127, Chan-
dler, 21,774, Holmes (Free Soil) 1,617, scattering 157.

Not only was there no choice by the people, but the Legislature was
so divided that when they met the public was uncertain which candidate
would win. A secret deal, however, had been made between Crosby and

COMPROMISE OF 1850— PROHIBITION 361

the Whigs on the one part and the Wild Cats on the other. Senator Brad-
bury's term would expire on the 4th of March. If Hubbard should be
chosen either Governor or Senator it would probably be regarded at the
White House as proof that the Hubbard men were the true Democrats,
they would receive all the patronage, and the poor Cats would be left to
starve in outer darkness. As usual, there were vacancies in the Maine
Senate, which the Representatives and such Senators as had been elected
must fill. It was agreed that the Cats should help the Whigs to obtain a
clear majority in the Senate and so secure the election of Mr. Crosby. In
return the Whigs pledged themselves, if the split in the Democratic party
should continue, to vote for the Wild Cat candidate for Senator, who
would probably be ex-Governor Dana.

There had been a Hubbard and a Chandler senatorial ticket in Cum-
berland county. Each had succeeded in returning two constitutional can-
didates. The legislative convention was Democratic, but the temperance
Whigs and Democrats agreed to vote for two Whigs and the Hubbard
men, to fill the vacancies from Cumberland, presumably the Cats also
voted for Whigs, and the result was that the temperance Whig alliance
was successful. Democratic votes also elected two Whigs from Waldo.
A third senatorial vacancy from that county and one from Hancock were,
however, filled by Democrats. The Cats had kept their word. The Whigs
had eighteen men in the Senate and the Democrats fifteen.

It was then the duty of the House to choose two from the four highest
candidates for Governor, one of whom would be elected by the Senate.
Mr. Tabor, of Houlton, a Wild Cat, said that the House was Democratic,
that it would be suicidal to saddle the State with a Whig Governor, and
that the names of the two Democrats, Chandler and Hubbard, should be
sent to the Senate. But the anti-slavery men were determined not to run
the risk of the election of Chandler. One of their leaders, Sewall of Old
Town, replied that he was glad to hear that there was a Democratic major-
ity in the House, though the events of the last two days would seem to
throw doubt on the fact. He thought it but fair that Hubbard and Crosby,
the opposing candidates of the two great parties, should preserve their
leadership, if Governor Hubbard should be defeated at the other end of
the capital, the responsibility must rest on those who had brought it about
by electing Whigs to fill senatorial vacancies.

The Whigs had a clear majority in the Senate, yet Crosby's election
was not secure. In a letter concerning the bargain with the Wild Cats,
written by him before the meeting of the Legislature, he said that he
believed that all the Whig Senators would vote for him in preference to
Hubbard, but that some doubt had been expressed in regard as to what
Tucker, of Kennebec, and Muzzy, of Penobscot, would do. When the test
came, Tucker stood by his party, but Muzzy, who was a strong pro-
hibitory law man, voted for Hubbard. Two other Whig Senators voted for

362 HISTORY OF MAINE

Hubbard for the same reason. This desertion would have been fatal to
the Whig candidate had not two Senators from Oxford, ex-Governor
Dana's county, who resented the defeat of a plan to make Mr. Dana
United States Senator, and who had been opposed by Hubbard men after
their nomination,' taken their revenge by supporting Crosby, and so elect-
ing him Governor. The Democrats, however, had not voted for Crosby
without some present solid reward, as well as the pleasure of defeating
Hubbard, and the promise of help in the senatorial contest. They obtained
a majority in the Council, which was made up of four Hunker Democrats
and three Whigs. The Governor could not appoint any man without the
assent of his Council, and the majority of the Council was Hunker.

The Governor had been elected, but it proved impossible to choose a
Senator. Mr. Bradbury had declined being a candidate for re-election. He
had been zealous and successful in promoting legislation for the benefit
of his constituents and had obtained the payment of interest on the Maine
claims for expenses in the "Aroostook War." The Bangor Whig said:
"As the Honorable Senator retires to private life let us wish him nothing
worse than that the people will never again disturb the dignity of his repose,
nor vex him with solicitations to again assume the labors of public life,
and thanking him for the watchful care he has had for the interests of our
State, and not maliciously remembering the political sins he has committed,
let us resolve to fill his place for many generations with an able and honest
Whig. So mote it be."'

When the first ballot was taken for United States Senator, the Whig
Senate named William Pitt Fessenden, the Democrats voting for Nathan
Clifford. The Democratic House named ex-Governor Dana. Neither
would yield, and finally the Legislature adjourned with the deadlock
unbroken.

There was a sharp struggle for the appointive as well as for the elec-
tive offices. Maine Democrats rushed to Washington to greet their new
President and claim a part of the spoils. In a Washington letter which
appeared in the Argus on March 9, a correspondent said: "I wrote you
some time ago that two hundred fighting men were expected here from
Maine. I did your gallant and patriotic people an injustice- At the call
of their country they have sent a full regiment, headed by three ex-Gov-
ernors, with the ranks filled with ex-members of the Legislature, over whom
ex-presidents of the Senate exercise discipline as sergeants, assisted by
ex-Speakers as corporals."

A week later another letter announced that "The 'outside barbarians'
from Maine, together with the Congressional delegations, have been in coun-
cil in order to adjust claims for offices in Maine. There is a split, which
it is attempted to get over by assigning the Penobscot river to Senator

"The Hubbard supporters denied the regularity of the nomination.
'Whig, Feb. 17, 1853.

COMPROMISE OF 185c— PROHIBITION 363

Hamlin, as his share, and leaving the balance of the State clear for the
other section."

There was a Democratic "split" not only in Maine but throughout the
North. Were men who favored the Wilmot proviso and even those who
supported Van Buren in 1848, but who had loyally rallied to the Pierce
banner, to be considered Democrats in good and regular standing or should
they be treated as weak brethren who had lapsed from the faith and must
do penance by abstaining from the sweets of office. President Pierce
began his term with an earnest wish to reunite the party by liberal treat-
ment of the anti-slavery wing. In Maine the Hamlin-Hubbard men could
claim to be regular and they obtained the greater share of the offices. Ex-
Governor Hubbard, to the extreme disgust of some of the old politicians,
received that choice plum, the consulship at Rio Janeiro,' succeeding ex-
Governor Kent, who had himself succeeded would-be Governor Parks.
The Banbor Mercury declared that the only Hunker appointed in Maine
was Editor Haynes of the Democrat. He was made postmaster, in order,
said the Mercury, to prevent his attacking the appointments. Kingsbury
of the Argus, however, who was Hunkerishly inclined, was made inspector
of the customs in Portland, and there were doubtless other Hunker ap-
pointments in the State. Moreover, ex-Governor Anderson received a
good place at Washington, being made commissioner of customs. But the
old guard was disappointed and sore. A number of them had purchased
a fine new chaise to present to Mr- Pierce, but they were so angry at his
distribution of offices that they decided that he was not worthy of the
carriage and finally gave it to Hastings Strickland of Bangor.

The President, however, was anxious to be on good terms with the
pro-slavery men. Ephraim K. Smart of Belfast wished to be the collector
of customs there and had the endorsement of all the Maine Democrats in
Congress but one. But he had voted for the Wilmot proviso and Pierce
refused to appoint him. Smart wrote a frank letter to the President. He
admitted that he had voted for the proviso but said that he believed that
all who joined in support of the Baltimore platform should be accorded
recognition, that at his last election Whigs and Abolitionists voted against
him and that some of the self-styled "national Democrats" who now as-
sailed him voted with them. "But, let me ask you," he said, "if gentlemen
who acted faithfully with the Democratic party in the late presidential
canvass, who are wedded to the cause of Democracy, both in feeling and
opinion, are to be rejected on the only ground which can be urged against
me, whether in your opinion, the Democratic party can be assured of a
majority in a single New England State, or even in the Middle States?" 8

On the other hand, the President could be firm in disciplining pro-

*He is said, however, to have earnestly sought the consulship at Liverpool, but
this very lucrative position went to Nathaniel Hawthorne, the college friend and
campaign biographer of President Pierce.

•W. Argus, Aug. 9, 1853.

364 HISTORY OF MAINE

slavery men. The Hunkers of New York had seceded from the State con-
vention claiming unfair treatment. The collector and naval officer of the
port of New York sided with them, and the collector insisted on confining
his appointments to Hunkers. Mr. Guthrie, the Secretary of the Treasury,
removed both the collector and the naval officer.

The Argus, notwithstanding its zeal for regular nominations, promptly
expressed its disapproval. It said: "In this State the policy of reconcili-
ation is undoubtedly popular. It is the only policy upon which the Demo-
cratic party can live and triumph. With any other policy we could not
have carried the State for General Pierce. With any other policy we can-
not restore the State to Democratic hands." Events had doubtless im-
pressed the Argus with the desperate need of reconciliation. When this
editorial was written, the Democratic party had again split in two and
again there had been no election for Governor.

The Whigs had, in accordance with custom, renominated Governor
Crosby. The Bangor Whig said, "Governor Crosby adorns the office by a
highly cultivated intellect, by ripe scholarship, and with a heart which
knows no guile." Had the Whig been aware of Governor Crosby's part
in the trade with the Hunkers, the preceding winter, it might have omitted
the last clause.

The Democrats found much more difficulty in choosing a leader. Their
convention was held in Bangor in a mammoth tent hired from Boston for
the occasion. The Hunkers and anti-prohibitionists were in control. It is
said that they had spared no effort to elect delegates, while their opponents
remained quiet, being willing to let them carry the convention and "break
their own necks." There were four candidates, — Shepherd Cary, John
Hodsdon, W. B. S. Moore and Eben F. Pillsbury of Machias. The latter
gentleman had a good lead on the first and second ballots and was nom-
inated on the third. The convention resolved that it sincerely rejoiced in
the Compromise of 1850, praised the administration in general terms, and
declared it a duty to support regular nominations. It also resolved that a
legislative caucus had no right to nominate, and that in future the State
committee should call a convention and decide all contests, subject to the
approval of the convention itself. There was the usual convention joyous-
ness. According to the Whig, Pillsbury "received his visitors in his liquor-
spread room," and Major Strickland gave "the next Governor of Maine"
a ride in the "President's chaise."

Although the nomination of Pillsbury was a Hunker victory, he was
little known and attempts were made to represent him as a compromise
candidate. 1 " The convention made no mention of the prohibitory law, the
Argus explained that it was not a political question, and also urged that the

"Pillsbury had been more discreet in his opposition to the prohibitory law than
Cary. Hodsdon was the candidate of those conservatives who most inclined toward
prohibition.

COMPROMISE OF 1850— PROHIBITION 365

friends of the law wished no change at present and that probably there
would be no occasion for Pillsbury to take any action in the matter. The
Argus denied that the convention was made up of the bolters of the year
before; these men, it said, were in a decided minority.

The strongly anti-slavery and "temperance" Democrats were not to
be won, however. They followed the example of the Hunkers when they
were beaten the year before, held a mass convention at Portland and nom-
inated an independent candidate. The gentleman chosen was Anson P.
Morrill of Readfield.

Mr- Morrill was a brother of Lot M. Morrill, one of the leaders of the
anti-slavery Democrats. He had been land agent from 1850 to 1854 and
subsequently served a term in Congress.

As in the preceding election, when the ballots were counted, the reg-
ular Democratic candidate led but failed to obtain a majority. The
official vote stood, Pillsbury 36,386, Crosby 27,061, Morrill 11,027, Holmes
(Free Soil) 8,996 scattering 157.

The Legislature that met in January 1854, had to solve a problem
like that of the preceding year, to choose one of three candidates, all
strongly supported, but none of whom could be elected by his own followers
alone. The situation was further complicated by the fact that the Governor
and Council had reported that only thirteen Senators, less than a quorum,
had been elected by the people.

Seven of the thirteen were Pillsbury men, three were Whigs, two were
Free Soilers, and one was a Morrill Democrat. When the Senate met it
ascertained the vacancies and reported the constitutional candidates in
Waldo and Cumberland counties. These were all "Wild Cats." It was
said that the Democrats planned when they had obtained a quorum and a
majority by the choice of some of these men, to organize the Senate, pass
on elections in such a way as to give them a firm majority, then refuse to
elect a Governor unless the House should send up the names of such candi-
dates as they desired. The President of the Senate whom they would elect
would meanwhile be acting Governor and they thought that they could
distribute the spoils and get along without a Council. The House, however,
met this move by refusing to go into joint convention for filling a part of
the vacancies. The Coalitionists claimed that there was no Senate and
that the House could call a joint convention of the Representatives and of
the Senators elect and fill the vacancies. After considerable delay the
House submitted various questions bearing on the matter to the Supreme
Court. The replies were a disappointment to both parties- Some of the
cherished contentions of the Coalitionists were declared incorrect, but the
practical question, that of the legal method of filling the vacancies, was
decided against the "Wild Cats." The Court stated that a minority might
organize and exercise all the powers of the Senate for filling vacancies.
By such a construction, said the Court, "there may be a compliance with

366 HISTORY OF MAINE

every requirement of the Constitution, and a constitutional government at
all times be secured ; without such a construction there can be no compliance
and no such security. And without such a construction occasions may
frequently occur which will prevent the organization of the constitutional
government without the exercise of power not conferred upon it by some
branch of the government, or without an organization of the government
from necessity." The right of the House to hold a convention with a
minority of the elected Senators, the others being duly notified, was denied.

The Court, however, stated that the Constitution contemplated the
declaring of all the vacancies before the filling of any, and the filling of all
the vacancies at the same time but added that a different course could be
taken should both houses assent. The Court also decided that a Senator
chosen by a convention could not vote in a subsequent convention held for
the purpose of filling vacancies that existed on the first Wednesday in
January. The opinion was signed by Justices Shepley, Tenney, Wells,
Howard, Hathaway and Appleton. Justice Appleton, however, stated that
while he agreed that less than a majority of the Senate might perform all
acts necessary to complete the Senatorial board, he did "not concur to the
full extent of powers indicated in the opinion," Justice Rice, who had
been unable to meet with the judges, dissented from an important part of
the opinion. He believed that the Constitution contemplated a convention
for filling a part of the vacancies, that the House had no right to refuse to
go into such a convention, and that a Senator elected by it could vote in
subsequent conventions.

The Senate thereupon reported the vacancies and the constitutional
candidates. In the House the Whigs, Free Soilers, and Morrill Democrats
had united and elected Noah Smith of Calais, a Free Soil and Prohibition
Whig, Speaker, and John J. Perry, a Morrill Democrat, Clerk- They also
elected from the constitutional candidates for the Senate men who were
expected to vote for Morrill for Governor and William Pitt Fessenden for
United States Senator, provided, of course, that such men were available.

Thus far the coalition had been entirely successful, but it now met
with a serious defeat. Neal Dow says in his "Reminiscences" : "Unques-
tionably a majority of the Whigs in that body, left to their own inclina-
tion and judgment, would have preferred to vote for Mr. Morrill. But the
United States Senatorship was yet to be decided and was sure to be affected
by the course of the Whig Senators on the Governorship. On the one
hand, it was feared that if Morrill was not made Governor, his friends
could not be relied upon to support Mr. Fessenden for the Senate. On the
other hand, it was known that some Whigs would bolt as to the Senator-
ship if their nominee for Governor was beaten by the votes of Whig
Senators."

In this dilemma the Whig leaders concluded that the path of safety
was to be found in party consistency. Consequently they brought great

COMPROMISE OF 1850— PROHIBITION 367

pressure to bear upon those Whig Senators who were thought to incline
toward Morrill to keep them in the party fold. Some Whigs were in the
Senate through the assistance at the polls of the Morrill Democrats under
the promise, express or implied, that if necessary to elect him they would
vote for the candidate of the Maine Law Democracy. Upon these, of
course, the friends of Mr. Morrill relied. But, shortly before the Senate
was to vote, one Whig Senator, who had been depended upon to vote for
Morrill, was called into the lobby, where he was labored with an entire
hour by a coterie of leading Whigs, who finally secured through his pledge
the one vote needed to elect Crosby. Then the Senate, having patiently
awaited that proselyting process, proceeded to the choice of a Governor.
Nine regular Democrats and seven Whigs, sixteen in all, voted for Crosby,
and four Whigs, two regular Democrats, and nine Morrill Democrats,
fifteen in all, voted for Morrill.

"The result was a profound surprise to everybody present, save the
three or four Whigs who had converted their vacillating brother. Com-
menting upon it, a Portland daily said : "All can rejoice in having defeated
something, and that the Maine Law is safe." The regular Democrats were
delighted. They were pleased because a "bolter" had been punished; they
were sanguine that the backbone of the coalition was broken, and imagined
that the "deserters" in the Morrill camp would come home to be forgiven,
to be revenged upon the "tricky" Whigs, and to act thereafter with the
Democratic party. They were convinced that the Whigs would now be
unable to elect Mr. Fessenden to the Senate, and confidently expected the
success of their own candidate. The Whig leaders ridiculed these claims
publicly, but privately were anxious. The situation was critical and no one,
however experienced in political affairs, could foresee what the outcome
of the contest would be.

The supporters of Mr. Morrill were very angry at his defeat, and the
Democrats, in hopes that he and his followers might be won back, nom-
inated his brother Lot for United States Senator. A- P. Morrill, however,
told his friends that though he could not actively oppose his brother he
saw no reason why they should not support Fessenden as planned. Some
of the Whigs, however, were unwilling to vote for Fessenden because of
his anti-slavery views and because his friends had, it was charged, aided
the election of Morrill. If they were aware that some of the Morrill men
would vote for him they might privately bolt, knowing that he would fail
of an election, and as he would receive a number of votes equal to the
Whig strength, that their own defection could not be proved. Neal
Dow says:

"The practical problem then was how to secure the Morrill votes for
Fessenden without letting the Whig malcontents know that he was about
to receive them until too late for them to prevent his election.

"It was accomplished in this way: With some publicity, an interview

368 HISTORY OF MAINE

was arranged between the Morrill Democrats and ex-Governor Hubbard,
to give the impression that they were intending to vote for him. The
naturalness of such an arrangement gave color to its probability. The
Morrill men in the Legislature were in a measure the avengers of Hub-
bard's wrongs. But for the Democratic liquor-bolt against him there
would have been no Democratic temperance-bolt against Pillsbury, and
the Morrill men, as such, would not have been in the Legislature. It
was reasonable to think that they might vote for Mr. Hubbard, and their
support, with that of the regular Democrats, would elect him and thus
pave the way for that union and harmony needed for the restoration of the
Democracy to its control of the State.

"After this interview the report was circulated that Governor Hubbard
had been nominated by the Morrill men, and that there would be no choice
on the first ballot. Those in the secret took assiduous care that the report
should not be contradicted, lest some of the disaffected Whigs might with-
hold their votes from Fessenden. Accordingly, ballots were printed for
Governor Hubbard and carefully distributed throughout the house just
before the hour of balloting arrived. Not a Democrat in the Legislature,
and but two Whigs, knew what the Morrill men were to do.

"Mr. Fessenden was one of those. He and his Democratic competitor,
Lot M. Morrill, who like himself, was a member of the House, had taken
seats in the front, one on each side of the Speaker's desk. The committee
collected the votes and retired to count. Its report was to settle the ques-
tion which had been disturbing the politicians of the State for nearly two
years, yet there were not twelve men awaiting that report who supposed
that the choice had been effected. The committee came in. Its announce-
ment was awaited and received in dead silence. To the great surprise of
almost every one present, it showed the election of Fessenden. Not a
word was spoken for nearly a minute, which seemed fully five minutes, so
great was the strain, during which not a sound was heard in the crowded
assembly.

"Finally, Mr. Morrill rose, and, almost staggering as he walked, so
great was his nervous excitement, crossed over to the side of Mr. Fessenden,
shook hands with him in the presence of the great crowd which thronged
the house, and congratulated him upon his success. The spell thus broken
was followed by loud and long-continued applause.""

William Pitt Fessenden was the son of General Samuel Fessenden
and was born on October 16, 1806, at Boscawen, New Hampshire, where
his father had taught school and had studied law with Daniel Webster.
Mr. Webster stood godfather to the son of his friend, driving twenty miles
on a cold wintry day in order to be present. The boy was given the name
of the great Tory minister, William Pitt, who had died that year much
admired by the thorough-going Federalists, of whom Samuel Fessenden
was one of the most extreme. His son, called by his family and friends
not William but Pitt, had much in common with the statesman whose name
he bore. Both were men of the strictest personal integrity, austere in
manner and admired by most of their followers more than they were loved.
Each was skilled in finance; neither was in the full sense of the word a
great orator.

u Dow, "Reminiscences," 487-494.

COMPROMISE OF 1850— PROHIBITION 369

In loftiness of character it is probable that the American was the su-
perior. Pitt loved office, not for its emoluments but for the power it gave to
accomplish great things. Fessenden found the intense labor of official life
almost more than he could bear, while the association with men of lower
aims that it involved was most offensive to him. But a defeat for re-election,
implying a condemnation by the people he had long and faithfully served,
would have been extremely bitter. He was unwilling, also, to leave the
field before the battle was won. Yet he often wearied of the contest and
felt an earnest desire to return to his home and his garden. He might
have said of his Senatorship what Tennyson's Launcelot did of his name
of "greatest knight," "Pleasure to have it, none ; to lose it, pain."

Like Pitt, Fessenden had a somewhat weak constitution. He "inher-
ited a slender and graceful form from his mother and her sensitive and
nervous temperament with a delicate physiognomy" For the first seven
years of his life he lived with his grandmother at Fryeburg. Just before
attaining the age of twelve he applied for admission to Bowdoin College.
The late Chief Justice Appleton stated that he remembered him perfectly
and what is not at all surprising, that he had a very youthful appearance.
The president of the college advised him to wait a year and he did so. At
thirteen he entered Bowdoin but during his first year lived at Gorham
though attending exercises with the other students. After completing his
college course he studied law, made numerous addresses, was admitted to
the bar, practiced in Bridgton, Portland and Bangor, and finally settled
down in Portland, forming a partnership with William Willis, the Maine
historian and antiquarian, Mr. Willis attending chiefly to the office work
and Mr. Fessenden trying the cases. Some of his addresses were probably
given rather for the sake of practice in public speaking than for love of his
subject. One of his lectures has been described as "A sober treatise on the
effect of music on the human mind," but he wrote on the manuscript, "A
Speechification Delivered before the Squallacious Society in New
Gloucester."

"Of singin', squallin', rantin', roarin',
You never heard so damned a pourin'."

In 1837 he acted as manager of the Whig gubernatorial campaign.
During the same year he accompanied Daniel Webster on a trip to Ken-
tucky. In a letter written during the journey he said "that Mr. Webster
would never gain popularity by personal intercourse — to strangers he ap-
peared repellant. So far as gaining friends was concerned, Mr. Webster
might (as) well if not better have stayed at home and left his fame and
public service to speak for him." A similar comment might perhaps be
made on Mr. Fessenden's own nature, at least in the latter part of his
career.

In 1840 he was elected a Representative in Congress, served one term
me.— 24

370 HISTORY OF MAINE

with credit and declined a renomination, being much disgusted by the
desire for notoriety, and the lack of public spirit at Washington.

Mr. Fessenden represented Portland in the State Legislature in 1832,
1839, 1845, x 846, 1853 ar, d 1854. In 1843, !845 and 1853 he was the Whig
candidate for United States Senator. During his first term at Augusta he
earnestly opposed a resolution instructing Senators Holmes and Sprague
to vote for a recharter of the United States Bank. His language showed
that he possessed at twenty-five the sensitive conscience and sturdy inde-
pendence of character which nearly forty years later made him break from
his party and vote for the acquittal of President Johnson. He said that
on national as distinct from merely local questions, "Did I know that the
opinions of every one of my constituents differed from my own, if I acted
at all I would act according to my own honest convictions of right were it
directly in their teeth. Those whom I represent, sir, would despise me if
I acted otherwise. No, sir, I might in such a case resign my office, but I
would never violate the dictates of my own conscience. I am willing to be
the servant of the people, but I will never be their slave."

In 1854 Mr. Fessenden was elected United States Senator and began
a career of the highest honor. The veteran journalist, Horace White, says
that he had "the most clairvoyant mind, joined to the most sterling char-
acter, that the State of Maine ever contributed to the national councils,"
and that "a more consummate debater or more knightly character and pres-
ence has not graced the Senate chamber in my time, if ever." 12 Shortly
after he took his seat he made a brief speech against the Kansas-Nebraska
bill, meeting Southern threats of disunion with a steady firmness that de-
lighted his Republican colleagues and thrilled the North. A Southerner,
who listened to this speech in the Senate, exclaimed in the midst of it,
"Why, what a man is this! All his guns are double-shotted." When the
control of the Senate passed to the Republicans Mr. Fessenden was elected
chairman of the committee on finance which at that time had charge not
only of all bills for raising revenue but of the appropriation bills as well.
The Civil War made such a position extremely onerous, but Mr. Fessenden
discharged its duties most ably and successfully. In 1865 he was made
chairman of the joint committee on reconstruction, thus placing on him
another heavy responsibility and exposing him to attacks from all sides.

Mr. Fessenden was frequently called a conservative Senator. The
term was not incorrect. The son of a radical abolitionist and having the
greatest respect and affection for his father, he joined neither the Liberty
nor the Free Soil party and was not shaken in his fealty to the Whigs and
to Daniel Webster even by the Fugitive Slave Law. It was in perfect con-
sonance with the character of the man that it needed an extreme aggression
by the South, the repeal of the time-honored Missouri Compromise, to rouse
him to special effort. Terrible in attack when provoked, and he was easily

"White, "Trumbull," 324, 83.

COMPROMISE OF 1850— PROHIBITION 371

stirred, it was noted in the Senate that opposition was needed to bring out
his full powers. A colleague after highly praising his intellectual eminence
added, "Candor compels me to say that upon any novel and exciting ques-
tion where the road to success seemed to be through the chances of reck-
lessness and temerity, he did not possess the requisite qualifications for a
great party leader. He believed that caution was the parent of safety."
He opposed making the greenbacks legal tender and wished to give the
Secretary of the Treasury great power of reducing their volume. In small
matters, too, he was cautious. He firmly believed in the rule, resist the
beginnings, and he looked to the principle involved and the effect of the
precedent that would be set rather than to the direct cost and immediate
result of a bill.

But Mr. Fessenden showed a firmness and vigor in the maintenance
of the Union and of the anti-slavery cause by no means characteristic of
what is usually termed conservatism. In the winter of 1860-1861 when
many of the Republicans yielded to the cry for compromise and when there
were strong reasons for walking softly and hiding the big stick, at least
until the Republican President had been safely inaugurated, Mr. Fessenden
stood firm against all concession. After the war broke out he considered
the government deplorably lacking in energy. In his home letters occur
such phrases as these:

"The truth is that no man can be found who is equal to this crisis in
any branch of the government. If the President had his wife's will and
would use it rightly, our affairs would look much better." "It is no longer
doubtful that General McClellan is utterly unfit for his position — every
movement has been a failure. And yet the President will keep him in com-
mand, and leave our destiny in his hands. I am at times almost in despair.
Well, it cannot be helped. We went in for a rail-splitter and we have got
one." "The General is utterly unfit for his position and more than sus-
pected of being a coward — morally and physically. Seward's vanity and
folly, and Lincoln's weakness and obstinancy, have not yet quite ruined us,
but I fear they will." "I saw a letter this morning written in good English
by the King of Siam to Admiral Foote, which had more good sense in it,
and a better comprehension of our troubles, I do verily believe, than Abe
has had from the beginning. But it's of no use to scold.""

Although a legalist by nature, Mr. Fessenden defended the numerous
arbitrary arrests made by the government and brought forward the some-
what startling argument that the President unlike all other officers had not
sworn to obey the Constitution but only to preserve, protect and defend it,
which he might do by illegal acts. Here Mr. Fessenden was surely radical
enough to please even Stevens and Sumner.

Mr. Fessenden was pre-eminently a business Senator. When he first
entered the House he spoke with contempt of the set speeches and the

"Further acquaintance with the President caused Mr. Fessenden to modify his

2,72 HISTORY OF MAINE

striving for popular applause in which so many Congressmen indulged.
His position in the Senate after 1861, as Chairman of the Committee on
Finance, made him responsible for the passage of a vast amount of legis-
lation and increased his distaste for mere talk. Mr. Sumner thought of the
Senate as a great sounding-board by whose aid he might proclaim his views
and theories to the country; Mr. Fessenden regarded it as a law-making
body whose duty it was to pass proper bills, that the enormous business of
the nation might be done- For facilitating this work he was peculiarly well
equipped. He had knowledge, industry, great power of analysis and of
clear, logical exposition. Stephen A. Douglas, in discussing the eminent
Americans he had known, is reported to have said, "Henry Clay was the
most fascinating and Daniel Webster the most powerful orator; John C.
Calhoun was the logician of the Senate, but William Pitt Fessenden is
imcomparably the readiest and ablest debater I have ever known."

Mr. Fessenden was abnormally keen in detecting anything like soph-
istry. He hated it with the hate of an absolutely honest man and he exposed
it ruthlessly. In the eulogies pronounced in Congress after his death three
Senators compared his nerves, his intellect, or his sarcasm, to a sword of
finest temper. Such a man must often give offense and in Mr. Fessenden's
case his manner reinforced his words. His language might be confined
within the strict limits of parliamentary decorum when his face and bearing
showed a contempt for what seemed to him the unworthy conduct of his
opponent which could not fail to wound deeply. Sometimes he was unjust,
mistaking for charlatanry or deceit what was a mere personal peculiarity
or a sincere belief.

Outside the Senate too he was accused of ill temper. On this charge
the verdict must be guilty with extenuating circumstances. Mr. Fessenden
suffered from a painful disease; he was not strong, he was overburdened
with work and he had "no patience for humbug and no tolerance for bores,"
and "deemed his time too valuable to be wasted on dunces and office

Another accusation frequently brought against him was that he was
haughty and cold. He certainly had both dignity and pride. He was
extremely careful of his dress and has been described as the trimmest
figure in the Senate. John R. French, the sergeant-at-arms of the Senate,
said, "He bore himself with graceful ease but as he warmed with his subject
and took fire at the interruptions and responses of his opponents, then that
head which was usually inclined slightly forward was proudly thrown back,
and he carried himself with an imperial bearing which attested the royalty
of his nature." George W. Julian said in his "Political Recollections,'
"There was a sort of majesty in the appearance and brow of Fessenden
when he addressed the Senate." A colleague once expressed surprise that
in discussing legal questions Mr. Fessenden so seldom referred to author-
ities. "His reply was that he had been a close student for twenty years

COMPROMISE OF 1850— PROHIBITION 373

while in the practice of law, and if his matured opinions could not stand
upon their own merits they were not worth supporting."

But his coldness was the reserve of the man who scorns to wear his
heart upon his sleeve, and his pride the independence of one who shows
to the world the face which the world shows him. In a letter written after
he had heard of the safety of a son concerning whom he had been very
anxious, he said, "Then I was rebelling against Providence — now I am pro-
foundly thankful to a merciful God. Tears of penitence and joy fill my
eyes as I write. Such is my nature- Suffering hardens me. Kindness
softens, and makes me grateful, and therefore, better."

He was devoted to his wife and children and to them was demonstra-
tively affectionate. He would oppose a bill for the benefit of a worthy per-
son or institution if its passage would establish a bad precedent, but he was
generous with his private means and moved by the suffering of the army.
In January, 1863, he wrote, "Many of our poor soldiers have not had a
dime for months. Hard, isn't it ? I would be content to borrow and mort-
gage my house, if that would help them. Nobody can blame them for
deserting. I am heartsick when I think of the miserable mismanagement
in our army."

Though many thought him cold and haughty there were others who
could discriminate between the inner and the outer man. A rhymed descrip-
tion of members of the Fortieth Congress says of him :

"Cold in his temper and of icy glow,
He shines like his Katahdin crowned with snow,
No smiles or blushes leave their genial trace
Upon his Norman, frigid, thoughtful face.

"Though seeming strange, the truth must be confessed
That fervid elements control his breast,
Like fires which in volcanic mountains glow.
Whose siemmits glisten with eternal snow."

The New York Tribune said of the Congressional memorial service:
"The eulogists vied with each other in their gracious tributes — in their
honorable testimony. And yet the bounds of simple truth were not over-
passed, were scarcely reached. Their most glowing epithets, their most
sounding periods failed to give one that sense of Mr. Fessenden's rare
nobility of nature and intellectual supremacy which was caught by a
single glance at his living face, so pure and so intense, so strong, yet so
exquisitely refined. It was a face set inflexibly against all shams and
sophisms, social, moral and political ; but it was not an unbelieving face.
It was keen and penetrant in expression, without a touch of cunning. It
was marked by a peculiar pride, watchful but not jealous; lofty but not
lordly. Much has been said of this characteristic pride of the great Sen-
ator, but little perhaps understood. It was not an assumption, it was not
even a habit; it was a native vital element of the man. It hung about
him like an atmosphere, a still, cold mountain air, utterly without the sting

374 HISTORY OF MAINE

of hauteur and the bluster of arrogance. You felt it without resenting it.
It would never have prevented the unfortunate from approaching him, or
kept a little child from his knee. It made his smile the more beautiful,
made every indication of the inner sweetness and tenderness of his nature
the more irresistible."

His strict integrity was recognized by all who really knew him Mr.
Rhodes says: "All the eulogists of Fessenden testify to his high char-
acter; they seemed to feel that they could not say enough of his honesty
and straightforwardness. Gauge him by the exactest standard of the most
lofty ideal of these virtues, either in public or private life, in America or
England, he will not be found wanting."

Mr. Fessenden died after a brief illness at his home in Portland on
September 8, 1869- He passed quietly away in the midst of a terrific
storm which devastated New England. "Streams were flooded, bridges
carried away, trees uprooted. The great brick house in which he lay was
shaken by the blasts, and a favorite tree which he had planted in front of
it was broken down by the tempest.""

"Fessenden, "Fessenden."

Chapter XIV
THE REPUBLICAN PARTY

CHAPTER XIV

THE REPUBLICAN PARTY

The Whigs had won their last victory in Maine, the time was at hand
when the development of the slavery question was to disrupt the Democratic
party and annihilate the Whig. In January, Senator Stephen A. Douglas
reported a bill for organizing the territory of Nebraska, which was to be
free or slave, as the inhabitants should decide, subject only to the Consti-
tution of the United States. The new territory had been made free soil
by the Missouri Compromise and the proposal to repeal this venerated
statute caused an outburst of anger in the North which proved the begin-
ning of the end of the long contest between slavery and freedom. The
Legislature of Maine instructed her Senators and requested her Repre-
sentatives to oppose the bill in every practicable way so long as it contained
any provision repealing the Missouri Compromise. All obeyed but one.
Representative McDonald declined to do so, giving as his reason that the
Legislature had disregarded the will of the people in refusing to elect Mr.
Pillsbury Governor or even to send his name to the Senate, although he
had received the largest number of votes at the September election.

The Maine resolutions had passed the Legislature nearly unanimously.
It is probable, however, that a number of the members voted yea as much
from fear of losing votes as from dislike of the bill. The Lincoln Democrat
declared that the bill contained the great Democratic principle of self-
government. The Argus took a similar position. On the other hand, the
Age said: "There are certain loads we can carry, and certain loads we
cannot carry if we would, and this Nebraska load is one of them- The
sentiment of the people is fixed and immutable on this question, beyond
the power of the press — which is omnipotent when right, but impotent
when wrong — to change or repress it." When the utmost influence of the
Administration and the adroit management of Senator Douglas at last
secured the passage of the bill, the Age said: "The cheated, betrayed,
INSULTED constituencies of the North, are now asking, WHAT NEXT?"

The Jeffersonian enclosed its announcement of the passage of the bill
in black lines. On the fourth of July it hoisted a flag over the office with
the inscription:

"Restoration of the Missouri Compromise
Trial by Jury for alleged Fugitive Slaves
I go where Democratic Principles lead."

The paper exhorted its readers to vote only for men who would pledge
themselves to this platform and whose character was a guarantee that they
would keep their word.

The Democratic President was exerting his whole strength in favor
of the Nebraska bill; the great majority of the people of Maine were

378 HISTORY OF MAINE

opposed to it. What should the Maine Democrats do? When their State
convention met, W. B. S. Moore urged them to pay no attention to the
national party. "Let us," he said, "take care of the Democracy of Maine.
It will be a hard year to do it, but let us do it, and let the parties in the
other sections of the Union take care of themselves. By pursuing this
course in the election next fall, we shall have Maine right side up." The
convention adopted the plan. They sought for harmony by golden silence,
nominated a Governor under the gag and presented no platform. Custom
demanded an uncontested renomination of Mr. Pillsbury but a letter from
him was read announcing that he would withdraw in favor of Albion K-
Parris, if the convention would nominate him unanimously. Elbridge
Gerry of Waterford objected and expressed a desire for a ballot but Mr.
Moore announced that if there was any discussion Pillsbury would with-
draw his withdrawal; under this threat Mr. Gerry ceased to object, an-
other member moved that a ballot be taken but the motion was voted down
and Parris was nominated by acclamation.

The next step would ordinarily have been the adoption of a platform,
but this was passed over. Some delegates asked, "Have we no principles,
shall we not endorse the national administration?" but the leaders had
decided that principles, at least acknowledged ones, might be very embar-
rassing in the campaign and the chairman sidetracked the question of a
platform by calling for nominations for the county committees. A dispute
arose in the Waldo delegation which might have led to a quarrel, and a
representative of the committee on resolutions moved that the convention
adjourn to meet at the polls in September. The members, the majority of
whom appear to have been excellently drilled, at once adjourned. 1

It is said that the choice of Parris was partly due to his availability
but largely to its effect on future nominations. Parris was well liked per-
sonally. He had recently been elected Mayor of Portland, defeating Neal
Dow. He himself was a total abstainer, and so far acceptable to the tem-
perance men. More important was the aid which his election would give
to realizing the hopes of some politicians. Judge Wells of Portland wanted
to be Governor but Pillsbury had a particular dislike for him. Bion
Bradbury of Eastport also had gubernatorial aspirations. It was known
that Parris would serve but a single term- The cry would then go up
that the East was entitled to furnish the Governor. Wells would be side-
tracked and Bradbury have a good chance of success.

Cary had had himself nominated by a mass convention in the hope
that this would influence, perhaps force the regular convention to nominate
him. Had the convention chosen a man friendly to Car}', the latter might
have withdrawn, but Parris was to prepare the way for Bradbury, and
Bradbury's friends and Cary were at swords' points. The candidate from
Aroostook therefore remained in the field and as he was not accustomed

'Whig. June 27, 1854.

THE REPUBLICAN PARTY 379

to do anything by halves, he assailed Parris in the vitriolic language of
which he was a master, calling him a fossil and a straddler. Some of the
anti-Democratic papers took a similar tone. The Whig declared that "His
ex-Excellency has been a fence-man all his life, and is in the neighborhood
of seventy years of age." The Advertiser called him "a superannuated
old man." The Ellsworth Freeman said that it had heard that he was a
gentleman of honor and propriety but had never heard it claimed that he
possessed distinguishing traits of character. On the other side, the Maine
Free Press said of Parris : "We have often heard the late Judge Thayer,
who had a full practice in his court, and served in the Executive Council
when he was Governor of Maine, speak of him as a most excellent Gov-
ernor, and one of the best judges ever on the bench of the State." The
Argus, resorting to ancient history, praised his opposition to the course of
Massachusetts during the War of 1812, and the "mammoth bank" and
declared that his was "A name that was never presented to the Democracy
of Maine but with the prestige of victory. He never has been beaten at
the polls in his native State — we believe that the Democracy of Maine will
see to it that he never is."

The anti-slavery Democrats, however, were not to be won; their
leaders assembled at Portland on June 7 and again nominated Anson P.
Morrill for Governor "on an anti-slavery and temperance platform."

The Whigs were much bewildered ; they were in doubt not only what
ground to take but whether it was best for them to exist at all. The Port-
land Advertiser thought that the Maine Whigs should follow the lead of
the national party; the Bangor Whig though preferring to retain the old
name saw no fatal objection if the Whigs of the North wished as a matter
of policy to combine with former members of other parties under the name
of Republican- A fortnight before, it had said, "The repeal of the fugitive
slave law, the restoration of the Missouri Compromise, and the application
of the prohibition (of slavery) principle to all new territory, are, it is
evident, to become the rallying cry of a powerful organization in this
country." 3 The South must expect to encounter "a true national Republican
party" giving slavery its rights under the Constitution but "which will base
its action upon the principle that Liberty and not Slavery is the corner-stone
of this Republic."

Somewhat later, however, the Whig expressed the opinion that if the
Hunkers were to be defeated it would be unwise for the Whigs to endorse
Morrill. That is, the Whig flag was to be kept flying not with a hope of
victory but to hold together the conservative wing of the party and to
prevent some of its members from voting for Parris.

The Whig convention met at Portland on June 29. A proposal that
the chairman should nominate the county committees was voted down by a
large majority and the power was given to the delegates of the several

'Whig, June 16, 1854.

380 HISTORY OF MAINE

counties. The convention denounced the Nebraska bill, demanded that the
fugitive slave law should be modified so that alleged fugitives might have a
trial by jury in the district where they were found, and recommended that
men of all parties should unite to choose Representatives in Congress who
would be true and faithful in the approaching contest between freedom and
slavery. The convention also favored the binding the States together by
facilitating intercourse, a reference to the projects for a railroad to the
Pacific.

The Democratic convention had said nothing about the prohibitory law.
The Whig convention spoke in an uncertain tone to give the campaign
orators ample chance to "hedge." The resolution which was drawn by the
editor of the Kennebec Journal, declared "That we are opposed to the
repeal or essential modification of any of the constitutional provisions of
the Maine Law and are in favor of its judicious enforcement, throughout
the State, until experience shall demonstrate that it is inefficient and un-
wise."

The Whig regretted that the resolution was not more square cut
but claimed that it was an endorsement of prohibition and that the con-
vention meant it to be. •

The principal candidates for the nomination for Governor were Isaac
Reed of Waldoboro representing the conservatives, and Noah Smith of
Calais, a strong anti-slavery and Maine Law man. On the first ballot each
received 210 votes. There were 43 for Edward Kent and 32 for G. W.
Pickering, both of Bangor, and 19 scattering. On the second ballot Reed
was nominated, receiving 288 votes against 267 for Smith, and 9 scattering.

Mr. Reed has been described as a man of "probity and property," and
was highly esteemed by his neighbors. He had held no important office
except that of Representative in Congress, filling a vacancy.

The nomination of Reed and the ambiguous resolutions regarding the
prohibitory law was a triumph for the conservatives but it was a Pyrrhic
victory. Party ties were fast losing all force and many of the radical
delegates gathered in the corridors and agreed to support Morrill. Other
organizations came to his assistance. The Free Soilers held a convention
and on the motion of Ezekiel Holmes, who had been their candidate for
Governor the two preceding years, nominated Morrill almost unanimously.
The Know Nothings also endorsed him.

The Bangor Journal alleged that this action was not an expression of
the views of the true Order ; that the Morrill men had swamped the Order
by, at the last moment, organizing lodges whose real purpose was not to
help the Native Americans but to secure the nomination of Morrill; that
when the endorsement of Morrill was passed, the Judge Advocate left his
place and with many others went out in much anger. In after years the
Democrats would doubtless have been ready to swear that Morrill was a
loyal Know Nothing, while the Republicans were anxious that the whole
matter should be forgotten.

THE REPUBLICAN PARTY 381

The attitude of the Whig papers, like their platform, was ambiguous.
The Portland Advertiser said that Reed was a man in the prime of life
(perhaps a hit at candidate Parris), conciliatory in manners and disposition
and of prepossessing address ; it acknowledged that there was no chance of
his being elected by the people, but advised the Whigs to vote for him and
combine with others in the Legislature. Later in the campaign, however,
the Argus declared that the Advertiser would not say how its editor would
vote.

The time was plainly ripe for a new party. The suggestion had been
made by various bodies of men in different parts of the country that one
should be organized and take the name of Republican. The national Repub-
lican party is generally said to have been founded at a meeting held at
Jackson, Michigan, in June, 1854.

What is regarded as the formation of the Republican party in Maine
took place in the following month. During the summer it was decided by
the leading anti-Democrats of Franklin county to form a new party. The
committees of the anti-slavery Democratic, Whig, and Independent Demo-
cratic parties published a notice in the Farmington Chronicle of July 27,
inviting each of these parties to send a hundred delegates to a party con-
vention. The conventions were held, they united and organized, and voted
that the party that day created should be called the Republican party. But
the allied forces that supported Morrill did not take this name until the
following winter. During the campaign they assailed the Nebraska bill
and defended the prohibitory law.

Their opponents accused them of blind fanaticism- The Argus
attempted to show that a speech of Dr. Nourse, a prominent Morrill
Democrat, meant that the Constitution of itself carried slavery into the
territories, and that in making this assertion the mad extremists of the
North and the South joined hands. "But the Democratic party abjures
the idea as revolting to humanity. We should as soon think to see poison
rain down upon the earth, from out of a star-lit sky, as to see slavery
dropping from the Constitution, on the land over which it is spread for
protection." The Argus accused the Republicans of preferring the interest
of their party to the welfare of the country. "They are unwilling," it
said, "to have the slavery question withdrawn from Congress and the
Executive, because they know that, with such withdrawal, they must lose
forever the whole basis of their mischievous action."

The election resulted, as so often before in no choice by the people.
Morrill had 44,565 votes, Parris 28,462, Reed 14,001, Cary 3,478. There
were 127 scattering. When the Legislature met in January, the House
gave Reed 115 votes, Morrill 106, Parris 52, and Cary 1. Reed and Morrill
were therefore the constitutional candidates and in ten minutes after their
names had come from the House, the thirty Senators unanimously chose

'Hamlin, "Hamlin," 616-617.

382 HISTORY OF MAINE

Morrill Governor. When the message announcing their decision reached
the House, "Mr. Heald, of Troy, moved that this House now give three
hearty cheers for the success of the new Republican party just organized
in the State of Maine. Several members suggested that the motion was
hardly regular, and the Speaker confirmed the objection."

Joy at the coming of the new day not only transported members
beyond the cramping bounds of precedent, it even, as it were, made the
dumb to speak, and almost to sing for gladness. A bill being before the
House forbidding State officers to assist in the execution of the fugitive
slave law, "Mr- York of Temple said that he had been an anti-slavery
laborer for ten years and had not opened his mouth here but he could hold
out (or in) no longer, had prepared his sentiments in rhyme. He wished
to know if it would be in order to sing his song. Mr. Pike hoped that he
would sing it. Mr. York, on the whole, preferred to recite it, which he
did with much gusto."

The new party soon encountered an abundance of criticism and of
practical difficulties to moderate the joy of their victory. They were em-
barassed by the internal conflicts and the discontents which usually follow
the success of a coalition. The Bangor Jeffersonian maintained that the
Republicans were substantially the old Democrats, who, loyally adhering
to the principles of their honored founder, had broken away from an
organization that had deserted them; and that it was to express this idea
that the name Republican had been chosen. The former Democrats there-
fore demanded the spoils now held by the Crosby Whigs. But the Whig
papers claimed that the Republican party was really the Whig party.

There was no doubt that many who had voted for Reed would come
over if treated tenderly, and most of the Crosby office-holders were allowed
to keep their places. The Argus did its best to stir the anger of the dis-
appointed ex-Democrats. It asked what the Morrill men would do who
found themselves treacherously transferred in a body, to the ranks of the
Whigs to be at once marshalled into line, by the veteran leaders of that
party.

It published a letter from "An original Morrill Democrat" who wrote :
"We thought, at least most of the Morrill Democrats thought, that every
Crosby Whig in office would be removed, and our Democratic friends
would have some influence ; but now we find it is all gammon. Whigs are
not to be removed. They hold office all over the State, and no Democrat —
no one who labored for Morrill's election, unless Whigs, are to have any
influence with him. Out on such hypocrisy. If such men as Kent,
Goodenow, and Carter of the Advertiser are to arrange all the loaves and
fishes, we want to see some good Democrat nominated in place of Morrill,
who knows the right, and dare perform it too. Governor Morrill is a
mere cypher, and can never build up a Democratic party in Maine."

The indignant correspondent asserted that Morrill, when land agent,

THE REPUBLICAN PARTY 38.3

had left the public lands open to trespassers, and that the convention which
nominated him was practically a legislative caucus such as defeated Hub-
bard, except for the presence of ladies and musicians.

The Ellsworth American declared that Morrill "refused to obey the
wishes of the majority" in making the appointments in Hancock county.

The Legislature, as well as the Governor, gave offense in many quar-
ters. A bill to allow the unclaimed bodies of paupers to be given to doctors
for dissection purposes raised a perfect storm and it was first modified,
and then dropped entirely. Various academies applied for liberal grants
of land, some obtained them, others failed. The cry was raised that the
lands would be sold for a trifle, that the State would be deprived of its
domain for the actual benefit not of education but of scheming politicians
and land sharks. A geological survey which it was proposed to continue
had proved very expensive and was regarded in many quarters as a waste
of money.

The Know Nothing section of the Republican party procured the
passage of a law forbidding naturalized citizens to vote unless, at least
three months before the election, they had submitted their naturalization
papers to the aldermen, selectmen or assessors of their city, town or plan-
tation. If the authorities were satisfied that the papers were legal and
belonged to the person presenting them they were to enter a description of
them in a book and place the applicant's name on the voting list, there to
remain during the period of his residence. No person, however, was to
lose the right to vote by the non-acceptance of his papers but his claim
was to be determined as heretofore. The Democrats violently attacked this
law, claiming that it discriminated against one class of citizens and was
therefore unconstitutional.

The prohibitory law gave offence to many who were not rummies.
The act granted extensive powers of search and many felt that private
rights were invaded. A cry was also raised that the law as enforced was
hurting business. But far more injurious to the Republicans was a liquor
riot in Portland in which the militia were called out, the mob fired on,
several persons injured and one killed. Liquor had been bought for the
city agency and it was claimed that technically Mayor Dow was the owner
and had violated his own prohibitory law.

Handbills scattered throughout the city asked, "Where are our vigilant
police, who are knowing to the above facts, and who think it their duty
to move about in search of the poor man's cider, and often push their
search into private houses contrary to every principle of just law? Why
are they so negligent of the weightier matters and so eager for the mint
and cummin? We call upon them by virtue of Neal Dow's law to seize
Neal Dow's liquors and pour them into the street. The old maxim reads
Fiat justitia ruat coelum, which means, 'Let the lash which Neal Dow has
prepared for other backs be applied to his own when he deserves it.' "

384 HISTORY OF MAINE

The opponents of the Maine law were much excited. They considered
it a most outrageous and inquisitorial statute which established arbitrary
and unreasonable presumptions of guilt and that it had been enforced by
Mr. Dow in a very severe manner. The report that he had been caught
in his own trap and might be publicly proclaimed and punished as a violator
of his own law was received with the greatest joy. On June 3, three men,
all thorough-going opponents of the prohibitory law, appeared before Judge
Carter of the Police Court, made oath that they had reason to believe and
did believe that Neal Dow had liquors intended for illegal sale in the State,
in the basement of the city hall ; they had brought with them a constable
and they demanded that warrants to seize the liquor and to arrest Mr.
Dow be issued at once and delivered to their constable to serve. The Judge
issued the warrant but refused to give it to their constable on the ground
that fees would be saved by giving it to the officer of the court, Deputy
Marshal Ring. The Judge detained the deputy marshal until court ad-
journed, saying that he ought to remain in attendance. The deputy then
proceeded to the city hall, as the casks were not directed to Neal Dow he
hesitated about seizing them, but after consulting the county attorney he
did so. Believing that they were as safe where they were as in any other
place he did not remove them but left them in charge of an officer. He
properly gave Mr. Dow time for arranging for bail before arresting him.

Meanwhile a crowd had collected near the city hall and much impa-
tience was expressed because the liquors were not seized. Reports of an
attack on the agency were brought to the city marshal, the mayor and
certain aldermen. Two companies of militia, Captain Green's Rifle Guards
and Captain Roberts' Light Guards were called out. The first company
appeared at the hall but with ranks by no means full, was pelted with stones
and withdrew ; Mayor Dow having given and then countermanded an order
to fire.

The excitement of the mob increased, stones were thrown at the
agency, forcible rescues were made of men who were arrested by the police,
an attempt was made to break down a door of the city hall and get at the
liquor. Within were a number of police and the city marshal. The crowd
was repeatedly warned to disperse and that any of them entering the build-
ing would be shot. One man who was part way through the half broken
door was wounded and there was a general discharge of revolvers by the
police. Reinforcements were also coming from the militia. About two
hours after Captain Roberts of the Light Guards received the order from
the magistrates, calling out his company, some thirty of his men had
assembled at the armory of the Rifle Guard, but they had no ammunition
suitable for their guns. Mayor Dow demanded the guns of the Rifles.
They were refused and by his direction the Light Guard took them from
the racks. Information had come that without prompt assistance the city
hall would be stormed and the police sacrificed. Mayor Dow led the

THE REPUBLICAN PARTY 385

troops to the city hall and found one of the doors broken and stones flying
through the room. Some of the police had been hurt. No further warning
was given to the mob to disperse but the militia drew up at an open door
looking out on Middle Street and fired by sections through the room and
the broken door. After this the mob gradually quieted and were then dis-
persed by the militia. One life had been lost, that of Jonathan Robbins of
Deer Isle, a sailor from a vessel in the harbor, and seven of the rioters had
been wounded.

The riot had occurred on Saturday night. On Monday a public meet-
ing was held, and F. O. J. Smith, Nathan Clifford and others, made
vehement attacks on the Mayor. Mr. Smith said that the Mayor's resigna-
tion should be demanded and intimated that if necessary forcible measures
ought to be taken to obtain it. The meeting unanimously passed resolu-
tions reported by a committee which was unfavorable to the Mayor, and
provided for a committee to investigate the affair of Saturday. A resolu-
tion was offered from the floor and unanimously passed calling on Mayor
Dow to resign on account of his conduct in purchasing the liquor.

On Tuesday Mr. Dow was tried in the municipal court on the charge
of having liquor in his possession intended for illegal sale. Nathan Clifford
appeared for the prosecution, William Pitt Fessenden for the defense.
Judge Carter ruled that the city had authorized the original purchase and
dismissed the respondent. An inquest, held on the body of Robbins, de-
clared that he came to his death while engaged in a riot. Another coroner's
jury was formed composed of enemies of the Mayor, who reported that
Robbins had been illegally killed and called on the grand jury to determine
if the Mayor should be indicted and, if so, whether for murder or man-
slaughter, but the grand jury took no action. A committee of investiga-
tion was appointed by the city council. Some of its members, such as
William Willis and Rev. Dr. Dwight, were among the most respected citi-
zens of Portland, but they were generally friends of prohibition. Their
report fully endorsed the action of the Mayor.

The papers of the city in discussing the riot divided on political lines.
The Democratic Argus and the Whig State of Maine bitterly condemned
Dow ; for the course of the latter paper there was at least excuse, since the
owner, John A. Poor, had received a bullet through his hat, the night of
the riot.

The Argus in describing what it considered to be the temper of the
mob, said : "There was a pretty strong current of feeling, that no great
moral or legal wrong would be done by letting Mr. Dow's liquor into the
gutter (the common receptacle of the article here, and no doubt the best
one when properly got into it), and it was this feeling on the part of a
few, and curiosity on the part of the others, which caused the assemblage
on Saturday night. The worst that any one of those assembled had in
view — was the spilling of a little liquor — a few panes of glass broken, and

386 HISTORY OF MAINE

some other injuries done to the door of the liquor store, would have been
all, and the crowd would finally have dispersed of themselves"

The Advertiser, on the other hand, took the attitude adopted by the
investigating committee appointed by the city council who said, "Here was
a question not merely whether a quantity of liquor should be destroyed,
for that would be of comparatively small importance, but whether law
should be vindicated and triumphant, and the peace and property of the
city be preserved, or whether mob violence should rule the hour, trample
upon law and order, and break down the great barrier which protects the
life, the property, and the happiness of our people."

There was much dispute as to the character of Robbins, and also as
to whether he was killed by the police or the militia. The latter point
would have been important had the Mayor been tried for murder or man-
slaughter, but as he certainly ordered the military to fire it has little bear-
ing on his moral guilt or innocence. There was the dispute usual in cases
of riot as to the size and ferocity of the mob. It is possible that a small
body of police well drilled and well handled might have dispersed the mob
earlier in the evening. Attempts were made to make arrests and warnings
were given to the rioters to disperse, but there seems to have been no action
by the police in a body. It is fair to remember that the police were few
in number; that they had no uniforms, only a badge, and there was contra-
dictory testimony as to whether one of them, who was the most active, had
his badge on or not. It is doubtful if Mayor Dow was warranted in his
first order to fire. Had it been obeyed there would probably have been a
dreadful slaughter. Alderman Carleton, who was with Dow and was a
supporter of his measures, said that he would not have given such an order.
And without the consent of two magistrates it would not have been legal.
Moreover, the Mayor had no right to call out the militia. He acted in good
faith but investigation showed that the statute on which he relied had been
repealed by a later act. It is possible also that during that exciting night
Mr. Dow was guilty of a technical violation of law in demanding the
muskets of the Light Guards. On the other hand, the opponents of the
Mayor violated the spirit of the law in the original prosecution of Mr-
Dow, and it is probable they had arranged for the liquor to be taken from
the constable whom they brought to serve the warrant, and spilled into the
gutter. If the Mayor bore the loss he would be $1,600 out of pocket; if
the city assumed it, this could be used against the Mayor politically. But
these men played with fire. The mob spirit once roused cannot be con-
trolled and the devisers of the original comparatively innocent plot against
the Mayor must bear a considerable part of the blame of the tragedy that
followed.

Mayor Dow is undoubtedly responsible for the firing of the militia
through the agency door, but the conditions were such as to justify him.
The riot proved very injurious to the Republicans, their opponents resort-

THE REPUBLICAN PARTY 387

ing to the grossest misrepresentations concerning it. Mr. Dow says in his
reminiscences :

"The country districts were flooded with circulars full of mistatements
and pictures representing officers shooting women and children who had
gathered to see liquors seized or who were passing the stores where liquors
were kept. One of these is before me while I write, representing a com-
pany of uniformed soldiers firing under my orders into a throng of men,
women and children, passing on the opposite sidewalk, peacefully attending
in broad daylight to their legitimate pursuits."

But the Democrats had their troubles also. Maine was specially inter-
ested in obtaining compensation for the French Spoliations. A bill similar
to that vetoed by Polk was passed by Congress, to meet a like fate at the
hands of Pierce. The Advertiser attempted to show that slavery was
responsible for the veto. The Argus, however, replied that anti-slavery
Senators like Felch of Michigan, Benton of Missouri and Wright of New
York, had disapproved of the paying of the claims.

But far more serious than the spoliation question was the fact that
"popular sovereignty" in Kansas had proved a farce and a cheat. At the
election of a territorial delegate in the autumn of 1854 the Missourians had
swarmed over the border and secured the choice of a pro-slavery man. In
the following spring the operation was repeated and a pro-slavery Legis-
lature was chosen. The Governor, Reeder, in some cases, refused to give
certificates of election, but he took a hesitating, half-and-half course and
the bogus Legislature over-rode him and filled the statute book with pro-
slavery laws copied word for word from those of Missouri. Indeed, so
great was their haste that they sometimes forgot to use the word Kansas
instead of Missouri. Reeder's attempt to make popular sovereignty a
reality brought on him the anger of the South and the President. Some
of his other acts may have been justly open to criticism and in July, 1855,
he was removed from office. The Argus had said in the fall that the people
of Kansas were much more interested in their title to their lands than in the
remote danger of slavery being fastened on them, and after the election of
the Territorial delegate expressed its confidence that the Administration
would severely punish any frauds that might have been committed. Later
it excused the Missourians on the ground that so much feeling had been
stirred up by the abolitionists that they feared that their slaves were not
safe. It said that the dispute between Reeder and the Legislature was
unfortunate, which it certainly was, both for Kansas and the Democratic
party, that Reeder was willing to be removed, and finally that he was
removed because he had engaged in land speculations.

The majority of the Democratic party and Democratic papers had
rallied to the Administration. Ephraim K. Smart published a letter in
defense of his change. He quoted Emerson on the evils of consistency, and
urged that the Wilmot Proviso forbidding any extension of slavery was

3 8S HISTORY OF MAINE

an answer to the claims of the South that all new territory was slave terri-
tory by virtue of the Constitution, but that now extreme views had been
surrendered and all met on the moderate ground that the question should
be left to the people of the various territories. At first all the Democratic
papers in Maine had approved the Proviso. Soon some gave way; others
followed ; the Augusta Age made a gallant fight but yielded at last and was
rewarded with government patronage- The Jeffersonian, the Oxford
Democrat, and the Democratic Clarion of Skowhegan remained firm the
Democrats who continued their opposition to the Nebraska bill were i
minority but they were formidable in their zeal, and the influence and
ability of their leaders. When the Democratic State convention met there
was a long dispute over the platform, the discussion being very acrimonious
but also unusually able. The committee on resolutions reported one praising
the national Administration.

This had been vigorously opposed in committee by the chairman,
Joseph H. Williams, of Augusta, a son of Reuel Williams, but he could find
no one to support him and the resolution was passed by a vote of 13 to I.
The contest was renewed on the floor of the convention. Lot M. Morrill
bitterly attacked the resolution, and Williams made a brief speech amidst
"hissing, applause and all sorts of remarks." Ex-Congressman Fuller said
that it was the intention of the committee to avoid all mention of the repeal
of the Missouri Compromise. Leland of Saco said that he was a Nebraska
man but that he considered the resolution unwise. George F. Shepley inti-
mated that Lot M. Morrill wished his brother Anson to be elected Governor
and declared that "The resolution alone distinguishes us as national Demo-
crats and it would be parricidal to thrust it aside." He ridiculed the notion
that the Missouri Compromise was one of the ancient landmarks of the
Democratic party and concluded with a personal attack on the Augusta
politicians.

But if the Democrats refused to speak officially on the question of
Nebraska, they were not slow to condemn the existing prohibitory law,
which they denounced in vigorous terms, though declaring themselves in
favor of a "suitable prohibitory law."

For their candidate they chose Samuel Wells, of Portland. Mr. Wells
was an ex- Whig. He had zealously supported "Tip and Ty" in 1840, but
a little later joined the Democrats. In 1847 ne was appointed a judge of
the Maine Supreme Court and served until 1854.

The Republicans were more ready to condemn the Kansas-Nebraska
act than to endorse Neal Dow prohibition. A mass convention was held in
Portland to renominate Governor Morrill and adopted resolutions reported
by a committee, which said nothing whatever about prohibition.

Neal Dow states in his autobiography that the omission of any reference
to prohibition was due to the circumstance that several speakers from out
of the State had addressed the convention and that it was thought that they
might be embarrassed by the introduction of a local issue.

THE REPUBLICAN PARTY 3§9

Perhaps, however, the leaders were glad of an opportunity to dodge
the question. But if such was their plan it failed at the last moment. A
demand was made for the endorsement of the Maine law, and with the issue
publicly raised a resolution was offered stating that "the perpetuation and
execution of the Maine Law are among the fundamental issues of the Re-
publican party of Maine." The resolution was adopted amidst great
applause and the Republicans stood committed to the new temperance
legislation.

The remnant of the Whig party, the Straight Whigs, as they were
called, held a convention and renominated Isaac Reed, but it was under-
stood that there was no hope of electing him ; he was put in to keep some
voters from going to Morrill and perhaps to enable the old Whigs to obtain
a better price from the Democrats for their assistance.

During the campaign the Republicans laid special emphasis on the
Nebraska issue, though they did not fail to beat the prohibition drum when
it seemed wise to do so. The Democrats replied by appeals to patriotism,
the Union, and fraternal feeling between the North and South. The extreme
views of some of the Republican speakers gave them an advantage. "Ben"
Wade, of Ohio, a thorough-going anti-slavery man, who was accustomed
to use extremely vigorous language, declared that there was no real union
in the country, that not even Russian and Englishmen felt in their hearts
so much enmity 4 as did the North and South.

"Sir," he said, "I do not blame the South one-half so much as I do
this brood of doughfaces in the North, for they it is by their fancied con-
sternation, have led us into that condition of things which we now see. Is
there a man here who believes that freedom and slavery can ever agree?
Can fire and water blend ? Can you marry immortality to death ? Sir, these
things are impossible; and he is a mere political quack who believes that
you can make any compromise between principles so diametrically opposite
as are those of freedom and slavery." Referring to the Chief Magistrate
of the Nation he said, "You could not find a meaner specimen of a thing
for a President, if you had imported a baboon and put him there."

The Advertiser appears to have been unwilling to report Wade in full.
The Argus, however, challenged and finally forced it to print the speech,
held it up as an example of Republican disunionism, and said that four men
who had never voted the Democratic ticket in their lives declared on hear-
ing the speech that they would do so. Another of the speakers, Nathaniel
P. Banks, of Massachusetts, said: "I think I may say, in view of the
history of the past year and a half or two years, we have had the question
presented to us whether the institutions of this country shall be maintained,
and let me say, although I am not one of that class of men who cry for
the perpetuation of the Union, although I am willing in a certain state of
circumstances to let it slide, I have no fear for its perpetuation. But let

'The Crimean War was then raging.

390 HISTORY OF MAINE

me say if the chief object of the people of this country be to maintain, per-
petuate and propagate chattel property in man, in other words, human
slavery— this union cannot stand, and it ought not to stand." 5 (Prolonged
applause.)

Some appeal was also made to business interests. According to the
Jeffersonian, Wells said in a speech at Belfast, "If these men (anti-Nebras-
kans) succeed, your commerce will be ruined and the grass grow in your
streets."

The Democrats claimed that "Nebraska" was not a State issue, and
that their convention had expressly refused to make it a test. They
attempted to rouse old party feelings by asserting that the Republican was
practically the Whig party under another name. The Jeffersonian daringly
replied that the Federalist papers, such as the Bangor Journal and the Port-
land State of Maine supported Wells, but that the Whig papers who had
joined the Republicans had renounced Whiggism.

The Democrats sharply attacked Neal Dow prohibition. But although
they could scarcely say enough against the existing prohibitory law, they
also attempted to alienate the radical temperance men from the Republicans
by charging the latter with being secretly disloyal to their allies. They
asserted that the edict had gone forth that there should be no more liquor
prosecutions till after election, and that men were told that Morrill did not
favor the present law, and that if they would vote for him it would be modi-
fied after election.

The vote was larger than ever before. Morrill led Wells by a few
thousand, but again there was no election by the people. The official vote
stood, Morrill 51,441, Wells 48,341, Reed 10,610, scattering 81. It was
known, however, that the Legislature would be Democratic, and the admin-
istration papers set up a cry of triumph. The Washington Union, the
President's organ, said: "Here, then, is the auspicious commencement of
the reaction in the Free States. Here is the first Northern echo to the last
victories of the Democracy of the South. Maine was the first to lead off
against the Democracy in 1854; and now that she has realized the bitter-
ness of the cup which she has been compelled to drain, she promptly falls
back into the line of Democratic States, accepts again the undying princi-
ples of the constitution, and shines out on a cloudless sky, the Star in the
East which points to the overthrow of Error."

'This startling declaration, though well received when delivered, proved a
obstacle to Banks the next winter, when with great difficulty he won the speakership
of the National House. Oliver Wendell Holmes wrote an ode for Washington's
birthday, in which he said, as quoted in the Argus:

''Listen not to idle questions
If its bands may be untied:

Doubt the patriot whc

Whisper that its props may slide.'

In Houghton and Mifflin's 1892 edition of Holmes, the last line is given as
"Strive a nation to divide." The line may have been changed to make the allusion to
Banks less pointed.

THE REPUBLICAN PARTY 391

The success of the Democrats was largely due to the use they made of
the Portland riot and the death of Robbins. The correspondent of the
New York Herald said that the extreme violence of Wade and other out-of-
the-State speakers caused disgust and hurt Republicanism.

Shortly after the election the terms of Chief Justice Shepley and Justice
Howard of the State Supreme Court expired. Instead of re-appointing
them, Governor Morrill raised Justice Tenney to the place of Chief Justice
and appointed Messrs. Goodenow and Woodbury Davis Associate Justices.
Goodenow was a son-in-law of John Holmes, and had been Speaker in the
Hunton Legislature. Davis, originally an earnest Whig, had joined the
Liberty party and for three years had acted as their agent, travelling over
the State, speaking and writing. He then opened a law office, but retained
his interest in the anti-slavery cause. He was also prominent in the pro-
hibitory movement. Mr. Davis was a ready and able writer and many of
his party's papers and platforms were drawn by him, but he had not as yet
distinguished himself as a lawyer.

Great was the indignation of the Democrats over the new appointments.
The Argus declared that Shepley was a "model judge, one of the ablest in
the whole country," and that Howard, though a younger man, was able and
faithful. It said that Goodenow "when nearer the prime of life than now"
had been a district judge. "If, without improved temperament or temper
or health, he is now successful in an office of higher responsibilities and
more difficult duties, we shall be happily disappointed."

It spoke of the importance of judges being known to the people, and
sarcastically asked, "Who beside Governor Morrill knew that Portland
could claim the honor of so distinguished a citizen? [as Davis] . . .
Where is his reputation as a lawyer? Who knows him as such, either in
this city or in this portion of the State, in which Governor Morrill com-
mands the people to allow him to hold the scales of justice for them?"

The matter attracted attention outside Maine. The Boston Post cen-
sured severely the failure to reappoint Judge Shepley, who it is said, had a
national reputation. The Jeffersonian replied that other partisan appoint-
ments of judges had been made, that Governor Dana had been unwilling
to reappoint Judge Tenney, but had been forced to do so by two of his
councillors, Manassah H. Smith and Sewall Craw, that Judge Howard had
been appointed by his brother-in-law, Governor Dana, that the opposition
press had made the same objections to the appointment of Judges Parris
and Rice that were now urged against Davis. It admitted that Davis had
not had an extensive practice.

On the meeting of the Legislature the House sent up the names of
Reed and Wells and the Senate elected Wells, two Whig Senators voting
for him. The Democrats elected Lot M. Morrill president of the Senate,
not because they agreed with his views or desired to conciliate his friends
and followers, but because they wished to get him off the floor. The Whigs

392 HISTORY OF MAINE

received their reward in the office of treasurer, which was given to candidate
Reed.

The choice met, however, with vigorous opposition. Some of the Whigs
desired Reed to maintain his independence and run again next year, while
many Democrats wished to make Amos M. Roberts, of Bangor, treasurer.
They may, however, have found some comfort in the make-up of the Coun-
cil, for every man was a Hunker.

Having filled the State offices, the Democrats proceeded at once to
repeal the registration act of the preceding year. The Kennebec Journal,
then edited by James G. Blaine, made the caustic comment, "The Legis-
lature in both branches yesterday did their best to give Paddy McShane the
privilege of using Teddy 0' Neil's naturalization papers about election time."
The Democrats also availed themselves of what they regarded a fortunate
opportunity of removing Judge Davis before he was hardly warm in his seat.

An amendment to the constitution had been passed at the September
election, providing that the sheriffs should be chosen by the people instead
of being appointed, as heretofore, by the Governor and Council. The first
election was to take place on the second Monday in September following
the proclamation by the Legislature that the amendment had been adopted,
and the persons chosen as sheriffs were to take office on the first day of the
ensuing January and to serve for two years.

The Democrats determined to make some of their partisans sheriffs.
Governor Wells removed various Republican sheriffs and appointed Demo-
crats in their stead. The sheriff of Cumberland, Sewall M. Baker, was
replaced by Daniel C. Emery. "A close question of law was thereby raised,
viz., had the constitutional amendment been adopted so that on January n,
1856, Governor Wells had no power to remove a sheriff in office and appoint
another, or did that power still remain with the executive, the amendment
not having taken effect ?"

The State Constitution then, as now, provided, Art. X, section 2, that
after the Legislature by a two-thirds vote of both houses had agreed upon
an amendment, it should be submitted to popular vote, "and if it shall appear
that a majority of the inhabitants voting on the question are in favor of such
amendment, it shall become a part of the Constitution." To whom shall it
"appear" ? To the Governor and Council, or to the Legislature ? Just when
in point of time is the Constitution amended? — when the votes are cast; or
when canvassed by the Governor and Council, or when their report is made
to the Legislature, or when the Legislature accepts the report and makes
a proclamation thereof? Governor Morrill and his Council had canvassed
the returns, transmitted to the office of the Secretary of State, in Novem-
ber, 1855, after the election, and "it appeared to them that the people had
voted in favor of adopting the amendment. They had made return of the
votes to the Legislature of 1856. It had been the custom of the Legislature,
whenever amendments to the Constitution had been adopted, to pass a

THE REPUBLICAN PARTY 393

special resolve declaratory of that fact. The Legislature, at the time Gov-
ernor Wells appointed Emery sheriff, had passed no such resolve and had
made no such declaration. Was it necessary that it should?"

The Republicans of course denied any such necessity and their sheriffs
refused to recognize Governor Wells' appointees. The contest in Cum-
berland involved Judge Davis, who was holding court in Portland. On
Monday, January 21, Mr. Emery appeared in court, accompanied by his
counsel, ex- Judge Howard, and Nathan Clifford, soon to be appointed a
justice of the United States Supreme Court, and these gentlemen called on
Judge Davis in able and very earnest arguments to recognize Mr. Emery
as sheriff. Judge Davis in reply spoke of "the newness of his own posi-
tion upon the bench, and his anxious desire to be guided by all the sug-
gestive counsels of the members of the bar, upon the questions involved in
the issues so raised ; adverting, also, to the fact that he was conscious of the
much greater professional experience of several members of the bar than
his own; and he therefore invited the expression of whatever opinion any
gentleman might be pleased to offer him on the subject, to aid in a correct
judgment thereon."

General Fessenden then arose and argued with much vigor in behalf
of Sheriff Baker. Judge Davis expressed his reluctance to decide the ques-
tion, but also his unwillingness to evade the responsibility of his position,
stated that he had prepared an opinion, that it might not cover all the points
raised in the arguments just made, but that as they had not caused him to
change his views on the merits of the question, he would read what he had
prepared. Then, after some oral remarks on the case, he read a decision
in favor of Mr. Baker. Judge Davis expressly refused to decide the gen-
eral question of the constitutionality of Governor Wells' appointments, or
even who was the rightful sheriff of Cumberland county, except in so far
as it was necessary to decide who was legally qualified to perform the duties
of sheriff for the court. Governor Wells' appointees disregarded this lim-
ited decision of a single justice and persisted in their claims.

The power of the State executive was behind them and the Republican
jailors and sheriffs, including Mr. Baker, surrendered the buildings and
other State property in their charge, protesting that they acted under com-
pulsion.

In March, Judge Davis held a term of the Criminal Court of Portland.
Both sheriffs, each with a crier, appeared. General Fessenden stated that
he hoped that the judge would not reverse his former decision. Davis
adjourned the court until afternoon and then announced that he should
recognize Baker as sheriff. By the time of the last trial of the term Emery
had obtained possession of the jail, but Davis refused to recognize him as
de facto sheriff, and used the services of a constable provided with a proper
writ to bring prisoners from the jail.

Davis' conduct greatly incensed the Democrats. They claimed that

394 HISTORY OF MAINE

he should have recognized the person having a commission as sheriff from
the Governor then in office, though another held a commission from an
earlier Governor.

Neither side, however, was sure of the correctness of their position on
the appointment question. The Democrats declared that whether Governor
Wells was right or wrong it was an encroachment on the executive power
for a single judge to pass on the validity of his appointments. The Repub-
licans claimed that whether Judge Davis' decision was correct or not it
would be an outrageous assault on the independence of the judiciary to
remove a judge for a decision honestly given on a doubtful question of law.
They demanded with much reason why the opinion of the Supreme Court
had not been taken. The Governor, Council, Senate and House all had the
right to call for it, but notwithstanding the efforts of the Republicans, none
of them would submit the question.

The charge was made that the Democrats were planning to reorganize
the judicial system in order to obtain a majority that would uphold their
views. They contented themselves, however, with driving Judge Davis
from the bench. The constitution of Maine provides two ways of remov-
ing a judge: one is by impeachment, the other by the Governor and Council
on an address from both branches of the Legislature. The first method
is a distinctly judicial proceeding. The Senators who are the triers of the
impeachment are on oath, witnesses are called, the forms of a court observed
and a two-thirds vote is required to convict. The address is voted in the
same manner that any bill is passed, although the judge whose removal is
sought is entitled to a notice and hearing. The Democrats resolved to pro-
ceed by address. This method being less judicial, both in form and sub-
stance than impeachment, it would be easier to persuade hesitating mem-
bers that they were not acting as judges and jurors determining the truth
of certain charges, but as public men pronouncing whether it was well for
Judge Davis to remain on the bench.

It is said, however, that even to obtain an address some pressure was
necessary. The Democrats caucused and the Republicans declared that the
party whip was used to keep members in line, and that it was shameful to
thus influence before the hearing the very men who were to render the deci-
sion. Judge Davis in a private letter angrily declared that the House had
prejudged the case.

Judge Davis and his friends, however, took care that if the decision
went against him it should not be for lack of able counsel and they sum-
moned from Boston Rufus Choate and Henry W. Paine. Apparently Mr.
Choate was to furnish only the rhetorical fireworks, what Cicero calls the
pigmenta et ornamenta. Richard Henry Dana wrote in his journal:
"Judge Davis' friends retained Choate to plead his case before the Legis-
lature, and I was retained to make full preparation of the law and history,
and to take Choate's place in case he was prevented by illness or engage-

THE REPUBLICAN PARTY 395

merits from going. I was obliged to make the same preparation as if I were
the only counsel, without knowing until Wednesday whether I should be
called upon to go. Wednesday night, Choate being ready, I handed over
to him my brief (seventeen pages) and he went to Augusta."

Mr. Choate's colleague, Henry W. Paine, was a Maine lawyer who
had recently moved to Boston, and who became one of the leaders of the
Massachusetts bar.* Ex-Governor Kent was also employed as consulting
counsel.

Mr. Choate's health was poor; the hearing was postponed a day for
his convenience, and even then the opening speech was made by Mr. Paine,
and the next by F. O. J. Smith, who had been retained on account of the
illness of Mr. Choate. Mr. Paine discussed the case with great ability. He
claimed that Judge Davis' decision was correct, but argued that even if it
were erroneous he should not be removed unless the decision was made
unnecessarily or was so manifestly wrong that it showed incompetence,
which was not the case, as the best legal minds in the State were divided
on the question. Mr. Paine also argued that Judge Davis was accused of a
misdemeanor, which the constitution had made an impeachable offense,
that where a remedy for a wrong was provided it was the only remedy,
and that therefore the proper mode of procedure was by impeachment. If
the question were asked why then did the constitution expressly provide for
removal by address, the answer would be that this method of removal was
to furnish a means of getting rid of a judge who had committed no offense
but who was unfit for his position for such reasons as old age, ill-health
or insanity. Mr. Smith made a forcible argument, discussing the matter
from its political rather than its legal side.

The closing speech was delivered by Mr. Choate. The correspondent
of the Whig said that "it was one of his most willing and earnest efforts —
and although suffering from illness at the time, and with failing strength
which obliged him to limit his time to about half of what he originally
intended, it was an effort altogether worthy of his great name"

The Argus, however, said: "He spoke about two hours and a half, in
an interesting and at times eloquent strain, but feeble health prevented his
equalling either expectation or himself. At the close of his address . . .
he appeared very much exhausted."

The effect of the pleas of Judge Davis' counsel may have been partly
neutralized by his letter declaring that the House had prejudged the case,
which had in some way got into the newspapers. Senator Goodwin, of
York, had said in the debate on the address after the hearing that he would

'The Argus said of this resort to out-of-the-State talent: "Is Judge Davis' case
so bad in his own eyes as to require desperate remedies? Does he think to frighten
the Maine Legislature by an assemblage of Boston lawyers? Or does he aim to
make a scene in which his figure shall be rendered prominent in the attitude of a
martyr, and out of which by skillful hands he hopes to manufacture political capital
hereafter'"

396 HISTORY OF MAINE

not remove Judge Davis for a mere irregularity, the only offense of which
he believed him guilty, but he changed his mind and justified his action by
the judge's letter. It is said that the letter was also used to keep certain
members of the House up to the mark.

When the vote was taken the Senate stood 25 to 3 in favor of the
address. The minority consisted of a Democrat, Lot M. Morrill, a Whig
and a Republican. One coalition Senator who was absent was reported to
have gone home to avoid a vote, saying that he did not want his name on
such a record. The House on the same day passed the address by a vote
of 81 to 60. The Republicans offered a formal and carefully argued pro-
test which they asked to have entered on the journal of the House, but the
Democrats refused. The Democrats of the Senate likewise refused to enter
on their journal the protest and answer submitted by Judge Davis at his
trial.

The address was sent to the Governor on the day of its passage by a
committee of both Houses- "On April 11, in a proclamation which with
great force and logic presented his side of the case, Governor Wells
removed Judge Davis from office. His proclamation was in the nature of
a judicial opinion and discussed at length every point which had arisen in
the controversy.

"Judge Davis filed a memorial with the justices of the Supreme Judicial
Court at the Law Term on the second Tuesday of May, 1856, claiming that
the act of removal was illegal, that he was still a member of the court, and
asking the right to exercise the privileges and duties of his office. But the
Law Court, in an elaborate opinion by Chief Justice Tenney, held, Judge
Goodenow dissenting, that it had no jurisdiction in the case and dismissed
the memorial.'"

Another extremely arduous piece of business for the Democrats was
the preparation of a new liquor law. Here, like their opponents in 1855,
they were embarrassed by all the difficulties of a coalition. There were
Democrats who wished free rum; there were others who honestly desired
an effective prohibitory law, but who believed that the act in force was
unduly stringent and gave great opportunities for espionage and tyranny.
The subject was referred to a special committee of which Phineas Barnes,
of Portland, was chairman.

After long delay, and changes from the original plan, an act was
passed allowing the sale of liquor by a limited number of persons varying
according to the population of the city or town where the license to sell was
granted. Liquor thus sold was not to be drunk on the premises and must
be unadulterated. Liquor might also be sold by innholders to strangers who
were travellers or lodgers. No liquor could be sold to a minor without the
written direction of his master, parent or guardian, to any Indian, soldier

'Cornish, "The Removal of Judge Woodbury Davis," Maine Law Review, May,
191 1. Newspapers of the day.

THE REPUBLICAN PARTY 397

in the army, drunkard or intoxicated person, or person of whose intem-
perate habits the seller had been notified by his relatives or the public
authorities. Notice by the relatives should be presumptive evidence and by
the public authorities conclusive evidence of such habits.

The Republicans attacked the law and at the same time attempted to
rouse prejudice against it among the "liberal" wing of the Democrats, as
too stringent, and as discriminating against the poor. The Temperance
Journal called the attention of the Irish to the severity of the bill and said :
"There is a good deal of sense in the remark of an Irishman to us the other
day, 'To the divil wid these haypocrites, they like rum for themselves and
wanted us to vote wid 'em, and now they tell us that Maine law is good
enough for us. The divil take 'em, we'll have free rum or Maine law all
round'" To which the Argus replied "that (free rum or Maine law) is
what those who make a trade of temperance are trying for."

"Whether the Legislature had acted wisely or not, it at least did some-
thing. To the Republicans indeed this seemed no excuse. The Kennebec
Journal burst forth :

'Believing, we rejoice
To see the curse removed.'

"After One Hundred Days of terror, ending with a violent, revolution-
ary procedure (the removal of Judge Davis), the Thirty-fifth Legislature of
Maine has adjourned sine die. The evil they have done will, we fear,
live after them — they have done no good to be interred with them."

There were many, however, who cordially approved the repeal of the
prohibitory law of 185 1, but the Kansas question in its various ramifica-
tions proved fatal to the Democrats. The outrages in the territory con-
tinued, and on March 22 occurred the assault on Senator Sumner. Mr.
Sumner had been engaged in bitter personal debate with Southern Senators.
He had made a long speech exposing the Kansas fraud, bitterly attacking
South Carolina and using abusive language concerning Senator Butler, of
that State, pointedly referring to his intemperate habits. A relative of Mr.
Butler, Representatives Brooks, of South Carolina, avenged his State and
his kinsman by attacking Sumner when he was quietly writing at his desk
and beating him into insensibility with a heavy cane.

There was an outburst of anger throughout the North at what was
regarded as an assault on the freedom of debate and an attempt to silence
Northern members by violence. In Maine, as in other States, indignation
meetings were held. A meeting in Portland resolved that the assault was
without parallel in the history of the country for brutality, cowardice and
atrocity, and that defended as it was (the Southern press almost unani-
mously approved of Brooks' act), "it assumes the character of a public
wrong which demands redress by the united reprobation of every upright
citizen of the country, without regard to party ties or previous political
associations. . . . That this ferocious, brutal, and ruffianly attack oughr

398 HISTORY OF MAINE

to be regarded . . . not merely as an attack on the individual, nor only
on the State he represents, but on all the Free States, and ought to be
firmly met by the expulsion of the ruffian from the House of Representa-
tives which he disgraces by his presence."

John Neal said that "he never was an abolitionist, but it seemed as if
God had determined to make him one, and not only him, but the whole
North."

Similar meetings were held at Lewiston, Brunswick, Bangor and other
places.

The Democrats condemned Brooks, but declared that the Republicans
were trying to turn non-partisan indignation meetings to their own advan-
tage. The Argus said that the Portland meeting was called without dis-
tinction of party, but that it was perverted to a Black Republican caucus.

The Bangor Journal, a Straight Whig paper, said of the Bangor meet-
ing: "The apparent fraudulent attempt to turn recent occurrences of the
nature of public calamities, into party and personal capital, extracted the
enthusiasm from many, and the suspicion of heartlessness disgusted others.''
The Republicans replied that Democrats were invited to take part in these
meetings, but failed to do so.

It was a presidential year, but the question who should be the candi-
dates did not excite much interest in Maine. The Republicans nominated
John C. Fremont, a dashing young officer and explorer who had obtained
much of the credit for the American conquest of California in the Mexican
war. His principal opponent was Justice McLean of the Supreme Court,
a sort of perpetual candidate or half-candidate for the presidency. On an
informal ballot of the convention the Maine delegation stood 6 for Mc-
Lean and 5 for Fremont. On this ballot Fremont had a large majority
and was then unanimously nominated-

The leading candidates for the Democratic nomination were : Presi-
dent Pierce, James Buchanan and Stephen A. Douglas. The struggle was
long, but Buchanan led from the first and on the seventeenth ballot he was
nominated. The Maine delegation had given Buchanan 5 votes and Pierce
3 on the first ballot. The candidate was therefore acceptable, but the plat-
form, which specifically endorsed the principles of the Kansas-Nebraska
Act, was a serious blow to Democracy in Maine. Senator Hamlin and State
Chairman Morrill promptly declared that they could no longer remain
members of the party. Mr. Hamlin made his renunciation on the floor
of the Senate. Mr. Morrill sent his withdrawal to the State committee.

The Democrats of Maine at first bore the desertion of their Senator
and their chairman with more calmness than might perhaps have been
expected. The general feeling in regard to Hamlin was that now he had
only done formally what he had done long before in substance.

The Maine Democrat said that it was glad that Mr. Hamlin had taken
his position openly, that he had kept well with both parties until his term

THE REPUBLICAN PARTY 399

was nearly gone, when, "finding it no longer possible to straddle the political
fence, he coolly steps over to the opposition." The Bangor Democrat said
that the platform adopted by the Cincinnati convention was not the cause,
but only the occasion and excuse for Mr. Hamlin's action. "He has done
more than any other person in the State to abolitionize it and create and
foster a sectional sentiment. There is nobody to go with or follow him
to the Black Republican party, as all under his influence have gone there
before him, he only lingering behind to cover their retreat." A little later
the Argus attacked him fiercely, accusing him of clinging to office, and com-
paring him to Richard III and Henry VIII.

The Republican papers greeted their new ally with hearty praise. The
Republican National Convention met a few days after Mr. Hamlin's renun-
ciation of Democracy and he was suggested as a good compromise candi-
date. The Maine delegation prepared to present his name. But Mr Ham-
lin went to Philadelphia and quietly killed his "boom" before it was born.
Personally he favored the nomination of McLean, but he cordially accepted
that of Fremont. He spoke with much force at ratification meetings in
Faneuil Hall, in Portland, and in Bangor.

Mr. Hamlin's speeches were received with the greatest enthusiasm and
his friends determined to nominate him for Governor. Mr. Hamlin was
opposed to this, for he believed that if nominated he ought to resign the
senatorship, and Governor Wells would appoint a Nebraska man as his
successor. The convention, however, nominated him by an overwhelming
majority and also passed a resolution asking him to retain his seat in the
Senate. Mr. Hamlin complied with their wishes, took the stump, and made
vigorous speeches all over the State.

The Portland Expositor and the State of Maine, two papers of the
Straight Whig school, came out for Hamlin. He also had the doubtful
honor of being supported by F. O. J. Smith, and by that rather malodorous
fossil, Col. Joshua Carpenter.

The Whigs of the Legislature voted in March that it was not advis-
able for the Whigs of Maine to make a nomination for President and Vice-
President, the State committee was requested to call a convention in June
or July to decide what course should be taken in regard to the State and
National elections. On July 1, about 150 delegates assembled. The Bangor
Whig asserted that the Whig committee had previously met at Portland
and that the leaders wished to endorse the Democratic nominee for Gov-
ernor and President, and the Cincinnati platform, but dared not do so for
fear of the rank and file.

The first question for the convention to decide was whether or not
they should recognize that the Whig party was moribund, declare it dis-
solved, and go home. Such a course, however, would have been bad prac-
tical politics, as a delegate from Norridgewock pointed out. The Whig
described him as saying that the Whig party was in better condition and

4 oo HISTORY OF MAINE

could do better work for the country now, with only 10,000 votes, than
when they had 30,000 and no offices ; with 10,000 votes they could obtain
a fair share of the spoils, and therefore it was better to keep up the
organization. For this or some other reason the Whigs decided to remain
alive, but to avoid giving offence to their friends, the Democrats. Accord-
ingly, they nominated a candidate for Governor, George F. Patten, of
Bath, but after a sharp debate laid on the table without a roll-call resolu-
tions declaring that Pierce in consenting to the repeal of the Missouri
Compromise had wickedly violated a time-honored compact, repudiating the
Cincinnati platform, and condemning union with the Democrats.

This failure to take ground against the extension of slavery further
diminished the ranks of the Whigs. The State of Maine now declared that
it would never have gone into the fight the previous year to defeat the
Maine law and reform abuses in the State if it had foreseen that the alli-
ance then made with the Democrats would have rendered impossible a reso-
lution condemning the National administration. Mr. Cochran, of Waldo-
borough, a staunch Whig, who had supported Reed the previous year,
joined the Republicans.

The main issue of the campaign was slavery and the Nebraska bill.
The Republicans formally and officially freed themselves from the embar-
rassing subject of prohibition. Not only was nothing said about it directly,
but the question of slavery was described as all engrossing, and the con-
vention declared that "we earnestly invite the affiliation and co-operation of
men of all parties, however differing in sentiment on other questions. The
present is a crisis so momentous, that all other issues — State and National
— should be suspended." The convention, however, denounced the removal
of Judge Davis as a revolutionary attack on the judiciary, and the charge
proved excellent campaign material.

Democrats and Republicans alike angled for Whig votes. The Demo-
crats brought to Portland Senators Cobb of Georgia and Benjamin of
Louisiana, former Whig leaders, to urge their one-time brethren to follow
them into the Democratic party. Benjamin said, with truth, that most of
the old issues were dead and that many Democrats favored improvement
of rivers and harbors by the general government. Rufus Choate wrote a
letter to the Whig State Committee declaring that the one duty of the hour
was to defeat the Republicans, and stating that while it was doubtful what
was the best method, and that he would not advise, he himself intended to
vote for Buchanan- Four of the Democratic candidates for Congress had
recently been Straight Whigs.

On the other side, the Bangor Whig asked how Henry Clay Whigs
could support Buchanan, who had been so closely connected with "the bar-
gain and corruption charge" in 1825.

Each side praised its own candidate and assailed that of its opponent.
The Argus said that Buchanan "is one of the few men yet living of the

THE REPUBLICAN PARTY 401

second generation of statesmen to which belonged Clay and Webster and
Calhoun. He has the confidence and support of his great compeers. Benton
and Marcy and Van Buren (so Van Buren was pardoned for 1848 and had
become a great compeer), who all deprecate the election of Fremont."

The nomination of an "elder statesman" is not always wise. He may
appear venerable as a relic of the age of the giants, he may also seem an
anachronism and wake the memory of almost forgotten scandals and errors.
James Buchanan was neither a great nor a magnetic man and his nomina-
tion belongs to the latter class. Immediately after the Cincinnati conven-
tion, the Jeffersonian declared that Buchanan was "An old Federalist, an
old bachelor and an old fogy." The charges were all true. Mr. Buchanan
had been a Federalist during the War of 1812 and in 1816 he delivered a
Fourth of July oration in which he defended the doctrine of that party.
The Kennebec Journal now reprinted extracts from this unfortunate speech.
The candidate was also a bachelor, and though there is no law requiring a
President to be married, and though Mr. Hamlin was probably mistaken
when he said that "his frozen heart was never warmed by woman's charms,
and so there can be nothing on earth that will soften him to any humanity,"
the Republicans were as eager to reproach the unfortunate Buchanan with
being unappreciative of the female sex as if the voice of the suffragette
had already been heard in the land.

The Democrats had endeavored to win votes by dubbing their candi-
date "Old Buck." The Bangor Whig said of this move: "The attempt to
popularize the name of Buchanan by a familiar nickname is a ludicrous
failure. . . . Stiff, priggish, formal, reserved, unassociated with a single
generous, or useful, or gallant action in the whole course of a barren life;
remote from the people in every thought and sympathy, and taste, Mr.
Buchanan stands quite aloof from the endearing familiarities of would-be
worshippers. If he has earned any epithet it is due to his abhorrence of
marriage. Call him by all means, Old Bach, the woman-hater."

That he was an old fogy the events of his administration were to suffi-
ciently prove.

An unjust charge of bygone years against Buchanan was revived by
General Cochran, who said in a speech at Bangor: "Long ago we Whig
mechanics used to be pointed to James Buchanan as the most obnoxious
man of the modern sham democracy in the eyes of American working men
as the man who thought our wages should be reduced to the European of
ten cents a day."

The Democrats, on their side, vigorously assailed Fremont. Howell
Cobb in a speech at Portland ridiculed his California exploits and declared
that he was a man "with no political past, no political present, and no
political future." He was accused of sending a challenge to a duel and of
being engaged in improper financial transactions.

MB.— 26

4 02 HISTORY OF MAINE

The old appeal to the pocketbook was again made by the Democrats.
The Belfast Free Press said that the prosperity of Maine depended on com-
merce, that a Black Republican triumph might destroy the Union and
would certainly alienate the South, with the result that Maine would lose
a million dollars in freights. It was charged that the Democrats sent
revenue cutters with custom-house officers on board along the coast, and that
the officers were declaring everywhere that if Hamlin were elected the fish-
ing bounties would be withdrawn.

The gubernatorial election resulted in a complete triumph for the Re-
publicans, Hamlin leading Wells by some 26,000 votes. The official count
gave Hamlin 69,574, Wells 43,628, Patten 6,554, scattering 58. But in
elections in the October States the Democrats were successful and in No-
vember Buchanan carried the country. Maine, however, gave Fremont a
majority over Buchanan of more than 27,000 votes, Fremont receiving
67,379 ana * Buchanan 39,080. Ex-President Fillmore, who had accepted a
Know-Nothing nomination, obtained 3,325 votes, which came chiefly from
the Straight Whigs.

One of the first problems the Maine Republicans had to face was the
choice of a Senator, as Mr. Hamlin's term would expire on the 4th of
March, 1857. It was understood that the Governor-elect wished to resign
and succeed himself at Washington. The Democrats of course declared
such conduct to be extremely improper. The Argus said: "The man (Ham-
lin) plays with office, as a child with baubles, and bestrides the State like a
Colossus, while the Rents and Morrills of his party must be content to
'walk under his huge legs and peep about to find themselves dishonorable
graves.' "

The Lewiston Journal said that it was dishonest to hold himself out as
a candidate for Governor and after his inauguration to resign his place to
another not thought of by the people. The Kennebec Journal admitted
"that it would be uncandid to deny that some very excellent and sagacious
members of the Republican party have questioned the propriety of remov-
ing Mr. Hamlin from the gubernatorial chair at so early a period."

Nor was the objection confined to words alone. Lot M. Morrill, who,
according to Mr- Hamlin's grandson, had agreed to his retention of the
senatorship, now came forward as a candidate.

The leading Republican papers, however, approved of the re-election
of Hamlin. The Whig pointed out that he had been the most acceptable
chairman of the Committee on Commerce for years, and that such a repre-
sentative in the Senate was particularly useful to the shipbuilding and com-
mercial interests of Maine. The Kennebec Journal, after mentioning the
objections to the re-election of Hamlin, said that it thought that on examina-
tion they would be found to be groundless, that it had been generally
expected that if Fremont were elected Hamlin would be a member of his
Cabinet, and that it was wholly immaterial to Maine whether he became a

THE REPUBLICAN PARTY 403

Cabinet officer or took a higher place, that of United States Senator. The
Oxford Democrat regretted that certain Republican papers were attempting
to make a false issue against a gentleman who might be a candidate "For
the Republican party to force one of its prominent members into a posi-
tion against his will, and then use that (position) as an argument against
him, appears to us to be unfair, unjust and impolitic."

When the caucuses met, the House Republicans nominated Hamlin by
a vote of 7$ to 40 for Morrill, and 4 scattering; in the Senate caucus
Hamlin received 23 votes and Morrill 6. There was also to be an election
for the fragment of Hamlin's expiring term, and three ballots were taken
for a candidate without result. The next evening the Senate Republicans
nominated Dr. Amos Nourse, of Bath, on the first ballot, and the House
Republicans on the second ballot made a similar choice. The principal
opposing candidate was F. O. J. Smith.

Dr. Nourse had been nominated by Polk as collector of the port of
Bath, but was rejected by the Senate. At the time it had been asked
whether his appointment had been defeated by Southern influence or whether
he was a sacrifice to the manes of Tylerism. The Kennebec Journal now
said that he had expressed in private conversation his sense of the impro-
priety of Calhoun's letter to the British Minister justifying the annexation
of Texas because of the needs of slavery, that a tool of Calhoun brought
the matter forward in most exaggerated style and frightened the Southern
Senators from voting for him.

It is known today that there had been much opposition to his nomina-
tion among the Maine Representatives, presumably on account of his views
on the subject of slavery. President Polk wrote in his diary under date
of December 22, 1845, "Gov. Fairfield of Maine called in company with
Colonel Robertson of Bath, Maine, and in the course of a few minutes
Mr. Rice, the editor of a paper in Maine, called the Age, came in. Gov.
Fairfield and the other two gentlemen earnestly insisted on the nomination
of Mr. Nourse to the Senate as Collector of Bath. They were apprised that
four of the Maine delegation in Congress had protested in a written com-
munication against his appointment. After much conversation on the sub-
ject Gov. Fairfield became excited and made some remarks which excited
me, but the matter was fully explained before we separated."

The presidency of the Maine Senate was of unusual importance this
year, as it was known that Hamlin would resign, and that the president
would become acting Governor. The office was bestowed on Joseph H.
Williams, of Augusta, a son of Reuel Williams and son-in-law of Lot M.
Morrill. The State treasurership was given to Benjamin D. Peck, an anti-
slavery and prohibition leader and editor of the Temperance Journal.

The Argus said that he had been chosen by the influence of Hamlin,
Peck claiming the treasury as a reward for assenting to the prohibitory law
being ignored in the last campaign and for other services. The Kennebec

4 04

HISTORY OF MAIN:

Journal in an editorial probably written by James G. Blaine, said: "Mr.
Peck will discharge the duties of the office with ready facility and scru-
pulous integrity. The surest guarantee of this is the fact that Mr. Peck's
bondsmen have been taken not from his personal and political friends
merely, but from the solid men of Portland, without restriction of party.
Some of them, indeed, have been especially hostile to him in politics, but
they have tested the 'ring of his metal' and know that a more honest and
trustworthy man does not live. . . . Mr. Peck's urbanity of manner, his
industry and facility in the despatch of business, and his inflexible integrity
will, we predict, render him as popular and acceptable as any who has ever
had charge of the treasury of Maine." A few years were to make this
praise sound like bitter sarcasm.

While the Republicans were struggling over the offices in the gift of
the State, the Democrats were fighting for the favor of the new national
administration. A small group, including Nathan Clifford, John Appleton,
editor of the Argus, and W. B. S. Moor, had the chief authority and were
nicknamed by their opponents the Board of Trade. All these gentlemen
were well provided for. It was expected that Clifford would be taken into
the Cabinet and given, not his old position of Attorney General, but that of
Postmaster General or perhaps that of Secretary of the Navy. The South-
erners, however, led by Senator Toombs of Georgia, vigorously exerted
themselves in favor of Toucy of Connecticut as the New England Cabinet
officer. Mr. Toucy had succeeded Mr. Clifford as Attorney General under
Polk, and had formed an intimate friendship with Buchanan. He had
entered the Senate in 1851 and had just been defeated for re-election be-
cause of his support of the Kansas-Nebraska bill. Buchanan's personal
regard for him, his martyrdom and the Southern influence combined finally
obtained for him the secretaryship of the navy.

But in December, 1857, Mr. Clifford was given the high honor of a
nomination as Justice of the United States Supreme Court, to succeed
Justice Curtis, who had resigned. There was danger, however, that he
would receive merely the honor of a nomination, coupled with the disgrace
of a refusal of the Senate to confirm. His legal reputation and learning
were small. It will be remembered that he had wished to resign the attorney
generalship under Polk. Some of his political brethren quoted a saying of
John Holmes about third-rate county court lawyers, and it was reported
that there was opposition of former friends who claimed that he had prom-
ised them his influence in obtaining offices and failed to keep his word.
Membership of a "board of trade" has its drawbacks and dangers as well
as its advantages and pleasures. In Maine there was open criticism of the
nomination. The Saco Democrat made a severe attack upon him. The
Bangor Whig said that it could not believe the report, which, however, was
true, that Senator Fessenden had voted for his confirmation. 5

"It is said that Mr. Fessenden was asked about Clifford's ability by several Demo-
crats who trusted in his fairness and good judgment, and that his opinion that the
candidate was qualified for the place saved him from rejection.

t/kzJ^

/2^>?Z/

*&>•

THE REPUBLICAN PARTY 405

On the other hand, the Oxford Democrat, though a strong Republican
paper, said of Clifford: "In every public position he has filled, he has always
exceeded the expectations of his friends." The Democrat had no doubt
that he would disappoint some who said he was incompetent for the high
position, by uniting industry and indomitable perseverance. "Judge Clifford,
doubtless, has in times past, and may again find himself embarrassed in con-
sequence of a defective early education; but greatly to his credit he has those
elements of character which enables him to conquer all such obstacles."

The editorial was quoted both by the Bath Tribune and the Argus.
The latter paper also said that the people of Maine seemed to make it a
rule to depreciate home talent; that a larger percentage of ability was
required to obtain recognition for a citizen of Maine than for citizens of
several other States; that there was a sort of traditional public impression
that men of first-class ability were presumed to dwell in certain localities.
"A few of the original States that took the foremost part in the early strug-
gles for independent nationality have very naturally been regarded by a kind
of common consent of the public as possessing all the highest talent of the
country." Mr. Clifford's nomination was confirmed by a vote of 26 to 23.
The prophecy that Mr. Clifford would win an honorable reputation as a
Judge of the Supreme Court was fulfilled, but the difficulties were great.
Hon. George F. Emery says in his "Reminiscences of Bench and Bar":
"Though Mr. Clifford had enjoyed a large practice in the State courts, and
was familiar with criminal law in Maine, but was wholly inexperienced as
a practicioner in the District and Circuit Courts and without knowledge of
practise therein, which is quite different from our local modes of procedure.
. . . The law appertaining to patents, which constitutes a very large
share of cases in the First Circuit, he had never studied, and is a science
of itself and a difficult one at that for a novice. Besides these difficulties
in his path, Judge Clifford was looked down upon in Massachusetts as an
unworthy successor of Judge Curtis, and his appointment was attributed to
partisanship rather than fitness for the position. The prestige of success
was therefore all against Judge Clifford, and no one knew it better than he.
But this condition, so far from discouraging him, moved him to noble
endeavor, and wrought a determination in his own mind that if time should
be given him he would demonstrate to the bar of Boston, and to the public,
that the President had made no mistake. He at once addressed himself
night and day to informing himself on matters of practice, and to preparing
himself at all points for the discharge of his varied duties. He lived to
conquer prejudice, and died respected as an able and useful judge. But to
achieve success imposed upon him an amount of labor of which the outside
world little knew, and which, but for a wonderful power of endurance and
an inextinguishable ambition, would have closed his career long before it
was reached.

As a presiding judge he was patient and impartial, and his urbanity on

4 o6 HISTORY OF MAINE

the bench was pleasing to, and noticeable by everybody. "His opinions were
prepared with unusual care and study, and his conclusions in general com-
mended themselves to the bar, though often reached after a somewhat tedi-
ous reading, and seemed sometimes unnecessarily protracted. Judge Clif-
ford was not apt to take anything for granted, and each opinion written he
seemed to think should exhaust all the learning and authorities on the sub-
ject, and should be a guide and landmark for all time.'"

Senator Bradbury said of him :

"He loved legal study and investigation. To this he applied himself
with the energy of a devotee. He was wedded to the philosophy of the sci-
ence of which the legal profession is the student and exponent. He liked
to trace the history of judicial decisions down through successive years, and
examine the manner in which the great minds of the law regarded the opera-
tion of those principles that affect the relations and rights of men. He liked
to follow out these fundamental principles as they appeared in their deci-
sions, and to imbue himself with their spirit.

"By his power of application, his unparalleled ability for continuous
labor, and his conscientious devotion to duty, he was enabled to accomplish
his grand life-work and achieve the character of a great jurist. No man
ever devoted himself more thoroughly to his duty. He labored in season and
out of season, by night and by day, allowing no diversion from his work.
The only exception for years was for an excursion into the country for two
or three days in a year. Study was his recreation ; and even in his vaca-
tion he would be at his books in his magnificent library at four o'clock in
the morning."

When first appointed to the bench he devoted himself for several years
with all his energy and with untiring labor to the clearing of the docket,
which had become seriously congested, and at the close of his career he
shattered his health and shortened his life by his hard and unremitting
labors in clearing the docket of his circuit, where the death of Judge
George F. Shepley had left "a mass of grave and difficult cases unsettled."

The other members of the "board of trade" obtained their offices more
easily. Mr. Appleton was appointed Assistant Secretary of State. W. B. S.
Moore became Consul-General for Canada ; other faithful Democrats were
given good offices. Moses McDonald, the only representative from Maine
who voted for the Nebraska bill, was appointed collector at Portland. Ex-
Governor Anderson was made surveyor at the same port. George F. Shep-
ley was reappointed district attorney. The Bangor Whig said that S. H.
Blake, of Bangor, sought the position, and repeated a story "that when
Mr. Blake obtained his brief interview with the President, 'Old Buck'
squinted at him over his left shoulder and, pulling out of his pocket a copy
of a Bangor paper of 1854, asked the candidate if he was the gentleman
who appeared therein as an enthusiastic and eloquent speaker at an anti-
Nebraska meeting. The story goes that Mr. Blake was considerably dashed

•Coll. Me. Hist. Soc, II, VIII, 132-134-

THE REPUBLICAN PARTY 407

at first ; but, seeing that it was a gone case with him, rallied and plumply
told the President that he was the very individual who made that speech,
and, further, that if its sentiments of opposition to the Nebraska bill had
prevailed with the Democracy, instead of the present Southern platform,
its flag would have been flying on every hill in Maine."

The Straight Whigs fared badly. The only important national office
in Maine assigned to them was the collectorship at Waldoborough. The
Republicans were glad to "rub the sore." The Rockland Gazette said in
substance that before election the Democrats approached the Straight Whigs
with the soft beguilement of Poor Pussy, Poor Pussy, — but that after elec-
tion, when Pussy wants a share of the cream, it is only, Scat, you. But the
Democrats of the Waldoborough district were much displeased that even
this tiny saucer of cream was given to Whigs, especially as it came out of
their pan.

Immediately after Buchanan's inauguration the Supreme Court gave
its decision in the famous case of Dred Scott. The opinion of Chief Justice
Taney, which was generally regarded as the opinion of the court, stated that
a descendant of a negro slave could not be a citizen of the United States, and
that Congress could not prohibit slavery in the territories. The decision was
in truth another blow to the slave power and another nail in the coffin of
the Democratic party, but most of the Democratic papers hailed it as a
victory. The Argus said that it had caused "a great fluttering in Republican
ranks, as well it may. It has cut them up root and branch, and dispersed
their straggling forces even beyond the headwaters of Salt River. . . .
Do they really intend to maintain the ground of disunionists, now that their
own court has shown them to have been in the wrong? Or will they, as
good citizens, retreat from their untenable position and submit cheerfully
to the law of the land as it has been expounded?" A strange demand for
a follower of Andrew Jackson.

The Advertiser at first took ground that suggests Douglas' later posi-
tion, that whatever the formal legal right, the will of the people of a terri-
tory would determine the admission or exclusion of slavery. The Adver-
tiser acknowledged that the decision was a nominal advance for slavery, but
said : "In practice, however, the result in the territories is to depend largely
on the competing powers of free and slave communities. Will the general
government be strictly impartial in the new era of tremendous competitions 5
Will agitation be extinguished? We will see."

A few days later, on March 14, it described the various finalities and
said : "Thus, during a period within the memory of middle-aged men, the
extensionists of slavery — who curiously enough officiate as its most anxious
settlers — have devised four settling finalities and destroyed three. How long
will the last stand?

"Now what is the meaning of all this? What lesson does it give? Any-
thing like this? Freedom and Slavery are irreconcilably hostile, and all

4 o8 HISTORY OF MAINE

legislative and judicial shifts which are meant for the security and perpetua-
tion of bondage must, in this free country, prove transient, and compel their
inventors to expedients and inconsistencies.

"Let the people consider these things and see whether it is not time for
Liberty to have something to do as a settler and finality. Slavery would
seem to have tried its hand near long enough."

In reply to the assertion of the Argus that there was no choice between
submitting to the decision of the Court and becoming a Garrisonian dis-
unionist, the Advertiser said: "The Supreme Court is not a Grand Lama,
before whom body and soul are to be prostrate in abject passivity. It is
the creature of a free and intelligent people, bound to interpret their laws
wisely, and whose voice is promptly respected not for its infallibility, but
out of regard for the safety of the whole system of which the Court forms
a part. The Judges differ — some of them err, and perhaps all of them (for
they are all human), and time reverses their firmest decrees- If their judg-
ments do not commend themselves to the best and general intelligence and
morality of the nation, they become dead letters and ought not to stand. If
they cannot be freely discussed, one judicial error may breed a hundred,
and the people, through their sheer respect for law, may at last find them-
selves at the mercy of a lawless, because irresponsible despotism.*'

The Bangor Whig said: "That the decision will reopen the slavery
question, in a form, too, more bitter and dangerous than we have yet seen
it brought forward, there can be little doubt. . . . It is very obvious
why this decision was not made public until after the presidential election ;
if it had been before the public at that time, the pro-slavery Democracy
could not have carried a single free State."

The Republicans determined to again make the extension of slavery
the issue of their campaign for Governor. Their State Convention resolved
"that the License Liquor Law passed by the Legislature of 1856 is inad-
equate to the suppression of the evils of intemperance and that the public
welfare can best be secured by a 'suitable prohibitory law,' 10 and believing
that all laws should not only be both just and constitutional but permanent
in their character and effect, and for the purpose of removing this great
moral question from the arena of party politics, we recommend that any
enactment designed to prohibit the sale of intoxicating liquors be submitted
to the people upon some day other than that of our annual state election."

The action in regard to prohibition was approved by the leading Repub-
lican papers. The Kennebec Journal praised the call for the convention
on the grounds that to mention State questions might seem dictatorial and
that the Democrats would try to draw attention from the main issue, that
of the extension of slavery.

The Portland Advertiser highly approved the action of the convention

'"A quotation from the Democratic platform of the year before.

THE REPUBLICAN PARTY 409

in regard to the prohibitory law. "As the measure of the people it will
have force and efficiency, and be much more easily maintained upon the
statute book. ... By inducing a party to adopt it as a part of its
creed, you inevitably carry the other party against it. The Bangor conven-
tion therefore wisely determined to leave this subject outside of the arena
of party politics. It is best for temperance that it should be so."

There had been three principal candidates for the Republican nomina-
tion, Acting-Governor Williams, J. J. Perry of Oxford, for years an influ-
ential Democrat, now a Republican, and Lot M. Morrill. Before the con-
vention met Williams, who saw that he had little chance of success, with-
drew for the sake of harmony. Perry withdrew in the convention stating
that he had steadily declined being considered as a candidate and Morrill
was nominated by a vote of 585 to 16 scattering. The Argus said that
Morrill was nominated because he could obtain the support of men of dif-
ferent views while Williams could not. It also declared that Hamlin had
made Morrill a bob to his kite when the latter wished to be a Senator, but
that Hamlin had advised him to "follow my example," and that Morrill
had done so- "The aristocratic Senator from Portland (Mr. Fessenden)
is not to domineer and have his own way any longer. He has got to sub-
mit, quietly or otherwise, to be laid on the shelf, and the sceptre, which
aforetime, was swayed by Portland and anon by Bangor, henceforth is to
be wielded by Augusta. There may be a little faint kicking and squirm-
ing by the Kents and the Fessendens, but it won't avail. While they slept,
the snares were set and the game of which they are part, is already bagged."

Lot M. Morrill was born at Belgrade, Maine, on May 3, 1815. When
thirteen he was taken by his father to a trial for burglary. The defense
was conducted by Samuel Wells, the future Supreme Court Judge and
Governor, and young Morrill was so impressed by it that he at once deter-
mined to be a lawyer. "Of all employments, it seemed to him that that of
the advocate, who stands before the tribunals of justice to defend the
rights and liberties of his fellow men is the noblest." He supported himself
for some years by teaching school, attended Waterville College for a time,
was admitted to the bar in 1839 and two years later moved to Augusta and
formed a partnership with James W. Bradbury, afterwards United States
Senator, and Richard D. Rice, later a Judge of the Maine Supreme Court.
In 1853 he was elected to the Maine House of Representatives and two
years later to the Senate.

"There were in Mr. Morrill's intellectual characteristics certain en-
dowments eminently fitting him for the functions of a legislator, that are
not usually found in common- He had the strong feelings and earnest con-
victions that belong to the enthusiast and the reformer, united with the
practical sagacity that belongs to the man of affairs. He looked at pro-
posed projects of law, as they would be likely to affect established institu-
tions, existing conditions of society, with sentiments warmed and inspired
by the ethical side of his nature. In debate he readily became ardent, im-

4 io HISTORY OF MAINE

passioned, sometimes eloquent; at the same time he never permitted his
moral enthusiasm to overwhelm and sweep away the limitations which legal
science has established to define the boundaries. He had a more clear con-
ception, perhaps, than some of his more conspicuous associates in the
Senate, of what matters were fairly within the scope of remedial legislation,
and how many desirable reformatory ends legislation was incompetent to
achieve.

"Besides these high intellectual qualifications Mr. Morrill possessed, in
his amiable disposition, in the purity and integrity of his personal character,
in the guileless sincerity, frankness and directness of his manners, a basis
for the high esteem and solid consideration in which he was steadily held
by all the men associated with him in the responsibilities of public life.""

The Democratic convention nominated Manasseh H. Smith to run
against Lot M. Morrill. The Boston Journal remarked: "Our friends in
Maine seem to have taken to Scripture names on both sides,"" and had the
editor been gifted with the second-sight, he might have spoken more
strongly, for when Messrs. Smith and Morrill ceased to run, their places
were taken by Ephraim Smart and Israel Washburn.

Mr. Smith had not been very prominent in politics, but in 1848 and
1849 he had been a member of the Council, and in 1856 had been a candi-
date for Congress. Indeed it was reported that his nomination for Governor
was brought about by Farley, the former Whig leader, and Henry T.
Ingalls of Wiscasset, because, having Congressional ambitions themselves,
they wished to get Smith out of the way.

The Rockland Democrat said that Mr. Smith's grandfather had been
a chaplain in the Revolution, that he himself was a graduate of Bowdoin,
a lifelong Democrat, and not the nominee of a clique like Morrill. "Ed-
ucated and refined, talented and social, Mr. Smith is one of the most enter-
taining and instructive men in the world. There is not a drop of aristocratic
blood in his veins."

As in the preceding year the Republicans attempted to make the fight
one over slavery. The Democrats insisted on discussing prohibition. The
Argus declared that the Republicans had abandoned their demands for the
abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, the repeal of the fugitive
slave law, the restoration of the Missouri Compromise, the refusal to admit
any more slave States, and their war on the foreign population, and that
the Maine Law was the vital principle of the party. At the same time it
again endeavored to alienate the radical prohibitionists from the Republicans
on the ground that the latter were deserting them. It pointed out that the
Temperance Journal had declared that the vital issue before the Republican
convention was prohibition, but that when the convention refused to make
it so, it said that if the temperance men set up for themselves there would
be a breach which would postpone prohibition indefinitely. The Argus
claimed that Morrill had said in a speech at Durham: "I will not insult

"Talbot, "Lot M- Morrill," Coll. Maine Hist. Soc, II, V, 225-275.

THE REPUBLICAN PARTY 411

your understandings by presenting so low an issue as the Maine Law.
What do we care how much grog you drink. Take your bitters when you
please. Only vote right."

The Argus said that a referendum such as was proposed by the Repub-
licans would be unconstitutional and had been decided to be so by the highest
court of one of the largest States in the Union.

The campaign was much less exciting than that of the year before and
the number of votes fell off 22,000. The official count stood, Morrill, 54,655,
Smith, 42,968, scattering 255.

The Argus at first treated the election as a sort of drawn game. It
said "While therefore neither party has achieved anything which its friends
deem worth crowing over, so neither has experienced a reverse that causes
disappointment." A little later it manifested an inclination to crow, declar-
ing that the Democrats had gained thousands of votes with no exertion,
while Banks, Burlingame, Washburn and Morse had stumped the State for
the Republicans.

The Bangor Whig claimed a triumph. It said that many young men,
three-fourths of whom were Republicans, had gone West, that thousands
had come back to vote the preceding year but very few this year, that
Maine was safe for the Republicans for years," and that where there was
anything like a contest the Republicans had gained.

The Republicans were now obliged to draw a prohibitory law for sub-
mission to the people. With some difficulty one was prepared.

An earnest effort was made to allow the manufacture of liquor to be
sold outside the State. In former years much molasses had been brought
to Portland from the West Indies and made into rum and it was thought
that a revival of distilling would help business. But the prohibitionists were
on the alert ; the attempt was defeated, and many provisions put in the new
law which the more moderate men would have gladly left out. A separate
act provided for a special election at which the people should vote for the
license law of 1856 or the prohibitory law of 1858, the one receiving the
most ballots to be the law of the State.

The Democrats attacked the referendum provision. The Argus de-
clared that the courts of Rhode Island, New York, Pennsylvania, Delaware,
Indiana, Wisconsin and Iowa had pronounced such laws unconstitutional.
The editor said that he did not advise refraining from voting in June but
that for himself he preferred to wait until September. The Age advised
its brethren to do the same, "instead of wasting their energies in an idle
and objectless contest with the ram-rod wing of the party on the 7th of
June." The Democratic Advocate opposed voting on the ground that a
referendum was of doubtful legality, contrary to the American theory of

"The Republicans elected their candidate regularly until 1879, a period of twenty-
two years, though in 1863 they transformed themselves into the "Union Party,"
nominated a war-Democrat, and renominated him in 1864 and 1865.

4 i2 HISTORY OF MAINE

government, and that the law, if passed, would settle nothing since the ram-
rods claimed the right to add "teeth" to it. The Advocate called the action
of the Legislature a mean and cowardly shirking of responsibility.

The Democrats believed that a contest and a drawing of party lines
would drive Republicans who were opposed or indifferent to prohibition,
to vote for the law and that its enactment by a small vote only would
deprive it of moral authority. The Skowhegan Free Press said: "In this
vicinity, and we presume that it is so everywhere else except in Bangor, we
propose to say at home, and let those who got up this submission humbug
give it the finishing stroke. We intend to be quiet, and let every man vote
for the new law who chooses to. Every man who does not vote for it will
be against it, and there will be a far less number vote for it if party lines
are not drawn, than if they are. We conclude that it will be more comfort-
able to let this election go by default, than contest it, and much more satis-
factory to gain a big victory than none at all."

The Republicans seem to have feared to take the responsibility for the
law. On the day of voting their leading papers declared that no man's
party standing would be affected by any vote that he might give.

The attempt of the Democrats to prevent the polling of a heavy vote
was successful. The number of ballots cast was 34,776, or 20,000 less than
Governor Morrill received the year before and 63,000 less than the whole
vote of that year. Of the votes cast prohibition had a large majority,
receiving 28,864, against 5,912 for license.

The Whig said that the light vote was due to the farmers being busy
with their fields, to the efforts of the Democrats to prevent voting, to the
indifference of many, and to the moderate friends of prohibition taking
counsel of their fears and not voting- Apparently the Whig had consid-
erable sympathy with these gentlemen, for it said : "Hardly any friend of
prohibition claims that the new prohibitory law is wise and judicious in all
its provisions. Experience will develop its defects and point out the com-
mon sense remedies to future legislators." And the Whig urged "that the
law be not murdered by injudicious enforcement."

The Argus declared that prohibition was doomed by the vote. The
Temperance Journal speaking of the small vote in Penobscot County said,
"Nothing else could be expected as the Republican press was a dumb dog
that did not bark in reply to the previous attacks upon it. The most it did
in that county was to faintly mew once or twice. It did not have spunk
enough even to spit cat-fashion at the yelping curs, and the result is what
every sagacious man must have foreseen."

In 1857 the Democrats had had a heavy burden to carry in the Dred
Scott decision; in 1858 another was imposed on them, that of "Lecompton."
The slavery men of Kansas held a constitutional convention at Lecompton,
the free-state men refusing to take part in it on the ground that it was
illegal, and submitted a constitution which, if adopted, was to be "with"

THE REPUBLICAN PARTY 413

or "with no" slavery but under the constitution with no slavery the right
of slave owners to their slaves which were in the territory at the time of
the constitution and presumably to their increase was guaranteed and the
constitution could not be amended until 1864. This violation of the much-
lauded principle of popular sovereignty called forth sharp condemnation
from Democrats themselves. Buchanan's Governor of Kansas opposed it,
and Senator Douglas fought it with all his might. Many Democratic papers
in Maine supported him. The Augusta Age called on the Democratic State
convention to denounce the constitution if it should be adopted.

The Argus regretted such extreme action. It said : "The Democratic
party is weak enough in the State without being divided and further crip-
pled by introducing new tests," on a temporary question. "The sterling
Democracy . . . will say ... let us have no attempts to organize
and array one portion of the Democracy against another portion; let us
tolerate honest differences of opinion in a brotherly spirit."

The Republicans hailed the quarrel in the Democratic party with joy.
The Advertiser was ready to open its arms even to the author of the hated
Nebraska bill. It said, "There can be no doubt that this separation of
Douglas and the Administration is complete at the present time, and that
it may be made final by a wise, prudent and liberal course on the part of
the Republican opposition. We gladly hail all fellow laborers, even though
they do not join us until the eleventh hour. They will be received into full
heirship into the Republican family, and for past misdeeds will be held
accountable only by a Higher than human power."

But the Whig declared that the contest between Douglas and Buchanan
was a personal fight and that the Republicans would gain nothing by dilut-
ing their principles.

On election day the Republicans again triumphed over the divided
Democracy. The official returns gave Morrill 60,380 votes and Smith
52,440; there were 78 scattering.

The Democrats may have found some comfort a little later in the dis-
covery that the Governor had "cribbed" his Thanksgiving Proclamation.
Mr. Charles E. Bliss of Bangor, a Webster Whig who devoted much of
his leisure to the study and enjoyment of belles lettres, noted a striking
resemblance between the proclamation and a sermon by an eminent preacher
of the day, Rev. E. H. Chapin. With no thought of publication Mr. Bliss
mentioned the matter to a Democratic editor, who accused the Governor
of plagiarism and proved it by the "deadly parallel." The Argus reproduced
the article and also showed that other passages were much like portions of
Beecher's The Christian Commonwealth.

Maine received some rather unpleasant advertising. The Pennsyl-
vanian said that Governor Morrill's "recent proclamation has made his
name a by-word in all sections of the Union." The Boston Post said that
"The most serious objection to electing Governor Morrill United States

4 i4 HISTORY OF MAINE

Senator from Maine is that the Rev. Mr. Chapin will be unable to go with
him to Washington to make his speeches"

The year 1859 was a rather quiet one. The United States paid Massa-
chusetts her expenses for national purposes in the War of 1812, and by the
terms of separation Maine received one-third of this. There was a struggle
between the followers of the Administration and those of Douglas, and
the leading Douglas Democrats including Bion Bradbury, and Ephraim K.
Smart, were removed from their offices. Bradbury was the only man who
voted against the anti-slavery resolutions of 1849. The Douglas men are
said to have threatened to run an independent candidate in the State elec-
tion, though promising to be regular in i860. Smart declared that if the
Democratic national convention should favor Congress' enacting a code for
the protection of slavery in the territories, he would not support the nom-
inee. Some were inclined to expel him from the party but the Argus urged
moderation. It said that Smart had done good work in the last Legislature,
that it disbelieved in his theory that Congress and the people of a territory
could exclude slavery therefrom, but that the question was practically un-
important, the so-called Free State party had been in power in Kansas for
nearly two years but slavery had not been abolished there. It thought
Smart was unwise to assume that the Democratic national convention
would declare for a slave code and to announce what he would do in that
case. The Argus also said that the convention should not express an
opinion regarding the political power over slavery in the territories, that
being a question for the courts.

In the State convention the Douglas men opposed the renomination of
Governor Smith, putting forward Mr. Smart as their candidate, but were
defeated.

The Republicans renominated Governor Morrill without opposition.
The convention beside reiterating Republican doctrines on the subject of
slavery blamed the Democrats for defeating the bill giving homesteads on
the public lands to actual settlers, saying that this was a direct blow to
the laboring classes of the country and another conclusive proof of the
utter subservience of the Democrats to the Slave Power and of its hostil-
ity to Freedom. The convention pledged the party in the future as in the
past to "the encouragement of manufacturing industry, the settlement of
our public lands, the development of our vast resources, and the improve-
ment and perfection of our Common School system."

The Democrats declared that it seemed little short of folly when the
State had millions of acres of good lands needing settlers to insist on the
grant of free homesteads by the national government. They also charged
the Republicans with various misdeeds, actual or intended, in State matters.
At the end of the campaign the Whig declared that it had been signally
deficient in excitement and that in many sections positive dullness and
inaction had prevailed. The Republicans won easily. The official count
gave Morrill 57,230 votes and Smith 45.387; there were 35 scattering.

Chapter XV
THE EVE OF THE CIVIL WAR

HOME OF THE PEARLS, ORR'S ISLAND

CHAPTER XV
THE EVE OF THE CIVIL WAR

The year i860 closed with the shocking discovery that the State
Treasurer, B. D. Peck, a former minister of the gospel, was a defaulter to
a large amount. In earlier days public officers had mingled their official
and private funds, had received interest on public money deposited by them
in banks, and had even used the money in their own business, and little or
nothing was thought of it if no loss resulted to the government. But public
opinion had grown stricter and in 1856 the Legislature of Maine had passed
an act forbidding the Treasurer to loan the money of the State or to profit
in any way from its custody, but the only penalty for a violation of the law
was the forfeiture to the State of a sum equal to the amount wrong-
fully used.

Mr. Peck had been Treasurer for 1857-58-59. In each of these years
he lent money to his bondsmen, and in 1858 he began to use his official
position and authority to help him in his business. Several ambitious and
hopeful gentlemen had formed a partnership and obtained a refusal of a
saw mill and a right to cut timber on a large tract of land in Canada. But
only one had any money to spare and he had no intention of risking it.
Accordingly, they looked around for an "angel" to provide them with the
needful cash and induced Mr. Peck to assume the part. He had indeed
very little money of his own, but he not only obtained loans from banks
who wished to oblige him because he had deposited public money with them,
but drew State money for use in his speculation. Loans were also obtained
from private parties. In justice to Peck's associates it must be admitted
that if they contributed no cash, Micawber himself could not have been
readier to pledge his credit. A legislative investigating committee said in
its report : "They were all obliging enough to furnish Peck with notes to
any amount, at any time, to be negotiated at any discount and to be paid by
anybody — except the makers."

Peck had been tempted into the venture by assurances of large returns
on a small outlay, but the expenses proved much greater than had been
anticipated. A new saw mill had been built which it was thought would be
in operation in July, 1859, but it was not ready until October, and in a little
more than a month it was disabled by the collapsing of a flue. Peck was
unable to raise money to meet his notes and by the last of December his
"condition as a public defaulter was ... a matter of such general
notoriety as to have become a topic of newspaper comment." The final
blow was given by the suspension of the Norombega Bank of Bangor, with
which Peck had had numerous transactions. The cashier was a partner in
the Canada enterprise and had illegally favored Peck to the injury both
of the State and the bank.

4 i8 HISTORY OF MAINE

The Governor publicly declared Peck a defaulter and prohibited depos-
itories of the public money from honoring his checks- A joint committee
of investigation was appointed by the Legislature and they made a report
giving an account of Peck's misbehavior from his first assuming the office
of Treasurer and stating their opinion of the liabilities of his bondsmen and
other persons with whom he had done business. The representatives on
the committee were appointed commissioners to make a just and equitable
settlement with the bondsmen. There was an undisputed liability of the
sureties for 1859 of $37,585.41 and a somewhat doubtful one of $4,038.44.
The committee decided that for both practical and equitable reasons the
State should assume the loss of the latter sum. The sureties offered in
return for a full discharge $7,000 in cash, and $30,000 in notes of General
S. F. Hersey and Walter Brown payable in annual instalments of $10,000,
with a mortgage of land as security. The commissioners having satisfied
themselves as to the value of the land accepted the proposal, complimenting
the bondsmen on their honorable conduct. 1

The bondsmen of 1858 denied their liability. They claimed that there
was an understanding that the bond should not be delivered unless additional
bondsmen were obtained and also that the seals were not affixed before or
at the time of their signature. It seemed impossible to obtain a judgment.
In 1869 Attorney-General William P. Frye said of the case, "I received this
as a legacy from my predecessor, and transmit it to my successor unim-
paired." In 1871 the Law Court decided that the defendants owed the State
the face value of their bonds and interest, the whole amounting to over
$64,000.

In the following winter the Legislature discharged two of the defend-
ants, Dow and Cummings, probably the only sureties whose signatures were
of any real value, on condition of the payment by each of $5,026.11. '

There was also a loss by loans to bondsmen and by payment of State
funds to persons who, it was alleged, knew at the time the payments were
made that Peck was a defaulter- Most of the bondsmen had repaid their
loans before the crash came but Congressman Somes, who had borrowed
considerable sums from Peck, had disastrously failed in business and, said
the investigating committee, was "understood to be hopelessly insolvent."
Another bondsman who had received advances from Peck was Neal Dow.
In return he gave Peck checks which were later exchanged for endorsements
on notes. Mr. Dow promptly paid the notes and also paid into the State
treasury the amount he had received, except $3,000 which he claimed that
Peck had obtained from the sale of a note and had deposited to the credit
of the State. In 1866 a court decided that Mr. Dow was not liable for
this amount.

The investigating committee strongly recommended that suit be brought
against two persons for money received from Peck and this was done the

"Legislative Reports, i860, 1861.

THE EVE OF THE CIVIL WAR 419

next year, but the matter was not pressed until Thomas B. Reed became
Attorney-General. Mr. Reed gave notice that the case must be tried. One
of the defendants was dead and the other very old and the Legislature was
applied to for leave to compromise. The requisite authority was given to
the Attorney-General subject to the approval of the Governor and Council.
The original suit was for $4,50739. Mr. Reed accepted $3,200 as payment
in full including taxable costs. He considered this for the best interests
of the State since much of the evidence had been destroyed by lapse of
time. 2

The politicians, men who cared as much for success as for principle,
were now coming to the front in the Republican party. The excitement
over Kansas was dying down and various clever men thought that, having
now corralled the strongly anti-slavery men, it would be well to cater to
the old Whigs and others who opposed Buchanan, by taking a very mod-
erate man for a candidate, perhaps one not hitherto identified with the
Republican party. Such, however, was not the opinion of the Maine
Republicans. The Whig in an editorial of February 17 announced that it
favored Banks, Seward, Chase or Fessenden for President, and Lincoln,
Cassius M. Clay, Frank P. Blair, or Henry Winter Davis for Vice-Presi-
dent, saying: "It is not now the time to take a fossil and galvanize him
into life. A leader should be in the advance, not carried forward up the
breach a dead weight on the shoulders of his men. ... In a struggle
like that of i860 nothing can justify the selection of any but the fathers
of the party for standard bearers, and no timidity of the result, no anxiety
to catch a floating vote that isn't worth catching, or that entails an equal
loss of party strength, can justify any other course."

Ten days later it was ready to make a small concession. It still opposed
the choice as a Presidential candidate "of a nominal Republican who might
lose as many votes as he would gain and whose election would be a doubt-
ful advantage." "As to the man" said the Whig, "we would have our
delegates go unpledged — we would have them go with the simple under-
standing that it is a Republican, and not a mere opposition convention
which they are attending and consequently whatever allies the Republicans
may have, their vast preponderance of strength entitles them to the chief
candidate on the ticket. That something may be safely conceded as to the
second nomination, may be true; and we should not oppose any proper
arrangement of that kind."

The favorite candidate of the men holding these views was William H.
Seward of New York, long a leader, perhaps one should say the leader, in
the political opposition to slavery. He had been Governor of his State for
four years and was now nearing the completion of a second term as her
Senator. To his followers it seemed that he was in every way the natural
and the fittest candidate for the Republican nomination and that his defeat

"Report of Attorney General, 1872.

4 2o HISTORY OF MAINE

would be the triumph of little men and scheming politicians. John L.
Stevens, the editor of the Kennebec Journal, desired his nomination with
all his heart and soul.

But two of the shrewdest politicians in the State, Hannibal Hamlin
and James G. Blaine, were opposed to Seward's nomination. Mr. Hamlin
believed that Seward could not be elected and also that he was better fitted
for the Senate than the White House. His first choice for President had
been Chief Justice Read of Pennsylvania, an earnest Republican, very
popular in his State, and solid and sensible, if not brilliant, but Read had
been set aside by Simon Cameron and Hamlin decided to support Lincoln,
being much influenced by his Cooper Union speech, and also by the high
opinion of him expressed by Stephen A. Douglas, and Elihu B. Washburne,
formerly of Maine but now of Illinois. Mr. Blaine had been in Illinois
during the Lincoln-Douglas debates, had heard Lincoln speak twice, and
had conceived a great admiration for him. On February 28, the Republican
members of the Maine Legislature held a caucus to choose the four dele-
gates at large to the Republican national convention. There had been a
general belief that they would be instructed to support Seward but Hamlin
had been quietly exerting his influence against such action, and when Mr.
Blaine offered a resolution authorizing the delegates to vote for the Repub-
lican "most likely to obtain the largest number of votes, principle being
regarded as superior to men, and the triumph of the cause above every-
thing else," the convention accepted it. They elected, however, Seward
men as delegates. The persons chosen were George F. Talbot of Machias,
William H. McCrillis of Bangor, John L. Stevens of Augusta and Rens-
selaer Cram of Portland. The result was agreeable to Mr. Hamlin, who
"believed that if representative men were sent to Chicago, they would
speedily see for themselves that the logic of the situation would dictate the
selection of a man other than Seward." Blaine was less pleased. The
Maine Senators had themselves been mentioned both within and without the
State as candidates for the nomination, but each of them had refused to
allow his name to be used. Blaine, however, believed that Fessenden had
an excellent chance of being nominated and the delegates chosen were not
as well disposed toward him as he would have wished. On March 6 Blaine
wrote to Mr. Fessenden:

"My Dear Sir: — There was a very curious contest for delegates-at-
large, and the result was very much the same as I anticipated in my last
letter to you. The delegation is not such a one altogether as I desired, but
I am utterly unable to do anything to change its character; so, also, of
others, who feel an especial degree of friendship for yourself. The con-
vention was boisterously demonstrative at the mention of your name, and
I am quite sure that your friends had the most abundant cause to be satis-
fied and gratified with the spirit that was everywhere manifest.

"Governor Morrill would have been unanimously elected had he con-
sented to stand, and even after positively declining he received nearly half

THE EVE OF THE CIVIL WAR 421

the votes of the convention. The Governor designs to go to Chicago, as
does [sic] a large number from this section, but he had some peculiar
objections to heading the delegates, and as he is a man of great sensitive-
ness of feeling, he could not be induced to risk certain flings which he
thought would follow his election. He is a most cordial friend of yours. . .
"It was difficult in the convention to keep a resolution specifically
recommending you from being offered, and it was only upon the assurance
that you would not desire it that the movement was suppressed. Had it
been introduced, it would have been idle to attempt any withdrawal of it ;
it would not have been permitted by the convention."

Messrs. Morrill and Blaine both went to Chicago, and all through the
journey Blaine labored with his companion to induce him to support
Lincoln, 2 but though he made an impression, the Governor was not a thor-
ough convert until after his arrival at Chicago. What he saw and heard
there quickly proved decisive, he became an earnest Lincoln man. and
worked heartily with Blaine for his nomination.

Mr. Hamlin had been busy in Maine. The district conventions in
general followed the example of the State convention and left their dele-
gates unpledged.

"But in one district, which was then the second and now a part of the
third, the Seward men made a determined effort to choose one of then-
number, Colonel John N. Swazey, a leading citizen of Bucksport and a
man of influence in his party. When this move was reported to Senator
Hamlin, he exerted himself to head off the Seward men. He instructed his
son Charles, who was then beginning the practice of law at Orland, to
concentrate the anti-Seward strength on some representative Republican
who would go to Chicago unpledged. Air. Hamlin conferred with leading
men in Hancock County who were his father's friends, with the result that
Capt. John West, of Franklin, was selected as their candidate. He had
leanings towards Lincoln, and he was chosen also because he was a cool
and reliable politician, and would be governed wholly by practical considera-
tions in the Chicago convention- There was a sharp fight, and Captain West
was elected by a small majority."

Two of Mr. Hamlin's staunchest followers, General S. F. Hersey of
Bangor and Mark F. Wentworth of Kittery, had been chosen delegates and
their leader's arguments convinced them that it would be unwise to nominate
Seward. He advised them to canvass the delegates from the three great
doubtful States of Pennsylvania, Indiana and Illinois and to obtain in writ-
ing the names of three men who these gentlemen believed could carry their
States. A canvass was made. A majority placed the name of Lincoln on
their memoranda, but only a minority wrote Seward's. This converted
three other Maine delegates — George W. Lawrence of Warren, Leonard
Andrews of Biddeford and Rensselaer Cram of Portland. Accordingly, on
the three ballots taken for President, Maine gave Lincoln six votes and

"Doubtless Blaine thought that Fessenden should only be brought forward,
compromise candidate in case of a deadlock.

422 HISTORY OF MAINE

Seward ten. On the third ballot Lincoln lacked only V/ 2 votes for a nom-
ination. At once delegation after delegation changed their votes and he
was nominated by a majority of over 3 to 1.

For Vice-President two ballots were taken. The first stood, Hannibal
Hamlin, 194 ; Cassius M. Clay, 102 ^ ; John Hickman, 58 ; Andrew J.
Reeder, 51 ; Nathaniel P. Banks, 38^. On the second ballot, Hamlin was
chosen by a vote of 367 to 86 for Clay and 13 for Hickman. The nomina-
tion was due to various causes. The Seward men, sorely disappointed at
the defeat of their leader, bluntly refused a request to suggest a nominee
for Vice-President, and when the honor was offered to Governor Morgan
of New York he promptly declined it. But New York was in favor of
Hamlin, 4 and Senator Preston King worked actively in his behalf.' Ohio
also favored him and as both these States had opposed Lincoln, his friends
were glad to placate them by supporting their candidate for Vice-President.
Moreover, the nominee for President was a Western man and a former
Whig, and it was deemed reasonable that the other place on the ticket
should be given to an Eastern man and an ex-Democrat.

The news of Hamlin's nomination was received in Maine with much
enthusiasm. A letter to him from his brother Elijah describes what hap-
pened in Bangor. He says :

"About twelve o'clock I was awakened by a crowd about my house
shouting your nomination for Vice-President. Augustus and I had to
get up, and upon opening the door, the outsiders rushed into the house with
loud cheers. After partaking of some refreshments, Augustus found a
swivel and some powder, and a salute was fired in honor of the nomination.

"There was a call for some wadding for the gun. John Wingate tore
off a piece of his pantaloons for wadding and continued to furnish wadding
in the same way, and when the firing was over he had nothing left of his
pantaloons but the waistbands. When the firing commenced in the after-
noon, Wingate was fishing on your old grounds beyond Eddington. Upon
hearing the first gun, he says, he gave such a jump and shout for the
Republican nomination that he broke his watch crystal all to smash, and
he produced the watch to show it. He immediately started for home, having
some ways to come on foot, and in his hurry he damaged his pantaloons
badly. He came into the city about twelve o'clock, at about the same time
of the news of your nomination, and he said he would make a burnt offering
of his pantaloons, and so had them fired off in wadding the gun. Wingate's
performance has made a good deal of fun, and he says he is ready to be
fired off himself if he could onlv kill the Democratic party.

"Two drums were obtained, and the crowd then went to the mayor's,
Hollis Bowman, then to Wingate's, the street commissioner, and so on to
other places until near sunrise. The nomination was everywhere enthu-
siastically received, and in some cases, persons came out just as they came
out of bed. The Democrats complain that they had no sleep the last part
of the night, there was such an infernal uproar in the streets.

"It is probable also that New York was angry- at the failure of Pennsylvania and
the friends of Banks to support Seward and felt a revengeful pleasure in helping to
nominate Hamlin instead of Banks, or Reeder or Hickman of Pennsylvania.

"Hamlin, "Hamlin," 345.

THE EVE OF THE CIVIL WAR 423

"There is to be a demonstration made in Hampden this afternoon, and
I and others intend going down.

"The nomination takes well. The Democrats are sulky. Some have
been heard to say that it will be of no use to oppose the ticket- I would
congratulate you on the nomination, for whether elected or not, it is highly
complimentary to you and our State.'"

The Republicans of Bangor were by no means so happy over the prin-
cipal nomination. The Jeffersonian said:

"We suppose if the people of Maine could alone have made a President
he would have been Governor Seward of New York. He is the first and
foremost man in America. ... In many respects it would have been
gratifying to have rallied under his spotless banner and had not the dele-
gates, after a careful and friendly consultation, considered that in the
peculiar state of the country his nomination would have endangered the
result, he would have been at the head of the ticket.'"

The Whig endorsed the nomination in a rather mild way and said that
it was pleased that in the selection of a candidate the consideration of avail-
ability had been combined with that of principle, hitherto not enough regard
had been paid to the former qualification. A little later the Whig described
Lincoln in his debate with Douglas. It said that he was "always calm and
collected, quick of perception and good natured, logical in the construction
of his addresses, rising at times to passages of great beauty and power which
rivalled in their eloquence the silver sentences of Clay."

Editor Stevens of the Kennebec Journal, on his return to Maine from
the convention, had visited Mr. Seward and the meeting with his chief had
only increased his grief and wrath. Gail Hamilton says that "For two days
after reaching Augusta he did not go near Mr. Blaine, and when he did it
was only to revert for a moment to theology, 'Here, you have got your man.
Now take your d — d old paper and run it',"* which for a time Mr. Blaine did.

The Argus at first spoke of the Republican candidate as of a worthy,
ordinary person. It said: "Mr. Lincoln is represented to be a man of
respectable talents. The only figure he has made in public life was two
years ago, when, as a candidate for the U. S. Senate, in opposition to Mr.
Douglas, he stumped the State, and got badly beaten. The same fate awaits
him, not only in his own State, but throughout the Union next fall."

Two days later it said that Seward, "the acknowledged embodiment
and ablest leader of his party has been slaughtered by his own friends, and
must now be content to see the highest honors within their gift placed upon
the brow of a provincial rival. . . . We do not mean to say that Mr.
Lincoln is destitute of ability of that peculiar type which secures local
popularity in the West, but to compare him with Mr. Seward in point of
statesmanship would only add to the mortification of his disappointed friends
who are now mourning over the obsequies of their devoted chief."

•Hamlin, "Hamlin," Chap. XXVII.
'Jeffersonian, May 22, i860.
'Gail Hamilton, "Blaine," 129.

4 2 4

HISTORY OF MAINE

The Democratic national convention met at Charleston on April 23,
i860 The great question was whether Douglas and popular sovereignty or
the extreme pro-slavery men and Dred Scottism should triumph. Three
reports were presented by the platform committee. That of the majority
signed by seventeen members reaffirmed the Cincinnati platform with the
addition of the principles of the Dred Scott decision. The minority report
signed by fifteen members also reaffirmed the Cincinnati platform and added
"a promise to abide by any future decision of the Supreme Court as regarded
slavery in the territories."

A third report signed by Benjamin F. Butler reaffirmed the Cincinnati
platform without appendix. The convention adopted the first minority
report whereupon all or a majority of the delegates from South Carolina,
Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Texas and Arkansas left the con-
vention. Those who remained ballotted fifty-seven times and adjourned
to Baltimore. At that city there was another secession and those who were
left nominated Stephen A. Douglas. The last seceders nominated John C.
Breckenridge of Kentucky. Their action was ratified by a convention of
original seceders and others held at Richmond. Through all these disputes
the Maine delegation had supported Douglas.

A Constitutional Union party composed chiefly of old Whigs, nom-
inated John Bell of Tennessee for President and Edward Everett of Massa-
chusetts for Vice-President.

In Maine both the Republicans and the Democrats presented a new
candidate for Governor. The Republicans chose as their standard-bearer
Israel Washburn, Jr. Mr. Washburn came of good old New England
stock. At a meeting of the Maine Historical Society held for the purpose
of paying honor to the memory of Governor Washburn, ex-Governor
Perham said:

"It was my good fortune to have some acquaintance with the father and
mother of Mr. Washburn. They were eminently worthy to be the parents
of a family so distinguished as theirs has been. The father was "a gentle-
man of the old school, possessing good common sense, strict integrity and
an unusual fund of general information. The mother represented the best
type of the New England woman. She possessed energy, determination and
courage that would not waver in the presence of any obstacle, however
formidable. These qualities she transmitted to her sons; and with the
practical common sense and solid merits inherited from the father, we find,
in part at least, the secret of their success."

Other Maine families, such as the Kings, the Hamlins and the Morrills,
have given two or perhaps three unusually able brothers to the service of the
State, but of the seven sons of Israel and Martha Livermore Washburn who
reached manhood, four, — Israel, Elihu, Cadwallader and William, — were
Representatives in Congress from the States of Maine, Illinois, Wisconsin
and Minnesota respectively, the first three serving together in three suc-
cssive Congresses. Two of them, Israel and Cadwallader, were Governors

<^rtcc^ Ctrtuz 2iJrt4^H^/fk 9

THE EVE OF THE CIVIL WAR 4^5

of their States, and Elihu was for a brief period Secretary of State and was
then appointed Minister to France. Another brother, Charles A., was Min-
ister to Paraguay. Both Cadwallader and William Washburn accumulated
large fortunes.

Israel, the oldest son, was born June 6, 1813, on the family farm, the
Norlands, Livermore. By nature fitted for study and scholarship, his
parents' lack of means deprived him of a college education, and at eighteen
he began to fit himself for the practice of law, and at the age of twenty-one
he was admitted to the bar. He settled in Orono where the lumber industry
gave occasion for much legal business and he soon built up a lucrative
practice.

In 1848 the Whigs nominated him for Congress but the district was
strongly Democratic and he was defeated. At the next election a split in
the victorious party offered a hope of success. Mr. Washburn ran again
and won. His services gave such satisfaction to his constituents that he
held his seat for ten years until his nomination for Governor in i860.
Representative Washburn had not the advantage of a fine presence, he was
short and'thick-set, but he was hearty and cordial, was a very fluent speaker,
with a quick mind, a remarkable memory, great power of assimilating knowl-
edge and of selecting from a mass of material what was really important and
presenting it in a clear and logical manner. He was also well versed in
parliamentary law. This knowledge and his whole-souled opposition to
slavery made him a leader in the fight in the House against the Kansas-
Nebraska bill. He strongly sympathised with the efforts of Preston King
and others, to unite the anti-slavery Whigs and Democrats in a new party
to resist the aggressions of the South, and the morning after the Nebraska
bill was passed to be engrossed Mr. Washburn gathered about thirty of the
most thorough-going opponents of slavery in the room of two Massachu-
setts Representatives and urged the necessity of forming a new party. By
what name should they call it? "Much was in a name, and Mr. Washburn
suggested that 'Republican' was the most proper, the most suggestive, and
the least objectionable that could be adopted. It was a name to conjure
with, honorable in its antecedents and in history, and under it people ever
so much divided in their political views on other and minor questions could
unite on a footing of perfect equality and with no implied surrender of
principles or convictions. The idea was received with enthusiasm by every
member present except one, who was not yet prepared to give up the long-
cherished Whig name and party ; and with this exception, when the meeting
adjourned they all felt that for them there was no longer either a Whig or
Democratic party." A few days later in a speech at Bangor Mr. Washburn
gave public expression to his views.

Mr. Washburn was a most energetic man, vehement in stating his
opinions, yet free from bitterness. He was ambitious and his ambitions
were only partly satisfied. Successful as Representative and as Governor, he

426 HISTORY OF MAINE

aspired to a seat in the United States Senate but was never able to obtain
the Republican nomination. His later political life, however, was lucrative
if not distinguished. In 1863 President Lincoln appointed him collector of
Portland and he held that very well paid position for nearly fourteen years.
In 1877, his term having expired, he was succeeded by Lot M. Morrill, who
like him had been Governor of Maine but who had also served fifteen years
in the United States Senate and had been Secretary of the Treasury for a
brief period. If Mr. Washburn seriously desired a reappointment, it must
have added to his chagrin that one who had enjoyed the prize he missed
should also deprive him of the minor office which he had held so long.

Mr. Washburn combined with his political zeal a strong interest in his-
tory. He was "an early and constant friend" of the New England Historical
and Genealogical Society and a most loyal and devoted member of the Maine
Historical Society. He contributed articles to the "New England Historical
and Genealogical Register," published a local history, "Notes Historical,
Descriptive and Personal, of Livermore," and wrote for the Maine His-
torical Society an able and full account of the North Eastern Boundary
Controversy and two long biographical articles on Chief Justice Shepley
and George Evans.

A politician, a student, somewhat of an antiquarian, Mr. Washburn had
also a keen appreciation of poetry and of the beauties of nature. He wrote
articles or delivered addresses on Lamb, Landor and Burns. The editor of
the Christian Leader said of him: "Had he lived in their day he would
have been of the guild which included Swift, Steele and Addison, and what
he could do that he appreciated in others. His love of the literary masters —
particularly of Lamb and Landor, was a passion." Another friend said:
"He loved nature. Raised among the hills of 'Old Oxford,' her sweeping
vales and foaming floods were dear to him. The daisies, violets and roses,
the rocks, rills and groves, caused him to have an intense love of freedom
and its handmaid, poetry. Hence he delighted in Burns, who was the poet
of nature and the people. How earnestly he would chat with one who loved
this wonderful genius." Burns' best poems "stirred his heart in the same
way the victories won by our boys in blue did during the war."

Mr. Washburn was a member of the Universalist church, and always
showed himself a loyal and devoted son. "He was present and an active
participant in the first meeting that was called to take the initiative in the
starting of Tufts College" He was a member of the corporation from its
formation until his death, for the last ten years of his life its president, and
was offered the position of president of the faculty, as the head of the
college was called, but declined it. He was a wise and liberal friend of
the Universalist academies. The Church of the Messiah, India street,
Portland, being in danger of passing out of the hands of the parish, was
saved from such a fate by the prompt and generous act of Mr. Washburn,
who on his own individual responsibility stepped forward and purchased it

THE EVE OF THE CIVIL WAR 427

at the cash cost of some $12,000, giving the parish the opportunity of
redeeming it at its leisure. It was highly fitting that Israel Washburn
should be a member of the church whose corner stone is belief in the
salvation of all men, for his most striking characteristic was a full genial
confidence in the triumph of right.

A former Portland pastor said : "He was loyalty itself. His enthu-
siasm was a noble contagion. He was the most hopeful man I ever knew ;
and back of his hope was an unfaltering courage." W. W. Thomas said,
"The manner of his intercourse was like a sunbeam." The resolutions
which the Portland Fraternity Club entered on its records stated that "His
cheerful temper and hopeful views entitled him to the appellation of our
chief Optimist, for he never failed to look on the bright side of every
question, and to find a silver lining to every cloud. The cordiality of his
manners, the heartiness of his hand grasp and the cheeriness of his voice,
endeared him to all our hearts."

Ex-Governor Perham said: "His faith in God as the loving Father,
solicitous for the welfare of His children, and in the final triumph of good
over evil, always unwavering, seemed to strengthen with his years ; and
no one could listen to his earnest words, in his public efforts, or private
conversation, as he expressed the deep convictions of his soul on these and
kindred subjects without feeling himself raised to a higher plane of spiritual
existence.""

The Democrats nominated for Governor a different kind of man, that
clever and versatile politician, Ephraim K. Smart, of Rockland- As usual
great efforts were made to poll a large vote at the election for Governor in
September. The campaign was sharply fought. Mr. Douglas himself
came to Maine and spoke at meetings in Portland and Bangor. He also
made various rear car speeches. Maine was much interested in the Pacific
Railroad bill and at Portland Douglas asserted that this and other bills
had failed of consideration because of the time taken up by the agitation
of the slavery question. As an illustration of his popular sovereignty
doctrine he said that whether there should be a prohibitory law in Maine
was a question for Maine and for Maine alone. The Whig in describing
the great Democratic rally at Bangor said that Douglas "addressed the
audience in the same old speech of an hour and a half which he has deliv-
ered all along the route." Seward also spent a short time in Maine. The
Whig of August 13 stated that on the nth it was rumored that Mr.
Seward would arrive on the Boston-Bangor boat. A crowd gathered at
the wharf and followed him to the Bangor House where he held an im-
promptu reception. There was also a great crowd before the hotel and Mr.
Seward came out on the steps accompanied by Mayor Stetson, who thus
addressed him : "The Republicans of this city desired your nomination for
the Presidency at Chicago, and confidently expected it, and they would

"'In Memoriam — Israel Washburn, Jr."

428 HISTORY OF MAINE

not forgive me if I failed to assure you how profoundly they cherish the
teachings of your whole life, and how deeply they regret the fact that the
majority took a different direction. Our hope is that the principles that
you have inculcated may guide the Republican party and that you may be
spared to pilot the Ship of State amid the dangers that surround it"

To this somewhat embarrassing speech Mr. Seward made a brief reply,
saying that Maine's interests were those of free labor, and that her fisheries,
for example, could never be carried on by slaves and that "all Maine men
should vote for the free labor candidates, the able and upright statesman
of the West, Abraham Lincoln of Illinois, and your own talented and able
citizen whom I am happy to meet with here this day, the Hon. Hannibal
Hamlin of Maine."

Candidate Ephraim K. Smart took the stump in his own behalf and
made vigorous war on his opponents. He was met foot to foot by the
Republican State Chairman, James G. Blaine, who had often crossed
swords with him in the Legislature. Mr. Blaine went up and down the
State, ruthlessly exposing the political inconsistencies and turnings of the
Democratic nominee. Mr. Blaine was a student of the Bible and theology
as well as of politics and he usually began his speeches by saying, "Ephraim
is a cake not turned," and adding, "I propose to turn him."

Mr. Smart was not the only candidate whose political past was brought
up against him, the legislative records of Douglas, Hamlin and Washburn
were searched for votes which were, or might be represented to be contrary
to the interests of Maine. The Democrats gave considerable attention to
State issues. Smart called on Washburn to say whether he would repudiate
corrupt State officers, remove the warden of the State prison, and veto any
bill appropriating $250,000 to build a new prison, and to promise that he
would not give official favors to Blaine or to men implicated in the Peck
defalcation.

The campaign was made picturesque by the Republican marching
clubs known as Wideawakes- They were formed of young men, many
below the voting age, wore firemen coats and helmets and carried torches.
Maine clubs took part in processions in Boston and New York.

There was no doubt of the election of Washburn, the question was
only of the size of the Republican majority. But this was most important
because of the effect on the rest of the country. The Peck defalcation
had furnished ammunition to the enemy, most of the nominees for Con-
gress were new men and early in the campaign Hannibal Hamlin saw
reason to fear that the Republicans were shouting while the Democrats
were working. He expressed his views to the Republican managers in
Maine with great plainness, and wrote to several national leaders urging
them to help start the campaign. Mr. Lincoln also became alarmed. He
heard that Hamlin had written to Schuyler Colfax" expressing a fear that

10 A popular and influential Congressman from Indiana. He later became speaker
and vice-president.

THE EVE OF THE CIVIL WAR 429

the Republicans would lose two Congressional districts in Maine and that
Washburn's majority would not be over 6,000. He therefore wrote to Mr.
Hamlin, "Such a result as you seem to have predicted in Maine would, I
fear, put us on the down hill track, lose us the State elections in Pennsyl-
vania and Indiana and probably ruin us on the main turn in November.
You must not allow it."

But by this time the Republicans were fighting well and they succeeded
in electing all their Congressmen and giving Washburn a majority con-
siderably larger than that of Morrill the year before. The vote was the
largest ever cast, 124,135. Washburn received 70,030 votes, Smart 52,350,
Barnes, Constitutional Union 1,735 scattering 20; Washburn's majority
15,925. Morrill had received a majority in 1859 of 11,808.

On September 1 1 the Argus said : "The election is over, we have met
the enemy and they are not ours. Our Republican opponents confess that
their probable majority in the State is to them unexpectedly large, and
they rejoice accordingly; while Democrats console themselves with the
reflection that they are not so badly beaten as in 1856; and that although
they did not defeat the enemy they scared him awfully." A month later
the Argus had arrived at the comforting conclusion that if the Democrats
throughout the country made as much gain as the Maine Democrats had
done, Mr. Lincoln would be defeated. But some weeks later the October
States were lost, and the Argus admitted that the returns were "of the
darkest hue and sufficient to satisfy the most rabid Black Republican."

November fulfilled the promise of October, and Lincoln was given a
large majority in the electoral college and led in the popular vote, though
there he failed to obtain an absolute majority.

The presidential campaign was followed not, as is usually the case by a
period of rest and perhaps of good feeling but by one of the greatest excite-
ment and alarm. The question of the lawfulness of secession and of the
legal and moral right of the United States to compel a dissatisfied State to
remain in the Union became at once the subject of vehement discussion. A
great cry went up in the North for concession and compromise. Business
was frightened. Many Republicans who had no wish to yield Northern
rights or admit slavery to the territories, yet preferred acquiescence in seces-
sion to civil war. The New York Tribune, the leading Republican news-
paper, said that if a State deliberately chose secession "those who rushed
upon carnage to defy and defeat it would place themselves clearly in the
wrong." The Whig quoted the article and expressed substantial agreement.
The Bath Times, a Douglas paper, declared that it would allow South
Carolina to secede and stay out until her business was ruined, her popula-
tion depleted and her property deprived of its value.

By the middle of January the Whig had grown a little firmer. Sen-
ator Seward had proposed as a compromise that Kansas should be admitted
as a free State and the rest of the territories as two States, (if practicable),

43 o HISTORY OF MAINE

one free and one slave- The Whig expressed doubt if this would satisfy
the Border States but said that the great question was "whether traitors
are to be allowed to break up this Union by seizing government forts and
defying the authority of the Republic, by seceding without even consulting
sister States, and without even making any propositions for the settlement
of the difficulties. In short, whether the right of secession exists. Let
Southern men who profess conservatism unite with the North against this
destructive doctrine, to suppress rebellion and sustain the government, —
and we can then with a better grace consider the question of a settlement
of the territorial question." 12

The Argus as might have been expected was from the first for conces-
sion and surrender. On December 14 it proposed that a constitutional
amendment be passed allowing each State to secede at pleasure. There
would then, it said, be no fear of oppression and no danger of war and
New England should not object as she was constantly becoming relatively
weaker in the Union.

Among the measures of conciliation suggested was the repeal by the
Northern Legislatures of their "personal liberty laws," which seriously
interfered with the return of fugitive slaves. On the meeting of the Maine
Legislature, Governor Washburn in his address advised them to carefully
examine the laws, repeal such as were not constitutional, but maintain such
as were so. In his opinion, what might have been yielded as a friendly con-
cession must be refused to threats.

He also spoke in strong terms of the necessity of maintaining the
rights of the majority and of the duty of the President to enforce the laws,
and declared that only an amendment of the Constitution could give a State
the right to secede.

But many of the Republicans in the Legislature while agreeing with
the Governor that the laws should be maintained were willing to abandon
the personal liberty acts. To influence them a great public meeting was
held at Portland, attended by such leading Republicans as J. B. Brown,
W. W. Thomas, John Neal, F. C. Hersey and S. A. Leavitt ; the last named
gentleman had taken an active part in the passing of the liberty law of
1855. With their assent the meeting passed resolutions that no State
had a right to secede and that it was the duty of the government to pro-
tect the forts and public property and enforce the revenue laws but that
to manifest the attachment of the State to the Union and its disposition
to remove all occasion for complaint "it was expedient to repeal the liberty
laws."

A little later there was another and more Democratic meeting. The
Whig said: "A second 'Union Meeting' was held in Portland on Tuesday
evening, to give Mr. F. O. J. Smith an opportunity to make a speech. He
wasn't satisfied with the resolutions of the first meeting. According to the
Argus, he took the ground that slavery was an institution of divine ordina-

*Whig, Jan. 16, 1861.

THE EVE OF THE CIVIL WAR 431

tion, that slaves were recognized as property by the Constitution, and there-
fore Congress was bound to protect slaveholders in their property wher-
ever it might be. He argued for peacable secession and that coercion
should not be used towards the seceding States. And resolutions were
passed in favor of the Crittenden Proposition.""

In 1855 the Legislature of Maine had passed laws requiring county
attorneys to act as counsel for all persons arrested as fugitive slaves, mak-
ing illegal the use of jails or other public buildings for the detention of
such persons, prohibiting a State officer from aiding in their arrest, in
his official capacity, and forbidding police judges and justices of the peace
from taking cognizance of any case relating to a fugitive slave. These laws
were retained with verbal changes in a revision of the statutes in 1857.
One of these alterations was the omission of the reference to official
capacity in the law forbidding State officers to aid in the arrest of alleged
fugitive slaves. On February 13, i860, the House of Representatives
asked the Supreme Court of Maine if these laws contravened the Constitu-
tion or any constitutional law of the United States. Five opinions were
given, each signed by one or two of the eight judges. All the judges were of
the opinion that the State could control the use of its buildings and fix the
duties of its officers but that it could not forbid them from assisting in
enforcing a law of the United States in their private capacity. But on
the question whether the revision of the statutes actually did this the court
was divided.

The judges were uncertain what the law was; the Republicans, who
had an overwhelming majority in the Legislature, differed as to what it
ought to be. Some wished to repeal the law prohibiting State officers help-
ing slave catchers, others merely to amend it so as to clearly state that the
prohibition related only to official acts. The action finally taken was thus
described in the Whig: "An exciting debate occurred in the House on
Friday afternoon . . . between Messrs. McCrillis of this city and Blaine of
Augusta. The House went into committee of the whole, and Speaker
Blaine took the floor and made an able speech favoring the repeal. He was
answered by Mr. McCrillis, who made an able speech of an hour, in which
he argued against the repeal, and urged the passage of the amendment act.
Although made entirely without preparation, Mr. McCrillis' speech is said
to have been the speech of the session. The vote stood 47 for the repeal,
67 against it," and the act was simply amended.

An attempt to increase the efficiency of the militia failed because con-
servative Republicans joined the Democrats in opposing it.

Attention was now centred on the question, what will Mr. Lincoln do ?
He had carefully refrained from any public expression of opinion, but on
his way to Washington he made several brief speeches. That on leaving
Springfield was full of noble and tender feeling, and appreciation of the

"An elaborate and reasonably impartial compromise proposed by Senator Critten-
den of Kentucky.

432 HISTORY OF MAINE

magnitude of the task that awaited him ; at Philadelphia, before raising a
flag over Independence Hall, he proclaimed in earnest, unpremeditated
words his loyalty to the principles of the declaration of independence.
Other speeches were less admirable. They were very informal, to East-
erners they seemed undignified ; and they gave the impression that the
President-elect had no realization of the gravity of the crisis. The Argus,
looking on but one side of the shield, said that it took back all its com-
plaints of Lincoln's not speaking, and that it sincerely wished "for the
credit of the country that the 'mum' policy had been continued until offi-
cial advisers could have prepared an address for him." Of the beauty
of the inaugural on March 4 it showed some appreciation, but could not
forgive the President for failing to promulgate a policy. It said: "The
address does nothing. Aside from this deficiency, all important it is true,
there is much to commend in the address. Its language is calm, without a
grain of acrimony or bitterness, and some points are well reasoned. . . .
On the whole, as before remarked, the address falls far short of what was
hoped and expected; but as it is obviously the work of Mr- Lincoln, and
as its shortcomings are evidently the result of the lack of capacity rather
than of purpose, its deficiencies excite a feeling of pity instead of a dis-
position to censure."

Stephen A. Douglas had manifested an intention of supporting the
President and the Argus made the comment that his magnanimity was
right, should it fail in keeping Mr. Lincoln to a peace policy " he will upon
the first movement for war, turn upon his administration with a power that
will, we trust, compel it to refrain from so suicidal a course." The crisis
was fast approaching, but the Argus did not change. On March 20 it
quoted with approval a letter from a Southerner in which the writer stated
that he believed that the seceded States would return if among other con-
cessions "the agitations of all questions connected with slavery, except for
the protection of the constitutional right of the master, shall forever cease."

On April 11, the day before Sumter was bombarded, the Argus de-
clared that if war came, the Democrats would not fight.

The Advertiser, now owned by F. O. J. Smith, took a very different
tone. On March 8 it approved the President's announcement "that he
intends to enforce the laws and to ignore the secession of any State from
the Confederacy (that is, the Union). This declaration will soon bring our
present controversy to an issue; we shall know whether the Federal gov-
ernment has sufficient vital and inherent power to sustain itself against
domestic foes ; if it has not, the sooner a new Confederation is formed the
better ; if it has, the sooner the fact is proved the nearer will be the restora-
tion of peace and harmony between the sections."

The test came quickly. In the early morning of April 12, General
Beauregard opened fire on Sumter; on the evening of the 13th the fort
surrendered; on the 15th, President Lincoln called for volunteers and the
North rose to save the Union.

Chapter XVI
THE CIVIL WAR— POLITICAL HISTORY

V HAI.I.. PORTLAND

POST OFFICE. PORTLAND

*^ r j22E5

JHk

!*JM0 0n

HafflIuyy>J

UNION STATION, PORTLAND

CHAPTER XVI

THE CIVIL WAR— POLITICAL HISTORY

President Lincoln's call for volunteers met with a quick response in
Maine- Throughout the State there were great public meetings to pledge
support to the Government. Many Democrats joined in thus upholding
the hands of a "Black Republican" President. James W. North says in
his history of Augusta :

"Civil war was now inaugurated. The general feeling of the citizens
of Augusta was promptly and without reserve to sustain the Government
in enforcing the laws. Some, however, ridiculed and loudly denounced the
use of force against the South ; but as intelligence was received from vari-
ous parts of the country of the general uprising, and particularly as the
noble stand taken by Stephen A. Douglas on the side of the Government
was flashed over the wires to the great joy of all patriots, the latter class
were diminished or became more cautious in the expression of their senti-
ments.

"Thursday, April 18th, the Pacific Fire Engine Company, led by the
Augusta Band playing patriotic airs, marched around in the city to elicit
sentiments and feelings in relation to the war. They first visited the
Augusta House, and by cheers for Governor Washburn brought him to the
piazza. He addressed them in earnest and patriotic words. All parties,
he said, were uniting to support the Government, and it should be remem-
bered to the credit of members of the Democratic party that they were put-
ting aside party names, and party issues, and party purposes, and support-
ing an administration chosen against their votes. His remarks were
applauded, particularly the allusion to the Democrats. The company next
marched, the band playing 'Yankee Doodle,' to the house of James W.
Bradbury, and by cheers called him out. He declared it was no time to
enquire how and by whom the difficulties were brought upon the country;
that it was the duty of every patriot to sustain the Government and defend
the flag of the country. Judge Rice, who happened to be at Mr- Brad-
bury's, was called out, and expressed equally sound and patriotic senti-
ments. The company, swelling in numbers, went to the residence of
Governor Morrill, and by rousing cheers brought him to the door. He
declared his unwavering confidence in the result of the issue raised by the
red hand of traitors against the best government on earth. It was time,
he said, to try the faith of men in a good government, to test their patriot-
ism and to bring true men into political concord. 'This patriotic stir
of our young men' is said to have given 'great satisfaction to many.' It
doubtless showed a gratifying feeling in prominent men of opposing polit-
ical parties, to unite in a cordial support of the Government against traitors
who threatened its destruction.

"To ascertain more fully the temper and disposition of the citizens,
and to give expression to their sentiments and feeling, a public meeting was
called at Winthrop Hall, on the evening of Monday, April 22d. Men of all
parties and in great numbers assembled. Reuel Williams was chosen to
preside, and was assisted by ten vice-presidents. 1 On taking the chair,

'Vice-Presidents : Lot M. Morrill, Samuel Cony, Daniel Williams, B. A. G. Fuller,
Sylvanus Caldwell, Jr.. Ai Staples, G. W. Stanley, George W. Morton, R. A. Cony,
J. L. Child. Secretaries : William R. Smith and Joseph A. Homan.

436 HISTORY OF MAINE

Mr. Williams, in reviewing the condition of public affairs, declared his
belief in the severity of the struggle which had come suddenly on the
country, cautioned his hearers against underrating the power in rebellion,
and patriotically exhorted them to stand by the Government in its efforts
for self-preservation. Daniel T. Pike offered resolutions declaring it to be
the duty of every American citizen to yield 'an earnest, unwavering and
patriotic support to the general government,' and that it was 'the duty
as it would be the pleasure of Maine to respond with promptness and
alacrity,' 'both in men and money, to the call of the Federal Government,'
and 'that property as well as population should respond to the exigencies
of the Government in this hour of common peril.' 'That the cities and
towns should be empowered by the Legislature to make provision for the
families of those who leave their homes as volunteer soldiers to uphold the
flag of the country,' and urging upon the city government to make liberal
provision for the families of volunteers. The meeting was then addressed
by the venerable Nathan Weston, Robert A- Cony, James W. Bradbury,
Lot M. Morrill, James G. Blaine, William R. Smith, Joseph A. Homan and
John L. Stevens in a spirit of concord and unity. The resolutions were
then unanimously adopted, and the meeting adjourned with three hearty
cheers for the Constitution and the Union."

On the same day a great meeting was held at Bangor, presided over
by Hon. S. H. Blake, a Douglas Democrat, and with a long list of vice-
presidents, among whom was Hastings Strickland, an old Democratic war-
horse and a supporter of Breckenridge. In Portland an enthusiastic meet-
ing was held at the City Hall on April 16. The Transcript says that "Demo-
crats and Republicans vied with each other in expressions of determination
to stand by the stars and stripes," and mentions C. F. Kimball, "who, as
a Democrat, was sad about the South, but when the war was over wanted
it known that Maine was there."

Some of the Republicans even favored political concessions- It was
proposed that at the coming election Governor Washburn be dropped and
a less ultra man nominated in his place. The suggestion, however, met
with great opposition. The Whig, Jeffersonian, Rockland Gazette, Calais
Advertiser and Kennebec Journal all condemned it, the last paper in very
sharp language. The convention met on August 7 and nominated Wash-
burn unanimously. Its platform, however, was extremely conciliatory. It
endorsed the Crittenden resolutions recently passed by Congress, which de-
clared that there was no intention of interfering with slavery, but that the
war was waged solely for the preservation of the Union. The convention
invited a union of all who were in favor of suppressing the rebellion, and
resolved "That we most cordially recognize and appreciate the unselfish
devotion to country manifested by the great mass of the Democratic party
throughout the loyal States under the patriotic inspiration of their late dis-
tinguished and greatly lamented leader, Stephen A. Douglas. 3 The mem-

! Mr. Douglas had died early in June, and the Republicans honored his memory.
Governor Washburn ordered the flag of a regiment then at Augusta to be lowered
in his honor, saying: "The country mourns the loss of a statesman and a patriot.
Let party differences be hushed at the portals of his tomb, and let us remember only
his undoubted patriotism and his steadfast devotion to the Union."

THE CIVIL WAR— POLITICAL HISTORY 437

bers of that party, both native and adopted citizens, have come forward to
the defense of the common flag, with a zeal which challenges our warmest
admiration and receives our heartiest acknowledgments."

Although the State convention had refused to make concessions in the
matter of nominations, some of the local conventions were more liberal.
The Bangor Republican caucus nominated as one of its candidates for
Representative, S. H. Blake, whose name stood first on the ticket of the
Douglas Democrats. The Penobscot county convention nominated two
Democrats, John A. Peters and Charles P. Stetson, for Senator and County
Attorney- The Cumberland convention left to the Democrats the nomina-
tion of a County Treasurer and a Senator from Portland, subject to the
approval of the Republican county convention, and the Republican delega-
tion from Portland, respectively. In Knox a Union ticket was agreed on,
and Ephraim K. Smart was nominated for one of the two senatorships.

Neither party, however, was ready to amalgamate with the other, and
in most counties and districts each placed full tickets in the field; indeed,
the Democrats offered two, the party dividing on the lines of the presi-
dential election of the fall before.

The Breckenridge State committee issued a call for a convention at
Bangor, inviting to participate in the choice of delegates "all men by what-
ever party name heretofore known who are opposed to this unholy civil
war, and in favor of the immediate restoration of peace by negotiation and
compromise." Marcellus Emery, the editor of the Bangor Democrat,
announced that every one was "welcome to participate in the selection of
delegates who desires to make opposition to the war the paramount issue of
the campaign."

The people of Bangor were much stirred by these declarations, and it
was resolved to prevent the holding of such a convention in the city. The
corporators of Norombega Hall voted, only two dissenting, not to open the
hall to traitors.' On August 10 a great meeting was held and passed reso-
lutions denouncing rebel sympathizers and "protesting without distinction
of party against any convention assembling in this city to brand as an
unholy war the sacred cause for which the volunteers are now perilling
their lives." It declared that "that pestilent sheet, the Bangor Democrat,
was guilty of treason and all connected with it unworthy of respect or
confidence."

Words were soon followed by deeds. From the opening of the war,
Mr. Emery had opposed it in the most violent manner. His two papers,
the Daily Union, formerly a "Straight Whig" organ, and the weekly Demo-
crat, indulged in the most abusive language, and were in turn denounced
and scorned by those who believed the Union worth fighting for. Less
than a fortnight after the fall of Sumter the Bangor Merchants' Associa-
tion resolved that its reading room should be purged of all disloyal journals

'Jeffersonian, Aug. 6, 1861.

438 HISTORY OF MAINE

published in the loyal States, and that "the Union and Democrat by its
bold and unblushing advocacy of the cause of secession and rebellion, and
its violent denunciation of the Government, has justly brought upon itself
and its supporters the contempt and detestation of all honorable men ; and
this Association direct that it shall no longer be placed in our Room, and
earnestly call upon the community to refrain from countenancing or sup-
porting it in any manner whatever." The exhortation appears to have
borne fruit, for in June the Union ceased publication- The Whig said:

"Death of the Bangor Union. — The daily organ of Secession in this
city, the Bangor Union, expired on Saturday, as it should have expired,
for want of breath. The editor calls it a 'suspension,' until the war is
over and business revives- — but we think its business will not soon revive.
The simple truth is the people of this city would not sustain a paper which
opposes the Government in its hour of vital peril, and sympathizes with
traitors — and we trust the people of the country will take the same course
to suppress the weekly publication from the same office (The Democrat).
The valedictory of the Union is a spiteful affair, but will scarcely move
any one except to laughter. The statement that certain respectable men
have made every effort to suppress the paper by mob violence, excites a
smile, when it is known that for months it has required the earnest efforts
of our leading citizens, to prevent that concern from being thrown into
the river, and that the slightest encouragement from those whom the Union
calls 'respectable citizens,' would have sealed its fate in five minutes. So
of the curse which it calls down upon 'the men of property and standing,
who have done all in their power to injure us.' Its curses will only come
to roost upon the shoulders of their author. The business men of this city
have simply done their duty in refusing to aid in sustaining a traitorous
organ in our city, and have taken precisely the right course to suppress it.
If the Union had acted a loyal and manly part, and stood by the country
instead of taking part with traitors, it would have received its share of
support." 4

As the Democrat maintained itself, some of the Republicans, stirred
by Emery's disloyal call for a convention, determined to resort to violence.
One of the leading men of the city signed a pledge to indemnify all per-
sons taking part in the affair for loss of time or recovery of damages. It
was generally understood that an attack would be made on the office of the
Democrat, and Mr. J. G. Clark, one of the owners of the Wheelwright &
Clark block, in which the office and printing room were located, urged
Emery to remove his property, and, on his definitely refusing, warned him
out- Emery applied to the mayor for protection, but could obtain no satis-
factory answer. A public meeting at which the Democrat was denounced
was held on Saturday, August 10, and on the noon of Monday, the 12th,
some of the leaders of the plot rang an alarm of fire from the Firs ; . Con-
gregational and Episcopal churches, and then hurried to the office of the
Democrat. Their friends had already gathered there with a stalwart black-
smith at their head, and they quickly forced their way in, the blacksmith

'Quoted in "Eastern Maine in the Rebellion," 64.

THE CIVIL WAR— POLITICAL HISTORY 4 39

broke up the great press, and the contents of the office were thrown into
the square, where the crowd, which had been drawn out by the false alarm
of fire, promptly burned them. Mr. Emery's private office was also entered,
but one of the citizens induced the rioters to spare purely personal papers
and these, or many of them, were saved. During the affair, Emery him-
self appeared on the scene and was threatened and hustled, but his friends
drew him into a store and took him out by a back way to his boarding-
place. A barber who provoked a quarrel ending in a fight with one of the
critics of Emery, had his shop sacked. No other damage was done. Emery
issued an account of the riot in a publication headed "The Democrat —
Extra." "This was a four-page paper, about twelve inches long by nine
inches wide, and was printed by Mr. Samuel Smith, who, fearing the anger
of the opposition party, had a written agreement with Mr. Emery that it
should be reported that it was printed in Portland." Emery, though extreme
and bitterly prejudiced in his politics, was a man of courage and energy,
and he closed his narrative with the words: "By this act of mob violence
my all, the result of years of unremitting toil, has been swept away; but
I have still health, strength and youth, and a heart also to struggle on in
defence of the people's rights." In January, 1863, the Democrat resumed
publication and continued undisturbed, an able and unreconstructed sheet.

None of the rioters were prosecuted criminally, but Emery instituted
civil suits against Rufus Dwinel, Charles E. Dole, Oliver H- Ingalls, Llewel-
lyn J. Morse, Noah S. Harlow, Isaac E. Fifield, Archibald L. Boyd, Mar-
shal J. Egery, Orren Oliver, George H. Stiles, Frank M. Rowe, Jessie M.

Arnold, James A. Robinson, Samuel S. Mann and Tabor, of Bangor,

and Amasa Howe, of Presque Isle. The jury acquitted all but Tabor and
Howe, and assessed damages against them of only $916.60. The reason for
so small a sum being given was, that the jury found that the Democrat
was a nuisance which ought to have been suppressed, and that it was justi-
fiable to destroy it, but that more property was destroyed than was neces-
sary, and for this damages were allowed.

Although men who were or who became leading citizens, took part in
the affair, and a deacon assisted at the bonfire, both the Whig and the
Jeffersonian, papers which utterly condemned Emery's political course, ex-
pressed disapproval of what had been done, and in their accounts of the
riot made as little of it as possible- It is probable that only the prudence
and moderation of the radical Democratic leaders prevented another and
more serious riot. The great Union meeting of Saturday had adjourned
until Thursday, the day fixed for the Breckenridge convention, doubtless
intending to prevent its assembling by fear or if necessary by force. The
Breckenridge leaders, however, assured the mayor that the convention
would not meet. But certain of the "unterrified" quietly got together,
passed vigorous resolutions, and made some nominations.

The Union meeting assembled at Norombega at 10 a. m. Resolutions

440 HISTORY OF MAINE

reported by a committee of which William H. McCrillis was chairman,
were unanimously and enthusiastically adopted. The meeting declared :

"That we will stand by the Union, fight for the Union, and maintain
the Union, and not a grain of sand belonging to the Union shall ever be
surrendered to foes abroad or rebels at home, and the Union of all Union
men for the sake of the Union is the unchanged will of the Democrats
and Republicans of Penobscot.

"That the Republicans and Democrats of Penobscot are a band of
brothers in this terrible crisis of the country's history, and politicians of
every hue and dye are requested to dry up until the Stars and Stripes float
again in security over every portion of the Union.

"That this war is in the defence of the Union and the Flag — a war
against rebels, and to sustain all the constitutional rights of every part of
the Union, and peace can and will bless the land whenever the rebels will
lay down their arms ; and we will welcome back into our glorious galaxy
of States every erring sister State and kill the fatted calf and rejoice over
a constitution maintained, a Union preserved, and a nation saved.

"That the cry of peace is but a thin disguise of disunion, and is
argued ( ?) only by disunionists, and the terms of their peace is [are] the
dissolution of the Union, the disgrace of the Flag, and the destruction of
civil liberty; and we are for no such peace."

Another session was held in the afternoon, and at the close a great
procession was formed and marched through the streets under the escort
of several military companies, one of which was accompanied by artillery.
It was fortunate for the peace of the city that the Breckenridge men had
abandoned their plan for a public convention.

The Douglas men had called a convention to meet at Augusta on the
previous day. Expecting that the Breckenridge men would merely attend
their own convention, no special effort was made by the Douglasites to
obtain a full representation- The Breckenridge delegates, however, quietly
obtained credentials to both conventions and the Douglas men allowed them
to take their seats. Ex-Senator James W. Bradbury in a paper written
nearly fifty years afterward says :

"On entering the hall I saw at once that we should not have unanimity,
and secured my appointment on the committee that should give voice to our
action. I prepared the resolutions. When I read to the committee the
resolutions declaring that the Democratic party of Maine would give its
support to the administration in all proper measures in the war for the
preservation of the Union, this was instantly met and violently opposed
by a Breckenridge member, who moved to strike out the resolution and
insert 'The Democratic party is opposed to the ■war' (or, We are opposed
to the war,' I am not positive which phraseology was used). After a warm
contest the committee adopted my resolution to be reported to the con-
vention.

"As soon as I had read the report to the convention, the same motion
was made to strike out and insert. At my suggestion an amendment to this
amendment was offered by adding to the phrase 'opposed to the war,' the
words, except so far as it may be found necessary to secure obedience to the

THE CIVIL WAR— POLITICAL HISTORY 441

laws of the United States. 'That is the whole of it,' exclaimed one of their
men. 'No, no, we won't have that.'

"I saw the danger and appealed to the convention to consider the effect
our action might have on the Union cause if one of the two great parties
at the first convention since the commencement of hostilities should declare
its opposition to the war. It might lead to the immediate recognition of the
Confederacy by England, now evidently anxious for a pretext to do so. It
would be certain to give encouragement to the South to persevere in the
mad effort to secede, and prolong a struggle that would fail in the end.
There was such love for the Union that the people of the North would
never consent to its destruction, which would be the inevitable result if
States are allowed to secede on the claim of a right to do it. I said we
had too good a government under the Constitution to throw it away. Our
failure would end the hopes of republican government throughout the
world-

"I hoped that these reasons would have some effect. But when the
vote was taken the amendment to the amendment was rejected by a ma-
jority of one!

"It was evident that the anti-war Breckenridge men had the control
of the convention. I was upon the platform, without the opportunity to
consult my friends, and must act at once, before the vote was taken on the
amended resolution. I immediately stated to the convention that we had
unexpectedly met here gentlemen whom we supposed were members of
another convention, and who did not support the regular Democratic candi-
date for President, Mr. Douglas, at last year's election. By the vote just
taken it was evident that they had the control of the convention, and that
they were opposed to giving the administration support of legitimate efforts
to preserve the Union. This is not in accord with the judgment of the
Democracy of the State. They love the Union, and will support all proper
measures to preserve it. But we are powerless in this body to give such
expression, and I advise all the members who agree with me in the work
to do it, to withdraw and go to another hall, where we can give expression
to the real sentiments of the Democratic party of the State." 5

Before Mr. Bradbury spoke, Albert G. Jewett in a scathing speech had
resigned as one of the vice-presidents of the convention. One hundred
and eighty-five members of the convention left the hall.

The platform adopted by the Breckenridge Democrats declared that
the reconstruction of the Union by force was a palpable absurdity and an
utter impossibility, and that they were in favor of a convention of all the
States to take into consideration measures for the immediate and amicable
settlement of all difficulties. The convention chose as its candidate ex-
Governor Dana.

The seceders assembled in another hall and nominated Colonel Jame-
son, the commander of the Second Maine Infantry, for Governor. Their
platform, while firmly demanding the preservation of the Union and approv-
ingly quoting the declaration of Stephen A. Douglas, "There can be no
neutrals in this war, there can be none but patriots and traitors," also
favored "in this war with our brethren . . . twining around the sword

•Coll. Maine Hist. Soc, III, 2 -.279-284.

442 HISTORY OF MAINE

of governmental power the olive branch of fraternal peace," and resolved
that "in vain will it be for our brave soldiers to put down the present rebel-
lion, unless the people at home remove the causes that led to it, by putting
the iron heel upon the twin sisters of our disasters, Secessionism and
Abolitionism." The convention called for a coalition Cabinet at Washing-
ton, and resolved "that as Andrew Jackson recommended a repeal of
obnoxious legislation in the days of nullification, as an act of justice, and
to deprive malcontents of every excuse for an assault upon the Govern-
ment, we should emulate his great example by wiping the last vestiges of
the offensive 'personal liberty bills' from the statutes of the non-slavehold-
ing States."

The local Democratic conventions endorsed in some cases, Dana; in
others, Jameson.

The Hancock county convention followed the example of that at
Augusta, and violently split in two. The Douglas Democrats being out-
voted 3 to i, seceded; then, having obtained reinforcements, they returned
to clean out the hall, but, says the Jeffersonian, "through lack of numbers
or pluck, or both, they were driven out again." The Waldo convention
also divided. In Knox a Union Democratic convention and the Republican
convention agreed on a mixed ticket.

The Cumberland, Oxford, and Somerset conventions endorsed Dana.
The Somerset convention declared that the volunteers "had been unwit-
tingly led into war for the abolition of slavery," and tabled a resolution
"that we are opposed to secession in all its forms, and believe it the duty
of the Government to put it down by all constitutional means," and voted,
five delegates opposing, that "The attempt of the administration to recon-
struct the Union by force is practical disunion.'"

The Penobscot and Aroostook county conventions endorsed Jameson.

The Democratic papers were evenly divided. The Argus supported
Dana, though not the platform. In the Dana ranks were also the Saco
Democrat, Machias Union, North Anson Advocate and Franklin Patriot.
The Bath Times, Augusta Age, Belfast Journal, Lewiston Advocate and
Rockland Democrat hoisted the Jameson flag.

The election was a glorious triumph for the Republicans, and a vic-
tory, though by a rather narrow margin, of the War Democrats over the
peace men of the party. The vote stood : Washburn, 58,689 ; Jameson,
21,935; Dana, 19,801.

The Whig said of the election that half of the men who voted for
Dana were deceived by lack of correct information as to his real position
and were led to support him as the regular candidate. "The Union victory
in the State, however, is complete and unmistakable. It has crushed out
open-mouthed treason, and, as a majority of the Democratic voters them-
selves have emphatically repudiated the claim of the traitors to control the

'Jeffersonian, Aug. 27, 1861.

THE CIVIL WAR— POLITICAL HISTORY 443

party, that organization cannot again be used in any attempt to oppose the
prosecution of the war. . . . The Republican party has come nobly up
to the work of sustaining the administration, and we need make no com-
ments upon the aspect of the election so far as it relates to that organiza-
tion. The returns speak for themselves."

Some two months after the election, the question of the attitude of the
Government toward slavery which, because of the great conservatism of
the War Democrats and of some Republicans, required most careful han-
dling, was raised by the proclamation of General Fremont giving freedom
to the slaves within his command, and the order of President Lincoln
reversing his action. The Whig at once proclaimed its sympathy with
Fremont. It said that the principles of the "proclamation, however they
may at present be modified, must become the principles of this war, before
we shall be able to touch the vitals of the rebellion," and it expressed the
opinion that "before the end of another session. Congress will see cause to
provide by law precisely what Fremont declared by proclamation" When
a little later the general was relieved of his command, the Whig said that
it feared that the government, though honest, had made a mistake. But it
added, "as the removal has been made, it is the duty of every loyal citizen
and good patriot, in time of war like the present, to acquiesce in the deter-
mination of the government, believing that the motives of the Executive
were right, and hoping that the effect of the removal will not be injurious
to the cause. Let all imitate the conduct of General Fremont himself, upon
receiving the order to transfer his command. It was to repress as far as
possible all adverse feeling toward the government and to do all in his
power still to promote the success of the army from whose command he
had been removed. Fremont was in the face of the enemy. The whole
country is now in the face of the enemy. It is no time to indulge in bitter
reproaches for what may after all have been a proper act. It is no time
to withdraw confidence from the government. It must be sustained through
good report, or the country is lost.'"

A little later came the seizure of Mason and Slidell on board an Eng-
lish steamer on the high seas. At first the Whig took a somewhat bel-
ligerent attitude. It believed that the country would rise to a war with
England. But a month later it said that it was right to surrender Mason
and Slidell if international law required it, and that England had taken the
position maintained by the United States in 1812. The Whig thought that
the general sentiment of the country was one "in which satisfaction at the
substantial advantages we have gained predominates over regret at the
escape of the rascals.'"

A minor incident of the affair was seized on by the Democrats as a
means of arousing feeling in Maine against the administration. On news

HVhig, Nov. 7, 1861.
'Whig, Dec. 31, 1861.

444 HISTORY OF MAINE

of the capture of Mason and Slidell, England had promptly sent troops to
Canada. One belated ship arrived off Cape Race, in January. Seward
tendered to the British Minister, Lord Lyons, permission for them to land
at Portland and proceed to Canada by the Grand Trunk, and sent orders to
the United States officials at Portland to afford facilities for the transfer.
On January 13, E. K. Smart introduced a resolution requesting the Gov-
ernor to communicate any information that he might have received con-
cerning the matter, and asking if any steps had been taken "to prevent
such use of the American soil within the limits of the State of Maine."
Mr. Smart supported his resolution in an exciting and demagogic speech.
He, however, accepted an amendment adding the words "if not incom-
patible with the public interests." The Governor replied that he had no
information on the matter not already in possession of the public, and that
he had taken no steps to prevent the passage of British troops, but that he
would give the subject immediate attention ; and Smart announced that
he saw no further necessity for his resolution and would withdraw it.

The Whig in commenting on the affair said that it did not regret
Seward's offer, but that we should gain more than lose by the courtesy,
even if war should break out hereafter, that it would show Europe and
England that we did not wish war, that it had already had a good effect
in Canada, and that as far as Maine was concerned it would be more advan-
tageous to have the troops sent to Canada than to Halifax or St. John.
The Whig also quoted with approval a statement from "a contemporary"
that it was important to remove the impression which Seward had been so
unfortunate as to give that the government sought war."

Governor Washburn forwarded a copy of the Senate resolution to the
Secretary of State and asked if such directions had been issued, and for
any information concerning the matter which the Secretary might think
proper to communicate. Mr. Seward replied that the permission had been
given in accordance with the rules of international comity and the Ameri-
can policy of treating Great Britain as a kindred nation to whom we were
bound by peculiar ties of commerce. The amiable Secretary, however, con-
cluded his letter: "The State of Maine has been so eminently loyal and
patriotic in the present emergency that the President would not feel him-
self at liberty to wound any sensibility which she might feel on the sub-
ject. If therefore you shall advise me that the directions in question are
likely to have that effect, they will be cheerfully modified" The matter
ended by Lord Lyons declining Seward's offer."

The resolution of Mr. Smart in relation to the British troops was evi-
dently that of a political opponent. Some others which he had introduced
the day after the meeting of the Legislature leave one in doubt whether
Ephraim was trying to play Joab to the Republican party's Amasa, stab-

*For the English belief that Seward desired to provoke a war, see Bancroft,
"Seward," II, 225-226.

"Maine Documents, 1862, I, 6.

THE CIVIL WAR— POLITICAL HISTORY 445

bing it while making professions of friendship, or whether he was only turn-
ing another of his political somersaults. The resolutions declared that it
was the duty of Congress to free all slaves belonging to persons who should
aid the rebellion, and the duty of the government to employ them as sol-
diers if capable of efficient service, that they should receive the same pay,
clothing and subsistence as other soldiers, that Congress should "colonize
the freedmen so far as practicable in some place or places of the Union
where the climate is congenial to them," and that all vacant and unoccupied
lands held by the rebel States should be confiscated for their benefit," and
that they "should be protected, wherever lands are set apart for them, by a
system of government appropriate to their condition." By the last of the
resolutions the Maine Senators and Representatives were requested to use
all honorable means to secure the passage of acts embodying their spirit
and substance.

The resolutions appear to have brought their author little favor. The
Jeffcrsonian narrated his political changes, saying of his last :

"And now, after having grossly and repeatedly insulted and betrayed
the people of Maine by a series of atrocious libels upon their character and
life-long loyal sentiments, he has with brazen impudence espoused the senti-
ments of the ever-honest and conscientious people of the State with the
view of further political advancement. The governorship of Maine next
year, or an appointment to some lucrative office by President Lincoln, or
some other reward for his bold demagoguism, is his end and aim. It has
been suggested that Smart had better be at once appointed colonel of a
negro regiment at Port Royal ; but we cannot recommend such an appoint-
ment, both because we do not desire to see a regiment of honest and loyal
negroes disgraced by such a commander, and because of the danger that
when in the face of the rebel enemy he would betray his regiment into the
hands of the Confederate army upon the promise of a little higher com-
mand, such as an appointment as a brigadier. . . . In no place or posi-
tion whatever can E. K- Smart be trusted. There is not an intelligent man
of any party or faction of party in Maine who has any confidence in him.
Democrats maliciously assure us Republicans that they are now well rid of
Smart and that he has joined the Republican party, to rule or disgrace
and ruin it.

"We hope some comprehensive resolutions truly and properly expres-
sive of the sentiments of the truly and unconditionally loyal people of this
State on our national affairs, such resolutions as will exert an influence and
respect from their origin and are not saturated with the malign spirit of
arrant demagoguism, will be offered in the Legislature and adopted."

Mr. Smart's resolutions, and a substitute which resembled the Crit-
tenden resolutions, declaring that the war was only waged for the preserva-
tion of the Union, and not for the destruction of slavery, and endorsing

"The provision in regard to climate would prevent their being dumped on the
Northern States. It will be remembered that in the Missouri discussion John Holmes
had expressed a fear that if a State could not exclude negroes, slave States wishing
to emancipate might buv large quantities of Northern land and settle their freedom
there.

446 HISTORY OF MAINE

the President's inaugural, were referred to the committee on Federal rela-
tions. Another set cordially endorsing the administration and promising the
unwavering support of Maine in crushing the rebellion, and calling for the
confiscation of the property of rebels, the emancipation of their slaves, and
the use of negroes as soldiers, if demanded by military necessity and the
safety of the Republic, was passed by the Senate by a vote of 24 to 4.
They subsequently passed the House by a vote of 104 to 26. A resolve for
a constitutional amendment, which the Jeffersonian called "a transparent
pro-slavery nest egg," was indefinitely postponed by a vote of 93 to 8."

A declaration in favor of such radical measures as emancipation and
confiscation greatly offended the Democrats. The Augusta Age, Argus,
Machias Union and Saco Democrat declared that it was a notice to quit all
connection with Republicans. Efforts were made to reunite the Democratic
party. The Dana State committee appointed two delegates to meet the
Jameson committee. At the conference the Dana men said that they did
not ask the followers of Jameson to come to them, but to join in a call for
a convention. The Jameson men inquired if the Dana ambassadors would
agree to a People's convention. They answered that they would prefer ^
straight-out Democratic convention, but would yield that point rather than
have the negotiation fail The Jameson committee withdrew for consulta-
tion, and the next morning their chairman brought word that they con-
sidered it inexpedient to unite in any call. The reason assigned is said to
have been that they believed they could attract more conservative Republi-
cans by acting alone."

The Jameson committee had already issued a call for a People's con-
vention. A few Republicans may have been conciliated, but some former
Jameson Democrats were repelled. The Rockland Democrat declared that
the call for a People's convention should emanate from the people, that the
Jameson committee had no authority to issue such a call, that by doing so
they had destroyed the "War Democrat" organization throughout the State
and that the new "People's party" would be a humbug.

The "People's convention," however, assembled at Bangor on June 26.
Although supposedly a Jameson convention, nearly one-half of the mem-
bers appeared to belong to the Dana wing of the party. There was a sharp
debate, John A. Peters, of Bangor, and A. G. Jewett, of Belfast, vigor-
ously denouncing the Dana Democrats, and declaring that they would have
nothing to do with them or with persons acceptable to them. Mr. Jewett
reported resolutions, which were duly passed. They declared "that it is
the first duty of the citizen, in this perilous national crisis, to yield a ready
and unwavering support to the government in all necessary efforts to sub-
due the existing rebellion, and vindicate the authority of the Constitution
and Union over every inch of territory within the limits of the United

"Jeffersonian, Jan. 14, 1862.
"Jeffersonian, June 10, 1862.

THE CIVIL WAR— POLITICAL HISTORY 447

States." The resolution also stated that the convention would "resist all
measures and efforts calculated or designed to convert this war for the
Union into a crusade for negro emancipation" The resolutions praised the
soldiers, and made the convention proclaim that "we cordially approve the
patriotic course of the brave General McClellan, that we approve his genius
and skill as commander of an army, and that our whole hearts are enlisted
in his success before Richmond, that we view with detestation and scorn
the wicked and scheming politicians who are endeavoring to undermine
and weaken him and his army in their brave efforts for the vindication of
the Union.""

Mr. Peters moved the nomination of Colonel Jameson by acclamation.
Another member moved to substitute the name of Bion Bradbury ; a ballot
was taken, Jameson received 166 votes to Bradbury's 106, and his nomina-
tion was then made unanimous. In general, the Eastern members had sup-
ported Jameson, those from Augusta, Portland, and the western part of the
State had been anxious to take a man who could unite the party."

The "Dana" convention did not meet until August 14, when Bradbury
was nominated for Governor by a vote of 278 to 133 for James White, of
Belfast, and 3 scattering. Resolutions were passed declaring that the party
was for the Union as it was and the Constitution as it is ; that "the Union
was formed in the spirit of concession and compromise, and must be pre-
served by the same means, and not by military force alone."

The Republicans had held their convention at Portland on June 5.
Governor Washburn had declined a renomination, and the convention nomi-
nated Abner Coburn, of Skowhegan, on the first ballot. The vote stood :
Coburn, 330; J. J. Perry, 176; J. H. Williams (son of the ex-Governor),
88 ; N. A. Farwell, 58 ; scattering, 5.

Abner Coburn was a man of strong character, sound sense and busi-
ness ability. His father, Eleazer Coburn, was born in Massachusetts, but
in 1792, when Abner was only fifteen, the family moved to Maine and set-
tled in that portion of Canaan later annexed to Skowhegan. Eleazer took
an active part in the development of the town. He was sent to the Legis-
latures both of Massachusetts and Maine, but he was better known as a
business man than as a politician. He was "one of the most extensive land
surveyors of his day." This gave him an interest in and a knowledge of
the timberlands of Maine, and in 1830 he went into the lumber business,
purchasing lands on the Kennebec and operating them with great success.

The early settlers not only entered into and possessed the land, but
they also obeyed the Scriptural injunction to increase and multiply. Elea-
zer Coburn was no exception to the rule. He married Polly Weston, a
member of a leading family of Canaan, and became the father of fourteen
children, nine boys and five girls.

Whig, June 7, 1862.
'H'hig, June 27, 1862.

448 HISTORY OF MAINE

Abner, the second son and child, was born on March 22, 1803. As a
boy he was hard-working, quick to seize an opportunity, and unusually
strong. He had scant time or means for education, but managed to spend
a few terms at Bloomfield Academy. He also taught school several win-
ters for $10 a month, and "boarded round." He aided his father in his
work as a surveyor and at twenty-two "he began surveying on his own
account and for some years was an expert surveyor." In 1830 he and his
younger brother, Philander, joined their father in establishing the lumber
firm of E. P- Coburn & Sons, and on the death of the senior partner, in
1845, continued the business under the name of A. & P. Coburn. The firm
became one of the best known and richest in the State, but their wealth was
acquired honorably. In times of financial stress they frequently saved
smaller concerns by their timely assistance, and they always commanded
the enthusiastic loyalty of their numerous employees. In 1854 the brothers
secured the completion of the Somerset & Kennebec Railroad, and from that
time until his death Abner Coburn played a leading part in the railroad
history of Maine.

Notwithstanding the claims of an extensive business, Mr. Coburn was
much interested in politics. His father was a Federalist, he himself cast
his first vote in a presidential election for John Quincy Adams, and he
passed naturally from the National Republicans to the Whigs and from the
Whigs to the Republicans, joining the party when it was first formed. In
1855 and 1857 he was a member of the Council, and in i860 a presidential
elector.

Mr. Coburn's personal character was of the highest. He was a man
of the strictest morality and integrity, and his great wealth never made him
proud or unapproachable. He gave freely both to institutions and to
individuals ; the latter gifts were secret, and he never reminded a man of a
favor, and seldom made requests of those who owed him debts of gratitude.
It was said of him that "he was no boss- If he had made the obligations
he placed men under a means of promoting his interests he would have been
one of the most powerful men in the State." He loved peace and would
waive his rights to secure it, but "he could feel and retain indignation.
His sense of justice, of injustice also, was keen and strong. He was sensi-
tive, could resent, though quietly, yet effectually."

Mr. Coburn had great executive ability, and was usually a good judge
of men, though at times deceived in his charities, and he is said to have
lost $200,000 by the trickery of a distant relative who acted for years as
manager of his timber lands in Wisconsin, and who cut and sold nearly
twice as much timber as he accounted for to his employer.

Mr. Coburn was no orator, but his mind worked quickly and surely.
President Pepper, of Colby, said of him in his funeral sermon : "His words
were few, but always to the point. He hit the mark every time. There
was not a grain of wasted powder. He used a rifle, never a shotgun. Scat-

THE CIVIL WAR— POLITICAL HISTORY 449

tering was to him an abomination. Whether in pleasantry or in earnest-
ness, he was equally apt and pat. He could see the exact point at which
to prick conceit, and one touch of his bodkin was enough. The experiment
never needed to be repeated at least by him- As for flattery, did it ever
venture into his presence? I know not, but of this I am sure, if it did the
venture was a failure, to itself a disaster."

Although he seldom spoke harshly of individuals, he could be very
caustic. "He did once say of an adroit gentleman : 'If you want to track
him sure, go in the opposite direction from that which his toes point.' Of
a Maine officer during the war, he said : 'He wrote so many letters urging
his own promotion that he couldn't have done any fighting.' When the
greenback craze swept over Maine, some one remarked to the Governor
that had turned an advocate of fiat money, 'That is proper,' he re-
plied ; 'that man always maintained that he had paid a debt when he gave his
note for it.' "

After the control of the Maine Central had passed into Massachusetts
hands, the directors from that State found it inconvenient to come to Port-
land, and one of them, somewhat oblivious of the fact that there were Maine
men on the board, suggested that further meetings be held at Boston. There
was some discussion, and then Mr. Coburn, whose State pride was touched,
killed the proposal by the quiet remark, "I have yet to learn that the distance
from Portland to Boston is less than that from Boston to Portland."

Abner Coburn's most marked characteristics were quiet self-control,
extreme self-reliance and reticence. President Pepper said:

"Whoever saw Abner Coburn in a bluster or fluster ? For what minutes
of what day did he lose his head? Where was the place? What the
cause? News has been broken to him suddenly of the loss of tens and
hundreds of thousands of dollars at one stroke. I have been assured that
the bearer of the news could not detect in the tone of the voice, the look
of the eye, or the expression of the face perplexity of mind or ruffle of
sensibility.

"We must remember that what he did he himself did. He put him-
self in no man's hand. In so far as the nature of the case would allow,
he put his business in no man's hands, never let it slip from his grasp.
Even the infinite details of it, which, we would think, another, or others
(for not one other adequate could well have been found), might have per-
formed, he chose not only to watch, but to execute, and this not merely in
the vigor of early and mature manhood, when there was great reserve or
surplus of physical strength, but to the last. These details seemed rather
to rest than to worry or weary him- It was perhaps because of a change
from the effort, if we may properly speak of any action of his as effort —
from the effort of regarding and controlling the major affairs."

Mr. Coburn's unwillingness to take others into his confidence was
carried to an extreme degree, and must be regarded as a weakness. He
appointed his most intimate friend, Judge Dascomb, one of his executors,

450 HISTORY OF MAINE

yet though his health was manifestly infirm, he neither told the judge any-
thing of his investments nor informed him of his appointment. This was
the more unfortunate, as he rarely made a settlement in full with anybody.
He kept about square with the world, but seldom exchanged receipts. It
was stated after his decease that if he had kept a confidential clerk for the
last five years of his life, it would have saved his estate $300,000.

Mr. Coburn never married. It is said that at one time he "paid
devoted attention" to a charming and accomplished lady of very small
fortune. Her family were highly delighted, and boasted so freely and
loudly of the catch that had been made that the suitor withdrew in disgust.

Mr. Coburn was not a member of any church or a graduate of any
college, but he was a sincere believer in the value both of religion and of
education, and manifested his faith by his works. At church he was an
unusually attentive listener, a trait which must have specially commended
him to the clergy- He gave freely of his time, counsel, and money — Colby,
the Maine State College, Waterville (now Coburn) Classical Institute, and
Baptist churches in Maine being the objects of his special regard. By his
will he bequeathed $100,000 to the Maine State College, $200,000 to Colby,
and over $450,000 to various Baptist societies. He also left $100,000 to
the Maine General Hospital, and $50,000 to the State Insane Hospital.

The call for the election of delegates to the convention had included
not only Republicans, but all supporters of the National and State adminis-
trations, and the platform invited "a cordial and patriotic union of the
people of Maine on the patriotic basis of a generous support of the policy
and principles that characterize the administration of Abraham Lincoln,"
and declared that "the infamous rebellion in the Southern States against
the authority of the Union and the Constitution, now happily waning in its
proportions and its strength, must be put down at any cost of blood and
treasure, and that to this end the people of Maine pledge their lives, their
fortunes, and their sacred honor."

The Republican campaign was moderate, like their platform. On
August 26 the Whig said: "In the conditions of war which now exist in
the country, a mere party contest has been deemed unadvisable by the loyal
citizens, and there has consequently been but little of the excitement, and
but few of the partisan appeals usually attending a political contest." The
Whig stated that it believed this action proper, but that there was a duty
to support the government, that the leaders in the Bradbury movement were
the men who had denounced the government the year before, that Mar-
cellus Emery, who had issued the convention call in 1861, had reported the
resolutions in 1862, and that there had been no change in Virgil D. Parris,
Moses Macdonald, John Anderson and John Babson. The editor of the
Whig declared that though he "would not say a word against any Democrat
who votes for the loyal and gallant Jameson, we think the overwhelming
defeat of the Portland ticket would be made more certain by a general sup-

THE CIVIL WAR— POLITICAL HISTORY 451

port of the Republican State ticket. With thirty thousand loyal voters
absent, we cannot afford to risk much upon third tickets."

The election was formally a success for the Republicans, but one which
they must have regarded as a disappointment, if not a disaster. Coburn
led Bradbury by less than 11,000 votes. The War Democrat movement was
almost a complete failure. In May the Whig had declared that "without a
union with the Danaites the new People's Party will scarcely do enough to
pay the expenses of organization." September proved the Whig a prophet.
Jameson received only 6,764 votes-

The Whig claimed that the falling off of the Republican vote was due
to the absence of the soldiers and a prevailing idea that there was no need
of voting, that the Democrats had got out their men, and that most of them
went for Bradbury. The Whig in rather peevish tones delcared itself sub-
stantially free from blame. "What the moral effect of this is likely to be,
we leave for the Republican voters who did not vote to determine. We
have performed our duty; and if the Union majority is cut down to a small
figure, we do not take any large share of the responsibility."

There were reasons for the Democratic gain which the Whig did not
mention — corruption in the War Department before the appointment of
Stanton, suppression of newspapers, arbitrary arrests, and failure in the
field."

Had the election come a month later, the success of the Democrats
might have been even greater. On September 22 the President issued his
preliminary Emancipation Proclamation. The Whig welcomed it, and
expressed the hope that those military officers would be advanced who had
a heart in the contest for freedom. The Jeffersonian said : "The moral
aspect of the Proclamation cannot be too highly appreciated. The friends
of Freedom and Humanity, of Christian civilization the world over, rejoice
with joy unspeakable at this determination of the President of the United
States, and they will earnestly pray for its fulfillment, and will celebrate the
New Year of its fulfillment as a new era in the history of nations, which
will immeasurably overshadow and transcend all others. God and the
Great Genius of Human Freedom be praised for the Grand Proclamation
of President Lincoln. It is the jewel in the coronet of his honors."" But
the Democratic papers gleefully proclaimed that their prophecies had been
fulfilled and that the Black Republicans were now openly waging an aboli-
tion war.

The newspapers were, of course, filled with accounts of the war and
prophecies of what was about to happen, and some of them read strangely
today. After the fall of Donelson the Whig said: "The capture of this
fortress cannot fail to prove a death blow to the rebellion, not only from
the opening it gives our forces to strike at the heart of the rebellion, but

"See, Rhodes, "History of the United States," IV, 164.
"Jeffersonian, Sept. 20, 1862.

452 HISTORY OF MAINE

from the disastrous moral effect which it must have upon the rebels
throughout the entire South" When the Confederates abandoned York-
town, the Whig, made a little more modest by experience, claimed some-
what less. It said that the retreat "well nigh settled the fate of the rebel-
lion so far as the great States of Virginia, North and South Carolina are
concerned." On September 19 the Whig announced that "Lee's hands
had been terribly lacerated by a bullet, that both were entirely useless, and
that he was greatly worried at not being able to manipulate his pen and
pencil." As a matter of fact General Robert E. Lee was not wounded once
in the whole course of the war. But we must not laugh too loudly, remem-
bering how frequently the Entente reporters killed the Crown Prince of
Germany in the recent war.

The term of Senator Morrill expired in March, and he was re-elected
by the Legislature. The Republicans had made no caucus nomination. The
Democratic candidate was William P. Haines of Biddeford, formerly an
anti-slavery man and follower of Hannibal Hamlin. One vote was cast for
Israel Washburn, and another for Edward Kent. It is said that these were
given by "loyal Democrats."

Although Haines' nomination might have been regarded as a tribute
to the power of the Jameson Democracy, that wing of the party was in
truth fast disappearing. Jameson himself had died in the preceding autumn,
and the final Emancipation Proclamation had greatly displeased many of
his former followers. A number of them who had spoken loudly in favor
of the Government and had announced their willingness to destroy slavery
if this were necessary to save the Union, failed to attend the great meeting
held in Bangor to endorse the Emancipation Proclamation- The Democrat
resumed publication. At the municipal election in Bangor the Democratic
vote greatly increased. These changes were the more significant since east-
ern Maine had been the special seat of the War Democracy. Their leading
newspapers, such as the Belfast Journal and the Augusta Age, were now
opposing the national Government, though their language was more mod-
erate than that of the Dana papers.

In these circumstances and in view of the poor showing made by
Governor Coburn the preceding year, James G. Blaine, chairman of the
Republican State Committee, deemed it advisable for the Republicans to
drop their party name and be replaced by a Union organization. His
advice was followed by his committee, as was usually the case, and a
notice was issued stating that "the citizens of Maine who are uncon-
ditionally loyal to the Government of the United States, and who uncon-
ditionally support all the measures for the suppression of the rebellion,
and who are resolved to spare no endeavor to maintain the National Union,
both in principle and territorial boundary, are invited to send delegates to
a Convention to be held in the City of Bangor, on Wednesday, the 1st day
of July next, for the purpose of nominating a candidate for Governor, to

THE CIVIL WAR— POLITICAL HISTORY 453

be supported by the Union men of Maine at the next election." Represen-
tation was to be proportioned not according to Republican voters, but to
the number of inhabitants. The call was signed by the gentlemen of the
State committee, and their respective counties were placed after their
names, but the chairman did not sign first ; there was nothing to indicate
that they were members of a committee or even members of the Repub-
lican party, and the word Republican nowhere appeared in the call.

The Democratic press proclaimed with much joy that the Republican
party was annihilated. The Rockland Democrat, Ephraim K. Smart's organ,
declared that the Republican party had disbanded, and that the new move-
ment was not a party one. "Every loyal man is invited to participate in it,
and if Republicans carry away the honors, it will be because loyal Demo-
crats permit them to do it by refraining to act in the primary meetings."
The Democrat also demanded that Governor Coburn be denied a renom-
ination because he was a Republican, and that no Republican should enter
the convention as such. But Smart asserted the right to enter the con-
vention as a Democrat, and the Augusta Age supported his claim. The
great majority of the Republican papers, the Jeffersonian, Vice-President
Hamlin's organ, the Kennebec Journal, Chairman Blaine's, the Portland
Press, Biddeford Journal, Rockland Gazette, Ellsworth American and
Skowhegan Clarion, denied the authority of the Republican committee to
act as they had done, but acquiesced in what they could not change

The Jeffersonian expressed its disapproval very freely. It said, "Re-
publicans of Maine, stand your ground. The country needs your service
as an organized party now more than ever before ; and standing our ground
we shall have the active and hearty co-operation of all late 'Democrats,' who
are now unadulterated, sincere Union men. They will add strength to the
Union cause, while Sham Union Democrats will bring weakness to us and
strength to the Treasonable Democratic party." The Whig, however, fully
endorsed the call and announced that Mr. Hamlin also favored it.

E. K. Smart's demand for a new candidate if the Convention was to
be regarded as a truly Union one, though harsh toward Governor Coburn
and unfair to the Republican party who would certainly furnish most of the
votes, commanded a support among the Democrats which it was dangerous
to disregard. Chairman Blaine recognized this and before the call for the
convention was issued had probably determined not only to set aside Gov-
ernor Coburn but to nominate a former Democrat. The shelving of Coburn
was the more easy because he had offended influential politicians.

The gentleman picked by Mr. Blaine as the next Governor of the State
was Samuel A. Cony of Augusta. A Democrat until the outbreak of the
war, he had from that moment vigorously supported the Government, had
acted as Assistant Paymaster-General of Maine, and advanced money from
his private fortune to pay the soldiers when there was no law authorizing
the State Treasurer to do so.

454 HISTORY OF MAINE

The convention met on the day and place appointed, and was called
to order by Mr. Blaine in the name of the Union and the loyal masses. Hon.
James B. McCobb of Portland was elected chairman. While the commit-
tees were out, Lewis Barker of Stetson was called for and made an earnest
non-partisan speech in which he said : "We are here to crush the copper-
head faction — a pack of guerrillas who have stolen the livery of Democracy
for evil designs. If a Democrat comes here merely as a Democrat, I spurn
him ; if a Republican comes here, I do the same — but if you come as Union
men without condition, I am with you and welcome you." Before the vot:
was taken Mr. Blaine rose and stated that he was authorized by Governor
Coburn to say "that he fully sympathised with the movement for Union.
That feeling thus and wishing to do all in his power to promote union of
action among loyal men, regardless of past party differences, the Governor
did not consider that his nomination a year ago by a somewhat different
constituency gave him any priority or precedence at the hand of this con-
vention. He, therefore, claimed none, but simply submitted his name to the
consideration of the convention. If nominated, he would endeavor to faith-
fully serve the public interests. But if it should be adjudged wise policy to
take another candidate, he would most cheerfully and cordially sustain him
by his vote and whatever influence he might possess. The perils of our
national crisis demand, in the Governor's view, a union of all patriotic
hands and hearts, and the man should be chosen for our standard bearer
who can make this union most cordial and effective."

The first ballot for Governor stood : Samuel Cony, 474 ; Abner Coburn,
418; Joseph H. Williams, 176; scattering, 15. This division gave oppor-
tunity for a very bitter contest, but Hon. B. W. Norris of Skowhegan said
he was authorized to withdraw the name of Governor Coburn, whereupon
Governor Coburn was most loudly cheered. He further proposed to nom-
inate Hon. Samuel Cony by acclamation. After some little discussion, it
was concluded to proceed to a second ballot, which resulted in the nomina-
tion of Samuel Cony by a vote of 899 to 66 for Williams and 26 for Coburn.

Samuel Cony was a member of the well known Cony family of Augusta.
His father, also named Samuel, was the first adjutant-general of Maine,
serving from 1820 to 1830. His mother, his father's own cousin, was a
daughter of Judge Daniel Cony, who had taken an active part in politics
before the separation and in the convention which formed the constitution
of Maine. Samuel, the second, was born February 27, 181 1. He graduated
from Brown University in 1829. He studied law with Hiram Belcher of
Farmington, was admitted to the bar in 1829, and settled in Old Town.
He served in the Legislature in 1835, and the Council in 1839, was judge
of probate for Penobscot county from 1840 until 1847, land agent from
1847 to 1850, and then State Treasurer for the usual five years. He had
moved to Augusta in 1850 and in 1854 was elected mayor of the city.

Mr. Cony had always been a Democrat, but he belonged to the Douglas

THE CIVIL WAR— POLITICAL HISTORY 455

wing, and on the outbreak of the war he vigorously supported the Govern-
ment. The Republicans of Augusta offered to join the Democrats in sup-
porting a joint ticket for Representatives to the Legislature and proposed
Cony as one of the candidates. The Democrats declined, but the next year
the Republicans nominated and elected him.

The "Union" platform demanded a firm and unanimous support of the
Administration. The arrest and holding without trial of men who had
attacked the Government and the war, had been the subject of much crit-
icism, some of which came from earnest Union men. The convention,
however, resolved "that those assemblages of Northern citizens, who, wish-
ing to make a diversion in favor of the rebellion, have feigned excessive
indignation at the few arrests of persons engaged in discouraging the organ-
ization of a military force to defend the Constitution, while they have
expressed no execration against the foe now invading the Free States, and
no commiseration for our fellow-citizens who have been robbed of their
property and driven from their homes by a lawless band of conspirators
against the Republic; have shown such misdirected sympathies, and such
utter lack of the first instincts of patriotism, as to make them dangerous
counsellors in the present crisis of the country."

The Democrats had originally intended to hold their convention in
July, but postponed it until August 6, perhaps to gain time to settle a serious
difference of opinion concerning the renomination of Mr. Bradbury. The
convention met in Portland on the day fixed, and elected Samuel Taylor,
a Quaker, president. This gentleman said in a speech of thanks to the
convention, "I do not know but the shooting of one man may under certain
circumstances be justifiable — but am opposed to shooting men in a lump."
Mr. Charles Jarvis twice nominated the president for Governor, but Mr.
Taylor declined to put the motion, saying that his religion forbade him to
accept an office which would make him commander-in-chief of the militia.
A platform was adopted declaring that "we will earnestly support every
constitutional measure tending to preserve the Union of the States," but
stating that they could not "support the present Administration, its course
being destructive of the Union and the Government" ; and that "The war
is now being conducted, not for the restoration of the Union, but for the
Abolition of Slavery and the destruction of the Republic." Arbitrary
arrests were denounced, and the freedom of speech and of the press
asserted. The conscription act was declared unwise and oppressive, but
obedience to it was advised unless the courts should declare it unconsti-
tutional.

There was considerable discussion of Mr. Bradbury's attitude. General
S. J. Anderson of Portland read a letter from him of the same nature as
the resolutions, but Virgil D. Parris was not satisfied and asked General
Anderson if Mr. Bradbury held the same opinion which he did the year
before. General Anderson replied that Mr. Bradbury was "as much

456 HISTORY OF MAINE

opposed to the war as now conducted by the Administration as any gentle-
man present is or can be." Mr. Parris said that as far as Bradbury had
gone in his letter, he went with him, but that he had not denounced "this
wicked, this unholy, this hellish war." Another delegate asked if Mr.
Bradbury, if elected, would withdraw the Maine troops from the army, as
he would have a right to do. General Anderson replied that as the con-
vention had expressed no opinion on that point, it was not fair to ask Mr.
Bradbury to do so, but that if Governor Seymour should withdraw the
New York troops, Mr. Bradbury would take similar action.

A ballot was taken and Mr. Bradbury was nominated by 797 out of 893
votes." The campaign was a vigorous one. Mr. Blaine was responsible
for the holding of the Union convention and its nomination of a War
Democrat, and his political prestige and future success would be much
affected by the result of the election. Accordingly, he carefully organized
"the most systematic and thorough canvass Maine had ever known. Polit-
ical rallies were held in every town and hamlet. Speeches and other docu-
ments to be read at home were sent out in sufficient numbers to reach every
voter, not once but many times. A considerable part of the funds neces-
sary to defray the expenses of the campaign was obtained by the assess-
ment of office holders, a practice against which no objection was then raised
in any quarter." 1 " Victory crowned these efforts, and Samuel Cony polled
68,339 votes to Bion Bradbury's 50,676.

Mr. Cony's victory heartened the friends of the Union in other States,
and was received with disappointment in the Confederacy. The Richmond
Examiner said: "This event is of greater moment than a similar result
in any other New England State. It had been thought that the ruling
faction was not so firmly seated in Maine. The course of the war, too,
seemed less favorable to her interests than to those of her neighbors. Manu-
facturers were not in any branch so flourishing, and the shipping interests,
it was supposed, would have found the advantages arising from the employ-
ment of vessels for warlike purposes fully balanced by the damage inflicted
on commerce by our indefatigable cruisers. The expectations arising from
these various elements of calculation have all been disappointed and the
people have apparently pronounced in favor of the war policy of their
Government."

The year 1864 was a presidential one, and therefore of special interest
politically. In March the Legislature passed a resolution declaring that "for
their eminent services to their country in the years of its greatest peril,
President Abraham Lincoln and Vice-President Hannibal Hamlin are de-
serving the confidence and regard of the American people, and that in the
opinion of this Legislature the loyal citizens of Maine desire their re-election
to the offices which they now so ably and faithfully fill."

"Jeffersonian, Aug. 11, 1863.
"Stanwood, "Blaine," 59-60.

THE CIVIL WAR— POLITICAL HISTORY

457

When the national convention met, Lincoln was renominated on the
first ballot, Missouri voting for General U. S. Grant. The first ballot for
Vice-President stood: Andrew Johnson of Tennessee, 200; Hannibal
Hamlin of Maine, 150; Daniel Dickinson of New York, 108; seven others,
61. Vote after vote was then transferred to Johnson, and when the result
of the first ballot was formally declared Johnson had 494 votes, Dickenson
17, Hamlin 9. The victory of Johnson was received in good part by the
Republican papers of Maine, even by those of Bangor, the Vice-President's
home town. The Jeffersonian, Mr. Hamlin's special organ, said that the
nomination of Johnson was made "not from any lack of confidence in the
true patriotism, integrity, ability or statesmanship of the distinguished
gentleman who now holds that office, but solely from the desire of making
another and more signal recognition of the patriotic services of those few
Democrats in seceded or border States, who, without waiting to hear the
roar of the rebel cannon against Fort Sumter, declared to the country that,
live or die, armed secessionists and defiant traitors should be and must be
coerced into subjection to the Federal laws by the national forces." The
Whig said : "The people of Maine felt a strong interest for the renomina-
tion of Hannibal Hamlin, but nevertheless will cheerfully and cordially sup-
port Mr. Johnson. It is peculiarly fitting at this time that the Vice-President
should be taken from one of the Border States, and it is also peculiarly
fitting that Mr. Johnson should be the nominee. A man of marked ability,
a patriot in the highest sense of the term, thoroughly devoted to freedom,
his name will add strength to the ticket and his nomination will be received
with unusual favor."

An enthusiastic ratification meeting was held in Bangor, and was
addressed by Mr. Hamlin in a magnanimous speech in which he eulogized
both the nominees. His praise of Johnson was in striking contrast to his
own opinions and that of his audience a year later. The Jeffersonian in
its report of the meeting stated that Mr. Hamlin said that "from an inti-
mate acquaintance with Andrew Johnson, of over a quarter of a century,
he knew him to be an honest and incorruptible patriot, a statesman of large
experience, and eminently qualified not only for the duties of Vice-Presi-
dent, but for the Presidency, should he in the providence of God be called
to that post." 30

The reasons given by the Jeffersonian for the change in the candidate
for Vice-President were the chief causes of the defeat of Mr. Hamlin, but
personal feeling and political management played a considerable part. Mr.
Hamlin was under the great disadvantage of having his own section against
him. Of the seventy votes from New England, he received but twenty-six.
He obtained the solid vote of Maine, half of that of New Hampshire, and
led the poll of Rhode Island, whose votes were badly scattered. But John-
son carried Vermont, Connecticut voted solidly for him, and, worst of all,

"Jeffersonian, June 14, 1864.

458 HISTORY OF MAINE

for Connecticut though a New England State often followed the lead of
New York, Massachusetts gave seventeen of her votes to Dickinson and
scattered the rest, Hamlin obtaining three. The failure of New England
to support Hamlin had a very bad effect, and was made great use of in
winning delegates from the West for other candidates. Nor was Massa-
chusetts satisfied with merely voting against Hamlin ; many of her delegates
labored successfully to induce the representatives of Maryland, Delaware
and Ohio to vote for other candidates. Ohio was the more easily won, as
there was a chance that one of her leading citizens, ex-Governor Tod, might
carry off the prize himself as a compromise candidate.

The action of Massachusetts had also a great effect on New York.
The night before the nomination, the New York delegates caucussed. It
was unanimously agreed to support the renomination of Lincoln, and a
majority voted in favor of that of Hamlin. The caucus then adjourned,
but met again the next morning. Meanwhile it had been learned author-
itatively that Massachusetts would not support Hamlin under any circum-
stances; this produced a great impression. Some delegates thought thac
there must be a strong personal reason for her action. It is to be feared
that this was indeed the case, but the personal reason was not to be found
in any act or omission of Mr. Hamlin's, but in the extreme views and
resentment of opposition of Charles Sumner. He had on various occasions
been worsted in discussions in the Senate by William Pitt Fessenden, who
was the ablest debater in that body, though Sumner was the more brilliant
rhetorician. Both men were able and patriotic, but of different types of
character, and there was some ill feeling between them. Mr. Sumner never
had any doubt that he was entirely right and his opponents totally wrong,
and accordingly he set to work to get Mr. Fessenden out of the Senate.
His term would expire on March 4, 1865. Should Mr. Hamlin fail of the
Vice-Presidency, he would probably contest Mr. Fessenden's re-election,
and, as he was very popular in Maine and a most skillful politician, he
would have a good chance of success. Mr. Sumner therefore set earnestly
to work to turn the Massachusetts delegation away from Hamlin, and so
great was his influence that notwithstanding the opposition of his colleague.
Senator Wilson, and of Governor Andrew, only three delegates from Massa-
chusetts voted for the New England candidate.

Some of the New York supporters of Hamlin, including Preston King,
who had taken an active part in securing his nomination in i860, abandoned
him to save Seward. New York had a prominent War Democrat, Daniel
S. Dickinson, and the radical wing of the Republicans of the State pressed
him earnestly for the Vice-Presidency, but the conservative or Weed-
Seward faction feared that it would give offence should New York have
both the Vice-President and the Secretary of State, and that, if Dickinson
were Vice-President, Seward would be obliged to resign. Accordingly
they worked hard for Johnson as the one man who could beat Dickinson,
and this argument won over some of the Hamlin conservatives.

THE CIVIL WAR— POLITICAL HISTORY 459

The most interesting of all the questions connected with Mr. Hamlin's
failure to obtain a renomination, and perhaps the hardest to solve is, What
was the attitude of President Lincoln? There is no doubt that publicly it
was one of strict neutrality. The President's private secretary went to the
convention not as a member or delegate, but merely as an interested spec-
tator. He found B. C. Cook, the head of the Illinois delegation, puzzled
and worried. It had been supposed that the old ticket would be renom-
inated, but some of the Illinois delegates personally desired Lincoln's defeat,
and Leonard Swett of Illinois, a very intimate friend of the President, had
telegraphed the delegation urging it to support Holt of Kentucky for Vice-
President. This seemed suspicious. Yet if Holt were really Lincoln's
choice for Vice-President, the delegation was ready to meet his wishes in
this as in other matters. Accordingly, Nicolay wrote to his fellow secretary,
John Hay : "Cook wants to know confidentially whether Swett is all right ;
whether in urging Holt for Vice-President he reflects the President's wishes ;
whether the President has any preference, either personally or on the score
of policy, or whether he wishes not even to interfere by a confidential indi-
cation." The President himself endorsed the letter: "Swett is unques-
tionably all right. Mr. Holt is a good man, but I had not heard or thought
of him for V.P. Wish not to interfere about V.P. Cannot interfere about
platform. Convention must judge for itself." This would seem to show
that Lincoln remained firm in his policy of neutrality, but in after years
statements were made that he did not.

Two days after Mr. Hamlin's death, the Philadelphia Times contained
an editorial stating that the writer had been invited to a conference with
Lincoln just before the meeting of the Baltimore convention, that Lincoln
urged the nomination of Johnson because of the advantage of having a
Southern Democrat on the ticket and that he (McClure) returned to Balti-
more to work and vote for Johnson's nomination. John G. Nicolay. who
had been Lincoln's private secretary from his nomination in i860 to his
death, at once telegraphed Mrs. Hamlin that the editorial was entirely
erroneous. The telegram was widely published in the newspapers, and
there followed a bitter personal controversy on the matter between the
editor of the Philadelphia Times, Mr. A. K. McClure, and Mr. Nicolay.

The evidence adduced by each may be briefly summarized as follows :
In favor of the theory that Lincoln worked for Johnson's nomination there
is, first, some direct testimony that he wished for the nomination of a War
Democrat. General Benjamin F. Butler stated repeatedly that Senator
Cameron of Pennsylvania came to him from Lincoln to propose that he
should be a candidate for the Vice-Presidency, with Lincoln's support, but
that he preferred to remain in the army. Cameron at various times gave
interviews confirming this statement. On the question directly at issue,
McClure stated that Lincoln asked him to support Johnson. Lamon, an
intimate friend of Lincoln, corroborated him. Another close friend of the

460 HISTORY OF MAINE

President, Leonard Swett, wished the Illinois delegation to vote for a War
Democrat, Joseph Holt of Kentucky, for Vice-President. Henry J. Ray-
mond, the editor of the New York Times, was the Lincoln leader in the
convention. He died before the McClure-Nicolay controversy, but George
Jones, the principal owner of the paper, said that he had frequently dis-
cussed Johnson's nomination with Raymond, and that McClure was abso-
lutely right. Benjamin C. Truman, Johnson's secretary, declared that he
knew that Lincoln favored Johnson's nomination. Judge Pettis of Indiana
told Mr. Hamlin in 1889 that Lincoln said to him in response to a question,
whom did he favor for Vice-President, "Governor Johnson of Tennessee,"
and Mr. Hamlin believed him.

On the other side, there is Lincoln's endorsement on Nicolay's letter
concerning Cook's doubts. Moreover, Nicolay says that Lincoln told him
that as the leading candidates were all his friends, he thought that it would
be unbecoming in him to advocate the nomination of any of them, but that
privately and personally he would prefer that the old ticket should be
renominated. Cook, not satisfied with the President's endorsement on Nic-
olay's letter, saw Lincoln and became certain that he desired the nomina-
tion of Hamlin. There is some evidence that Lincoln personally disliked
Johnson, partly because of his habits. Finally, it is said on excellent
authority, that Lincoln showed no pleasure, but rather anxiety, when he
first learned of Johnson's nomination.

In endeavoring to estimate the value of these very contradictory pieces
of evidence, it must be remembered that recollections given years after the
event are untrustworthy, that in the passage of years imagination often
takes the place of memory, and that in reminiscences, as in nature, "great
oaks from little acorns grow." Let us first consider the evidence for
Lincoln's favoring Johnson. McClure's stories are not always consistent
with each other, and he had a very high estimate of his own importance.
When he was about to publish a book, some one remarked that it would be
another volume in his series of "How I Saved the Union." Butler and
Cameron were unscrupulous politicians, and their statements must be re-
ceived with caution. Nevertheless, Lincoln's anxiety to attract the War
Democrats was such that the story of the offer to Butler is by no means
improbable. McClure states that Cameron was lukewarm in the support
of Hamlin and readily came over to Johnson. Just after the convention
Cameron wrote to Senator Fessenden :

"My Dear Sir: I strove hard to renominate Hamlin, as well for his
own sake as for yours, but failed only because New England, especially
Massachusetts, did not adhere to him. Johnson will be a strong candidate
for the people, but in the contingency of death. I should greatly prefer a
man reared and educated in the North. I hope you will come this way
going home. Truly yours, "Simon Cameron. "

Of course, it is possible that Cameron was lying. Lamon is not a very

THE CIVIL WAR— POLITICAL HISTORY 461

reliable witness. Swett's support of Holt is strange, but it is said that after
seeing Cook, who had seen Lincoln, he worked for Hamlin. Jones's state-
ment of his conversations with Raymond is very important, but there is
to be set against this the testimony of Noah Brooks that Raymond said to
him on the day before the convention, "Do you know who is Lincoln's
choice for Vice-President? I cannot find out." It is possible, however, that
Brooks did not quote Raymond correctly, or that Raymond wished to pump
him. The value of Truman's testimony is weakened by the circumstance
that two of his statements do not square. Pettis' statement is extremely
important, and so is its acceptance by Mr. Hamlin, but the latter afterward
came to the belief that Pettis was mistaken.

In regard to the testimony on the other side, it may be said that
Lincoln's endorsement on Nicolay's letter is less conclusive than has been
claimed. He says that he cannot interfere about the platform but only that
he does not wish to interfere about the Vice-Presidency. Undoubtedly he
did not wish to. Nicolay's recollection that Lincoln's personal wishes were
in favor of Hamlin, and Cook's full belief that this was the case, are of
weight. Still it must be remembered that Lincoln's policy was to avoid
committing himself, and to speak well of all the candidates, and that atti-
tude might easily be misunderstood. The testimony that Lincoln appeared
disappointed and anxious on learning of Johnson's nomination, is one of
the strongest arguments against McClure's story.

Historians disagree on the question. Rhodes accepts the offer to Butler,
but says nothing about the McClure-Nicolay controversy. Stanwood also
makes no reference to the matter. Dr. Brummer, in his "History of New
York During the Civil War," appears to disbelieve McClure's assertions.
Alexander, in his "Political History of the State of New York," says that
"The reason for Raymond's ardent support of Johnson will probably never
be certainly known. In his long and bitter controversy with Nicolay, how-
ever, McClure furnished testimony indicating that Lincoln whispered his
choice and that Raymond understood it."

The Democratic National Convention nominated General McClellan,
the candidate of that wing of the party which would fight rather than give
up the Union but which would make almost any concession to induce the
rebels to come back. The platform was written by Clement L. Vallandig-
ham, the leader of the peace Democrats, and demanded that "after four
years of failure to restore the Union by the experiment of war," there be
a cessation of hostilities with a view to an ultimate convention of the States
and restoration of the Union. It was a most unfortunate sentence. The
Republicans declared that their opponents had proclaimed the war a failure,
and made great use of the phrase. It is said that its incorporation in the
platform was indirectly due to the courtesy of one of the Maine delegates.
Each State chose a member of the platform committee, and it had been
planned that ex- Judge Rice of Augusta should represent Maine, but ex-

462 HISTORY OF MAINE

Governor Dana desired to be on the committee, and Mr. Rice withdrew in
his favor. The "failure" resolution passed the committee by a single vote,
Governor Dana supporting it. Mr. Rice would have opposed it, and had he
been the Maine committee man it would have been defeated.

The Argus had been warmly in favor of McClellan, and received the
news of his nomination with joy. But the thorough-going copperheads were
ill pleased. General McClellan after some delay accepted the nomination.
The Bangor Democrat said that his letter of acceptance "was very far from
what peace men had a right to expect ; and there was danger, ten days ago,
of serious disruption. But that danger, we believe, is now past. General
McClellan cannot hesitate to pledge himself to the 'cessation of hostilities,
and negotiations for peace,' of the Chicago platform. Let Democrats, then,
not be disturbed by any reports of dissensions in our ranks. The Democ-
racy are determined to go into this contest united. They are determined
to elect their candidate to the Presidency and they are determined that,
after he is elected, he shall obey their behests, and make a speedy peace."

The Democrats of Maine followed in the footsteps of their national
assembly, the State convention giving the platform to the peace wing and
the candidate to the war faction. The convention declared :

"That the only ground of hope for the preservation of the Union under
the Constitution and of maintaining the rights of the people, and of the
States, and of securing an honorable peace, is by expelling from power the
present corrupt, imbecile and revolutionary Administration, and substitut-
ing in its place an Administration which will conduct the Government ac-
cording to the requirements of the Constitution, and protect all parties in
the full enjoyment of their constitutional rights, privileges and immunities;

"Resolved, That the Administration by its corruption and imbecility
has shown itself incapable of a successful prosecution of the War, and from
its levity, tergiversation and bad faith is manifestly incapable of negotiating
an honorable peace;

"Resolved, That we stand where the Democracy has ever stood in favor
of the Constitution and of the Rights of the States and of the People, and
of the entire Union in all its integrity, and of an honorable peace at the
earliest practicable moment." 21

It will be noticed that the convention did not say what it would do if
the South resolutely refused all terms but independence.

The convention unanimously nominated ex-Judge Howard for Gov-
ernor. According to the Jeffersonian, however, there was a sharp struggle
behind the scenes. It said "General Gorham L. Boynton, the 'Dean Rich-
mond' 22 of the Maine Democracy, the brains of his party, almost the only
man in the party who has not at one time or another acted with the Aboli-
tionists, was the choice of a vast majority of the party, assembled in 'the
Tent' f but he was ruled out in deference to that contemptible minority of

"Argus, Aug. 18, 1864.
"A very influential New York politician.

"The convention was held in a great tent. The Jeffersonian had announced that
it would be pitched on the lot "where the balloons are inflated and go up."

THE CIVIL WAR— POLITICAL HISTORY 463

the party who just now act upon the maxim, 'assume a virtue if you have it
not.' They are at heart Peace-at-any-price and submission to the rebellion,
but they want to 'catch gudgeons.' They affect to believe that they can by
sailing under false colors beguile back into their ranks the 'renegade Demo-
crats.' The struggle between Howard and Boynton was at times quite hot,
in the committee rooms and private parlors. ... At length Dean Rich-
mond succumbed to this small minority, and swallowed another pill as bitter
as that he gulped down last year labelled 'Bion.' " But though George B.
succumbed to Howard, he triumphed on the question of "Peace." If the
latter should ascend the throne of State, the former will surely be the con-
trolling "power behind the throne." 1 *

The Union convention was held at Augusta on June 29. The Union
State Committee had invited to participate in the choice of delegates, "The
qualified voters of Maine who desire the unconditional maintenance of the
Union, and the supremacy of the Constitution, and the complete suppression
of the existing rebellion, with the cause thereof, by vigorous war and all
apt and efficient means." Representation was to be based on the number
of votes cast for Governor Cony the preceding year. The convention
renominated Governor Cony by acclamation, declared for an uncompromis-
ing prosecution of the war, and endorsed the National Union platform.

From the first there was no serious doubt of the success of the Union
party. The only question was the size of their majority. When the ballots
were counted it was found that Cony had received 65,583 votes and Howard
46,403. Although a presidential year, there was a decrease of 7,000 in the
total vote, the Democrats losing somewhat more than the Unionists.

The Argus said of the election, "Maine has thus reaffirmed her verdict
in favor of the policy of the Administration and that the war should be
continued for the purpose of giving freedom to the negroes. It is certainly
to be hoped that those who sustain this policy will now come forward and
volunteer for the war with as much zeal as they have manifested in carry-
ing the election, and thus save the State from the necessity of a draft.
They are in honor bound to do this." The Whig, for once agreeing with
the Argus, also proclaimed that it was the duty of the Union men of Maine
to follow up the blow they had struck by volunteering to complete the
State's quota.

In November, Lincoln and Johnson carried the country. In the Elec-
toral College the majority was overwhelming, but the popular majority,
especially in some of the doubtful States, was not large. The Argus, in
commenting on the national election, made one of those prophecies which
read so strangely after the event. It said : "The re-election of Mr. Lincoln
means financial ruin, utter and irretrievable, makes the permanent dissolu-
tion of the Union inevitable, and will prolong the war indefinitely to end
finally in a military despotism sustained by a permanent standing army."

"Jeffersonian, Aug. 23, 1864.

464 HISTORY OF MAINE

It added, however, that Lincoln's comparatively small majority gave hope
of a return to the principles of 1787. "*°

In striking contrast to this lugubrious vaticination is an editorial in the
Whig written at the end of the year: "We think that whoever lives to see
the next generation will find the South all the more loyal to the govern-
ment, by reason of its terrible experiment in rebellion. The war will, in
the providence of God, relieve us of slavery, teach both sections to have a
respect for each other's endurance and skill, and give us a national unity
more compact and enduring than would otherwise have been possible."

During the year (1864) several changes were made in important
national offices, in one of which Maine had a special interest. For some
time there had been considerable friction between President Lincoln and
his Secretary of the Treasury, Salmon P. Chase ; on June 29 Mr. Chase
resigned and, perhaps somewhat to his surprise, his resignation was accepted.
The vacant place was offered to ex-Governor Tod of Ohio, who declined it.
The President then nominated Mr. Fessenden, the chairman of the Senate
committee on finance, and the Senate instantly confirmed the nomination.
Both nomination and confirmation had been made without Mr. Fessenden's
knowledge. He was in feeble health, had no desire for executive office,
and was most anxious to decline. But from all quarters came urgent
requests that he should accept. He was told that his nomination would
have the best effect, that his refusal would give a fearful blow to the publi>
credit, and that it was his duty to take the office. Reluctantly he yieldec
He wrote to a close friend and relative: "I felt much as Stanton said.
You can no more refuse than 'your son could have refused to attack
Monett's Bluff, and you cannot look him in the face if you do.' I told him
it would kill me and he replied, 'Very well, you cannot die better than in
trying to save your country." 2 ' In taking the Treasury, Mr. Fessenden
stipulated that he should be free to resign as soon as he could do so without
injury to the public service.

Mr. Chase did not remain long unprovided for, but in the following
November was made Chief Justice of the United States, succeeding Judge
Taney, who had died on the 12th of October. The death of the writer of
the Dred Scott decision tested the fairness of the partisan press. It was
a severe trial, and the Maine papers did not come through with credit. The
Jeffersonian referred to him as "that judicial monster the American
Jeffries." The Argus went to the other extreme. It not only called him a
great and good man, but quoted with apparent approval from an article in
the Boston Post which said, "If we array beside him the long lists of the
illustrious dead where beyond a Mansfield, a Lyndhurst or a Marshall,
shall we find one worthy to be named in comparison ?"

a Argus, Nov. II, 1864.
"Whig, Dec. 20, 1864.
"Fessenden, "Fessenden."

THE CIVIL WAR— POLITICAL HISTORY 465

It fell to the Legislature in the winter of 1865 to choose a Senator.
On Mr. Fessenden's resignation, Governor Cony had appointed Nathan A.
Farwell of Rockland, until the Legislature should act, and they chose him
to fill the remainder of Mr. Fessenden's term, which expired the fourth
of the ensuing March. For the full term Mr. Fessenden was himself a
candidate, as was Vice-President Hamlin. There had been considerable
doubt and discussion as to Mr. Fessenden's position, and he finally wrote
a letter to his friend, John S. Tenney, in which he stated that he desired
a re-election, that he had accepted the Treasury with the clear understand-
ing that he should resign on the earliest suitable occasion, and that his
health would not permit him to permanently remain in an office requiring
such hard and continuous labor as did the Secretaryship of the Treasury.
The letter showed that he earnestly desired a re-election and would be much
hurt if it were refused. His supporters made great use of these arguments,
and also said much of his ability and the need in the Senate of his leader-
ship.

His opponents, ignoring the matter of his health, plausibly used his
position as Secretary of the Treasury as an argument against returning
him to the Senate. The Biddeford Journal said: "Those who urge the
election of Mr. Fessenden can say nothing of his very distinguished quali-
fications for any office in the nation that we will not fully admit, and, more
than that, which we will not claim for him ourself. And because of those
very qualifications we desire, in common with a singular unanimity among
capitalists, that he should retain his present position. Under his adminis-
tration our finances have become stronger and firmer, and our national
credit has advanced. There was no other man in the country that could
have filled the position of Secretary of the Treasury, at the time of his
appointment, but Mr. Fessenden, and no one has appeared since that time.
Does it appear to be wisdom to cause him to vacate that position that the
Government may be a loser thereby? and is it an exercise of prudence to
throw away a seat in the Cabinet which will give Maine a corresponding
influence in the national councils, in order to defeat Mr. Hamlin?" 2 '

The discussion was not always so polite. One of the Fessenden papers
charged Hamlin with being a demagogue, and the Jeffersonian replied by
accusing them of flunkeyism and aristocratic notions. It also intimated
that Mr. Fessenden had not been attentive and generous to the soldiers or
active in party work, and that he had not been zealous in support of vigor-
our measures against the rebellion and slavery. A Fessenden paper claimed
that without a caucus Fessenden would certainly be elected, and urged the
Fessenden men, if one were held and Hamlin nominated, to "show your-
selves superior to such paltry machinery and vote him down." The Jeffer-
sonian said of this advice to bolt, "Thus the copperhead vote is invoked to

"Quoted in Jeffersonian, Dec. 20,

4 66 HISTORY OF MAINE

divide and conquer the Republican Union party in Maine, and to build up
a Conservative party. The 'leader' of their party is already indicated. . . .
An attempt like this now made to divide the Union party of Maine into
'Conservatives' and 'Radicals,' was made in the Legislature of 1862, under
the leadership of L. D. M. Sweat, Bion Bradbury, Gould of Thomaston,
and other copperhead wolves in the Union livery, but the project miserably
failed."

Yet after all this bitter contest, Mr. Fessenden was nominated unan-
imously, Mr. Hamlin's friends, believing that his opponents had a majority,
though a small one, prevented a contest by withdrawing his name."

Mr. Fessenden left the Treasury on March 3 and was succeeded by
the Comptroller of the Currency, Hugh McCulloch, a native though not a
resident of Maine." Mr. Fessenden had a high opinion of his successor,
had desired his appointment when Secretary Chase resigned, and first
learned of his own nomination when he called on the President to urge the
choice of Mr. McCulloch.

In February, 1865, it became the duty of the Maine Legislature to act
on the thirteenth amendment to the Constitution abolishing slavery. The
Legislature had already passed a resolution introduced by Nelson Dingley
of Lewiston favoring such an amendment, and there was no doubt what
its action would be. On February 6 Governor Cony transmitted the resolve
of Congress proposing the amendment to the Legislature. The Governor
said : "I congratulate you personally that in your character as the constitu-
tional representatives of the people of Maine, the felicity is vouchsafed to
you to give effect to their will by voting for the extirpation of a system
utterly at variance with every other American institution, offensive to the
best instincts of our species, founded in disregard of the first principles of
human justice and in violation of the laws of God." The next day the
Senate unanimously ratified the amendment. The House was not unani-
mous, but it was more enthusiastic than the Senate. "The areas and
galleries of the chamber were filled with ladies and gentlemen. A band
was stationed in the gallery, and when the vote was announced every Union
member present voted 'yes.' The chair declared that by this sublime act
Maine gave her ratification to the amendment to the Constitution 'which
drives forever from the land the curse of slavery, God save the State of
Maine.' There was great applause. The band played the national hymn, and
during a recess of half an hour cheers were given for Lincoln, for the rights
of man, for Grant, for Sherman, Sheridan, Thomas and Farragut, also for
the brave soldiers. The fifteen Democrats were silent. Mr. Chase of
Dover, one of them, proposed three cheers for the old Union. Mr. Webb

"Mr. Hamlin's grandson says that he had not expected opposition when the Legis-
lature was elected and went West to take part in the Presidential campaign, and that
his manager in Maine neglected his duty.

"It is said that Mr. Lincoln offered the place to Mr. Hamlin, but was obliged to
withdraw the offer because of the opposition of Mr. Fessenden.

THE CIVIL WAR— POLITICAL HISTORY 467

of Portland said : 'It was good until the slavery minions spoiled it.' Then
all cheered. Finally three cheers were given for the Constitution as
amended, and the L T nion as it will be. Several patriotic speeches were made,
and Mr. Dingley proposed that 'in view of the great triumph over which
we rejoice, the assemblage unite in singing that grand old doxology, 'Old
Hundred.' It was sung with intense spirit and unconcealed tears."

On March 4 President Lincoln delivered his noble Second Inaugural.
The Jeffersonian praised it, but in language which raises a suspicion that
the editor did not fully appreciate its depth and beauty. "The President's
inaugural is the best ever delivered. It is short, but comprehensive and
pithy. He beats 'the Clergy,' even Henry Ward Beecher, in his pertinent
and forcible exposition and application of texts of scripture." The Whig's
editorial was a descriptive summary rather than a comment. Mr. Lynde,
however, appears to have agreed with the President, especially in his re-
marks on the connection of slavery with the war. The Kennebec Journal
said that "the inaugural is like no other document ever written. . . It
is characteristic of the author for frank honesty and directness of purpose.
Rarely have there been crowded into the same limited space so much that
is weighty and momentous. It is even grand in its rugged brevity, while
it contains all that is necessary for him to say and all that the people ex-
pected to hear. . . . He presents in strong outlines the terrible contest
which is being waged between the enemies and defenders of the best gov-
ernment that the sun ever shone upon, and in simple and beautiful terms
indicates the duty of the people in the future trials through which the nation
must pass ere complete triumph and enduring peace are secured." There
followed a description of Lincoln's manner of action as President, and a
defense of him against the charge of moving too slowly.

The Argus saw only the absence of definite offers to the South. It
said that it had good information that Lincoln had been ready to accept
gradual, fully compensated emancipation, and pardon for the great mass
of the Southerners, but that he had been frightened from it by the radicals."
"The fact is," said the Argus, "the President is a weak man. However
wellmeaning he may be (we do not wish to impugn motives), he has not
the pluck for bold enlightened statesmanship in a crisis like the present.
. . . His inaugural is an indication of his state of mind, as near noth-
ing, for a state paper, as it is possible to conceive of.""

The Argus had better reason for its remarks on the speech of Vice-
President Johnson to the Senate. Johnson had taken some stiff drinks of
whiskey before entering the Senate chamber, and his address was not only
demagogic and conceited, but extremely rambling and incoherent. The
cause was manifest to all. The Argus angrily declared, "Had a Democratic

"It was true that the President had called a Cabinet meeting and proposed that

a compensation for the slaves be offered to the Confederates, but the Cabinet was

unanimously of the opinion that the war must be fought out.

"Argus, March 8, 1865.

4 68 HISTORY OF MAINE

Vice-President been guilty of such an outrage, an extra session of Congress
would have been called to impeach him." 53

The Jeffersonian spoke very frankly on the subject. It declared that
the nation was disgraced, and that Mr. Johnson should apologize as pub-
licly as the offense was committed, ask forgiveness of the Senate, the Presi-
dent and Cabinet and the Nation, and solemnly promise that hereafter he
would totally abstain from the use of all intoxicating liquors. If he failed
to do this he should be expelled or impeached." A little later the paper
declared "ridiculous if not scandalous, the attempt of a few Union papers to
deny that Vice-President Johnson on inauguration day was under the
influence of intoxicating drink. What is the object of having a party
respectable and honest if such public obliquities of conduct are to be white-
washed ?"

To the attempt of the Democratic papers to make the Republicans
responsible for Johnson's conduct, the Jeffersonian replied that the Repub-
licans did not know when they nominated him that he had kept his love
of rum when he got rid of his other Democratic principles. It added that
two of the leading Democrats in the United States Senate were contin-
ually drunk, but that the papers "which now so conspicuously parade Mr.
Johnson's recent disgraceful conduct" had never said a word about that."

In April came the announcement of the surrender of Richmond. It
was felt that the war would soon cease and the people of Maine were wild
with joy, the public excitement perhaps being greater than at any time since
the fall of Sumter. The Bangor Democrat, however, refused to admit the
Southern defeat and declared that the successful evacuation of Richmond
had been according to a pre-arranged plan, that Lee resolved to give up
Richmond and that he would keep up the war indefinitely among his "moun-
tain fastnesses."

There soon came news of the surrender of Lee, and then of the murder
of Lincoln. The Argus found itself in an embarrassing situation, similar
to that occasioned a quarter of a century before by the death of Harrison.
It could not even now find clear words of definite praise for the martyred
President. It did, however, recognize a change of feeling toward Lincoln,
and condemned Booth's act in the strongest language. The Argus said:
"It was a crime without parallel for unprovoked atrocity. Rulers have be-
fore been murdered, but the annals of all time will have been searched in
vain for a crime of this magnitude, which by one fatal blow dashed so
many hopes and may be followed by consequences so widespread and calam-
itous. A terrible and ineffaceable disgrace has been inflicted on republican
institutions. He to whom the nation was looking with growing confidence
and hope from the dangers and calamities that beset our pathway, had been

"Argus, March II, 1865.

"It is very doubtful if the Vice-President is a member of the Senate, and if not
he cannot be expelled.

"Jeffersonian, March 14, 28, 1865.

THE CIVIL WAR— POLITICAL HISTORY 469

ruthlessly shot down in a moment without excuse or provocation, to palliate
in the slightest degree 'the deep damnation of his taking off.' ""

The Advertiser, which had been more moderate in its opposition to the
war than had the Argus, said that all party animosity which might have
indulged in faultfinding with Lincoln or his policies, was "seemingly forgot-
ten" and that Lincoln's "every sentiment and feeling was kind, christianlike
and forgiving, and magnanimous towards all mankind." The Republican
papers spoke in warmer terms. The Whig said:

'Our great and good President is dead ! Gone to his reward in the full
fruition of the glorious work he was appointed by Providence to fulfill. The
nation weeps for him who was the unyielding defender of Liberty and the
Rights of Man; but it may rejoice that he was spared to us until the great
rebellion was crushed, and the cause of universal freedom on this continent
forever secured. We cannot pierce the veil and perceive the inscrutable
designs of the Almighty in this afflictive dispensation— but we may be well
assured, that as the great events of the past have all been shaped and guided
for the best good for the holy cause of freedom and humanity in our land,
so this terrible stroke of affliction upon our people will be overruled for the
benefit of our country and of the world. The absorbing grief of the nation
scarce leaves room for the deep indignation which arises against the authors
of the monstrous deed which has taken from a nation its father and its
friend. But it is there, down deep in the heart of every loyal man — and
woe to any who sympathize with or rejoice over the unholy deed. They
will be driven from the country and branded forever with the mark of Cain
upon their foreheads.""

The Jeffersonian called Lincoln the great and good man, the wisest
ruler of the nineteenth century. It had often believed Lincoln too moderace
and gentle. It had warmly praised Andrew Johnson when nominated for
Vice-President, and it now said of him, "He will execute the law with the
courage and firmness of President Jackson and with the wisdom but not
the clemency of his immediate predecessor who is the victim of his own
too great clemency."

"Argus, April 17, 1865.

"Some citizens of Bangor, as of other places, had expressed pleasure at the mur-
der, and came near paying dearly for their folly and wickedness. A clerk in a dry
goods store said that he was "glad the old Rail Splitter had been killed." Hearing
that an enraged crowd was about to visit him, he fled for refuge to the jail. Others
like him were arrested and taken there by the police for their own safety.

"^S

Chapter XVII
THE CIVIL WAR— MILITARY HISTORY

REED MONUMENT AND MAC
PITAL. PORTLAND

FIDELITY BUILDING AND SOLDIERS' MONUME!

CHAPTER XVII
THE CIVIL WAR— MILITARY HISTORY

The outbreak of the Civil War found Maine like most of the Northern
States totally unprepared. The old musters had been abandoned as burden-
some, useless, and furnishing occasions for drunkenness and dissipation
Men between the ages of eighteen and forty-five were with a few exceptions
required to have their names enrolled in the office of the Adjutant-General
but many neglected to obey the law and little or no attempt was made to
enforce it. The enrolled but unarmed militia amounted to about 60,000.
There were also a few "voluntary" companies containing some 1,200 men
that were armed and had some knowledge of drill, but "their uniforms,
equipments and camp equipage were of a character wholly unfit for service
in the field."

But the country's need was pressing, Maine was asked to furnish a
regiment under the President's call for 75,000 men, and Governor Wash-
burn requested ten of the volunteer companies to enlist in the United States
service. Eight did so, the others declined or failed to act promptly, and
two new companies were raised. The Governor, however, felt that he had
not the legal powers which the occasion demanded, and the day after the
President's proclamation he called the Legislature to meet in extra session
on April 22. That body promptly passed an act for raising ten regiments
of volunteers to serve for two years, and for the borrowing of $10,000,000.
Maine responded readily and enthusiastically, but after six regiments had
been sent forward recruiting was suspended, the Governor being unofficially
informed that no more regiments would be accepted from Maine. The
means of the national government for arming and caring for troops were
limited and the expense and difficulty of assembling them at Washington
was greatest in the case of the most remote States.

Some of the Maine regiments suffered heavy losses in battle, others
never saw an enemy. Lieutenant-Colonel William F. Fox has published
an elaborate and careful statistical study of regimental losses in our Civil
War. He says that the First Maine Heavy Artillery had more men killed
and mortally wounded than any other regiment in the Union army, 1 and a
greater percentage of killed than any regiment but one, the Seventh Wis-
consin. But the historian of the First Maine states, however, that a cor-
rected list decreases the number of his regiment by two, and increases the
number of killed and died of wounds by eighteen; and that these changes
give the Maine regiment the leadership in the percentage of killed. The
First Maine Heavy also had the greatest number of killed in any one action.

"It should be remembered, however, that the heavy artillery regiments contained
when full 1,865 men, while the cavalry regiments consisted of 1,200, and the infantry
of only 1,025.

474

HISTORY OF MAINE

The First Maine Cavalry had more men killed in battle than any other
cavalry regiment.

Colonel Fox prepared a list of 300 "fighting regiments," that is, of regi-
ments which lost at least 130 in killed or mortally wounded, and a few
others "whose losses were somewhat smaller but whose percentage of killed
entitles them to a place in the list." On this roll of honor are eleven Maine
regiments, — the First Cavalry, First Heavy Artillery, and the Third, Fourth,
Sixth, Seventh, Eighth, Ninth, Sixteenth, Seventeenth, Nineteenth, Twen-
tieth and Thirty-first Infantry.

The Union army may be divided into three divisions comprising the
armies of Virginia, of the Coast, and of the West, respectively. To the last
division Maine sent no troops, although the officer from Maine who reached
the highest position, Major-General Oliver O. Howard, served in the West
from the autumn of 1863 until the close of the war, and commanded what
was technically a separate "army" during Sherman's march through Georgia
and the Carolinas. To the armies of Virginia, Maine contributed many
regiments, and she had a large representation in the armies of the coast.

When the brief campaign of Bull Run opened, five regiments of Maine
infantry had reached Washington, and all but the First, a three months
regiment, took part in that expedition of unhappy memory. Yet though it
ended in rout, the green Union troops did some good fighting, and in spite
of the errors of their officers nearly won the day. Among the regiments
that honorably distinguished themselves until the break came, were those
from Maine. It will be remembered that the Confederates lay behind the
stream of Bull Run, and that the Union commander, leaving a part of his
force at a stone bridge to watch the enemy, moved up the stream, crossed it,
and threatened his opponent's flank. An inferior Confederate force faced
about and attempted to hold off the Union army, but after a gallant resist-
ance was forced back. Part of their line, however, was still clinging to its
position at the Van Vliet House, when General Keyes arrived with his
brigade in which was the Second Maine, and after several attacks carried
the house. The chief credit of the affair belongs to the Second Maine,
whose loss was nearly half that of the whole brigade. The Confederates
were reinforced, and formed a new line on the Henry House Hill. Re-
peated but ill-combined attacks were made without success, the Confederates
were again reinforced and were about to attack in their turn, when How-
ard's brigade, consisting of the Third, Fourth and Fifth Maine and the
Second Vermont, reached the field. The day was already lost, and the
brigade should have been used as a rear guard to cover the inevitable
retreat. Instead, it was ordered to attack. The troops were not only green,
but much exhausted. They had been marching since early morning, a con-
siderable part of the time at doublequick, the day was hot and hundreds had
fallen by the wayside. Nevertheless the brigade advanced gallantly up the
hill and, says Johnston in his "Bull Run, Its Strategy and Tactics," "It

THE CIVIL WAR— MILITARY HISTORY 475

would appear that Howard did a little better than most of the brigade com-
manders. He succeeded in deploying two lines." But they could not fight
the battle alone, and soon joined the rest of the army in its flight. A num-
ber of Congressmen and other civilians had come out from Washington to
see the rebels run, and ran wildly themselves, increasing the confusion and
panic; but Johnston mentions Congressman Elihu B. Washburne of Illinois,
a brother of Governor Washburn, as making a courageous effort to stop
the rout.

When in 1862 General McClellan attempted to take Richmond, he
carried with him in his peninsula campaign seven Maine infantry regiments,
the Second to the Seventh inclusive, and the Eleventh. The first man in
the expedition to fall was a private of the Seventh, Joseph Pepper of Bath,
who was killed in front of the Confederate intrenchments on Warwick
creek, near Yorktown. The Sixth Maine did some important reconnoitering
work, occupied a part of the enemy's line, and, had McClellan been prompt
to seize his opportunity, it is probable that the Confederate entrenchments
could have been carried by assault. The general, however, preferred the
slower but more scientific method of regular approaches, and the army
spent a month in taking Yorktown.

In the battle of Williamsburg, a few days after the capture of York-
town, General Hancock defeated and drove off the field a superior force of
the enemy," led by two of their ablest commanders, Generals Early and
D. H. Hill. Among the regiments that most distinguished themselves were
the Sixth and Seventh Maine, and two days later General McClellan, riding
up to them, personally thanked them for saving the army, as he did the other
regiments engaged in the charge. At the battle of Fair Oaks, June 1-2,
two very gallant attacks were made by Maine troops. On the first day
three companies of the Eleventh, the rest of the regiment being on picket,
accompanied by the One Hundred and Fourth Pennsylvania, charged, and
for some time maintained its position against a withering fire. On this
day the battalion had two-thirds of its commissioned officers and 52 out of
93 non-commissioned officers and privates killed or wounded. On June 2
another fine charge was made by the Third Maine ; the enemy were driven
from the field, but at a cost of nearly a third of the men engaged. The
Fifth Maine fought with great courage at Gaines' Mill and suffered severe
loss, its colonel was disabled and its lieutenant-colonel killed. The regiment
also did good work in other of the Seven Days battles, at White Oak
Swamp it was in the rear guard and narrowly escaped capture.

Meanwhile battles were being fought in the Valley of the Shenandoah,
and here also Maine troops bore an active part. Their most distinguished
service was performed at Cedar Mountain. General Banks, perhaps mis-
understanding an order of General Pope, attacked a greatly superior force
commanded by Stonewall Jackson. The assault was gallantly made and was

'Walker, "Hancock," 43.

4 ;6 HISTORY OF MAINE

for a time successful, but reinforcements arrived for the Confederates and
the Union troops were compelled to fall back. Banks, if a poor general, was
a good fighter, and he ordered repeated charges that could only result in
useless slaughter. One of the victims was the Tenth Maine. They moved
with splendid courage across an open wheat field swept by the enemy's
fire, but were obliged to fall back after nearly a third of the regiment had
been killed or wounded.

Four Maine batteries were with Banks' army. Two of them were
not seriously engaged; the other two, the Fourth and Sixth, were in the
thick of the fight, and although this was their first battle did excellent
service. The general of the division to which the Sixth battery was
attached sent to congratulate the commander on his success in repelling
the enemy's assaults, and said that he had saved the division from annihi-
lation or capture. "The last gun (of the battery) was brought off the field
in the face of the enemy's infantry not fifty yards distant."

The Second, Third and Fourth regiments and the Fourth and Sixth
batteries were engaged in the Second Bull Run. The Fourth suffered heavy
loss, and the Sixth battery, after doing good work, was obliged to abandon
two of its guns. Four Maine regiments were engaged in the Antietam
campaign. The Tenth suffered considerably in the battle, partly because
the corps commander, Major-General Mansfield, ordered it to advance in
solid column rather than deployed. Notwithstanding the serious loss which
resulted, the regiment had a great regard for General Mansfield, who was
like a father to his men, and they grieved sincerely when a little later he
fell mortally wounded in their ranks. The Tenth fought well, but the
glory of the day, so far at least as Maine was concerned, was won by the
Seventh Regiment. Palfrey says in his "Antietam and Fredericksburg":
"In the afternoon, between four and five, the Seventh Maine performed
a very brilliant exploit. ... It was ordered out to drive away some
skirmishers, and performed the task, and not only gallantly but brilliantly
encountering Texas, Georgia, Mississippi and Louisiana troops of Hood's
division and losing half the men it went out with." The brigade com-
mander responsible for the slaughter was relieved from command next day.
He had been an officer of the regular army and had done good service in
the Mexican War, but was intemperate. The Seventh furnishes a striking
instance of how regiments are often worn down by disease and diminished
by details. When it made this charge it was commanded by a major, and
was only 181 strong.

Six Maine regiments and two batteries were at Fredericksburg, but
of the infantry regiments only three were seriously engaged. The Second
lost between a fourth and a third of its strength ; and the Sixteenth, then
in battle for the first time, more than half. Both batteries took an active
part in the fight.

There were few Maine regiments in the battle of Chancellorsville. The

THE CIVIL WAR— MILITARY HISTORY 477

Seventeenth was engaged in the hot fighting of the second day, and suf-
fered heavy loss. Its good record was, however, somewhat marred by the
circumstance that its lieutenant-colonel withdrew a portion of the regiment
from the line of battle to reform, without urgent necessity or the permis-
sion of his superior officer. There were many other officers, however, guilty
of a similar fault.

Among the batteries which covered the retreat of the second day, was
the Fifth Maine, Captain Leippen. Major Bigelow says in his recent mono-
graph on the Chancellorsville campaign that the battery was almost in-
stantly cut to pieces, every officer was disabled, six men were killed and
twenty-two wounded, every horse was hit, and finally the battery was
abandoned by all except Corpl. James H. Lebroke, who fired the last shot
alone.' General Couch had requested Lieutenant Kirby, of the regular artil-
lery, to take charge, and later some Pennsylvania soldiers were sent to drag
the guns off by hand. Lieutenant Kirby was lying on the ground with a
shattered thigh, wounded almost as soon as he joined the battery. The
soldiers wished to carry him off. ''Take that gun first," he said, and the
last piece of the battery was hauled to safety. 4 Kirby was also removed.
Both he and Captain Leippen died soon after, but not before they had
received promotion. More than two months before Captain Leippen had
been recommended for promotion to the vacant place of lieutenant-colonel
of the Maine artillery regiment. The recommendation was signed by the
commander of the division of which his battery was a part, and by its
brigadiers and the staff officers attached to it. He was duly commissioned
by Governor Coburn, but because of some delay he was not mustered in
until less than a week before his death.

One of Maine's best officers fell in the battle. In the morning of the
second day, Major-General Berry was brought down by a Confederate
sharpshooter, a victim to his courage and carefulness. He had insisted on
doing a dangerous bit of work himself, instead of turning it over to a staff
officer. Another Maine general met the greatest disaster of his career.
Gen. Oliver O. Howard commanded the Eleventh Corps, which was taken
in reverse and routed by Stonewall Jackson. How far he was responsible
for the catastrophe is a much disputed question. Perhaps the fairest ver-
dict would be that proper attention was not paid at Howard's headquar-
ters to repeated warnings, that the enemy was threatening the flank, and
that General Howard must bear part of the blame, but that the most
important information arrived during his absence. A thorough discussion
of the matter may be found in Hamlin's "The Battle of Chancellorsville"
and Bigelow's "The Campaign of Chancellorsville."

While Lee and Jackson were defeating Hooker at Chancellorsville,
Sedgwick with the Sixth Corps was fighting a second battle of Fredericks-

'Bigelow, ''Campaign of Chancellorsville," 360, 370.
'Whitman and True. "Maine in the War," 412.

47 8 HISTORY OF MAINE

burg. Marye's Heights, from which the Union forces had been repulsed
with such fearful loss in the previous December, were now stormed. The
flag of the Sixth Maine was the first to be planted on the redoubt at the
top of the hill. Fox says : "The regiment was then in the famous Light
Division of the Sixth Corps, and did not fire a shot during the charge, but
carried the works with the bayonet; and mention is made of one man in
the Sixth, who bayoneted two adversaries, and then brained a third with
the butt of a musket. The loss of the regiment in that battle was 23
killed, in wounded, and 35 missing. Major Haycock and four captains
were killed." 5

The day after the capture of the heights, the Confederates were rein-
forced. Fredericksburg was retaken and Sedgwick nearly surrounded, but
he held out till night and then escaped across the river. In this battle the
Fifth Maine did valuable service and lost a third of the men it took into
the fight.

Hooker, instead of keeping his cavalry with him, had sent most of it
off on an unwise and ill-executed raid. The fault, however, was with the
commanders rather than the men. The First Maine Cavalry took part in
this expedition and showed courage and resource. In the Gettysburg
campaign which followed, the regiment greatly distinguished itself. When
Lee began his march northward to invade Pennsylvania, the cavalry of the
two armies were used by the respective commanders to cover their own
movements and to find out those of the enemy. There were four battles,
the First Maine was actively engaged in all, and in two may be said to
have saved the day.

In the battle of Gettysburg, Maine took a greater part than in any
other first-class battle of the war. She had on the field ten infantry regi-
ments, a company of sharpshooters, one cavalry regiment and three bat-
teries. It will be remembered Meade had not planned to fight at Gettys-
burg, that only two of the Union corps were seriously engaged on the first
day, and that they were finally driven back with great loss. The only
Maine regiment in these corps was the Sixteenth. When the retreat was
ordered, the division commander directed the regiment to hold a hill at
any cost. The order was bravely obeyed, but prolonged resistance was
impossible; the enemy pressed too closely to permit of escape, and the
regiment was practically annihilated. Fox says : "Of the 248 officers and
men engaged, . . . the casualties amounted to 9 killed, 59 wounded,
and 164 captured. At the close of the fight, 2 officers and 15 men alone
remained ;' Colonel Tilden was taken prisoner with his men. Many of the
wounded died and nearly all the amputations proved fatal."

The Second Maine Battery, Captain Hall, also rendered good service.

6 Fox. "Regimental Losses," 128.

"These figures are for the whole battle. It will be noted that, according to the
losses as given by Fox, only 16, not 17, men should have been present for duty.

THE CIVIL WAR— MILITARY HISTORY 479

In the second day's battle many Maine troops were engaged. The
hill of Little Round Top, on the extreme left of the Union line, had been
occupied only as a signal station. The Confederates moved to capture it,
and had they done so the Union army would have been subjected to an
enfilading fire which no troops could withstand. At the last moment Vin-
cent's brigade occupied the hill.' One of its regiments was the Twentieth
Maine, Colonel Chamberlain. It protected the flank of the brigade and had
a very sharp contest with two Alabama regiments. The lines swayed back
and forth for some time, but the enemy finally gave way. In 1893 Con-
gress voted General Chamberlain a medal of honor for the "daring heroism
and great tenacity" displayed by him.'

A little to the right of Round Top, the Third Maine, Colonel Lakeman,
highly distinguished itself. General Sickles had placed his corps forward
of the Union line. It was necessary to discover the position of the Con-
federates. Sickles sent a hundred sharpshooters and the Third Maine,
only two hundred and ten strong, to reconnoiter. This was done most
brilliantly. Colonel Fox says : "The regiment made an advance outside the
lines which developed the enemy's position and elicited timely warning of
the attack on Sickles' corps. The tenacity with which the Third Maine
held that skirmish line at Gettysburg is worthy of note." General Sickles
is reported to have declared that "the little Third Maine saved the army
today." Messrs. Whitman and True state in their history that the com-
mander of the brigade said to Colonel Lakeman : "Colonel, I had to send
three times to you before I could get your regiment to retire. I believe
you intended to stop there all day ; they did nobly, sir, and your officers and
men are deserving of unbounded praise." Whitman and True say: "Had
it not been for the masterly manner in which the officers executed Colonel
Lakeman's commands in that trying position, as well as the random firing
of the enemy, the regiment would have been annihilated." As it was, it
lost over a fifth of its men. On its withdrawal to the main body the Third
was stationed in the famous Peach Orchard and won its full share of glory
in the courageous though unsuccessful defense of that position. The total
loss of the regiment at Gettysburg, incurred almost entirely during the first
two days, was 30 killed, 47 wounded, 45 missing, or about 58 per cent, of
the number engaged.

The Fourth Maine also did excellent work and suffered heavy loss.
The lieutenant-colonel was absent, Colonel Walker and Major Whitman
were both wounded, the latter fatally. The Seventeenth was likewise
desperately engaged, losing more than one-third of its number killed and
wounded. Of the Nineteenth, Colonel Fox says: "Under command of
Colonel Heath the regiment was conspicuously engaged at Gettysburg,
where it suffered a feu d'enfer, that cost it 29 killed, 166 wounded, and 4

'It was later reinforced by Weed's brigade.

"Norton, "Attack and Defense of Little Round Top.'

480 HISTORY OF MAINE

missing; a total of 199 out of 440 present, all told." Unlike the regiments
just mentioned, the Nineteenth was not engaged until late in the afternoon,
when it interposed between Humphries' division and the enemy, and led a
gallant charge which prevented the Confederates from piercing the Union
line and perhaps from reaching the Taneytown road.

A little earlier a Maine officer and a Maine battery had helped render
a like service. After the breaking of the Third Corps, a fatal gap had
been left in the Union line. This was perceived by Lieutenant-Colonel Mc-
Gilvery, the titular commander of the Maine "regiment" of light artillery.
The batteries, however, did not fight as a regiment, and the field officers
were assigned to other positions. Colonel McGilvery was then command-
ing the first brigade of the artillery reserve. Perceiving the danger, he
sacrificed the Ninth Massachusetts battery to check the Confederates, while
with extraordinary effort he got together a line of guns to hold the gap.
Among the forces thus summoned was the Sixth Maine Battery, Dow's.
When the fight was ended by the arrival at the last moment of infantry
supports, every battery or part of a battery in the line had withdrawn or
been captured except the Sixth Maine and two guns of the Fifth Massa-
chusetts.

The Maine troops took little part in the battle of the third day, but
when a portion of Pickett's division broke into the line at Cemetery Hill,
the Nineteenth Maine was one of the regiments rushed up to meet them.
General Gibbon was wounded in its ranks while leading the regiment and
the Twentieth Massachusetts to the rescue.

The Nineteenth Maine hastened to the right and joined the troops in
front of Pickett's men. The historian of the Nineteenth says:

"Several regiments from our own brigade and that of Colonel Hall
hurried to Webb's assistance, and without much organization, were massed,
many deep, around the hapless Confederates who had penetrated our lines.
For ten or fifteen minutes the contending forces, in some places within
rifle length of each other and in other places hopelessly mingled, fought
with desperation. Those in front used the butt ends of their rifles, and those
in the rear of the crowd of Union soldiers fired over the heads of those in
front, and some of them hurled stones at the heads of the Confederates.
The ground was covered with men dead, and men wounded and bleeding.
In swift succession the Confederate flags went down and the men who had
crossed the wall, despairing of success, threw up their hands in token of
surrender.'"

Some regiments which were held in reserve, and so took no part in
the battle, did splendid marching to reach the field. The Fifth Maine is
said to have marched thirty-six miles in seventeen hours, without even
stopping to make coffee.

The campaign following Gettysburg was one rather of maneuvering
than battle, but some minor engagements were hard fought. In one of

•Smith. "History of the Nineteenth Maine Regiment," 82-83.

THE CIVIL WAR— MILITARY HISTORY 481

these, that of Rappahannock Station, Maine troops greatly distinguished
themselves. General Lee had fallen back behind the Rappahannock, but
had left a detachment protected by strong fieldworks on the north side of
the river at Rappahannock Station. It was determined to capture the place,
and by a clever ruse Gen. A. D. Russell brought the Sixth Maine and Fifth
Wisconsin near to the enemy's works without their being discovered. He
then gave the order to storm, which was most gallantly carried out. Fox
says:

"There was no more brilliant action in the war than the affair at
Rappahannock Station. The Sixth Maine was the most prominent in that
successful fight, although gallantly assisted by the other regiments of the
brigade. 10 The enemy, about 2,000 strong, occupied an entrenched position ;
the Sixth Maine, with uncapped muskets, supported by the Fifth Wiscon-
sin, stormed their works, and, springing over them, were engaged in a des-
perate strugle, some of the fighting being hand to hand; bayonets were
freely used; and in one case an officer thrust his saber through an antag-
onist. Good fighting was also done at other points of the line, the total
result being a brilliant victory, with large captures of men and material.
But the brunt of the fight fell on the Sixth. It lost 38 killed and 101
wounded, out of the 321 present in action; and of 21 officers engaged, 16
were killed or wounded."

In a note to his sketch of the Sixth Corps, Fox says : "At Rappahan-
nock Station, Captain Furlong of the Sixth Maine leaped over the enemy's
works, and after employing his revolver, fought with a clubbed musket,
swinging it round his head until he fell dead. After the battle his body
was found among a pile of dead, several of whom had been killed by the
blows of a musket stock."

While many Maine regiments and batteries were fighting in the armies
of the Potomac and the Shenandoah, others were engaged on the Southern
coast and the lower Mississippi. The Eighth Regiment did excellent work
in the siege of Fort Pulaski at the mouth of the river, and was honored
by having its flag chosen as the first to be hoisted over the fort after it had
surrendered. The Ninth Regiment served with distinction on Morris
Island and took part in both the assaults on Fort Wagner. Its losses dur-
ing these attacks and in the siege operations were severe. A detachment
from the Eleventh assisted in serving the siege cannon and mortars and
manned the famous "Swamp Angel" which bombarded the city of Charles-
ton itself.

Eleven infantry regiments, five of which were enlisted for nine months
only, served in Louisiana. The Fourteenth took a very prominent part in
the battle of Baton Rouge, and suffered the greatest loss of any regiment
except one. Seven regiments and one battery accompanied Banks in his
Port Hudson expedition, and shared in one or both of the bloody and ill—

"The Fifth Maine also took a prominent part in the affair.
ME— 31

482 HISTORY OF MAINE

advised assaults on that place. Near the close of the siege, volunteers were
called for for a storming column or forlorn hope. The force was divided
into two battalions, one of which was commanded by Colonel Bicknell, of
the Fourteenth Maine, but while the men were being given a special train-
ing as stormers, Vicksburg fell, and Port Hudson at once surrendered.

During the siege the Confederate general, Dick Taylor, made a well-
managed attack on the Union posts in Louisiana. On June 27 two bri-
gades and a battery appeared before Donaldson, a town on the Mississippi
between Baton Rouge and New Orleans. There was a square redoubt
between a bayou and the river. "The parapet was high and thick, like
the levees, and was surrounded by a deep ditch, the flanks on the bayou
and the river being further protected by stout stockades extending from
the levees to the water, at ordinary stages. The work was held by a mixed
force of 180 men, comprising two small companies of the Twenty-eighth
Maine — F, Captain Edward B. Neal, and G, Captain Augustine Thompson —
besides a number of convalescents of various regiments. Major Joseph D.
Bullen of the Twenty-eighth was in command. The garrison numbered 180
men, the attacking force some 1,300 to 1,500. The fort, however, was sup-
ported by a powerful gunboat. In the early morning of the 28th the Con-
federates charged. The water was low, and the enemy on one side at least
was able to pass around the stockade. "The assault was made in the most
determined manner. Shannon, with the Fifth Texas, passed some of his
men around the end of the river stockade, others climbed and helped one
another over, some tried to cut it down with axes, many fired through the
loopholes, Phillips made a circuit of the fort and tried the bayou stockade,
while Herbert, Seventh Texas, attempted to cross the ditch on the land
side. The fight at the stockade was desperate in the extreme; those who
succeeded in surmounting or turning this barrier found an impassable
obstacle in the ditch, whose existence, strange to say, they had not even
suspected. Here the combatants fought hand to hand ; even the sick who
had barely strength to walk from the rampart took part in the defense. The
Texans assailed the defenders with brickbats; these the Maine men threw
back on the heads of the Texans ; on both sides numbers were thus injured."

At about four the attack lost most of its vigor, and a half an hour
later the fighting ceased. The Confederate loss had been very heavy. The
defenders reported 8 killed and 13 wounded. A little later the garrison
suffered a severe loss, though not at the enemy's hands. Irwin says in his
"History of the Nineteenth Corps" 11 : "On the 5th of July Bullen, the hero
of this heroic defence, whose name deserves to live in the memory of all
that love a sturdy man, a stout heart, a steady mind, or a brave deed, was
murdered by a tipsy mutineer of the relieving force."

In the autumn the Thirteenth and Fifteenth Maine did good service
in an expedition to Texas. Four Maine regiments were in the unfortunate

"Irwin, "Nineteenth Corps," 242-247.

THE CIVIL WAR— MILITARY HISTORY 483

Red River expedition. The army encountered the Confederates when it
was strung out on a narrow road, with considerable distance between its
divisions, and the Thirteenth Corps was driven back in great confusion,
but reinforcements were hurried forward and the enemy repulsed. The
Maine regiments took part in the rescue, the work of the Twenty-ninth
and the Thirteenth being especially important and honorable. Although the
enemy had been stopped, a council of war decided that evening to retreat,
and the Twenty-ninth Maine was chosen to act as a rear guard, an honor
that the regiment (which had been looked down on by those of longer
service) greatly appreciated. Next day the Maine regiments took part in
the battle of Pleasant Hill, the Thirtieth suffering heavily. After the bat-
tle, though a victory, the retreat was continued. At Alexandria the Maine
regiments, which contained many lumbermen, did good work in obtaining
timber for Colonel Bailey's famous dam which increased the depth of the
Red river and so enabled the gunboats to escape. Shortly after the close
of the expedition, several Maine regiments were transferred to Virginia.
They nobly did their duty in the desperate, bloody and unsuccessful attacks
which marked the progress of the Union army from Washington to Peters-
burg and in the battles of the "siege" of Petersburg, when Grant was
attempting to extend his lines and cut the enemy's communications. These
conflicts much resembled each other. A description of them would be like
a tale many times repeated, and is not necessary in a general history of the
State. But some account should be given of four particularly courageous
attacks by Maine troops.

On May 19, Grant was preparing to flank Lee out of his position at
Spottsylvania, when Ewell seized the Fredericksburg road, the main line
of communication with the army's base. A division of foot artillerists con-
sisting of the First Maine and the Seventh New York had been posted
nearby, under General Tyler. Swinton says: "Tyler promptly met this
attack and succeeded in driving the enemy from the road and into the woods
beyond. The foot artillerists had not before been in battle, but it was
found that once under fire, they displayed an audacity surpassing even the
old troops. In these murderous wood-fights, the veterans had learned to
employ all the Indian devices that afford shelter to the person; but these
green battalions, unused to this kind of craft, pushed boldly on, firing furi-
ously. Their loss was heavy, but the honor of the enemy's repulse belongs
to them." The loss was indeed heavy, the First Maine had 82 killed and
394 wounded.

Two specially heroic charges were made at Spottsylvania. The first
was under the direction of Emery Upton, who had so distinguished himself
at Rappahannock Station. The ground to be traversed was carefully
examined by the division commander, General Russell, by Upton, and by
the colonels of the twelve regiments who had been selected for the storm-
ing party. Among those chosen were the Fifth, Sixth and Seventh Maine.

484 HISTORY OF MAINE

The formation of the ground permitted the attacking party to be massed
out of sight of the enemy. At the signal for attack the troops rushed
forth with a cheer, crossed the intervening space and mounted the parapet.
But the Confederates did not flinch. Colonel Upton said in his report:

"The enemy, sitting in their pits, with pieces upright, loaded and with
bayonets fixed, ready to impale the first who should leap over, absolutely
refused to yield the ground. The first of our men who tried to surmount
the works, fell, pierced through the head with musket balls ; others, seeing
the fate of their comrades, held their pieces at arm's length and fired down-
ward, while others, poising their pieces vertically, hurled them down upon
their enemies, pinning them to the ground. The struggle lasted but a few
seconds. Numbers prevailed, and, like a resistless wave, the column poured
over the works, quickly putting hors de combat those who resisted and
sending to the rear those who surrendered.""

The Union troops pressed on, carried the second line and had made
an opening for the division that was to come to their support, but they failed
to arrive, and it was necessary to abandon the captured works.

Two days later, the Fifth Maine, with the rest of Upton's brigade,
took part in the fight at the salient commonly known as the Bloody Angle.
Captain Lamont of this regiment, the only one of seven captains who
escaped in the assault of the ioth, was among the killed. He was the vic-
tim of treachery. A white flag had been displayed on the enemy's breast-
works and the Fifth and other troops, advancing to take possession, were
met by a terrible fire and obliged to retreat in all haste.

In June, Grant attempted to hold Lee in his front while a portion of
the army surprised Petersburg, which was almost ungarrisoned. But there
was a fatal delay, the responsibility of which has been much debated.
Petersburg was reinforced and its defenses strengthened. A storm was
now almost if not quite impossible, but General Meade, undiscouraged by
several repulses, determined on another effort and sent peremptory orders
"to attack at all hazards." The attempt was made and was everywhere
repulsed. In this attack the First Maine Heavy Artillery made a famous
charge. Its division commander, General Mott, "determined," says General
Walker, "to try what virtue there might be in the enthusiasm of a new,
fresh, strong regiment, not yet discouraged by failures," selected the First
Maine to lead the attack. There was a brief desperate rush, shorter and
more bloody than that at Balaklava, and all was over in fifteen minutes at
most. Nine hundred and fifty men left the Union lines. Two hundred and
eighteen came back. One hundred and fifteen had been killed, 489 wounded,
there were 28 missing, most if not all of whom were dead or wounded.
The loss exceeded that of any Union regiment in any battle, but it is fair
to state that there are nine regiments with a higher percentage of loss.

Mention should also be made of the activity and courage shown by

'Michie, "Uptc

THE CIVIL WAR— MILITARY HISTORY 485

the First Maine Cavalry during the same campaign. Fox says : "At St.
Mary's Church, Virginia, the First Maine made a desperate fight against
great odds, losing 10 officers and 56 men, killed, wounded, and missing,
out of 260 who were engaged."

Several Maine organizations served in the Valley of the Shenandoah
during the fall of 1864. The First Maine Battery and the Twenty-ninth
Maine Infantry particularly distinguished themselves at Cedar Creek.

A new regiment had been formed of the soldiers of the Fifth, Sixth
and Seventh Maine that remained in service, and was called the First
Maine Veteran Infantry. When Wright's corps stormed the Petersburg
entrenchments, the brigade which formed the tip of the wedge that pierced
the enemy's line was commanded by Colonel Thomas W. Hyde, and among
the regiments forming it was his own, the First Maine Veteran. Hyde
says in his little book of reminiscences: "When we reached Hatcher's
Run, Captain Merrill, of the 1st Maine, with 14 men, crossed it on fallen
trees, and captured and brought back 79 men, the sharpshooters of Heth's
division. This shows how a night attack had demoralized our gallant foe."
A little later the whole division was annoyed and then repulsed by a battery
directed by an elderly officer on a gray horse. The division was formed
for another charge, and meanwhile Hyde sent Lieutenant Nichols of the
First Maine with fifty men to get round the hill and shoot the battery horses.
The next charge was successful and the battery was taken. General Hyde
says :

"I asked a mortally wounded artillery officer, who was propped up
against a limber, what battery it was. 'Captain Williams, of Pogue's North
Carolina battalion,' said he. 'And who was the officer on the gray horse?'
I continued. 'Gen. Robert E. Lee, sir, and he was the last man to leave
these guns,' replied he, almost exhausted by the effort. What a prize we
had missed ! — this gallant old man, struggling like a Titan against defeat.
He had ordered his battery commander to die there, and had done all one
brave man could do to save his fortunes from the wreck. They told us
the house had been his headquarters during the siege of Petersburg. In a
Confederate 'Life of General Lee' I have seen this incident mentioned, but
the account says he saved the battery."

The Eighth, Eleventh and Thirty-first Maine also did excellent work
in the storming of Petersburg, and the Eighth and Eleventh rendered good
service and suffered considerable loss in the pursuit of Lee, as did the First
Maine Heavy Artillery. The Nineteenth saved an all-important bridge
which the Confederates had almost succeeded in burning.

The First Maine Cavalry took a very active part in the final cam-
paign, having one-third of its men and one-half of its officers killed or
wounded. It greatly distinguished itself by delaying a superior force at
Cat Tail Run, the day before the battle of Five Forks. At Appomattox
the brigade of which it was a part held the road by which Lee was attempt-
ing to escape, and when it gave way and was on the point of breaking, there

486 HISTORY OF MAINE

appeared the Fifth and the Twenty-fourth Corps, and the regiment and the
brigade might scatter as they pleased, their work was done, and well done.
At the sight of infantry across their line of retreat, "the rebel host stag-
gered back, and their whole line wavered as if each particular man was
terror struck. The curtain fell on four years of fighting." 1 *

Two of the flags of truce when Lee asked for terms came into General
Chamberlain's lines and to him was assigned the honor of commanding the
troops before whom the Confederate army filed and laid down its arms.
In respect for the bravery shown by the vanquished, General Chamberlain
ordered his men to give the marching salute, a courtesy deeply appreciated
by the Confederates.

Something should be said of the officers whom Maine gave to the
service, but to describe the careers of even the most deserving would
occupy more space than could well be spared and individual sketches will
be given of only Generals Howard and Chamberlain, who were perhaps
the most widely known of the Maine officers, and of Generals Williams and
Ingalls, two regular army officers, whose fame, at least among civilians,
bears no proportion to the services which they rendered.

Oliver Otis Howard was born at Leeds, Maine, November 8, 1830.
He studied at various schools and academies, entered Bowdoin before he
was sixteen with the class of 1850, and completed his course, but was not
present to graduate with his class. His uncle, Hon. John Otis, was then a
member of Congress and it fell to him to nominate a cadet for West Point.
Mr. Otis evidently believed that he who will not provide for his own house
is worse than a heathen, and nominated his son, but the young man failed
to pass the physical examination. He then nominated his nephew, Oliver,
who was accepted. While at the Academy, Cadet Howard showed his
manliness by frequently visiting another cadet who for no serious reason
was being "cut" by nearly every student in the Academy. On the breaking
out of the Civil War, Lieutenant Howard resigned his position in the regu-
lar army to accept the colonelcy of the Third Maine Infantry. He soon
after was made commander of a brigade which did reasonably good work
at Bull Run. In 1863 he was given another brigade and commissioned a
brigadier-general. At Fair Oaks his right elbow was shattered by a rifle
shot, and it was necessary to amputate. He was engaged at Antietam and
Fredericksburg, and in 1863 was assigned to the command of the Eleventh
Corps. His misfortune at Chancellorsville has been mentioned on another
page. At Gettysburg his corps was again driven back in confusion by a
superior force of the enemy; Howard did good work in rallying them and
occupying Cemetery Hill. He claimed and brought considerable evidence
to prove that he selected the position, but the friends of General Reynolds,
Howard's superior officer, who was killed early in the battle, are of the
opinion that he sent an order to Howard to occupy the ridge, and Hancock

'Speech of Colonel Cilley, quoted in Tobie, "First Maine Cavalry," 437.

GEN. OLIVER O. HOWARD

THE CIVIL WAR— MILITARY HISTORY 487

and his staff claimed that he was in command when the First and Eleventh
Corps were reformed on the Ridge, and that the chief credit of saving it
belonged to him. On the third day of the battle, Howard and his corps
took an honorable part in the repulse of Pickett's charge. Livermore, in
his careful study of the campaigns of 1863, says that Howard committed
a grave error in not withdrawing the Union forces to Cemetery Ridge
earlier in the battle, and the Comte de Paris is of the same opinion. Gen-
eral Schurz, however, presents strong arguments on the other side.

In the autumn, the Eleventh Corps was sent west and took an active
and honorable part in the operations under Grant and Sherman. After
McPherson was killed at Atlanta, Sherman assigned Howard to the com-
mand of the Army of the Tennessee, and he did efficient work in the
March to the Sea and the march through the Carolinas.

When the war closed, Howard was made head of the Freedmen's
Bureau. He also took a chief part in founding and became president of
an institution at Washington for the education of colored people, Howard
University. From 1874 to 1880 he was commander of the Department of
the Columbia. For two years he was commander at West Point, which
was then a military department. He remained in the army, holding various
commands, until November 8, 1894, when, having reached the age of sixty-
four years, he was retired, as required by law. In 1896, with other promi-
nent Union officers he toured the country speaking for McKinley, and in
1900 again took the stump for him. He performed a similar service for
Roosevelt in 1904, and took an active part at the inauguration parades of
1897, 1901 and 1905, commanding the division of veterans. General How-
ard died at his home in Burlington, Vermont, on October 26, 1909.

Oliver O. Howard was a very religious man, of the old-school "evan-
gelical" type. In public and in private he proclaimed his faith, and pro-
moted the cause of Christ as he understood it, in a manner suggesting a
clergyman rather than a general. This gave him the name of "the Have-
lock of the Army," and won him great popularity with the church people
of the country, but rather injured him with many of his brother officers
whose daily walk, and still more whose language, were by no means pious.
General Howard was deeply interested in the cause of education, and did
much both for Howard University and Lincoln Memorial University in
Tennessee. He was a kindly man, utterly opposed to the rigid demerit
system at West Point, and himself free from the stiff martinet notions too
often characteristic of the regular officers. In business it might have been
wished that he had been a little more of a formalist. Rhodes says of his
appointment as head of the Freedmen's Bureau, that "Howard, the choice
of Lincoln, was by virtue of his amiability and philanthropy an excellent
man for the place, but his conduct of financial affairs was loose, and he
needed the supervision of a systematic and critical President and Secretary
of War." His conduct of the bureau was severely criticised, and he was

4 88 HISTORY OF MAINE

twice investigated, once by a committee of the House and once by a special
court of high officers with General Sherman at its head. In both cases he
was acquitted with high honor. The committee and the House, however,
divided on partisan lines, and General Howard appears to have done some
things which though not evilly meant would be of evil example.

General Howard has also been accused of injustice to troops under his
command. Many of the Eleventh Corps felt bitterly his silence when the
country rang with denunciations of them after Chancellorsville. He is also
said to have reported to Meade, on reaching Gettysburg, that the First
Corps fled at the first contact with the enemy. If so, he grossly wronged
troops who fought with the greatest heroism, suffering terrible loss. The
Sixteenth Maine was a part of the First Corps, and its historian, Major
Small, declares that the members of the corps will never forgive Howard.

Joshua L. Chamberlain was born in Brewer, Maine, September 8, 1828.
On his father's side he was descended from a member of the Plymouth
colony, on his mother's from a Huguenot who came to Boston in 1685.
"His grandparents were among the substantial and enterprising families
which came from Massachusetts and New Hampshire at the close of the
War of the Revolution to apply their energies to ship-building, milling and
farming in the rich region about the head of tide-water on the Penobscot
river. His parents were typical characters. English strength and French
grace made a good combination for a home." In his own nature there was
a remarkable blending of the active and the contemplative. As a boy he
worked hard on his father's hundred-acre farm and also spent much time
in solitary meditation in the woods. He attended school at a "military
academy" in Ellsworth, entered Bowdoin College with advanced standing,
and graduated in 1852. He then entered Bangor Theological Seminary and
graduated in 1855. A master's oration on "Law and Liberty," delivered
at Bowdoin that year, had been received with great favor, and he was
offered and accepted an instructorship at Bowdoin in Natural and Revealed
Religion. He was later given other titles and duties, and taught Rhetoric
and Oratory, French and German. In 1862 he entered the Union army and,
declining the command of a regiment, was made lieutenant-colonel of the
Twentieth Maine. He distinguished himself at Antietam and Fredericks-
burg, and took an honorable part at Gettysburg. He did excellent work at
Topopotamy and the North Anna, and at Bethseda Church and Cold Har-
bor. He was then made commander of a newly organized brigade of
choice troops. In the attack on Petersburg, on July 18, he conducted a
desperate charge with marked skill and courage, was shot through the body,
and received the extraordinary honor of promotion on the field. General
Grant says in his Memoirs: "Col. J. L. Chamberlain, of the Twentieth
Maine, was wounded on the 18th. He was gallantly leading his brigade
at the time, as he had been in the habit of doing in all the engagements in
which he had previously been. He had several times been recommended

THE CIVIL WAR— MILITARY HISTORY 489

for a brigadier-generalcy for gallant and meritorious conduct. On this
occasion, however, I promoted him on the spot, and forwarded a copy of
my order to the War Department, asking that my act be confirmed and
Chamberlain's name be sent to the Senate for confirmation without delay.
This was done ; and at last a gallant and meritorious officer received partial
justice at the hands of his government, which he had served so faithfully
and so well."

General Chamberlain took an active part in the final campaign, was
brevetted major-general "for conspicuous gallantry" at the battle of the
Quaker Road, and General Grant assigned to him the honor of command-
ing the troops before whom the Confederate army filed and laid down their
arms.

During his service, General Chamberlain was engaged in over twenty
battles and several times that number of lesser fights; he had five horses
shot under him, and received six wounds. After leaving the army the
general resumed his professorial work, but in 1866 he was elected Governor
of Maine and served until 1871. He was then chosen president of Bowdoin
and held that position until 1883. A considerable part of this period he was
professor of mental and moral philosophy, he also lectured on political
science and public law. His health requiring change of occupation and a
southern residence, he spent some years in the South as president of a
railroad construction company. In 1900 he was made surveyor of cus-
toms at Portland, and was continued in office until his death in 1914.

General Seth Williams was born in Augusta, on March 24, 1822, and
was a member of the well-known Williams family, being a nephew of
Governor and Senator Reuel Williams. At the age of sixteen he entered
West Point, and graduated four years later with the class of 1842. He
served with honor in the Mexican War, and was presented with a sword
by his fellow-citizens of Augusta. Soon after the close of the war he was
appointed adjutant at West Point, and served until 1853, when he became
assistant adjutant-general and was transferred to Washington. In i860
he was sent to the West. After the outbreak of the Civil War he was
appointed adjutant-general on the staff of General McClellan, then com-
manding in West Virginia. After the close of the campaign he was engaged
in office work in Washington until 1862, when he was made adjutant-gen-
eral of the Army of the Potomac, which position he filled with the highest
credit until November, 1864. Then, as his health was failing, he was
appointed inspector-general and sent on a southern tour. He returned to
headquarters in time for the final campaign and was present at the sur-
render. Williams had been Lee's adjutant at West Point and he was the
only Union officer to whom Lee spoke with any cordiality.

Although naturally of a strong constitution, General Williams' intense
labor had. undermined his health. In February, 1866, brain trouble devel-
oped and he died on March 23.

490 HISTORY OF MAINE

General Williams had some of what a civilian is apt to consider as
the prejudices of a West Pointer, but he was a man of the highest character,
and was loved by all who knew him. Over forty years after his death,
Morris Schaff, who had served as a young lieutenant on the headquarters
staff of the Army of the Potomac, wrote: "There was never a sweeter
temper or a kindlier heart than Williams' ... his face [was] full, open
and generous, and always lit up as if there were a harp playing in his
breast."" The press of the country paid high tributes to him on his death.
The New York Evening Post said :

"General Williams was the style of man that the army and country
can ill-afford to spare. He was a professional soldier in the best and most
honorable spirit of his profession; and having no ends or aims but as a
servant of the country, he was as true to duty as if nothing else but duty
was possible. He had no politician's talk of patriotism, no boasting of
services and dangers; but quietly noble, wherever duty was, there he was
to do with rare efficiency his whole task. Of his distinguished merits as an
officer there is but one judgment.

"But our remembrance of the public character of General Williams is
almost lost at this moment in our sense of the man-^of his beautiful nature,
and of the personal and irreparable loss of those who knew him as the
war left him. They saw how years spent among scenes of turbulence and
blood seemed but to quiet and refine him ; and that as to his honors and
services he was the only person who did not seem to be informed of them.
So modest was he, of such a delicate and gentlemanly spirit, and while so
able and unwearied, unrelaxing in his own duties, so generous in his judg-
ment as to the duties and services of others, that to know him made it a
necessity to love him. No one could name him, at least to any army officer,
without meeting the warm answer, and even exclamation of attachment and
respect, as if this one man were the common and beloved property of all."

The Xation said : "The name of no man attaining equal rank came less
before the public during the war than that of Major-General Seth Williams,
but the memory of none who have yet to die will be held more sacred by
soldiers than his. Painfully diffident of his own merits, shrinking from
note, modest as a girl, in all duty he was great, comprehensive, resolute
and untiring."

Another Maine officer of the staff, a man of a different type from
General Williams, but one who, like him, rendered great service now half-
forgotten, was Rufus Ingalls, the quartermaster-general of the Army of the
Potomac. General Ingalls was born in Denmark, Maine, August 23, 1820.
He was educated at West Point, graduating in 1843 m the same c ^ ass as
Ulysses S. Grant. He served with credit in the Mexican War, but missed
most of the battles, as he was with that part of the army which occupied
New Mexico. He was then made a captain in the quartermaster's depart-
ment and served for some years in California. On the outbreak of the
Civil War he was sent to Fort Pickens, was soon made chief quarter-

"Schaff, "The Battle of the Wilderness," 44.

THE CIVIL WAR— MILITARY HISTORY 491

master on the south side of the Potomac, and then aide to General Mc-
Clellan. In 1862 he was given the rank of brigadier-general of volunteers,
and later became chief-quartermaster of the Army of the Potomac. Schaff,
after describing Williams, and Hunt, the chief of artillery, says:

"There is a great temptation to dwell on other members of the staff.
On Ingalls, the chief quartermaster, a classmate of Grant's: a chunky,
oracular-looking man, who carried sedulously a wisp of long hair up over
his otherwise balding pate, and who, besides being the best quartermaster
the war produced, could hold his own very well with the best poker players
in the army or Congress, and in those days there were some very good ones
in both Senate and House.""

All the serious fighting of the war occurred far beyond the boundaries
of Maine. She was not, however, exempt from alarms and from depreda-
tions off her coast. At the outbreak of the war, numerous companies of
Home Guards were formed; on April 30, 1861, the Kittery company of
artillery was stationed at Fort McClary, near the Navy Yard, and remained
there until July 9, when it was relieved by a Biddeford company under
command of Captain Andrews. At Portland, Captain Staples' company was
ordered to Fort Scammel in the harbor. The latter companies were mus-
tered into the national service. The government also ordered a body of
forty men to be raised as a garrison for Fort Sullivan, Eastport.

In October, 1861, Governor Washburn appointed Vice-President Ham-
lin, Reuel Williams and John A. Poor commissioners to urge upon the
United States government the fortification of the Maine coast. The gentle-
men accepted the task, and promises were made. Later a number of bat-
teries were erected on the coast, but it has been said that they would have
been of little use in case of need.

Maine commerce suffered from the depredations of the Confederate
cruisers, and there was much feeling over what was regarded as the totally
unjustifiable negligence of the authorities at Washington. The Whig in
an editorial of July 13, 1861, said:

"The boldness of the Arago in capturing a number of our vessels
almost in sight of our New England coast, should admonish our Govern-
ment of the imperious necessity of establishing an extensive and efficient
coast defense for the large sea-ports, and putting afloat enough armed ves-
sels to make the pathless courses of the sea as safe as our rural highways.
We have urged this before. What is there to prevent a Southern privateer
from laying Portland under contribution and burning the fleet that is
anchored in its harbor, or performing the same costly operation, some
pleasant morning, upon any of our towns which sit unarmed in the very
salt spray of the sea? Maine has an immense property interested in navi-
gation. The keels of her thousands of ships vex the waters of all the seas
around the globe. It is all-important that they should be protected and our
numerous but unprotected harbors into which they bow their welcome
returns should be so fortified that at least a little privateer with half a

'Schaff, "Battle of the Wilderness," 45.

492

HISTORY OF MAINE

dozen guns and a hundred men would not dare to approach them. No mat-
ter what the cost may be, our property must be protected from the ravages
of pirates." 16

In 1863 the Whig called for the issuing of letters of marque to private
persons to catch the "privateers" ;" the danger of causing a war with Eng-
land was admitted, but the Whig declared that it were better to run that
risk than to submit to a total destruction of commerce. "It has already
become hazardous for a vessel even to make a coastwise trip, because a
rebel sailing craft with a single gun is prowling along shore. It would
seem that a few guns could be thrown aboard any one of our passenger
steamers, and this pirate captured in twenty-four hours.""

There was special reason for the Whig's irritation. In May, 1863,
Captain Moffit of the notorious Confederate cruiser Florida, detached the
captured vessel Clarence, under Second Lieutenant Read, with orders to
enter harbors, burn vessels, and destroy such as were building. Soon after
Read set out for the New England coast. On June 12, a little east of
Mount Desert, he captured the Taconey, and as she was a better boat than
his own he transferred his men and arms to her and burned the Clarence.
From June 12 to June 24 he captured nineteen vessels ; some of these he
burned, others he spared on written pledges of ransom. On June 25th he
captured, off Southport, the fishing schooner Archer, transshipped his crew
for the second time, and burned the Taconey. On the 26th Read captured
two fishermen who consented to pilot him into Portland harbor, and told
him that two gunboats were being built at Portland, that the revenue cut-
ter Caleb Clashing was stationed there, and that the fine steamer Chesapeake,
a staunch, swift propeller which ran between Portland and New York,
would be in the harbor throughout the night. Read determined to conceal
the arms of his men and slip into Portland. If hailed from the forts they
would answer that they were fishermen coming to purchase bait. The
Archer, however, passed the forts without challenge, and "came to anchor
after sunset near Pomeroy's Rock, off Fish Point." The captured fishermen
had seen no weapons and believed that their captors were out on a spree
and had been playing a joke when they said that they belonged to the Con-
federate Navy. Read had hoped to seize the Caleb dishing and the Chesa-
peake, and burn the unfinished gunboats and the rest of the shipping in
the harbor. But the engineer feared that he could not get steam up on
the Chesapeake without the aid of a second engineer, the nights were
short, and Read decided to seize the Cushing, get from under the guns of
the forts, and burn the shipping. The commander of the Cushing had
recently died, his successor had not arrived, and the vessel was in charge
of the first officer, Lieutenant Davenport. The lieutenant and about twenty

"Il'hig, June 26, 1863.

"In the North the Confederate vessels devoted to preying on commerce were
• !'■ : Titled privateers, but they were owned by the Confederate government and
imanded by regularly commissioned officers.

THE CIVIL WAR— MILITARY HISTORY 493

men were on board, the rest of the crew were ashore. About half-past one
in the morning the Confederates, dressed as fishermen, boarded the cutter
and seized the unwary crew before they could make resistance. Read
said in his report: "As the cable could not be slipped, it was two o'clock
before we could get under way. The wind was now very light, the tide
was running in and, before we could get from under the guns of the fort,
day dawned." Escape was now the one object of the Confederates. At
7:30 the departure of the Cushing was discovered from the Observatory.
The mayor of Portland, Captain McLellan, was a man of great energy,
with little regard for formalities. He at once commandeered the Chesa-
peake, and when the agent hesitated to allow her to proceed, he promptly
offered the city's property and his own as security against loss of any kind.
Judge Hale, in his paper, "The Capture of the Caleb Cushing," from which
this account is taken, says : "Just as the steamer sailed, the captain fur-
ther asked the mayor for his instructions. I have heard some of Captain
McLellan's old neighbors describe his reply, delivered in his sharp, staccato
tones, 'Catch the damned scoundrels and hang every one of them.' "

The collector of the port, Mr. Jedidah Jewett, was also an energetic
man, but possessed of more deference for authority and rules. In his report
to the Secretary of the Treasury he respectfully explained:

"I at once came to the conclusion that this was an exigency when
I ought not to wait for orders from you, but assume the responsibility of
her recapture for the government.

"I at once chartered the Forest City, a 700-ton side-wheel steamer of
the Boston line, and also the small steamer Casco as a transport to take the
guns and men from Fort Preble wharf, the steamer Forest City drawing
too much water to lie at it. I also chartered a steam tug propeller and
sent her to the upper bridge in our harbor to take on board the men of the
7th," and as evidence of the prompt response to my calls I would state that
in fifty minutes after I had learned of the capture of the cutter, three
steamers had left the wharf to overhaul her.

"Finding that, at the suggestion of the mayor, the steamer Chesapeake,
propeller, of the New York line, was getting up steam, I put Colonel Mason
and the largest portion of his command on board of her, she having obtained
two brass six-pounders from the State Arsenal. She also had about fifty
volunteers of all ages and colors, who armed themselves and repaired on
board.

"The wind was light, and the pursuing vessels began to overhaul the
cutter, the latter fired several shots without effect, and Captain Read,
deciding that escape was impossible, sent off his prisoners, fired the Cushing,
and with his men took to the boats, which were picked up by the Forest
City. As the Cushing had considerable powder on board, it was deemed
too hazardous to attempt to save her, and she was allowed to blow up.
Lieutenant Davenport and his men had refused to tell their captors where

"A part of the Seventh Maine was at Portland, recruiting under Colonel Mason.
The extemporized fleet also had on board the garrison of Fort Preble, thirty men of
the Seventeenth United States Infantry under Captain Merriman, who had just arrived
to take command of the Caleb Cushing.

494 HISTORY OF MAINE

the powder and cartridges were, and the Confederates were unable to find
them. Had they done so the affair might have been much more serious,
the pursuing vessels being weaker in armament, intended to ram, and the
fight might have ended after severe loss of life on their part in the sinking
of the Cushing and the drowning of nearly all on board, including Lieu-
tenant Davenport and his men."

There was some danger of disturbances within the State, as well as
of Confederate attacks on the coast. Congress had passed a draft law, and
threats were uttered in Maine as in other States that it would be forcibly
resisted. As the time for its execution approached the threats became
more numerous and fiercer. There were also rumors that Confederate
cruisers were near the Maine coast, and in June the attempt, just described,
was made to cut out the Cushing. Precautions were accordingly taken
against riots and raids. Light artillery four- and six-pounders were sent
to Calais, Belfast, Boothbay, Bath, Lewiston, Norway and Dexter. These
towns, together with Biddeford, Portland, Rockland, Wiscasset, Castine,
Bangor, Machias and Eastport, which were already supplied with guns,
maintained a constant readiness for any hostile demonstrations from what-
ever quarter. A Portland company of State Guards were ordered out and
guarded the harbor until August 19. Some sixteen privates and three non-
commissioned officers of this company were, however, retained in service
as a guard at the State Arsenal and for occasional picket duty elsewhere,
until the 15th of September, when they were finally discharged from fur-
ther active duty. ... At Bangor, his Honor, Mayor Dale, deemed it
prudent to have such public property stored at the State Arsenal as might
be made available to an enemy or a mob, removed to localities in the city
more easily and securely guarded. Joseph N. Downe, Esq., an experienced
artillerist (though not in commission), was placed in charge of the city
defences and the drilling of gunners. At Biddeford, Captain Ira Andrews,
formerly of the Coast Guard at Kittery in 1861-62, exercised similar author-
ity, and at Norway, Captain Sylvanus Cobb, Jr., of C Company of State
Guards of the Third Division, was vested with the command. At all of
those places, as also at Rockland, Belfast, Dexter, Lewiston, Calais and
other places, brass fieldpieces were kept shotted, and other needful vigilance
exercised for the maintenance of law in all its dignity."

In only one case, however, was forcible resistance made to the draft.
In Kingfield a mob of about fifty men prevented the officer who was to
distribute notifications to drafted men from entering the town. In the
neighboring towns of Freeman and Salem the houses of the enrolling offi-
cers were entered and the notifications carried off. The Lewiston Light
Infantry, made up chiefly of returned soldiers of the Tenth Regiment and
a detail of enlisted men from Augusta, were placed under an officer of the
provost marshal's department, furnished with four days' rations and ten

•Hale, "Capture of the Caleb Cushing," Coll. Maine Hist. Soc, III, 5, 191-211.

THE CIVIL WAR— MILITARY HISTORY 495

rounds of ball cartridges for each man, and sent to the disturbed district.
Certain members of the expedition had been selected to deliver the notifica-
tion ; they duly carried out their instructions, and the troops returned to
Lewiston"

Far the largest part of the Union army was raised by volunteering,
stimulated by the payment of bounties and the hiring of substitutes. Con-
scription was extremely repugnant to American feeling. On July 18, 1861,
the Whig said :

"Our past and present history demonstrate that the volunteer system
is amply sufficient, whether we become engaged in a foreign war or have
a domestic rebellion to crush. . . . Everybody knows that a new regi-
ment could be enlisted in this vicinity in ten days. Yet it has been found
impracticable to enlist two or three hundred men to fill up the second regi-
ment to the maximum standard, or get a hundred for a New York regi-
ment, here, which is being attempted. Our men simply want to go into a
regiment where they can elect their own officers. They want to know and
have something to say as to what officers, from colonel to corporal, shall
command them."

Unfortunately, this feeling of independence sometimes resulted in the
choice of inferior officers, men who were better stump speakers than com-
manders in camp and field. Moreover, the new soldiers learned their duties
much more quickly if absorbed by experienced regiments than if left to
themselves, a bunch of raw recruits, and several skeleton regiments were
less easily handled in battle than an equal number of men forming a single
military unit. But though the government endured these disadvantages for
the sake of obtaining volunteers and though both the Nation and the States
paid bounties, sufficient enlistments could not be obtained, and resort was
had to a draft where men would not enlist otherwise. The Whig, always
ready to support the Government, now justified the new method of raising
the army. It said: "The conscription falls upon all alike. The principle
which underlies it is, that all citizens have an interest in the welfare of
the State, and alike owe it service in arms against the enemy. If all are
needed, all must go; when only a part are required, the selection of those
who first take their turn under arms is made by drawing lots; but all are
liable to draft."

Many people, however, refused to take so sensible a view. The towns
felt that they would be shamed if they could not fill their quota without a
draft. Furthermore, an unfortunate provision of the law allowed a man
to obtain exemption by paying $300, and this was regarded as favoring the
rich. The advantage was balanced if the State, town or county offered a
bounty which could be used by a poor man to escape the draft. As a result
there was a wild bidding for recruits by the different towns, thus placing
a needless burden on the taxpayers, delaying recruiting by encouraging men

"Report, Adjutant-General, for 1863, p. 12.

496 HISTORY OF MAINE

to hold off in the hope that the bounties, already large, would be increased,
and lowering the character of the recruits. Some towns attempted to pre-
vent a draft within their limits. Machias voted to borrow money to pay
$300 for each man drafted. Pownal in a full town meeting voted 4 to I
to pay $300 to every drafted man. The Lewiston Journal expressed the
opinion "that such places as Pownal would be benefitted by a visit from
Stuart's cavalry." No such armed missionaries arrived, but the plans of
the draft evaders met with a serious check from a more regular and peace-
ful intervention, that of the Supreme Court of Maine. Exercising his con-
stitutional right to obtain the opinion of the judges "upon important ques-
tions of law, and upon solemn occasions," Governor Coburn asked the court
if the towns could raise money, either by loans or taxation, to pay the $300
commutation. The eight judges joined in a negative opinion, written by
Chief Justice Appleton. They said that as a general principle the towns
could not make a gift to favored individuals, still less could they do so
when the obvious and inevitable tendency of the act was to defeat the
objects of the draft law, for Congress desired to raise men : not money.
If one town could pay the commutation of its citizens, all could, and the
government would be left without an army and helpless.

The decision did not, however, apply to the granting of bounties for
enlistments, and the towns continued their eager competition for men. The
State had encountered great difficulties in deciding what number of men
the several towns should furnish. In 1861 there was simply a general rais-
ing of volunteers, in 1862 the State called for a definite number of men
from each locality, basing its demands on the population according to the
census of i860. In order to prevent the wealthier cities and towns from
enticing away inhabitants of the smaller places by offering large bounties,
every recruit was required to enlist from his residence unless its quota
were already filled, but, said Adjutant-General Hodsdon, in his report for
1863, "at least one-third of those enlisting, where it was for their interest
managed through connivance of recruiting officers and other means to have
the records and returns made to this office so as to evade this restriction.
The consequences were in raising the troops in 1862, most bitter controver-
sies between towns, presented for adjudication to the governor and adjutant-
general, frequently involving all the acrimony of an aggravated pauper
lawsuit."

The apportionment of the United States calls of 1863 was based on
the State enrollment, with such slight changes "as limited personal obser-
vation, without much labor to ascertain the facts, would suggest." The
results, in some cases, were almost grotesque. To quote Adjutant-General
Hodsdon once more: "Instances are known of names being drawn for
persons who had been dead for years. Men were drafted who had long
been non-residents of the locality for which they were drawn. Others had
the good fortune to be in the service when they were drafted, and although

THE CIVIL WAR— MILITARY HISTORY 497

not securing any additional pay and emoluments, doubtless felt honored in
being considered worthy to do double duty for their country." These, how-
ever, were regarded as exceptional cases. But when in October there came
another call based, by strict orders of the War Department, on the former
enrollment, there were loud complaints. Unfortunately revision meant a
long delay in obtaining men, and the authorities at Washington strictly for-
bade any change. They did, however, order a new and careful enrollment
as a basis for future calls. There was a strong demand that to meet the
immediate difficulty the Legislature be called in extra session, a uniform
bounty granted by the State, and the towns forbidden to give any; but,
said Adjutant-General Hodsdon:

"It was foreseen, from intimations received at the War Department,
that another call would be made as soon as this quota was filled, and if
the State assumed at the outset the payment of all bounties, and issued its
scrip and bonds to raise the necessary amount, it could be expected to do
no less for the next call, and the large sums to be raised for both might,
with the previous indebtedness of the State, affect its credit; for though
an amount of indebtedness larger than that which the State would incur
by assuming the whole, might be incurred by the towns making up the
State, yet the capitalist, when contemplating an investment in State secur-
ities, looks at the amount of State debt as such, in bonds and certificates
issued from the State Treasury. Aside from this fact, it was known that
towns in the fear of a draft, with ready credit to raise money and hope of
more speedily securing their quotas, would find the ways and means of
evading the letter of the law, if it prohibited municipal bounties. This
fact has been well illustrated in Massachusetts, where the Legislature was
assembled, and uniform bounties voted payable from the State Treasury.
Hardly had the Legislature adjourned before towns and cities commenced
raising large sums of money as recruiting funds, amounting often to as
much for each man as the authorized State bounty, and though every effort
was made by the Governor of that State to prevent this proceeding in
direct violation of the spirit if not the letter of the law, yet no satisfactory
result was obtained, and many towns as well as the State are burdened
with debt incurred for the raising of this quota."

It was determined therefore to adopt the halfway measure of a recom-
mendation. An order was issued by the adjutant-general in the Governor'3
name, stating that: "It is probable that bounties uniform in amount and
not less than $100 nor exceeding $200 per man, will now be paid volunteers
by the respective cities, towns and plantations in the State. Great injustice
will be wrought to the smaller and poorer localities, by exceeding this
amount in any instance, as such towns and plantations may find it impos-
sible to fill their quotas by reason of their citizens seeking larger bounties
elsewhere than are offered at home. Attempted restrictions upon the enlist-
ment and credit of men for localities other than their residences are imprac-
ticable, yet it is hoped that no man will enlist and receive bounty, except
from his own town, unless the quota thereof is previously filled."
me.— 32

498 HISTORY OF MAINE

Most of the cities and towns offered $200, and some, disregarding the
Governor's wish, offered $300 or $400. Hoping to put a stop to this
inequality, the Governor on December 9 issued another order directing that
no recruit should hereafter be credited to a locality paying over $200 bounty
directly or indirectly, unless he were a resident of that town, or unless his
own town had filled its quota. The later calls were more easily answered
because of the passage of laws allowing States to be given credit for their
citizens who enlisted in the navy.

During the earlier part of the war, the State had itself given the mod-
erate bounty of two months' pay, or $22 to $40, to non-commissioned
officers and privates. This was received by the members of the first ten
infantry regiments. The giving of bounties by the State was then sus-
pended until July, 1862, when there was granted a bounty of $45 to volun-
teers entering new regiments, and $55 to those enlisting in old organiza-
tions. On February 2, 1864, both these bounties were increased to $300,
and town bounties were forbidden. Drafted men or their substitutes were
given $100. The total amount of State bounty paid between April 12, 1861,
and December 31, 1865, was $4,584,636. The State also allowed the towns
to grant certain aid to the families of soldiers and to draw on the State
Treasury for the amount. There was expended in this manner $1,960,-
801.99. If the estimate of a commission which inquired into the matter
is correct, the cities, towns and plantations of the State gave in bounties
$8,490,559.28. There was also a record of "private contributions and do-
nations" of a value of $843,280. But many gifts were unrecorded and the
total amount probably exceeded $1,000,000.

The localities were clamorous for assistance from the State to enable
them to meet the debts they had incurred. There was some justice in the
demand, for the cities, towns and plantations had been obliged to furnish
men in proportion to their population, but the cities and larger towns were
wealthier than the smaller places not only absolutely but relatively and
could more easily bear the cost of bounties.

In 1867 the Legislature directed the Governor and Council to obtain
the opinion of the Supreme Court on the right of the State to assume and
equalize the municipal war debts. The Governor and Council were also
directed to appoint a commission of five persons to examine the subject
and report a plan of equalization. The court delivered an opinion that
the State had no legal right to assume the debts. The commission, however,
was duly appointed and reported that the most equitable and practicable
method of relief, having regard to the ability and credit of the State, was
for the State to pay $100 for each man furnished after July 2, 1862, for
three years' service, and a proportionate sum for each man furnished since
that date for a lesser period. Moreover, every $100 bounty paid before
July 2, 1862, for three years' service, should count as one man. The com-
mission met the opinion of the court by proposing that a constitutional

THE CIVIL WAR— MILITARY HISTORY 499

amendment be passed. An amendment such as they recommended, except-
ing the counting of every $100 bounty as a man, was passed by the Legis-
lature and adopted by the people. The total amount of bonds authorized
by the amendment was limited to $3,500,000. The amount actually issued
fell below the maximum. A commission appointed to pass on claims
adjudged the sum due to be $3,105,183.33.

As the towns complained to the State that their quotas were exces-
sive, so the State complained to the National government that her quota
was disproportionately large. During the first year of the rebellion, and
until July 2, 1862, no definite quotas were asked for from several States.
From the organization of regiments under the President's call in May,
1861, to May 21, 1862, regiments were organized under acceptances of the
War Department. But in September 1863, Maine was officially informed
that her quota for 1S61 was 17,560 and that there was a deficiency of 1,595,
and that there was a deficiency on the call of July 2, 1862, of 4,548 men,
or nearly half the number demanded; that is, there was a deficiency of
6.143 three years' men. It was also claimed that there was a deficiency
of 2,024 nine months' troops. Adjutant-General Hodsdon promptly replied
that no deficiency in the quota of Maine volunteers, apparent or other-
wise, should be exacted from Maine :

"Because from the migratory character of the people of Maine, many
of her residents have enlisted in the volunteer organizations of other States,
and were accounted to the quota of those States, Maine has a much larger
proportion of this class of soldiers than any other State. Over twenty-four
hundred (2400) residents of Maine are known to have enlisted with volun-
teer organizations of other States, and doubtless the number is larger by
one-third than has been reported.

"Second, Maine has furnished from her extended seaboard to the
United States Navy more than three times the number of seamen than has
any other State. In many of our towns the entire able-bodied male popu-
lation is engaged in seafaring pursuits, and a large proportion of this popu-
lation are sailors in our naval service. It is estimated that at least six
thousand (6000) citizens of Maine are in the United States Navy."

At that date the Government had no legal authority to make a deduc-
tion on account of naval enlistments, even if definitely proved, or of enlist-
ments in other States. But further examination of the records at Augusta
and Washington gave Maine an additional credit of 361 men for 1861, and
2,712 three years' men. In the following year no objection was made to the
quota demanded from Maine, probably because she was credited with
6,754 men enlisted in the navy and the marine corps.

Maine furnished thirty-one regiments of infantry, three of cavalry (the
so-called First District of Columbia Cavalry was almost wholly raised in
Maine), one of heavy artillery, seven batteries of field artillery, seven com-
panies of sharpshooters, thirty companies of unassigned infantry," seven

'Unassigned, that is, when raised.

5 oo HISTORY OF MAINE

companies of coast artillery, and six companies for coast fortifications.
Maine was also credited with 6,754 men m tne navy and the marine corps.
The adjutant-general's records showed 72,945 credits to Maine. Of these
3,400 were re-enlistments, and 2,000 men paid commutation, which would
give 67,545 as the number of men bearing arms. 2 " Of these 3,200 were
killed or mortally wounded, and 5,592 died from diseases or other causes.
It has been estimated from the records that 11,309 men were disabled by
wounds or disease. Some of them died after discharge as a result of their
disabilities, and others who were disabled were not reported. There were
3,840 cases of desertion, 2 men were cashiered, 22 were dismissed from the
service, and 47 were dishonorably discharged.

The raising of the Maine quota was not accomplished without a great
scandal, that of the "paper credits." The draft had given rise to a new
occupation, that of the substitute broker. He hunted up men who would
enlist, often paying a private bounty in addition to that given by the Gov-
ernment, and then sold their enrollment to drafted men desiring substi-
tutes. The brokers were frequently unscrupulous, and their recruits were
often persons of bad character. In filling the calls on Maine, certain
brokers and others obtained credits not for individuals but for towns.
Frequently no new soldiers were obtained for the Government, but men
not previously on the quota of the State were so entered, and it is to be
feared that sometimes "this class of naval heroes," as an agent once de-
scribed them, existed only on paper, hence the affair was usually referred
to as that of the "paper credits."

By virtue of laws passed in 1864, Maine was entitled to count men
enlisted in the regular army, the navy and the marine corps, as a part of
her quota. Thereafter various persons appeared at Augusta with lists of
names of men whom they asserted Maine could legally claim, obtained their
acceptance by the United States acting assistant provost marshal general
and the Maine adjutant-general, with an agreement to credit them to such
places as the holder of the list should name, and sold the assignments to
various towns, usually for $400 per man. The contractor himself paid
the men the United States bounty.

There was a widespread feeling in Maine that the towns, the State and
the Nation had all been cheated. The Whig expressed the feeling of thou-
sands when it said : "The vast and shameful system of fraud by which
many quotas last year were filled on paper and without producing men, is,
we trust, to be completely broken up, and we hope that the men engaged
in it whether they be high or low will be exposed. Congress and the Legis-
lature owe it the people, to the cause in which we are engaged, and to
themselves, to do this."

One of the principal substitute broker firms was that of Delany &
Yates of Augusta. Delany was tried by a court martial and found guilty

"The real number was somewhat less.

THE CIVIL WAR— MILITARY HISTORY 501

of recruiting without authority from the War Department, obtaining money
from Maine cities and towns on false pretences, falsely assuming to be an
officer, and aiding desertion. He was fined $45,000 and sentenced to ten
years' imprisonment. The payment of the fine was remitted, and he was
released after thirteen months' imprisonment, which he afterward claimed
was merely nominal. In 1870 he appeared before a commission appointed
to investigate the paper credits and made some very startling statements.
He swore that Major Littler, the acting assistant provost marshal general
for Maine, sent men who had come to ask about enlistment to him, that
he sold their assignments to towns and gave Littler a share of the profits,
amounting, he thought, to from $2,000 to $5,000. He also swore that he
had done business with Henry A. Williams when he was commissioner of
enrollment, and with Captain Charles A. Holmes when he was mustering
officer and paymaster. Delany said that he would sometimes arrive with a
hundred men (these at least were not paper credits) after office hours,
would prevail on Holmes to muster them, and would pay him for it. He
thought that he had paid Holmes from $1,500 to $2,000 in all. He also
testified that when Adjutant-General Hodsdon refused to allow certain men
to be quotaed without authority from Washington, he sent an agent and
$3,000 to Washington, and that the order was issued. He said that he
had seen a receipt purporting to be signed by Provost Marshal General
Frye, and that the receipt provided that the $3,000 should be returned if
the men were not quotaed as he desired. 28 Delany stated that he offered
money to General Hodsdon, but that the general refused it, and forbade him
ever to repeat such an offer. Many of the agents of the towns, who were
often one or more of the selectmen, took care of their own interests as
well as that of their towns. Delany's partner testified : "The agents of
most all of the town6 to whom we sold men had to have their pockets
greased; I mean to say we usually gave them a bonus of from $15 to $25.
There were many instances in which the agents of towns had a bonus of
so much per man. Some few agents refused to accept it. The receipts
were given for the whole sum, including the bonus, but the money paid
us was less than the receipt by from $15 to $25 per man." Mr. Yates
admitted, however, that all the agents might have given the bonus to their
towns. If Delany told the truth, one selectman appears to have retained
$900 of the money of his town. On the other hand, one of the principal
brokers, D. T. Pike of Augusta, swore that various receipts shown to him
by the committee were for the exact sums paid. He said : "In no instance
did we give a receipt for a greater sum than was actually paid by us, and
if any persons have so testified it must have been the result of a mistake
or because there was some misunderstanding in regard to the term of
service of the man."

M It is fair to Frye to remember that Delany is a suspicious witness and that
Rhodes, after considerable examination of the working of the Provost Marshal's
Bureau, says that "beyond a doubt Frye's management was honest and efficient."

5 o2 HISTORY OF MAINE

Different from yet allied to the question of graft or corruption, is that
of the making or conniving at false statements by public officers. Select-
men freely made affidavits that the men whose credit they bought were
residents of or liable to enrollment in their towns, when they knew that
such was not the case. They excused themselves on the ground that the
affidavit was a mere form, that the men were living in the United States
and not claimed by any town, although this statement was accepted on the
mere say so of the brokers, and that they might be regarded as residents
of the town to which they were assigned.

Higher officials were also concerned in the matter. Adjutant-General
Hodsdon had some knowledge of what was going on and connived at it.
When consulted by the agents of towns, he advised them to fill the quota
from residents of their towns, and made entries on his books in such a
manner that the towns would not be able to claim reimbursement from the
State for bounties for the purchased men. But in the matter of giving
credits, he regarded himself as the mere clerk of the United States assistant
provost marshal general at Augusta. When the question of the credits
first arose this office was held by Major Gardiner, a highly honorable man.
A list of names for credit was presented to him. He at first accepted it,
then decided that the responsibility was too great, and refused to return the
list, but sent it on to Washington. Soon after, Major Gardiner was re-
moved and Major Littler put in his place, and orders came from Washing-
ton to credit the men in the list as the agents desired. Major Gardiner had
been in poor health, but Adjutant-General Hodsdon testified that his duties
were always well performed. Major Gardiner for some months tried in
vain to be reinstated, and he firmly believed that he had been got out of
the way that a more compliant man might be put in his place.

A naval commission consisting of the Governor of Maine and the act-
ing assistant provost marshal-general had been established to deal with the
matter of naval credits. Adjutant-General Hodsdon was asked by the
investigating commission :

"Q. Was there not a great anxiety on the part of the Naval Com-
mission to swell the claim of naval credits as much as possible for the pur-
pose of relieving the State from bounties and the towns from the pressure
of the draft, so that less scrutiny was exercised in examining said returns
than would have been under different circumstances?"

"A. Yes."

"Q. Did not the duplication of returns give municipal officers oppor-
tunities to claim the same man twice over in many instances, and did not
the Naval Commission, in all such cases, fail to correct such duplication?"

"A. The names upon returns were extended upon the books and
indexed as fast as claims were filed, and it was the duty of the clerks to
make thorough examination of the recorded names upon each return and
strike out those names duplicated. A slight variation in names was very
likely to have secured improper allowances."

THE CIVIL WAR— MILITARY HISTORY 503

Political considerations also had their influence in assignments. A
State agent for recruiting in Washington and the South wrote to Adjutant-
General Hodsdon : "I have today forwarded the papers fully approved, of
31 naval recruits from the gun-boat Canonicus ; as I only desire to retain
a sufficient number of these men to remunerate me for the actual expenses
incurred, you or the Governor, or both, are at liberty to assign 10 or 15 of
them to any towns that may be hard pressed politically, if it will aid us
any in the election."

An investigation of the subject of the paper credits was made in 1870.
Governor Cony was dead, but a member of an earlier committee stated upon
oath that the Governor had told the committee "that he distributed these
credits for political purposes, that if he had to do it again he might do it
in a different way, but should do it because we were fighting, as he said,
a political battle of equal importance, in his opinion, to any in the field."

The affair which made the greatest stir in the matter of the paper
credits was the alleged granting of sixty naval credits to A. B. Farwell
to dispose of at his pleasure. Mr. Farwell was a man of some prominence
in Maine, and his conduct was the object of severe criticism. He gave
several statements of what his action as recruiting agent had been, and there
were serious discrepancies between them. The investigating commission of
1870 remarked:

"With the most strenuous purpose to credit Mr. Farwell, we should be
perplexed to determine which Mr. Farwell, — the one who, fresh from the
event, in February, 1865, made a statement before the legislative investigat-
ing committee, which was taken down in writing by Hon. Nathan Webb,
or the one who more than six years after the event — subscribes and swears
to the testimony taken before us. In the former he states that he had a
commission from the adjutant-general, and procured all his men under that
authority. In the latter he swears that he refused to take a commission
from the adjutant-general, and to be considered a recruiting officer, and
only had a letter from the Governor. In the former he said that he paid
a maximum of $600 for men, and $450 for a personal substitute. In the
latter he testifies that he paid a maximum of $700 for men and $550 for a
personal substitute. In the former he relates that of his 60 or 80 men all
but twelve or twenty were men already in the Navy, on board two different
war vessels, whose enlisting papers he had bought. In the latter he makes
oath that the whole number, not varying ten from seventy-five, were en-
listed and mustered into the army in the vicinity of Washington. In the
former he plainly implies that he bought the enlistment papers of Stim-
son's, Gaslin's, Emery's and Manley's men. In the latter he admits that he
bought only Emery's and Manley's men, and it is otherwise proved that
he did not buy Stimson's. In the former he makes no complaint of mis-
assignment or loss of men. He was so successful that he had men to spare,
and after generously donating ten or fifteen men, which the adjutant-
general assigned for political purposes at his written request, he sold what
he had left so as to get back what he had paid out, and a little more. In
the latter he complains under oath that he lost some 50 or 60 men, by the
misassignment of the State authorities, and more than $30,000 which he had

5 o4 HISTORY OF MAINE

disbursed for them, more than what he got back by sale and payment, and
that the State authorities repaid this loss by turning over to him 60 or more
men from the general naval credits. It is difficult to reconcile these two
statements or to make them appear like veritable recitals of the same trans-
action."

Mr. Farwell's final explanation was that his men were credited to
towns by mistake, and that to save him from heavy loss naval credits whose
sale would balance his expenses were put at his disposal by Governor Cony.
The commissioners mentioned various improbabilities in this story, and
regarded it as unworthy of belief. It may be that they did not make suf-
ficient allowance for real defects of memory.

Adjutant-General Hodsdon confirmed Farwell's story and his evidence
is valuable. On the other hand, papers relating to the matter had disap-
peared and some which remained threw doubt on Farwell's tale. An elab-
orate discussion of the matter might unduly lengthen the chapter and
weary the reader. Those with a special interest in the scandal or a fond-
ness for historical puzzles, will find material for further study in the com-
missioners' report.

Another person who later played a prominent part in Maine politics
and who was involved in the sale of credits to towns, was Joseph H. Manley
of Augusta. He testified before a committee in 1866 that he had by con-
siderable effort secured the credit to Maine of the men whose names were
on his list, and that he refused an offer of $550 a man if he would abandon
the Maine claim and prosecute in behalf of Massachusetts. In 1870 Mr.
Manley was an officer of the Internal Revenue bureau. A request for his
attendance on the commission was sent in, but he seems to have been unable
or unwilling to appear.

Chapter XVIII
HISTORY OF MAINE REGIMENTS

CHAPTER XVIII
HISTORY OF MAINE REGIMENTS

The First Regiment — This was composed chiefly of companies already
existing. It enlisted for three months in the United States service, went
to Washington, did no fighting, and returned home when its term expired.
Many of the officers and some of the men re-enlisted in what was consid-
ered by the authorities a new regiment, and named the Tenth Maine. Most
of the old companies, however, retained their identity and letter, but Com-
panies A and D, formerly the Portland Light Infantry and Portland Rifle
Corps, were not recruited to the required number and other companies
were raised to take their place. The new Company A came from Saco.
Company D came from Aroostook and New Brunswick, and many of the
soldiers were deserters from the English garrisons. Its first campaigning
was under Banks in the Shenandoah Valley, where it won high honor and
suffered serious loss at Cedar Mountain. It was also heavily engaged in
the battle of Antietam. Late in April the regiment was sent home for dis-
charge, the period of service being reckoned as two years from the muster
in of the First Maine. Companies A and D and the three years' recruits
were retained and formed into the Tenth Battalion. The battalion remained
a separate organization, serving in Virginia, Tennessee and Louisiana, for
about a year, and was then merged in the Twenty-ninth Maine, which had
been raised by officers of the Tenth.

In February the Twenty-Ninth took a highly honorable part in the Red
River expedition. A little later it was sent to the Shenandoah Valley, and
distinguished itself in the battles of Winchester, Fisher's Hill and Cedar
Creek. It remained in the Valley till the end of the war, and took part in
the Grand Review at Washington. A portion of the regiment was then
discharged ; the rest was sent South, where it remained, maintaining order
and, with the Freedman's Bureau, governing the district where it was sta-
tioned, until June, 1866, when it was then mustered out. An excellent
account of the triple regiment, especially interesting at this time, may be
found in the history of the First, Tenth and Twenty-Ninth Maine, by
Major John M. Gould. This is one of the very best of the histories of
Maine regiments. It is not a mere description of battles, but gives a vivid
picture of the life of the camp. Bound with the history is a good account
of the Tenth Battalion by Chaplain Leonard G. Jordan.

Second Maine Infantry. — The second regiment was drawn from the
Penobscot Valley, chiefly from the upper part of the district. Five of the
companies were reorganizations of voluntary companies. The others were
specially raised. Six came from Bangor, and one each from Brewer, Old
Town, Milo and Castine. Although the second to be mustered in, the regi-
ment, thanks to the measles in the First, was the first to reach the front.

5 o8 HISTORY OF MAINE

It left Bangor on May 14, but did not arrive at Washington until May 30,
being obliged to remain on Long Island, New York, for about a fortnight,
while it also wrestled with the measles. Flags were presented to it in Ban-
gor, Boston and New York, and at Centreville on the way to Bull Run it
received a magnificent silk banner costing $1,200, the gift of Maine ladies
residing in San Francisco. It had been sent to the first Maine regiment,
and a question arising as to whether this meant the first to enlist or the first
to reach the front, the donors were appealed to and they requested Vice-
President Hamlin to select to receive it the first to reach the front, or a
regiment composed in part of lumbermen. The Second possessed both
qualifications, and was given the flag.

The regiment took an honorable part in the battle of Bull Run, where
the new flag was saved with the utmost difficulty. Messrs. Whitman and
True say in their history, "Maine in the War":

"Capt. Jones of Company C, which was the color company, fell in the
first charge, mortally wounded. He was taken prisoner and died during the
month, at Richmond, Virginia. Lieut. Skinner of his company was cap-
tured while he was endeavoring to rescue him from the enemy. William
J. Deane of Company A, color sergeant, was mortally wounded at the same
fire as Capt. Jones, while carrying the new and beautiful flag presented to
the regiment but the day before from the ladies of San Francisco. He was
placed on a stretcher and fell into the enemy's hands, but died the same day.
Chaplain Mines wrote that he saw him after he was wounded. He was
carried off tenderly and laid on the grass close by a little brook. A shot
had broken his arm and cut through his throat, so that he breathed through
the wound. Lieut.-Col. Roberts had told him meantime the fate of the
flag. He beckoned to the chaplain, who knelt and put his ear close to the
sufferer's mouth. He whispered, 'It's safe!' 'What,' said the Chaplain,
'the flag?' He nodded his head, smiled, and closed his eyes. He never
spoke again. The flag, stained with his blood, was seized as he fell bv
Corporal Americus V. Moore of Old Town, a member of Company K,
another of the color guard, who was almost instantly shot dead, and the flag
was left on ground which the rebels immediately occupied. All shouted at
once, 'We must have that flag.' Up the hill Col. Jameson led the regiment.
The rebels almost had their hands on the standard, when our men rushed
to the rescue, and it was recovered without being polluted by rebel hands."

The flag, or rather the remnant of it which is left, is owned by Mrs.
F. L. Tuck of Bangor and was carried in the Liberty Loan parade of April
6, 1918.

The Second had won honor by its bravery at Bull Run, but a little
later some of its members stained its reputation by a mutiny. The regimem
had enlisted for three months under the President's call, and for two years
in the service of the State. While on Long Island they were visited by a
United States officer who wished to muster them in for three years, and
most of the men signed a three years' engagement but some refused. On
August 3, three months after the regiment left the State, 66 men refused
to do duty. Such action was unjustifiable, for they were at least bound for

MAINE REGIMENTS 509

two years to the State. They were arrested, tried by court martial and
sentenced to imprisonment on the Dry Tortugas, "but this was commuted
to a transfer to the Second New York, where they served about one year
when they were returned to the regiment and served faithfully during the
remainder of its term." The regiment took part in the Peninsular cam-
paign, doing good work at Hanover Court House and Gaines' Mill. It
suffered considerably at the second Bull Run, and at Fredericksburg lost
nearly a fourth of the number engaged. The regiment was present but
not heavily engaged at Chancellorsville, and about a fortnight later was
sent home for discharge, its period of service being considered as two years.

Third Maine Infantry* — The Third Maine was mustered into service
on June 4, 1861, with Oliver O. Howard as its first colonel. "The regiment
was composed largely of hardy specimens of Kennebec lumbermen. The
average individual weight of one company was one hundred and seventy
pounds." The regiment shared in the long hard march to Bull Run, the
misfortunes of the battle and the disorderly retreat. Shortly afterward it
was stationed on Flag Hill, and is reported to have executed a neat bit of
camouflage. Messrs. Whitman and True say: "The operations of 'the
stove pipe artillery,' as it was called, originated here. The boys went into
a meeting-house, got a piece of stove pipe, mounted it on a pair of wagon
wheels that they obtained, and run it up a hill in sight of the enemy, where-
upon the rebels commenced firing at it with their cannon; our boys aban-
doned their 'gun,' after the first shot, but had the satisfaction of seeing the
enemy waste twelve shot on it." 1

The regiment took part in the Peninsular expedition, and lost nearly
a third of its number killed and wounded at Fair Oaks. It was actively
engaged in the battles of the Second Bull Run and Chantilly, and greatly
distinguished itself at Gettysburg. It again suffered severely in the Wilder-
ness. Its lieutenant-colonel and major were both killed in the first battle
of that campaign. Its term of service being about to expire, it was ordered
home while in line at Cold Harbor, was returned to Augusta, and there
disbanded.

Fourth Maine Infantry.* — The Fourth Maine Infantry was raised in
the Penobscot Bay region. Four companies came from Rockland, two
from Belfast and one each from Damariscotta, Winterport, Wiscasset and
Searsport. The regiment reached Washington on June 20th. It took part
in the battle of Bull Run, losing 21 killed and mortally wounded. By a
curious coincidence the first man to fall, Sergeant-Major Chapman, of
Rockland, had been the first to enlist.

On September 21 nearly a hundred men in the regiment mutinied. The

*One of Fox's "300 Fighting Regiments." In this chapter a * will be placed at
the head of the sketch of each regiment belonging to the 300.
'Whitman and True, "Maine in the War," 63.

5 io HISTORY OF MAINE

cause, or pretext, was the same as that which had produced the outbreak
in the Second Maine, a dispute as to the term of enlistment, the soldiers
claiming that they had enlisted for three months only. They were of
course arrested and tried, and 97 were transferred to a New York regiment.
Company H was disbanded and replaced by a new company raised in
Bangor and Belfast. Colonel Berry, the commander, though an officer of
unusual ability, was not fitted to cope with a mutiny. His kindness of
heart and love for his men made him unwilling to take severe measures.
Perhaps his reluctance was increased in this instance by the circumstance
that the chief offender, Company H, came from his home town, Rockland,
and that Company D, which was also seriously involved in the affair, con-
tained many Rockland men.

The Fourth was, however, by its splendid courage, to make noble atone-
ment for the misconduct of some of its members. The regiment did not
take a prominent part in the Peninsular campaign, although it was engaged
in a sharp fight at Fair Oaks, but it greatly distinguished itself at the Sec-
ond Bull Run and at Chantilly. In the first battle it lost in killed and mor-
tally wounded, twenty per cent, of the men actively engaged, and in the
second battle twenty-five per cent. At Fredericksburg its loss was much
greater. It was not involved in any of the hopeless and fatal attempts to
storm the enemy's position, but it fought splendidly in meeting a Confed-
erate attack and lost more than half of its number. It took part in the
battle of Chancellorsville, and at Gettysburg was engaged in the desperate
struggle of the second day. Its losses were not so large as at Fredericks-
burg, but were still very severe. Both Colonel Walker and Major Whit-
comb were wounded, the latter mortally, and there being no lieutenant-
colonel, the command developed on a captain. At the battle of the Wilder-
ness it met with its severest loss, 46 killed and mortally wounded, 122
wounded and 3 missing. It was lightly engaged at the Po River and
Spottsylvania, and more heavily at the North Anna. "The Fourth Maine
lost three majors killed in action : Major Pitcher was killed at Fredericks-
burg, Major Whitcomb fell mortally wounded at Gettysburg, and Major
Grey was killed at the Wilderness." The term of service of the regiment
expired on the 15th of June, 1864, when it was ordered home for muster-
out, and the recruits remaining in the field were transferred to the Nine-
teenth Maine.

Fifth Maine Infantry. — The Fifth Maine Infantry was the first regi-
ment from the State which was composed entirely of new companies.
Lieutenant Bicknell's history of the regiment gives a roster of companies
by which it would appear that Portland furnished three, and Gorham,
Biddeford, Saco, Brunswick, Lewiston, Bethel and Minot, one each.

Its experiences on the journey to Washington, the march to Bull Run
and in the battle, were similar to those of other Maine regiments. Like
the Second and Fourth, it was guilty of mutinous conduct, but not for

MAINE REGIMENTS 511

the same reasons. There had indeed been some difference of opinion as to
the true term of service. Mr. Bicknell states under date of August 31 :
"Ahout this time there was much excitement and discussion upon the ques-
tion whether the Fifth Maine was really a three years' or a three months'
regiment, many taking the latter ground. But it finally quieted down into a
settled conviction that we were good for three years, unless sooner dis-
charged by death or the War Department. We all thought that the former
was destined to do the heaviest business in that line." Trouble came not
because of any question of service, but from the appointment of new
officers. Colonel Dunnell resigned, and the officers of the regiment "elected"
(really expressed a wish that the Governor would commission) Lieutenant-
Colonel Illsley, colonel ; Major Hamilton, lieutenant-colonel ; and Captain
Thompson, major. But about a week later there came a report that Colonel
Jackson, formerly of the First Maine, was to take command. Lieutenant
Bicknell says: "Now there was fun among the officers. They laughed at
our speculations, but methinks we could then see expressions of intense
anxiety and disappointment depicted on their countenances. If he came,
of course, the recently elected officers failed of promotion. Fearful ac-
counts had reached us of his 'tyranny,' yet there was not a man who did not
know that we needed somebody to straighten us out. Our discipline was
at the lowest ebb."

The feeling was the stronger because the adjutant and quartermaster
were also superseded by former members of the First Maine. The new
men had never been under fire, the officers of the Fifth had, and had done
well, and it was felt that they deserved promotion. Moreover, Jackson
was a Republican, Illsley a Democrat, and it was suspected that this was
the real cause of the favor shown to Jackson.

Officers encouraged the men to disobey Jackson's orders. Captain
Thompson made a speech criticising the action of the Governor, and de-
nouncing the appointments from the First Maine in bitter and unmeasured
terms.' Speeches announcing that they should leave the regiment were
made by Illsley and Hamilton. The next afternoon crowds gathered before
headquarters, yelling "Send Jackson home." "The camp for an hour was
almost a pandemonium ; all order was destroyed." At last the arrival of an
aide of General Slocum's, threats of the Dry Tortugas, and the tardy effort
of the line officers restored quiet and the soldiers saw that there was noth-
ing to do but submit.

"So ended the mutiny in the Fifth Maine, nor was a second ever
attempted. Under Colonel Jackson the regiment grew; a strict discipline

"General Butler says in his "Book" that for the commander of a battery which
he wished raised in Maine for the New Orleans expedition he recommended ' Captain
Thompson, one of the best artillery officers that I ever knew, as well as one of the
most pronounced Hunker Democrats. But I may say here that when he got to New
Orleans and saw the iniquities of the system, he turned one of the most virulent oppo-
nents of slavery in my command, save Phelps."

5 i2 HISTORY OF MAINE

was inaugurated, special care was given to the comfort and welfare of the
troops, and but a few weeks rolled by before we were as proud of our bat-
talion as we were ashamed before. Colonel Illsley afterward served in the
Twelfth Maine as adjutant, under Colonel (afterwards General) Shepley.
Captain Thompson also re-entered the service, and served with considerable
distinction as commander of the First Maine Battery.

"Quiet and order restored, the power of the ringleaders destroyed, we
proceeded to the regular duties of the camp. None were punished, a fact
which served to render Jackson popular at once."

In the Peninsular Campaign, the regiment did good work, with slight
loss at West Point, and made a gallant charge with heavy loss at Gaines'
Mill, the casualties amounting to 10 killed, 69 wounded, and 16 missing.
"Colonel Jackson was wounded and carried from the field, and Lieutenant-
Colonel Heath, upon whom the command then devolved, while riding up to
ascertain whether our troops were firing on friends or enemies, was shot
through the head and died instantly." Major Scamman was in the hospital,
and for a while each man fought as pleased him best. The regiment was
also engaged at Charles City Cross Roads, standing firm under a terrific
cannonade. At Antietam and the first Fredericksburg the regiment was in
reserve; it did excellent work at the second Fredericksburg and Salem
Church. In the latter battle it lost exactly one-third of those engaged. In
the Gettysburg campaign it did little fighting, but some very severe march-
ing. Lieutenant Bicknell says : "The Sixth Corps, led by the Fifth Maine
Regiment, arrived at Gettysburg, having made a continuous march of nearly
forty miles in nineteen hours, all this after the forced marches of nearly
a week. During that severe march, I am reliably informed that in our own
regiment there were only four stragglers."

A little later the regiment took part in one of the most brilliant epi-
sodes of the war at Rappahannock Station. It was actively engaged in the
battles of May 10 and 12 at Spottsylvania and suffered terrible loss. It
was also engaged though much less severely at Cold Harbor and soon after
was relieved from active service as its term of enlistment had expired.
The later recruits who still owed service formed a battalion which became a
part of the First Maine Veteran Infantry.

Sixth Maine Infantry* — The historian of the regiment says :

"Of the ten companies, half were from Central Maine, and half from
the coast. It was a happy combination of the sailor, the lumberman, the
student, the farmer, the merchant and the laborer, with a lucky absence of
the politician.

"The Old Town company was composed of big men, they taking uni-
forms several sizes larger, on the average, than had ever been made, either
in Maine or Massachusetts, and were styled 'the Jam Breakers.' Sixty-six
of these men averaged six feet in height and one hundred and sixty-six
pounds in weight.' Many were river-drivers and wood-choppers by pro-

*Fox says that the average height in the Union Army was 5 feet 8]4 inches, that
the soldiers from Maine, Indiana, Iowa, Kentucky and Missouri were slightly above
this height, and that the average height of the West Virginians was 5 feet 9 inches.

MAINE REGIMENTS 513

fession, and had a reputation for skill and daring in breaking jams of logs
when running them on the turbulent waters of the Penobscot and its
branches, hence the very appropriate title which they bore." 4

The regiment arrived in Washington on July 19, and a few days later
held a thanksgiving on news of a victory at Bull Run ! It went to the Pen-
insula, took part in Hancock's fine charge at Williamsburg, and, like the
other regiments engaged, received the personal thanks of General McClellan.
A little later it suffered the mortification, not uncommon in the war, of
being stampeded in the night by a lot of mules. The regiment did good
work at Garnett's Farm, and was engaged in some of the Seven Days
Battles and at Antietam.

Of its splendid courage at Fredericksburg and Rappahannock Station,
mention has already been made. The Sixth took part in the famous attack
at the Bloody Angle, Spottsylvania, losing 37 killed and mortally wounded,
only one less than at Fredericksburg; the total loss was 125. Two days
later the regiment, though mustering only 70 men fit for duty, was under
fire for eight hours and had 16 killed or wounded. Daily skirmishes en-
sued, but no casualties were experienced until the arrival of the army at
Coal (Cold) Harbor, where for twelve days the remnant of the regiment
was employed in digging rifle-pits and skirmishing in close proximity to the
enemy's defenses, losing in all about fifteen men. They were soon trans-
ferred to Petersburg, and on July 12, as their term of service was about
to expire, they were sent to Washington. This was the time of Early's
raid, and they volunteered to remain thirty days for the defense of the city,
but on Early's retreat they were sent home and were mustered out August
15. "About 238 men, whose time had not expired, remained in the service
and were classified as the Sixth battalion." Messrs. Whitman and True
say of the regiment : "In three battles they led the attack, where they left
on the field not less than half of their number engaged." The Sixth bat-
talion was subsequently merged in the First Maine Veteran Infantry.

Seventh Maine Infantry* — The Seventh Maine was raised in various
parts of the State. On August 23, 1861, the regiment set out, as was sup-
posed, for Washington. Contrary to expectation, orders came to stop in
Baltimore and camp was pitched in Bellevue Garden in the western part of
the city. Three weeks later the camp was moved to an unhealthy place,
and as a result "sickness was very prevalent and deaths frequent, which
prevented the regiment being ordered upon the great expedition then ren-
devousing at Annapolis under General Burnside." When the regiment
finally left for the front it had lost 80 men by disease. It took part in the
Peninsula Campaign, where it had 5 men killed or mortally wounded, but
its first hard fighting was done at Antietam, where the folly of a whiskey-

'Fox, "Regimental Losses," 62. Clark, "Campaigning with the Sixth Regiment,
Eastern Maine, in the Rebellion," 63.

5 i4 HISTORY OF MAINE

drinking brigade commander caused a loss in killed, wounded and missing
of over half its men. The next month it was ordered home to recruit.
Five companies * * * under command of Lieutenant-Colonel Selden
Connor rejoined the army in January. They were engaged at Fredericks-
burg, and suffered a loss of 12 killed, 49 wounded, and 31 missing. In the
battle of the Wilderness the regiment helped save the right wing, if not
the army, when Gordon's carefully planned flank attack had swept away
Shailer and Seymour's brigades. The regiment was nearly surrounded, and
was called on to surrender, but Major Jones, who was in command, an-
swered "All others may go, but the Seventh Maine never." At the Bloody
Angle the Seventh "fought the enemy's breastwork at forty-five paces for
three hours, losing one hundred and thirty-eight officers and men." The
adjutant and two captains were killed, the colonel, the major and three
captains wounded. A few days later it was engaged in the first of Upton's
splendid assaults at Spottsylvania. It was also chosen to take part in the
second, but its former major, T. W. Hyde, who was then acting as aide to
General Sedgwick, knowing the loss that the Seventh had already suffered,
induced the corps chief of staff to substitute another regiment.

The Seventh was a part of the force sent to Washington when Early
made his raid and helped drive the enemy from the front of Fort Stevens
with President Lincoln watching their charge. Major Jones was killed in
this attack, "as faithful and brave an officer as the country could boast
of and known throughout the army of the Potomac as 'the fighting Quaker.'"

The regiment served for a short time in the Shenandoah and then was
sent to Maine for muster out. Their old commander, General Hyde, says
of them: "Enlisted just after Bull Run, composed of people exasperated
at our defeat, and going down to Virginia meaning business, it is little
wonder they made a good record. Not once did they do anything the
proudest infantry of this or any other time would be ashamed of. A lot of
zealous, patriotic Maine boys, averaging somewhere about twenty-two years,
they proved themselves worthy descendants of the farmer soldiers who held
this border, the debatable ground, against savage and Frenchman, and who
placed the English banners over Louisbourg. Another generation of their
ancestors assisted in nearly every battle of the Revolution, when from
Kittery Point to Machias no draft or enforced enlistment, but patriotism
alone 'robbed the cradle and the grave.' ""

The members of the regiment remaining in service were formed into
five companies which later became a part of the First Maine Veteran In-
fantry.

Eighth Maine Infantry.*— -The Eighth Maine Infantry left the State on
September 10, 1861, and in the following month sailed from Annapolis
with General T. W. Sherman's expedition to Port Royal, South Carolina.

'Hyde, "Following the Greek Cross," 232.

MAINE REGIMENTS 515

Landing at Hilton Head, November 8, it remained on duty in that Military
Department over two years. During its stay there it took part in the reduc-
tion of Fort Pulaski, the occupation of Jacksonville, Florida, and was pres-
ent at the bombardment of Fort Sumter. Most of the time, however, was
passed in garrison duty at Hilton Head, and Beaufort, S. C. In the mean-
time the regiment received about 300 recruits and 200 conscripts, which
kept its ranks up to the maximum, although the loss by disease had been
very large. In March, 1864, a proposal for re-enlistment was accepted by
16 officers and 330 men, who returned to Maine on the thirty days' furlough
granted in such cases. The colonel obtained through Governor Cony a
transfer of the regiment to the north, but this proved to be only a change
from death by disease to death by bullets. The Eighth joined the Army of
the James on April 29, 1864, and in less than a year had so many men killed
that it won a place in the "300 fighting regiments." At Dairy's Bluff it
lost almost a quarter of the men engaged. Four days later a detachment of
190 men suffered 83 casualties. At Cold Harbor the regiment lost 100 out
of 350. It took part in the unsuccessful assaults on Petersburg in the
middle of June, where the loss of life was greater than in any battle in
which it had been engaged. Its loss in the trenches at Petersburg was also
very severe. In September the veterans of the regiment were mustered
out, but enough men remained to permit the regiment to retain its organiza-
tion. It fought at Fair Oaks, Spring Hill, the storming of Petersburg, and
Rice Station, losing 20 killed and mortally wounded, and was present at
Appomattox. It remained in Virginia at Richmond, Manchester, and Fort-
ress Monroe until January, 1866, when it was mustered out.

Ninth Maine Infantry* — The history of the Ninth Maine Infantry is
very similar to that of the Eighth. Fox says:

"The Ninth left the State, September 24, 1861, and in the next month
sailed from Fort Monroe for Hilton Head, S. C. The year 1862 was spent
in garrison duty until June; then it joined the forces operating in Charles-
ton Harbor. Led by Colonel Emery, it participated in the assault of
Strong's brigade on Fort Wagner, and in the opening fight on Morris Island
captured two of the enemy's flags. During the siege of Fort Wagner its
casualties, in the assaults and in the trenches, amounted to 189 in killed,
wounded, and missing. In October, 1863, the regiment moved to Black
Island, S. C. While there, 416 of the original members re-enlisted and
received their furlough. On April 18, 1864, the Ninth proceeded to
Gloucester Point, Va., where it was assigned to Ames's Division, Tenth
Corps. Ascending the James river, the troops landed at Bermuda Hundred,
and advanced immediately on the enemy's lines. Severe fighting followed,
and in the battle of May 20 the casualties in the regiment were 9 killed,
39 wounded, and 4 missing. At Cold Harbor, having been transferred to
the Eighteenth Corps, it joined in the assault with a loss of 12 killed, 55
wounded, and 5 missing. While in the trenches before Petersburg, on June
30, 1864, in an affair on the picket line, there was a loss of 7 killed, 34
wounded, and 5 missing, out of 102 who went into the fight. The loss at

5 i6 HISTORY OF MAINE

Deep Bottom was 5 killed, 21 wounded, and 29 missing. Only 201 were
present for duty when ordered to Chaffin's Farm ; in that battle Lieutenant-
Colonel Gray fell at the head of the regiment."

The regiment also participated in the battle of Darbytown road where
it suffered heavy loss. In 1865 it was sent to North Carolina where it
remained until its muster out in the following July.

Tenth Maine Ijifantry. — See First Maine Infantry.

Eleventh Maine Infantry. — The Eleventh Maine was mustered into
service on November 12, 1861, and was the first regiment raised in Maine
at the direct expense of the general government. It was at once sent to
join the Army of the Potomac and took part in the Peninsular campaign.
Its good conduct at Fair Oaks has already been mentioned. In the "change
of base" it did excellent rear guard work. After the bulk of the army had
been withdrawn to Washington, the Eleventh was left in garrison at York-
town, whence it made two successful forays. From Yorktown it was sent
to the southern coast and served in North and South Carolina and Florida
until the spring of 1864, when it was sent to the James. While on the
coast its chief duty was the manning of guns, including the famous "Swamp
Angel," engaged in the bombardment of the defenses of Charleston Harbor
and of the city itself. At the James it took part in various battles, and
lost heavily at Deep Bottom and Fussel's Mills. In November, 131 of the
original members of the regiment were mustered out, their term having
expired, and some 200 recruits were received. At the capture of Peters-
burg a portion of the regiment took part in the storming of Forts Gregg
and Whitworth. The regiment was part of Ord's corps, which cut off
Lee's retreat at Appomattox, relieving the cavalry, which was just giving
way. Here an imprudent advance caused the regiment some loss and its
commander was wounded and taken, but released, as the Union troops were
pressing his captors closely. The regiment was extricated and reformed
and two companies sent forward as skirmishers. Firing and shouting were
now heard behind them, and all feared the enemy had gained their rear,
but the officers decided to push for the woods, which they had been ordered
to occupy. Presently, however, an excited Union officer was seen approach-
ing on the gallop, and coming within hearing distance he shouted, "Halt,
boys! halt! Lee has surrendered and the war is over." But service was
not over for the Eleventh, and the regiment remained on duty until January,
when orders were issued for its muster out, which took place on February
2, 1866.

Twelfth Maine Infantry* — The Twelfth Maine was raised with the
understanding that it was to form part of General Butler's expedition
against New Orleans. It might well have, been styled the lawyers' regiment.
Messrs. Whitman and True say: "Col. Shepley for several years was
United States District-Attorney, and one of the ablest and most eloquent

MAINE REGIMENTS 517

lawyers in the State. Lieut.-Col. Kimball had been formerly United States
Marshal. Three of the field officers and six of the captains were lawyers,
and nine of the lieutenants were either lawyers or law students.'"

In Louisiana the regiment made two raids on Pass Manchac. The
first was very successful. In the second the Twelfth was obliged to retreat,
losing 12 killed and several wounded and taken, out of 112 engaged. The
regiment was under fire at Irish Bend, but suffered no loss. At Port Hud-
son it took part in both assaults; in the first "its flag was the first one
planted on the outside of the parapet, the contending parties approaching
so near each other that bayonets were crossed. . . . The conduct of
the regiment was specially commended in general orders. After the second
assault the Twelfth held an advanced position where men were killed and
wounded daily until the end of the siege. Its good work was recognized by
its being chosen to take part in the ceremonies of the formal surrender."

On April 16, 1864, two-thirds of the regiment re-enlisted. In July it
was transferred to the James river, Virginia, where it took part in the
operations against Petersburg until the close of the month, when it was
transferred to the Shenandoah Valley. It suffered heavily in the battle of
Winchester, was in reserve at Fisher's Hill, and participated in the disaster
and the triumph of Cedar Creek, losing 102 in killed, wounded and pris-
oners. In November its term expired and about 80 men returned to Maine
for muster out. The re-enlisted men, about 376 in number, were formed
into a battalion, and were sent to Georgia. The battalion once more became
a regiment by the addition of six companies of unassigned infantry organ-
ized in Maine in the winter of 1865 for one, two and three years' service.
The one year men were mustered out at the end of their term in February
and March, 1866, and the rest in April of that year.

The Thirteenth Maine Infantry. — The Thirteenth Maine might have
been called the Prohibition regiment, for it was raised and commanded by
Neal Dow, by the special request of Governor Washburn. The field officers
were selected by the colonel, and mothers who had objected to their sons
enlisting on account of the temptations of army life were willing that their
boys should serve under Neal Dow. Many regiments, however, were being
raised, the Thirteenth filled slowly, and it was not mustered in until De-
cember 31.

The regiment was sent to Louisiana, and the ship which carried Colonel
Dow and four companies, and also had General Butler on board, was caught
in a storm off Cape Hatteras and might have been lost but for the assistance
rendered by soldiers who had been sailors before they enlisted. The regi-
ment took part in an expedition to Texas and in the Red River expedition,
rendering good service both at Sabine Cross Roads and at Pleasant Hill.

"The Twelfth might also have been called the Democratic regiment. General But-
ler took special pains to select Democrats for officers, as he believed that they had
been discriminated against by a Republican administration.

5 i8 HISTORY OF MAINE

In July it was sent to the Shenandoah Valley, where it did much marching
but little fighting, and was discharged on January 6, 1865. A large major-
ity of the men, however, re-enlisted as veterans, and with the recruits whose
time had not expired were formed into three companies and incorporated
with the Thirtieth Maine.

Fourteenth Maine Infantry. — The Fourteenth Maine was mustered in
on the same day as the Thirteenth, December 31, 1861, and was at once
sent to Louisiana. Its good work at Baton Rouge has already been men-
tioned. It also took part in the siege of Port Hudson, and seven officers and
forty-nine men volunteered for service in the storming column for the
third assault which did not take place owing to the surrender of the town.
On January 1, 1864, "All but forty of the men who were eligible re-enlisted
for an additional three years' service." In July they were transferred to the
Shenandoah Valley. "The invigorating influences of mountain scenery,
pure air and good water, with the lightness of duties in comparison with
that which the regiment had previously performed, made their few months
campaigning in the Shenandoah Valley the most agreeable . . . mili-
tary experience of the regiment."

The Fourteenth, however, had more serious duties than resting and
admiring the view. It fought gallantly at Winchester and Cedar Creek,
where it lost about a third of its number in killed, wounded and prisoners.
At Cedar Creek the losses were even heavier, being forty per cent, of those
engaged. On December 25 the regiment was sent home for muster out, the
re-enlisted men and recruits being formed into a battalion and retaining
the regimental colors. The battalion was sent to Georgia and became a regi-
ment once more by the addition of unorganized companies. The regiment
was finally mustered out in August, 1866.

Fifteenth Maine Infantry. — The Fifteenth Maine was mustered in on
January 23, 1862. It was ordered south, served in Louisiana, Florida and
Texas and suffered much from disease. In the Red River expedition it
helped save the army at Sabine Cross Roads, and was engaged in the battle
of Pleasant Hill and in the minor actions of Cane Crossing and Mansourah.
It was later transferred to the Shenandoah Valley, but did no serious fight-
ing there. After the close of the war it served in South Carolina, and was
not mustered out until July 5, 1866. It served the longest of any Maine
regiment, and lost the most from disease. This great mortality was due to
the unhealthy climate of the districts where it was stationed.

Sixteenth Maine Infantry* — The Sixteenth Maine was mustered in on
August 14, 1862. The regiment was particularly unfortunate. They were
first stationed at Washington, then sent in haste to Maryland without their
knapsacks or overcoats. The regiment left Washington on September 7
and received their clothing on November 27. The suffering of the men both

MAINE REGIMENTS 519

physical and mental was intense, the mental being perhaps the worse. Hos-
pital Steward Eaton says:

"Clothes help make history, hence the name the Sixteenth won at
Sharpsburgh. Through the inefficiency and neglect of the quartermaster's
department at Washington, (and the corps, division, and brigade quarter-
masters were not blameless), the men were made to feel mean and despic-
able, and felt as does a poor boy at school, when the well-dressed student
resents the contact of blue jean with broadcloth. How those men suffered !
Hunger, daily felt, was nothing compared with it. Men of education, of
refinement, and wealth, who willingly and cheerfully gave up home, with all
its love and comfort, for country, made to feel degraded for want of proper
clothing !

"September, October, and then the long march in November to the
Rappahannock, through storms of sleet and snow ; without shelter, without
overcoats, shoeless, hatless, and hundreds with not so much as a flannel
blouse, many without blankets ; and through all that long, sad and weary
tramp, we were jeered at, insulted, and called the 'Blanket Brigade !'

"All the applications of the colonel and quartermaster for a return of
clothing and shelter, left at Tillinghast; all the requisitions for something
in substitute ; all the earnest appeals, and letters of explanation are on file,
many of them bearing the endorsement, 'disapproved.' Requisitions for
shelter and clothing lay in pigeon-holes for weeks, but requisitions for whis-
key were signed forthwith. Perhaps to the latter can be charged our non-
recognition, as well as three-fourths the disasters which befell the Army of
the Potomac.

"Out of all this suffering grew a grand resolve which nothing ever
after caused to waver. Out of it came a lasting patriotism and courage that
no privation, no danger, could abate. The few short months developed a
new set of men, and what kind of men let Fredericksburg tell. All that
time God was busy making heroes."

On December 13 the regiment took part in the battle of Fredericks-
burg. Although in action for the first time it charged with magnificent
courage and obtained a footing in the enemy's works. Lack of support,
however, compelled the Sixteenth to withdraw. Captain Waldron wrote a
week later that in the retreat over ground commanded by the enemy, the
regiment lost 30 to 40 per cent, of those taken into action. The total loss in
killed and wounded was 54 per cent. The regiment had one comfort, it had
cleared its reputation. Adjutant Small says : "The past was redeemed, the
voice of insult and reproach was forever silenced. The regiments which had
hitherto ignored our claim to an honorable name, joined heartily . . .
in three cheers and a tiger for the Sixteenth, whose casualties were half the
loss of the First Brigade."

The members of the Sixteenth were not all of the masculine persuasion.
Company I boasted of the presence of one of the gentler sex in the ranks,
who did good service at Fredericksburg. She is thus spoken of by the
Richmond Whig:

"Yesterday a rather prepossessing lass was discovered on Belle Isle,
disguised, among the prisoners of war held there. She gave her real name

5 20

HISTORY OF MAINE

as Mary Jane Johnson, belonging to the Sixteenth Maine regiment. She
gave as an excuse for adopting her soldier's toggery, that she was following
her lover to shield and protect him when in danger. He had been killed,
and now she had no objection to return to the more peaceful sphere for
which nature, by her sex, had better fitted her. Upon the discovery of her
sex Miss Johnson was removed from Belle Isle to Castle Thunder. She
will probably go north by the next flag of truce. She is about sixteen years
of age." 1

At Gettysburg the regiment did magnificent service and was almost
annihilated. In the following year the Sixteenth took an active part in the
marching and fighting, and also ran great danger and suffered considerable
loss in holding the advanced lines. During the attack on the Weldon rail-
road the regiment was assailed in the rear on two succeeding days and
suffered heavy loss. On the first day 35 men were captured, and on the
second, S7. The total loss was 152 out of about 240 engaged. In February
the regiment took part in the battle of Hatcher's Run, losing in two days 74
killed and wounded. The regiment also suffered considerably at the battles
of Gravelly Run and South Side Railroad, and was present at Appomattox
Court House at the time of the surrender. It took part in the Grand
Review in Washington City, and was then sent to Augusta, paid off and
disbanded.

Seventeenth Maine Infantry* — The Seventeenth Maine was recruited
chiefly from the counties of Cumberland, Oxford, Franklin, York and
Androscoggin, and was mustered into service on Augusta 18, 1862. The
regiment took part in the battles of Fredericksburg, Chancellorsville and
Gettysburg. At Gettysburg it greatly distinguished itself, losing 18 killed,
112 wounded and 3 missing. It also took an active part in the Wilderness
to Petersburg campaign. It was one of the regiments which stormed the
Bloody Angle, and Sergeant Haskell and Private Totman captured the
Confederate division-commander, Major-General Johnson. During the
siege of Petersburg it was heavily engaged and suffered severe loss at the
Weldon Railroad and Hatcher's Run. The regiment shared in the pursuit
of Lee, and took an honorable part in the battle of Deatonville and the
capture of an important wagon-train.

Eighteenth Maine Infantry* — See First Maine Heavy Artillery.

Nineteenth Maine Infantry* — The historian of the regiment says : "The
Ninteenth was exceptionally strong in many respects. From soldiers, sick
and wounded, returning from the theater of war, the men who constituted
the regiment had the opportunity of learning from the experience of others,
that the war was no holiday affair. They knew something of what enlist-
ment meant in hardship and suffering. Large bounties appealing to mer-
cenary motives had not yet been offered. Men who entered the service at
this time were generally prompted by patriotism." The men who composed

'Small, "Sixteenth Maine Regiment," 89-90.

MAINE REGIMENTS

5->

the regiment came principally from the counties of Somerset, Kennebec,
Sagadahoc, Waldo, Knox and Lincoln. The Nineteenth was mustered in
August 25, 1862. It was present at Fredericksburg, but suffered no loss
of life. In the ensuing winter, however, nearly 100 men died from disease.
In the spring, as a reward for good conduct and the excellent condition
they were in, twelve regiments out of some 300 were given an extra num-
ber of furloughs, and one of those thus honored was the Nineteenth Maine.

At Gettysburg, on the second day, after the retreat of the Third Corps,
the regiment made a gallant charge, driving the force in front. The Nine-
teenth brought three cannon back in triumph, and it claimed that other
cannon which the enemy had abandoned and two flags which had fallen were
"gloriously" captured by other regiments while the Nineteenth, not stopping
to pick up trophies, was pursuing the enemy. On the third day, when
Pickett's men had pierced at one point the Union line, the Nineteenth was
one of the regiments hurried to the rescue and helped to capture what was
left of the Confederates who had crossed the stone wall.

At the Wilderness the regiment fought with great gallantry and pre-
vented the enemy from discovering and taking advantage of the confusion
of the Union troops. It lost in this battle 34 killed and mortally wounded,
97 wounded and six missing. The regiment again lost heavily at Spottsyl-
vania. It was engaged at the North Anna, but not so severely. At the
Jerusalem Plank Road the regiment was attacked in the rear, through no
fault of its own, and lost 97 men. "Every one of the six members of the
color guard was killed or wounded but the flag never touched the ground."
It was engaged in the unfortunate battle of Ream's Station, and changed
from one side of the works to the other four times. The regiment fought
well at the battle of the Boydton Plank Road. It was also engaged a;
Hatcher's Run, and saved a most important bridge in the final pursuit
of Lee. It was mustered out in May, 1865.

Twentieth Maine Infantry* — The Twentieth Maine was mustered in on
August 29, 1862. It was especially fortunate in its commanders. Its first
colonel was Adelbert Ames of Rockland, a graduate of West Point in 1861,
who had already distinguished himself at Bull Run and elsewhere, and who
was destined to win the highest honor at Fort Fisher. He was succeeded
by Joshua L. Chamberlain, whose excellent work at Round Top and in
Virginia has been described in another chapter. Both these gentlemen
became brevet major-generals of volunteers and after the war Governors
of States, — General Ames of Mississippi, and General Chamberlain of
Maine. s

"Like all the Northern governors of Southern States in reconstruction times,
General Ames made serious mistakes which ended in the complete overthrow of his
policy, but Garner, the best historian of Mississippi in this period, who was born and
bred a Southerner, says of Governor Ames: "His political opponents testify to his
personal integrity, courteous demeanor, and his education and refinement. No well-
informed Democratic politician ever accused him of peculation or plunder. The
unanimous testimony is that his failure was due to the circumstances surrounding his
advent into Mississippi." Some account of Governor Chamberlain's administration is
given in another chapter.

522 HISTORY OF MAINE

The Twentieth Maine was warmly engaged at Fredericksburg, and at
Gettysburg rendered most valuable service and suffered heavy loss. Its
skirmishers took part in the capture of Rappahannock Station. It greatly
distinguished itself at Spottsylvania, the Wilderness, Peebles Farm and Five
Forks, and was one of the regiments which received the surrender of Lee's
army. In June the regiment was mustered out.

Twenty-first to Twenty-eighth Maine Infantry. — The Twenty-first to
Twenty-eighth regiments were enlisted for nine months only. The Twenty-
first, Twenty-second, Twenty- fourth, Twenty-sixth and Twenty-eighth served
in Louisiana. All were engaged in the whole or part of the siege of Port
Hudson. The Twenty-first and Twenty-second suffered severely; the
Twenty-eighth escaped more easily, while the Twenty-sixth had but three
men killed in the assault. The Twenty-fourth had a few wounded, but none
killed. Indeed, this regiment was so fortunate as to have none killed or
mortally wounded during its service. The Twenty-second and Twenty
sixth were in the battle of Irish Bend; the Twenty-sixth was much the
more severely engaged, and lost over twenty per cent, of its number in
killed and wounded. The Twenty-third, Twenty-fifth and Twenty-seventh
were never in battle. The Twenty-third contained an unusually large num-
ber of men of culture and means. The Twenty-fifth built near Washington
for its own use "the most elaborate and permanent camp ever constructed
in the department and still stands, a witness of the skill and ingenuity of
Maine woodsmen." The Twenty-seventh, whose time had expired while
Lee was invading Pennsylvania, and who believed that they should have
been discharged earlier, were asked by the President to remain for the
defense of Washington until the expected battle had' been fought. The
request came at a most inopportune time. It was almost July and those
who were farmers had arranged and expected to be at home to secure their
hay crop. Meantime "they were paying several times the daily wages they
received from the government, for labor upon their farms, which they
could better have performed themselves," but 315 consented to remain.
Early in 1865 they were given medals in commemoration of their staying
over time.

Twenty-ninth Maine Infantry. — See First Maine Infantry.

Thirtieth Maine Infantry. — Whitman and True say of the Thirtieth
Maine :

"This regiment on its organization had much good soldierly material,
and like all of the regiments formed in the latter years of the war, it had
also some whom large bounties and misguided zeal of recruiting officers
had drawn into the service without proper regard for their fitness. It had
also quite a number of old men and discharged soldiers, whose disability
was only apparently removed. A large proportion of its men and officers
were, however, experienced soldiers."

MAINE REGIMENTS 523

The regiment was mustered in on January 1, 1864, and was sent tc
Louisiana. It assisted in repelling the enemy at Sabine Cross Roads and
was hotly engaged at Pleasant Hill. It was being driven and broken, but on
receiving reinforcements regained its position and repulsed the enemy. It
lost 5 killed, 58 wounded and 29 missing, the last mainly from companies
of skirmishers. The regiment took the leading part in driving the enemy
from Cane River Crossing. In July the regiment was transferred to the
James and a little later to the Shenandoah. Here although it performed
more fatiguing duty than the remainder of the army, and was constantly
engaged in moving and guarding stores, in marching up and down the
valley, and in protecting from guerillas valuable supply trains, it failed to
share the glory of General Sheridan's battles and victories." The regiment
served in the Valley, in Washington and in Georgia, until August, 1865,
when it was returned to Maine and mustered out.

Thirty-first Maine Infantry* — The Thirty-first did not reach the front
until April, 1864, yet in less than a year of service it won a place as
one of the "fighting regiments." In less than a month after leaving home
the regiment went into action at the Wilderness, and on May 12th was hotly
engaged at Spottsylvania, where it lost 11 killed, 94 wounded, and 1 miss-
ing. In the fighting at Bethesda Church, June 3d, it lost 15 killed and 39
wounded, and behaved with such gallantry that General Griffin (the brigade
commander) complimented it in orders. The regiment rendered efficient
service in the assault on Petersburg, June 17th, and at the Mine explosion
it was among the first to enter the enemy's works. Its losses at the mine
were 9 killed, 26 wounded, and 51 captured or missing. In October there
were only about 60 men left on duty, then two new companies joined the
regiment, and in December it received an accession by the consolidation
with it of the Thirty-second Maine; 485 men were thus transferred on
the rolls, of whom only 181 were present for duty. In less than one year's
time the Thirty-first Maine lost 674 men killed or wounded in action,
three-fourths of this loss occurring in May, June and July, 1864. After
the war had ended the regiment was stationed at Savannah, Ga., until
August 20th, 1865, when it was mustered out.

Thirty-Second Maine Infantry. — The Thirty-Second was the last of
the Maine Infantry regiments. It was hurriedly recruited and six com-
panies were sent to the field before the other four were raised. The regi-
ment could boast of the youngest soldier Maine furnished to the army,
Edwin C. Milliken, a boy barely fourteen. The Thirty-Second did its first
fighting at Spottsylvania, where it suffered forty casualties. It incurred
further loss at the North Anna. It was also engaged at Cold Harbor in
the attack on Petersburg in the middle of June. It took part in the dis-
aster of the Mine, losing at least 102 men out of 150 engaged. At Pegram
Church the regiment lost nearly half of the small number present for duty.

5 2 4 HISTORY OF MAINE

The Thirty-second had suffered terrible losses by death, captivity and
disease, the morning reports of December i showed that some companies
did not have a single commissioned officer present for duty, and by order
of the War Department the regiment was consolidated with the Thirty-first
Maine.

First Company Maine Sharpshooters. — Maine also furnished a com-
pany of sharpshooters which did excellent service. The company was mus-
tered in on November 2, 1861. "The men were subjected to special tests of
marksmanship and were furnished with an outfit of superior clothing and
uniforms." Their first captain was James D. Fessenden, a son of William
Pitt Fessenden, who later obtained the rank of brevet major-general of vol-
unteers. Its first loss was incurred not in battle but in a railroad accident,
one man being killed and twenty-two injured, some of them severely, in a
collision near White Plains, Virginia. The company became a part of
Berdan's Second United States Sharpshooters, and rendered excellent serv-
ice throughout the war.

First Maine Cavalry* — The First Maine Cavalry was raised in the
autumn of 1861. The historian of the regiment, Sergeant-Major Tobie.
claims that members of the regiment were of the best class that went from
the State. They realized the advantages possessed by the South and that
the war would be long and hard, and they enlisted after serious consideration
as a matter of duty. Service in the cavalry meant freedom from long
marches on foot, and had a glamor of romance, it also gratified the pride.
Said the Lewiston Journal: "Men — and sometimes women — like to rule,
and if it is only a horse, it yields some satisfaction. The conquerors of
the world are always represented on horseback." Skill in horsemanship,
however, was not among the reasons which led citizens of Maine to enlist
in the cavalry. Mr. Tobie says : "Those first mounted drills, will they ever
be forgotten as long as one lives who saw them? Most of the horses had
never before been ridden on the back, and most of the men knew as little
about it as did the horses."

The regiment was kept at Augusta through the winter, where it suf-
fered considerably for lack of blankets and warm clothing. From the
common soldier faults of profanity and intemperance, the men appear to
have been remarkably free. In March the regiment was transferred to
Washington. Its first campaign was in the Shenandoah Valley. Stonewall
Jackson was marching against Banks with a superior force, and endeavor-
ing to cut him off from Winchester. The First Maine Cavalry, under the
skillful leadership of Colonel Douty, did much to hold the Confederates in
check and enable Banks to reach Winchester. During the retreat the regi-
ment made an injudicious charge and suffered severely in men and horses,
though only two men lost their lives. It is claimed that neither Colonel
Douty nor his men were responsible for the blunder. By a coincidence

MAINE REGIMENTS 525

similar to that in the history of the Second Maine, the first man to be hit
(though in this instance not killed) had been the first to enlist, Majoi
Cilley, a son of Jonathan P. Cilley.

The regiment was present at Cedar Mountain, and took an active and
exhausting, if not particularly inspiring or glorious part in Pope's retreat.
It also took part in Stoneman's raid. In the Gettysburg campaign it
greatly distinguished itself by saving the day at Brandy Station, and again
at Aldie, its commander, Colonel Douty, being killed in the latter battle
On the third day of Gettysburg the regiment assisted in the repulse of
Stuart's cavalry, who were attempting to outflank the Army of the Potomac
and strike its train and rear at the same time that Pickett made his desperate
assault at Cemetery Hill. On July 16 the regiment was engaged in a sharp
fight at Sheppardstown, rendering to and receiving from the Sixteenth
Pennsylvania valuable assistance which "cemented a lasting friendship
between the two regiments." On October 3 the First regiment made a dis-
tant and important reconnoissance and obtained valuable information. In
March, 1864, 300 of the regiment took part in the unfortunate Kilpatrick-
Dahlgren raid on Richmond. A few Maine men were with Dahlgren at the
time of his death and were captured by the enemy.

The regiment was engaged in many hard fights during the last year of
the war, and in the first of these, that of Ground Squirrel Bridge, it was for
the only time in its history completely broken up. On June 24 the First
Maine took the principal part in the battle of St. Mary's Church. It was
obliged to retreat before superior numbers, losing more in killed and mor-
tally wounded than in any battle save one, but the wagon train of the army
had been saved and the chief credit belonged to the First Maine. Fox says
that it "made a desperate fight against great odds, losing 10 officers and 56
men, killed, wounded and missing — out of 260 who were engaged." Colonel
Smith and Major Cilley were both wounded in this battle.

A portion of the regiment took part in Kautz's raid, and the whole in
Wilson's. On September 24, eight companies of the First District of
Columbia cavalry, which had been raised in Maine, were incorporated with
the regiment. On October 27 the regiment did most valuable service at th.?
Boydton Plank road and suffered heavy loss. Its services in the final cam-
paign have been mentioned in another chapter. On August 1, 1865, the
regiment was mustered out.

Second Maine Cavalry.— -The Second Maine Cavalry was raised in the
latter part of 1863. and in the spring of 1864 was sent to Louisiana. A
portion of the regiment took part in the Red River expedition. In August
the Second was transferred to Florida. There it made various daring and
successful raids. During the siege of the Mobile forts the regiment did
valuable service in protecting the rear of the army. In the movement on
Montgomery the Second Maine led the advance and was the first to occupy
the city. The regiment was mustered out in December, 1865.

526 HISTORY OF MAINE

First Maine Heavy Artillery* — The First Maine Heavy Artillery, orig-
inally the Eighteenth Maine Infantry, was recruited from Penobscot, Han-
cock, Piscataquis and Washington counties. It was mustered in on August
21, 1862, and immediately sent to Washington where it did garrison duty.
In the following winter it was changed to a heavy artillery regiment, and
orders were issued that it should be increased to the normal size, that is,
to 12 companies of 150 men each. The new men came from all parts of the
State. In the spring of 1864, by the desire of General Grant, several regi-
ments of heavy artillery were sent to him to serve as infantry, and among
them was the First Maine. Its defense of the wagon train and its charge
at Petersburg have been described on another page. Many prophesied that
the regiment would be so shaken by its losses that it would hereafter be use-
less for serious fighting. Such is often the case with regiments that have
been cut to pieces, especially when nothing has been or could be gained by
the sacrifice, but the First Maine was made of sterner stuff and did good
service until the close of the war.

Batteries. — Maine furnished seven batteries of field artillery. The first
six theoretically formed a regiment, but they never served together. The
First Battery was sent to Louisiana. It took part in the siege of Port Hud-
son, losing one man killed and twelve wounded. Shortly after the sur-
render of the city it was engaged in a battle at Donaldsonville, where it
lost one man killed and fourteen wounded, and had one of its guns cap-
tured by the enemy. In 1864 the men in active service and some in hospital
re-enlisted for three years. In April they were sent to Washington and
helped repel Early's raid. The battery was then sent to the Shenandoah
Valley, and took an active part in Sheridan's campaign. At Cedar Creek it
lost 49 horses killed in harness. In the whole war there were but two
Union batteries that could show a greater loss in a single battle. The loss
in men was also considerable, amounting to 28 killed, wounded and missing.

The Second Battery served entirely in Virginia, and took an honorable
part in many engagements, especially distinguishing itself at Cedar Moun-
tain, Fredericksburg and Gettysburg.

The Third Battery soon after its arrival at Washington was turned into
pontooniers, it was afterward engaged in erecting a fortification, and was
assigned to the First Maine Heavy Artillery. On February 23, 1864, it
was reorganized as a light battery. Seventy-two of the original members
had re-enlisted. Early in July it was ordered to Petersburg and took part
in the siege, but was so fortunate as to have only two men wounded and
none killed.

The Fourth Battery rendered valuable service at Cedar Mountain, and
participated in the Wilderness and later battles.

The Fifth Battery has a most distinguished record. Fox gives a list
of heavy losses by batteries, in single engagements. Eight batteries appear
twice in this list, but only one three times, — the Fifth Maine. It lost 28

MAINE REGIMENTS 527

men at Chancellorsville and at Cedar Creek respectively, and 23 at Gettys-
burg. The battery was also engaged at the second Bull Run, Cedar Creek
and Winchester. At Bull Run at the time of the charge by the rebels to
turn the left of our army, the battery was thrown across the lines to oppose
them. On account of their infantry supports deserting, four of their guns
were captured ; but they saved their first piece and their line of caissons.

The Sixth Battery fought its first battle at Cedar Mountain and saved
Augur's division from capture or destruction. It was engaged at Rappa-
hannock Station, Sulphur Springs, Blackburn's Ford and the Second Bull
Run. In the last battle it lost two guns.' On the second day at Gettysburg
the Sixth gave valuable aid in the repulse of the final attack, and "was
highly complimented" by Generals Tyler and Hunt, respectively chiefs of
the reserve and army artillery, for its gallantry on this occasion. The bat-
tery also assisted in the repulse of Pickett's charge. It was engaged in
various battles in the overland and Petersburg campaigns, and rendered
specially valuable service at the Wilderness.

During the latter part of 1863 a Seventh Battery was raised and sent
to the Army of the Potomac, where it rendered honorable and efficient
service.

'One of the guns had been disabled a week before.

Chapter XIX

THE RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD

I. President Johnson's Administration

CHAPTER XIX

THE RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD— I. PRESIDENT JOHNSON'S
ADMINISTRATION

With the collapse of the Confederacy questions of the rehabilitation of
the seceded States and of the position of the freedmen became of para-
mount importance. In July, Governor Cony wrote an open letter favoring
negro suffrage. He is said to have been the first Governor to take this
stand. The Union State convention expressed its confidence in President
Johnson but declared that if the character of the people of any State was
such that it was unsafe for them to have a free republican government, the
State should be kept under a provisional government "till its inhabitants
shall furnish satisfactory evidence of their loyalty and attachment to free
State constitutions and sincere disposition to secure to all loyal men in their
State equal political rights." The convention said that in reorganizing a
State it was a right and a duty to require the ratification of the constitu-
tional amendment abolishing slavery, and the removal of all disabilities on
account of color. The convention also called very sternly for the punish-
ment of traitors, heartily endorsed the sentiment of President Johnson
"that the American people should learn that treason is a crime that must be
punished" and declared that "until Jefferson Davis and other rebel chiefs
are tried and punished little will be accomplished by trying and punishing
men who have been only their instruments.'" The convention pronounced
in favor of a constitutional amendment giving equal suffrage ; that is, bar-
ring no negroes from voting on account of illiteracy or poverty unless the
whites were subject to like disabilities, and equal representation in Con-
gress.' The latter demand was meant to prevent the South from being
allowed increased membership in the National House because of negro
inhabitants whom she excluded from the suffrage. The convention renom-
inated Governor Cony, substantially without opposition.

The Democratic convention renominated Judge Howard. The Whig
said that the members made "a considerable noise in their speeches and
resolutions about high taxation, renegade Democrats and our 'tyrannical
government.' These appear to be the main planks of their political platform
except that they go against the 'nigger' in whatever shape he may appear."
A plank which was sure to please the farmers and which might prove very
embarrassing to the Republicans, denounced the exemption from taxation
of government bonds. The Whig answered :

'Probably a reference to Wirz, the commandant at Andersonville, who was kept
a prisoner and a few months later executed for treason and murder.
'Whig, Aug. II, 12, 1865.

532

HISTORY OF MAINE

"One complaint which the leaders seize upon with the avidity of true
demagogues, is the non-taxation of government bonds. This, they allege to
be unequal in its operation, and with truth. But do they wish the solemn
faith of the government to be violated in this matter? A faith pledged at a
time when the war was raging with a doubtful aspect and when it was
known that such an exemption, if not absolutely necessary to the procure-
ment of pecuniary means for the salvation of the country, was at any rate
the cheapest way in which the loan could be raised. Would it now be
better for the people if these had been forced off at 80 or 90 per cent,
instead of producing as they did the entire 100 per cent, minus taxation for
three or five years? As to the future, of course no more loans, if any are
necessary, will be exempted by Congress, although it is stated that the
Supreme Court decided years ago that government loans could not be taxed
by the States as otherwise discontented or rebellious States might destroy
the whole loan by taxation. The question cannot be made a political issue.'"

There appears to have been little interest in the campaign, the total
vote falling from 111,986 the year before to 86,073, th e Republicans losing
11,180 and the Democrats 14,794. The official figures stood, Cony 54,43°.
Howard 31,609, scattering 34.

Mr. Johnson's accession to the Presidency had been greeted with joy
by the radicals who thought that they could rely upon him for a policy of
"thorough," but they soon found themselves woefully deceived. Andrew
Johnson was a strong Union man, but he had been a Democrat and he still
had a high regard for the rights of the States. His opposition to slavery
had been based less on sympathy for the negro than on a realization of its
tendency to build up and maintain an aristocracy in the South. The Presi-
dent was opinionated and obstinate and when he found his plan of recon-
struction opposed by many of the Republicans he clung to it the more firmly.
In February, 1866, Congress passed a bill extending the powers of the
Freedmen's Bureau, and the President vetoed it. About a week later, on
Washington's birthday, he made a speech to a mass meeting which had
come to congratulate him. The veto message had been "a dignified paper
calculated to win support in the country as well as in Congress.'" The
speech was conceited and abusive and sadly suggested his address to the
Senate on taking the oath as Vice-President. The country was deeply
shocked. In March a bill to secure civil rights to the freedmen was passed.
Most of the leading Republicans had shown a very conciliatory spirit and
Mr. Johnson had given them reason to believe that he would approve the
bill, but again he overrode the will of Congress by sending in a veto. The
breach was now practically complete. Nearly all the old Republicans turned
from the President. In Maine, the Portland Press, the Kennebec Journal
and the Bangor Whig condemned his conduct. The Republican, or as it
was officially called the Union State convention, declared "That the Union
partv of Maine plants itself upon the doctrines of the Declaration of Inde-

•Whig. Aug. 7, 1865.
'Rhodes, V, 575-578.

JOHNSON'S ADMINISTRATION 533

pendence; that we hold that all men without distinction of color or race,
are entitled to equal civil or political rights." It endorsed the Fourteenth
Amendment which had just been submitted by Congress and praised and
thanked the Union Republican majority in Congress.

There was a sharp contest for the nomination for Governor, the two
candidates being General Chamberlain, then a professor at Bowdoin Col-
lege, and Samuel E. Spring, a wealthy merchant of Portland.

There had been considerable doubt as to whether General Chamberlain
supported the President or Congress and the Bangor Whig had remained
neutral until the general published a letter which though moderate in tone
was regarded as aligning himself with Congress. The Whig then announced
its support of Chamberlain. The Spring papers made the most of the
uncertainty of the general's position. The Portland Press asked, "Would
it be prudent, in view of our dear bought experience, to take a man for
Governor of the State, who is not known even to have voted or acted with
our party, 8 (a reference to the unhappy results of the nomination of John-
son), and who has never had a day's experience in political affairs? Let us
not be deluded by briliant military services, into the folly of placing the
vital political issues of the day in the hands of untried and uncertain men."

When the convention met, the question arose as to the admission of
delegates who were not residents of the towns that had chosen them. It
was decided that such men might take their seats if they were residents of
the counties in which the towns were situated, a compromise which, it was
claimed, was very disadvantageous to Mr. Spring. But one ballot was
taken. Chamberlain received 599 votes, Spring 438, and there were 3 scat-
tering. The platform declared for equal civil and political rights for all
men, favored the ratification of the Fourteenth Amendment and highly
praised the Union Republican majority in Congress.

There was no contest for the Democratic nomination which was given
by general consent to Eben F. Pillsbury of Augusta. Mr. Pillsbury was
editor of a paper called the Standard and represented the extreme wing of
the party. He had been a virulent opponent of the war and was accused of
having instigated the resistance to the draft at Kingfield.

At the election Chamberlain won an easy victory, polling 69,637 votes
to Pillsbury's 41,917; there were 308 scattering.

In February, 1867, the Fourteenth Amendment was submitted to the
Legislature for ratification. On February 11 the House passed it under a
suspension of the rules by a vote of 126 to 12. There appears to have been
little debate, but the Whig states that "Mr. Frye of Lewiston made a
lengthy speech" in its favor. The Senate spent nearly the whole of Jan-
uary 17 talking about the amendment, though no one opposed it. Many
of the speakers explained that though they should vote for it they con-
sidered it only an instalment of w r hat justice demanded. The Senate then
ratified the amendment unanimously.

'It was later announced that Chamberlain voted for Hamlin in 1856.

534 HISTORY OF MAINE

The Legislature of 1867 was obliged to decide another important and
much more embarrassing question, Should the prohibitory law be amended?
Two changes were sought. One was that in all cases the sale of liquor
should be punished by imprisonment. Hitherto the judge had been allowed
to merely impose a fine for the first offense. The other was the creation
of a State constabulary. Both laws were passed, but against the considerate
judgment of the Legislature. A temperance convention was in session at
Augusta, it got up petitions and "a sentiment was made to pervade the
capital which did not exist among the people.'" The law making imprison-
ment the sole penalty was referred to the people who at a special election in
June ratified it. The vote was, as is usual in such cases, very light, there
being 19,358 yeas and 5,536 nays.

The Republican State convention said not a word on the matter but
devoted itself to national issues. Its attitude on questions of reconstruction
closely resembled that of the year before, but it added an endorsement of
General Sheridan and other commanders of military districts in the South,
On the financial question it declared "That our national indebtedness should
be funded as speedily as the necessities of the government will allow, and
at the lowest practicable rate of interest, always maintaining inviolate all
pledges of the national faith; that the law in relation to taxing U. S. bonds
and the stock in national banks should be adjusted by Congress on consti-
tutional principles of equity, and that whatever municipal taxation is im-
posed on stock in national banks should go to the advantage of the cities
and towns in which said bank stock is owned." 7 The two latter planks
were loudly championed by Ephraim K. Smart, who was once more taking
an active part in Democratic politics.

The Democratic convention renominated Mr. Pillsbury, condemned the
reconstruction measures and advocated the taxation of government bonds,
and a judicious restriction of liquor-selling.

The constabulary law proved a powerful weapon in the hands of the
Democrats. The Whig warned the Republicans that they must be active,
that the Democrats would take advantage of the liquor law, and at the close
of August endeavored to fix attention on national issues by declaring that
"the Republicans must not allow the traitor Johnson to draw courage from
the election."

When the ballots were counted it was found that the warnings had been
needed. Chamberlain was elected, but the Democratic vote had increased
4,000 over that of the preceding year, while the Republican had fallen off
12,000. The official figures gave Chamberlain 57,332 and Pillsbury 45,590.
The day after the election the Whig pointed out that the majority of the
previous year "had been abnormally large, nearly 10,000 larger than the real
Republican majority in the State upon a contested election." It assured

•Letter of S. L. Milliken in Whig of September 23, 1867.
'Whig, June 28, 1867.

JOHNSON'S ADMINISTRATION 535

friends abroad that Maine was still sound in the faith and would give
20,000 majority against Johnsonism and Democracy. "The result was not
by any means a defeat although if it had not been for the fear of encourag-
ing President Johnson into an open attack upon Congress the majority
would have been very small, as many more Republicans would have refrained
from voting. There is no disguising the facts that the amendments to the
liquor law adopted last winter are exceedingly unpopular with a large
majority of Republicans — and if the issue were simply upon them the vote
would be strongly for restoring the law to where it was." 8 The Kennebec
Journal took a similar view. A letter from Aroostook from a Republican
who then hoped that the county had given a small majority in favor of his
party, said: "We cannot hope to carry Aroostook again with the State
Constabulary law unrepealed. If there had been a single prosecution in
Aroostook we should have lost it this year."

In the fall a delegate temperance convention was held. It resolved
that "the amendment of the act of 1858, ratified by the people of this State
and having all the moral force of a constitutional provision, has made the
prohibitory law efficient beyond our expectations, and cannot be essentially
modified or repealed without disturbing the basis of all our prohibitory
legisation; that while we do not claim that the Constabulary Act of 1867
is perfect in all its parts, we are thus far more than satisfied with the
experiment of that law, and are prepared to stand by the principles on which
it rests."

The usual mass temperance convention was held in Augusta shortly
after the meeting of the Legislature and, according to custom, the Governor
was asked to preside. General Chamberlain had done so the preceding year
but he now declined. He said in a brief letter: "I ha,ve to acknowledge the
honor of your invitation to preside over the friends of temperance now
assembled in this city. Upon the high and broad grounds which underlie
this great cause, I could meet you most cordially but as I understand the
call under which you now meet is to be not so much for the consideration
of the subject of temperance generally as to affect particular legislation
now pending, upon which my official action may be required, it appears to
me that the proprieties of the case do not leave me free to participate as I
might otherwise in your proceedings." On the receipt of this letter, which
gave great offence to the radical temperance men, N. T. Hichborn was
elected president of the convention.

The general opinion seemed to be in favor of firmly adhering to the
legislation of the preceding year. Woodbury Davis said: "We shall hold
the temperance cause superior to all others, State or National, and we ask
that the laws shall stand as they are. Let the question be considered as
settled at the polls, but if politicians see fit to thrust it into politics they
must take the consequences.'"

'Whig, Sept. 10,
'Whig, Jan. 17,

536 HISTORY OF MAINE

But the terrible falling off in the vote for Chamberlain was an argu-
ment with the politicians more potent than any fear of a prohibitory seces-
sion, and the Legislature absolutely repealed the constabulary law and
allowed freedom of sale of unadulterated cider and "the sale of domestic
wines manufactured from fruits, the product of this State, for medicinal
and sacramental purposes." The requirement of a jail sentence for a first
offence against the prohibitory law was also repealed and the imposition
of such a sentence was left to the discretion of the judge, but the amount
of the minimum fines for certain violations of the liquor laws were raised
to $30 and $50 respectively.

The year 1868 is marked by the only impeachment of a President in
the history of the country. Mr. Johnson's continual struggle with Congress
and his alliance with the Democrats and the ex-rebels had worn out the
patience of the Republicans and all were anxious to get rid of him. In
Maine the feeling was much the same as in the rest of the country. The
Bangor Whig and the Portland Press had moved slowly in the matter but
both papers were now in favor of impeachment. Congress had passed a
law, the so-called Tenure-of -Office act, requiring the consent of the Senate
to the removal of officers to whose appointment their consent was neces-
sary. The act, however, allowed the President to suspend an officer if the
Senate were not in session, the suspension to continue until the Senate
acted, or until the expiration of the next session. But the President had
hitherto enjoyed an unfettered power of removal and there was grave doubt
of the constitutionality of the law.

Mr. Stanton, the Secretary of War, and the President were in complete
disagreement on political subjects and their personal relations were also
unpleasant. In August, 1867, Mr. Johnson suspended Stanton and appointed
General Grant Secretary of War ad interim. The Senate refused to concur
in the suspension and Grant promptly surrendered the office. Johnson
claimed that the General had promised to retain his position, or to resign
in time to allow the President to nominate another secretary ad interim.
This Grant denied and an unpleasant controversy arose. The newspapers
took sides, the Republicans attacked the President, the Democrats the gen-
eral. The Portland Press called Mr. Johnson's letter the "Art and Mystery
of Ingenious Lying illustrated by the President of the United States." The
Argus said: "Grant stands convicted by overwhelming testimony of delib-
erate duplicity and treachery."

The President now removed Stanton and directed Adjutant-General
Lorenzo Thomas to act as Secretary of War, but Stanton refused to vacate
his office. The House of Representatives promptly impeached the President
and he was tried by the Senate as the Constitution provides. A two-thirds
majority is necessary to convict and as the trial progressed it became evident
that this might not be obtained. All the Democrats were sure for acquittal,
should seven Republicans join them the President would escape. Many
Republican Senators, much as they disapproved Johnson's course, believed

JOHNSON'S ADMINISTRATION 537

that he had not committed any of the legal offences charged and that as
honest men sitting as judges rather than legislators they must vote not
guilty. Seven Senators were known to hold this view or at least to incline
strongly to it, and tremendous pressure was brought to induce them to go
with their party. One of the seven was William Pitt Fessenden. The
Republicans of Maine were ardent for conviction. General Fessenden says
in his life of his father:

"For several days prior to the taking of the vote, Senator Fessenden's
letters assumed a very threatening tone. The letters from Maine were
particularly savage. He was told that if he voted against conviction, he
might as well leave Maine ; that a Republican Senator who voted for acquit-
tal could never look his constituents in the face. One well-known man in
Maine wrote him that he never believed he could betray his party, and
begged him not to crush the people of Maine with shame and misery.
Another: 'He would not dim his glorious record by voting against con-
viction.' Another: 'Is it possible that you have turned traitor and that
your name will be handed down with that of Benedict Arnold?' He was
begged not to sell his integrity, not to give the devil the first chance, but
to give it to his country. One writer asked him to name his price and thus
save his name from dishonor worse than Booth's. A meeting of working-
men in Philadelphia declared that his course would blacken his memory
for all time."

These are but samples of the notes and letters — and most all from
people who in the past had been his friends and political helpers — which
were sent him. More mass meetings were now held in Washington, in the
principal cities of Maine, — in Lewiston, Bangor, 10 Gardiner, Bath, and in
Portland, Senator Fessenden's own city, — all resolving that the President
was guilty, and that the clear duty of Senator Fessenden was to so vote."

Mr. Fessenden, however, stood firm. General Neal Dow, an old friend
and supporter of the Senator, had written expressing the hope of loyal men
that the President would be removed from office and rendered legally incap-
able of holding office in future. Mr. Fessenden replied:

"I wish you, my dear sir, and all others, my friends and constituents,
to understand that I, and not they, am sitting in judgment upon the Presi-
dent. I, not they, have solemnly sworn to do impartial justice. I, not
they, am responsible to God and man for my action and its consequences.
The opinions and wishes of my party friends ought not to have a feather's
weight with me in coming to a conclusion. You, as a friend, should advise
me to do my duty fearlessly, regardless of the opinions and wishes of men,
and of all consequences to myself, and you should add to that advice your
prayers that no outside clamor, either of the press or of individuals, no
prejudice or passion, no hope of benefit, or fear of injury to myself, no just
indignation against the individual on trial, no considerations of party, no

10 Mr. Fessenden said in a letter to Ruf us Dwinell, of Bangor : "These public
meetings to pass resolutions upon such a matter were got up in obedience to directions
from Washington and were all wrong. But the resolution passed at Bangor was
respectful and kind, and a meeting which under such excitement and misinterpreta-
tion treated me with so much consideration, is entitled to my thanks."

538 HISTORY OF MAINE

regard for those I am most anxious to please, should induce me to swerve
from the straight line of impartial justice according to the Constitution
and the laws."

Rufus Dwinell, of Bangor, wrote him: "If for nothing else, to satisfy
those who elected you, you are bound to vote for conviction." The Sen-
ator answered : "Mr. Dwinell, if I followed your advice I could not look
an honest man in the face. I should feel a degree of self-contempt which
would hurry me to my grave. The people of Maine, yourself among others,
must do as they see fit. If they wish for a Senator a man who will commit
perjury at their bidding, either from party necessity or a love of popular
favor, I am not that man. He who may be selected to succeed me on such
grounds, and be willing to take the office, would, of course, sell his constit-
uents as readily as he sold his honor and his conscience. I should pity not
only him, but the people who selected him." u When the test came, Mr.
Fessenden and six other Republican Senators voted not guilty, and the
President was saved."

There was great excitement in Maine, and bitter attacks were made on
Mr. Fessenden. The Whig, however, wisely advised that the party should
not let itself be divided by assaults on individuals or by matters of minor
importance, and it pointed out that Johnson could do no serious mischief.
It said: "If we shall not be quite free from our incumbrance in the White
House, yet he will be but a caged lion, with his teeth drawn and his claws
muffled, and his only power to annoy that of roaring."

The failure of impeachment was the less important as the people were
to have the opportunity to choose a successor to Mr. Johnson the same year.
The Republican convention excited comparatively little interest. It was
understood that General Grant would be the candidate and the convention
nominated him unanimously. For a nomination for Vice-President five
ballots were necessary. On the last Schuyler Colfax of Indiana was chosen.
Among those voted for was Hannibal Hamlin, who received 28, 30, 25 and
25 votes on the first, second, third and fourth ballots, respectively. His
position was that of a compromise candidate held in reserve rather than
of a formal aspirant for the place. After the nominations the Bangor Whig
said:

"The Maine Republicans enthusiastically admire and love Mr. Hamlin,
and would have been pleased and proud if the Convention had placed him
on the ticket, where he should have been placed in 1864, instead of the
recreant Johnson, although Johnson was then taken only from a mistaken
idea of strengthening the Union cause in the South. But the Maine Repub-
licans have no feeling of resentment (as the New York World hopes they
may have) because he was not nominated by the recent convention. His

"Fessenden, "Fessenden," II, 207-210.

"Two other Senators would have voted for acquittal had their votes been abso-
lutely necessary, and some of the seven might have voted guilty had they not received
satisfactory assurances that the President would appoint General Schofield to succeed
Mr. Stanton, who, it was understood, would resign were the President acquitted.

JOHNSON'S ADMINISTRATION 539

name was first brought forward in the canvass by the papers and politicians
of other States — not by those of Maine — and the Maine delegates were
induced to hold on for him, by the representation and belief that he would
be the second choice of a majority of the convention and that for some
reasons his name would help the ticket more than that of Mr. Wilson, the
other New England candidate. There is no feeling of resentment at the
failure to nominate him. Mr. Hamlin himself did not seek the nomina-
tion — did not desire it so far as we know. He never would authorize us
to bring his name forward in any way, and we have always supposed he
was averse to having it used, but would coincide in whatever was decided
to be for the best interests of the party.""

The platform congratulated the country on "the assured success of the
reconstruction policy of Congress," favored equal suffrage in the South and
denounced repudiation in all its forms.

The Democratic convention nominated ex-Governor Seymour of New
York and Frank P. Blair of Missouri for President and Vice-President.
They denounced the whole Congressional policy of reconstruction and
favored the payment of the United States bonds in greenbacks unless the
bonds themselves or the law under which they were issued provided other-
wise.

In Maine both conventions nominated their former candidates. The
Democratic convention condemned the reconstruction laws and the manner
in which they had been executed. They demanded that coupons on national
bonds should be taxed at a rate which would "subject the capital so
invested to its fair average share of public burdens, as compared with other
descriptions of property, and that the proceeds of such taxation should be
distributed among all the States on just and equitable principles." They
called for the payment of the bonds in "currency," that is, greenbacks,
demanded that the national banks should cease to issue currency and
resolved "That the men who fought for the Union are entitled to the same
currency as the men who loaned the money, and that the bayonet holder,
laborer, farmer, and bondholder should be paid alike."

The Republican convention resolved :

"That the proposition made by the recent Democratic Convention of
this State to admit the rebels in the South to a share in the tax on govern-
ment bonds is a fraud and outrage on the loyal people of the North. Under
the delusive promise of lightening taxation at home, the resolution proposes
to rob the people of Maine by assessing a tax on the deposits of savings
banks, on the treasuries of our insurance companies, and on the hard earn-
ings of the humblest laborer invested in government bonds, and to divide
the amount so raised among all the States, thus giving to the rebels of
Texas more than two dollars where the loyal men of Maine would get one.
We denounce the proposition as an attempt to enrich the rebels at the
expense of loyal men and to subject our national debt to the base use of
lighting anew the smouldering embers of Southern rebellion."

•Whig, Jt

54Q

HISTORY OF MAINE

The convention also declared that the national Democratic convention
might well be regarded as an organized attempt to carry out the purpose*
of the rebellion, that its membership was largely made up of open rebels
and their secret allies, and that "its first aim in its new revolt is to destroy
the government credit, and then overturn by revolutionary violence the
constitutional government of the Southern States. Its ill-concealed move-
ments against the first, and its openly avowed purpose to accomplish the
second, should at once alarm and arouse all good citizens who desire the
peace, prosperity and continued union of the States." 14

Both parties brought leading out-of-the-State men to champion their
cause. The Republicans had William D. Kelley of Pennsylvania, Henry
Wilson of Massachusetts, and Generals Sickles, Hawley and Bingham. The
latter spoke for two hours and a half at Bangor. The hall was hot and it
was eleven o'clock when he ended, but he held his audience, and the Whig
declared that "it was the most able, eloquent and telling speech that the
citizens of Bangor have ever been favored with." The Democrats brought
Mr. Pendleton of Ohio, one of the ablest men in the party and the great
champion of paying the bonds in greenbacks.

In September the Republicans won a great triumph. The vote was
about 20,000 larger than any that had ever been cast at a gubernatorial
election in Maine. Chamberlain had a majority over Pillsbury of nearly
20,000. The New York Nation remarked that it supposed that the Maine
election made Pennsylvania safe and the election in November a mere for-
mality. Its prophecy proved true, Grant receiving 214 electoral votes and
Seymour 80.

At the meeting of the Legislature in 1869 there was brought to a
decision one of the longest, most widespread and bitter contests for a
senatorship in the history of the State. Mr. Morrill's term would expire
on March 4, 1869, and Hannibal Hamlin had been planning for years to
obtain the vacant seat. Shortly after he ceased to be Vice-President,
President Johnson had appointed him Collector of Customs at Boston, a
place then worth from $20,000 to $30,000 a year. But Hamlin could not
follow Johnson in his policy and in October, 1866, resigned his office. He
then devoted much of his time to furthering a plan of developing northern
Maine by building a railroad from Bangor to Dover with the purpose of
ultimately reaching Moosehead lake. But he was even more concerned in
constructing a road for himself to the United States Senate. It was a
difficult and delicate operation. Mr. Morrill was in possession, had the
advantage of dispensing much official patronage and, as Mr. Hamlin's
grandson admits, was "an able and popular senator." Mr. Hamlin found
it advisable to work very quietly and for a long time only a few of his
intimate friends knew certainly of his intentions. As the election ap-
proached, however, an open declaration became necessary, and the whole

'Whig, July 10,

JOHNSON'S ADMINISTRATION 541

party was stirred and divided. Mr. Hamlin's grandson says: "The moral
effect of the reverses that Mr. Hamlin had suffered was undoubtedly a
cloud over his prospects at the start, and there were many who were
affected by it and opposed to him on that account. But the practical
obstacles were even more discouraging. Mr. Morrill was in power and
had the support of every Federal office-holder in the State but three, and
the help of Mr. Fessenden, Mr. Hale, Mr. Pike, and Mr. Lynch of the Con-
gressional delegation. Mr. Hamlin had but one influential office-holder on
his side, ex-Governor Washburn, who was collector of Portland, and but
one member of the Congressional delegation in his behalf, John A. Peters,
Mr. Blaine being neutral.

Mr. Morrill not only had the power in his hands, but he also had able
lieutenants in John L. Stevens, and his brother, Anson P. Morrill. Among
other assistants who afterwards came to the front was Thomas B. Reed.
Mr. Hamlin had to wage his campaign through the common people and 1
group of personal friends, some of whom belonged to the old anti-slavery
guard of ante-bellum days. He was especially fortunate, it should be said,
before the narrative proceeds further, in his lieutenants, — Sebastian S.
Marble, of Waldoboro, and Charles J. Talbot, of Wilton." Mr. Marble was
recognized at this time as a political manager of pronounced ability. He
was silent, cool, persistent, tenacious in his friendships, and had a wonderful
knowledge of human nature. Mr. Talbot was an early anti-slavery leader,
whose friendship and advice were constant factors in Mr. Hamlin's political
career. After the campaign, in the opinion of competent observers Mr.
Marble was ranked as the best politician in the contest next to Mr. Hamlin.
He was subsequently still more active in Maine politics as United States
Marshal, and also as successor to Governor Bodwell, after the latter's death,
when he gave the State a clean, able administration. Hiram Knowlton, a
prominent lawyer of Skowhegan, was another valuable assistant. Josiah H.
Drummond again exerted himself in Mr. Hamlin's behalf and played an
important part at two crises. A new figure of interest was Joseph H.
Manley, who came to the front in this fight among the skillful tacticians of
the day. Leander Valentine, General Samuel F. Hersey, Mark F. Went-
worth, Hiram Ruggles, and others of Mr. Hamlin's personal friends were
also of service to him.

"By one of those peculiar turns political contests sometimes take, Mr.
Morrilf lost ground on account of Mr. Fessenden's support, after the latter
had voted to acquit President Johnson. On the other hand, it was repre-
sented by newspapers of national and State influence that Mr. Hamlin s
return to the Senate would be a more decided rebuke to Johnson than Mr.
Morrill's re-election, since the former had virtually organized the impeach-
ment movement, or was at least conspicuously engaged in shaping it at the
outset. The feeling in this respect may be judged by the following com-

"Samuel E. Spring, of Portland, and D. W. Ames, of Norridgewock, were other
valuable supporters.

542 HISTORY OF MAINE

merit in the Chicago Journal. Speaking of Mr. Hamlin's candidacy for the
Senate, it said:

" 'When the Republican party exchanged him for Andrew Johnson,
it committed the great blunder of its life. . . . Ordinarily the senatorial
question is local, and papers in other, especially in distant States, should
not interfere; but the whole country feels a peculiar interest in Hannibal
Hamlin, and especially desires his return to the public service. Let Andrew
Johnson be buried deep in the black waves of oblivion, living only on the
rolls of the nation's dishonor, while Hannibal Hamlin is again ordered to
the front. His election would be hailed with joy by the entire Republican
party.' "

The argument from locality played a considerable part. The Bangor
Whig urged it with great bitterness. In the issue of December 30, 1868,
it said that Mr. Hamlin was in no respect inferior to Mr. Morrill and that
when personal qualifications were equal, geographical considerations should
decide. All sections should be treated justly. "A central locality may by a
wily policy succeed for a time in playing off the communities on either side
of it against each other; thereby securing to itself for a season a monoply
of power and office, but the end will ever be dissatisfaction, heart-burning,
jealousies, and finally those divisions which lead to its destruction." The
Whig said that Maine had been a State for about forty-nine years, that the
country east of the Kennebec had had a Senator for nineteen years, but
the country west for seventy-nine years," and that Kennebec county alone
had had the honor for forty-one years.

"The east," said the Whig, "certainly has been generous, even magnan-
imous in the past. She has not admitted her inferiority of right or that she
had not citizens as able and patriotic as the center and the west. She has
yielded to the demands of other sections, and when defeated in her hopes,
she has bowed gracefully to the decision which she has nevertheless felt
has done her grievous wrong. For the sake of harmony, she has submitted
to the results which superior tactics and management, and not political
strength, have produced. Is she to be punished for this generosity, for this
noble, self-sacrificing and patriotic conduct? And if so, for how long?
Can she only be respected and recognized when Kennebec wishes for her
own purposes to make a compact with her against the west ?"

The friends of Senator Morrill urged that his vote in favor of impeach-
ment deserved recognition ; the Whig replied that he only did his simple
duty and that the act would have attracted no attention but for the derelic-
tion of Mr. Fessenden and that Mr. Hamlin had patriotically resigned the
Boston custom-house rather than support Johnson.

The only Congressman who supported Hamlin was his townsman, John
A. Peters. James G. Blaine professed neutrality, but according to some
recollections published in the Boston Herald of November 9, 1900, he came
to Augusta and quietly worked for Morrill. The other representatives

"It should be remembered, however, that the West was settled earlier than the
East.

JOHNSON'S ADMINISTRATION 543

supported Morrill publicly. Most of the United States officers worked for
the Senator in possession, but ex-Governor Washburn, who held the most
lucrative and powerful office in the State, the collectorship at Portland,
took the field for Hamlin. When the Hamlin men claimed that their candi-
date was struggling against official influence, the Morrill men replied that
this was by no means certain if the amount of salaries was considered rather
than the mere number of offices.

The fight was not only bitter but extremely close. "The strain on Mr.
Hamlin must have been intense. Once, years afterwards, he told Governor
Marble that sometimes he would dream the 1869 fight all over, and wake
up in a cold shiver, recalling a train of minor incidents which in combination
won him the victory and which, if fate had otherwise ruled, might have de-
feated him. One man who was elected to the House from Portland, pledged
to Mr. Morrill, died before the Legislature convened. Although Portland
was Mr. Fessenden's stronghold, Mr. Hamlin's friends, after a sharp fight
under the leadership of Mr. Drummond, nominated the latter to fill the
vacancy. Had there been no vacancy to fill, or had Mr. Drummond been
beaten, the vote between Mr. Hamlin and Mr. Morrill would have been a tie,
and probably the latter would have won. It happened that in a town not far
from Bangor a man was nominated, and pledged for Mr. Hamlin, who at
heart favored Mr. Morrill, and would have supported him on another
ballot. Figuring for a year or so for success on the narrow margin of one
or two votes was not conducive to pleasant dreams." . . . "Several
men held the balance of power and until the last moment it was impossible
to tell how they would vote ; in fact, no one ever learned how two men did
vote. At this stage of the contest, when the members of the Legislature
were about to enter the caucus, there were four men who gave both sides a
veritable nightmare."

One of these men offered himself for sale and failing to get from Mr.
Hamlin a pledge of a definite, and handsome reward" for his vote, turned
to the Morrill men, received a promise from one of them and cast his ballot
for the Augusta candidate. Another man who was tempted to vote for
Morrill against the wishes of his constituents because he believed that
Morrill would be successful, was won over by prayer. Hiram Ruggles of
Carmel, a devoted adherent of Mr. Hamlin, having tried argument in vain,
induced the recalcitrant to occupy the same room with him at Augusta and
prayed so earnestly that the deserter repented and remained faithful to
Hamlin.

The nominating caucus left the result a little in doubt. One of the
members, Mr. Perry of Mars Hill, had written to a person outside his
district promising to support Morrill, but his constituents favored Hamlin
and held meetings calling on him to vote in accordance with their wishes.

"Mr. Hamlin's reply was: "I never in my life promised a man an office for his
vote, and I never will ; but I will say that I shall be faithful to those who are faithful
to me."

544

HISTORY OF MAINE

In much embarrassment he consulted Representative Peters, who in turn
consulted Hamlin. That experienced politician and parliamentarian replied :
"I want you to advise that man that he can throw a blank ballot." A paper
in color, form and shape like that used by the supporters of Morrill was
given to Mr. Perry. The object may have been to make the Morrill men
think that he was about to vote for their candidate and so prevent their
exerting pressure on him, or else to make sure that he actually did throw
a blank. When the ballots were counted it was found that Hamlin had
75 votes, Morril 74, and that there was one blank. The Hamlin men
claimed a victory, the Morrill men a tie and demanded another vote. There
was much confusion and Mr. Hamlin was consulted. He answered firmly,
"No, blanks don't count. I am nominated and shall stick."

Thomas B. Reed claimed that the blank should be counted as a vote.
There were laws which could be urged as precedents on the other side, but
he argued that the caucus was not governed by statute, that it was simply
a means of obtaining the opinion of the members as to who should be sup-
ported for Senator and that because of the blank vote it was uncertain
what that opinion was. He said, "If we stand by the law, let us stand by
the whole of it," that the law required that votes should be on white paper
and that the Hamlin men had used tinted paper. J. H. Drummond replied
that the law made ballots of other color than white admissible if not chal-
enged when deposited. A member of the committee said that he had noted
and checked the blank ballot and after the votes were counted had asked
Perry if he intended to cast a blank and that Perry had said no, that he
meant to vote for Morrill. It was also said by a member of the committee
that they knew that there was a blank and before counting the vote decided
to throw it out. According to the Argus some Hamlin men were willing to
take another ballot, but the leaders finally refused, saying that members of
the caucus had left the hall, and the supporters of Hamlin carried a final
adjournment.

The Morrill men were inclined to deny that a nomination had been
made, and Morrill was sent for from Washington, but Perry came out with
a card acknowledging that he meant to cast a blank and explaining as best
he could his statement in the caucus that he intended to vote for Morrill.
A Senator and four Representatives from Kennebec publicly announced
that they believed that Hamlin was the party nominee and that they should
support him. This put an end to plans for running Morrill as a third can-
didate and Mr. Hamlin was duly elected by the Legislature, receiving all
of the Republican votes but two which were cast for Joshua L. Chamberlain
and Lot M. Morrill. The Democrats supported A. P. Gould of Thomaston."

"General References: Hamlin, "Hamlin," Chap. XXXVIII; Extracts from news-
papers in Library of Maine Historical Society.

Chapter XX

THE RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD

II. Grant's Administration

CHAPTER XX

THE RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD— II. GRANT'S ADMINISTRA-
TION

The election of Grant and Colfax caused sons of Maine by birth ov
adoption to obtain two of the highest offices in the nation. President Grant
thought of his Cabinet as his personal staff rather than as representatives
of great interests and sections. Mr. Elihu Washburne, then serving as
Representative from Illinois, had shown himself an early, constant and
most useful friend and the President appointed him Secretary of State.
The Whig said: "General Grant's Cabinet once more illustrates his peculiar
ideas and the independence of his action. Mr. Washburne has ever been
an honest and efficient public servant, we have no doubt will successfully
administer the duties of head of the Cabinet. As a working Cabinet the
President could hardly have made a better selection." The New York
Tribune said that Washburne had fought so vigorously against corruption
in Congress that he could not be spared from a reforming Cabinet. Other
comments were not so favorable and there was good ground for criticism.
Horace White says of Washburne : "His personal relations with the general
had been so close and his services so conspicuous that there was a general
expectation that he would have a place in the Cabinet; but nobody sup-
posed that it would be the Department of State, for which he was wholly
unfitted. Although a man of ability, tenacity, and long experience in public
affairs, he was impulsive, headstrong, combative, and unbalanced. The
Department of State was regarded then as the premier position, where
equipoise was the chief requisite, and this quality Washburne lacked."

Curiously enough, Grant never meant to give the office to Washburne
permanently. He had designed to make him Minister to France and
Washburne accepted but asked to be Secretary of State a short time to give
him prestige as Minister. Grant appointed him Secretary with the under-
standing that he should do nothing, but the Secretary began to announce
policies and appoint to offices. Grant acquiesced at first but finding Wash-
burne's acts were making trouble, called for his resignation. The affair
was hardly creditable either to Grant or Washburne and there was much
force in Fessenden's sharp question, Who ever heard before of a man
nominated Secretary of State merely as a compliment?

As Minister, however, he bore himself well in a trying time. Professor
Fish says of Washburne: "He played a useful and distinguished part dur-
ing the Franco-German war and the Commune." During the war he cared
for German interests in France, remained in Paris during the siege and
showed much firmness and energy in asserting American claims. He
demanded, for example, the right of corresponding with the French govern-

54 8 HISTORY OF MAINE

ment at Bordeaux, which the Germans refused. They were willing at any
time to let Mr. Washburne go to Bordeaux but they urged with some
reason that if he chose to remain in a beleaguered place he must take the
natural consequence of being shut up. A little after the war when the
Communists, a kind of French Bolsheviki, held the city against the French
national government, Mr. Washburne spent much time in Paris, bein»
allowed to pass and repass, and he earnestly endeavored to mitigate the
ferocity of the struggle. The French government shot some of its chief
prisoners and the Communists retaliated by seizing leading citizens of Paris
and holding them as hostages. Among them was the Archbishop of Paris.
When the triumph of the government was assured the Communists shot the
principal hostages. Mr. Washburne, whose position as Minister of the
United States gave him some influence with the Communists, had made
great though ineffectual efforts to prevent the slaughter and he received a
special letter of thanks from the Pope because of his endeavor to save the
life of the Archbishop.

The other Maine man whom the election of 1868 helped to high offic*
was James G. Blaine. Vice-President Colfax had been Speaker of the
House and when he left the chair Representative Blaine was chosen to fill
the vacancy.

James G. Blaine was the most widely known, the best loved and the
most hated man in Maine history. Unlike all other citizens of Maine who
have attained great prominence in the political life of the State and nation
Mr. Blaine was not a New Englander by either blood, birth or breeding.
He was born and educated in Pennsylvania and was of Scotch-Irish descent,
his great-great-grandfather, James Blaine, having emigrated from London-
derry in 1745. His father, Ephraim Blaine, was noted for his generous
style of living and his fondness for investing in lands, traits which he seems
to have transmitted to his son. His mother, Maria Louise Gillespie, a
woman of much sweetness and nobility of character, was also of North
Ireland stock, but a Roman Catholic. The marriage was performed by a
Catholic priest but the children were all brought up in the Presbyterian
faith. The only one of the family to attain distinction was the second son,
James Gillespie. He was born at West Brownsville in Pennsylvania, Jan-
uary 31, 1830. As a small child he was by no means precocious. He did
not learn to read until he was seven and, according to his later recollections,
some thought that he was mentally deficient. When about ten he was sent
to live for a while with his mother's cousin, Thomas Ewing. Mr. Ewing
was a man of much ability and was later Secretary of the Treasury under
Harrison and of the Interior under Taylor. Young James remained at the
Ewings for nearly a year. General Sherman said that he and his cousin,
Tom, were "as bright and handsome as ever were two thorough-bred colts
in a blue-grass pasture in Kentucky."

Two years later James entered Washington College. He was only
thirteen and it is not surprising to learn that he was the youngest member

■//,

<S£<^L

GRANT'S ADMINISTRATION 549

of his class. 1 He proved himself both a good companion and a good
student, was liked by his fellows and was tied with two others for the
headship of the class.

He had hoped to study for two years at Yale as a preparation for the
bar but his father was unable to give him further financial assistance and
like many another young man in his situation he determined to teach for a
while to get the money to enable him to pursue his lifework. In January,
1848, he obtained a position on the faculty of the Western Military Institute
at Georgetown, Kentucky, and remained there three years and a half, teach-
ing Greek, Latin and Mathematics. The wife of the head of the Institute
taught a female seminary in a town only twenty miles off and the two
faculties saw much of each other. Among the Seminary assistants was
Miss Harriet L. Stanwood of Augusta, Maine. Mr. Blaine and Miss Stan-
wood were attracted to each other at their first acquaintance and after 1
brief engagement on June 30, 1850, they were married. The marriage
proved a remarkably happy one. Mr. Stanwood says in his life of Blaine :
"Mrs. Blaine was a woman of brilliant mind and of keen wit, a fitting
mate of her husband in mental quality. More than this, she was able to
enter to the fullest extent into the subjects which interested him. Her
literary tastes were in strict agreement with his. Together they read and
enjoyed the works of the great writers of fiction, poetry and history. She
not only sympathized with her husband in politics and shared and incited
his ambitions, but she brought so good a judgment to the consideration of
public questions that Mr. Blaine habitually talked over political questions
with her, and frequently sought her advice."" Mr. Blaine was devoted to
his wife and she regarded him with an admiration which should have satis-
fied the most exacting husband. During his illness in 1876 she wrote to
their friend, Joseph H. Manley : "I dare to say that he is the best man I
have ever known. Do not misunderstand me. I do not say that he is the
best man that ever lived, but that of all the men whom I have thoroughly
known he is the best." For those who opposed her wonderful husband she
had scant tolerance and her feelings were expressed with a frankness and
vehemence which, as Mr. Stanwood gently says, "caused some injury to
her own popularity." 2

In 1851 Mr. Blaine left Georgetown and went to Philadelphia, where
he studied law for three years. For two of these years he also taught
mathematics in the Pennsylvania Institute for the Blind and "left behind
him a reputation which lasted many a year as one who contributed greatly
to the social as well as the intellectual life of the institution."

But fate had determined that Mr. Blaine was to be neither a lawyer
nor a teacher. He had frequently visited Augusta, his wife's home, and
had become acquainted with the leading citizens of the place. The Ken-
nebec Journal had retrograded since the withdrawal of Luther Severance

'His father, however, had entered the same "college" at eleven
•Letters of Mrs. James G. Blaine, I, 136.

55 o HISTORY OF MAINE

from the management. Its friends decided that the brilliant young Penn-
sylvanian was the man to restore it, and in 1854 offeed him the editorship.
He accepted and with the aid of his brothers-in-law, the Messrs. Stanwood,
of Boston, purchased a half interest in the paper. In 1857 he sold his
share and became editor of the Portland Advertiser, spending about five
days a week in Portland, but remaining a citizen of Augusta. In i860 the
owners of the paper decided that the editor ought to be wholly identified
with Portland, and Mr. Blaine resigned his position, disregarding an earnest
remonstrance from William Pitt Fessenden, who wrote him: "This (Port-
land) is the point of strength for you in every aspect, political and pecu-
niary."

Shortly after becoming editor of the Advertiser, Mr. Blaine wrote to
his mother that Portland was a very beautiful but an expensive city, and
that he thought that he preferred the quiet and retirement of Augusta. His
refusal to sever his connection with it in i860 may have also been due to a
belief that continued editorial work would interfere with the political life
on which he had entered. Less than two years after coming to Maine he
had been a delegate to the Republican national convention of 1856, where,
although Fremont was the young men's candidate, he had joined Edward
Kent and Anson P. Morrill in voting for McLean. In 1858 he was appointed
one of a commission to investigate the affairs of the State prison and made
a most able report. The same year he was elected to the Legislature and
served four years, the last two as speaker. In i860 he became chairman
of the Republican State committee." From that time until he was appointed
Secretary of State, in 1881, "he continued to be chairman, and was at the
head of affairs in his party as no other man in Maine ever was. During
more than twenty years he was usually the prevailing force in the Repub-
lican State conventions. He dictated platforms ; the candidates were, with
some exceptions, those whom he favored. He conducted the annual can-
vass almost autocratically. To him were left, almost without the advice
and consent of the rest of the committee, the collection of campaign funds,
the character of the canvass, the selection of speakers, the times and places
of rallies; and his plans were rarely or never modified or criticised. All
reports were made to him, and he issued the orders, which his local lieu-
tenants obeyed promptly and unquestioningly. During the greater part of
the same period it fell to him to designate many of the Federal office
holders in Maine and to find places in the departments at Washington and
at foreign posts for many hundreds of his constituents."* Mr. Stanwood
says: "The reader of the foregoing sentences may be pardoned if he

'It has been said that Mr. Blaine succeeded John L. Stevens as Kennebec member
and chairman in 1859. But Mr. Stevens' immediate successor was Josiah H. Drum-
n'ond, of Waterville, who resigned in i860, because of his removal to Portland, which
rendered it impossible for him to represent Kennebec.

•There is some evidence also that he obliged several governors by writing their
inaugurals.

GRANT'S ADMINISTRATION 551

exclaims that they describe the functions and the methods of the political
'boss'." Mr. Stanwood argues, however, that Mr. Blaine was a political
leader rather than a boss, since he did not use his power for profit or
office, did not attempt to punish those who disagreed with him, and strove
whole-heartedly for party success, working as hard for the election of
candidates whose nomination he had opposed as he did for that of the
men of his choice.

"His broad views, his swift glance were accompanied by such a patience
of detail as counted nothing done for victory while anything remained to
be done. This it was which invested his counsels with an unsurpassed
vigor and vitality. When in other States expected victories turned them-
selves into defeats at the polls his surprised question was, 'Why did they
not know?' Thorough organization was the secret of his political dicta-
torship."

It might have been supposed that he would make his way slowly
because of prejudice against him as an outsider who was interfering in
Maine politics. But such was not the case. Ex-Governor Kent said,
"There was a sort of western dash about him that took with us down-
easters; an expression of frankness, candor and confidence that gave him
from the start a very strong and permanent hold on our people." 5

In 1862 he was elected to the National House and retained his seat
until he was transferred to the Senate, in 1876. His first term was dis-
tinguished by an encounter with the redoubtable Thaddeus Stevens over a
bill to forbid discrimination between gold and greenbacks. The result was
a mortifying defeat of the leader of the House by the new member from
Maine.

Both in the State Legislature and in Congress Mr. Blaine was a vigor-
ous supporter of President Lincoln. In 1864 Mr. Lincoln asked Vice-Presi-
dent Hamlin to pick out some bright, likely man to look after delegates in
Maine and keep a weather eye open for squalls in New England. Mr.
Hamlin recommended Blaine, whose position as chairman of the Republican
State committee gave him special facilities for such work.

During the stormy times of Johnson's presidency Mr. Blaine played
a prominent though not a leading part. A stalwart Republican, he yet
showed a moderation which the fiery zealots or mere partisans who fol-
lowed Sumner and Stevens would have done well to imitate.

Mr. Blaine's chief contribution to the reconstruction policy was the
disfranchising clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. The emancipation of
the slaves had greatly increased the number of representatives in Congress
to which the South would be entitled, but as the Southern whites were
firmly resolved not to allow the negroes to vote, it appeared that the "reb-
els" would be greatly benefited politically by the triumph of freedom. The
Republicans were determined to prevent this, and numerous propositions
were offered for a constitutional amendment basing representation on the

'Stanwood, "James G. Blaine," 1-52.

552 HISTORY OF MAINE

number of votes cast. Mr. Blaine proposed that the general rule of repre-
sentation in proportion to population should be unchanged, but that if a
State denied civil or political rights on account of race or color, its repre-
sentation should be reduced in proportion to the number of persons thus
disfranchised. Mr. Blaine's chief argument was that, basing representation
on votes would give a great and most unjust advantage to the newly settled
States of the West, where the proportion of adult males to the total popula-
tion was extremely large, and he claimed that similar conditions would pre-
vail for a century "under the stimulus to the emigration of young voters
from the older States to the inviting fields of the Mississippi valley and
the Pacific slope." The rule he proposed was adopted and became part of
the Fourteenth Amendment, but has never been and probably never will be
enforced.

The most important official act of Mr. Blaine during his fourteen years
as a Representative was neither the defeat of Stevens on the money bill,
nor the formulation, in substance, of a part of the Fourteenth Amendment,
for both might have been accomplished by others had Mr. Blaine remained
silent. His most distinctive and far-reaching act was a reply to Represen-
tative Conkling of New York. In less than five minutes he delivered one
of the most telling invectives in our legislative history, made a lifelong
enemy, prevented his own attainment of the highest office in the nation,
and made Grover Cleveland, President. Mr. Conkling was an able and
honorable man, but of the type of Thomas H. Benton, impatient of con-
tradiction, vain and domineering. He had made a severe attack on Pro-
vost Marshal General Frye. Frye replied in a letter, bringing counter
accusations against Conkling, and this letter Blaine, who had already come
to Frye's defense, read in the House. There was a sharp debate, Blaine
accusing Conkling of receiving public money illegally and of unfairly
changing one of his speeches before it appeared in the Congressional Rec-
ord. Conkling expressed his profound indifference to what the gentleman
from Maine might think of him and Mr. Blaine made a brief reply, closing
thus: "As to the gentleman's cruel sarcasm, I hope he will not be too
severe. The contempt of that large-minded gentleman is so wilting; his
haughty disdain, his grandiloquent swell, his majestic, supereminent, over-
powering turkey gobbler strut has been so crushing to myself and all the
members of this House that I know it was an act of the greatest temerity
for me to venture upon a controversy with him. But, sir, I know who is
responsible for all this. I know that within the last five weeks, as members
of the House will recollect, an extra strut has characterized the gentleman's
bearing. It is not his fault. It is the fault of another." Mr. Blaine then
stated that Theodore Tilton in a letter to the Independent had said in jest
that the mantle of the brilliant Henry Winter Davis had fallen upon Conk-
ling. "The gentleman took it seriously, and it has given his strut addi-
tional pomposity. The resemblance is great. It is striking. Hyperion to

GRANT'S ADMINISTRATION 553

a satyr, Thersites to Hercules, mud to marble, dunghill to diamond, a singed
cat to a Bengal tiger, a whining puppy to a roaring lion. Shade of the
mighty Davis, forgive the almost profanation of that jocose satire."

Conkling never forgave the attack, and personal relations between him
and Blaine ceased. They would not speak to each other when guests at the
same table or when sitting in a small company of mutual friends in a rail-
way car. Conkling insisted on an apology as a condition of reconciliation,
Blaine would make none, and all attempts to bring them together failed.

At the time of the clash Mr. Blaine was comparatively unknown, but
he soon forged to the front, and when Speaker Colfax became Vice-Presi-
dent, Mr. Blaine was chosen to succeed him. He served for six years,
being twice unanimously renominated, and then, the Democrats having car-
ried the House, gave up the chair to Samuel J. Randall, of Pennsylvania.

As speaker he proved remarkably successful. Mr. Stanwood says
of him:

"Mr. Blaine was master of his position from the day when he first took
the gavel in his hand. He had the look and the bearing of a leader and
commander. His strong and handsome features, his well-shaped person, his
easy and graceful attitude, his penetrating voice, his thorough acquaintance
with the rules of the sometimes turbulent body over which he presided, the
quickness and keenness of his mind in perceiving the relation of a point
of order to the particular rule that was invoked, and finally a personal
magnetism that won for him the unavowed affection even of political
opponents against whom he decided such points, — all these characteristics
made him a model Speaker, one of three or four great occupants of the
chair hardly second to any one."

Like all the great Speakers, Mr. Blaine magnified his office. He not
only used his authority to assist his party, "but also to promote or hinder
measures according as they did or did not recommend themselves to his
individual judgment.'" He took special advantage of the Speaker's right
of recognition and would fail to "see" a member unless the measure which
he wished to offer had been previously submitted to the Speaker for his
approval. But he firmly refused to count a quorum, that is, to count as
present members who, though in the House, remained silent when their
names were called and so broke a quorum and prevented the transaction
of business. The assumption of this power was to be the work of another
great Speaker from Maine, Thomas B. Reed. Mr. Blaine left the Speaker's
chair amidst expressions of the most cordial good will from both sides of
the House.

His future career as candidate for the Presidency and Secretary of
State will be noticed in a later chapter, but something may be said here
of his personal characteristics. Mr. Stanwood says: "Mr. Blaine was a
brilliant and powerful speaker, capable of appealing to the best in men and
of basing his argument upon eternal principles. He was also a clever

'Stanwood, "Blaine," 109.

554 HISTORY OF MAINE

debater, skillful in leading opponents away from the principal question, and
winning an advantage on minor, unrelated points." Mr. Stanwood admits
that there was some justice in the charge often made that Blaine was "too
smart."

But Mr. Blaine had a breadth of culture and of taste rare in an Ameri-
can politician. Senator Hoar says of him: "In addition to the striking
qualities which caught the public eye, he was a man of a profound knowl-
edge, of a sure literary taste, and of great capacity as an orator. He
studied and worked out for himself very abstruse questions on which he
formed his own opinions, usually with great sagacity."

In his speeches and letters he used classic references and quotations,
not with the awkwardness and vanity of the half-learned, but with the
natural ease of one who knows and loves the literature of Greece and Rome.
More remarkable still, he had a knowledge of and fondness for theological
questions. He liked to discuss them, and the first number of the Kennebec
Journal which he edited contained a review by him of a work on St. Paul's
Epistle to the Romans.

Like Henry Clay, Blaine had a high-strung, affectionate nature. His
speech was often vigorous and impassioned and he was easily moved to
tears. His heart went out to the whole world with sympathetic interest.
Mr. Stanwood says : "It was his nature to be drawn toward every man and
woman whom he met, and to make friends with them. He would enter
into the interests of a boy, hold him by the hand, and question him about
his school and his studies, as readily as he would attach a political magnate
to his fortunes, and with as much or as little after-thought as to the con-
sequence in the one case as in the other. It was simply his habit to be
friendly with everybody, and his hunger for friendship was satisfied by his
wonderful faculty for making friends."

Like Clay, Blaine had a power of attracting men which cannot be
wholly analyzed or explained. His friends might boast of his magnetism
and his enemies sneer at it, but that he possessed it there could be no doubt.
His most bitter opponents yielded to the charm. A friend of his, Mr. A.,
was visiting at the house of Mr. Z., a true Massachusetts mugwump, to
whom Mr. Blaine and all his works were anathema. Mr. A., however,
obtained permission to ask Mr. Blaine to call. When he did so, Mr. Z.
received him with just the courtesy required toward a guest, not an atom
more. Mr. Blaine apparently saw nothing, but he did not fail to exert his
usual power, and when he took his leave, great was Mr. A.'s amusement
to see Mr. Z. follow him to the door and in most cordial tones request him
to call again.

Mr. Blaine's power was not limited to those who came directly under
his speli. Says Mr. Stanwood: "His magnetic field extended far beyond
his personal acquaintance, beyond those whom the sound of his voice could
reach. To those who never were affected by it, still more to the genera-
tions that are to come, the language that might be used to describe his

GRANT'S ADMINISTRATION 555

almost magical influence will seem extravagant and fanciful. But how can
anyone explain the frenzy of the enthusiasm manifested on many occa-
sions, when the name of Blaine was shouted by thousands of men who had
never seen him?"

Mr. Blaine's facility in making friends was aided by a remarkable
memory for faces and names, and he fully recognized its value. Gail
Hamilton says in her account of the campaign of 1884: "Mrs. Ewing
relates a characteristic anecdote of his visit at Lancaster, Ohio. At noon
of the second day, she saw a carriage containing three men coming towards
them. T suspect,' said she, 'that carriage is coming for you, Mr. Blaine.'
'Yes,' said he, 'but that is not the point. The point is that there is a man
on the front seat whom I have not seen for twenty-seven years, and I have
got just two minutes and a half to remember his name in. Not another
word was said till the carriages met, when Mrs. Ewing's anxiety came to an
end by his jumping from the carriage with hand extended, and a welcome
beginning with the remembered name — a spirit called from the vasty deep."

Men of the Clay-Blaine type are specially liable to temptation and the
atmosphere of Washington is not conducive to private morality. But how-
ever it may have been with Clay, Blaine escaped unscathed. As a youth he
entered heartily into college life, when Speaker of the House of Repre-
sentatives he was a frequent and liberal entertainer, and his tact and powers
as a conversationalist made his dinners among the most enjoyable in Wash-
ington. But dissipation had no charms for him. On his leaving college om
of the professors said in a certificate of recommendation, you "are indeed
one of the few who have passed through their course without a fault or a
stain." In after years the bitter attacks of his political opponents were
confined almost entirely to his public life. He never used tobacco and was
very moderate in the use of wine. His home was his club. "He was domes-
tic in his habits to an extraordinary degree, was never so happy or so
exuberant in his spirits as when he was with his family, of which he was
the adored and the adoring head, and was attached to all of his own and
Mrs. Blaine's relatives, from the grandfathers to the infants in arms. In
the other relations in which one judges of a man as a member of a social
community he was not less irreproachable. No man was a kinder neighbor
than he, or more helpful or sympathetic toward all with whom he was
brought in contact. He was a liberal giver to charities, a generous sup-
porter of the churches he attended, a buyer who did not bargain, a prompt
payer of his debts. In early manhood he became a member of the Congre-
gational Church in Augusta, and his name was borne on its rolls as of one
in good standing to the end of his life. His religion was not flaunted in
the faces of those who conversed with him, but it was deep and sincere.'"

Mr. Blaine was undoubtedly ambitious, but his ambition was restrained
and guided by a cool judgment. Mr. Stanwood says : "Leadership was a

'Stanwood, "Blaine," Chapter XII.

556 HISTORY OF MAINE

passion with him ; the consciousness of power gave him the keenest pleasure ;
and he was wise enough to retain his power by not abusing it." He did
not attempt to pick the pear before it was ripe. In 1861 he declined to seek
a nomination for Congress which was desired by ex-Governor A. P. Mor-
rill. He said that it would be unbecoming for one so young as he was to
pit himself against a man of ex-Governor Morrill's age and services, and
that should he do so it would divide the hitherto harmonious ranks of the
Republicans of Kennebec. He desired a United States senatorship, but
stood aside in 1871, influenced at least in part by the wishes of his friends
that he should retain the Speakership. It may be thought that his attitude
to the presidency was a proof of unrestrained ambition. He showed his
good sense in refusing to lead against Grant in 1872, but from 1876 to
1892, both inclusive, by his own act or that of his friends, he was a com-
petitor for the Republican nomination for President. Successful in 1884,
he was defeated at the polls. It is difficult not to think of him as a per-
petual candidate and a perpetual failure. Yet both Mr. Stanwood and Gail
Hamilton, well informed if not wholly impartial witnesses, are confident
that his frequent candidacies came rather from the urgency of friends than
his own desire. He often saw more clearly than his over-zealous supporters
the difficulties which he would be obliged to meet.

Nevertheless, Mr. Blaine was by nature eager and enthusiastic and
his forecasts sometimes do more honor to his heart than his head. In 1868,
for example, he declared that the election of Grant as President had settled
finally both the Southern and the financial questions. On one subject alone
did Mr. Blaine's almost constant hopefulness fail him. Gail Hamilton says :
"His worst vice was a mind hospitably inclined to illness. It must be
admitted that a drug and a doctor had irresistible, even hereditary charms
for him." His wife speaks in one of her letters of the cry, " 'O Mother,
Mother Blaine, tell me what is the matter with me,' which has so often
assailed my earliest waking ear, and which always makes my very soul
die within me." As a political manager Mr. Blaine was distinguished for
his carefulness and his attention to details, but he resolutely refused to cul-
tivate these excellent qualities in his personal and home life. Gail Hamilton
says: "His friends, his sons, his smallest child scoffed at his clothes, and
he simply and stoutly defended his clothes. It was de rigeur to laugh at his
hats." 8

His wife when alone in her comfortable home wrote to a daughter
that she longed for the family. "First of all, I miss Mr. Blaine. I can-
not bear the orderly array of my life. I miss the envelopes in the gravy,
the bespattered table linen, the uncertainty of the meals, for you know he
always starts out on his constitutional when he hears them taking in dinner.""

Mr. Blaine had many excellent qualities, but were they outweighed by

*Gail Hamilton, "Blaine," 529, 599.
"'Letters of Mrs. James G. Blaine," II, 17.

GRANT'S ADMINISTRATION 557

a most serious defect, was he dishonest? When he was nominated for the
presidency, in 1884, by the Republican national convention, many of the
purest men in the party, who had joined it in its earliest and best days and
had always remained in the ranks, though at times perhaps with doubt and
hesitation, now declared that Blaine was corrupt and that they could not
support him. But other equally pure men like Longfellow, Whittier and
George F. Hoar, held him free from blame.

The Independents, who voted for Cleveland, were unable to compre-
hend how an honest man could vote for Blaine, and hundreds of thousands
of Blaine's followers hailed him as the peerless leader on whose white plume
there was neither spot nor stain. Today a more moderate view finds its
champions. Mr. Stanwood believes "that by exaggeration, distortion and
misplacement of facts, one series of acts in which Mr. Blaine was not
wholly free from blame has been made to seem the conduct of a person
destitute of moral character," but that in reality Mr. Blaine "was actuated
by high motives, that he was inspired by a lofty patriotism, and that both in
his public and his private life he was obedient to the promptings of a sensi-
tive conscience." Governor McCall in his life of Reed says: "The Little
Rock incident in which he was involved was sufficiently unfortunate with-
out exaggeration, but its significance was magnified by the partisan ani-
mosity of critics who supplemented the known facts by conjectures of their
own, and who reserved standards of judgment for him which they refrained
from applying to their political friends."

The most serious accusations affecting Mr. Blaine's integrity relate to
his connection with railroads. The United States had granted lands to the
State of Arkansas provided that a railroad were begun within a certain time.
The State gave the land to the Little Rock and Fort Smith Railroad Com-
pany, and Mr. Blaine used his parliamentary knowledge to assist the passage
of a law extending the time allowed for construction. A little later he was
anxious to obtain from Mr. Josiah Caldwell an interest in the road, and
Mr. Blaine suggested to a mutual friend, Warren Fisher, that he might
show Caldwell a letter from Blaine stating what he had done to save the
bill which extended the land grant. Mr. Blaine said that he had endeavored
not to be indelicate. It was certainly indelicate for one desiring a financial
favor to mention official action, however proper, which he had taken to the
advantage of the person from whom the favor was sought. This was not
the only instance of such indelicacy on the part of Mr. Blaine. In the
same year he tried to induce Jay Cooke, the great banker and financier, to
assist the road. His letter asking Cooke to do so was written in almost
suppliant language and strongly intimated that the writer would place his
official influence or power at Cooke's service. On another occasion Blaine
was very anxious that Cooke should take some action and Cooke's brother,
Henry, wrote, "Blaine is so persistent in this matter that I feel it is im-
portant that he should be conciliated. . . . He is a formidable power for
good or evil, and he has a wide future before him. However unreasonable

558 HISTORY OF MAINE

in his demands he may appear to you to be, my conviction is irresistible
that he should be appeased." 10

Mr. Blaine sold bonds of the Little Rock and Fort Smith road to vari-
ous friends in Maine. The chief buyer was A. and P. Coburn and Com-
pany, who took $50,000, three other friends agreed to take $10,000 apiece,
the others, $5,000. Mr. Blaine promised one or two of the purchasers to
make good any loss which they might sustain, and this he did, not only for
them, but for all who bought of him, when the road proved a failure.
Nevertheless, he lost not only money, but friends by the affair. The Maine
investors did not receive land grant bonds to an amount equal in face value
to the first mortgage bonds, which other purchasers obtained, the company
delivering the retained bonds to Mr. Blaine himself, as a commission for
his services. His friends had not known that he was acting as the paid
agent of the company in the affair, or that they should have received more
than they did, and they were angry at what they regarded as trickery.
Mr. Blaine did, however, save them from loss, which was more than the
bonds that he received as commission would have done.

Nevertheless, he was most anxious to keep his agency secret, and,
like many of the men who were caught in the Credit Mobilier affair, he
made matters worse by attempts at concealment. He asked Fisher to write
a letter as of his own motion, full of suppression and misrepresentation, and
he made a speech in the House of Representatives which was entirely mis-
leading and contained absolute falsehoods.

He was also charged with selling Little Rock and Fort Smith bonds of
the par value of $75,000 to the Union Pacific Railroad for a sum consider-
ably in excess of their market value, the railroad buying them presumably
because it wished to oblige the Speaker of the House. Blaine denied the
sale, and the president of the Union Pacific testified that the bonds were
his own and bought by the road at a high price to recompense him for his
services as president. But his testimony does not wholly agree with the
other evidence, and Blaine appears to have parted with $75,000 of bonds
and never to have named the person or persons who bought them. Fisher
in one of his letters to Blaine tells him that, owing to his political position,
he was able to work off all his bonds at a very high price, and Blaine in
his reply does not deny it, but says that the money was at once used to save
his friends in Maine from loss. It should be noted, however, that Blaine
did not sell all his bonds, and yet did not think it worth while to correct
Fisher in the matter, and he may have passed over the assertion regarding
his political position for the same reason. What specially interested him
at the moment was to deny Fisher's assertion that he had made money out
of the Little Rock and Fort Smith affair. Mr. Rhodes, after giving the
whole question careful consideration, is of the opinion that while there may

•Oberholzer, "Jay Cooke," II, 171-173. 354-

GRANT'S ADMINISTRATION 559

not be full legal proof against Blaine, the evidence against him is very
strong."

In the winter of 1869 the Republican party was seriously embarrassed
by the question of the enforcement of the liquor laws. The annual State
temperance convention demanded the re-establishment of a State constab-
ulary. There was, however, considerable difference of opinion on the sub-
ject, even in the "temperance" wing of the Republican party. Woodbury
Davis thought that there was no need of a State police except in large
cities like Boston and New York. He said that it was the imposition of a
jail sentence on the first conviction that had caused the great falling off
of liquor selling in 1867. John L. Stevens, the editor of the Kennebec
Journal, opposed both the creation of a State police and the passing of a
law for jailing on the first conviction. Attorney General William P. Frye
believed a State police necessary; he said that there were great violations
of all laws, not of the prohibitory law only. He thought that there should
be a State constabulary, with a chief and at least one deputy in each county.
Joshua Nye, formerly chief constable, said that the rumsellers told him that
it was the enforcement, and not the legal penalty, which they cared for, and
he declared that as soon as the constabulary law was repealed liquor sell-
ing began again, although the imprisonment law was still in force. 13

Encouraged, perhaps, by this division among the prohibitionists, the
Legislature neither re-established a State police nor made imprisonment the
sole punishment for liquor selling, even in the case of a "first offence."
The radical Prohibitionists then became extremely active. The Eastern
Maine Methodist Conference resolved that the Legislature had violated their
high duty in failing to create a State police.

The Maine Grand Lodge of Good Templars voted to request the State
committee to call a temperance convention earlier than the party conven-
tions, to consider the temperance question, and, probably, to nominate some
true temperance man for Governor. The Grand Division of the Sons of
Temperance voted that a preliminary convention should be held and that
if neither of the principal parties should make a satisfactory nomination,
then another convention should be called to nominate a temperance can-
didate.

The Maine conference resolved "that esteeming it the duty of Christian
men to vote as they pray, and viewing the ballot box as one of the most
appropriate and powerful instrumentalities that can be made use of in the
interest of morality, we will neither vote ourselves, nor encourage others
to vote, for any party's measures, or men, not practically devoted to the
cause of prohibition. That the course taken by the Legislature and the
Chief Executive of this State, during the past two years, has so crippled
and destroyed the influence of the prohibitory law, that it is no longer
enforced except in rare instances, and there accordingly prevails such an

"Rhodes, "History of the United States," VII, 194-206.
"Whig, Jan. 30, Feb. 13, 14, 1865.

560 HISTORY OF MAINE

amount of degradation and crime, as must fill with sorrow and indignation
the heart of every true friend of temperance."

On June 24, the Republican convention, as it may again be called, met."
Governor Chamberlain had served three terms, and both Governor Cony
and Governor Morrill had declined being a candidate for a fourth. Gov-
ernor Washburn had refused a third nomination and special circumstances
had prevented Governor Coburn from serving more than a year. Governor
Chamberlain had determined to retire, but a letter was written to him by a
number of prominent citizens, including ex-Governor Coburn and George;
F. Shepley, highly praising what he had done for the development of the
State and begging him to allow his name to be placed before the conven-
tion. The Governor replied in appreciative terms that he would respond
to the call of duty. He did not, however, receive an uncontested renomina-
tion, as had been the case in 1867 and 1868. He had given great offence
to the "temperance" men. He had declined to preside over their conven-
tion, he had used language in his last inaugural which was not pleasing to
thorough-going prohibitionists, and it was reported that he had said that
if the Legislature passed a constabulary bill that he would veto it. Under
such circumstances it might well seem unwise to nominate the Governor
for a fourth term, but the convention did so. The temperance men put
forward as their candidate Sidney Perham, long a worker in the cause, but
he received only 375 votes to Chamberlain's 694, there were 36 scattering.
The convention resolved "that we emphatically renew our adhesion to the
principles of prohibition and a vigorous enforcement of laws to that end."
It also declared for a development of Maine's great material resources "with
a due regard to her present indebtedness."

The Democratic convention had the unusual experience of nominating
a candidate who refused to accept. There was a strong movement in the
party in favor of putting up new men and bringing forward new issues.
The party had been led by extreme copperheads like Marcellus Emery and
Eben F. Pillsbury, but opposition to the war was a dead issue and of
unsavory memory, and the younger Democrats were anxious for a change
both in leaders and creed. The convention accordingly nominated Mr.
Charles P. Kimball, a wealthy and popular carriage manufacturer of Port-
land, who was persona grata to the younger element, but Mr. Kimball rose
in his place and declined the honor.

On the second ballot the number of votes fell from 546 to 330. Of
these votes 217 were given to Franklin Smith, of Waterville ; the rest were
scattered among various gentlemen. Mr. Smith was well disposed toward
the "Old Guard" and they to him ; the Whig in some caustic comments
asserted that the whole thing was a skillful plot of the managers. The

"The request for the choice of delegates did not indeed use the word Republican
and it was addressed to all who endorsed the principles of the inaugural of President
Grant and favored a judicial and economical administration, but the signers of the
call described themselves as the Republican State Committee.

GRANT'S ADMINISTRATION 561

platform declared for free trade and the taxation of government bonds."
But if the Democrats went into battle with the progressives in their
own ranks baffled and sore, they had the satisfaction of knowing that the
radical prohibitionists had formally bolted the Republican ticket. A State
temperance convention nominated N. G. Hichborn, of Stockton, for Gov-
ernor, and declared themselves in favor of the payment of the public debt,
the passage of laws for the development of the resources of Maine, total
prohibition, and a State police. Mr. Hichborn had been State Treasurer
from 1865 to 1868. When it was decided to nominate a candidate for Gov-
ernor, the secretary of the State temperance committee, Mr. Shorey, of
Bath, and three other members, Colonel Fred N. Dow, son of Neal Dow,
and Messrs. Jordan and Moulton, of York, resigned their offices. John J.
Perry, a vice-president and a member of the committee on resolutions, did
the same."

Many of those who led in the third party movement did so because
they felt that they had been cheated by the politicians, and that they were
fighting in a holy war. Rev. D. B. Randall wrote to the Lewiston Journal
that he had been engaged in the temperance cause in Maine for nearly forty
years, that he and thousands of others had acted with the Republican party
during the Civil War, being assured by the leaders that when the crisis was
passed they should have such legislation as they might desire, but that
these promises had not been kept, and that for the last two or three years
the action of the party had been contrary to them. Mr. Randall said that
he had been averse to political action on the part of the temperance men
and had hoped first that the State and then that the county conventions
would take a stand for enforcing prohibition, but that nothing satisfactory
had been done, and that he was constrained to say that he could no longer
act with the Republican party."

But there were earnest prohibitionists who were not ready for extreme
measures. Among them, beside those already mentioned, were Dennis L.
Milliken, Lyndon Oak, Ebenezer Knowlton, Nelson Dingley, Sidney Per-
ham, Woodbury Davis, the two Morrills and Neal Dow. John J. Perry,
who had resigned from the resolutions committee of the State temperance
convention because he believed that it was not advisable to form a party
antagonistic to the Republican party at the present time, said in a public
letter: "As for the question whether or not a consistent temperance man
can vote for Governor Chamberlain, I express no opinion, for I believe that
class of men generally, have some very decided convictions as to their duty
upon this subject, but I cannot see the expediency of forming a new party,
when its inevitable result will be to divide up and scatter the temperance
men of Maine, and destroy that harmony of action which has so happily
existed in their ranks for the last fifteen years.

"Whig, June 30, 1869.

"Whig, July I, 1869.

"Quoted in Whig, Sept. 7, 1869.

562 HISTORY OF MAINE

"If the temperance platform of the Bangor [Republican] convention is
a party trick, a cheat, a swindle, as alleged by the friends of the third
party, we shall all find it out in due time ; and in such an event, there would
be then but one voice and one opinion among the fifty thousand temperance
men of Maine — raise the temperance standard high above all party organiza-
tions and around it rally to the polls and 'fight it out on that line until
victory perch upon our flag'."

On election day the number of votes fell off considerably, not only as
compared with 1868, a presidential year, but with 1867. General Cham-
berlain was, however, elected by a good majority. He received 51,314
votes, while Smith polled 39,033, and Hichborn only 4,735.

Governor Chamberlain in his inaugural address of 1870 discussed with
some vigor the subject of a constabulary law and the character and motives
of the Hichbornites. He said:

"It is proper that I should inform you that there seems to be a gen-
eral falling off in respect for our liquor laws. The enforcement of these
laws comes in no manner within the power of the Executive. It very
properly devolves upon municipal officers, and the degree of their zeal and
efficiency is measured by the prevailing local sentiment. It is not an unrea-
sonable theory that the State should secure the even and impartial execu-
tion of her laws throughout her jurisdiction. So far probably all good
citizens would agree, but the erection of a special police for the purpose
mainly of enforcing (a) liquor law beyond certainly, if not against, the
wishes of the municipalities, has been urged by some as a proper measure
and proclaimed by a few as a test of allegiance to the cause of Temper-
ance. But in a government like ours one of the most delicate things which
a State could be called on to do is to invade the ancient rights and dignities
of towns, which the historian and statesmen know, are at the foundation of
our liberties. It is still more difficult when the issue is upon a contested
question of social ethics, or public morals, upon which even good men might
be divided, and bad men find pretexts for giving the most dangerous pas-
sions sway.

"Unfortunately, we have made the experiment our own ; and the salu-
tary lesson to be learned from it may warrant me in taking public notice
of it here. A principle prized by all was arrogated by a few, and made the
placard if not the watchword of a political organization. The result, as
might have been expected, was to give a worthy and sacred cause the appear-
ance of defeat. The cause has suffered, but should not be held to blame.
Its very virtue was its misfortune. The strong hold which it had upon
the hearts of the people was the occasion of its being seized upon to cover
sinister contentions. Serious elements of disaffection availed themselves of
the confusion which their cries had raised and rallied in a strange com-
panionship, under a banner which had never been so entrusted to them, and
which lost its consecration by their laying on of hands. The elements which
conspired in this movement and the animus which impelled it, appear to
have been so well understood by our people as to require no analysis by
me. Four thousand votes in a total of 100.000 after the unparalleled
resorts of that campaign prove that whoever else voted that way the tem-
perance men of Maine did not. They answer to a longer roll call. They
muster a nobler host."

GRANT'S ADMINISTRATION 563

The Governor referred to and reproved the bitterness of the recent
campaign and in order that those who had followed him on another field
might not be led astray "by the false fancy that they are following me
still," General Chamberlain asked leave "to lift my standard for a moment
that they may see where I am. Let them not think that the record of a
lifelong loyalty is so easily reversed. I shall not seek safety in the lines of
the enemy to escape the mutinies of the discontented, more anxious for
their own way than for victory, nor turn back to camp because some raw
recruit on picket, with the impetuosity of terror, unable to discern front
from rear, or friend from foe, shrieks at me for the countersign." Passing
to the nature of the question of prohibition, the Governor said :

"Any law which proposes to abridge personal rights should be ventured
upon with the utmost caution and administered with the widest charity.
There are other things to be thought of besides restraining men from the
use of intoxicating drink. Tho' this be a parent of crime and begets
monsters from which all the good avert their faces and seek to save their
fellows, yet we must not expect that it can be wholly subdued and driven
from among men. The laws against intoxication are as well executed and
obeyed as the laws against profanity, theft, unchastity or murder. Even if
they are executed they will not aid to extinguish crime, nor banish evil
from the hearts of wicked men. These are questions which go to the founda-
tions of society. We must consider what can be done. Restrain and intimi-
date as much as you can by law ; it is only by the Gospel still that men can
be converted from evil."

The Governor may have shown courage in this part of his message, but
he manifested little tact. The personal note was too prominent and the
attack on the motives of the supporters of Hichborn was both unfair and
impolitic. Probably most of those who voted for him were honest if im-
practicable idealists, and thousands who remained away from the polls or
even voted for Chamberlain had much sympathy with the seceders, but were
unwilling to turn against the party in whose ranks they had served so long.

The Whig, no blind or fanatical supporter of prohibition, said that the
Governor "gained nothing in our estimation by rehearsing the deeds of men
who differed from us last year in action, and that his ideas of the manner
of enforcing temperance are of questionable wisdom or expediency, scarcely
worthy an able public officer." But the Whig especially regretted the state-
ment that the prohibitory law was as well enforced as other laws. It
declared "without fear of contradiction that in no such sense as we view
other prosecutions, is the liquor law enforced. We assert that in a great
majority of the cities and villages of this State the law is shamefully neg-
lected. We believe that in almost every city the police know and could
easily learn of cases of violation almost under their hourly view. The law
is not enforced as it should and can be enforced, and as it must be enforced;
and the Governor has been lamentably deceived in relation to it."

Certainly the Governor's address did not daunt the radicals. The
State temperance convention met at Lewiston late in January. Nelson

564 HISTORY OF MAINE

Dingley, the editor of the Lewiston Journal and a leading politician as well
as a sincere and consistent temperance man, was appointed chairman of
the committee on resolutions. He reported seven. One of them declared
that it was the duty of the State to provide for the uniform and impartial
execution of its laws. But this resolution was not strong enough to suit
the convention, and an amendment was carried calling in explicit terms
for a State Police. Another resolution of the committee which was duly
passed declared it the duty of temperance men to support only the party
which stood by prohibition.

The Legislature referred the part of the Governor's message relating
to temperance to a committee, and public hearings were held. Two measures
were chiefly favored by the radicals, one was the re-establishment of the
State police, the other a provision for fining municipal officers who failed
to enforce the law. Mr. Dingley declared that nothing short of a State
police would do. He was supported by Mr. Stickney, of Presque Isle, who
explained with great frankness why a law fining town officers would be in-
effective in some places. He said : "Suppose these officers neglect their duty,
who will commence action against them? They are respectable citizens, no
one wants to meddle with them, and the rum selling will go on as ever.
We get our best men for town officers, men who will look after the financial
interests with careful attention ; but generally they are men who would not
be mixed up in a 'rum affair' ; if we get the right men to enforce the law
against rum selling, they will not be fit for anything else."

The Legislature did not re-establish a State police, but provided for the
fining of municipal officers who failed to prosecute on receiving a specified
kind of notice that liquor was being sold. The law also directed that a
warrant for search and seizure should be granted on the complaint of one
person, instead of three, as formerly; an officer was allowed to seize with-
out a warrant, keeping the liquors in some safe place until he could pro-
cure one; condemned liquors were in all cases to be destroyed, and it was
made the duty of every county attorney to have all liquor sellers who had
been convicted in the Supreme Court sentenced at the same term, "unless
for reasons satisfactory to the court the case may be continued for sen-
tence one term, but no longer." Additional provision was made for pun-
ishing misconduct on the part of municipal officers authorized to purchase
liquor.

The Republicans made a further concession to the radical prohibition-
ists in their selection of a candidate for Governor. Governor Chamberlain
had been spoken of for another term, but his name did not come before the
convention. The candidates were Mr. Perham, General Chamberlain's oppo-
nent of the year before, and Samuel F. Hersey, a wealthy lumber operator
of Bangor. The contest was close and at times warm, but as there were
only two candidates one ballot was sufficient to decide it. Mr. Perham
was nominated, receiving 667 votes to 627 for General Hersey.

Sidney Perham was born in Woodstock, Maine, on March 27, 1819.

GRANT'S ADMINISTRATION 565

He had a school but no college education, and became a farmer and teacher.
He served for two years as a member of the State Board of Agriculture,
and in 1855 he was Speaker of the Maine House. He was subsequently
county clerk of Oxford county, and from 1863 to 1869 he was Representa-
tive in Congress. Shortly after his governorship he sought in vain an elec-
tion as Maine Secretary of State, but a little later President Hayes appointed
him appraiser of the port of Portland, and he held the office for eight years.
Like Governor Washburn, Mr. Perham was a staunch Universalist and was
actively interested in the work of the denomination. He died on April 9,
1907, having just completed his eighty-eighth year.

The platform of the convention announced, "That we rejoice in the
vast and varied natural resources of our State, and hold that it should be
the constant effort of every department of the State government by wise,
uniform and foreseeing State policy to develop these resources and bring
them into active operation, and then to furnish profitable employment for
our industrious people, a home market for the produce of our farmers, so
as to stay the tide of emigration from our State, and increase our wealth
and population." It declared that the public debt should be paid according
to the letter and spirit of the contract, but favored a reduction of the debt
when not contrary to the public promise and to industrial interests, and
opposed the fostering of one branch of industry at the expense of another.
A separate resolution stated that "the shipping interests of the State and
Nation demand the care and protection of the Government, and the adop-
tion of such measures as shall relieve the owners and builders of vessels."
The convention also resolved "That we renew our adhesion to the principle
of prohibition, and a vigorous and impartial enforcement of the laws to
that end."

Nothing was said about a State constabulary, but Candidate Perham
was one of the most radical prohibitionists in public life and the State tem-
perance committee declared a convention summoned for June 18 indefi-
nitely postponed. Nevertheless the convention was held. The attendance
was not large, though some of the most earnest temperance men of the State
were present, Hon. Henry Tallman, of Bath, presiding. The convention, by
a unanimous vote, nominated as a candidate for Governor, Hon. Sidney
Perham, and adopted resolutions demanding thorough-going temperance
legislation, a State police, and the continuance of the temperance party
organization. A State committee was appointed, and arrangements made
for independent county and representative nominations. The convention
severely censured those members of the State committee who had caused
notice to be sent out that the convention was indefinitely postponed, thus
preventing a larger attendance.

The campaign for the Republican nomination had been a sharp one,
but at least the convention had maintained decorum. The Democratic con-
vention was marked by great disorder and bitterness. The progressive wing
believed that now there was a golden opportunity for a new departure.

566 HISTORY OF MAINE

The nomination of Perham had slighted the East and offended the liberal
Republicans and the friends of Chamberlain. Before his first nomination
for Governor there was considerable doubt whether he would support
President Johnson or Congress. Now, notwithstanding the declaration in
his address in January that he would not go over to the enemy, many
Democrats felt that it might be possible to form an alliance with him and
his followers.

The convention met at Portland on June 28. After it had organized
and chosen committees, Mr., George F. Emery, of Portland, offered a reso-
lution that the convention adjourn until August 9. The motion was received
with cheers and hisses.

"Mr. Emery said that in making that proposition he expressed the
unanimous desire of the Portland delegation, who wished to wait and see
what action the people of Maine would take in view of the recent conven-
tion at Augusta. He believed the people of Maine would desire to bring
forward as their candidate that eminent patriot and statesman, Joshua L.
Chamberlain.

"At this part loud and long-continued applause broke out, in which a
yellow dog on the platform took a prominent part. When the cheers sub-
sided, vigorous hisses succeeded.

"Mr. Emery went on to say that no Democrat has any cause to com-
plain of Governor Chamberlain ; that, under the circumstances, he is the
best man available for Governor and the best man for United States Sen-
ator. (Applause.)

"General Roberts, of Bangor, with excitement: 'Is the Democratic
party of Maine dead?' ( Voices, No, No ! ) 'Have we come here to witness
the burial of the remains and act as pall-bearers?' (No! No!) 'Are we
to adjourn for thirty days to beg of the Republican party some of the
crumbs from their tables? For his part, he considered the adoption of the
resolution a most disastrous affair.' (Cheers.)

"E. W. Farley moved the indefinite postponement of the resolution.
It digs the grave of the Democratic organization. General Chamberlain and
the Democratic party have nothing in common except on the question of
prohibition. . . .

"W. G. Chadbourne, of Portland, sprang upon his feet and with much
vehemence at the top of his voice cried out : 'You must get out of the old
ruts. Where are you(r) young men? In the ranks of the Republican
party. Take this recess. Let us then come together again and put in nom-
ination Joshua L. Chamberlain (hisses) and we will hang around him a
majority that will astonish the hard-cider campaign.'

"Mr. Simpson, of Belfast, vigorously opposed the resolution. He had
respect for Governor Chamberlain, but did not see how he could step from
the Republican prohibition platform of last year to the one which the con-
vention would construct.

"Gen. S. F. Nickerson said he was tired of being led to defeat year
after year. He believed General Chamberlain would give this success.

"Mr. Madigan, of Aroostook, sneered at the idea of going to the lib-
eral Republicans and begging them to give us a candidate. Has any gentle-
man any written pledge from General Chamberlain that he will accept any
nomination from this body, which will warrant our adoption of him?

, GRANT'S ADMINISTRATION 567

"Mr. Rice, of Rockland, opposed and Mr. Clifford supported the reso-
lution, saying that the Democratic party has slept for ten years, and we
must wake up and welcome recruits. We do not propose' to surrender
Democracy, but to make it successful.

"After three cheers led by H. W. Ripley for the Young Democracy,
and three more led by Mr. Clifford for the Old Democracy, the convention
took a recess for dinner.

"The convention re-assembled at 2.45, and the debate rambled on,
growing fiercer and fiercer. A motion was made to adjourn to August
16th, instead of 9th, and Mr. G. L. Boynton proposed to adjourn to Bangor
instead of Portland, remarking that he had seen quite enough of Port-
land."

Marcellus Emery criticised Governor Chamberlain. "Mr. Wilson, of
Thomaston, added his protest against adjournment. He learned from Gen-
eral Chamberlain's friends that he will not accept any nomination from us ;
that it will embarrass him. He is a candidate within the Republican party
for the senatorship. W. G. Chadbourne told Emery that the Democratic
party owed him nothing, but that he owed everything to the party. If it
hadn't been for Democracy he would have dangled from a Bangor lamp-
post during the war. The hall was a perfect pandemonium. At length quiet
was partly restored and Mr. Chadbourne finished his speech. Virgil D. Par-
ris moved that the whole subject of adjournment lie on the table. His
motion was defeated by a vote of 252 to 162. This settled the question,
and the resolution was thereupon amended, making the time August 16th,
and the place Bangor, whereat the Young Democracy let themselves out in
a prolonged war whoop of victory, the opposition charging . . . mis-
takes and cheating in the count." 1 '

The Whig expressed the opinion that the victor}' would be only tem-
porary. It said, "The Young Democracy may cavoort and prance under
the lash, but the old wheel-horses will prove too heavy for them and refuse
to budge the team except along the beaten road. At Portland they were
not fairly in harness, many of the veteran stagers being out at pasture, but
in August the whole herd will be corralled and pedigree will tell."

The postponed convention, however, although it nominated a sup-
porter of the Old Guard at Portland, scarcely proceeded along the beaten
path. The managers had worked earnestly for harmony and the conven-
tion, with only two dissenting votes, nominated Gen. Charles P. Roberts,
of Bangor. At Portland he had vehemently opposed the nomination of
General Chamberlain, but he had served with courage and reputation in the
Civil War as colonel of the Second Maine and temporary commander of
the brigade of which it formed a part, and it was certainly a new departure
for the Democrats of Maine to appear in the field with a Union soldier at
their head. Moreover, the platform had little to say about reconstruction,
but it accused the Republicans of extravagance and corruption and of
destroying Maine's shipping interests, and demanded free trade as a right

"Whig, June 30, 1870.

568 HISTORY OF MAINE

of the people. It denounced an act of the Maine Legislature allowing a
town to consolidate its school districts and resolved "That while the Demo-
cratic party are in favor of a judicious regulation by law of the sale of
intoxicating liquors, they are opposed to the present prohibitory law and
the restoration of a State constabulary."

After the adoption of the platform another resolution was added de-
nouncing Chinese immigration.

The Democrats made great use of their candidate's military record,
criticised Perham and declared that, if elected, he would attempt to force
a State constabulary on the people. The Argus said on election day :

"For Governor, the choice is between General Roberts, a brave soldier
who left home and family to face hardship and death upon the battle field,
in defense of the Union, and Mr. Perham, who sat in his comfortable seat
in Congress with his unsullied white necktie on, and voted himself forty-
five dollars a day instead of the eight dollars a day paid before the
war. . . .

"If Mr. Perham did aught in behalf of his country, for which he was
not more than doubly paid, history has made no record of it. The only
thing for which he gained notoriety was his proposition to make soldiers'
widows prove that they were not prostitutes before they could draw pen-
sions." 1 '

"This shameful indignity to the widows of soldiers received the con-
demnation and contempt which it merited. Aside from this, we are not
aware that Mr. Perham is distinguished for anything except ramrodism. On
this subject he is a full blood fanatic and his election will give him an
opportunity to show it. Voters, is that the kind of a man you want? No,
we know he is not. Then vote for the gallant Roberts and elect him."

The Republicans replied by charging the Democratic leaders with cop-
perheadism in the war, and dwelling on the disloyal record of Marcellus
Emery, who had been nominated for Congress. They spoke of Roberts'
short military record, he having resigned in 1862 on account of ill health.
They quoted from Representative Dawes, of Massachusetts, who had said
in a speech at Portland that if a pensioner forgot Perham he would forget
his best friend, and declared that Perham would be guided on the temper-
ance question by the wishes of those who elected him.

The election was a triumph for the Democrats. They made large gains
on the gubernatorial vote and gains also in both branches of the Legis-
lature. The official vote for Governor stood: Perham, 54,019; Roberts,
45,733-

"Whig, June 30, July 1, 1870.

"Mr. Perham, as chairman of the House Committee on Invalid Pensions, had
reported a bill of this kind, but it applied only to cases where satisfactory evidence
of improper conduct had been presented to the Commissioner of Pensions. The bill
met with sharp opposition. Representative Ingersoll, of Illinois, declared that it
could never have emanated from any portion of the country other than "the cold
and frigid regions of Maine," and Mr. Perham made a vehement reply, praisinf
Maine for what she had done in the Civil War and what her sons had done in other
States, including Illinois. The bill failed to pass.

GRANT'S ADMINISTRATION 569

The first duty of the Legislature was to elect a United States Senator
for the full term of six years. The choice, however, had been really made
in September. The Republican nomination for Governor had been turned
into a contest for position in the senatorial race, and when a candidate for
Governor had been chosen the struggle was carried into the contests for
nomination of members of the Legislature. The Whig said: "The Sena-
torial question was obtruded into every local caucus, candidates were clas-
sified as Morrill or Chamberlain men, members of the Legislature were
nominated with a view to the special issue and in many cases were peremp-
torily instructed by conventions to vote only for a specified individual. It
was understood throughout the State that the September election was to
decide the choice of Senator, this view was emphasized by the journals
devoted to either candidate.""

The result was an overwhelming victory for Senator Morrill and the
Republican caucus promptly ratified the informal choice by a vote of 105
for Morrill to 34 for Chamberlain, one ballot was cast for ex-Governor
Washburn.

The next summer the Republicans renominated Governor Perham by
acclamation. Their platform expressed pride in the record of the Repub-
licans, declared that every American citizen should be protected in all his
rights both at home and abroad, that a tariff was the best method of rais-
ing the national revenue, and that the rates should be adjusted so as to
"promote the interests of every section and branch of industry in the
land ; special pains being taken to foster in every practicable way the honor
and interests of the American laborer."

The Democrats though not openly divided as in their first convention
of the year before were less harmonious than the Republicans. A move-
ment known as the New Departure had started in the national party with
that notorious copperhead, Clement L. Vallandigham, as leader, former
issues in regard to slavery and negro suffrage were to be treated as settled
and dead. The Young Democracy of Maine welcomed the movement joy-
fully, but the older men were unwilling to admit that their former war
cries were to be regarded as matters of history merely. They wished the
State convention to declare that the Democracy, while denouncing the
means by which the Thirteenth, Fourteenth and Fifteenth amendments were
passed, acknowledged their binding force until they should be regularly
repealed. The resolution finally passed expressed loyalty to the Constitu-
tion "as it now exists," but denounced the means by which it became the
law of the land. The convention also denounced repudiation and demanded
the payment of debts in lawful money (greenbacks?), demanded further
civil service reform and appointment by examination, and accused the Presi-
dent of packing the Supreme Court to obtain a reversal of the decision
declaring the act making greenbacks legal tender, unconstitutional. Mr.

'Whig, Jan. II, 1871.

570 HISTORY OF MAINE

C. F. Kimball was nominated for Governor with only a few scattering
votes in opposition, and this time he kindly consented to stand up to be
knocked down. He, however, made a good run, receiving 47,578 votes to
Perham's 58,285, there were 34 scattering.

In 1872 a President was to be elected and the Democratic party in its
desire for success took, indeed, a new departure. The influence of the
politicians with President Grant, the withdrawal or dismissal from the
Cabinet of some of its ablest and best members and the serious corruption
in the public service alienated many of the oldest and purest leaders of the
Republican party. It was well known that General Grant would be renom-
inated and a convention of "Liberal Republicans" was held at Cincinnati
to nominate an independent candidate. Five ballots were taken without a
choice, on the sixth Horace Greeley showed such a gain that he was mani-
festly the winning man, delegates hastened to transfer their votes before
the official announcement of the result and he was declared nominated by
a vote of 482 to 187 for Charles Francis Adams.

The result was a surprise and a disappointment both to leading Lib-
erals and to the Democrats. Greeley had been supported by some unsavory
politicians, and his nomination was brought about in such a manner as to
seem the result of a political bargain, both of which circumstances were
extremely offensive to Liberals. The Democrats could not forget that Mr.
Greeley had been fighting them in the Tribune from his youth up, first as a
Whig and then as a Republican. Both the Democrats and the Liberal
Republicans were opposed to a high tariff. Horace Greeley had always been
an apostle of protection. While perfectly honest himself he was vain and
easily influenced and many of his closest supporters were men of bad
reputation.

Would the Democrats ratify such a nomination or the disaffected
Republicans leave Grant for Greeley? In Maine the Argus promptly
accepted the Liberals' nominee. In an editorial headed "The People's
Candidate," it said: -

"Nearly everybody was looking in a different direction for the candi-
date, and perhaps did not weigh, as the convention evidently did, the power
which Mr. Greeley has with the masses of the Republican party. * * Every-
body believes him honest, everybody believes him capable, everybody
believes him faithful to the Constitution, the three Jeffersonian tests. He
is for reform with all his heart, for a pure, simple, economical government ;
and in his daily life he exhibits the simple virtue of the earlier days of
the republic. The masses of the Republican party will rally for him as the
Whigs rallied for Harrison in 1840, and if the Democrats shall support him
as they ought not to hesitate to do, Grant will be beaten out of sight in the
coming contest."

The Democrats of Maine accepted this view. Their State convention
adopted as a platform various extracts from Greeley's letter of acceptance
and instructed the delegates at large to the national convention to vote for

GRANT'S ADMINISTRATION 571

Greeley. Not a word was said in the platform, of Maine issues. J. F
Rawson of Bangor offered a resolution declaring that the Democratic partj
was opposed in principle to prohibitory laws and especially to those for-
bidding the sale of domestic wines and cider. Mr. Rawson's proposal was
greeted with mingled hisses and cheers and after much confusion the reso-
lution was indefinitely postponed. Mr. Kimball was renominated for Gov-
ernor by acclamation.

In the Republican convention also an attempt was made to dodge the
question of prohibition. The platform committee, by its chairman, Nelson
Dingley, reported a resolution declaring that "we view with satisfaction
the great progress that the cause of temperance has made the past year,
and especially extend our cordial sympathy to the Temperance Reform
movement which is spreading throughout the State."

Mr. Dingley, however, announced that a minority of the committee
presented a different resolution. This resolution reaffirmed faith in ths
principle of prohibition and its impartial enforcement. Joshua Nye moved
to substitute the minority for the majority resolution. A Rockland delegate
said that he "preferred that prohibition should be dropped from the plat-
form, as he did not think it best to raise questions of a local nature in the
coming campaign." The convention, however, by a very large vote substi-
tuted the minority resolution. The platform pointed with pride to the
Republican record, and declared "that the thanks of the people of this
State are due to Congress, and to our delegation in that body for the recent
legislation to promote the interests of ship-building and revive commerce ;
and we accept what has been accomplished as an assurance that their
efforts in this direction will continue until that great interest is placed upon
an equitable basis."

Governor Perham was renominated by acclamation. The campaign
was sharply fought. The Democrats met the charge of copperheadism by
parading a list of Union generals who would vote for Greeley, and by
pointing out that Grant's Attorney-General, Mr. Ackermann, had been a
Confederate and that he was supported by Mosby, the guerrilla. General
Kilpatrick came to Maine and spoke for Greeley, as did Theodore Tilton of
the Independent and ex-Senators Trumbull and Doolittle, leaders in the
Republican party in its early days. Sumner and Schurz supported Greeley
and there was an interchange of letters on the subject between the former
and Speaker Blaine, each written with much ability.

The Republicans denied that the real fathers of the Republican party
supported Greeley, attacked the characters of Kilpatrick and Doolittle and
accused Trumbull of having sacrificed the Republican majority in the
Illinois Legislature during the Civil War to get office for a friend. They
said that the secession of Sumner and Schurz was due to pique.

The Democrats also resorted to personal assaults. They tried to turn
both the Catholics and the Jews against the Republicans by accusing Wilson,

572

HISTORY OF MAINE

the candidate for Vice-President, of having been a Know Nothing and of
having said in an attack on Senator Judah P. Benjamin that he was "ready
to overthrow the government of his adopted country, which gives equality
of rights even to that race which stoned the prophets and crucified the
Redeemer of Mankind."

The Democratic papers accused Grant of being intemperate and of
having declared during the war that he would resign if the abolitionists got
control of affairs. Later in the State campaign the Democrats dropped
national questions and concentrated their attack on the "cider law." The
statutes had not only forbidden the sale of intoxicating liquors but had
specifically provided that malt and distilled liquors should be so regarded.
The Legislature of 1871 had added wine and cider to the list. The farmers
were accustomed to make cider, their wives made wines from berries and
fruits, and the Democrats attempted to use the law to turn the country
districts against the Republicans. The latter did not always accept the
issue. The Whig declared that the cider law was not Perham's measure,
that he would have vetoed it had it been sent to him in a separate bill, that
it was not even an essentially Republican measure, that some Democrats
had pressed it for purposes of their own.

The election in Maine much encouraged the Republicans. Governor
Perham was chosen by 17,000 majority, the vote standing Perham 71,888,
Kimball 55.343-

The Argus said : "If Maine could have been left alone yesterday, and
not overwhelmed with an army of plausible placemen, and an avalanche
of greenbacks, she would have pronounced in more unmistakable terms for
the great Reform movement, but as it is, all matters given grave considera-
tion, we see no good reason to despair of the Republic."

In November, Grant was elected, receiving a very large majority both
of the electoral college and of the popular vote. The Argus offered an
explanation similar to that which it had given for the Maine defeat and
announced that it bowed submissively to an inscrutable providence.

The Whig mingled its exultation with warning and a keen, truthful
analysis of the meaning of the election. It said :

"It is incumbent on the Republican party to bear distinctly in mind,
that the new lease of power and the gratifying credentials of popular con-
fidence so recently bestowed, convey an obligation that it shall render in
return the best service to the people. The errors of the party were not
endorsed nor the methods and doctrines of all its politicians sanctioned,
by the great national verdict of Tuesday; but the fundamental principles
upon which it is established, the good which it has accomplished for the
country so far overshadowing defects, and the general confidence in the
sound judgment of President Grant, his honesty of purpose and his repub-
lican deference to the will of the people, have won from the intelligent
voters of the United States an expression of approval which bears with it
the sovereign command to see to it that the power thus bestowed is put to
only the most worthy uses. The popular verdict means that the doctrines of

GRANT'S ADMINISTRATION 573

the Republican party are the doctrines of the people, and that so long as
the party is faithful, fearlessly probing its own defects and zealously push-
ing forward the work of reform in every needed direction, its mission will
not be ended nor its support withdrawn.""

The warning of the Whig that the voters would expect the Republican
party to reform itself, that they had condoned but not justified the ill doing
of Republicans, was fully warranted, but the politicians paid little heed to
such advice. Congressmen raised their own salaries and made the bill
retroactive, commencing the increase with the first session, and at the time
the Credit Mobilier scandal came to light. The Credit was a company for
building the Pacific Railroad and a member of Congress had sold stock on
easy terms to Senators and Representatives to influence them in favor of
the company. Probably most of the members acted without definite ill
intent but many of them became alarmed at the public indignation over the
affair and equivocated or worse in their endeavor to conceal what they had
done. All this made excellent campaign material for the Democrats.

In Maine the Republicans attempted to break the force of the charges
by pointing out that most of the Maine delegation in Congress had refused
to take or had returned their back increase of salary, and by condemning
corruption. Their State convention demanded the repeal of the Grab Act,
as the increase of pay was called, denounced corruption and promised that
they would allow no partisan feelings to shield the guilty from punishment.
The convention also declared against the giving of more land to railroad or
other corporations and the granting of the national credit to assist the
building of canals or railroads, "believing that the direct tendency of that
policy is toward prodigality and corruption." They also condemned the
placing of riders on appropriation bills near the close of the session, and
the increase of private legislation both State and national.

The nomination for the governorship went to Nelson Dingley. It was
the reward of real merit and also of a very careful and thorough canvass.
Various gentlemen had been mentioned for the place but as the date of the
convention approached only three candidates remained in the field, ex-
Governor Kent of Bangor, James M. Stone of Kennebunk and Nelson
Dingley of Lewiston. Ex-Governor Kent, who was about to retire from th;
Supreme Bench, was out of the State during the campaign and the Whig,
the paper that had brought him forward, said that it had taken action with-
out consulting him. It claimed that a proper nomination was most import-
ant, that the people were inclined to hold the Republicans responsible for
the Credit Mobilier and the Salary Grab, that Judge Kent had neither been
guilty of political abominations himself nor had he any connections with
those who had, "his whole object would be to make his administration
worthily round out an honorable public career."

Mr. Dingley's campaign began on Fast Day when he went to Bruns-

"Whig, Nov. 9, 1872.

574 HISTORY OF MAINE

wick to address a temperance reform club and also to confer with some
prominent men such as Governor Perham and Fred N. Dow. As a result
of the conference he resolved to become a candidate for the nomination, a
week later he met Chairman Blaine and others in Augusta and decided to
publicly announce that he should seek the governorship. With the Governor
and the chairman of the State committee, who was also the most influential
politician in the State, supporting him, Mr. Dingley might feel reasonably
sure of success. He had also other advantages. He was an earnest and
sincere worker in the temperance cause and therefore had the hearty good
will of the prohibition Republicans. He was comparatively a young man,
being only forty-two years of age, and attracted the younger men of the
party who felt that the oldsters had had their share of rule and office, and
should make way for others. This gave him an advantage over Mr. Kent
and the Lewiston Journal pressed it, by frequently referring with all respect
to the venerable Judge Kent. Mr. Dingley was too young to have been for
years identified with the machine and the circumstance was very useful
to him. Various papers described him as no "trading politician," "a man
of the people," "a man of the people and not a politician."

But Mr. Dingley's campaign for the nomination was made in true
machine fashion. A private circular was sent by his friends urging early
caucusses in Dingley towns in order to influence other towns, means were
suggested to secure a full attendance of Dingley delegates and they were
urged to be on hand the day previous to the convention "as it is before the
convention that nearly all the work that tells is done." The recipient of
the circular was told, "If you shall find that any influential man is in doubt
perhaps it would be well to drop a line to Mr. Dingley requesting him to
write to such person."

Governor Perham had been largely indebted for his nomination to the
efforts of Air. Dingley and he was not ungrateful. The Whig said, "Rumor
has it that the ornamental portion of the administration (the staff) have
found the most pressing and arduous of their official services in championing
the Governor's favorite."

Before the convention met it was evident that Mr. Dingley's success was
almost assured. The YVaterville Mail said : "We expressed the opinion
when Judge Kent was first named, that his age in connection with his long
and well rewarded services, would weigh to his disadvantage. The political
control of the State is in younger hands so that his election would disar-
range too many plans. Very few men over seventy years old do much work
which tells directly on a popular election, and the political sympathy between
the voters of two score and those of three score and ten, runs through
cooler waters than those which are agitated in an excited election. At the
beginning of the contest Judge Kent went abroad from the State to rest.
Mr. Dingley may have travelled some but not abroad. He belongs to the
live men of the day, and no man better understands the company he is in.

GRANTS ADMINISTRATION 575

These reasons may be good or bad but they are evidently turning the tables."

The Republican convention met on June 19, and nominated Dingley on
the first ballot by a large majority. The vote stood Dingley 816, Stone 211,
Kent 170, scattering 6.

Mr. Dingley was born on February 15, 1832, in Durham, Maine. His
parents, however, soon moved to Parkman in Piscataquis county and then
to Unity in Waldo county. He spent two years at Waterville Academy and
at nineteen entered Waterville, now Colby, College. He had already mani-
fested an interest in politics and in 1852 made, what was, as far as known,
the one bet of his life, a hat worth $4, that William G. Crosby would be
the next Governor of the State. Unity sent him as a delegate to the Whig
convention where he had the pleasure of witnessing the nomination of Mr.
Crosby who, it will be remembered, though failing of an election by the
people was chosen Governor by the Legislature. In 1853 as a result of a
misunderstanding with the faculty he asked and received a dismissal from
Waterville and entered Dartmouth. Young Dingley was a most loyal
member of the Zeta Psi fraternity, and with some of his brothers at Water-
ville, established a chapter at Dartmouth.

In 1854 he became editor of the Lewiston Journal, then a country
weekly with about 1,800 subscribers. The editor not only wrote the editori-
als but directed the papers to the subscribers and spent the remainder of his
time setting type. On graduation he began the study of law in Auburn but
continued his connection with the Journal. In 1856 he was admitted to
the bar but in the following year he definitely abandoned the law for news-
paper work and bought a half interest in the Journal. In the succeeding
year he purchased the other half. Between the years 1862 and 1873,
inclusive, he served six terms in the Maine House, being Speaker in 1863
and 1864 and then declining a re-election. The subjects in which he took
special interest were temperance and education.

Mr. Dingley also played some part in national affairs. In 1866 he met
General Grant at the studio of Franklin Simmons, the Maine sculptor, who
was making a bust of the general, and his report of the interview in the
Lewiston Journal was taken throughout the country as an admission by
Grant that he would probably be a candidate for the Republican nomination
for President. Grant had confided his intention to only a few close friends
and was annoyed at the premature publication of his plans. He spoke to
Mr. Blaine, who wrote to Mr. Dingley. "The latter, with his customary
courtesy, expressed his regret that General Grant had been annoyed over
the interview, but justified his publication of the article on the ground of
newspaper enterprise and the fact that the general was introduced to him
as an editor presumably seeking the latest political news. At all events the
Lewiston Journal beat the whole newspaper fraternity in announcing Gen-
eral Grant's probable candidacy for President. ""

a Dingley, "Dingley," 85-86.

576 HISTORY OF MAINE

Mr. Dingley's most distinguishing characteristics were unshakable
seriousness and unwearying industry. He had not the faintest trace of
humor. A joke was something that he could not comprehend, he not only
never made one himself but he seemed unaware of the existence of such
a thing. Perhaps no man ever lived who more closely followed the old
Greek rule, "Know thyself." Cool, methodical and sober-minded, "he
understood the scope of his capacity better than even his most intimate
friend. He did not seek to overcome the impossible, but concentrated his
indomitable energy in an effort to develop and improve every faculty and
gift with which nature had endowed him. His patience was inexhaustible.
His confidence in himself never wavered. Realizing that he was not pos-
sessed of the weapons of brilliancy, wit, and satire, he determined to lead
and command by the accuracy of his information, the fullness of his knowl-
edge, and in the skill and tact with which he presented his subject."

Representative Boutelle after speaking of Mr. Dingley in somewhat
similar terms, said : "So my colleague became pre-eminently the student of
the House of Representatives. It was my fortune to live in the same hotel
with him during a long period of years, and I do not recall a single instance
when I have entered his apartment while he was there that I did not find
him seated with a pad upon his knee, surrounded by documents, laboriously
but intelligently searching out the bases upon which the great questions
agitating the American public were to be decided in Congress."

Thomas B. Reed, who in spite of his real admiration for Dingley could
never refrain from quizzing him, said that he would rather have a pad and
pencil on his knee than a pretty girl. When Mr. Dingley went on a vacation
trip and others carried a rod or gun he took his beloved pad and pencil.
This extreme studiousness was not a matter merely of duty or of ambition
but of personal taste as well. Mr. Payne of New York said :

"It is related of him that long before he had reached his 'teens he
read the speeches of Webster and Clay with more avidity than would most
boys pursue Scott's novels. Entering the House of Representatives in the
fiftieth year of his age, he was splendidly equipped for a career of great
usefulness and honor. His mind was a storehouse of useful knowledge on
all public questions. But better far than this, he had formed a lifelong
habit of untiring research. He had learned to take nothing for granted.
He must verify the truth for himself. To him to know was a delight, and
the toil by which he reached that goal, so irksome to others, had become
the keenest pleasure."

Mr. Dingley had need of all his attainments and ability as a scholar,
for in various matters which are most important for success in American
public life he was deficient. He was small in stature with a weak and
sometimes harsh voice. He had little imagination, no brilliancy, and no
personal magnetism. Yet he came to be the floor leader of the House of
Representatives. This was partly due to his character. He never misrepre-
sented an opponent or distorted a fact, and the whole House felt that he

GRANT'S ADMINISTRATION 577

was honest and sincere. If not magnetic he was unaffected and kindly.
Busy as he was he was always glad to furnish information from his great
store to all who asked for it.

He never indulged in personalities nor allowed himself to be provoked.
He knew well the disadvantages of engaging in quarrels. When a member
of the staff of the Lewiston Journal wished to reply in kind to some per-
sonal attack he would say, "Young man, write out what you have to say
as hotly as you please, and then notice that such stuff is excellent to kindle
the fire."

Had Mr. Dingley been only an industrious, sincere and kindly man,
he might have won the respect and regard of the House, he would never
have become its leader. But to his industry were joined analytical ability
and a marvellous memory. The range of his knowledge was astounding.
Representative Payne said of him, "He knew something about everything,
he knew everything about many things." A Democratic Representative
said of him : "I know no one who possessed so thorough and so complete
a knowledge of this Government and of all of its departments and institu-
tions as did Mr. Dingley. His knowledge in this direction was amazing,
both for its breadth and its accuracy. He was fully equipped to be the
chairman of any committee of this House. He had also the rare faculty
of utilizing his vast learning both for the purposes of discussion and for
the preparation of statutes and revenue bills. In him was successfully
blended the thoughtful student and the practical man of affairs."

Mr. Dingley's appointment in 1897 as chairman of the committee of
ways and means imposed on him the responsible duties of leader of the
House. In this position he was most successful. His fairness, courtesy
and readiness to oblige won the esteem of his opponents to an unusual
degree and they had no wish to delay legislation merely for the sake of
giving annoyance. Mr. Dingley's control over the Republicans was almost
complete. This was due to his readiness to compromise on minor matters,
his kindliness and freedom from envy, his tact and his unobtrusive ways.
He never humiliated his colleagues by making public parade of his leader-
ship. When a speech was necessary to check incipient mutiny he appealed
not, as is often done in such cases, to partisan prejudice but to the reason
and calm consideration of his followers.

In the congressional memorial services an opponent closed his speech by
saying: "In their future conflicts his party associates will sorely miss his
calm, thoughtful speeches and his tactful and discreet leadership. The
Democratic side will miss his unfailing courtesy, his uniform fairness, and
his considerate kindness. The whole House will miss his great learning,
his valuable instruction. His friends will miss a kind, sincere, gentle soul,
undemonstrative, unpretentious, but as true as steel. His country will
miss a wise, pure, patriotic statesman."

The Democratic convention was not held until August 12. Again the

ME.— 37

578 HISTORY OF MAINE

question rose of a new departure and an alliance with disaffected Republi-
cans, but it was understood that the Conservatives would control and many
Democrats joined the Republicans, declaring that reliance upon old issues
meant utter failure. The Machias Union, an old school copperhead paper,
asked, "Is it at all likely that the American people will give their attention
seriously to the new political questions every day demanding solution,"
financial reform, an equitable tariff, reconciliation of North and South,
"until the old political prejudices and the party names that kept them alive,
are alike forgotten?"

"The Resolutions of '98 were well enough in their day, although at this
distance of time we may be permitted to doubt whether they were worth the
expenditure of so much intellect in discovering and describing their real
force and extent ; but they and their cognate doctrines have been settled
and passed out of the public mind, and, we submit, are not now before
the people of Maine for their consideration in this campaign.

"In the days of Democratic success, a Western Democratic Congress-
man said the Whig party should be encouraged and preserved. 'It was
good for the discipline of the Democratic party and to win bets on.' The
question is now for the Democrats at Portland to say whether they will
longer assist as grooms in keeping the Republican party in racing order.
We fear they cannot imitate the Whigs in furnishing winnings, as nobody
is fool enough to venture his money on their feebleness." The Whig
quoted the article and remarked : "It is very evident that the incantations
of the little knot of politicians at Portland, Tuesday, will fail to set the
Democratic pot boiling with any vigor."

The Portland Press headed its account of the convention with the well
worn quotation De mortuis nil nisi bomim. The Advertiser said : "The
delegates assembled here Monday night, and next morning conversed
quietly at the hotels and on the street corners, with sober faces and sub-
dued voices ; and when the convention met Tuesday morning every one
imagined that the flag raised at half mast on the City Hall, as a token of
respect to the memory of the late Councilman Swett, was intended to
betoken the moribund condition of the party assembled under its folds.
Mr. Hubbard even made a speech — accepting the omen, and interpreting
it to signify the decease of American liberty, which in the orator's esti-
mation is a synonym for the Democratic party. In the meantime the
patient's friends are like the hard hearted husband who advised his expir-
ing wife not to try to talk but to go on with her dying. A Greeley Repub-
lican, whose letter we printed yesterday, wants the Democratic party to
move out of the way, and the Machias Union, speaking the opinion of the
sturdy Democracy of Washington county, openly advised the disbandment
and dissolution of the party." The convention, however, did not take this
advice but put forth a platform and nominated a candidate. The platform
spoke of many things but some paragraphs were conveniently obscure.

The Republicans had met the charges against their party by pointing

GRANT'S ADMINISTRATION 579

out that Democrats as well as Republicans had been concerned in the wrong
doings of Congress. The convention made the counter charge that as the
Republicans had full control of the Government they were responsible for
all public misconduct, including the seduction of the Democrats. "The
woman tempted me and I did eat !" Two ballots were taken for the nom-
ination of a candidate. On the first, Joseph Titcomb of Kennebunk received
136 votes, Artemus Libby of Augusta 106, other gentlemen 33. On the
second ballot Mr. Titcomb received 198 out of 338 votes and was nomi-
nated. The Whig said of the candidate:

"Mr. Titcomb ... is a graduate of Bowdoin in the Class of
1844, and is now about fifty years of age. He is a wealthy ship-owner of
Kennebunk, and a successful and highminded business man. He was a
member of the State Senate in 1850, since which time he has not been in
public life, although he has continued an unflinching supporter of the
Democratic party. Personally he is regarded as a courteous, cultivated and
agreeable gentleman."

After this handsome tribute to an opponent the Whig made the cruel
comment: "If the leaders had any hope of success they would have chosen
a very different style of man."

There was a third candidate in the field representing the "Liberal"
and other dissatisfied Republicans. This was ex-Governor Joseph H.
Williams of Augusta. The Machias Union declared itself in his favor but
he obtained only a small following.

The campaign was a very quiet one. There were no public meetings.
The Belfast Journal in endeavoring to get the Democrats to the polls
uttered the pathetic plea, "We owe it to the excellent and high minded
gentleman whom we have in nomination for governor, to poll at least a
respectable vote." And this the Democrats did. The official returns gave
Dingley 45,244 votes, Titcomb 32,924, Williams 2,160; there were 625
scattering.

In 1874 both parties renominated their candidates of the year before
without open opposition. The Republican committee on resolutions, of
which Thomas B. Reed was chairman, reported a platform strongly favor-
ing a return to specie payments. It also declared that "this convention
views with lively satisfaction the increasing indications that the vast water
power of the State is being more understood and appreciated as our strong-
est reliance for the increase of our wealth and population, and expresses
its earnest sympathy for all judicious measures which tend to encourage
capital and labor to engage in manufactures in Maine as the most effective
means of developing its agricultural, maritime and commercial interests."
The convention also adopted a resolution offered from the floor by Joshua
Nye strongly endorsing "judicious prohibition." The Democratic conven-
tion denounced inflation and protection and approved civil service reform.
The vote in September increased between fourteen and fifteen thousand
over that of the year before, the Republican gain being about two thousand

5 8o HISTORY OF MAINE

the greater. There were 52,958 Dingley votes, of which 2,093 were cast
for Nelson Dingley instead of Nelson Dingley, Jr. Mr. Titcomb received
41,898 votes; there were 444 scattering.

Senator Hamlin's term would expire on March 4, 1875 and there was
a sharp though not a very close fight over the question of his re-election.
He had expressed an unwillingness to run again and ex-Governors Perham
and Washburn and Josiah H. Drummond of Portland announced them-
selves candidates for the succession. But many office holders who owed
their appointment to Mr. Hamlin and who feared that a new Senator
might want their places for his own friends urged him to run again and
he decided to do so. The election of the Legislature seemed to assure the
choice of Mr. Hamlin but the Portland Press worked vigorously against
him and even hinted at a bolt should he receive the caucus nomination.
Speaker Blaine wrote a public letter praising the Senator's character and
services to the party and urging his re-election. A "Kennebecker" under-
stood to be Anson P. Morrill published a letter in reply.

It was urged that Mr. Hamlin had done his work, that he had long
held office and should make way for younger men. It was also said that he
had not protested against corruption, that he was identified with the machine
and that the recent disasters to the Republican party showed the need of
a change of men. Mr. Hamlin's friends replied that his ability and integrity
were unquestioned, they showed that some of the criticisms made against
him were without foundation, they laid stress on the advantage to Maine
of being represented by an experienced Senator and declared that a period
of defeat was no time for experimenting with untried men.

The opponents of Mr. Hamlin were under certain disadvantages locally.
Messrs. Drummond and Washburn were both residents of Portland, and
Cumberland county was therefore divided. Mr. Perham might have ob-
tained more support from his own county of Oxford had not Mr. Hamlin
been by birth an Oxford man and a frequent visitor to it.

Late in the contest Judge (afterward Chief Justice) John A. Peters
was proposed as a compromise candidate. The Democrats were anxiously
watching for a Republican split, and Judge Peters, an old Douglas Demo-
crat, might hope for an endorsement from them.

But when the Republican legislative caucus met for the nomination it
was clear that Hamlin was the favorite. Mr. Wilson of Bangor, formerly
a law partner of Judge Peters, stated that the Judge, as befitted his posi-
tion, had taken no part in the canvass, that he had been brought forward
"at the instance and with the approval of leading members of the Repub-
lican party, men of the very highest reputation for character and integrity
who believed that Judge Peters represented ideas which ought to be
engrafted on the principles of the Republican party." but the speaker added
that he believed that the further use of Judge Peters' name would
rightly be regarded as a factious opposition to the will of the majority and
that he therefore withdrew it.

GRANTS ADMINISTRATION 581

When the vote in the caucus was taken it stood, Hamlin 79, Drum-
mond 19, Perham 19, Washburn 18, Kent 1." At the election by the
Legislature, all the regular Republicans voted for Hamlin and he was chosen
by a large majority. The Democrats supported John C. Talbot.

According to custom, Governor Dingley was entitled to a nomination
for a third term but he declined being a candidate. He urgently advocated
economy and the Argus declared that he had thereby offended the politi-
cians. Many persons were mentioned to succeed him but the convention,
fearing perhaps a long and bitter contest, took none of them but united
on a soldier, General Selden Connor, who was nominated on the first ballot
by a practically unanimous vote.

Selden Connor was born in Fairfield, Maine, on January 25, 1839.
He graduated from Tufts in 1859 and entered on the study of law at Wood-
stock, Vermont. At the outbreak of the war he promptly enlisted and
served with distinction, chiefly as major and lieutenant-colonel of the
Seventh Maine, colonel of the Nineteenth Maine and commander of a
brigade. His thigh bone was broken at the Wilderness, a few weeks later
he was made a brigadier-general but was unable to return to active service.
In 1866 he again broke his injured leg and was confined to the house for
two years. From 1868 to 1874 he was assessor of internal revenue. He
was then appointed collector for the Augusta district and was holding that
position when nominated for Governor.

In its platform the convention showed a leaning toward protection,
declaring that "The great industries of the country, agricultural, manu-
facturing, mining and commercial, are entitled to encouraging legislation
and such incidental protection and development as wise systems of revenue
may rightfully afford." The Granger movement was becoming formidable
and the convention paid tribute to its power by urging the Legislature to
examine and ascertain "whether any form of property either corporate or
individual, have escaped their legitimate share of the public burdens."
Recent school laws and the expense they entailed had called forth much
opposition and criticism, but the convention took a firm stand, declaring
that "Our system of public education must be continued, improved and
advanced so that every child in the State may have all the culture needed
for honorable advancement and success in life." On the liquor question
the convention said, "Temperance among the people may be wisely pro-
moted by prohibitory legislation and it is a source of congratulation that
the policy of prohibition, always upheld by the Republicans of Maine, is
now concurred in by a vast majority of the people of the State."

The Democratic convention met the Republican nomination of a soldier
by themselves nominating by an overwhelming majority General Charles W.
Roberts of Bangor, their candidate in 1870. The platform denounced the
Republican national administration as guilty of usurpation and corruption

"Given by Mr. Wilson. Judge Kent was not a candidate.

582 HISTORY OF MAINE

and demanded "a tariff for revenue to meet the wants of the government
economically administered." It declared that the administration had "by
adverse legislation and a vitiated currency crippled our leading interest as
a ship building State and driven from the ocean a large portion of the
mercantile marine engaged in the foreign commerce of the country."

One of the delegates, Solon Chase of Turner, a former Republican,
offered as an amendment certain resolutions, taken from the Democratic
platform in Ohio, favoring soft money, but they failed to pass.

In 1876 Maine for the first time presented a candidate for the presi-
dential nomination. James G. Blaine had won a high reputation by his
work as Speaker and by skillful leadership of the minority when the Demo-
crats obtained control of the House in the winter of 1875-1876. An inci-
dent in this session exerted great influence on his future career. He
defeated a bill for releasing the ex-Confederates from the disabilities
imposed by the Fourteenth Amendment, because Jefferson Davis was
included in its operation. His speech on the question caused the Demo-
crats, who had been previously well disposed toward him, to become bitterly
hostile and it alienated the more conservative Republicans with whom Mr.
Blaine had been accustomed to co-operate. "On the other hand, it must
be said that his course gained him immense popularity in his own party, —
great and lasting, but not universal popularity. From the moment when he
delivered the speech until the time of his death he was the most conspic-
uous Republican in all the land, the man whose partisans were more ardent,
devoted, and numerous than were those of any other man. But he was
also the man of all others upon whom the whole party could not unite, and
the man whom his political opponents would take the greatest delight in
defeating.""

In the spring his conduct in the Little Rock and Fort Smith Railroad
affair was investigated by a hostile committee, and some influential Repub-
lican papers were not satisfied with Mr. Blaine's clever and brilliant defense.
Men like George F. Hoar, though believing that Mr. Blaine was innocent
of wrong, thought that the suspicions which had been raised made it inad-
visable to nominate him. Finally just before the meeting of the convention
he was prostrated by an attack, the result of the extremely hot weather and
the mental strain which he had been under, and the convention might well
doubt if it were wise to nominate a man who might prove totally unable to
bear the strain of a, national campaign and, should he be elected, of the
presidency. His friends, however, knew no hesitation. At the convention
his name was presented by Colonel Robert G. Ingersoll in a ringing speech
in which Blaine was compared to a plumed knight, a phrase which was
taken up in admiration by his friends and in ridicule by his opponents and
became almost a second name. For six ballots Mr. Blaine led the field, on
the seventh almost all the anti-Blaine delegates united on Governor Hayes

"Stanwood, "Blaine," 142.

GRANT'S ADMINISTRATION 583

of Ohio, and he was nominated, receiving five more than the necessary
number of votes. The nomination for the vice-presidency went to William
A. Wheeler of New York.

Hayes was agreeable to the reformers yet not obnoxious to the stal-
warts, as the special followers of Grant, and the men who had most influ-
enced his administration, were called. He had taken a leading part
in an Ohio campaign, showing much ability in his discussion of the financial
question. But apart from this he was not well known in the country. The
Argus declared that he had done little in Congress and that his election
would mean a continuation of Grantism. It asked "If Governor Hayes is
not an easy going, good lord good devil sort of man is it not strange that
all the Belknaps, Babcocks, Brothers and Brothers-in-law (of the Presi-
dent) are for him, don't these sharpers know their men?" The Argus
said that Mr. Wheeler was far better qualified for the presidency than
Hayes but was not nominated for that very reason.

In June, 1876, Mr. Bristow, the Secretary of the Treasury, resigned,
and Maine received one of the most important places in the Cabinet by the
appointment of Senator Lot M. Morrill as his successor. The Republican
State convention requested Governor Connor to appoint Mr. Blaine to fill
the vacancy until the Legislature should act and he promptly did so. The
convention approved the Republican nomination for President and Vice-
President, endorsed the national platform and reaffirmed the principles
formerly set forth by the Republican State conventions in regard to pro-
hibition and the development of the resources of Maine. Governor Connor
was renominated by acclamation.

The Democrats nominated on the first ballot by a large majority, John
C. Talbot of Machias. Other gentlemen voted for were John M. Goodwin
of York (who had previously declined) and Abraham Sanborn of Bangor.
It is said that the managers had intended to nominate Farley of New
Castle, "that their little slate was smashed, but that the lively scene that
would otherwise have ensued was prevented by some scientific political
engineering during the noon recess." In its platform the convention called
for reform and declared that "we are opposed to any inflation of our
national currency, and that gold and silver form the only safe basis of our
monetary system."

The Democratic national convention had not yet met and the State
convention resolved "That in accordance with the sentiment of the Democ-
racy of Maine this convention declare Samuel J. Tilden, the able, zealous,
intrepid and successful Reform Governor of the Empire State, to be its
first choice for President and recommend his nomination by the National
Democratic Convention as eminently fit and proper." The convention also
resolved that the customary requirement in the national convention of a
two-thirds vote to nominate "being at variance with the well-established
Democratic principle of majority control," should be abandoned. The ad-

584 HISTORY OF MAINE

vice as to the two-thirds rule was not taken, but Mr. Tilden was nom-
inated. Thomas A. Hendricks of Indiana was nominated for the vice-
presidency.

The Republicans under the lead of Mr. Blaine, who, according to his
custom, earnestly supported the party candidate without regard to his own
preferences, made a vigorous campaign. Among the able speakers brought
from other States were James A. Garfield, John A. Kasson and Robert G-
Ingersoll.

At the election for Governor the vote was the largest in the history
of the State, Connor obtaining a majority of 15,000. The vote stood
Connor 75.867, Talbot 60,423, Gage 520, scattering 13. The Republicans
had gained 18,000 over the year before and the Democrats 7,000.

There was considerable comment on the election by papers outside the
State. The Philadelphia Press, a strong supporter of Blaine, said that it
showed the furore with which he would have swept the country had he been
nominated for the presidency. The New York Evening Post said that the
Maine election showed beyond reasonable doubt that the people had no
desire for a change merely for the sake of change.

The result of the Presidential election was long uncertain and the
country was threatened with civil war. On the face of the returns the
Democrats had a majority in the electoral college but the returning boards
in Florida and Louisiana threw out the vote of certain districts as vitiated
by intimidation and counted in the Republican electors. If this were
allowed to stand and certain technical questions regarding the election in
Oregon were settled in favor of the Republicans, Hayes would be chosen
by a majority of one. Double returns were sent from Oregon, South
Carolina, Florida and Louisiana, and there was a violent dispute as to who
had the right to decide which were the legal returns. The extremists on
both sides opposed all concessions, the moderates demanded "a peace by
agreement." It was finally agreed to refer the question of the disputed
votes to an electoral commission consisting of five Representatives, five
Senators and five Judges of the Supreme Court, seven were Democrats
and eight Republicans. It had been intended that the odd man should be
Judge Davis of Illinois, whose political affiliations were doubtful, but at
the last moment he accepted an election as Senator and his place was taken
by a Republican, Judge Bradley, who had given some decisions not in
accordance with the theories of his party. The Whig utterly condemned
the arrangement. It said:

"Many of its supporters acted hastily, led by their earnest desire for
a settlement. No one could have doubted that the word 'compromise'
would have talismanic effect upon the (Boston) Advertiser and other
journals representing a certain type of Massachusetts politics. The word
has always been all potent with them and the habit of yielding principle
under pressure has not weakened since the days when the greatest intellect
of the century, [Webster,] was induced by the truckling capitalists of his

GRANT'S ADMINISTRATION 585

constituency to compromise with the greatest of human wrongs. . . .

"The Republicans ... in consenting to this measure, must yield
the strong safeguard afforded them by the Constitution, and with a clear
majority of the electoral votes for Hayes and Wheeler in the custody of
the President of the Senate, they must consent to waive the victory won
in spite of Democratic frauds and to have the claims of their candidates
shaken up with Tilden and Hendricks in a hat to be held by such an
impartial Bourbon as Judge Clifford.'""

After the bill had been passed the Whig said: "We submit that if
Messrs. Edmunds, Conkling, Frelinghuysen, Hoar and their Republican
associates really thought they were doing justice to their own party they
were outwitted and humbugged in a manner that would disgrace a country
debating society." It demanded that the thoroughgoing Democrats who
would be placed on the commission be matched by thoroughgoing Republi-
cans. "General Garfield is one staunch man from the House, and Mr.
Hale's familiarity with the Southern cases should have given him the
preference over Mr. Hoar."

The Argus, though favoring the bill, claimed that its party had made a
great sacrifice for the sake of averting civil war, that they had yielded a
moral certainty for a possible uncertainty, but declared that they had shown
their patriotism and their faith in their cause, that it could not believe that
the decision would be against them, but that should this be the case their
conduct would give them an irresistible prestige over their opponents hence-
forth and carry them triumphantly into power as soon as the people cowld
be heard in the elections.

The Portland Press seemed to think that the commission was likely to
fail but said that the people demanded that something be done. "The
remedy may not be efficacious but it is better than no attempt at remedy.
Sugar and water and bread pills are not disease destroyers but they calm
a patient and tranquilize his mind."

In this case the remedy proved something more than a temporary
tranquilizer. The commission gave its decision in favor of Hayes, the
Democratic House accepted it, though some members resorted to fillibuster-
ing to prevent a decision before March 4, and Hayes and Wheeler were duly
declared elected and were peaceably inaugurated.

But the Democrats were most bitter over their defeat and insulted
President Hayes by styling him not His Excellency but His Fradulency
and His Accidency, and the rejoicing of the Republicans was mingled with
much disappointment and anger. The make-up of the Cabinet was highly
unsatisfactory to the men who had led the party and fought its battles
with undeviating loyalty but with no great scrupulousness as to the means
employed. An ex-Confederate, David M. Key, was appointed Postmaster-
General, and what was far worse, Carl Schurz, a bolter in 1872 and a man

a The law provided that the senior justice on the commission should act as its
president, and the judge of longest service was Judge Clifford.

586 HISTORY OF MAINE

in their opinion, of fantastical, impractical notions, was made Secretary of
the Interior. Mr. Blaine had a special grievance. He had given Mr. Hayes
a prompt, cordial and extremely efficient support and he felt that he was
entitled to name the New England member of the Cabinet. Mr. Hayes
offered a seat to Representative Hale of Maine but that gentleman declined
it. Mr. Blaine earnestly desired the selection of another Maine Represen-
tative, William P. Frye of Lewiston, 2 " but the President refused because he
was not personally acquainted with Mr. Frye. The New Englander finally
appointed, General Charles Devens, was, however, the one preferred by
Mr. Blaine among several considered by the President.

Even more offensive to the Stalwarts than the Cabinet appointments
was the President's Southern policy. There were disputed elections for
Governor in South Carolina and Louisiana and the same Returning Boards
whose decisions gave Hayes his title to the presidency had decided in favor
of the Republican candidates for the governorship. In both States an
overwhelming majority of the property-holding and educated classes were
supporting the Democratic claimants and only the presence of United States
troops in or near the State Houses, which were occupied by the Republicans,
prevented the instant overthrow of the carpet bag governments. President
Grant had directed that the troops should protect life and property against
mobs but had forbidden them to assist either claimant to the governorship.
President Hayes ordered the soldiers to their barracks, a commission sent
by him aided the Democratic House in Louisiana to obtain a quorum of
members with uncontested seats, and the Republican Governors announced
that they would no longer actively assert their rights.

The Republican press of Maine endorsed Hayes's course, though much
of the approval was hesitating and cold. The Bangor Whig, now under
the control of a radical and outspoken editor, Captain Charles A. Boutelle,
vigorously attacked the President's policy. Replying to the Boston Journal.
which had defended Mr. Hayes, the Whig said: "We say to the Journal
plainly that had Rutherford B. Hayes announced during the campaign that
he would appoint Carl Schurz and a Confederate Democrat in his Cabinet,
he could not have carried Maine, the staunchest Republican State in the
Union. Party leaders might have pleaded and party papers might have
argued, but the Republican masses of the Pine Tree State would have
refused to sanction the doctrine that the loyal Republicans of the North
and South are unfit to furnish the members of a Republican Administra-
tion."

The Whig headed an editorial on the abandonment of the Republican
Governor of South Carolina, "The National Shame," and declared that
"The whole question of right and law has been avowedly ignored and the
new policy plainly announces itself to be that whatever faction can control

"Mr. Blaine wished to get Mr. Frye into the Cabinet in order to help Mr. Hale
succeed Senator Hamlin, by removing a probable rival.

GRANT'S ADMINISTRATION 587

sufficient arms and organization shall be permitted by the United States to
overthrow the republican form of government and to usurp the rights of
the majority of the people.""

When the Republican State convention met, the committee on resolu-
tions reported a set making no reference to President Hayes. General
Chamberlain moved an amendment praising him. but in moderate and
somewhat ambiguous language. He was supported by Anson P. Morrill,
and Nathan Farwell of Rockland. Captain Boutelle offered a substitute
strongly condemning Hayes's desertion of the Republican Governors of
South Carolina and Louisiana. Mr. Blaine declared that the question was
not now a practical one, that the passage of either amendment would divide
friends and that for the sake of charity, peace and union he moved that
both resolutions be laid on the table. The motion was carried. The resolu-
tions reported by the committee were then adopted. They demanded the
protection of all citizens both abroad and at home, expressed apprehension
at the Confederates' sway in the South, claimed that the Republicans in
Maine had always been in favor of wise civil service reform, and announced
that they took pride in the fact that during the sixteen years of Republican
power every national officer in Maine had done his duty. The recollection
of Peck doubtless prevented any such statement being made concerning
State officers. The convention declared itself in favor of "sound currency"
and of a return to specie payments and demanded that the promise of the
National Government be kept in an honest, straightforward manner, and
that no backward or sideway step be taken. The convention opposed grants
of more land or of subsidies to railroads and any radical change in the
navigation laws, especially in the matter of admitting foreign built ships
to American registry. The convention declared that South Carolina, Flor-
ida and Louisiana were fairly and legally carried by the Republicans both
for the national and State officers, that the title of Hayes and Wheeler was
affirmed by the highest and most impartial tribunal, to whose establishment
the Democrats had given their consent. "For the Democratic party now
to raise the cry of fraud is both unmanly and dishonest, and if persisted in
must be accepted as an indication that that party in its mad desire for power
is willing to run all the hazards of anarchy and revolution." On State mat-
ters the platform was very similar to that of the preceding year. Governor
Connor was renominated by acclamation.

The Democratic convention was again the scene of a sharp contest
between the conservatives who wished to remain within the old lines and
the radicals who desired to form a union with the discontented Republi-
cans. Custom required the nomination of John C. Talbot, the candidate
of the preceding year, and he was present in Portland where the conven-
tion was held, but the Progressives put forward ex-Governor Williams of
Augusta. The names of Garcelon of Lewiston, a former Republican,

"Whig, March 12, April 12, 1877.

5 88 HISTORY OF MAINE

Haynes of Biddeford, and Andrews and Anderson of Portland were also
presented to the convention. Mr. Anderson declined a nomination, saying
that he considered that party usage and courtesy demanded the renomina-
tion of Mr. Talbot, but in spite of his refusal he received considerable
support. The three leading candidates were Garcelon, Talbot and Williams.
Three ballots were necessary for a choice. The first stood, Talbot 151,
Williams 146, Garcelon 116, others 123. The second gave Talbot 197,
Williams 223, Garcelon 104, others 37. On the third, Talbot had yj,
Williams 282, Garcelon 101, others 10.

The platform was brief. It reaffirmed the national Democratic plat-
form of 1876, denounced the seating of Hayes, to which it said Democrats
submitted in the interests of peace, as the most monstrous political fraud
recorded in history, and approved his Southern policy as a just acknowledg-
ment of the wisdom of Democratic principles.

Marcellus Emery and one other member of the committee offered two
resolutions denouncing prohibition, and favoring legislation which would be
in accordance with the bill of rights in the State constitution and best
promotive of temperance. Mr. Rawson of Bangor defended the resolutions
in a vigorous speech in which he charged that the law was enforced in
Bangor in a corrupt and tyrannical manner and declared, "I have not found
a single Democrat here today who does not at heart oppose the prohibitory
law in its practical workings." Scarcely had Mr. Rawson's lips closed on
the last sentence of his speech when Mr. Mason of Auburn sprang to his
feet. He said:

"It seems strange and unaccountable to me, Mr. Chairman, that every
time the Republican party sets a trap for us, we are sure to stumble into
it. If we adopt this resolution so earnestly supported, in my opinion we
make the greatest mistake in the history of our party. By so doing you
may get a few votes in Bangor, but you will lose thousands elsewhere.
Why there are 17,000 reform men in this State, all pledged to total absti-
nence, of whom three-fourths are Democrats, and surely the adoption of
this resolution would lose us the greater portion, if not all of their votes.
In regard to the sheriff's going into your home and seizing your liquor you
needn't have any there for him to seize and then all the disagreeable things
spoken of will be avoided. Mr. Mason closed with a forcible appeal to
the convention not to endorse the resolution, advocating the repeal of the
prohibitory law, as it [the law] was a child of Republican origin, and if
it was destined to die, let it do so on their hands."

The convention voted down the amendment "with much applause,"
and the resolutions reported by the committee were unanimously passed.

The Argus, which had for some time been calling for the nomination
of Williams in the hope of winning many "liberal" Republicans, said, "The
nomination ... is a remarkable tribute to the eminent ability and
worth of the man. Mr. Williams is a gentleman of large experience in
public affairs, of high culture and possessing all the qualities that go to

GRANT'S ADMINISTRATION 589

make up the model citizen."* In evident reply to a possible charge that the
convention had not nominated a Democrat, the Argus said: "He is a son
of that old pillar of Maine Democracy, Hon. Reuel Williams, who for
six years represented the. State in the United States Senate, and though for
some years he did not act with his party, he is now in full accord with it,
and voted for Tilden and Hendricks at the last election."

The extreme conservatives, however, were hardly to be won over by
such one-sided arguments concerning Williams' Democracy, and the
Bangor Commercial in its first editorial on the nomination merely quoted
claims made for Williams by his friends.

The Republican papers did their best to make the Democrats dissatis-
fied with their candidate. The Portland Press said: "Hon. Joseph H.
Williams is a gentleman of unexceptionable standing, wealthy, aristocratic
and cold. . . . This new Democratic device to draw away discontented
Republicans by nominating a respectable gentleman of no party, no affilia-
tions, and few earnest convictions, will fail as such devices have always
failed in the past." The Kennebec Journal said: "For a party that has
said so much in denunciation of bondholders, capitalists, railroad men, as
the Democratic party has, the nomination is an astounding one, as Mr.
Williams is all these. The Democrats had better left him in his retirement
to clip coupons."

There was a third ticket in the field, the Greenbacks nominating Henry
C. Munson. The party had polled only 520 votes the year before and the
Whig remarked that an Associated Press reporter had wasted time and
newspaper space in telegraphing a report of the Greenback convention, "as
the party is hardly large enough in this State to be made the subject of a
good joke." The campaign, however, showed that the party was something
more than a joke and the Republicans issued a circular stating that the
election of Munson was regarded as impossible by his warmest supporters,
that a Republican who voted for him voted for Williams and asked, "Is
there a Greenback man in the State who desires the election of Mr.
Williams?" The Argus obtained a copy of the circular, quoted it, and with
a hope of winning the more conservative Republicans gleefully remarked:
"It will be seen that this is a direct bid for the Greenback vote on the
ground that Connor is a better Greenbacker than Mr. Williams."

The campaign was a quiet one and the vote comparatively light. Con-
nor led Williams by somewhat over 11,000, the official returns giving
Selden Connor 53,585, and Joseph H. Williams 42,247; there were 5,291
Greenback ballots. The Argus declared that the Democrats had done very-
well for an off year. It admitted, however, that the result was a triumph
for Blaine, said that the Hayes Republicans had no good, manly, outspoken
leader, and that apparently Blaine would manage the party all his life, or
until he ran it into the ground. Prohibition feeling had contributed to

"Whig, Aug. 16, 1877.

59Q

HISTORY OF MAINE

Republican success. The Belfast Journal said: "The (Democratic) State
convention did its work well. But scarcely had they adjourned when the
miserable rum issue, which the convention had put its foot upon, was
revived to create disorder and division." The Whig declared that for a
year with no presidential or congressional elections, and when there had
been no meetings or speeches, the result was a great triumph for stalwart
Republicanism.

Chapter XXI
GREENBACK MOVEMENT— DISPUTED ELECTION

CHAPTER XXI
GREENBACK MOVEMENT— DISPUTED ELECTION

The campaign of 1878 in Maine was fought on a new issue, that of
Greenbackism. The hard times following the panic of 1873 had caused
a great cry for more money. The government was preparing to resume
specie payments on January 1, 1879. It was claimed that this would
make money harder to get, and a demand arose in many parts of the coun-
try for a postponement of resumption and the issue of greenbacks to a
large amount. Maine, situated at the extremity of the Union, often feels
great movements late, and for her the greenback wave reached its height
when it was receding in other States. The chief propagator, or perhaps
one should say propagators of Greenbackism in Maine were Solon Chase,
of Turner, and "them steers."

Before the Civil War, Mr. Chase had been a Whig, then for a time he
acted with the Democrats. During the war he was twice elected to the
State Legislature by the Republicans. He supported Andrew Johnson and
was appointed by him a collector of internal revenue, but after holding the
office for about six months was obliged to vacate it because the Senate
would not confirm his appointment. He then returned to the Democratic
party. In 1875 he was a delegate to the Democratic convention and offered
a resolution in favor of soft money, which was voted down by a large
majority.

Mr. Chase then established a Greenback paper and helped form a
Greenback party, which in 1876 nominated Almon Gage for Governor and
polled 520 votes. In 1877 a much better showing was made, the Green-
backers polling over 5,000 votes. Their success was largely due to Mr.
Chase's own efforts, aided by the same circumstances which made for
Greenback success throughout the country. "Uncle Solon," as Mr. Chase
was often called, drove over the State in an ox team, telling the farmers
how they had been abused and plundered by the money power. Pointing
to "them steers" he would explain that they had cost him $100, and that
he would be glad to sell them for $50. Mr. Chase was a clever man, whose
appearance and language were precisely such as to appeal to the farmers.
To many of his opponents his manners seemed those of a demagogue, and
his arguments those of a simpleton. But he was clearly acquiring great
influence, and the Republicans were much alarmed. Many of them urged
that some concessions be made, but others insisted that the party should
stand firm for sound money, and this view prevailed. The convention
declared that there must be no steps sidewise or backward in the matter
of specie payments, and denounced a fluctuating currency.

Although Governor Connor had served the customary three years, he

594 HISTORY OF MAINE

was renominated without opposition. It seemed the safest thing to do.
Apparently other names which had been suggested had met with small
response from the people. But if there was little enthusiasm there prom-
ised to be no lack of candidates, there was rivalry between the eastern and
the western parts of the State, and the managers probably felt that the party
had a hard battle before it, and that it would be dangerous to go into the
fight with any faction disappointed and sore. All or nearly all could unite
on Connor without serious mortification, and accordingly he was nomi-
nated.

The Republican convention met late. The Greenbackers and the
Democrats had already unfurled their banners and placed their candidates
in the field. The Greenback convention met on June 4. They declared
their opposition to every measure looking to the resumption of specie pay-
ments and to the issuing of government bonds, and demanded that the
money hoarded for resumption be used to pay outstanding bonds. They,
however, denounced "the red flag of communism imported from Europe
which asks for an equal division of property." They also called for bien-
nial sessions of the Legislature, and the abolition of imprisonment for debt.
For Governor the Greenbackers nominated Joseph L. Smith, a successful
lumber man of Old Town. The Kennebec Journal made the very pertinent
remark that Mr. Smith was a bondholder, that it made no objection to him
on that account if he obtained his bonds honestly, which it supposed he
did, but that it would like to know how Greenbackers could honestly vote
for such a bondholder and coupon clipper.

The Democratic convention met on June 18. They declared against
the further issue of bonds which were privileged in matters of taxation.
On the financial question they advocated one currency for all, which should
be redeemable, and stated that they were opposed to "the present national
banking system," and that they favored "the gradual substitution of green-
backs for national bank bills." They declared themselves in favor of
biennial sessions of the Legislature, and of the abolition of the Council.
For a candidate, following the example of the Greenbackers, they chose a
convert, Dr. Alonzo W. Garcelon, of Lewiston. He was nominated on the
first ballot by a vote of 220 to 119 for various other candidates. The
leading unsuccessful candidate was F. W. Hill, of Exeter, who received
49 votes.

Alonzo Garcelon was born on May 6, 1813, at Lewiston, Maine. He
graduated from Bowdoin in 1836, and from the Ohio Medical College in
1839. He was hospital surgeon of Maine in 1861, and chief surgeon in
1864. He had served in the Maine House and Senate, and was mayor of
Lewiston in 1871. In 1868 Dr. Garcelon, who had formerly been a Repub-
lican, accepted the Democratic nomination for Congress, but was defeated
by Samuel P. Morrill.

The Greenbackers made a vigorous campaign. Solon Chase and his
steers were much in evidence. The Republicans, with the exception of

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THE GREENBACK MOVEMENT 595

some of their newspapers, did little until early in August, then they made
considerable effort, but it was too late to save the day ; indeed, in the state
of the public mind it is doubtful if anything could have saved it. For the
first time since 1855, the people failed to elect a Governor. The official
count gave Connor 56,554 votes, Garcelon 28,208, Smith 41,371, scatter-
ing 36.

The Senate stood: Republicans, 20, Greenbackers 11. The House
contained 65 Republicans, 61 Greenbackers, 15 "sound money" Democrats,
and 10 "fiat money" Democrats. The Greenbackers and Democrats united
in selecting Smith and Garcelon as the two candidates from whom the
Senate must choose a Governor. The Republican minority voted for Con-
nor, and Frederic Robie, of Gorham, who had received 71 votes, enough
to make him the fourth constitutional candidate. The Republicans had
lost the prize, but it was still in their power to bestow it, for they con-
trolled the Senate. There had been some negotiations with Smith. He
appears to have offered to say nothing on the financial question in his mes-
sage, and to take strong Republican ground in the matter of the suppres-
sion of the Republican vote in the South. But a rumor of the proposed
arrangement became public, and some Greenbackers, angered at this deser-
tion, threatened to join the Republicans in sending up the name of Con-
nor. Smith now told the Republicans that he must mention the financial
question, but outlined a treatment which they might regard as practically
harmless, though unsound theoretically. The Republicans, however, finally
decided to elect Garcelon rather than Smith. They regarded Garcelon as a
weak man, not firm on the money question, and one whom the Green-
backers could use, but throughout the country he was believed to be a hard
money Democrat, and rather than the story should go abroad that Republi-
cans had rejected such a man for a Greenbacker, it was decided to make
Garcelon Governor. Accordingly, when the day of choice came, all the
Republican Senators voted for him and he was duly elected.

The Greenbackers and Democrats generally acted together, but the
parties had not united, and in the summer of 1879 separate conventions
were held for the nomination of candidates for Governor. The Green-
back convention met on June 4, at Portland. It had been planned that
Solon Chase should proceed from the railway station to the city hall in
his war chariot, an ox-team drawn by "them steers," but this part of the
program was cancelled on account of rain. There was, however, no lack
of excitement. Mr. E. N. Dingley says, in his life of his father, that the
convention was "one of the most remarkable revolutionary and tumultuous
political assemblies ever held in Maine." The Whig headed its account
"Yesterday's Circus in Portland."

The convention was called to order by Charles A. White, the chair-
man of the State committee, who was also State Treasurer. His speech
was more appropriate to the first position than the second. He made a
bitter attack on the Secretary of the Treasury, calling him John Sherman

596 HISTORY OF MAINE

the Jew, and declaring that he would never be satisfied till he had reduced
the masses to poverty. The resolutions reported by the platform com-
mittee were of the usual Greenback type. They attacked the alleged
increase of the bonded indebtedness of the country, and made the conven-
tion state "that we favor the unlimited coinage of gold and silver, to be
supplemented by ? full legal tender paper money sufficient to transact the
business of the country." Nelson Dingley pointed out in the Lewiston
Journal that the convention did not say whether the paper money was to
be redeemable in coin, the matter being left uncertain so as to win the
Democrats without affronting the Greenbackers. The money planks had
not been put at the head of the resolutions, and Solon Chase moved that
they be placed there. There appeared to be a suspicion that something
wrong was being smuggled into the platform. Mr. Dingley says: "Every-
body was mad. For the first time in history, it is said, Solon Chase vio-
lated one of the commandments." 1 The Argus in its account of the con-
vention said that "once, just as the disorder grew fairly terrific, Chandler's
band struck up the 'Angel of Peace,' and a comparative quiet was restored."

For Governor the convention renominated Mr. Smith. Probably a
majority of the delegates preferred Solon Chase, but the leaders thought
that his nomination would not be wise. They promised to send him to the
United States Senate, and Mr. Chase, who had no particular desire for the
governorship, resolutely refused to be a candidate for that office.

The Republican convention met at Bangor on June 2. There was con-
siderable uncertainty as to who would be the nominee. The candidate who
at first commanded the greatest support was W. W. Thomas, of Portland,
later Minister to Sweden and Norway for fifteen years, the longest period
of service as minister at a single post of any American diplomat. Mr.
Thomas was the special candidate of the younger men of the party, and
the older leaders were said to feel that he had pushed himself forward
instead of waiting, as he should have done, to be advanced at the proper
time by his seniors. Mr. Thomas was from Portland, and though this gave
him a strong local following, it was perhaps a disadvantage, for the East
was restless, somewhat disaffected, and earnestly demanding that its claims
be recognized. The Argus stated that the night before the convention,
J. H. Manley, a kind of vice-manager of the party under Blaine, Llewellyn
Powers, of Houlton, who had been a Representative in Congress and who
was a very influential politician, and other leaders, had come out of a
committee room declaring that the nomination of an eastern man was neces-
sary to revive or rather resurrect the party in that section. On the morn-
ing that the convention met, the Whig pointed out that in twenty-five years
the Republican nomination for Governor had gone to Kennebec or west of
Kennebec, twenty-two years, and respectfully submitted "that good feeling,
sound justice and the highest expediency require that the East shall have
the candidacy this year if the East shall offer a good man."

'Dingley, "Dingley," 149-150.

THE GREENBACK MOVEMENT 597

But could the East agree on any man, good or otherwise? At a meet-
ing of the delegates from the congressional district made up of Penobscot,
Piscataquis and Aroostook counties, it was found impossible to unite upon
a candidate. Lyndon Oak, of Garland, was mentioned, but expressed him-
self as unwilling to stand. "At this point," said the Whig, "Mr. Ham, of
Corinth, a worthy farmer and a delegate, in a very earnest speech presented
the name of Mr. Davis. On an informal ballot the votes were found to be
divided between Mr. Davis and Hon. Eugene Hale. It was then deter-
mined, as only a part of the delegates had been present, to present the
name of Mr. Davis to the convention on behalf of his friends." Mr. Hale
was also an eastern candidate, coming from the congressional district con-
taining Hancock, Waldo and Washington counties. Besides Messrs.
Thomas, Davis and Hale, ex-Governors Dingley and A. P. Morrill were
brought forward as candidates. The former gentleman refused to allow
the use of his name, but Mr. Morrill received considerable support in the
convention. The first ballot stood : W. W. Thomas, 303 ; D. F. Davis, 245 ;
Eugene Hale, 245; Anson P. Morrill, 194; W. W. Virgin, 179; scatter-
ing, 18.

The chairman of the convention was F. A. Pike, of Calais, who had
supported Greeley in 1872 and had run that year as an independent candi-
date for Congress against Eugene Hale. But in 1879 reconciliation was the
watchword, and the State committee had chosen Mr. Pike to preside over
the convention, Mr. Hale urging his selection on account of his "very emi-
nent qualifications." Mr. Rounds, of Calais, in behalf of the Washington
county delegation, now presented the name of F. A. Pike as a candidate
for Governor.

The second ballot stood: Davis, 430; Thomas, 333; Hale, 219; Virgin,
62 ; Pike, 39 ; scattering, 88. The names of Morrill and Virgin were then
withdrawn, and on the third ballot Davis was nominated by a vote of 844
to 174 for Thomas and 23 scattering.

The news of the nomination of Davis was received in much the same
manner as that of the nomination of Hunton had been exactly fifty years
before. The Lewiston Journal said : "The more it is considered, we are
satisfied public opinion will concur in the wisdom of the nomination. To
be sure, Mr. Davis is a comparatively young man, about thirty-five years
of age, and therefore not so well known in the western part of the State
as some older man would have been. But the fact that he has not been so
prominent in public life as some older men, will be an element of strength
rather than weakness, with the popular demand for a new man fresh from
the people. The young men of the State will feel honored in the selection
of a nominee from their ranks. Neither is Mr. Davis without public experi-
ence. He has served several terms in the Legislature with distinguished
success, and was regarded as one of the clearest-headed and most eloquent
members of both House and Senate. At the bar he has already won a
reputation for ability and good judgment, rarely attained by so young

598 HISTORY OF MAINE

The Argus quoted most of this rather apologetic endorsement with the
comment : "The Journal would have made itself plainer and have said the
same thing if it had worded the paragraph like this : 'Mr. Davis is a young
man who has never done anything worth speaking of, but thank God he
has not got a record'." It also perpetrated the following "Limerick":

"Now here's to Daniel F. Davis,
The Hamlin-Blaine rara avis.
Only Hamlin and Blaine,
In the whole State of Maine,
Knew there was a Daniel F. Davis." 5

The Democratic convention met at Bangor on July i. Governor Gar-
celon was renominated by acclamation. The Whig asserted that it had been
intended to nominate Madigan, of Aroostook, or Watts, of Thomaston,
but that Garcelon refused to withdraw, and that, fearing a split and a
scandal, the leaders decided to give the Governor the usual renomination
and to conceal the opposition by avoiding a formal ballot. The platform
declared in favor of the free and unlimited coinage of silver and of a
currency of gold, silver and paper, to be kept at par with coin at all times.
The committee on resolutions had said nothing about prohibition, but one
of them offered a resolution prepared by that staunch anti-prohibitionist,
James F. Rawson, of Bangor, in favor of a local option license law. This
caused much excitement and confusion, but at last a vote on adding Mr.
Rawson's plank was taken by a show of hands and the motion was defeated
by a great majority.

The campaign was an extremely hot one. There was a general under-
standing that Smith was the real anti-Republican candidate, and that the
nomination of Garcelon was little more than a form. In many districts
the Greenbackers and Democrats coalesced and a "Fusion" ticket was
nominated. It was said that Eben F. Pillsbury had agreed that Smith
should be Governor, and that in return Smith had promised to support him
for the United States Senate. The Republicans did their best to make the
Democrats and the Greenbackers believe that each was being sold out by
the other. In this they had some success. Mr. White, the chairman of the
Greenback committee, resigned his position, being dissatisfied, it was
claimed, with the way the Democrats were annexing the Greenbackers.
Two newspapers went over to the Republicans. That leading Democratic
paper, the Republican Journal, of Belfast, now became "Republican." The
Journal had been established in 1829 and had retained its old name, although
the founding of a new Republican party had made it extremely inappro-
priate. During the Civil War it had acted with the Copperhead wing of
the Democratic party, but its editor, Mr. Simpson, now admitted that his
past action had often been mistaken, declared that there was no excuse
whatever for the stand which the Democrats had taken on the financial
question, and announced that he could no longer affiliate with them. The

'Argus, June 24, 28, 1879.

THE GREENBACK MOVEMENT 599

Aroostook Valley Sunrise, which had joined the Greenbackers the year
before, returned to its old allegiance, the owner frankly confessing that the
resumption of specie payments, the returning prosperity of the country and
the conduct of the Greenback-Democratic Legislature, had convinced him
of his error in deserting the Republicans.

There was much stump speaking. Solon Chase and "them steers"
went up and down the State with great effect. Many Greenbacker speakers
were brought to Maine from other States. Wendell Phillips wrote to Solon
Chase expressing his sympathy with the Greenback movement. For the
Republicans, Messrs. Hamlin, Blaine, Frye, Hale and Dingley spoke con-
tinually. That uncompromising stalwart, Zachariah Chandler, came to
Maine, as did General Garfield, the Republican leader in the House of
Representatives, and Senator Allison of Iowa, then only beginning his long
service in the United States Senate, but already known for his grasp of
financial problems. Secretary John Sherman, the hero of resumption,
spoke at Portland, Lewiston, Augusta, Waterville and Bangor. Another
man whose fame was still to come, visited Maine to preach the gospel of
sound money. The Whig of August 22 mentioned that "the Hon. Wm.
McKinley, Jr., of Ohio, delivered an able address at Warren, Tuesday
evening. The meeting was large and enthusiastic."

As in the previous years, there was no election by the people, Mr.
Davis' vote just falling short of a majority. The official count gave Davis
68,967 votes, Smith 47,643, Garcelon 21,851, Bion Bradbury 264, scat-
tering, 81.

At first there was no doubt that the Republicans had carried the Legis-
lature and that Daniel F. Davis would be the next Governor of Maine.
The Whig rejoiced, claiming "a remarkable and signal victory." It said:
"It has taken two or three years in other States, and some much longer,
to secure such a reaction against demagoguism." The Argus expressed
surprise at the result and claimed that it was due to intimidation and
bribery. It soon became evident that such talk was not merely the usual
angry excuse of beaten and disappointed men. The Maine Democrats had
neither forgotten nor forgiven what they regarded as Hayes' theft of the
presidency, and one of their leaders told a Republican, "you cheated us in
the count for President, but we have the returning board here in Maine."
There was a rumor that definite charges of bribery would be made, and the
Governor and Council asked to decide that certain Republicans elected to
the Legislature on the face of the returns were not entitled to their seats.
The constitution provided that specified officers of towns and plantations
should make a list of votes in open meeting, and that copies duly attested
should be sealed in open town meeting and sent to the office of the Secre-
tary of State. Similar provisions were made in regard to the votes of
cities. It was further provided that the Governor and Council should
examine the lists, and twenty days before the first Wednesday in January
should issue a summons "to such persons as shall appear to be elected, to

600 HISTORY OF MAINE

attend and take their seats. But all such lists shall be laid before the House
of Representatives on the first Wednesday of January annually, and they
shall finally determine who are elected."

It was manifest that the constitution gave the Governor and Council
no authority to go behind the votes actually cast and count out Republi-
can candidates on the ground of intimidation and bribery, and this plan,
if such had really been formed, was quietly abandoned. But it was reported
that the same result could be secured in another way. The town officers
were seldom lawyers, often they were comparatively uneducated and igno-
rant men, and it was by no means unlikely that many had failed to com-
ply exactly with the directions of the constitution in regard to the manner
of recording and reporting votes. It was rumored that the Governor and
Council would avail themselves to the utmost of these errors, that the
Republicans would be given no opportunity to correct them, as a law of
1877, amended in 1878, allowed them to do, until the Governor and Council
had issued the summonses to the persons who appeared to them to be
elected, after which they would claim that their powers in the matter were
exhausted. The Legislature rendered Fusion by these means would choose
Smith Governor, and elect Fusionists to the Council and to the other
executive offices. The Republicans alleged that the question at issue was
not merely who should hold a few State offices for a year, but that arrange-
ments would be made for a similar fraud in 1880; that another stolen
Legislature would elect a Democrat to succeed Senator Hamlin, whose
term would expire on March 4, 1881 ; and that the present Legislature
would take the right of choosing presidential electors from the people and
vest it in the Legislature of 1881, which, after being duly purged, if neces-
sary, would choose Democratic electors for President.

As time passed and the Governor and Council took no action on the
returns, anxiety increased. It was understood that there would be a meet-
ing of the Council on November 17, and Mr. Blaine requested the State
committee, of which he was chairman, the committee for the succeeding
year, and various leading Republicans, to meet him at Augusta. Among
those who came in response to his call were Senator Hamlin, Congressmen
Reed and Lindsey, and ex-Governors A. P. and L. M. Morrill, Washburn,
Perham and Dingley. A committee of sixteen, one from each county,
headed by ex-Governor Dingley, proceeded to the council chamber. On
reaching the ante-chamber they were informed that the Council would not
be in session that afternoon, but Governor Garcelon admitted Mr. Dingley
for an unofficial and private conversation. Mr. Dingley then returned to
his committee, and a sub-committee consisting of Mr. Dingley, Congress-
man Lindsey and L. A. Emery, formerly Attorney General and later Chief
Justice of Maine, waited on the Governor. Mr. Garcelon informed them
that opportunity would be given for examining the returns, that the twenty
days allowed for this purpose by statute would not be considered to have
begun until the Council had reported its tabulations, and that this rule

THE GREENBACK MOVEMENT 601

would be entered in the record of the proceedings of the Council. In con-
clusion he said, "Ample opportunity will be given to correct any errors in
the returns which can be corrected under the statutes. If any returns are
fatally defective you must take the consequences."

A meeting of the Council was held and they approved the report of
their committee on elections, and voted that the twenty days allowed for
inspection of the returns should begin to run on that day. The next day
two Republican candidates for the Senate applied by themselves and by
counsel for permission to examine the returns, but received no answer.
The Republicans then informed Chief Justice Appleton that they should
apply for a mandamus directing the Governor and Council to allow access
to the returns, and Judge Appleton prepared to assemble the whole court
that he might have the advice of the full bench in so important a matter.
But meantime the Governor and Council gave notice that they would be in
session from December i to December 13 for the purpose of examining
the returns, and that candidates claiming irregularities would have reason-
able opportunity to be heard by themselves or counsel. The Republicans
then stated that they would not press for an immediate decision on the
application for a mandamus, but would wait until the first regular court,
which would be held by Judge Virgin at Fryeburg on December 2.

Various attempts to examine legislative returns were made by Repub-
lican candidates and their counsel without success. On December 10 and
11 the question of issuing a mandamus was argued before Judge Virgin, the
hearing, by mutual agreement, being held in the Senate Chamber at
Augusta, instead of at the court house in Fryeburg. The writ was sought
against Mr. Gove, the Secretary of State, and the legal custodian of the
State papers. Mr. Gove replied that the returns were not in his possession ;
his counsel also argued that the law of 1877, which allowed correction of
the returns, was unconstitutional, that the applicant had no right to see the
returns, nor had the Governor and Council the right to make the correc-
tions desired, and that therefore there was no cause for issuing the writ.
Judge Virgin, after privately consulting with Judges Barrows and
Symonds, rendered a decision in favor of the defendant. He held that the
applicant had a constitutional right to examine the returns at a proper time
and in a proper manner, and that a mandamus might issue against the
Secretary of State, but that it was the duty of the Governor and Council
to examine the returns to discover who appeared to be elected, that their
right must take precedence of the applicant's right of examination, and
that the time necessary for the execution of the duty of the Governor and
Council was a matter of executive discretion and therefore not within the
jurisdiction of the court. The decision was of little practical importance,
for the Democrats had completely given way in the matter of the secrecy
of the returns, and from the day of the hearing they had been open to
examination.

On December 17 the Governor and Council announced the result of

602 HISTORY OF MAINE

their examination of the returns. The reports of the local officers gave a
Republican majority of seven in the Senate and twenty-nine in the House.
The Governor and Council found a total Fusion majority of seventeen,
with twelve vacancies. In all cases of change the action was taken on
merely technical grounds. Five Representatives and one Senator lost their
seats because of an alleged failure to sign or to seal the returns in open
town meeting; seven Representatives and two Senators were counted out
because returns were not signed by a majority of all the aldermen; five
Representatives and three Senators were denied an election because the
Portland officials returned certain votes as scattering, the constitution requir-
ing the names of all persons voted for to be given, with the number of votes
received by each. In no case could the failure to credit any person with
these votes have affected the result. There were five Representatives lost to
the Republicans because the candidate's name was not given in full, but with
initials, and these votes were held to be for a different person. A Represen-
tative was counted out on the ground that his ballots had a distinguishing
mark and were therefore illegal ; another lost a seat because it was alleged
that the votes of the town of Cherryfield were illegal by reason of one of the
selectmen being an alien. One Representative lost his seat because of an
alleged double return, another because it was alleged that the signatures of
three selectmen were all written by one of their number. Two Representa-
tives were refused seats bcause of a wrong spelling of their names, and two
because the town clerks did not attest the returns. The Republicans might
have admitted that the latter was a fatal defect in itself, but claimed that
the clerks should have been allowed to correct the papers.

The excitement now became intense. Meetings of protest were held
throughout the State. The country districts were even more stirred than
the cities. Many of the clergy denounced the fraud, as they deemed it,
which was being perpetrated. The Whig of December 29 reported that
"Rev. H. W. Tilden, pastor of the Baptist church in Augusta, lectured
Saturday evening on the great crime. He wished to see everything pos-
sible done to avert the danger. The question was, shall we be denied the
right of suffrage. But he said, no, never! At whatever cost the people
knew their rights and would never yield. Mob violence would settle noth-
ing whatever, but open, systematic war would if it must be had."

Governor Garcelon was a citizen of Lewiston, but ministers of the city
likened his conduct to that of one who steals a pocketbook. The chairman
of the Council, John B. Foster, was a resident of Bangor. Some of the
leading clergymen of the city, including Professor Sewall, of the Bangor
Theological Seminary, and Mr. Foster's own pastor, Rev. Dr. Field, de-
nounced the action of the Governor and Council.

The Democrats held great meetings which defended the course of the
Governor and Council. Mr. Garcelon said that he was prouder of his
action in the matter of the count than of anything he ever did in his life.
The Democrats argued that they had acted only as the law required. The

THE GREENBACK MOVEMENT 603

Argus said: "There is probably not a case passed upon by the Governor
and Council which any respectable lawyer would not say, taken by itself,
was decided rightly according to law. It is only when so many fatally
defective returns are found that any are impelled to protest against the
sweeping result. But is this really any argument against obeying the law?
On the contrary, is it not one imperative reason for enforcing the law,
lest otherwise we might come to have a Legislature so illegally constituted
as to render of doubtful validity the laws it might pass? The defects
exhibited by the returns this year are simply astonishing. It is high time
for election officers to have an effective administration, to attend to their
duties properly, and for towns to see to it that they have officers who know
their duties and are careful to perform them as the constitution requires."

The Democrats proclaimed with great glee that they were following
Republican precedents. They made especial use of the Burleigh-Madigan
case. By the returns from Aroostook for the election of 1877 it appeared
that Parker P. Burleigh had been elected Senator from that county. His
opponent, Edmund C. Madigan, challenged his election, on the ground,
among others, that Mr. Burleigh was not eligible, not being a resident of
the county. Four of the councillors wished to give Mr. Madigan a certifi-
cate of election for this reason, Governor Connor and three councillors
believed Mr. Burleigh to have been legally elected. A compromise was
agreed to and the facts were reported to the Senate without a decision in
favor of either party. Here was a precedent for considering matters which
did not appear on the face of the returns. The action of the Senate also
gave great comfort to the Democrats. The Republicans counted in Bur-
leigh by throwing out the vote of Van Buren because the list of voters was
not attested by the clerk of the plantation, although the envelope in which
the returns came had a blank attestation as to its contents which was duly
filled in. Undoubedly the will of the people of Van Buren had been
defeated by Republicans just as the Democrats were doing in numerous
instances in 1879, but the Republican members of the Senate committee on
the case had quoted with approval an opinion of the Maine Supreme
Court stating that "the design of a republican government is not merely
that the people should express their will at the polls, but that it should be
legally and constitutionally expressed."

To complete the joy of the Democrats, the second name signed to this
report was that of Daniel F. Davis. The Democrats also asserted that in
1862 the Senators elected by the people of Washington county had been
counted out by a technicality and that for twenty years many Democratic
members of the Legislature and county officers had lost their seats, but
that no Republican had been deprived of his. Henry M. Pishon made affi-
davit that he had been a clerk in the office of the Secretary of State for
eight years and that at the request of councillors he had often sent returns
back to town clerks to make specified corrections. Mark Harden, who
had been messenger to Garcelon's Council and had held the same position

604 HISTORY OF MAINE

in four Republican administrations, swore that he knew that the Repub-
licans had often sent returns back for correction, that omissions had been
rectified without even sending back the returns, and that a check-list had
been purposely lost in order to throw out the vote of a plantation.

The Republicans did their best to distinguish between the Burleigh-
Madigan case and those of 1879, and said that if in single instances Repub-
licans had reversed elections on technical grounds, they had never done
this when it would have changed the whole political complexion of the
State.'

Men of both sides manifested an intention to use force. The warlike
speech of Rev. Mr. Tilden has already been quoted. More serious was a
statement attributed to Hannibal Hamlin in an interview with a represen-
tative of the Boston Traveller. He was reported to have stated that until
the act was done he could not believe that the Democrats would resort to
so revolutionary a proceeding as a count out. "If they do usurp the laws
of the State, I favor going to the State House and take the revolutionists
by the nap of the neck and pitch them into the stream, and I will be one
to go and assist."

The Democrats answered Republican threats and even mere criticisms
with cries of treason. Eben F. Pillsbury, who had been a copperhead in
the war and who was suspected of inciting or at least encouraging the
resistance to the draft at Kingfield, now in the columns of his paper, the
Standard, had much to say of loyalty.

In Penobscot county Benjamin H. Mace had been elected sheriff for
the ensuing year. Not waiting until his term began, on December 26 he
issued a notice that he should consider it among the duties of his office
"to present before the grand jury at the coming criminal term, for indict-
ment all those who may participate in any political mob or commit the
overt act of high treason, and also those who may incite to such felonies,
whether they are professed ministers of the gospel or editors of political
papers." The future sheriff had doubtless been excited by the events of the
preceding day. On Christmas morning the Governor had sent a clerk in
the adjutant-general's office, named French, with a verbal order to the
commander of the State arsenal at Bangor to deliver to him a large quan-
tity of arms and ammunition. Rumors of the order got abroad in Bangor
and caused such excitement that the Mayor and several prominent citizens
went to the Penobscot Exchange Hotel to see the adjutant-general, who
was reported to be stopping there. Not finding him, they proceeded to the
arsenal, which was locked, but from persons near by it was learned that
two teams loaded with guns and ammunition had just left for the depot.
Returning at once to the city, they found the teams stopped on Kenduskeag
bridge by a great crowd. Mayor Brown informed French that he could
not guarantee the safety of the property, and that French must take the

'Perhaps this was for the reason that Rev. Mr. Spurgeon gave for his own
denomination's never having been guilty of persecution, they never had the chance.

THE GREENBACK MOVEMENT 605

responsibility of further provoking the people. Mr. French was unwilling
to do this and ordered the arms back to the arsenal.

The Republicans were in a difficult situation. They felt that the Gov-
ernor meant to bring force to the aid of fraud, and that his action directly
tended toward civil war, but he had an undoubted legal right to move the
State arms, and public opinion would condemn those who should first resort
to violence. Indeed, the Republicans felt that the Governor might be trying
to provoke them to disorder for this very reason. In Lewiston a "dodger"
was got out headed "Riot in Bangor." Eben F. Pillsbury issued a Standard
Extra, and headed his account of the affair of the arms, "Open Rebellion
in Bangor." The Bangor Republicans, therefore, determined to pursue an
entirely peaceable course. A letter signed by ex-mayors and other prom-
inent citizens was sent to the Governor protesting against his order, but
stating that "we shall endeavor to the extent of our ability, to prevent any
action which should (would?) impair our good fame as law-abiding citi-
zens." An executive committee issued a similar statement urging the
people not to resist any lawful movement of State property by the Governor.

In Augusta, efforts were made to induce Mr. Garcelon to abandon his
purpose of bringing arms to the State House. The mayor of the city, Mr.
Nash, assured him that he had enrolled two hundred special policemen,
good men of different political parties, and that they could and would pre-
serve the peace, and urged that the calling out of the militia or the gather-
ing of arms would disturb the public mind, that if one side should arm
the other would do so also, and that with both parties armed a conflict
might ensue which all would deeply deplore. On the following day an
Augusta committee of public safety called on the Governor and expressed
their concurrence with Mayor Nash and their readiness to support him,
and begged the Governor not to move the arms from Bangor. He, how-
ever, insisted on doing so in order to test the sincerity of the people of the
city in promising to obey the law. But he was understood by the com-
mittee to promise that the arms should not be brought to Augusta unless
need arise. 4 On December 30, 120 rifles and 20,000 rounds of ball cart-
ridge were, on an order from Governor Garcelon, taken from the Bangor
arsenal by the direction of the adjutant-general and forwarded to the Gov-
ernor at Augusta. There were large crowds in the streets through which
the teams passed, and the bells of some of the churches were tolled, but
no attempt was made to interfere with the transfer.

The State had not been brought in danger of civil war without earnest
attempts at a settlement by compromise. Councillor Foster had been called
to Chicago by the illness of a daughter. On arriving in the city he wrote

'The Governor afterward stated on oath that he understood that the additional
policemen were Republicans, that it was feared that they would take possession of
the State House and exclude the Democrats from it, and that he promised not to
bring the arms to Augusta on obtaining satisfactory- assurance (which he did not
receive) that the new police should be composed of men of both parties in substan-
tially equal numbers.

606 HISTORY OF MAINE

to the Governor that the political situation in Maine was the prevailing
topic of conversation everywhere, that the action of the Governor and
Council was generally misjudged, and that he was afraid that they were
not fully sustained even by the Democrats. Mr. Foster declared that the
Governor and Council had done perfectly right, that they had no equity
powers, but that the Legislature had, and could exercise them, without
reflecting in the least on the Council's action. "We fully understand (if
we do not take into account the frauds which are said to have been com-
mitted in the election) that the Republicans would have had the organiza-
tion of the Legislature if the returns had been legal, that equity gives them
the advantage. Would it not be right and also politic, looking to the future
of the party, for the Legislature to exercise that power which we did not
possess, and deal equitably ?"

On December 30 a letter appeared in the Argus written by a Green-
backer, advising that the Legislature summoned by the Governor meet,
organize, and settle disputed elections before choosing State officers. He
said that the moderate Republicans wished to join the Legislature, and that
their number would be increased if a moderate course were pursued. The
Argus approved this plan.

There was a natural arbiter specially provided by the Constitution of
the State, which required the Supreme Court to give its opinion upon
points of law and on solemn occasions, if called on by the Governor,
Council, Senate or House. The Republicans were most anxious to obtain
its intervention. The Whig had suggested that under the circumstances
the court would be warranted in stating its opinion without being asked.
It was proposed to have the members of the Senate request an opinion.
The Greenbackers, on the other hand, would have nothing to do with the
courts. Councillor Fogg's paper, the Greenback Chronicle, said in its issue
of December 5 : "Perhaps Messrs. Baker and Baker are not aware, how-
ever, that if the judges of the Supreme Court had issued a mandamus
against the Governor and Council, that body would have taken no more
notice of it than a mandamus issued by seven jackasses in Australia. The
Supreme Court is a very august body, but it has no more power over the
Governor than the ghost of Solomon." The Greenbackers probably
objected to an appeal to the court, in part for the reason that the Whig
had given against the establishment of an electoral commission in 1877,
that it was exchanging a certainty for an uncertainty. Radicals seldom
have great reverence for courts, which they consider unduly conservative,
and all judicial authority had suffered from the action of the judges on the
electoral commission each one of whom voted with his party on every
vital question where there was a reasonable doubt. Some of the Democrats,
however, wished the court to be appealed to. William L. Putnam, for many
years the able and honored judge of the United States Circuit Court, pub-
licly declared in favor of such a course. Many of the leading Protestant
clergy of Portland, with the Episcopalian bishop at their head, requested

THE GREENBACK MOVEMENT 607

the Governor to consult the court. Two of his most eminent predecessors
made a like request. Leading Republicans had appointed a committee with
Lot M. Morrill as chairman to advise the members of the Legislature. At
their desire Mr. Morrill wrote an extremely polite letter to the Governor,
urgently requesting him to submit the matters at issue to the Supreme
Court. He alleged that the court had always been impartial in such mat-
ters, and cited the decision just rendered by the Republican Judge Virgin
against the demand of the Republicans for a writ of mandamus. In con-
clusion Mr. Morrill said: "I address your Excellency, not simply as an
individual anxious for the peace and good order of the State, but as the
chairman of a committee of the Republican party, all of whom are desirous,
above all things, to avoid every possible disturbance of the public tranquil-
ity, and reconcile the popular discontent."

The Governor replied on the following day that he considered the
public excitement due to "a systematic attack of vituperation and slander
upon the Executive Department, not only without parallel, but without
cause." He added, however, that it was the duty of every good citizen to
allay the excitement as far as he was able and, referring to the request
that he should appeal to the Supreme Court, he said, "Nothing would give
me greater pleasure than an authoritative opinion upon points involved in
the present condition of affairs, and also upon such as may be likely to arise.
Please indicate the points that occur to you, which have not already been
adjudicated upon, and I doubt not we may be able to secure a satisfactory
solution of doubtful complications or, if not satisfactory, at least such as
may be deemed authoritative."

Mr. Morrill consulted his committee and submitted a list of questions
which he suggested be put to the court. In the accompanying letter he
said: "When your Excellency asks me to indicate the points that have
not already been adjudicated, I reply that such an attempt would be value-
less and indeed foreign to the whole scope and purpose of this peaceful
mode of adjustment. Your Excellency must be aware that there is often-
times as much dispute between lawyers as to what has been adjudicated
by the Court, as there is touching that which has been enacted by the
Legislature. I cannot close without urging upon your Excellency the pro-
priety of going forward in the course which in your communication you
have indicated your willingness to adopt. It has never in the history of
our State happened to any of its chief magistrates to have it in his power
to do so much for the peace and good order of society as your Excellency
enjoys today."

It was reported that the Governor would refuse Mr. Morrill's request
on the grounds that the opinion of the court, if against the action of the
Governor and Council, would come too late, as the Constitution required
that the notices of election be issued twenty days before the meeting of the
Legislature, and that if wrong had been done the (counted in) Legislature
would correct it. In his account of the interview of the Augusta com-

608 HISTORY OF MAINE

mittee of safety with the Governor, the Whig correspondent wrote: "The
conversation turned on the proposition to submit certain questions to the
Supreme Court. The Governor said he had very hard work to read Gover-
nor Morrill's letter. His Excellency's attention was called to the fact that
it had been printed in the newspapers. He said he did not read the news-
papers. He should go to Portland and obtain further legal advice before
deciding to submit the question." He finally determined to submit ques-
tions differing from Mr. Morrill's. The Governor's were more on mat-
ters of abstract law. Mr. Morrill's had dealt much with concrete facts,
mentioning towns whose returns had been passed on by the Governor and
Council. The judges promptly replied in a unanimous opinion supporting
the Republican contentions at every point. The court proclaimed as a
guiding principle that the will of the people should not be defeated by tech-
nicalities or the errors of officers who must of necessity be plain men.'
It also laid much stress on the lack of power of the Governor and Council
to know officially matters not stated in the returns, and declared that various
constitutional and legal provisions regarding the making up of returns
were directory only and that compliance with them was not necessary to
the validity of the returns. It stated that the provision allowing a defective
return to be amended by the record was in aid of the purpose of the Con-
stitution and valid. The judges said that the question whether the use of
verbal evidence for this purpose as provided for by another part of the
law was constitutional was not before them, and that on that point they
expressed no opinion.

The Democrats at first appeared stunned by the decision, but they
soon rallied and determined to continue in the course they had planned. It
seemed that when Governor Garcelon's term expired the State would be
without a Governor, and there might follow rival Legislatures and Gover-
nors and civil war. Governor Garcelon was much alarmed lest the Repub-
licans should seize the State House and he turned to General Chamberlain
for help. The general had not accompanied the band of ex-Governors and
other Republican leaders in their visit to Augusta in November, and it was
reported that he had said that he had not gone because he could not see
that he had any business there. The day after Mr. Morrill's appeal to the
Governor to ask the opinion of the Supreme Court, General Chamberlain
telegraphed Governor Garcelon, "The proposition to submit the disputed
questions to the Court is eminently wise. Such a course would be honorable
to you as Governor of the State, the highest officer of its peace. All good
citizens would sustain you in it." He followed the telegram by a letter to
the same effect. He declined a request of Mr. Blaine to get up an indig-
nation meeting at Brunswick, saying that he thought that enough had been
done to impress on the Governor the state of public feeling, that now efforts

'This seems inconsistent with an earlier opinion, which said: "It is to be regretted
that votes are lost through the ignorance or carelessness of town officers, but the
obvious remedy is to choose such as know their duty, and knowingly will legally
perform it."

THE GREENBACK MOVEMENT 609

should be made to calm excitement, and that in no case should resort be
had to violence.

The Governor wrote a personal letter to General Chamberlain, urging
him to come at once to Augusta. On January 5 he issued an order consti-
tuting the various counties of the State "the first division of the militia,"
and placing General Chamberlain in command. He also issued the follow-
ing remarkable special order: "Major-General Joshua L. Chamberlain is
authorized and directed to protect the public property and institutions of
the State until my successor is duly qualified." On the following day,
Tuesday, January 6, General Chamberlain assumed command under the
general order, and on January 8 published both orders and announced that
he should act under them. General Chamberlain believed that Mr. Garce-
lon's measures for defense would endanger rather than preserve the peace,
his special guards or police or whatever they should be called, were accord-
ingly discharged, the arms and ammunition taken from the arsenal at
Bangor were returned, and the protection of the State House was entrusted
to the special police of Augusta. The General, however, took further pre-
cautions ; the people were reminded that military companies could not be
organized to bear arms without legal authorization, the captains of the
existing militia companies were told to obey no orders that did not emanate
directly or indirectly from General Chamberlain, arrangements were made
with the railroads to bring troops immediately to Augusta should he order
it, and with the telegraph companies to give precedence to his dispatches.

When the Legislature assembled, the proceedings in the Senate wer;
fairly quiet. Mr. Locke, of Portland, who had been selected by the Repub-
licans as their candidate for President, protested against the Senate's pro-
ceeding, but the secretary refused to entertain the motion. The Governor
was sent for and the members, including the Republicans, were duly quali-
fied. The Senate then organized, electing an elderly gentleman of no special
note, James D. Lamson, of Freedom, president. The Republicans refused
to vote for officers or accept positions on committees, but they voted on an
order presented by Mr. Locke that a committee of seven be appointed to
consider the election of members, and the order was passed by a vote of
20 to 18.

In the House there was much more excitement. The assistant clerk
of the last House called the meeting to order. There were few Republicans
officially present. Their plan was to break a quorum, and as three Fusion-
ists were understood to have refused to assist in the contemplated "fraud"
by attending, they felt that they could prevent the organization of the
House. After the calling of the roll Representative Eugene Hale moved
that members from the cities excluded from representation by the action
of the Governor and Council be admitted. He delivered a long and able
speech in defense of his motion but objection was made, and the assistant
clerk declared the motion out of order and refused to put it to vote. The

610 HISTORY OF MAINE

Republicans refrained from further action, and the Democrats sent notice
to the Governor and Council that a quorum was present and ready to be
qualified. The Governor and Council appeared and the Governor pro-
ceeded to qualify the members. He then announced that 76 members, the
exact number needed to make a quorum, had taken and subscribed the oaths.
This announcement was received with delighted applause by the Fusionists,
and with astonishment by the Republicans. Governor Garcelon said that
he put into the hands of the House the opinion of the Supreme Court as
well as the petition of gentlemen from certain cities claiming seats, and
invoked careful consideration of the same. "Three cheers were given for
Governor Garcelon, followed by prolonged hisses." The House organized
and transacted certain business, Mr. Hale continually raising the point of
no quorum but without success, and at 3.30 p. m. the House adjourned.
The battle had been an unexpected victory for the Democrats. The Repub-
licans had felt sure that a quorum would not qualify, and they declared
that there had been fraud in the count and forgery in making up the roll.'
They pointed to the fact that the highest number of votes cast in the elec-
tion was 74, (on the choice of a clerk), and Mr. Hale, who had qualified
under protest, that he might make motions and raise points of order, and
there would be one less than a quorum. If, however, the Speaker did not
vote when the clerk was elected, then there would appear to have been 75
Fusionists in the House, which, with Mr. Hale, would make a quorum.

On the following day Mr. Hale secured an amendment of the journal
so as to show that no quorum had voted. The Republican Representatives
now decided that they wished to be qualified, and recognizing Mr. Lamson
as Acting Governor proceeded to the Council Chamber and sent for Mr.
Lamson to come and qualify them, but he declined to do so for the present
on the ground that he was not certain of the extent of his powers. The
next day he gave a written reply stating that legal gentlemen had serious
doubt whether there was such a "vacancy" in the office of Governor as the
Constitution intended should be filled by the President of the Senate. Mr.
Lamson concluded with the statement that being unwilling to exercise
doubtful authority, he must respectfully decline administering the oaths.

The situation suggests that of fifty years before, when the National
Republicans declared that Elder Hall was Acting Governor, but it needed
an opinion of the Supreme Court to induce him to take the office. There
was not on this occasion danger of the Democrats losing their Senate if
they lost their President, but probably they wished to prevent the Repub-
lican Representatives from qualifying, and so get rid of a numerous and
active minority. Almost immediately, however, each party reversed its
position. The Democrats had doubtless awakened to the advantage of
having one of their number in the Governor's chair, and much pressure was
put on General Chamberlain to obtain his recognition of Lamson. Ex-

*A demand was made in vain that the names of the persons enrolled as taking the
oath be read.

THE GREENBACK MOVEMENT 611

Senator Bradbury, who had behaved with moderation and had openly
blamed the refusal in the fall to open the returns to inspection, now in a
personal interview argued with great earnestness and force that Lamson
was legally Acting Governor. Mr. Lamson made both verbal and written
demands on the general for recognition. Some of Chamberlain's own
friends, who were also staunch Republicans, advised him to consult one of
the judges of the Supreme Court who was near at hand, and that gentle-
man replied that the only safe way was to recognize Mr. Lamson's claim.
But the general refused. He took the ground that he had been ordered
not to execute the laws, but to protect the institutions of the State, one
of which was election by the people, that formal law might permit out-
rageous injustice which could be only redressed by revolution, and that
he would recognize no Governor or Legislature without a decision of the
Supreme Court in their favor; meanwhile he would keep the peace. The
rule was applied to Republicans as well as Democrats. When a little later
Senator Locke, who had been elected President by the Republicans of the
Senate, including those deprived of seats, informed General Chamberlain
that he was about to assume the office of Acting Governor, the general
replied that his election was at least irregular and that he could not be
recognized. Joseph R. Bodwell, the owner of large granite quarries,
appeared at the capitol with some fifty of his employees, armed with pistols,
but General Chamberlain induced him to promise to send them home. It
is said, however, that most of them were quietly kept in Augusta.

Mr. Dingley states in his life of his father that : "Some of the mem-
bers of the Republican advisory committee were in favor of a resort to
arms. Mr. Blaine was among them; and he was somewhat out of patience
with General Chamberlain because the latter did not use force at the outset.
Thomas W. Hyde was sent by Mr. Blaine to General Chamberlain to
inform the latter that the Republican leaders had decided 'to pitch the
Fusionists out of the window.' '" "Tom," said the general, "you are as
dear to me as my own son. But I will permit you to do nothing of the
kind. I am going to preserve the peace. I want you and Mr. Blaine and
the others to keep away from this building."

The Republicans were not the only men who endangered the peace.
There was a plot to kidnap General Chamberlain and hide him in some back
town. The general discovered a plan in case of any slight violence on the
part of the Republicans to burn the Blaine mansion and kill the owner.

On January 12 important steps were taken by both sides. In the morn-
ing the Fusion Legislature met and qualified Mr. Lamson as Acting Gover-
nor. The Republican "Legislature" met in a more dramatic fashion. The
plan had been arranged suddenly and with great secrecy. Late in the after-
noon the Republican members began dropping into the State House in
little groups of two or three. Two members, Professor Young of Bowdoin,

'Dingley, "Dingley," 169.

612 HISTORY OF MAINE

and Mr. Weeks, later elected Speaker, obtained permission from General
Chamberlin to use the halls. While he was writing the order, the
Fusion superintendent of public buildings, Bradford F. Lancaster, rushed
into the general's office, crying out that a mob was about to break into
Representative Hall. In no way pacified by the assurance that the mob
was composed of members elect, Lancaster declared that they should not
go in and, snatching the keys from the door-keeper, ran off. At the request
of General Chamberlain, Mayor Nash, who had been sent for, opened the
door; the undaunted Lancaster reappeared, entered the hall with the mem-
bers, and bolted with the gas lighter, but he was pursued, the lighter recap-
tured, and the chamber duly illuminated. The Republican members qualified
before the clerk of courts of Kennebec county, elected officers, appointed
a committee to prepare questions to be submitted to the Supreme Court,
and, remembering that possession is nine points of the law, proceeded to
hold the fort, being strengthened by a well spread lunch in one of the
committee rooms. At two-fifteen in the morning the committee reported
a list of questions and the House adjourned until the 17th. The Repub-
lican Senate found the doors of the chamber unlocked, walked in and
organized. Mr. Locke was chosen President, and a committee appointed to
consider the matter of presenting questions to the Supreme Court. The
Senate then adjourned to the 17th.

The same night General Chamberlain wrote to Chief Justice Appleton
that he believed that if the court would recognize Lamson he saw a way
out. General Chamberlain made the matter public a year later. He said
that he only meant a quasi recognition by answering the questions Lamson
might put, and it was urged in the general's defense that thoroughgoing
Republicans believed that it would be necessary to recognize Lamson
finally, and that only at the last moment did the Republicans decide to
organize the Legislature themselves and submit questions to the court.
General Chamberlain's letter was published, and it may be interpreted as
asking a complete, or as seeking only a partial recognition. On January 13
Mr. Lamson sent a statement to the Supreme Court that he had assumed
the office of Acting Governor. On the 15th he directed Sheriff Libby of
Kennebec to dismiss his deputies who were guarding the public buildings,
but the sheriff, who was a Republican, refused. On the 16th the Fusion
Legislature, which had voted in additional members who claimed the seats
of certified Republicans, elected Smith Governor, chose other State
officers and inaugurated Smith. The same day Lamson gave General
Chamberlain a written guarantee that the Republicans could meet on the
following afternoon in the chambers of the House and Senate without inter-
ference. On this day also the Supreme Court replied to the questions of
the Republican Legislature by a decision in its favor. The judges stated
that the opinion as to the method of counting the returns asked for by
Governor Garcelon was an authoritative determination of the law, which it
was the duty of the Governor and Council to obey. They declared that a

THE GREENBACK MOVEMENT 613

law allowing only members with certificates from the Governor and Council
to take part in the organization of their respective houses, was clearly
unconstitutional because it aimed to control the right of each House to
determine the election of its members by imposing on it until there had
been a full organization a majority fixed by the Governor and Council.
They further declared that if improperly certificated members were needed
to make a quorum and if a protest was made against their taking part, the
organization of the House was illegal and void. Referring to a previous
decision of the court that the Senate could organize with less than a
quorum, the court held that the ruling was proper when by reason of a
requirement of an absolute majority less than a quorum might have been
elected, but that the decision could not apply when a quorum had been
chosen and that if less than a quorum voted for Speaker and there was
nothing on the record to show that a quorum was present and acting, the
election was void. They decided that the oath of office of Senators and
Representatives might in case of necessity be administered by any magis-
trate, although the constitution requires it to be taken before the Governor
and Council since the essential matter is the oath and not the person admin-
istering it, that a President of the Senate chosen by virtue of improperly
certificated members cannot become Acting Governor, because he was never
properly chosen President of the Senate; that circumstances might exist
rendering an organization like that of the Republican House and Senate
legal, and that if the returns of the vote for Governor were inaccessible to
the Legislature they might substitute certified copies of the record.

On Saturday, the 17th, the Republican Legislature assembled at the
usual places of meeting, the House sent to the Senate the names of Daniel
F. Davis and Bion Bradbury,' and the Senate at once elected Mr. Davis
Governor. A council was also elected. In the evening a joint convention
was held and Mr. Davis qualified. General Chamberlain recognized him as
Governor, and announced that he considered his special duties at an end.

The Republican Legislature met again on Monday, and the matter of
electing an adjutant-general and a treasurer was taken up. The Repub-
licans found themselves in an embarrassing position. They had nominated
as adjutant-general, Major Gallagher, the pension clerk in the adjutant-
general's office, and for treasurer, John W. Folger, a clerk in the Treas-
urer's office who, though a Fusion appointee, had acted with the Republi-
cans. But neither were men of weight, and there was a general feeling
that in the present circumstances stronger men should be chosen. A caucus
was held before the meeting of the Legislature, and a committee was
appointed to confer with Major Gallagher. They reported that he had
agreed to leave the matter in the hands of his friends. It was proposed
to postpone action till the evening. But at another caucus, Mr. Hale said
that there were grave reasons why the adjutant-general's office should be

'Bion Bradbury had received 264 votes, thus making him a constitutional candidate.

6i 4 HISTORY OF MAINE

filled that day "by some gentleman of responsibility and who is in full
accord with the branches of government. We are on the verge of events
of importance," he said, "and in the case of anything happening between
now and night, it was necessary to have a permanent head in the adjutant-
general's office." 8 The caucus reconsidered its nomination and by a vote
of 79 to 8, General George L. Beal was elected by the Legislature. No
treasurer was chosen. Another most important question was, Should the
Fusion Legislature be allowed to meet in the State House? They had
adjourned to four o'clock Monday afternoon. The Governor decided to
exclude them from the State House, and when they appeared about four
o'clock they found the iron gates closed and guarded by police. On demand-
ing entrance they were refused by Mayor Nash in the name of Governor
Davis, as there was no business being transacted in any of the departments.
"Speaker" Talbot mounted the coping surrounding the grounds and called
the "House" to order; the "House" heard the journal read, and adjourned
to meet at ten o'clock the next morning. President Lamson then mounted
the coping and called the "Senate" to order, and that body adjourned to
the same time and place as the "House." The meeting was duly held and
there was much talk but little action.

The Republicans elected a State treasurer. Their Legislature recessed
for an hour that a caucus might be held, and Folger voluntarily withdrew
that a man of greater age and more financial experience might be chosen;
the caucus passed a resolution complimenting him in the highest terms, and
nominated Samuel A. Holbrook, who was, of course, elected.

On Friday, the 23d, Governor Davis became convinced that the situa-
tion was changing for the worse. The Fusion Secretary of State, deputy-
secretary under Garcelon, had carried off the State seal and persisted in
refusing to give it up. Ex-Councillor Fogg's paper, the Greenback-Labor
Chronicle, was declaring that the State House must be taken though it cost
a thousand lives, and what was far more serious, there were reports of
recruiting and drilling in every county in the State and in Augusta. In
the evening of the 23d, Mayor Nash informed Governor Davis that he
feared that his police could not defend the State House "against such force
as the public enemies seem to be willing and able to bring against it."
Accordingly the Augusta militia company, the Capitol Guards, were called
out and at midnight they entered the State House. A little later the
Gardiner Light Infantry joined them. In the early morning of Saturday,
the 24th, the Auburn Light Infantry and the Androscoggin Light Artillery
arrived, the latter bringing a gatling gun manned by fourteen men. On the
same day the Fusion Legislature voted to submit certain questions to the
court. On the 27th the court replied that they could not recognize the

•The Fusionists accused General Chamberlain of bad faith. "Governor" Lamson,
Captain Channing and "Adjutant-General" Folsom swore that they heard the General
promise that if the Fusionists would let the Republicans hold a caucus in the Legis-
lative Chambers the rooms should be clear for the Fusionists on Monday. General
Chamberlain stated that his promise was for Saturday.

THE GREENBACK MOVEMENT 615

persons putting the questions as a legal Legislature, but that they felt that
they would be omitting an important service which might fairly be expected
of them if they failed to state why they could not answer the questions.
They then gave reasons in the line of their previous decisions that the
Republican Legislature was legal. They said that the fact that no notice
of the session of the legal Legislature had been given to the minority was
not material. "The minority were not excluded. The organization was
made in a public manner. The minority were at the time claiming to be,
and are still claiming to be, the lawful Legislature. It is not to be pre-
sumed that they would have abandoned that organization at that time had
notice been given. We do not think that the want of notice invalidates the
organization of January the 12th. There may be irregularities in the man-
ner in which such organizations were formed ; but the voice of the people
is not on that account to be stifled, nor the true government to fail to be
maintained. No essential defects anywhere exist, but only such departures
from ordinary forms as circumstances compelled."

Early on the following day the Augusta and Gardiner companies were
relieved from duty. In the afternoon the Fusion Legislature met and
adjourned until August 1. Some of the more radical claimed that they
would meet on that day and begin an active campaign, the object being
to secure the electoral vote. But the general feeling was that that Legis-
lature would never meet again, that the adjournment to a fixed day was
taken to let the counted-in members down easy, they having given a good
deal of trouble. On the morning of January the 30th, the last troops were
sent home. Many Fusionists on that and the preceding day joined the
regular Legislature; of the Senators only two remained absent. 10 Late in
the afternoon of the 31st, P. A. Sawyer, the Fusionists' Secretary of State,
appeared at the secretary's office and surrendered under protest the State
seal, the election returns, the Council record, and the reports on election
returns for 1879.

A joint committee was appointed by the Legislature to investigate the
treatment of the election returns, and the attempt to defeat the will of the
people, and also any undue or illegal expenditure of the public money.
Governor Garcelon was subpoenaed and testified before the committee;
Councillor Moody appeared voluntarily. The other members of the Council
and P. A. Sawyer declined or failed to attend. The committee reported that
there had been a conspiracy to count out Republicans and count in Fusion-
ists. All the Republican members of the committee signed the report. Two
of the Fusionist members stated that "the undersigned regret that the mem-
bers of the Council have not seen fit to appear and explain the irregularities
which seem to exist. The evidence being uncontradicted, the undersigned
cannot make a denial of the facts proved by it and can only withhold their

"A new valuation of the State was to be made that year and it was most im-
portant for the various localities that their representatives should attend to look out
for their interests.

616 HISTORY OF MAINE

assent to the conclusions arrived at by the majority of the committee." The
third Fusionist did not sign either report. Messrs. Garcelon, Sawyer and
the Councillors for 1879, except Mr. Moody, issued a pamphlet in reply to
the report of the investigating committee.

There was considerable evidence that attempts were made by the
Fusionists to secure the amendment of incomplete returns. Councillor
Moody testified that he took a blank return and the original return of the
town of Bristol to Wiscasset, but that he did nothing because he found
that an amendment of the return by the record would not change the result.
James R. Talbot, the Fusion candidate for Senator from Washington
county, testified that he received three blank returns, with a statement of
the defects in the returns from the towns of Whiting, Addison and Jones-
borough, and that he took steps to have these returns corrected.

It was also charged that the Governor and Council did not act on
uniform principles, that they had one rule for Republicans and another for
Fusionists. It was alleged that they threw out the return from New
Sharon because all the signatures appeared to be written by one man, but
admitted the return from Somerville, where this was manifestly the case,
because the rejection of the Somerville vote would have lost the Fusionists
a Senator. The Republican candidate for county commissioner in Andro-
scoggin county lost his election because certain votes were returned for
Hiram Briggs, and these were counted for a different person from Hiram
W. Briggs, although the record showed that the votes were cast for Hiram
W. Briggs and affidavits to that effect were presented," but the Fusionist
candidate for county attorney in Penobscot county, Benjamin H. Mace,
received the benefit of votes cast for B. H. Mace, affidavits being sworn
to by voters that they intended to vote for Benjamin H. Mace. A Repub-
lican, Francis W. Redlon, was not given the votes cast for Francis W.
Redlond, but a Fusionist, Charles Rankins, had votes counted for him which
were cast for Charles Rankin. A Democratic candidate for Senator, James
R. Talbot, was allowed votes for James R. Talbart and John R. Tabbot.
A Fusionist, Isaac F. Quimby, was given a vote for Isaac F. Quinby, but
John Burnham, a Republican, was not allowed the votes given to John
Burnam. Votes in the town of Stowe cast for Standley were counted for
Stanley, a Fusionist ; so a Fusionist, Mr. Hutchins, was given votes cast for
Hutchings.

The pamphlet in reply to the Hale report, signed by ex-Governor
Garcelon and six of his Council, asserted that they had not received the
affidavits from New Sharon and had no evidence concerning the Somerville
return. They also denied that any affidavits had been received in the
Briggs case, and said that if they had been, corrections would have been
made as was done in the case of many county officers. They said that in
the Burnham, Quimby and Redlon cases the ruling did not affect the result,

"Governor Garcelon swore that the decision was taken by the Council contrary
to his opinion.

THE GREENBACK MOVEMENT 617

and offered some special explanations. No reply was made to the charges
in the Stanley and Hutchins cases. In the first the result was not changed
by the Council's tabulation ; in the second it was.

There were grave charges of alteration and mishandling of returns.
The Council of 1879 stated that the only senatorial return from Jonesbor-
ough was a blank, but the town clerk and one of the selectmen swore that
the return was made out and forwarded. It also appears from the testi-
mony that about November 8, Mr. Drisko, of Machias, stated that there was
a certain defect in the return, and that a corrected return was made out
and forwarded. Major Gallagher swore that he was in the office of the
Secretary of State on November 17, that a return from Jonesborough came
in, and that Deputy Secretary Sawyer hurriedly put it in his desk and
clearly manifested a wish to conceal it. Herbert M. Heath swore that one
morning, when arguing a Washington county case in the Governor's room,
he saw the Jonesborough envelope in a pile of other returns, that when he
went to dinner they were locked in a bookcase, that in the afternoon the
Jonesborough envelope was missing, that when his back was turned it was
found on the floor and then contained a blank return. The envelope was
postmarked September 9. This testimony makes it extremely probable that
the second return was placed in the first envelope and the envelope in which
it came was destroyed, that the conspirators then learned that there was
evidence of the arrival of a return in November and they then determined
to substitute a blank return, which the Republicans would have no desire
to challenge as Jonesborough had gone Fusion.

Much stress was laid by the Republicans on the case of Oliver P.
Bragdon, one of their candidates for Representative. He was refused a seat
on the ground that the votes of the town of Gouldsborough were given to
Oliver B. Bragdon. The tabulation and the final lists drawn up by the
Council showed that the votes had been counted for Oliver P. Bragdon
and his name put in the list of persons to whom certificates had been given,
that it had then been struck out, and the name of his Fusion competitor,
James W. Flye, substituted, and that changes to conform to the decision
in favor of Flye had been made in the tabulations. The town clerk of
Gouldsborough swore that he wrote the middle letter plainly "P," and his
manner of writing "P" in the town records conformed with the return as
he described it. Councillor Moody, who made the tabulations in the Brag-
don case, testified that he had not examined the return originally with
sufficient care, that his attention being called to the matter, he re-examined
the Gouldsborough return, and consulted Governor Garcelon as to whether
it was a "B" or a "P." The Council of 1879, in their reply to the com-
mittee, stated that any changes that might be found were made after th;
papers passed out of their hands, but this is clearly contradicted by Mr.
Moody's testimony.

The vote of the town of Fairfield was thrown out on the ground that
two returns were forwarded at the same time, that they differed from each

618 HISTORY OF MAINE

other, and that there was no means of telling which was the correct return.
It appeared, however, from the testimony of the first selectman and the
town clerk that by an error in the counting the Fusionists had lost twenty
votes, that the selectmen and t'own clerk received blank returns from Major
Channing, a prominent Democrat, that they made new returns, stuck on
each a slip stating that these were amended returns, and sent them to
Augusta. They also sent an explanatory letter. Major Channing swore
that he was in the law office of Councillor Brown, and that, at the request
either of Brown or his partner, he took an envelope marked "Secretary of
State" and delivered it to the town clerk of Fairfield. The returns for
Governor and county officers had the explanatory slips on them and were
recognized by the Fairfield town clerk as the original slips. The returns
for Senators and Representatives showed that something had been torn
off, but enough was left to make it probable that it was the original slip
described by the Fairfield clerk, which had been detached. When Governor
Garcelon was asked about the matter, he swore that he was entirely ignorant
of the affair and that he would not have permitted a detachment had he
known of it, that he took the word of the Council for the duplication of
the Fairfield returns.

The Council received affidavits from Farmington regarding the returns
from that town, and Governor Garcelon was asked why affidavits were not
obtained from Fairfield. He replied that he supposed that it was because
the Council wanted a Representative of the right stamp. The Governor,
however, hinted that the Republicans might have put the slips on and then
torn them off, an improbable explanation in view of the testimony.

There was also clear evidence that the name of George H. Wakefield
in the returns from Berwick had been changed to George A. Wakefield,
that the vote had been originally tabulated for George H. Wakefield and
had been changed, and that by this means the Fusionists gained a Senator.
The Council charged the Republicans with making the alteration, but this
was impossible, since the Council issued a certificate based on the return
"George A. Wakefield."

In the return from the town of Wells, the votes for the Fusion candi-
date, Josiah H. Stover, were wrongly given to Josiah Stover and the error
was corrected by crowding in an "A." The town clerk swore that he made
the mistake, and produced his memoranda and record to show that he had
made a similar mistake on them. The Council said in their pamphlet that if
he did he was guilty of great carelessness, that the return was correct, and
that if it had been changed the alteration was made after it left their hands.
They also said that if they had committed a fraud, they had been so foolish
as to sin uselessly, for the Governor and Council had given the certificate
to Mr. Stover's opponent.

It should be remembered, however, that cheating is often done in an
unscientific manner, and if individual councillors and subordinate executive
officers did the work it might be difficult for them to act in concert. The

THE GREENBACK MOVEMENT 619

sending of blanks with only three lines for signatures by which certain
aldermen were led to consider three signatures enough, is also a very sus-
picious circumstance, and, all things considered, it is most probable that
men high in office were guilty of something worse than misunderstanding
the law.

The Republicans also accused their opponents of misappropriation of
the public funds. There is no doubt that the excess of an appropriation
for high schools was used to pay the Fusionist guards and police, that
money was paid out without proper vouchers, and that Governor Garcelon
retained public money in his hands and paid the police after he had ceased
to be Governor. It was alleged in defense that the transference of surplus
appropriations was in accordance with custom, and that the retention and
use of the State money by ex-Governor Garcelon was warranted by the
special circumstances of the case.

It was the duty of the Legislature to select a successor to Senator
Hamlin, and Eugene Hale, of Ellsworth, and William P. Frye, of Lewis-
ton, were candidates for the Republican nomination, which was equivalent
to an election. Both gentlemen had sat for many years in Congress, and
had rendered excellent service to the Republican party. Mr. Hale was now
in private life. He had served ten years in Congress, but at the last two
elections had been defeated by a Greenbacker. Mr. Frye had been fortunate
enough to retain his seat. This circumstance was turned against him. It
was said that Mr. Hale was without a place. Mr. Frye already had one.
Moreover, it was claimed that the next House would probably choose him
speaker. Furthermore, if, as was very likely, Mr. Blaine should be a mem-
ber of President Garfield's Cabinet, there would be another vacancy in
Maine's representation in the Senate, which could be filled by Mr. Frye.
Mr. Hale had the powerful support of Mr. Blaine and was himself in
Augusta to direct his campaign. Mr. Frye considered that his duty required
him to remain at Washington, attending to the public business. When the
Legislature met the chances appeared to be decidedly in favor of Mr. Hale,
but Mr. Frye's friends continued the contest. The battle, however, went
against them; two Senators and a Representative from Oxford county
announced at a protracted meeting of the county delegation that they
should vote for Mr. Hale. This defection in Mr. Frye's own congres-
sional district was a wellnigh fatal blow, and his friends decided that there
was no reasonable chance of success, and that the interests of all concerned
would be promoted by the avoidance of a protracted or acrimonious con-
test. Accordingly, two of the Frye leaders were sent to announce a sur-
render and express the hope that harmonious relations would continue
between all parties (that is, that the new Senator would not neglect Mr
Frye's friends in distributing patronage?). Mr. Hale "very cordially
responded," and he was duly nominated and elected.

Eugene Hale was born in Turner, Maine, on June 9, 1836, and was
educated at the town schools and Hebron Academy. At the age of twenty

620 HISTORY OF MAINE

he was admitted to the bar, and soon took up his residence in Ellsworth,
where he has made his home ever since. He has had as law partners ex-
Chief Justice Emery, and Hannibal E. Hamlin, a son of Hannibal Hamlin.
In 1871 he married a daughter of Senator Chandler, of Michigan. Mr.
Hale was county attorney of Hancock for nine years, and served three
years in the Maine Legislature and ten in Congress. In the United States
Senate, Mr. Hale gradually obtained a very influential position, and in the
latter part of his service he was one of a small group that was extremely
influential in shaping legislation. Senator Hale was long chairman of the
naval committee, and was a staunch friend of the navy at a time when
generous appropriations were very hard to get. During the latter part of
his career he was closely identified with the conservative wing of the
Republican party. It has been said of him, "Senator Hale is always recog-
nized as a wise counsellor in party politics. He is an easy and forcible
speaker, his words are carefully selected, and his extemporaneous speeches
require no revision. He is a popular after-dinner speaker, and on these
occasions, both where grave subjects are presented and where wit and
merriment abound, he is in his element. He is a wide reader, keeping alive
his love of books, and delights especially in poetry."*

Mr. Frye's senatorship was merely postponed, and for a brief time only.
Mr. Blaine became Secretary of State in President Garfield's Cabinet and
the Legislature promptly chose Mr. Frye as his successor.

William Pierce Frye was born in Lewiston, on September 2, 183 1.
When barely fifteen he entered Bowdoin. After his graduation, in 1850,
he studied law in the office of William Pitt Fessenden, was admitted to
the bar, practiced in Rockland for two years, and then moved to Lewiston.
In 1866-67 he was mayor of Lewiston, and in 1867-68-69 Attorney-General
of Maine. In this office he added to his reputation as a lawyer, and showed
himself a master of cross-examination. He was elected to the National
House in 1871, and retained his seat until his election to the Senate ten
years later. Senator Frye's thirty years' service in the Senate, if it did
not prove him a statesman of the first rank, was yet of distinguished
quality. He was for many years chairman of the committee on com-
merce, and thoroughly mastered the details of the subject. He was most
anxious for the revival of American shipping, and the defeat of the Frye-
Hanna ship subsidy bill, in 1902, is said to have been the greatest disap-
pointment of his career. While his attention was chiefly given to the mer-
cantile marine, he also took great interest in the navy, and in the revenue
cutter and life-saving services. So devoted was he to his special subject
that he refused the chairmanship of the highly important committee on
foreign relations because acceptance would mean resignation from the com-
mittee on commerce. He did, however, render valuable service on the
foreign relations committee and, doubtless for that reason, was appointed

'Mr. Hale died October 27, 1918.

THE GREENBACK MOVEMENT 621

by President McKinley one of the commissioners to negotiate the treaty of
peace with Spain in 1898.

Senator Frye was also president pro tempore of the Senate for fifteen
consecutive years, a longer period than any Senator had held the office.
Moreover, because of the death of Vice-President Hobart and the accession
to the presidency of Vice-President Roosevelt, he was the actual presiding
officer for over five years and was most successful. Senator Lodge said
of him : "He was very kind and considerate and also very fair. ... I
have never known a Senator in this body who commanded so entirely the
affection of all the members, without the slightest regard to party lines.
I do not recall in all my service here any Senator whom the Senate was
so ready to oblige as it was to oblige Senator Frye. Anything that he
wanted was pretty sure to be done."

Mr. Frye was a most forcible speaker. "His magnificent voice and
impressive manner, with his imagination, retentive memory, clear reason-
ing, keen sense of humor, and power of apt illustration drawn from familiar
incidents made a splendid equipment for campaign oratory." Yet his power
was due most of all to his manifest sincerity, and his sympathy with his
audience and ability to make them feel that he was only expressing for
them their own ideas. He seems also to have had a power of thrilling his
hearers by a single ordinary word, like that of the elder Pitt, who once awed
a laughing House of Commons into respectful silence by repeating the word
sugar three times. Senator Lodge, in describing a tariff speech of Mr.
Frye's at Lynn, said: "He made the dry questions of rates of duty glow
with interest as he went on from one topic to another. I recall particularly
after he had closed an exciting discussion of the cotton schedule, the man-
ner in which he paused and walked slowly across the stage, looking at his
audience, and then began in a low and impressive voice by saying, 'now
there is pottery.' His audience seemed transfixed by his manner, as if he
had appealed to them in behalf of their lives, their property, and their
sacred honor. They behaved as if the duties on pottery was (were) the
one interest of their existence, although in that particular city there was
nothing resembling a pottery industry." With such power it is not strange
that Mr. Frye was one of the ablest and most sought-for campaign speakers
in the country.

In the Senate, too, he distinguished himself, being especially formidable
in the quick cut and thrust of a running debate; but he did not indulge in
personalities. It was said of him that he used a rapier, not a bludgeon, and
if he was a hard fighter he was also a fair one.

Mr. Frye was a man of the strictest integrity, a loyal friend, a lover of
nature, and deeply though unostentatiously religious. He refused opportu-
nities that were offered him of making money in a perfectly honorable
way lest he might put himself under obligations that would later conflict
with his duties as a Senator. His vacations he spent at his summer home
at Squirrel Island or at the Rangeley Lakes. Of his life at Rangeley,

622 HISTORY OF MAINE

where he delighted to go with his family and friends, he said: "Everybody
thinks me a great fisherman, but, as a matter of fact, fishing with me is a
mere incident of camp life. I love the woods and its solitude."

After his death, in the summer of 191 1, a memorial service was held
in the church at Squirrel Island and one of the speakers told of a kind
of lay prayer meeting held in the open air on the verge of the sea, and of
the deep feeling with which Senator Frye spoke of the Creator. Mr. Frye
was devoted to his wife, a woman of fine character, who died ten years
before him. He was obliged to go back to Washington only two days after
the funeral. At the Senator's own funeral his pastor said: "I shall never
forget his reply to my remark that it must be very hard for him to return
to the capital without Mrs. Frye, who had been such a help and inspira-
tion to him during his public service. With deep emotion he said, 'Duty
calls me to Washington; I believe God always fits the burden to our
shoulders'."

The gubernatorial campaign in Maine in 1880 was the more important
because a President was to be chosen the following November, and the
State election would be regarded as a forecast of the National one. The
two leading candidates for the Republican nomination were General Grant
and Mr. Blaine. The General had recently returned from a trip around the
world, where he had been received with the greatest honor, and the news
had thrilled America with pride. His old supporters, the Stalwarts, deter-
mined to take advantage of this feeling, violate the tradition against a third
term, and make Grant President again. The leaders in the scheme were
Conkling of New York, Cameron of Pennsylvania, and Logan of Illinois.
All three were able and energetic politicians, and they controlled a machine
which they used ruthlessly to effect their purpose. Mr. Blaine was totally
opposed to allowing any man a third term as President, and to putting a
Stalwart "ring" in control of the Republican party. His objections were
probably the stronger because of his feud with Mr. Conkling and a serious
difference with General Grant.

Blaine's biographers, Mr. Stanwood and Gail Hamilton, say that he
was put forward as a candidate against his wish, and his correspondence
shows that his family and friends felt irritated that he did not take a more
active part in the pre-nomination canvass. As the time of the convention
drew near, however, he watched for weaknesses in his line. Hannibal
Hamlin had attended the convention of 1876 as a spectator, and on his
return had said to Blaine, "If you had put your campaign in my hands
you would have been nominated." He then described what he regarded as
the errors of the Blaine managers. Mr. Blaine now wrote to him: "Dear
Sir: — I hear with concern that you are not going to Chicago. I dislike
to ask any service of friendship that may subject you to personal incon-
venience, but I fear your absence will be purposely misconstrued by my
opponents, and to my injury. You will find good accommodations engaged
for you at the Grand Pacific, and I shall be much pleased to have you go

THE GREENBACK MOVEMENT 623

as my personal representative, and I will in any and every event ratify and
confirm any and every agreement or arrangement which in your wise dis-
cretion you may see fit to make." Mr. Hamlin complied with Blaine's
request and rendered valuable service.

Senator Sherman was a third candidate for the nomination, and Ed-
munds of Vermont, Windom of Minnesota, and Elihu B. Washburne of
Illinois, formerly of Maine, were also supported. Washburne had been of
the greatest service to Grant, but he now allowed his name to be used
to divide the vote of Illinois, and the General never forgave him.

In the convention the battle was fierce, the contest, as usual, being one
of lungs as well as of votes. Mrs. Blaine wrote: "Mr. Hale telegraphed,
'The Grant men made a point of who could howl loudest and longest, and
cheered and hurrahed and waved flags for fifteen minutes, Conkling himself
condescending to wave. After they had tired themselves out, the Blaine
men took it up and shouted twenty minutes.' Mr. Hale says the Grant
men got enough of it. Four of their (Blaine's) tallest men mounted on
settees, and Hale mounted on their shoulders and waved the flag, expecting
every minute, he said, that he should fall and break his neck. Think of
the position for a man who is not an acrobat."

The delegates were as loyal in voting as in shouting. On the first bal-
lot Grant had 304 votes and Blaine 284. On the 34th Grant had 312 and
Blaine 275, and a dark horse, James A. Garfield of Ohio, also appeared.
General Garfield had come to the convention as leader of the Sherman
forces and his very able speech putting Sherman in nomination had made
a great impression on the convention. On the 34th ballot he received 17
votes, on the 35th, 50. Blaine and Garfield had long been on terms of
cordial intimacy. A wire ran from the convention hall to Blaine's house in
Washington and he promptly telegraphed for his friends to break to Gar-
field. They did so, others followed, and on the 36th ballot Garfield was
nominated. The nomination for the vice-presidency was given to the Stal-
warts as a consolation prize, and Chester A. Arthur was nominated on the
first ballot, receiving 468 out of 775 votes. His principal competitor was
Elihu B. Washburne, who obtained 199 votes. The next candidate, Mar-
shall Jewell of Connecticut, received only 43 votes.

The Blaine leaders were happy. Mr. Charles E. Hamlin says in his
life of his grandfather that Joe Manley, one of Blaine's principal lieutenants,
stated that they knew from the first that there was no hope of nominating
Blaine, and that they really fought to defeat Grant.

The Whig said in an editorial : "Grant is defeated ; Don Cameron the
sly, Conkling the majestic, and Logan the volcanic, are defeated. The
third-term business has been buried beneath the indignant protest of an
aroused people." The Whig admitted its great disappointment at the defeat
of the "people's candidate," but said "Mr. Blaine is not to sit upon the
throne, but he will be the power behind the throne." Of Garfield it said,
"To an unsullied reputation for integrity must be added a rugged and

624 HISTORY OF MAINE

strongly marked individuality of character." It is doubtful, however, if
history will consider rugged an appropriate adjective to apply to General
Garfield. Perhaps the Argus was nearer the truth, though influenced by
partisan prejudice, when it said, "His aspirations for right are admirable.
His weakness in the presence of temptation is pitiable. It leads him into
wrong which he has not the courage to confess in a manly manner, nor the
self-control to avoid next time.""

The Democrats nominated General Hancock. Each party therefore
went into the fight with a Union soldier at its head, but the Democrat had
the more distinguished military record.

In the State election in Maine the Republicans endeavored to make the
count-out the great issue. The call for their convention said: "For the
first time in the history of Maine the attempt was made in 1879 to deprive
the people of the right to choose their own officers, and to corruptly con-
tinue in power those whom the people had rejected. The authors, abettors
and accomplices in this crime against free government are now seeking to
come before the people under some new party name — availing themselves
of an alias, the common resort of those who seek to escape the responsibility
and punishment of their crimes. Against these men, under whatever name
they may appear, all those citizens who condemn the nefarious plot to
destroy the rights of suffrage, are invited to unite without regard to past
party affiliations, to preserve honest government for the honest people of
Maine."

When the convention met, Governor Davis was renominated by accla-
mation, the conduct of the Garcelon administration severely arraigned, and
prohibition endorsed.

The statement in the call regarding the coming before the people under
a new party name, referred to a fusion on candidates of the Democrats and
Greenbackers. The conventions of both parties met in Bangor on June 1.
The Greenback platform, beside setting forth the usual theories in regard
to the currency, demanded abolition of imprisonment for debt, a graduated
income tax on incomes over $1000, equalization of the bounties of soldiers
of the Civil War, the reservation of the use of the public lands for the
people and "such a change in the manner of voting as shall secure to
every citizen the free exercise of the right of suffrage." General Harris
M. Plaisted was nominated for Governor by acclamation.

Harris M. Plaisted was born in Jefferson, New Hampshire, on Novem-
ber 2, 1828. He graduated from Colby (then Waterville) College in 1853.
In the same year he entered the Albany Law School and graduated with
high honors two years later. He then took up his residence in Bangor,
and after a year's study in the law office of Albert W. Paine was admitted
to the bar. In 1861 he enlisted in the Union army and served until 1865,
when he left the service on account of ill-health. He was first, lieutenant-

" Argus, June 24, 1880.

THE GREENBACK MOVEMENT 625

colonel, and then colonel of the Eleventh Maine, and for some time com-
manded the brigade of which the Eleventh formed a part. After the war
he served two terms in the Maine House and three as Attorney-General.

The Democratic convention also nominated Plaisted, appointed a com-
mittee to arrange with the Greenbackers for a division of the electoral
ticket, and adjourned. A platform had been proposed, but a minority report
by James F. Rawson, favoring local option, caused tremendous excitement,
all the resolutions were finally laid on the table, and were left there. The
Whig stated that "Mr. Rawson says he feels encouraged at the fact that
his resolution, for the first time during the past ten years, was not voted
down, and thinks he may succeed if he lives long enough."

The Republicans had paid homage to prohibition in their platform,
but there was grave doubt whether mere words would be sufficient to keep
the radical prohibitionists within the party lines. A prohibition party had
been organized in Maine, and William M. Joy nominated for Governor.
The Legislature had passed a law directing the Governor and Council on
the representation of thirty or more well-known taxpayers in a county that
the prohibitory laws were not faithfully enforced therein, to enquire into
such representations, and, if they found them warranted, to appoint two or
more special constables to enforce the laws. Governor Davis had appointed
few constables, and was bitterly attacked in consequence. In July the Maine
State Temperance Convention met at Augusta with a small attendance.
Resolutions were passed declaring that the temperance men of the State
expected the Governor to fulfill the duties devolving upon him under the
special constable law, and advising certain action for its enforcement, but
a resolution endorsing the nomination of Mr. Joy was defeated by a large
majority. "A resolution of censure upon Governor Davis was presented,
pending which the convention adjourned until evening. In the evening the
discussion and other propositions were introduced, but without coming to
a vote upon the matter the convention broke up in disorder." It appears,
however, to have adjourned to meet at Portland on August 19.

The reassembled convention was extremely disorderly, and the lie was
frequently given. The chairman, Joshua Nye, sharply assailed Governor
Davis, who was also censured by Rev. Cyrus Hamlin. Ex-Governors Mor-
rill and Perham opposed any attack on the Republican party which, they
said, had been the friend of Prohibition. Finally, by a vote of 70 to 49, a
resolution was passed declaring "That Governor Davis, by neglecting to
appoint a sufficient number of constables to enforce the prohibitory law,
has forfeited all right to the support of the temperance voters." It was
announced that a new party called the Enforced Prohibitory Party had been
founded, and Joshua K. Osgood of Gardiner was nominated for Governor.
Mr. Osgood accepted the nomination, but in about a week announced that,
finding himself praised by some of the strongest opponents of prohibition,
he withdrew his acceptance and should support Davis.

The September election was a fearful disappointment to the Repub-

626 HISTORY OF MAINE

licans. They had hoped for a glorious triumph and a great popular con-
demnation of the "State Steal," but on the morning after election the Demo-
crats were claiming that Plaisted had been chosen by two thousand
majority. Most of the Republican papers admitted defeat and sadly
declared that the honor of the State was deeply stained by this apparent
endorsement of Garcelon and his Council. The election was extremely
close, but if the votes were counted according to the intention of the men
who cast them, General Plaisted received a small plurality. There were
votes for Daniel F. David and Harrison M. Plaisted, and the votes of the
town of Vassalboro cast for Harris M. Plaisted were returned for Hiram
Plaisted. Mr. Dickey, of Fort Kent, however, discovered that the "return"
was not signed by the clerk, and therefore no legal return; and in such a
case a new return could be made. At this election amendments to the con-
stitution were adopted providing that the Governor should serve two years
and be chosen not by a majority but by a plurality vote.

The question was raised: Did the plurality amendment apply to the
election of 1880? If it did not, there was no choice, the Legislature was
Republican, and Davis would be the next Governor. The amendment could
not be in force until the close of the voting at least, by that time the elec-
tion for Governor had been completed and an amendment like a law is
not retroactive unless there be a special provision to that effect.

Some of the Republicans claimed that the matter was doubtful, and
wished to take the opinion of the judges. The Portland Press urged that
the Republican Legislature declare Plaisted elected as a matter of mag-
nanimity. Most of the Republicans believed that Plaisted should be recog-
nized. But the Bangor Whig bitterly opposed such action. It declared
that the Democrats had no claim to magnanimity, that law should rule, and
that it was merely proposed to enquire of the judges what the law was.
It said that some influential Republican lawyers who had helped draft the
amendment were angry at the assertion that they had failed to express
their meaning, that many Republicans believed that enough of the Repub-
licans in the Legislature would vote with the Democrats to elect Plaisted
and that it was unwise to make an attempt which would not be successful.

On the other side it was urged that there could be no doubt that it
was the general understanding that the amendment was to apply to the
election of 1880. Moreover, should the Republicans take an opposite view
they would appear to be trying to defeat the people's will by the merest
technicalities and the party might suffer severely. Should the judges feel
bound by the strict principles of law to decide against Plaisted, their opinion
could not fail to be regarded by the "man in the street" as highly partisan
and the moral authority of the court would receive a heavy blow. For
these reasons a great majority of the Republicans of the Legislature con-
curred with the Democrats in declaring Plaisted elected.

The Republican Legislature had given Governor Plaisted a solid Re-
publican Council and from the first there was much friction between them.

THE GREENBACK MOVEMENT 627

The contest began over the election of a messenger to the Governor and
Council. The Council at its first session re-elected the former messenger,
Major House. The Governor refused to concur. He said that in general
he would prefer to be relieved from the burden of making appointments,
but that he thought that he should be consulted in regard to the officers
of his staff and the person who would act as his private secretary and
have charge of his papers. Later he nominated his son, Harold, for the
office, but the Council refused to consider the nomination, claiming that
the messenger was not a civil officer to be nominated by the Governor, but
a hired employe like a night watchman, whose employment was at the dis-
cretion of the Council. The matter, after long dispute, was compromised
by a provision for two officers instead of one, a private secretary to the
Governor and a messenger to the Council. Young Mr. Plaisted became his
father's private secretary and Major House messenger to the Council.

The Governor repeatedly removed officers by appointment of others
and the Council refused to concur, on the ground that they disapproved of
the removal. The Governor also removed officers by his own authority, the
Council, considering such action illegal, passed warrants for the continued
payment of the salaries, and the Governor refused to approve them, on the
ground that the men were no longer in office. On July 13 a serious differ-
ence of opinion concerning the appointment of trustees of the Reform
School having arisen, the Governor declared the Council adjourned and
withdrew to his private room. The Council, however, refused to recognize
the legality of the Governor's action, continued in session, adjourned to the
next day, and then adjourned to a day in August. There was in conse-
quence a failure to provide for the payment of $50,000 of State bonds.
The treasurer, acting on his personal authority, saved the credit of the
State, but Governor and Council blamed each other for the danger of a
default. In September, 1881, the justices of the Supreme Court, in reply
to a question from the Council in which the Governor had declined to
join, gave an opinion against the Governor's claim to remove Mr. Spauld-
ing, the reporter of decisions to the court, but two justices, Messrs. Libby
and Walton, while giving an opinion out of deference to the Council, stated
that they did not think the occasion one in which they should be called upon
and that the proper proceeding would be for the Attorney General to
bring a writ of quo warranto.

At the close of the year the question of appointments was again raised
as a result of the recent constitutional amendment establishing biennial
elections. There were numerous elective county officers, such as sheriffs
and registers of probate, whose terms would expire with the year, and the
biennial amendment gave the Legislature authority to provide for the
filling of vacancies. Instead of directing that the incumbents should retain
their offices until the next election, the Legislature gave the appointment
for the ensuing year to the Governor and Council. Governor Plaisted
nominated Fusionists to fill almost every vacancy. The Council was will-

628 HISTORY OF MAINE

ing to confirm Fusionists if the previous officer had been a Fusionist, but
the Governor refused this compromise. The Council, angered, resolved to
confirm only those Fusionists whose county was still Fusionist. The Gov-
ernor, however, would not give way and the Council ultimately confirmed
his nominations for all offices where the vacancies could not be temporarily
filled in other ways should the Council fail to act.

The term of Judge Libby of the Supreme Court would expire in
April, 1882, and considerably before that date the Governor had nominated
William L. Putnam to fill the impending vacancy. In itself it was a highly
proper nomination, but the Republicans declared that the purpose was to
punish Judge Libby for joining in the opinion against the count-out two
years before, and rejected the nomination. The Governor then submitted
the name of Nathan Cleaves, of Portland, which was rejected for the same
reason.

The State campaign of 1882 was fought chiefly on the appointment
issue. The Greenback convention renominated Governor Plaisted and the
Democrats did the same. In the letter informing him of the latter nomina-
tion the chairman of the convention said that Greenbackers and Democrats
were in accord on practical issues, especially on the vital State issue, involv-
ing the constitutional prerogative of the executive, and that questions of fin-
ance were of little practical importance in the State contest. The Fusion-
ists claimed that Governor Plaisted's position was like that of President
Garfield in his contest with Senator Conkling; the Republicans replied that
the Garfield-Conkling dispute was over the right of the Executive to nomi-
nate, that the Maine Council only claimed an equal share in appointments.
Practically, however, the difference was not very great, though in Maine
there was no question of an individual veto under the name of conciliar
courtesy.

For the Republican nomination there was a sharp contest between
W. W. Thomas, of Portland, and Frederick Robie, of Gorham. There
was a strong local feeling in Portland on behalf of Mr. Thomas. The
Advertiser said : "No candidate for Governor has ever been taken from
Portland by the Republican party, although this honor has been conferred
upon Bangor once, upon Lewiston twice, and upon Augusta six times."

But although the convention was held in his own city, Mr. Thomas
again met defeat. Mr. Robie was nominated by a vote of 690 to 592 for
Thomas, 38 for J. H. Drummond and 7 scattering. The platform con-
demned Governor Plaisted for the use he had made of the appointing power,
and endorsed prohibition.

Mr. Robie was born in Gorham on August 12, 1822. He graduated
from Bowdoin in 1841, and from the Jefferson Medical College, at Phila-
delphia, in 1844. He practiced medicine at Biddeford and Waldoborough
until 1858, when he returned to Gorham. Early in the Civil War he was
appointed paymaster and served from 1861 to 1866. He showed himself
a faithful and courteous officer, was held in high esteem both by the gov-

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THE GREENBACK MOVEMENT 629

ernment and the soldiers, and in 1865 was made brevet lieutenant-colonel.

Colonel Robie, as he was often called, had taken an active part in
political life, had served seven terms as Representative and two as Senator
in the Maine Legislature, had been speaker in 1872 and 1876, and had been
a councillor under Governors Washburn, Davis and Plaisted. In 1878 he
was a United States Commissioner to the Paris Exposition. He had been
managing director of a railroad and business manager of a Portland paper,
and at the time of his nomination was director of the First National Bank
of Portland.

Mr. Robie died on February 2, 1912, in his ninetieth year, having
reached a more advanced age than has been attained by any other Maine
Governor.

Several minor parties made nominations for Governor. The Enforced
Prohibition party, which had nominated Nye in 1880, did not again appear.
But the Prohibitionists who had supported Joy now nominated William T.
Eustis. Their convention was largely a gathering of idealists. A reporter
wrote to the Advertiser: "One delegate said that he cast the first abolition
vote in his town forty years ago, and another said that his father was an
early abolitionist ; and both regarded this movement as the beginning of a
new crusade as righteous and as certain of God's favor as the movement
to secure the emancipation of the slaves."

The straight Greenbackers, much offended by the fusion with the
Democrats, nominated Solon Chase.

Certain Liberal Republicans nominated Warren H. Vinton.

The campaign was a rather quiet one. Robie's headship of the State
Grange gave him a considerable advantage and the Portland Democratic
and half Democratic papers declared that he was no farmer. The Adver-
tiser, in the sketch that it gave of Mr. Robie after his nomination, spoke of
his father and then said : "He left a large estate to his son Frederick, who
was bred a physician and calls himself a farmer, but is in reality a gentle-
man of leisure. Colonel Robie owns perhaps 160 acres of land in Gorham
which is cultivated by his tenants." A Portland correspondent of the Bos-
ton Advertiser said : "Colonel Robie is a genial, cultured gentleman of agri-
cultural tastes, the official head of the Grangers in the State, and the pos-
sessor of a large inherited fortune." The Argus declared that "He never
did a good severe day's work on the farm in his life, and knows absolutely
nothing of practical agriculture."

In the same article it declared that the Republicans had given up all
hope of electing Robie. But a little later it headed an editorial on the
election, "Our Surprise Party," and said: "For some time past it has been
apparent that there was a surprise party in store for somebody this morn-
ing, and we are the fellows surprised. The Republicans have made a clean
sweep of the State and have won a great victory." Robie received 72,481
votes to Plaisted's 63,921. The minor parties made a very poor showing.
The Straight Greenbackers polled 1,324 votes, the Prohibitionists 381, the
Independent Republicans 269, and there were 102 scattering."

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