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THE MAKERS OF CATHAY

BY C. WILFRID / ALLAN

Printed and Published by

THE PRESBYTERIAN MISSION PRESS, SHANGHAI
1909

PREFACE.

'HINA has for centuries been a sealed country, and the
part she has played in the history of the world has
never been recognised by Europeans. Now that the
East and West have drawn so much nearer together, it is
seen that in that Empire movements have taken place which
have considerably affected the other nations of the earth,
and men have lived who deserve a place in the record of
the world's great ones. Owing to the policy of seclusion
that has characterised the Chinese nation, little has become
known of the great characters of her history, and they have
been denied the world- wide fame that ought to have been
theirs. We are acquainted with the lives of men who in
other countries and in other ages have proved their title to
the world's homage, and the question of nationality is lost
sight of in the consciousness that these men belong to us all ;
they are the elite of humanity. Who does not know some-
thing of Alexander the Great or Julius Ceesar, of Charle-
magne or Luther ? But who amongst ordinary readers
knows anything of Chin Shih Huang Ti or Kublai Khan, of
Tai Tsuug or Mencius? And }ret these latter names are
worthy of a place beside the former.

Much has been written in recent years about China,
but it has chiefly been descriptive of the country and its
inhabitants, their curious customs and institutions. A few
books have been written in which the Chinese character has
been analysed and judged, and through these a better
knowledge of the people has been obtained. Histories of
the country have also been published, but being for the most
part bulky volumes, have only reached those who were
specially concerned in the political, commercial, or religious
interests of the Chinese nation. The average European
reader is still ignorant of the movements that have contributed

Preface ii

to the continuance of the " longlived empire" and knows
nothing of the makers of her history.

The present volume is an attempt to put before the
English public a record of the lives of some of China's
famous sons. It is not written for sinologues, but for those
whose opportunities of becoming acquainted with the history
of the Chinese empire are scanty and who yet are interested
in all that concerns the Far East. The lives outlined in this
volume by no means exhaust the long list of Chinese
worthies, but a selection has been made for the purpose of
showing how from the standpoint of political, educational,
social, and religious development, these men have contributed
to the upbuilding of their own nationality. Some of the
lives recorded are those of men who have been raised up to
accomplish a special work or purpose, and the sketch of their
doings also entails a description of some of the most interest-
ing epochs of Chinese history. The plan of the work is
chronological, and the characters described range from the
period of the Chou dynasty, some five centuries before Christ,
to the present day.

Among the books consulted for the preparation of this
volume are the "Chinese Biographical Dictionary" and
"Chinese Literature " by Dr. Giles, " History of China " by
Professor Douglas, "History of China" by Mr. Boulger,
"Guide to the Confucian Temple" by Mr. Waiters, and
the "Chinese Classics" by Dr. Legge. An acknowledgment
of indebtedness to the above named authors is made here.

CONTENTS.

CONFUCIUS - The Moral Reformer i

MKNCIUS - The Social Reformer 14

CHIN SHIH HUANG Ti The First Emperor 27

CHU Ko LIANG Strategist and Statesman 43

FA SHIEN and SHUAN ) ^, „

TSANG - - - I Buddhist Pilgrims 54

Li SHIH MIN The Emperor Tai Tsung 68

Li TAI PEH and Tu Fu China's Greatest Poets 81

HAN Yu The Prince of Literature 93

0 \ Political Economist and Na-

WANG AN SHIH , „ ,

( tional Reformer 101

CHU SHE Scholar and Philosopher 113

KUBLAI KHAN The World's Emperor 122

WEN TIEN SHIANG and / ,IM n , . .

Lu SHIU Fu - \ lbe PatnotIC Ministers 142

HUNG Wu The Beggar King 152

Wu SAN KUEI The People's General 165

KOXINGA Pirate and Patriot 177
K'ANG SHE - The Greatest of the Manchus 186

CHIEN LUNG The Conqueror 201

TSENG Kuo FAN - The Imperialist General 216

Li HUNG CHANG- Statesman and Diplomat 229

TTbe Makers of

CONFUCIUS

THE MORAL REFORMER.

of the most notable of Chinese Dynasties was that
of Chou, which was founded in the year 1122 B. C.
and lasted until 255 B. C., a period of over eight
hundred years. The character of the government of China
during that time was similar to that which prevailed in
our own country when under the power of the barons,
and the period may be termed the feudal period of Chinese
history. The founder of the Chou Dynasty divided his
kingdom into small states, each having its own ruler, who
paid tribute to the central government and who might
lie called upon at any time to assist in war ag.-inst an
enemy. Of course, the kingdom ruled over at that time,
was not co-extensive with the present empire of China,
but was only a small territory, including the present prov-
inces of Honan and Shensi, with parts of the adjoining
country. The population would be about ten or twelve
million people.

In process of time some of the inferior states under
the rule of the house of Chou became powerful, and the
result was internecine war, disorder, and the weakening
of the central authority. Not only was the empire torn
with rival factions within, but it was also harassed by
the Tartars without, who made successful raids on the
territory, and did much towards the destruction of the
famous dynasty.

It was during a period of internal strife and dissatis-
faction, in the declining days of the Chou Dynasty, that
Confucius was born. This was in 550 B. C. The Chi-

Confucius 2

nese name of Confucius was Kung, and this has been
Latinized into his present appellation, which to a certain
extent accounts for the knowledge of his life amongst
people in the West. Had his harsh Chinese name alone
been known, many more would have remained in ignor-
ance of the sage's history. Confucius was a native of the
State of Lu, a part of the modern province of Shantung,
a state which at that time had a powerful influence in the
affairs of Chou. He could boast of royal blood, being
descended from the House of Shang, which had been the
ruling power before Chou. His father, a man of note,
had married in early life, and had nine daughters and one
son, a cripple. The mother of Confucius, however, was
a second wife, whom his father had married in his old
age, and Confucius was the child of that union. The old
man did not live long after the birth of his famous son,
dying when Confucius was three years old and leaving
the family in poor circumstances. Confucius acknowl-
edges in later life the formative influences of this poverty
on his character.

Of the early years of Confucius, little is known that is
trustworthy. We gather that he was fond of ceremonials
as a child, and his play was to be found on these lines,
imitations of the stately ceremonies and proprieties that he
from time to time witnessed. At fifteen we are told he
studied hard, and at nineteen he married. The reference
to his married life brings before us what evidently is a
blot on the character of the Chinese sage. He is said to
have divorced his wife, and his only reason for so doing
was that he would have more leisure and better opportu-
nities for study. Although Chinese writers defend their
great countryman's action in this matter, they do not
throw any clearer light on the subject, and our opinion
of Confucius suffers in consequence. After his marriage
we find Confucius employed under the chief of the Chi clan
as keeper of stores, and also in charge of the parks and
herds. This was only a mean office, and it speaks well

3 Confucius

for the character of its holder who, although of royal
blocd, did not refuse to engage in such service. The
philosopher Mencius, referring to this time in the life of
Confucius, throws another light on his character, showing
his diligent attention to the work in hand, his concentra-
tion upon the one object before him. Mencius says: "Con-
fucius was once keeper of stores, and he then said : ' My
accounts must be all right ; that is all I have to care
about.' He was once in charge of the public fields, and
he then said : ' The oxen and sheep must be fat and
strong and superior ; that is all my business.' '

At the age of twenty-two Confucius began to teach.
Those whom he instructed were not children in schools,
but young men who, dissatisfied with the practices of the
times, aspired to nobility of conduct and life. As Con-
fucius was still poor, he accepted monetary aid from his
pupils, but <iid not in any way make charges for instruc-
tion. Any who could not pay were equally welcome to
his counsels ; the only condition Confucius required being
receptivity of mind and heart. He said : " I do not open
up the truth to one who is not eager to get knowledge,
nor help out anyone who is not anxious to explain him-
self. When I have presented one corner of a subject to
any one, and he cannot from it learn the other three, I do
not repeat my lesson." In some respects we may not
consider this an ideal way of teaching ; there is lacking
the condescension and sympathy with the stupid and dull,
but at the same time this method is characterised to stimu-
late thought in the minds of those really anxious to learn.
Confucius felt that instruction was wasted on those who
were lazy and indifferent ; referring to one such he said:
"Rotten wood cannot be carved, a wall of soil cannot
receive the trowel ; this man Yu, what is the use of my
reproving him." The number of disciples who followed
Confucius reached in later years to about three thousand,
seventy or more of whom were special favourites of the
sage, and constituted an inner circle about him. The

Confucius 4

most attached to him accompanied him wherever he
went, closely watching his movements and learning from
his every posture and gesture what should be the char-
acter of a noble minded man. One of the Chinese classics,
the Analects of Confucius, contains minute descriptions
of the sage's person, manner, and deportment, some of
which are really foolish and trivial, but they serve to show
how closely the disciples must have studied their master, and
they also speak much for the character that, whatever its
imperfections, had so deeply impressed itself on their minds.

When Confucius had reached the age of twenty-four
his mother died, and he buried her in the same grave as
his father. In order to enforce his teaching of reverence
for parents and respect to the dead, he determined to
place a mound over the grave, the actual erection of
which, however, he left to his disciples, who only completed
it after several attempts ; their efforts being nullified by
showers of rain.

Of Confucius' life between the ages of thirty and
forty not much is known. We are told that he studied
music and ancient history. The prominence given to
music in the Chinese classics, leads us to believe that it
must have exercised considerably more influence over the
ancients than the present people, and we are also led to
think that its character must have been very different from
the music of the modern Celestial. WTith regard to ancient
history this gives us the key of the teaching of Confucius ;
his theme being a return to the practices and virtues of the
worthies of a bvgone time. At the age of thirtv-four we

J O C3 *

find Confucius in the public service, at the same time
continuing his instruction of his pupils in the principles of
virtue and good conduct. About this time one of the
chief ministers of Lu, dying, advised his son to join the
school of Confucius. He accordingly did so, taking with
him at the same time a relative, who was also anxious to
profit by the sage's instructions. Through these pupils,
Confucius gained influence at court, and shortly after was

5 Confucius

sent by the Duke Chao of Lu to the Imperial Court at Lo
Yang. Here he examined the library and also studied the
court music ; here also he met the celebrated philosopher
Lao Tzu, the founder of the Taoist religion. His stay at
this city was not for long ; he returned to Lu the same year.

Soon after this the State of Lu fell into disorder, the
ruler and his ministers were at variance, and the latter
triumphing, the ruler fled to the neighbouring State of
Chi. Confucius also went, accompanied by his disciples.
On their way, whilst passing the Tai Shan, a celebrated
mountain in that district, they beheld a woman weeping
bitterly beside a grave. Confucius sent one of his follow-
ers to ask the woman why she wept, and the reply was
that her husband's father, her husband, and recently her
son, had all been killed by a tiger in the vicinity. When
asked why she still remained there, her reply was that
there was no oppressive government. "Remember my
children", said Confucius to his followers, "oppressive
government is worse than a tiger." Confucius whilst
living in Chi was not happy. The ruler of the state, whilst
having a certain amount of admiration for the sage, could
not treat him as a man of rank; several of the ministers
ridiculed him. Confucius here, as in other places,
endeavoured to instil his principles into the minds of those
in office, but they were not heeded, and because of this he
would not accept a salary that was offered to him by the
officials. He shortly after returned to Lu.

For the next fifteen years Confucius led the life of a
private citizen, giving his time to study and the instruction
of his ever increasing band of disciples. He managed
during this period to recommend himself to all citizens
and magistrates alike, and won golden opinions from
people of all degrees as to his manner of life. After
Confucius had passed the age of fifty we again find him in
the public service, holding the chief magistracy of the
town of Chung Tu. During his term of office a marvellous
reformation of the people took place, and the ruler of Lu,

Confucius 6

recognising in Confucius an exceptionally worthy official,
called him to higher office. He was finally appointed
Minister of Crime, and his efforts to bring about a better
state of things were crowned with success. Two of his
disciples also obtained spheres of influence, and with their
co-operation a wonderful transformation of the whole
state of society under his rule was the result. He was
able to suppress crime and ensure conditions under which
life and property were safe. This he did, not by any
tyrannical action, but by the inculcation of his principles.
The following incident will serve to show the methods he
adopted : On one occasion a father brought an accusation
against his son. Confucius put them both in prison for
three months. During their imprisonment one of the
ministers approached Confucius, objecting that his action
was inconsistent with his teaching on the subject of filial
duty. Confucius replied: "When superiors fail in their
duty, and yet go to put their inferiors to death, .they are
not just. This father has not taught his son to be filial ;
to listen to his charge would be to slay the guiltless."
After the three months Confucius called the prisoners
before him, and the father acknowledging his neglect of
his son, was released with the injunction to instruct him in
the right principles. Confucius also dismissed the boy,
telling him to remember that filial piety was a first duty.

Such was the alteration in the condition of the state
of Lu under Confucius that the ruler of the neighbouring
State of Chi began to fear for his own welfare. He saw
Lu becoming powerful, and apprehended an invasion of
his territory that would result in his downfall. He knew
that the prosperous condition of Lu was due to the
influence of Confucius, and determined to lessen the power
of that influence. He accordingly sent to the ruler of Lu,
as a present, a large company of singing girls and a troop
of horses. Confucius saw the motive and advised his
prince to refuse the present, but the ruler was not proof
against the seductions of the singing girls, and abandoned

7 Confucius

himself to sensual pleasures. The sage, disappointed,
felt that he could no longer continue where his counsels
were disregarded, and taking advantage of some slight
irregularity, resigned his position. He did this in such a
way as to give the marquis a chance to recall him, but
the ruler having thrown good advice to the winds, let him
retire without any sign of regret.

Confucius not only at this time retired from office,
but he left the country. He conceived the idea of
travelling through the different states, trying to induce
the various rulers and officials to adopt his principles, but
he met with very little success. The country was torn
with strife, men were engaged in war ; their chief object
being self-enrichment and self-aggrandisement ; none had
any inclination to listen to the teachings of the reformer.
At times he was ill-treated, conspiracies were formed against
him, and he soon reduced himself, by his wanderings, to a
state of poverty.

The principles of Confucius were not outrageous -, they
were not even new ; all he asked was a return to the
virtues and graces of the ancients. He did not assume
the role of a prophet, he professed no divine revelation, he
was humble enough to disclaim any originality ; what he
required was that men should copy the examples of those
who had in days long gone by contributed to the welfare
of the empire, and whose names had been handed down as
models of virtuous conduct.

Confucius on leaving Lu made his way to the State
of Wei, situated in the modern province of Hcnian. The
ruler he found to be friendly and well-disposed, but weak,
his wife being a stronger character. Confucius saw that
he had no chance to influence the prince, and soon
retired. On leaving Wei an incident occurred which might
have had disastrous results for him. Passing through the
district of Kuang, he was attacked by the populace and
kept prisoner for five days, and was only released when
the people found out it was a case of mistaken identity.

Confucius 8

He had the misfortune to bear a resemblance to Yang Hu,
an officer of Ln, who had incurred the displeasure of the
people of Kuang, and this was the cause of the attack on
his person. Matters were made worse also by the fact that
the driver of his chariot on this occasion was a disciple
who had in time past been associated with Yang Hu.
Reference is made to this incident in the Analects of
Confucius, and we there gather the confidence that
Confucius had in his mission and the certainty of his
immunity from failure. He is represented as saying :
"After the death of King Wen, was not the cause of
truth lodged here in me ? If Heaven had wished to let
this cause of truth perish, then I, a future mortal, should
not have got such a relation to that cause. While Heaven
does not let the cause of truth perish, what can the people
of Kuang do to me ? "

Confucius during his wanderings from state to state,
must have been greatly disheartened by the fact that none,
would listen to his counsels, and yet, strong in his con-
victions, he continued to seek for those who were likely
to profit by his teaching. There were those who would
have turned him from his purpose, but he kept on, con-
scious that he had a mission to fulfil. At that time many
who had looked for better days in the empiie, in their
disgust and disappointment, had retired from the world
and were living hermit lives. On one occasion, Confucius
and his disciples were seeking for a ford to cross a river,
and they enquired of one of these recluses the exact place
to cross. The hermit, realising that Confucius was present,
would not give the necessary information, but proceeded
to advise one of his disciples to leave his vain pursuit,
saying : " Disorder, like a swelling flood, spreads over the
whole empire, and who is he that will change it for you ?
Than follow one who merely withdraws from this one and
that one, had you not better follow those who have with-
drawn from the world altogether?" These words being
reported to Confucius, he said : u It is impossible to associate

9 Confucius

with birds and beasts, as if they were the same with us.
If I associate not with these people — with mankind — with
whom shall I associate?" These words show that Con-
fucius had in his mind a right idea of reform. He felt
that only by associating with men, by the power of
example, by personal influences, could a reformation be
brought about, and in this anticipated the teaching of
one greater than he, " Ye are the salt of the earth ".

Nothing daunted, though often defeated, Confucius
kept on his way, and it was only after years of fruitless
effort that he realised the impossibility of success in his
mission. Broken in spirit he returned at the age of sixty-
nine to his native State of Lu. During the time of his
wanderings, one of his disciples had remained in Lu, and
he, being in an official position, had influenced the ruler,
son of the former prince, in favour of Confucius. The
prince offered Confucius office, but he declined, and spent
the remaining years of his life in retirement, engaged in
literary work.

Although the life of the sage takes us far back in the
known history of the world, yet China had a literature
before Confucius, and the study of this, brightened the
declining years of the reformer's life. He collected the
ancient records, known as the Canon of History, and wrote
a preface to them. He compiled the Book of Odes, a selec-
tion of poems that at the present day serve to throw much
light on the condition and life of the early empire. A
book of divination, known as the Canon of Changes, was a
favorite with Confucius, so much so that he felt in his old
age that he had not exhausted its possibilities and wished
he had more opportunities for its study. But although Con-
fucius studied the ancient literature he added very little by
his own writing ; the only work coining from his pen being
a history of his native State of Lu, a work that possesses
little literary merit, and one that presents problems that
involve to a certain extent the character of the writer.
Ttie book is known as the Spring and Autumn Annals.

Confucius 10

One might have expected that a teacher like Confucius
would have left behind him an exposition of his principles,
a system of his teaching for future generations, but this he
has not done. His study of the ancient literature led him
to base his teaching on the characters of old time, and he
endeavoured to influence men towards an imitation of the
virtues of those who had walked before them in the path
of rectitude and goodness.

When Confucius was seventy years of age he began
to realise that. his work was coming to a close. His son
died, and in the same year he lost his favourite disciple,
Yen Hui. Two years after, his next favourite, Tzu I/u,
died, and before many more months had passed, the sage
himself was on his deathbed. Sad indeed must have been
the end of the great reformer. Disappointed at his failure
to influence the various rulers for good, sorrowful on
account of the condition of the empire, grieving over the
loss of his most loved disciples, with no relative or
member of his family to comfort him in his last hours,
Confucius died, manifesting no conviction that truth
would finally prevail and giving no sign as to his ex-
pectations of a future life. His disciples buried him with
great pomp, and to show their love and appreciation of
their master, built themselves huts and remained by his
grave for three years mourning for him as for a father,
but without wearing the mourning dress. Tzu Kung, the
third favourite disciple of Confucius, had acted as master
of the ceremonies during the time, and at the expiration
of three yearsj when the other disciples were about to
retirej they took a formal leave of him, and Mencius tells
us that on this Occasion, looking towards each other, the
disciples wailed so much that they all lost their voices.
On their retiring, Tzu Kung built himself a house on the
altar ground of the grave and lived there other three years.

When it became known amongst the people of the
empire that the sage had passed away, they began to
realise their loss, and an appreciation and veneration of

1 1 Confucius

Confucius was manifested, to which he had been a stranger
in his life time. Since then it has increased, and all
down the centuries the name of Confucius has been
handed as symbolical of all that is great and good.

The teaching of Confucius was based upon his in-
terpretation of the lives of the ancients. He had a belief
in human goodness and in the power of example, and
his efforts were in the direction of a repetition of the
golden age, when virtuous rulers governed a virtuous
people. He went to the root of the matter by trying to
influence those who had authority and power, confident
that if they led the way in the path of virtue, those under
their rule would follow. A paragraph from the classics
illustrates this, and at the same time gives us an
instance of the boldness of Confucius in reproving men
who could have answered his unwelcome words with
imprisonment and death. Chi Kang, a usurper, asked
Confucius about government. Confucius replied: "To
govern means to rectify. If you lead on the people with
correctness, who will dare not to be correct." Chi Kang,
distressed about the number of thieves in the state, inquired
of Confucius about how to do away with them. Confucius
said : " If you, sir, were not covetous, although you should
reward them to do it, they would not steal." Chi Kang
asked Confucius about government, saying: "What do
you say to killing the unprincipled for the good of the
principled?" Confucius replied: "Sir, in carrying on
your government, why should you use killing at all?
Let your evinced desires be for what is good, and the
people will .be good. The relation between superiors and
inferiors is like xthat between the wind and the grass.
The grass must bend when the wind blows across it."

Confucius laid great emphasis on the five relation-
ships that are supposed to sum up the whole duty of man,
namely, the relationship between ruler and subject,
husband and wife, father and son, elder brother and
younger brother, and between friends. In all but the

Confucius 12

latter, the sage's teaching was defective, as it represented
the rule and authority merely on the one side, which was
not balanced by any equivalent on the other.

Confucius can hardly be called a religious teacher ;
his system was one of ethics and morals, but he said little
on the deep questions that have been in the minds of men
in all ages. He manifested no desire to investigate or
discuss the nature of the supernatural or unseen, he made
no profession of any revelation of truth beyond what he
himself had evolved from his own study of the ancients.
This may have been because at the time a spirit of
speculation with reference to unseen things was growing,
the result of Taoist teaching, but whatever the cause;
Confucius left such severely alone. He may be described
as an agnostic, but not an agnostic in the modern sense of
the term. There was no dogmatism about his uncertainty
such as characterises those of the present day who, unknow-
ing, decline to admit the possibility of any one being wiser
than themselves. The following passage is often quoted
to show the attitude of Confucius on these question : — Chi
Lu asked about serving the spirits of the dead. The
Master said : " While you are not able to serve men, how
can you serve their spirits." Chi Lu added : "I venture
to ask about death ? " He was answered: " While you do
not know life, how can you know about death ? "

There is hardly any doubt that Confucius had a con-
sciousness of a supreme power in the world, but it is too
much to say that he realised the presence of a personal
deity. A close study of the Chinese classics has led
some to think that he had a clearer knowledge than his
present countrymen ; others, equally versed in the classic
literature, have given a verdict in the opposite direction.
But, however, this may be decided, it shows that on this
question also Confucius did not give much light.
• In some of the precepts of the great sage, echoes of
the teaching of one greater than he have been found, and
many of his words have been compared with those of Him

13 Confucius

who " spake as never man spake ". We are able to see in
these, shafts and flashes of light that have their source in
the "Light that lighteth every man that cometh into the
world ' ' .

It is hard to say wherein lies the secret of the in-
fluence that Confucius has wielded over one-third of the
human race for more than two thousand three hundred
years, but it is certain that the use of the books he himself
honoured, and the books written by his disciples about him,
at the examinations in the Chinese empire, account for much.
When the rulers of China adopted these as text-books they
took what was best in the literature of the country, and
their influence has been on the side of righteousness, even
though they have brought the sage into greater prominence
than Christians care to see. Confucius, according to
Mencius, appeared at a crisis in the history of the empire,
and as in all ages the time has produced the man, he was
specially raised up to fulfil a definite mission, and may be
accounted one of the world's great reformers. Whatever
we of the West say about him, amongst the Chinese he is
above all depreciation, as the concluding chapters of the
Analects show. Says Tzu Kung, the surviving favourite
disciple, to one who had reviled Confucius: "It is of no
use doing so. Chung Ni (Confucius) cannot be reviled.
The talents and virtue of other men are hillocks and
mounds, which may be stepped over. Chung Ni is the
sun or moon, which it is not possible to step over.
Although a man may wish to cut himself off, what harm
can he do to the sun or moon?"

If any one at the present time visits the tomb of the
sage, which is still to be seen, he may hear the first words
of a popular Chinese history from the lips of some
worshipper, as he prostrates himself before the mound :

" Confucius, Confucius, how great is Confucius,
Before Confucius was there no Confucius,
After Confucius has there been no Confucius,
Confucius, Confucius, how great is Confucius."

MENCIUS

THE SOCIAL REFORMER.

>HE district of Yen Chou Fu in the province of Shan-
tung is sacred soil to the Chinese, not only because
it produced the great Confucius but because it is'
also the birthplace of the man who, second only to the
sage, is honoured and revered in every quarter of the
empire. Mencius, the social reformer, has left his impress
on the minds and hearts of his countrymen, and the people
of his native province are proud of the double distinction
which rests upon them. From their midst have come the
two men whom China delights to honour more than all
others.

Whilst the dynasty of Chou held sway in China, the
State of Lu, from which Confucius came, boasted the
presence of three powerful clans. One of these clans of
the name of Meng, losing its authority and prestige,
became divided and eventually was broken up, a branch
settling in the adjacent principality of Tsou. Of this
branch came Meng Ko or as he was afterwards known
Meng Tzu, the philosopher Meng, whose name, like that
of his greater predecessor, has been Latinized into Mencius.

It is difficult to assign an exact date to the birth of
Mencius, as the material regarding his childhood and youth
is very scanty, but most writers agree in placing it some-
where about 372 B. C., a little over a hundred years after
the death of Confucius. The only information of any
interest or value about the childhood of Mencius is that
referring to his mother, who was evidently a noble-minded
woman, and whose teaching and influence resulted in the
development of a like mind in her son. Mencius lost his
father when he was three years of age, and thus his train-
ing and education devolved upon her whose name has

15 Mendus

been handed down through all ages of Chinese history as
the model mother. When very young, Mencius with his
mother lived near a cemetery, and the familiar sight of
funerals and their attendant rites so impressed the boy
that in his play he rehearsed the practices he had wit-
nessed. The mother, thinking that this would have an
injurious effect on his character, removed to a different
neighbourhood, close by a market. Here Mencius had
new sights before his eyes, and it was not long before he
was imitating the buyers and sellers of the market place.
His mother, not wishing her son to develop any trading
instincts that might lead him in after life to a business
career, once more removed, and took up her abode close
by a college. Here Mencius, seeing the students attending
the college, naturally became interested, and shortly after
attended school, where he proved to be intelligent and
quick to learn. At first he does not seem to have devoted
himself to his studies as assiduously as his mother would
have liked, and we find her reproving him for wasting
time and opportunities. The story is as follows : One
day, when Mencius returned home from school, his mother
looked up from the web she was weaving on the household
loom and asked how he was getting on with his studies.
He answered carelessly that he was doing very well. At
this reply he was surprised to see his mother take a knife
and cut the web she had just been weaving. Alarmed at
her action he asked the reason and she replied that she
had only done what he Was doing. She had lost her
labour and thrown away the time spent by cutting the
web, and she pointed out to him that he was doing the
same sort of thing in the neglect of his studies. The
lesson had a good effect, and Mencius afterwards devoted
all his energies to the acquisition of knowledge.

Another story is told which illustrates the care taken
by his mother to instruct him in the principles of integrity
and morality. One day> seeing a butcher killing pigs, he
asked his mother the reason, and she replied thoughtlessly :

Mencius 16

"To furnish you with food ". Not being in a position to
buy much flesh meat, the mother's conscience accused her
of saying what was not strictly true and, anxious not to set
an example to her son of untruth fulness, she went and
bought some pork to prove her words.

The stories just recorded serve to show the esteem
that the mother of Mencius is held in amongst the Chinese ;
her name being a household word amongst them for an
ideal mother, and this leads us to attribute the moral
worth and high character of the philosopher to his early
training under such a devoted parent.

Mencius during his youth is said to have studied
under Tzu Ssu, the grandson of Confucius, though this
is disputed by some on the ground that too great a distance
of time separated Tzu Ssu from his illustrious countryman.
This, however, is a matter of slight import, as Mencius
needs no reflected glory, and the tutorship of Tzu Ssu
cannot add anything to the merit of the philosopher.

It has been already stated that information respecting
the youth of Mencius is exceedingly slight, but even up
to middle age we have nothing to show us the early career
of the reformer. Mencius is more than forty years of age
when he appears again on the page of history. Up to
this time we can gather that he had spent his years in
making a thorough acquaintance with the literature of his
country, studying the Classics as handed down by Con-
fucius, becoming well versed in the history of his nation
and of its prominent men. His study had led him more
and more to a high admiration and reverence of Confucius,
he had imbibed his principles, and was thoroughly per-
suaded that their acceptance amongst men would result in
a better state of society than then existed. And thus our
first glimpse of him in manhood is as a teacher surround-
ed by a number of disciples, doing the same kind of work
that his great master had done a century before.

Mencius as a teacher of men, was not only following
the example of Confucius, but was doing what he thought

iy M end us

to be the best thing for the improvement of the times
in which he lived. At that period the Chou dynasty was
tottering to its fall. The best features of the feudal
system had disappeared, war between the states had resulted
in the conquest and subsequent absorption of the smaller
territories, the central government had no power, the
people were in a pitiful condition, misery and suffering
were on every hand. The condition of the empire is
described in the words of the minister Nan. "A host
inarches in attendance on the ruler, and stores of provis-
ions are consumed. The hungry are deprived of their
food, and there is no rest for those who are called to toil.
Maledictions are uttered by one to another with eyes
askance, and the people proceed to the commission of
wickedness. Thus the Imperial ordinances are violated
and the people are oppressed, and the supplies of food and
drink flow away like water."

Amidst such disorder did Mencius endeavour to instill
into the minds of his disciples the principles held by
Confucius, which alas ! had not in the time of the sage, or
since his death, been accepted by the majority. Had they
been so, the condition of the country would have been
different and the glory of the dynasty enhanced, but the
passions of men proved too strong and the evil that is in
human nature asserted itself. Mencius, however, conscious
of the power of his teaching and the value of his principles,
held on his way, hoping for better success than had fallen
to his predecessor. But Mencius, like Confucius, was not
content with simply gathering about him a following of
the more noble-minded spirits of the country ; he also
determined to visit the various rulers of the states and
endeavour to enlist their sympathies in the work of
renovation. This was possible for him as it had been
years before for Confucius ; the same regard for men of
high character and literary attainments being still preva-
lent and constituting a passport into the courts of princes.
Mencius knew the power of example, and he considered

Mend us . 18

that the right administration of one state in the principles
of equity and justice would result in the renovation of the
remaining states and finally bring about a consolidated
empire existing for the benefit of its people. And so
Mencius, leaving his comparative obscurity, launched into
public life to carry on the mission of the reformer of a
hundred years before.

Though following closely in the footsteps of Confu-
cius, Mencius was by no means merely an imitation or
copy of his master ; he was possessed of a personality more
interesting to us than that of the sage. He was of a
bolder and more original type. Though considered in-
ferior to Confucius by the literati of China, in some
respects he seems to us superior, and can never be looked
upon merely as a reduplication of the more honoured sage.
We first find Mencius as a counsellor of princes in the
State of Chi, a territory in which he spent the great part
of his life. He had most probably been invited by the
ruling prince Shuan, who was eager to hear what Mencius
had to say on the problems of government. We can
gather from his own writings that the prince had sent men
to spy out what Meucius was like, wondering perhaps if
his manner of life and personality were really different from
that of other people. The first interview with the prince
was not at all satisfactory to Mencius, and he resolved to
leave, but almost immediately after circumstances occurred
which decided him to stay and hold an honorary position,
leaving himself free to retire when he chose. For some
considerable time Mencius remained with the Prince Shuan
endeavouring to influence him by his counsels, but finding
that they were of no avail prepared to return to Tsou.
The prince, misunderstanding the motives of Mencius,
attempted to induce him to remain, but the reformer saw
that his principles were not accepted by the ruler, and so
finally he resigned his office and left the court of Chi.

The ruler to whom Mencius had offered his advice
and counsel was one of the most powerful of that time,

19 Mencius

but unfortunately his rule was not characterised by
clemency or merciful consideration of his people. His
dominions may not have been in a worse condition than
those of other princes, but his extended rule and acknowl-
edged authority promised a good field for the exercise of
government according to the reformer's ideas. Mencius
was painfully aware of the fact that the administration of
the different states was piteous in the extreme, and he
strove to bring about a better state of things in which the
populace should have more consideration. His theory was
that the people of a country were of more importance than
the ruler, a theory that will commend itself to the spirit
of modern times. He held that the sovereign should make
it his first duty to seek their welfare by securing for them
immunity from hunger and disease, giving them reasonable
pleasures and providing opportunities for their education.
He contended, and rightly so, that affectionate care of a
people by a ruler would ensure him his throne against all
enemies. In answer to the questions of the prince of Chi on
this subject Mencius said : " When a ruler rejoices in the joy
of his people, they also rejoice in his joy ; when he grieves
, at the sorrow of his people, they also grieve at his sorrow.
A sympathy of joy will pervade the empire, a sympathy of
sorrow will do the same ; in such a state of things it cannot
be but that the ruler attain to the Imperial dignity."

But Mencius did not merely show a sympathy with
the people by exhorting their princes to practise benevolent
government ; he acknowledged their right to such govern-
ment in the attitude he took towards rulers who failed in
this respect. He held that princes were heaven-appointed,
and that their worth of character was their justification.
If they failed to administer justice and to rule their
dominions in righteousness, they ought to forfeit their
position. The following dialogue between the reformer
and Prince Shuan will serve to show his teaching on this
matter. Mencius said: "Suppose that one of your Maj-
esty's ministers were to entrust his wife and children to

MtMlcillS 20

the care of his friend, while he himself went into Chu to
travel, and that on his return he should find that the
friend had caused his wife and children to suffer from
cold and hunger, how ought he to deal with him?"
The prince said: "He should cast him off." Mencius
proceeded: "Suppose that the chief criminal judge could
not regulate the officers under him, how would you deal
with him ?" The prince said : "Dismiss him." Mencius
again said : "If within the four borders of your kingdom
there is not good government, what is to be done?" We
are told with a sort of dry humour that "the prince looked
to the right and left and spoke of other matters." The logic-
al outcome of Mencius' teaching on this point is of course
rebellion and regicide, and Mencius is regarded as having
inculcated principles and precepts to that effect. There is
no need to deny this ; it only throws into stronger relief the
convictions of the reformer with regard to the rights of
the people.

Not only did Mencius exhort those in authority to
practise better government but he hesitated not to censure
and reprove those whom he considered at fault. He was a
courageous man, free from that servility that seems to
characterise so many of Asiatic origin, a man whose zeal
and boldness reminds us of the Hebrew prophets. Being
possessed of a thorough belief in his own and his master's
principles, fired by the injustice and license of the ruling
princes, he used hard and strong words to those he re-
buked, little caring what the consequences might be.
Said he to the Prince of Liang : " Is there any difference
between killing a man with a stick or with a sword ? ' '
The prince replied that there was no difference. Once
more he asked, "Is there any difference between doing it
with a sword and with the style of government?" "There
is no difference," was the reply. Then said the bold
censor to the prince, "In your kitchen there is fat meat,
in your stables there are fat horses. But your people have
the look of hunger, and on the wilds there are those who

2i Mencius

have died of famine. This is leading on beasts to devour
men. Beasts devour one another and men hate them for
doing so. When a prince, being the parent of his people,
administers his government so as to be chargeable with
leading on beasts to devour men, where is that parental
relation to the people? "

Mencius having left Chi made his way to the court
of the Sung State, stituated in the modern province of
Honan. About his movements at this time we have little
information, and it is difficult to assign any definite period
of time spent there. Whilst in Sung, Mencius was visited
by the Crown-Prince, of the Tang State, who had heard of
the reformer and wished to profit by his instruction. We
are told that he was much impressed with Mencius, which
led him in after days to learn more of the sage's teaching.
From Sung, Mencius went to Shieh, a state bordering on
that of Chi, and from thence returned to his native state
of Tsou ; no doubt disheartened because of his failure to
influence the princes he had visited.

Mencius had been some time in Tsou when the Crown
Prince of Tang, now King of that state, sent to him for
advice with regard to the ceremonies connected with the
decease of his father. The reformer's advice proved
acceptable to the ruler, who in spite of the opposition of
his ministers and relatives acted upon it. Shortly after
this we find Mencius himself in Tang, but he does not
seem to have stayed long there, nor to have had any better
success in his own mission.

Whilst Mencius was endeavouring to gain the ear of
princes and induce them to institute reforms, he was at
the same time engaged in opposing the principles of other
reformers who, like himself, sought followers amongst the
high-born and those in authority. There were those
who, conscious of the disorders and troubles of the time,
had their own theories and schemes of reform and were
equally zealous to see them carried out. Amongst such
was one Hu Shing, a man who professed to follow Shen

Mt'llduS 22

Nung, one of the five famous emperors of early days and
the supposed father of husbandry. He taught that the
rulers of the country as well as the people should labour
at agriculture and thus take a share in the work for the
common weal. Hearing that Mencius was advocating
reforms in Tang, he proceeded to that state, in the hope
of inducing the prince to discard the ideas of his adviser
and adopt the principles that he himself expounded. He
had a considerable following, and these all with him
supported themselves by making sandals and weaving
mats. It was with one of these disciples, Chen Shiang,
that Mencius had to do, and we find him opposing the
teaching of the sect and pouring contempt on the person
of its founder. Says he, refuting the socialistic ideas of
his opponent : " It is the nature of things to be of unequal
quality. Some are twice, some five times, some ten times,
some a hundred times, some a thousand times, some ten
thousand times, as valuable as others. If you reduce
them all to the same standard, that must throw the empire
into confusion. If large shoes and small shoes were of
the same price, who would make them ? For people to
follow the doctrines of Hu, would be for them to lead one
another on to practise deceit. How can they avail for the
government of a state?" This is how Mencius answers
the disciple of "this shrike-tongued barbarian of the
south, whose doctrines are not those of the ancient kings".
The most noteworthy achievement of Mencius in
dialectics is his refutation of the principles of two
noted heresiarchs of earlier times — Yang Chu and Mo
Ti. Yang Chu's teaching was that of Epicureanism, a
selfish indulgence in all attainable pleasure, whilst Mo
Ti taught that all existing evils might be remedied by
the manifestation of an universal and equal love for all
men. The principles of both these leaders of thought
were very rife in the time of Mencius, and the reformer
attacked them vigorously. It has been contended that
Mencius unfairly represented the doctrines of Mo Ti, but

23 Mencius

whether this is so or not, he evidently considered both
systems as heterodox and opposed to the teachings of his
master Confucius. He sums them up in this way :
" Yang's principle is, 'each one for himself ', which does
not acknowledge the claims of the sovereign. Mo's
principle is, ' to love all equally', which does not acknowl-
edge the peculiar affection due to a father. But to
acknowledge neither king nor father is fo be in the state
of a beast."

Mencius evidently earned the reputation of being fond
of disputing for disputing's sake, but he assures his
disciples that his opposition to the heresies of the time is
the outcome of a deep concern for the welfare of his
country. He was alarmed at the prevalence of certain
views which he considered harmful and he felt called to
do his best towards their suppression. Says he : "If the
principles of Yang and Mo are not stopped, and the
principles of Confucius not set forth, then those perverse
speakings will delude the people and stop up the path of
benevolence and righteousness .... I am alarmed by
these things and address myself to the defence of the
doctrines of the former sages .... I also wish to rectify
men's hearts and to put an end to these perverse doctrines,
to oppose their one-sided actions and banish away their
licentious expressions, and thus to carry on the work
of the three sages. Do I do so because I am fond of
disputing? I am compelled to do it."

In P>. C. 319 we find Mencius at the court of King
Hui of Liang. Liang was another name for Wei, a
powerful state of that period of the Chou Dynasty. It
had received this name from the capital city of Tai Liang,
where the king had established his government. Mencius
here as in other places was engaged in offering counsels to
the ruler for the benefit of his kingdom, but we do not
gather that he had any better success than in other states.
Whilst Mencius was in Hui the king died and was
succeeded by his son Shiang. Mencius does not seem to

Mencius 24

have been at all impressed with this prince, for he only
had one interview with him and shortly after retired from
the court. On leaving Liang, Mencius went once more to
Chi, where he remained till 311 B. C. Why he returned
is not easily determined; perhaps he thought that the
prince had altered and would be more ready to accept his
proposals. He seems, however, to have met with little
success, and although he lingered for eight or nine years
had finally to retire a disappointed man.

It was some time during these years that the mother
of Mencius died. She had been living with him in Chi,
but after her death he took the coffin with her remains to
the ancestral grave in Lu. The funeral ceremonies were
on a grand scale, and he was much criticised by those
who were envious of his position. He defended himself
on the ground that " the superior man will not for all the
world be niggardly to his parents", a shabby funeral
indicating a want of respect and affection for those who
had done so much for him. In accordance with the
custom revived by Confucius, Mencius retired from the
court for three years to mourn his mother.

Towards the end of Mencius' residence in Chi there
was trouble in Yen, a large state situated on the western
border. The prince of this state, a weak silly man,
thinking to make a name for himself by copying the
example of the ancient Yao, resigned his throne to his
prime minister, in the expectation that the honour would
be declined. The prime minister, howrever, accepted the
throne and the prince had to retire. He proved a tyrant
and soon disorder and rebellion were manifest in the state.
Prince Shuan of Chi, judging from reports that Mencius
approved of his action, attacked Yen and conquered the ter-
ritory. Mencius afterwards being asked whether he advised
such a proceeding or no, answered in the negative. Misun-
derstandings having arisen, and the people of Yen rebelling
at that time, Mencius seems to have made this an oppor-
tunity of leaving Chi, making his way once more to Sung.

25 M end us

The last court at wliich we find Mencius is probably
that of Lu. The prince of this state had given office
to one of Mencius' disciples, Yo Cheng by name, and
the reformer hoped that through his follower he might
gain a hearing at the court. The prince seems to have
been willing to make his acquaintance, for we are told
that the royal carriage had already been yoked and he
was about to step into it to visit Mencius, when he
was hindered by one of his favourites, who vilified the
sage. Mencius on being told of this accepted it as a
final intimation that his work would be of no avail.
He recognised in the interference of the favourite the
decree of Heaven, and abandoning all hope of ever in-
fluencing princes and rulers by his precepts, retired into
private life.

With regard to the later years of Mencius there is
very little trustworthy information. He appears to have
spent the rest of his time with his disciples engaged in
literary work, the result of which is seen in the books
now bearing his name. He died in the year 289 B. C.
After his death the title of "The Sacred Prince of Tsou "
•was given to him, a tablet to his memory was placed in
the Temple of Literature, and the honours paid to
Confucius were given to him also.

The literary work of Mencius is a small book of
fourteen chapters, which now forms one of the classics of
the Chinese empire. It contains the principles and pre-
cepts of the reformer in a dialogical setting, and it is this
characteristic that makes the book of abiding interest to
all who read it. From what we have already seen Mencius
was a great disputant, and his method of procedure shows
a mind capable of acute reasoning. In arguing with an
opponent he does not contest the point at issue by an
accumulation of evidence, but he leads his opponent from
one admission to another until he is obliged to confess his
defeat or maintain what is absurd. The book of Mencius
contains many examples of his skill as a controversialist.

Mencius 26

and one is obliged to recognise his as a more logical mind
than that of his great master Confucius.

Perhaps the most interesting feature of the book of
the philosopher is his discussion and views of human
nature. He teaches that the nature of man is good and
that it is perverted by outside influences. The circum-
stances of a man are accountable for his goodness or his evil
life. Man is naturally righteous, but he loses his integrity
as a tree loses its branches by the axe of the woodman or
the cattle browsing upon them. But human nature has
still its power to be good, and any man by the exercise of
his will may attain to a state of exalted purity and
righteousness. Mencius in this connection has uttered a
noble sentiment, which serves to show his own determina-
tion to "cleave to that which is good". Says he: "I
like fish and I also like bears' paws (a delicacy). If I
cannot have the two together I will let the fish go and
take the bears' paws. So I like life and I also like right-
eousness. If I cannot keep the two together, I will let
life go and choose righteousness." Mencius' idea of the
great man is, he "who does not lose his child's heart",
that is, he who retains his original goodness and purity in
spite of the evil influences around him.

One cannot help but look upon Mencius as a man of
nobility of character. To consider him in this light does
not put aside the fact that some of his principles may
have been faulty, or he himself not free from imperfections,
but he seems to have been a man of deep convictions and
ready to make any sacrifice for the truth he believed
himself to possess. Failing as he seems to have done
with regard to his attempts at reform, let us hope that his
advice to the prince of Tang echoed in his heart for his
own comfort: "As to the accomplishment of the great
result that is with Heaven. What is that Chi to you,
O prince ? Be strong to do good. That is all your
business."

CHIN SHIH HUANG TI,

OR THE FIRST EMPEROR.

5!"|URING the period of strife that characterized the
^SP latter days of the famous Chou Dynasty, one of the
notable families of the empire, that of the Chin's,
had been steadily growing stronger and was making its
influence felt in all directions. The members of this family
were daring and capable men, and whilst the Imperial
authority was declining, they were extending their domains
by the conquest of the surrounding states. At last the
crash came, the Chou Dynasty, that had ruled for more than
eight hundred years, fell, and in 249 B. C. Chao Shiang
Wang, of the Chin State, offered sacrifices to heaven and
assumed the imperial yellow, constituting himself emperor.

This result had not been unforeseen. Years before,
men had looked with alarm at the growing power of
Chin, and it had needed no prophet to foretell the out-
come. On one occasion a politician, advising the king of
the Chao State to cease warring against his neighbour,
remarked as follows: "This morning when crossing
the river I saw a mussel open its shell to sun itself.
Immediately an oyster catcher thrust in his bill to eat the
mussel, but the latter promptly closed its shell and held
the bird fast. 'If it doesn't rain to-day or to-morrow',
cried the oyster-catcher, 'there will be a dead mussel.'
'And if you don't get out of this by to-day or tomorrow ',
retorted the mussel, 'there will be a dead oyster-catcher.'
Meanwhile up came a fisherman and carried off both of
them. I fear lest the Chin State should be our fisherman."

And so it had proved. The warring mussel and
oyster-catcher states had been taken by the fisherman of
Chin, and Chao Shiang-wang ascended the imperial
throne a conqueror. He did not, however, live long to
enjoy his title. During the following year he bequeathed

Chin Shin Huang Ti 28

his throne to his grandson, who endeavoured to extend
his territory by attacking the remaining independent
states. He was successful in overthrowing three of them,
but the rest, combining, defeated him in battle, and
he had to flee, dying shortly after. The throne of Chin
was now left to a boy of thirteen, Prince Cheng, the son
of the defeated warrior. The territory under his rule at
that time comprised the whole of the modern province
of Shensi and parts of Shansi and Ssuchuan, about one-
fifth of the China of to-day. It remained for this boy to
extend in after years his already wide domain, to
consolidate the empire into one great unity, and to
make his mark on the history of his race.

It would be too much to say that all that he accom-
plished, was the outcome of his strength and genius alone ;
he was blessed with one or two able advisers, in whose
counsels he trusted, and the great achievements of his
reign were due to the combination of the talents and
abilities of ruler and ministers. The first of these was
Lit Pu-wei, formerly a jewel merchant of Honan, who had
been a friend and adviser of his father's during his
occupation of the throne. To this man's help and
influence the young prince owed a great deal, and was
saved from many of the mistakes of youthful rulers.

The boy prince had not long been on the throne before
he attempted to subdue the remaining independent states.
This turned out to be an easier task than in his father's
time, because the states had dissolved the league which
bound them together and were occupied as before in
fighting against each other. Up to this time, although
the Chin family had become so powerful and had
assumed imperial authority, a combination of states might
have reduced that power and prevented the continuance
of the new dynasty. But the opportunity was lost. For
some reason or other (perhaps the rulers were lacking in
ambition) no attempt was made, and this left the way
open for further extension on the part of Chin. The

29 Chin Shih Huang Ti

young ruler was wise enough to see that an undue flaunt-
ing of the imperial yellow in the faces of the conquered,
would not make for peace, and he accordingly, for the
time being, gave up the title of emperor, and only called
himself the King of Chin. The result of this and other
wise measures was seen in the ensuing ten years of quietude
and prosperity, during which time the people enjoyed an
immunity from distress and calamity, such as most of
them had never before experienced.

As the boy grew to manhood, not only were his
abilities and genius made more manifest, but also the
worst traits of his character were revealed. Born of
a conquering tribe, with all the energy and fierceness of
his ancestors, he had given play to his passions until he
had lost all power of self-control. This was painfully
shown in acts of cruelty and savagery that have caused
his name to be execrated by the Chinese unto this day.
A few years after his accession to the throne his mother
had contracted a .secret marriage and had given birth to
two children. The emperor becoming acquainted with the
facts, put the two children and their father to death and
banished his mother to the confines of the empire, where
she lived in great distress and poverty. His trusted adviser,
Lu Pu-wei, having in some manner been connected with
the affair, was obliged to leave the court, and he, fearing
the emperor's revenge, shortly after committed suicide.

The most influential class in China are the literati,
and during the chequered history of the empire they have
often made themselves felt. Studying the principles of
their master, Confucius, they have always constituted
themselves the guardians of the public morals and upheld
the teachings of the sage. The cruel act of the young
ruler drew upon his head the wrath of these men, and this
was the beginning of a long and bitter struggle with
them that only ended by an act of extreme ferocity, and
has made his name odious in the annals of the empire.
On the banishment of the queen mother, the literati

Chin Shin Huang Ti 30

pointed out to the emperor the duty of filial piety, and
the outrage against this principle, by the treatment she
had received ; they also interceded for her restoration.
The prince was admonished and petitioned to such an
extent that he issued an edict forbidding all interference
in the case on pain of death. In spite of this proclama-
tion twenty-seven of the scholars persisted in interceding
for the queen, and they were at once put to death and
mutilated. Nothing daunted, a fearless man, Mao Chiao
by name, succeeded in influencing the ruler, and the
banished queen was recalled. Mao Chiao did not suffer
any punishment as might have been expected ; perhaps the
fearlessness of the man impressed the emperor, and he
was shortly after raised to the position of Imperial Coun-
cillor. No doubt the conduct of the literati, although
odious to him, had also impressed the fierce autocrat, for
no one could help admiring men who dared to die for their
principles.

Savage and cruel as Prince Cheng seems to have been,
he had many of the qualities of a successful ruler, and
many of the best features of the China of the present day are
the result of his efforts. He determined to make his reign
glorious in the highest meaning of the term, and although
some of his methods were harsh, yet he succeeded in procur-
ing for the people under his rule such conditions of life that
they became prosperous and happy. In one thing he was
unlike the rulers of the present dynasty in his willingness
to introduce improvements and his readiness to welcome
foreign methods and agents. The word foreign here has
not the same wide application as is generally given to it,
but means all outside the dominions and political horizon
of the empire. This action, whilst productive of good, was
resented by the people, and they petitioned the throne for
the expulsion of all who were not strictly their country-
men. The prince listened to their request and issued an
edict to that effect. A certain Li Ssu, an accomplished
scholar and a man of broad views, sent in a memorial to

3i Chin Shih Huang Ti

the throne, pointing out the unwisdom of such an edict as
had been issued and showing that the rejection of outside
methods and help would sooner or later cause the decad-
ence of the realm. Said Li Ssu : "As broad acres yield
large crops, so for a nation to be great there should be a
great population and for soldiers to be during their
generals should be brave. Not a single clod was added
to the Tai Shan in vain ; hence the huge mountain we
now behold. The merest streamlet is received into the
bosom of ocean ; hence the ocean's unfathomable expanse.
And wise and virtuous is the ruler who scorns not the masses
below. For him no boundaries of realm, no distinctions
of nationality exist." As the result of this memorial the
edict was cancelled, and once more the empire welcomed
into its borders all who chose to come. It is interesting
to note that this memorial of Li Ssu, though written .so
long ago has, to a certain extent, influenced the present
Chinese government in the same direction. Cheng rec-
ognised the talents and wisdom of Li Ssu and elevated
him to the position of Prime Minister, and in this way he
became one of the notable advisers of the emperor, whose
whole after career was greatly influenced by him.

No sooner was Li Ssu established in power than he
began to work towards the accomplishment of his schemes
and managed to gain the sympathies of the ruler, who
soon saw that his adviser was at one with him in a desire
for empire and aggrandisement. One of the great results
of the reign of this monarch was the abolishment of the
feudal system which had obtained so long under the
previous dynasty. There is no doubt that the idea origin-
ated with Li Ssu, but the prince found it to his liking,
and the two worked together towards that end. Their aim
was to absorb all the separate states and unify the empire.

Up to this time there were still several of the Chou
States which were independent of Chin, and young Cheng
set about their subjugation. Great sums of money were
raised and a large armv was ^oon gathered together, l'\-

Chin Shih Huang Ti 32

all kinds of scheming, discord was sown amongst the
separate rulers of the states, which resulted in constant
warfare with each other, until weakened and depleted, one
by one they sought for help from Chin. • This help was
given, but was used by the prince to further his own ends,
and soon he acquired authority over several of the small
kingdoms. When this policy did not avail, he resorted to
other methods, not stopping short even of horrible massacre
and slaughter. At times he was defeated, but the loss of
an army did not seem to make much difference to him ;
soon more men were in the field and the campaigns carried
on with more vigour than ever. As an example of the
struggle mention may be made of one occasion where his
army of 200,000 men was defeated ; 40,000 men and seven
generals being left dead on the field and many more
killed during the flight afterwards. Yet shortly after a
second army of 600,000 men was raised, and this time was
successful.

On account of the militarism of this ruler he has been
called the Alexander or the Napoleon of the East, and his
campaigns justify the title. He had a severe struggle to
subjugate the outlying states, but his military genius
proved sufficient for the occasion. Not only, however, did
he gather all the petty states into one whole, but he sent
his generals to all points of the compass to win glory for
his arms. The Tartars on the northern border had often
been a source of trouble, and he despatched in 215 B. C. a
large army of 300,000 men under General Meug Tieu.
This noted soldier crossed the terrible Gobi desert and
made Kami a frontier fortress of the empire. After his
return with a handful of soldiers, Meng Tien once more
carried the arms of the prince into the southern districts
now known as Kuangsi and Yunnan. In this manner
were the borders of the realm extended and the State of
Chin grew into the empire of China.

Prince Cheng not only satisfied his military spirit with
ever fresh conquests, but he required the constant presence

33 Chin Shih Huang Ti

of his soldiers. The courtyard of his palace at the capital
was so large that a company of 10,000 men could be drawn
up in it at any time needful. He required all his ge:> -rals
to reside in the .capital and had a standing army there, in
which he took great pride on account of the physical
strength of the men. No one acquainted with Chinese
history can help comparing this monarch with those great
military leaders, the names of which are so familiar to all
in the West, and Chin Shih Huang Ti is worthy of a
similar place on the roll of fame.

In 221 B. C., in the 26th year of his reign, Cheng had
destroyed all the independent states and had become ruler
over one great empire that stretched from Chihli to the
Yangtze River and from Ssuchuan to the sea coast.
And now, glorying in his might, he resolved to have his
full title. Up to this time he had been content with the
name of Tien Wang, that is, " Heaven-appointed King ",
but now he took the title Huang Ti, "August or Imperial
Sovereign". He also used the character Shih, meaning
44 First " ; the idea being that he was the first real emperor
of the Chinese people. So the full title given at the
beginning of this sketch, Chin Shih Huang Ti, stands
for "The First Imperial Sovereign of the Ciir.i Dynasty".
He moreover commanded that his successors should be
called the "Second", "Third" and so on, but alas for
human hopes he was the mightiest of his family, and not
long after his death the Chin Dynasty fell ignominiously.

Having conquered the empire, this great monarch
endeavoured to establish it on a firm basis. As has been
stated, he aimed at a complete abolition of the old feudal
system, determining that his authority, and his alone,
should be recognised. Two of his ministers who clung to
the old regime besought him to appoint his kindred over
the various states as had been done before, but this did
not meet with the emperor's ideas of government. Here
again we notice the influence of his Prime Minister Li
Ssu, who saw that the old system might eventually bring

Chin Shih Huang Ti 34

back the old abuses. He said : " A system that lias brought
about the destruction of the empire, must itself be destroyed
if the new empire is to be permanent." The emperor
accordingly divided his territory into thirty-six provinces,
and over each province he placed an official, who was
given a fixed salary. The princes of his own house
received handsome incomes, but they were not invested
with any authority. This plan has been followed ever
since, and is the principle ot the present government of
China.

Chin Shih Huang Ti had established his capital at
Shien Yang, the modern Si Ngan in the province of Shen-
si, and he made this a brilliant centre of the manifold life
of the empire. In order to increase the population, he
transported about 120,000 families to this place, and from
these he drew the workers necessary for the erection of
stately buildings that embellished the city. His own
palace within the city walls was a splendid structure, and
details are given by historians that serve to show how he
surrounded himself by the art treasures of the time. He
is said to have erected also, palaces and pleasure houses,
exactly like those of the princes he had conquered. These
palaces contained the same things that had before adorned
the houses of the vanquished rulers, and they were also
peopled by the same eunuchs and slaves.

But Shih Huang Ti would not have been so famous
had his only aim and ambition been the embellishment of
his capital. He had fought for empire and he determined
to make the empire such as would contribute to his glory
and fame. To accomplish this, he resorted to harsh
methods, making great exactions of the people in the
shape of arduous work for the carrying out of his schemes
and enterprises. He did not confine himself to the
precincts of his capital, but more than once took extensive
journeys through the empire, and the result was the mak-
ing of great roads, the building of bridges, and other
achievements necessary for the development of commerce.

35 Chin Shih Huang Ti

His energetic character is shown in the fact that he
frequently walked on these journeys, and that on ordinary
occasions he sought recreation in this exercise. He is the
only emperor of China of whom such an unusual thing is
recorded.

Besides accomplishing much towards the extension
and development of the commerce of the empire, »Shih
Huang Ti inaugurated many other schemes that greatly
benefited the populace. He spared no pains to become
acquainted with all the abuses and grievances that marred
the lot of the common people, and was instrumental in
producing an altered condition of things in every circum-
stance of their life. He spent much time and labour over
a revision and readjustment of the system for providing
the revenue, and the consequence was more money for the
treasury and less taxes for the long oppressed citixens.
In all his schemes and enterprises, Shili Huang Ti
manifested his versatile powers ; he carried into them his
tireless energy and eventually reaped the reward of his
labours by seeing the empire raised to a state of culture,
prosperity and power that had never been known before.

All the time that the emperor was trying to secure the
welfare of the people within his borders, hostile tribes and
clans of other nationalities were endeavouring to make
inroads into the territory and hung constantly upon the
fiontiers, harassing and destroying the defenceless.
Reference has been made to the expeditions sent out under
Meng Tien, the general who crossed the Gobi Desert.
Although these campaigns extended the borders of the
empire, there is no doubt that they were first begun, at
least in the North, to make reprisals for injury received at
the hands of the invaders. The Northern Tartar tribes
had for centuries carried on guerilla warfare, and the
states under the Chou Dynasty had suffered considerably.
And now the Chin emperor determined to do something
to alter the condition of things. He conceived a plan of
building a wall along the Northern frontier that would

Chin Shih Huang Ti 36

enable the border people to keep out the enemy. Already
small disconnected walls had been built by different
princes and rulers in different parts, and the emperor
decided to erect a solid rampart, connecting these lesser
works of defence that should stretch along the whole of
the exposed frontier line. The work was enormous and
demanded numerous labourers. No fewer than one
million men are said to have been employed in this great
task. The work was commenced on the coast of the Liao
Tung Gulf by ships sinking iron for the foundations.
The wall was carried inland from thence a distance of
fifteen hundred miles to the extreme west of the modern
province of Shensi. Curious calculations have been
made as to the amount of material used in this defence,
and all serve to show the enormous aggregate of labour
entailed. The quality of the wall varied in different parts ;
in some places it reared itself proudly a solid mass of
masonry, whilst in others it was little more than a mud
bank. Although more than two thousand years have sped
since the completion of this great work, the wall still
remains a monument of human energy and power, and so
long as it lasts will the name of Chin Shih Huang Ti be
known amongst men.

One would think that the name of an emperor who
had so mightily extended his fame by all manner of great
works, would be held in high esteem by the later genera-
tions of his countrymen, but it is not so. It has already
been stated that the emperor at the beginning of his reign
came into collision with the literati, the most influential
party in the empire. As time went on the opposition of
these gentry increased, and he in no way tried any policy
of conciliation. On the contrary, the more they opposed
him the more he treated them with contempt, and the
result of this struggle with such an influential faction is
seen to-day in the universal execration of his name. The
conflict began when the monarch, following his own
course, refused to listen to the advice and admonition of

37 Chin Shih Huang Ti

these self-constituted guardians of public morality. They
despised him for his neglect of Confucian teaching, for
his cruelty and savagery, for the innovations he was con-
stantly introducing, and accordingly they used all means
possible to make him unpopular with the people of the
empire. The scholars found congenial employment in
lampooning and caricaturing him ; they heaped all manner
of abuse upon his name, even to questioning the legitimacy
of his birth, and it is not difficult to see what effect such
action would have on the nature of a man like the First
Emperor. The struggle became more and more acute,
until circumstances arose, which ended in the complete
silencing of the emperor's antagonists.

In the year 213 B. C. a Grand Council of the empire
was held at the capital Shien Yang. Not only were the
military and civil officials present, but also many of the
most influential of the literati. Such a gathering of the
e"lite ot the empire contained all the elements necessary
for an explosion, and it only needed the slightest spark of
feeling to fire the train. The emperor was present and
called upon the various members of the Council to express
their opinion of his rule. Whether this was prompted by
vanity, or a real desire to benefit his people, cannot now
be determined ; but whatever the motive, it gave opportu-
nity for free discussion. A member of the emperor's
household rose and in glowing terms extolled the virtues
and powers of the monarch, declaring him to have sur-
passed the greatest of his predecessors and to be for all
time the most famous of Chinese rulers. This panegyric
was received by the literati with murmurs of dissent, and
one of their number rose to denounce the "vile flatterer"
who had just spoken. This scholar of course voiced the
opinions of his fellows when he depreciated the work of
the emperor and pointed the Council back to the earlier
rulers who had left their mark on the life of the empire.
Not content with disparaging the monarch's efforts, he
called upon the Council to bring about a revival of the

Chin Shih Huang Ti 38

old systems and usages. The emperor at this stage called
on his favourite Li Ssu to reply, and the minister answered
by accusing the literati of stirring up strife and rebellion.
He complained of their constant opposition to the throne,
of their incessant criticism of all the emperor's doings,
and gave it as his opinion that if such things were allowed
to continue, the emperor would not be able to retain his
power and his imperial authority. In order to put a stop
to the practices of the literati, Li Ssu advocated a radical
proceeding that should for ever silence their murmurings.
"Your Majesty," he said, "mildness and indulgence
have not up till now had any effect on these stubborn
people ; all regard for them has only made them more
officious and more shameless. Let us try some other means,
or rather, let us make use of the only expedient to root out
an evil which soon wrould become unbearable. It is the
books which instilled those opinions, of which they boast,
into our high minded literati. Let us snatch the books away
from them. Only when they are for ever robbed of that
which nourishes their arrogance can we hope at last to
stop up the inexhaustible source of their stubbornness."

Such was Li Ssu's advice. The books he referred to
were the Confucian Classics, the treasury from which the
literati drew their stores of learning and morality. The
minister proposed that all the canonical books, the old
histories, and other works dealing with the bygone ages,
should all be destroyed, and that only works on agriculture,
medicine, and prophecy be spared. To this the emperor
gave his consent, and an edict was issued commanding that
all such books as were condemned should be given up to
the officials within the space of forty days, and that they
should be publicly burnt. A great cry of indignation
went up from the scholars throughout the empire, but
the emperor's commands were obeyed. The literati
attacked him more than ever with their satires and
caricatures, but this of course only added fuel to the flame
of the monarch's wrath. Manv of the scholars concealed

39 Chin Shih Huang Ti

their precious volumes in the hope of future use, but the
vigilance of the officials was not in all cases eluded. The
most courageous of the literati refused to comply with the
emperor's demands and they suffered an awful fate ; over
four hundred of them being buried alive with their books
in a great pit dug for the purpose. The heir to the
throne protested against this act of savagery, but he was
banished for his interference. In such a manner did the
First Emperor destroy or try to destroy all the elements
of antagonism to his rule, and for the time was successful.
The awful death of the courageous men of letters, the
branding and banishment to work at the Great Wall, then
in process of construction, the harsh methods used to
secure the authority of the emperor, resulted in the
establishment of peace and quiet. And so the empire
was tranquillized, but at what a price ! For this act the
name of Chin Shih Huang Ti has been handed down to
all the generations of Chinese as the name of a tyrant,
and nothing in his great works for the benefit of the
empire has ever been able to bring down the balance
in his favour.

As may be expected, the emperor was no follower of
Confucius ; had he been so, there would have been no
opposition on the part of the literati. He had come under
the influence of the Taoist priests and accepted their
tenets and practices. But although under their influence,
he refused to be ruled by them. He ascended the sacred
mountain to worship and offer sacrifices, but followed his
own course and paid no heed to those who would have
him worship in the orthodox way. He erected altars in
different places for the Taoist cult, but they were in
reality monuments to his fame and glory. He spent much
time and money in the pursuit of the elixir of immortality,
firmly believing that there were in existence such elements
as would ensure his immunity from death. When he was
in Shantung the priests there induced him to organise an
expedition of one thousand young men and maidens to

Chin Shih Huang Ti 40

seek for the islands of the Eastern sea, where the immortals
lived, and bring back the elixir of life. The expedition
sailed, but never returned ; the young people most probably
reaching the country of Japan and settling down there.
Japanese history seems to confirm this.

The emperor seems to have had a great dread of
death, hence his constant attempts to obtain that which
•would secure him immortality. In this matter he was
guided by the Taoist priests, and of course was in every
•way imposed upon ; the superstitious nature of their royal
patron enabling them to carry out their designs. They
made him believe that he was constantly followed by
malignant spirits, and in order to escape them he must
sleep in a different place every night and keep the
place a secret. To do this he gave orders for the erec-
tion of an immense palace with innumerable apartments.
Several hundreds of thousands of men were engaged in
this task. In spite of the ceaseless efforts of the First
Emperor to secure a life that should be everlasting, he did
not even attain to old age. His tireless energy, his
passionate nature proved the undoing of his bodily frame,
and while yet in the prime of life, he had to see all his
glory and power slipping from his grasp. He became
gloomy and irascible, was subject to paroxysms cf frightful
rage, and was the terror of all with whom he came in
contact. To the very last he travelled about the empire,
endeavouring to add to his glory by further works and en-
terprises, and it was whilst on a journey through Shantung
province that he contracted a fatal illness. He pursued his
course even into Chihli, but there ended his life at the age
of fifty, in the year 210 B. C.

The funeral of the First Emperor was in keeping with
the character of his reign. Ssu Ma Chien, the great
Chinese historian, tells us that the monarch in his lifetime
had tunneled and prepared a mountain for the reception of
his body after death. Seven hundred thousand men had
been employed in digging deep the foundations for a

4i Chin Shih Huang Ti

magnificent mausoleum, and completing a tomb worthy of
the remains of such a mighty ruler. The body of the
emperor was placed in this mausoleum, and the historian,
tells us that the workmen who knew the secrets of the
royal resting-place, and who had conveyed to it the
precious stones and metals, were themselves buried alive
in the same great tomb. Not content with this wholesale
murder, the wives and concubines of the deceased monarch
were also slain to contribute to the effect of a posthumous
glory.

On the death of the First Emperor, the minister, Li
Ssu, and a powerful eunuch of the court, succeeded in
establishing the second son on the throne, while the right-
ful heir was put to death. The faithful general Meng Tien
also met the same fate. The Second Emperor, however, had
neither the ability nor the force of character of his father ;
he spent his days in idleness and sensuality, and three
years after his accession to the throne, the Chin Dynasty
ended in defeat and ignominy.

It is a difficult matter to pronounce upon the character
of a man like Chin Shih Huang Ti. To listen to the
verdict of Chinese historians is to accept a judgment that
is exceedingly biassed, for the literati of that empire have
never forgotten the treatment of their early representatives
at the hands of the monarch. To say the least of the First
Emperor, he was a great man, and accomplished much
that has contributed in later years to the welfare of the
Chinese nation. He was a despot living in barbarous
times, and his actions cannot be judged by the standard of
present-day morality. There is much in the lives of other
great characters in history that calls to mind the qualities
of the First Emperor, and we must accord him the same
sympathy and appreciation that have been given to the
Julius Caesars and Alexanders of our race. Chin Shih
Huang Ti has made an indelible mark on history, which
will be more and more recognised as the East and West
are drawn closer together. Dr. Martin has pointed out

Chin Shih Huano Ti

42

that there remain to-day three monuments of the fame and
power of the First Emperor. One is the great wall of
China, a concrete witness to the might of its builder ;
another is the name " Huang Ti ", which since the reign of
the First Emperor has been given to all other rulers of
China ; and the third is the name China itself, which can
be traced back to the dynasty that was inaugurated under
the name of Chin.

CHU KO LIANG

STRATEGIST AND STATESMAN.

E early years of the third century of the Christian
era constitute the most romantic period in the history
of China. It may in some respects be compared to
the age of chivalry in Europe. At that time the* empire
was disunited and contended for by rival princes, and the
story of the campaigns, plots, and stratagems of officers
and statesmen, makes it conspicuous as a period of intense
interest in the national life.

The famous Han Dynasty which had lasted for over
four hundred years was tottering to its fall. The elements
of solidity and strength tha*" had characterised its existence
for so long a time were now absent, and the members of
the royal house had become weak and effeminate. The
best blood was exhausted, and the princes belonged to a
degenerate stock. Dissensions and feuds took place be-
tween them, with the result that the empire was split up
into three principalities of kingdoms. The period of
which we write gets its name from this fact and is known
in Chinese history and literature as the period of the Three
Kingdoms.

The three kingdoms were: First, that of Wei, com-
prising the central and northern provinces, with its capital
the city of Loyang. Here the last of the Han emperors
remained, but a noted general named Tsao Tsao, who has
come to be known as one of the three great traitors or
usurpers of China, obtained possession of the territory and
forced the weak emperor to abdicate. The second was
the kingdom of Shu, which consisted of the province of
Ssuchuan and the region of the West. Its capital was
Ch ng Tti. This was held by Liu Pei, a member of the
royal house, who claimed to be the rightful heir to the
throne of the Hans. Eventually he succeeded in establish-
ing a dynasty afterwards known as the Minor Han Dvnas-

Chu Ko Liang 44

ty, and this is recognised by Chinese historians as the
lawful line during this time of confusion. The third of
the kingdoms was that of Wn, which comprised the prov-
inces south of the Yangtze River and which had as its
capital the city of Nanking. It was ruled by a noted
general, Sun Chtian.

It is in connection with the stirring events of this
time of disunion and strife that we have to record the life of
Chu Ko Liang, a man whose name stands out conspicuous-
ly in this period, who by his sagacity and wisdom, his
wonderful strategy and mechanical ingenuity, has earned
for himself a reputation second to none, and who is to-day
the darling of the Chinese people.

The halo of romance thrown round the period of the
Three Kingdoms, and the popularity of such characters as
Chu Ko Liang, is largely owing to the fact that the story of
this time has been written in the form of a historical novel,
and which constitutes one of the great books of China.
Not that it in any way rivals the great Confucian Classics,
but it is without doubt the most popular book of the
empire, and is to be found in the homes of every class of
the people. It was written by Lo Kuan Chung, who
lived in the thirteenth century, during the occupation of
China by the Mongols, and was probably produced under
the influence of the stirring events of that time of con-
quest. It is a marvellous production of romance written
in a captivating style, and its twelve volumes remind one
of a Western parallel in the unique Waverley novels of
our own great author. It is through this book that cer-
tain characters of the period of the Three Kingdoms have
laid hold of the hearts of the Chinese people, and none
more so than Chu Ko Liang, the famous statesman and
general of the Kingdom of Shu. No man in Chinese his-
tory is better known. He is often represented on the
Chinese stage, and one can hardly ever witness a dramatic
performance without seeing the popular hero in some
phase of his life. As Mr. Watters says : " You know him

45 Chu Ko Lianjj

by his dress and appearance — the sallow face and thin
beard, the black robe of a Taoist alchemist with the mystic
Pa Kna wrought in gold on the back, the feather fan with
the Fungshui compass in its heart, and the old-fashioned
cap."

Chu Ko Liang, or as he is almost better known Chu
Rung Ming, was born in the province of Shantung in 181
A.D. His father was the magistrate of the town of Tai
Shan, but he died whilst Chu was quite a child. On his
death Ko Liang and his brother were taken in charge by
an uncle, who removed to the district of Shiang Yang in
Hupeh. Not long after, however, the uncle died, and the
two boys were left to lock after themselves. Young as
they were, they were both possessed of energy and pluck,
and they built themselves a reed cottage and kept them-
selves by farming. Ko Liang grew up to be a tall well-
built youth, possessing great strength and courage, but
perhaps lacking in humility, and his bold conceit and airs
seem to have unfavourably impressed the people amongst
whom he lived. As a boy he was deeply interested in the
stories of bygone times, of their heroes and stalwarts, and
the influence of these names upon his character was such
that he supposed himself to be something of a national
worthy, and this no doubt contributed to his success when
afterwards called upon to accomplish great things for the
empire. Whilst in his seclusion and obscurity he worked
hard on the farm, but even then was no common labourer,
as he manifested signs of literary genius, and occupied
much of his leisure time in writing verses and ballads.
He became known to his immediate neighbours as a clever
young man, but was not particularly liked by them, most
probably on account of his forwardness and self-confidence.
He had no friends with the exception of one Shu Shu,
who afterwards became even more attached to him as the
days went by.

Chu Ko Liang seems to have been ambitious even in
his obscurity and, longing for the time when he could do

Chu Ko Liaii£ 46

something to distinguish himself, but the opportunity
never seemed to present itself. He used to sit at night
outside his little cottage with a far away-look on his face
whistling softly to himself. He was building his castles in
the air. It was not until he was twenty-six years of age
that the opportunity came to him to do something towards
securing the fame he coveted.

It was the time of struggle between the rival generals
Liu Pei, Tsao Tsao, and Sun Chuan. Liu Pei, realising
his position as a member of the royal house, was striving
for position and power, and fighting against the usurper
Tsao Tsao with all his energies. His camp at this time
was on the borders of Hupeh and Honan, and he happened
to be feeling the want of some capable adviser and helper,
when he was recommended to send for Chu Ko Liang.
Chu seems to have impressed people with his knowledge
of affairs, and although only a country farmer, yet had the
reputation of great wisdom. Liu Pei, acting on the advice
given him, went three times to the cottage of Chu, but only
on the last occasion did he succeed in obtaining an inter-,
view. Liu Pei was astounded at the knowledge of the
young man, and wondered how he could possibly have
made himself so well acquainted with the affairs of the
empire, living as he did in comparative seclusion. After
a long conversation Liu Pei succeeded in persuading Chu
to leave his house and farm and help him in the task of
securing a throne. The noted general was delighted in
having secured the services of one who seemed so capable
a counsellor, and trusted implicitly in him, with the result
that in after years he came to rely solely on his wisdom
and guidance, and invariably took his advice.

It was the strategic ability and cunning of Chu Ko
Liang that made him so useful to Liu Pei in his struggle
against the rival powers. Chu seemed always to be ready
for an emergency, and his marvello': : skill in conducting
campaigns and not less marvellous manner of retrieving
disaster and defeat have given him his reputation amongst

47 Clui Ko Liang

the great ones of China. Not only was he wise and skilful
in planning, but he was courageous and collected, and
managed to carry out his schemes with perfect coolness
and deliberation. Liu Pei was assisted in his campaigns by
two famous generals named Chang Fei and Kuan Yu.
These men had agreed to be faithful to each other till
death, and had signed the compact by blood drawn from
each other's arms. During the period of strife they were
all distinguished for their feats of arms, and Kuan Yu so

o

much so that in after years he was deified as the god of
•war and is worshipped in China to-day under the name of
Kuan Ti. When Chu Ko Liang was received as the
adviser and friend of Liu Pei the other two worthies
manifested a little dissatisfaction and jealousy, but they
were noble-minded enough to extend the right hand of
fellowship to Chu when they saw his success and prowess.
Another general, however, named Chou Yu, was not so
magnanimous ; he resented the influence exercised over
Liu Pei by Chu Ko Liang and endeavoured to bring about
the disgrace of the latter. His method of procedure forms
one of the great scenes in the historical novel, the San Kuo

o

Chili, or History of the Three Kingdoms, and is given here
as an example of the material the book contains, and
also as an example of the skill and cunning displayed
by Chu, which has rendered his name so famous in
Chinese history. We are told that "Chou Yu feared lest
some day Chu Ko Liang might become too powerful, and
determined to undermine his influence with Liu Pei. He
invited Chu Ko Liang to his tent, ostensibly for the
purpose of deliberating with him in regard to the conduct of
the war against Tsao Tsao, but really for the purpose of
enticing him into a trap which would cause his downfall.
When they were seated and drinking wine together, Chou
Yu inquired, ' What are the best weapons to use in a sea
fight?' Chu Ko Liang answered, ' I believe the bow and
arrow to be the most efficacious.' Chou Yu then went on
to say that at present there was a great scarcity of arrows

Chu Ko Liang 48

among his soldiers, and that he wished to commission
Chu Ko Liang to procure for him without fail ten thou-
sand arrows before ten days had elapsed. Chu Ko Liang
saw through the device and perceived that this seemingly
impossible task had been given to him so that he might
meet with failure in his attempt to accomplish it, and in
consequence be covered with disgrace. He instantly an-
swered, however, ' I will procure them in three days, and
if I do not keep my promise, I am willing to suffer any
punishment you may choose to inflict'. Then, taking
his departure from the tent of Chou Yu, Chu Ko Liang
sought out a trusty friend and asked him to prepare
twenty boats, each to be manned with thirty soldiers, and
to stack on each boat, in an upright position, a thousand
bundles of straw. After all preparations had" been made,
Chu Ko Liang still waited two days without making any
movement. On the morning of the third day, when he
must either redeem his pledge or suffer the penalty, he
commanded the boats to put off from the shore and make
for the opposite bank of the Yangtze River, where the
army of Tsao Tsao was encamped. Chu Ko Liang, who
was skilful in prognosticating the weather, had foreseen
that on that morning there would be a dense mist over the
surface of the river. The boats put out in this fog, and,
when they had drawn near to the opposite bank, Chu Ko
Liang gave orders to the men concealed beneath the
bundles of straw to attract the attention of the enemy by
beating with vigour upon their drums. The enemy hear-
ing the sound of the drums, rushed to the banks of the
river and prepared for a conflict. The dense mist which
enveloped everything, made it impossible for the soldiers
of Tsao Tsao to do more than barely make out the outlines
of the approaching fleet of boats. Immediately a shower
of arrows was sent whizzing through the air, to find a
lodgment in the stacks of straw on the boats of Chu Ko
Liang. After enough arrows had been secured in this
way, Chu Ko Liang commanded his soldiers to beat a

4t) >Chu Ko Liang;

hasty retreat. As the boats made for the of her shore Chu
Ko Liang called out in a loud tone, 'Thank you for the
loan of the arrows '. When the opposite bank was reached,
Chu Ko Liang corumanded his men to pluck the arrows from
the bundles of straw and to count them. It was discovered
that they had obtained from the enemy one hundred thou-
sand. These were then taken to the tent of Ohou Yu and
presented to him, and were received with no little conster-
nation and chagrin." Thus did Chu Ko Liang manifest the
skill and resourcefulness that has made his name so famous.

The courage and ability of Chu were exercised in
behalf of Liu Pei, with the result that Tsao Tsao suffer-
ed several defeats, and Liu Pei was placed upon the
throne of the kingdom of Shu. After the accession of
this prince, Chu Ko Liang still continued to serve him,
and became more than ever his trusted adviser. He de-
voted himself to internal reforms and strove to make the
kingdom prosperous, whilst at the same time he bent all
his energies towards the organisation of a great army. Not
only was he counsellor and director but he was also com-
mander of the forces, and led the troops in the field of
battle. And so in every way possible he endeavoured
loyally to serve the man who had called him from ob-
scurity, and Liu Pei to the day of his death never regret-
ted his choice of the young but capable countryman.

During Liu Pei's occupation of the throne of Shu,
Chu Ko Liang was sent by him to the court of Wu to
induce Sun Chuan to form an alliance againt Tsao
Tsao, and the scene, as depicted in the History of the Three
Kingdoms, is one of the most striking recorded in that
remarkable book. Chu, handsome and elegant, with
haughty mien, stands before a large number of the civil
and military counsellors of Wu, and in his own inimitable
manner silences all the objections that are brought forward
by these worthies. It is a veritable " war of the tongue ",
in which Chu is the conqueror, and the counsellors acknowl-
edge their defeat by consenting to the appeal to arms.

Chu Ko Liang 50

Liu Pei had a son, Shan by name, whom he entrusted
to the care of Chu Ko Liang, telling the latter to occupy
the throne himself, should his son prove unworthy of the
position, when it became vacant. Chu, however, at the
death of Liu Pei, seated Liu Shan on the throne and
served him with the same loyalty that had distinguished
his past career. He became also the trusted adviser of
the young prince and endeavoured to guide him aright
in the administration of the kingdom.

Liu Shan after his accession to the throne of Shu
continued to carry on hostilities against the Kingdom of
Wei, where Tsao Pei, the son of Tsao Tsao, now ruled.
Chu Ko Liang marshalled his forces and made great prep-
arations for the subjugation of Wei, but before marching
against that territory he deemed it advisable to subdue
the tribes on the Burmese frontier, who were getting
troublesome, and accordingly led .an expedition with that
intent. He carried his arms right into Burmah and
conquered the border peoples, thus securing peace in the
West and South. It is said that the Burmese to-day wor-
ship Chu Ko Liang as the conqueror of their ancestors.
Returning from this expedition in 227 A.D. he at once
started for the Kingdom of Wei. In the meantime Tsao
Pei had died and left the throne to his son Tsao Jui, who
took the imperial title of Ming Ti. Chu Ko Liang, how-
ever, was not successful in this campaign, for he had to do
with with an opponent, the noted Ssu Ma I, who was
almost as clever a strategist and as great a soldier as Chu
himself. - The armies of Shu were defeated and had to
retreat, but even in this time of disaster, Chu's skill and
resourcefulness were made manifest and his forces were
saved from complete annihilation. We are told that with
a handful of men still left to him, he took up his quarters
in a deserted walled city. As the enemy drew near in
pursuit, he gave orders to his men to throw open the
city gates and stand before them with brooms in their
hands as though they were engaged in sweeping the

5i Chu Ko Liang

streets. He himself went on to the city wall, and taking
up a position in the tower over one of the gates, began to
play on his lute. When the soldiers of Wei arrived at the
city, they were surprised at this strange sight of men
with brooms, standing in the open gates, and fearing
an ambuscade, were afraid to enter. Not knowing the
strength of Chu's forces, they retreated, and that skilful
commander was enabled to lead off the remnant of his
army without further loss.

When Chu Ko Liang reached the capital of Shu after
this disastrous campaign he asked to be dismissed from
office, acknowledging his failure. Liu Shan, however,
continued to keep him at the head of affairs, knowing
the value of his master mind, and he subsequently led
several successful expeditions against Wei. On one oc-
casion he nearly succeeded in securing the overthrow of
his famous opponent, Ssu Ma I, and was only hindered
from doing so by his superstitious fears. Chu and his
soldiers had hemmed in Ssu Ma I and his forces within a
deep valley, and there was no possibility of escape. Fire
was set to the brushwood, and many horses and men
perished, but the fire was suddenly extinguished by a
heavy rain which fell, and Chu, recognising the interfer-
ence of the gods, allowed his prisoners to escape.

The conquest of Wei, however, was never accomplished
by Chu. Successful as he may have been in single cam-
paigns, with all his ability and skill he was not able to
secure for the kingdom of Shu its permanent continuance.
He waged warfare at a great disadvantage. The scene of
strife was often far away from the base of operations and
he had to overcome the great difficulty of transit of sup-
plies to the front. This meant conveying food and goods
across the mountains of Ssuchuan, which proved no easy
task. Chu was noted for his mechanical ingenuity, and
we are told that he was able to make wooden oxen, which
in some way helped him in this difficulty. He was also
able to improve on the weapons of war, and it is said that

Chu Ko Liant: 52

he invented a bow that could shoot several arrows at once.
The record of his wondbrful achievements has been given
to the Chinese people in the work that has already been
mentioned, and although much of it must be purely
imaginary, yet underneath there is the substratum of fact.

Chu Ko Liang served the two princes of the Minor
Han Dynasty for nearly thirty years, and courage, skill,
and strategy made his name famous amongst friends and
enemies alike. He did not live to see, however, the fulr
filment of his purposes and schemes, for it was during one
of his campaigns against Wei that he was taken ill, and
whilst waiting for his forces to engage those of Ssu Ma I,
died at the age of fifty-three. This was in 234 A. D.
After his death, Liu Shan, or as he is better known by
his title Hou Chu, was deprived of his wisest and best
counsellor, and being a man of little worth himself, his
character soon deteriorated, and instead of pursuing a
vigorous policy of struggle for the supremacy, gave him-
self up to luxuriousness and ease. The King of Wei soon
saw his opportunity, and taking advantage of the indolence
of his former rival, invaded the territory of Shu and took
Hou Chu prisoner. The captive prince was taken in
triumph to the capital of Wei, and with his fall ended the
Minor Han Dynasty.

Of the private life of Chu Ko Liang very little is
known. He had a wife and one son. His wife was a
plain homely person, but possessed of considerable mechan-
ical ability, and we are told that she used several in-
genious contrivances in her ordinary household work. It
may have been that Chu was helped in his wonderful plans
and schemes by his wife more than the historians care
to state.

It has been already stated that Chu Ko Liang showed
literary ability as a young man in the writing of verses
and songs. He also wrote a treatise on what is known
as the Pa Chen, a system of marshalling in divisions, each
consisting of eight companies, arranged round one single

53 Chu Ko Liang

point. The Pa Chen is of very ancient origin, but it is
supposed to have been first turned to practical account by
our hero. Another book called the Book of the Heart is
also attributed to Chu Ko Liang, but on doubtful authority.
This work treats of the character and duties of a good
general, his relations with his officers and soldiers, and
also his relations with his ruler. These two books, with
official documents and letters, constitute the literary re-
mains of the famous commander.

Chu Ko Liang was given a posthumous title, that
of Chung Wu Hou, or the Loyal Military Marquis, and
after a lapse of years a tablet to his memory was placed
in the Temple of Confucius. This title shows the charac-
ter of Chu and explains the hold that he has obtained on
the hearts of the Chinese people. He was a man who, at
the call of duty, left his home to give his best to the
empire, and who, although possessing many defects of
character, was throughout his life a loyal and faithful
minister.

FA SHIEN AND SHUAN TSANG

THE BUDDHIST PILGRIMS.

E Chinese first became acquainted with the doctrines
of Buddha during the reign of the First Emperor.
In the year 216 B. C. an Indian priest, Shih Li
Fang, accompanied by seventeen others, arrived at the
capital of China. They were not well received, however ;
being foreigners, they were looked upon with suspicion and
were eventually thrown into prison. The story goes that
they were miraculously delivered from their confinement
by the advent of Buddha himself, and that the emperor
was so alarmed at the manifestation of that deity,
that he afterwards treated the visitors with great respect.
No more is heard of these strangers, however ; they
probably quickly departed, disgusted at their treatment.
In later years Buddhism was again heard of through
the medium of a Chinese envoy, Chang Chien, who had
been sent on a mission to the west and had been imprison-
ed for ten years amongst the Tartars. He returned to
China in 126 B. C. and reported the existence of such a
religion in the countries bordering on the region of his
imprisonment. It was not, however, till the first century of
the Christian era that Buddhism was really introduced
into the Chinese Empire. The emperor Ming Ti, of the
celebrated Han Dynasty, one night saw in a dream a
golden figure floating in a halo of light across the pavilion
where he was sleeping. He acquainted his councillors
with the fact, and they said that it must have been an
apparition of Buddha, the great western deity. Ming Ti,
anxious to know something of the new religion, despatched
an embassy of enquiry to India. After an absence of
eleven years the embassy returned to the capital, bringing
with them two Indian monks and a large number of books
and pictures. This was about the year 67 A. D. The

55 Fa Shien and Shuan Tsanij

monks were favourably received by the emperor, and they
settled down in the city to translate the books they had
brought and to propagate their faith. A temple was built
and copies of the pictures were used to adorn its walls, and
also the walls of the imperial palace. The emperor
accepted the teaching of the priests, and thus Buddhism
was officially introduced into China.

During the next few centuries many more missionaries
found their way from India, and making their home in
the Chinese Empire, laboured with great zeal to spread
abroad the doctrines they believed. They spent much
time in the translation of their own books into Chinese,
and before very long the religion of Buddha was perma-
nently established in the country.

By the end of the fourth century the new religion
had made great headway. It had its priesthood and its
endowed monasteries and possessed a voluminous litera-
ture. Owing, however, to the imperfect knowledge of the
Chinese language on the part of the translators, this litera-
ture was not satisfactory, and it was felt that correct copies
of Buddhist works were needed. A learned and skilful
priest was invited to the court of the Tsin Emperor to
revise the books already in existence, but in the meantime
the desire for true knowledge had laid hold of a young
Chinese Buddhist, who determined to seek for himself
correct copies of the literature containing the doctrines of
salvation. Fa Shien, the earnest-minded priest, set him-
self to brave the dangers of unknown regions in the search
for truth, and eventually accomplished one of the most
astonishing of pedestrian journeys ever undertaken by man.

Fa Shien was a native of the province ot Shansi.
His family name was Kung, but on entering the Buddhist
priesthood as a child, his name was altered, and he took
the name Fa Shien instead, being a religious designation
intended to show his connection with the Buddhist. la\v.
When he had grown to manhood's estate, he was ordained
into the order, and went to the city of Chang An to study

Fa Shien and Shuan Tsang 56

the religion he professed. It was here that he caitie to
realise the unsatisfactory condition of the religions books
already translated, and his desire for truth led him to
prepare for a visit to India, in the hope of securing correct
copies, and also with the idea of seeing something of the
region with which Biiddha's name was so intimately asso-
ciated. Since the time of Fa Shien's journey many
changes have taken place in the regions through which
he travelled, and it is not easy to describe in detail the
direct route he took ; some of the places mentioned in his
own account of his travels being to-day unidentified.
But the general direction of his journey is known, and
when one considers the distance traversed, the condition of
Asia at that time, one is compelled to a great admiration
for the man who possessed such a courage and such a
spirit of perseverance as to brave all dangers and overcome
all obstacles for the sake of what he considered to be the
truth.

Fa Shien did not set out alone from Chang An ; he
had with him four companions, named respectively Hui
King, Tao Ching, Hui Ying, and Hui Wu. The first
place of importance after leaving their home was Chang
Ye in the province of Kansuh. At this time the territory
was under the rule of an independent prince, who received
Fa Shien and his companions with favour on account of
their religious profession. He treated them with great
hospitality, and as the rainy season was about to com-
mence, begged them to stay with him until the roads
would be in a better condition for travel. There happe'n-
ed to be other religious pilgrims in the city at the time,
and so Fa Shien and his companions stayed until the
elements were more propitious. After a considerable time
the pilgrims moved forward, and after marching through a
long stretch of country arrived at the town Tun Wang in
Tangut on the borders of the terrible Gobi Desert. Here
Fa Shien and his companions stayed a month making
preparations for the crossing of the great tract of inhospi-

57 Fa Shien and Shuan Tsang

table country that lay ahead. The military governor at
this place proved very kind to the pilgrims and provided
them with many things necessary for the crossing of the
desert. When all preparations were complete, Fa Shien
and his four friends started on their journey, leaving
behind them the pilgrims with whom they had travelled
from Chang Ye. After a journey of seventeen days, in
which they had travelled five hundred miles, the little
company arrived at a place called Shen Shen, where they
remained a month in order to regain their strength, which
had been severely taxed in their march across the country.
At the end of the month the pilgrims once more set out
in a north-westerly direction, and after fifteen more days'
hard travel arrived at Wei. This territory was also under
the rule of an independent prince, and he, hearing of the
little band of religious enthusiasts, welcomed them and
provided them with things necessary for the remaining
part of the journey across the desert. He also provided
Fa Shien with a passport, which saved him and his com-
panions much trouble and unpleasantness on the road they
subsequently traversed.

From Wei the travellers pushed on across the worst
part of the great desert. For thirty-five days they endured
miseries almost beyond description. Fa Shien in his
account of his journey refers to the Gobi thus : "In this
desert there are a great many evil spirits and hot winds.
There are neither birds above nor beasts below. Gazing
on all sides, as far as the eye can reach, in order to
mark the track, it would be impossible to succeed but
for the rotting bones of dead men which point the way."
Through such a tract of land did the little company
travel, and at the end of five weeks reached Khoten more
dead than alive. Here, however, they found themselves
amongst friends. There was a Buddhist monastery already
established in the place and Fa Shien and his companions
found a home. After a long rest they purposed to push
on, but just at that time there was a special festival and

Fa Shien and Shuan Tsang 58

procession of images, and so the pilgrims waited a little
longer, and three months had passed before they were ready
again for the road.

The pilgrims had now been on their journey the
greater part of a year, but had not yet reached the borders
of the land of Buddha. Their stay at the monastery being
completed, Fa Shien and his friends once more set out
on their travels, and after other twenty-five days reached
Tsoti Ho. Here they stayed a fortnight and then directed
their course towards the great mountains of the Hindu
Kush, and after a journey of twenty-five days arrived at
Kartchou. After resting a short time in this town, Fa
Shien and his fellow-travellers started on their perilous
ascent of the passes of the Hindu Kush. All along the
journey they experienced great difficulties and were
often in danger of their lives. Although the winter had
passed, the snow greatly impeded their progress. They
had to negotiate steep crags and precipices, and literally
to cling to walls of rock ten thousand feet high. They
crossed rivers by means of rope bridges, a feat that
needed the steadiest of nerves, and in many ways
suffered a living death in their perilous progress towards
their destination. Finally, however, they crossed the great
range and found themselves in territory now known as
Afghanistan. They rested during the rainy season and
then pushed forward. They had not done with the mount-
ains, however, and an arduous journey was still before
them. Crossing the Khyber Range in the winter time
the cold was so excessive as to cause one of the little
company to give up in despair. He laid himself down
to die and besought Fa Shien and the others to continue
their journey. Fa Shien tried to restore and help his
comrade, but it was of no use, and the intrepid traveller
paid for his zeal with his life. The other four still con-
tinued on towards the south-east, and finally arrived at
Peshawur in North India. The hardships endured during
the crossing of the mountains proved too much for another

59 Fa Shien and Shuan Tsang

of the little company, and lie reached this town only to
die. Another of the band, after suffering such trials to
the flesh, had no heart to go further, and although he had
already accomplished the worst part of the journey he
refused to go on, but stayed in Peshawur, and eventually
made his way back to his native country. Fa Shien was,
however, determined to execute his mission, and his re-
maining companion, perhaps inspired by his courage and
earnestness, decided to continue the journey with him.
The two set out again and soon arrived at the town of
Bannu, after which they turned to the east, and in a few
more days crossed the river Indus and found themselves
in a country where the name of Buddha was specially
reverenced. The people of .the district were very much
affected at the thought of these strangers coming from
such a distance as the land of China, and they treated
them with the utmost kindness and hospitality. Through
this region the pilgrims travelled until they arrived at a
place called Sravatsi, a town where Buddha had spent
twenty-five years of his life. On arriving at the temple
at this place Fa Shien saw many other pilgrims from all
parts of the continent, and as he realised that all these
had come to worship at the shrine of the great one,
who had lived in this very town, he was affected almost
to tears. The priests there noted his sadness and said
to him: "From what country are you?" Fa Shien
replied: "From the land of Han." The priests were
astonished and exclaimed "Wonderful! to think that
men from the remotest corner of the earth should come
so far as this from a desire to search for the L,aw", and
they added that they had never known Chinese come so
far before.

Now that Fa Shien was in the land to which his
thoughts had often turned, he made it his object to visit
every place and see everything that was at all associated
with the name of Buddha. He with his companion wander-
ed many a weary mile in order to gain all the knowledge

Fa Shien and Shuan Tsang 60

he could of the being he worshipped, and also in the
hope of finding the literary treasures that had lured him
onwards from the very commencement of his travels.
The two visited Kapilavastu, the birth-place of Buddha,
then turned towards the south, and after a circuitous
journey, covering a great extent of time, arrived at
Patna. It is impossible in a short sketch like this to
give in detail the itinerary of the travellers, but a short
paragraph from Fa Shien's own account will show the
nature of their wanderings. He says: "The pilgrims
now arrived at the city of Gaya, also a complete waste
within its walls. Journeying about three more miles
southwards, they reached the place where the Bodhisatva
formerly passed six years in self - mortification. It is
very woody. From this point going west a mile they
arrived at the spot where Buddha entered the water to
bathe, and a god pressed down the branch of a tree to
pull him out of the pool. Also, by going two-thirds
of a mile further north they reached the place where
the two lay-sisters presented Buddha with congee made
with milk. Two-thirds of a mile to the north of this
is the place where Buddha, sitting on a stone under a
great tree, and facing the east, ate it. The tree and the
stone are both there still ; the latter being about six
feet in length and breadth by over two feet in height.
.... From this point going north-east half a yojana,
the pilgrims arrived at the cave where the Bodhisatva,
having entered, sat down cross-legged with his face to
the west and reflected as follows: 'If I attain perfect
wisdom, there should be some miracle in token thereof.
Whereupon the silhouette of Buddha appeared upon the
stone, over three feet in length, and is plainly visible
to this day."

The above extract shows with what zeal and earnest-
ness Fa Shien and his companion travelled here and there
so that they should miss nothing that in any way contrib-
uted to the fame and worship of the great deity, whose

6 1 Fa Shien and Shuan Tsang

name was held in such reverence. When they arrived in
Patna, they had covered hundreds of miles, and had wit-
nessed many sights, the remembrance of which would be
ever present with such a devoted follower as the young
Chinese priest.

Up to this time Fa Shien had not been able to pro-
cure the copies of the books he sought, but here at last
in Patna his search was rewarded. He found in the
monastery the scriptures he had so longed to see, and set
to work at once to copy out the strange looking characters.
He settled down there to learn Sanscrit, and for the next
three years his time was given up to that object. At the
end of this period lie turned his thoughts once more
towards his native land and made preparations for his
return journey. His companion having become greatly
enamoured of the life in the monastery, determined to
remain, and so Fa Shien set out alone. He did not make
his way back to north India, but travelled in a south-
easterly direction until he came to a place called Tambuc,
near the mouth of the Hooghly River. Here Fa Shien for
some reason or other stayed two years and then finally
embarked on a vessel for Ceylon.

This island is described by the traveller as follows.
He says : " This country had originally no inhabitants;
only devils and spirits and dragons lived in it, with whom
the merchants of neighbouring countries came to trade.
When the exchange of commodities took place, the devils
and spirits did not appear in person, but set out their
valuables with the prices attached. Then the merchants
according to the prices bought the things and carried
them off. But from the merchants going backwards and
forwards and stopping on their way, the attractions of the
place became known to the inhabitants of the neighbour-
ing. countries, who also went there, and thus it became
a great nation. The temperature is very agreeable in
this country ; there is no distinction of summer and
winter. The trees and plants arc always green and cultiva-

Fa Shien and Shuan Tsang 62

tion of the soil is carried on as men please, without
regard to seasons."

When Fa Shien arrived in Ceylon he had been many
years away from his native land of China. He was alone ;
his companions having either died or left him. There is no
doubt that he felt all the sorrow and anguish of the exile,
and many a time his thoughts turned to the old home and
to the land of his fathers. In his travels we are given a
picture which is full of pathos, and serves to bring the
earnest pilgrim nearer to us as we realise that he was a
man of like passions as ourselves. He had visited a temple
in Ceylon, and whilst standing by the image of Buddha, he
saw a man present a Chinese fan to the god. The sight of
the familiar article was too much for the wanderer, and he
wept as he thought of the land of his birth and his present
circumstances. Fa Shien, however, did not allow such
feelings to hinder him in his mission, and he stayed two
years in the island, during which time he procured several
precious literary treasures. At the end of that period,
with his books and manuscripts and other precious relics
he embarked on a vessel bound for the east. All went
well for some time and then a terrible storm arose, and
much of the cargo of the ship had to be thrown over-
board. Fa Shien, terrified lest his books and documents
would have to go, threw away all his personal belongings
and prayed vehemently that the storm might abate. For
thirteen days the little vessel was tossed in the tempest,
and her timbers were so strained that she sprung a leak.
The mariners, however, managed to get ashore on a small
island, and there they repaired the ship, after which they
continued their journey, arriving eventually at the island
of Java. Here Fa Shien spent five months and then again
embarked for his native shores. For a month the voyage
was an enjoyable and a favourable one, but at the end of that
time trouble overtook iiim once more. A squall arose and
the ship was in danger of sinking. This was followed by
a series of storms, and the crew thinking: that Fa Shien was

63 Fa Shien and Shuan Tsang

a sort of Jonah, determined to put him ashore at the first
opportunity. They were now sailing along the coast of
China, but as the territory was comparatively unknown to
the mariners they were afraid to land. Fa Shien found
a friend in the pilot, who spoke in his favour, and he was
allowed to remain in peace. Still the storms continued
and the ship was drifted day after day until she had reached
the Shantung Promontory in the Yellow Sea. No one on
the ship knew their whereabouts, but seeing men on shore
the sailors effected a landing at a place near to the present
Kiao Chou. The strangers were treated well, and the
ruler of the district carried Fa Shien with his books and
relics to his seat of government at Ching Chou. The priest
stayed in this town during the winter and the following
summer, after which he went to Nanking and then started
on his homeward journey, reaching Chang An in 415
A. D. after being away from his country for a period of
fifteen years. The remainder of his life was spent in
peace in the monastery at Chang An, where with a friend
he occupied himself in editing his books and writing an
account of his adventurous journey.

The travels of Fa Shien have been made known to
the western world through the labours of more than one
scholarly Chinese missionary, and the account is of great
interest. But the character of the young Chinese priest
specially calls forth admiration and esteem. For the sake of
what he considered to be the truth, he braved all dangers
and suffered many hardships, and has thus left a name
that has been handed down through many centuries of
Chinese history.

Some two hundred years after Fa Shien' s visit to
India, Buddhism had become very influential in the Chi-
nese empire, in fact it had acquired, in spite of persecution
and opposition, what has since proved to be a lasting hold
on the minds of the Chinese people. Numerous monas-
teries and temples had been built, and the priesthood com-
prised a considerable number drawn from the masses of

Fa Shien and Shuan Tsang 64

the population. It was at this time that another young
and earnest follower of Buddha conceived the idea of
visiting India in order to procure more copies of religious
works and also to see the holy places connected with
his religion. The name of Shuan Tsang is famous in
Chinese Buddhist history, and the record of his journey
serves to show the courage and earnestness of a man
who, like his predecessor Fa Shien braved all dangers
and overcame all obstacles in the accomplishment of his
purpose.

Shuan Tsang was born in the province of Honan in
the year 602 A.D. He showed himself in childhood to be
of a grave and studious nature, and it may have been
this characteristic that led his elder brother, who was a
monk in the monastery at Loyang, to take charge of him
and teach him. The influence of his guardian was soon
manifested, and Shuan Tsang, whose original name was
Chen I, became a priest at the age of twenty. For some
years after his ordination he travelled about the country
visiting different monasteries, and finally settled at the
city of Chang An, with which Fa Shien had been as-
sociated. On account of his studious habits he soon be-
came noted as a scholar, and the fame of his learning
spread throughout the district. Some time after his settle-
ment at Chang An an irresistible desire took possession of
him to visit the sources of Buddhist literature in India.
He earnestly sought to understand the philosophy of his
religion, and in order to do so wished to acquaint himself
with all the books written upon the subject. Accordingly
in the year 629, during the reign of the great Tai Tsung,
he started on his solitary journey to brave the dangers of
the desert and the mountains. He reached Liang Chou,
the north-west extremity of China proper, and eluding
the officers at the frontier, who were then forbidden to
allow emigrants to pass, struck off into the terrible Gobi
Desert, where Fa Shien and his companions had suffered
so much before. He fared no better than his predecessor,

65 Fa Shien and Shuan Tsang

and would probably have succumbed, had it not been for
occasional help at long intervals from the small garrisons
stationed in the towers along the track of the desert.
After great privation and suffering he eventually reached
Hanii, then the capital of a Turkish principality, where
he was able to rest and recuperate after the terrible journey.
Setting out again, he journeyed along the southern side
of the Mountains of Heaven, then crossed the great tract
of land to the Hindu Kush and ascended these mountains.
Here he was face to face with great dangers, but he man-
aged to cross and finally arrived at Peshavvur in North India.
Now that he was in the country of Buddha, he spent much
time in the district round about Peshawur, then after a
while crossed the Indus and eventually settled down in the
valley of Cashmere, where he spent two years studying in
the convents and visiting the monuments and relics of the
Buddhist religion. At the end of this period he started off
to visit the famous sites of Buddhist history and tradition,
wandering over large tracts of country in the pursuit of his
mission. He finally arrived at tlve -college of Nalanda,
the most famous seat -of Buddhist learning in India, a
place resplendent with the gifts of monarchs and religious-
minded potentates. Shuan Tsang stayed in this monastery
for two years studying Sanscrit and Buddhist philosophy.
After leaving this place of learning, he once more wan-
dered about, visiting shrines and temples and collecting
images and relics, and then started on his homeward
journey. Unlike Fa Shien, he retraced his steps, and
passing again through north India, crossed the Pamir
plateau, and journeying through -Kashgar and Khoten,
finally arrived on the borders of his own country after an
absence of about fifteen years. He reached his home in
Chang An in the year 645 A.I).

When Shuan Tsang returned, the emperor Tai Tsung
was still reigning, and we are told that this monarch
summoned the traveller to the capital to answer for his
conduct in leaving the country without permission. Shuau

Fa Shien and Shuan Tsang 66

Tsang's apology was presented in a substantial form and is
described as follows : " Twenty-two horses carry ing 657 Bud-
dhist works, 115 grains of relics, a gold statue of Buddha
three feet three inches high, with transparent pedestal,
a second, three feet five inches high, and many others of
silver and sandal-wood." The emperor evidently satisfied
at the result of Shuan Tsang's mission requested him to
write a full account of his travels and at the same time
leave the seclusion of the monastery and serve the state.
This latter Shuan Tsang declined to do, but he devoted
the remaining years of his life to the editing of his books
and to the writing of an account of his journey. He died
in the year 664. It is said that on the approach of death
he caused one of his disciples to frame a catalogue of his
good works, of the books that he had translated or caused
to be translated, of the sacred pictures executed at his
dost, of his alms, of the living creatures ransomed from
death. This is of course in accordance with the doctrine
of merit that he and his co-religionists believed, but it
lends a pathos to the scene of a mortal man passing into
the Great Unknown, happy and satisfied in the accom-
plishment of his own good deeds and with no fear for
the future. "When Kia Shang (the disciple) had ended
writing this list, the master ordered him to read it
aloud. After hearing it, the devotees clasped their hands
and showered their felicitations on him." Thus passed
away Shuan Tsang the great Buddhist traveller and
enthusiast.

A review of Dr. Legge's translation of Fa Shien's
Travels, which appeared in the Indian Antiquary, is worth
quoting here, as the writer seems to have had the same
admiration for the Buddhist pilgrims as is manifested in
this short account. He says: "The visits to India, paid in
the early centuries of the Christian era by eager Chinese
pilgrims are most interesting historical events. They
stand out to great advantage from the mass of myths and
legends which do duty as Hindu history. The spirit

67 Fa Shien and Shuan Tsan#

which drove these restless monks, the Luthers of an earlier
Reformation, to seek truth at the cradle of their faith,
preserved the records they left behind them from taint of
fable and exaggeration ; and the result is in many respects
a trustworthy tale. Nor are those elements wanting
which might move us to deeper feeling than a mere pass-
ing interest. When we consider what a journey from
China to India by way of Central Asia means even in these
days, we may well be moved to admiration by the devo-
tion, the zeal and the fortitude which must have inspired
a humble traveller to venture on such a journey fourteen
centuries ago."

LI SHIH MIN

OR
THE EMPEROR TAI TSUNG.

'HE sixth century of the Christian era was a period of
strife and disunion in China. No less than three
dynasties rose and fell; the last one, however, giving
place to one of the most famous of Chinese dynasties, that
of the Tang, which lasted for nearly three hundred years,
and which left an indelible mark on the national life of
the people.

The end of the House of Sui and the rise of the
Tangs, was brought abont by the rebellion of a general
named Li Yuan, a descendant of the Liangs, who possess-
ed the title Prince of Tang. This man was successful in
carrying out his plans, and in a very short time found him-
self master of the empire. In the year 618 A.D., Li Yuan
proclaimed himself Emperor of China, under the title of
Wu Te.

Although Li Yuan was the nominal founder of this
new dynasty, the establishment of the House of Tang was
in reality owing to the prowess and ability of his second son
Li Shih-min. Born in 597, Shih Min was a young man of
twenty when his father first overthrew the authority of the
reigning prince. He was a soldier, courageous and energetic,
and throwing himself heart and soul into his father's cause,
he was the principal means of the success of the movement
which placed Li Yuan on the throne. After his father's acces-
sion, Shih Min took an active part in subduing the enemies
of the new house, and by his military power and tactics,
succeeded in firmly establishing the rule of the Tangs.
In 621, three years after his father's occupation of the
throne, he was nominated to the specially created post of
Chief Guardian of the Empire, a position tor which he

69 Li Shih Min

was peculiarly fitted. Whilst Wn Te was in the capital
reorganising the administration of government, Shih Min
was crushing his father's rivals and subduing the prov-
inces to the new authority. He proved himself more
and more a great soldier and a wise and able commander
by the rapidity of his successes. At the head of a chosen
band of cuirassiers, carrying black tiger skins, he by his
dashing fearlessness often turned the tide of battle, which
resulted in complete victory for his troops.

In a few years the task assigned to him was accom-
plished. The empire was pacified to an extent that had
not been the case for centuries, and Shih Min returned to
the capital in triumph. His entry into Chang An reminds
one very much of the triumphant displays of the Roman
emperors after their campaigns. Surrounded by his chosen
body guard, and followed by forty thousand cavalry, Shih
Min, wearing a breastplate of gold, rode through the
streets of the capital, accompanied by some of his most
notable prisoners, and returned thanks publicly in the
ancestral temple for a glorious success to his arms.

But Shih Min's success was not all owing to his
ability and prowess as a soldier. He was of a generous
disposition, humane in his dealings with his enemies, and
his moderation and kindliness during his campaigns had
won ' for him the hearts of the people, and when he
returned to the capital, it was amidst the acclamations of
thousands who recognised in him a true prince of the realm.
His popularity, however, roused the envy of his elder
brother, the heir-apparent, who was successful in poison-
ing the ears of Wu Te and the leading ministers, and
Shih Min, disgraced, for a time withdrew from the court.
This downfall was not sufficient for the elder brother, who
determined not to rest until the young favourite was out
of the way entirely. He accordingly conspired with a
younger brother to kill Shih Min, but the plot failed and
the conspirators were discovered. No mercy was shown
on this occasion, and the heir-apparent, with others who

Li Shih Min 70

were partners in his guilt, were all executed. Shih Min
was then finally proclaimed the true heir to the throne.

Almost immediately after this, Wn Te abdicated in
favour of his son, and in the year 627, Shih Min ascended
the throne, taking the title of Cheng Kuan. No doubt
Wu Te's action was owing to the plot that had been re-
vealed, but the official statement as to his reason for retir-
ing from the administration of government, was founded
on the fact of his old age and his desire for peace and
quiet. Wu Te, or as he is better known as Kao Tsu,
survived his abdication nine years, dying in the year 635.

Li Shih-min, on his accession, took the title of Cheng
Kuan, but he is better known by the name of Tai Tsung,
the name by which he was canonised in the ancestral
temple after his death. The glories of his reign were such
as to render the title a famous one in Chinese history, and
Tai Tsung is remembered as one of the greatest monarchs
that ever sat on the Dragon Throne.

The first achievement of the new emperor was a diplc*-
matic victory over the Tartars. These people had, from
time immemorial, been a source of great trouble to the
Chinese. Under different names, they had for centuries
crossed the border and harassed the peaceable peasants,
and each successive dynasty had endeavoured in vain to
check their ravages and secure a permanent peace for its
subjects. During the period of which we write, the
Turcoman power had risen, and these Tartar ancestors of
the modern Turk had extended their authority even into
Chinese territory. Tai Tsung during his father's occupa-
tion of the throne, had contended with this power and had
made a treaty with them. In the first year of his reign the
treaty was broken and the Turcomans invaded the empire,
carrying all before them almost to the gates of the capital.
The Chinese army was not able to drive back the invaders,
and Tai Tsung had to resort to diplomatic measures to
secure a peace. The Turcomans were bought over, and
they returned to their territory friends instead of enemies.

7i Li Shih Min

This was the first and last time, however, that Tai
Tsung resorted to such measures. Once the empire was
clear of the Turcomans, he set himself to make the nation
of which he was the head, a greater power than ever it
had been before. He tried to revive the spirit of patriotism
and gave the people to see that they had united interests
and that the way to withstand all enemies was to present
a united front. His military experiences had showed him
that the armies he had led were not as well disciplined
and equipped as they should be, and his first great reform
was in this direction. His treaties with the Turcomans
were humiliating, and he determined to be in the position
of one who should dictate and not accept terms of peace.

For a long time the Chinese armies had been bodies of
undisciplined men, owing their successes almost entirely to
their numbers. During the period of disunion, things had
gone from bad to worse, and more than one emperor had
endeavoured to recruit his troops from the Tartar tribes.
Mercenaries have always proved a dangerous factor in the
life of nations, and Tai Tsung knowing this, determined
to train his own men and gather together a standing army
that should be efficient in all kinds of warfare. He ac-
cordingly raised an army of 900,000 men and divided it
into three equal classes of regiments. The total number
of regiments was 895, of which some six hundred were
for home and the rest for foreign service. By this means
he secured a supply of capable soldiers, who after regular
drill and careful training, were well fitted to uphold the
authority of their emperor. He also improved the weapons
of warfare. The pike was lengthened and a stronger
bow was supplied, and many of the troops wore armour.
He paid special attention to the cavalry, a branch of
warfare that has never been much used in China. Tai
Tsung took pains to train his officers and led the way
in the practice of all kinds of military manoeuvres. He
spent much time amongst the archers and was himself
very skilful in the use of the bow. Many of the civil

Li Shih Min 72

mandarins were offended at the amount of time and atten-
tion paid by Tai Tsung to military matters, and considered
that he was degrading his position as ruler of a people
who had always given first place to literature and learn-
ing, but Tai Tsung' s unwavering perseverance in his own
path only shows the moral courage of which he was
possessed. He instituted a Tribunal of War to which he
entrusted the supreme direction of military matters. Tai
Tsung's efforts in the direction of military reform were
justified by the results. After a considerable amount of
training the armies he had gathered, were ready for the
field, and he started on a series of campaigns that were
continued throughout his whole life. With regard to the
Tartar tribes he found that his method was of more value
than the erecting of gieat walls such as had distinguished
the reign of the First Emperor.

The peace that Tai Tsung had made with the Turco-
mans did not remain long unbroken. These ambitious
tribes gathered together and made plans for the invasion
of the Chinese empire. Before these plans were complete,
however, Tai Tsung surprised them by marching at the
head of a large army into their territory. The Turcomans
were not prepared for this movement and the majority
of them made little resistance ; several of the khans sur-
rendering at once. At a general assembly of conquerors
and conquered, Tai Tsung proclaimed himself as the
supreme ruler of the tribes beyond the Chinese border,
taking the title of Tien Khan, the Celestial Chief. This
was the first occasion on which a Chinese ruler undertook
the task of governing the peoples beyond his frontier, and to
the present day, owing to the successes of later emperors,
these tribes are still subject to the same authority. This
rapid movement on the part of Tai Tsung into the territory
of the Turcomans, ensured his success and brought tran-
quillity to his empire. • With a formidable army on which
to rely he felt master of the situation, and accordingly
extended his authority into the region known as Kashgaria,

73 1-i Shih Min

which he for the first time formed into a Chinese province.
Some of his influential ministers opposed this policy, but
Tai Tsung was not to be turned from his own schemes
and had his own way in the matter. Kis ambition was
not satisfied, however, and he extended his authority west-
wards until the bounds of his empire reached the Caspian
Sea and the borders of Persia.

The subjugation of the Tartars meant peace for China,
and Tai Tsung, when opportunity served, began a series of
reforms in the empire. He divided his territory into ten
provinces, each having sub-divisions. He reformed the
Civil and Penal Codes and secured a better administration
of government on the part of the officials. He sent com-
missioners into all parts of the country to inquire openly
into the conduct of the mandarins, so that justice might
be done to the people and bribery and corruption stopped.
With regard to the latter he deemed it punishable with
death and gave his orders accordingly. He improved the
condition of the lower classes of the people, lessened the
taxes, and in every way sought their welfare. He seems
to have gained a true conception of his responsibility as a
ruler. Said he : "I look upon myself in my empire as a
father in his family. I love my subjects as my children.
An emperor who oppresses the people to enrich himself
is like a man who cuts off his own flesh to satisfy the
cravings of hunger. These may be satisfied, but in a
short time his whole body must perish." He had afar
more sensible view of the relations of ruler and subjects
than has often been present in the minds of Kuropean
potentates. One clay, whilst out in a pleasure boat with
his family he said : " You see my children that the boat is
supported by the water, which can at any time overwhelm
it when aroused. Consider that the people resemble the
water, the Imperial State, the boat." His treatment of
his officers and the magistrates in the empire also shows
his wisdom and nobility of character. On one occasion
being advised to use unworthy methods of finding out the

Li Shih Min 74

faults and sins of some of his officials he replied : "This
plan would doubtless be effectual, but if a sovereign uses

o

deceit with his great men, can he exact uprightness
from them ? The fountain must be pure that the stream
may be pure also. I would rather be ignorant of the
evil that exists than discover it by oblique and unworthy
means."

His popularity as a soldier before his accession had
been largely owing to his humaneness and kindness of
heart, and these qualities were shown when he had the
government of the empire. He dealt in mercy and won
the hearts of his subjects by his abstention from cruel and
bloody punishments. It is said that on one occasion he
allowed a number of prisoners, who were under the death
sentence, to return to their homes during the New Year
festivities on condition that they returned to their fate at a
stated time. According to promise, these criminals all
returned, and Tai Tsung was so pleased that he restored
them all to liberty, giving them a free pardon.

Whilst a warrior of the first order, Tai Tsung was also
a scholar, and during his reign he paid much attention to
the claims of learning. He encouraged literature and art,
establishing schools and colleges and providing the means
of study. Close by his palace, in the capital, he built a
great library, in which he placed 200,000 volumes of works
he had collected. He was an enthusiastic disciple of Con-
fucius and was very fond of holding discussions on the
words of the sage with his ministers and the leading
scholars of the capital. To him is attributed the saying,
"Confucius is for the Chinese what the water is for the
fishes". He ordered a complete and accurate edition of
all the classics to be published under the supervision of
the most learned men of the time. He also established a
system of literary examinations by whiph the successful
competitors were qualified to hold office, but whether he
is to be considered the originator of the Chinese examina-
tion system is a moot point.

75 Li Shih Min

During the first portion of his reign Tai Tsung was
greatly helped and influenced by his wife, the empress.
She was a woman of rare goodness and ability, and set
a shining example of virtue to her court. She was also
a patron of letters, and it is said that the majority of Tai
Tsnng's literary and scholastic efforts and reforms were
really due to her. She was the best adviser the emperor
had, and some consider that after her death the glory of
Tai Tsuii»'s reign began to diminish. She no doubt
contributed to the treatise known as the " Golden Mirror",
a work on the art of government that is attributed to the
pen of the emperor.

We have just seen that Tai Tsung was an earnest
disciple of Confucius and did much to encourage the study
of his teaching. We also read in a previous chapter that
he received the Buddhist priest Shnan Tsang, requesting
him to write concerning his faith and his travels and
offering him a position in the empire. This leads us to
remark the interest he took in religion and the toleration
he showed, for it was during his reign that Nestorian
Christians arrived in China and were well received, being
given every opportunity to promulgate their doctrines.
This may not have been the first occasion on which the
Nestorians reached the Chinese empire, for there is evi-
dence to lead to the belief that early in the sixth century
they made their way thither. But the arrival of these
Christians in the reign of Tai Tsung is attested by the
celebrated stone known as the Xestorian Tablet. This
stone was discovered in the year 1625 by some Chinese
workmen who were engaged in digging a foundation for
a house outside the walls of the city of Si An, the ancient
capital. It is a dark coloured marble tablet, some ten
feet high and five broad, and bearing on one side an
inscription in Chinese and also Syriac characters. An
interpretation of the inscription showed that Christianity
had made considerable progress in China during the seventh
century, and that its success was largely owing to the

Li Shih Min 76

toleration and interest of the emperor Tai Tsung. The
following extract from the inscription will show this : "In
the reign of the civil emperor Tai Tsnng, the illustrious
and sacred enlarger (of the Tang Dynasty), there was in
Ta Chin (Jndea or the Roman Empire) a man of superior
virtue called Olopun who, guided by the azure clouds,
bearing the true Scriptures, and observing the laws of
the winds, made his way through dangers and difficulties.
In the year 636 A.D., he arrived at Chang An. The
emperor instructed his minister Fang Shuen-ling to take
the imperial sceptre and go out to the western suburbs,
receive the guest, and conduct him into the palace. The
Scriptures were translated in the library of the palace.
The emperor, in his private apartments, made inquiry
regarding the religion ; and fully satisfied that it was
correct and true, he gave special commands for its pro-
mulgation."

The edict, bearing date, Cheng Kuan (the reigning
title of Tai Tsung) i2th year, yth month (639 A. D.), runs
thus: "Religion is without an invariable name. Saints
are without any permanent body. In whatever region
they are they give instruction and privately succour tne
living multitudes. Olopun, a man of great virtue, belong-
ing to the kingdom of Ta Chin, bringing the Scriptures
and images from afar, has come and presented them at
our capital.

"On examining the meaning of his instruction, it is
found to be pure, mysterious, and separate from the world.
On observing its origin, it is seen to have been instituted
as that which is essential to mankind. Its language is
simple, its reasonings are attractive, and to the human
race it is beneficial. As is right, let it be promulgated
throughout the empire. Let the appropriate Board build
a Ta Chin temple in the quarter named I Xing of the
imperial city and appoint thereto twenty-one priests.

" The power of the illustrious Chou dynasty having
fallen, the green car having ascended westward, the re-

77 Li Shih Min

ligion of the great Tang family became resplendent, and
the illustrious spirit found its way eastward. The appro-
priate officers were instructed to take a faithful likeness of
the emperor, and place it on the wall of the temple. The
celestial figure shone in its bright colours, and its lustre
irradiated the illustrious portals. The sacred lineaments
spread felicity all around and perpetually illuminated the
indoctrinated regions."

Thus the stone which had been erected in 781 A.D.
to describe the progress of the Gospel, and which had
disappeared until two hundred years ago, bears testimony
to the welcome given by Tai Tsung to the priests of the
west and his efforts to promulgate the doctrines of Chris-
tianity.

The reign of Tai Tsung, however, is chiefly noted
for its military successes, which brought the Chinese
Empire into distinction amongst the nations of Asia. As
a scholar the emperor was lauded by the literati, as a
humane and beneficient ruler he has his place in the
hearts of the people even to the present day, but his
military achievements made the empire of which he was
the head, famous even in the courts of Europe. \Ve have
seen how he extended his authority to the borders of
Persia, subduing the tribes of the intervening territory.
Persia itself became allied to China, and the relations
between the emperors of the respective countries were
cordial. In 644 A.D., Ixdegerd III, reduced to extrem-
ity on account of the victories of the Mussulmans, sent to
solicit the aid of Tai Tsung, and after his death and
the conquest of Persia, his son Peroses succeeded in escap-
ing to the Chinese emperor's court. In Europe the
Greek emperor Theodosius heard of the fame of Tai Tsung
and sent an embassy with magnificent presents of rubies
and emeralds.

The conquest of Thibet was one of the achievements
of Tai Tsung which added glory to his reign. During
his occupation of the throne of China the Thibetans, or

Li Shih Min 78

Turfans as they were then called, had come under the
power of a chief called the Shan Pu, or brave lord, who
had made himself supreme in the country. They were
at that time a rude and unlettered people, little better than
savages, but under the influence and leadership of this
chief they sought for fields of conquest. It is said that
they crossed the Himalayas and carried their arms into
India with success. The Shan Pu, desiring to form an
alliance with a Chinese princess, sent envoys to Tai Tsung.
That emperor received the embassy cordially and gave
them many presents, but sent them back without acceding
to the request of the Thibetan chief. The Shan Pu seems to
have interpreted this refusal as an insult, and declared war
against China. Tai Tsung was soon in the field, and the
Shan Pu was defeated in his first battle. He purchased
peace by the gift of five thousand ounces of gold and the
acknowledgment of his vassalage to China. With this
the whole country came under the suzerainty of the
Chinese Empire. The Thibetan chief realising the super-
iority of his conquerors in all phases of civil and military
life, adopted Chinese institutions, which so pleased Tai
Tsung that he gave him one of his own daughters to wife.
During the rest of the reign of the emperor there was
no more trouble with Thibet, and the soldiers of that
country seem to have acted as allies with the Chinese
armies in the invasion of India. In the year 648 we
find that one of Tai Tsung' s generals, with an army
comprising Thibetans and Nepaulese, as well as Chinese,
penetrated to Magadha, the capital of Central India, and
took the city.

During the later years of his reign Tai Tsung endeav-
oured to subdue the three kingdoms which at that time
constituted the country of Corea. Some writers tell us
that he for the first time in Chinese history effectively
conquered this territory, but this does not appear at all
evident. Up to Tai Tsung' s time many attempts had
been made to bring Corea into subjection, but they had all

79 Li Shih Min

failed. This emperor, desirous of increasing his glory,'
called upon the ruler of the three kingdoms to pay tribute
to China and thus acknowledge himself as a vassal. The
ruler at this time was a noble who had killed his sovereign
and had usurped the throne and he sent a defiant reply to the
command of Tai Tsung. The Chinese emperor at once
sent a large army in the direction of the Corean territory,
and the ruler becoming alarmed, hastened to acknowledge
his allegiance to the throne and sent tribute. Tai Tsung,
however, would not accept his submission. It may be that
he considered him a regicide and worthy of punishment, for
instead of receiving the tribute he sent it back and intimated
his intention of prosecuting war. This was a mistake on
Tai Tsung's part, for the Corean ruler proved a determined
foe. In the first campaign the Chinese army was success-
ful, though they purchased their victories at a very heavy
cost of life. The second campaign resolved itself into the
siege of An Shih, a town near the Yalu River, which
proved unsuccessful. The Corean troops in the open
country were defeated, but the Chinese could not take the
town. Winter came on and supplies failed, and Tai
Tsung was obliged to raise the siege and return to his own
country. Soon after this he made preparations for another
campaign, but his death occurred before they were com-
pleted.

Tai Tsung died in 650 A.D. at the age of 53, having
occupied the throne for twenty-three years. His son suc-
ceeded him, taking the title of Yung Hui, but he is better
known in history by his posthumous title of Kao Tsung.
Chinese historians tell us that on the death of the great
ruler, several of his generals wished to commit suicide at
his bier, and that representatives of tributary nations cut
off their hair and sprinkled his grave with their blood.
On every side there was great mourning, as the empire,
from the highest ministers to the meanest subjects, realised
its loss. Tai Tsung had proved himself a noble and
worthy successor of the ancient kings, and his people

Li Shih Min

80

cherished his memory with affection. After the lapse of
centuries his name still commands the respect and love of
the Chinese nation.

Tai Tsung was the real founder and inaugurator of a
dynasty that lasted for nearly three hundred years, cover-
ing a period that has since been looked upon as one of the
most glorious in the history of the Chinese empire. As an
evidence of this it is only necessary to refer to the fact that
one of the names by which the Chinese still call them-
selves is "The Men of Tang".

LI TAI PEH AND TU FU

CHINA'S GREATEST POETS.

K period covered by the Tang Dynasty is one of the
most glorious in Chinese history, not merely because
of its military achievements, its pomp and power, but
because literature, encouraged and fostered by the rulers,
flourished as it had never done before. This period has
been well described as the Augustan age of Chinese litera-
ture. Poets, essayists, historians produced works that by
common consent are acknowledged as having reached the
high water mark of literary achievement and skill. In
this realm of letters, however, poetry takes first place, and
the name of the dynasty will ever be associated with the
best productions of Chinese song, which have been handed
down as finished models for future poets of all generations.
It was during these days of romance that China's
greatest poets, Li Tai Peh and Tu Fu, lived. Possessed of
rare abilities, they attracted the attention of the court, and
many of their finest poems were produced amidst scenes of
revelry and extravagance that characterised the Imperial
sway. Both these men lived and died ignominiously,
partly the result of their surroundings, but their work, the
outcome of genius, lives, and to-day they are remembered
with pride as the great bards of the Chinese nation.

Li Tai Peh was born in 705 A.D. He was a native
of the province of Ssuchnan and supposed to be of Imperial
descent. Before his birth his mother dreamt about the
planet Venus, known as Tai Peh or the Exceedingly
Bright, hence his name, and his comely appearance as a
lad bore out the suggestions conveyed by the appearance
of the beautiful evening star. At the age often he was
able to read the classics and histories, was noted for his
ability to converse on almost any subject, and had already

Li Tai Peh and Tu Fu 82

become famous on account of his poetical genius. As
time went on he showed more and more his ability in
versification and his love for letters, caring for nothing but
his books, and unfortunately indulging freely in the wine
cup. He styled himself the "Retired Scholar of the Blue
Lotus", but on account of his precocity he was considered
by others as an "Exiled immortal"; his genius and
poetical fancy being so uncommon even in the romantic
world of their time.

As a young man, Li developed a taste for adventure,
and being an expert swordsman, he took to wandering
about the country, giving full play to his passions and
wild desires. The love of wine grew stronger in him, and
he seems to have given himself entirely up to its influence,
living a wild Bohemian life, with scarcely a higher desire
than to indulge to his heart's content in strong drink.
Falling in with some literary companions he retired with
them to the mountains, where they spent their time in the
discussion of poetry and the imbibing of their favourite
beverage. This clique of scholars called themselves " The
Six Idlers of the Bamboo Grove ".

Li, however, did not remain with his boon companions
very long. Hearing of a special quality of wine in a town
some three hundred miles distant, he left his seclusion and
wended his way thither in the hope of a carouse, and it
was in this town that the first link in the chain of events
that brought him into Imperial favour was forged. Sing-
ing one day in a tavern he was heard by a military
commander who happened to be near, and who was so
charmed with the song that he sent to enquire the poet's
name. Li, ever ready for company, soon made himself
friendly with the commander, and the result was that he
found a home under the soldier's roof. The commander
was charmed with his protege, and realising that his
attainments were of no mean order, strongly advised Li to
go to the capital, Chang An, and compete for literary
honours, expressing his opinion that he had every chance

83 Li Tai Peh and Tu Fu

of success. Li took the 'advice and set off for the capital,
and had not been in that city long before his powers as a
poet and singer had attracted attention.

In Chang An, Li became acquainted with one of the
great scholars connected with the newly-founded Hanlin
Academy, Ho Chih-chang by name. This gentleman
being struck with Li's personality and poetic genius,
invited him one night to an inn, where they discussed
literary questions and quaffed goblet after goblet of wine
until the day broke. After this carouse,' Ho was more than
ever charmed with his companion, and accordingly carried
Li off to his own house, where the two soon became well
acquainted and spent their time day by day making verses
and poetical couplets, and of course making free with
the beverage that seemed indispensable at least to the
great poet. The friendship that grew up between these
two men was real and lasting, and Li owed much of his
success in later life to the kindly offices of his patron Ho.

When Li had become permanently established in the
home of Ho Chih-chang, he expressed his intention to
his companion of competing in the literary examinations
soon to take place. Ho was delighted, and rendered him
all the help necessary. He told Li that as a stranger and
an adventurer, he would have no chance in the examina-
tions unless he could win the favour of the examiners
Yang and Kao, men of high rank and of great influence,
one of whom was brother to the empress and the
other commander of. the emperor's body-guard. The way
to win favour was of course by gifts and presents, but
Li, who had always spent his money on his favourite
wine, had nothing at all, and Ho wrote a friendly letter
to the two great officials asking them to consider his
protege. The two examiners on receiving this letter,
which contained no promise of money or presents, thought
that Ho was enriching himself at their expense, and
they decided at once to reject Li's papers and give
him no chance in the examination. On the appointed

Li Tai Peh and Tu Fu 84

day Li sat with the other competitors, and soon finish-
ed his composition, which was handed up to the
examiners. Yang receiving the paper did not even
trouble to look at it, but said with scorn : " Such a scrawl-
er as this is good for nothing but to grind my ink".
Kao, the other official, added : "To grind your ink ; say
rather he is only fit to put on my stockings and lace up
my buskins". In this manner was Li's paper rejected,
and his chances of success in a literary career utterly
destroyed. Filled with rage at his treatment the poet
swore that if he ever in any way got a position in the
empire, he would make the two powerful officials, Yang
and Kao, do what they said he was only fit for, grind
his ink and put on his stockings and boots.

Li's chances of passing the examination being lost,
his friend Ho endeavoured in other ways to advance him
in position. The two continued to live together and
made their lives merry with wit and wine, until an opportun-
ity presented itself, which resulted in the turn of the tide
of fortune for Li Tai Peh.

At the time of which we speak the Tang Dynasty had
seen its best days ; its most worthy ruler? having passed
away. The emperor, who occupied the throne at this
period, had given great promise in his early years, but
circumstances had proved too strong for him, and he had
degenerated into a sensualist and debauchee. Ming Huang,
on his accession, overcame all his enemies and began a
reign that had every indication of prosperity and useful-
ness. He considered his people, and laboured for their
welfare ; he was a man of considerable literary attainments
and did much for scholarship. At his court he invited all
who had made their name in the realm of letters, and he
himself contributed to the literature of the nation. He
was fond of music, and established a college known as the
Pear Garden, for the training of young people of both
sexes as instrumentalists, singers and dancers. But the
influence of the eunuchs and others in the palace was too

8.s Li Tai Peh and Tu Fu

strong for him, and he fell from the position of a good
ruler to a self-indulgent palace weakling. Beginning his
reign with reforms that largely reduced expenditure, he
became most extravagant, and whereas he once invited the
literati on account of their attainments as scholars, he
came to associate only with those of the wine-bibbing
fraternity who loved revelry and debauch. It was during
these later years of degeneracy on the part of the emperor
that Li Tai Peh became a prominent figure in the court,
and although commanding the admiration of Ming Huang
and his favourites by his poetical genius, his presence was
sought more for his readiness to take part in the carousals
and scenes of dissipation that characterised the reign of
that unfortunate monarch. The story of Li's introduction
to the emperor is an interesting one, and contains all the
elements of a romance. It may be that the story has been
embellished somewhat, but the main facts are historical.
It is said that one day there arrived at the capital some
ambassadors from a country beyond the confines of Corea,
bringing a letter written in a character unknown to the
scholars of the Chinese court. The emperor ordered the
examiner Yang to read it, but he was unable to do so, and
it proved that there was not a literary man in the palace
or Hanlin College that could decipher the strange charac-
ters: The emperor waxed indignant at the incapacity of
his officials and gave them a sound rating, declaring that
if at the end of six days they had not translated the epistle
they would be deprived of their rank, and that if at the
end of nine days they had not done so their lives would be
forfeit. Ho Chih-chang, the patron of Li Tai Peh, went
home and told his protege of the situation in the palace,
and Li suggested that he would havs been able to help the
emperor out of the difficulty. Ho had a great opinion of
Li's attainments, and being convinced that the poet could
read the strange letter, he went next day to the palace,
and passing through the crowd of courtiers to the throne,
he acquainted the emperor with the fact of Li's presence

Li Tai Peh and Tu Fu 86

in the capital, and suggested that he should be sent for to
read the ambassadors' epistle. The emperor, hoping to
find in Li a solver of the difficulty before him, sent a
messenger to Ho's house for the poet. Li refused to
present himself at the palace, urging as an excuse the fact
that he had no degree and that his presence might offend
some of the officials. The emperor on hearing this asked
Ho for an explanation of the poet's refusal, and that gentle-
man had to state plainly that some time before, Li's essay
had been thrown out by the examiners. Ho, making
most of the opportunity on behalf of his friend, suggested
to the emperor that a degree be conferred on Li because of
his abilities, and that he be sent for by an officer of rank.
The emperor at once complied with this request, and sent
a special court outfit for Li in which to appear before
the throne. When Li was presented to the emperor,
that monarch received him courteously, and handing him
the letter asked him to decipher the strange characters.
The poet, however, seeing an opportunity for revenge,
politely suggested that the great examiners were able to
read it, because they had boasted of superior knowledge by
refusing his own essay at the examinations. Rejoicing in
their confusion of face Li read out the letter before them
all in the Chinese language. It proved to be a message
from the ruler of the country beyond Corea complaining
of the incursion of Chinese soldiers into his territory and
stating in offensive language his determination to declare
war if the soldiers were not withdrawn. The emperor on
hearing the letter hardly knew what to do, but Li suggest-
ed that he should speak face to face with the ambassadors,
and the following day was fixed for this to take place.
During the rest of that day Li was the hero of the court.
A great banquet was spread in his honour, he had musi-
cians and singing girls to minister to his pleasure and the
best of wine in abundance. The following day the emperor
at the appointed time went to the hall of audience to receive
the envoys and to hear Li speak to them. The poet,

»7 Li Tai Heh and Tu Fu

however, was in such a condition from his night's debauch
that he was not possessed of all his faculties. The
emperor seeing this, sent to the kitchen for some soup and
wine, which was accordingly served, but the soup was too
hot, and the monarch himself stirred it with the ivory
chopsticks and gave it to Li, who received it whilst kneel-
ing before the imperial dais. Li, recovering from the
effects of his carousal, seated himself on a cushion by the
side of the emperor and prepared to address the envoys,
but before so doing he determined to revenge himself on
his opponents Yang and Kao, the two examiners. Li made
excuse that his boots were not fit for imperial eyes to look
upon, and asked for some buskins and stockings, and to
the surprise of the emperor demanded that Kao should
pull off his boots and lace up the buskins that had been
given to him. That great official had to submit to the
degradation and do as Li had demanded. Then in order
to keep his oath Li requested that Yang rub the ink for
him whilst he prepared to write a letter to be sent with
the envoys to their king. Yang accordingly at the bid-
ding of the emperor submitted, and thus Li fulfilled the
vow he had made in the time of his disgrace. When this
farce was enacted Li astonished the emperor and all the
onlookers by addressing the envoys in their own language
and writing a letter in the very characters that had
appeared so strange. The ambassadors were dismissed and
from that day Li Tai Peh became the spoilt child of the
court of Ming Huang. The emperor found in him a man
of great genius and was delighted with his literary produc-
tions, but Li's capacity for wine and his delight in revelry
seem to have attracted his majesty still more. It was
during these days of dissolute pleasure that some of Li's
best poems were written, and these, with other of his verses,
have made his name famous throughout the length and
breadth of China, as the greatest poet of the nation.

The toleration of such a wine-bibber as Li in the
palace shows the condition of the court of the Tangs at that

Li Tai Peh and Tu Fu 88

time. The emperor had abandoned himself to all kinds
of sensual pleasure and surrounding himself with such
favourites as Li, took no more interest in the welfare of his
country. His time was spent with his favourite con-
cubine, the notorious Yang Kuei Fei, and in company
with Li and kindred spirits the days flew by in one long
course of dissipation and degrading pleasure. For a con-
siderable time Li was the idol of the revellers ; his
escapades only making him more acceptable to the ring of
debauchees, of whose number he was a distinguished mem-
ber. On one occasion, when the emperor sent for him, he
was found lying drunk in the street, and he had to have
his face well mopped with cold water before he could be
presentable. On another occasion the emperor, who was
in the palace grounds with his favourite concubine, called
for Li to write some verses descriptive of the scene around.
After some delay the poet was brought, supported by two
eunuchs. " Please your Majesty ", he said, "I have been
drinking with the prince, and he has made me drunk, but
I will do my best." At once he wrote ten stanzas of eight
lines each, one of which is given here, as translated by
Dr. Giles in his "Chinese Literature." It depicts the life
of a palace favourite : —

Oh the joy of youth spent in a gold-fretted hall,
In the Crape-flower Pavilion, the fairest of all,
My tresses for head-dress with gay garlands girt,
Carnations arranged o'er uiy jacket and skirt;
Then to wander away in the soft scented air
And return by the side of His Majesty's chair.
But the dance and the song will be o'er by and by,
And we shall dislimn like the rack in the sky.

As Li Tai Peh's fame rests upon his poetical genius
and not on his capacity for wine-bibbing, it will be well
here to give one or two extracts from his poems. For
these I am indebted to the book above named, and the
translations of Dr. Giles will place before the reader in his
own tongue some of the imperishable productions of

89 Li Ta Peh and Tu Fu

China's greatest bard. The following is a verse that
might, have been written in England, so home-like does
it seem : —

Homeward at dusk the clanging rookery wings its eager flight ;
Then, chattering on the branches, all are pairing for the night.
Plying her busy loom, a high born dame is sitting near,
And through the silken window-screen their voices strike her ear.
She stops, and thinks of the absent spouse she may never see again ,
And late in the lonely hours of night her tears flow down like rain.

Many of Li's poems are tributes to the powers of his
beloved wine, such as the following : —

The river rolls crystal as clear as the sky,
To blend far away with the blue waves of ocean ;
Man alone, when the hour of departure is nigh,
With the wine-cup can soothe his emotion.

The birds of the valley sing loud in the sun,
Where the gibbons their vigils will shortly be keeping ;

I thought that with tears I had long ago done,
But how I shall never cease weeping.

What is life after all but a dream ?
And why should such pother be made ?
Better far to be tipsy, I deem,
And doze all day long in the shade.

When I wake and look out on the lawn,
I hear 'midst tlie flowers a bird sing ;
I ask " Is it evening or dawn ? ''
The mango-bird whistles " 'Tis spring."

Overpowered with the beautiful sight
Another full goblet I pour,
And would sing till the moon rises bright
But soon I'm drunk as before.

The old proverb, "Familiarity breeds contempt ", is
well illustrated in the case of Li Tai Peh. For a consider-
able time the idol and pet of the palace, closely intimate
with the emperor and his favourites of the harem, he fell
into disgrace. The examiners who had suffered such
degradation at his hands left no stone unturned to accom-

Li Tai Peh and Tu Fu 90

plish his downfall, and finally succeeded in estranging the
hearts of the imperial concubine Yang Kuei Fei and other
of her friends from him. Li left the court, and once
more took to a wandering life, solacing himself with the
wine-cup and writing more of the verses that have made
his name so famous. His last effort is given here : —

An arbour of flowers and a kettle of wine :

Alas! in the bowers no companion is mine.

Then the moon sheds her rays on my goblet and me,

And my shadow betrays we're a party of three.

Though the moon cannot swallow her share of the grog,
And my shadow must follow wherever I jog —
Yet their friendship I'll borrow and gaily carouse,
And laugh away sorrow while spring-time allows.

See the moon — how she glances response to my song ;
See my shadow — it dances s.o lightly along ;
While sober I feel you're both my good friends,
When drunken I reel, our companionship ends.
But we'll soon have a greeting without u. good-bye,
At our next merry meeting away in the sky.

Not long after writing the above poem Li met with
his death. He was on a journey, and, travelling by boat,
was in his usual state of drunkenness when seeing the
reflection of the moon in the water he attempted to
embrace it and was drowned in consequence. This was
in 762.

Thus ended the career of the greatest poet China has
known. Possessed of great genius and remarkable abili-
ties his was a life sacrificed at the shrine of Bacchus. He
seems to have produced his best work under the influence
of wine, but his whole life is a record of brilliant gifts
prostituted before the altar of sensual pleasure. We are
reminded of the words of our own greatest poet : —

Oh, that men should put an enemy in
Their mouths to steal away their brains ! that (they)
Should, with joy, pleasance, revel and applause,
Transform (themselves) into beasts.

9i Li Tai Peh and Tu Fu

Tu Fu.

Tu Fu, the second great poet of China, was a contem-
porary of Li Tai Peh. He was born in the province of
Shensi in 712 A.D. He gave great promise in his youth
as a scholar, but somehow or other failed to distinguish
himself in the examinations. This is all the more note-
worthy because verse-making counts for so much in the
examination system of the Chinese. He retired into com-
parative obscurity and gave himself to the study of poetry,
writing verses that he himself considered were very fine,
even if they failed to secure him a degree, for we are told
that he prescribed his poems as a cure for malarial fever.
Later on in life he attracted the attention of the emperor
known as Ming Huang, the patron of Li Tai Peh, who
gave him a position at court. Tu Fu was also a devotee of
the wine-cup, and he took his place in the revels and
carousals of the imperial palace. He became increasingly
popular with the court favourites, and was emboldened
to ask for an increase in salary, which the emperor granted.
He kept the favours of his imperial patrons when Li Tai
Peh was disgraced, but not long after this, the rebellion
broke out, which deprived Ming Huang of his throne.
The emperor fled to Ssuchuan, whilst the favourite Yang
Kuei Fei was killed, aud returned only after having abdicated
in favour of his son. During the rebellion Tu Fu had also
to flee, but he was once more instated in office on the
accession of Su Tsung, the next ruler. He found his post
a difficult one and suffered for his faithfulness to duty,
being deprived of his office by that same monarch. He
was appointed governor of a town in his native province,
Shensi, but this being equivalent to banishment he re-
signed the position on his arrival at the place and retired
to the wilds of the province of Ssuchuan. For some time
he was a wanderer, and lived a life ot hardship and adven-
ture, and then accepted the office of Secretary in the
Board of Works. This post he held for about six years
and then once more took to his wandering life. In 770

Li Tai Peh and Tu Fu 92

he went to visit some old ruins in the Hukuang Province,
and was overtaken by a flood, which compelled him to take
refuge in a deserted temple. For ten days he lived on
roots, and was then rescued by the local magistrate. He
died, however, next day from the effects of eating too much
meat and drinking too much wine, after so long a fast in
the temple.

The poems of Tu Fu are considered second only to
those of Li Tai Peh, and are looked upon by the literati
of China as perfect specimens of the art of verse-making.
I give here one or two as translated by the same gifted
Chinese scholar Dr. Giles : —

The setting sun shines low upon my door,
Ere dusk enwraps the river fringed with spring ;
Sweet perfumes rise from gardens by the shore,
And smoke, where crews their boats to anchor bring.

Now twittering birds are roosting in the bower,
And flying insects fill the air around. . .
O wine, who gave to thee thy subtle power ?
A thousand cares in one small goblet drowned.

A petal falls— the spring begins to fail,
And my heart saddens with the growing gale
Come then, ere autumn spoils bestrew the ground,
Do not forget to pass the wine-cup round.

Kingfishers build where man once laughed elate,
And now stone dragons guard his graveyard gate !
Who follows pleasure, he alone is wise ;
Why waste our life in deeds of high emprise ?

HAN YU

THE PRINCE OF LITERATURE.

the years immediately following the period in
which Li Tai-peh and Tu Fu sang the praises of
wine, there lived one whose name is perhaps the
most highly esteemed of all in any way connected with the
literature of China. As statesman, philosopher, and poet,
Han Yii made for himself a place in the hearts of the
Chinese literati, and rising as he did, from the humblest of
the people, to fill the most important offices in the state,
he has left a name that is honoured and revered by all
classes of his countrymen.

Han Yii was born in 768 A.D. at Teng-chou, in the
province of Honan. He was the youngest of three sons,
and he lost both parents before he was three years of age.
He was accordingly taken in charge by his eldest brother,
who was considerably older, and when the latter had fallen
into disgrace and was banished to Kuang-tung, Han Yii
was taken with him. Some years after the brother died,
and the widow returned to Honan, taking Han Yii with
her. Having settled in that province, she brought up her
young charge with great care and affection and watched
over his education. As Han Yii grew up, he manifested a
fondness for study and worked exceedingly hard to qualify
himself for the civic examinations. Whilst still very
young he succeeded in obtaining a degree, and shortly
after was appointed to a small public post. His high
qualities becoming known, he rose gradually into favour,
and whilst still a young man occupied an important posi-
tion in the empire.

Han Yii proved himself a very honest and upright
official. He realised his responsibility with regard to the
people over whom he exercised authority, and laboured for
their welfare. Having belonged to the working classes

Han Yti 94

himself, he sympathized with their struggles for a liveli-
hood and endeavoured to mitigate the disabilities under
which they were placed. It was this regard for the com-
mon people, however, that led to his disgrace and degrada-
tion from office. In the year 803 he presented a memorial
to the throne, objecting to the collecting of taxes in the
province of Chihli in that year. This memorial brought
upon him the displeasure of the Emperor Teh Tsung, and
he was banished to the town of Yang-shan, in Kwang-tung.
Here, however, he did his duty in this inferior post and
served his Emperor faithfully.

But Han Yii was soon to incur even greater Imperial
displeasure, the provoking of which has made his name
famous as a champion of Confucianism and has greatly
helped to give him his place in the affections of his
countrymen. The Emperor Shien Tsung, who ascended
the throne in 806, was a weakling and a fool, given to
superstitious fears and practices. He was very much
influenced by Taoist ideas, and spent much time and
money in the search for the elixir of life that was sup-
posed to ensure immunity from death. He issued an edict
commanding any who knew how such a valuable potion
was to be obtained to appear before him, and offered
offices and emoluments as a reward. In the year 819 the
Emperor received intimation of the fact that in the monas-
tery at Fung-shiang, in Shensi, there was a bone of the
great Buddha that exercised a peculiar influence over the
district. It was said that peace and prosperity abounded
on account of the presence of this wonderful relic. Shien
Tsung ordered this precious bone to be brought to the
Imperial palace and gave instructions to the Buddhist
priests to receive it with the proper ceremonies. He order-
ed a lofty tower to be erected, from which he could view
the procession, and the whole court turned out to see the
reception of the relic by the superstitious monarch.
Amongst the literati there were no doubt many who object-
ed to this foolish act of the Emperor, but did not manifest

95 Han Yii

their displeasure in any marked manner, and it remained
for Han Yii to remonstrate with the monarch on the
subject, a proceeding which nearly cost him his life.

Han Yii was an ardent Confucianist, a zealous main-
tainer of the customs and practices of the ancients. For
some time he had viewed with alarm the rapid progress of
Buddhism in the country and had trembled for the fate of
the principles of the great Master. His hatred of the
representatives of the two sects grew stronger, and he felt
it incumbent upon him to speak out in plain terms. In
his essay on Confucianism his sentiments were made known
in no uncertain manner. Said he: "Unless these false
doctrines are rooted out, the true faith will not prevail.
Let us insist that the followers of Lao Tzu and Buddha
behave themselves like ordinary mortals. Let us burn
their books. Let us turn their temples into dwelling-
houses. Let us make manifest the method of our ancient
kings, in order that men may be led to embrace its teach-
ings." Hearing of the reception of the bone of Buddha
by the Emperor, Han Yii addressed to that monarch a fiery
remonstrance that roused the Imperial fury. It was a
courageous act and showed the calibre of a man who was
prepared to defend the principles in which he believed even
if death were the outcome. In the memorial Han Yii drew
attention to the fact that in the early days of the empire
the rulers were long-lived and the people were happy
before they had ever heard of Buddha. He reviewed the
successive dynasties and showed that the rulers most
inclined to Buddhism had the least worldly prosperity.
He protested against being indebted to barbarians as he
considered Buddha himself was, fcr the rule of conduct, and
regretted that the Emperor had stooped to such unworthy
practices as had been reported. Said he : " Supposing that
this Buddha had come to our capital in the flesh, under an
appointment from his own state, then your majesty might
have received him with a few words of admonition, bestow-
ing on him a banquet and a suit of clothes previous to

Han YU 96

sending him out of the country with an escort of soldiers,
and thereby have avoided any dangerous influence on the
minds of the people. But what are the facts? The bone
of a man long since dead and decomposed, is to be admit-
ted, forsooth, within the precincts of the Imperial palace !
Confucius said : ' Pay all respect to spiritual beings, but
keep them at a distance.' And so when the princes of
old paid visits of condolence to one another, it was
customary for them to send on a magician in advance,
with a peach-wand in his hand, whereby to expel all
noxious influences previous to the arrival of his master.
Yet now your majesty is about to causelessly introduce a
disgusting object, personally taking part in the proceed-
ings without the intervention either of the magician or of
his peach- wand. Of the officials not one has raised his
voice against it ; of the censors, not one has pointed out the
enormity of such an act. Therefore your servant, over-
whelmed with shame for the censors, implores your
majesty that these bones be handed over for destruction by
fire or water, whereby the root of this great evil may be
exterminated for all time, and the people know how much
the wisdom of your majesty surpasses that of ordinary men.
The glory of such a deed will be beyond all praise. And
should the Lord Buddha have power to avenge this insult
by the infliction of some misfortune, then let the vials of
his wrath be poured out upon the person of your servant,
who now calls heaven to witness that he will not repent
him of his oath."

The Emperor on receiving the memorial of Han Yii
was furious, and determined to execute him there and then,
but friends interceded on behalf of the fearless scholar, and
his life was spared, but he was banished to serve as Prefect
in Chao-chou-fu in the east of Kuang-tung. At that
time this district was inhabited by wild tribes, and Han Yii
found himself face to face with a hard task. He, however,
acquitted himself with distinction, and soon his name was
known on account of his able adminstratiou of the territory

97 Han Yii

under his rule. He exercised a civilizing influence on the
natives, and was successful in lifting the whole region to
a higher degree of prosperity and peace. It is recorded of
Han Yii that whilst in this district he was the means of
driving away a large dragon or crocodile that had made
much havoc in the rivers and swamps. It is said that he
wrote an ultimatum to the offensive reptile, and then threw
it into the river along with a pig and a goat, and that
from that time the monster never troubled the district
again. This may have been a fact, but it is considered by
some to be merely a legend symbolical of the expulsion of
the demon of ignorance from the midst of the tribes under
the jurisdiction of Han Yii, who so profited by his teaching
and example. The following extract, as translated by Dr.
Giles, is from the celebrated manifesto to the dragon : "O
Crocodile ! thou and I cannot rest together here. The Son
of Heaven has confided this district and this people to my
charge ; and thou, O goggle-eyed, by disturbing the peace
of this river and devouring the people and their domestic
animals, the bears, the boars, the deer of the neighbour-
hood, in order to fatten thyself and reproduce thy kind, —
thou art challenging me to a struggle of life and death.
And I, though of weakly frame, am I to bow the knee and
yield before a crocodile ! No ! I am the lawful guardian
of this place, and I would scorn to decline thy challenge,
even were it to cost me my life. Still, in virtue of my
commission from the Son of Heaven, I am bound to give
fair warning ; and thou, O Crocodile, if thou art wise, will
pay due heed to my words. There before thee lies the broad
ocean, the domain alike of the whale and the shrimp. Go
thither and live in peace. It is but the journey of a day."
On the summit of a hill not far from Chao-chou is a
temple dedicated to Han Yii. It contains a huge picture
of the famous scholar and official, and underneath are
the words, "Wherever he passed he purified." Thus
at the present day is the memory of Han Yii kept green in
that district.

Han Yti 98

The memorial to the Emperor Shien Tsung on the
subject of Buddha's bone, and the ultimatum to the dragon,
are two of the compositions c>f Han Yii, which with others
have marked him out amongst the scholars of China as
unsurpassable as an essayist. His prose works are specially
prized by the literati, and their admiration for him and his
writings is the same as that of the scholar Liu Tsung-
yuan, a contemporary of Han Yii, who said that he never
opened the latter' s works without first washing his hands
in rose-water.

Han Yii was also a poet of no mean order. His verses
were on a great variety of subjects, and have been handed
down as models of excellence and taste. The following
lines are from Dr. Giles' "Chinese Literature", a transla-
tion of one of Han Yii's poems written on the way to his
place of exile in Kuang-tung : —

Alas ! the early season flies,
Behold the remnants of the spring !
My boat in land-locked water lies,
At dawn I hear the wild birds sing.

Then, through clouds lingering on the slope,

The rising sun breaks on to me,

And thrills me with a fleeting hope, —

A prisoner longing to be free.

My flowing tears are long since dried,
Though care clings closer than it did.
But stop ! All care we lay aside
When once they close the coffin lid .

Besides being a scholar and a poet, Han Yii was also
a philospher, and contributed towards the understanding
of some of the problems that have perplexed not only the
Chinese but people of all nations. One of the great
questions under discussion by Chinese scholars of all ages
is that of the nature of man. Mencius was perhaps the
first in China to promulgate the doctrine of the inherent
goodnesss of human nature, which was disputed in his
lifetime by Kao Tzu, who stated that humau nature was

99 Han Yu

neither good nor bad, but indifferent. Another later philos-
opher emphatically states that man's nature is evil. Han
Yii in his turn took up the controversy. In his " Essay
on Human Nature" he states that "there are three
grades of the nature — the superior, the middle, and
the inferior. The superior grade is good, and good only ;
the middle grade is capable of being led ; it may rise to
the superior, or sink to the inferior ; the inferior is evil
and evil only." According to him the other disputants
merely looked upon human nature as it is seen in the
middle grade. He considers them wrong in neglecting to
recognise the other grades, the really good and the really
bad. In support of his views he instanced well-known
names in history, showing how some, with the best of
training, had turned out badly, and others, who had only
been taught evil, became good men.

The upright character of Han Yii and his splendid
services to the state led the Emperor, after a lapse of time,
to pardon him and to recall him to the capital, where he
was re-instated in high office. Han Yii, however, had
been delicate all his life, and during his banishment had
grown prematurely old. Not long, after his return to
favour, he was seized with severe sickness and died in the
year 824.

According to the laws of China there must be in
most of the towns one or more temples built, in which
to offer honours to the memory of Confucius. Not only,
however, is Confucius worshipped, but honours are paid to
the memory of others who have in their lives developed
his teaching and obeyed his precepts. And so in the
temples are to be found tablets on which the names of the
great ones are inscribed, and in this way is their memory
perpetuated. All down the course of Chinese history, since
before the Christian era, have the upholders of the doctrines
of Confucius who have distinguished themselves in this
matter been canonized, and a tablet to their memory
placed in the Temple of Confucius. This was the honour

Han Yii 100

conferred upon the memory of Han Yii, and he was given
a position in the temple of worthies under the name
of Han Wen-kung, and it is on account of this name that
he has been described as the Prince of Literature. There
is no doubt, however, that this position of posthumous
honour was given because of Han Yii's services in the
cause of Confucian orthodoxy. He stood up against the
heresy of Buddhism, and was prepared to give his life for
the sake of the principles of the great sage of China.

Nearly three hundred years after his death a shrine
was put up by the people of Chao-chou in honour of the
champion, and the celebrated poet Su Tung-po wrote the
following lines, in which he describes Han Yii as the
third in the triumvirate of genius, of which the other two
were the poets Li Tai-peh and Tu Fu.

He rode on the dragon to the white cloud domain ;

He grasped with liis hand the glory of the sky ;

Robed with the effulgence of the stars,

The wind bore him delicately to the throne of God.

He swept away the chaff and husks of his generation.

He roamed over the limits of the earth . . .

He cursed Buddha ; he offended his prince ;

He journeyed far away to the distant south ;

He passed the grave of Shun, and wept over the daughters of Yao.

The water-god went before him and stilled the waves.

He drove out the fierce monster as it were a lamb.

But above in heaven there was no music, and God was sad,

And summoned him to his place beside the throne.

And now with these poor offerings I salute him

With red lichees and yellow plantain fruit.

Alas ! that he did not linger awhile on earth,

But passed so soon, with streaming hair, into the great unknown.

WANG AN-SH1H

POLITICAL ECONOMIST AND NATIONAL REFORMER.

TTJURING the rule of the Sung Dynasty, from the tenth
(•3O to the thirteenth century of the Christian era, there
existed in China another period that has become
glorious on account of its literary achievements. Histo-
rians, essayists, and poets vied with those of the Tang
Dynasty in producing works of merit that to-day are looked
upon as monuments of Chinese scholarship. Some of
these writers were statesmen of great ability and far-
sightedness, and their memory is revered on account of
their services in the government of the empire, as well as
their brilliancy in letters. But amongst these have been
men who departing from Confucian orthodoxy, have endeav-
oured in their own way to benefit their country, but who
have been unfortunate enough to call down upon them-
selves calumny and disgrace, and whose memory, instead
of being honoured, is reviled. Such a man was Wang An-
shih, the powerful Minister of State and national reformer
of the eleventh century, a man of originality and force of
character, whose innovations and schemes of reform
resulted in his disgrace and the continuous aspersion of his
memory.

Wang An-shih was born in 1021 in the province of
Kiangsi. As a youth he was a keen student and a hard
worker ; possessed of considerable energy he made rapid
strides in the path of knowledge. Whilst still a young man
he took the degree of Chin Shih or Doctor in the Civil
Service examinations, and was appointed to a magistracy
in the Yen district, in the province of Chekiang. Like
Han Yu, he devoted himself to the welfare of the people,
improving the condition of the embankments, and carrying
out other reforms that resulted in the bettering of their

Wang An-shih 102

condition. On account of his labours in this direction lie
was recommended to the throne, and in the year 1060,
when only thirty-nine years of age, was appointed to a
high office. Shortly after this he was invited to the court
by the Kmperor Ying Tsnng, but declined the honour,
preferring to stay in his present position. In 1068, on the
accession of the Kmperor Shen Tsung, he became Prefect
of Chiang-ning, but soon after was transferred to the
capital, where he was given the post of Expositor in the
Hanlin College, and finally became chief Minister of State.
Wang was possessed of an original mind, and his thoughts
went out towards the uplifting of the people and bettering
of the empire in a manner quite different from the ordinary
methods inculcated by the disciples of Confucius. Ac-
quainted as he was with the principles of the great sage, and
the after-development of them in his country's history, he
was inclined to think that the government of the empire
was not exactly in accordance with their spirit, and he
threw all his energies in the direction of drastic reform.
Having come into a position of influence he determined to
carry out his plans, and accordingly promulgated his ideas
with great eagerness and enthusiasm. He was led to re-
study the classical writings, and seeing in them what he
considered as supporting his opinions, he made ample
commentaries on these works, which were extensively
circulated. He also compiled a dictionary, giving the
meaning of terms as somewhat different from those already
accepted. He possessed an eloquent tongue, had great
powers of persuasion, and carried on his propaganda with
all the confidence and self-possession of a man who was
destined to achieve unqualified success. According to
Wang An-shih, his schemes and reforms, if carried out fully
would result in happiness and prosperity to the common
people, who were not cared for by the state as they should
have been. His ideas have a special interest for us at this
time, when the condition of the working classes is brought
so prominently before us. "The first and most essential

103 Wang An-shih

duty of a government ", said Wang, <4 is to love the people
and to procure them the real advantages of life, which are
plenty and pleasure. To accomplish this object it would
suffice to inspire everyone with the unvarying principles
of rectitude, but as all might not observe them the state
should explain the manner of following these precepts and
enforce obedience bv wise and inflexible laws. In order to

*-

prevent the oppression of man by man, the state should
take possession of all the resources of the empire and
become the sole master and employer. The state should
take the entire management of commerce, industry, and
agriculture into its own hands, with a view of succouring
the working classes and prevent their being ground to the
dust by the rich." In accordance with these new regula-
tions courts were to be established which should fix the
price of provisions and merchandise. For a certain number
of years taxes were to be paid only by the rich ; the courts
to decide who should be exempt. The sum of money
collected was to be kept in the state treasury, to be distrib-
uted to the aged pcor, the unemployed, and to those who
should be thought in need. The state was also to become
the only proprietor of the soil, and the courts were to
assign annually in each district land to the cultivators
and to give them seed necessary to sow it. As payment for
this the cultivators were to give grain or other produce as
soon as the harvest was gathered. In order that all land
should be profitably cultivated, the courts were to fix what
kind of crop should be grown. In this way was happiness
and prosperity to be obtained. A reform like this of course
meant the reduction of large fortunes and a more uniform
condition of life for the people. Wang set himself against
the monopolists and unprincipled men who were ev_>r
ready to make money out of the misfortunes of others.
"The only people who can suffer by this state of
things are the usurers and monopolists, who never fail to
profit by famine and all public calamities to enrich them-
selves and ruin the working classes. But what harm will

Wang An-shih 104

it be to put an end at last to the exactions of these enemies
of the people ? Does not justice require that they should
be forced to restitute their ill-gotten gains? The state
will be the only creditor and will never take interest.
As she will watch over agriculture and fix the current
price of provisions, there will always be a supply propor-
tionate to the harvest. In case of famine in any one spot,
the great agricultural tribunal of Peking, informed by the
provincial tribunals of the various harvests of the empire,
will easily restore the equilibrium by causing the super-
fluity of the fertile provinces to be transported into those
which are a prey to want. Thus the necessaries of life
will always be sold at a moderate price ; there will no
longer be any classes in want, and the state, being the
only speculator, will realise enormous profits annually, to
be applied to works of public utility.'*

Other reforms beside this nationalization of commeice
and agriculture were advocated by Wang An-shih.
There was the Militia Enrollment Act, in which it was
proposed to divide the whole empire into divisions consist-
ing of ten families, with a head man over each division,
Men of higher rank were to be placed over divisions of
fifty families and of still higher over divisions of five
hundred. Every family with more than one son was
bound to give one for the service of the state. In times of
peace these would not be required, but when danger
threatened, this conscription was to be put into force.
Another reform was the imposition of an income tax for
the purpose of securing money for the construction of
public works. Instead of compulsory labour each family
should be taxed according to its income.

Some at least of Wang An-shih' s reforms were bound
to meet with the approval of a large section of the
community, and the advocate of such became very popular
with the people he endeavoured to benefit. Had there
been no more than the mere advocacy of these schemes on
the part of Wang, he might have been the darling of the

105 Wang An-shih

nation and had his memory perpetuated as one of the
greatest benefactors of the empire. But the Emperor, Shen
Tsung, was so taken with the character of the reforms, and so
confident of the skill and wisdom of his minister, that lie
gave orders for them to be carried out. He allowed Wang
entire authority in the matter, and the statesman at once
proceeded to accomplish his purposes. His schemes were
put into execution, but did not meet with the success
he anticipated.

Had Wang An-shih been assured of the co-operation
of his colleagues in the Cabinet, the results of his work
might have been, to some extent, different. But the other
officials were all opposed to him. No doubt personal prej-
udice and dislike counted for much. Wang, as we have
already said, was enthusiastic and self-possessed ; in the eyes
of his colleagues he was conceited and too "cock-sure".
He was frugal in his habits, and his garments were not
such as befitted his position. More than that they were
dirty, and he seems to have had a real Chinese antipathy
to cold water, for we are told that he did not wash his
face. These personal characteristics were an offence to the
other officials, and their dislike of him, coupled with their
disapproval of his schemes, led them to violent opposition.

The chief Minister of State at the time when Wang
was making his influence felt, was Han Chi, a man of kind
and amiable disposition, who on being asked if Wang was
a proper man for the Cabinet, replied that he might be of
use in the Hanlin Academy, but that he had no expe-
rience qualifying him for the higher office. This opinion
was confirmed when Wang came forward with his
programme of reform, and Han Chi will ever be remem-
bered amongst his countrymen for the memorial he
presented to the Emperor, Shen Tsung, protesting against
the acceptance of the reformer's proposals. He presented
a second on hearing that the Emperor still favoured Wang,
in which he accused the reformer of tampering with the
text of the classics and explaining them in a manner just

Wang An-shih 106

to suit his own opinions and ideas. This second memorial,
however, had no effect on the Emperor, and Han Chi,
realising his inability to contend with Wang, retired from
office. On Yang-shin, another great scholar and minister,
who had praised Wang An-shih's youthful writings, opposed
with all his energies the new measures, but found that his
counsels were of no avail. He implored the Emperor again
and again to be released from office, but that monarch would
not dispense with the services of a faithful minister until
Wang, representing On as a dangerous foe to the welfare
of the state, persuaded him to accept Ou's resignation.

Perhaps the most noted of Wang An-shih's opponents
was the great scholar Ssu Ma-kuang. This minister is
one whom China delights to honour, and a tew details
of his life will not be out of place here. He was born
on the borders of Shensi in 1019, two years before the
birth of Wang. As a boy he was distinguished by his
gravity of manner and his coolness and presence of mind.
A story is told of him that on one occasion he saved the
life of a companion by the manifestation of this latter
quality. The child fell into a large earthenware vessel
full of water and'' was in danger of being drowned when
Ssu seized a large stone and with it broke the vessel, thus
allowing the water to drain away. As a youth he was
very fond of study, and devoted much of his time to the
pursuit of knowledge. So ardent was he that he made a
kind of round pillow on which to rest his arm whilst study-
ing, which by its movement prevented him from dozing.
At the early age of nineteen he graduated as Chin Shili or
Doctor, and was soon installed in office. He rose rapidly
in his public career, distinguishing himself by his wisdom
and force of character. His five rules of conduct, which
he submitted to the Emperor, Shen Tsung, are worthy of
record. These were : i. Guard your patrimony ; 2. Value
time ; 3. Keep sedition at a distance ; 4. Be cautious over
details ; 5. Aim at reality. He finally became Chancellor
in the Hanlin College and Minister of State.

icy Wang An-shih

It was in this latter capacity that Ssu Ma-kuang came
into collision with Wang An-shih. A faithful follower of
Confucius, firmly believing in the principles and maxims
of the sage, he looked upon Wang as an audacious
innovator, who was prepared to overthrow all existing
institutions, good and bad, for the sake of his own ends.
He threw all his energies into the combat and struggled
with his adversary for the victory. The two were equally
matched, and the ultimate welfare of the empire was
contended for by these antagonists from different stand-
points. M. Remusat says : "Stimulated by contrary princi-
ples the adversaries were gifted with equal talents: one
employed the resources of his imagination, the activity of
his mind, and the firmness of his character, to change and
regenerate ; the other, to stem this torrent, called to his
aid the remembrance of the past, the example of the
ancients, and the lessons of history, which he had studied
with care." The conservatism of Ssu Ma-kuang, and
the daring originality of Wang An-shih, are seen in the
following. In the year 1069 several provinces had been
visited in succession by terrible calamities, such as earth-
quakes, pestilence, and drought. According to the usual
custom in China the censors invited the Emperor to
examine into his own conduct or the administration of his
power, in order to find out if these calamities were the
result of his neglect of virtue. The Emperor accordingly
professed his sorrow by abstaining from his ordinary
pleasures in the hope of securing prosperity again to his
people. Wang An-shih, very much ahead of his time,
objected to this old-fashioned idea saying : " These calami-
ties have settled and unvarying causes ; earthquakes,
droughts and inundations have no connection with the
actions of man. Do you hope to change the ordinary
course of things, and that nature should alter her laws for
you?" Ssu Ma-kuang, on hearing this, could not but
oppose such a radical idea, so utterly opposed to the
teaching of old. Cried he : " Monarchs are indeed to be

Wang An-shih 108

pitied when they have near their persons men who
propound such theories ; they would destroy the fear of
heaven, and what other restraint can check their disorders?
Masters of all around, they dare anything with impunity,
and would give themselves up to any excess, and those
subjects who are really attached to them would no longer
be able to excite their better feelings."

Ssu Ma-kuang found, as did the other officials, that
it was impossible to triumph over his adversary. Wang
seemed to have such an influence over the Emperor, and
that monarch was so charmed with the ability and origin-
ality of his minister, that in spite of memorials and indict-
ments he allowed him to continue in power. Ssu Ma-
kuang, at last wearied with the fight, addressed a final
petition to the throne, drawing attention to the evils that
he felt sure would be consequent on Wang's measures.
With regard to the nationalisation of agriculture he con-
sidered it to be most injurious to the country. He pointed
out that the people would not make use of the seed sup-
plied by the government in the way suggested, but as
they care nothing for the future, and are content if the
day's needs are supplied, they would sell most of it or
exchange it for goods they considered more necessary.
He expressed his opinion also that even if the seed was
sown and the harvest reaped, that the people would be
unwilling to repay their loan, and this would entail the
enforcing of the law by the tax-gatherers, who would
resort to extortionate measures and thus create trouble.
He also believed that the system would be a very costly
one and drain the resources of the empire more than
ever. Finally he answered the objections of those who
alleged that the system worked well in the province of
Shensi. Says he : "I have but one reply to make to this.
I am a native of Shensi ; I passed the first part of my life
there ; I have been an eye-witness to the miseries of the
people, and I can affirm that, of the evils under which
they suffer, they attribute two-thirds to this practice,

109 Wang An-shih

against which they murmur unceasingly. Let candid
inquiry be entered into, and the true state of things will
be made manifest." This memorial, however, had no
effect on the Emperor, and Ssu Ma-kuang, unwilling to
serve the empire any longer in conjunction with a man
whose measures he condemned, retired to the city of Lo-
yaug with the title of Censor.

Possessed of the confidence of the Emperor, Wang
smiled at the efforts put forth to accomplish his downfall.
He read with interest all the memorials and protests sub-
mitted to the throne, but calmly went on his own way,
apparently unmoved. A man of less self-confidence might
have trembled for his position, but Wang had a boundless
trust in his own abilities and wisdom, and would hear
no arguments that were in any way against the carrying
out of his plans. His stubbornness earned for him the
soubriquet of the " Obstinate Minister ". There were times
when the Emperor, thinking perhaps that his favourite was
not quite so infallible as he had supposed, wavered and
seemed inclined to listen to the other ministers, but Wang's
counsels in the end prevailed. He pleaded for time in order
to secure the full development of his schemes. Said he :
"Why should you be hasty in this matter? Wait till
experience has shown you the result of the measures which
we have adopted for the benefit of your realm and the
happiness of your subjects. Beginnings are always dif-
ficult, and it is only after overcoming many obstacles that
a man can hope to reap the fruit of his labour. Be firm
and all will go well."

The division of opinion with regard to Wang's meas-
ures was not confined to the ministers of the Cabinet, and
the political warfare was not merely carried on by the offi-
cials. The schemes of the reformer touched the populace,
and the great questions involved split into parties all classes
of society. The people, that seem generally so indifferent
to the proceedings of the government, were aroused, and
neglecting the ordinary occupations of life, spent their time

Wang An-shih no

in discussion of the favourite minister's proposals and meas-
ures. All sorts of pamphlets and inflammatory writings
were scattered broadcast and read by the multitude, and
the nation divided itself on the great questions of political
economy.

It has been already stated that the Emperor Shen
Tsung gave orders for Wang's proposals to be carried out.
The reformer, confident in the success of his measures,
proceeded at once to put them into execution. He ex-
empted the poor from all taxation. He allotted lands and
supplied the farmers with seed and implements. He
appointed the courts to superintend the working of his
schemes and endeavoured to prove the practical value of
his original ideas. But somehow or other his plans were
not successful. The prophecies of Ssu Ma-kuang were
fulfilled, and before very long the people in many districts
were reduced to distress and poverty, even more extreme than
they had known before. This of course naturally led
Wang's supporters to lose their confidence in him, and
the reformer found himself the advocate of a losing cause.
His enemies of course made most of their opportunities to
estrange the people's hearts from him, and he fell into
disfavour with all classes of the community.

It would be interesting, however, to know how far the
failure of Wang's economic reforms influenced the officials
and literary classes in face of the fact that he instituted
reforms also in their special realm. One is inclined to
think that other of the great minister's measures had more
to do with his downfall. He attempted to remodel litera-
ture. He caused his own commentaries on the classics to
be adopted as the correct explanation, and he endeavoured
to alter the examination system that had been in vogue for
centuries. He required from candidates not so much
graces of style as a wide acquaintance with practical sub-
jects. In this, history repeats itself, and we have in China
at the present day the spectacle described by a writer who,
referring to Wang An-shih's reform in the educational

iii Wan£ A n- sh ih

system, says: "Even the pupils at village schools threw
away their text-books of rhetoric and began to study
primers of history, geography, and political economy. "
The Emperor Shen Tsungdied in 1085, and then Wang An-
shih lost the best of his supporters. He was immediately
disgraced and banished to Nanking as governor of that
city. He retired, however, soou after into private life and
died the following year.

His last days were saddened by witnessing the reversal
of the whole of his policy. He saw his schemes and plans
all discarded, and had the mortification of knowing that all
his labour had been in vain. This was brought about to
a great extent by his former antagonist, Ssu Ma-kuang,
who had struggled so unsuccessfuly against him whilst at
the height of his power. Ssu Ma-kuang, it will be remem-
bered, retired to Loyang, where he gave himself to the
great work of his life the writing of a History of China.
Part of it had already been written when he gave up office,
and he spent the years of his retirement in completing
what constitutes now one of the greatest literary achieve-
ments in the Chinese language. On the death of Shen
Tsung, Ssu Ma-kuang, at the advice of Cheng Hao, an-
other noted scholar of that period, resolved to go back to
the capital and offer his services to the Empress, who
acted as Regent during the minority of the young monarch,
Che Tsung. It is said that the people in the city were over-
joyed at the return of the minister. He was well-beloved
by all, and his entrance into the capital was received with
great rejoicings. The Empress at once installed him in
office, and he applied himself immediately to efface every
trace of Wang An-shih's government. He was successful
in this, and the disappointed reformer saw his antagonist
triumphant. Ssu Ma-kuang, however, did not long survive
his fallen adversary. Soon after his arrival at the capital
he was seized with a sickness, which proved fatal, and died
in the same year as Wang An-shih. For some time after
his death Wang's memory was decried, but his followers

Wang An-shih 112

soon regained influence in the empire, and whilst the
memory of Ssti Ma-kuang was aspersed, a tablet to the
memory of Wang An-shih was placed in the Confucian
temple. He was represented as the most original thinker
and reformer since Mencius. One of his opposers in life,
Yang Shih, however, wrote a protest, which resulted finally
in the withdrawal from the temple of the tablet to Wang
An-shih. Since then the great reformer has had no con-
sideration at the hands of his countrymen, and he has been
almost forgotten,

CHU SHE

SCHOLAR AND PHILOSOPHER.

'HE declining years of the Sung Dynasty produced
one of the most brilliant scholars that China has
ever known. This was Chn She, a man of great
ability and of high character, who by his indefatigable
labours in the interests of learning, has left an indelible
mark on the life and literature of the people of the nation.
His name is a household word throughout the length and
breadth of the empire.

In the little town of Yu-chi, beautifully situated in a
mountainous district of Fukien, lived .an official named
Chu Sung, who was an earnest student of the Confucian
classics and also a philosopher. He had been magistrate
of that district, but his term of office expiring, he had
obtained the loan of a friend's house on the other side
of the little river and retired there. Here in the year 1130
his son was born, who was destined afterwards to achieve
such fame amongst his own countrymen.

Chu Sung and his wife were both persons of nobility
of character, and they endeavoured to train up their little
son in the way of goodness, and for a considerable time
Chu She was educated at home. He was a delicate boy,
and great care was needed to preserve his health, but the
parents were rewarded for their attention to him, when
signs were manifested of his genius and ability. During his
early years his father received other appointments and rose
rapidly into public prominence, but having incurred the
displeasure of the minister Chin Kuei, he retired from
office and removed with his family to Kien-ning , in the
same province of Fukieu. He was not permitted to enjoy
long his well-earned leisure, for he died three years later
when his son Chu She was only thirteen years of age.

Chu Sung on his deathbed appointed three friends to
look after the education of his boy, and exhorted Chu She

Chu She 114 f

to abide by their precepts and advice and in every way
to act as if he were their son. The father's wishes were
carried out. Chu She studied under the three friends,
who manifested a real affection for him, which was returned
on the part of the young scholar. It is to be feared that
the teaching was not altogether as his father would have
wished, for Chu She had to listen at times to what was op-
posed to Confucian orthodoxy, but he does not seem to have
suffered in any way from its effects. After a while he
married a daughter of one of the trio, and thus became
even more closely connected with his masters. By this
time he had developed into a promising scholar, giving
evidence of special brilliance and ability, which evidence
was more than substantiated when at the age of nineteen
he took the degree of Chin Shih or Doctor. Shortly after
this he visited the graves of his ancestors at Wn-yuan, in
the province of Anhui, the birthplace of his deceased
father.

At the age of twenty-one, Chu She received his first
public appointment as assistant magistrate at Tung-an,
near Amoy. On his way to take up the duties of office,
he visited the town of Yen-ping, in order to call on a
great scholar and philosopher, Li Tung, who had been a
great friend of his father's. This was the beginning of
an intimacy that lasted many years and was of great bene-
fit to Chu She. The philosopher exercised a wonderful
influence over his young admirer, and was the means of
keeping him to the straight path of Confucian teaching,
from which at one time he was inclined to stray. Chu
She remained at Tung-an for three years, and during that
time distinguished himself in the administration of his
office. He laboured for the welfare of the people under
his charge, fostered learning and did much towards the
reformation of evil customs that were prevalent there. It
was here that he was brought into close contact with
Buddhist teaching, and seemed likely to accept its tenets.
Some say that he even became a Buddhist priest, but

ii5 Chu She

perhaps that is too extreme a statement. Anyhow he be-
came tainted with the Buddhist heresy, but his views were
changed after his term of office had expired. Returning
home from Tung-an he once more visited his old master,
Li Tung, who was able to argue him out of the positions
that he had taken with regard to the religion of Buddha.

Whilst Chu She was at Tung-an he had not in any
way enriched himself, and he was obliged to ask for an-
other office in order to support his mother. Eventually
he was appointed to the superintendency of the Nan Yo
Temple, in the province of Hunan. This office was a
sinecure, and he had abundant leisure for study, a state
of affairs that proved very congenial to his tastes. Chu
She had all his youth been an earnest student, and his
progress in the path of knowledge was not merely owing
to the brilliancy of his intellect. He had worked exceed-
ingly hard. Now it became his custom to rise in the
morning before daylight and continue his studies very
often until midnight, with few intervals for food or rest.
He studied diligently at this time the philosophy of his
old friend Li Tung, and the Chinese nation is indebted to
Chu She for the preservation of the teachings of that not-
able man. Li Tung himself left no writings, but his
pupil preserved and published the written answers that he
had received in reply to questions or doubts. He also
collected all the notes he found of Li Tung's sayings and
wrote an account of his life.

In the year 1163, when the Emperor Shiao Tsung
ascended the throne, Chu She was summoned to the court,
but the life there was not at all congenial to him. He
took advantage of the situation to present a memorial to
the Emperor on the evil condition of public affairs in
general, but he does not seem to have made it his work
to rectify the abuses prevalent in the empire. He was a
student and a philosopher and was happiest amongst
his books and with literary companions, and he soon re-
turned to Hunan to continue his literarv work. This

Chu She 116

time he went to live near Heng-shan, the sacred mount-
ain of that province and one of the noted mountains
of China. Here he was brought into contact with a
celebrated scholar named Chang Chili, and the two on
their first meeting commenced a discussion on the teach-
ing of the Chung Yung, one of the classics, which
was kept up for three days and three nights. After
Chang's death, some thirteen years after, his unpublished
manuscripts were given to Chu She, who prepared them
for publication, adding his own letters that he had re-
ceived from the distinguished scholar. Chu She's study
of philosophy was not merely a hobby or pastime ; it was
a very real work for him because of its bearings on human
life. He believed that true wisdom made known to the
world would win people away from false ideals and from
evil living. Philosophy was for every day life; it was
the only thing that would make men wise and good. And
so in the privacy of his own rooms he wrote and reasoned
against error and heresy, and in his public life he taught
his principles and endeavoured to rectify and exalt the
morals of his people. He was a follower of Confucius,
and although speculating more than his great master in
the deep questions of the spirit world and human destiny,
he was like him free from dogmatism. He considered
that the last word on such subjects had yet to be said,
and he always urged further reflection and consideration.
But for the conduct of life he considered that the plain
maxims of the great sage were sufficient, and the more
the wisdom and truth of them became manifest, the more
would people keep to the path of righteousness.

It was a great occasion in Chu She's life when he
first met with one of the most distinguished thinkers of
China, the philosopher L,u Chin-yuan. The interview
was brought about by another famous scholar, who thought
that by a friendly personal discussion, certain differences
of opinion on the part of Lu and Chu might be removed.
Accordingly the philosophers met at a place near Shin-

ii7 Chu She

chou, in Kiangsi. There were other distinguished liter-
ati present, but the discussion was carried on mainly
by Chu She and Lu Chin-yuan ; the subject being the
education of the mind of man. Lu was of a reflective
turn and considered that the perfection of the individual
soul could be brought about by introspection and medita-
tion, whilst Chu maintained that there should be first
learning and study and afterwards this use of the reflec-
tive faculties. This controversy has become a noted affair
in the history of Chinese philosophy.

During these years of literary work, Chu She felt less
and less inclined towards active public life, and the death
of his mother, and a few years afterwards that of his wife
also, left him comparatively free from the trammels of
office. But at last he was forced to accept the post of
Prefect of Naukang, in the province of Kiangsi. Here
again he distinguished himselt by his admirable administra-
tion ; he improved the condition of the people under his
charge. Whilst in charge of this office he still gave him-
self to study and literary labours, and in order to secure
privacy built for himself a retreat at the White Deer Grotto,
in the Lu Mountains, some seven miles distant. The name
of this place was given on account of the tradition that the
philosopher employed a white deer to bring his provisions
from the market by slinging a basket to its horns. At the
present day a temple exists on the spot, and a figure of the
deer is to be seen in the hall, whilst close by is pointed
out a tree that is supposed to have been planted by Chu
She. The temple to-day is a place of pilgrimage for the
literati of China.

It was during Chu's occupation of this retreat in 1151
that the celebrated thinker mentioned above, Lu Chiu-
yuan, visited him in order to obtain an epitaph for his
elder brother. Chu She here, as in other places, had a
following of students and disciples who accepted his
philosophy, and on the visit of Lu he gathered them to-
gether and invited the distinguished guest to lecture to

Chu She 118

them. After some coaxing Lu consented and delivered
an admirable discourse on one of the sayings of
Confucius. "The mind of the superior man is conversant
with righteousness, the mind of the mean man is conversant
with gain." A change of opinions had occurred in the
mind of Lu, and on this occasion he was somewhat more
reconciled to the views of Chu She than on his first
acquaintance with him.

Mention has been made of the disciples of Chu She.
As a teacher of the wisdom of the ancients he always had
about him numbers of men who were anxious to profit by
his instruction, some of whom became in their turn
distinguished scholars and whose names are now inscribed
on the roll of fame. Amongst these were Huang Kan, Tsai
Yuan-ting and Tsai Chen. Huang Kan was an earnest
student, who won Chu She's admiration and who worked
with his master in the publication of his books, searching
out references and also errors. Chu She gave him his
second daughter to wife. Tsai Yuan-ting was a man
almost the same age as Chu She who, hearing of the
latter' s fame, resolved to be his disciple. Chu She finding,
however, that he was a man of learning and genius, refused
to call him disciple and made him a friend and fellow-
student. The two lived together for a considerable time
and enjoyed each other's society, often conversing on the
classics till long after midnight ; they also worked together
on the explanation of the classics, which has since formed
Chu She's real title to Chinese admiration and worship.
Tsai Chen was the son of Tsai Yuan-ting, who also became
devoted to Chu She. When his father was banished to
Hunan for adherence to Chu's doctrines, Tsai Chen went
with him and tended him to the day of his death, returning
then to his master, Chu She.

From Nankang and his retreat at the White Deer
Grotto, Chu She went to the province of Chekiang. Here
he won distinction by his beneficent ru)e and also from the
fact that he demolished a hall built to the memory of Chin

1 19 Chu She

Kuei, a minister who had, in the interests of peace or
personal safety, advocated a truce with the Kin Tartars
who had invaded China. Chn She felt that the man had
been a traitor to his country, and accordingly wished his
memory to perish.

In 1190 Chu She became Prefect of Chang-chow, in
Fukien. This post, like others, he took with great
reluctance, feeling much more at home in his own depart-
ment of study and literature than as a public servant. But
carrying out his principles of loyalty to his prince, he
followed the path of duty, and whilst engaging in public
duties, at the same time strove to make known the
classical literature of his country and to enforce its teach-
ings. Whilst at Chang-chow he suffered attacks on his
personal character and principles which, although unsuc-
cessful at first, finally resulted in his disgrace and removal
from office. He was accused of faults in his moral
character, but especially of inculcating corrupt doctrines.
His interpretation of the classics was so different from the
ordinary accepted explanations that there were many who
felt he was striving to overturn and destroy the ancient
traditions. Officialdom of course was deeply moved, and
there were plenty of his fellow-magistrates ready to rejoice
in his downfall. One aged counsellor of the court sought
to boycott all independent thinking and suggested that
those who were given positions of trust and responsibility-
should "determine positively the doctrine which they are
to follow, and to which they must remain inviolably
attached"; and suggested to the throne that it forbid
14 everyone to take up opinions according to his fancy".
Another official proposed that all the learned in the empire
be bound to adhere to the doctrines of Confucius, and that
they be prohibited from paying any regard to commenta-
tors on the sacred writings.

The result of the agitation was that Chu She was
stripped of all his honours and titles and dismissed from
his position as public official, whilst his fellow-student,

Chu She 120

Tsai Yuan-ting, was banished to Hunan. Three years
later Chu She received a new appointment, and some of his
honours were restored to him, but by this time he was old
and broken down by sickness, and he obtained leave to
resign. He retired into private life, but although racked
with pain and weakened by disease he continued to teach
his disciples and work at his manuscripts, resolved to leave
his literary productions in as perfect a form as possible. A
year later, however, the end came. His disciples manifested
much regard and affection for him and often came to see
him as he lay on his death-bed, but one proved exception-
ally devoted to him. This was Tsai Tsen. On the death
of his father in Hunan he returned to Chu She and minis-
tered to him in his last days with the tenderness of a son.
One night there arose a fearful storm of wind, and amidst
the gale the old scholar and philosopher yielded up his life,
dying at the age of seventy. This was in 1200. Forty
years afterwards a tablet was placed to his memory in a
specially honoured place in the Temple of Confucius.

The literary productions of Chu She were exceedingly •
voluminous, but were all of the highest excellence. They
consisted in biographical sketches of great men, writings
on Buddhism and Taoism, poems and verses, a revision of
the celebrated history of Ssu Ma-kuang, and other works.

The work by which Chu She's fame will abide, how-
ever, is his interpretation of the Chinese classics. He felt
that it was a duty laid on him to restore the sacred texts
and set forth their true meaning. He spent much time
and strength in this achievement and produced what has
made his name famous for all time. His interpretations
of the books were considerably at variance with those that
had been given by the early scholars, and which had been
received as authoritative and infallible, and these, as Dr.
Giles says, "modified to a certain extent the prevailing
standard of political and social morality". The principle
upon which he worked was simply one of consistence. He
refused to interpret words in a given passage in one sense,

i2i Chu She

and give the same words another meaning in a different
connection. In this way he was able to throw light on
many passages that were obscure and bring the meaning
of the whole body of writings into a truer light. A later
scholar says with regard to one particular book : "Chu She
alone was able to pierce through the meaning and appro-
priate the thought of the prophets who composed it."

The influence of the teaching of Chu She on the
Chinese character has been considered, especially by Euro-
peans, to a certain extent harmful. He is accused of
materialism and atheism. Says Rev. A. Smith: "The
authority of Chu She, the learned expounder of the Chinese
classics, has been so overwhelming that to question any of
his views has long been regarded as heresy. The effect
has been to overlay the teachings of the classics with an
interpretation which is not only materialistic, but which
so far as we understand it, is totally atheistic." This may
be true, but it is also true that Chu She's life was beautiful
for its simplicity and rectitude. He considered that true
wisdom consisted in being good, and in so doing echoed
the words of a Hebrew sage : "To depart from evil, that is
understanding."

KUBLAI KHAN

THE WORLD'S EMPEROR.

the twelfth century A.D. two powers were
contesting for the supremacy in the empire of China ;
one of these being the native dynasty of the Sungs,
the other the Nn-chen Tartars who had come in over
the northern frontier. The country at that time was divid-
ed ; the north being in possession of the Tartars who had
founded a dynasty under the name of the Chin or Golden
Dynast)'', and the southern portion ruled by the Sungs.
Constant battles took place, and a severe struggle for the
mastery was carried on over a considerable number of years.

Meanwhile another power was rising in the north,
which was destined soon to make itself felt, not only in the
Chinese empire but in the whole of Asia and some of the
countries of Europe. The Mongols, which at a later date
overran the great continent, were leaving their ancestral
home in the strip of land between the Onon and Kerulon
rivers, and were seeking fresh fields and pastures new.
Theirs was no peaceful migration, however, fora great chief
had arisen who, filled with the lust of conquest, drenched
the land in human blood. Genghis Khan, the great chief
of the Mongols, led his troops into the Shia kingdom and
subdued it, passing on through Northern China until he
reached the Pacific Coast. Having conquered this terri-
tory he retraced his steps and marched westward, carry-
ing all before him, even into the eastern confines of Europe.

The early years of the thirteenth century saw the
establishment of the Mongol power in Asia. Genghis
Khan was succeeded by several martial leaders, who carried
on the work of conquest, and these in turn were followed
by the remarkable man who finally became ruler over a
more extensive empire than the world had ever known
before and has never since beheld. Kublai Khan, the

123 Kublai Khan

famous Mongol, came nearer to being the world's emperor
than any other monarch in history.

Kublai was the second son of Tuli, the youngest son
of Genghis Khan. He was born in 1216 A.I)., just about
the time that his grandfather was completing the conquest
of North China. At this period, contact with more civil-
ized peoples, had given the Mongols to see that the sword
was not the only conquering power, and the savagery of
the race was being tempered by education. Kublai had
the advantage over his ancestors in this respect that he
was brought into touch with more humanising influences,
and a Chinese education made him more fit to rule the
Asiatic hordes than those who had gone before him. He
was blessed with a wise and capable tutor named Yao Chu
who, after he had attained to manhood, still continued to
be his secretary and adviser. Kublai owed much of his
success in later years to the wise counsels of this Chinese
mentor.

But although the young prince had risen above the
level of a savage Mongol chief, he was still a warrior, and
was as much at home on the battle field as the other mem-
bers of his house. During the last campaign of the great
Genghis, although but a boy, he took his place in the ranks,
and his youth afterwards was spent amidst warlike sur-
roundings. Arrived at manhood's estate, he was a capable
and successful soldier, and his after-career showed him an
equally successful general and commander.

When Kublai was thirty years of age his elder
brother Mangu was proclaimed Chief Khan of the Mongols.
By this time a great part of the continent of Asia had been
conquered, but there still remained the territory ruled
over by the Sung Dynasty of China, and Mangu set about
the conquest of this desirable land. Whilst engaged in
the overthrow of the Chins in Northern China, the
Mongols had made an alliance with the Southern Snugs,
but now that the provinces were in their possession, the
compact was broken aud Mangu determined to carry his

Kublai Khan 124

arms to the farthest limits of the Sung empire. In order
to accomplish his designs he appointed Kublai commander-
in-chief of the armies and gave him entire charge of the
operations. Kublai in his campaigns was ably assisted by
his general, Uriangkadai, and was also helped by the wise
advice of his adviser and former tutor, Yao Chu.

Kublai received the charge in 1251, when he was
thirty-five. He showed his wisdom by first preparing a
suitable base of operations. This was done by restoring
the southern part of the province of Honan, which had
been devastated, and made into a wilderness. By Kublai's
efforts the land became prosperous, his methods commend-
ed themselves to the people, and in this way he attached to
himself a good many of the inhabitants of the district.

Kublai's work in this particular is a type of his later
achievements, and it was in this way that he won the con-
fidence of the Chinese, who have ever considered him the
best of the Mongol rulers of their land.

To conquer the Sung territory, Kublai conducted his
operations in a manner quite different from what the
enemy expected. Instead of marching straightforward
towards the nearest frontier, he took his troops in a circui-
tous direction to the borders of the modern province of
Yunnan, at that time an independent state. Attacking this
state, he made himself master of the capital, and in this way
put the Sungs to a disadvantage, who were now betwixt two
fires, beset on their northern and southern borders by the
Mongol armies. This circumvention on the part of Kublai
was performed very quickly, and it brings into prominence
one of the striking features of his generalship, the rapidity
with which he moved his troops over vast areas. Conduct-
ed as his campaigns were in a laud of few roads, with high
mountains and broad rivers, it speaks well for the ability
of the Mongol as a military leader.

Yunnan, being subdued, Kublai returned to the
north, leaving his^ general, Uriangkadai, in charge of
the army to attack the Sungs from that position. This

125 Kublai Khan

warrior not only obeyed his commander, but made war
on his own initiative against the neighbouring tribes,
carrying his arms into Bnrmali, where he compelled the
king to acknowledge the supremacy of the Mongol rule.
This general's zeal brought disaster for a time to Kublai.
He had enemies at the Mongol court at Karakoram,
and these succeeded in persuading Mangu Khan that
his younger brother was aiming at the supreme power,
and that his campaigns were simply the beginnings of a
rebellion. Mangu accordingly deprived Kublai of all com-
mands and ordered him to appear at the capital. Resent-
ing this treatment, Kublai naturally turned his thoughts to
the action of which he had been accused, and half resolved
to try and depose his brother, but the wise counsels of his
adviser, Yao Chu, prevented him from taking this step.
His mentor finally persuaded him to obey the commands of
Mangu and appear with his family at Karakoram. This
Kublai did, and it proved for him and for all the best
thing. On his arrival Mangu repented of his unwise action ;
a' reconciliation took place, and Kublai was reinstated in
his offices.

Mangu Khan was so determined to accomplish the
overthrow of the Sungs in China that he decided to go
to the front in person, and he and Kublai took joint com-
mand of the army, leaving Arikbuka, their brother, in power
at the capital. This decision was not made a moment too
soon, for news had come that Uriangkadai down in Yunnan
was in straits, being beset by the Sung general with his
troops. Once more the Mongols by their rapid movements
carried consternation into the Sung camps. The campaign
was begun in the winter, and ere the Chinese were aware,
Mangu and Kublai had crossed the Yellow River on the
ice. Uriangkadai, being relieved, was ordered to march
northwards through Ssuchuan to meet the Khan's army.
For two years a bitter struggle took place between the
Mongols and the Chinese, which was finally brought to
*a close by the retreat of the Khan's armies, leaving the

Kublai Khan 126

Sungs undefeated. Two years after, in 1259, another
attempt was made by Mangn to crush the Chinese, but
this campaign also ended disastrously. The Mongol camp
was attacked with dysentery ; many of the troops died,
and the rest retreated in disorder. Mangu himself fell ill
from the same disease and in a few days succumbed, leav-
ing his disorganised army to effect their return as best they
could.

Whilst the Khan was breathing his last, Kublai was
engaged with the enemy in another part of the empire.
He reached the banks of the Yang-tzu river and, cross-
ing, laid siege to Wuchang. He was not able, however,
to take the city, and the Sung Emperor making proposals
of peace, Kublai was glad to accept them. He withdrew,
leaving the fortress intact, but with the acknowledgment
on the part of the Sung ruler of the supremacy of the
Mongols. On the death of Mangu disputes arose as to the
chieftainship of the Mongols. Kublai was the rightful heir,
but Arikbuka, being already in possession of the capital,
determined to retain his power and supplant his brother.
Kublai at once marched northwards, and reaching Cam-
baiuc, a city almost on the site of the modern Peking, called
a council and proclaimed himself Khan of the Mongols.
As no Great Khan could be proclaimed in any other place
than the capital of Karakoram, the Mongols north of the
Chinese frontier refused to acknowledge Kublai, and Arik-
buka, proclaiming himself Khan in this city, received the
allegiance of his people. This was in 1260.

In the following year, 1261, Kublai marched on
Karakoram. Conscious of his right to the throne, he
determined to punish his younger brother for usurping his
power. The task was not a difficult one, for after a single
battle, Arikbuka acknowledged himself defeated and threw
himself on the mercy of the conqueror. Kublai acted
generously, and instead of punishing Arikbuka, forgave him
and placed him in a position of authority over his subjects.
And now Kublai was real Khan of the Mongols, whose

127 Kublai Khan

territory at this time stretched over a vast area. But like
Alexander, he sought for further fields of conquest and
renown. In Western Asia the countries under Mongol rule
were governed by members of Kublai's house ; the original
territory of the Mongols was now under Arikbuka, and
Kublai set his face towards the subjugation of the still
unconquered Chinese empire. He returned to Cambaluc
in 1264 and made this city his capital, establishing his
court and surrounding himself with all the regal splen-
dour of a mighty prince.

Kublai had no doubt determined to make war once
more against the Sung Emperor of China, but he was given
an excuse for so doing, which clears him from the blame
of having broken a compact. During his absence in the
north the Chinese had on more than one occasion com-
menced hostilities, and had finally made peace impossible
by killing the Mongol envoys. Kublai proclaimed war
and at once commenced operations, but at a critical mo-
ment he was hindered by the development of events in
Corea. The king of this country having refused further
allegiance to the Mongol rule, Kublai had to turn his
attention to this question. The difficulty, however, was not
of long standing. Half by flattery and half by menace
Kublai won his point ; the Coreans were satisfied, and
peaceable relations established.

Kublai, as a wise soldier, profited by his mistakes. In
his first campaigns in China he had been unsuccessful,
and had found out the impossibility of conquering that
people by the methods used. He determined on another
plan of action. Instead of marching southward to the
Yangtzu as before, he ordered his soldiers to the banks
of the River Han, where they laid siege to the city of
Shiang-yang, in the province of Hupeh.

Since the proclamation of war against the Chinese,
there had been serious delays, and years had passed before
Kublai could with any confidence commence his cam-
paign. It was not till the year 1268 that Shiang-yang

Kublai Khan 128

was invested and the war really commenced. Sixty
thousand of Kublai' s best troops were engaged in this
siege. In order to ensure success, the city of Fancheng,
on the opposite side of the river, was also invested, bridges
were built and a complete blockade was made with junks
that prevented any help coming up the river. But the
city of Shiang-yang was held by a strong garrison and
commanded by a capable soldier, and for three years the
Mongol army strove in vain to reduce it. All they could
do, was to prevent stores being carried into the city, and
as it had been well victualled before the commencement
of the siege, the inhabitants were not yet short of food.
In 1270 Kublai determined to make another and greater
attempt to reduce this fortress. This time he was success-
ful, but not till after a severe struggle, during which
heroic deeds were performed by Chinese commanders that
deserve permanent record in the history of mankind.
Fancheng was the first to fall, and this town being reduced,
the weakest side of Shiang-yang was exposed to the
Mongol catapults and other engines of destruction, and the
governor surrendered, accepting the terms offered by
Kublai. The following is from the Emperor's letter to
the commander in Shiang-yang : u The generous defence
you have made during five years covers you with glory.
It is the duty of every faithful subject to serve his prince
at the expense of his life, but in the straits to which you
are reduced, your strength exhausted, deprived of succour
and without hope of receiving any ; would it be reasonable
to sacrifice the lives of so many brave men out of sheer
obstinacy ? Submit in good faith to us and no harm shall
come to you. We promise you still more, and that is
to provide each and all of you with honourable employ-
ment. You shall have no grounds of discontent, for that
we pledge you our Imperial word."

The city of Shiang-yang having surrendered to
Kublai, it was comparatively easy for him to continue the
campaign with success. This had been the last strong

129 Kublai Khan

fortress of the Stings in the north-west, and when that
was lost the other towns in the vicinity were soon taken.
At this juncture also Kublai secured the services of a
noted Mongol general, Bayan, who had greatly distinguished
himself in Persia. Bayan was a military genius, and
the success that had attended him in Western Asia had
brought him into prominence. To him was entrusted the
command of the army, and he proved as capable of
overthrowing the Chinese as he had the Persians. The
governor of Shiang-yang, who had accepted Kublai's
proposals, had also been given a position of trust, and he
having in the siege of that town been practically deserted
by his emperor and left to his fate, spent his remaining
days in loyal service to his conqueror.

The Mongol army followed the course of the Han
River down to the Yang-tzu and there invested the towns
of Hanyang and Wuchang. After some righting these
towns were taken, and the conquerors proceeded down the
Yang-tzu, carrying all before them until they came to the
Sung capital of Hangchow. This was also taken after a
struggle, and the young Chinese Emperor and his mother
captured and sent to Cainbaluc. Although the Chinese
empire was practically conquered, the Chinese still
resisted. The Emperor's brother fted to Foochow and
set up the Sung capital there, but the Mongols advanced,
taking possession of Kiangsi and Fukien, and the Em-
peror had once more to flee, taking up a position in Kuang-
tung province. Unfortunately he died, but still the
Chinese held out. Another of the royal family took the
Imperial yellow and established himself on the south
coast, but the. Mongols blockaded his fortress. Food be-
came scarce, the defenders were reduced to straits, and
finally the place was taken. During the last battle one of
the Sung ministers realising that all was lost, took the
young Emperor in his arms and sprang with him from
his junk into the sea, where they were drowned. Thus
ended the Sung dynasty of China in 1279.

Kublai Khan 130

The conquest of China by Kublai Khan was the com-
pletion of the work begun by his grandfather, Genghis.
Kublai's success was not, however, entirely due to the
sword, and his supremacy was acknowledged sooner than
might have been the case with those who had gone before
him. His Chinese education, his personality, his humane
methods, all contributed to the success of his arms, and
many were willing to submit to him because they recog-
nised in him a bettter ruler than China had seen for some
considerable time. The empire had been for many years
torn with strife and war whilst the struggle between the
Chin Tartars and their own rulers had been taking place,
and the Mongol rule seemed to promise a future of peace
and prosperity. And so it came to pass that Kublai, the
Great Khan of the Mongols, became Emperor of China
and the mightiest prince in Asia.

Whilst Kublai's generalissimo, Bayan, was subduing
the peoples of the south, the Khan himself in his capital
at Cambaluc was gathering round him all the splendour
and glory of a magnificent court. Anticipating the success
of all his armies, in 1271 he called himself the founder of
a new Chinese dynasty, giving it the name of the Yuan or
Original.

Kublai's court at Cambaluc must have been one of
the finest and most magnificent in the world. He insisted
upon the strictest ceremonial in all matters and required
those who attended to dress themselves in the most
gorgeous dresses and costumes. His banquets were sumpt-
uous, and all the great state occasions were marvels of
magnificence. Strangers were welcomed from all countries
and their wealth and gifts contributed towards the splen-
dour of the Great Khan's following. Cambaluc was the
scene of regal pageantry, such as only is associated with
the pomp and glory of Eastern monarchs. The city itself
was built on a grand scale, in keeping with the magnifi-
cence of its great master. We are indebted to the Venetian
traveller, Marco Polo, for a detailed description of this fine

131 Kublai Khan

capital, and we can gather from his writings some idea of the
grandeur it displayed. Not only was Cambaluc a city of
palaces and luxurious habitations, but it was also a strong
fortress ; the foundations of some of its walls standing to
the present day. Kublai being extremely fond of hunting,
spent much of his time in the district north-east of Cain-
baluc, where he also had a splendid palace, the building
and environs of which have been immortalized by Coleridge.
There is something truly oriental in the conception where
he sings:

" In Xanadu did Kubla Khan
A stately pleasure dome decree,
Where Alph the sacred river ran
Through caverns measureless to man
Down to a sunless sea ;
So twice five miles of fertile ground
With walls and towers were girdled round,
And there were gardens bright with sinuous rills,
Where blossomed many an incense-bearing tree,
And here were forests ancient as the hills,
Enfolding sunny spots of greenery."

Kublai, the monarch of half the world, was not con-
tent with anything that lacked the splendour and glory
of his exalted position.

Of the Khan himself, Polo tells us that he was "a
comely handsome man, of middle stature, of a very fresh
complexion, black and bright eyes, well-fashioned nose,
and all the lineaments of his body consisting of due pro-
portion". Chinese artists have depicted him as fat and
ungainly, but this may have been the result of prejudice
and dislike to a man not of their own nationality.

It has been already stated that Kublai insisted on a
strict court etiquette. He required all proper obeisance and
deference and demanded the performance of the "kotow"
or nine prostrations from all his inferiors. He ordered the
priests and ministrants in temples to perform services and
make prayers on his behalf, and he sent images of himself
to many of the towns ill the empire to be duly reverenced
by the inhabitants.

Kublai Khan 132

Although a warrior, after his accession to the throne
he does not seem to have accompanied his troops in person
on more than one occasion. His martial spirit was
tempered by his education and, although possessing all the
fire and energy of the earlier Mongol leaders, he was more
humane in his treatment of the vanquished. His cam-
paigns were remarkable for the absence of ferocity and
bloodthirstiness on the part of the soldiers ; few massacres
of defenceless people being recorded ; certainly a new
feature in Mongol warfare.

On his occupation of the throne of the Chinese empire,
Kublai laid down certain lines of policy, and he determined
to follow them, convinced that they were for the welfare
of the people. In this he was ably assisted by his adviser,
Yao Chu, who had throughout the Khan's youth moulded
and guided his life ; Kublai having received a Chinese
education, possessed a love of literature and a reverence for
all who sought after "knowledge. One of his earliest
measures was to liberate all literary men who were found
amongst his prisoners of war. This act secured for him
the respect and admiration of the Chinese, and was one of
the many wise strokes of policy that made the conquest of
the country easier than it might have been.

As only a few years had elapsed between the rise of
the savage Mongol power and its supremacy over a large
area, at the time of Kublai the Mongols did not possess
any means of communication of thought other than vocal ;
they had no writing and of course no literature. They
depended upon the Chinese language for correspondence
on paper. Kublai, desiring the mental development of his
countrymen, appointed a Buddhist priest, named Bashpa,
to construct -an alphabet for the use of the Mongols. This
was done *, and Kublai issued an edict commanding that
in future all official documents were to be written in
these characters. The Mongol writing, however, was soon
discarded, many of the intellectual officials and gentry
studying Chinese literature and becoming learned in the

133 Kublai Khan

wisdom of that nation. In process of time important con-
tributions to Chinese literature were made by the Mongols ;
one branch especially, that of the drama, remaining un-
surpassed through all succeeding years.

Other measures of the Great Khan, in favour of liter-
ary study, were the establishment of schools throughout
the empire and the granting of privileges to literary men,
such as exemption from certain taxes and impositions.
Kublai, conscious of his limitations, readily received
scholars from all countries and was willing to profit by
their advice and instruction.

It was this eagerness for knowledge and a desire to
benefit his people that made Kublai throw open the doors
of his great empire to all who wished to enter. This has
not been the policy of later emperors or dynasties in China,
and we are apt to think that the exclusiveness of that coun-
try has been its main feature ever since its earliest days. A
study of the Mongol period will show that China, under
Kublai Khan, was as free of access to foreigners as any other
territory in his dominions and was more open to outside
influence than some other kingdoms of Asia at that time.
It was during the reign of Kublai that tne celebrated
Venetian travellers, Nicolo Polo and Maffei Polo, made
their way through the Tartar regions to the city of the
Great Khan. They were well received by him and stayed
in the country a considerable time, returning to Venice
some twenty years after their departure from that town.
Two years later they started again for the East ; this time
taking with them Marco, the son of Nicolo Polo. Marco
was a young man of talent and energy, and finding favour
with Kublai, was appointed in 1277 to the post of second-class
commissioner attached to the Imperial Council. He lived
many years in the empire and filled several important
positions. We are indebted to him for much of our detailed
knowledge of the Khan and his dominions.

Kublai welcomed any to his court who were able to im-
part information, or introduce new knowledge that would

Kublai Khan 134

be beneficial to the empire. Arabian astrologers and as-
tronomers found a home there and added to the acquire-
ments of the Chinese in the latter science by constituting
a more perfect system than that with which they were
acquainted. Kublai ordered great astronomical instru-
ments to be made which, if not perfect from the modern
standpoint of scientific discovery, were in reality works of
art. Roman Catholic missionaries also found their way to
the city of the Great Khan and were received with the respect
due to men of learning. It was during the reign of Kublai
and his successors that Roman Catholic missions were
established in the Chinese empire and tabulated successes
perhaps greater than they have recorded in later times.
It is interesting in this connection to notice Kublai's
attitude towards religion. This was one of toleration, an
attitude that does not seem to have been taken by many
Asiatic rulers, judging by the records of history. This
may have been a matter of policy on the Khan's part ; he
being wise enough to know that religion is a thing dear
to men's hearts, and that a proper respect for the beliefs
and creeds of men will do much to break down all other
barriers that may interpose between them. There is no
doubt that Kublai himself had strong leanings towards
Buddhism, but this did not make him intolerant of the
other religions with which he was acquainted.

At the time of Kublai's accession Buddhism was
flourishing vigorously in Northern Asia. It had estab-
lished its headquarters in Thibet, and priests from that coun-
try were engaged in the propagation of its doctrines. A
young Thibetan priest at the Khan's court had succeeded
in gaining the monarch's ear, and he persuaded Kublai to
make friends of the priestly order, as considerable power
lay in their hands. Kublai created him pontiff of the
Buddhist church, under the title of the Pakba Lama, at
the same time investing him with temporal power. He di-
vided the territory governed into provinces and over each
province set a Lama, who should be subject to the Su-

135 Kublai Khan

preme Lama, appointed by himself. It was in this way
that the foundation of the power of the Thibetan Lamas
was laid, and the suzerainty of the Chinese emperors dates
from this time.

Whilst Kublai listened to Mahommedans and Jews, he
seems to have taken more than unusual interest in Chris-
tianity. We are told that on the Christian festivals he had
the followers of Christ in his presence, and that he kissed
the books containing the Gospels ; these having been first
perfumed by incense. When the brothers Polo made their
appearance at the court, he asked them much about the
Pope, and when they returned to Europe, they were made
his ambassadors to that dignity, requesting him to send one
hundred men of wisdom and learning to teach the Mongols
the doctrines of Christianity. He also asked them to
bring on their return some of the oil from the lamps burn-
ing before the Holy Sepulchre at Jerusalem.

It was thought by a good many that Kublai had been
baptised into the Christian church, but there is no evidence
to that effect, and we must be content to think of him as
manifesting a deep interest in Christianity. Even if he
were baptised, it would simply mean that he had added one
more to the many ceremonies of the different religions he
observed.

Kublai's attitude towards religion, his policy of open
doors in the empire, his willingness to learn from outsiders,
all seem to have been prompted by a real desire for the
benefit of his people. Having Chinese sympathies, due to
his Chinese education, he identified himself with the
people of the nation he had conquered and won to him-
self. By adopting their institutions and looking favour-
ably on their prejudices, he gained their hearts, and to-day,
although Chinese historians have no good word for the
Mongol rulers in general, yet the name of Kublai is held
in respect and esteem.

The Khan showed a deep interest in his subjects in
every way. He endeavoured to secure for them justice in

Kublai Khan 136

the law courts and to make their lives more prosperous
and happy. Polo tells us that he used to send to the
different provinces of the empire to enquire about the state
of the crops, and that if any district had suffered from
tempest or flood, he would remit the tribute for the time
being and also send grain and provisions from his royal
granaries. If any of their cattle suffered, he would' help
in a similar generous manner. He encouraged agriculture
and made many facilities for commerce. He established a
swift postal system, relays of horses being kept at different
stations, and ferry boats left in readiness at particular
river crossings. By means of this system much perishable
produce was also carried long distances and sold to the
benefit of the owners.

One of Kublai' s great works was the re-construction
of the Grand Canal, a waterway stretching between the
towns of Tientsin in Chihli and Hangchow in Chehkiang,
a distance of one thousand miles. This canal, originally
dug by the Emperor Yang Ti, of the Sui dynasty, had
fallen into disuse and was almost blocked up. Kublai
restored its usefulness and it, along with other similar
public works of his, greatly contributed to the prosperity
of the empire.

The completion of the conquest of China was not the
goal of Kublai' s hopes. We are told by Marco Polo that
the Khan delighted in wars and conquests, and it was this
desire for empire that made him send his armies further
afield. Even whilst the struggle with the Snugs was tak-
ing place, Kublai was engaged in other quarters in endeav-
ouring to establish the Mongol supremacy. It was
during these years that he sought to subdue the neigh-
bouring country of Japan. Many of the smaller kingdoms
of Asia were tributary to him and he could not brook the
independence of the island kingdom so near to his shores.

In 1266 Kublai sent two ambassadors bv way of Corea to

< ' j

Japan, with a letter complaining that the Japanese had
not recognised his supreme authority. The Coreaus, how-

137 Kublai Khan

ever, succeeded in frightening the envoys to such an extent
that, feeling the hopelessness of their task, the messengers
of the Khan returned without having accomplished their
mission. Kublai, being persuaded in his own mind that
the Japanese would not submit to him, determined to use
force, and asked the King of Corea for his help. This
was accordingly given, and in 1274 a fleet of three hundred
junks, carrying fifteen thousand men, sailed towards the
East. But however successful the Mongol navy had been
on the Great River, they were no match for the Japanese,
and they suffered a crushing defeat off the island of
Tsushima, in the same waters that have so recently wit-
nessed the annihilation of the fleet of Holy Russia.
Kublai, nothing daunted, determined to secure the down-
fall of the islanders, and in 1280 equipped a large fleet for
the purpose. The ships were gathered together in the
harbours of Chehkiang and Fukien, whence they sailed
with an army of 100,000 men, one-third of whom were
Mongols. The story of this expedition rem'nds one forci-
bly of the fortunes of the Great Armada sent to conquer
another island country that fought for its independence.
The Mongol armament was doomed to misfortune and
failure from the first. Kublai had appointed both a
Chinese and a Mongol generalissimo, and these did not
work well together. Illness reduced the official staff,
accidents occurred which resulted in the loss of life ; there
was a lack of harmony in the camp and fleet. To add to
their misfortunes the elements were against them, and
instead of being able to encounter the Japanese, the Mon-
gol fleet, shattered and broken, sought refuge amongst the
islets of North Japan. Here an attempt was made to refit
and re-equip the fleet, but the Japanese assailed them so
fiercely that at last they were obliged to surrender. Only
a stray junk or two escaped to tell the tale of the defeat of
the great Mongol navy. About thirty thousand troops
were slaughtered, and nearly seventy thousand left pris-
oners in the hands of the conquerors.

Kublai Khan 138

Kublai on hearing the news of the defeat, determined
to make another attempt, but it was frustrated by the
mutiny of the Chinese and Mongol sailors, who had heard
and seen too much of the prowess of the little islanders.
Kublai's ministers also protested against any further
warfare, and finally the Khan abandoned his designs, leav-
ing the Japanese unconquered by the Mongol arms. It
would appear from the above that the Mongols were not
successful on the sea, and indeed that was the case. Accus-
tomed as they were to righting on land, and winning their
greatest victories by the use of cavalry, it is not surprising
that they were inefficient on the water. Kublai at different
times sent expeditions against various islands of the sea,
but they were nearly all unsuccessful. One notable ex-
ample is his attempt to subdue Java. A large armament
was fitted up on the Fukien coast, which proceeded to this
island, but finally returned defeated, having lost a con-
siderable number of men.

But whilst Kublai's naval expeditions met with noth-
ing but disaster, his land campaigns were mostly satisfac-
tory, as witness the conquest of China and of other
surrounding kingdoms. We have referred to the first
subjugation of Burmah by Uriangkadai, Kublai's famous
general of his earlier years. Submission on the part of
the Burmans, however, was only short-lived, and they soon
became independent and hostile. Kublai declared war
against them and sent an army under the Mongol general,
Nasiuddin. On the opening of the campaign the Mongols
were placed at a disadvantage, having only 12,000 men
against 80,000 of the Burmans. The latter also were
accompanied by large numbers of elephants, the appear-
ance of which caused terror in the Mongol camp. At
first victory seemed in favour of the Burmans, but a volley
of Mongol archery caused a stampede amongst the ele-
phants, and the infuriated animals rushed backward through
the Burmese ranks, scattering death and confusion all
around. The Mongols, profiting by this unforeseen occur-

139 Kublai Khan

rence, charged home and put the enemy to flight. This
success was not immediately followed up by Kublai's army,
and for some time after, little result was to be seen of the
conquest, but after a lapse of six years the Mongol army
invaded the Burman territory ; the king was a fugitive,
and the country submitted to the Khan.

The Khan was not successful in his expeditions for
the subjugation of Tonquin and Annam. Twice he sent
armies under his son, Togan, to conquer this territory, but
the tropical heat and swamps proved too much for the
Mongol soldiers, and after several disasters the troops
returned to China defeated and broken.

It is not in mortals to command unqualified and un-
limited success, and even Kublai Khan had to recognise
this. Monarch as he was over a vast area, his reverses put
limits to his almost boundless dominions, and he never
became, what at that time might have been possible, the
sole emperor of the known world. As it was, his empire
was the largest the world had ever seen, and its bounds
have not been exceeded even in our own day. It may
be said by those who are jealous for the fame of the great
British empire that the Khan's authority was extremely
weak in some quarters ; Persia and other countries being
almost independent, but even with regard to these territo-
ries, the Grand Khan was acknowledged supreme ruler,
and could have vindicated his authority if necessity arose.
Kublai's dominions extended from the Pacific to the Dnie-
per ; nearly the whole of Asia being subject to his power.
Never before nor since has it been the lot of one man to
rule over such a world-wide empire.

Kublai's occupation of the throne as Emperor of China,
was greatly beneficial to that country. His measures
made his reign acceptable to the Chinese, but it cannot
be said that it was popular. His subjects couldn't forget
that he was a Mongol, and of alien blood. Moreover, it
was impossible for him, as for any one man, to correct all
the abuses connected with the government of such a country.

Kublai Khan 140

He certainly did much towards securing the permanent
welfare of the people, but of course could not remove every
cause of discontent. His policy of adopting and using
existing Chinese institutions had its weakness, especially
in one direction. On China coining under the Mongols,
Kublai had continued the system of farming the taxes, but
this had been done without any improvement in the manner
of working ; the result being extortion and oppression of
many of the people as of old. Occasionally glaring cases of
injustice were brought to light and the Khan meted out
summary punishment, but the abuses were not rectified,
and the people still suffered.

Not only did Kublai fail to remedy all existing evils,
but be created some by his lust of conquest. His expedi-
tions cost great sums of money, and the Chinese were not
always willing to provide for such great armament?.
Public opinion was stirred on more than one occasion, and
Kublai had to give way before the representations of his
ministers. But he still needed the money, and resorted to
expedients that resulted in the impoverishment of the em-
pire. He issued a paper currency, which was used through-
out the empire, and by this means gained enormous
treasure. Marco Polo tells us of the many merchants who
brought all kinds of goods into China, taking in return,
the paper money of the Khan which they were careful to
again change into merchandise before leaving the country.
During Kublai' s reign, the ill effects of this currency did
not show themselves so clearly, but in succeeding reigns
the people found that they were being impoverished and
had nothing substantial to show for the money they had
paid away. It was this and other similar faulty measures
of government that weakened the power of the Mongols in
China, and finally resulted in their expulsion seventy
years later.

The declining years of Kublai were troublous ones for
himself and for the empire, owing to the hostility of his
cousin, Kaidu, who raised the standard of rebellion.

141 Kublai Khan

Kaidu, who held a post under the Khan in Mongolia,
was jealous of his monarch's power, and was also discon-
tented because of numbers of Chinese in official employ-
ment. His hatred and jealousy led him to take up arms
against Kublai, but he would not have been able to ac-
complish much had he not secured the sympathy and help
of a famous Mongol general, Nayan, who in turn was
jealous of the mighty Bayan, the conqueror of the South.
Nayan, at the head of 40,000 troops, was unfortunate
enough to encounter Kublai's army before all his prep-
arations were complete and before Kaidu could join
him. The result was that Nayan' s army was cut to
pieces and he himself captured and slain. On this occa-
sion Kublai was present at the front, and commanded his
forces from a tower that was supported on the backs of
four elephants chained together. It was his military
strategy and energy that had won the battle, for by a
series of forced marches he had come upon Nayan un-
expectedly and struck the first blow.

Kaidu continued the rebellion, which lasted for a con-
siderable time, and it seemed as though Kublai was either
unable or unwilling to~suppress him. His great general,
however, sought to bring about the downfall of the rebel,
but after one successful engagement Kublai, for some
reason or other, dismissed him fiom his military posts
and summoned him to Pekin to take office as a Minister
of State. This was in 1293, an(^ ^n ^e following year
Kublai died at the age of seventy-eight, having reigned
over half the world for thirty-five years.

The reign of the Great Khan saw the climax of the
Mongol power in China. Kublai himself was honoured
and respected by his millions of subjects, but did not
succeed in making the Mongol rule really popular, and
when after his death weaker and more selfish emperors
occupied the Dragon Throne, the Chinese once more
asserted themselves, and before another century had passed
the Mongol power had ceased to exist.

WEN TIEN SHIANG AND LU SHIU FU.

THE PATRIOTIC MINISTERS.

./RACING each other in the Temple of Confncius are
(\JJ/ two tablets to the memory of the two heroes of the
Sung dynasty — Wen Tien Shiang and L,u Shiu Fu
— who so signally proved their loyalty to that ill-fated house
during the Mongol conquest of China. The story of their
disinterested devotion is worth telling, and there is no
brighter page in Chinese history than that which records
the patriotic achievements of these two noble sons of Han.
In the early years of the thirteenth century the great
Mongol conqueror Genghis Khan subdued North China
and concluded a peace with the Chin Tartars, who at
that time occupied the territory which they themselves
had wrested from the Chinese. On the death of Genghis
Khan, his son Ogotai, destroyed the Chin dynasty and
annexed the territory, and in this way the Mongol power
first made itself felt in the Chinese empire. During the
last stages of the conflict between the Mongols and the
Chin Tartars the Sung Emperor, Li Tsung, entered into
an alliance with the Mongol chief, fondly hoping that
the destruction of the Chins would result in the restora-
tion of his northern dominions and that once more the
whole of China would be under the rule of the native
dynasty of the Sungs. But he was doomed to disappoint-
ment. The Mongols were not the people to conquer
territory and then relax their hold of it, and when the
Suugs proceeded to occupy their old capital in Honan,
after the extermination of the Chins, the Mongols at once
ordered them to leave the province. Upon the Chinese
refusing to do so, war was declared, and thus began the
conquest on the part of the Mongols, which eventually
resulted in the whole of China being subject to their rule.
The subjugation of this empire was entered upon in

143 Wen Tien Shiang, Lu Shiu Fu

earnest by Mangu Khan and his brother Kublai who, as
we have already seen, were singularly successful in their
expeditious in the West. In the year 1259 Mangu Khan
died, and in the following year Kublai advanced on
Wuchang. He was unsuccessful, however, in his attempts
to take this city, and finally retreated northwards, after
having made a compact with the Sung Kmperor. Li
Tsung, by this agreement, declared himself a Mongol
vassal, paid tribute, and forbade his officers to wage war
against the conquerors.

Kublai went northwards in order to establish his
position as Khan, which was at that time being disputed.
During his settlement of the trouble with his brother
Arikbuka some of his envoys were murdered by the
Sungs, and this act giving him an excuse for the breaking
of the compact with the Chinese, Kublai determined to
carry on the struggle to the bitter end and not cease
until the whole of China was under his rule. He accord-
ingly declared war against the Sungs.

The court of the Sungs was established at the
beautiful city of Hangchow, the Gainsay of Marco
Polo. Although far away from the scene of Kublai' s
conquests, the Emperor Li Tsung, being only a weakling,
had fears for the security of his position, and was inclined
to listen to the advice of some of his ministers, who
advocated abandoning the capital. It was at this time
that Wen Tien Shiang came into prominence by opposing
the advice of one of these minions — Tung Sung Chen —
and by urging his execution.

The sentence was not carried out, however, but the
memorial revealed the presence of a man who, although
young in years, was possessed of unflinching courage, and
who was prepared to sacrifice his all for the welfare of
his prince, a sacrifice that in after years he was called
upon to make.

Wen Tien Shiang was born in 1236 near the town
of Chi Shui, in the province of Kiangsi. In the district

Wen Tien Shiang, Lu Shiu Fu 144

government school of his native place were the portraits of
Ou Yang Shiu and two other celebrities, each of wbom
had been characterised by the epithet "Loyal." Wen
often found himself looking at these portraits, and the
thought of the loyalty of the men represented, stirred his
heart and made him determine to follow in their footsteps.
Said he : "I shall not be a man of any worth if I am not
reverenced after death among these men," thus giving
expression in youth to the principle by which his after life
was ruled. At the age of eighteen he went up to the capital
for the examination and was successful in obtaining the
degree of Chin Shih or Doctor. When the results of the
examination were made known to the Emperor, Wen stood
seventh on the list, but the monarch happening to look over
the papers before the names of the successful competitors
were made public, was struck by the character of his
essay, and sending for the grand examiner the noted
Wang Ying Lin, author of the Three Character Classic,
asked him to reconsider the order of merit. "This
essay," said the Emperor, "shows us the moral code of the
ancients as in a mirror ; it betokens of loyalty enduring
as iron and stone." The grand examiner agreed with
the Emperor's criticism, and when the list was published
the name of Wen Tien Shiang stood first. Shortly after
this Wen's father died, and he had to remain in seclusion
until the appointed time of mourning was ended, after
which he was sent to a subordinate post at Ninghai, in the
province of Chekiang. From this step on the ladder of
fame he rapidly rose and soon became secretary of the
Board of Punishments, holding a position of considerable
distinction.

It was at this time that Wen, being disgusted with
the craven policy of some of the Emperor's ministers,
denounced Tung Sung Chen and recommended his execu-
tion, but the latter was too much in the favour of the
Emperor to suffer at this juncture. Not long after the
Emperor died, and he was succeeded by a still weaker ruler

145 Wen Tien Shiang, Lu Shiu Fu

— Tu Tsung — who became a mere tool in the hands of an-
other favourite — Chia Ssu Tao. This minister also advocat-
ed flight and surrender on the part of the royal house, and
Wen attacked him with all his energies, denouncing him
as a traitor to his prince. The courageous secretary was
removed from the capital and given a post in his native
province of Kiangsi, but he continued to oppose the
policy of the faint-hearted advisers of the throne. From
Kiangsi he was transferred to Hunan, but a year later
returned to Kiangsi as prefect of Kanchou.

Meanwhile the armies of Kublai Khan were conquer-
ing all before them and drawing nearer to the capital
where the Sung court held its sway. The cities of
Shiang Yang and Fancheng on the River Han were
taken, and the Mongol troops sailing down the river soon
had Wuchang and Hanyang in their power. Down the
Yangtze they came, and a great terror seemed to have
seized on the Chinese. The Mongol leader Bayan was
everywhere successful, and in a short time the victorious
armies had come into close proximity with the capital.
The minister Chia Ssu Tao was ordered to see to the defence
of the city, and he succeeded in gathering an army of
130,000 men, many of whom, however, were undisciplined
and untrained fighters, but all his efforts were charac-
terised by the spirit of a weak and cowardly officialism.
He does not seem to have realised the gravity of his
position, for when the Mongols approached, he with a
show of authority ordered them to retreat to the other
bank of the Yangtze and let the great river be the
boundary line between the two contending powers. As
may be expected Bayan would not listen to such
nonsense, and made his preparations for the siege of
Hangchow. The fall of Chia Ssu Tao was the next
event, and the unfortunate minister's place was supplied by
a competent leader, Chang Shih Chieh, who proved himself
like Wen and Lu, a loyal supporter of the tottering
dynasty. Chang at once made a vigorous attack on the

Wen Tien Shiang, Lu Shiu Fu 146

Mongols, but was repulsed with heavy loss, and he fell
back to concentrate his strength on the defence of the
capital. The next Sung Emperor, Kung Ti, on his acces-
sion in 1275, issued edicts calling upon all the loyal
Chinese to contribute money and arms to the defence of
their country. This proclamation reached Wen Tien
Shiang in Kanchou, and he at once exerted himself to
raise an army in Kiangsi. He was able to gather a force of
some ten thousand men, partly Chinese, partly aborigines,
and these he sent off to Hangchow to aid in the opera-
tions there. In this way Wen was able to show the
genuineness of his devotion to the Sung dynasty, for the
collecting of these forces used up all his private resources,
and besides being worked almost to death, he was left in
absolute poverty. His loyalty to his prince found ex-
pression in the words uttered to his friends : " Who joys
with another's joy, mourns with his sorrow, and who
lives by another, also dies for him."

Soon after this, Wen was sent to Soochow as govern-
or, and whilst in this town submitted to the Emperor a
plan for dividing the provinces which remained to the
Chinese into military circuits, but the plan was consider-
ed impracticable. Rejected as his advice was, he was
still able to contribute to the safety of his prince and the
royal house, and when the Mongols invested Chang Chow,
in Kiangsu, he forthwith sent four detachments of troops
to drive them away. Unfortunately the Chinese were
not successful, and three of the companies sent were
destroyed ; the fourth taking sides with the Mongols and
sharing in their victory when Chang Chow fell into their
hands. The position of the court was now desperate, and
Wen was ordered to abandon Soochow and march at once
to the defence of the capital. The Emperor, fully assured
of the devotion of Wen, gave him a position as assistant
minister, and later on he was entrusted with an important
commission to treat with Bayan, the Mongol leader.
During the negotiations Weil assumed such a proud bear-

147 Wen Tien Shiang, Lu Shin Fu

ing, and used such menacing language, that Bayan
promptly took him prisoner and sent him off to Cambalnc,
Kublai's seat of authority. On reaching the town of
Chinkiang, on the banks of the Yangtze, Wen managed
to effect his escape, and found a hiding place in a city or\
the other side of the river. Here he was at first taken
for a traitor and narrowly escaped death, but he managed
to satisfy the people amongst whom he had taken refuge,
and after some thrilling adventures he at last reached the
city of Wenchow in safety.

Alarmed at the fall of Chang Chow, the Sung
Emperor was constrained to sue for peace, but the Mon-
gols were not inclined to any compromise, having set
their minds on the complete subjugation of the country,
and so eventually the capital was surrendered. The
Empress-Regent submitted to the Mongols, and she and
the young Emperor were sent to Cambaluc. A brother
of the Emperor escaped to Foochow, in the province of
Fukieii, and there, supported by Chang Shih Chieh and
others, set up the capital of the tottering dynasty. The
position of the Chinese, however, grew daily more
desperate, for the Mongols advanced with rapidity and
soon overran the province. It was impossible to hold
Foochow, and so the Sung Emperor and his devoted
followers fled southwards into Kuang Tung.

During this time of disaster and defeat another loyal
servant of the royal house was endeavouring to sustain
the fallen fortunes of his prince. This was Lu Shiu Fu,
a noted scholar and minister and a friend of Wen Tien
Shiang. Born the same year as Wen, in the province
of Kiangsu, he was educated at the city of Chinkiang.
He soon distinguished himself by his ability in the
examinations, and at the age of twenty-four gained the
degree of Chin Shih. He became confidential secretary
to a noted official and was brought into touch with many
phases of public life, and in the year 1275, the year of
the accession of the ill-fated Kung Ti, obtained a

Wen Tien Shiang, Lu Shiu Fu 148

responsible post under that monarch. His promotion
was very rapid, for in the same year he rose to the position
of a Minister of State, but soon after, coming into
collision with the Chief Minister, he was disgraced and
sent to the city of Chao Chou, in Kuang Tung. Chang
Shih Chieh, however, interfered on his behalf, and he
was restored to office, taking a position at Foochow
under the new Emperor, Tuan Tsung, for by this time
Hangchow had capitulated to the Mongols.

Lu Shiu Fu from this time identified himself with
the failing cause of the Sung Emperors and served his
masters with unwavering loyalty and devotion. To the
end he always treated his prince with the respect due to
an Emperor possessing undisputed power and addressed
him as though still monarch of all the empire. He was
not permitted to give his services very long in Foochow,
for the Mongols quickly approached and the court had to
seek safety in flight. The Emperor fled by sea to Tung
An, in Kuang Tung, but in so doing lost his life. En-
countering a violent storm, the ship was wrecked and
the Emperor barely escaped drowning. He managed to
reach land, but died from the effects of the exposure to
the elements. At this disaster the majority of the Sung
officials thought it useless to continue the struggle and
proposed to disperse, leaving the Mongols masters of the
situation, but Lu Shiu Fu opposed their decision and
advocated holding out to the last in the hope of a turn
in the tide of their fortunes. Lu's advice was listened
to, and the ministers declared the younger brother of
Tuan Tsung Emperor, under the title of Ti Ping. To
make their position more secure, the little band removed
from the island of Kangchou, where the late monarch had
died, to the island of Yaishan, and there prepared to resist
the advances of the ever victorious Mongols. Here they
remained for some months, and Lu buoyed up the spirits
of the wavering and despondent as best he could. He
also undertook to teach the young Emperor the Ta Shioh

149 Wen Tien Shiang, Lu Shiu Fu

or Great Learning, one of the Chinese Classics, in the
hope perhaps that at some future date a brighter future
would be before him. But it was not to be. The Mongols
pressed the fugitives close. They blockaded the harbour,
and in a short time the Chinese were reduced to great
straits for want of food and water. Attempts were made
on their part to break through the blockade, but with little
success. Chang Shih Chieh, with a few ships, managed
to escape, but the vessel on which the Emperor had taken
refuge was not so fortunate. Lu, seeing that all was lost,
forced his wife and children to throw themselves into the
sea and then sprang on board the Emperor's vessel. He
seized the young ruler, and placing him on his back,
jumped with him into the water. Thus died the last of
the Sungs and also Lu Shiu Fu, loyal supporter of the
ill-fated dynasty. An inscription was afterwards cut on
a rock at Yafehan, stating that there the Mongol general
had exterminated the Sungs, but this was not allowed
to remain, for an indignant censor some time after erased
the inscription and wrote instead : " Here died Lu Shiu
Fu, a Minister of State under the Sung dynasty. "

After the fall of Hangchow, when the Sung court
was at Foochow, Wen Tien Shiang was sent once more
to his native province of Kiangsi ; this time purposely to
levy forces. He was not able to stay long in that prov-
ince on account of the Mongol advance, and fell back
upon Fukien, where he had his camp. Although the
fortunes of the Sungs were declining so rapidly, Wen
was full of hope and did not allow himself to despair.
He had spirit enough to behead an official who, having
surrendered to the conquerors, came to advise him to do
the same. But his buoyancy was not sufficient to cope
with Mongol armies, and although fortunate enough to
secure one or two slight victories over the invaders, he
was eventually overcome and his army utterly routed at
Shing Kuo Shien, in Kiangsi. His wife and children
were captured and sent to Cambaluc, but one of the sons

Wen Tien Shiang, Lu Shiu Fu 150

died on the way. Wen himself was saved by a friend
assuming his name. He managed to get clear of the
victorious army and made his way southwards to Kuang
Tung, where he received honours from the young Sung
Emperor, who with his court was endeavouring to uphold
the power of his now stricken house. He was made Shao
Pao or Junior Guardian of the Emperor, and was given
the title Shin Kuo Kung or Patriotic Duke. Raising
another force of soldiers, he went to Chao Yang, but his
army being again defeated, he was captured at Wu Po
Ling and taken before the Mongol general, who treated
him with courtesy, although he refused to tender his
submission. When the conquerors were blockading the
harbour at Yaishan he was taken to the scene of action
and bidden to write to Chang Shin Chieh advising
him to surrender, but the courageous man refused
to do so. After the destruction of the Sungs, he was
sent to Cambaluc to learn his fate at the lips of
Kublai Khan. As he passed his native place on the way
through Kiangsi, he was overcome with grief, and for
eight days he was unable to eat anything. Arriving at
Cambaluc he was brought before Kublai and his minis-
ters, and every effort was made to induce him to acknowl-
edge the authority of the Mongol conqueror, but without
success. He was kept in prison for three years, but during
this time was treated with consideration and respect. At
the end of this period rumours being circulated to the
effect that Wen was concerned in a conspiracy against
the Mongols, Kublai sent for him and offered him a post
as Minister of State if he would consent to serve. Wen,
still loyal to the now extinct house of the Sungs, refused
the offer, and Kublai, at the urgent request of his officials,
sentenced him to death. To give W7en another opportu-
nity he once more called him to his presence and said :
"What do you want ? " Wen replied : " By the grace of
the Sung Emperors, I was their minister, and I cannot
serve a second dynasty : I only ask to die." We are told

1 5 1 Wen Tien Shiang, Lu Shiu Fu

that Kublai relented and wished to revoke the sentence,
but for some reason or other did not do so. When the
executioner arrived Wen remained perfectly calm and
merely said : " My work is finished." He made obeisance
twice towards the south, as though his own sovereign
was still reigning in his capital, and then was beheaded.
This took place in the year 1282. Thus perished Wen
Tien Shiang, one of the noblest characters to be found in
Chinese history. His clothes were searched for papers,
but all that was found was a slip on which he had written :
"Confucius says: Perfect private virtue; Mencius says:
Acquire public virtue. But private virtue is attained by
carrying public virtue to its completion. If this is learned
from the reading of the sages' books, there will scarcely be
shame either in life or after death." His body was car-
ried to his native place and laid beside that of his mother.
Wen Tien Shiang was a scholar and poet, and he
produced some works of considerable merit that to a cer-
tain extent contribute to his fame. But he is remembered
by grateful Chinese as the faithful upholder of the native
dynasty in a time of disaster, and he with his friend Lu
Shiu Fu have a permanent place in the memory of the
people of that nation. Wen's most noted poem serves to
show how he was dominated by the principle of loyalty to
his prince and how that life had no charm for him under
the rule of a conqueror. "My dungeon," says he, "is
lighted by the will-o'-the-wisp alone ; no breath of spring
cheers the murky solitude in which I dwell. The ox and
the barb herd together in one stall, the rooster and the
phoenix feed together from one dish. Exposed to mist and
dew, I had many times thought to die ; and yet, through
the seasons of two revolving years, disease hovered round
me in vain. The dark unhealthy soil to me became
paradise itself. For there was that within me which mis-
fortune could not steal away. And so I remained firm,
gazing at the white clouds floating over my head and
bearing in my heart a sorrow boundless as a sky."

HUNG WU

OR

THE BEGGAR ICING.

rule of the Mongol conquerors never became
popular in China. Kublai Khan, as we have seen,
accomplished great things, but after his death there
were no worthy successors, and the dynasty so brilliantly
inaugurated was doomed to early extinction. Thirty
years after the decease of the great Khan the empire was
in a state of anarchy, rulers occupied the throne who
were powerless to carry out their decrees, and the Chinese
were only too ready to seek to re-establish a national
dynasty.

During the reign of Shun Ti, the last of the Mongol
Emperors, the first real rebellion on the part of the
Chinese took place in the neighbourhood of Canton.
The Mongol authority had been weakened to such an
extent that it was impossible to suppress this rising, and
the Chinese gaining courage, threw off the yoke in many
parts of the empire and joined in the general revolt.
Efforts were made on the part of the Mongols to re-
establish their old position, but one by one their
champions were defeated or put aside, and the advent
of an energetic and capable leader of the Chinese finally
resulted in the complete overthrow of the Tartar dynasty,
The leader to whom we have referred was Chu
Yuan Chang, a man possessed of such ability and force
of character as to enable him at that time to work out
the salvation of his countrymen and to carry him from
his humble village surroundings to the dizzy height of
the throne of the Chinese empire.

Chu Yuan Chang was a native of Chung Lir in the
province of Anhui. Of poor parentage, his earlier years
were spent in tending cattle. At the age of seventeen

153 Hung Wu

he was left an orphan ; his parents succumbing to the
terrible famine that at that time was causing distress and
death over a wide area.

His older brother died at the same time, and Chu
having no money to spend on coffins for the bodies,
buried the three in straw. Soon after this he went to the
Huang Cliioh monastery, near Fung Yang, and entered
the Buddhist priesthood, taking this step on account of
a dream he had in which his dead parents expressed a
wish to that effect. Unfortunately, however, he was not
permitted to remain long in the monastery, for food
became so scarce that all the novices were dismissed.
For the next three years Chu lived a wandering life, but
after that time, was able once more to enrol himself
amongst the priests at the monastery from which he had
been dismissed.

During Cliu's retirement amongst the priests, the
empire was the scene of disorder and strife consequent
on the misrule of the last of the Mongols. In the
province of Anliui a noted rebel leader, Kuo Tzu Shing,
was fanning the flame of revolution and devastating the
country. Amidst his depredations he, with a large force,
attacked the Huang Chioh monastery, set it on fire, and
put the priests to flight. Amongst the fugitives was
Chu, but he being possessed of military qualities, returned
to the scene of destruction and offered his services to the
rebel chief. He nearly lost his life in doing this, being
taken for a spy, but he succeeded in obtaining an inter-
view with Kuo, who was favourably impressed with the
bearing of the quondam priest, and he was eventually
enrolled as a soldier under his banner. Chu had a fine
physique, a manly bearing, and possessed considerable
ability, and before very long he had gained an officer's
rank and was popular with the men of Kuo's army. The
leader himself recognised in Chu a military genius and
became much attached to him, giving him his own
adopted daughter to wife. In 1355 Kuo Tzu Shiug

Hung Wu 154

died, and Chu Yuan Chang, who had become more
and more, popular, was at the head of a band of men
determined to break the Mongol yoke. In this position he
was distinguished by his humanity and consideration for
the welfare of both soldiers and people. Whilst other
rebel bands plundered and destroyed, Chu's soldiers
abstained from such acts of violence, and thus gained the
confidence and good wishes of the people, who soon saw
in their chief a saviour of their country. Chu's standard
became popular, thousands gathered unto him, and with
this large army he crossed the Yangtze river, and after
a short siege, captured the town of Nanking. Here he
took the title of Duke of Wu and issued a proclamation
declaring that his action as leader of the rebellion was
for the sole object of restoring the national dynasty.
Said he : " It is the birthright of the Chinese to govern
foreign peoples, and not of these latter to rule in China.
It used to be said that the Yuan or Mongols, who came
from the regions of the north, conquered our empire not
so much by their courage and skill, as by the aid of
heaven. And now it is sufficiently plain that heaven
itself wishes to deprive them of that empire as some
punishment for their crimes and for not having acted
according to the teaching of their forefathers. The time
has now come to drive these foreigners out of China."

Whilst at Nanking, Chu, although taking a title,
does not seem to have aspired to the position of supreme
ruler ; all his thought being given to the expulsion of the
decadent conquerors of a hundred years before. Making
the city his base of operations, he was able, after a time,
to drive out the Mongols from the adjacent provinces.
This was not a hard task, as the success of Chu had
inspired the Chinese in many quarters, and rebellion was
rife. Moreover the Mongols were placed at a disadvan-
tage owing to the neglectful ness of the Emperor, who
instead of directing affairs was revelling in luxury and
dissipation whilst the Mongol generals were at variance

155 Hung Wu

one with another and of course not able to take any
united action. To add to the trouble, one of the Mongol
generals also rebelled against his ruler, and thus deprived
the Emperor of an army that might have contributed
somewhat to the success of his arms.

In 1366, ten years after the capture of Nanking, Chu
despatched an army southwards to the province of Kuang
Tung. The Mongol garrisons in that district were all
destroyed, and it was not long before South China was in
the hands of its rightful people. The recovery of this
territory was due also, in a certain measure, to the acts of a
noted pirate, Fang Kuo Cheng, with whom Chu had made
an alliance.

Whilst the Chinese were successful in the south,
Chu had despatched two large armies towards the north ;
the main body being under the command of Shuta, Cliu's
most famous general. Careful preparations had been
made for years before to ensure the success of this cam-
paign, and the Chinese were rewarded with a satisfactory
issue. By 1367 the country as far north as the Yellow
River had been conquered, and the important city of Kai
Fung taken. In the autumn of that year the rebel armies
crossed the river and marched on Peking. There was
little resistance from the Mongols ; enervated by years of
luxury they had lost the power of their forefathers and
were not able to withstand the onslaughts of the Chinese.
The Emperor Shun Ti fearing for his life, fled to Mongolia,
where three years afterwards he died. Shuta, having
appeared before Peking, soon took the capital by storm,
and with the fall of this city and the flight of the Emperor
ended the Mongol dynasty, which had ruled China for a
century.

Chu Yuan Chang, hearing of the success of his
general Shuta, hastened to Peking, and there the soldiers
insisted on his taking the imperial yellow and occupying
the vacant throne as Emperor of the Chinese nation he
had saved from a foreign voke. \Ye are led to believe that

Hung Wu 156

Chu took upon himself this position against his will, that
he never really intended to do more than expel the Mongols
and restore the fortunes of the conquered house of the
Sungs. Whether this be so or not the fact remains that
Chu Yuan Chang, the tender of cattle, the ex-priest, a
son of the people, ascended the throne of China, and for
thirty years governed the empire as very few of that
nation's rulers have done, leaving behind him, at his
death, a name perpetually enshrined in the hearts of the
Chinese people.

Chu, on his ascension, assumed the name or style of
Hung Wu, and it is this name that stands out so con-
spicuously amongst the many that designate the rulers
of China. He gave the name of " Ming " or Bright to
the dynasty he founded, a dynasty that lasted for nearly
three hundred years, the restoration of which is even now
a watchword of the secret societies that are to be found
all over the Chinese empire. A pretty story is told of
the origin of the term chosen by Chu as a dynastic title.
It is in connection with his betrothal to Ma Hou, the
daughter of Kuo Tzu Suing, under whom he served in
the early years of the revolution. During the betrothal,
whilst the couple were kneeling before the ancestral
shrine, the various fan-bearers, each with fans inscribed
with characters respresenting the sun and the moon, got
out of their positions and became mixed together. This
brought the two characters for sun and moon in close
proximity, and as seen by the people at the betrothal,
the combination of the characters formed the symbol for
"bright," and the character was afterwards adopted as
having an auspicious significance.

After the capture of Peking, Chu, or as we must now
call him Hung Wu, rewarded his ouicers with titles
and sums of money, thus recognising their work in the
re-establishment of a national government. In the first
year of his reign he erected at Peking a temple in honour
of the generals who had fallen on the field, and iu the

T57 Hung Wu

building were left niches and vacant places for the statues
of those still alive. But whilst in this manner upholding
military glory, Hung Wu was careful to adopt the form
of government that had obtained in the empire in centuries
gone by. The former dynasties did not owe their con-
tinuance to military power, and Hung Wu, although
essentially a soldier, laid down the lines of his government
on the old scholastic basis. This of course met with the
approval of the Chinese, who had never willingly submitted
to the military rule of their conquerors — the Mongols.

Hung Wu, although proclaimed Emperor at Peking,
refused to make that city his capital, and transferred his
government to Nanking, where he had so long directed
operations against the now conquered invaders. Peking,
during his life time, was never anything more than a second
rate city, and he took no steps towards its embellishment.
Nanking was for him more central, besides being possessed
of associations of imperial dignity and influence.

The death of the Mongol Emperor in 1370 did not
end the struggle that had been taking place so long
between his forces and those of Hung Wu. In fact the
entire reign of the new Ming Emperor was taken up with
warfare. It was not his lot to sit peaceably on his newly
acquired throne ; even after his accession, there remained
much to be accomplished before the country could be
pacified. Hung Wu himself, alter his occupation of the
throne, did not take much part in the campaigns, but
devoted his attention to the welfare of his people whilst
his generals Shuta and Fuyuta fought for the security
of his borders. Shuta, the most famous of these generals,
was occupied for nearly twenty years in continuous war-
fare with the Mongol troops. The scene of his campaigns
was in the northwest, in the provinces of Sliensi and
Kansuh, where for a considerable time he was engaged
with the forces of the Mongol governor of the first named
province. Shuta finally succeeded in capturing this
troublesome enemy and sent him to Nanking, where the

Hung Wu 158

Emperor, instead of ordering his execution, granted him
his life and a small pension. Simla's work was not done,
however, and he soon had to tax all the resources of
his military genius in a final attempt to subdue the
Mongols in Kansuh. During this last effort some of the
members of the Mongol royal family were captured,
amongst whom was the grandson of the unfortunate
Emperor Shun Ti. He was sent to Nanking and the
ministers of Hung Wu advised his execution, but the
generous ruler conferred on him a minor title of nobility
instead. This kindly act and the pardon of Shuta's
enemy serve to show the humanity of Hung Wu, a
characteristic that had distinguished him throughout the
rebellion and which was manifested during his reign.
In a speech made in answer to the ministers who sought
to advise him, he says: "We read in the Shih Ching
that after the destruction of the Chang family, there
remained more than ten thousand of their descendants,
who submitted themselves to the Chou, because it was the
will of heaven. Cannot men respect its decrees ? ....
And with regard to Maitilipala (Shun Ti's grandson),
although former ages supply examples of similar sacrifice,
did Wu Wang, I ask you, when exterminating the Chang
family, resort to this barbarous policy. The Yuan
princes were the masters of this empire for nearly one
hundred years, and my forefathers were their subjects,
and even although it were the constant practice to treat
in this fashion the princes of a dynasty which has ceased
to reign, yet could I not induce myself to adopt it."

Hung Wu was, as we have said, merciful and kind.
The manifestation of such qualities is not often asso-
ciated with Asiatic rulers, but there is no doubt
the remembrance of his former poverty and sufferings
made Hung Wu pitiful and produced in him a kind-
liness of heart that has been strangely wanting even in
enlightened rulers of our own realms. Another instance
of his humanity is seen in the following : In the south

159 Hung Wu

of China certain Mongol colonies had been established,
but the climate proved uncongenial to these people of the
northern plains. Hung Wu's ministers, anxious to be rid
of all the hated race, advised their extermination, but
the Emperor did not listen, and showed his humanity
by sending all the inhabitants of the colonies back to
their own country at his own expense.

The accession of Hung Wu and the restoration of a
national dynasty proved of great benefit to the people of
China. Their material condition was much improved,
and they soon experienced a prosperity and security to
which they had been strangers for many years. Hung
Wu, being a son of the people and knowing their wants,
did all in his power to promote their welfare. In this
he followed the teaching of the great master Mencius,
who so strenuously held that a monarch's title to the
throne he occupied, was his beneficent treatment of his
subjects. During Hung Wu's reign many measures
were adopted that contributed to the well-being of the
populace, and in all these measures were to be seen the
personal interest of the once poor village lad. One of
these beneficial reforms was the simplification of the
transit of salt from provinces where it was plentiful to
places where the commodity was scarce. During times
of famine the whole royal treasury was used up in giving
relief, Hung Wu never forgetting the awful dearth which
cost him his parents- lives. His thought for the soldiers
of the garrisons in the northwest is also shown in the
despatch of fur garments to that region for their use.

Again in his treatment of the aged and infirm, Hung
Wu seems to have been influenced by the remembrance
of his former days of poverty and suffering. He cut
down the court expenses that he might use the money
saved in the succouring and helping of the sick and aged ;
his last instructions to officials taking up new positions
were given on their behalf. "Take particular care of
the aged and orphans," he said ; no doubt thinking all

Hung Wu 1 60

the time of his former distress when his parents had
succumbed to the famine and he unable to provide them
with decent burial.

The cutting down of the court expenses does not
imply that Hung Wu made a lavish display of his royalty.
In this he was very different from the Mongol rulers, who
did everything on a magnificent scale, We have seen
how the court of Kublai Khan was renowned throughout
the world for its splendour, but this sort of thing was
changed when the Ming Dynasty was inaugurated.
Hung Wu's court was sustained on frugal lines, and no
unnecessary expenditure was permitted. He reduced the
size of the harems maintained by the officials and
exercised a strict economy in all state ceremonial. It has
already been stated that he did nothing towards the
embellishment of the Mongol capital ; on the contrary,
he contributed to its impoverishment. One of the former
Mongol Emperors had built in the palace grounds a tower
of porcelain with an ingenious contrivance for recording
the time ; the whole costing a great sum of money.
When Hung Wu saw this tower he exclaimed, u How is it
possible for men to neglect the most important affairs of life
for the sole object of devoting their attention to useless
buildings. If the Mongols, in place of amusing themselves,
with these trifles, had applied their energies to the task
of contenting the people, would they not have preserved
the sceptre in their family?" With these remarks he
ordered the tower to be razed to the ground.

Not only did Hung Wu win the people by his kindli-
ness and humanity, but he secured their respect by his
patronisation of literature and his endeavours to foster
learning throughout the empire. One of his first public
acts was a measure that should secure gratuitous education
for the masses of the people. He restored many schools
that had fallen into disuse, and he himself appointed
masters and teachers to ensure a thoroughness in the
carrying out of his schemes.

161 Hung WL

During the T'ang Dynasty in 735 A.D. the famous
Imperial College, the Hanlin Academy, had been estab-
lished. Admittance to this place of culture was the highest
honour obtainable by scholars, and for a considerable
time was the goal of all scholarly effort. During later
dynasties, however, its fortunes had decreased, and at times
it was very much neglected. Hung Wu re-established
this place of learning. He rebuilt the walls, refurnished
the rooms, and showed his interest in the work by per-
sonally attending and superintending the operations. He
also established a similar college at Nanking, but this did
not survive the invasion of the Manchus. The Hanlin
Academy continued in high repute until 1900, when during
the siege of the Legations it was set on fire and destroyed.

Another great work of Hung Wu in the department
of literature was the codification of the laws of the empire.
During the Mongol dynasty there had been much laxity
in the administration of these laws, and the Emperor's
work in this matter proved of immense benefit to the
people. Some of the severe penalties attached to these
laws he is said to have abolished, once more manifesting
his mercifulness and humanity.

The History of the Mongol Dynasty is a work that
owes its inception to Hung VVu. In 1369 he appointed a
commission of eighteen scholars to undertake the task of
recording the history of the previous ruling house ; the
chief of the commission being Sung Lien, a scholar who
had risen from an obscure position to be president of the
Hanlin Academy. This work is of great merit from a
literary point of view.

Thus in various ways did Hung Wu foster the spiiit
of learning in the empire, and has thus earned for himself
the eternal gratitude of all Chinese scholars, to whom
letters are and always have been more than military
prowess.

Hung Wu in his endeavours to benefit the people not
only codified the laws, but he himself devoted much time

Hung Wu 162

and energy to promoting the administration of justice in
the law-courts. This was not an easy task as any one
may suppose ; despite his efforts he was hindered and
opposed by officials who were not possessed of his noble
traits of character. He strove, as most really great rulers
have done, to secure for his subjects those rights and
privileges that alone bring contentment and peace to the
people of any nation. Hung Wu's religious views were
naturally coloured by his early training as a Buddhist priest,
and he seems to have followed the precepts and teaching
of Buddhism all his life. He does not seem to have been
intolerant with regard to other sects and religions except
the Taoist, and this system he vigorously opposed.

During the years that Hung Wu was working for the
people, his generals were engaged in subduing the
Mongols and pacifying the empire. As has been stated
this was no easy task, and no sooner was one district
conquered than another was aroused to action. The
northern borders had no sooner been pacified than troops
had to be despatched to Ssuchuan and Yunnan, where some
of the Mongol officers still held their positions. One of
these, careless of the influence of Hung Wu, assumed a
royal style and proclaimed himself as the King of Shia.
He was not long permitted to enjoy his power, for Hung
Wu's second general, Fuyuta, was soon upon his territory
and defeated his forces. The King of Shia, laden with
chains, begged for his life at the Chinese camp. This
campaign having scarcely ended, attention was again
drawn to the north-west, where Kuku Timour, the former
governor of Ningshia, had risen in the hope of recovering
something of the lost empire. For a time he was success-
ful, and the noted Shuta, Hung Wu's trusted commander-
iu-chief, was repulsed, and what was worse was driven
into a very dangerous position, from which he could
not extricate himself. He was saved by the advent of
Fuyuta from Ssuchuan, and the combined forces inflicted
a crushing defeat on the Mongols. Even then peace was

1 63 Hung Wu

far off, and Hung Wn tried a stroke of policy. He sent
back to Mongolia the grandson of Slum Ti, of whom
mention has already been made, in the hope that he would
succeed to the Mongol chieftainship and show himself
friendly in return for kindness received. Maitilipala
seems to have remembeied his obligations, but the
Mongols refused to acknowledge his authority. It was
not until Kuku Timour died that the Mongols settled
down, and raids and guerilla warfare ceased.

The pacification of the north being accomplished
attention was turned to the province of Yunnan, where
Mongol influence and authority was still felt. The
conquest of this territory is the last chapter in the history
of Hung Wu's military success. It was accomplished
without the aid of Shuta, who had died after his work in the
north was finished. This noted general was mourned by
Hung Wu, who spoke of him thus: 4t My orders received,
he forthwith departed : his task accomplished, he returned
without pride and without boasting. A man of strict
integrity, without the slightest stain, as pure and clear as
the sun and moon, there is none like my first general
Shuta." The other trusted warrior, Fuyuta, carried Hung
Wu's arms into Yunnan. The prince of the state offered
a stubborn resistance, but it was of no avail, and the place
was soon conquered. Shortly after, however, the inhabi-
tants rebelled, and this resulted in a final peace consequent
on the massacre of thousands who fell into Chinese hands.
When this province was subdued Hung Wu was master of
the great Chinese empire, stretching from the borders of
Burmah to the Great Wall, and from Thibet to the
eastern sea.

Hung Wu, during his reign, was able to bring about
amicable relations with the country of Corea. The king
sent a formal embassy to Nanking to congratulate Hung
Wu on his accession to the throne of China, and when he
died, his son asked and received investiture in his authority
with the royal robes at the hands of the Ming Emperor.

Hung Wu 164

The last ten years of Hung Wu's life were peaceful ;
only one incident occurring to mar the tranquillity
of his closing days. This was the mutiny of some of
his troops under a dissatisfied general. The mutiny was
soon quelled, but on this occasion with a severity unlike
the dealings of the Emperor. He restored peace by the
execution of several thousands of the mutineers.

In the year 1398 Hung Wu fell ill and never again
recovered. Realising that his life was short, his eldest
son being dead, he appointed his eldest grandson to
succeed him on the throne, believing that this would
make for the peace of the empire. Feeling that there
might be dissatisfaction with this decision on the part of
his other sons, he ordered them to remain at their posts
and not come to the capital at his death. He died in the
following year, 1399, at the age of seventy-one, having
ruled the empire for more than thirty years. He was
buried at Nanking, and his stately tomb forms one of the
sights of that city, visited yearly by people of all nations.

The appointment of Hung Wu's grandson to the
throne was not received with favour by the other relatives,
and his position was contested by force of arms. With
this, however, we have nothing to do here ; Hung Wu
himself being the subject of our sketch. The Ming
Dynasty was firmly established and continued its rule
until the invasion of the Manchu Tartars nearly three
hundred years after. One of these Manchu Emperors,
himself of great lame, said of Hung Wu in his History
of the Ming Dynasty that he possessed most of the
virtues and few of the vices of mankind. He was brave,
patient under suffering, far-seeing, studious of his people's
welfare, and generous ana forbearing towards his enemies.

The Ming Dynasty counted amongst its rulers men
of ability and worth, and it has a place in the hearts
of the Chinese people second only to that of the Han,
but of all its Emperors there are none whose memory
is held in such esteem as Hung Wu the Beggar King.

STEf.E AT MINT, TOM US, NANKING..

WU SAN-KUEI

THE PEOPLE'S GENERAL.

Manchu conquerors of China were, in the seven-
teenth century, an insignificant tribe of Tartars,
living north of the Liaotung Peninsula. They
were destined to become famous through the advent of
one of their number, who proved himself to be a man of
exceptional courage and physical strength, and who by
his influence and might succeeded in forming the scattered
and often opposing clans into a formidable army. In
the early years of the seventeenth century this army
overran the Liaotung Peninsula and, gathering courage
by repeated success, finally marched towards the great
empire of China and, conquering all before it, almost
reached the Great Wall before the Chinese had fully
awakened to their danger. As has often been the case,
in the history of empires, the Chinese themselves at first
despised their opponents, considering them little more than
half-civilized nomads, but when serious attempts were
made to check the progress of the Manchus, the Chinese
found themselves fighting against well-equipped warriors,
accustomed to conquer.

The Manchus received their first check at the fortress
of Ningyuan, which was held by a capable general named
Chung Huau. Repeated attempts were made to subdue
this stronghold, but all were equally futile, and at last
the Manchu leader determined to leave this place in
his rear, unconquered, and march on to Peking. This
time he was not successful in taking the Chinese capital
and was obliged to retreat once more into Manchuria, but
not without having secured the downfall of the defender
of Ningyuan by intrigue. Chung Huan was suspected
by his Emperor, recalled from the fortress and thrown
into prison, from whence he never emerged. The successor

Wu San-kuei 166

of Chung Huan was a native of Liaotnng, a man of ex-
ceptional ability, of splendid courage, and one who
was popular with his soldiers, a man who in after years
upheld the best traditions of the Chinese empire, and
whose name to-day is a household word in every corner
of the land. Wu San-kuei, proved himself worthy in the
first instance to follow Chung Huan, and so long as he
remained in the fortress of Ningyuan, the Manchus were
unable to accomplish their designs. Other strongholds
fell into their hands, but with Ningyuan unconquered,
and commanded by Wu, they were not in a position
to inflict a blow at the capital of China.

Meanwhile the power of the Ming rulers was declining.
The dynasty that had been so brilliantly inaugurated
by Hung Wu, was in its dotage and, after a life of two
hundred and fifty years, seemed on the verge of destruction.

In many provinces of the empire the people were
disaffected, and several formidable risings engaged the
attention of the government. One by one these were
suppressed, but no sooner was one district pacified, than
another rose, and the spirit of discontent was rife. It was
at this time that the great insurrection under Li Tzu-cheng
assumed threatening proportions, and soon accomplished
the downfall of the dynasty, leaving the Manchus a
vacant throne on which to establish their own monarch.

The rebellion under the noted Li had begun in 1640
in the province of Shensi. This robber chief, with an
army of insurgents, marched on Kai Fung and, after
a long siege, succeeded in taking the city by calling
in the aid of the waters of the Yellow River and causing
an awful loss of life amongst the besieged and also his
own soldiers. Here he assumed royal insignia and
proceeded to march on Peking. By the time he had
reached the capital, his army was a large one, and
he was successful in taking the city, entering in to
find that the last of the Ming Emperors who ruled
there had committed suicide in despair.

1 67 Wu San-kuei

When the unfortunate Ming Emperor had realised the
extent of his danger, he had sent to the fortress of Ning-
yuan, commanding Wu San-kuei to march at once to his
help and save the Imperial city from destruction. Wu,
leaving a small garrison in the stronghold, at once com-
plied with the Emperor's orders and marched towards the
capital. No doubt other motives, besides concern for the
dynasty, influenced Wu and made him proceed quickly on
his errand of succour. Before leaving Peking for Ning-
yuan, a friend of his had presented him with a beautiful
slave girl, whose charms had won the heart of the general.
Hearing that Peking was besieged, he was naturally
anxious to save her from outrage and massacre, and
accordingly obeyed the Emperor's orders with alacrity.
Whilst on his way to the capital the news came that he
was too late ; the city had been taken and the Emperor
Tsung Chen had ended his life. Just about the same
time Wu received a letter from his father, who held a
public position in Peking, intreating him to submit to the
rebel leader and tender to him his allegiance, pointing
out the evil consequences to his family if this was not
done. Wu San-kuei, loyal to the Ming Dynasty, was
not inclined to accede to his father's wishes ; it was not in
him to offer his services to a successful bandit. At the
same time he was uncertain what to do, for the royal
house seemed to have fallen for ever ; there was no worthy
successors to restore the fortunes of the once famous
dynasty. His uncertainty, however, was not of long
duration. In the midst of his wavering he received the
news that his favourite slave girl had been given to one of
the rebel officers as part of the spoil of the conquered city.
This news decided Wu, and thus once more in the history
of nations the outcome of great events rested upon a
woman. Mad with rage the great general swore enmity
against the rebel leader Li, and turned his attention to
the task of humiliating him, and if possible destroying
him.

Wu San-kuei 168

During Wu's absence from the fortress of Ningyuan,
the Manchus who were only w.aiting for an opportunity,
attacked and captured the place, thus reducing the last of
the strongholds between them and the capital. This
placed Wu at a disadvantage, for having already refused
allegiance to the rebel in Peking and now unable to
return to Ningyuan, he was left stranded with the dying
fortunes of the Mings in his hands. In this dilemma he
soon made his decision. Anxious above all things to rid
Peking of the insurgents, and no doubt with the hope of
restoring the royal house, he wrote a letter to the Manchu
prince asking his aid in the attempt to destroy the rebels.
The Manchus realising their opportunity, acceded to
Wu's wishes, and accordingly marched southwards.

Li Tzu-cheng, hearing of the alliance, at once deter-
mined to attack Wu, and forthwith marched to meet him
with a large force. Hoping, however, that his antagonist
would be won over by threats or promises, Li took with
him the father of Wu, who up to this time had been
spared by the rebel chief. When the armies were drawn
up opposite each other in order of battle, Li caused the
father of Wu to be led out in sight of the troops, and sent
a message to the general to the effect that if he did not
submit, his father would be executed before his eyes. Of
this part of the story there are conflicting accounts.
Some tell us that the old man entreated his son to lay
down his arms, but that Wu's personal grievance against
Li caused him to turn a deaf ear to the cries of his father,
forgetting his duty as a son in his desire for revenge.
Others tell us that Wu San-kuei besought his father not
to blame him for holding out against an usurper, and
that the father with true nobility of character encouraged
his son in his decision, choosing rather to die than see
such a deflection from the path of duty. Whichever may
be the true account, certain it is that Wu San-kuei
refused to submit to the rebel Li, and the father of the
noted general was executed before his eyes in presence of

169 Wu San-kuei

the contending armies. Needless to say this act of
violence filled Wu with bitter hatred for the rebel leader ;
it was now war to the knife. Li was anxious to engage
Wu's troops at once, but the general adopted Fabian
tactics, delaying his opponent until the arrival of the
Manchus who were then at hand. The battle, however,
began, and at the first, owing to the superior numbers of
the rebel army, it seemed as though Wu would lose the
day, but when his defeat seemed inevitable, a contingent
of the Manchu cavalry came upon the scene and made
such a furious onslaught that the rebels were quickly
routed. Wu's army pursued the flying insurgents, and
for several miles slaughtered them by thousands. About
thirty thousand of Li's men fell in that awful fight.
Li Tzu-cheng, seeing that all was lost, fled with a band
of soldiers to Peking, and feeling that he could not
hold the city, set fire to the Imperial Palace, ordered
the execution of all the members of Wu's family and,
with a considerable amount of plunder, fled towards
the west, gathering as he went the garrisons of the
conquered towns he had left on his march to Peking.
Wu San-kuei, filled with a great hatred, relentlessly
pursued the flying robber chief. From city to city, from
province to province, Wu held on his course, determined
to destroy his enemy. Li Tzu-cheng, gathering courage
at the sight of his adherents, determined to make a stand
against Wu, and another great battle was fought, but at
the end of the day the issue seemed uncertain ; neither
army able to claim victory. Li, however, had lost forty
thousand men, and doubting his ability to continue the
struggle, retreated during the night. After this, disaster
after disaster overtook him, and by the time he had
reached the province of Shensi his army had dwindled
down to a handful of followers. He was compelled to
take to the hills, where he held out with a few of his
band, but being driven by hunger into the plains was
surprised and shot. When Wu San-kuei arrived in

Wu San-kuei 170

Shensi he had the satisfaction of seeing his enemy no
longer able to give further trouble. Thus ended the
career of a man who, possessing few good qualities, a
mere bloodthirsty robber, came very near establishing
himself on the throne of the empire of China.

After the overthrow of Li Tzu-cheng, Wu San-kuei
returned to Peking, only to find that the Manchus had
established themselves in power and were proclaiming a
new dynasty. This was more than Wu had bargained
for, but it was now beyond his power to alter the course
of events. He had invited the aid of the Manchus to
drive away the usurper Li, but probably had not counted
on their seizing the vacant throne. The Manchus
endeavoured to propitiate Wu and tried to engage his
services. They gave him a title and other honours, and
in many ways showed their appreciation of his military
prowess and his suppression of the rebellion. Wu,
realising that no capable ruler could be found belonging to
the late royal house, became reconciled to the new
Manchu rule and threw in his lot with the Tartar dynasty.
The action of Wu has been much criticised and, viewed in
some aspects, it is hard to reconcile with his professed
loyalty to the Ming Dynasty, but, however that may be,
his countrymen of the present age hold his name in
affection and esteem as one who was true to the ill-fated
house.

And now commenced the Manchu conquest of China.
Attempts were made at Nanking to re-establish the rule
of the Mings, but the representative of that race, Fu Wang,
did not possess the qualities necessary for the occasion.
Instead of realising his responsibilty, and endeavouring to
restore the fortunes of his house, he made his position the
means of gratifying his own desires for pleasure. At this
juncture Wu San-kuei showed signs of dissatisfaction
with the Manchu rule, and Fu Wang tried to secure his
services, but Wu, realising that Fu Wang was too weak to
to succeed in his projects, refused. Had he been a

i7i Wu San-kuei

capable leader, not only Wu San-kuei, but most of the
Chinese officials, would have rallied under his banner.
The Manchus tried at first to obtain the ascendancy by
pacific means, but as these failed, they determined to
establish their rule by the sword. Nanking was soon
taken. Fa Wang committed suicide, and the southern
provinces sooner or later submitted to the conquerors.
Other scions of the Ming family attempted in various
places to make a stand and restore the dynasty, but they
were all doomed to failure, and before long the entire
empire was under the sway of the Tartars.

During the Manchu campaign Wu San-kuei was
engaged in pacifying the Western provinces. In this he
was successful, and extended his authority into the
province of Yunnan. Here far away from the seat of
government, he seems to have exercised a power that soon
caused considerable alarm at the Mancnu court. The
conquerors of China, not ungrateful to him for his great
services, had conferred upon him the title of prince and
had made him Viceroy of Yunnan and the adjacent
territory. Wu exercised a great influence over his sub-
jects, and they speedily settled down to follow their
ordinary pursuits and vocations in peace. Trade increased
and a considerable revenue was the result. He refused to
have Manchu soldiers in his garrisons ; all his troops being
Chinese. It may be that he had designs and schemes of
his own against the rulers he had elected to serve; any-
how he became practically independent of Manchu
authority. For a long time he was in the position of an
official apparently loyal to the throne, but under the
suspicion of the government. As his popularity and
influence increased the conquerors of the empire began
to be afraid for their own security, but took no steps to
deprive him of any of his power, thinking perhaps that
he was getting old and would soon die. Had Wu
declared himself against his masters the Manchus, or
proclaimed his own independence, they might have acted,

Wu San-kuei 172

but there was no reason to doubt his loyalty beyond the
fact that he was slowly making for himself a position
which would enable him to act independently of them. In
connection with the conquest of the southern provinces,
events had occurred which showed his allegiance to the
Manchu power. One of the last of the Ming princes,
Kuei Wang, having suffered defeat, fled into Burmah, and
having secured the co-operation of the king of that
country, endeavoured once more to restore his family to
the throne. He was opposed by Wu and his army con-
quered and he himself taken prisoner. This unfortunate
prince was led to the execution ground, probably sur-
prised and disappointed that Wu San-kuei in this matter
was acting loyally towards the Mauchu government.

It was not until the second Manchu Emperor was
on the throne that steps were taken to reduce the
power and influence of Wu. This sagacious ruler
became -thoroughly alarmed at Wu's popularity, and
determined to test his loyalty. He was confirmed in
his suspicions of the genuineness of the viceroy by
the statements of other officials accusing Wu of designs
against the government, but these statements were the
outcome of zealousy on the part of those who had not
received so many imperial favours. Feeling that the
new dynasty would not be secure if Wu's influence
increased, K'ang She, the Emperor, sent an invitation
to Wu to present himself at court in Peking. This
was a reasonable request, and if Wu had complied with
it, the course of events must needs have had a different
issue, but the viceroy refused to leave his post, excusing
himself on the ground of old age. Such an excuse,
however, would not be accepted by the emperor, who
knew as well as others that it was not Wu's real reason
for such an action. There is little doubt that Wu never
intended to submit himself to an examination in the
capital such as would have been the result of his
visit, but he was confirmed in his attitude of independence

173 Wu San-kuei

by another circumstance. One of the practices of the
time was that all great officials should have a son or
other near relative at court, as a hostage for good conduct
and loyalty to the reigning family. Wu San-kuei had
a son in Peking who was on intimate terms with the
members of the royal house ; in fact his wife was half
sister to the Kmperor. This son, knowing the feeling of
the court with regard to his father, wrote to him advising
him not to accede to the Emperor's request to proceed
to Peking. Wu San-kuei no doubt was confirmed in
the belief that he was under suspicion, and of course took
care not to be caught in any trap that might be set
for him.

The Emperor, however, was determined to know the
real position of Wu, and accordingly sent two trusted offi-
cials to him demanding his presence at the capital. These
officials at the same time would see for themselves how
far Wu's excuse of old age was a real one, and also be
able to gather information as to the number of troops
he possessed and the quality of his defences. The
viceroy received the envoys with all the honours due
to their office, and they for some time were unable to
decide definitely as to Wu's attitude towards the throne.
But at last they were left no longer in doubt. Wu
listened for a while to the oft-repeated requests of the
envoys for the pleasure of his company to Peking, and
at last broke out in wrath upon them, repudiating
the Manchu authority and declaring his intention to
assert his own. Said he: "Do they think at the court
that I am so blind as not to see the motive in this order
of summons ? I shall indeed present myself there if
you continue to press me, but it will be at the head
of twice forty thousand men. You may go on before,
but I hope to follow you very shortly with such a
force as will speedily remind those in power of the
debt they owe me. " This was a declaration of war,
and the envoys lost no time in getting back to the

Wu San-kuei 174

capital to acquaint the Emperor. Judging from Wu's
words it would seem that his revolt was the outcome
of neglect on the part of the government to recognise
fully his services in the first years of conquest. True
he was rewarded with honours and position, but these
do not seem to have satisfied him, probably because
the Manchus having once acknowledged their debt, felt
that they were no longer under any obligation, and
had to a certain extent flung him on one side. The
facts of history make it difficult to understand Wu's
actions, but however puzzling to us, the Chinese seem
to have credited him with the best of motives, and
his name to-day is held in high esteem as the result.
Wu, in dismissing the envoys of K'ang She in such
a manner, made it evident to all that he had broken
loose from Manchu authority, and knowing that sooner
or later he would be taken to task for his action, he
prepared for war. This was no difficult matter for him,
because he wielded such a powerful influence over the
peoples of his territory, and many were willing and
ready to flock to his standard. In a short time he
had gathered a large army, and the greater part of
South China was on his side.

In the meantime events were taking place at Peking
that were calculated to widen more than ever the breach
between the Emperor and his viceroy. Whilst Wu was
rallying his army in the south, his son in the capital was
ill advised enough to take part in a plot hatched for the
purpose of destroying the Manchu dynasty. A large
number of slaves, perhaps incited by hopes of liberty, were
engaged in this treasonable transaction, binding themselves
by oath not to divulge their secrets. The New Year was
the time appointed for the conspiracy to act, when a
general massacre of Manchus was intended. Unfortunately
for the plotters the secret was found out, and they were
all speedily executed ; Wu San-kuei's son amongst the
number. This so incensed the Emperor that he was more

175 Wu San-kuei

determined than ever to crush the man whose son had
thus attempted his life.

This story of the plot is not accepted by all, for the
simple reason that in China a son might easily come to an
untimely end if he were unfortunate enough to have a
father in arms against the central authority. It is in
accordance with Asiatic methods of rule to punish the
innocent for the guilty. Whether the story of the con-
spiracy is true or not, the fact remains that Wu's son was
executed, which event more than ever embittered the strug-
gle between Emperor and his formidable opponent. The
caution with which the Emperor K'ang She proceeded to
overthrow the power of Wu, is one of the evidences of
that monarch's sagacity and wisdom. He knew that the
viceroy was exceedingly popular, and that the new Man-
chu dynasty was not yet too firmly established, and this
led him to act warily. He began by issuing an edict
ordering the disbanding of all the Chinese troops serving
under the various Chinese viceroys in the empire. This
was done in order to find out the strength of these satraps
and to assure himself of their attitude towards him. At
this juncture, however, he was not able to proceed further
with the humiliation of the viceroy, but had to turn his
attention to the northern border of the empire, where the
Mongols, under a chief named Satchar, taking advantage
of the disturbed state of the country, were preparing for
an invasion. With characteristic energy K'ang She
despatched his troops towards the north, and before the
Mongols, could strike a blow, the leader was captured and
the threatened danger averted. After this the Emperor
sent his soldiers into the eastern and southern provinces,
and by force of arms once more established Manchu
authority, where Wu's influence weakened it. This
accomplished, he turned his attention to the subjugation
of Wu San-kuei, and although his troops had no great
successes on the field of battle, the Chinese commanders
were so much at variance amongst themselves that ere long

Wu San-kuei 176

he was able to drive out Wu's armies from Hunan. The
evacuation of this province by the viceroy's soldiers, was
the first defeat that Wu had experienced, and unfortunate-
ly it was the forerunner of many more. In fact ever
after that disastrous retreat, the fortunes of Wu declined.
His influence waned, many of his soldiers and their officers
deserted, and gradually weakened he had to fall back
with a greatly diminished force on his own territory in
Yunnan. For two years after the Emperor was able to
concentrate his attention on the destruction of Wu's
power, the struggle went on, but at the end of that time
Wu San-kuei died, and the victory for the Emperor's
forces was then practically assured. Wu Shu-fan, the
grandson of Wu San-kuei, endeavoured to hold on in
Yunnan, but with no success. By 1681 the province had
been taken by the Manchus, with the exception of the
capital city, where Wu was making a last stand. This city
was besieged by the conquerors, and when it fell and the
garrison were massacred, Wu Shu-fan committed suicide
in order to escape a worse fate. His head was taken to
Peking and placed upon the city gate, and such was the
relentless hatred of the Manchu leader, that he disinterred
the body of Wu Sau-kuei and scattered the bones
throughout the provinces that had acknowledged his rule.
Thus was secured the pacification of China ; the Tartar
conquest was complete and the new dynasty firmly
established.

Wu San-kuei is one of the most conspicuous charac-
ters in Chinese history. A military leader of no mean
order, possessed of superior courage and energy he has
won for himself a name in the annals of his country. But
not merely are his deeds recorded by verbose historians in
unreadable tomes, they are sung in the people's ballads,
they are reproduced on the stage, they are talked over in
the cottages of the humble, and in every part of the
Chinese empire the name of Wu San-kuei is cherished
and held in highest esteem.

KOXINGA

PIRATE AND PATRIOT

the early years of the seventeenth century, a young
(\JJ, man named Cheng Chili-lung migrated from his

home in the province of Fukien to Macao, at the
mouth of the Canton river. Being of a roving disposition
he determined to see other places, and accordingly went to
Manila. From Manila he sailed to Japan, and there
seems to have found a port congenial to his tastes, for he
married a Japanese girl and settled down to a life of
business. In 1623 a son was born to him, who was after-
wards destined to make his mark on the page of his
country's history and to turn the tide of events in the
Far East. Cheng Chih-lung was a capable and shrewd
man, but not troubled with any scruples of conscience,
determined to make his fortune in any way that presented
itself. By his ability he made himself almost indispensa-
ble to his Japanese employer, fully gaining his confidence
and trust, but finally betrayed that trust by an act of
dishonesty that was but the beginning of a long series in
his after career of crime. He induced his employer to
send him with a rich cargo of goods across to China.
Arriving at Foochow he effected the sale of the goods,
and with the proceeds fitted out a fleet of junks for the
purpose of piracy on the coast and on the high seas. A
man of energy and possessing a marked individuality, he
soon became the leader of a notorious band of pirates,
whose depredations on the Chinese coast brought con-
sternation to the people and deep anxiety to the govern-
ment. The reigning Emperor, realising his impotence to
check the ravages of the pirate, in true Chinese fashion,
endeavoured to conciliate him by the offer of certain
favours, and conferred upon him the title of admiral.
Cheng Chih-lung in this capacity was still a pirate, and

Koxinga 178

although posing as one of the defenders of the empire, yet
at the same time was filling his pockets with stolen gold.
His son, Cheng Kung, who had been born to him in
Japan, joined him, and for a considerable time served
under him, receiving a training that contributed to his
fame in after years. This lad was possessed of exceptional
ability, and attracted the attention of the Ming Emperor
by taking his degree, at the competitive examinations, at
the early age of fifteen. For this he was rewarded ; the
Emperor bestowing upon him his own personal surname of
Chu, which incident is responsible for the name by which
he is most widely known amongst people of other nations.
Cheng Kung, having the Emperor's name, was called by
the people Kuo Shing-a, or Possessor of the National
Surname, which appellation has been corrupted into
Koshinga or Koxinga.

During the conquest of China by the Manchus, the
survivors of the Ming family endeavoured to • re-establish
their rule in the southern provinces. Nanking was chosen
as the seat of government, and for a time Fu Wang held
that city, but the Manchus finally conquered it and the
Ming ruler committed suicide. In Fukien another of the
ill-fated princes tried to make a stand, and for a time was
fairly successful, being aided by Cheng Chih-lung, whose
forces were able to check the Manchu aggression. Cheng
was ambitious, and having gained considerable power by
his piratical practices, saw his way towards establishing
his son on the throne of the distracted empire. With
this in view, he approached the Ming prince, asking him
to recognise his son Cheng Kung as heir, but this the
prince refused. Cheng Chih-lung, chagrined at this
refusal, withdrew his help from the Ming ruler, and soon
after went over to the side of the Manchus.

The Manchu Emperor, knowing something of the acts
and prowess of Cheng Chih-lung, felt that even as an ally
he was formidable, and would require watching, and not
long after, sent a request to him to appear at court in

1 79 Koxinga

Peking. The admiral, not doubting the sincerity of the
request, presented himself before the Emperor, and was at
once made a prisoner and kept in the capital. The
Manchus being victorious in Fukien, and the Ming prince
having retreated south, Cheng Kung, or as we shall now
call him Koxinga, being captain of the fleet, proceeded
southwards to the Pescadore Islands in the Formosan
Strait, and there made for himself a strong position,
intending to hold it against all comers. The imprison-
ment of his father at Peking had filled him with hatred
against the Manchu conquerors, and he determined to
fight them to the death, giving what help he could to the
dying cause of the now fast falling dynasty.

The conquest of the province of Kuangtung had
proved a difficult matter for the Manchus, on account of
the Ming family making a determined stand to retrieve
their fortunes. The Tartars were successful at first in
capturing Canton, but soon after were driven from the
city, and for a time the Chinese were in the ascendancy.
Another attack was made by the Manchus, and the city
once more fell into their hands ; this time to be kept
for the Emperor. Many were the Chinese fugitives who
sought refuge on the water, and Koxinga, who was near,
received them on board his fleet.

The Tartar conquerors of the Chinese empire had no
fleet, and if they had had, were not at home on the sea,
and so they were unable to follow up their land victories,
leaving the Chinese secure on their junks. The daring
and activity of Koxinga were the admiration of his
countrymen, and the more he harassed and injured the
Manchus, the more he became their idol. He gathered
together large forces with which he attacked the Tartars
on the Fukien coast, taking several large towns and
causing dismay amongst the ranks of the Manchu warriors.
Cruising along the coast, his fleet was ever busy, and the
whole seaboard from the Yangtsze to Macao suffered from
his attacks. Two of his most signal successes were the

Koxinga 180

taking of the towns of Taichou and Wenchow in the year

1657-

The character and acts of Koxinga are the subjects
of controversy. Some hold that he was a pirate pure and
simple, and that his depredations and attacks on the
Chinese coast were those of a freebooter, with no ends
but his own to serve. Others look upon him as a patriot,
an upholder of the Ming dynasty, and one engaged in a
struggle for freedom and the rights of his countrymen
against their northern foes. There is no doubt that many
of his engagements vjere purely piratical ones, but it may
have been that at the same time he saw it possible to
strike a severe blow at Manchu aggression, and in this
way acted the part of a lover of his country. It is
possible that he saw his way to a throne that was
slipping from the grasp of the weak scions of a decadent
family. This gives colour to the supreme effort he made
to capture the town of Nanking from the Tartar invaders,
an effort which proved unsuccessful and which for ever
rid the more northerly seaboard of his presence. During
his successful raids he had established his headquarters on
the island of Tsung-ming at the mouth of the Yangtsze
river. Collecting all his forces, in 1659 he sailed up
the great river with the intention of attacking the ancient
Ming capital. He seems to have chosen an opportune
time, for the garrison at Nanking was then weak, and
there were chances of a popular rising that would ensure
his success. In fact he did not altogether depend on his
own armaments, but trusted to the co-operation of the
people, and in so doing failed in his purpose to subdue
the city. He waited for the right moment, and waited
too long. The garrison was reinforced, and the people
were afraid to rebel. Seeing the opportunity lost, Ko-
xinga determined to venture all on a united attack, but
was forestalled by the Manchu leader of the garrison.
Whilst Koxinga' s troops were revelling, the Manchus
attacked them by night and inflicted upon them irretriev-

i8i Koxinga

able loss. Three thousand men were killed and over
five hundred of the ships were burnt. Thus were the
hopes of Koxinga crushed, and he retreated once more to
the seaboard to carry on his piratical work.

Koxinga in these years harried the coast to such an
extent that the government had at last to resort to
desperate measures. The Manchus seemed incapable of
checking his depredations, and the only thing they could
do was to order the inhabitants of over eighty townships on
the coasts of Ftikien and Kuangtung to remove some
ten miles inland, so as to be safe from the attacks of the
freebooters. Such a proceeding seems strange to us, and
we are compelled to assent to the opinion of Dr. Williams
"that a government which could compel its maritime
subjects to leave their houses and towns and go into
the country at great loss, might have easily armed and
equipped a fleet to have defended those towns and homes."

In the year 1661, the first Manchu Emperor, Shun
Chih passed away, and as his successor was only eight
years of age, the government was placed in the hands of
regents. Whilst Shun Chih had lived, the life of Cheng
Chih-lung, Koxinga's father, had been safe, but now that
a new regime was in force, he fell upon evil days and was
led out to execution. This act more than ever fanned
the flame of hatred in Koxinga's breast, and he deter-
mined to oppose the Manchus as much as possible, but his
great opportunity had gone by with the defeat at Nan-
king. Seeing that there remained nothing for him on the
mainland, he turned his attention to the island of
Formosa and laid his plans for the conquest of that
territory. But he had a new enemy to face, and this is
the fact that makes the last exploits of Koxinga of such
interest to us in the west. It was the time of Dutch
aggression in the east, and Formosa was practically in
their hands. Some forty years before, the Dutch, having
captured Malacca, the Spice Islands, and other places,
had attacked the Portuguese in Macao, but had been

Koxinga 182

repulsed. Finding it impossible to establish themselves
there, they had retired to the Pescadore Islands and
fortified them, endeavouring to divert the coast trade
between Chinese and Portuguese into their own hands.
This effort was not successful, and soon after, in 1624 they
went over to the island of Formosa, and with little trouble
made themselves masters of the place. They erected a
fort and named it Zelandia, at the place where the town
of Taiwan now stands. From this centre they spread
out, and before long a large number of the villages with
the northern ports of Tamsui and Kelung were brought
under their control. Before the Dutch invasion, Japanese
traders were living on the island, but these were induced
to retire, and some Spaniards that had established them-
selves in the north were expelled, thus leaving the whole
of Formosa in the power of the Hollanders. Unfortunate-
ly for the Dutch they were not wise in their treatment of
the aborigines, nor of the many Chinese settlers who had
come over from the mainland during the last days of the
fallen dynasty, and this no doubt helped to bring about
their downfall.

Koxinga, having lost all in his attack upon Nanking,
was engaged in preparing another armament, with the
object of capturing the island of Formosa. He went
carefully to work, and whilst carrying on his piratical
trade in a small way, he was slowly influencing the
Chinese settled in Formosa in his favour. By and by he
submitted to them his plans for the conquest of the island
and expressed his confidence in their readiness to help.
The Dutch, aware of the prowess of Koxinga, had been
strengthening their fortifications for some time, but
eventually feeling themselves safe, had sent back the
forces that had been stationed there for their protection.
This proved Koxinga's opportunity, and in 1661, when
his plans were ripe, he landed on the island with an army
of 25,000 men and took up a strong position. He was
soon able to cut off communication between the different

1 83 Koxinga

forts, and one by one they fell into his hands. The brave
Governor Coyett did all in his power to resist the invasion,
but he was practically deserted by his countrymen in
Batavia, who were able to help, and received no re-
inforcements for his garrison until it was too late.
Koxinga, however, did not find it an easy matter to subdue
the white traders. The fort of Zelandia held out very
bravely, and Koxinga had to establish a blockade to
it. The accounts of this time of bloodshed and massacre
are sad reading. The Dutch during their occupation of the
island had not been indifferent to the spiritual needs of
the people, and missionaries had established schools and
churches in several places. The work, though carried
on under difficulties, was good, and a fair number of
mission converts was the result of the missionaries' labours.
Koxinga and his troops, whilst investing the fortress, put
most of the converts and missionaries to the sword and
left a track of blood throughout the island. In connection
with this time it is worth recording an act of heroism on
the part of one of the missionaries, which has placed him
amongst the noble army of martyrs for the cause of Christ
in China. During the conflict with Koxinga, over five
hundred of the Dutch fell into his hands as prisoners.
Many of these were barbarously put to death, whilst
numbers of the women and girls were given to the
Chinese commanders and common soldiers. Amongst these
prisoners was a missionary, the Rev. Antonius Hambroek,
his wife and several of his children. Two of his daughters
were in the fort. Koxinga sent Mr. Hambroek to the
fort to propose terms for surrender, with the information
that if the terms were not accepted, the prisoners would
be massacred. The courageous missionary whilst giving
Koxinga' s message, used every possible argument to
encourage the defenders of the fort to hold out to the last.
Governor Coyett gave him permission to stay in the fort
if he chose, but the noble man, although knowing that
death awaited him, would not stay, but elected to return

Koxinga 184

and suffer with his dear ones. It is a touching story how
that his daughters endeavoured by tearful appeals to
persuade him to remain, and how he had to tear himself
from their affectionate embrace to go to his doom.
Koxinga, angered at the refusal of the governor to
capitulate, proceeded to slay his prisoners ; amongst whom
the noble missionary met his fate.

Towards the end of the siege of Fort Zelandia, a
force of ten ships and seven hundred men arrived from
Batavia, but these proved unable to turn the tide of affairs.
Listening to advice that proved disastrous, Governor
Coyett let the forces go for a time, in the hope of a larger
squadron appearing later on. Koxinga seeing this, re-
doubled his efforts, and finally the fort fell, and with its
fall ended the Dutch occupation of Formosa. The siege
had lasted nine months and 1,600 men had lost their lives.

The loss of Formosa induced the Dutch to attack
Amoy, where Koxinga still had a garrison. A fleet of
twelve ships was sent, and the commander tried to enter
into negotiations with the Manchus to effect a clean sweep
of the pirate's followers from that city. The Manchus
refused to form an alliance, and the commander of the
Dutch fleet attacked Koxinga' s forces, burning his ships
and destroying his soldiers in true buccaneer fashion. He
retired to Batavia after inflicting great loss on the pirate's
armament, but returned again the following year and was
successful in taking Amoy, and in this way completing the
subjugation of that province to the Manchus. The
authorities in recognition of help, granted him two junks
with which to augment his fleet for the re-taking of For-
mosa, but this scheme proving beyond his power he
returned to the south.

Koxinga established himself in Formosa as king of
that island, but was not long permitted to enjoy his
regality. He died soon after the conquest, from the effects
of a fit of passion manifested against his son, at the early
age of thirty-nine. This was in 1662.

1 85 Koxinga

After the death of Koxinga, his son succeeded as
ruler of the island. The Emperor K'ang She, however,
having pacified the Chinese empire, turned his attention
to Formosa and sought to bring it under the rule of the
Manchus. A fleet of three hundred ships was sent, and
after several naval engagements the troops landed on the
shores of the island and completed the conquest for the
Tartars. And so finally Formosa became a Chinese
province through the instrumentality of Koxinga, who
had driven out the Dutch traders. K'ang She, no doubt
elated with his success, felt partially reconciled towards
the memory of Koxinga, and instead of calling him a
rebel against the Manchus, declared that he was an
upholder of the Ming cause, and as such a patriot instead
of a pirate. In the year 1675 a memorial was presented
to the throne asking for permission to build a temple to
the honour of Koxiuga, and permission was granted.

K'ANG SHE

THE GREATEST OF THE MANCHUS.

Shun Chih, the first of the Manchu Emperors
was on his deathbed, he summoned the four
leading officials of the empire to his side and
said: "I have a son of eight years old, and though
he is not the eldest, his rare intelligence makes me hope
he will govern the empire well. Let him therefore be
my successor. To you four, whose fidelity is known
to me, I recommend him with confidence." The dying
Emperor then appointed the four officials as regents to
administer the affairs of the government until the boy
selected should be of age. The boy was Shuan Yeh,
who on his occupation of the throne took the title of
K'ang She, and proving worthy of his father's confidence,
ruled the Chinese empire for sixty-one years, leaving
behind him a name honoured by all. He ranks amongst
the great rulers of China and takes a worthy place in the
roll of the world's potentates.

K'ang She was only eight when he came to the
throne, and of course, could not take much interest in
the affairs of the empire, but even in this time of
childhood he gave promise of an able and sagacious
man, one who would be better able to fill the position
waiting for him, because of the nature of his education.
His forefathers had been warriors, members of a nomadic
tribe more acquainted with forest lore of Manchuria than
the literature of a conquered nation. His father, Shun
Chih, had patronised and favoured the Jesuit missionaries
in Peking, and one of them was tutor to the young boy,
opening up to his enquiring mind the mysteries of
Western knowledge. And so K'ang She, only removed
from savage ancestry by a few generations, was learned
in all the wisdom of the Chinese and not ignorant

1 87 K'ang She

of the higher branches of knowledge taught in European
schools.

The patronage of the Jesuits by the deceased Emperor,
had been a source of jealousy and ill-feeling amongst
the regents and other officials, and when Shun Chih
died, the missionaries fell upon evil times. Charges were
brought against them which resulted in their dispersion ;
several of the most prominent, among whom was Adam
Schaal, K'ang She's tutor, were thrown into prison and
condemned to death. Although the sentence was not
carried out, the sufferings of the prisoners were so great
that Father Schaal succumbed to his injuries, dying in his
prison at the age of seventy-eight. These and other acts of
tyranny were indulged in by the regents, but they were
ended in a few years by the decision of the boy Emperor
to rule himself, and in 1667 he dissolved the regency
and assumed the reins of government. He was only
fourteen when this took place, but already he was
manifesting an intelligent interest in the affairs of his
people, and no doubt was helped by the guidance and
influence of his mother.

One of the first acts of the young Emperor was to
redress the wrongs of the Jesuits. Knowing the deter-
mined opposition on the part of many of the officials, he
was not able to grant too many privileges, but the mission-
aries found a friend in K'ang She, and during his long reign
they were often assured of his interest. Unfortunately
that interest abated, mainly on account of their unseemly
disputes and arrogant behaviour.

When K'ang She had reached the age of eighteen he
began to realise that his throne was by no means firmly
established. The Tartar conquest was a matter of recent
history; he himself was only the second Emperor of a new
dynasty, and he was brought face to face with the fact
that all the elements of an upheaval were present in the
empire. It remained for him to consolidate and establish
on a firm basis the uew government by an alien race.

K'ang She 188

From this time to the end of his reign he was constantly
engaged in war, but such were his abilities that whilst con-
ducting a series of great campaigns, he was able at the same
time to attend to the affairs of the people and to administer a
government that resulted in their happiness and prosperity.
With K'ang She was established a regime that, although
defective from our point of view, has proved equal to any
under which the Chinese people have ever been placed.

K'ang She's first trouble began with Wu San-kuei, the
valiant ex-general and viceroy of Yunnan. This old
soldier, chagrined at the apparent ingratitude of the Man-
chus, was daily gaining power and influence in South
China and ready to assert his independence. Tales came
to K'ang She's ear of his growing power, which rendered
him uneasy, the more so because for the last ten years.
Wu had been absent from the court of Peking, K'ang She
sent a request for his appearance, but Wu begged to be
excused. The Emperor more than ever sure that things
were not satisfactory, sent envoys to the viceroy, and these
came quickly back with the news that Wu San-kuei was
a rebel and that he was preparing for war. K 'ang She at
once made preparations to meet him, but whilst so doing,
had to turn his attention to the plotters against his life,
amongst whom Wu's son was a prominent figure. The
conspiracy squashed, K'ang She was about to march to
oppose the viceroy, when news came of a formidable
movement by the Mongols on the northern border. A
chief called Satcbar, thinking that K'ang She was embar-
rassed, took the opportunity to invade Chinese territory.
The Emperor, quick to perceive his danger, at once des-
patched troops, and before Satchar had fairly set foot in the
coveted territory, he was attacked and made prisoner, and
the Mongol rising suppressed. This done, K'ang She once
more turned his attention to Wu San-kuei, and sent his
armies into the southern provinces. The death of Wu in
1679 practically ended the campaign aud the Eniperor
breathed more freely.

1 89 K'ang She

The most southerly parts of the empire, however, were
still in a state of disorder, and K'ang She's troops were
kept busy in the work of pacification. When this was
accomplished the Emperor decided to crush the power and
influence of Koxinga's son in Formosa, and bring that
island under his own rule. At this time the son of the
noted pirate was king of the savage tribes and also of the
Chinese settlers there, and of course owning no allegiance
to the Chinese government. K'ang She prepared a fleet
of three hundred ships, and these, with twelve thousand
men on board, sailed for the Pescadores, where the pirates
still had strongholds. After a hard fight they succeeded
in taking the islands, and then proceeded to the larger island
of Formosa. The natives submitted almost at once and the
territory passed under the rule of the Manchus. Koxin-
ga's son was sent to Peking, where the Emperor, instead of
executing him, conferred upon him the title of duke.

And now that the Chinese empire was in a peaceable
condition, the people made the best of their circumstances
and quietly submitted to the Tartar sway. But K'ang She
had more work to do. The nomadic tribes over the
northern borders were constantly threatening the peace
of the empire, and by periodic raids causing suffering and
hardship to the Chinese peasants. K'ang She, remember-
ing Satchar's invasion, thought that similar movements
might again take place, and he accordingly took steps to
ensure the safety of his people and also of his own throne.
One of the most influential of the border tribes was that of
the Khalkas, who boasted direct descent from Genghis
Khan, the great Mongol conqueror. K'ang She determined
to establish friendly relations with these people, and by
means of letters and presents, succeeded in gaining their
allegiance. This stroke of policy meant that all the
Mongol tribes at least, would refrain from aggression
and act as tributaries to the empire. But there were
other tribes living further away that were not prepared
to do as the Mongo's had done, amongst these notably

K'ang; She 190

the Eleuths of Hi and Kashgaria. These, on hearing of
the surrender of the Khalkas, determined to hold their
own against an empire of which they knew very little
beyond the fact that it was extending its power towards
their borders. This decision was made the more easily
because their chief, Galdan, was a man of unusual ability
and prowess, who had made for himself a position by his
energy and unscrupulous deeds. Galdan knew something
of the Chinese by the fact of his having sent an embassy
to Peking during Wu San-kuei's rebellion, but he had
not the right estimate of their resources, nor did he know
what manner of man K'ang She the Emperor was. This
was the more clearly shown afterwards when, confident
of his own power, he practically declared war against
China and began his operations by attacking the Khalkas
who had owned allegiance to the empire. Galdan was
able for a considerable time to harass the Khalkas before
K'ang She really knew anything of the matter, and even
then was successful in concealing many of his movements.
K'ang She, willing to try diplomatic measures, sent letters
and also presents to the Eleuth chief, but was not able to
induce him to make peace and yield his authority, and so
finally he determined to settle the matter by the sword.
He despatched a great army, which was successful in
defeating the forces of Galdan, and the chief was
constrained to sign a treaty of peace. This, however, did
not last long, for Galdan, some time after his reverse,
caused the envoys of K'ang She to be massacred, and thus
drew upon himself the wrath of that potentate, who swore
to punish him severely for his action. In a letter to
Galdan, K'ang She wrote : "I sent one of the officers of
my tribunal to be the bearer of words of peace, and your
people, like mere savages, have committed the inhuman
act of massacring him. I call upon you to judge whether
an act so atrocious does not demand vengeance, and
whether it can be approved of by a prince who ought to
set his subjects an example of morality What

1 91 K'ang She

ought I to think of conduct which proclaims you false to
both your oath and your allegiance ? I now desire to
finally warn you that unless your repentance follows close
upon your fault, I shall come with arms in my hands to
exact from you the fullest reparation for so many outrages."

Galdan was in no wise willing to humble himself,
and so K'ang She gathered together a great army of
150,000 men to make good his word. This army he
divided into four companies, one of which he commanded
in person. In order to make this campaign popular, and
ensure its success, K'ang She offered special pay to the
soldiers and undertook to provide for the widows and
orphans of those who might be slain. He also provided a
certain kind of armour that would withstand bullets and
arrows, and had an artillery corps, in which camels were
used to carry and support the guns during action. Before
the first company under General Fei left for the war, K'ang
She held a high court ceremony at Peking, during which
the troops passed under review. The Emperor was seated
in state, surrounded by officers of all ranks, and when
all arrangements had been attended to, General Fei
approached the throne and knelt before the Emperor, who
handed him a goblet of wine, which he drank as a pledge
of loyalty and as a toast to the success of the campaign.
The other officers, in accordance with their rank, also knelt
before the throne and, drinking the wine, retired to their
respective regiments. After the pageant was over, the
troops inarched towards the north-west, inspired by the
impressive scene they had just witnessed.

K'ang She was not long in following his general. He
had been entreated not to expose his life in such a
difficult undertaking as this promised to be, but he was
determined to show an example of courage and endurance to
his soldiers, and so made all preparations for his departure.
Before leaving Peking he presented himself before the
Altar of Heaven and invoked the blessing of Slicing Ti,
the Supreme Ruler, on his campaign. "Receive my

K'ang She 192

homage," he prayed, "and protect the humblest of your
subjects, Sovereign Heaven, Supreme Ruler. With con-
fidence but respect I invoke your aid in the war that I

find myself compelled to undertake My most

ardent desire has ever been to see the peoples of my
empire, and even foreign nations, enjoy all the advantages
of peace. Galdan destroys my dearest hopes ; he sows
disorder everywhere, he tramples underfoot your laws and
despises the commands of his sovereign, who holds your

place here on earth I hold from you the right to

make war upon the wicked. In order to fulfil this duty
I am about to march at the head of my troops. Prostrate
before you I implore your support, and I offer up this
sacrifice animated with the hope of drawing down upon
myself some of your most marked favours. But one vowr
I most resolutely formed, and that is to bestow the blessing
of peace throughout the vast territory over which you
have placed me."

This campaign of K'ang She was a tremendous
undertaking, a task fraught with difficulty and danger,
the magnitude of which cannot be properly appreciated
by us. The Gobi desert had to be crossed, and K'ang
She's march to subdue the Eleuth chief is one of the
great achievements of the Manchu rulers of China.
Arrived at the scene of action, the great army had sadly
diminished in numbers, bat it succeeded in routing the
forces of Galdan, and that warrior had to secure safety in
flight. He was never able afterwards to assert his author-
ity, and died in obscurity in 1697.

K'ang She returned to Peking after the downfall of
Galdan, but was not permitted to remain long in peace,
and the rest of his years were spent in a struggle against
Tsi Wang, a nephew of Galdan, who endeavoured to
maintain the supremacy of the Eleuths. Tsi Wang sent
an army into Thibet and captured Lhassa. As Thibet
was under the suzerainty of China, K'ang She was obliged
to despatch his forces to punish the invader, but they did

193 ' K'ang She

not meet with very great success, and for a long time
the army of the Emperor was unable to subdue the daring
chief. Thibet was saved to China, but it was not until
the last year of K'aug She's long reign that victory was
ensured and Tsi Wang's army annihilated. But even
this did not mean a complete subjugation of the warring
tribes to the power of China ; this was left for a later date
when another great ruler sat on the throne.

Not only was K'ang She involved in the struggle with
the tribes of Central Asia, but he also came into collision
with an European power. Russia for some time had been ex-
tending her borders eastward and had erected a fortress at
Albazin on the River Amur. Galdan, during his campaign,
had tried to form an alliance with the Russians, but was
not successful, partly on account of the energy and far-
sightedness of K'ang She. The Emperor heard of the
Russian advance and also of Galdan' s overtures, and sent
envoys to the Khalka territory to gain a clear knowledge
of the situation. Two Roman Catholic priests travelled
with the envoys, and were able to do much for the
Emperor on account of their knowledge of both the
Mongol and Russian languages. The accounts the envoys
brought back showed K'ang She that in order to preserve
his supremacy over that territory, he must check the
progress of the Russians, and accordingly he commanded
his armies to attack them. The Russians were not able
to withstand the Emperor's troops, and the fortress fell.
Those of the garrison who were spared, were taken as
prisoners to Peking, where they were allowed to live.
Most of them married Chinese wives and settled down
there as Chinese citizens, and their descendants are to be
seen to-day in that city. The Russians, however, were
not driven away after the fall of Albazin, but they again
occupied the dismantled fortress and held their ground.
After several years of uncertainty the two Catholic
priests, Gerbillon and Pereira, managed to open negotia-
tions with the representatives of Russia, and in 1689 a

K'ang She 194

treaty was signed at Nerchinsk, on tlie Amur, which
marked out that river as the boundary of the Russian
empire. This was the first treaty that China concluded
with an European power.

The outcome of this conflict with Russia was an
attempt on the part of Peter the Great to open up diplo-
matic relations with China. An attempt had been made
some thirty years before, but was unsuccessful, and the
Czar determined to accomplish something to prevent
further troubles like that which resulted in the taking of
Albazin. He was doomed to disappointment, however ;
his ambassader, General Ides, returning to Russia without
having secured an audience with the Emperor. In 1719
the Czar once more tried, and sent a mission, consisting of
Captain IsmalierF, M.De Lang, Mr. Bell (an Englishman)
and others. They carried an autograph letter from the
Czar to the Emperor K'ang She. On their arrival in Pe-
king they were received courteously, and were entertained
in a house specially set apart for them by command of the
Emperor. The former difficulty of prostration before the
throne was raised, but on direct appeal to K'ang She it
was waived, and the matter was settled by Ismalieff per-
forming the ceremony before the Emperor whilst K'ang
She's principal minister prostrated himself before the letter
of the Czar. The audience was given and Captain Isma-
lieflf returned to Russia elated at his success. The Czar
was no less pleased, and at once fitted out a large caravan
to proceed to Peking for the purposes of trade. But when
the caravan arrived at the capital in 1721 the tide of
events had turned. K'ang She was then very ill, and the
anti-foreign officials in evidence. They refused admission
to the caravan, and it had to return with the notification
that all future intercourse with Russia would take place
at the border.

K'ang She would never have gained the name of a
wise and capable Emperor if his time had been all taken
up with conquest. He might have had the reputation

195 K'ang She

of a soldier, but that is not always associated with wise
government. Amidst wars and disputes, K'ang She did
not neglect his empire ; on the contrary he strove to secure
the happiness and prosperity of his people, and was sin-
gularly successful. Through his efforts the Manchu rule
was established and consolidated, and the people settled
down under a government that spite of its defects has
proved one of the best the country has ever known.
K'ang She was a busy man, and, how he managed to
attend to the multifarious affairs of the state, is indeed a
wonder, but he also found time to make periodic tours
through the provinces, in order to gain exact knowledge
of the conditions under which his people were living.
His care for them was shown in this, and his consideration
for them was no less manifest, when in later years he
gave up the practice of visiting the provinces on account
of the amount of money spent to entertain him and his
numerous retinue.

He endeavoured, as most great rulers have done, to
secure the administration of justice in the law courts, and
this means much in an Asiatic empire where such a thing
is so often unobtainable. K'ang She seems to have had
that quality that "becomes the throned monarch better
than his crown," and his mercifulness is shown in the fact
that during his long reign there were very few executions
of criminals or offenders against the throne. He was a
man whose private life seems to bear strict examination
and who stands high amongst the rulers of Asia as
an Emperor of great moral, worth. Of course he had
faults, and charges of avarice and vanity have been made
against him, but he stands clear of the crimes that are
so often laid at the door of men of unlimited power and
influence.

Chinese and foreign writers have given us descriptions
of K'ang She's personal appearance and of his habits and
recreations. We are told by one who evidently had a
great admiration for him that "his air is majestic, his

K'ang She 196

figure is excellently proportioned and above the middle
height ; all the features of the countenance are regular ;
his eyes bright and larger than is usual with his nation ;
the nose slightly curved and drooping at the point, and
the few marks left by the small-pox detract nothing from
the charm which is conspicuous throughout his person."
K'ang She was very fond of out-door exercises, and his
walking abilities remind us of the first Emperor. He
was a famous hunter, and throughout his life thoroughly
enjoyed the chase.

We have already mentioned K'ang She's connection
with the Jesuit missionaries, but no account of his life
would be complete without a fuller reference to them.
These men had won the favour and patronage of Shun
Chili and had been employed by him in many ways
on account of their scientific and practical knowledge.
K'ang She on his assumption of power, restored them to
offices they had lost during the regency, but did not go
so far as to give them opportunities for spreading the
teaching of Christianity. He allowed them to return
to their own churches, because he felt that they had
an equal right to worship in their own way with the
Buddhists and Taoists who were not restricted, but he
forbade them to proselytise. His main purpose in favour-
ing them was no doubt on account of their literary and
scientific attainments. Educated as he had been under
Schaal, he could not forget that these men possessed
knowledge of which his countrymen were ignorant, and
in order to profit himself he appointed a Dutch priest,
Father Verbiest, as his tutor. The Emperor and his
teacher spent many hours together discussing philosophy,
and there is no doubt that Christian teaching also formed
a large share in the priest's dissertations. K'ang She's
studies led him to investigate many things of which
his predecessors had been ignorant, and he became a
proficient scholar. It was at this time that Father Ver-
biest was exalted to the position of President of the

197 K'ang She

Astronomical Board. During his tutorship he had point-
ed out to the Emperor a glaring mistake in the calendar
issued by the native members of the Board, and K'ang
She, assured of his correctness, dismissed the president
and appointed Verbiest in his place. He was ordered to
issue another calendar, and the disgraced officials begged
him not to expose their mistake, but Verbiest unwisely
refused their request and thus drew upon himself the
dislike and hatred of many of the literati.

K'ang She, during the earlier years of his reign, was
well-disposed towards the missionaries, and made use of
them in his government of the empire, as witness his
sending two of them to negotiate with the Russians, but
by degrees he withdrew from them much of his favour
and imposed restrictions upon their work. There is no
doubt that the missionaries brought trouble upon them-
selves by their unseemly disputes and quarrels and their
want of proper respect and courtesy towards their patron.
During the first thirty years of K'ang She's reign they
were not allowed to engage in a definite religious prop-
aganda, but they naturally chafed at this and continually
requested permission to do the work for which they had
been sent. At last in 1692 the Tribunal of Rites passed
a decision in their favour, and from that time they were
at liberty to preach. That year K'ang She had been ill,
and his life had been saved by the missionaries, and this
no doubt influenced him on their behalf. It is said that
he showed his gratitude by presenting them with a site
for a church next to his palace, and also a large sum of
money. In the years that followed, the Roman Catholic
missionaries became more numerous, and when the
Franciscan and Dominican orders had acquired influence
then trouble began, which not only disgusted the Emperor
but of course did harm to the work. Disputes took place
as to whether Christians should engage in the worship of
ancestors as the heathen themselves did, and also as to the
proper term to be used to designate the deity. With

K'ang She 198

regard to the latter subject of discussion K'ang She was
much offended because his opinion was rejected in face of
the statements of a bishop who proved himself ignorant
of the language. It is interesting to note the part that
the Emperor took in these disputes. He showed a great
interest in the questions discussed, and no doubt was
possessed of sufficient knowledge and ability to pronounce
judgment, but he could not escape from the bias of his
Jesuit training. After a deal of turmoil the Pope, Clement
XI, appointed a legate to go to China to settle the dis-
putes. This was another rock of offence to the Emperor.
His personal interest in the matters was such that he
thought the missionaries might have left the decision
with him, but as the legate had been appointed, he treated
him with courtesy on his arrival. Whilst in Peking the
legate was the unfortunate cause of further quarrels,
and the Chinese, who had more or less been opposed to
the Christian teachers, took the opportunity of bring-
ing charges against some of them, with the result that
K'ang She withdrew frpm them his favour and patron-
age. Several were sentenced to banishment, and the
Emperor issued a decree that no one should be allowed
to remain in China without special permission from
himself.

Although K'ang She had been so well-disposed to-
wards the Roman Catholic missionaries, he was opposed
to the traders who had established themselves in the
south. No doubt the missionaries had done something
towards fosterjng this dislike, for the majority of the
traders were Dutch and English, and as such represented
Protestantism, but the Emperor was not inclined to open
his dominions to trade with the West. During the later
years of his reign, when restrictions were put on the work
of the missionaries, certain prohibitions were enforced
with regard to commerce.

K'ang She, as we have seen, was no mean scholar.
He was a great patron of literature, and was himself the

199 K'ang She

author of several works. None of these, however, have
attained to any great celebrity, except the Sacred Edict,
which consists of sixteen moral maxims written when he
was sixteen years of age. These maxims were amplified
in a later reign and commanded to be publicly read to the
people on the first and fifth day of each month, which
decree is still in force. At the present day the Sacred
Edict of K'ang She is known in every corner of the
empire.

K'ang She's reign, however, is noted for the inception
and completion of some of " the greatest literary enter-
prises the world has ever seen." The Emperor, whilst
engaged in many wars outside his own borders, and
involved in disputes within, found time to initiate great
schemes for the advancement of learning. The chief
of these was the production of the great standard
dictionary of the Chinese language, the K'ang She Tzu
Tien. This was prepared by a commission of noted
scholars, and has ever since been recognised as the chief
authority. Other great works are the two encyclopaedias,
one of which was published in 1,626 volumes of 200
pages each.

As old age drew on the Emperor was subject to many
illnesses, but these did not deter him from following the
chase of which he was passionately fond. It was whilst
in his hunting-box in the north that he was stricken with
his last illness. He had gone there to spend part of the
winter, but before December had passed he had breathed
his last. He died in 1723, in the sixty-first year of his
reign.

The greatest tribute to K'ang She is given by the
historian Mailla, and we cannot do better than reproduce
it here. He says: "Just posterity will beyond doubt
assign to this prince a distinguished place among the
greatest monarchs. Fully occupied between affairs of
state, military achievements, and the study of liberal
pursuits, beneficent, brave, generous, wise, active and

K'ang She 200

vigilant in policy, of profound and extended genius, hav-
ing nothing of the pomp or indolence of Asiatic courts,
although his power and wealth were both immense, the
one thing alone wanting to this prince, according to the
desire of the missionaries who have become the exponents
of his eminent qualities, was to crown them all witn the
adoption of the Christianity of which he knew the prin-
ciples, and of which lie valued the morality and the
maxims, but which policy and the human passions pre-
vented his openly embracing."

CHIEN LUNG.

THE CONQUEROR.

'HE Manchu Dynasty can boast of two famous Em-
perors, K'ang She and his grandson Chien Lung.
It is not easy for us to decide which of the two
takes preeminence, because both were distinguished for
the number and character of the campaigns in which they
engaged, and both were scholars and possessed literary
ability. As, however, they rank amongst China's great
rulers, a sketch of one must necessarily be followed by a
description of the life and work of the other.

The Emperor Yung Cheng, after a reign of fifteen
years, died suddenly without having chosen his successor
to the throne. There were several sons, and the eldest was
chosen to succeed his father, but this decision seems to
have been a matter of surprise to him, because although
son of the deceased ruler, his mother was not the Empress.
Up to this time he had spent his life in study and literary
pursuits, and had paid little attention to the government
of the empire. Seeing, however, that, he was required for
the exalted position of Emperor, he ascended the throne
with a desire and determination to add glory to the succes-
sion. He was twenty-five years of age when he assumed
the imperial yellow, but knew so little of the affairs of his
dominions and the science of government, that he appoint-
ed four regents to help and guide him in the administration
of the laws. This was not weakness on his part, for he
only instituted the regency to act during the period of
mourning for his deceased father, and accordingly put
limits to the power of the chosen officials. He looked
forward to a long and successful reign and hoped to
accomplish great things for his empire. It is said that on
the day of his installation in the Hall of the Imperial
Ancestors, he vowed that if permitted, like his illustrious

Chien Lung 202

grandfather K'ang She, to complete the sixtieth year of
his reign, he would show his gratitude to heaven by
resigning the crown to his heir as an acknowledgment
that he had been favoured to the full extent of his wishes.
He was spared to see the end of the cycle, and fulfilled his
vow, leaving a throne whose dictates were obeyed through-
out half the continent of Asia.

Chien Lung began his reign well by a merciful
consideration of the condition of some of his own family.
His father had imprisoned his own brothers fearing their
power and influence, and up to his death they had not
been released. Chien Lung made a good impression on
his subjects by restoring the unfortunate princes to their
liberty and rights, and was well repaid in after life by the
loyalty with which* these princes served him.

This act of kindness on the part of Chien Lung
inspired the Catholic missionaries and Christians with
fresh hope, for during the reign of Yung Cheng they had
fallen on evil times. The deceased Emperor had suppressed
the Christian propaganda, and many of the native converts
with their teachers had suffered severe persecution. Their
expectations, however, were doomed to disappointment.
Chien Lung himself does not seem to have been really
hostile, but the regents were bitterly opposed to the mis-
sionaries, and they had to continue their work under
similar conditions to those of the last reign. Persecutions
took place especially in the south-east, and many suffered
for their adherence to the faith.

The first twenty years of Chien Lung's rule were
comparatively quiet. True there were rebellions in the
provinces of Kuangsi and Ssuchuan, but these were
suppressed and probably did not affect the people more
than the risings that are so constantly taking place in
Chinese territory. During these years the Emperor did
not give promise of his future energy and ability. He
was not physically strong, and left much of the administra-
tion of the government in the hands of officials. His love

203 Chien Lung

for a student's life led him to pass a great deal of his time
at Jehol, in Mongolia, were he broke the monotony of study
with hunting and court ceremonies.

Towards the end of this period of inactivity he was
brought face to face with problems of government that
had taxed the brain of his forerunners, but had never
been satisfactorily solved. The chief of these was the
condition of the immense tracts of territory outside the
northern and north-western boundaries with their fierce
and warlike tribes constantly harassing the more peaceable
inhabitants of the Chinese frontier. We have seen how
K'ang She endeavoured to cope with the difficulties
presented and how he was rewarded with only partial
success. His work, however, was nullified by the indiffer-
ence of his son Yung Cheng, who allowed the tribes once
more to gain the ascendancy and did nothing to extend
and enforce the authority of China. Chien Lung there-
fore was confronted with a problem that had not lost any
of its difficulties since K'ang She's time, and which
demanded a solution. He sought the answer in conquest
and determined to carry his arms to the furthest limits of
these regions. From this time Chien Lung's fame as an
Emperor rose. The conquest of Central Asia which he
eventually accomplished, and the other campaigns in
which he engaged, have given him the position of a great
conqueror, and as such he is known to-day. He differs,
however, from many noted warriors in that he never
commanded his armies in person, but sent them to victory
whilst he attended to the internal affairs of the state.
His forces suffered more than one reverse, but it was his
boast that he never undertook a war without succeeding
in humiliating the enemy. His long reign is noted for
the number of campaigns in which his soldiers were
engaged and the height of power to which he attained
by their successes. It was through Chien Lung that
the Manchu dynasty reached its highest pinnacle of
fame.

Chien Lung 204

During the last years of K'ang She's reign, Tsi Wang,
the Khalka chief, had seen his army annihilated and his
power reduced. Had Yung Cheng, K'ang She's son,
still maintained his authority over the Mongol tribes this
chief would have passed into obscurity, but seeing the
attitude of the Chinese Emperor, Tsi Wang had been able
once more to assert his authority, and when he died in
1727, his son, Galdan Chereng, took his place. This chief
died in 1745, and immediately after his decease dissensions
arose between the various members of the family as to
the chieftainship. Quarrels ensued and blood was shed,
which resulted in two men — Davatsi and Amursana — set-
ting themselves up as independent princes. These two
eventually fought each other, and Amursana being
defeated, fled to the court of Chien Lung, where he
poured out his grievances and managed to gain the ear
of the Emperor. He of course represented himself as
having suffered wrong at the hands of Davatsi and that
he had been deprived of his rightful territory. Chien
Lung thought this a favourable opportunity to assert the
authority of China and secure peace for his subjects on
the frontier. He knew that a confederacy was established
amongst the tribes and he had apprehensions of a
formidable attack on their part. He was made all the
more desirous of subduing these peoples by the arrogance
of Davatsi, who sent an embassy to Peking with a letter,
written in terms that betokened his equality with the
Chinese Emperor. Chien Lung on receiving this epistle,
lost no time in preparing to humiliate his enemy. He
gathered together an army of 150,000 men and despatched
it with all speed to the region where Davatsi was in
power. In five months the soldiers had crossed the
desert, and not long after that the turbulent chief was
captured and sent to Peking and Amursana was installed
as tributary chief to the Chinese empire. The larger part
of Chien Lung's army returned to the capital, but a
garrison was left to uphold his authority.

205 Chien Lung

Amursana, however, had no intention of recognising
the supremacy of China, and gradually extended his influ-
ence until he felt his position secure. He then massacred
the Chinese garrison and executed its commander, follow-
ing up these acts of violence with great pretensions to
power. He declared himself King of the Eleuths and
independent of the empire that had helped him to his
throne. This ingratitude on the part of Amursana led
Chien Lung to determine to accomplish the subjugation
of all the tribes in that vast region. He met with
opposition in his own court from a number who con-
stituted a peace party, but he would not listen to their
advice. Thev endeavoured to dissuade him from making
the attempt, but he felt that the prestige of his great
empire had been outraged, and he determined to revenge
himself on the wily chief who had so imposed upon him
in his own capital. Another great army was sent across
the Gobi Desert, but owing to the incapacity of the
generals it met with no success. Chien Lung, following
the custom of his country, executed the unfortunate
commanders and called other officers to their places.
One of these was a man named Chao Hui, who had proved
himself of superior courage and who possessed considerable
military ability. He had been the only one in the recent
campaign who with his company had been able to with-
stand the attacks of Amursana. For this reason he was
given command of another large army with orders from
the Emperor to capture Amursana at all costs. Under
the leadership of Chao Hui the Chinese battalions were
victorious and Amursana had to flee for his life. The
general pursued him until he sought refuge in Russian
territory where, though sate from capture by his enemies,
his life proved to be forfeit. An epidemic of small-pox
was raging, and Amursana was stricken with the fearful
disease and died. The Chinese commander demanded
the body of the chief, but the Russians refused to deliver
it up to him, and Chien Lung had to be satisfied with the

Chien Lung 206

fact that his own general had looked upon the dead face
of his once formidable foe.

Although Chao Hui was successful in defeating
Amursana and establishing the supremacy of China in a
wide extent of territory, the peace party at Peking tried
to persuade Chien Lung to abandon the project of govern-
ing the peoples beyond the border, on the ground that the
country was too extensive and that they would be too far
away from the seat of authority. The Emperor, however,
was not the man to let go what had been obtained at
such cost. He placed native officials over the conquered
territory, but this plan did not work well, as several of
them were tempted to assert their independence, and he
had to put the government of the country in the hands of
Chinese and Manchus. The ambition of Chien Lung was
not satisfied with the downfall of Amursana and the con-
quest of his territory. This chief had subjugated Hi and
Jungaria, but there remained the territory of Kashgaria
or Eastern Turkestan still independent. Two armies
under Chao Hui and another capable general, Fu Te,
marched westwards and succeeded in winning the whole
region for the Chinese Emperor. The opposing forces were
routed and the chiefs and their families exterminated.
Other adjoining states seeing that they would have no
chance against the legions of China, acknowledged their
allegiance to that empire, and the whole of that vast tract
of land became subject to the Dragon Throne. The
success of Chien Lung's generals silenced the peace party
in Peking, and the after-history of the conquered territory
proved how well the Emperor had solved the problem that
had so long troubled the minds of Chinese rulers. The
various tribes of Central Asia knew at last the power of
the Chinese empire, and were in no hurry to hurl them-
selves against it. They acknowledged its superiority and
settled down to a life of comparative quiet and peace.
They no longer harassed the border peasants, and thus
was secured prosperity and safety for China Proper.

207 Chien Lung

In connection with the pacification of Central Asia
by Chien Lung, we must mention one of the most
remarkable incidents that have taken place in the history
of the world. This is none other than the migration of a
great Tartar tribe, an episode that has been graphically
described by the pen of De Quincey. During the last
years of the reign of K'ang She, when Tsi Wang was
troublesome, the Tourgot tribe fled westwards and settled
in Russian territory. At first their coming caused con-
siderable alarm to the Russians, but that abated when the
cause was known, and the wanderers were given a fertile
tract of land situated between the Volga and the Yaik.
In their new quarters they were subject to the rapacity of
tax-gatherers and suffered in other ways, but their condi-
tion was an improvement upon the old, when constantly
attacked by the turbulent and rapacious Eleuths. For
fifty years they lived in voluntary exile, and then hearing
of the peaceable condition of their native soil consequent
on the victories of Chien Lung's army, they turned their
faces homeward. They received assurance from the Em-
peror himself that they would be welcomed back to their
old haunts, and accordingly made preparations for their
return. They fixed upon a certain day in the winter time
on which to start, choosing this season because the Volga
would be frozen and afford a passage for those living on
its right bank. They kept their preparations secret, and
on one of the first days of January, 1771, the whole colony
on the east side of the river, numbering about 600,000
men, women, and children, started on their journey
towards their native home. The first stage of three
hundred miles was covered in seven days, but in spite of
their rapid movement, the Cossacks were able to overtake
them, and many of them were slain. Still they pushed
on, suffering terrible hardships from thirst, famine, and
disease, and losing many of their number daily by the
attacks of savage enemies all along the line of march.
For eight months the Tourgots kept on their way, in

Chien Lung: 208

spite of all obstacles and difficulties and at last entered
Chinese territory at Lake Tengis. To the very last they
were pursued by other savage tribes, who slaughtered
all they could. The final scene in the waters of Lake
Tengis almost baffles description. The Tourgots and
their relentless pursuers mad with thirst, all rushed
into the water, and for a moment forgot everything in the
claims of appetite. Then when all had satisfied themselves,
an awful scene of carnage took place the Bashkirs and
Kirghizes, who had followed them for so long, slaughtered
the fugitives until the lake was one of blood. This
fearful massacre was ended by the timely arrival and
help of Chien Lung's soldiers, who routed the destroyers
and saved the remnant of the great host that had started
from Russia eight months before. Chien Lung provided
food and garments for the survivors, and also gave them
land, on which they settled, and the Tourgots became one
more tribe owning allegiance to the Chinese empire;

The pacification of Central Asia was followed by a
call to arms against Burmah. The real reason is wrapped
in obscurity, but it is thought that the border tribes had
proved troublesome and that the Burmese authorities had
taken no steps to quiet them. Anyhow Chien Lung
deemed it necessary to send his armies into that country,
and a Burmese war resulted in the acknowledgment of his
supremacy. The Chinese troops defeated the enemy who
had invaded Yunnan and followed up their victory by
another in Burmese territory, but penetrating too far,
they fell into a trap and most of them were slain. Chien
Lung hearing of this disaster, sent another army under
two of his trusted commanders, A Li-kun and A Kuei,
and these generals were successful in establishing them-
selves in Bhamo. From thence they marched towards
the capital of Burmah, and without much fighting were
able to make the king of that country sue for peace. A
treaty was signed, which proclaimed a perpetual peace
between the two countries, and by which the King of

209 Chien Lung

Burmah agreed to pay a triennial tribute to the throne of
China. This tribute was regularly paid up to the time
of the English taking possession of Upper Burmah, and
even afterwards, for British policy in that country allowed
it to continue, deeming the friendly attitude of China
of great importance.

The next war in which Chien Lung engaged, took
place within his own borders. No sooner had the troops
retired from Burmah when the Miao Tzu tribes of Ssu-
chuan broke forth from their mountain fastnesses and
commenced hostilities against the Chinese. These tribes
are the aborigines of the country, who through the long
history of the empire have never been really subdued,
but have been left in possession of the mountainous ter-
ritory in the west and south-west. From time to time war
has broken out between these people and the Chinese,
but they have been able to hold their own owing to
the difficult nature of the country in which they have
taken refuge. On this occasion the Miao Tzu, for some
reason or other, attacked their enemies, and in several
skirmishes that followed were successful in driving off the
Chinese troops. Under some Emperors a truce might have
been made, but Chien Lung, who had conquered Central
Asia and Burmah, was not going to allow a few savage
tribes to go unpunished. He attempted first to secure
their recognition of his authority by sending envo};s, but
the Miao Tzu chief defied him by murdering his ambassa-
dors. At this Chien Lung determined to enter upon a
war of extermination, and despatched a large army under
General Wen Fu. This soldier, however, mistook the
character of his opponents, and also knew nothing about
mountain fighting. The Miao Tzu came upon him and
his troops and inflicted a crushing defeat. This disaster
caused Chien Lung to send another army under A Kuei,
who in a battle lasting five days and five nights completely
defeated the Miao Tzu. The chief of the tribes, however,
held out in a stronghold that the Chinese troops were

Chien Lung 210

unable to take, but he was compelled to submit by famine.
His life was promised to him, but on his arrival at Peking
Chien Lung broke his word and sent him to execution.
General Kttei, who had been so successful in this campaign,
received a dukedom and many other favours at the hauds
of the Emperor.

This subjugation of the Miao Tzu tribes was not
entire, although so signally defeated by the Chinese.
They still hold the mountain fastnesses of the western
provinces, and to a great extent maintain their independ-
ence. Not many years passed before Chien Lung was
again called to send forth his battalions. This time the
trouble was in Formosa, that island that has always been
a difficult possession since the days of its acquirement by
K'ang She. Owing to the physical characteristics of
Formosa, it has always held places of refuge for the savage
aboriginal tribes, and its Chinese population has generally
been of a turbulent and independent kind. In 1786 a
local official arrested a man of influence in the island
which so exasperated the man's friends that they rose in
a body and murdered the mandarin, at the same time
releasing the prisoner. Chien Lung on hearing of this
affair, sent troops to punish the culprits, but these, forming
part of a secret society, were able to gather others to their
help, and when the Imperial soldiers landed, they were
utterly destroyed. The Emperor on hearing of this disas-
ter, sent envoys to dictate terms of peace, but the islanders
would not listen, and so he determined to inflict on them
a severe punishment and crush once for all any attempts
to attain independency. An army of one hundred thou-
sand men, under Fu Kang-an, a noted general, was sent
across the straits to Formosa. Many of these soldiers
had seen service amongst the mountains of Bnrmah, and
had also fought with the Miao Tzu in their strongholds,
and they were able to carry out their military tactics
with success. Before long the army returned to Peking
with the news that the island was pacified, and Chien

2ii Chien

Lung was able once more to boast of the power and
success of his forces.

Formosa had not long been subdued, when a revolu-
tion broke out in Cochin China. An ex-minister named
Yuan headed the rebels, and they succeeded in deposing
the king of that country. The unfortunate monarch
appealed to Chien Lung for help, and he at once ordered
the governor of Kuangsi to march with his soldiers to
the help of the dethroned king. The governor soon
executed his task of reinstating him, and was returning
to his own quarters when he was attacked by the rebels
and suffered severely. Chien Lung sent Fu Kang-an,
of Formosan fame, to avenge this defeat, but the rebels
were too much afraid of the Chinese battalions to resist,
and the leader, Yuan, made abject submission to the
Chinese Emperor. He managed to gain the favour of
Chien Lung by his pleadings, and was eventually placed
on the throne of Cochin China by that Emperor.

Chien Lung's attention was next turned towards
Thibet on account of serious trouble there. The Panshen
Lama having died suddenly in Peking, his elder brother
appropriated all his wealth and religious relics, whilst the
younger brother was left without. In revenge for this
treatment, the younger brother invited the Gurkhas from
Nepaul in North India to plunder the wealth of his rival,
and the Gurkhas, ever ready for fighting and raiding, did
not refuse the offer. They crossed the frontier into Thibet
and succeeded in frightening the Chinese forces to such
an extent that they compounded with the invaders and
agreed that a large sum of gold should be paid yearly to
them by the abbots of the monasteries. The Chinese
generals at the same time informed the Emperor at Peking
that the Gurkhas had acknowledged their allegiance to
the throne and had paid tribute. The gold promised to
the Gurkhas was not paid, and after a time of waiting,
these warriors once more invaded Thibet and plundered
the monastery of Teshilumbo. The Dalai Lama at once

Chien Lung 212

appealed to the Chinese Emperor for help, aud Chien
Lung was made aware of the deceit practised upon him
by his generals. He ordered a large army to move to-
wards Thibet under the command of Fu Kang-an. The
Gurkhas retreated to the frontier, but General Fu inarched
forward and attacked them in their own mountain passes.
The Gurkhas fought bravely, but they were no match for
the Chinese, and they retreated into Nepaul, destroying
their bridges as they went. The Chinese general, how-
ever, persistently followed them up and invaded their own
territory, which made them sue 'for peace. Fu Kang-an
flushed with success, would not listen, but pushed on to-
wards the capital, Khatmandu. He might have completed
the conquest of the Nepaul state, but winter was coming
on and he became willing to accept the proposals of the
Gurkhas. The chiefs took the oath to preserve peace
with Thibet, acknowledged themselves vassals of the
Chinese Emperor and agreed to send an embassy to China
every five years bearing tribute to the Dragon Throne.
From that time to this the Gurkhas have sent their
embassies and have paid tribute to the Chinese empire.

The conquest of the Gurkhas added one more to the
list of tributary states that acknowledged the power of
Chien Lung the conqueror. This bit of Chinese history
is all the more interesting to us, because of the fame of
our own Gurkha regiments and the contempt that
Chinese soldiers are sometimes held in by those ignorant
of their character and military traditions. With this
last campaign in Thibet the reign of Chien Lung was
drawing to a close. Some local risings in the provinces
had to be suppressed, but the conquests of this noted
Emperor were practically at an end. He had made his
power felt over the greater part of Asia and had raised
his- empire to a dizzy height of fame amongst the inhabit-
ants of that continent. He had given to the Manchu
dynasty its highest glory, and to-day he is remembered
with pride by the people of the Chinese nation.

213 Chien Lung

It was during the reign of Chien Lung that the
British government, realising the unsatisfactory condition
of its relations with China, determined to send a special
ambassador to the court at Peking. In 1788 Colonel
Cathcart was appointed, but he died before reaching
China, and in 1792 Lord Macartney, an ex-governor of
Madras, was sent in his place. Great preparations were
made to impress the Chinese with the majesty and might
of England and costly presents were provided to manifest
the friendly feeling of George III towards the Chinese
Emperor. The embassy sailed to the mouth of the Pei-
ho, where Lord Macartney was received with courtesy by
a special commissioner appointed by Chien Lung. A
fleet of seventeen vessels took the embassy up the river to
Tungchow, from whence they proceeded to Peking
overland. The same difficulty about performing the
ceremony of prostration that had confronted other
embassies was once more presented, but Lord Macartney
refused, and Chien Lung was wise enough to waive the
matter. Although the British scored in this particular,
the Chinese won a partial victory by placing flags at the
masthead of the vessel carrying Lord Macartney up the Pei-
ho, with the inscription, "Tribute Bearer from the Coun-
try of England." On arriving in Peking the ambassador
found that Chien Lung was in his northern palace at Jehol,
Mongolia, and after due preparations had been made he set
off for that town in an English carriage. The journey
was covered in three days, and when he arrived, he was
accommodated in a spacious house in the town. On the
fourteenth of the month Lord Macartney had an audience
with the Emperor and was received with every mark of
courtesy and civility on his part. Nothing was gained,
however, by the English ambassador's visit, a"nd in spite
of the favourable reception he received, it is impossible
to lose sight of the fact that he and his retinue were
subject to indignities and inconveniences that showed the
contempt for foreigners so characteristic of the Chinese.

Chien Lung 214

It is gratifying, however, to remember that the English
embassy fared much better than one that followed soon
after. The Dutch in 1795 sent one to congratulate Chien
Lung on the attainment of his sixtieth year as Emperor.
The members of this embassy were treated as criminals on
the way ; they were required to do all sorts of things for
the amusement of the court, including the ceremony of
prostration before all kinds of objects other than the
Emperor's sacred person. From the Emperor's table they
received food which was not only served on a dirty plate,
but bore the marks of his majesty's teeth. Suffering
these indignities, the embassy was dismissed without being
permitted to speak a word about business, confirming the
Chinese in the idea that foreigners were mostly fools.

In 1796 Chien Lung, having reigned for sixty years
over China, fulfilled the vow made in his youth and pub-
licly abdicated the throne in favour of his son, who took
the title Chia Ching. During the three years that followed,
he was able to influence the new ruler for good govern-
ment, but at the end of that time he died, having reached
his eighty-eighth year. Chia Ching did not follow in
his father's steps, and from that time the Manchu dynasty
began to decline. It has never since possessed rulers like
Chien Lung and his illustrious grandfather K'ang She.

Although this Emperor during his long reign was
constantly engaged in warfare, yet he was able to do much
for his people, and the condition of the empire was satis-
factory from an Asiatic standpoint. The people were
prosperous and fairly contented. Chien Lung's desire
for the welfare of his people is shown in his attempt to
regulate the waters of the Yellow River, that stream
which is known as "China's Sorrow. " He endeavoured
to make the lives of his subjects secure from its overflow,
and immense sums of money were spent in strengthening
the banks and digging the channel. The attempt was
not altogether successful, but the river seems to have been
deprived to some extent of its power of devastation.

2i5 Chien Lung

Chien Lung had an insatiable thirst for knowledge,
and was an accomplished scholar. His interest in litera-
ture was of course very great, and he did much to foster
the desire for learning. His personal writings consisted
largely of poems, prefaces to books, and notes on a variety
of topics. The majority of these were short pieces, but
the total sum amounts to 33,950 separate works. Under
his direction several great literary enterprises were launched
and completed, amongst which were a great encyclopae-
dia of Chinese literature and a descriptive catalogue of the
library. There is no doubt that the literary tastes of
Chien Lung made him as the years went by more friend-
ly towards the Roman Catholic missionaries in his capital,
and during the latter half of his reign he availed him-
self of their services in the same way that K'ang She had
done. He became much interested in their scientific
attainments, and their mechanical productions, such as
clocks and automatons, were constantly inspected by him.
Two of the priests, Castiglione and Attiret, were employed
in his palace painting pictures, and the latter painted such
a successful portrait of the Emperor that he was offered the
rank of a mandarin as a reward. Chien Lung learnt much
from these men about the nations of the West, and in his
mind at least much of the ignorance and prejudice with
regard to foreigners gave place to true knowledge.

TSENG KUO FAN

THE IMPERIALIST GENERAL.

3N the year 1813 there was born in a village near
Canton a boy who subsequently became known as
Hung Siu-chuan, the leader of the Taiping Rebel-
lion. His father was a Hakka, a member of a despised
class in South China, and it is probably owing to this fact
that Siu Chuan never succeeded in obtaining a degree at
the civic examinations, although he competed thrice. But
though he gained no success as a student, his visits to the
examination hall at Canton led to his gaining a distinction
that will be recognised so long as the history of the
Chinese empire is known, Hung Siu-chuan, whilst in
Canton, came into contact with a Christian native evangel-
ist, from whom he received a tract that made a great
impression on his mind. The tract was one setting forth
Christian doctrine, but the term nsed for God was a term
that has always been familiar to the Chinese in its refer-
ence to the higher powers. The new doctrine with an old
name appealed to Hung, and he began to propagate it in
his own fashion. Feeling the need of further instruction,
he went again to Canton, and was received into the house
of the Rev. Issachar Roberts, an American Baptist mission-
ary. He stayed there for a short time, and then left for
his home, but without having been baptised into the
church. The missionary had not been at all struck with
his ability, but there was no denying his earnestness, and
when Hung reached his native village he spread abroad
the new teaching with greater fervour than ever. About
this time he fell seriously ill, and his mind being affected,
he saw wonderful visions that led him to believe he was
called to do a special work and fulfil a great mission.
Becoming convalescent, he persuaded his own family and
his neighbours to accept the truth as he understood it, and

217 Tseng Kuo Fan

formed a society called the Shang Ti Hui, or Society of
the Supreme. This no doubt was his idea of a church,
but ignorant as he was of many important points in
Christian doctrine, his church was based on a wrong con-
ception of truth. The number of members of this society,
however, increased, and full of zeal the little band of
converts commenced to attack the temples and destroy
the idols and images found therein. In this way coming
into conflict with other villagers, disturbances arose, which
alarmed the government, and the officials began to see in
the movement something that threatened the peace of the
community. As the ferment spread, they became more and
more alarmed, and their opposition changed the movement
from a religious one to a political. The central authority at
Peking sent special commissioners to pacify the district,
but they were unable to accomplish anything, and the
spirit of turbulence became more manifest than ever.
Hung and his followers were joined by members of secret
political societies, who professed to adopt the new reli-
gion, and the uprising resolved itself into a serious rebellion
against the authority of the Manchus, who had held China
for over two hundred years. Hung Siu-chuan professed
to have more visions, in which it was shown to him that
he was chosen of the higher powers to exterminate the
Tartar government and establish a dynasty of his own,
and accordingly he started on his career of conquest.

It was in 1850 that this rebellion assumed alarming
proportions. The followers of the Chinese Mahomet
seized and fortified the town of Lienchou, after which
the cities of Taitsum, Yungan, and Nanning fell into their
hands. These successes atracted many more malcontents
to the standard of the rebel chief, and on this account the
great city of Canton began to tremble for its fate.
Preparations were made for resisting the insurgents.

This insurrectionary movement has become known
as the Taiping Rebellion. The name was derived from
two characters much used by Hung Siu-chuan, signifying

Tseng Kuo Fan 218

Great Peace, and supposed to describe the quality of the~
reign he was to enter upon. Hung considering himself
a messenger of the higher spiritual powers, designated
himself Tien Wang, or the Celestial King, and the
kingdom he was to establish Tien Kuo, or the Kingdom
of Heaven. His camp was a school of religion. His
followers always chanted a hymn before sitting down to
meat, and on the seventh day spent much time in
religious services. Hung distributed among his soldiers
manuals composed by himself, containing verses in which
Scriptural truth and absurd fancies were strangely mixed.
Here are some as given by Dr. Martin : —

1 ' L,et the True God, the great Supreme Ruler,
Be honoured aud adored by all nations ;
Let all the inhabitants of the world
Unite in His worship morning and evening."

" Jesus His first-born son, was in former times sent by God;
He willingly gave His life to redeem us from sin ;
After His resurrection He ascended to heaven,
Resplendent in glory, He wields authority supreme."

" He (The Chief) was received up into heaven,

Where the great God personally instructed Him,

Gave Him odes and documents, with a seal and a sword,

And majesty irresistible.

The Celestial Mother was kind and exceedingly gracious,

The Celestial Elder Brother's wife was virtuous and prudent."

But whilst professedly following the Christian re-
ligion, Hung and his soldiers did many things contrary to
its teaching, and instead of forming an army of righteous
iconoclasts, they were nothing but marauders and murder-
ers. They committed crimes of all kinds, and their
excesses resulted eventually in a frightful depopulation of
the territory through which they passed.

The provinces of Kuangtung and Kuangsi were the first
disaffected regions, and the rebels, gathering strength, in-
stead of attacking Canton as was feared, crossed the northern
border and entered Hunan. Here they struck the Shiang
River aud followed its course, capturing the towns and

219 Tseng Kuo Fan

cities on their way. They met with little opposition from
the officials and soldiers and were beginning to think
that their task of obtaining the empire was an easy one
when they received a check at the capital of the province.
They had at last come into collision with a man of a
different stamp from the mandarins who had fled at their
approach and one who was destined to bring their triumph
to the dust. Tseng Kuo-fan, a high official of the empire,
happened to be in the district at the time, owing to the
death of his mother, and when the rebels approached, set
himself to oppose them and to preserve the capital for the
government.

Tseng Kuo-fan was born in the district of Shiang-
shiang, in Hunan, in 1811. He was a successful competitor
in the civic examinations, and graduated as Chin Shih or
Doctor at the age of twenty-seven. From this time his
promotion was rapid, and in 1843 ne was appointed Chief
Literary Examiner in Ssuchuan. Six years later he became
Junior Vice-President of the Board of Rites, and shortly after
that, received an appointment as Chief Examiner of Mili-
tary Graduates. In 1852 his mother died, and according
to Chinese usage he had to retire from office to fulfil the
allotted period of mourning. He returned to his native
province of Hunan, and it was during this period of
retirement that the Taiping rebels made their appearance
in that territory. Tseng, realising the seriousness of the
situation, concentrated his energies on the fortification of
the city of Changsha, the capital of the province. He
equipped a force of defenders, and at the same time called
together the militia of the province to fight for their
homes. He exhorted all his fellow-provincials that
possessed money and influence to show their duty to the
state by contributing towards the defence of the country,
either by means of money or men.

When the rebels reached Changsha they met with a
different reception from what they had been accustomed
to. Instead of finding the city gates open to them, they

Tseng Kuo Fan 220

realised that Changsha could only be theirs after a severe
struggle. They laid siege to the city and endeavoured to
starve out the defenders, but without success. They tried
by threats of terrible punishment to induce them to
surrender, but the garrison held on firmly. Three times
did the rebels assault the city, but each time they were
driven back with considerable loss, and at last, after a
siege of eighty days, which proved ineffective, they drew
off and continued their march northward. Taking pos-
sesion of junks and boats at the mouth of the Shiang
River, the insurgents were able to cross the Tung-ting
Lake and attacking the port of Yochow soon reduced it.
Then down the Yangtse they went, and with little effort
on their part captured the three great cities of Hankow,
Wuchang, and Hanyang. Here the rebels were joined
by many more who saw opportunities of plunder and the
acquisition of wealth, and a formidable band moved down
the river towards Kiukiang, which also fell into their
hands. In the spring of 1853 the rebels sat down before the
city of Nanking and made preparations for its capture.
This did not prove an arduous task, for after a fortnight's
siege, one of the gates was blown up and the rebels
entered. Although there was a large Manchu garrison
within the walls, the soldiers proved poltroons and
begged for their lives, but the conquerors gave no quarter
to the Tartars, and twenty thousand of them were mas-
sacred.

The rebels had now possession of the second city in
the empire, the ancient capital of the first Emperor of the
Ming Dynasty. Hung Siu-chuan, or as he was known,
the Celestial King, also made it his capital, and it consti-
tuted the base of operations for the rebel army. A large
tract of country reaching from the Tung-ting Lake was
now in the hands of the insurgents, and they scrupled not
to commit all manner of atrocities. But Hung was not
satisfied with his conquests, and realised that his position
would not be secure until Peking was taken, and so a

221 Tseng Kuo Fan

large army was despatched to accomplish that purpose,
but it suffered a disastrous defeat, and the rebels fell back
on Nanking. From this time the Celestial King sank
into obscurity, spending his time in his harem and
seemingly caring nothing for the success of his arms.
The military operations were left in the hands of some of
his capable lieutenants, who were also distinguished by
the name of King, as the Faithful King, the Southern
King, etc.

It was when the rebellion had assumed such alarming
proportions that Tseng Kuo-fan was ordered, by special
decree of the Emperor, to endeavour to suppress the insur-
rection in his native province. He built a fleet of warjunks
and attacked the rebels, suffering, however, in his first
onslaught a severe defeat. His lieutenants were more
successful in after-engagements, and soon Tseng was
chasing the insurgents out of Hunan. He pursued them
in their flight down the Yangtse, and succeeded in
recovering the cities of Wuchang and Hanyang. For
this achievement he was rewarded with the position of
Vice-President of the Board of War. He, however, did
not rest on his laurels. Still pursuing the insurgents, he
made his way towards the south-east, and was successful
in recovering some of the towns from their grasp. His
services were once more recognised by the Imperial
government, and he was made a Baturu, or "Brave."
This is a Manchu title of distinction given for military
prowess and very much coveted by all who follow a
soldiers' s profession, both on account of the honour and
also because of the increased allowances to the bearer
whilst on active service. He also received another
decoration which is even more coveted, that of the Yellow
Riding Jacket. This jacket is supposed to be worn only
when in attendance on the Emperor.

Tseng Kuo-fan continued to fight the rebels in the
district surrounding the Poyang Lake and succeeded in
overthrowing them. He eventually cleared the province

Tseng Kuo Fan 222

of Kiangsi, but whilst so doing, they had renewed their
successes further inland and had once more taken the
three great cities of Hupeh. On this occasion Hankow
was burnt to the ground and the Imperial fleet entirely
destroyed. Tseng, however, could not be in two places at
once. He continued at his work in Kiangsi until 1857,
when his father died, and he had once more to retire into
private life in order to fulfil the days of mourning. At
this critical time, however, he was excused from passing
the three years inactivity, and in 1858 was commanded
by the Emperor to take supreme command in the province
of Chekiang, where the rebels were very strong, and co-
operate with the governor of the adjoining province of
Fukien. Tseng was only too glad to be on active service
again, and bent all his energies towards the suppression
of the rebellion. He may not have possessed all the
necessary qualifications for a successful general, but he
was a loyal supporter of the Manchu Dynasty and
determined to secure for the royal house the continuance
of its rule rather than allow his country to be the prey of
a band of unscrupulous marauders. In one of his
proclamations he says : "Having received the decree of
the Son of Heaven, the present leader of fifty thousand
troops on land or water, swears that ' even in his sleep he
cherishes his burning wrath.' He will prove his courage
by destroying the turbulent rebels, by saving the captured
boats, and by rescuing the intimidated captives, urged
thereto by his indignant loyalty to the true sovereign,
and from pent-up anguish the denial of the relations
proclaimed by Confucius and Mencius, the massacre of
myriads of the populace and the indignities cast upon the

higher and lower deities My virtue may be poor,

my strength small ; my only claim is that of loyalty and
fidelity to my post as commander of the army. Such
loyalty and fidelity is witnessed to by the sun and moon
above, by the deities and demons beneath, by the waters
of the long Yangtse, aud by the shades of the heroic and

223 Tseng Kuo Fan

faithful. All know my heart, all hear my words. This
proclamation therefore, wherever it goes, is as binding as
an Imperial Edict."

At this period the relations with England had become
very strained and war was taking place between the two
countries. During the war the rebellion had been grad-
ually dying out, and the cities of Nanking and Anching
were the only two of any importance in the hands of the
insurgents. Tseng Kuo-fan, who had been pursuing the
rebels westward through Hunan into Ssuchuan, was ordered
to return and concentrate his energies on the province
of Anhui, and accordingly he invested Nanking. His
army, however, was not distinguished in any way for
bravery or dash, and the Taipings were in 'no great
danger. On the other hand the rebel cause seemed likely
to flourish once more on account of the ability and
courage of one of the officers, Li by name, who was known,
as Chung Wang, or the Faithful King. Chung Wang,
seeing that the principal leader of the movement, Hung,
was passing his days in debauchery with no thought of
military achievement, determined to do something towards
restoring the dying fortunes of the rebellion, and harassed
the Imperialists considerably. He was able to outwit
Tseng and the other commanders, and whilst they thought
him safe, he had left Nanking and attacked the city of
Hangchow., which fell into his hands. He was imme-
diately recalled by the Celestial King to the defence of
Nanking, and succeeded in defeating the government
soldiers. He then marched eastwards and subdued the
cities of Soochow, Kunshan, Tsingpu, and Taitsan, and in
a short time the whole of the peninsula between the
Yangtse River and Hangchow fell into his hands. This
greatly alarmed the government at Peking, and the
Viceroy of the L,iangkiang provinces, Ho Kuei-tsin, was
summoned to appear before them. His inability to sup-
press the rebellion in his jurisdiction was his crime, and
he was led out to execution.

Tseng Kuo Fan 224

Tseng, who had grown more and more in favour with
the government, was now appointed to the viceroyalty of
Nanking, and was also made Imperial War Commissioner.
Some time afterwards he was appointed Assistant Grand
Secretary of State, and other honours were heaped upon
him. His successes, however, do not seem very striking
to the European eye, but the central authority at Peking
ecognised in him a man who was giving of his best in
the service of the dynasty. It was not until four more
years had passed that ultimate triumph was given to his
arms in the fall of the rebel stronghold of Nanking.
During those years, whilst he was clearing the Yangtse
valley of the insurgents the rebellion had got a new lease
of life in "Kiangsu through the energy and ability of
Chung Wang. But the tide in its fortunes turned when
Major Gordon, afterwards the Hero of Khartoum, opposed
Chung Wang with his ' ' Ever Victorious Army. ' ' Through
the military genius of that splendid officer the province
was cleared of the rebels, the Taiping power was crushed,
and Chung Wang had to fall back on Nanking, the only
city left in their hands. Tseng Kuo-fan besieged this city
for the sixth time in 1864. He drew his forces entirely
round the city and the rebels were compelled to retire with-
in the walls. The greatest misery prevailed on account
of the want of food. In order to relieve the distress,
Chung Wang sent out all the women and children, and
Tseng mercifully provided them with food and sent them
to a place of safety. Gordon, who had just disbanded his
army, visited Tseng in June in the hope of seeing the last
of the Taiping rebellion. He found the Imperialists,
numbering eighty thousand men, badly paid, but cheerful,
and the camp works covering a distance of thirty miles.
He had an important interview with the Viceroy, and
discussed with him the best methods of ensuring success.
He advised Tseng to organise an army on the lines he
himself had followed, and we are told that the great chief
listened well and accepted a memorandum of these and

225 Tseng Kuo Fan

other important matter's. Gordon was favourably impress-
ed with the Viceroy and describes him as u generous, fair,
honest, and patriotic."

On the 3oth of June the Celestial King realising that
his power was at an end, committed suicide, but his son
was proclaimed his successor. His reign, however, was
very brief, for the end of the Taiping rebellion was
near. By the middle of July the Imperialists had mined
the wall, and when the explosion took place, a breach was
made some fifty yards in extent. Through this the
besiegers poured, and soon the city was at their mercy.
Chung Wang made a desperate resistance, but seeing that
all was lost, fled into the country, taking the young king
with him. Even in this the hour of extreme danger his
first thought was for the new dynasty, and he gave the
young chief a good pony on which to escape, whilst he
himself took an inferior one. The fugitives, however, were
eventually caught and executed, and their death, with the
fall of the city, terminated the great Taipiug Rebellion
that had lasted for fourteen years. For this decisive
success Tseug Kuo-fan was rewarded with the title of
Marquis and the decoration of the " double-eyed peacock's
feather," a decoration second only to the yellow jacket,
that is so much coveted.

Although the Taiping rebellion was crushed when
Nanking fell, peace was not given to the country. Many
of the rebels who had become used to the marauding life
were not content to settle down, and they with others
raised again the standard of rebellion in the provinces of
Shantung and Honau. This uprising became known as
the Nienfei Rebellion, but it never assumed the alarming
proportions of the Taiping. In order to stamp out the
movement, Tseng Kuo-fan, who by this time had become
one of the most noted of Chinese officials, was sent, but he
was unsuccessful. It may have been that he was sick or
that it served his purpose to become suddenly incapable
of taking such a charge, but he was relieved of his duty

Tseng Kuo Fan 226

and returned to the viceroyalty at Nanking, whilst his
protfrge, Li Hung-chang, was appointed in his place.
Tseng continued at Nanking until 1869, when he was
appointed to the viceroyalty of the province of Chihli.

In 1870 occurred the terrible Tientsin inassacre^the
report of which shocked the whole civilised world. For
some time ill-will had been manifested towards the Roman
Catholic missionaries and their work in Tientsin, and in
May, 1870, this feeling was increased on account of an
epidemic that broke out in one of the orphanages. Many
deaths occurred, and the Chinese assumed a threatening
attitude, owing to their belief in the wickedness of the
foreigner. The missionaries in order to pacify the people,
offered to allow a committee of five Chinese to inspect the
premises, but the French Consul, with mistaken zeal,
opposed this proposition and drove the five into the street.
This made matters worse, and in the following mouth a
crowd collected round the orphanage bent on evil. The
French Consul again interfered ; this time to his cost, for
he was immediately murdered. The crowd then rushed
into the orphanage, and with brutal ferocity murdered
the Sisters of Mercy and many of the Chinese assistants.
One or two other Europeans who happened to come in the
way of the rioters were also killed. This manifestation
of hatred caused of course considerable trouble to the
officials, and the Foreign Ministers presented a united
demand for the punishment of all concerned.

At this time Tseng Kuo- fan, as Viceroy of Chihli,
was living at Paoting, the provincial capital. He was
appointed, together with Chung Hou, the Superintendent
of Trade, to inquire into the circumstances of the massacre.
As Chung Hou had been the chief instigator of the crime,
it did not seem likely that Tseng would trouble himself
much about the matter, especially when he himself had
never any friendly feelings towards foreigners. The
viceroy was only a Chinaman after all, with all the
prejudices and superstitions of a member of that conserv-

227 Tseng Kuo Fan

ative race. He had never shown any breadth of view,
or largeness of mind, to indicate that he was anything
more than a capable and loyal but truly conservative
official. An amusing story is told by Mr. Mitford that
illustrates Tseng's ignorance. On one occasion he was
talking with an English doctor on the subject of the use
of babies' eyes, supposed to be procured by foreigners for
the purpose of photography. Said he: "It is no use
you attempting to deny it, for I have here some dried
specimens." With that he pulled out a packet and hand-
ed it to the doctor. It proved to contain gelatine capsules
that are used for covering castor oil and other nauseous
drugs.

As these ridiculous fancies were present in the mind
of Tseng, it is not to be wondered at that his action with
regard to the Tientsin massacre did not suit the European
authorities, and Sir Thomas Wade, the British Minister,
addressed a remonstrance direct to Prince Kung, a member
of the royal house and President of the Tsung-li Yamen.
This remonstrance had its effect, and whilst the massacre
was enquired into, it was felt necessary also to remove
Tseng from his post as viceroy. It so happened that at
that time the viceroy of the Liang-kiang provinces was
murdered in his own city of Nanking, and the office being
vacant, Tseng was once mote sent to the position that he
had twice previously occupied. His protege, Li Hung-
chang, who at the time was viceroy of the Hukuang
provinces, was ordered to take his place at Paoting, as
viceroy ot Chihli.

Tseng did not long survive this change. His death
occurred in the summer of 1872, and he was gathered to
his fathers full of Imperial honours. On the decease of
any illustrious servant of the empire, the Emperor always
hastens to give publicity to his grief at the public loss
and to show his appreciation of the services rendered.
The following is from the Imperial proclamation issued on
the death of Tseng Kuo-fan : —

Tseng Kuo Fan 228

" The deceased Kuo Fan was a man .of great knowledge, of varied
talent, of profound penetration, of stainless morality, and of incorruptible
honesty. He left the schools with the title of Doctor ; his merits were
discovered by the Emperor Tao Kuang, who promoted him to the rank
of colonel. In the reign of SJiien Fung, he was commissioned to raise
an army in Hunan, and after the battles in which he was victorious over
the Taiping rebels, he received the praises of the Emperor and the
thanks of the whole country. It was then that my predecessor appointed
him to the viceroyalty of the Liangkiang and named him Generalissimo
of the Imperial Forces. During my own reign I made him Chief
Secretary of State. He became to me a second self ; he was my life, my
heart, and my backbone. I therefore bestowed on him the title of
hereditary count, and I authorised him to wear the double-eyed peacock's
feather. I had hoped that he would live long for me to heap fresh
favours upon him, so that the news of his death has filled me with
sorrow and dismay. I wish that according to custom three thousand
taels should be spent on his funeral. A jarful of wine shall also be
poured out on his tomb by General Mutengah, cbief of the Manchu
garrison at Nanking. Two tablets of stone, bearing his name, shall be
erected : one at Nanking in the Temple of the Loyal and Illustrious,
the other in Peking in the Pantheon of the Wise and Good. I wish the
life of Kuo Fan to be written and given into the care of the Imperial
historiographers, that the memory of a life so beautiful may be preserved
in the national annals. His son will inherit the title of count, and I give
him dispensation from an audience. I appoint Ho Ching, lieutenant-
general of Kiangsu, to be instructor of the children and grandchildren
of the deceased. A token of my munificence will be given to them,
that they may know how my throne remembers and honours a loyal
servant."

Thus did the Emperor eulogise the man who had
practically saved him his throne, and by his loyalty secured
the continuance of the Manchu dynasty in China. It is
said that Tseng might have assumed the reins of govern-
ment himself ; such was his power and influence in the
empire, but he remained the incorruptible official and
the faithful servant. He was noted for his honesty,
and though occupying such positions as he did, died
very poor. It is said that after his death his wardrobe
did not contain a single new garment ; all were old
and worn.

In the record of Tseng's military exploits one must
not lose sight of the fact that he was a scholar of con-
siderable ability. His writings were greatly admired ; the
papers he addressed to the throne being held in the
highest esteem. An edition of his collected works in
156 books, edited by his protegk, Li Hung-chang, was
published in 1876.

LI HUNG-CHANG

STATESMAN AND DIPLOMAT.

all the great names of Chinese history not one is so
well-known to Europeans as that of Li Hung-chang.
Even Confucius himself is only known by his
Latinized appellation, and there are many to whom the
name Confucius is a familiar term, who if mention was
made of Kung Chin, would be ignorant of the fact that
reference was being made to the great sage of China. It
is owing to the more friendly relations of recent years
between China and the Western powers that a man like
Li has become so widely known outside his own country ;
his energy, diplomatic skill, and force of character being
the very elements that have contributed largely to this
end. Whatever opinion is formed from a Western
standpoint of his character and work, the fact remains
that Li Hung-chang has proved himself one of the
makers of his own nation's history, and as such is
entitled to the honour and respect due to all great men.

Li Hung-chang was born at Hofei, in the province
of Anhui, on February i6th, 1823. As a youth he was
studious, and at a very early age became a beautiful writer
of the complicated characters used by the Chinese, gaining
a proficiency in this art, for which he was famous in his
later life. Whilst still very young he successfully passed
the first stages of the civic examinations, and at the age
of twenty-four graduated as Chin Shih or Doctor. In
1849, two years later; he was admitted as a member of the
famous Hanlin College, and as such entitled to a position
of trust in the public service, but the empire being at
that time a prey to disorder, he was left to make the best
of his leisure at his native home.

It was not until some four years later that Li had
the opportunity of distinguishing himself, but in a

Li Hung Chang 230

different manner from what he had perhaps anticipated.
The Taiping Rebellion had become a serious menace to
the stability of the reigning dynasty. Nanking, the second
city of the empire, was in the insurgents' hands, and a
movement had already been made to secure the downfall
of Peking. The Celestial King, on his conquest of the
Yangtse Valley, realised that his position would not be
secure unless the Imperial capital was also in his power, and
accordingly a force marched northwards to accomplish
that object. The path of the Taipings lay through the
province of Anhui, and Li Hung-chang, then at his
ancestral home, stirred by patriotism and ambition, raised
a regiment of militia in order to oppose the insurgents.
The rebel force was a large one and more than a match
for Li's little band, and they continued in their progress
towards the capital, but Li was able to harass the
insurgents considerably. On the defeat of the rebels in
the north, a retreat was ordered towards Nanking, and
again Li, with his soldiers, caused the vanquished army
some trouble. His patriotic action was reported to the
great chief of the Imperialists, Tseng Kuo-fan, who at
once enlisted Li and his men under his own command.

Li, once having gained influence on his side, rose
rapidly from one post to another, and in six years had
reached the responsible position of Taotai or Intendent of
Circuit in Fukien. In this office he manifested all the
energy and ability that characterised his later life, and
thus laid the foundation for more important work in the
future.

It was just at this time that the Taiping Rebellion,
having almost died out, was revived by the energy and
military ability of Chung Wang, the Faithful King, one
of the principal supporters of the Taiping leader. Chung
Wang, with considerable dash, captured the cities of
Hangchow and Soochow with other less important
positions in Kiangsu and Chekiang, and prepared to
inarch on the treaty port of Shanghai. The inhabitants

231 Li Hung Chang

of this latter place were much alarmed as they saw the
possibility of the destruction of the commercial prosperity
that had already distinguished it. Li, although not at
all friendly towards the Europeans, recognised the
ability and courage of the men from the West, and
advised the formation of an European force to protect
Shanghai and also to put a stop to the depredations ot the
rebels. An army was formed and placed under the command
of an American adventurer named Ward, who possessed
considerable military skill and proved it by defeating the
rebels in more than one engagement. Li had tne payment
of these forces, and although he was often at a loss how
to raise the money, and had many a quarrel with Ward
about the finances, he managed somehow, and won the
golden opinions of his Emperor, who as a reward for his
services appointed him Governor of Kiangsu in 1862.

As Li in his new official capacity resided at Shanghai,
he was brought more and more into touch with the
Europeans at that port, and his name became known in
other countries on account of his relations with them, and
also the part he played in the suppression of the rebels in
the district. He was responsible for the European
division of the Imperial army under Ward, and used it
for the destruction of the Taiping power in his own
jurisdiction. This force was not always successful, and it
was on one occasion of defeat that its commander received
a wound, of which he died two days later. His place
was taken by another adventurer of the same nationality,
named Burgevine, and Li, who had had considerable trou-
ble with Ward, found his successor a veritable thorn in his
side. Much trouble ensued, and Li must have felt con-
siderably relieved when Major Gordon of Chinese and also
of Egyptian fame took command of the army in the place
of Burgevine. Gordon soon increased the efficiency of
the "Ever Victorious Army" as it was called, and place
after place fell into his hands, thus quickly reducing the
rebel power. In 1863 the fall of Soochow took place, and

Li Hung Chang 232

then occurred the memorable event which put Li Hung-
chaug'slife in danger of the avenging rifle of Gordon. For
some time that officer had been in communication with the
rebel leaders in Soochow and had promised them pardon
if the city was delivered up. This they agreed to do, and
at the time appointed, opened the gates and went out to
the Imperialists. Li, who had left Shanghai for the scene
of the capitulation, instead of respecting the promise of
Gordon, ordered the rebel leaders to instant execution. The
news of this treachery reached Gordon, and arming himself
with a rifle he went off in pursuit of Li, and would certain-
ly have shot the culprit if he had been able to find him.
Li hearing of the anger of Gordon, quickly made his escape
and wisely remained in concealment until the wrath of
that officer had subsided. The fall of Soochow was a
crushing blow to the Taiping power, and Li at once report-
ed to the throne the great victory gained, of course by his
own prowess. As a reward for his services the Emperor
conferred upon him the honorary title of Guardian of the
Heir-Apparent and presented him with the much coveted
yellow jacket. For Gordon also there was a reward. The
Emperor, in token of his appreciation of that officer's work,
conferred upon him a military decoration of the first rank
and ordered that a sum of ten thousand taels be given to
him. In obedience to the edict Li, sent messengers bear-
ing the money to Gordon, but these envoys were glad
to get out of the presence of the enraged and insulted
Englishman, for in response to their representations he laid
his walking stick warmly about their shoulders and drove
them away. This refusal of a large sum of money on the
part of Gordon opened Li's eyes to the character of that
high-minded soldier, and ever after the incident Li had
the greatest respect for the man who had acted so nobly
throughout the campaign and who had proved his disin-
terestedness in securing peace for the distracted country.

On account of the action of Li with regard to the
rebel leaders, Gordon had resigned his commission, and

233 Li Hung Chang

the "Ever Victorious Army," being inactive, the rebels
were once more gaining power. Fortunately a reconcilia-
tion was brought about betwixt Li and Gordon, and the
latter once more took the field in the interests of the
empire. It was not long before the rebel power was
crushed in the fall of Changchow, and Gordon's work was
practically done. Li was now able to cope with the dis-
affection in his own jurisdiction, and accordingly at once
disbanded the army that had done so much towards keep-
ing the dynasty on the throne. He was afraid to continue
its support, fearing that it might prove more than he could
manage at some future crisis in the nation's affairs. Gor-
don was rewarded by the Emperor with the title of Ti Tu
or Commander-in-Chief of a provincial army, and was
also presented with the yellow jacket. A sum of money
was likewise offered, but again refused.

The province over which Li had control was in a
pitiable condition after the rebellion, and Li set about
restoring it to its former prosperity, and in so doing dis-
tinguished himself by his administration. He encouraged
the natives to return and cultivate the soil and secured
for them the remission of three years' taxes in order to
establish them in comfortable circumstances. He restored
the cities of Soochow and Hangchow to something of
their former beauty and established a postal system be-
tween the latter city and Shanghai. The task of ruling
the province was by no means an easy one, especially as
the war with England had opened up the country more than
ever to the Europeans, and the native population did not
take kindly to Western innovations. Li, however, was a
strong man, and realising that it was of no use endeavour-
ing to stem the tide of foreign influence, held the people
in subjection and saw his orders carried out. For his
able administration and services in the Taiping rebellion
he was rewarded with the title of earl.

Li was not permitted, however, to remain long at
his post in Kiangsu. The year after the fall of Nanking

Li Hung Chang 234

saw the revival of the rebellion in the Nienfei uprising
of the more northern provinces of Shantung and Honan,
and Li was appointed Imperial Commissioner to suppress
the revolt. In this he was not greatly successful, for after
clearing the rebels out of Shantung he found that they had
taken to junks and had landed at other ports, only to
commit their depredations further inland. Two years
after the outbreak Li was appointed to the viceroyalty
of the Hukuang provinces at Wuchang, with orders still
to carry on his campaign against the Nienfei. Having
a different class of rebels to cope with, he was not success-
ful, and in the following year was severely criticised by
the Board of Censors at Peking and received a reprimand
from the Emperor, who deprived him of his yellow jacket.
Li was not the man to sit down under humiliation, and
he took more vigorous measures for the suppression of the
rebellion, which were finally crowned with success. He
was summoned to Peking to receive the congratulations
of his sovereign, who restored to him his honours and
then sent him back to his viceroyalty at Wuchang.

In 1869 further honours were conferred on Li, and he
was made a Tsai Shiang or Cabinet Minister, but no
sooner had he received this mark of distinction than he
was called upon to prove his loyalty to his government by
taking steps to suppress a formidable rebellion that had
broken out in Yunnan and Kueichow. Li had had suf-
ficient of military life and had no desire to go westwards
to suffer the discomforts of another campaign, and he
delayed his preparations as long as he dared. He was just
on the point of starting when he received orders to march
northwards to the help of Tso Tsung-tang, a noted
commander, who was endeavouring to pacify the dis-
affected regions of the north. Li journeyed to Shensi,
and soon was able to report to the throne the suppression
of the malcontents who had caused the trouble.

In 1870 occurred the terrible massacre of Roman
Catholic missionaries at Tientsin, and the Viceroy of

235 Li Hung Chang

Chihli, Tseng Kuo-fan, being held partly responsible for
the occurrence, was degraded and removed to Nanking.
Li Hung-chang was ordered to take up the seals of office
in the place of Tseng and to institute an enquiry into the
circumstances of the massacre. He was able to restore
order and suppress the excitement of the natives of
Tientsin, but the negotiations he conducted were not in
the interests of the sufferers, and the representatives of
the Western powers were not at all satisfied with the out-
come. In this, as in many other affairs concerning the
welfare of foreigners, Chinese duplicity prevailed.

Li was wise enough to see the probabilities of rup-
tures with the Western powers owing to such occurrences,
and he set about strengthening the defences of the
country. He re-armed the Taku Forts at the mouth of
Peiho with Krupp guns, strengthened the earthworks,
built other forts, and established an arsenal at Tientsin.
In this work, however, he had to encounter a great deal of
opposition, and carried on his schemes under the most
overwhelming difficulties. Many of his fellow-officials
were jealous of his power and influence, and endeavoured
to secure his downfall ; others opposed his innovations on
account of their own ignorance and spirit of conservatism
that has marked so many of the Chinese. It speaks much
for Li's strength of character and will that he was able to
succeed in his schemes in spite of such hostility.

Li, as Viceroy of Chihli, became a great power in the
country, and the government recognised his worth. Apart
from his ability as a Chinese official, his varied expe-
riences with foreigners rendered him almost indispensable
to the central authority, and his influence with the throne
increased. Honours were heaped upon him. He was
appointed Director of the Arsenal he had established, was
made Superintendent of Trade, received the title of
Honorary Imperial Tutor, and was also made a member
of the Grand Council. As his power increased there were
not wanting those who believed he harboured designs

Li Hung Chang 236

against the government and the reigning dynasty, and
was working towards a coup d"1 etat which would set him
upon the throne of China. He seems, however, to have
been loyal to the Manchus.

Although Li gained so much power he was not
altogether proof against the weapons of criticism wielded
by the Board of Censors, and during his viceroyalty
suffered one or two falls from Imperial favour. His first
offence was in connection with the administration of his
own province. There had been great floods which had
destroyed many acres of good crops, and Li appealed to
the throne for help to repair the banks of the rivers and
thus prevent a recurrence of the inundation. The help
was granted, and after a while Li reported that the banks
were repaired and in good condition and that the work
had been done economically. For this service he asked
for more honours, both for himself and for those who had
co-operated with him. Unfortunately a heavy rain fell,
and the rush of water in the Grand Canal and other water
courses destroyed the work of which he spoke so favour-
ably. One of the censors immediately memorialised the
throne accusing Li of having trifled with the Emperor in
sending such a report, and the consequence was that the
viceroy was handed over to the Board of Civil Office for
nominal punishment. This made Li, however, more
determined than ever to carry out his plans, and after
securing the best engineering skill available, he was reward-
ed with success. Once more he reported his work to the
throne, and in due time was restored to his former rank.

During these years the relations between the Chinese
and foreigners were becoming more and more strained, the
attitude of the officials towards the representatives of
foreign powers becoming increasingly offensive. Li, as
a Chinaman, was no exception, and whilst he took every
opportunity of using the foreigner to further his own
interests, he kept him at arm's length, thus earning the
gratitude of the government, whose policy has always

237 Li Hung; Chang

seemed to be on these lines. But an affair occurred which
brought matters to a crisis, and the result was another blow
at the conservatism of the ancient empire in the signing
of the treaty known as the Chefoo Convention.

It had been arranged by the Viceroy of India to send
an expedition under Colonel Browne into China through
Burmah with the idea of opening up the country to trade.
In order to facilitate the passage of the expedition Mr.
Margary, of the China Consular Service, was appointed to
travel to the frontier and conduct Colonel Browne and his
colleagues'to their destination. Accordingly Mr. Margary
proceeded across China, and in January, 1875, met the
expedition, which at once proceeded on its way. Pene-
trating into Chinese territory, however, reports were heard
that the natives were manifesting hostility, and Mr.
Margary, not crediting the rumours, went on in advance of
the expedition. On the i9th of February, 1875, he arrived
at a town called Manwyne, and the following day he was
treacherously murdered. At the same time a force attack-
ed Colonel Browne's company, and the result was the
abandonment of the expedition.

The British Minister at Peking, when he heard of the
outrage, sought at once the punishment of the criminals
and demanded reparation for the crime, but the Chinese
authorities were so dilatory in the execution of justice that
Sir Thomas Wade, the British Minister, broke off diplo-
matic relations with the government and left for Shanghai.
This action, which might have entailed war between the
the two countries, brought the Chinese officials to their
senses, and Li Hung-chang was appointed to meet Sir
Thomas Wade at. Chefoo to re-open negotiations on the
question. Li, whilst not willing to secure the punishment
of the real culprits, was ready to make terms with the
British Minister, and the latter, realising that it would be
almost impossible for justice to be done, sought to put
matters on such a basis that a recurrence of such outrages
would be impossible. He therefore sought for improved

Li Hung Chang 238

official intercourse and additional trading regulations, and
on the 1 3th September, 1876, the Chefoo Convention was
signed by Sir Thomas Wade and Li Hung-chang.

It has already been mentioned that Li, realising the
possibility of future wars with the Western powers, did
much towards strengthening the coast defences of his
country. Whilst preparing for such emergencies he was
struck by the progress that Japan was making in the
same direction, and he quickly saw how far China was
behind her neighbour. He accordingly bent his energies
all the more towards the equipment of the army and navy;
amongst his innovations being the establishment of a
torpedo college at Tientsin. He saw also that Japan was
adopting many other Western methods, and he determined
to follow suit. The Japanese were successfully develop-
ing the mining industry, and Li sent men to investigate
this. The outcome was that Li proposed to form a company
to work the mines in the Chihli province. This work being
started, a railway was introduced for the conveyance of
coaj which, after a while, became very useful in the
military schemes of the viceroy.

In 1877 there occurred the terrible famine in North
China, during which some nine million people perished.
The government did all in its power to relieve the dis-
tress, but a great deal of the money voted for that purpose
found its way into the pockets of the responsible officials.
Li endeavoured in many ways to supply the famine-stricken
people, at the same time vehemently denouncing to
the throne the peculators who were fattening on the lives
of others. He collected donations towards the funds, and
memorialised the government on the best and cheapest
markets in which to buy grain. He superintended a
system of distribution and did much good in the affected
provinces.

In his memorials to the Emperor, *Li urged the advis-
ability of prohibiting distilling in order to save the grain
so much needed for food, and he himself bought rice from

239 Li Hung Chang

all quarters. He opened places in Tientsin for the free
distribution of food, and it is said that he fed one thousand
people each day from his own table. It is interesting to
note in this connection his superstitious fancies and ideas,
showing him, despite his strong common sense, the hea-
then and the idolater. During the months of drought he
constantly prayed the Dragon King to send rain on the
parched ground, and in obedience to an imperial decree,
brought from Hantan Shien an iron tablet belonging to
one of the temples of that city that is supposed to possess
the power of attracting rain.

In 1882 Li's mother died, and he appealed to the
Empress-Dowager for leave to resign his office and retire
into private life till the days of mourning should be
ended. Li, however, was too much needed, and leave was
given only to proceed to Wuchang to attend the funeral.
After an absence of only two mouths the viceroy resumed
his duties at Tientsin.

Li's experience with foreigners, and also his ability
as a diplomat, rendered him indispensable to the Chinese
government. He was far-sighted enough to see that
China would be worsted in any struggle with the Western
powers or even with Japan, and his policy was always
one of peace. Not that he was willing to submit to the
claims of others, and purchase peace by humiliation, but
he contrived, by acts of diplomacy, to create situations in
which a settlement of a dispute was possible without loss
of prestige. Many were the difficulties in which he was
involved, especially in his later years, but he always man-
aged to steer through the shoals and escape destruction.

In the year 1884 he was called upon to settle the
Tonquin difficulty with the French. For some consider-
able time the French had been making advances against
that territory, and in that year warlike operations were
being carried on. Li endeavoured to secure peace and
drew up a convention with Captain Fournier, who was
credited with plenipotentiary powers. The agreement

Li Hung: Chang 240

was made, but repudiated at Peking, and Li, for a time,
was in a precarious position. No less than forty-seven
memorials were presented to the throne impeaching the
viceroy of traitorous designs against his country, and it is
said that he appealed to the Em press- Do wager for leave
to retire into private life. Li, however, was too useful to
the government to be easily thrown away, and he was
able to retain his position in spite of the storm. Meanwhile
the war was going on and the Chinese were suffering
defeat, though little was being gained by the Fiench.
Both parties being tired of the whole affair, Li was once
more instructed to enter into negotiations, and a treaty
was finally concluded. It speaks much for Li's wisdom
and farsightedness that this second treaty was practically
the same as that concluded with Captain Fournier, and
that the Chinese would have been the gainers if they had
allowed the first one to stand.

Li was now getting an old man, and in the year 1888
he was warned of the fact by a stroke of paralysis, which
rendered him for a time incapable of duty. He showed
his confidence in the methods of European physicians by
placing himself in the hands of Dr. Irwin, of Tientsin.
Many times he was urged by his more conservative friends
to call in Chinese doctors, but Li had sense enough to see
that they were mere charlatans with no real medical
knowledge. The Emperor was very solicitous about him
and constantly sent to enquire after his health, and we
are told that Prince Chun sent him twenty pills, which
we presume he did not take. In 1892 Li's second wife
died of malarial fever. This lady was in every way a
real helpmeet to her husband. Kind and gracious, she
was also clever, and shared in the progressive ideas that
characterised the viceroy. She was good to the poor and
also the sick, and one of her benefactions was the es-
tablishment of a hospital in Tientsin. Mr. Douglas tells
us that it was with her approval, and at times at her
instigation, that Li took part in the foreign municipal

241 Li Hung Chang

life at Tientsin. He built the Gordon Hall there in
memory of the soldier whom he had come to respect and
admire. In March 1892, some months before his wife's
death, he entertained in that hall the foreign consuls
and other influential foreigners to celebrate his joth
birthday. Nor were the congratulations confined to the
blite of Tientsin. The Emperor presented him with a
tablet which he himself had inscribed, also with hand-
some scrolls and an image of Huddha. The Empress-
Dowager also gave gifts of a similar kind.

Li's hardest task came to him when he had passed
the allotted age of three score years and ten. It was in
connection with the China-Japan war. For a considerable
time affairs had been unsatisfactory in Corea, and there was
constant friction between the Japanese reformers and the
Chinese conservatives at the Corean court. Disturbances
broke out, and the situation was aggravated by the landing
of a Chinese force in Corea contrary to the agreement of
1885. Japanese troops were at once despatched, and Li,
who although recognising the progress of Japan, perhaps
underestimated her power, gave umbrage by his assumption
of superiority on the part of the Chinese empire.

In July, 1895, he sent a British ship with troops, which
was sunk by the Japanese. The war that followed is
remembered by all. The Japanese were signally success-
ful, and soon the flag of the island kingdom flew over
Port Arthur. This place had been the special care of
Li, who had raised it from the position of a fishing vil-
lage to that of a strong fort, and when that fell, Li was
bound to admit the superiority of the enemy as a fighting
man. In the negotiations that followed, the Chinese tried
the old trick of sending ambassadors of inferior rank, but
the Japanese would not treat with them, and finally Li him-
self was appointed to meet the representatives of Japan.
On account of the defeat of the Chinese, Li had suffered
degradation. He had been deprived of his yellow jacket
and other insignia, and the control of military affairs was

Li Hung Chang 242

taken out of his hands. But the government saw that
they could not do without him, and restoring to him his
honours, sent him to make terms with the enemy. This
was a humiliating task for Li, but he recognised his duty
and did it. It was whilst negotiations were taking place
that Li's life was attempted. One day, as he was being
borne through the streets of Shimonoseki, a man rushed
up to his chair and fired a pistol point-blank in his face.
The bullet entered below the left eye, but did not penetrate
to any great depth, and although the shock to the system,
of the old viceroy was great, in a surprisingly short time
he recovered, in spite of the fact that the bullet was not
extracted. Soon after this the treaty between China and
Japan was signed, and Li returned to his native country.
The conditions of peace were not palatable to the Chinese,
and Li suffered in consequence the attacks of jealous-
minded officials, but the treaty was ratified ; Japan, how-
ever, abandoning her claims to the Liaotung Peninsula.

In 1896 Li was appointed to represent the Emperor at
the coronation of the Czar of Russia. After the ceremony
he visited the countries of Germany, Belgium, France,
England, and the United States of America. After his
return his services were required in Peking, until in 1900
he was sent to the viceroyalty of Canton. That year saw
the Boxer movement, and he was recalled to the capital,
and it was mainly through his exertions that a protocol of
peace was signed in September, 1901. Two months after
this Li Hung-chang died at the age of seventy-eight.

Li was a man of splendid physique, standing head
and shoulders above the average height of his country-
men. His features betokened strength of will and ability
to carry out his purposes. This is the distinguishing
mark by which he will be known. Whatever verdict is
given on his character as a statesman and politician, there
is no doubt that he ranks high amongst the men of his
age as a man of genius, ability, and tenacity of purpose,
and as such worthy of the aduiiratiou and respect of all.

INDEX.

Albazin ... ............... 193, 194

Amur River ...... ... ......... 192, 193

Amursana ... ... ... ... ... ... 204-206

Anhui ............... 152, 153, 229, 230

Arikbuka ......... ......... 126, 127

Bayan ... 129, 130, 145-14?

Buddha 54, 56, 59, 60, 94, 95

Buddhism ... ... 54, 55, 134

Burmah ............... 50, 125, 138, 208

Burning of the Books ... ...... ...... 38

Cambaluc .................. 126, 131

Ceylon ...... ......... ...... 61

Chang Chien ............ ...... 54

Chang Chou .................. 146, 147

Chang Fei ...... ... ...... ...... 47

Chang Shih Chieh ............... 145, 147-149

Ch'ang An ... 55, 56, 63, 64, 69, 76, 82

Ch'ang Sha .................. ... 219

Chao State ..................... 27

Chao Shiang Wang ... ............ 27

Chef oo Convention ............... 237, 238

Cheng Prince. See Chin Shih Huang Ti.

Cheng Chih Lung ............... 177, 178, 181

Chi State ............... 5,6,18,21,24

Chia Ssu Tao ............... ... 145

Chien Lung .................. 201-215

Chihli ... ... 33, 40

Chin Shih Huang Ti ... ... ... ... ... 27-42

Chin State .................. 27, 28, 31, 32

China-Japan War ...... ......... 241,242

Chinkiang ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 147

Chou Dynasty ............ i, 2, 14, 17, 27, 35

Christianity ............ 135, 197, 198, 202, 218

Chu Ko Liang ...... ...... 43-53

11 INDEX.

Chu Kung Ming. See Chu Ko Liang.

Chu She 113-121

Chu Yuan Chang. See Hung Wu.

Chung Wang 223-225,230

Classics 9, 13, 25, 38, 74, 149

Cochin China 211

Confucius 1-13, 14, 16, 17, 18, 23, 24, 29, 75, 116

Corea 78, 86, 163, 241

Coyett, Governor 183, 184

Dutch 182-184

Eleuths 190, 192, 205

England 223

Fa Shien 54-67

Formosa 181, 182, 184, 185, 189, 210

Fukien ...113,119,230

Fuyuta 157, 162, 163

Galdan ... ... ... ... ... ... 190-193

Genghis Khan 122, 142

Gobi Desert ... ... 32, 56, 57, 64, 192, 205

Gordon, Major 224, 231-233

Grand Canal ... ... ... ... ... ... 136

Great Wall 35.39

Gurkhas 211, 212

Kami 32, 65

Hambroek, Rev. A. 183

Han Dynasty 43, 52, 54

Han Chi ... 105, 106

Han Wen Kung. See Han Yu.

Han Yii 93-100

Hangchow ... 129, 143, 146, 223, 230, 233

Hankow ... 220, 222

Hanlin Academy 83, 102, 161

Honan ... i, 7, 21, 46, 64, 93

Hunan ... ... ... ... ... ...115, 116, 120

Hung Shiu Chuan 216-225

Hung Wu 152-164

Hupeh 45, 46

INDEX. iii

India... 54-56, 64

Japan ... 40, 136, 177, 238

Java 62

Jesuits 186, 187, 196

K'ai Fung Fu 155, 166

K'ang She 172-176, 185-201

Kansuh ... 56, 157

Karakoram ... ... 125, 126

Kashgaria ... ... 72, 206

Khalkas .. ... 189, 190

Khoten 57

Kiangsi 101, 117

Kiangsu ... 146, 231, 233

Koxiuga 177-185

Kuan Ti ... ... ... 47

Kuan Yii. See above.

Kublai Khan ... ... ... ... ... 122-151

Kuo Tzu Shing 153,156

Lamas of Thibet ... 134

Lao Tzu ... ... ... ... 5

Li Chiu Yuan 116, 117

Li Hung Chang 227-242

Li Shih Ming. See Tai Tsung.

LiSsu ... 30,31,33.38,41

Li Tai Peh 81-90

Li Tung ... 114, II5

Li Tzu Cheng 166-169

Li Yuan 68

Liaotung Gulf ... 36

Liu Pei ... 43, 46, 47, 49, 50

Liu Shan ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 50-52

Lo Kuan Chung ... ... ... ... 44

Loyang 5( 43, 64, 109

Lu State ...2,5,6,9,14,24,25

Lii Pu Wei 28,29

Macartney, Lord ... 21 ^

Manchus ...

iv INDEX.

Mangu Khan 123, 143

Marco Polo 130,133,136

Margary, Mr. 237

Mencius ... 3, 13, 14-26

Meng Tien 32,41

Miao Tribes ... ... ... ... ... ... 209,210

Ming Dynasty ... ... ... ... ... ... 156

Ming Huang 84-91

Ming Ti ... 54

Mo Ti 22,23

Mongols 122, 164, 175

Nanking ... 44, 63, 154, 157, 170, 180, 220, 223, 225, 226
Nestorians ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 75

Nienfei Rebellion ... ... ... ... ... 225, 234

Ou Yang Shiu ... ... ... ... ... 106, 144

Peking i55-i57> l66» 17°, 17^, 173

Persia ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 77

Pescadores 179, 182, 189

Peter the Great 194

Port Arthur ... 241

Portuguese ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 182

Roman Catholics ... ... 134, 193, 196, 197, 202, 215, 226

Russia 193, 194, 242

Schaal, Adam 187, 196

Shanghai 230, 231

Shansi ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 28, 55

Shantung ... 2, 14, 39, 40, 45

Shansi ... ... i, 28, 34, 36, 157

Shiaiig Yang ... ... 45, 127, 145

Shien Yang ... ... 34, 37

Shu Kingdom ... 43, 49, 50, 51, 52

Shuan Tsang ... ... ... ... ... ... 64-67

Shuta... 155, 157, 162, 163

Si Ngan ... ... 34, 75

Soochow ... ... ... ... 146, 223, 230, 231, 233

Ssu Ma Chien ... 40

Ssu Ma I ... 50-52

INDKX. V

Ssu Ma Kuanj; ... 106-109, 112, 120

Ssuchuan ... ...28, 33, 43, 51

Su Tung Po ... ... 100

Sung Dynasty 101, 113, 122, 129, 142

Tai Ping. Rebellion... ... 217-225,230-233

Tai Shan ... ... ... . .. 5, 31

Tai Tsung ... ... ... ... 64, 65, 66-80

Tang Dynasty ... 68, Hi, 84

Tang State ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 21, 22

Taoism ... ... ... ... 12, 39, 40

Tartars ... i. 32, 35. 54. 70, 73, 122, 142, 165, 207
Thibet ... ... 77, 134, 192, 21 1, 212

Three Kingdoms ... ... ... ... ... 43

Tientsin Massacre ... ... 226, 234

Tourgots ... ... ... 207

Tsao Tsao ... 43,46-50

Tseng Kuo Fan ... ... ... 216-228,230,235

Tsi Wang ... ... 192, 193, 204

Tsou State ... 14, 1 8, 21

Tu Ku ... ... ... ... 91, 92

Turcomans ... . . ... ... ... ... 70-72

Verbiest ... .. ... ... .. ... .. 196

Wade, Sir Thomas ... ... ... ... 227,237

Wang An Shih ... ... ... ... ... 101-112

Wei Kingdom ... 43, 50, 52

Wei State ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 7, 23

Wen Tien Shiang ... ... ... ... 142-151

Wu Kingdom ... ... ... ... ... 44,49-51

Wu San Knei ... ... ... ... ... 165-176

Wuchang ... .. ... ... 126, 129, 220, 221, 234

Yaishan ... ... ... ...- ... ... 148

Yang Chu ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 22, 23

Yangtse River 33, 44, 48, 126. 129, 147, 220, 221

Yellow River ... ... ... ... ... 125, 214

Yuan Dynasty ... ... ... ... 130

Yunnan ... ... ... 32, 124, 125, 162, 171

Zelandia ... ... ... 182-184

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