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Nos. 11 O 8. 






Africa, Central. A Neolithic Site in the Katanga. E. TORDAY 26 

Africa, Central. An Avungura Drum. (With Plate. B.~) C. G. SELIGMANN, M.D. 7 

Africa: Congo. Kese et Tambue fetiches des Wazimba. (Illustrated?) DR. Jos. MAES ... 9 

Africa : Congo. Notes sur le materiel du fdticheur, Baluba (Illustrated.) DR. Jos. MAES 102 

Africa, East. A Note on " Hammer-Stones." B. W. WALKER, M.D 55 

Africa, East. Description of Kijesu Ceremony among the Akamba, Tiva River, East Africa. 

(With Plate D.~) The late C. W. NELIGAN 34 

Africa: Gold Coast. A Note on the Social Organisation of the Peoples of the Western 


Africa : Nigeria. Ancient Funeral Rites of the Pagan Gwari of Northern Nigeria. L. W. 


Africa : Nigeria. Notes on Ornaments of the Womdeo Pagans, who are a Section of the 

Marghi Pagans (Females only). (With , Plate A. ~) D. ALEXANDER, M.D. ... 1 

Africa : Sudan. Golo Models and Songs. (Illustrated.') MAJOR S. L. CUMMINS, R.A.M.C. 84 

Africa, West. A Bassa-Komo Burial. J. W. SCOTT MACFIE, B.A., B.Sc 103 

Africa, West. Hausa Folklore. CAPTAIN A. J. N. TREMEARNE, F.R.G.S 11 

Africa, West. Hausa Folklore. MAJOR A. J. N. TREMEARNE 37 

Africa, West. Stone Circles in the Gambia. (With Plate M. and Diagram.) J. L. TODD 

and G. B. WOLBACH ... 96 

Africa, West. The Incest Tabu. E. DAYRELL, F.R.G.S. 94 

Africa. See also EGYPT. 

America : Ethnology. Some American Museums. (With Plate G. and Illustration.') 

A. C. BRETON 65 

Archaeology. See EGYPT ; ENGLAND ; SYRIA. 

Asia, Central. Note on a Number of Fire Sticks from ruined Sites on the South and East 

of the Takla-makan District, collected by Dr. M. A. Stein. (Illustrated.') T. A. JOYCE ... 24 
Asia, Central. Some Ancient Local Pottery from Chinese Turkestan. ( With Plate I-J. and 

Illustrations.') C. L. WOOLLEY 83 


Australia. Australian Marriage Classes. W. D. WALLIS 25 

Australia. Kabi Sub-Class Names. A. LANG 3 

Australia. Matrilineal Descent in the Kaiabara Tribe, Queensland. R. H. MATTHEWS, L.S. 66 
Australia : Sociology. Mr. Mathew's Theory of Australian Phratries. ANDREW LANG ... 54 

Borneo. Punans of Borneo. MERVYN W. H. BEECH, M.A. 8 

Borneo. " The Swine of Delaga." A Borneo Fairy Story told the Author by one Penghulu 

Arsat, a Tutong Chief resident in Labuan. M. W. H. BEECH, M.A. ... ... ... ... 4 

Chinese Turkestan. The Stone Age in Chinese Turkestan. ( With Plate F. and Illustra- 
tion.') R. A. SMITH 52 

Egypt. Note on the " Sa " Sign. (With Plate If. and Illustrations.) C. G. SELIGMANN, 


Egypt. Note upon an Early Egyptian Standard. (Illustrated.') C. G. SELIGMANN, M.D., 


Egypt. Roman Portraits in Egypt. (With Plate K.~) W. M. FLINDERS PETRIE, F.R.S., 

F.B.A 91 

Egypt. The Hieroglyph o a Jar Sealing. A. M. BLACKMAN, B.A 10 

Egypt .* Archaeology. On a Series of Small Worked Flints from Hilwan, Egypt. (Illus- 
trated.') H. S. COOPER, F.S.A 5 

Egypt: Archaeology. Pre-Dynastic Iron Beads in Egypt. (With Plate N. and Illustra- 
tion.') G. A. WAINWRIGHT 100 

England: Archaeology. Additional Notes upon the British Camp near Wallington. 


England : ArehSBOlOgy. Additional Notes upon the British Camp near Wallington. 

(Illustrated.) N. F. ROBARTS and fl. C. COLLYER 67 



Folklore. See AFRICA, WEST ; BORNEO. 

India: Ethnology. A Note on the Derivation of " Miri." L. A. WADDELL ... 56 


India: Ethnology. A Note on the meaning of " Meriah." H. S. BRATDWOOD and W. 


Linguistics. See NEW GUINEA. 

Malta. Prehistoric Burials in a Cave at Bur-meghez, near Mkabba, Malta. PROFESSOR 


Melanesia. A Secret Society of Ghoul-Cannibals. REV. G. BROWN, D.D 45 

New Guinea : Linguistics. Note on the Tate Language of British New Guinea. W. 


North Wales: Ethnology. A Note on certain Obsolete Utensils in North Wales (Illus- 
trated?) J. EDGE-PARTINGTON 36 

Obituary: Beddoe. John Beddoe, M.D., LL.D., F.R.S., F.R.C.P. (With Plate L?) JOHN 

GRAY 93 

Obituary: Galton. Sir Francis Galton, M.A., D.C.L., F.R.S. DR. J. BEDDOE 23 

Obituary: Galton. Sir Francis Galton, M.A., D.C.L., F.R.S. (With Plate C.~) JOHN 

GRAY 22 

Obituary. See also 90, 99. 

Physical Anthropology. Report on a Human Skull from Thessaly (now in the Cambridge 

Anatomical Museum). (Illustrated.') W. L. H. DUCKWORTH, M.D., Sc.D. 35 

Physical Anthropology. Report on Human Crania from Peat Deposits in England. (With 

Diagrams?) W. L. H. DUCKWORTH, M.D., and L. R. SHORE 85 

Physical Anthropology. The Differences and Affinities of Palaeolithic Man and the 

Anthropoid Apes. (Diagram?) JOHN GRAY 74 

Solomon Islands. Note on Bone Spear-Heads from the New Georgia Group, British 

Solomon Islands. (Illustrated.?) C. M. WOODFORD 76 

Solomon Islands. Solomon Island Notes. (With Plate E?) R. W. WILLIAMSON 44 

Syria : Archaeology. Report on a Bath newly excavated at Tadmor (Palmyra). LIEUT. 

T. C. FOWLE 75 

Tabu. See AFRICA, WEST. 


Africa, Central. Thonner. Vom Kongo zum, Ubangi. E. T 71 

Africa, East. Hobley. A-Kamba and other East African Tribe*. T. A. J 40 

Africa: Sociology. Blyden. African Life and Customs. E. T 39 

Africa, West. Dennett. Nigerian Studies, or the Religious and the Political System of the 

Yoruba. E. T 31 

Africa, West. Tremearne. Fables and Fairy Tales for Little Folk, or Uncle Remus in 

Hausaland. T. H. J 51 

Africa, West. Tremearne. The Mger and the West Sudan : The West African's Note- 
Book. E. T 41 

Africa. See also SOUTHERN NIGERIA. 

African Folklore. Dayrell. Folk Stories from Southern Nigeria, West Africa. T. H. J. ... 18 

America, Central. Bowditch. The Numeration. Calendar, and Astronomical Knowledge of 

the Mayas. A.C.BRETON 86 

America: Ecuador. Savile. Contributions to South American Archeology; the George G. 

Heye Expedition. T. A. J 48 

America, North. McClintock. The Old North Trail, or Life, legends and Religion of the 

Blackfoot Indians. T. H. J. ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 32 

America, South. Grubb. An Unknown People in an Unknown Land. SEYMOUR H. C. 


America, South : ArehSBOlogy. Boman. Antiquites de la Region Andine de la Republique 

Argentine. A. C. B. ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 61 

America. See also NORTH AMERICA ; PERU. 


Argentine. Outes. Las Viejas Razas Argentinas. T. A. J 72 


Australasia. Brown. Melanesians and Polynesians: Their Life-Histories described and 

compared. G. C. WHEELER ... ... ... ... 29 

Australia. Wheeler. TJie Tribal and Intertribal Relations in Australia. B. M 15 

Biology. Bigelow. Experiments on the Generation of Insects. T. H. J. 50 

Borneo. Gomes. Seventeen Years among the Sea DyaJts of Borneo. A. C. HADDON 60 

Ceylon: Folklore. Parker. Village Folk-Tales of Ceylon. T. H. J 70 

China: Folklore. Macgowan. Chinese Folklore Tales. T. H. J 33 

Criminal Anthropology. Kurella. Cesare Lombrosoa Modern Man of Science. E. A. 


Darwinism. Novicow. La Critique du Darwinigme Social. A. E. C 16 

Darwinism. Ponlton. Charles Darwin and the "Origin of Species." A. E. C 12 

Ethnography: General. British Museum Handbook to the Ethnographical Collections. 

A. C. HADDON 13 

Europe: Archaeology and Mediae valism. Baring Gould, cuff Castles and f ',<>; 

Dwellings of Europe. A. L. L. ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 88 

Europe: Ethnology. Niederle. La Eace Slave. B. MALINOWSKI 42 

Europe. See also GREENLAND. 

Evolution. Willey. Convergence in Evolution. J. G ... 47 

Folklore. Van Gennep. La Formation des Legendes. T. C. HODSON 21 

Greenland: Eskimo. Trebitsch. Bel den Eskimos in Wextgronland; G. SEBBELOW ... 62 
India. Fraser. Among Indian Rajahs and Ryots: A Ciril Servant's Recollection* and Im- 
pression* of Thirty-Seven Years' Work and Sport in tlie Central Provinces and Bengal. 


India. Hodson. The Ndga Tribes of Manipur. W. CROOKE 87 

Indonesia. De Castro. Flares de Coral. G. C. WHEELER 107 

Indonesia : Linguistics. Brandstetter. Renward Brandstetters Mono(jraphien zur Indonesi- 

sclten Sprachforschung . S. H. RAY ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 81 


Melanesia. Seligmann. The Melanesians of British New Guinea. R. THURXWALD ... 38 

New Guinea. Hanke. Archiv fur das Studium deutscher Kolonialsprachen. SIDNEY 

H. RAY , 59 

New Guinea: Ethnography and Folklore. Dempwolff: Von Luschan. Baessler- 

Archiv, Band 1, Heft 2. Sagen und Mdrchen ans Bilibili. Von Dr. 0. Dempwolff. Zur 

Ethnographic das Kaiserin-Augusta-Flusties. Von Professor F. Von Luschan. C. G. 


New Pommern. Kleintitschen. Die Kiistenbewohner de Gazellelialbinsel (Neupommern- 

deutsche Siidsee') ihre Sitten und Gebrauche unier Benut:ung der Monatschefte dargestellt. 

S.H.RAY ' 89 

North America : Archaeology. Moorehead. The Stone Age in North America. T. A. J.... 69 

Persia. Sykes. The Glory of the Shia World. M. LONGWORTH DAMES 14 

Peru. Markham. Tlie Incas of Peru. T. A. J 58 

Peru : Archaeology. Schmidt. Baesxler-Archiv. Beitrage zur Volkerkunde twrausgec/eben 

aus mitteln des Baessler-Instituts. Uber Altperuanische Gewebe mit Szenenhaften Dantell- 

ungen. T. A. J. ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 30 

Philippines : Linguistics. Seidenadel. Tlie First Grammar of the Language spoken by the. 

Bontoc-Igorot. S. H. RAY 63 

Polynesia. Caillot. Les Polynesians orientaux au contact de la civilisation. SIDNEY 

H. RAY 68 

Prehistory. Churchward : Hirmenech. The Signs and Symbols of Primordial Man. A. L. 


Psychology. King. The Development of Religion. W. D. WALLIS 79 

Religion. Edmonston-Scott. Elements of Negro Religion. E. TORDAY 19 

Religion. Jevons. The Idea of God in Ezrly Religions. E. SIDNEY HARTLAND 77 

Sociology. Frazer. Totemism and Exogamy. A Treatise on certain Early Forms of 

Superstition and Society. E. S. HARTLAND ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 6 

Sociology. Haddon. Cats' Cradles from many Lands. T. H. J. 106 

Sociology. Skeat, The Past at our Doors. J. E.-P. 80 

Sociology. Van Gennep. Les Rites de Passage. T. C. HODSON ... ... ... ... ... 17 

Southern Nigeria. Thomas. Anthropological Report on the Edo-Speaking Peoples of 

Nigeria. H. H. JOHNSTON 78 

Tragedy. Ridgeway. The Origins of Tragedy, with Special Reference to the Greek Tragedians. 



America : Archaeology and Ethnography. Sixteenth International Congress of 

Americanists. A. C. BRETON 46 

Anthropology. Anthropology at the British Association 95, 98, 108 


See Nos. 43, 64, 90, 99. 


A. Ornaments of the Womdeo Pagan Women With No. 1 

B. An Avungura Drum ... ... < 

c. Sir Francis Galton 22 

D. Kijesu Ceremony ... 34 

E. Taboo Signs, Solomon Islands ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ., 44 

F. Jasper and Jade Implements, Chinese Turkestan 52 

G. Painted Pottery, Costa Rica 65 

H. Note on the " Sa " Sign 73 

i-j. Ancient Pottery from Chinese Turkestan 83 

K. Eoman Portraits in Egypt ... ... ,< 

L. John Bcddoe ... ... ... .- 

M. Stone Circles in the Gambia ... ... ... ... ... ... ... > 96 

N. Pre-Dynastic Iron Beads in Egypt 100 


N.B. Photographs, unless otherwise stated. 

Figs. 1, 2. Small Worked Flints from Hilwan, Egypt. (Drawing 8.} ... With No. 5 

Fig. 3. Crescents, Arrowhead and Larger Flints from Hilwan. Egypt. (Drawing."] ... 5 

Figs. 1, 2. Kese. (Drawings.') ,, 9 

Figs. 3; 4. Tambue. (Dratvingg.) ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 9 

Figs. 1-4. Fire Sticks 24 

Figs. 5, 6. Fire Sticks 24 

Fig. 1. Skull from Thessaly (Norma Lateralis) ... ... ... ... ... ... 35 

Fig. 2. Skull from Thessaly (Norma Verticalis) 35 

Fig. 1. Ram Yoke. (Drawing.) 36 

Fig. 2. Spade. (Drawing.) 36 

Fig. 3. " Turfing Iron." (Drawing.) ., 36 

Fig. 4. Iron Dish. (Drawing.) ., 36 

Fig. 5. Wooden " Begging Bowl." (Draiving.) 36 

Fig. 6. Wooden Dish. (Drawing.) 36 

Fig. 7. "Porringer." (Drawing.) ., 36 

Fig. 8. Wooden Scales. (Drawing.) ., 36 

Fig. 9. Shovel. (Drawing.) ., 36 

Fig. 10. Small Shovel. (Drawing.) 36 

Fig. 11. Rolling Pin. (Drawing.) 36 

Fig. 12. Wooden " Peel." (Drawing.) 36 

Fig. 13. Iron Rack. (Drawing.) 36 

Fig. 14. Miniature Barrel. (Drawing.) ,, 36 

Fig. 25. Back of Blade. (Draiving) ., 52 

Fig. 7. Painted Pottery with Figures in Relief, Costa Rica... ... ... ... ... . ,, 65 

Site of Excavation, Wallington ., 67 

Fig. 1. "Sa"Sign. (Draicing . ., 73 

Fig. 2. Emblem of Tanit. (Drawing.) 73 

Fig. 1. Diagram illustrating Differences and Affinities of Palaeolithic Man and the 

Anthropoid Apes. (Drawing.) ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ., 74 

Fig. 1. Spear-Head, from New Georgia. (Drawing.) ... ... ... 76 

Fig. 2. Spear-Heads from New Georgia ... ... ... ... ... 76 

Fig.l. " Waster " from Lopnor. (Drawing.) 33 

Fig. 2. Handmade Pottery ornamented with Circular Punches ... ... 83 

Fig. 3. Wheel-made Pot with Applique' Ornament ... ... ... ... ... ... ., 83 

Fig. 4. Ring Handle. (Draiuing.) ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ., 83 

Golo Models. (Drawings.) ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ., 84 

Fig.l. Contour Tracings of Crania, Nos. I. and III. (Drawing.) ... ... ... 85 

Fig. 2. Contour Tracing of Crania, Nos. VII. and IX. (Drawing.) ... ... ... 85 

Diagram of Circle excavated near McCarthy's Island ... ... ... 96 

Figs. 1-14. Egyptian Standards. (Drawings.) ... ... ... ... 97 

Fig. 15. Placentas. (Drawing.) ... ... ... ... 97 

Grave No. 67. 1:20. (Drawing.) 1QO 

Materiel du feticheur, Baluba. (Drawing.) ... ... ... ... ... , f JQ2 



N.B.Tke Numbers to which tin antensk in added are thoxe of Reeieios of Books. 

BEECH, M. W. H., 4, 8. 
BEDDOE, J., 23. 
BLACKMAN, A. M., 10. 
BRAIDWOOD, H. S., 27. 
BRETON, A. C., 46, 61*, 65, 86* 
BROWN, G., 45. 

C., A. E.. 12*, 16*. 
COLLYER, H. C., 28, 67. 
COWPER, H. S., 5. 
CROOKE, W., 27, 82*, 87*. 
CUMMINS, S. L., 84. 

DAMES, M. L., 14*. 
DAYKELL, E., 94. 
DUCKWORTH, W. L. H., 35, 85. 

EDGE-PARTINGTON, J., 36, 80*. 

FOWLE, T. C., 75. 
FROST, K. T., 49*. 

GRAY, J., 22, 47*, 74, 93. 

HADDON, A. C., 13*, 60*. 
HARTLAND, E. S., 6*, 77*. 
HAWTREY, S. H. C., 57*. 
HODSON, T. C., 17*, 21*. 

J., T. H., 18*, 32*, 33*, 50*, 51,* 70*, 


JOHNSTON, SIR H. H., 78*. 
JOYCE, T. A., 24, 30*, 40*, 48*, 58*, 69*, 


LA CHARD, L. W., 53. 
LANG, A., 3, 54. 
LEWIS, A. L., 20*, 88*. 

MACFIE, J. W. S., 103. 
MAES, J., 9, 102. 
MALINOWSKI, B., 15*, 42. 
MATTHEWS, R. H., 66. 
MURRAY, M. A., 73, 97. 

NELIGAN, the late C. W., 34. 

PARKYN, E. A., 104*. 
PETRIE, W. M. F., 91. 

RAY, S. H., 59*, 63*, 68*, 81*, 89*. 
ROBARTS, N. F., 28, 67. 

SEBBELOW, G., 62. 

SELIGMANN, C. G., 7, 73, 97, 105*. 

SHORE, L. R., 85. 

SMITH, R. A., 52. 

STRONG, W. M., 101. 


THURNWALD, R., 28*. 

TODD, J. L., 96. 

TORDAY, E., 19*, 26, 31*, 39*, 41*, 7 1' 

TREMEARNE, A. J. N., 11, 37. 

WADDELL, L. A., 56. 
WAINWRIGHT, G. A., 100. 
WALKER, B. W., 55. 
WALLIS, W. D., 25, 79*. 
WHEELER, G. C., 29, 107*. 
WOLBACH, G. B., 96. 
WOODFORD, C. M., 76. 
WOOLEY, C. L., 83. 



MAN, 1911. 





N.B. All communications printed in MAN are signed or initialled by their 
authors, and the Council of the Institute desires it to be understood that in giving 
publicity to them it accepts no responsibility for the opinions or statements expressed. 

N.B. MAN, 1911, consists of twelve monthly-published sheets, of sixteen pages 
each, printed in single column ; containing " Original Articles " and substantial 
" Reviews " of recent publications ; all numbered consecutively 1, 2, 3, onwards. 

N.B. Articles published, in MAN should be quoted by the year and the 
reference-number of the article, not by the page-reference ; e.g., the article which 
begins on p. 6 below should be quoted as MAN, 1911, 5. 


Africa : Nigeria. "With Plate A. Alexander. 

Notes on Ornaments of the Womdeo Pagans, who are a Sec- f 

tion of the Marghi Pagans (Females only). By D. Alexander., M.D. | 

1. After the child has stopped suckling, i.e., in about a year and a half, the lower 
lip is bored to receive the " pappal " or tin ornament ; the lower lobe of the ear is also 
bored and gradually stretched so as eventually to receive a specially polished length 
of the " kurami " or " kemri " (Hausa), i.e., the stalk of the grass that is used to 
make arrow shafts. 

2. At the third year four strings of beads are worn suspended from the girdle in 
front, which are composed of seeds, ground down and polished, of the " Cheddia " 
(Hausa) tree, or of white beads or buttons of European manufacture. 

3. At the sixth year the number of strings is increased to six (PI. A., Fig. ]). 

4. At the tenth year the number is increased to fifteen, and about this time the 
prospective husband proposes to the girl, and, if accepted, gives her, according to his 
wealth, eight to twenty peculiarly shaped iron rings with hooks (PL A., Figs. 2 and 3), 
whilst at the same time two goats are killed. After this stage of the proceedings if 
the girl marries another man, the mother has to pay back two goats. From the 
time of the betrothal the suitor brings every now and again dishes of food. 

5. At the twelfth year, when puberty is reached, the strings are increased to 

6. At marriage, from the fourteenth to the fifteenth, year, the beads are removed 
and replaced by long strips of leather, sixteen to twenty in number (PI. A., Fig. 4). 
On the day of marriage the husband, if wealthy, kills a cow, and must give at least 
one string of round iron beads, " miltidu," to be worn round the hips. Any number, 
however, of these strings may be given. 

In addition to these adornments strings of blue and white beads are worn round 
the neck and hips but these have no racial significance and iron bangles on the 
forearm, upper arm, and above the ankles. D. ALEXANDER. 

[ 1 J 

No. 2.] MAN. [1911. 

Africa : Gold Coast. Parkinson. 

A Note on the Social Organisation of the Peoples of the Western 
Gold Coast. By John Parkinson. 

During a recent short visit to Appolonia, that portion of the Gold Coast Colony 
between the Ancobra River and the French Ivory Coast, I was able to gather 
together a few facts bearing on the social organisation of the natives, which, I trust, 
may be worthy of being placed on record. 

In reference to the twelve families or totems under which Ellis records the 
" Tshi-speaking peoples " as being divided,* I find that certain of these are branches 
of, or are considered as being specially related to, one of the remainder. 

Thus, the Odumina fu,t representing the richest people or the aristocracy, are 
said to be " sisters " to the Annono-fu or Parrot-tribe. Intermarriage is forbidden 
between them. 

The Abrutu-fu or Cornstalk-family and the Affiadi-fu (Servant-family) are both 
to be regarded as branches of the Parrot-family. The Affiadi-fu are the children of 
slaves of the Parrot-family, and are, in consequence, attached to the family group 
of their masters, but in a subordinate position. In the same way the Abbahdzi-fu. 
which Ellis translates doubtfully as the Cannibal-family, a translation my informant 
could not follow, had, I was told, the same slave relationship to the Kwonna-fu or 

Both the Kwonna-fu and the Abbahdzi-fu have nine sub-divisions, the members 
of which are known as " sisters " and may not inter-marry. I was informed that 
the Abradzi-fu (Plantain family) have the right to choose kings. J 

The largest families are the Abrutu-fu, the Abradzi-fu, the Annono-fu, the 
Intchwa-fu (Dog-family), and the Kwonna-fu. My informant did not recognise that 
the first four of Ellis's families, viz., the Tchwiden-fu (Leopard-family) and 
Unsunna-fu (Bush-cat family), Kwonna-fu (Buffalo-family) and Intchwa-fu (Dog- 
family), were older than the remainder. 

Endogamous marriage is not recognised in the coast towns, i.e., those where 
the native has been most brought into contact with the white men, but still obtains 
in the country. 

Each of the twelve families has a day set apart as a holiday or feast day, and 
I was informed that there were twelve days in the week, sixty days in the month ;. 
but Ellis does not bear this out. Children are named after the day on which they 
are born, even if several should happen to be born on the same day. . Thus, five 
children, each born on a Friday, would be named Friday, Nos. 1 to 5, an extraordinary 
procedure which one would imagine must lead to confusion. The reason for naming 
a child after the day on which it was born appears to me singularly obscure, it can 
scarcely be attributed to a paucity of ideas, for the Fanti are a comparatively highly- 
developed race, nor can it have anything to do with tribal or totem identification, the 
mark of which is cut between the eye and the ear in the usual manner. 

It may be worth recording that the distinctive totem marks are not made on an 
Ashanti under normal circumstances, nor was this the case in the last generation ; 
but if a woman loses several children, the tribal mark will be made on the next 
born. Whatever was thought in the past, this is now said to be made for luck. These 
totem marks are very inconspicuous in the Appolonians. 

In regard to the ordinary exogamous marriage, children belong to the mother's 

* P. 206. 

f Dumina-fo of Ellis. I have altered the spelling where I thought to detect a difference. 

% The similarity of sound between Abradzi and Abbahdzi makes me doubtful now which of the 
two families was meant. The fact is interesting either way as showing some monopoly of social 
function by certain totems. Ellis, p. 219. 

r 2 ]. 

1911.] MAN. [Nos. 2-4. 

totem, but in cases of civil war they act in conjunction with their father's tribe. 
On the other hand, in time of trouble a man looks to his mother's tribe for assistance. 
It is said that the priest has a voice in the matter of determining the totem of a 
new-born child, and is open to a bribe if either parent is especially anxious to claim 
the new arrival into his or her totem. 

In olden days a man travelling would stay with one of his own totem, and receive 
hospitality gratis. His obligations towards his totem animal are to treat it with care 
and kindness, and to show anger and resentment at the ill-treatment of it by others. 

I can confirm Ellis's remark that a man is separated from his wife after she has 
borne ten children,* or that the tenth child is buried alive,| for I was informed, without 
question, that nine is the maximum number of children allowed in Appolonia, and if 
another is born, that, too, is killed. Efforts are often made to kill the child at birth, 
and the mother not infrequently at the same time, or the child may be hastily 
drowned directly after birth. 

Many women pregnant with the tenth child will go to Cape Coast to escape, 
for the custom is confined to the Appolonians, and (on the authority of Ellis) to 
the Ahanta. JOHN PARKINSON. 

Australia. Lang-. 

Kabi Sub-class Names. //// A. Lang. Q 

Writing in MAN for September (pp. 130-134), I tried to clear up "The Puzzle 
" of Kaiabara Class Names." I have now read Two Representative Tribes of 
Queensland, by the Rev. John Mathew, and the result is new perplexity. According 
to Mr. Mathew, opposing Mr. Howitt, the Kaiabara were merely a small local com- 
munity of the Kabi tribe. They used female, not, as Mr. Howitt says, male descent of 
the phratry and sub-class names. Phratry 1 was Dilbai, with sub-classes Dherwain, 
Bunda. Phratry 2 was Kupaithin, Avith sub-classes Baring, Bulkoin. Mr. Howitt 
gives male descent with Phratry 1, Dilebi, sub-classes Baring, Turowain. Phratry 2, 
Kubatine, with sub-classes Bulkoiu, Bunda. There can be no doubt, I think, that 
Mr. Mathew is right about female descent. If we translated the sub-class names as I 
did in MAN, Dilbai would present, as sub-classes, Black Eagle Hawk and White 
Eagle Hawk, while Kupaithin would have Rock Carpet Snake and Scrub Carpet 
Snake, the animals being, in each phratry, contrasted in colour or in habitat. But 
Mr. Mathew (pp. 150, 151) gives but dubious renderings of the sub-class names ; Baring 
is not Rock Carpet Snake but Emu ; Dherwain is Emu, not Black Eagle Hawk ; 
Bunda is not White Eagle Hawk but Kangaroo ; and Bulkoin, according to one 
informant, is Native Bear, though Mr. Mathew conjectures that it is Kangaroo. If so, 
each phratry has a Kangaroo, and each has an Emu sub-class. Mr. Mathew does not 
say at what date, or from what informants, he got the translations, or remark on 
Mr. Howitt's different translations, which, at least, are of old standing. 

It is now, I fear, too late in the day to clear up the truth as to the meanings 
of the sub-class names, and as to the sense of the phratry names Mr. Mathew can 
merely offer conjectures (p. 149). A. LANG. 

Borneo. Beech. 

"The Swine of Delaga." A Borneo Fairy Story told the Author 1 

by one Penghulu Arsat, a Tutong Chief resident in Labuan. /,'// *T 

M. W. H. Beech, M.A. 

In Delaga, in the Tutong country, many years ago, the people of the village 
were much troubled by the wild pigs, which devoured their gardens so soon aa 
planted. Now the whole of the village folk after a while would keep watch over 

* Ellis, p. 341. t Blli s. P- 23 4- 

[ 3 J 

No. 4,] MAN. [[1911. 

the gardens nightly. Now it fell on a day that a certain villager of the name of 
Jaisse was watching his father's garden, when he saw a large pig approaching, so he 
hurled his spear, which struck the animal in the side, but, breaking off, the beast 
carried away the head in its body. Thereat the father of Jaisse was greatly angered, 
and told his son that if he did not recover that spearhead he should surely die. 
Wherefore Jaisse set out on a journey to recover the lost head, and following the 
bloody tracks of the wounded animal he journeyed on for the space of two days. 
And at nightfall on the third day he arrived at the banks of a river, and seeing a 
large tree there lay down to rest under its shelter. Now the name of the river was 
Lobo, though he knew it not. And in the morning of the next day he would fain 
cross the river, and stepped into the water. On withdrawing his foot he was amazed 
and terrified to find it no longer as the foot of a man, but as the foot of a pig. But 
thinking that to retract now would be the work of a fool, he boldly plunged his 
whole body into the stream, and swam for the opposite shore. On emerging from 
the water he perceived his whole body had become the body of a pig, though his 
intellect remained that of a human being. Wherefore he did not cease to follow the 
blood tracks, nor did his mind cease from the desire of recovering the lost spear, 
and saving the honour of his house. 

It may have been for the space of four days that he walked on until he arrived 
at the banks of a second river the river we men of Tutong call " Miang." There, 
as before, he lay down to rest under the shelter of a tree until the morrow. Then, 
early in the morning, he essayed to cross the river, and to his delight found that on 
emerging on the opposite shore he had regained his natural human shape for as 
there were bad spirits governing the River Lobo, so were there good ones governing 
these other waters. Now, as the blood tracks were still visible he followed them 
steadfastly, for never for a moment could he forget his quest, nor the honour of his 
father's house. Till at last he arrived at a large village, and many men saw he there. 
And these asked him whence he had come, and he answered, " I am a wanderer, and 
" I crave your hospitality for a few days." This they accorded him, not without 
looks askance. And when he had dwelt amongst them a few days, it fell that 
while walking in the village he heard moans as of a body sick unto death pro- 
ceeding from one of the houses. And he asked them, " What is this ? " And they 
replied, " Our comrade while hunting fell, and his side was grievously wounded by 
" a falling tree." 

Now Jaisse was a man of no dull sense, and he pondered in his heart all that 
he had heard and all that had befallen him of late, nor had the bloodstains leading 
to that house escaped his notice. And the following plan he formed. He let it be 
known that he was a man well skilled in medicine, and willing to practise it withal. 
So after a few days even as he had expected an old man came running to him 
and said, "My daughter is sick unto death, I can do naught for her. If you can 
" cure her, gladly will I give her to you in marriage." So Jaisse followed the old man 
to his home, and within were many folks trying to aid the sick girl. And Jaisse 
said to them, " I can cure the girl, but all you must go outside and leave us alone." 
And when they were all without he approached the bed, and, even as he thought, saw 
in the maiden's side the very spear of which he was in search. So he took two pieces 
of bamboo and inserted them into the wound, the one above, the other below the 
spear head, and when the maiden would have cried out he silenced her by saying 
that to utter cries would be her death. Then using the two bamboos like pincers, 
with a sudden pull he extracted the head, which he hastily thrust into the pocket 
of his coat. He then formed a make-believe parcel, in the which he had wrapt a 
stick of wood, and called in those others from without, and bade them hastily throw 
into the river the parcel, as it contained a deadly and infectious disease. And after a 

[ 4 ] 

1911] MAN. [No. 4. 

few more days the girl became stronger and desired to eat worms (yalang\* and after 
a week she was well. And her father was overjoyed at the craft of the stranger, and 
gladly offered her in marriage to him, and he being not averse, the marriage wa> 
celebrated with much rejoicing. Now Jaisse told his wife that having been but 
recently sick unto death she must not walk but must remain quiet in the house. But 
towards dusk she would be always for leaving the house, saving that she must search 
for food albeit her husband supplied that in plenty, and frequently she desired to eat 
fruit. And he also noticed that about that lime of day the village almost to a man 
would leave the place not returning until the next day. And while the sun was 
shining all would sit quiet or sleep within their houses, nor did work seem desirable 
or necessary to any of them. 

So, as I said, Jaisse married the girl, and she became pregnant, and in due time 
brought forth three children, of whom two were boys and one a girl. And after a 
year or more he began to tire of so long an exile, and to yearn to see again his 
native land, his father, his mother, and his kindred all for who could say who Avas 
still living or who was dead ? And his wife wished to go too, but always she would 
say that she must return anon to her country, and that the desire was beyond her 
power to resist. And this was displeasing to her husband, for he wished her to return 
and live with him in his village until the day of her death, as is the custom for 
wives to leave their own surroundings and cleave to those of their husbands. So he, 
perhaps after forty days, devised a plan whereby he could deceive his wife for what 
he thought was her own good. So he took her, and his three children, and tightly 
bound their hands with rotan. Their feet he bound also, but lightly so that they 
could still walk. Nevertheless they started, and set out homewards. Now, after 
they had crossed the River Miang, and were approaching the River Lobo, daily did 
his wife grow more restless, and when they reached the banks of the latter river 
with difficulty could he restrain her. Now, remembering the effect of the water of the 
river he had no mind to enter again, and so arrive at his home in tho likeness of a 
beast [for the river that was its antidote was, of course, now in their rear], he 
searched along the bank, and a little higher up he found a tree fallen across the 
water which would serve as a bridge. And first he placed the three children on the 
bridge, and was about to lead his wife thereto when she, with astonishing strength, 
burst asunder her bonds, and rushed headlong for the water. And her two sons 
seeing their mother would fain follow her, and struggling " chelaka ! "f they both 
fell, and as their mother plunged into the water so at the same time fell her two 
male offspring. And all three, when the water embraced them, lost their human 
semblance, and their bodies became the bodies of swine, and their bonds being loosed 
they swam to the shore, and fled on four legs into the jungle, and Jaisse saw them 
no more. But the man and his daughter continued their way until they arrived 
at the village of Delaga. And his friends espied him from afar, and said, "Surely 
this cannot be Jaisse, who has long " been dead it must be his spirit." So they 
called his father, who recognised him, gave him kisses, and said, " Bring forth golden 
" rice for my son." Then Jaisse took from his pocket the spear head, and his father 
greatly rejoiced for that the honour of his house was .saved. Then he looked upon 
the child, and said, " My son, who is this ? " And he answered, " Tis a wandering 
" maiden I met with who seeks the shelter of our roof." And his father said, " In 
" truth she is welcome, and she is beautiful, and how fair is her skin but her eyes 
" are not the eyes of a woman, they are more like the eyes of a pig, how is this ?"' 

* Galang, obtained from rotten wood which has been lying in the water. The worms have a sour 
taste, and are considered to promote appetite. 
f Malay, "Alas ! " 

Nos. 4-5.] 



But Ins son held his peace. And she lived and grew up there, and in due time 
married and had one child a girl, and the villagers called her Si-Babi.* 
This is the legend of the " Babi " tuam an old one and true. 

M. W. H. BEECH. 


Egypt: Archaeology. Cowper. 

On a Series of Small Worked Flints from Hilwan, Egypt. /,',/ C 

H. S. Cowper, F.S.A. U 

These notes relate to a series of 204 small worked flints which I collected in 

February last, on the 
sandy plain just west of 
the modern town of Hil- 
wan in Lower Egypt. 

The discovery at 
Hilwan of flints of the 
type now exhibited is 
not new ; but though I 
was aware that imple- 
ments had occurred in 
tli is vicinity, I was at 
the time unacquainted 
with auy particulars, and 
the finding of a prolific 
site was quite accidental 
on my part, and it was 
only after returning to 
England that I was able 
to see any literature on 
the subject. 

The two papers of 
Mr. A. J. Jukes Browne, 
published thirty - three 
years ago,* contain 
practically the same 
material slightly differ- 
ently arranged. The de- 
scription he gives of the 
physical geography and 
geological conditions of 
the Hilwan plateau is 
very clear, and it is un- 
necessary for me to des- 
cribe these again. Thirty- 
three years, however, 
have seen great changes 
in Egypt, including the 
development of Hilwan 

* As we might say, " Miss Piggie." 

f On tlie Flint Implements found at Helwan, near Cairo. By A. J. Jukes Browne, Esq., B.A., 
F.G.S. Communicated by Professor Hughes. (Pub. Cambridge Antiquarian Soc. (Nov. 12th, 1877). 
IV, 85.) On Some Flint Implements from Egypt, by same author (Dec. llth, 1877). (Journ. Anthr. 
Inst., VII, 396-412.) 

r e j 


FIG. I. 



[No. 5. 

itself into a town of some size. Moreover, our knowledge of the Stone Age in 
Egypt has much increased ; indeed, so little was then known, that any notes on >t<-ni 
implements from Egypt attracted a good deal of attention, and this makes it more 
singular that (as far 
as I know) no further 
account of the Hilwan 
flints has appeared in 

The sites that I 
examined were three in 
number, but the distance 
separating them was so 
small, and the types 
found so uniform, that 
there can be no doubt 
that they belong to the 
same period and race. The 
house which I rented was 
on the extreme edge of 
the town and at the 
north-west corner of it, 
and from here my first 
site (Site I) was about 
one-third of a mile dis- 
tant in a direction south 
of west, and near a 
sandy hummock. The 
second (Site II) was 
about 200 yards from 
my house in a direction 
south-west by south and 
near a larger rounded 
sandhill ; and this site, I 
believe, corresponds with 
Mr. Jukes Browne's 
Site III. My third site 
(Site III) was only 
about 200 yards east of 
Site I, but at a higher 




The features of these 
sites are, that an over- 
whelming majority of the little instruments found are of one type, and as nearly 
as possible all these are complete, and that the type itself is one of which tin- 
use has never been determined. 

These instruments may be described as pointed flakes ; and it may be said that 
out of the 204 worked flints which I collected, there are not more than about a dozen 
which could be classed as of another type. The following is a summary : 

(A) Right-handed Points. These are formed by carefully trimming off one side 
of a straight flake, until it is brought by a fairly even curve down to the straight 
untrimmed edge. Right - handed points are such as have the sharp point to the 
observer's right, when looked at on the ridged side of the flake. 

[ 7 ] 

No. 5.] MAN. [1911. 

(B) Left-handed Points. Exactly the reverse of the above, the point being to 
the left when observed in same manner. 

(C) Right-handed Shouldered Points. These only differ from Class (A), in that 
there is a shoulder, or hump, on the chipped edge, instead of its being formed with 
an even curve. 

(D) Left-handed Shouldered Points. Exactly the reverse of Class (C). In 
all these classes one end is always unpointed. 

(E) Crescent-shaped Flints. ID these the work is very similar, but the flaking 
is brought down in an even curve at both ends, until it meets the sharp, straight 
edge, resulting thus in a narrow crescent with two sharp points. 

Beside these I found one finely worked leaf-shaped arrowhead on Site III ; three 

bigger worked flints on Site I, and of these two are of a more or less unpointed 

knife-like type (see Nos. 69 and 70), while the other distinctly belongs to Group A, 
but is of exceptional size (see No. 71). 

The proportions in which these types occur are as follows : 

Class A. B. C. D. E. 

Site I 19 21 11 13 7 

Site II 19 31 6 11 2 
Site III 11 12 9 4 

49 64 26 28 9 
or, in all 

Right-handed points, Classes A and C -- 75 

Left-handed points, Classes B and D - 92 

Crescent-shape, Class E 9 

To which add 

Leaf-shaped arrowhead, Site III 1 

Broken specimens which, with the exception of two or three, all 

seem to have been Class A, B, C, or D - 25 

Two bigger worked flakes 2 


Of course, on all three sites flakes and splinters were numerous, and these I did 
not collect. But nothing else which could be called a scraper, arrowhead, or knife, 
complete or broken, was found by myself, or my wife, or my little boy, in any of our 
searches. The fact is clear, therefore, that at these sites, about 190 out of 204 
implements belong to the same type, and another nine to a type so like, that it is 
probable that they served some similar purpose. 

These little instruments vary in length from little over fths of an inch to 
1^ inches. No. 71, being 1| inches, is exceptional both in length and thickness. The 
crescents are between ^ and 1^ inches. 

In Mr. Jukes Browne's paper in the Journal of the Anthropological Institute, 
a very impartial discussion is devoted to these remarkable flints and to their probable 
use, and the problem is considered whether the blunted side of the flake was produced 
intentionally by chipping, or simply by wear ; and also, whether the sharp uutrimmed 
edge, or the worked edge, was the " business " edge ? In other words, whether the 
instruments were scrapers or knives ? And the conclusions he reached were, that 
the " general form points rather to the use of the cutting edge than that of the trimmed 
" or blunted back." He was, in fact, in favour of their being pointed knives. 

Being practically ignorant of all theories, when I was in Egypt, and away from 

[ 8 1 



[No. 5. 

all literature, I was compelled to examine my flints from an unbiassed standpoint. 
The opinion that I then formed, however, I have seen no reason yet to chanjr<- ; 
and that is, that these instruments are neither knives nor scrapers, hut point 
to speak more accurately, barbs, since the characteristic feature of the type is that 
the point is never in line with the axis of the flake, but to one side, so that properly 
mounted they would form barbs or hooks. 

Although I have ventured to divide them into two classes, one with an even 
curve, and the other with 
a shoulder or hump, I 
do not think that this 
points to any different 
use, since it may be only 
a degree of finish, the 
less careful fabricator 
omitting to take off the 
last flake or two. Of 
the crescent form I shall 
have a word or two more 
to say ; but, looking at 
the others with their 
sharp incurved points 
and their blunted butts, 
it seems to me that they 
must have been made 
for one of two purposes : 
either they were for arm- 
ing the edge of serrated 
weapons, such as were 
used by the Kingsmill 
Islanders, and set with 
sharks' teeth, or they 
were simply the barbs of 
fishing spears or har- 
poons, or mounted sepa- 
rately were fish hooks 
themselves. The very 
position of the sites, only 
a short walk from the 
Nile, favours the sup- 
position, and I trust 
that someone will collect 
and compare the various 
discoveries of flints of 


Fm. III. 

this character, and see 
if many or most are 
found in the area of important lakes or rivers which, like the Nile, teem with fish. 

Of the two suggestions, the one, that they were set along the edge of a serrated 
weapon seems to me the less likely, because the shark's tooth thus used is sharp on 
both edges as well as acutely pointed, whereas in these flint points there is practically 
no attempt to bring the convex-chipped side to an edge at all. 

There are, indeed, only one or two examples in my series (sec Nos. 3, 23} 
where the chipping is done from both faces ; and there can be little doubt that thia 

[ 9 J 

No. 5.] MAN. [1911. 

chipping was done entirely with the object of producing a curved side, so as to 
get a point on one side, which then became practically a barb. 

The little crescents are perhaps a distinct type, and their comparative rarity 
suggests some rather different use. A noticeable point is that four out of the eight 
crescents that I found are trimmed from both faces to the convex side of the instrument 
(Nos. 64, 65, 66, 67). The points of these crescents are in most cases extremely 
sharp, and it seems possible that they were mounted as arrow tips, in such a manner 
that one point was the arrow point, while the other projected slightly laterally and 
formed a barb. Nine specimens are, however, insufficient to theorise about. 

The fish-hook theory seems to have been suggested before. Mr. W. L. Abbot, 
in his account of small flints from Hastings and Sevenoaks,* is inclined to regard the 
small crescents he found as fish-hooks or gorges, and he suggests that they were 
mounted directly on a line, which was tied round the centre, and kept in place by 
the characteristic hump on the convex back of the crescent. In the Hilwan crescents, 
however (at any rate those I have found), the hump is not characteristic. 

Without going into the question of pigmy flints generally, it may be said that 
there is a considerable family likeness between Mr. Carlyle's flints from the Vindhya 
Hills, and from other parts of Central India, and also Mr. R. A. Gratty's Scunthorpe 
pigmies, and those from Hilwan ; but there is a much greater variety of shapes in 
both these series ; and in the Indian series, at any rate, a greater proportion pointed 
at both ends. I have not seen Mr. Carlyle's paper, published at Calcutta, but the 
districts in Central India in which these little instruments occur, appear to be in the 
vicinity of rivers and fisheries. 

The conditions under which the Hilwan flints are found are accurately described 
by Mr. Jukes Browne as " an ancient surface compacted by the deposition of salts," 
from which surface sand is periodically cleared by the wind. It is very probable that 
these cleared spaces change, so that the exact areas examined in 1877 may now lie 
under a foot or two of sand, Avhile the cleared places that I examined may have been 
only recently exposed. It is, therefore, possible that there is quite a large area 
covered with these little implements, but that only small portions are exposed at a 
time. It seems rather unlikely that the small areas which I examined could have 
been long exposed, since a search of an hour, generally resulted in about twenty-five 
or thirty instruments, very few of which were broken, and after heavy showers the 
number visibly increased. 

Concerning the antiquity of these flints probably the less said the better at present. 
A great deal more information about the distribution and types should be- available 
before the theory of " particular race " making pigmy flints can be accepted. The 
only thing that is fairly certain is that they are not palaeolithic, but whether they 
belong to a Stone Age at all, or to dynastic times, is an open question. There is a 
character about them which is quite different from the well-marked series of neolithic 
arrowheads, knives, saws, and celts which have been found in the desert of Lower 
Egypt in such large numbers in recent years. 

It is true that an arrowhead occurred among the points on Site III, and there is, 
I think, no reason to doubt that it was the work of the people who made the "barbs," 
but the very delicacy and smallness of it differentiate it from the neolithic arrowheads 
above mentioned. 

Looking at the number of spalls and flakes of flint about these sites I think we 
must conclude that we have on the Hilwan plateau the manufactory of these little 
barbs. But it is very curious that so few broken ones occur. Are we to conclude from 
this that the makers were sufficiently skilled to trim their flakes into barbs without 

* Notes on Some Specialised and Diminutive Forms of Flint Implements from Hasting* Kitclien 
Midden and Sevenoaks. By W. J. Lewis Abbot, F.G.S. (Jovrn. Anthr. Imt., XXV., 141-143). 

[ 10 1 



[Nos. 5-6. 

many breakages ? It is a little difficult to suggest any other explanation. Of course, 
if the presence of the barbs only marks the site of a village, of which the inhabitants 
used them, one would not expect numerous broken points ; but, as I have said, the 
number of spalls points to the site of a manufactory. H. S. COWPER. 

FIG. I. 

Nos. 1-12, Site I. 
13-15, II. 
16-21, I. 
22-26, II. 
27-29, III. 



Nos. 30-35, Site I. 

3638, II. 

39-44, III. 

45-47, I. 

48-56, II. 

57-59, III. 


Nos. 60-63, Site I. 
64-66, I. 
67, II. 
68, III. 
69-71, I. 




Totemism and Exogamy : A Treatise on certain Early Forms of Super- fl 
stition and Society. By J. G. Frazer, D.C.L., LL.D., Litt.D., F.B.A. 4 vols. 
London : Macmillan & Co., Ltd., 1910. Price 50s. net. 

More than forty years have elapsed since the late J. F. McLennan, who was the 
first to investigate systematically both totemism and exogamy, made public the first- 
fruits of his research. He died while engaged in preparing a more extended exposi- 
tion, and for years even the materials he had collected were withheld from the world. 
In the meantime the late Professor Robertson Smith saw the importance of the 
study of totemism in its relations to religion, and endeavoured to apply it to the 
explanation of problems in the Semitic area. At his instance his friend, Professor 
Frazer, took up the enquiry ; and the famous article on totemism in the Encyclopaedia 
Britannica, reprinted with a large addition in 1887, became the text-book from which 
anthropological students worked. But the years since then have been years of un- 
exampled activity in anthropological enquiry. Researches in the field on a wider 
scale and in a more severely scientific spirit, and critical discussions at home, have 
destroyed some of our first illusions ; but they have added enormously to our positive 
knowledge of the range of totemism over the surface of the earth, and of its content 
as a social and religious system. Its study could not be disentangled from that of 
exogamy, which was believed to be an integral part of the system ; and the investi- 
gations into both have gone hand in hand. At length Professor Frazer has turned 
from other and equally engrossing enquiries to his first love, and in these volumes, 
which almost attain the proportions of a German Handbuch, has aimed at giving a 
full account of all that is known about both totemism and exogamy, accompanied and 
synthesized by discussion of their origin and object. 

He has, indeed, left little unrecorded of what is definitely known ; and he has 
wisely wasted no room in discussing what are conjectured to be remains of totemism 
in the higher civilisations. These may safely be left for future consideration. It 
is a great pity, however (as doubtless he himself recognises), that the original plan 
of republishing his earlier work and subsequent essays on the subject, merely with 
notes and corrections, was not relinquished in time to be dropped altogether in favour 
of the ethnographical survey which occupies the bulk of the book. Their retention 
has served no useful purpose except that of bringing into relief the changes in the 
author's views, his open-mindedness and candour, and the magnitude of the distance 
that separates the scientific knowledge and speculations of 1887 from those of 1910. 

No. 6.] MAN. [1911, 

So far as these are matters of personal interest, all Professor Frazer's personal friends, 
and a large part of the scientific world beside, fully appreciate them : for the rest, 
they might have been committed to the vindication of time. 

The conspectus here presented of totemism, not merely in its geographical extent, 
but also in its relation to the great problems of the evolution of human society, it 
need hardly be said, will render the work indispensable to practical students. The 
author has rightly insisted on the consideration of the environment in any study of 
the institutions of a race. Nor has he neglected to exemplify this consideration by 
descriptions unsurpassed in charm (of which that of Australian conditions may be cited 
as perhaps the most striking), and by exhibiting the influence of the environment on 
the institutions of many of the peoples under discussion. 

While the descriptive and the merely expository portions of the work provide the 
most lucid and comprehensive account yet laid before the student of totemism and 
exogamy, the enunciation of theory arid the arguments in its support are not less 
attractive. Here the author's powers of advocacy are exhibited at their best. His 
plea for the artificial origin of the Australian exogamic classes, or phratries, amounts 
to demonstration. But it raises the question whether after all exogamy may not have 
been, contrary to his opinion, an essential part of totemism, and whether the creation 
of totemic clans may not have been as artificial and purposeful as that of the Australian 
phratries, and that purpose wholly or partially exogamy. For if the one organisation 
were created for the purpose of hindering the marriage of near kin, why could not the 
other have been created with a definite and similar object ? Where exogamous clans 
already exist, this kind of fission sometimes actually takes place. Thus in a certain 
district of Sumatra, we are told, the people are still in the stage of mother-right, or 
what Professor Frazer calls mother-kin, usual on the island. They are organised in 
strictly exogamous clans, subdivided into families. When a clan, however, has grown 
too big, and the prohibition of marriage within it is consequently found inconvenient, 
it is divided into two or more smaller clans in order to overcome the difficulty (xcii, 
Globus, 263). What is stated as a fact in Sumatra is only what has been inferred 
with high probability in North America from the organisation of the Mohicans and 
other tribes. At any rate it seems clear that once the clan organisation has been 
started arbitrary subdivision may proceed indefinitely. The real problem is to discover 
why exogamy was instituted at all. All sorts of hypotheses have been framed to 
account for it, and not one of them is satisfactory. It may have arisen, as Professor 
Frazer conjectures, from some superstition to which we have lost the clue. What 
seems equally possible, in view of subsequent voluntary fission, is that it 'may have 
originated in a first conscious effort at organisation. The groups thus created would 
have found it necessary to take names, and their names would have been obtained 
from objects with which they were familiar. The beliefs clustering around those 
objects as of descent, brotherhood, supernatural assistance, and so forth and the 
ceremonial practices in relation to them might then have grown out of superstitions 
we know, such as the belief in the vital connection of a name with its owner. 

It cannot be ignored that the hypothesis is not without difficulties. We are 
thrown back on the question. Why should a horde of savages attempt to organise 
themselves, not so far as we can see primarily for war or the chase, but for sexual 
and social purposes ? The question cannot be answered at present. But it may be 
pointed out that all these purposes may be far more intimately interwoven than we 
in our highly analytical organisation and civilisation commonly suspect. The position 
of, and the duties assigned to, different clans in a number of North American tribes 
give something more than hints of this. 

Professor Frazer, however, finds that totemism originated in the sick fancies 
of pregnant women, who supposed that their children were to be attributed to some 

[ 12 ] 

1911.] MAN. [No. 6. 

external and non-human object. He cites in support some very striking instances 
recorded by Dr. Rivers from Melanesia. The belief that a child is the new birth 
of some other being, human or non-human, is so widespread as to be almost, if 
not quite, universal. And I am extremely happy to learn that Dr. Frazer has inde- 
pendently come to the conclusion, put forward by me as a conjecture many years 
ago, and recently worked out in some measure of detail in Primitive Paternity, 
that this belief is due to the primitive ignorance of mankind relating to the physio- 
logical process of conception. All the more do I regret that my agreement with 
him stops there, and that the evidence does not seem to me to warrant at present 
the ascription of totemism to this cause. For it is faced by the difficulty that, as 
the author himself admits, what he calls " the conceptional totems are not hereditary." 
Jn their very nature they could not be hereditary : you cannot control the sick 
fancy. To that he has, of course, one reply : totems among the Arunta are not 
hereditary ; they are obtained in a manner analogous to that of the " totem " or guar- 
dian spirit in Melanesia ; the Arunta are the rudest of all the tribes known to us 
in Australia, and one of the rudest in the world ; and we may conclude that their 
totemism conceptional, non-hereditary totemism is primitive. It would take too 
long to argue here the question of the cultural status of the Arunta. I must content 
myself with saying that, so far as I can see, the evidence points rather to unequal 
advance. It is true they preserve in a specially startling form the primitive ignorance 
of paternity. Their most barbarous and cruel customs, however, are not more bar- 
barous and cruel than those of other Australian tribes. They have abandoned group 
marriage, and they have advanced to a high form of social organisation and to 
some sort of paternal descent. Professor Frazer lays great weight on the historical 
evidence of their traditions for the conclusion that their totemism was originally non- 
exogamous and did not prevent the eating of their totems. 

For my part I am extremely doubtful whether so-called historical traditions 
apart from such as record simply a pedigree, or define the boundary of a territory, or 
perform some similar function to these can ever be trusted as records of past events ; 
and even in these cases they need very searching criticism. For instance, the author 
relies on "the traditions of the natives," in proof that "the custom which allows and 
*' compels a man to partake of his totem is certainly older than that which taboos 
' it to him entirely" (i, 238). And he elsewhere (i, 112), directs attention to 
traditions that not merely show the members of a totem-clan eating their totemic 
animal or vegetable, but, as he rightly says on the assumption that they are historical, 
" point to a time when, if you wished to eat bandicoot, you had to belong to the 
" Bandicoot totem ; and if you wished to kill and eat kangaroos, you had to belong 
*' to the Kangaroo totem ; in short, they seem to carry us back to a time when 
" among these tribes a man's special function in life was to kill and eat his totem 
" animal." From this it would inevitably follow that the members of the totemic 
clan in those times fed exclusively upon their totems. So, indeed, the Arunta 
traditions appear to assume ; sometimes they appear to go further and, by inference, 
to affirm it. That they here record actual fact nobody believes ; the author himself 
throws doubt upon it by the manner of his reference to it, while Professor Baldwin 
Spencer repudiates it (iv, 5 In. Cf. i, 253). But this is a cardinal test. 

Let us apply another. Professor Frazer has, by elaborate argument, proved the 
existence of group-marriage among some of the Australian tribes, and shown that 
certain practices among others, such as the Kaitish and Arunta, where individual 
marriage is the rule, are best explained as "relics or survivals of group-marriage." 
If that be so, and if the traditions be veritable historical records, we should expect 
to find so important an institution as group-marriage recognised as one of the charac- 
teristics of the Alcheringa. I cannot, however, recall a single instance. Individual 

[ 13 ] 

No. 6,] MAN. [1911. 

marriage prevails, though it is true there are cases of ceremonial intercourse with 
other men than the husband (if any), and of visiting men belonging to other clans 
being accommodated with the temporary society of women. In these particulars 
the traditions simply mirror present-day customs. The argument ex silentio is pro- 
verbially dangerous ; but the omission of all allusion to group-marriage from the 
traditions is the more curious when it is remembered that, the evolution and adjust- 
ment of sexual relations by the institution of exogamous classes form the theme of 
a number of the stories. 

These two tests the one positive, the other negative leave the genuine 
historicity of the traditions open to grave question. Besides, Arunta traditions are 
not consistent with those of the Kaitish and Unmatjera, still less with those of the 
Warramunga, on the points on which Professor Frazer invokes them as witnesses. 
The two former tribes, which are in general agreement on organisation and practices 
with the Arunta, are included by Spencer and Gillen with the Arunta, the Iliaura, 
and llpirra, in a group sufficiently in unison to be called the Arunta nation ; while 
the Warramunga are similarly grouped with some other of the more northerly tribes 
as the Warramunga nation. Now the Arunta traditions regard the totemic clans as 
properly feeding upon their own totems, whereas the Kaitish traditions are by no 
means agreed in taking the same view. Professor Frazer has mentioned some 
Kaitish traditions which represent Emus as feeding on emus, Yelka women as eating 
yelka (an edible root), and Rabbit-Kangaroos as eating rabbit-kangaroos. But he 
has overlooked others that represent Emus as feeding on witchetty grubs and 
Opossums as feeding not on opossums but on the seed of the gum tree (Northern 

Tribes, pp. 414, 415); while he candidly points out that another tradition common 
to the Kaitish and Unmatjera betrays qualms of conscience in a Beetle-grub man 
who fed constantly on beetle-grubs. 

There is, however, yet another Unmatjera tradition, in which young Eagle-hawks 
hunted for wallaby, " on which they fed, for they did not eat eagle-hawk, fearing lest 
" it would turn them grey, as it always does, except in the case of very old people " 
(see Northern Tribes, p. 398). At the present day this taboo, with the same penalty, is 
common to the young men of all the tribes, without distinction of totem (see Northern 

Tribes, p. 472, where it is specified of Arunta Ulpmerkas ; Northern Tribes, p. 485 r 
young Warramunga medicine-men ; p. 611, Kaitish). We cannot, therefore, infer it 
was here intended to prohibit feeding on the totem. But, at least, it shows that 
among the Unmatjera the totem is not regarded as the ordinary food of the 
members of the totem-clan. Again, the Arunta traditions may contemplate exclusively 
endogamous unions between the men and women of the same totemic clan, though 
the evidence is not so clear as it might be. But to the Kaitish and Unmatjera 
exogamous unions were clearly normal and proper. The latter, indeed, present a 
detailed picture in one story of the selection by men belonging to the Honey-ant 
totem of wives from women of the Irriakura totem, in which the only question to 
be considered was the matrimonial classes whereto the women belonged (Northern 

Tribes, p. 416). To which of these traditions shall we pin our faith? Which of 
them are truly historical ? 

The answer is that none of them are historical. The groundwork of them all i& 
the present institutions and practices of the tribe. These are read back into an 
indefinite antiquity, and, in the process, generalised beyond the warrant of the 
present. Thus, where a group dwells usually about a totem-centre, say of Emus, the 
great majority both of men and women will be Emus. There being now no objection 
to Emus inter-marrying with Emus, provided the matrimonial classes be correctly 
observed, if the population be large enough and isolated as in the cases put in the 
traditions, the majority of marriages will be between Emus, and the children begotten 

1911,] MAN. [No, 6. 

and born near the totem-centre will be Emus too. At the present day, it is true, 
can probably happen but seldom. But the natives, living in a lonely country, and 
imagining it still more lonely in the days of their primeval ancestors, unconsciously 
generalise the present-day facts. A large number of the traditions, moreover, are 
setiological. They do not relate what actually took place. They attempt to account 
for such things as oknanikillas, the institution of the marriage classes, the ceremonies, 
and so forth, by reasoning and imagination, the starting-point of which is the present 
culture, with all that it implies. In a sense, of course, they are old. They are not 
recently invented. They have come down from the forefathers. But for all that 
they are not genuine, unadulterated memories. Whatever shape the stories may have 
assumed when they first arose, in the mouths of repeated generations they have under- 
gone, as tradition always and everywhere does, repeated modification. Some things 
have been dropped, some have been added ; when, by the slow change of circumstances 
or of custom, some things have ceased to be understood, they have been modified ; 
until at last they have reached the inquisitive explorer in a shape very different from 
the original memory of facts where there is an underlying fact and doubtless in 
many instances hopelessly opposed to it. Often, however, there is no underlying fact ; 
there is only the object to be explained. The tradition, then, is simply the product 
of a more or less unconscious exercise of the collective mentality in conjecture and 
in fancy no the external surroundings, or the institutions and practices of the tribe. 
It is unfortunate that we have not the text of the traditions collected by 
Messrs. Spencer and Gillen. They have only given summaries or paraphrases ; and 
many of the Alcheringa traditions have been arranged so as to present a quasi- 
chronological order. I am not imputing this as a fault to the distinguished explorers ; 
still less am I suggesting any want of the utmost good faith on their part. But it 
is obvious that the result is that these traditions are not presented to us so nearly 
in the form in which they were uttered by the natives as if we had been given a 
more or less close and literal translation, with notes to explain the allusions and 
other difficult, points. In other words, the personal equation of the recorder 
necessarily plays a larger part. The chronological arrangement of the Alcheringa, 
for instance, may be justified as an attempt to reduce into some order the 
apparently chaotic stories. But it is justified only as the result of civilised reasoning 
upon them. The result may approximate to the native view of the Alcheringa, or 
it may not. We have no real evidence on the point ; and it may safely be said 
that it organises the " history " in a manner that never entered the native heads. 

It is unfortunate, too, that Professor Frazer's account of the totemism of the 
central tribes was written before the work of Herr Strehlow reached him, and that 
he had not an opportunity of fully considering that work before his arguments and 
speculations assumed their final form. His observations and those of Professor Spencer, 
which he cites in a note (i, 186), on the missionary's qualifications to render an 
accurate account of Arunta beliefs and practices, have a large measure of justice, 
and must be taken into consideration in any estimate of the evidence presented in the 
My then, Sagen und Marchen des Aranda-Stammes. But it may be observed that 
they would rule out every account by missionaries of every savage or barbarous 
people in the world ; and when it is considered how large a proportion of anthropolo- 
gical data rests on the evidence of missionaries, and, indeed, to how great an extent 
Professor Frazer relies on it in this very book, they seem insufficient to prohibit a 
cautious and critical use of the material. The author is too modest in disclaiming 
the power " to filter the native liquid clear of its alien sediment." His abstention 
is the more to be regretted, since Herr Strehlow gives what profess to be native 
stories in something like their native form, that is to say, in fairly close and some- 
times literal interlineal translations. These stories are, if correctly reported, a sub- 

[ 15 ] 

No. 6.] MAN. [1911. 

stantial addition to our knowledge of Arunta and Luritcha traditions. Very many of 
them are not given in any shape by Messrs. Spencer and Gillen ; and the rest, 
though apparently referring to the same personages and localities, differ widely in 
their course, to say nothing of their details. So far as I can judge, they bear the 
stamp, on the whole, of genuineness. If so, they cannot be ignored in an attempt to 
render a true account of the Arunta culture. Professor Frazer would have found in 
them reason for .modifying in some particulars his view of it. For example, they do 
not represent the ancestors as subsisting chiefly on their own totem-animal or plant, 
but as exercising a width of choice similar to that of their descendants. 

I have dwelt so long on the central tribes of Australia, because Professor Frazer 
draws from them so large a part of the evidence for his theory on the origin of 
totemism, and space fails me to consider other parts of the work that I had marked 
for the purpose. To one question, however, I desire specially to refer. The author 
rests the widely-spread mother-in-law avoidance on precautions against incest, and 
has brought forward much evidence pointing in this direction. In view of the 
cases adduced by him, it is clear that I have expressed myself elsewhere {Prim. 
Pat., ii, p. 93) in terms requiring qualification. But incest-jealousy does not cover 
the whole ground. As between a man amd his father-in-law it is absurd. Incest 
is more likely between father-in-law and daughter-in-law than between son-in-law 
and mother-in-law ; yet the latter is probably more widely diffused than the former, 
and it exists in cases where the .other does not. The avoidance of a mother-in-law 
also frequently comes to an end at a comparatively early date after marriage. 
Moreover, the rule where, as among some of the North American tribes, it extends 
to sisters-in-law and brothers-in-law, does not prevent their subsequent intermarriage. 
Indeed, among the Yakuts, where there is a taboo of blood-relations, it does not prevent 
endogamy. The avoidance of affines must have more than one motive. The same 
key will not open all locks. This is a side issue. I have referred to it because I 
was glad to have an opportunity of acknowledging that Professor Frazer had 
convinced me I had been guilty looking only at one set of facts of .too hasty 
generalization. I venture to submit that we had each grasped a portion of the truth, 
but that the whole was greater than either of us perceived. 

The book by its very importance invites criticism. It was a vast undertaking ; 
and on any view of it the author has achieved a large measure of success. He 
needs no smooth and facile compliments. If I have here ventured to differ from 
some of his conclusions, if I have criticised the evidence on which he relies for 
them, I have done so with deference to learning and research far wider than my 
own. I trust that the criticism has shown itself in no sense hostile, still less 
carping. Space has failed me adequately to express my agreement with him on a 
score of other points hitherto in controversy. I yield to no man in admiration of 
his powers, his intense consecration of those powers to one object, and the magnitude 
of his achievement. What would the history of anthropology nay, of thought in 
other regions of the most vital concern to mankind during the last quarter of 
a century have been without his gigantic labours ? The preface, amid the exquisite 
cadence of its sentences, betrays, perhaps, a little weariness, but no slackening of his 
indomitable energy, or of his determination to discover and expound the truth about 
the history of human civilisation and the origin of human beliefs. I, at least, decline 
to admit that his sun is yet prematurely westering. I hope for many another 
contribution from him to the sum of knowledge on the great and supremely interesting 
subjects of his life-work, commended as hitherto to a much wider circle of readers 
than merely experts by the persuasive eloquence of his English style. 


Printed by EYKK AND SPOTTISWOODE. LTD., His Majesty's Printers, East Harding Street, B.C. 


MA.N, 1911. 


1911.] MAN. [Nos. 7-8. 

Africa, Central. With Plate B. Seligmann. 

An Avungura Drum. By C. G. Seligmann, M.D. T 

The drum figured in Plate B is preserved in the Gordon College, Khartum, * 
and though somewhat damaged by the recent fire, is still in good condition. It 
was taken from Yambio, the most powerful chief of the Avungura (Azande), in 
1905, by a punitive expedition under the late Major Boulnois, R.A. It represents 
a bullock or cow (there is nothing to show its sex), and is about life size, the trunk 
and head being hewn out of a single block of wood. I am indebted to Captaia 
F. J. Brakenridge, R.A.M.C., who accompanied the expedition, for the following 
particulars : 

" The drum stood in the open, near Yambio's hut, but the place was not well 
cleared, and there was no evidence of its being a place of assembly ; in fact, as far 
as we could learn, it was rare for anyone except his immediate bodyguard and 
councillors to enter within the precincts of his village. His own hut, which was no 
more elaborate than others, stood near the edge of the settlement, which was very 
extensive, covering perhaps five square miles. It was not a close aggregation of huts, 
but large numbers of homesteads, mostly hidden from one another by bush, maize 
crops, and banana trees. 

" The drum was an . object of great reverence ; we saw several, all of the same 
shape, but none so big, apparently the size was relative to each ' sultan's ' importance. 
That we carried away the drum was of great effect in assuring the people that 
Yambio was really done for." C. G. SELIGMANN. 

Borneo. Beech. 

Punans of Borneo. By Mervyn W. H. Beech, M.A. A 

Inche Abdallah bin Nakhodah is my authority for the following information 
concerning these weird people. He is a Malay trader of Tawao. The Punans live 
in the dense jungle beyond the Sagai, in the interior of Bolongan, on the east coast 
of Borneo. They are a hunter tribe (corresponding somewhat to the Dorobo of East 
Africa), and will not come into a village, but always live in the jungle, as they are 
unable to bear the heat and glare of the sun. As a result of this their complexion is 
white, " like a Chinaman's." They wear no clothes except the bark of trees ; they 
have no houses or property, but wander about and sleep in trees. They are rapidly 
becoming extinct. They are mentioned by Dr. Nieuwenhuis in his work Quer durck 
Borneo, as being nomadic hunters, living in the mountains and at the sources 
of rivers. 

They have a curious method of leaping three or four yards at a time, instead 
of walking, and their celerity of movement is astounding. 

Those who have had the opportunity of seeing the dance have told me that the 
performance is quite marvellous, their bodies seeming to be made of elastic and to 
contain no bones. 

Their aim with the sumpit or blowpipe is unerring, and they do not manipulate 
this by blowing with the mouth, but by hitting the end which contains the dart 
with the curved palms of their hands. 

My informant was in the habit of trading with the Punans. Their method was 
a kind of " silent trade." He thus described it to me : 

" On hearing of the presence of Punans in the neighbourhood I would go up 
" into the interior with my goods, and, with a piece of wood, hammer loudly on a 
" taming, or natural buttress of a tree, whereupon the Punans would come leaping 
" out of the gloom and look at the goods displayed. 

[ 17 ] 

Nos. 8-9.] 



" As no one understands their language they point out by signs the articles 
which take their fancy. 

" They then would give me a piece of rotan in which they had previously cut 
notches, signifying the number of days in which they could produce the requisite 
amount of gutta, or whatever jungle produce was expected of them in exchange. 

" One piece of rotan notched in the same way they would keep for themselves. 

" Supposing ten notches are made, they will turn up at the same rendezvous on 
the tenth day without fail, and bring with them their articles of exchange. 

" Should I have failed to have placed my goods on the spot, the deal would 
have been considered off, and none of them would ever have done business with 
me again." MERVYN W. H. BEECH. 

Africa : Congo. 

Kese et Tambue -Fetiches des Wazimba. 


Par Dr. J. Maes. 


Les Wazimba, tres connus sous le nom de Bango Bango, guerriers, inde- 
pendants, insoumis, occupent le territoire qui s'etend entre le 3 30' lat. sud au nord ; 
le 28 long. E. Gr. a Test, le 4 30' lat. sud au sud et le Lualaba a 1'ouest. 

Us possedent une collection de fetiches affectant des formes humaines ou 
animales et ayant chacun un pouvoir special. L'un protege les plantations, 1'autre 
assure le succes d'une entreprise, un troisieme guerit les maladies, &c., &c. 

Quatre de ces fetiches, recoltes par M. Populair, chef de poste a Warumba, 
ont ete envoyes au Musee du Congo a Tervueren. 

Le premier (Fig. 1) represente une femme debout, grossierement sculptee en bois 
rougeatre et entierement enduite de resine de bulungu. Autour du front, des yeux, 
des oreilles et dans la coiffure se remarquent des traces de sang et de ngula ou 
poudre rouge. La coiffure est sculptee en forme de quatre pyramides irregulieres, 
aigues et placees inversement symetriques deux a deux. Le front est large et plat ; 

les oreilles droites 
et proeminentes ; les 
yeux marques par 
deux trous, de 
forme ovale, par- 
tiellement remplis de 
resine de bulungu 
et de poudre de 
ngula ; le nez aplati 
et petit ; la bouche 
etroite ; le menton 
et la figure aigus ; 
la tete . allongee 
verticalement, les 
bras droits, marques 
par 1'absence de 
mains ; le corps 
etroit, les seins peu 

prononces, jambes legerement coudees, les pieds larges et plats. Le bras gauche est 
orne d'un bracelet fait d'un petit anneau en fer. 
Hauteur 38 cm. Nom indigene " Kese nsa." 

Le deuxieme (Fig. 2) represente une femme debout grossierement sculptee, la tete 
surmontee d'un bourrelet a trois cornes, le front large, les oreilles a peine marquees 
par un leger relief en forme de croissant, les yeux representes par deux cauris fixes 
dans des excavations a 1'aide de resine de bulungtt, le nez large et droit, la boucne 

[ 18 ] 

FIG. 1. 

FIG. 2. 




[Nos. 9-10. 

petite placee a la partie inferieure du menton, les bras en relief, le corps etroit et 
long, les jambes coudees, les pieds tailles en biseau, le sexe a peine grave et entoure 
d'une teinte noire. 

Hauteur 43 cm. Nom indigene " Kese" 

Le troisieme (Fig. 4) represente une femme debout sculptee en bois blanc, la 
tete surmontee d'une coupe de forme cylindrique, les oreilles tres grandes formees 
par une moulure ovale, la figure plate, absence de front, les yeux larges et e"troits, 
le nez long et droit, la 
bouche tres petite, les 
bras longs, les mains 
posees sur les flaucs, 
corps etroit, seins peu 
developpes, jambes tres 
courtes, pieds plats, 
sexe marque par deux 
lignes gravees et noir- 
cies an feu de meme 
que le nombril, les 
seins, la bouche et les 

Hauteur 26^ cm. 
Nom indigene " Tam- 

Le quatrieme (Fig. 
3) represente un homme. 
le sexe bien sculpte, 

les jambes droites et les pieds plats. Le bord des oreilles, les yeux, la bouche, 
les seins, le nombril, les mains et le sexe sont noircis au feu. La tete et la 
coiffure sont identiques a celles du fetiche precedant. 

Hauteur 31 cm. Nom indigene " Tambue ngu" 

Le " Kese nsa " est le fetiche protecteur des enfants (garcons). 

Le " Kese " est le fetiche des enfants (filles) et de I'accouchement. 

Le " Tambue " est le fetiche protecteur de la maison. 

Le " Tambue ngu " preserve des cauchemars. 

Pour les trois premiers fetiches les ceremonies qui accompagnent leur intervention, 
se reduisent au sacrifice d'une ou de plusieurs poules, suivant la gravite des cas et 
la situation sociale des malades. 

Pour le " Tambue ngu," le feticheur appele en toute hate, entre dans la hutte du 
malade ; depose le fetiche a terre, fait bouillir dans un vase en terre de I'eau et des 
feuilles de manioc ou sombe, en forme une petite pate, la depose dans la coupe 
sculptee au sommet de la tete du fetiche, puis fait deux fois le tour de la case 
en prononcant des paroles mysterieuses et ordonne au malade d'absorber la mixture. 

Apres ces ceremonies le malade sera retabli. J MAES. 

FIG. 3. 

FIG. 4. 




The Hieroglyph ^ a Jar-Sealing. By Aylward M. Blackman, B.A. 4 A 

Among the rubbish cleared out of the Northern Temple at Haifa, and the IU 

adjacent buildings, during last season's work,* were numerous uninscribed mud- 

sealings. The majority of them were of the same shape as that shown in the 

* Excavations were carried on at Haifa by Dr. Randall-Maclver for Pennsylvania University 
Museum during the season 1909-10. It is by his kind permission that I am at liberty to make 
this communication. * 

[ 19 1 

Nos. 10-11.] MAN. [1911. 

accompanying illustration, and I was much struck immediately I saw them by their 
close resemblance to the Egyptian hieroglyph o t. The modern Egyptian for such a 
sealing is x- <5J-J sidd tina, " a stopper of mud." I would suggest that the alpha- 
betic value t was derived from the old Egyptian word for Nile-mud t> </ *** i 1 , which 
may just as well have been used to describe such a stopper among the ancient 
Egyptians, as tina is among their descendants. 

For the neglect of the / in the derived alphabetic sign cf. A k, GRIFFITH, 
Hieroglyphs, p. 32, Fig. 71; and <rr> r derived from < ~r > r, "mouth." Cf. also 


""^ d ' t, the final t of which is omitted when the sign is used alphabetically d ', 

GRIFFITH, Op. Cit., p. 24, Figs. 16, 173. This same authority, Op. Cit., p. 49, has 
suggested that the sign a represents a lump of clay on the potter's wheel. But I 
think we have good ground for identifying it with the mud-sealing. This kind of jar- 
sealing, the workmen told me, is still used in Egypt. 


Africa, West. Tremearne. 

Hausa Folklore.* By Captain A. J. N. Tremearne, F.R.G.S., Hausa 44 
Lecturer, Cambridge. 

A good many tales are told of witches, herewith a few translations. Two 
variants of No. 1 make Death a witch, and in one a spider is introduced. This 
account seems to indicate a visit to the under-world, but it is put amongst the witch 
stories. All of these were obtained during 1909 at Jemaan Daroro (N. Nigeria). 


This is about a very rich man ; he was the richest in the town. He had a son ; 
the chief of the town also had a son. The chief's son said he wanted the rich 
man's son for his friend. Now as to this friendship which they had, the chief's 
son did not like the rich man's son very much, and he, the rich man's son, did not 
like the chief's son very much. The chief's son was friendly to him on account of 
his father's riches ; he also, the rich man's son, was friendly to him because he was 
the son of the chief of the town. 

Now there was a certain town ; Death lived there with her children and her 
husband. Whoever went to her house did not return. The chief's son said to the 
rich man's son, " Look here, you are very proud because your father is- rich," he 
said, " Now go to the house of Death, eat her food and bring me the remains." 
Then the rich man's son told his father and said, " Listen to what the chief's son 
" said to me when we were at the games, before the women, before the people. He 
" said my father is rich, let me go and eat the food of Death and bring him the 
" remains." Then the father said, " Very well, I will give you twelve slaves to 
" take with you, while she is killing them you can run away and escape." Then 
he (s.) said, " Oh, no ! as for me, let my horse be saddled and let me go." So his 
horse was saddled. 

He went on, and on, and on, and came upon a certain man who was carving 
stools. He said, " Oh ! rich man's son, where are you going ? " He said, " I am 
" going to Death's house." He (m.) said, " Let me give you one chair, it will be 
" useful to you " (lit., it will make to you sun). 

He went on, and on, and on, and came upon a blacksmith. The blacksmith 
said, ' k Oh ! rich man's son, where are you going ? " He said, " I am going to 
" Death's house." He said, " Let me give you this hammer, it will be useful to you." 

* For other tales see the Journals of the Folklore Society (June, 1910) and of Ihe Royal Society of 
Arts (October 1910). 

[ 20 J 

1911.] MAN. [No. 11, 

He went on, and on, and on, and came upon a woman who was collecting fire- 
wood. She said, " Oh ! rich man's son, where are you going ? " He said, " I am 
" going to Death's house." She said, " Let me give you a bundle of Wood, it will 
" be useful to you." So he took it, all of them he put behind him on his horse. 

So he came and met the children of Death ; they were farming, and they said, 
u Oh ! rich man's son, welcome, welcome." So he said, " Where is Death ? " They 
said, " Oh, she is at home." So he came and saluted. When he had saluted, Death 
came out and said, " Ah ! rich man's son, welcome." Then she said to her children, 
"Cook rice* for the rich man's son; prepare a meal for him." They cooked it and 
got his dinner ready. Then she said, " Very well, give him it that he may eat, I 
" am going to the stream to my husband." 

When the children had given the rich man's son food and he had eaten and was 
filled he threw the remains into his haversack, then he spurred his horse and galloped 
off. Then Death came and asked the children where the rich man's son was, and they 
said, " Oh, he has gone." She said, " It is a lie ; does he who comes to my house 
" return ? " So she ran after him ; she ran on and on. When she had come up 
close and was about to seize the horse's tail, he let go the stool and it became a great 
tree and closed the road. Then she returned to her house and took an axe and came 
and chopped. She chopped and chopped ; as she was chopping, the rich man's son 
was getting far away. When she had chopped the tree she threw down the axe and 
ran and followed the rich man's son. When she had come up close and was about to 
seize the horse's tail he let go the hammer and it closed the road. Death said, " Dear 
" me, I must go and get the hoe and dig and loosen it, and throw it away." When 
she had loosened it the rich man's son was a long way ahead, so she ran after him. 
When she was about to seize the horse's tail the rich man's son let go the bundle of 
wood ; it closed the road. Then she said, " Dear me, I must return to where I threw 
" the axe." By the time she had come back and had chopped it the rich man's son had 
reached the gate of his town. When she had chopped it she ran and almost caught 
him. She stopped and said, " Oh, son of the rich man, you are very lucky ; you will 
" not die until God kills you, for you have come to my house and have returned." 

The rich man's son on his return went to the chief's son and said, " Here is the 
" food of Death which I have left for you." Then the chief's son said, " Oh ! that 
" is a lie, you played a trick on her ; if you are truthful come and go to the house of 
" the Rago."f 

Now at the Rago's house, for him who came one day would be killed he who 
had come the day before, as for him he would be killed for the next day's visitor. So 
the rich man's son went and told his father and said, " Listen to what the chief's son 
" said, he said I must go to the house of the Rago." Then the father said, " Very 
" well, I will give you twelve slaves to take with you ; while the Rago is eating them 
" you can run away and escape." Then he said, " Oh, no ! as for me let my horse be 
" saddled and let me go." 

So he came to the Rago's house and saluted. Then the Rago said, " Ah ! rich 
" man's son, welcome." The rich man's son dismounted, and there was killed for him 
the stranger who had come the previous day. When he had been killed and soup had 
been made the rich man's son and his horse were inside the Rago's house. When the 
meal had been prepared and eaten the Rago's wife opened the door at the back of the 
house and he ran off. As for the Rago he was in the porchj and did not know that 
the rich man's son had run away. 

* A special mark of honour, rice not being plentiful. 

f Kago may mean either ram or rogue ; I think the former is intended, but prefer to give the 
Hausa word. 

I The principal and (at night) usually the only entrance. 

[ 21 ] 

No. 11.] MAN. [1911. 

Then another stranger came and saluted. When he had saluted he (R.) said, 
" Welcome, welcome." When he had welcomed him he entered the house and said, 
" Where is the rich man's son ? " He wanted to kill him for the stranger. Then the 
wives said, " Oh, dear ! as for us we have not seen the rich man's son, he has run away." 
Then he said, " It's a lie, I shall follow him." Then he followed him crying, " Oh ! 
" rich man's son, stop ! " Then he (r. m. s.) said, " Oh, no ! I shall not stop ; will you 
" not run and catch me if you can ? " Then he followed him, and ran on, and on, and 
on ; but the rich man's son escaped. When he had escaped and had reached the door 
of his house the Rago said, " Oh ! rich man's son, you are indeed lucky, you will not die 
" until God kills you." 

When he had returned he went to the chief's son and said, " I have been to the 
" house of the Rago." Then the chief's son said, " It is a lie, to-morrow you mount 
" your favourite horse, I also shall mount my favourite horse, and let us gallop 
" before the door of the council chamber, my father's door." When morning broke 
the rich man's son said to his father : " Listen to what the chief's son said ; he 
" said that I must mount my favourite horse, and he would mount his favourite 
" horse, and we are to gallop before the door of the council chamber, his father's 
" door." So the chief's son rode a horse worth ten slaves, the rich man's son rode 
one worth twenty. When they had come to the open space at the door of the 
council chamber the chief's son said, " Oh ! rich man's son, you gallop first " ; the 
rich man's son said, " No, no, you must go first, this is your father's door." When 
he had galloped he brought his horse back and said, " Very well, I have, now you 
go." He (r. m. s.) said very well, he would. As he was returning to where the 
chief's son was, the rich man's son's horse neighed. When it had neighed the 
chief's son and his horse were missing, the neighing had carried them off, there was 
no one who knew where they had gone, he and his horse. 

Then the rich man's son went to his father and said, " See, I galloped with (against) 
" the chief's son, but he is missing, I have not seen him since." So the chief 
mourned the loss of his son. 


This is about a certain boy who started off on a journey. When he started he 
said he was going to see where the end of the world was. So it came to pass that 
he went off on his horse, a big one, with a fowl in his haversack. When he had 
gone, as he was travelling he tied razors to the horse to the number of about twenty. 
He went on, and on, and on, until he came to the house of a witch in the depths of 
the forest. As for the house it was a big house, with a wall and porches, about 
twenty. He went and came upon the witch ; she had made a kind of broth. All 
over her body were mouths. So he watched her from a distance ; he was upon his 
horse. One mouth said, "Me you have given me (food), me you have not given 
" me (food)." Another mouth said, " Me you have given (food), me you have not 
" given me (food)." Then the boy entered the porch. When he had come close to 
the porch where she was he said, "Peace be upon you." Then immediately she 
rubbed her mouths with her hand and there was but one. Then she said, " On you 
" be peace." Then she said, " Stranger, enter." She said, " Did you see ? " He said, 
" No, I did not see you." She said, " Speak the truth." He said, " As God is my 
" witness, I have not seen you except for this glimpse since we have been talking."* 
Then she said, " Very well, here is a good hut, come in." So he went in and took 
off the saddle from the horse and hobbled him. 

It came to pass that he lay down and rested ; night was not yet come ; the 

* The witch is often described as having mouths all over her body, and she does not like being 
seen nor made fun of. See Story. 

[ 22 ] 

1911.] MAN. [Nos. 11-12. 

witch prepared food for him, and he ate. Then he said, " So far, so good." It came 
to pass that at night he plucked his fowl and roasted it, then he ate and was filled. 
And the woman prepared food, and brought it to the boy. Then the boy said, 
" Good, thanks be to God," then he took it and put it aside, he refused to eat it. 
Then he dug a hole in the hut, and when he had dug the hole he threw in the 
food and covered it up. And when he had thrown it in he took the calabash to her. 
Now, when he took the calabash to her night had come. 

In the night the witch sharpened the knife to come and kill the boy. And it 
came to pass that when she came the horse neighed he knew she was a witch, he, 
the horse. So the witch went back, and when she had gone back she lay down and 
sleep overcame her. When sleep had overcome her the boy arose, and put on the 
saddle, and escaped from the house. But he left his turban in the hut so that she 
might not find out that he had run away. So the boy mounted, and was galloping 
when the woman awoke. When she had awakened she looked in the hut, and saw 
nothing but the turban. Then she took the turban and ran off. She was calling 
out, " You have left your turban " ; he was saying, " I left it as a present for you." 
She was calling, " I see a youth who is afraid." When she had come up close she 
caught hold of the horse's tail, but the razors cut her hands. And it came to pass 
when they cut her she stopped, and began licking the blood. Then the boy got 
far off until he reached the bank of the river, then she went and made a river in front 
of him. Then the boy came and looked at the river, it was wide ; but the horse 
jumped and alighted on the opposite bank. 

So it came to pass that the witch let the boy go. She returned to her house. 
When she had returned to her house the boy said, " Certainly God is very fond 
of me." A. J. N. TREMEARNE. 

Darwinism. Poulton. 

Charles Darwin and the " Origin of Species." By Edward Bagnall Poulton. 4Q 
London : Longmans, Green & Co., 1909. Pp. xv + 302, including index. 
Price 7s. 6d. net. 

.These addresses were delivered by Professor Poulton at Baltimore, Oxford, and 
Cambridge. To them are added an expansion of the author's essay on " The Value of 
" Colour in the Struggle for Life," published in Darwin and Modern Science, and the 
letters written by Darwin to Mr. Trimen, which were unavailable for The Life and 

The book is concerned primarily with " Darwinism and Darwin himself." In his 
review of " Fifty Years of Darwinism " Professor Poulton gives a highly interesting and 
sociologically valuable account of the effect produced by The Origin of Species on the 
minds of men. Towards the end it naturally touches upon the modern variations of the 
great theory, and here the author is not concerned to hide his own preferences. The 
reference to controversial topics is not out of place ; it assists towards a complete view 
of the dynamic relations of the theory to modern thought generally. " The Personality 
" of Charles Darwin " is a beautiful biographical and psychological study. " The world 
" knows nothing of its greatest men," and vulgar ignorance on the subject of a 
character, which was extraordinarily expressive of sweetness and light, has here a 
proof of its own blindness and incapacity. For instance, the vulgar misconception 
about Darwin's famous remark as to his appreciation of poetry is finally shown up. 
As we saw from The Life and Letters, Darwin is once more revealed as the most 
charming of letter writers. 

The author's special subjects of protective coloration and mimicry are treated with 

[ 23 ] 

Nos, 12-13.] MAN. [1911. 

some fulness. Controversial topics are discussed in appendices ; for instance, the 
transmissibility or non-transmissibility of " fluctuations " receives a very careful study 
from the point of view of verbal misunderstanding. What exactly does De Vries 
mean, and what exactly are " fluctuations," " mutations," " variations," " summation of 
fluctuations," and the like ? Impetuous disciples of the new theories may be heartily 
recommended to these appendices. 

Curiously enough the 120 pages devoted to the author's special subjects spoil the 
harmony of the book. As useful illustrations of the permanent applicability of Darwin's 
views they are not remarkable. Their own value is remarkable enough, but their place 
might well have been taken by a fuller discussion of the points of contact between 
Darwinism old and new, which are so interestingly referred to in the appendices. 

A. E. C. 

Ethnography : General. 

British Museum Handbook to the Ethnographical Collections. With 15 4O 
plates, 275 illustrations, and 3 maps. 1910. Price 2s. *U 

Mr. T. A. Joyce, with the collaboration of Mr. 0. M. Dalton and under the 
direction of Dr. C. H. Read, has written what is modestly termed a Handbook to 
the Ethnographical Collections of the British Museum; but fortunately it is far 
more than this, as it is virtually a text-book of general ethnology, in which the 
arts and crafts of the peoples dealt with rightly receive preponderating attention. 
A mere guide to the collections would certainly be useful, but Mr. Joyce was well 
advised not to confine himself to that somewhat insipid type of publication, and by 
taking a larger view he has greatly extended its usefulness. A guide has com- 
paratively little value beyond its museum, and must restrict itself to the objects in 
the museum at that particular time ; but a well-devised handbook is of value to 
students everywhere, and it can be so written as to refer to specimens which, while 
not actually in the collections, may be acquired in the near future. At the same 
time, the exigencies of space and the absence or paucity of specimens from a par- 
ticular district must affect a book of this kind and lead to a lack of ideal balance. 

The introduction presents us with a concise account in forty-four pages of the 
general principles of ethnology, beginning with a history of discovery and ending 
with sketches of man in relation to the material world, to his fellows, and to the 
supernatural. Of the ethnographical sections which follow, the most thorough are 
those dealing with Oceania and Africa ; indeed, the latter is a marvel of compres- 
sion, and it is obvious that it is merely a partial " creaming " of a large store of 
collected data. Perhaps some day Mr. Joyce will give us a book on Africa, for 
which he must possess abundant material. The book is written with sane judgment 
and there is an absence of " faddy " theories, as is befitting the august establish- 
ment whence it arises. Mr. Joyce evidently leans to the view advocated by some 
French authorities that the negroid element in Madagascar is mainly of Oceanic 
rather than of African origin. He also suggests that the Melanesians were differen- 
tiated in an area that embraced East Australia, Tasmania, and New Caledonia ; 
these lands may have once been connected, but as New Caledonia is separated from 
the others by a sea more than a thousand fathoms deep, it is questionable whether 
this land connection was available in human times. 

A critic is supposed to look out for errors, but the book is remarkably free 
from mistakes of any kind, which is a very great achievement when one considers 
the vast number of facts, names, and objects referred to ; but, in order to show 
that the present writer is not unmindful of this function, one misprint may be 
noted on p. 118 " Bismark Archipelago." Also a zoologist or botanist does not 
like to see generic scientific names spelt without an initial capital letter, e.g., morus 

[ 24 ] 

1911,] MAN. [Nos. 13-15. 

papyri/era, but in the sections on America this blemish is rectified. With this 
petty grumble we can return once more to an unstinted praise of this invaluable 
book, the price of which is remarkably low, especially when we consider the great 
number of first-class illustrations. A. C. HADDOX. 

Persia. Sykes. 

The Glory of the Shia World. By Major F. M. Sykes, C.M.G., assisted 4 1 
by Khan Bahadur Ahmad Din Khan. Macmillan & Co., 1910. Pp. xiv + 279. IT 

Major F. M. Sykes has been inspired with the happy idea of casting his 
illuminating observations on Persian life and character into the form of a narrative, 
which he attributes to a grandson of Mirza Abdul Hasan Khan, the original of 
Mirza Firouz of Morier's Hajji Baba, who was the first Persian Ambassador to 
England, thereby affiliating his story to Morier's celebrated picaresque tale. His 
hero, indeed, does not bear much resemblance to the genial scoundrel whose adventures 
are so humorously told by Morier. He moves in a higher sphere and is not reduced 
to the same shifts as Hajji Baba, that worthy successor of Lazarillo de Tormes and 
Gil Bias. Nevertheless, his narrative is by no means devoid of humour, especially 
that part which relates to the miserly Mahmud Khan and the pilgrimage to 

It is this pilgrimage to Meshhed and the description of the celebrated shrine of 
the Imam Riza, " the Glory of the Shia World," which form the most important 
feature in the book. Other chapters deal in considerable detail with birth and 
marriage customs, official life, war against the wild tribes of Persian Baluchistan, 
and descriptions of Karman and Yezd, but the account of the shrine from the 
pilgrim's point of view is peculiarly interesting, and contains much information drawn 
from sources to which no one but Major Sykes has hitherto had access. The interior 
of the shrine cannot be visited by Europeans, but some very good illustrations drawn 
from photographs and Persian drawings give an excellent idea of its appearance, and 
a complete plan of the shrine and all its surrounding courts and buildings is given 
at page 101. Several of the other illustrations of places and groups are also 
interesting, and the same may be said of the reproductions of Persian drawings, 
some in colour. 

A good deal of popular belief and folklore is interspersed in the narrative. One 
notion, that a house must not be finished for fear its owner will die (page 261), I have 
met with myself as far away from Persia as Portugal, where a magnificent palace 
in the Manueline style is being built at Cintra by a rich person who is unwilling 
to let it be finished for the same cause. Possibly the Moors, who once possessed 
Lisbon, have been the means of transmitting this idea. 

Altogether this is a delightful as well as an important book, and is produced in 
an attractive form. M. LONGWORTH DAMES. 

Australia. Wheeler. 

The Tribal and Intertribal Relations in Australia. By G. C. Wheeler, 1C 
B.A., with a prefatory note by Professor E. A. Westermarck, Ph.D. London: lu 
John Murray, 1910. Pp. xii + 168. 

Mr. Wheeler's monograph is not only restricted to a single ethnic area, and to 
a definite subject, but its scope is also strictly limited. He gives us merely a 
description of the intertribal relations in Australia, without entering into any ques- 
tions of origins, development, or any prehistory at all. He has not even the oppor- 
tunity of formulating any more general sociological laws, owing to the limitation of 
the material with which he is dealing. If we were justified in drawing a strong line 
between ethnography, as a merely collecting, descriptive and classificatory science, and 

[ 25 ] 

No, 15,] MAN. [1911. 

ethnology, whose aim would be construction of laws and explanation of phenomena, 
we should assign to the present book a place in the former category. And, un- 
doubtedly, in our present state of science, we want, perhaps most urgently, good, 
really scientific, ethnographic monographs; and such is Mr. Wheeler's work. But 
perhaps a sharp distinction between ethnography and ethnology is not quite legiti- 
mate. There is no real scientific description of social phenomena without the use 
of strict notions, such as may be obtained by ethnological or sociological induction 
and generalisation only. Even if we want to describe facts of the most concrete 
character and belonging to quite a circumscribed ethnic area, we must not only over- 
come the difficulties of dealing with and reconciling all our sources, but we must 
also shape all this crude material according to quite general, abstract, scientific points 
of view. These points of view were neither understood nor, still less, of course, 
taken into account by most of our observers. 

To perform this task one must not only have a great knowledge of, and command 
over, the first-hand evidence, but also the theoretical training requisite for the appli- 
cation of general ideas to special cases. By such an application we secure on the one 
hand, a strict and scientific description of our facts ; on the other hand, we put our 
general ideas to a test of validity. In the exact natural sciences a general mathe- 
matical theory of a group of phenomena is nearly worthless, so long as it is not 
adapted to a series of special individual cases, in which the results of calculation 
may be tested by experiment. Although the social phenomena do not allow of a 
strict treatment, nevertheless, on broader lines, the same method should be applied 
here also. Such general, abstract theories and ideas should be applied to different 
types of societies ; in this way we learn, understand better, classify, and describe 
the facts reported of these societies, and at the same time our general ideas are also 
enriched and enlarged thereby. So in the present book, for instance, the author 
proposes to apply our ideas and theories of international relations and laws to the 
Australian society, asking what forms and features do these relations assume there. 
For this purpose a mere collection and classification of statements were not sufficient. 
The author required to have at his disposal all the theoretical notions of inter- 
national law and relations ; and with this apparatus he had to operate upon the 
Australian facts, examining them for equivalents or germs of the higher developed 
forms. He had, in the first place, to settle on social units, amongst which there exist 
some external, international, or better, inter-tribal relations ; he had to find and 
describe all the features of these relations ; he had, in short, to apply all the ideas 
belonging to this category to the raw material. Command over this material was, 
of course, his first task. And here the difficulties were serious enough. Everyone 
who is acquainted with the available ethnographic information in general, and that 
of Australia in particular, knows well how ambiguous, contradictory, and confused 
it is on nearly every point. The best authorities contradict themselves in plain terms, 
especially when engaged in polemics, which unhappily sometimes occurs. 

There is much to be done by a criticism of the value of each statement, and this 
the general rules of historical criticism may be applied. 

All statements so corrected, if necessary, should be then placed in juxta- 
position, and a certain average should be taken. Of course, in both these proceedings 
the author should adopt a definite method and systematically follow it. And here 
is our chief reproach against Mr. Wheeler. He has not got any definite way of 
dealing with the evidence, or at least he has not made us acquainted with it. And 
yet a clear method, conscious of its aims, is absolutely necessary. The more 
statements we gather on a certain point, the more contradictions we find and the 
more puzzled we are. To get out of this difficulty with the certainty that we have 
proved neither more nor less than our material can yield, we must adopt the best 

[ 26 1 

1911.] MAN. [No. 15. 

way, and we must prove that this way is the best. Methodical criticism of each 
statement and systematic computation of the results are, of course, the right way, 
provided our systems in criticism as well as in computation are really the best. But 
to help each reader to judge whether he agrees with the author's methods or not, 
it is necessary to state his methods explicitly. 

There is no necessity for each separate ethnologist to construct his own 
systems. The main lines of a good criticism of sources are given in the well-known 
handbook of Langlois and Seignobois. These authors also give methods of dealing 
with several corrected controversial statements. Very useful hints for this purpose 
are also contributed by Steinmetz. 

It is undoubtedly the lack of a consistent and well-digested method that lowers 
the level of all ethnological investigations. (Compare the interesting and suggestive 
remarks of S. R. Steinmetz in the introduction to his Studien zum ersten Entwickelung 
d. Strafe, also in his article in Annee sociologique, Tome III, and Zeitschrift f. 
Sozialwissenschaft, Band II.) 

That there is method in Mr. Wheeler's work is beyond doubt ; that he does 
not give us (and probably himself, too) any explicit account of it, is regrettable. 
The real importance of his book, besides its intrinsic value as a useful research, is 
that it is new in many respects. It is the first monograph on inter-tribal relations 
(as is pointed out by Professor Westermarck in his prefatory note). It discusses or 
touches on many sides in Australian sociology not yet treated. It is also new in its 
really scientific limitation and soberness. And so, being intended exclusively for 
scientific use, and written really in all other respects according to this standard, we 
may exact that the methodical side should be treated as carefully as its primordial 
importance imperatively demands. 

The author quotes his statements in many places verbally, always very clearly 
and at length, which is very useful. He adopted a certain geographic order which 
facilitates the survey. His bibliography, although not pedantically extensive, un- 
doubtedly exhausts all that is really reliable in Australian survey. Some of the 
authors (like J. Eraser, Brough Smyth, &c.) could be omitted as being not observers, 
but second-hand compilers. 

Let us now survey some of the most interesting of the author's results. The 
first problem that presents itself on the perusal of inter-tribal relations viz., the 
determination of the tribal units, leads the author to a discussion of the territorial 
organisation of the Australian tribes (pp. 15-69). Undoubtedly this point is of the 
highest importance, not only in the present instance, but for the whole of Australian 
sociology. The local, territorial distribution of the natives ; the connotation of the 
group living together, being in actual daily contact ; the boundaries of a tract of 
country over which a group roams : all these questions are involved and form together 
the problem of tribal constitution. 

It is obvious that all forms and features of such life family as well as class, 
clan, government, &c. depend on the general picture we form of the actual daily life. 
We are not quite clear even if the natives live in "single families," in "tribes," 
or " hordes," if the mode of living is uniform throughout the continent, &c., &c. 

The great importance of all these questions is obvious. Mr. Wheeler is, however 
(as far as I know), the first writer (excluding the Australian firsthand ethnographers) 
who has given a large contribution to this problem on the whole Australian continent 
and using a sufficiently extensive information. The chief result of his investigations 
here is the conclusion that the most important unit for inter-tribal relations is not 
the tribe, but the smaller local groups, several of which groups make up a tribe (p. 55). 
These local groups are the real owners of land, which is sometimes further sub- 
divided (pp. 35-46) ; they are autonomous, the rudiments of government being localised 

[ 27 ] 

Nos. 15-16.] MAN; [1911, 

in them (pp. 46-52). Several of them constitute a tribe, which is characterised by 
common speech, name, customs, a certain suzerainty over the territory (pp. 23-35, 

After having fixed the forms of local organisation, the author proceeds to give 
their working. The autonomous units local groups and their aggregate the tribes, 
have certain forms of friendly intercourse. 

The general conditions of tribal intercourse, its rules and features, are described 
(pp. 70-81) ; a prevalent form of actual meeting is the corroboree. At the initiation 
gatherings there is another occasion for contact of different local groups and tribes 
(pp. 81-83) ; inter-marriage (pp. 83-93) and barter (pp. 93-97) were two of the chief 
sources of frequent contact. 

As further features of the inter-tribal relations are discussed the sacrosanctity 
and frequent use of heralds and messengers (pp. 109-115) and all the questions 
belonging to justice (pp. 116-159). As the government was localised in single local 
groups, all internal justice was performed in the local group and was administered by 
the elders of the group who constituted its government (pp. 120-128). The descrip- 
tion of justice between different local groups and of the settlement of inter-tribal 
differences and quarrels, including war, occupies the remaining pages of the book 
(pp. 128-159). Mr. Wheeler's general conclusion that war is not the normal condition 
of the Australian black, and that, in fact, it- does not exist in the form of an open 
unregulated battle, interesting as it is, and important, will excite no surprise in anyone 
acquainted with Australian evidence. We know only two forms of bloodshed ; either 
a regulated combat between two individuals OF two quarrelling groups a combat in 
which there is seldom a grave injury (p. 150),' or an attack on an unprepared enemy 
probably as an act of revenge (p. 151). We read of such an attack, for instance, 
made by the Kurnai on the Brajerak (Hewitt's Kamilaroi and Kurnai, p. 212). There 
was no such thing as territorial conquest, as tribal land ownership was respected 
(p. 151). Mr. Wheeler gives a careful review of statements, referring to regulated 
inter-tribal justice (pp. 129, 137). 

The information contained in Mr. Wheeler's book is of great interest to all 
students of Australian sociology. As remarked above, the territorial distribution, 
the local grouping, which is the clue to all regular daily contact, is of greatest 
importance in creating all the social bonds. Especially amongst savages, every 
stranger is an enemy, and only those who are in continuous, e very-day contact may 
be friends or kinsmen. The signification and functions of the local group, duly 
appreciated and described by Mr. Wheeler, should be taken into account in all 
sociological discussions referring to Australian aboriginal society. On the other hand, 
all the features of the inter-tribal life, so thoroughly collected by Mr. Wheeler, 
influence the whole social life of our natives. 

The publication of this book is another example of the liberality with which 
Mr. Martin White is supporting sociological research in the University of London. 

B. M. 

Darwinism. Novicow. 

La Critique du Darwinisme Social. Par J. Novicow. Paris : F. Alcan, 1910. 4G 
Pp. 406. Index. I 

Like all M. Novicow's books, this volume is stimulating and interesting. It is a 
fine piece of special pleading by a typically clear French intellect. His thesis is a 
continuation of former theses the defects of Darwinian sociology. This is defective 
from its main principle " collective homicide is the cause of human progress." 

In harmony with modern research he emphasizes the all-important influence of 
protection and environment. Humorous and vivid examples are given to reduce to 

[ 28 ] 

1911.] MAN. [Nos. 16-17. 

absurdity the elevation of Natural Selection into a fetish. " To apply to the psycho- 
" logical domain, and then to the social, principles solely applicable to the zoological 
" domain is contrary to good sense, and to the observation of the most elementary 
" facts." " The more association the more progress " is his counter-theory. War, said 
H. Spencer, has made civilisation. War, says our author, is a division, not merely a 
subtraction, of vital power. 

The book is a powerful and convincing refutation of the old sociology, and Eng- 
lish and American sociologists cannot ignore it. A. E. C. 

Sociology. Van Gennep. 

Les Rites de Passage. Par A. Van Gennep. Paris : Nourry, 1909. 4^ 
Pp. ii-f 28. 23 X 14 cm. Price 5 francs. If 

Anthropology owes much to the analytical skill and lucidity of French anthro- 
pologists, and readers of L'Annee sociologigue need not be reminded of the admirable 
essay by MM. Hubert and Mauss in Vol. II on Sacrifice, reprinted with other essays 
in Melanges a" 'ffistoire des Religions. In that essay they showed that sacrifice 
conformed generally to a typical form possessing three distinct phases. In the first 
phase the sacrificer, the person who received the benefits or experiences the results of 
the rite, effects an entry into le monde sacre and is thereby removed from le monde 
profane, a proceeding necessarily fraught with danger because light, incautious dealings 
with the supernatural are always hazardous. The next phase is that in which the 
sacrificer is in the most intimate contact with le monde sacre is, in fact, part of it, 
and is able to effect the purpose of the rite. The intention of the last phase is to 
desacralise him, to bring him back safely to le monde profane, in such a way as to 
render him free to enter on his normal life once more by divesting him of all vestiges 
of the superior sanctity with which he had been in contact, and to make it safe for 
him to consort with his fellows as of yore. 

In the work under notice M. Van Gennep shows how, in addition to their specific 
purpose, birth, marriage, and initiation rites (which I have cited merely as examples) 
are intended to effect a similar transition from one stage in social life to another, and 
are therefore rites de passage. He succeeds in showing that in general they 
exhibit the threefold structure of rites de separation, rites de marge, and rites 
d'agregation. Sometimes one phase is more important than the other two. Some- 
times in one and the same stage of the same rite, now one now another purpose 
is dominant, as in the case of funeral rites where the rites of separation are found to be 
often dualised by reason of the fact that what severs the living from the dead does not 
absolutely get rid of the dead and secure the safety of the living. 

Much of the argument rests upon the distinction drawn between le monde sacre 
and le monde profane. Both are relative terms. To a member of one social stage or 
group other stages or groups in society are part of le monde sacre, relations with which 
are potentially dangerous. Hence, our author analyses social structure, and starts with 
the lines of social cleavage, by sex, by age, and by religious and economic divisions. 
Thus, perhaps, the most important social division is that by sex. It is permanent. 
As soon as a woman is declared to be adult, socially as well as physically mature, 
a distinction which masks a real difference, not only are there initiation rites to 
mark her severance from le monde asexue, and her entry into the world of womanhood, 
but there are outward and visible tokens of the change of status. There are changes 
in dress, in ornaments, and in coiffure. No doubt sweet seventeen has to put up 
with mild family chaff when she puts her hair up for the first time, but she is 
conforming to a social law of immemorial age. What is the nature of the danger 
which in savage thought attends these changes ? Is there fear of an offended spirit 

[ 29 ] 

Nos. 17-19,] MAN. [1911. 

which visits the temerity of the trespasser with sudden punishment, unless the trespass 
be made in accordance with the forms of law ? Is it dread of the vague unknown 
which we know to be fraught with terrors of all sorts ? Should we be right in 
including many of the cases of rites de passage in a general category of rites de 
premiere fois, a topic to which some very pertinent and interesting pages are devoted ? 
The tendency to excessive unification must be resisted, as the causes which produce 
social phenomena are many and various, even in the societies which seem the simplest. 
M. Van Gennep takes us from the cradle to the grave, through all the stages and 
grades of life, through all the seasons of the year, and has succeeded in writing a 
very interesting book, which is a substantial and valuable contribution to anthropo- 
logical literature, and by its sustained and close argument merits thought and attention 
from the beginning to the last word of the last chapter. T. C. HODSON. 

African Folklore. Dayrell. 

Folk Stories from Southern Nigeria, West Africa. By Elphinstone 4Q 
Dayrell, F.R.G.S., F. R.A.I., District Commissioner, Southern Nigeria, with an 10 
Introduction by Andrew Lang. (Longmans, Green & Co.) 

This is an excellent collection of forty stories and legends gathered from the 
natives of Southern Nigeria. Told in simple language and with praiseworthy brevity, 
they are interesting as showing the mythical origin of some of the ceremonies 
and customs which form such prominent features of African tribal life. In the 
introduction Mr. Andrew Lang deals with the various tales in a running commentary, 
and compares several of them with their European, Asiatic, or Australasian counterparts. 
As he remarks, " The stories are full of mentions of strange institutions, as well as 
" of rare adventures." In these tales the tortoise plays the part of the wise and 
cunning personage, much in the same manner as Reynard the Fox, as Ananzi the 
West Indian Spider, as Brer Rabbit, and other Solons amongst animals. Many 
of the stories, as in most folklore fables, treat of the dealings of birds, beasts, 
and reptiles with each other. Some, however, refer to the legendary origin of 
natural phenomena as, " Why the Sun and Moon live in the Sky," " The story of 
" Thunder and Lightning," " Why the Moon waxes and wanes," " The reason that 
" Fish live in the Water." The first named is certainly an entirely original myth. 
Others, again, explain the reason why the dead are buried, why a cat kills rats, and 
why the bat flies by night. Of this last, two versions are given neither in accordance 
with the traditional ^Esopian version of our childhood. The dreaded secret African 
societies, the Egbo or JuJu wizard-priests of Nigeria, the " spirit " men who 
materialise in order to gratify their cannibalistic tastes, are duly .brought into the 
tales, which all have a moral tendency, the guilty personages being, punished with 
cruel devices characteristic of the African at home. The book will entertain the 
general reader, and is not unworthy of the attention of those interested in 
anthropology. T. H. J. 

Religion. Edmondston-Scott. 

Elements of Negro Religion. By W. J. Edmondston-Scott. Edinburgh : IQ 
Edmondston-Scott & Co., 1910. Pp. xvi + 244. 

The author claims to sum up in this volume the elements of negro religion as it 
was and as it is (p. 233). He announces in his introduction (p. x) that he describes 
only those modern religious beliefs of which the history can be traced back to about 
4000 B.C., thus enabling the reader, from evidence laid before him, to judge for him- 
self the state of negro religion as it was shortly after the flood. He warns the 
reader that it must be read with the scientific vision, for, although the work professes 
to be of a simple and unassuming nature, it claims to be a scientific study on scien- 

[ 30 ] 

1911.] MAN. [Nos. 19-20. 

tific lines. It is to be, in one word, the foundation of the study of Indo-Bantu 
comparative religion. Mr. Edmondstoti- Scott admits that he has ignored the existence 
of many scientists of our day, and, furthermore, declares that he utterly disbelieves 
the statements of the so-called conscientious traveller. Thus, unhampered by facts, 
he sallies forth to do battle with agnostics, evolutionists, and other infidels. 

After having been informed that religion is not subject to evolution (p. xi), we 
learn that, scientifically speaking, the Kol, Basques, and Bantu belong to one family, 
the direct descendants of the ancient Indo-Bantu race of Bengal. The regeneration 
of Africa, therefore, is a task devolving on the Bantu,, he being of the same blood 
as the Greek, Roman, Celt, and Teuton. This assumption is based on Mr. Edmondston- 
Scott's statement that the Bantu language is the parent of many European tongues. 

The only commendable part of this book is the careful separation of religious beliefs 
from the beliefs in spirits and ghosts ; but this has been done much more successfully 
and on a serious and scientific basis by Mr. R. E. Dennett in his book, At the Back of 
the Black Man's Mind. But why does Mr. Edmondston-Scott express himself like 
this : u There are no negro tribes to be found anywhere so debased and ignorant as 
" to disbelieve in the existence of spirits " ? Surely some people do exist who are 
not debased and yet who do not believe in them. 

It is impossible to point out even a small part of the erroneous assumptions to 
be found in this book, e.g., " The moon is less beloved of the negro than star or sun 
" or sea" (p. 13). "The Bantu of to-day always very carefully double up a dying 
" man into the crouching position " (p. 77). " ^sop, this Bantu negro " (p. 22). With 
a little care the author could have avoided contradicting himself as he does, when he 
states (p. 10), that the wanderers from Europe, after abusing Africa's welcome 
hospitality, deny the negro's knowledge of God and then include the native names for 
" God " in the vocabularies they compile ; and when he says further on (p. 56) that 
the Jehovah of the negroes is nameless. 

Mr. Edmondston-Scott assumes that Adam and Eve were negroes, and gives his 
reasons as follows on p. 30: "The older legends circle round the person of Pilcliu 
Hadam .... "his sister was Malin .... but after she bore him children 

" he changed her name to Eva, or Eve Bantu legend upholds, therefore, 

" the biblical tradition (?) that two antediluvian persons, named Hadam and Eve 
" ' man ' and ' mother,' were negroes." 

The book is all on this line. Mr. Edmondston-Scott says (p. II): " The negro 
" . . . . regards himself as all-knowing, and certainly is an authority on whatever 
" he knows nothing about." Well, well, we dare not suggest what an intelligent 
negro might say about Mr. Edmondston-Scott if he read his book. E. TORDAY. 

Prehistory. Churchward: Hirmenech. 

The Signs and Symbols of Primordial Man, being an Explanation of the All 
Evolution of Religious Doctrines from the Eschatology of the Ancient fcU 
Egyptians. By Albert Churchward, M.D., P.M., P.Z., 30, &c. London : Sonnen- 
schein, 1910. Pp. xxiv + 449. 185 illustrations. 25 X 16 cm. Price 25*. net. 

Le Dolmen Royal de Gavr Inis pres d'Auray (Morbihan). Origine et ffistoire, 
Interpretation des Signes Hieroglyphiques Sculptes a Vlnterieur du Monument. By 
H. P. Hirmenech. Le Mans : Imprimerie Monnoyer, 1908. 8vo. 58 pp. text, 4 pp. 

All the authorities have gone more or less astray for want of the master key to 
the past, discovered by Dr. Churchward, namely, that all the human races, palaeolithic, 
neolithic, Australian, Ainu, American, Israelitish, Druidic, and others, and all their 
ideas originated on the banks of the Nile, and went thence by successive " exodes " 

[ 31 ] 

Nos. 20-21.] MAN. [1911. 

at various times during the last 50,000 years. But why Egypt ? Why not Atlantis, 
which, being beyond our reach at the bottom of the sea, is so much safer to speculate 
upon, and would, moreover, fit better with some of the other notions adopted by 
Dr. Churchward ? The Great Pyramid, its coffer, its cubit, and its inch ; the coupling 
together of Moses and the Druids as derived from Egypt (perilously near the Anglo- 
Israelite " Identification "), are all in his book. One thing which would consort well 
with his views is not in it, however, namely, the demonstration by M. Hirmenech that 
Osiris =Thoth was to have been buried in the chamber of Gavr Inis if he had not been 
eaten instead, and that the mysterious figures on its walls contain the history of his 
death and of the Deluge ; but perhaps Dr. Churchward is not yet acquainted with 
the works of M. Hirmenech. Still his book contains the results of very much 
reading, and may at least serve one useful purpose, that of showing that Free- 
masonry, though it may make use of old signs and symbols, the original meaning of 
which has been forgotten, does not retain the intelligent guardianship of any secret 
of antiquity. If it did it would have been unnecessary for Dr. Churchward to have 
written 450 pages and more to prove the fact to his brethren. That some venerable 
ideas from Central Africa and the palseolithic period may have filtered through ancient 
Egypt into modern " Christian Europe," as Dr. Churchward suggests, is likely enough ; 
but that, if proved, would not pave the way for accepting his views about the 
Australians, Americans, and Ainus. A. L. LEWIS. 

Folklore. Van Gennep. 

La Formation des Legendes. Par A. Van Gennep. Paris : Ernest Flammarion, OJ 
1910. Pp. 326. Price 3 fr. 50 c. L\ 

M. Van Gennep offers us in this book the answers to five questions. First, What 
do we mean by the terms fable, tale (conte), legend, and myth, and what are the 
relations between these various forms of popular narrative ? Second, What is the 
place of legends in the general life of the community, and in what way are they 
linked with other forms of social activity ? Third, What is their value as documents 
for the purposes of ethnography, of geography, of history, and of psychology ? Fourth, 
What are the laws of the production, of the formation, the transmission, and modifica- 
tion of legends ? And fifth, What is the relative importance in literary production 
in general of the individual element as compared with the collective element ? To 
do justice to so comprehensive a theme, or rather to a succession of comprehensive 
themes, in a book of some 310 pages demands a power of compression, of terse state- 
ment, and succinct argument, qualifications which our author, being a Frenchman, 
possesses in a happy degree. There is here no room for purple patches, for tropical 
forests as seen from a professorial library or for gorgeous sunsets. A work like 
this has, of course, the defects of its qualities. There is, and can be, little or no 
documentation. There is plenty of evidence that our author is not a mere a priorist. 
We who are acquainted with M. Van Gennep's other works can testify to his reading 
and knowledge. We know him to be an accurate and thorough student of savage 
custom and lore, as well as an ingenious and acute psychologist. It would not be 
fair to pretend in a brief review to do more than draw the attention of workers 
in the field of anthropology to this book. We are likely to be busy for a long time 
to come with the problem of the part played by individual ability and genius in 
the development of society and of its many activities, especially in its earlier stages. 
The sanity and moderation of this book, together with its comprehensiveness, make 
it very useful to all who are interested in the study of legend and myth. Even those 
who do not accept his conclusions will respect the merits of style and conciseness 
which adorn M. Van Geunep's study of folklore. T. C. HOD SON. 

Printed by EYEE AND SPOTTISWOODE. LTD., His Majesty's Printers, Bast Harding Street, B.C. 


MAN, 191 1. 


1911.] MAN. [No. 22. 


Obituary : Galton. With Plate C. Gray. 

Sir Francis Galton, M.A., D.C.L., F.R.S. Born, February 16, 1822; A A 

died, January 17, 1911. By John Gray, B.Sc. H 

By the death of Sir Francis Galton, British science has lost one of its most 
original and creative thinkers, and the loss is especially great to anthropology, which 
he may be said to have elevated, for the first time, to the rank of an exact science. 

Galton had the advantage of belonging to a stock of great intellectual distinction ; 
his grandfather on the mother's side being the celebrated Erasmus Darwin, and his 
cousin the still mere distinguished Charles Darwin. On the father's side he was come 
of a good Quaker stock, some members of which, as for example the famous Captain 
Barclay of Ury, were of exceptionally fine physique. No one appreciated better than 
Galton himself the benefits he derived from natural inheritance, the laws and 
importance of which he has done so much to elucidate. 

Galton's early studies were devoted to medicine and later to mathematics, he 
having entered Birmingham Hospital as a medical student in 1838, and Trinity College, 
Cambridge, in 1840. The study of these more or less exact sciences, must have 
exercised a great influence in impelling him to work out exact methods in that study 
of the mental and physical characters of man, which occupied almost exclusively the 
last forty years of his life. 

In 1850 he organised an expedition to explore Damaraland. the scientific results 
of which were so valuable, that in 1853 the Royal Geographical Society awarded him 
one of its annual gold medals. Owing to this and subsequent work in connection 
therewith he was in 1856 elected a Fellow of the Royal Society. 

Early in the 'sixties he began his studies in heredity, and in 1865 an article on 
*' Hereditary Talent and Character" Avas published in Macmillan's Magazine, which 
clearly set out his views on a department of applied anthropology, he afterwards named 
Eugenics. Through his strenuous advocacy, eugenics is now beginning to exercise 
an important influence on social reform in all civilised countries. 

One of the greatest achievements of Galton consisted in the application of exact 
mathematical methods to the analyses of anthropometric statistics. Quetelet was the 
first to apply the Gaussian curve to represent the frequency of anthropometric data, 
but Galton records that, though he once met Quetelet, it was from Spottiswoode that 
he received the first impulse in this direction. In 1886 Galton made the great 
discovery of the Correlation table, and, with the assistance of a mathematical friend, 
devised a method of calculating the coefficient of correlation which now plays so 
important a part in the interpretation, not only of anthropometric, but of all kinds 
of statistics. 

In 1882 he wrote in The Fortnightly Review, " When shall we have anthro- 
" pometric laboratories where a man may from time to time get himself and his 
" children weighed, measured, and rightly photographed, and have each of their 
" bodily faculties tested by the best methods known to modern science ? " This 
important suggestion he afterwards realised by starting an anthropometric laboratory 
in 1884, in connection with the exhibitions at South. Kensington. This was main- 
tained at his own expense until 1891. It is of interest to mention that the Royal 
Anthropological Institute has resuscitated Galton's important undertaking by the 
installation (1909-10) of anthropometric bureaus in connection with the exhibitions at 
Shepherd's Bush. 

Galton was President of the Anthropological Institute (1885-88) and Huxley 
Lecturer (1901). 

The practical working of the finger-print method of identification is also due to 

[ 33 ] 

Nos. 22-24.] MAN. [1911. 

Among his more important works are Hereditary Genius (1869), Human Faculty 
(1883), and Natural Inheritance (1889). 

He was on the Meteorological Council for thirty-four years, and invented many 
ingenious contrivances for making and recording meteorological observations, some of 
which are still in use. 

Galton's genius was essentially that of the great engineer. Fortunately he pre- 
ferred to apply the exact and practical methods of the engineer to the study of man 
methods the future development of which may safely be left in the hands of the 
brilliant school which he has created. J. GRAY. 

Obituary : Galton. Beddoe. 

Sir Francis Galton, D.C.L., F.R.S. By Dr. J. Beddoe, LL.D., F.R.S., QO 

F.R.C.P. fcO 

My acquaintance with Mr. Galton one hardly can think of him as Sir Francis, 
for our most accomplished biologist was not recognised by the British Government 

.. - V II T^&MT- fe " 


until he was nearing his end began more than fifty years ago, and speedily ripened 
into friendship. But though we were very intimate I could have but little intercourse 
with him, as we lived one hundred miles apart. And there were compartments in the 
mind of this most many-sided of men that I never had an opportunity of knowing. 

I never had, indeed, a chance of measuring his head, though I scarcely ever 
saw him without wondering at its peculiar shape, peculiar at least for England, 
and speculating as to what quality was wanting in him in connexion with that 
extreme flatness of occiput that suggested deficiency of part of the posterior cerebral 
lobe. But though there might possibly be superabundance, one could not think of 
deficiency in the nature of Francis Galton. Mild and pacific he was ; but it was 
from no lack of energy and courage in the man who risked his life among the 
savage Damara, and who taught us how to go to bed comfortably with a rifle. 
He had the solidity of his Quaker ancestors, a solidity that did not exclude, but 
gave steady quiet force to enthusiasm. Humour was the only quality one could 
conceive as lacking in him ; and we know it is apt to be so in the Quakers. 

I may be permitted to recall an instance of his inventiveness in which I was 
personally interested. Knowing my methods of observation of colour, and the 
difficulties I occasionally had in making use of them coram publico, he contrived 
an instrument which could be carried in a pocket, and which would make, and 
record a division of a number of subjects into five categories, in accordance with 
the colour of the hair, or any other physical difference. This little instrument I 
made trial of, at his instigation, and found that it could be perfectly well worked 
with a hand in a trouser pocket, without the knowledge or suspicion of the^ 
subjects. JOHN BEDDOE, 

Asia: Central. Joyce. 

Note on a Number of Fire-Sticks from ruined Sites on the South A 1 

and East of the Takla-makan Desert, collected by Dr. M. A. Stein. (J\ 

By T. A. Joyce, M.A. 

Among the lesser objects collected by Dr. Stein during his last journey in 
Central Asia were a number of fire-sticks, of which the best specimens are, by his 
kind permission, figured herewith. In every case except one the "female" stick 
alone was found, and all of these are typical of the apparatus by which fire is- 
procured by the " twirling " method. In most cases before the formation of the 
" hearth," a V-shaped groove has been cut in the face of the stick at right angles 
to that in which the " hearth " is formed, parallel with the axis of the " male "" 
stick when in operation. The hearth is then formed close to the edge of the stick.. 

[ 34 ] 



[No, 24- 

FIG. l. 

FIG. 2. 

FIG. 3. 

FIG. 4. 

so that the fine dust produced by the friction pours out through the notch pro- 
duced by the groove. This is well seen on the lower portion of the stick (Fig. 2). 
In other cases the hearth has been formed in the centre line of the stick, but is 
connected with the margin by a groove cut deeper than the lowest part of the hearth 
and deepening as it approaches the margin ; this is seen in Fig. 3. It may be 
said at once that 
no importance can 
be attached to this 
slight difference, 
as the two sticks 
in question are a 
pair and were 
both found in the 
rough cloth bag 
(Fig. 4) among 
the ruins at En- 

As remarked 
above, one 
"male" fire -stick 
was found, and is 
seen attached to 
the "female" 
stick (Fig. 5). 
The flattened 
conical point of 

this is quite typical, and bears faint traces of the action of fire, but it could hardly 
have been used in its present form, since it is too short ; probably it is a stick 
which had broken or become worn down, and had been made into a peg for 
suspending the other stick by having the other end sharpened. It is noticeable that 
in almost every case these "female" sticks were meant to be attached to something, 

since each is furnished with a hole obviously 
for suspension. In some cases this hole runs 
vertically through, as in Fig. 1, but in other 
cases two holes are bored to meet one another, 
from the under surface and from one of the 
marginal surfaces respectively. It is rather 
difficult to judge of the quality of the wood, 
owing to the extreme desiccation of the speci- 
mens, but it seems almost certain that the 
" male " sticks were of hard, the " female " of 
soft wood. 

It is a little surprising to find in the heart 
of Central Asia, where one has been accus- 
tomed to regard the flint and steel as the 
typical fire-making appliance, apparatus for 
" twirling " which might, from their appearance, 
perfectly well have come from East Africa ; 
there is no reason to suppose that any of the specimens are of great age, since the 
sites where they were found were not abandoned until the latter part of the third 
century, and, therefore, the use of wood for this purpose was not dictated by lack 
of iron. Similar appliances are found in use among the primitive tribes in India, 

[ 35 J 

FIG. 5. 

FIG. 6. 

Nos. 24-25.] MAN. [1911, 

and, for ceremonial purposes, among the civilised also. Moreover, the use of the 
irvpeia, reperpov and evxapa, were known in classical times (see Theophrastus de Hist. 
Plant, v. 9. 7, and de Igne, 64). Consequently it is not unreasonable to suppose that 
in these fire-sticks we see traces of the Grseco-Buddhist influence which appears so 
plainly in the local art. 

Of the specimens figured, 1 and 6 are from Niya ; 2, 3 and 4 from Endere ; and 
5 from Lop-nor. T. A. JOYCE. 

Australia. Wallis. 

Australian Marriage Classes. />'// //'. /' Wallis. AC 

In Journ. Roy. Anthr. Inst., XL., pp. 165-70, the Rev. J. Mathew fcU 
restates his theory of the origin of Australian marriage classes. " It is briefly, that 
" the two phratries represent two ancient, distinct races, which amalgamated to form 
" the Australian race. One race was Papuasian, very dark, with curly hair. The 
" remnant of it became extinct with Truganini, the last of the pure Tasmanians. 
" The other was a stronger, more advanced, lighter coloured race, with straight hair, 
" and akin to the Dravidians and Veddahs " (p. 166). In support of his theory 
the Rev. J. Mathew adduces nine reasons, four of them somatological, the remaining 
five linguistic. Our present concern is with the former. 

" We have," says the writer, " phratries in New South Wales, Western Australia, 
" and Queensland, whose names are respectively light-blooded and dark-blooded, or 
" light-skinned or dark-skinned." Finally, " On visiting two aboriginal reserves in 
" Victoria, four natives, one of whom was close on eighty and the other over sixty 
" years of age, told me, when interrogated separately, that the old blacks professed 
" to be able to distinguish members of the Kirrokaitch from those of the Kafaitch 
" phratry and members of the Bundyil from those of the Wa by the quality of the 
" hair. Two told me that one phratry had fine hair, the other coarse ; and, corroborative 
" of this distinction, a fifth native, belonging to Swan Hill on the Murray, taking 
" hold of his hair said, 'I'm Kirlba, straight hair, other fellows are Mukwar, curly 
" hair,' and went on to explain that the straight hair people could not marry among 
" themselves but had to intermarry with the curly-hair people, and vice versa " 
(pp. 166-7). Thus the Rev. J. Mathew seems to support his contention by 
observed somatological differences which are at least perceptible to the native. 
The biological problem involved is not, however, so simple as he seems to take for 
granted. It involves very important assumptions to which every biologist .could not 

As I understand the writer and he has put his arguments with admirable 
clearness Australian class exogamy is founded on racial exogamy. Let us call the 
one race A, the complementary race B. As a marriage system becomes well- 
established along these lines, race A becomes phratry A, race B becomes phratry B, 
and the two together make up the tribe. The writer does not tell us when he supposes 
this process to have begun ; but in the light of the universal distribution over almost 
the entire Australian continent, and in the light of the great conservatism which 
pervades Australian social organisation, no one could intelligently maintain that this 
race-phratry exogamy did not begin many generations ago. Add to this the exogamous 
nature of this race-phratry organisation, and it becomes clear that a perpetuation of 
the somatological differences which originally existed is so highly improbable that 
we may call it impossible. 

A never marries within A but always in B. Let us call the first generation of 
this intermarriage D and E respectively, according as its members belong to phratry A 
or phratry B. It is then evident that D is as much B as it is A, so far as ancestry 
is concerned, and E is as much A as it is B, so far as its ancestry is concerned ; nor 

[ 36 ] 

1911,] MAN. [No. 25. 

does the question of matrilineal or of patrilineal descent in any way affect the problem. 
If, then, in the first generation the blood of the two races is evenly blended, and each 
successive generation is a further even blending, there being always as much blood of 
the original race-phratry A in any given individual as there is blood of the original 
race-phratry B of necessity a constant ratio how shall those race differences, 
certainly not great in the beginning, be preserved during future generations, even to 
the present time ? Or let us suppose that amalgamation does not take place, but that 
in any given family some of the members show marked characteristics of phratry A, 
others of phratry B. Even so they must all be grouped together, either in the phratry 
of the father, or in that of the mother ; and I do not understand how these distinctions 
could be gathered into the original race-phratry divisions, since the prevailing social 
organisation must result in continual attempts to break down any somatological 
differences that may at one time have been identical with class divisions. 

Aside from these objections to his argument, I do not believe that the facts 
adduced by the Rev. J. Mathew lend weight to his contention. In the first place a 
glance at the totems and phratries of different tribes as recorded in Howitt's Native 
Tribes of S.E. Australia shows that colour distinctions are not consistently adhered 
to. For example, how does it happen that, in the Wakelbura tribe the black bee is in 
the Malera phratry, while the black duck is in the Wuthera phratry (p. 112) ? Again, 
in the Wotjobaluk tribe black swan, white gull, white-bellied cormorant, small black 
cormorant, grey heron, black duck are in the Gamutch phratry ; while in the Krokitch 
phratry are grey kangaroo and red kangaroo (p. 121) ? 

It is possible that the Rev. J. Mathew makes a further false assumption when he 
attributes (implicitly) the colour concept in our descriptive names of these animals to 
the Australians, whose terminology is built upon an absolutely different basis. We 
speak of two species of animals as grey kangaroo and red kangaroo, and for us they 
are a grey species and a red species. When the Australian speaks of the one as 
Gori and of the other as Burra, does he think of the one as grey and the other as 
red, any more than we, when we see a reference to Howitt, think of a green book, and, 
when we see a reference to Mr. Lang, think of a blue one ? By Jarb-jurk and by 
Burtita the Australian refers to the same animals that we have in mind when we say 
that these are respectively the white gull and the wfoVe-bellied cormorant. But it 
does not follow that he thereby recognises the common concept of white which is 
stated in our descriptive nomenclature. Indeed, in all the lists given by Mr. Howitt 
the native terms give us little reason to suspect that the distinctions in size and 
colour which go to make up Mr. Howitt's descriptive names of totem objects are 
distinctions observed by the savage ; or that he is ordinarily aware of such dis- 
tinctions until some special demand directs his attention toward them. It is true, 
as Mr. Lang says, that " in the phratry names of so many tribes . . . we observe 
" the marked contrast in colour or in habitat ... of the opposite exogamous sets " 
(MAN, 80, 1910, p. 133). But it is quite false to deduce from this and Mr. Lang 
draws no such conclusion that therefore the Australian observes this marked con- 
trast. His perceived contrasts are probably quite different, and may ignore our point 
of view altogether, just as we return the compliment by absolutely ignoring his. 

In conclusion, it seems probable that the statement made by the native at Swan 
Hill with regard to his phratry was nothing more than an explanation of the marriage 
system. If, in reply to a question, I say that my name is Wall, and say that my 
friend's name is Well, and point to a wall and a well respectively, it does not follow 
that I am indicating a resemblance between myself and a wall, and between my 
friend and a well. It would, however, not be strange if savages imagine an appro- 
priateness between the names imposed and personal characteristics, and believe in the 
through-going correspondence of name and observed characteristics. How else shall 

[ 37 ] 

Nos. 25-28.] MAN. [1911. 

we explain such beliefs as those which make thirteen and Friday unlucky a belief 
that, to the individual accepting it, is abundantly proved in experience ? 


Africa, Central. Torday. 

A Neolithic Site in the Katanga. /,'///:. Torday. HO 

I should like to call the attention of any anthropologist or archaeologist fcll 
who may now, or in the future, be travelling in the neighbourhood of Lake Moero, 
to a neolithic site which exists on the Belgian shore. Here the Lukonzowa, an 
unimportant brook a few hundred yards from the former headquarters of the Katanga 
Comity of the same name, falls from a great height into the lake. At the top of 
the falls may be seen a number of grooves in the rock, which are obviously the result 
of polishing stone axes. These grooves are very noticeable and have attracted the 
attention of many people, none of whom, however, had any knowledge of archaeology, 
and who have been greatly puzzled as to their meaning. There are many Europeans 
in the Kantauga now, and I am quite sure that the Belgian authorities would gladly 
assist in any investigation ; in fact, I believe that they might be induced to take the 
initiative in the matter. E. TORDAY. 

India : Ethnology. Braidwood : Crooke. 

A Note on the Meaning of "Meriah." By H. S. Braidwood and 
W. Crooke, B.A. 

The custom of human sacrifice among the Kandhs or Khonds of Orissa and Ganjam, 
who performed this rite with the object of promoting the fertility of their fields, is of 
great ethnological interest, and has been elaborately discussed by Professor J. G. Frazer 
(The Golden Bough, 2nd edition, ii., 241 seqq.) The origin of the name Meriah used 
to designate the human vk>um in this sacrifice, has never, I believe, been satisfactorily 
explained. Professor H. H. Wilson (Glossary of Judicial and Revenue Terms, 1855) 
gives : " Meria or Meriya, a human victim, usually a child or young person, kid- 
" napped, and, after a season, sacrificed by the Khonds, a barbarous race in the hills 
" west of Cuttack." Colonel E. T. Daltoii (Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal, 1872, 
p. 29) says, speaking of the Miri tribe in Assam, that the title of this tribe means 
" mediator or go-between, and is the same word as miria or milia used with the same 
" signification in Orissa. Perhaps the meriah applied to the sacrifice of the Khunds 
" is a cognate word, the meriah being the messenger between man and the deity." 
This for many reasons seems improbable. I recently made inquiries into the matter 
through the Collector of Ganjam, which contains 139,000 Khands. I have been 
favoured with a reply from Mr. H. L. Braidwood, Headquarters Sub-Collector, which 
appears to me to deserve publication. He states that the word comes, as might have 
been expected, from the Kandh, not the Oriya dialect. In Oriya it is always spelt 
Merid, the r being soft, and the final, though written a, is generally pronounced a. 
Being a Kandh word, it has probably no connection with any Sanskrit root. According 
to the District Manual of Ganjam, meriah is probably the Oriya form of the Kandh 
meroi, mervi, or mrivi, " a human victim." The a in mend may simply be the common 
personal termination of Oriya added to a Kandh word. The Kandh interpreter at 
Ganjam, who is an Oriya, says that mrivi, meri, and toki are used by the Kandhs in 
various parts of their country, as the name of the human victim. W. CROOKE. 

England : Archaeology. Robarts : Collyer. 

Additional Notes upon the British Camp near Wallington. /(,, AQ 

N. F. Robarts and H. C. Collyer. .0 

The favourable reception accorded to the previous notes upon the British camp 

situated on the site of the Southern Hospital of the Metropolitan Asylums Board 

[ 38 ] 

1911.] MAN. [No. 28. 

submitted to the Institute in 1904, encouraged us to make further investigations, 
permission having been given us to excavate a portion of the ditch of the camp 
whilst the buildings were in course of erection, in the hope that by so doing, the 
latest dajte when the settlement was inhabited might be ascertained. 

During the progress of the work, one or other of us was constantly present, so 
that we were able definitely to fix the approximate position from which the different 
finds were taken. 

The excavation was commenced on 21st July 1905, and was continued for just a 
fortnight, Messrs. D. Stewart and Sons, contractors of Wallington, furnishing us with 
the necessary labour. 

Choosing the most southerly point of the hill a little to the east of the " Isolation 
Ward," and east of the spot at which, in the earlier paper, it was shown that there 
was probably an entrance road into the camp, we endeavoured to locate the ditch by 
cutting two parallel trenches running due north and south, 120 ft. apart, the western 
one being about 80 yards, and the eastern about 120 yards, east of the Isolation Ward 
of the Hospital. 

In order exactly to locate the position of any traces of human occupation we might 
discover, the tredches were first dug to the depth of one spit (6 ins.) throughout their 
entire length say 52 ft. in the case of the western trench, and 37 ft. in the case of the 
eastern one. 

Both were first sunk to the depth of 18 ins. at the north end, and in both cases 
it was found that the southerly end of the trench bisected the ditch, which swept a 
little more to the south than was anticipated, when taking a line from the part exposed 
in the Isolation Ward, mentioned in the previous communication. 

The disturbed soil in the trenches varied from 1 ft. 6 ins. in depth at the north ends 
to 2 ft. 4 ins. at the south, where the trench struck the north side of the ditch, the 
ploughed land having silted to the lower depth since it was first cultivated, the slope 
of the hill being well defined, and the sand, of which the soil was composed, being 
evidently washed down very easily after it had once been disturbed by the plough. 

In the trenches to the above depth (2 ft. 4 ins.) we found : 
Small fragments of British earthenware. 

Small pieces of sandstone (portions of mealing stones) some burnt. 
A broken neolithic axe (unpolished), depth 24 ins. 
An echinus. 
Neolithic scraper. 
Flint core. 

Flint flakes, used and unused. 
A number of burnt flints. 
A piece of Roman pottery. 

All these objects being in disturbed ground may have travelled from the surface 
of the higher ground. The specimen of Roman pottery was the only Roman article 
found in the course of the whole excavation, and it must be remembered that it was 
in disturbed ground at a depth of not more than 2 ft. 4 ins. 

At a depth of 1 ft. 6 ins. at the north end of the west trench a considerable 
number of burnt flints were discovered lying near together, probably originally forming 
a hearth, which had been disturbed by the plough. 

There were no signs of a vallum, if such ever existed (as is probable) ; being 
formed of sand it would have been entirely washed into the ditch before cultivation 
began, or been thrown down to fill up the ditch. As the transverse trenches were not 
extended beyond the south side of the ditch we did not ascertain if there had been 
any counterscarp on the outer side ; but if there had been one originally, as the field 
showed only a natural slope, it had probably been either denuded or ploughed away. 

[ 39 ] 

No. 28.] MAN. [1911. 

In opening up the ditch the soil was removed in transverse sections for the full 
width of the ditch, so that the position of each object could be ascertained, the cross 
one being reduced, as greater depth was attained, and it became clear that the full 
width of the ditch was laid open, and that its sides had a sharp and regular slope. 
Upon the original surface line the full width of the ditch was found to be 12 ft. 
To a depth of 1 ft. 6 ins. the soil contained modern pottery and iron, all having 
apparently been introduced under cultivation. 

Below this was 1 ft. to 1 ft. 6 ins. of redeposited clayey sand, and then upon 
the sides of the section was seen the old dark surface line of decayed vegetation, 
from which in a V shape the banks of the ditch ran down to a point, meeting at 
7 ft. below the original surface line, proving that the ditch was originally 12 ft. wide 
and 7 ft. deep. 

After having carefully noted for the first day or two the positions from which 
the objects were taken, it became clear that they all lay either in the first 
2 ft. 6 ins. from the surface (the disturbed soil), or upon the banks of the ditch, 
or below 3 ft. from the old surface line, which 3 ft. consisted of dark clayey sand. 

All the finds mentioned above as taken from the transverse trenches were 
therefore washed or moved into position after the ditch was filled up to the old 
surface line, as they lay in the 2 ft. 6 ins. or 3 ft. of soil over the ditch or in the 
trenches on its north side, where they were not sunk down to the old land surface. 
The conclusion, therefore, is that the above finds were all originally deposited on the 
higher ground in the interior of the camp, possibly even after the camp was abandoned, 
and that they were washed down or brought down by the plough. 

Below the 3 ft. of dark clayey earth in the ditch the banks apparently curved 
towards the centre, the 2 or 3 ins. of vegetable soil on the banks gradually thickening 
to 12 or 18 ins. at the bottom, which soil becoming darker and stiffer the deeper it 
got, contained the great majority of the finds we discovered. 

Below this black soil further excavation showed that the ditch was filled with 
slightly clayey yellow sand for a depth of 1 ft. 6 ins. to 2 ft., the banks meeting 
at a sharp angle at a depth of 7 ft. from the old surface line. 

The history of the ditch, therefore, appears to be this, that excavated in Thanet 
sand in a V-shape to the depth of 7 ft. and a width at the top of 12 ft., the vallum 
and banks were almost immediately washed down and filled the ditch to the depth 
of 1 ft. 6 ins. to 2 ft., destroying the V-shape and altering the straight sides of 
the ditch to a gentle curve. 

In the lowest position, 1 ft. 6 ins. to 2 ft. from the original bottom of the ditch, 
were found bones and teeth of horse, ox, dog, or wolf, flint flakes and cores, but 
very little pottery. 

The ditch was subsequently used as a cooking place for a long period, during 
which accumulations took place until a black stratum of 1 ft. 6 ins. to 2 ft. in thick- 
ness was deposited, consisting largely of carbonised materials and vegetable matter. 

The settlement was then probably abandoned, and denudation from the vallum 
took place, or the ditch was artificially filled up with the soil from the vallum until 
the original surface was reached. 

Vegetation either grew upon this soil as it accumulated, rendering it darker, or 
it became waterlogged, the water being unable to sink through the clayey carbonaceous 
bottom, thus discolouring the sand. 

Further denudation from the hill above took place until 1 ft. 6 ins. had 
accumulated over the ditch above the old land surface, but the water having then 
free course to lower ground, not being arrested in the new ground in the filled-iri 
ditch, passed freely away and the sand was therefore not discoloured. 

Agriculture then recommenced and buried Roman and mediaeval objects to the 

[ 40 ] 

1911.] MAN. [Nos. 28-29. 

depth of 6 ins., and from that time to the present the plough and ordinary denudation 
produced 1 ft. more accumulation of soil, so that ultimately Roman and mediaeval 
objects mixed with neolithic implements and British pottery from the surface of 
the camp are found throughout the 1 ft. 6 ins. overlying the original surface and 
above the ditch, forming the cultivated soil, Avhilst denudation and agriculture have 
destroyed all vestiges of hut foundations within the camp, leaving only here and 
there some disturbed hearths and burnt flints. 

The date of the camp and the civilisation of its occupants next demand our 

As already mentioned, the ditch when first made had the misfortune of having 
banks which were easily washed down by heavy rains the loose sand of the 
vallum would be still more affected by atmospheric conditions than the banks formed 
of solid Thanet sand, through which the ditch was dug. The washings from the 
vallum and banks of the ditch soon covered up flint cores, flakes, bones, and a 
little pottery. 

There was found sufficient of the latter to satisfy us that the makers of the 
ditch used the same class of pottery as the latest inhabitants, and that they used 
flint implements ; but whether bronze had been introduced when the camp was first 
made there were no evidences to show. 

The discovery of stains of bronze or copper, and a bronze brooch found upon 
the exterior banks, and a piece of malachite and cuprite, showed that the later 
inhabitants at all events were in the bronze stage, though the numerous flakes and 
cores of flint showed a considerable contemporaneous use of stone. 

We may mention that the exterior bank of the ditch had a much thicker 
deposit of carbonaceous matter upon it than there was upon the inner bank, no 
doubt through its being much more easy of access for cooking, &c. 

The camp when first constructed may have been constructed in neolithic times, 
as flint flakes were fairly abundant at the bottom of the ditch, whilst there was no 
trace there of bronze or copper, although there were a few fragments of pottery 
which appeared more and more frequently as we drew up to the level of the old 
land surface, but as the pottery was of the same character throughout, from the 
very lowest point of the ditch right up to the old land surface, it is most probable 
that the camp was continuously inhabited by the same tribe from its formation 
until its destruction or abandonment without any break in continuity. 


Australasia. Brown. 

Melanesians and Polynesians: Their Life-Histories described and com- flfl 
pared. By George Brown, D.D. London : Macmillan & Co., Ltd., 1910. fcU 
Pp. xv + 451. Price 12*. net. 

In his preface Dr. Brown tells us that his " acquaintance with the natives of the 
" East and West Pacific extends over a term of forty-eight years." He spent fourteen 
continuous years in Samoa, with later visits. In 1875 he landed in New Britain, when 
there was no white man living there. Here he spent five years, only broken by two 
visits to Australia, and he has revisited the group several times since then. Besides 
these places he has visited the Solomon Islands, and other groups in the Western 
Pacific, and he is acquainted with the " Samoan, Tongan, Fijian, and New Britain 
'' languages." In the present work he does not undertake a general account of the 
Melanesians and Polynesians ; indeed, such an attempt would utterly destroy the 
value of the book. The account is "only of those with whom I have had close 

[ 41 ] 

No. 29.] MAN. [1911. 

" acquaintance." In describing the Melanesians his observations are, in general, on 
" the people of New Britain . . . and more particularly of the. Duke of York 
*' Group." This restriction should be borne in mind in reading the work. The 
remark on p. 23 that " there is but little difference between the manners and customs 
" of the people living on the larger islands of New Britain and New Ireland," 
is hardly likely to stand in the light of the later and more detailed researches 
which have been made ; though, unfortunately, New Ireland has been so largely 
unpeopled through the labour traffic, that the field of observation here is sadly 

For the Polynesians Dr. Brown generally takes the Samoans. It would have 
been better to have shown, more particularly by the title, the fields covered by this 
book. The choice of vague and general titles (which may not be unconnected with 
the purpose of seeking a wider public) is one which should not be encouraged, even 
in a work which is not professedly scientific. 

It is clear that we have in this book the conditions for a most useful collection 
of ethnological data, particularly as the author promises us that he has no pet 
theories to distort his facts or intrude themselves into their presentment. As he 
says, we have had from the South Seas examples both of the scientific fad and of the 
invention of sensational "facts," where the truth is too drab for the popular mind. 
A collection of objective material (as far as may be), however scanty, from this quarter 
is very welcome. Anyone who has had the slightest experience of " South Sea yarns," 
and their tellers, will be ready to disbelieve almost anyone and anything from the 
Pacific. A welcome feature in Dr. Brown's work is that there is no long and 
fruitless owing to the present state of our knowledge discussion of the prehistory 
of the Pacific peoples. This has too long been the classic ground of what we may 
call the mythic stage of ethnology ; it may well become now its Elysian Fields. 
Moreover, the intrusion of general theories into the account of a special area, tends 
to spoil this ; while the former are necessarily based on too slight evidence. What 
Dr. Brown has to say in the way of general theories is, happily, kept apart at the 
beginning of the book. 

In his first chapter Dr. Brown gives a short geographical sketch of the Pacific 
groups he is acquainted with. As far as his experience goes he is " inclined to believe 
" in the old theory that by far the largest proportion of the islands in the Pacific 
" are either the tops of mountain ranges or have been uplifted by volcanic agency." 
In eight pages he then gives his view on " the vexed question of the original home 
" of the races who inhabit the large groups of islands in the Pacific." He sees no 
reason to alter the conclusion which he reached in a paper published in the Journal 
of the Institute, February 1887, namely, that the Melanesians and Polynesians are 
from one stock, the Melanesians being now the oldest representatives. 

But his views on the " pre-Malayan " race in Malaya have since then been 
modified. He believes (mainly on the evidence of language) that this race was one 
of the Turanian races of Asia, and was a Negrito people, perhaps extending as far 
as Burma on the mainland. He thinks, however, that the Melaneso-Polynesian lan- 
guages have been very much modified through immigrations from the Aryan-speaking 
races on the Indian mainland. The discussion, however, of this whole question is 
difficult owing to the present scantiness of our knowledge of the Melanesian and 
" Papuan " tongues. Dr. Brown rightly insists on the importance in comparing the 
Oceanic tongues, not of certain ordinary words for objects, but of root words and 
particles. With Wallace Dr. Brown believes in "one great Oceanic or Polynesian" 

What Dr. Brown gives as a " striking example " of the identity of the Melanesian 
and Polynesian languages, namely, the two words for " house " in Duke of York Island, 

[ 42 ] 

1911.] MAN. [No, 29. 

ruma (found in Malaya) and pal (an outhouse ; Polynesian fale, vale, whare) ia 
found also in the Bougainville Straits speech, where the forms are numa and j ale/ale 
(a temporary shelter house), the Polynesian in each case designating a less important 

The rest of the work is given up to the sociology and culture of the peoples. 
There are chapters on family life, war, religion, magic, morals, tabu, sickness and 
death, property, hunting and fishing, and so on. 

Dr. Brown observes that in Samoa the villages used to be more inland than 
they are now : there has been a movement to the coast of later years. This is a 
phenomenon which is seen also in the Solomon Islands ; whether it takes place or 
not will depend on whether the direction of danger has been from the sea or from 
the bushmen : " in New Britain," says Dr. Brown, " the coast natives' villages are 
" not built far from the beach for fear of attacks by the bushmen." In the island of 
Malaita (eastern Solomons) there are two very distinct sets, bushmen and salt-water- 
men, living in constant enmity, broken only by periodical markets, when their necessi- 
ties drive them to a short truce. Many of the Malaita villages are artificial islets 
off the mainland surrounded by walls. In Chapter III. is an account of the Dukduk, 
which was written from information given by a member of the society. Dr. Brown 
somewhat inadequately observes that " one impression made upon my mind at the 
" time was, that the principal object appeared to be to extort money from anyone else 
" who was not a member, and to terrify women and those who were not initiated." 
But it is evidently a far more complex institution than this, and bears marks of 
ancestor worship. There are also various other New Britain ceremonies (nialira) 
connected with youth. We are likewise given a good deal of information as to birth 
and marriage customs. 

In his notes on cannibalism Dr. Brown wisely rejects the attempts to account 
for it by the scarcity of animal food, and refutes the idea that cannibals are particu- 
larly ferocious and repulsive. As he says, " Many of them are no more ferocious 
" than other races who abhor the very idea of eating the human body." He does 
not *' think that the New Britain people ever practised cannibalism for the purpose 
" of acquiring part of the valour of the person eaten." 

In Duke of York Island there are two exogamous classes with a leaf-like insect, 
and the mantis religiosus as respective totems, each class calling its totem " our 
" relatives," but the author does not think " they believe that they were descended 
" from them. Neither class will injure its totem, and any injury inflicted by one 
" class on the totem of the other would certainly be considered as an insult, and would 
" occasion a serious quarrel." Lands, &c., belong to one or the other of the two 
classes ; in-marriage would almost certainly lead to the guilty pair being killed ; 
kuon (incestuous) is also applied to anyone killing or eating one of his own class. 
The children follow the mother's class. 

The " New Britain people " call the soul nio or niono, probably the same word 
as used in the Bougainville Straits (nunu) ; it survives death. There is also a niono 
of the objects which may accompany a dead person to the next world. In Duke of 
York the abode of the dead is a small island ; in " New Britain " the idea of its where- 
about is hazy. Life in the next world is much the same as here ; there seems to be 
no moral retribution except that niggardliness (and perhaps certain other offences) is 
punished. It would seem that the souls of the dead go into the body of some animal 
(for example, the flying-fox). Souls are invoked by their kinsmen, but Dr. Brown 
says, " I have never heard of any primitive ancestors of the tribe being worshipped in 
" connection with any animal apart from the sacredness which is attached to the totem 
" of the family." There is a class of spirits called tebaran, generally evil ; they are 
the disease bringers, and in some cases are the souls of dead human beings ; but it looks 

[ 43 ] 

Nos. 29-30,] MAN. [1911, 

as if in general they are of non-human origin. There are also tebaran attached to 
wells, rivers, pools, and so on. There are further certain higher evil beings called 
kaia. Dr. Brown thinks that on Duke of York there is a belief in a " supreme deity " 
(" he who made us," or " someone who made us ") ; but he is not the maker of the 
world, though he takes an active interest in the affairs of men and prayers are offered 
to him. There are also spirits controlling the weather. 

Dr. Brown visited the Shortland Islands (Bougainville Straits) and gives at length 
the information he received from Mr. Macdonald, one of the first traders to settle 
there ; he is mentioned by Ribbe, and Dr. Frazer has made use of these notes in his 
last work. 

On the tabu, Dr. Brown rightly remarks that it owes its power not merely to 
the fear of punishment from the living (indeed this element is often wholly wanting), 
but "to a dread of some supernatural powers of magic which will certainly" afflict 
an offender. The essence of the tabu in Oceania will almost certainly be found to 
lie in that it is a conditional curse or a potential magic. 

Dr. Brown refers to the want of traditions as to their past among New Britain 
people ; and this agrees with observations in the Bougainville Straits ; he could not 
find any tradition of former migrations. We are given some of the Samoan tales and 
traditions ; it is to be hoped they will all be published, and in the original text. We 
have the tale of the origin of death, in which occurs the motive of men dying through 
not casting their skins. 

Linguistic material of every kind is among the most valuable data which the 
missionary can give us ; it is a knowledge for which a long residence in close touch 
with the natives is generally needful ; not only is it intrinsically valuable but it puts a 
powerful instrument in the hands of future researchers, and makes easier the acquiring 
of new languages. It is, moreover, a field in which little is felt of preconceived ideas. 
Dr. Brown has written a most useful book, in which he has been very successful in 
keeping the bare record of facts apart from interpretations and general statements ; but 
at the end occurs a passage which shows the danger of general surveys based on too 
little evidence ; he makes the extraordinary statement that " the Melanesians had no 
" hereditary chiefs, no form of settled government, whilst the Samoans and other 
" Polynesian races had both." The work is, however, to be recommended as a good 
collection of ethnological material, and our debt to the writer will be many times 
increased when he publishes his philological material. G. C. WHEELER. 

Peru : Archaeology. Schmidt. 

Baessler-Archiv. Beitrdge zur Volkerkunde herausgegeben aus mitteln des Ofl 
Baessler-Instituts. Uber altperuanische Gewebe mit Szenenhaften Darstell- UU 
ungen. Von Dr. Max Schmidt. Band 1, Heft 1, mit 4 Tafeln in Schwarg und 
Mehrfarben-Lichtdruck sowie 49 abbildungen im text. Leipzig und Berlin : Druck 
und Verlag von B. G. Triibner, 1910. 

This is the first instalment of a new publication which is to appear from time 
to time under the general editorship of Dr. P. Ehrenreich. In the selection of the 
articles and monographs which will appear in its pages, priority is to be given to 
those which deal with collections in German museums ; in fact, the publication is to 
be primarily ethnographical and technological. 

The selection 'of the first paper has been particularly happy. In the first place 
the name of Baessler is connected chiefly with the study of South American archasology ; 
in the second, the subject of Peruvian textiles is one which lends itself to attractive 
illustration ; in the third, the name of Dr. Max Schmidt is sufficient guarantee of the 
value of the monograph. 

[ 44 ] 

1911.] MAN. [No. 30. 

The recent researches of Dr. Uhle at Pacbacamac, Nasca, and the valleys round 
Trujillo have done much towards setting the study of South American archaeology 
upon a scientific basis, and his attempts at sequence-dating have shed much new 
light upon the results of former excavations. Dr. Schmidt now claims that the tex- 
tiles of the coast, which correspond with two of Dr. Uhle's periods, exhibit respectively 
structural differences of so important a nature as to imply at least a specific difference 
in the culture associated with each of periods to which they refer. 

The textiles in question are, firstly those which, from their inwoven designs, are 
associated with the so-called Tiahuanaco culture, including those with the geometrical 
designs characteristic of Yea ; and secondly, those with more naturalistic ornament 
which were made so familiar to students by Reiss and Stiibel's great work on the 
Necropolis of Ancon. Dr. Schmidt holds, on good grounds, that the former were 
woven without any mechanical appliance, such as is implied in a loom, while the 
latter are loom-made. Further, he points out that the small longitudinal slits, which 
occur whenever a line in the design corresponds with the line of the warp, and which 
are a feature of the latter type of textile, are lacking in cloths belonging to the 
Tiahuanaco period. The reason for this is that the weft threads of one colour 
interlock with those of the other whenever a vertical line occurs in the design, but 
that in the loom-made textiles no such interlocking occurs. He argues that it seems 
incredible that so simple an expedient should have been forgotten, unless we suppose 
that the old culture was superseded by one specifically different at the time when 
the loom was introduced. 

The author then proceeds to an interesting discussion of the designs which appear 
on the textiles, with remarks on the attempts at perspective, conventionalisation, and 
the meaning of the scenes depicted. His observations are acute and of considerable 
value, but in one respect they seem to call for criticism. He shows that a certain 
figure is shown repeatedly accompanied by certain emblems ; that these emblems may 
be significant, in so far as they probably enabled the beholder to recognise the identity 
of the figure, may be readily granted, but surely it is misleading to dignify them by 
the name of " a kind of picture-writing " (eine Art von Bilderschrift) ? Much has 
been written on the question as to whether the Peruvians possessed any form of writing, 
but more cannot be adduced from the evidence than that at one period certain pictures 
were painted to commemorate certain events, while the negative evidence as regards 
any actual 1 form of picture writing in pre- Spanish days is very strong. It seems 
expedient, therefore, to be extremely wary in the choice of words when dealing with 
this subject, and it appears to the reviewer a misuse of terms to apply to an emblem, 
which appears on the face of it to be exactly parallel to the lion of St. Mark or the 
eagle of St. John, the words " eine Art von Bilderschrift." Still less excusable is it 
when the author later on drops the qualification and speaks roundly of "Altperuan- 
isches Bilderschrift," applying the term, amongst other designs, to what is no more 
than a somewhat conventionalised representation of waves in a boating scene. 
Apart from this the article is a careful study of Peruvian textile art, based upon 
the magnificent collections in the Berlin Museum, and as such is a real contribution 
to science. 

A word of praise must be said with regard to the form of the publication, which 
is well printed and admirably illustrated, one of the large coloured plates being 
especially worthy of commendation. The scheme in accordance with which the 
Baessler-Archiv has been inaugurated is extremely happy, and promises to result in 
the publication of monographs of great importance, especially if augury be taken 
from this the first instalment. T. A. J. 

[ 45 ] 

No. 31.] MAN. [1911. 

Africa, West. Dennett. 

Nigerian Studies, or the Religious and the Political System of the Yoruba. OJ 
By R. E. Dennett. Macmillan, 1910. Pp. xviii + 235. Price $s. 6d. net. 01 

A new book by Mr. Dennett is sure to be welcomed by all students of African 
religions ; but it is no less sure to be called fantastic by certain critics who lack the 
qualifications Mr. Dennett rightly holds as vitally necessary to the comprehension of 
his work. The student will need to have a " primitive mind " attitude if he is to 
understand the ideas of the primitive man, who does not possess sufficient culture to 
express the mysteries that have been unconsciously revealed to him. The reviewer 
in the Times declares that the quaint symbolism seen by Mr. Dennett in the reli- 
gious system of the Yoruba can scarcely have been in any black man's mind until 
Mr. Dennett put it there ; but surely latent symbolism is to be found in all religions. 
A debt of gratitude is due to the author for having attempted to explain the hidden 
ways of the negroes' thought to those who have not had the advantage of his long 
experience in West Africa. 

The most fascinating feature of this book is the lucidity with which it shows 
how religion has followed the development of social organisations. The very first 
stage of Yoruba religion is the outcome of an effort to explain the mysteries of 
reproduction and of decay, and it is Jakuta, the thrower of stones, namely lightning, 
the most awful of natural phenomena, which becomes the first unique god. It is 
only later, under foreign influence, that Olorun, the owner of the sky (I would suggest 
the Sun-god) takes its place. In this very primitive stage religion implies no duties 
to the divine powers ; there are no prayers, nor is there a cult. At a more developed 
phase Jakuta is identified with a deified ancestor, the King Oyo, the temporal head 
of the Yoruba race. And as the government of the country passes out of the hand 
of the village chiefs and becomes more complex, the lyaloda (queen-mother) repre- 
sentative of motherhood, the Oba (king) representative of fatherhood, the Balogun 
(the war chief) representative of mother's brother, that is to say, in a matriarchal 
system, the personification of authority, and the Bashorun (the head of the council) 
representative of sonship, that is to say, the people, find their counterpart in. the 
heavenly government in Odudua, Jakuta, Obatala, and Ifa. The Ogboni (senatorial 
society), a political, social, and secret society, is the king's chief consultative chamber, 
and we find in the heavenly government a corresponding number of Orishas (deified 

As the gods are the divine equivalent of the earthly powers, so the seasons 
recall to the Yoruba the stages of human life. The dry season, the part of the 
year in which nature sleeps, is not divided into months ; in the black man's mind 
it does not form part of any year, but is simply the period separating one year 
from another. The five months of Nature's activity stand for the corresponding 
stages of human life : First month, the time of planting represents copulation ; the 
second, the period of germination, conception ; the third, harvest time, pregnancy ; 
the fourth, the time of putrefaction, stands for death ; and finally, the fifth, the 
time of storing represents birth (and memory). 

I am afraid I am unable to follow Mr. Dennett (p. 99) in the attempt to bring 
the order of the Orishas into harmony with Genesis ; their correspondence one to 
another seems to me rather too far-fetched. I admit the author's ingenuity, but see 
nothin 01 more in this part of his classification than a clever jeu d'esprit. I also 
have my doubts regarding the story of Shango as related by Mr. Pelegrin on 
p. 171. It sounds as if it had been arranged to suit the taste of the Christian 
inquirer (an effort not rare amongst natives, especially if Christians themselves). 
According to this account Odudua first sent " Truth " to the people. Dissatisfied 
with this, they preferred to be ruled by the Orisha Iro, " the lie," " who made 

[ 46 ] 

1911.] MAN. [Nos. 31-32. 

" images " and told those who fell sick to gather such-and-such a herb and make 
medicine, which, when taken, causes the fever to pass away. Has Christian Science 
made its appearance in Nigeria ? 

The marriage restrictions of the Yoruba claim special attention. Each person 
has an Orisha, an omen (the exact meaning of which I cannot trace), and a plant 
and an animal tabu. Persons who have any of these Ewawa in common are not 
allowed to marry. Ewawa are inherited for four generations only, and it is the 
duty of the priests of Ife to study the genealogy of every child and then decide 
which its Ewawa are to be. The list given, p. 182, shows the difficulty of this 
task. By the way, on p. 183 read " Funtumia elastica" instead of "Funtunsia." 

Mr. Dennett's main point is that, if man has developed from a non-speaking 
animal stage to his present cultivated and speaking stage, his knowledge of things 
and the way of expressing his ideas should have been developed at the same rate. 
Mr. Dennett does not claim to have finally solved the problem, but no one can 
deny his merit in having raised such a far-reaching question, undeterred from his 
research by adverse, nay, even unfair criticism. Mr. Dennett deserves special thanks 
for acceding to a request, set forth in my review of At the Back of the Black 
Man's Mind, namely, to make allowance for the limited understanding of his readers 
and reviewers. His last book is certainly far plainer reading than his former 
works. All Mr. Dennett's books are the production of a rarely sincere pioneer ; 
they are of high value, and I can only say that the more he gives us of them the 
better shall we understand the black man's unconscious cerebration. E. T. 

America, North. McClintock. 

The Old North Trail, or Life, Legends, and Religion of the Blackfeet Qft 
Indians. By Walter McClintock. Macmillan & Co., Ltd., 1910. Pp. xxvi Ofc 
+ 539. Price 15s. net. 

The author first visited the country of the Blackfoot or Siksikaua Indians as a 
member of the United States Government Expedition, which had been sent to the 
North- West by the National Forest Commission to report upon the advisability of 
forming certain forest reserves. He succeeded in a remarkable manner in winning the 
confidence and friendship of the Blackfoot, and lived with them in their camps at 
various times. He was formally adopted as a son by a noted chief, " Mad Wolf," 
and made a member of the tribe under the name of " White Weasel Moccasin," 
(A-pe-ech-eken), thus being afforded the amplest opportunities of studying the tribal 
rites and ceremonies, to which he was freely admitted, and in some of Avhich he took 
part. He also learned the tribal customs, traditions, and legends at firsthand from 
the older chiefs, who had roamed the country at their own sweet will before the white 
man drove them back into the narrow reservations, where they now lead a weary and 
monotonous existence. Mr. McClintock's book is consequently of much value and 
interest to ethnologists, as the older Indians are fast dying off and the rising generation 
are losing touch with the ways and traditions of their forefathers. 

The leading features of the Indian religious creed, the belief in one all-good and 
powerful Great Spirit, in evil spirits which have to be propitiated, in the spirits of 
birds and animals such as the grizzly bear, the buffalo, the beaver, the wolf, the eagle, 
the raven, and many others, are exhaustively discussed. The author also tells us the 
manner in which the animal and other spirits originally appeared in dreams to the 
founders of the clans which bear their names, and gave directions for the " medicine 
making " or ceremonials to be performed in their honour. The actual ceremonies are 
described in detail, and chief among these is, of course, the celebrated Sun Dance, 
the great annual religious festival of the Blackfoot. Mr. McClintock dwells 
impressively upon the remarkable symbolism of the ritual, and the elevated ideas and 

[ 47 ] 

Nos. 32-33.] MAN. [1911, 

teachings contained in the ceremonial. He sheds upon this and similar gatherings 
Avhat will be a new light to many who have regarded them as possessing demoralising 
tendencies. Various sports, games, and dances aie also described at length, while 
details are given of that mysterious " sign language " by which Indians of different 
tribes and ignorant of each other's language can converse freely a gift, they claim, 
which was allotted to them by the Great Spirit in place of the power to read and 
write which was. bestowed on the White Men. 

Numerous legends are related referring to the origin of tribal names and of the 
many societies existing among the tribes, together with much curious folklore regarding 
the principal planets and constellations. Like all Indians the Blackfoot are highly 
superstitious and, dreams play an important part in their life, forming the means of 
communication between their guardian animal and other spirits, while the names of 
their children are frequently chosen through a nocturnal vision. Perhaps something 
should be discounted from the highly sympathetic manner in which the author treats 
his subject, but the story of his relations with the various chiefs, and their anxiety 
that he should let his brother whites know and appreciate the real gist of their religious 
beliefs and ceremonials is of much interest, and serves to show what good could have 
been wrought among this people had the European invaders shown tact, and had they 
taken the trouble to learn something of Indian ways in place of acting on the axiom 
that " Injun spells pison." 

The book might teach a lesson to those now engaged in " civilising " the various 
peoples of Africa, and provides a powerful argument for the ethnological education of 
officials and others to whom such tasks are allotted. It is excellently illustrated and 
apart from its ethnological value is very entertaining reading. T. H. J. 

China : Folk-Lore. Macgowan. 

Chinese Folk-Lore Tales. By Rev. J. Macgowan, D.D. Macmillan & Co., QQ 
Ltd.. 1910. Pp. 197. Price 3*. net. 00 

This is a collection of eleven Chinese stories in which the supernatural powers, 
and the Goddess of Mercy in particular, are depicted as keeping a watchful eye on 
human affairs punishing the wicked and rewarding the good. Prayers and praise- 
worthy actions not only bring their reward to the faithful in this world, but go far 
to release their ancestors from the dismal "Land of Shadows," and enable them to 
be born again into the joys of earthly life. There is one pretty legend concerning a 
lover who mourned his dead mistress with such fervour and constancy that not only 
was she permitted to return to earth as a babe, with the promise that she should 
become his wife, but, in the fitness of things, the lover himself was rejuvenated by 
the Queen of the Fairies, so that he might become an appropriate bridegroom for a 
girl of eighteen. Another story tells how a river god, who had been caught as a fish 
but purchased and released by a charitable prefect, subsequently rewarded his bene- 
factor by sheltering him for eighteen years from his enemies and eventually restoring 
him to power and to the bosom of his family. In other tales the slow but sure 
working of vengeance on the part of the gods is vividly described, together with the 
conflicts between the characteristic Chinese demons and the heavenly spirits sent to 
guard the devout from their evil workings. One legend, " The Reward of a Benevo- 
'' lent Life," tells of an exceptionally worthy citizen who was warned by a Bonze, 
whom he had entertained, of the coming of a great flood, and advised to build boats 
in readiness. Like Noah he obeyed, in spite of the scoffing of his neighbours, and 
when the waters rose he was able to save himself and his family, together with 
various animals which he picked up as they were drowning. These animals, by 
the way, rendered their preserver good service in after years a sequel we do not 
remember to have been given in any other version of the Flood. T. H. J. 

Printed by EYBE AND SPOTTISWOODE. LTD., His Majesty's Printers, East Harding Street, E.G. 




1911.1 MAN. [Nos. 34-35. 


Africa, East. With Plate D. Neligan. 

Description of Kijesu Ceremony among the Akamba, Tiva Q 1 
River, East Africa. By the late C. W. Neligan. MT 

I was sitting in iny camp near the Tiva River on January 8th, 1908, under a 
tree with my helmet on. The woman seen in the accompanying photographs came in, 
saw my helmet, and promptly went into a fit. She started trembling very violently, 
throwing her arms about. She was taken in hand by the people shown in the 
photographs, more particularly the man with a knife in his hand, who started making 
passes with his knife around her legs, head, and body. The woman still went on 
throwing herself about moaning and behaving as if she was in great pain. The 
man with the knife in his hand then made some patterns on the woman's legs with 
sand in this shape ^\ ; after which he passed the point of his knife along these 
patterns and again round and round the woman's legs, head, and body ; he also made 
the woman who seemed insane put her arms out in front of her as if in supplication, 
the man all the time repeating what seemed to be certain phrases. By this time, 
thinking the woman was seriously ill, I asked two other native women, who were 
standing by, what the matter was, and they said, " Oh, its only Kijesu." Knowing 
from Mr. Traill (who was the original discoverer of this affair) that it was only a sort of 
fit on account of seeing anyone with a helmet on, I went to my tent : this was after the 
woman had been about 1^ hours in this fit. About one hour later a message was sent 
over to me saying that if I would give this woman a letter she would be all right. 
I tore off a piece of a magazine I was reading and just ran a pencil over it and sent it 
over. The woman then sent back for some matches, which I sent ; she then lit the paper 
and put the lighted paper in her mouth, and the alleged devil was exorcised. From 
beginning to end this woman was in this fit about 3^ hours. Next morning I saw her 
and she was perfectly all right and did not mind my helmet in the least. 


Physical Anthropology. Duckworth. 

Report on a Human Skull from Thessaly (now in the Cam- QC 
bridge University Anatomical Museum). By W, L. H. Duckworth, UU 
M.D., Sc.D. 

I. History of the Specimen. The skull was found with other remains of a 
human skeleton in the stratum of the second neolithic period at Tsangli. It was at 
least 1 50 m. from the surface, and there was no disturbance of the stratification 
above it. Therefore the skull would seem to belong to the end of the second or to 
the third (chalcolithic) period. As the population then, to judge by archaeological 
evidence, was different from that which inhabited Thessaly in classical times, it is 
likely that this skull would differ from those modern Thessalians. In connection 
with the good preservation of the skull it is to be noted that animal bones from the 
same prehistoric mound are in good condition. 

II. Craniological Description (with Figs. 1 and 2). This is a male cranium of 
moderate size ; it has been reconstructed from about fifteen fragments. In the 
proportion of length and breadth it falls within the mesaticephalic division. 

The brow ridges are distinct, the external occipital protuberance on the contrary 
is small. The transverse orbital axes droop outwardly, and the orbital proportions 
were probably microseme. The mastoid processes are large with long axes nearly 
vertical in direction. 

The nasal skeleton was prominent and the lower margins of the nasal aperture 
distinct. The palate has nearly a parabolic contour. The teeth are of moderate 
size but of excellent quality. In the upper jaws the second and third molars are 

[ 49 ] 

JTos. 35-36.] 



distinctly smaller and less worn than the first. No signs of caries can be detected 
in either jaw. The chin is prominent, but a deep incisura submentalis reduces the 
height of the mandible in front. 

The last character is almost the only distinctive feature of the specimen ; that 
is to say, that in the vast majority of the details observed, no clear indication is given 
of the association of this skull with any well-known type. Moreover, this specimen 
may be of comparatively recent date, so far as the evidence of its state of preservation 
permits of a pronouncement on the subject. But if the evidence of its association 
with other objects of undoubted antiquity is good, then the presence of a highly 



evolved cranial form in Thessaly, even at an early date, will be established. I may 
add that some of the Roussolakkos skulls from Crete (now in the museum at Candia) 
are quite comparable to this skull. But to judge from the Thessalian crania of 
modern date (to be found in the Academy at Athens) the more usual skull form in 
that part of Greece is now longer and narrower than at earlier periods. In regard to 
its proportions, then, the specimen now under consideration would be contrasted with 
the majority of modern Thessalian skulls, and thus there is some reason, on these 
grounds alone, for assigning it to an earlier epoch in history. 

List of Measurements. 

Length (glabello-occipital) 
Breadth - 

Height (auricular) 
Circumference - 
Minimum frontal breadth 


Frontal arc 
Parietal arc 
Lambda to inion 
Supra-auricular arc 





Breadth index (mesaticephalic) - 76 -9 


North Wales : Ethnography. Edgre-Partington. 

A Note on Certain Obsolete Utensils in North Wales. By J. Edge- 

So much is and has been written about ethnographical specimens from foreign 
lands that those of Great Britain are apt to be overlooked ; in fact, many of our 
most interesting industries of a bygone age have disappeared for ever, together with the 
implements connected with them. There are very few collectors, although there ought 

[ 50 ] 



[No. 36. 

to be at least one in every county. Our local museums are in some way to blame for 
this, for if they would interest themselves more in local folklore they would soon 
find someone to take up this most important subject, thus preserving many things 
destined for the scrap-heap or fated to be thrown away to rot in some backyard. 
Most of the specimens that I have figured were obtained for me quite recently from 
farms in North Wales, and I think are worthy of preservation in our National 
Museum. Although at present there is no room for exhibiting them, yet I hope 
the time is not far distant when a growing interest in this subject will bring about 

a change in this direction, thus bringing to light many specimens of extreme 
interest before their final disappearance. Why should a Fiji " cannibal " 
bowl have more interest for an Englishman than any of the specimens 
here figured ? 

No. 1. A ram yoke, consisting of a stout bar ; each end is pierced, and through 
the aperture passes a spring hoop, the ends of which are secured by a crossbar. 
One end removable to admit the animal's neck. Used during the rutting season. 
N. Wales. 

No. 2. A spade for cutting turfs, shod with iron, with flange at right angles. 

N. Wales. 

[ 51 ] 

Nos. 36-37.] 



No. 3. A " turfing iron ; " iron blade with cutting edge on one side and at 
point, welded at base over the handle. N. Wales. 

No. 4. An iron dish standing on three legs, one at each end of the pointed 
oval-shaped bowl, the third is at the end of the handle ; used for holding the hot 
fat for dipping rushes, in the manufacture of rush-lights. N. Wales. 

No. 5. Wooden " begging bowl " used by the very poor people, employed in the 
manufacture of rush-lights, for begging food from the farms. N. Wales. 
No. 6. Circular wooden dish. N. Wales. 

No. 7. " Porringer " ; this type was in general use for eating 
porridge and milk. The staves are bound together by one broad 
wooden band with ends cut into strips and interlaced ; one stave 
is longer than the rest and forms a handle. N. Wales. 

No. 8. Wooden scales used for the weighing of butter. 
N. Wales. 

No. 9. Shovel used in malt houses. N. Wales. 

No. 10. Small ditto, found in the old Kiln House. Greywell, Hants. 

No. 11. Rolling pin, the centre portion grooved, for crushing oat-cake. N. Wales. 

No. 12. Wooden "peel" (for removing dishes, &c., from oven). Shropshire. 

No. 13. Iron rack for cleaning churchwarden pipes by placing them in the oven, 
generally after the bread was removed. Essex. 

No. 14. Miniature barrel used by farm labourers to take their day's beer to the 
fields. Greywell, Hants. J. EDGE-PARTINGTON. 

Africa, West. Tremearne. 

Hausa Folklore.* By Major A. J. N. Tremearne, F.R.G.S., Hausa 
Lecturer, Cambridge. 


There was a certain man, he had two wives ; they both gave birth, each brought 
forth a daughter. Then one mother died, and the father said to the other, " See, 

* For other tales see the Journal of the Folklore Society (June, 1910), and of the Royal Society of 
Arts (Oct. 19, 1910), and MAK (February, 1911). 

[ 52 ] 

1911.] MAN. [No. 37. 

" now this one's mother has died," he said, " You must look after both, both yours 
" and hers." She said, " Very well, I will look after them." 

They lived there, and the girls grew up. Now she (m.) was always beating 
the one who was not her daughter, until the father scolded her. 

Then she said, "Very well, do you quarrel with me because of her? I shall 
" take her to where she will be eaten." 

There was a certain river called the River Bagajun ; whoever went there a witch 
would eat. She (step-mother) said that the girl had soiled a skin, so she must go to 
the River Bagajun to wash it. She was travelling in the forest, she the girl, when 
she saw a river of sour milk* flowing in the forest, and the river of sour milk said, 
" Here, you girl, come and take some of me to drink." But she said, " No, what is 
'' the use ? " So she passed on and came to a river of honey, and the river of honey 
said, " Here, you girl, come and take some of me to drink." But she said, " No, what 
'' is the use ? " So she passed on and came upon some fowls ; they were cooking 
themselves. When she had come the fowls said, " Here, you girl, look here, we are 
" cooking ourselves ; you must come and take one and eat." But she said, " No, 
" what is the use ? " 

So she passed on and came close to the River Bagajun, and she stood close up 
against a tree and watched a certain woman in the river who was washing. All her 
body was mouths ; the mouths were saying, " Here you have given me (water) ; here 
" you have not given me." Then the girl came out into the open. When she had 
come out the woman beat her body with her two hands ; then her mouths again 
became one like everyone's. Then she said, " Welcome, girl." And she said, " What 
" has brought you to the River Bagajun to-day ? " She (g.) said, " Because I made 
" water on the skin I was told to come and wash it." Then she (w.) said, " Indeed ; 
" then come here and rub me." So she came, and while she was rubbing her on the 
back, lo the back opened ; but she remained silent, she the girl. Then she (w.) said, 
" What is it ? " The girl said, " The back has opened." She (w.) said, " What do 
" you see inside ? " She said, " A tiny basket with a lid." Then she (w.) said, 
" Take it," she said, " You may go ; I give it you." She said, " If when you have 
" gone you say, ' Shall it be broken here ? ' if you hear, ' Break, let us divide,' do 
" not break it." 

So she went away, and while she was travelling she said, " Shall I break here ? " 
She heard, " Break, let us divide " ; so she passed on. When she had journeyed a 
good distance she said, " Shall I break here ? " Silence. " Shall I break here ? " 
Silence. So she broke it ; then riches appeared cattle, slaves, camels, goats, and 
horses. So she sent to her town to her father, saying he was not to be afraid and 
run awayf ; it was she who had returned from the River Bagajun. 

When she had come and her mother's rival (kishiafy had seen, anger seized her. 
So she said to her daughter, " Make water and go to the River Bagajun." She went 
on, and on, and on, until she came to the river of sour milk. The river of sour milk 
said, " Here you, take some and drink." As for her she said, " You are full of 
" impudence when you say I am to take some." So she took some and drank and 
filled her stomach. She went on. She came to the river of honey. Then the river 
of honey said, "Here girl, come and take some of me and drink." But she said, 
" Who asked you ? " So she took some and drank and passed on. Then she came and 
met with the fowls, they were cooking themselves, and they said, " Here, you, come 
" and take one and eat it." So she took and ate it and passed on. 

Then she came to the River Bagajun and saw the old woman in it, washing and 

* Milk is drunk sour, not fresh. 

t Otherwise he might have thought that a hostile force was coming to attack the town. 
% Kishia is from kishi, jealousy, for a sufficiently evident reason. 

[ 53 ] 

No. 37.] MAN. [1911. 

saying, " Here you have given me (water), here you have not given me." Then she 
jumped out with a " boop." The woman hit her body and the mouths again became 
one. Then the woman said, " Did you see me ? " Then she said, " Great scot ! I did 
" see you with about 1,000 mouths." Then she (w.) said, " What has brought you to 
" the River Bagajun ? " So she (g.) said, " Oh dear, I came to wash a skin." Then 
she said, " Come and rub me," but she (g.) said, " Nonsense, I came to wash a skin." 
Then she (w.) said, " Come nevertheless." So she said, " All right." When she had 
come she rubbed and the back burst open. She said, " There, that is your silliness, I 
" said I should not rub you." She (w.) said, " What do you see ? " She (g.) said, 
" What could I see except a little basket ? " Then she (w.) said, " Take it, I give 
" you it." She said, " When you have gone and are travelling, if you say, ' Shall I 
" * break ? ' if you hear, ' Break, let us divide,' pass on." But she (g.) said, " Nonsense. 
" if I hear, ' Break, let us divide,' I shall break it." 

When she had gone she said, " Shall I break ? " She heard, " Break, let us 
" divide," so she broke it. Then lepers appeared to the number of about 1,000, and 
lame men about 1,000, and cripples and blind men. So she sent them on in front to 
go to the town. But her father heard the news and said she was not to come into 
the town but that she was to remain out in the forest with her unclean (stinking) 


There were certain boys, they were three, one named Dan Kuchingaya* and his 
two brothers. So it came to pass that they began courting girls. Now these girls 
were the daughters of a witch. As for them they did not know they were a witch's 
daughters. So the boys went to the girls' house. When they had arrived food was 
prepared for them, and they went outside to walk about, the boys. 

Now it happened that they came upon the witch combing the plaits of her daughter 
and looking for lice. So the boys came and said, " Peace be upon you." Then the 
mother let go of her daughter's head. When she had let it go the boys came and 
sat down. 

When evening came food was brought to the boys and they ate it, when night 
came the witch was unable to sleep, so she took a knife and began sharpening it. 
Now Dan Kuchingaya pulled off her daughters' breasts and put them on his brothers. 
So the witch was sharpening the knife. As she was sharpening she came to cut the 
boys' throats. Then Dan Kuchingaya coughed and said, " Um." So she said, " Oh I 
" boy, what do you want ? " He said, " I want an egg to do something." So the 
witch went and brought it to him. Then she went and lay down. Then he came, 
he Dan Kuchingaya, and pulled off the cloths from the witch's daughters and put 
them on his brothers. Then he pulled off his brothers' loinclothsf and put them on 
the witch's daughters. When he had put them thus and had lain down the witch came. 
As she felt if she found a loincloth she killed the wearer. So she killed all her daughters. 
When she had killed them she returned and lay down by herself. 

Now the boy (D. K.) made a hole in the house and made a tunnel to their town, so- 
he roused his brothers and they went off. Only he alone, Dan Kuchingaya, stayed in 
the witch's house. 

When morning broke the witch came and said, " Get up you children, day has 
broken." Then Dan Kuchingaya came out first and said, " I am Dan Kuchingaya, I 
" will show you what I have done." Then she went and came upon her daughters ; 
she had killed all. So she said, " As for me, I shall revenge myself for what you have 

* You will be revenged. 

f The women's cloths (zenne) are long, reaching from under the armpits to the knees ; the men's. 
(bente) are small triangular pieces. 

[ 54 ] 

1911.] MAN. [No. 37- 

" done to me." Then the boy returned home and went and told his brothers. He said, 
" If yon see a certain woman come soliciting do not go with her." 

Now the witch arose and became a prostitute, and came on market day. And it 
happened that Dan Kuchingaya's elder brother saw her ; she had put forty needles in 
her hand. Then Dan Kuchingaya's elder brother saw her and said he liked her. And 
she said, " Very well," but Dan Kuchingaya came and saw her and he called his elder 
brother aside and said, " Do not go with that woman." But he (e.b.) swore at the boy. 
Then he (D. K.) said, " All right, go with her." Then he (e.b.) called the woman aside 
and they began to talk. Then all of a sudden she plucked out his eyes and went off. 
Then Dan Kuchingaya said, " Ah ! I told you not to go with her." Then he said, 
" Now, I must go and get back your eyes for you." So he (e.b.) said, " Right." 

So Dan Kuchingaya transformed himself and became a Filani girl.* And he 
carried some milk. He did not begin to cry it until he reached the door of the witch's 
house. And it came to pass that the witch said, " Bring it here." So he brought it 
and she brought it. Then he asked her and said, " Do you not know of a charm for 
" the eyes ? " Then he said, " Dan Kuchingaya, a wicked youth, came and plucked 
" out the eyes of my cattle." Then she said, " Is that so ? go and get the eyes of a 
" black goat, when you have got them I will give you a certain fat (ointment ?) to 
" put with the eyes and you will see that the eyes of the cattle will be restored." 
So he said, "Right." 

So Dan Kuchingaya went off, and when he had gone a good distance away he 
changed himself into a man and said, "I am Dan Kuchingaya, it is on account of 
" the eyes of my elder brother, which you plucked out, that I came and questioned 
" you." Then she said, " Go and get some pepper and put it in." But he said, " Oh ! 
" I understand." So it happened that he went and they bought a black goat and 
killed it and put the eyes into the elder brother's sockets. And it came to pass that 
the eyes were restored. 


This is about a woman, she was a witch, her name Umbajia. There were she 
and her children, they were twelve children. Now she sent them to the forest and 
they left the eldest at home. Then she said to him, " Climb up and pluck a pumpkinf 
" for me." So he said, " Very well," and climbed up. Now, when he had plucked 
the pumpkin he descended with it and fell into a wooden mortar.J When they had 
fallen in she pounded up the boy together with the pumpkin. And so she prepared 
a meal with the boy. 

When the brothers returned she said, " See, here is your food." So they ate, they 
did not know. So it came to pass at daybreak they were going to the forest when 
she said one was to remain. So one remained. She said, " Climb up and pluck that 
'' thing for me." And he said, " Very well." So he climbed up and plucked it and 
descended and fell with the pumpkin. So she pounded them up and prepared a meal, 
and the boys came and ate, they did not know. All of her children she ate except the 
son Auta, he alone. As for the son Auta he ran away. 

When he had run away she searched for him but did not find him, so she followed 
him. He was running on, and on, and on, when she espied him ; so he said, " Quickly, 
" quickly, big horse, take me home." Really his feet were his horse. So he came and 
met some sowers. They said, u Oh, youth ! what are you running from ? " He said, 
" It is my mother, she will eat me." Then they said, " Stop here, shall we not kill her 
" even with our hoes ? " So he stayed. Now the mother came on singing, " Barra- 

* For the origin of these people see Tfie Niger and tlie West Sudan, p. 54. 
f Growing on the roof of the house. { Usually standing outside, close to the roof. 

[ 55 ] 

No. 37,] MAN. [1911. 

" ram, barraram,* Dodo, I am going home ; see me here, my son." Now, when they 
were aware of her approach fear seized them, and they said, " Boy, save yourself, we 
" shall save ourselves." So the boy went on, and on, and on, saying, " Quickly, 
" quickly, big horse, take me home." 

So he went on and came upon some blacksmiths. They said, " Oh, boy ! what 
" are you running from ? " So he said, " It is my mother, she will eat me." So 
they said, " Stay here, could we not kill her even with our bellows ? " So he said, 
" Very well." Then the mother approached singing, " Barraram, barraram, Dodo, 
" I am going home ; see me here, my son." But when they saw her they said, " Boy, 
" save yourself, we shall save ourselves." So the boy ran on, and on, and on, saying, 
*' Quickly, quickly, big horse, take me home." 

So it came to pass that he came upon a detachment of soldiers and they said, 
" Oh, boy ! what are you running from ? " So he said, " It is my mother, she will 
" eat me." Then they said, " Remain here, we will drive her away." So the mother 
approached singing, and when they had seen her they began fighting. But when they 
had fought and could not kill her they said, " Boy, arise and go." So he said, 
"Very well." 

He was running on, and on, and on, when he came to the hedgehog's house. The 
hedgehog said, " Oh ! boy, what are you running from ? " And he said, " It is my 
" mother, she will eat me." Then shef said, " Stay here." Now when she (m.) came 
she questioned the hedgehog, saying, " Have you not seen a boy go past ? " She (h.h.) 
refused to reply. Then she (m.) said, " Have you not seen a boy go past ? " She 
refused to reply. Then the witch became angry, and took the hedgehog and swallowed 
her ; but the hedgehog opened the witch's stomach and came out. Then she took 
and again swallowed the hedgehog, but the hedgehog cut open her breast and came 
out. Then she took and once more swallowed her ; but the hedgehog emerged from 
her heart, and she killed the witch.J Then she said, " Boy, you can come out and 
" go away." 


This is about one whose mother was a witch, and she gave birth to a daughter ; 
the daughter did not practise witchcraft. She was brought and married in another 
town. When she had been married she was taken away. When she had been taken 
away she lived there until she conceived, she the girl, and she brought forth a son. 
When she had brought him forth he was named, the son was given the name of 
Allah Sidi. 

Now it came to pass that the boy grew up, and when he had become rather 
big the girl said she would go to visit her old home. About two days after she had 
come the mother gave her a basket, a sieve, and a grass covering to get water. She 
went off, and when she drew the water it ran out again. Now the mother (of the girl) 
took the boy and put him in a mortar to pound. When she was about to pound the 
boy would laugh, when he laughed the witch would put down the pestle even unto 
three times. Then the witch closed her eyes and pounded the boy up. When she 
had pounded him she took him out and made food with him. When she had done this 
she put by a hand and some food for her daughter. 

When the girl tired (of trying to get water) she returned to the house, and 
when she had returned she (w.) said, " Here is your food." Then the girl took it, 
and was eating when she saw the boy's hand in it. So she replaced it and went off to 
her husband's house ; she was crying. She went and said, " The boy was taken to 

* Supposed to represent the hoof beats. She evidently had a horse, 
f Hedgehog (jbu&hia) is feminine. 

I It is always the third time which is fatal in these cases. 

[ 56 ] 

1911.] MAN. [No . 37. 

" my mother, see she has killed him." Then the husband said, " Very well, we shall 
" be revenged." 

So the husband dug a well, a deep one, and took the [grass] roof of a granary 
and put it into the well ; he took wood (about three bundles) and threw them into the 
well, and he set fire to the lot. Wherever he had put fire the fire caught the wood 
and devoured it. when it had devoured it the place became red-hot. Then he took 
some mats, and he put about three mats over the mouth of the well. Then he sent 
to the girl's mother, and said that the girl had died. As for the girl he hid her in 
the house. So the mother came to attend the funeral rites. And it came to pass 
that when she had come she was told to sit on the mat. So when she sat down, 
and they were saluting, when, lo, the witch fell into the well. She died. Then they 
said, " Oh, girl, come out, for the thing that your mother did we are revenged." So 
the girl said, "Good." And so they lived there, and the girl conceived again. 


Three youths used to go to a certain town to get women to bring to their town* 
to sleep. They were always going. Now, behold, there were three devils on the 
road. And three of the women devils said, " Let us take counsel that we may kill 
these boys." So they adorned themselves. Now, the three boys set out from their 
town to bring the women, and lo they met the three female devils. Then they said, 
" Well, look here, we came to look for women, see we have obtained them." Then 
the women said, " Let us sit here awhile and talk, then we will return with you." 
They sat down and were talking, and were leaning up against the women's thighs 
when the eldest of them stretched out his leg and touched the foot of a woman it was 
a hoof like that of a horse. Then he felt afraid in his body, his heart was rent. Then 
of these three boys he called the youngest, and said let him send him home, he had 
forgotten something. When they had gone aside he said, " When you go home do 
not return, these women are devils." The youngest of them when he had gone 
remained at home. Then, again, he called the next youngest and said, " I sent Auta 
" to bring me something and he has not come, you go quickly and call him." When 
he had gone aside he said, " When you go home do not return. These women are 
*' devils." So he followed Auta. 

Except for him there was no one but the three female devils. Then he said 
the perspiration was bothering him. So he pulled off his robe, and folded up his 
robe tightly. Then lie said the perspiration was bothering him, so he pulled off his 
trousersf and folded them up tightly, and he took the robe and put it in his trousers 
and put them down close to him. Then he got up and snatched up his trousers and 
hung them on his shoulder. Then he bounded off at a run. Then the female devils 
followed him. When he had come to the fence of his house he jumped, meaning to fall 
inside, but they caught his foot, so his head was swinging to and fro in the compound ; 
his foot they were holding. Then he said, " How ridiculous ; it is not my foot that 
you have seized but a post."J When they had released his foot he fell and ran 
inside the house. So the female devils went back. 


There was a certain loose woman, she arose and went to a certain town. A youth 
of the town came to her, but she said she did not want him ; another youth came to her, 
but she said she did not want him. All the youths of the town came to her, but she 
said she did not want them. Then the son of the chief of the town arose and went 

* The woman is the visitor in Hausalaud. 

t The long robe and loose trousers (like those of the Arabs) would naturally impede him. 
j The danga is made of mats, twigs, or canes supported by posts. 

[ 57 ] 

Nos. 37-38.] MAN. [1911. 

and said he liked her, and she said, " As for me I like you." So he took her and 
brought her to his hut. The chief's son said he would marry her. As for her she 
said, " If you are going to marry me you must tell me what charms you possess that I 
" may know." Then he said he would tell her. So he began and said, " Stone." He 
said he could change into garafunu* She said, " I have heard two." He said, " I can 
" become water." He said, "I can become hash "f But his mother said, " Stop, for 
" goodness' sake." So he was silent. So he said that those were all the charms 
he possessed. 

Now in the morning, about 8 a.m., the woman said he must escort her towards her 
parents' town. So the chief's son said, " Very well." They started off and took the 
road. They were travelling in the depths of the forest when she pulled off one of her 
cloths and threw it down. Then he said, " Hullo, are you going to throw away your 
" cloth ? " But she said it was there that she had got it. They were journeying on 
again when she loosed all her cloths and threw them away, and then she turned into 
a devil. Then she seized the chief's son and threw him on the ground, but the chief's 
son became a stone. Then she seized the stone and threw it on the ground, but he 
became a garafunu plant. Then she plucked up the garafunu and went to pound it 
up, but he became goat's dung. Then she stopped and looked here and there and said, 
I heard him say hash, but his mother interrupted. So she took the dung and examined 
it, but she threw it away. Again she returned and took the goat's dung and said, 
" Is it he, or is it not he ? " Then she threw it away with force into' the forest. When 
he had gone and had fallen he became a man and ran home. 


Melanesia. Seligrmann. 

The Melanesians of British New Guinea. By C. G-. Seligmann, M.D., Qfl 
with a chapter by F. R. Barton, C.M.G., and an Appendix by E. L. Giblin. 00 
Cambridge : At the University Press, 1910. Pp. 766. With 79 plates, 50 text 
figures, a table and a map. 24 X 15 cm. Price 1 1*. 

The author gives an enormous quantity of most reliable information of every 
kind about the many tribes belonging especially to the eastern half of British New 
Guinea. He who has travelled among the Melanesians and knows the difficulties 
under which work is carried on, is able to appreciate fully the amount of labour that 
is involved in this book. 

The author's method is to take into consideration not only the facts of material 
culture, sociology, language, or physical type, but to deduce from these aspects of 
a people's life a view of its biologic and historic conditions and their present value. 
Thus, in combining the facts he tries to get the characteristics of each of the tribes. 
It is agreeable to note that in his detail work he gives also a broad survey of the 
main points. The author had the opportunity of obtaining various data from different 
informants to which he refers constantly in his book. These references enable the 
reader to appreciate the source. 

None of the peoples discussed belongs to a pure Papuan race, but all are con- 
sidered as a Papuo-Melanesian mixture. The author divides them into an Eastern and 
a Western group. The Eastern group (Massim) occupies the eastern and south-eastern 
administrative division of British New Guinea (from Cape Nelson to Orangerie Bay) 
and includes all the Archipelagos in the neighbourhood of this part of the mainland 
of New Guinea, showing " a more or less orderly change from west to east, from 
" short-statured dolichocephaly to brachycephaly associated with increase of stature." 

* Garafunu. or aarajini, is a bitter plant used in foods and medicines. f Dung is kashi. 

[ 58 ] 

1911.] MAN. [No . 38 . 

They all speak a language with a common Melanesian grammar. The northern 
portion of this group includes the Trobriands, the Marshall Bennets, the Woodlarks 
(Murua), as well as a number of smaller islands, and is characterised by a cephalic 
index and a cranial capacity that is higher than elsewhere among the Massim. They 
have a royal family in each district with an hereditary chieftainship of considerable 
authority and of a long-faced tall type. This type otherwise seems to excel among 
its companions. " These people build the big sea-going canoes (waga) that play 
" such an important part in the life of the district, and it is in these islands that 
'' the decorative art, characteristic of the whole of the Massim district, has reached 
" its highest expression in the carving of the ornaments for the prows of the 
" waga, and in the patterns used to decorate the Trobriand lime gourds." This 
northern portion is distinguished from the others by the absence of cannibalism, 
which, until recently, existed throughout the remaining portion of the Massim 
district. Whereas the Trobriand islanders have large and compact settlements, the 
dwellings of the communities of a great part of the Massim area are arranged in 
scattered groups which Seligmann proposes to call hamlets. The members of a 
hamlet are closely related by blood, each hamlet having its own name and exercising 
a considerable degree of autonomy. 

The most characteristic social feature of the Massim is shown in the famous linked 
totems (exogamous, with matrilineal descent), consisting mostly of a bird, a fish, a 
snake, and a plant, or, instead of that, of a rock. In Milne Bay and Bartle Bay there 
is a dual or multiple grouping of the clans, connected with cannibalism, and the 
regulation of the terms by which every individual is addressed. A special reverence 
is accorded the father's totem. I do not know if we are authorised to construct an 
ancient or original paternal totemisui upon this fact. It may be that we simply 
have to deal with one kind of the many forms and appearances affiliated to the 
whole complexity of beliefs in mystic powers and connections, which commonly 
are generalised under the name of totemism. Totem-insignia are, now at least, 
indifferently used as a means of decorating the houses and utensils, and degenerate 
often into the spiral patterns common throughout the district. Pottery has not the 
same high standard as wood carving. Of special interest are the ceremonial adze 
blades formerly made at Suloga, and traded from hand to hand for many hundreds of 
miles, in one direction as far as the Papuan Gulf, in the other direction west of Cape 
Nelson, greatly valued everywhere and used as currency in the brisk trade maintained 
between the archipelagos. 

. The Western Papuo-Melanesians have a very considerable Papuan element in 
their composition and represent another type of miscegenation which differs con- 
siderably among the single tribes. Their characters differ again from the more western 
population, which Seligmann calls Papuan. These Western Papuo-Melanesians occupy 
the area along the south coast from Cape Possession (East, Papuan Gulf) to the 
neighbourhood of Orangerie Bay, extending inland into the high mountains. Appar- 
ently the aboriginal population of the shores and of the islands has more easily been 
swept away by the Melanesian invaders than in the hilly and mountainous or swampy 
mainland. Thus the western Papuo-Melanesians have not only a very considerable 
Papuan element in their physical composition, but many speak also Papuan languages. 
These tribes show in every respect a far greater range of variation than the eastern 
Papuo-Melanesians. They all have a clan organisation with patriliueal descent. But 
traces of mother-right exist and are most numerous among the Mekeo tribes, where 
chieftainship may descend through the female line. Exogamy is the rule, with the 
exception of the Motu tribe, whose members are good craftsmen but the poorest 
artists. In a number of tribes there are signs of a former totemic condition, or, at 
least, of a stage, in which animals played an important part in the beliefs of the people. 

[ 59 ] 

Nos. 38-39.] MAN. [1911. 

Such is the case with the Mekeo, who inhabit the upper plain of the St. Joseph 
River, behind the coastal Roro-speakiug zone, and who possess a complicated system of 
general and special clans, which is explicitly described. In connection with this clan 
organisation club-houses are built. The Koita tribes have, instead of the club-houses, 
the very artistically decorated ceremonial platforms (dubu\ the erection of which is a 
family privilege and connected with an elevated social position. An important feature 
distinguishes the group of the Roro, Koita, Sinaugolo, &c., tribes, i.e., the greater 
importance attached to the right than to the left side in matters of ceremony (also 
chieftainship), and the predominance of geometrical designs in the decorative art. 

It is impossible in this brief summary to give an adequate idea of the inex- 
haustible stock of detailed observations that is brought before the public in the 746 
pages, followed by a glossary and a valuable index. All sides of social life, initia- 
tion ceremonies, marriage, chieftainship, property and inheritance, crop-growing and 
trade, settlements, magic and sorcery, funeral and mourning ceremonies, folk-tales, 
dances and songs, morals and religion are discussed. It is a matter of course that 
the reports vary in some way to suit the characteristics of the tribes. The annual 
trading expeditions of the Motu people to the Papuan Gulf are richly described by 
Captain Barton. Very interesting is the note about the stone circles for cannibal 
feasts, which may be compared in some way with the preparations for the " ingniet " 
festival of New Britain. The report about the cult of the mango reminds me of a 
legend collected from the Admiralty Islands, where a child results from the mango 
fruit. The custom of purchasing the right to perform a dance, as reported from the 
Koita, will also be found on New Ireland. Contrary to the Melanesians of the 
islands, the sexual element is scarcely to be found in the art of the Papuo-Melanesians, 
and we remark the same in the native designs reproduced in facsimile in the plates 
of Seligmann's book, an instance that distinguishes these tribes from other primitive 

Considering the influence of the wanderings, we may be converted to the opinion 
that, generally speaking, the culture seems to deteriorate the more the pure Papuan 
influence is traced in the racial composition. The linguistic characteristics must be 
left apart. We are not entitled to group Papuan-speaking peoples among the Papuan 
race without somatic investigations. Therefore, a Papuan-speaking man in these mixed 
regions, cannot be qualified as an example of the true Papuan somatic type. As 
Papuan languages and racial relics are more and more found among the Melanesian 
Islands, we do right to qualify all these inhabitants more or less as Papuo-Malanesians 

An excellent series of photos accompanies the text and perfects this first-rate 
reference book. It completes for the East the splendid Cambridge Expedition Reports 
of the more western Torres Straits and the Fly River territory, giving together with 
it an account of most of the known tribes of entire British New Guinea. 


Africa : Sociology. Blyden. 

African Life and Customs. (Reprinted from the Sierra Leone Weekly OQ 
News.) By Edward Wilmot Blyden, LL.D. C. M. Phillips. Pp. 91. Price UU 
Is. 6d. net. 

When educated natives of Africa tackle the complex question of the government 
of the negro races by the white man, it is their habit to bow low, before the superior 
wisdom of the superior race and to apologise humbly for the ignorance and wickedness 
of their benighted brethren. This is the natural consequence of the European 
education they have received, for only too often they are taught, not to despise their 
own race, but to despise those who have preserved their racial characteristics ; in 

[ 60 ] 

1911.] MAN. [Nos. 39-40. 

their opinion the less a negro is a negro, the nearer he is to perfection. This is, of 
course, quite comprehensible when we have to deal with American negroes, there is 
a good practical reason why they should try to adopt the customs of the people 
among whom they have to live ; but the African in Africa has no such excuse, and 
it is a pleasant change to read a book, written by a negro, in which a plea is made 
for a return to ancestral customs. 

A much discussed problem is why the negro, after reaching a certain height of 
civilisation, not only stops in his progress, but frequently reverts to barbaric customs. 
The only answer is that he has not yet invented the means by which acquired 
knowledge can be perpetuated. Without the art of writing, it is impossible for any 
race to progress beyond a certain point, and progress already achieved will thus 
easily fall into oblivion. The social and moral improvement of the human race cannot 
be disassociated from it, and the negro has only attained to the civilisation of the 
illiterate ; benefiting by the experience of the other races, he will be able to skip 
the stages of the more primitive forms, and at once proceed to the period when 
paper and the printing press will serve to preserve and diffuse knowledge. Give 
him his tools and then let him proceed to carve out for himself such a culture as will 
suit his nature and his environment. 

" Teach the negro the use of letters and let him fight his own battle," sums up 
fairly well the teaching of Dr. Blyden's book ; and he then compares the advantages 
of European civilisation with those tendered by the African. There is no gainsaying 
that the former makes a very poor show. The great problems that we find in 
Europe eugenics, decrease of birth-rate, poverty, poor-laws, overcrowding of towns, 
treatment of criminals, the labour, land, and religious questions have been solved by 
the African in the most satisfactory way : they have been never allowed to arise. 
Compulsory spinsterhood is unknown, and instruction is given to all girls, preparing 
them for their duties as wives and mothers ; a long rest after the birth of each child 
and suppression of the unfit prevent the deterioration of the species. The industrial 
system of the African is co-operative ; it is all for one and one for all. Everybody 
has the right to hunt and fish and to retain for his own use and benefit everything 
which may be the result of his efforts. There is no law of property too sacred to 
permit any man, woman, or child suffering either hunger or want without a sufficient 
supply of food or clothing, provided that these things exist in the village or the 
community. Criminals are judged by the entirety of the adult population, and if 
found guilty, instead of being a burden to the law-abiding part of the community, 
are sold as slaves to remote countries, and the money so obtained is used for the 
compensation of those whom they have wronged. There is work for everybody, and 
this work assures the labourer such an income as permits him to live in decent 
comfort. Land is inalienable, and every member of the community is entitled to such 
parts of it as he desires to cultivate. No standing aVmy or police force are necessary. 
Religious intolerance is beyond the grasp of their imagination. Politics, as understood 
in Europe, do not occupy their mind'. 

Pleading for the study of native institutions, Dr. Blyden urges their preservation, 
and all true friends of the African cannot but wish him success. E. T. 

Africa, East. Hobley. 

A-Kamba and other East African Tribes. By C. W. Hobley, C.M.G. Cam- I A 
bridge University Press, 1910. Pp. xvi + 172, with map. Price 7*. 6rf. net. TU 
Nothing augurs better for the future of anthropology than the fact that it has 
engaged the interest of many of those who administer the primitive peoples in the 
more remote corners of our Empire, and that the study of local ethnography has 
proved not merely to be academically interesting, but to have a practical application. 

[ 61 ] 

Nos. 40-41,] MAN. [1911. 

In none of our colonies have ethnographical studies been more actively pursued than 
in the East Africa Protectorate, and the book under notice, by Mr. C. W. Hobley, 
forms a welcome addition to the store of knowledge already collected by him, Hollis, 
Tate, and others. 

The first part of the book deals with the A-Kamba, a tribe the name of which 
has long been known to travellers, but concerning whom little detailed information 
has hitherto been available. Situated as they are between Mount Kenya and the 
coast, it has so happened that travellers have passed quickly through their country 
on their way to the interior, the more remote regions possessing superior attraction. 

At the same time there are many points of unusual interest connected with the 
A-Kamba ; and of these not the least interesting concerns their psychology ; they seem 
as a people to be subject to periodic epidemics of a nervous disease known as Chesu, 
which corresponds in a remarkable manner to the malady known as Latah among 
the Malays, and which has been supposed to be confined to people of that stock. 

Another point of interest lies the existence of something approaching to a picto- 
graphic script : certain conventional symbols are carved upon sticks by the men in 
charge of the initiation camps, and the candidates have to state the meaning of these. 
If a boy cannot solve the riddle, his father is ridiculed and has to pay a fine con- 
sisting in beer. The A-Kamba are divided into a number of original clans and 
subdivisions of these clans ; the members of different subdivisions of one of the 
original clans were not allowed to intermarry in former times, though strangely enough 
they could marry back into the parent clan. The prohibition against intermarriage 
between the sub-clans is not strictly enforced now, the reason alleged being that the 
clans are now so large numerically that it does not matter. Granted the possibility 
of marriage into the original clan, this reason seems rather difficult to explain satis- 
factorily. In connection with marriage may be noted the ordinance which obtained 
in former times by which no man could marry until he had killed a Masai. 

A link with the tribes of British Central Africa is seen in the belief that certain 
professional thieves possess " medicine," which, when blown in the direction of a hut, 
causes the inmates to become stupefied so that they can be robbed with impunity. 
Another is the word for hyena, Mbiti, which, in the form of Mpkiti, is given by the 
Manganja to those practitioners of black magic who kill men in order, hyena-like, 
to prey upon their corpses. In the folklore section it is interesting to find here, close 
to the east coast, two of the stories which occur in Uncle Remus. 

After a thorough discussion of the A-Kamba, principally from a sociological point 
of view, the author gives a very interesting account of the social organisation of the 
Masai, much of which is entirely new ; and a few notes on the A-Kikuyu, chiefly 
relating to land tenure, and on the Mogodogo, Mweru, Sambur, Laikipiak, Elgeyo, 
Uasingishu, and their sub-divisions, bring the book to a close. 

The book is written in a thoroughly straightforward manner, and with no 
" embroidery " ; the information is put in the fewest Words and the simplest, so that 
the sense is always perfectly clear. That it is by Mr. Hobley is sufficient guarantee 
of the accuracy of the information contained. The volume is illustrated with photo- 
graphs and contains an excellent sketch map. An introductory chapter is furnished 
by Professor W. Ridgeway. T. A. J. 

Africa, West. Tremearne. 

The Niger and the West Sudan : the West African's Note-Book. By Captain 
A. J. N. Tremearne, Dip. Anth. (Cantab.), F.R.G.S., F.R.A.I. Hodder & 
Stoughton and Arthur H. Wheeler & Co. Pp. 151. 

In this very useful little book Captain Tremearne gives a general survey of the 
history and ethnography of Nigeria and the West Sudan, with hints and suggestions 

[ 62 ] 

1911.] MAN. [No. 41. 

to the traveller who intends to visit these countries* The author falls into the 
common mistake of taking history to be an account of rulers and conquests and not 
of the intellectual, moral, and social development of the natives ; this, the real 
history, he relates to some extent in Part II under the heading "The Races of 
" British West Africa." This part contains certain points on which Captain 
Tremearne ought not to have suggested definite solutions. He takes for granted 
that the iron industry is an imported one in Africa, whereas it seems to me that 
the more the knowledge of African ethnography progresses, the more reason is there 
to believe that it is indigenous. Stone implements, too, are now being found in all 
parts of Africa where research is carried out, and the negative evidence of their 
non-existence ought to be qualified by the unsatisfactory and insufficient nature of 
investigations. As for a copper age the absence of ore cannot be pleaded ; the 
South-Central African copper mines are perhaps the richest in the world, and if the 
smelting of copper had been invented at all the use of the metal would have spread 
over the whole continent by means of the trade carried on from village to village. 
This is proved by what happened to brass ; the moment it appeared on the West 
Coast it penetrated into the interior, and early in the seventeenth century we find 
it a well-known commodity in the very centre of the continent. " What can we 
" reason but from what we know ? " Let us for the present limit ourselves to a 
statement of what research has revealed and leave to future generations the draw- 
ing of conclusions, when material enough will be at hand to form a sounder basis for 

The compilations, which form the ethnographical part, are the work of an 
industrious and careful student, and are well suited to help those who intend to push 
inquiry forward. The Fulani and the Hausa claim the author's special attention ; 
the Yoruba are superficially treated. Ellis' Yoruba-speaking People, Barbot's Coast 
of Guinea, Johnson's Yoruba Heathenism, Phillips' If a, and Dennett's Nigerian 
Studies have escaped the author's attention. Chapter VI must be rewritten for 
a future edition worthy of the author's own standard as established by the previous 

The chapter on education is suitably opened with a quotation from dear Mary 
Kingsley : " The percentage of honourable and reliable men among the Bushmen is 
" higher than among the educated men." When will those in power appreciate the 
commonsense of this admirable woman and be guided by its spirit in the government 
of native races instead of applying the tenets of Exeter Hall ? Captain Tremearne 
deserves the gratitude of the West Coast natives for advocating the wise development 
of their own civilisation instead of the systematic application of European codes of 
honour, morals, and education, all equally unsuited to them. Nigeria is probably the 
most rationally governed of all colonies, English or foreign, and if even there we find a 
tendency to make bad imitations of the white man out of excellent native material, 
what hope is there for dependencies under less favourable conditions ? Full of 
quotations from the best sources, this chapter ought to be read by all colonial 
administrators, who, if impartial, cannot fail to see that before educating the natives 
we must study their language, sociology, and ethnology, as has been pointed out by 
the Committee on the Organisation of Oriental Studies. And here again Nigeria 
has the lead ; it is, I believe, the only colony that can boast of a duly qualified 
government anthropologist. " Let the pagans be ruled in accordance with their own 
" traditions, and without the introduction of ideals, which, although very desirable to 
*' us, might be repugnant to them." 

Captain Tremearne's small vocabularies and general hints to travellers are very 
acceptable. It would be rather a dangerous game implicitly to follow his advice as to 

[ 63 ] 

Nos. 42-43.] MAN. [1911. 

constant quinine dosing, and he does not dwell sufficiently on the necessity of plenty of 
exercise. The kit selected seems to be quite satisfactory. 

As the book is to be a note-book, a smaller shape, permitting it to be carried 
in the pocket, would be an improvement. E. T. 

Europe : Ethnology. Nierderle. 

La Race Slave. Par Lubar Niederle, Professeur a PUnversite de Prague, ifl 
Traduit du tcheque par Louis Leger, de 1'Institut. Paris : F. Alcan, 1911. * 
Pp. xii + 231. 

This small volume contains a short but comprehensive collection of statistical 
anthropological and demographical data concerning the Slavonic nations. In the intro- 
duction a few words are said about the different modes of classification of these 
peoples. For the purpose of this work seven groups are accepted : the Russians, 
the Poles, the Lusatians, the Czechs (Bohemians), the Slovenians, the Serbocroatians, 
and the Bulgars. Each of these groups is more or less homogeneous. In the descrip- 
tion of each group we get in the first place a short historical sketch in order to trace 
the general movements of the nation and the influences it has undergone from its 
neighbours. Next the territory and the frontiers of the nationality are indicated, a 
task which in many cases presents some difficulties. A short statistical sketch 
follows with an account of the density of the population. Of special interest will 
be undoubtedly the part devoted to internal differences which obtain amongst some 
of the apparently homogeneous groups such as the Russians. There are many things 
concerning this point that come to the knowledge of Western Europeans in more or 
less official form and therefore distorted and falsified. In addition also the stress of 
national feeling in the case of each individual nation is so strong that it is difficult 
to trust any casual information obtained from any one of the interested parties 
about another. M. Niederle's book is written with a thorough knowledge of all the 
nationalities he describes and in an impartial spirit. It is a valuable source of informa- 
tion for the student of folklore and ethnography, who wishes to be informed in a 
short but clear way about the general questions forming the basis of all the more 
detailed researches. B. MALINOWSKL 


AT the meeting of the Universal Races Congress in July it is proposed to 
have an exhibition' of some 3,000 select photographs of men and women of 
some standing in their country and race. This exhibition should be of considerable 
interest to anthropologists. The Congress Executive invite ail Fellows of the Royal' 
Anthropological Institute to send their photographs for this exhibition to the- 
Secretary, Gr. Spiller, 63, South Hill Park, N.W. At the suggestion of M. Topinard 
it is requested that there should be attached to the photograph, not only the name of 
the person but also his or her age, stature, colour of hair and eyes, country of birth, 
and cephalic index. For this purpose any person wishing to be measured should call 
at the rooms of the Royal Anthropological Institute, 50, Great Russell Street, W.C. 
The attention of all readers is drawn to the Questionnaire of the Congress, which is 
inserted in the form of a leaflet in this number of MAN. 

THE Institute is much indebted to Miss L. E. Biggs for her kindness in permitting 
the use of the photograph of the late Sir Francis Galton, from which the plate in. 
the March number was reproduced. 

Printed by EYRE AND SPOTTISWOODE. LTD., His Majesty's Printers, Bast Harding Street, E.C, 


MAN, 1911. 

FIG. 3. 

FIG. 5. 

FIG. 4. 

FIG. 6. 


1911.] MAN. [No. 44. 

Solomon Islands. With Plate E. Williamson. 

Solomon Island Notes. By If. U . Williamson. 

I had an opportunity, whilst en route last year for British New Guinea, of 
spending a short time in the Rubiana Lagoon (island of New Georgia) and in the 
island of Kulambangra, Avhich is a great volcanic peak not far from Gizo. The 
time and facilities at my disposal were not sufficient to enable me to attempt any 
serious -ethnological work ; but a few things which I saw and heard in Kulambangra 
are not, I think, without interest. 

I had pitched my tent in an old palm grove, being one of a series of groves 
extending for a considerable distance along the coast of the island. There were 
villages in the vicinity, but there were none on the spot where I was encamped, 
those which had been there having been destroyed by a Government punitive expe- 
dition, following inter-village fighting, and the natives having retreated into the 
interior, where they had built fresh villages. 

The chief visible matters of interest in Kulambangra were a series of taboo signs, 
of which I found a considerable number on the sea margin of the palm groves, and 
each of which referred to the group of palms whose owner had erected the sign. I 
had these explained to me by a native of the island, and, as a subsequent explana- 
tion, which I afterwards obtained from a quite independent native source, was 
substantially the same, I think I may take it that my information is probably fairly 

One form of taboo (Fig. 1) was a representation of a crocodile. It was made 
out of the ribs of two cocoa-nut leaves, placed horizontally one upon the other, and 
supported by sticks. These were placed with their concave sides inwards, and their 
expanding bases, bending upwards and downwards, had been cut along their edges into 
tooth-like indentations, and so represented the crocodile's open mouth and teeth, and 
in this mouth was placed a cocoa-nut. The meaning of this taboo was that any ma 
who stole cocoanuts from the trees which the taboo protected would be eaten by a 

Another form (Fig. 2) was somewhat similar to the first one ; but in this case 
the crocodile was upright, instead of being horizontal, and there was no cocoanut ia 
its mouth. I tried to ascertain whether the presence of the cocoanut in form No. I 
and its absence in form No. 2 was accidental, but was assured that it was not 
so ; and, having seen a few of each, I can say that one always had the cocoanut 
and the other had not. The explanation of No. 2 form, as given to me, was com- 
plicated, and in no way obvious. It meant that a single thief would be caught by 
a crocodile, which would only get one of his limbs, but that several thieves together 
would all be entirely devoured by crocodiles. It may be that I have fallen into error 
over this explanation, but I have no reason for thinking so other than its complicated 
and somewhat non-obvious character. 

Another form (Fig. 3) was half of a bivalve shell inserted into the split end of a 
vertical stick. This was apparently intended to represent a human ear, and the warning 
which it gave was that the .thief would lose his power of hearing. 

Another form (Fig. 4) was a bundle of leaves inserted into the split end of a 
vertical stick ; and the threat involved by it was that the robber would be carried by 
the winds out to sea in his canoe and be lost. No explanation was forthcoming as 
to the idea concerning such a calamity which was conveyed by these leaves ; but 
it might well be based upon the way in which leaves are blown about and carried 
away by the wind. 

Another form (Fig. 5) was a little bundle of three or four leafy plants inserted 

[ 65 ] 

No. 44.] MAN. [1911. 

into the slit end of the stick ; and the penalty foretold by it was that of sores about 
the legs and arms, which would travel to the toes and fingers and make the bones rot 
away. Here again I could not learn how this fate was indicated by the taboo ; and, 
as I did not know what the plants were, I am unable to hazard any suggestion 
upon the point. 

Another form (Fig. 6) was a bundle of plants similarly inserted into a stick ; 
and the threat involved by it was that boils, from which a white juice would exude, 
would break out all over the trespasser's body. The plants had lost their leaves, 
and were so dried up that I could not make out what they were ; but I was shown 
some living plants, which I was told were the same. I think they were a form of 
spurge ; and at all events white milky juice exuded from their stems and leaves when 
broken, so - that the suggestion intended to be conveyed by them is fairly obvious. 
Referring to the figure, I should explain that the bundle of plants which I found in 
the cleft stick is the horizontal bundle at the top. The bundle of fresh plants, which 
will be seen tied vertically to the stick lower down, was a bundle of those which 
had been shown to me, and which I had tied on to the stick with a view to possible 
verification of my belief that they were spurge. 

Another form, my photograph of which was unfortunately a failure, was a bundle 
of root fibres inserted in the split stick. It foretold that root-like things would grow 
in the robber's body, and that he would die. 

A superstition, which may be already known, but of which I was not aware, 
was brought to my notice during a wander along the coast. I met an old man, a 
native of one of the inland villages, walking with his axe and shield (life is unsafe 
in these parts, and natives never venture to travel unarmed outside their own 
villages). I photographed him, and persuaded him to bring some of his people 
down to the shore for the same purpose on the following day. As I was some 
distance from my tent, I suggested that they should all come to a spot on the shore 
near to the tent. This he absolutely refused to do ; and the reason, as explained 
to me, for this refusal was that some years ago a man of his village had killed a 
man of the village on the site of which my tent was pitched, and that it was 
dangerous and taboo for any man of his village to trespass on the site of the other 
village, as, if he did so, he would be attacked by the ghost of the murdered man, 
and would die. I gathered that this taboo continued for some time, and would be 
passed down from generation to generation, but that it only rested on grown men, 
and not upon women and children, who might visit the haunted locality with safety. 
I have no confirmation of the truth of this explanation ; but I had no doubt that 
the man himself was bona fide in giving it to me. 

I also came across an interesting case of superstitious village desertion, my 
attention to which was drawn by visits to two small villages, one an old one, and 
the other obviously a new, indeed a barely finished, one, both of which were absolutely 
deserted. The history of the matter, as subsequently explained to me, was as 
follows. The older of the two villages was the original village of the people from 
whom I obtained the explanation. Their chief had died, and the village was 
therefore haunted, and they had migrated to another spot, where they commenced 
house building ; but almost immediately after their arrival there further troubles 
(I could not ascertain what these were) of superstitious portent had befallen them, 
and they had therefore again moved to another spot, where they made considerable 
progress in the construction of a new village, this being, in fact, the new unfinished 
village which I had seen. Before this construction was finished, however, they had 
another death, which once again involved a migration. The spot selected this time 
was on a small outlying island ; and it was on a subsequent visit to their new 
village on this island that I saw the people and obtained their explanation of the 

[ 66 ] 

1911.] MAN. [ffo. 44, 

matter. They were hoping to return to their original first deserted village* very 
shortly, as some of their members had on the previous day visited it, and removed 
the spell upon it by sacrifice on a great chief's tomb there (I think it was the grave 
of the chief whose death had necessitated their original migration, though I am not 
sure as to this). On their way from their then present temporary village to the 
original one they had landed on a spot close to my tent to get some cocoanuts, a 
statement which was interesting to me, because I had observed their arrival, and so 
had some sort of confirmation of a part of their story. 

On arrival at the original village they had cooked a repast of cocoanut, taro, 
and yam, and, having built a fire on the grave and lit it, they had placed the cooked 
food upon the fire (I have seen a number of these chiefs' graves in the Rubiana 
Lagoon and on Kulambangra, and the burnt-up ashes which I sometimes found on 
the upper layer of stones, just in front of the wooden memorial image, are in accord 
with what I believe to be a well-known native sacrificial custom). The food was 
consumed by the fire ; and this was an indication that the ghost was appeased, and 
their mission had been successful. They had then returned to the new village, in 
which they were then actually living, and had that morning (i.e., on the morning 
of the day of my visit) had a feast in that village, each individual having received a 
portion of food wrapped up in leaves. This is the story as it was told me ; but 
here again, though I feel no doubt as to the bona fides of the narration, as I had 
no means of checking its accuracy from any other source, and as my means of 
interpretation were not very good, I should not be justified in asking any reader 
to rely upon it as being correct in detail, though I think that it probably is so in 
substance. I tried to ascertain what would have happened if the fire had not con- 
sumed the food ; and, though I give the statement as to this as it was given to me, 
I do so with even greater reserve. They told me that this would have meant that 
the ghost to be appeased (the word used by them was interpreted to me as devil- 
devil ; but I avoid this term, which, though much used by natives in their pidgin 
English, may be misleading as to meaning) was not satisfied, and that further trouble 
to them would occur, unless they succeeded in propitiating him. Apparently they 
had had this possible difficulty in mind, as they had looked to the death of their 
present chief, who, they said, was unwell, as the probable further disaster ; and here 
again I had a little side-light of confirmation, as I made the acquaintance of this 
chief a few days later, and he was undoubtedly unwell. There was, however, a 
further ceremony by which to placate the ghost, if it had been necessary to do so. 
They would have gone again to the grave, and one of them would have stood over 
(or near ?) the grave, holding in his hand a string, to which a stone was attached. 
His hands and arms would shake, apparently under the influence of (perhaps really 
through fear of) the ghost, and the stone would swing round and round. They 
would then have asked the ghost what he wanted, and he would have told them, 
but I could not find out how he would have done this. His demands might have 
been for native money or for food, or both, and they would have been complied with, 
the money being put on the grave, and the food being placed upon a fire on the 
grave, but which fire in this case need not have been a large one capable of consuming 
the food. In this way they would have overcome their difficulties, if they had arisen. 
I should mention that the sacrificial giving of money is, according to Dr. Codrington, 
confined to the Eastern Solomons,* a statement which is not in accord with the above 
explanation given to me. 

I may say, in conclusion, that the natives of the Rubiana Lagoon and Kulambangra 
are still primitive people, not having yet been spoilt by civilisation, though some 

* The Melanegians, p 129. 
[ 67 J 

Nos. 44-45.] MAN. [1911. 

white man's implements and utensils are being used by most of those whom I saw. 
I had a most interesting time among them, and succeeded in taking a considerable 
number of capital photographs. R. W. WILLIAMSON. 

Melanesia, Brown. 

A Secret Society of Ghoul-Cannibals. By Rev. G. Brown, D.I). 1C 

In my book, Melanesians and Polynesians, I stated, p. 143, " I do not TTU 
" think that the New Britain people ever practised cannibalism for the purpose of 
'* acquiring part of the valour of the person eaten." I have no further knowledge 
from the main island of New Britain, causing me to modify or alter that opinion, 
but I have recently received a very trustworthy account of a most revolting kind of 
cannibalism practised by a secret society in a particular district of New Ireland for 
which I can find no adequate reasons, except those given me by my informant, 
Mr. George Pearson, a lay missionary of the Methodist Missionary Society, who has 
resided in New Ireland for ten years, most of which time was spent at Bom and 
Eratubu, the districts referred to. 

The reasons given by him are that it is done " not for revenge only but to get 
" back the strength, spirit, and influence which they have lost,"' by the death of one 
or more of their people in war, whilst in those cases where the body which is eaten 
is that of one of their own people the same idea is the actuating cause, viz., that 
" strength, spirit, and influence may be retained in the tribe." 

The society, which is called Kipkipto, only existed, so far as we know from our 
present information, in a district on the west coast of New Ireland near the centre of 
the island. Its headquarters were around the villages or sub-districts of Bom and 
Eratubu. The society is now, it is believed, broken up, but the information was 
obtained from two members who are still living. These men were being initiated 
into the society at the time when Mr. Pearson resided in the district. They 
abandoned heathenism and are now engaged as teachers. I have made very 
particular inquiries from Mr. Pearson, and he is fully convinced of the truth of 
the statements made to him. He, however, does not think that the whole of the 
revolting practices were told to him, as the two men are naturally very much 
ashamed of them now. 

The following particulars, however, were obtained from them : 

1. A large house was built in which the members of the Kipkipto were initiated. 
Down the centre of this house they constructed a long narrow passage or tunnel 
just wide enough to admit the bodies of the neophytes. The sides of this passage 
or tunnel were lined with two rows of strong posts firmly set in the ground. These 
posts were not placed quite close together, but between each post a space wide 
enough for the insertion of a hand was left. The initiated members were placed 
on both sides of this passage on the outside of each row of posts. As the 
candidates crawled through the narrow passage each of the old members thrust his 
hand through the space between the posts, got hold of their ears and pulled them 
very forcibly, so that by the time the candidates were well through the house they 
suffered very great pain, so much so that some of them fainted. Some idea may be 
formed of the strength of the pull by the fact that in most, if not all, cases the 
ligaments of the ear were so distended or stretched that the ears projected forward. 
This was done to give them the appearance of an evil spirit or tabaran. There was 
no distinctive mark by which members of the society were known, except that often 
owing to the ill-usage they received the ears had a tendency to project forward in 
a greater or lesser degree. 

2. If one of their own people or one from a village with which they were on 

[ 68 U 

19U.] MAN. [Nos. 45-46. 

friendly relations died, there would be, of course, the usual feast of pigs and the 
burial of the body. 

3. After the burial the chief of the Kipkipto Society would approach the man 
who had charge of the burial and make arrangements for the purchase of the body. 
The only objections which were made were as to the price which was offered. 

4. After a satisfactory agreement had been arrived at the Kipkipto Society 
would dig up the body during the night. 

5. The body was left for a short time until decomposition was established, in 
order that the flesh might be more easily detached from the bones. After the 
flesh was removed the bones were all re-buried. 

6. The body was not cooked, but was cut up into small pieces, minced, and 
mixed with many pungent and strong-tasting herbs, in order to counteract as much 
as possible the bad taste. The composition was then put into the small baskets 
usually carried by all the natives. These were slung over the shoulder and partly 
concealed under the armpit. 

7. The composition was eaten secretly in the forest. Only those who were 
fully initiated were allowed to eat it. 

8. It was very important that no part of it should be lost. So important was 
this that if a member could not restrain from vomiting he would make signs to his 
nearest companion, who would run to him and receive the ejected matter into his 
own mouth, for which service he would receive a small payment. 

9. The members of the society were supposed to be possessed by spirits. They 
were said to become as light as air, so that they could sit on the smallest twigs. 
They were able to make themselves unseen. When walking they did not feel the 
ground, and were lunga that is, mad. 

10. The desire to eat this horrible mess was so strong that they would go for 
miles in order to purchase a corpse, and when opening a grave they would tremble 
with excitement. 

11. The same customs were carried out when they obtained the body of an 
enemy which had been killed by them, or which had been purchased from an 
adjoining tribe, with the exception of the usual feast of pigs at the burial. 

12. Mr. Pearson only knew of one society, and that is now broken up. The 
members of it were very much feared, and could go with impunity to places where 
an ordinary native would not dare to go. 

13. The reasons given by the natives for this practice are that, by eating the 
bodies of their own people, they retain within the tribe the " strength, spirit, and 
influence " which they possessed, and by eating the bodies of their enemies who had 
previously killed one of their kindred they recovered the same qualities which had pre- 
viously passed away from them. This, Mr. Pearson says, partly explains why a tribe 
will wait a whole generation (until their sons have grown up) for an opportunity to 
get even with the people who had previously conquered them. Gr. BROWN. 


America : Archaeology and Ethnography. 

Sixteenth International Congress of Americanists. 1C 

The report of the Sixteenth International Congress of Americanists, held ^U 
in Vienna in September 1908, was published early in 1910, and contains the fifty 
papers presented, as well as detailed accounts of the Congress proceedings, and of 
the subsequent tour through Hungary, Croatia, Bosnia, and the Herzegovina which 
gave so much pleasure to those members who took part in it. 

[ 69 J 

No. 46.] MAN. [1911. 

Dr. Franz Boas described in general terms the Results of the Jessup North 
Pacific Expedition, which cost Mr. Morris Jessup 100,000 dollars, including the 
publication of twelve volumes on the ethnology, philology, and anthropology of the 
regions visited. The main object was to study th connections between the cultures^ 
speech, and races of the old and new world, and the place of the American 
aborigines amongst the races of the earth. An immense mass of material was 
Collected by the twelve members, some of whom studied the isolated tribes of 
Eastern Siberia, whilst others went through the state of Washington and devoted 
much time to northern British Columbia. The New York Natural History Museum 
contains the magnificent collection brought back from the north-west coast. 

The complex conditions observed showed the difficulty of the problems to be 
solved. It became evident that there had been intercommunication and migrations 
to and fro between north-west America and eastern Asia, and the vast experience 
of Dr. Boas in race-study has enabled him, in a measure, to judge what inferences 
may be drawn from the ascertained facts pending further investigation. It has 
become evident that the phonetic and morphological character of the isolated 
languages of north-east Asia cannot be separated from that of the American 
languages, and the confusing varieties of the latter (ten distinct languages being 
spoken between Behring's Straits and the Columbia river), may be gathered into a 
number of morphological groups which, in spite of great and even fundamental 
differences, may prove to have emerged from a single entity. In addition to con- 
siderations of language and anthropology, there is a striking resemblance in the legends 
of the peoples on both sides of the northern Pacific, and Dr. Boas gives reasons 
for thinking that there was an extremely ancient connection between them before 
the Eskimo had reached Behring's Straits, which began from the American side. 

Sir Clement Markham's two papers are A Comparison of the Ancient Peruvian 
Carvings and the Stone Reliefs of Tiahuanaco and Chavin and Sarmiento' 's History 
of the Incas. The latter was published by Dr. Pietschmann of Gottingen in 1906, 
having been written about 1573. Sarmiento is the most reliable of the early Spanish 
writers on Peru, as his history was compiled from the carefully attested evidence of 
forty-two descendants of the Incas who were examined at Cuzco. From it we learn 
that the Inca system of government in its perfection, had only existed for three 
generations before the Spaniards came, and was a pure socialism which has never 
existed in the world before or since. All were well fed and well clothed, even 
amused, but there could be no freedom, no opening for ambition, no attempts to 
rise, and efforts at revolt met severe and cruel punishment. 

In Dr. J. Kollmann's paper on Pygmies among the Aboriginal Races of America 
he gives illustrations of pre-Columbian pygmy skulls from Brazilian Guayana, from 
Guatemala, and from the coast cemeteries of Peru (Ancon and Pachacamac) ; the last 
excavated under the supervision of the Princess Therese of Bavaria. Her Royal High- 
ness also brought away some bones, amongst them two femora, which denote statures 
of 1,161 and 1,463 mm. Fourteen pygmy skulls from these graves have capacities 
between 1,000 and 1,190 cm. In an urn from the caves of Maraca, northern Brazil, 
were found two pygmy skeletons. Judging from the femur, the heights of the bodies 
were 1,400 and 1,460 mm., and the tibia show decided platycnemia. In none of 
these cases does there appear to have been disease to account for the small size. 
Dr. Kollmann does not mention the very small people to be seen in Yucatan, amongst 
whom a man of 5 ft. 4 in. looks quite tall and imposing. 

Dr. Lehmann-Nitsche in Homo Sapiens and Homo Neogceus in the Argentine 
Pampas Formations gives his views on the remains of ancient man found there. In 
the Upper and Middle Loeas they do not differ greatly from the modern Indian, and 
the bones of the extremities have the relative peculiarities of the inferior races. In 

[ 70 ] 

1911.] MAN. [No. 46. 

the Lower Loess, which is geologically at least pliocene, was found the atlas of 
Monte Hermoso. In comparison with recent South American and other races this 
atlas shows very distinctive characters. It is too small for Homo primigenius, but 
belongs certainly to a very early form, approaching pithecanthropus. Reserving the 
name of Homo antiquus for the tertiary being, who may yet be found in the old 
world, the author has called the tertiary owner of this atlas Homo neog&us. 

Dr. Capitan draws attention to the resemblances between certain objects from 
the old and new worlds, such as the flat rings of stone worn on the breasts by 
ancient Mexican gods and found in prehistoric France and in Japan. A statue of 
a bonze at the Musee Guimet has one on the left side of the breast. An inter- 
laced sign, which expresses gold in Mexican picture-writings, appears on Merovingian 
buckles, and a development of it, seen in Central American reliefs, is known in China 
and Tibet as the intestine of Buddha. 

A human femur with a series of deep incisions, used as a musical instrument in 
ancient Mexico and called omichicahuaztli, is paralleled by the deer horns similarly 
incised, of the quaternary period in France, and by instruments of the Hopi and Zuni. 

Another interesting parallel is noted by Professor H. Matiegka, between North 
American incised and painted pottery and several groups of neolithic pottery in 
central Europe. He refers to Dr. Holmes' work, Aboriginal Pottery of the Eastern 
United States (twentieth annual report of the Bureau of Ethnology), and to many 
German writers on neolithic pottery. In both regions the sequence of style appears 
to be the same, and the resemblance is not only in the forms of the vessels, but in 
their whole decoration and ornaments (apart from some distinctive American and 
local Mediterranean motives), and their wide extension. The very early incised ware 
of northern Europe with the design filled with white is found in America, mostly in 
the northern area and in the Canadian kitchen-middens, which are of great antiquity. 
There are specimens with incised patterns as far as Costa Rica and Panama. 

The whole question of the infinite resemblances between neolithic objects and 
implements of all kinds, as well as the pottery, in Europe and America, needs 
unprejudiced study. 

In Recent Cave Work in America Dr. C. Peabody describes some caves in the 
Ozark Mountains. The rocks there are Silurian sandstone, Devono-carboniferous and 
sub-carboniferous, and in the first and third there are caves and rock-shelters which 
resemble those of the Dordogne. Examination of Jacob's Cavern, Benton County, Mis- 
souri, and Kelly Cavern, Madison County, Arkansas, showed that the deposits in them 
consisted of mud, fallen rock, and " ash." This last is a dark-coloured substance, very 
light in weight, certainly connected with the presence of man, and in quantity to length 
of occupancy, although an analysis proved unfavourable to the hypothesis that it is a 
true ash. Skeletons were in poor preservation, and usually incomplete, but where the 
inhumation is deep enough to have been undisturbed by animals, the types of burial 
known as " bundle " and " scissors " are found. The accompanying objects are insig- 
nificant. Animal bones belong only to recent species. The deposits are peculiarly 
rich in stone implements and fragments, and include hammer stones, polishing stones, 
and metates (grinding stones), knives, and projectile points, scrapers, and perforators. 
The pottery is rude and of simple design, but an industry of worked bone had 
developed, and bone implements, especially pins, are abundant. Textiles of wild cane 
are also found. The culture is noteworthy for what it lacks ; there is no richly- 
decorated pottery, no intricately-carved shell, and the absence of ground celts and 
axes is almost absolute. Stalagmite 50 cm. thick covers split bones, charcoal, and 
splintered flints in some places. 

Dr. E. Seler has a learned paper, Latest Investigations of the Legends of Guetza- 
coatl and the Toltics, and a profusely illustrated description of the Ruins of ChicKen 

( 71 ] 

No. 46.] MAN. [1911. 

Itza in Yucatan. Mr. A. P. Maudslay's great work will always be the necessary 
foundation for knowledge of the wonderful buildings and sculptures there, but quantities 
of reliefs and statues are not yet recorded, and Dr. Seler especially notices the caryatids, 
and the many figures in the frescoes and reliefs which are in an upholding position. 

The sculptured stone table, supported by fifteen portrait statuettes, which stood 
between the two great serpent columns in the ante-chamber of the Temple of the 
Tigers (upper building), was discovered by Dr. Le Plongeon when he removed the 
mass of debris there. He buried the statuettes for their better preservation (after 
photographing the table in position), and they were found in 1902, and are now in 
Mexico city. Before they were removed the present writer photographed and drew 
them in colour, for they had been harmoniously painted, as were the other sculptures, 
and Fran C. Seler also photographed them. The varied types of these portraits and 
the details of their costumes and feather mantles make them very remarkable. 

Another small building had caryatid pillars, which supported a large stone with 
rows of Maya glyphs in sunk relief. The initial glyphs give a date corresponding to 
3,993 years 224 days from the beginning-date of Maya reckoning. 

Dr. C. V. Hartman gives interesting photographs of graves in Some Features of 
Costa Rica Archceology. It is a great misfortune in that country that immense numbers 
of graves have been, and still are, ransacked for the gilt-copper objects found in them, 
whilst everything else is left or destroyed. Dr. Hartman studied limited areas on the 
Atlantic and Pacific coasts and on the high land. There were four main types of stone 
cists. One consisted entirely of slabs, both top, bottom, and sides ; another kind had 
walls of oval river-stones, and a pile of them as roof. A third form, on the Atlantic 
coast, was twice as deep and large, with roof of very large heavy slabs. The fourth 
form was in the mountains west of Cartago, where square-cut pieces of stone, the 
size of bricks, were used for walls, whilst roof and floor were of larger flat slabs. On 
account of the moist climate, nearly all objects of perishable materials, such as textiles, 
wood, bone, shell, &c., have disappeared, and only those of stone, clay, and metal are 
left. Very beautiful painted pots are found in some graves. Dr. Hartman's published 
works give a good idea of the archaeological riches of Costa Rica. 

But in truth the profusion of antiquities in America is amazing, as shown by 
Professor Marshall Saville's Archaeological Researches on the Coast of Esmeraldas, 
Ecuador. Thanks to information received from a resident, Mr. Stapleton, Professor 
Saville headed expeditions (financed by Mr. G. Heye) in 1906 and 1907 to the province 
of Manabi, and has published two fine volumes describing his discoveries. It 'is only 
regrettable that the object of the expeditions is mainly to collect rather than to make 
systematic excavations. 

In 1908 he was again in Manabi for a short time before proceeding to Esmeraldas, 
and, in the low hill region south-west of Manta, he discovered near La Roma about 
forty bottle-shaped hollows, probably the tombs described by Cieza de Leon, somewhat 
like the Chultunes of Yucatan. These in Ecuador are cut in the solid rock, in places 
where they would not have been used for storing water, and average eight to ten feet 
in depth. They are symmetrically shaped, resembling enormous carafes, with an 
opening or neck two feet in diameter, and have smooth sides and rounded bottoms 
with a diameter equal to the depth. They were sealed by a circular stone slightly 
over two feet across and about two inches thick. Where the earth is of some depth 
before reaching the bed rock, courses of squared stones line the necks. The excavation 
of one pit produced fragments of human and animal bones, potsherds, and a stone ear 
plug. Similar graves honeycomb the ground in parts of Cajamarquilla, an ancient 
ruined city near Lima, Peru. 

In the province of Esmeraldas there was a different mode of burial ; in great 
pottery tubes. One found at Tonchigue, two and a half feet high with a diameter of 

[ 72 J 

1911.] MAN. [No . 46 

twenty inches, was resting on, as well as covered by, a jar. It contained a skeleton 
and a number of gold and copper objects. So many of these tubes were found 
(usually considerably below low-tide mark) near the village of Atacames, that almost 
every house has one or more, used for storage purposes. Tubes of this character 
are found from La Tolita south, nearly to the border of the province of Manabi. 
Atacames was the chief town of an ancient province, and in the river bank enormous 
deposits of pottery and shells are exposed. Skulls found there have tiny gold discs 
set in the teeth. 

At La Tolita, on an island called Tola, at the mouth of the Santiago river, 
seventy-five miles north of the. town of Esmeraldas, there are forty mounds in a 
cleared portion of the forest. A trench was dug through the largest mound and at a 
<lepth of 7 metres a skeleton was found in sitting position, holding a large clay seal 
or stamp in its hand. With it were a number of pottery vessels, a gold egg with 
an emerald in it, and other interesting objects. In the level parts of the island, 
wherever excavations are made, gold is found by placer washing, and there are 
thousands of fragments of painted pottery, vessels, and figures (frequently broken by 
the workmen's picks) to a depth of five feet in the mud and decayed vegetable deposit. 
A collection of 2,000 pieces of worked gold was obtained, of an infinite variety of 
forms. The greater part of the jewels are of very diminutive size, and a lens must 
be used in order to study the workmanship. Amongst them are gold rings and 
pendants set with stones, minute filigree masks, nose, ear, and lip ornaments, and 
nails of various forms, which were set in holes in the face, as described by the early 
Spaniards. There are also gold fish-hooks, needles, and awls. Some jewels are of 
pure platinum, or of platinum and gold filigree. These minute objects show the 
marvellous skill of the ancient workers, and they are found in extraordinary profusion 
in the alluvium near the mouths of all the streams which flow into the Pacific 
within a certain limit. The great deposits of pottery appear to have been scattered, 
redistributed, and alluvium formed over them, a process repeated in three different 
periods, at one place at least. 

Dr. Max Uhle's opportunities of studying the Primitive Culture in the Neigh- 
bourhood of Lima, in the course of the excavations made by him for the Universities 
of Pennsylvania and California, and for the splendid museum he has created in 
Lima, have enabled him to formulate a provisional sequence for his finds, with the 
knowledge also obtained by his researches at the ruins near Trujillo. 

He discovered at Ancon a very early site of primitive fisherfolk, from whom the 
people may have descended who left the huge extent of mounds 30 or 40 feet high, 
spread over the plain there, and known as the Necropolis of Ancon, although really 
a series of dwellings and shell heaps in which interments have been made. At 
Pachacamac his excavations proved the super-position of temples and buildings with 
their respective burials, pottery, &c. At Nieveria he found an ancient cemetery 
with a very great variety of artistic objects of bone, shell, wood, and mosaic, in 
addition to pottery of the most decorative kind. From Chancay also he obtained 
fine painted pottery, and all this is different from the later well-known Peruvian type. 
It belongs to the Ica-Nazca region farther south, where Dr. Uhle, after long search, 
found great numbers of beautiful pots covered with mythological paintings. 

Tentative excavation in the enormous mounds built of small bricks near Lima, 
resulted in the finding of burial urns of unusual size and thickness. It is most 
unfortunate that, owing to want of money, the Peruvian Government has been unable 
for the last two years to pay for the further exploration which Dr. Uhle is so capable 
of managing, as shown by the great collections he has brought together in a short 
time. Irresponsible persons dig everywhere, and sell their finds to foreigners, to the 
infinite loss of science. 

[ 73 ] 

No. 46.] MAN, [19U. 

In his paper on The Significance of the Intihuatana Dr. Uhle brings together 
photographs of the different gnomons which he discovered on the hillsides round Cuzco, 
as well as the one called Intihuatana at Pisac, the only sun temple left in good 

Amongst the philological contributions Father Morice's sprightly French descrip- 
tion of The Verb in the Dene Languages will delight the reader. Far from being a 
dry dissertation, it gives a vivid picture of the extraordinary richness and variety of 
terms which the Indian mind has found necessary to express its subtle distinc- 
tions of thought. Dene possesses, for every French verb, thousands of synonyms 
with distinct shades of meaning, and the total number of its verb expressions can be 
counted by millions. 

One category of verbs has seventeen persons for each tense, whilst certain verbs 
of locomotion have twenty-one. For instance, " to start forth " has not only the usual 
six persons to each tense, but can express two persons, one of two persons, one of 
several, and so on, in each case changing the 'word used. Then there are the 
objective verbs whose elements change with the nature of the object which they 
have as complement. In pp. 587-9 the author gives the verbs developed from 
" to put," forming over 23,000 in one series only, owing to the great number of 
variations possible, for here the verbs take on the character of particles of numeration,, 
according to the class of object referred to. 

" The verbs of locomotion also offer a vast horizon of possibilities. The Dene 
" changes his verb for ' to progress ' according as he goes on foot, or in a vehicle, 
" by canoe, sledge, or on horseback, with difficulty in a crowd, or sailing over the 
" great areas of his lakes, with care as one who has tender feet, or running, with 
" crutches or leaping, whilst he is cutting with the axe or a knife, gathering fruit 
" or dancing, &c. The movements of the stars, the air, fog, heat, a canoe, a path 
" considered as leading to a place, and many other things, are also expressed by 
u special verbs. 

" Adjective verbs are conjugated regularly and from them are derived a long 
" series of comparative verb forms. Substantive verbs likewise are true verbs with 
" a complete conjugation, but are often impersonal." 

Dr. F. Heger, in addition to his heavy work as secretary-general, prepared a 
special catalogue of the American collections in the Imperial Natural History Museum, 
and gave a short paper, mentioning the chief treasures. These are an ancient feather 
shield, the centre of a wooden shield with turquoise mosaic, a large feather fan, an 
animal's head in mosaic, and the magnificent feather headdress in the shape of a 
mythical sun-bird, which was also the subject of a monograph. Dr. Heger paid a 
tribute to Johann Natterer, a zoologist who was in Brazil from 1817-1835, and 
brought back to Vienna great ethnological collections "with far-seeing enthusiasm 
" at a time when the science had not even a name." 

Space fails to do justice to many other papers of interest, such as that by 
Dr. Thalbitzer on the Heathen Priests of Greenland, Dr. Preuss on the ceremonial 
Festival of the Cora Indians of Western Mexico, amongst whom he lived from 1905 
to 1907, the Comte de Charency's on the Numeration of the Izotzil Language, and 
that by Lie. Belmar, in which he traces a connection between the Tarasco and the 
Languages of the Mixteco-Zapoteca-Otomi Family. 

Amongst the forty works presented to the Congress were the Reisestudien aus 
dem Westlichen Sudamerika by Princess Therese of Bavaria, von Weiser's valuable 
edition of early American maps, known as the Islario de Alonso de Santa Cruz 
and Sefior Batres' Prehistoric Civilization along the Papaloapam River. 


[ 74 ] 

1911-] MAN. [Nos. 47-48. 

Evolution. Willey, 

Convergence in Evolution. By Arthur Willey, D.Sc., M.A., F.R.S. London: J7 
John Murray, Albemarle Street, W. "f f 

This is a very original and suggestive work, and will, we have no doubt, be 
regarded in the future as an important contribution towards the elucidation of the 
laws of evolution, which notwithstanding the vast amount of research that has been 
carried out since the time of Darwin, are still, as the author says, "obscure and 
" peculiar." 

The object of the book is to emphasise the importance of convergence in deter- 
mining the structure and functions of animals, and the author shows by many examples 
how universal the action of this law is in the animal kingdom. 

Convergence, from the author's point of view, is of wider scope than the homoplasy 
(similarity of form unaccompanied by community of pedigree) of Ray Lankester, or 
ihe cenogenesis (the origin of structural features by relatively recent adaptation) of 
Haeckel. Convergence is a term applied to resemblances among animals, which are 
not due to direct relationship or genetic affinity in other words, which are not derived 
by inheritance from common ancestors. 

The two most widely diffused ways of convergence are homoplasy and mimicry. 
Mimicry is defined as a form of protective resemblance in which one species so closely 
resembles another in external form and colouring as to be mistaken for it, although 
the two may not be nearly allied and often belong to distinct families or orders. 
Homoplasy depends on a more deep-seated or structural convergence. 

Convergence is due to similarity of habits, and, as the author points out, the 
methods adopted for procuring food determine in a great measure the habits of animals. 
Many animals follow similar methods and thus convergence is brought about ; there 
is, for example, a remarkable resemblance in the structure of a carnivorous marsupial 
and a carnivorous placental mammal. 

The author shows by numerous examples that convergence affects the three 
principal functions of animal life, namely, metabolism, reproduction, and neuration. 
The most widespread aspect of convergence is cerebral convergence ; the cerebration 
of the ant is comparable with that of the higher mammals. Even histogenetic con- 
vergence has been shown to exist, for histological identity between members of 
different phyla has been discovered. 

Dr. Willey will have done a great service to biologists and to anthropologists 
if he succeeds in impressing upon them that they cannot safely trace pedigrees by 
similarity of structure and function alone, without taking into consideration the prin- 
ciple, the universality of which he has so ably established, that these similarities may 
not be due to common descent, but to similarity of habits of life induced by similar 
conditions of life. This fact, however, is often forgotten in working out theories of 
the descent of man, as well as of the lower animals. J. G. 

America : Ecuador. Saville. 

Contributions to South American Archeology: the George G. Heye Expe- 
dition: Vol. I. The Antiquities of Manabi, Ecuador, Preliminary Report. 
By Marshall H. Saville (New York : Irving Press, 1907. Pp. 135, Iv plates). 
Vol. II., The Antiquities of Manabi, Ecuador, Final Report. By Marshall H. 
Saville (New York : Irving Press, 1910. Pp. 284, cxiv plates and map). 

The George G. Heye Expedition, of which these two admirable volumes are the 
firstfruits, was organised to perform the highly important work of carrying on 
investigations in the area lying between the confines of Peru and Panama. Little 

[ 75 ] 

No. 48.] MAN. [1911. 

enough is known of this large area, considering the number of culture-centres which 
appear to exist there. Of these culture-centres at least four lie in Colombia, and 
Professor Saville distinguishes no less than five in Ecuador, in addition to that of 
the Inca, which was intrusive. The Inca culture is, of course, a matter of secondary 
importance to the expedition, which aims at making a survey of the less-known 
indigenous cultures existing between the spheres of influence respectively of the Inca 
to the south and the Nahua and Maya to the north. 

Given a programme of this extent it will be realised that only a comparatively 
small portion of it has yet been performed ; in fact, researches have at present been 
carried on in the maritime provinces of Manabi and Esmeraldas alone, and the 
results obtained in the latter province still await publication. Yet the work actually 
done is considerable and important, for the expedition was not engaged solely in the 
gathering of information, but in the still more laborious task of amassing a large 
archaeological collection. 

Of this collection the most noticeable item at first sight is the long series of 
stone seats with human or animal supporters, of which some fifty are figured in the 
first volume, and which were found in the ruined dwellings or corrales. Though it 
is rare to find two of these seats exactly alike, yet their general similarity is more 
striking than their variety, a feature not altogether surprising when it is considered 
that they seem to be confined to a small area of not more than twenty miles in 
diameter. In this connection it may be mentioned that the author credits the British 
Museum with but one of these seats, whereas as a matter of fact there are two, 
and both have the support fashioned to represent a human figure, and not, as he 
states, an animal. Of far greater interest are the remarkable stone reliefs from the 
same region, of which the greater number are figured in the second volume. In 
some of the figures represented on these reliefs is found the same convention of 
representing the head in a reversed position, which is also seen in the Chavin stone 
and in the painted designs on pottery from Nasca. Attention should also be drawn 
to the peculiar stone columns, often ornamented with carving, which were certainly 
not used for any structural purpose, but may have been, as the author suggests, 
tables for incense. 

Perhaps the most important section of the collection from an archasological 
point of view is the pottery. This is quite typical, and for the most part unlike 
anything else from other parts, with the exception of some of the vases with ex- 
panding foot. In particular some of the figures are of great interest since they 
shed considerable light upon the dress and ornaments of the early inhabitants ; most 
of these figures are painted red and green. The vases show little decoration, but 
the shapes are often very graceful, while the spindle-whorls are ornamented with 
incised designs. 

As regards objects of metal no finds of any importance were made, with the 
exception of three good specimens of the circular copper plaques with a head 
embossed in the centre. These plaques Professor Saville believes to have been 
gongs, but it must be admitted that there is practically no evidence either for or 
against his view. As regards the practice of gilding copper, he writes, " It is a most 
" interesting fact, and one of great importance in our studies, that the art of gold- 
*' plating on copper was confined to the strip of Pacific coast extending from Manabi 
" north to Panama," and in the next sentence he qualifies this statement by stating 
that the art was also practised in the Cara province of Pichincha. The area, 
however, must be extended to include Cuenca, since the British Museum possesses 
a fine series of copper mace-heads and axes, all overlaid with gold leaf, from this 

Apart from the collection of specimens, the ruins of the neighbourhood were 

[ 76 ] 

191L] . MAN. [Nos. 48-49. 

explored, wells examined, mounds excavated, and burial sites explored, and the results 
of these operations are well worthy of close study. The mounds are of particular 
interest, and in them were found human remains, together with objects of stone and 
pottery, A peculiar feature was the existence, in each case at the southern end, of 
a platform of baked clay, which was an important part of the mound-structure, and 
contained a large pot with ashes. 

Of the manner in which the results are published nothing can be said but in 
praise. The same generous scale appears in the publication of the results as in the 
programme of the expedition. While most authors are content with references to 
past literature in footnotes, Professor Saville gives us an appendix of, in each volume, 
some forty pages containing extracts often of considerable length from Zarate, 
Velasco, Mendoza, Oviedo, Herrera, Xeres, Cieza de Leon, and other writers, so that 
we have before us practically a compendium of all literature relating to the area 
under discussion : besides this there is an excellent bibliography. In the size of the 
volumes a most praiseworthy restraint has been exercised, the quarto form in which 
they appear is quite large enough to give a magnificent plate, and the quality of the 
paper is such that they are easy to manipulate. The magnificent series of plates is 
beyond any criticism, and the text, save for an occasional looseness of expression, 
such as " the Quichuas, or, as they are commonly known, the Incas," and the use of 
the phrase " most unique," is eminently readable and far less dull than the majority 
of similar works, Mr. Heye is greatly to be congratulated on the initial success of 
his most laudable undertaking, and Professor Saville has reason to be equally proud 
of a fine commencement of a series of explorations which will be of the greatest 
value for science. It is not in any spirit of criticism that we may venture to 
express the hope that he will not allow his zeal as a collector of specimens to 
circumscribe in any way his activities as a collector of information. In the present 
state of our knowledge, or rather ignorance, a survey of the archaeology of the huge 
area under investigation is of paramount importance, and such a survey could be 
accomplished in the same time as would be involved in the accumulation of a com- 
pletely representative collection of specimens from merely a section of that area. A 
complete survey, accompanied by small, though fairly representative collections, would 
be of far greater value at the present juncture than an incomplete survey accom- 
panied by collections which were absolutely exhaustive from one or two sections. 
Meanwhile we shall look forward with the highest expectation to the publication 
of the results already obtained in Esmeraldas and of the material yet to be gathered 
in the interior. T. A. J. 

Tragedy. Ridgreway. 

The Origin of Tragedy, with Special Reference to the Greek Tragedians. 1 Q 
By William Ridgeway, Sc.D., F.B.A., &c. Cambridge University Press. TV 
Pp. xii + 228. With 15 illustrations. Price 6s. 6d. net. 

Professor Ridgeway has given us in his book, The Origin of Tragedy, a work 
of the first importance, both in the theories which he advances and in the method 
by which he arrives at his conclusions. In 1904 Professor Ridgeway delivered a 
lecture to the Hellenic Society, which revolutionised our ideas on the origin of the 
Greek Drama, and which inaugurated a new epoch in the study of the whole subject, 
It showed for the first time that the tragedies of the great Athenian dramatists of 
the fifth century B.C. were evolved not from the festival of Dionysus the Wine God, 
as we had always been taught to believe, but from a far older ritual, namely, tha 
commemoration of the death of some worshipped hero. The present work develops 
this theory and places it in a clear and convincing form within the reach of the 
general public. But it does much more than this ; it affords an admirable example 

[ 77 ] 

No. 49.] MAN. [1911. 

of historical research based on a synoptic view of life and custom in many lands and 
in many different stages of human development. In other words, it is based on a study 
of evolution and anthropology. The whole point of view shows how great a change 
has come over the attitude of scholars in comparatively recent years. It is true that 
our grandfathers accepted the dictum of Horace that there were brave men before 
Agamemnon, but, as these worthies had left no trace of their prowess, they were 
disregarded, and though no doubts were entertained of their valour, they were con- 
sidered to have been sadly deficient in art. " Cyclopean " walls and " rude stone 
" monuments " seemed to have been their highest achievements. Athenian civili- 
sation, therefore, sprang upon an astonished and barbarian world, even as Athene 
herself had sprung fully armed from the head of Zeus. Such at least was the 
impression of the general run of classical scholars. Excavation and a long series of 
discoveries have entirely altered this view. Egypt, Babylonia, and Crete have in 
turn yielded up enough of their secrets to make it certain that at the date formerly 
assigned to the Creation there was widespread civilisation of a very high order, and 
that writing had been in ordinary use for ages ; recorded history was even then 
ancient. The importance of this fact is not fully appreciated even yet ; for example, 
the extent of Minoan influence on Greek art, literature, tradition and custom is only 
beginning to be recognised, great as is the progress already made in this direction. 
For this influence was twofold : partly direct, as in the transmission of legends or 
of artistic forms ; partly indirect in the gradual mental development of the race which 
made the later achievements possible. For there have been many Dark Ages just 
as there have been many Glacial periods, and the history of civilisation is like the 
history of an incoming tide wave succeeding wave with occasionally one that towers 
above its fellows. 

More recent still is the application of anthropology to history. We find that 
parallels can be brought from all over the world for most Greek customs, or at 
least for their earlier forms. Thus Greece no longer occupies the position she once 
held in the minds of scholars. But she has gained by the change. The more we 
see of the mighty nations which surrounded her in her infancy, and the more we 
see how closely allied she was in many respects to other peoples, the more wonderful 
is the story of how she rose above them all. Just as in sculpture the Greek artists 
perceived the true aims of art from the first and rejected much that found favour 
with Assyrians and Egyptians and transmuted the rest ; just as in the words of 
Brunn she "borrowed the alphabet of her art but used the letters to spell her own 
" words," and then worked steadily through the sixth century to gain technical skill 
and thus paved the way for future glories ; so in other forms of art we find her 
pursuing the same path, showing the same power of selection, the same true artistic 
instinct, till under the stimulus of the defeat of Persia she achieved those glories 
which are still the wonder of the world. Greece has nothing to fear from archae- 
ology or anthropology, but these sciences render her service by showing her true 
place in the history of the world, and Professor Ridgeway has long been famous 
in both. Thus the present work rests on foundations deep and wide, and though 
details may, and indeed in the nature of things will, be altered, the main structure 
will endure. 

A reviewer must mention some such details. To begin with, the worship of 
Dionysus is a good deal more complex in its bearing on tragedy than the book 
would lead one to suppose. In this connection Dr. Farnell is treated too severely. 
Dr. Farnell's knowledge of ancient Greece from the standpoint of the classical 
scholar is probably unique, and his evidence in this case will have to be considered 
further when dealing with some aspects of tragedy. Again, the Christianity which 
enjoyed an auto-da-fe and allowed the long-drawn tortures, of which the actual 

[ 78 ] 

19tt] MAN. [Nos, 49-50. 

l)uruing was but the last stage, would scarcely have objected to human sacrifice on 
grounds of morality alone. Throughout the book there is a frequency of metrical 
lines which is annoying. On page 63, for example, thirty-one full lines contain no 
less than twenty complete lines in blank verse metre, such as : 
" But if the leader of that company 
of peasant actors were to take it to 
some town or city." 

On the other hand, most of the lines which are translated from the poets could 
not be mistaken for anything but translations. Perhaps amid the plentiful illustra- 
tions reference might have been made to the somewhat parallel rise of Roman 
gladiatorial shows from Etruscan funeral rites. 

But these points are far outweighed by the admirable clearness of the argument 
and the way the points are driven home by recapitulation, references and the 
tautology of emphasis, and above all by the breadth of treatment. 

Not only the main thesis but the deductions from it are bold and convincing. 
The chapter on the Expansion of Tragedy is in itself a masterly work and throws 
a flood of new light on plays which seemed to have little prospect of further 
annotation. Other scholars, such as the late Albrecht Dieterich, have developed some 
of Professor Ridgeway's arguments still further. The very fact that subsequent 
discovery confirms his main theory is the highest tribute to its author and its surest 
confirmation. K. T. FROST. 

Biology. Bigelow. 

Experiments on the Generation of Insects. By Francesco Redi of Arrezzo. Cfl 
Translated from the Italian edition of 1688 by Mab Bigelow. The Open UU 
Court Publishing Company, Chicago (London agents : Kegan Paul, Trench, Triib- 
ner & Co., Ltd.). 

Francesco Redi was Court Physician to Ferdinand II., and subsequently to 
Cosimo III., Grand Dukes of Tuscany, and as such was head of the Medicean laboratory. 
A profound student of natural history, he sought to show, by actual experiment, 
the utter absurdity and falsity of the various theories which, dating from Aristotle 
and Pliny, had largely accounted for the origin of insects by spontaneous generation. 
Though in some instances his logic was limited, and his clear-headedness dimmed 
by his Jesuit education and sympathies, he was undoubtedly the pioneer in making 
careful and well-directed experiments in the breeding and culture of insects, and, as 
the translator justly remarks, the book is " a mile-stone marking the beginning of a 
" great epoch." It has always seemed a curious fact that for many centuries, even 
at a time when art and letters were in a high state of advancement, scientific 
research was left to the visionary, who devoted his labours to the transmutation of 
metals, the practice of astrology, or the pursuit of the Philosopher's Stone. With 
regard to natural history, people were quite content with the legends and fables which 
sufficed for their forebears, and no one thought it worth while to test their accuracy 
by observation or by the simplest experiments. It was this that Redi set himself 
to do, and by dividing pieces of meat into two portions, leaving one exposed to the 
air and hermetically sealing the other, he speedily discovered that the worms which 
infested the former, but which were wholly absent from the latter, were due, not to 
spontaneous generation, but to eggs deposited by flies. 

In like manner, he controverted the accepted notions, that scorpions were generated 
by sweet basil, that frogs were brought by heavy rain, that bees were produced from 
snake's vomit, that cabbages brought forth butterflies, and that a mulberry tree could 
engender silkworms, or that the latter could be bred from the flesh of a mule which 
had been fed on mulberry leaves for twenty days. He explains away the Biblical 

[ 79 ] 

Nos. 50-51.] MAN. [1911. 

story of the bees in the carcase of Samson's lion with a boldness and lucidity worthy 
of a modern scientist, while his explanations are not merely put forward as theories,, 
but are enforced by the description of his actual experiments. Take those, for instance,, 
by which he tested, the poisonous effect of the scorpion's sting, and the manner in 
which the virus can be temporarily exhausted. He was not satisfied with trying the 
effect on pigeons, but he tells us, "having heard that animals killed by a snake's 
" bite or by tobacco, which is a terrible poison, can be eaten with impunity, I gave 
" these pigeons to a poor man, who was overjoyed, and ate them with great gusto, 
" and they agreed with him very well." 

On one point, however, Redi's reasoning faculty failed him. He could not 
account for the presence of worms in oak galls, cherries, pears, plums, and osier 
plants, and so fell back upon the ancient theory that plants, being themselves alive, 
could themselves engender life. Consequently they were capable of producing worms 
without animal assistance. He argued this from experiments on the sensitiveness of 
plants, in which, we should mention, he included sea anemones and sponges. 
Curiously enough he excepted the filbert, which, he thought, might have been pierced 
when soft, by some insect. At the same time he was dead against the possibility 
of life being engendered by anything animal or vegetable which itself was lifeless. 
The book is illustrated by the author's own drawings, and is well worth glancing 
through as it furnishes a good idea of the condition of biological science in the seven- 
teenth century. T. H. J. 

Africa, West. Tremearne. 

Fables and Fairy Tales for Little Folk, or Uncle Remus in Hausaland. C0 
By Mary and Newman Tremearne. Cambridge : W. Heffer and Sons, Ltd. Ul 
London : Simpkin, Marshall & Co., Ltd., 1910. (First Series.) 

This collection of a dozen animal folklore stories of the Hausas in Northern 
Nigeria is a series of tales of which the literal translations have originally appeared 
in the journals of the Folklore and other societies, told after the fashion of Uncle 
Remus for the delectation of children. Here we have our old friend the Spider 
portrayed as the most cunning of all animals, having been made king for his reputed 
wisdom, an office which he uses for his own purely selfish purposes without the 
slightest regard for the welfare of his subjects. He is depicted as a greedy thief 
eating up the public grain stores by stealth, and as a wicked husband who eventually 
causes the death of his wife, and reaps undeserved but material sympathy from his 
evil doings. Indeed, throughout these stories the battle is mainly to the strong, 
irrespective of morality. Thus, the spider nearly always prospers in his career of 
crime, he even burns down his house to excite pity, while eventually, by sheer fraud,, 
he obtains the hand of a charming girl as his new wife. The couple become devotedly 
attached to each other, and, apparently, at last the Spider shows symptoms of turning 
over a new leaf and settling down to a respectable domesticity. In one story,, 
however, the Spider is caught out by the " Half-Man " and gets his deserts, being 
enticed into a " tar " trap and beaten within an inch of his life. Another impostor 
is " the Billy-Goat who said he was a magician," while the simple clown is the 
Hyaena, whose stupidity is always bringing him into trouble. One of the prettiest 
tales is " The Hunter and the Fairy Buffalo," in which a Princess of the Buffaloes 
assumes human form and marries a young hunter in order to ascertain man's method 
of entrapping her kind. This contains a really charming element of pathos. The 
authors have done their work well and judiciously, and the book, which is appro- 
priately illustrated, will give young folk a pleasant peep into certain phases of native 
African life. T. H. J*. 

Printed by EYBE AND SPOTTISWOODE, LTD., Hjs Majesty's Printers, Bast Harding Street, B.C.. 


MAN, ign. 

19 20 ^2 ~23 24 


1911.] MAN. [No. 52, 

Chinese Turkestan. With Plate F. Smith. 

The Stone Age in Chinese Turkestan. By R. A. Smith. FA 

During his second expedition into Chinese Turkestan (1906-8), Dr. M. A. UL 
Stein collected from the Lop-nor desert a small series of worked stones of which 
a selection is represented on the adjoining plate. For the exact sites of these dis- 
coveries reference must be made to his map in the Geographical Journal, March, 
1911 (lat. 40-41, long. 89-90), while the circumstances are detailed in the same 
journal, July and September, 1909 (see especially pp. 25-27). 

The stones were picked upon eroded bare patches of ground close to the route 
followed from Abdal across the Lop-nor desert to the site of an ancient Chinese 
military station provisionally identified with Lou-Ian, and thence to the lagoons of 
the Tarim River. Owing to the conditions of the journey through waterless desert 
no search could be made away from the actual route line. If a wider belt of ground 
could have been searched, the number of finds would presumably have been far 
greater. In the Lop-nor desert the soil, apart from drift sand, consists exclusively of 
lacustrine clay or loess deposits, no stones of any kind occurring there naturally ; 
and the worked stones recovered were almost certainly made out of material derived 
from the Kun-lun range south of Lop-nor. Many specimens are more or less sand- 
worn, and the effect of driven sand in the region is well seen on the ruins dis- 
covered by Dr. Stein. It should be remembered that, owing to the extensive lowering 
of the ground by wind erosion, specimens belonging to widely distant periods may 
now be found lying side by side on the same level. 

At Lou-Ian itself the worked stones may be historical and come down to a com- 
paratively late period, as the site was occupied till the fourth century of our era. 
As far as Camp 122 occupation in historical times is highly improbable, but from 
Camps 123-125 we are on ground proved by plentiful remains to have been inhabited 
during the early centuries after Christ, though now a barren waste undergoing wind 
erosion. The area represented by Camps 126-129 can hardly have been occupied 
since prehistoric times, and even then need not have been settled, but only passed 
over by caravans. 

Of the 140 pieces of stone (mostly jasper) collected from the surface, just half 
the number showed any degree of finish, the remainder being flakes and splinters 
evidently struck off by man from the cores, but not themselves utilised. Nearly 
sixty " blades " are included among the worked stones, with single or double ridges 
showing that they were struck by people who understood the art of detaching regular 
two-edged flakes. Three cores, from which smaller flakes than those illustrated were 
struck, are the only specimens recovered, and closely resemble specimens of the same 
material from the Vindhya Hills and Jabalpur district of India. The raw material 
is represented by four lumps of jasper (such as Figs. 14, 17). 

Of implements properly so-called the number is insignificant, two jade celts and 
three points being all illustrated (Figs. 11, 21, and 3, 4, 5). The smaller celt is 
the more finished and is ground to a straight cutting-edge, the butt and sides being 
left rough. The other is twice its length but less symmetrical, with the polishing 
confined to the two faces. The points are the most interesting of the series and 
may have been intended for arrows, though they are highly finished and not likely 
to have been risked in this way by their owners, especially as the supply of raw 
material was very limited. The triangular specimen (Fig. 4) is dark grey jasper, 
carefully flaked over both faces and complete. The truncated leaf form (Fig. 3) is 
black, thickest at the butt, and not so finely worked ; a more recent flake has been 
detached from the centre of one face, exposing a granular surface, whereas the 

[ 81 1 

No. 52.] 



remainder is sand-worn and the point blunt and smoothed. The willow-leaf point 
(Fig. 5) is also black, carefully flaked on both faces, one showing almost a rippled 
surface. It is complete and slightly sand-worn, 2' 2 inches long. 

Another specimen of some importance has been drawn to show the battered back 
of the blade (Fig. 25). This method of providing a broad blunt surface on which 
the forefinger could rest in use was adopted by palaeolithic as well 
as neolithic man, and is illustrated by a large number of lames a 
dos rabattu (or abattu) in the cave period named after the palaeo- 
lithic rock-shelter of La Madeleine in the Dordogne. It was towards 
the end of that period that the pygmy industry first made its 
appearance ; and the succeeding period (called by the French 
Tardenoisieri) is characterised by such diminutive flint flakes, which 
seem to have survived the transition and to have persisted through 
the neolithic period. In the British Museum are several specimens 
from Bruniquel, Tarn-et-Garonne (Madeleine period) ; and neolithic 
specimens frequently occur in our own country, as, for example, near Farnborough, 
Kent, and Tackley, Oxon. 

The plain triangle is a recognised form of arrow-head, occasionally found in 
Ireland (though rarer than most patterns) and in most other regions where arrow- 
heads abound. It is found, for instance, on the fringe of the Sahara (where a large 
proportion are flaked on one face only),* also in Chili, f the Fay urn of Egypt, J the 
C6te d'Or in France, and a list of similarly distant sites might be drawn up for the 
leaf-shaped point. || But the difficulty is to find the same group of implements in 
other localities that might throw light on the culture and origin of the people who 
during the Stone Age occupied areas within what is now the Lop-nor desert. 
Worked obsidian from Crete in the British Museum presents a general resemblance 
to the jasper series, but a still closer parallel is afforded by the kitchen-middens of 
Japan, which abound in diminutive tools of obsidian and other materials. The 
arrow-heads and leaf-shaped point are much like specimens from Hakodote, Yezo, in 
the national collection, and it is worthy of remark that knives and other tools from 
the same locality have flat knob-like projections for the attachment of a thong. 
This may throw some light on the curious projection from the end of Fig. 13 on the 
plate, and some connection with the extreme east of Asia is not altogether out of 
the question. 

The following table gives details of the most characteristic specimens which are 
represented on the plate natural size. The determination of the various materials was 
kindly undertaken by my colleague, Mr. L. J. Spencer, of the Department of Mineralogy, 
Natural History Museum. 


Jasper cores or nuclei for producing short and narrow blades : 
Fig. 1, speckled brown, 1-25 in., Camp 121-2, 002. 
7, dark brown, I'Oo in., Camp 122, 006a. 
9, marbled grey and yellow, 1-4 in., Camp 122, 002. 

Jasper blades with median ridge and bulb of percussion at end of under face, if not broken 
away. Ranging in colour from brown to purplish black, and used (if at all) on one or both edges : 

Fig. 2, 1-6 in., Camp 122-3, 009. 
6, 1-5 in., Camp 121, 002. 
,. 10, 1-8 in., Camp 122, 006. 

Fig. 18, 2-2 in., Camp 127-8, 003, Lop-nor. 
20, 2-8 in., Camp 121, 0045. 
24, 1-6 in., Camp 122, 0027. 

Points of grey to black jasper, slightly sand-worn, flaked on both faces and symmetrically 
shaped : 

Fig. 3, 1-6 in., Lou-Ian, 00160. 
4, 1-2 in., Camp 122, 0023. 

Fig. 5, 2-2 in., Camp 122, 0064. 

* EHomm.e prehutorique, 1906, 171. f 

Congres prehistorlque de France, Autun, 348. 

[ 82 

1903 ' 164 - I lbid "> 1907 > 267 ' 

|| E.g., L'llomme prehistorique, 1904, 104. 

MAN. [Nos. 52-53. 

Jasper blades with two separated ridges, used on both edges : 

Fig. 8, 1-7 in., Camp 122, 0052. 

Fig. 19, 2 in., Camp 121, 0032. 

15, 1-1 in., Camp 122, 008. 

Fig. 11. Jade celt, green, roughly ground on the faces and more carefully towards the cutting 
edge. 2 in., Lou-Ian, 00145. 

Fig. 12. Carnelian flake, pale Indian red, bulb on plain face, the other with patch of crust, 
edges not used. 1-9 in., Camp 121, 0047. 

Fig. 13. Jasper flake dark green veined, with knob projecting from the end. 1*8 in., Camp 
121, 0049. 

Fig. 14. Jasper flake of unusual size, speckled brown, irregularly flaked, with patch of pebbled 
surface. 2-5 in., Camp 121, 0010. 

Fig. 16. Jasper flake, speckled brown, with bulb of percussion, and pebbled surface on other 
face. 1-3 in., Camp 121, 0011. 

Fig. 17. Jasper flake, mottled yellow and black, much sand-worn on one face. 2'6 in., 
Camp 122, 0049. 

Fig. 21. Jade celt, green, both faces ground, sides and butt left rough, the cutting edge 
sloping. 4 in.. Camp 126, 001. 

Fig. 22. Jasper blade with median ridge, much used on both edges, bulb of percussion on 
under face, slightly sand-worn. 2 '9 in., Camp 1IJ1, 0033. 

Fig. 23. Chalcedony blades, smoky black, with median ridge and bulb of percussion on under 
face, edges unused. 1-9 in., Lop-nor, Camp 127-8, 002. 


Africa : Nigeria. la Chard. 

Ancient Funeral Rites of the Pagan Gwari of Northern Nigeria. CO 

By L. W. la Chard, F.Z.S. DO 

A discovery promising to be of some interest and throwing light upon certain 
curious old burial customs amongst the pagan tribes of Zaria Province, Northern 
Nigeria, was made in November 1907, during the construction of a road between 
Zungeru and Kuta. The road passed over the remains of a former town. Like all 
primary settlements in most countries, this place had sprung up near the banks of a 
river at a convenient fording-place, and on the route between two trade centres, Kuta 
and Wushishi. A cutting on the road passed through the burial ground of this old 
town, and it was here that certain pots and other objects were unearthed, which first 
drew attention to the place. 

The burial-ground itself, which seems to have been chosen with characteristic 
ignorance or contempt of the simplest laws of hygiene, was situated immediately 
between the town and the areas devoted to cultivation of farm products. The remains 
of the latter areas consisted of long, parallel rows of stones, extending for a considerable 
distance, enclosing narrow banks of earth. Whilst a cutting was being made through 
the burial-ground, a number of large symmetrical earthenware pots were found. 
They were of various sizes, the largest beiug 5 feet 4 inches in height with a maximum 
diameter of nearly 3 feet, the approximate corresponding measures of the smallest one 
found being 3 feet and 2 feet. Each really consisted of two circular pots, the smaller 
one inverted upon the larger, the necks fitting firmly into each other and the ridged 
depression at the junction stuffed with hardened clay. The pots were placed in the 
ground at no great depth, generally from 2 to 3 feet from the surface. They were 
about ^ inch in thickness, and were made of strong, well-preserved red earthenware. 
No designs nor ornamental work of any description were found on them. 

When broken open, most of them were found to be empty save for a grey deposit 
on the bottom which consisted of bones and corroded metal rings. Small circular bowls 
about 4 inches deep and 5 inches in diameter were also found amongst the deposit. 
One pot was full of earth, and in this earth was found a complete skeleton in a sitting 
posture with the bones in their anatomical position. An iron spear-head much corroded, 
a small circular bowl of the kind already described, a brass ring, and two small iron 

[ 83 ] 

No. 53.] MAN. [1911. 

rings were found at the bottom of the pot. None of these objects had been broken, 
and no stone implements or weapons of any description were found, although careful 
search was made. 

Enquiries amongst natives elicited the fact that at some indefinite period, a large 
Gwari town, called Ajugbai existed on the spot. A Gwari native from Kuta, about 
thirty-five years of age, remembered his father telling him about this town, which had 
been a halting-place for traders. It was twice destroyed, once by Masaba, King of 
Bida, when he annihilated the King of Kuta and took most of the people away as 
slaves. It sprang up again some time afterwards, but was finally destroyed by 
Nagomachi, King of Kontagora, father of the present Emir of that place. Since then 
the Gwari, who were scattered, have not practised these burial rites, but have disposed 
of their dead in the Mohammedan fashion, like their conquerors. 

Formerly the head of each family possessed one of these pots which was kept in 
the house and worshipped, being regarded apparently as a memento mori. It was called, 
in the Gwari language, Shakun. When any member of the family died, the pot was 
taker) out in front of the house and the top portion was removed. The body was placed 
in the lower portion, in a sitting position, with the head touching the knees. Rings, 
bracelets, gowns, and any ornaments belonging to the deceased, together with weapons 
(if an adult male) were deposited unbroken at the bottom. A small jar (Shabali) 
made from hardened clay was filled with native liquor (Kuno), and was also placed 
with the dead person. The inverted top of the pot was placed in position, the 
resulting clip-like depression at the junction was filled with moist clay, and the whole 
was placed in a grave dug so that the top of the pot would be about a foot from 
the surface of the ground. A cairn of stones marked the spot, and the mourners 
completed the ceremony by becoming intoxicated and dancing around the grave, an 
Omarian custom which in a modified form is not restricted to the unenlightened 
pagan of the Dark Continent. The name given to the whole ceremony was Vingo, 
and this word also seems to have signified the burial-ground itself. When ques- 
tioned as to how the brass ring came into the possession of these people so long 
ago, the natives stated that ornaments of brass and silver were brought up from the 
coast by -traders and Hausa ex-soldiers, the latter of whom were frequently paid in 
brass rods. 

The Gwari always have been, and are still, pagans. They worship an indefinable 
object which they call Heshan, which, or rather, who appears to be a vague anthropo- 
morphic conception of the whole universe, and who is supposed to exercise a provi- 
dential care over them, their possessions, crops, and even future descendants. It is 
really a crude, pantheistic belief. They still gather round a kuka-tree to sacrifice fowls, 
goats, and sheep, and sing chants to Heshan. They do not believe in the existence of 
evil spirits or forces hostile to the supreme will of their deity, and repudiate the idea 
of a future existence. In consequence, it is somewhat difficult to trace the beginning 
of their former peculiar burial customs, which certainly did not originate in the common 
savage notion of burying weapons and trinkets with the body to ensure for it a safe 
journey to paradise. The Gwari of to-day say that it was merely a very old custom 
devoid of any particular motive ; but its origin amongst a crudely materialistic people 
must have been a tangible one, unless it was introduced at an early period when 
a phase of their religion admitted of spiritual agencies. Possibly it was considered 
the most efficient method of protecting the dead body from wild beasts, or pro- 
bably the custom may have been a relic of a time when sacrificial pots, such as 
have been found in Southern Nigeria, were used in barbaric ceremonies to propitiate 
an offended deity. L. W. LA CHARD. 

1911.] MAN. [Nos, 54-55. 

Australia : Sociology. Lang-. 

Mr. Mathew's Theory of Australian Phratries. /;_// Andrew Lang. C 1 

In the Journal of the Anthropological Institute, Vol. XL, pp. 165 to 171, U 
the Rev. John Mathew again sets forth his theory of the origin of phratries, and of 
some phratry names in Australia. The theory is, that " the two phratries represent 
" two ancient distinct races " one of them, " Papuasian, very dark, with curly hair " ; 
the other, " a stronger, more advanced, lighter-coloured race, with straight hair, and 
" akin to the Dravidians and Veddahs." 

An obvious question arises. We meet phratries, or exogamous intermarrying sets 
of people, in many parts of the world. Are all these phratries the result of a com- 
bination of two distinct human races ? If not (and Mr. Mathew, perhaps, ought to 
scrutinise all known phratries), why are we to suppose that phratries in Australia are, 
the result of a combination with connubium of two races, primarily distinct ? An 
institution so very widely extant, in lands so far remote, as the phratry is, is likely 
to have arisen in some " felt need " other than the peaceful coalition of two separate 

Mr. Mathew gives evidence, proving that among the Euahlayi, in Western 
Australia, and in Queensland, and in Victoria (I state the case as briefly as possible)? 
phratry names indicate contrasts in colour or complexion " light blood " and " dark 
" blood " and that old blacks believe they can tell the phratry of an individual by 
the quality of his hair, straight or curly. Mrs. Bates, I may add, has kindly given 
me much information to the same effect : nor do I question her accuracy. The light 
phratry, therefore, it seems, inherits the complexion and hair of one of Mr. Mathew's 
two ancient races ; the dark phratry inherits the hair and complexion of the other 
ancient race. But have we not here a question for physiologists ? Say that, in an 
isolated region, a thousand negroes and a thousand Scandinavians combine as two 
phratries, one " dark" (the negroes), the other "white" (the Danes). Black marries 
white alone; white marries black alone, for ever. 

In the second generation all are equally mulattoes. How could you tell to which 
phratry (given reckoning by female descent) any mulatto individual belonged ? In 
ten generations all would be coffee-coloured (cafe au lait), and how could you tell to 
which phratry any individual belonged ? Each individual belongs to both by descent ; 
the black blood and the white blood are equally in his or her veins. 

Where distinctions of complexion are so much less marked, as among Mr. Mathew's 
two ancient races, both dusky, how can the distinction survive through the eternal 
combination of both races under the phratry system ? 

That many tribes have phratries named after birds of contrasted colours Mr. 
Thomas and I have pointed out some time ago. But I do not think that philological 
guesses, applied to discover the meanings of phratry names of unknown sense, can do 
anything but darken causes. 

For the rest, I leave to physiologists the question : After long and exclusive 
intermarriage between negroes and Danes, could the members of black phratry be 
distinguished, in the same environment, from the members of the white phratry ? 


Africa, East. Walker. 

A Note on "Hammer-Stones." By B. W. Walker, M.D. C|J 

When visiting Nasa and other villages at the south end of Victoria Nyanza UU 

in German East Africa from 1887 to 1907 Mr. R. H. Walker, of the Church Missionary 

Society in Uganda, noticed that the native women there had a special use for a 

hammer-stone, several of which he obtained as specimens. 

These stones become absolutely spherical from constant use, being turned about 

[ 85 ] 

Nos. 55-57.] MAN. [1911. 

in the hand and dropped upon the rock. They are just the size of a cricket ball, and 
some consist apparently of granite, others of a stone resembling limestone, but no 
limestone of any sort exists in that region. 

The native grain that is eaten there is ground on a stone in the hut, or it is 
as often ground on a rock on the hill side. The women do the grinding, and they 
keep the surface of the rock or lower stone rough by constantly dropping these 
hammer-stones on to it from a height of about 10 inches. They appear to catch 
the stone each time as it rebounds. 

In time the rock gets worn into holes or basins by this continual process of 
preparing the surface, and the hammer-stone, which may be very rough and shapeless 
to begin with, becomes smooth and spherical by being turned about in the using. 


India : Ethnology. Waddell : Crooke. 

A Note on the Derivation of Miri. By L. A. Waddell. 

With reference to my note on the derivation of Meriah (MAN, 1911, 27), 
I have been favoured with the following communication from Lieut.-Col. L. A. 
Waddell, the leading authority on the languages of Tibet and the Eastern Hima- 
layas, which deserves publication. I did not intend in my note to vouch for Dalton's 
explanation of the name of the Miri tribe in Assam. He wrote nearly forty years 
ago, when little was known of these languages. He seems to have intended to 
connect both " Meriah " and " Miri " with the Sanskrit root mil, " to join, meet," 
which appears in Hindustani as milna. His explanation of both these terms is 
now shown to be incorrect. W. CROOKE. 

" In your note regarding the ' Meriah ' sacrifice of the Khonds in the March 
issue of MAN (No. 27), I observe you quote Colonel Dalton as stating that the tribal 
nam e of the Miri of Assam ' is the same word as miria or milia (a mediator or go- 
between) ' used with the same signification in Orissa.' This is not the etymology 
of the name of the Miri tribe at all. That word is of Tibetan origin. Mi is the 
ordinary Tibetan word for ' man,' and is found with this meaning amongst most of 
the Himalayan tribes from Ladak down to Assam. In this latter province the word 
enters into the tribal name of several of the tribes of Tibetan stock or with Tibetan 
affinities. Thus it occurs, in addition to the Miri, in the designations of the Mishmi, 
the Mish (or ' Mech '), Mikir, and probably also in Mitai (or Meitei of Manipur). 

" The Miri are a typically Mongoloid people, and call themselves, I found,* 
Mi-zhing or Mi-shing, that is to say, ' men of the soil or the land,' with the sense of 
' native to the soil ' (ascripti glebce). They are termed by the more Hinduised 
settlers in the Assam Valley, who are largely an offshoot of the Miris themselves, 
' Mi-ri,' which means ' hill-men.' Doubtless they are so called because they have 
retained the customs of their ancestors in the upper Himalayas and in S.E. Tibetan, 
the ' Hill Miris and Daflas, with whom, indeed, the Miri claim kinship.' " 

America, South. Gru'bb. 

An Unknown People in an Unknoivn Land. By W. B. Grubb. Pp. 329, fJTf 

with 40 illustrations and a map. London: Seeley & Co., 1911. 16s. net. Uf 

An Unknown People in an Unknown Land is the title of a book dealing with 

a hitherto unknown region in Central South America. It is written by a man who 

deals at first hand with primitive Indian life as seen from within, and not as it 

* See my monograph on Tribes of the Brahmaputra (Journ. Bengal Asiatic Soc., PI. iii, 1900, p. 57). 

[ 86 ] 

19U.] MAN. [Nos. 57-58, 

appears to the casual observer. For this reason it is especially valuable to anyone 
who wishes to realise for himself the aspirations, feelings, and sentiments of those 
who are generally regarded as savage Indians. 

The book is not perfect. There are some inaccuracies ; the author occasionally 
repeats himself, and there is at times an air of making more of a situation than it 
altogether warrants, while it is written in a conversational and somewhat rambling 
style. Apart from this, however, one can find only praise for a Deeply interesting 

The chapter on war gives one the impression that the Lengua Indians are 
naturally a warlike tribe, but this is not the case. They are, on the contrary, most 
peaceable and peace-loving, and only incline to fight under strong provocation. 
The twenty-ninth chapter, " 'Twixt Old and New," is an excellent reply to those 
who insist that the ''Mission Indian" is much worse as a man than he was before 
the advent of Christianity and civilization. 

The arts and industries of these so-called savages are well treated, and the 
illustrations give a good idea of the various processes of blanket weaving and 
pottery making. But the chief merit of the book lies in the fact that it enables 
the reader to take the Indian's place and look at the world through his eyes. 


Peru. Markham. 

The Incas of Peru. By Sir Clements Markham, K.C.B., D.Sc., F.R.S. CO 
Smith, Elder & Co., 1910. Pp. xiii + 443, with sixteen plates and map. uU 
21 x 13 cm. Price 10s. 6d. 

We have long been awaiting from Sir Clements Markham, the doyen of British 
Americanists, a book in which he should give a summary of the conclusions to which 
his life-long study of Peruvian archaeology has led him ; and the volume which has 
at last appeared is a most valuable and concise epitome of what is known concerning 
the history and ethnography of the early inhabitants of Peru. The subject is treated 
in the main from the literary side : that is to say, the material is gleaned principally 
from the early records of which Sir Clements has been so indefatigable a student ; 
and, as the author is personally acquainted with the country of which he writes, he 
has been able to apply a large amount of local experience to the interpretation of the 
early chroniclers. Grateful as we all must be for the book, it is nevertheless a great 
disappointment to read in the preface that, " Having reached my eightieth birthday, 
" I have abandoned the idea of completing a detailed history which I once enter- 
" tained." Those who have the privilege of knowing Sir Clements know also how 
lightly he bears his eighty years, and it is earnestly to be hoped that he will yet 
decide to carry out his original intention, and write the work which it is almost his 
duty to provide for future students of the subject. 

The book starts with an admirable survey of the principal authorities upon whom 
we rely for a knowledge of the ancient inhabitants of Peru, with hints regarding 
their respective credibility. In this chapter the author calls attention to the recently 
discovered work by Huaman Poma de Ayala, "a thick quarto of 1,179 pages, with 
" numerous clever pen-and-ink sketches, almost one for every page," which is soon 
to be published, and which seems to be a document of extraordinary value. 

The next chapter deals with the early culture of which the most remarkable 
remains are found at Tiahuanaco, of which traces are found from the southern shore 
of Lake Titicaca to Chordeleg in Ecuador, and which seems to have penetrated to the 
coast region. It may be mentioned, in passing, that the author has allowed a slight 
inaccuracy to creep into his description of the " frieze " of the large monolithic 
gateway, where he states that k ' the bird-headed worshippers have sceptres like the 

[ 87 ] 

No. 58,] MAN. [1911. 

" one in the central figure's left hand, while the sceptres of the human-headed 
'' worshippers are the same as those in the central figure's right hand." As a matter 
of fact, the type of sceptre held by the bird-headed figures is the same as that held 
by the human-headed figures in the top row ; that carried by the human-headed 
figures in the bottom row differs from both. It is surprising, too, that in the footnote 
in which he gives the " best accounts of the Tiahuanaco ruins " he makes no mention 
of the great wori of Stiibel and Uhle, which is the only really adequate description 
of the remains. J 

In his description of the remarkable relief found at Chavin de Huantar the author 
does not note (in fact the reviewer has never seen it noted) that the head of the 
figure depicted is not comprehensible until viewed upside-down, when it becomes 
perfectly plain, and is seen to consist of a number of monstrous heads issuing one from 
the mouth of the other. The convention of placing the head in a reversed position 
is common in the designs of the remarkable pots recently discovered by Dr. Uhle at 
Nasca, and is found in certain of the reliefs found by Professor Naville in Manabi, 
and the reduplication of faces is also a frequent feature of the Nasca pots. Both at 
Nasca and at Manabi such figures are surrounded by " ostrich-feather " shaped rays 
as in the Chavin relief. The reversed position of the head may be a conventional 
means of expressing a figure gazing skyward. It is perhaps unwise, in the present 
state of our knowledge, to mention the fact, but the reviewer cannot help adding 
that every Maya scholar with whom he has spoken on the subject is perfectly ready 
to accept the Chavin stone as pure Maya handiwork. 

The third chapter gives a sketch of the early history as related by Montesinos, 
and is supplemented by an appendix in which the list of kings given by the latter 
author is quoted, and reasons are given for the belief that it was copied from Bias 
Valera. If this theory be adopted, the hitherto discredited list of Montesinos becomes 
of the greatest importance. Sir Clements himself seems inclined to support the 
authenticity of the list, and his interpretation of the historical events which may be 
supposed to underly it is extremely ingenious and worthy of special attention (see 
p. 46). 

The next four chapters give an account of Inca history from Manco Ccapac to 
the accession of Huayna Ccapac, and then follows a chapter on religion. This 
latter subject is one of such extraordinary difficulty that it is here, more perhaps 
than anywhere else, that the reader will hope that Sir Clements will yet adhere to 
his original intention of writing an extended work on Peruvian archaeology. Excellent 
as the chapter is, it suffers much from compression, and it would have been of the 
highest interest to have seen what the author has to say, for instance, upon the 
conclusions of Dr. Uhle, that Pachacamac and Uiraccocha were originally the same 
deity, that the worship of the former on the coast, under the name of Irma, dates 
from the days of the supremacy of the culture of Tiahuanaco, and that the Chanca 
War was at bottom a struggle between the rival cults of the same deity as they had 
developed respectively in the highlands and further west, the god Pachacamac 
having become the central figure of the Huaca-cult. As regards human sacrifices, 
it is worthy of mention that the author accepts the statement of Cieza de Leon viz., 
that it was occasionally practised ; and, indeed, after the discovery by Dr. Uhle of 
a cemetery of sacrificed women of unquestionable Inca times at Pachacamac, it seems 
impossible to doubt the fact. In this chapter are given three remarkable -hymns 
to Uiraccocha of singular beauty. The following chapters deal with the general 
ethnography of the Inca, the history of the conquest of the great empire and the 
civilisation of the coast. The last region is peculiar in that it provides by far the 
greatest number of archaeological specimens, while the literature which might 
explain them is singularly deficient. All that the author says is of great value, but 

[ 88 ] 

1911.] MAN. [Nos. 58-59. 

he might perhaps have added a word about the researches of Dr. Uhle at Paeha- 
camac, which have yielded such important results, and the attempts made hy that 
gentleman to establish a system of sequence-dating, attempts which mark an era in 
the history of American archaeology. 

In his description of the Inca calendar it is evident that the text should have 
been accompanied by small illustrations of the signs which the author believes to 
have been symbols of the various seasons ; these seem to have been omitted by the 
publisher, with the result that the description is not quite so clear as it might have 

At the end of the book are several appendices, the most noteworthy of which 
contain a translation of the Inca drama of Ollantay, prefaced by a survey of the 
evidence which the author maintains, and on good grounds, that this interesting relic 
is of purely Inca origin ; and a note on the names Quichua and Aymara. In the latter 
note the author gives many reasons for the belief that the term Aymara, as applied 
to the language spoken by the Colla, is incorrect, and that its application to the 
civilisation which found its noblest expression at Tiahuanaco is equally unjustifiable. 
He gives evidence in support of the view that the early students collected their material 
among a tribe of mitimacs who came from a small province called Aymara on the 
upper waters of the Pachachaca river, and applied the name of these immigrants to 
the Colla language, which they had learnt since their transportation. 

The few small criticisms made above, all of relatively unimportant points, stand 
out perhaps in higher relief than they should. As a scientific work the volume is the 
work of a well-balanced mind backed by an unique knowledge of the literary material 
from which it is deduced. Of the book as a whole there can be but one opinion ; it 
is delightful. The author has the faculty of breathing life into the dry bones of 
archeology, and the result is a picture which is far more human than anything which 
has yet been written of the Inca ; it may be said, and in no carping spirit, that it 
leaves the reader anxious for more, and it will be the hope of Americanists all over 
the world that Sir Clements Markham will add to the great debt that they already 
owe him by responding to the call. T. A. J. 

New Guinea. Hanke. 

Archiv fur das Studium deutscher Kolonialsprachen. Band VIII. CQ 
Grammatik und Vokabularium der Bongu-Sprache (Astrolabebai, Kaiser- UU 
Wilhelmsland). Von A. Hanke, Rheinischer Missionar in Deutsch-Neuguinea. Mit 
einer Karte, einer wortvergleichenden Tabelle von neun Orten des Astrolabegebietes 
und einem Vokabularium der Sungumana-Sprache. Berlin : Druck und Kommissions- 
verlag von Georg Reimer, 1909. Pp. xii + 252. 21-5 x 15 cm. 

Father Schmidt in 1902, when discussing the position of the languages of the 
mainland of German New Guinea, showed that, as in British New Guinea, they 
are divisible into two main groups. One of these, the Melanesian, is related to the 
languages of the islands to the south-east, and the other, the Papuan, is distinct 
and unrelated to the Melanesian. The language here illustrated by Herr Hanke 
belongs to the latter group, and is spoken in its greatest purity in the village of 
Bongu on the south-east shore of Astrolabe Bay. The first specimens of this 
speech were collected by N. von Miklucho-Maclay in 1871, and formed the subject 
of a notice in Gabelentz and Meyer's work on the Melanesian, Mikronesian, and 
Papuan languages in 1882. Further specimens were given by Zoller (Deutsche- 
Neuguinea) in 1891, and by Biro (catalogue of his collection in the Hungarian 
National Museum) in 1901. Father Schmidt's notice in 1902 was based on the 
lists of Miklucho-Maclay and Zoller. These lists were in many instances incorrect 

[ 89 ] 

No, 59.] MAN. [1911. 

and misleading, and with the still more numerous errors of Biro, are corrected by 
Herr Hanke in his introduction. The interest of the present work is due to its 
being the most complete study yet made of any Papuan language of this region. 
The author in his preface modestly apologises for its imperfections, but as a first 
exploration in an unknown field the difficulties were extreme, and the author is to 
be congratulated on the skilful and successful manner in which he has presented this 
new form of speech. 

The roots of the language are monosyllables or disyllables which may be used 
as words without change, or formed into words by reduplication of the first sound 
or syllable, by gemination or repetition of the whole word, or by composition of 
root words. Prefixed particles are extremely rare, and, with one exception, are 
only used to express the pronominal object of the verb. Suffixes, on the other 
hand, are extremely numerous, and are used not only to form nouns, verbs, and 
adjectives, but also to indicate case and conjugation. There is no article. Nouns 
have no gender, and the sexes have distinct names, or persons are distinguished as 
"loin cloth" or "petticoat wearing :" animals and plants by words for "male" and 
" female." The noun itself does not indicate number, which is shown by a demon- 
strative, by the verb, or by reduplication. As in some of the Papuan languages of 
British New Guinea, the case of the noun is shown sometimes by position, sometimes 
by means of a suffixed particle. The active nominative and instrumental are shown 
by the suffix -en or -, the dative by ga (nga), and various locatives by -, <Fo, or gu. 
The nominative precedes the verb, and the accusative comes between the subject 
and the verb. The genitive is shown by a possessive pronoun, " the sea its thing " 
for " thing of the sea." Names of relationships take a shortened personal pronoun 
as suffix, Bua father-his, Bua's father. 

The personal pronouns are singular, dual and plural, and distinguish the inclu- 
sion or exclusion of the person addressed. All pronouns are declined by suffixes as 
nouns, but the genitive has the suffix -m. 

The numerals follow the quinary system with distinct words for " one " to 
" four." " One hand " is " five " ; " one hand count one " is six ; " ten " is " two 
hands " ; " twenty " is ' two hands two feet." 

The verb is extremely rich in forms and is conjugated by means of suffixes. 
In the singular three persons are distinguished only in some tenses. In the dual 
and plural only two persons are distinguished, an inclusive equivalent to " I and 
" those with me " and an exclusive meaning " other persons." Thus adl or nl 
gin-mesen, I am or thou art coming ; andu gin-esen, he is coming ; jal or gal gin- 
muslan, we two come ; nil or nal gin-beslam, the other two come. This grouping 
of the verb is found in other Papuan languages as, e.g., Miriam (Murray, Is.), 
Kiwai (Fly Delta) and Mailu (Cloudy Bay). 

There are seven tenses shown by changes in the tense endings, and five modes 
distinguished by additions to the verbal stem, and by infixing certain words or 
particles in the positive form, negation, totality, admiration, and continuation may 
be indicated. A causative is formed by infixing t before the terminations, as, 
e.g., balar, fly over ; baltar, make fly over, shoot up. Besides this variety certain 
verbs take prefixes to indicate the object, as, e.g., i-gar, to give us ; im-bar to 
give thee ; iv-ar to give him ; in-gar, to give you ; un-d'ar, to give them. These 
correspond to forms in the Namau language of the Papuan Gulf, where similar 
forms are used, as, e.g., a-kuai, to give us ; ni-kuai, to give thee ; aiv-kuai, to 
give him ; na-kuai, to give you ; e-kuai, to give them. Similar forms also are 
found in Katedong (Finschhafen) : naleo, he gives me ; galeo, he gives thee ; laneo, 
he gives him. 

Herr Hanke's grammar is followed by a Sprachproben of six folklore tales, 

[ 90 ] 

1911.] MAN. [Nos. 59-60. 

with literal and free translations, and by a copious Bongu-German vocabulary, with 
a German-Bongu index. A short comparative vocabulary is given of the dialects 
of nine villages on the shores of Astrolabe Bay. Those on the coast about Con- 
stantiuhafen, or in the neighbouring hills, appear similar to Bongu. The Maragum 
at a short distance shows many differences ; the language of Siar and Ragetta to 
the north are Melanesian. The supplement contains a longer vocabulary of the 
Sungumana language. 

The book is well and clearly printed, and forms a notable addition to the 
series of works on the languages of the German Colonies which are published under 
the direction of Professor Dr. E. Sachau. SIDNEY H. RAY. 

Borneo. Gomes. 

Seventeen Years among the Sea Dyaks of Borneo : a Record of Intimate OH 
Association with the Natives of the Bornean Jungles. By Edwin H. Gomes. OU 
With 40 illustrations and a map. London : Seeley & Co., 1911. 16s. net. 

Those who desire to gain an insight into the daily life and beliefs of a barbaric 
people who have been but little influenced by European culture should read Mr. Gomes' 
description of the Sea Dyaks, or Iban as ethnologists are now beginning to call them. 
As Mr. Gomes has been a missionary among these attractive people for seventeen 
years, and has an intimate knowledge of them and their mode of life, the reader is thus 
assured that the information imparted is correct, so far as it goes. This qualification 
must be added, for the scientific student would like more detailed information on many 
matters, though this would probably have rendered the book less attractive to those 
who do not care to probe deeply into the social constitution of a people. Considerable 
space is wisely given to religious beliefs and ceremonies, since these form an integral 
part of native life, and it is clearly brought out how the natives lie under the thraldom 
of omens, which tends to paralyse or at all events to retard advancement. The author 
is to be congratulated on freely interspersing his narrative with native names, and on 
the glossary at the end of the book of Dyak words and phrases which occur in the 
text. A few slips may be noted, for example, on p. 149 we read that " the cobra, so 
" much dreaded in India, is not met with in Borneo," but on p. 153 it is stated that 
among other animals " the cobra . . . may give omens under special circumstances." 
On turning to Beccari's valuable book, Wanderings in the Great Forests of Borneo, 
p. 35, we read : "In Kuching the cobra (Naja tripudians) is found, but it is not common. 
" As a matter of fact, during my whole stay in Borneo I never once heard of a death 
" by snake bite," a statement confirmed by Mr. Gomes, who states that "death from 
" a snake bite is very rare." On p. 1 56 Mr. Gomes refers to " a gazelle," by which 
he probably means the kijang (Cervulus muntjac\ a small deer with non-branching 
antlers. In Journ. Anthr. Inst., Vol. XXXI, 1901, p. 199, Drs. C. Hose and W. 
MacDougall refer to the spirit-helper of the Iban, a belief which is rare among 
other peoples of Borneo. Dr. Hose has recently informed me that he found this 
belief in a ngarong (it was wrongly spelt nyarong in the article quoted) among 
the Ulu Ai Iban, more particularly those from the Kapuas. It probably occurs among 
other Iban, but it is " one of the very few topics in regard to which the Ibans display 
" any reluctance to speak freely. So great is their reserve in this connection that 
" one of us lived for fourteen years on friendly terms with Ibans of various districts 
" without ascertaining the meaning of the word ' nyarong ' [c] or suspecting the great 
" importance of the part played by it in the lives of many of these people." This 
being the case, it is quite possible that the Iban would not care to speak to a mis- 
sionary on the subject. However that may be, Mr. Gomes does not refer to it by 
name, though allusions to the belief may perhaps be found on pp. 143 and 199 of 
his book. 

[ 91 ] 

Nos. 60-61.] MAN. [1911. 

The Christian religion does not appear to make much headway among the Iban, 
" but unpromising as the soil apparently is, the good seed does germinate. . . . 
" That a Dyak can succeed in his labours, or even exist for any length of time 
" without the observance of bird omens, or paying heed to dreams, or continually 
" making sacrifices to gods and spirits, is to the Dyaks in general such a remarkable 
" thing that it causes other minds to consider what Christianity means. To give up 
" heathen practices, and to pay no heed to the omens of birds, is but a small part 
" of the Christian religion, but it sets men thinking. It is a mark of freedom from 
" the slavery of tyrannous superstition." In the last chapter the author points out 
the difficulties in the way of the material and spiritual improvement of the natives, 
>and states that " the future of the Sea Dyak even as regards material well-being is 
" somewhat doubtful." The book contains a considerable number of very excellent 
photographs ; in those illustrating Dyaks in war dress some are holding Kayan and 
other Kenyah shields, but this distinction is not made in the text : it seems that the 
original type or types of shields are now obsolete, and in this as in other matters they 
adopt the devices of other tribes. Students will still find it necessary to consult 
Ling Roth's excellent compilation, The Natives of Sarawak and British North Borneo, 
for various details, but probably Mr. Gomes' book will long remain the best general 
account of the Iban. A. C. HADDON. 

America, South : Arcliseology. Boman. 

Antiquites de la Region Andine de la Republique Argentine. By Eric 
Boman. 2 vols. Paris, 1908, 1909. Pp. xi + 948. 

This work, in two heavy volumes, with 900 pages, including a bibliography of 
more than 400 items, is indeed a monument of industry. It is not an easy book to 
read, for the author's own journeys and explorations are sandwiched between mono- 
graphs on many subjects and criticisms of other writers, and except for a brief notice 
of a day's digging on page 255, the description of his actual work does not begin until 
page 279. But much interesting matter has been passed on the way. The history, 
geography, and botany of the region are summarised clearly and well, and everything 
that had been written on the archaeology has been collected, up to the date of 

In the expedition of MM. G. de Crequi-Montfort and E. la Grange, 
Mr. Boman's part was to study north-west Argentina, though the time allotted was 
too short, for he was only there from May 18th to September 2nd, 1903. Excep- 
tional luck would be needed to find valuable prizes in such a hurried trip, and his 
results are not of the very highest importance, but he has made a careful survey of 
a difficult piece of country and added largely to our knowledge of it. Starting from 
Salta, he went a short way south to El Carmen, where, in the Campo del Pucara, 
near an ancient fort, are three groups of small circular mounds from 40 to 50 cm. 
high, with a diameter of 2 m. 60 to 2 m. 70. Each is edged round by one or two 
rows of water-rolled stones all about the same size, and the mounds are arranged in 
straight rows with regular equal intervals, exactly in the direction of the cardinal 
points of the compass. Group A has 1,047 mounds and formerly extended 200 metres 
further east. Group B 2 kilometres to the N.N.W. has 158 mounds and Group C 
300 metres north of B has 463. This last is surrounded by a rectangular rampart 
of earth still a metre high. Mr. Boman dug in six mounds and made two excava- 
tions in the spaces between but found no human traces. The mound earth has been 
brought from a distance and just heaped on the hard ground, and occasional gaps 
in the rows lead to the belief that the mounds were not made simultaneously but 
as required. At Carbajal, south of El Carmen, the next place visited, the owner 

[ 92 ] 

1911.] MAN. [tfo. 6t 

of the hacienda had discovered, under a ruined building, a deposit of small pebbles 
like marbles, most of them quartz of different pretty colours, about 2,000 kilos, in 
weight. Quartz veins are rare there and few quartz pebbles are found in the rivers. 

The interesting plans of the ancient hill towns of Morohuasi, Puerta de TastiK 
Tastil, and Pucara de Rinconada show a general resemblance in the low walls (pirca) 
of stones carefully laid without mortar, enclosing large or small rectangular spaces 
which often contain a circular walled burial-place about 2 metres in diameter. There 
are also cemeteries at some distance. The bodies were buried in a sitting position, 
and at Morohuasi were so much decayed that not one entire skull could be obtained, 
although wooden objects with them were in good preservation and the climate is 
very dry. To the north of Puerta de Tastil there are seventy or eighty cairn-like 
heaps of stones in diagonal rows on a space about 80 metres square. At Tastil in 
most of the enclosures there is a standing stone more or less rectangular from 40 cm. 
to 1 metre high, whilst at Pucara de Rinconada round menhirs occupy the same 
position in the centre of the small hut enclosures. All these places are difficult of 
access, and in more or less fortified positions. 

Near the great salt-beds of Salinas Grandes, Mr. Boman in three days found 
forty-six large and heavy stone axes, unlike any in rivers or graves of the region, 
but resembling some figured by M. Chantre from ancient salt mines in Armenia, and 
also those of Halstatt, though the latter are smaller. At Saladillo, near the Salinas, 
he discovered a hill with great quantities of flaked quartzite implements of Chellean 
type, left from workings on the spot. The burial caves near Sayate also produced 
interesting finds, for although treasure-seekers had carried off all that was valuable, 
many naturally-mummied bodies and skeletons remained, some with skulls which had 
been deformed either vertically or laterally. One skull had the lower incisors cut 
into square hollows rising into a point on each side. The hair was usually long, in 
several plaits, and occasionally white. 

Susques, a remote Indian village in the middle of a desert, provided ethnological 
material, besides folk-lore, festivals, and the many details which would strike the 
intelligent observer of a people untouched by modern ways. Mr. Boman had 
.been told to make measurements, by the Bertillon system, though he did not find 
it suitable to the circumstances. These Indians govern themselves, and the discipline 
is excellent. The Assembly, of all the males over twenty, elects a capitan for an 
indefinite period. Resolutions of the Assembly are invariably respected by him, and 
everyone obeys his orders. The capitan at this time was an intelligent, dignified, 
diplomatic little old man with greyish hair. Offences are scarcely known, except an 
occasional blow given under the influence of drink. These people marry only among 
themselves, or rarely with those of one or two other villages. Their houses are of 
adobe, rectangular, and contain one large room which has a poyo or divan across 
one end. On this the family sleep without changing their clothes. There is a 
walled-off space at the other end for maize, niches in the wall for small objects, 
whilst larger things hang from the roof. 

Mr. Boman returned by La Quiaca, on the border of Argentina and Bolivia, and 
came down the Quebrada de Humahuaca, through which the railway now runs, to 
Jujuy. Much lies hidden under the talus below the cliffs in this remarkable valley 
(as Senor Debenedetti has shown in his excavations at La Isla de Tilcara), for it must 
always have been a highway between north and south. He gives a description of 
his trip to the lower country east of Jujuy with the Swedish Expedition in 1901. 
The extent of kitchen-midden deposits on ancient sites there, sometimes thousands of 
metres long, proportionately wide, and from 30 to 60 cm. thick, implies a large 
population at a period sufficiently remote for layers of earth to have formed since, 

[ 93 ] 

Nos. 61-62.] MAN. [1911. 

10 to 30 cm. deep, on which is dense virgin forest, whilst the direction of the 
streams has altered. 

This will always be an excellent book of reference, with its full treatment of 
every subject connected with the region, its maps, eighty-three plates, good indexes, 
and especially the method of bibliography, and the copies of petroglyphs and cave 
paintings. It seems a pity to have made trivial changes in accustomed names, such 
as Barzana for Barcena, Diaguite for Calchaqui, and Lapaya for La Paya, a place 
which Senor Ambrosetti's volumes describing his discoveries there have made so 
well known. 

One of the most valuable pieces of information in this work is, that in an 
ancient grave at the Pucara of Rinconada, Mr. Boman found the skeleton of a dog. 
This was Cants magellanicus, which inhabited Tierra del Fuego and Patagonia, but 
a difference in the skull of the present specimen seems to indicate that it had been 
domesticated. He also found numerous mummies of Canis ingee, and skulls arranged 
to form decorative figures in tombs. Professor Nehring, in papers contributed to the 
Berlin Anthropological Society in 1885 and the American Congress of 1888, divides 
C. ingce into three species, pecuarius, vertagus, and molossoides, and thinks it perhaps 
descended from the North American wolf. Canis caraibicus, the hairless grey-skinned 
dog, was seen by the Spanish conquerors in the Antilles, Mexico, and Peru. At 
the present time it is used instead of a hot-water bottle at night in Bolivia, but is 
not common. A. C. B. 

Greenland : Eskimo. Trebitsch.. 

Bei den Eskimos in Westgronland. Von Dr. Rudolf Trebitsch. Berlin : 
Dietrich Reimer, 1910. Pp. xxiii + 162. 

Ethnologists, as well as would-be ethnologists, often over-emphasise the import- 
ance of instituting and recording ethnographical research, just at that particular 
moment when they are ready to undertake it ; at least, as far as certain areas are 
concerned. " The old original culture is rapidly vanishing," they say. Yet we all 
know that wherever so-called civilisation shows its face in a primitive society there 
we shall rarely find more than the tail-end of the old cultures, material as well as 
social and religious. And these bare scraps and remnants of bygone conditions are 
often so intricately interwoven with, and obscured by, the new introductions, that it 
is a most difficult and delicate operation to sever the two. In such fields the 
services of the trained sifter are more needed than those of the enthusiastic collector 
and reaper. On the other hand, we must remember that even where aboriginal 
culture is now found in its purest form, it will be a question of but a short time 
before we also shall have to spend energy, not only on collecting, but on sifting 
and unravelling the riddles which introductions and adaptations afford us. 

This fact it might be well to bear in mind, for it might induce us to make an 
effort to reap while and where harvesting is easiest, and also to consider whether 
the importance of one problem does not in any given case outweigh the importance 
of the other. 

The areas that I regard as past ripe for the mere gathering of ethnological 
material by more or less (perhaps more often less than more) trained and experienced 
collectors, and where the advancing of such necessity of immediate exploration as a 
pretext for a voyage or a publication is not justified, are those where the ethnological 
field has already been scraped to its very marrow, and where the questions left are 
so intricate and bewildering that much insight and training is needed to discern the 
problems, let alone to solve them. 

Dr. Trebitsch has in Danish West Greenland come across such a rather fully 

[ 94 ] 

1911.] MAN. [Nos. 62-63. 

explored area, and yet he ends the introduction to the book here under review with 
the usual outcry. 

After the old Dutch descriptions, after Hans Egede's extensive work, the successful 
efforts of Fabricius, Kleinschmidt, Thalbitzer, Knud Rasmussen, Mylius Erichsen, and, 
first and last, of H. Rink, who by his long years of service among the Eskimo and 
his intense interest in them, was perhaps better than anyone else fitted to give to 
posterity a true picture of the life and psychology of these interesting people, not to 
mention the yearly publications appearing in Meddelelser om Gronland, where all 
questions relating to Greenland are discussed by scientists after all this it is 
difficult to imagine how the publication of mere personal experience and observation 
while travelling from place to place during a stay of 2 months could help being in 
the main a repetition of work already done. And so it is with Dr. Trebitsch's book. 
Wherever he, among his phonograph records, has succeeded in getting something 
really old you can usually find the same tales or songs in Rink's book. Tales and 
Traditions of the Eskimo. 

Most of the translated Eskimo songs that Dr. Trebitsch presents to us are late 
inventions and illustrate the present stage of their civilisation, mixed as it is with 
European introductions and adaptations. To any one interested in the psychology of 
foreign influence, it might prove of value to compare these songs with Rink's trans- 
lations. Some are introductions pure and simple ; as, for instance, the last two lines 
of the song, p. 50, which represent the refrain of a modern Danish ditty that was 
quite in vogue some few years ago. There are others about whicli it would be more 
difficult to say whether they are of older origin or merely clever adaptations. 

The same is true of the tales, and yet it is surprising to see how much of the 
old flavour is retained and preserved even in these new renderings. 

While I cannot accept Dr. Trebitsch's own estimate of his work as one necessary 
for the sake of recording primitive Greenland culture, there is one point on which 
he deserves unstinted praise, and where his publication is unequalled by all the older 
works, and that is in the wealth of beautiful, descriptive photographs that he presents 
to us. The immense icebergs, the rugged country, the features of the Eskimo, their 
material culture, their customs and dresses are admirably illustrated in these clever 
selections and by these photographs, illuminated by his experiences, and illustrated 
by the tales and songs, Dr. Trebitsch gives us a splendid picture of the Greenland of 
to-day with its entangled mixture of old and new. 

Another thing for which we are indebted to Dr. Trebitsch is an attraction added to 
K. K. Naturhistorisches Hofmuseum in Vienna. Dr. Trebitsch brought back from West 
Greenland a collection of 581 interesting pieces, and added thereto by the good will 
of Director Ryberg, of Copenhagen, forty-seven pieces from the east coast, many of 
which it will probably be impossible to duplicate, and all of which Dr. Trebitsch has 
presented to the above-mentioned museum. 

These pieces are described very fully by Docent Dr. M. Haberlandt in a valuable 
supplement to the book. G. SEBBELOW. 

Philippines : Linguistics. Seidenadel. 

The First Grammar of the Language Spoken by the Bontoc-Igorot, with a 
Vocabulary and Texts, Mythology, Folklore, Historical Episodes, Songs. By 
Dr. Carl Wilhelm Seidenadel. Chicago : The Open Court Publishing Company. 
London Agents : Kegan Paul, Trench, Triibner & Co., Ltd., 1909. Pp. xxiv + 529. 
Dr. Seidenadel's study is based upon material which he personally obtained from 
a party of Bontoc-Igorots who were on exhibition in Chicago during the greater 

[ 95 ] 

Nos. 63-64.] MAN. [1911. 

part of 1906 and 1907. These people came from the valley of the Rio Chico de 
Cagayan, in the heart of North Luzon. The grammar (pp. 3-270) is dealt with in 
a thoroughly exhaustive manner. The language belongs to the Indonesian Group, and 
whilst distinct from the Iloko, shows many points of likeness to the latter language, 
especially in the pronouns, verbal and noun forms and construction. The numerals 
present little variation from the usual Philippine words. They are : 1, isa ; 2, djna ; 
3, tolo ; 4, ipat ; 5, lima ; 6, enem ; 7, pito ; 8, walo ; 9, siam ; 10, polo, with the 
higher numbers formed by ya, and, as 13, sin polo ya tolo. The so-called "numeral 
affixes," describing the kind of thing counted, are not used in Bontoc. 

The vocabulary occupies pp. 273-475. This is arranged under the English 
words, but with very full explanations. Some of the items have reference to the 
illustrations in Dr. Jenk's book, The Bontoc-Igorot, and to Meyer and Schadenberg's 
Nord Luzon. Many of the descriptions are interesting ethnographically, as, e.g., 
the accounts under basket, beverages, brother, buildings, ceremonies, charm, council- 
house, dance, food, house, jar, loom, spirit. 

The Bontoc texts (pp. 481-583) are few in number, but form a most interesting 
sample of the varied folklore of the people, with valuable incidental notices of customs 
and beliefs. The subjects are : Lumawig (the Creator) ; the Head Hunter's return, 
the battle of Caloocan, animal and wonder stories and songs. Prefixed to the volume 
is a collection of thirteen plates, with twenty-four illustrations or portraits of Bontoc- 

The get-up of the volume will certainly make the European student envious ; 
envious of the zeal of the student who could so thoroughly investigate a hitherto 
unknown form of speech ; envious of his opportunity of studying a primitive people ; 
envious of the enterprise which has published this splendid memorial of the author's 
labours. S. H. RAY. 


COUNT ERIC VON ROSEN, who has recently been engaged upon exploration A J 
in Bolivia, intends now to turn his attention to Africa. His plans at present UT 
are as follows : At the beginning of July he hopes to leave Cape Town for Kalomo 
in North-Western Rhodesia ; here he will turn westward and spend some time in 
collecting information among the Mashukolumbwe. He will next visit Lake Bang- 
weolo, in the neighbourhood of which he hopes to stay for several months, carrying 
on investigations among the marsh-dAvelling Batwa. Later, if time allows, he will 
pass on to Lake Moero, where, amongst other matters, he intends to obtain particulars 
concerning the attempted canal at Kasangeneke (see MAN, 1907, 45), and the 
neolithic site on the lake (MAN, 1911, 26). After proceeding along Tanganyika 
and the lakes, he will enter the Thor'i forest, where he hopes to be able to make a 
detailed study of the pygmies. Finally, he will return to Europe via the Nile and 
Cairo. The collections which will be made during the expedition are destined for 
the Stockholm Museum. 

WITH reference to the invitation to be measured, which was contained in Note 43 
of MAN for April, 1911, as all the instruments for measuring are now at the Science 
Section of the Coronation Exhibition at the White City, Shepherd's Bush, all 
persons desiring to be measured should call there instead of at the Royal Anthro- 
pological Institute. 

Printed by EYRE AND SPOTTISWOODE. LTD., His Majesty's Printers, East Harding Street, B.C. 


FIG. 3. 

MAN, 1911. 

FIG. 4. 

Fir,. 6. 

FIG. i. FIG- - 


1911.] MAN. [No. 65. 


America: Ethnology. With Plate G. Breton. 

Some American Museums. By Miss A. C. Breton. pr 

During the last twenty years the development of museums in America has MU 
been remarkable, both in the size and cost of the buildings and the interesting nature 
of the contents. An acquaintance with them is essential for those who desire a compre- 
hensive understanding of ethnology and archaeology, and of America as related to the 
rest of the world. They have good libraries, to which access is readily permitted, 
arid the officials usually spend part of the year in field work so that information at first 
hand can be gained from them. Each man has a private office with ample room for 
books and specimens. 

In the enormous halls and galleries of the New York Natural History Museum 
everything pertaining to the native peoples of the north-west and the Pacific coast 
is displayed, and the whole course of their lives can be studied in the many objects, 
garments, utensils, weapons, and implements of all kinds, mostly brought back by the 
Jessup Expedition. On an upper floor is the magnificent Mexican Hall. Here are 
casts of several of the great portrait stelas at Copan and Quirigua, some of the altars, 
the Quirigua turtle (a marvel of ancient sculpture), and many of the warriors of the 
Chichen Itza reliefs. Most of them were presented by the Due de Loubat, copies of 
those made by Mr. A. Maudslay, which have been lying neglected for so many years at 
South Kensington. In the ample space and fine lighting from both sides in the hall 
the regal figures of the stelaa have almost their original outdoor effect, and in default 
of the original brilliant tints they have been coloured a brownish grey, which throws 
the elaborate details into good light and shade. 

The skill of ancient Mexican goldsmiths is well shown in some exquisite little 
gold objects, chiefly birds and animals. There are good representative groups of clay 
figures from the different districts of Mexico, especially one, life size, brought by 
Professor Saville from Tezcoco, and stone and obsidian implements and masks are in 

Mr. Stewart Culin reigns at the Brooklyn Institute, an imposing edifice on a height 
reached by Flatbush Avenue cars from Brooklyn Town Hall. He has made an 
unusually fine collection from Japan of ceremonial robes and armour, musical instru- 
ments, and the curious long cylindrical beads of greenish stone which are found in 
ancient burial mounds there. The main feature of the museum is the illustration of the 
ethnology of the western United States, especially the Navajo, Zuni, and Californian 
Indians. Typical landscapes on the walls, photographs, and printed descriptions help 
to give the visitor a real glimpse of these phases of a different civilisation. Zuni shrines 
and dance-masks, dolls used in the dances, drums made with a large pottery jar and a 
piece of skin strained over the top, stone implements, and pottery found by Mr. Culin 
three years ago in the Canyon de Chelly, when he also brought away Mrs. Day's 
wonderful collection of arrow points and some of the exquisite feather-covered 
Californian baskets, are some of the things that linger in the memory of a too brief 

The Peabody Museum of Harvard College at Cambridge is famous for its Central 
American department, the result of expeditions financed by friends of Professor 
F. W. Putnam, who has devoted so many years to American archaeology. It is almost 
the only place where, in addition to casts of the large sculptures, the lesser details 
of the highly-developed Maya art can be studied in the beautiful heads and other 
fragments from Copan, and the varieties of painted pottery from the deposits in the 
banks of the Ulua River. Then it has facsimile copies to quarter scale of the ancient 
wall-paintings at Chichen Itza, the most remarkable presentment of battle scenes yet 

[ 97 ] 

No. 65.] MAN. [1911. 

known. The museum is also very rich in the archaeology of the northern United 
States and the Ohio mounds. It trains students by lectures and field work, and its 
publications are of great value. 

Yale University Museum at Newhaven, Connecticut, is cramped for room and 
some of its best things cannot be exhibited, notably the painted vases from Chiriqui, 
on which Dr. G. MacCurdy is writing a monograph, and many of the gold-plated 
copper objects also from Chiriqui ; but the gallery contains much of interest. Part 
of a neolithic shell-heap with stone implements and fragments of pottery, some other 
primitive remains from New England, and two of the shell disks or gorgets with 
incised figures from the south, are among the more important possessions. 

At Philadelphia, the Academy of Sciences has Mr. Clarence Moore's great 
collection of pots from the burial-mounds of Georgia and Florida, which his careful 
methods of excavation, and record in many volumes, have made so valuable, and there 
are also particularly well-arranged and labelled cases of the infinite variety of small 
Mexican clay figures, heads, and other objects. The Museum of the University of 
Pennsylvania at West Philadelphia has several fine ethnological series, especially 
from the hill tribes of Assam (with photographs), from Borneo and other parts of 
the Pacific, and of boomerangs, wummerahs, and shields from Australia. There are 
also the results of the excavations at Nippur made by Dr. Hilprecht, and Dr. Randall 
Maclver's great Egyptian finds from five years' work, which cost 10,000. The 
three feet long necklace of alternate amethyst and gold beads and other treasures were 
unfortunately stolen last February. Mr. Gr. Heye's immense collection illustrating the 
Plains Indians is now there, and also represents a very great expenditure of time 
and money. The sense of colour and harmony in those Indians must be strongly 
developed, judging from the many beautiful things wrought in feathers, beads, or woven. 
The mocassins are particularly interesting as each tribe has its own variety. But 
knowledge of the meaning of the designs has been lost. One gallery is filled with 
Californian baskets of many styles, some of them covered with minute feathers of 
different colours arranged in patterns. 

A revelation to the antiquarian has been the setting up and colouring (after the 
original) of the central part of the carved interior wall of Chamber E, at Chichen 
Itza, copied from the Maudslay cast. A similar cast in the New York Museum was 
coloured by an artist who had not seen the original, and another at Chicago is also 
unsatisfactory, but this one, well placed and lighted, gives a fair impression of the 
rows of warriors in relief, all richly clothed, with many ornaments and bearing weapons, 
and is worthy of prolonged study. 

The new National Museum at Washington is a splendid building, which has cost 
3,500,000 dollars. Under Dr. W. H. Holmes's care it will become a treasure house 
of American archaeology and ethnology, whilst for the student of somatology there 
is a most important mass of material. This includes 2,500 skulls and bones belonging 
to a large number of bodies, recently collected from ransacked ancient cemeteries at 
Pachacamac, near Lima, Peru, for Dr. Ales Hrdlicka, who will be glad to give 
every facility to anyone desiring to specialise in these subjects. 

Besides the usual casts of Mexican and Central American sculptures, Dr. Holmes 
has had executed some exquisite models of the principal buildings. That of the 
House of the Governor at Uxmal shows the complex details, so that the beauty and 
significance of the designs can be appreciated better than in the original seen in 
the glare and heat of Yucatan. In another gallery there are the life-size groups of 
Indians so popular in American museums, and teaching more vividly than any 
quantity of things in cases, as they are arranged to show the people in their various 
occupations, such as flaking stone implements, with the cores and heaps of rejects 
all genuine. This museum has always received with pleasure (and an official letter 

[ 98 ] 



[No. 65. 

of acknowledgment) every sort of ancient American object sent by the humble amateur, 

so that it has a vast accumulation which would otherwise have been lost to science. 

A voyage of 6^ days from New Orleans in one of the United Fruit Company's 

good steamers brings one to Puerto Limon, Costa Rica, from whence San Jose, the 



capital, is reached by train in seven hours. The National Museum in that charming 
town is of the greatest interest. Although there is an absence in Costa Rica of the 
wonderful ancient structures of Guatemala and Honduras, and only foundations of 
buildings and some small mounds have been discovered, the wealth of objects in 

[ 99 ] 

Nos. 65-66.] MAN. [1911. 

prehistoric graves is phenomenal. The gilt-copper ornaments, strangely enough 
never yet found in situ by a foreigner, are said by the Bishop of Costa Rica (who 
is a good antiquarian) to be frequently forgeries, but many are undoubtedly genuine. 
Two men brought a number, weighing about 1 lb., while the writer was in San Jose, 
and said they were the result of five weeks' search. This was from El General 
towards the Chiriqui district, and the objects were of that character. They are well 
represented in the museum, but its chief glories are the painted pottery and the 
figure-celts. Of the former there is every possible variety, from the plain Neolithic 
pots, some with incised designs, to the latest elaborate style with figures in relief. 

The two large pots in Plate G are particularly fine in technical treatment, and 
also in the design and colour. Fig. 1 has the design incised in three divisions on a 
white slip and tints of blue, black, and a bright orange (which shows black in the 
print) are used in addition. A broad orange band goes round the inner edge of the 
pot. Fig. 2 is of much heavier make, highly burnished, and broadly painted with 
black and a glowing orange colour. Figs. 3 to 6 are painted in black, red, and 
yellow on a creamy ground, Fig. 3 having an incised hatching of lines outside. 
Amongst the more frequent motives are the dragon-jaw conventionalised, two eyes 
(as in Figs. 3 and 4), a curious beast with a proboscis snout, and jars with outstand- 
ing head, arms, and legs, of semi-human creatures, as shown in Fig. 7. Many months 
might be spent in copying and studying the thousand different designs. Dr. Walter 
Lehmann has done something towards this. The argillite and jadeite celts are like 
precious stones in their beauty of veining, colour, and polish. These are chiefly 
from Nicoya, near the frontier of Nicaragua. The large metates (or seats ?) of vesicu- 
lar volcanic stone have interlaced designs similar to the early Celtic. Round stools 
or small altars have rows of sculptured heads. All these things are worked with 
refined taste of a high order. Some Zulu spears and shields are also in this museum. 

In the episcopal palace there is a fine collection, chiefly made by the late bishop 
and added to by the present one (who often walks eight hours a day in going 
about his diocese), of similar Costa Rica antiquities, especially jadeite objects. 


Australia. Mathews. 

Matrilineal Descent in the Kaiabara Tribe, Queensland. By OO 

R. H. Mat hews, L.S. 00 

I have read an article by Mr. Lang in MAN, 1910, No. 80, in which he offers 
some interesting conclusions respecting the Kaiabara tribe in South Queensland, at 
which he has arrived from perusal of the late Mr. A. W. Howitt's book. As I have 
made some personal investigations among several of the old natives of the tribe 
mentioned as to their initiation ceremonies and sociology during the past fifteen 
years, I am desirous of submitting a few remarks on their marriage laws. 

Mr. Howitt had never been among the Kaiabara blacks himself, but, relying upon 
a correspondent who was evidently not qualified for the task, he reported that descent 
was counted through the father. The whole cause of this trouble arose from mis- 
apprehending which pair of sub-classes (or sections) formed a phratry. In order to 
place the matter before the reader it will be necessary for me to repeat Mr. Howitt's 
table ; a course also followed by Mr. Lang. 

TABLE A. (Mr. HOWITT, 1884 and 1904). 

( Bulkoin. Turowain. Bunda. 

Kubatine - i T> j - -D n 

( Bunda. Baring. Bulkoin. 

( Baring. Bunda. Turowain. 

Dilebi - - - 1 'fwi . 

( Turowain. Bulkoin. Baring. 

[ 100 ] 

1911.] MAN. [No. 66. 

Mr. Howitt says, "Bulkoin and Bunda are the sub-divisions of Kubatine, and 
" Baring and Turowain of Dilebi. . . . While the class (phratry) name descends 
" from the father to the child, the sub-class (section) name of the child is that which, 
*' together with that of its father, represents the class (phratry) of the latter. Therefore 
" descent is in the male line." He adds, " While there is male descent in the classes 
" and sub-classes, it is in the female line in the totems." 

The above table and its letterpress has misled Mr. Lang, and I do not wonder that 
he calls it an "intricate puzzle." In 1907 I stigmatised it as a "confused and 
hetereogeneous jumble of descent" (MAN, 1907. 97). Mr. Lang is not the only one 
who has been misled by Mr. Hewitt's erroneous report of the Kaiabara. In 1895, 
relying upon the information published by Mr. Howitt in 1884, I stated that the 
sociology of the Kaiabara was " framed after the Kamilaroi type, but with male 
*' descent."* Fortunately, I did not lie under that delusion for long, but went out to 
make inquiries among the natives on my own account. In 1898, referring to Mr. 
Hewitt's assertion that " descent was counted through the male,'' I said, " There is, 
*' however, no question that he is in error, and has evidently been misinformed. I 
" have drawn attention to the matter now because on a former occasion I was misled 
*' by Mr. Howitt's conclusions respecting the line of descent of the Kaiabara tribe. "| 

In 1900 I again reported that the phratry Karpeun (Kubatine) contained the 
sections Barrang and Banjoor (the equivalent of Bulkoin), and that the phratry 
Deeajee (Dilebi) comprised the sections Bunda and Derwairi.J We see, then, that a 
correct report of the formation of the phratries, showing female descent very clearly, 
was published by me twice in 1898 and twice in 1900 in journals of acknowledged 
repute. But. notwithstanding these four reports of mine, Mr. Howitt, in 1904, re- 
asserts his error of 1884. 

Yet another author has been misled by Mr. Howitt's mistaken report of the 
Kaiabara divisions. Mr. N. W. Thomas (p. 43, Kinship and Marriage) prints the 
sub-class names in Mr. Howitt's order and states that there is " male descent." And 
still again it would appear that Mr. J. G. Fraser has been induced to assume male 
descent in the Kaiabara (Totemism, Vol. I., pp. 443-447). He, however, takes the 
precaution of adding that, "It is curious that with male descent of the class and 
" sub-class the totem of the child should be akin to that of its mother, instead of to 
" that of its father." 

It will now be necessary to introduce the table I published in 1898, already 
referred to, showing the correct sociology of a number of tribes in Southern Queensland, 
among which the Kaiabara family or triblet was included. 

TABLE B. (Mr. MATHEWS, 1898). 


TT- j Balkoin (Banjoor). Derwain. Bunda. 

" | Barrang. Bunda. Derwain. 

Deeaiee - ( Bunda. Barrang. Banjoor (Balkoin). 

" \ Derwaiu. Banjoor (Balkoin). Barrang. 

I added, "Descent is always reckoned in the female side, the children taking 
" the phratry name of their mother ; they do not, however, belong to her section 
" (sub-class) but take the name of the other section in their mother's phratry, as 
" exemplified in the above table." I mentioned that in certain parts the name 

* Queensland Geographical Journal, Vol. 10, p. 29. 

f Proc. Amer. Philos. Soc., Vol. 37, p. 330 ; Journ. Hoy. Soc. N.S. Wales, Vol. 32, p. 82. 
J Proc. Amer. Philos. Soc., Vol. 39, p. 576, map ; American Anthropologist, Vol. 2, N.S., p. 139. 
Proc. Amer. Philoi. Soc., Vol. 37, pp. 328-331, with map ; Queensland Geographical Journal 
Vol. 22, pp. 82-86. 

No. 66.] MAN. [1911. 

Balkoin was used instead of Banjoor. The children also take their totem from the 
mother in every case. 

If we take Balkoin, the first name in the " Husband " column of the above 
table, his normal wife is Derwain ; or it is quite lawful for him to espouse a 
Bunda woman. If he marries Derwain his child is Bunda ; but if he weds Bunda 
the child is Derwain. The phratry, and the section (sub-class), and the totem of the 
man Balkoin's children would depend altogether upon their mother, quite irrespective 
of their father. 

Having now before us the two tables, A and B, we can pass on to make a 
few remarks on Mr. Hewitt's lists of totems. At pp. 229-230, Native Tribes, he 
refers to the carpet snake as being in each of the sub-classes, Balkoin and Barrang, 
which, according to his table A, would mean in both phratries, and says that it 
" suggests an inaccuracy." My Table B shows the Balkoin and Barrang belong to 
the same phratry, and therefore it would be quite correct for the carpet snake, for 
example, to be attached to both the sections constituting such phratry. 

In 1884 (Journ. Anthr. Inst., 13, p. 336) Mr. Howitt gives Flood-water in 
Dilebi phratry, and Lightning in Kubatine phratry. In 1889 (Journ. Anthr. Inst., 
18, p. 49) he includes Flood- water in Kubatine phratry and Lightning in Dilebi 
phratry. In 1904 (Native Tribes) he further states that Flood-water belongs to the 
sub-class Balkoin, and Lightning to Barrang. If his latest report be correct then 
both the totems mentioned belong to the same phratry. So many contradictory state- 
ments prove that " someone has blundered." Moreover, the habitat of the Kaiabara 
is erroneously given on the map facing page 58, Native Tribes. I have on other 
occasions found fault with Mr. Hewitt's maps, which have misled some writers.* 

Being anxious to help in clearing up the misrepresentations which have been 
so persistently published about the Kaiabara, I beg leave to reproduce verbatim 
Mr. Ho witt's first table of 1884, printed as "No. 2" on p. 336, Journ. Anthr. Inst., 
vol. 13. 

TABLE C. (after Mr. HOWITT in 1884). 


( Baring (Turtle) - - ) 9 

Dilebi (Flood-water) - - \ *. ra A ? 

( Turowme (Bat) - - ) 

( Balcoin (Carpet Snake) - i v 

Cubatme (Lightning) - - | Bunda (Natiye Cftt) 

Mr. Howitt expressly states that the information given in this table was " com- 
" municated by Mr. J. Brooke." It seems to me that the names Flood-water, Turtle, 
Bat in Dilebi phratry, and Lightning, Carpet Snake, Native Cat in Cubatine phratry 
should have been inserted in the column headed "Totem Names." I think their 
insertion in the other columns was owing to a misapprehension on the part of the 
compiler. If we look at Table No. 1, p. 335, Journ. Anthr. Inst., Vol. 13 ; Table 
No. 3, p. 336, and Table No. 4, p. 337, we observe that the totems attached to the 
phratries and sub-classes are printed in the columns headed " Totem Names," and I 
can see no reason why No. 2 was printed differently from the other three, except 
that it was perhaps part of the general confusion which has clung to everything con- 
nected with the Kaiabara. This supposition is strengthened by the fact that in his 
table of 1904 (Native Tribes, p. 116) Mr. Howitt put all the above totems in the 
proper columns, ranking them as ordinary totems. 

In conclusion I would like to refer to another tribe having the same organisation. 
In 1904, Native Tribes, p. Ill, Mr. Howitt gives each of the four sub-classes of the 
Kuinmurbura as meaning an animal or natural object. In 1884, Journ. Anthr. Inst., 

* Nature (London), Vol. 77, pp. 80-81 ; MAN (London), 1907, 97, note *. 
[ 102 ] 

1911,] MAN. [jfos. 66-67. 

Vol. 13, p. 336, Table No. 3, he gives the four sub-classes with totems in the column 
headed "Totem Names." I think the latter is correct, and that in his table of 1904 the 
barimundi, hawk, good-water, and iguana ought to have been set down among the other 
totems in the " Totem " column. His conclusion that they are " instances of class or 
" sub-class names being totems " is incorrect. In my opinion he confounded the names 
of the sub-classes with those of the totems. Similar bungling occurred in Mr. Hewitt's 
first table of the Kaiabara tribe, vide Table C., where he mixed up certain totems with 
the phratry and sub-class names. R. H. MATHEWS. 

England : Archaeology. Robarts : Collyer. 

Additional Notes upon the British Camp near Wallington.* /;// 

N. F. Robarts and H. C. Collyer. 

The various objects discovered throw considerable light upon the condition of the 

First, as to defence. A considerable number of large unbroken flints were 
found upon the inner side of the ditch. These may have been used for a lining to 
support the side and prevent the sand slipping, but there appeared to be no method 
in their position, and we are disposed to consider that they were used for defence 
and had been thrown from the vallum upon an attacking force. A considerable 
number of particularly round tertiary pebbles were found, which we conclude were 
used as slingstones, as they were apparently selected for their good shape, although 
all tertiary pebbles are suitable for use in slings, if not too large. 

Articles used in connection with Food. The most common, probably because also 
the most indestructible, were the saddleback mealing stones, made of Lower Greensand 
sandstone one perfect one was found measuring 15 ins. by 8^ ins. together with 
numerous broken ones, and pieces, many of which had apparently been used in fire- 
places. This would be natural, as in the district there is no other available stone 
which will bear fire, and broken mealing stones would be usefu) to cook upon. 

Although the mealing stones were numerous, the pounding stones were not, only 
one flint pounder was discovered, which had been well used and was formed to hold 
between the finger and thumb. One piece of sandstone, which had apparently been 
used as an upper stone, was found. Pot boilers were very plentiful. 

The numerous cooking pots and fragments of same, some having four handles for 
suspension from a tripod, many of them still containing carbonised grain, show, as was 
also indicated by the mealing stones, that agriculture was practised. 

Many of the broken pots had had holes drilled in them, either for rivets or to 
enable a string to be passed through them for the purpose of suspension. 

The most interesting finds were clay tiles, pierced with holes apparently made by 
the forefinger. The dimensions were from 8 ins. to 9 ins. long by about 6 ins. in 
width, with a thickness of about half an inch. 

The tiles were of irregular shape, oblong, and oval. They had been exposed to 
considerably more heat than the other pottery, and none were absolutely perfect. 
Fragments of similar tiles may be seen in the British Museum from Swiss lake- 
dwellings, and a somewhat similar object is figured from Bardello Lake of Varese, 
plate 49, fig. 14, in The Lake Dwellings of Europe (Munro), and in plate cxvii, 
fig. 10, Lake Dwellings (Keller), is an object possibly similar, though only about one- 
fourth of the size of those found by us. The use of these objects remained in doubt, 
though from the much-fired appearance we surmised they were used in cooking, until 
we found at the bottom of the trench a cooking place, with cooking pot and one 
of these clay objects, all covered by fresh sand which had evidently fallen from 
the sides and had never been removed. 

* See MAN, 1911, 28, for the first part of this Article. 
[ 103 ] 

No, 67.] 



This satisfied us that these perforated tiles were either used for cooking pots to stand 
upon in the fire, or as supports for food to be baked or roasted. They appear similar to 
the " grids " described by Professor T. McKenny Hughes,* found at Cherry Hinton, 
Cambs., but with the important difference that those found at Cherry Hinton appear to 
have been supported upon clay cylinders, whilst those found by us were, no doubt, 
laid upon the fire itself we should almost certainly have found the clay cylinders 
had there ever been any in the above-mentioned fireplace, but, although the perforated 
tiles were comparatively numerous, no traces of clay supports were anywhere discovered. 
If we are correct in identifying these tiles with those figured as mentioned above 
or those to be seen in the British Museum, there would appear to have been a 
connection between the users here and in Switzerland and Italy. 

Although when first taken out the pottery was very fragile, making it very 
difficult to secure many of the vessels unbroken, it soon hardened on being exposed 
to the air and dried. 

The Thanet sand in which the ditch was dug was very favourable to the pre- 
servation of both pottery and bones. Although quite firm in its undisturbed condition 

it is readily washed down 
by rain if it has been 
moved. This appears to 
have been one of the prin- 
cipal causes of so much 
pottery having been pre- 
served at the bottom of the 
ditch, for the stratum of 
carbonaceous soil in which 
the finds chiefly occurred 
was generally overlain by 
quite clean sand from 6 ins. 
to 12 ins. in thickness, 
to all appearances washed 
down suddenly over the 
hearths in the ditch and the 
pottery lying around them. 

Whilst the excavations 
were in progress we. had an 
experience of what probably 
often took place in former times a thunderstorm came on accompanied by very 
heavy rain, lasting for about an hour. The heaped up sand which we had thrown 
out of the trench was in some places washed down again into it to the depth of 
nearly a foot, and the same thing occurred in the trenches then being made for the 
drains of the hospital. 

It may be inferred that an exceptionally heavy rain covered up the hearths with 
sand quite suddenly, as one hearth had a pot and a griddle on the stones. They 
were found side by side, the pot not on the griddle, and the form of the pots, though 
quite suitable for standing supported by stones would not allow of their standing so 
securely on the griddles. From the quantity of bones lying about it may reasonably 
be supposed that the griddles were used for cooking meat. 

We cleared a hearth leaving the stones quite undisturbed for a visit of the 
Croydon Natural History and Scientific Society around which the pottery and 
bones were placed as nearly as possible in the position in which they were found. 


* Proc. Cambridge Antiquarian Society, No. XLIV. 
[ 104 ] 

1911.] MAN. [No. 67. 

Later another hearth was found, upon which the pot and griddle were discovered, 
placed upon the stones. 

Much of the pottery was in very large pieces. Had these been lying for any 
length of time on an exposed surface, liable to be trodden on, they would have been 
broken into small fragments. The bottom of the ditch must therefore have been 
covered from time to time quite suddenly by falls of sand from the vallum, or else 
the camp itself must have been abandoned in a hurry shortly after these large pieces 
had been thrown into the ditch, and the sand washed down upon them gradually. 

Whichever may have been the cause we are indebted to the covering of sand for 
sealing up these finds without admixture of auy material belonging to a later date 
than that of the latest habitation of the camp. 

Amongst other objects found were : 

A four-handled cooking pot standing 6J ins. high, diameter of base 3 ins., 
height to shoulder 3|- ins., and diameter at rim 4 ins. This was the most 
perfect cooking pot found. It has no ornamentation. 

A vessel of blackish ware, 6 ins. high, 2| ins. at base and 4J ins. to shoulder, 
was also found in good condition. 

There were the bases and parts of a number of cooking pots of very rough ware. 

Various rims of vessels were found : the large majority were perfectly plain. A 
few were ornamented with finger-nail indentations. 

The bodies of all the vessels were plain, except one drinking cup, which was 
decorated with a bulbous ornamentation round it. One fragment of pottery was 
ornamented with incised lines. 

Spindlewhorls of baked clay were found ; these were unornamented. 

Loom weights of baked clay were illustrated by several specimens, all being 
cylindrical, about 5 ins. high and 4 ins. in diameter, pierced by a hole \ in. in dia- 
meter, through which passed the cord for suspension. In several cases the friction 
of the cord had more or less cut the soft pottery, with the result that the weight 
had split lengthwise. 

Fragments of an amber bead were found. 

Stone Implements.-^Atihough a very considerable number of flakes and cores 
were discovered the implements were very few in number. 

A partially manufactured celt was found near the surface. One or two scrapers 
and a fine flint borer were also discovered. A broken stone hammer of diorite 
showed foreign commerce, also a piece of perforated slaty stone, possibly a fragment 
of whetstone, which was not of local origin, and another worked piece of schistose 
stone, which might have been a whetstone or only for ornamentation. 

The bronze brooch, already alluded to, was of the simple type without a spring, 
and the only other traces of bronze met with were a small fragment of inoceramus 
shell, which had evidently from its greenish stain been attached to or lain against a 
fragment of bronze or copper, and a small piece of malachite and cuprite. 

A considerable quantity of animal bones were discovered, ox and horse being 

Charred grain and seeds, obtained by washings from several of the cooking pots, 
were found. Mr. Clement Reid, F.R.S., has kindly examined these for us, and reports 
there is no great variety, in fact, wheat, barley, and pea are the only cultivated plants, 
and be finds no weeds of cultivation. He informs us that the wheat seems to be 
extremely variable, but he does not feel prepared to say anything as to the forms 
cultivated until we get something more than the threshed grain. 

Mr. Reid has also identified some charcoal as being oakwood. The wheat and 
pea in several instances had been charred together in the same pot. In two instances 
wheat and barley were together. 

[ 105 ] 

Nos. 67-68.] MAN. [1911. 

A quartzite pebble, probably brought from the Croydon gravels in which such 
pebbles are rare, had evidently been used as a hammer-stone but had been found 
too brittle. 

Several echini were foimd which had probably been used for ornament, as it is 
well known these have in several instances been associated with burials, and were 
evidently treasured. 

No iron or trace of iron was discovered anywhere. 

The great extent of ditch which has been left unexplored, if at any time it can 
be investigated, will doubtless reveal much more of the civilisation of the tribe that 
occupied this camp for a great period ; but the objects above enumerated, in addition 
to those recorded in the paper previously read before the Institute, are sufficient to 
give a tolerably clear idea of the civilisation, arts, and manufactures of the inhabitants 
of this town in Surrey in the first or second century B.C. 

We must express our indebtedness to Mr. A. J. Hogg for assisting us in superin- 
tending the workmen, to Mr. Reginald A. Smith for information as to the probable date 
of the objects found, to Mr. Clement Reid, F.R.S., for examining the seeds discovered, 
and to Mr. W. F. P. McLintock for identifying the piece of malachite. 


Polynesia. Caillot. 

Les Polynesiens orientaux au contact de la civilisation. Par A. C Eugene 
Caillot. Paris : Ernest Leroux (Editeur, 28, Rue Bonaparte), 1909. Pp. 291, 
with 159 Phototypes in 92 plates. 

The written portion of this work is in two parts. The first and smaller section 
(pp. 7-99) is devoted to a consideration of the manners, customs, religion, and politi- 
cal organisation of Tahiti, the Marquesas, and Tuamotu archipelagoes that is, of 
those portions of Eastern Polynesia which are under French rule. The larger por- 
tion (pp. 101-281) is a history of the relations between the French and the natives 
in 1894-5-6, which culminated in the war or rather insurrection of 1897. 

The first part will be found of much interest to the anthropologist. The author's 
account is based on his own observations during a visit in 1900. He gives a general 
account of the daily life of the islanders, their music and dances, antiquities, and 
peculiar medley of religions. He found most of their old arts and customs decayed. 
The fabrication of tapa is almost extinct, except among a few old women of the 
Marquesas and Tubuai, but it is doubtful whether anthropophagy has died out in the 
Marquesas. As regards religious convictions, the author considers that the natural 
loquacity of the Polynesian favours Protestantism, as it gives him facilities for dis- 
cussion which are denied by the absolute submission required by the Church of Rome. 
In Tuamotu there are all sorts of strange sects. He describes the Sanitos, or Kanitos, 
whose faith, a mingling of Mormonism with paganism, is absolutely contrary to their 
practice. Besides these there are Mormons, Israelites, Hiohio (Whistlers), and Mamoe 
(Sheep). Tapu appears to be still effective, as well as a belief in the malignant 
influence of the tupapau, or departed spirits. In Moorea and Tahiti atheism prevails. 

A special chapter is devoted to the Tuamotu, the darkest and least known of the 
Eastern Polynesians : " Une foule melee de toutes les origines." Living in islands 
periodically swept by cyclone and tidal wave, death and disaster move the people but 
little, a common refrain of their songs being, " Demain nous pouvons mourir." 

This refrain is the key-note to M. Caillot's important contribution to the history 
of civilisation in Polynesia. Contact with the white man, in the eastern islands 
at least, has brought the natives nothing but evil. Their old restraints have been 

[ 106 ] 

1911.] MAN. [Nos. 68-69. 

broken down by the contempt of the white man, and their former respect for Chris- 
tianity has been destroyed by the war of creeds and the vicious lives of nominally 
Christian traders. Respect for law and order is annulled or distracted by the dis- 
agreement of officials. The author contrasts the government of this population of 
22,000 by several hundreds of officials with the British rule of 220,000,000 in India. 
The Tahitian of Papeete is described by the author as " un civilise artificiel," savage 
at heart, though outwardly civilised. The mixed races are grossly immoral. The 
country itself lacks animation, it is moribund, and the traveller is disgusted. M. 
Caillot considers that before thirty years have passed the population will be extinct. 
Its only hope of revival lies in the absorption of the islands by Britain or America, 
a result to which the piercing of the isthmus of Panama by the latter power will 
indubitably contribute. 

The plates added to M. Caillot's book in illustration occupy as much space as 
the written matter. The ninety-two sheets reproduce 159 photographs (some double- 
page) of scenery, people, art, and antiquities. A few of the scenes of life in Papeete 
are rather poor, but a great number of the reproductions are exceedingly good. 


North America : Archaeology. Moorehead. 

The Stone Age in North America. By Warren K. Moorehead. Boston OQ 
and New York : Houghton Mifflin Co., 1910. Two vols. Pp. 457 + 415. Ou 
723 illustrations. Price 31 s. 6d. 

This admirable work is more comprehensive even than the title suggests ; besides 
the various types of implement of chipped and polished stone found throughout the 
United States, it deals also with objects of shell, bone, copper, and hematite, and 
with textile fabrics and pottery. It must have been difficult for the author, in the first 
place, to avoid being overwhelmed by his material ; not only has he studied the rich 
collections in the American museums, but he has had a large number of private 
collections placed at his disposal. This last fact is of great importance, since many 
of the masterpieces of aboriginal craftsmanship are in the possession of private 
individuals. The first idea which strikes the reader on glancing through the book is 
that, high as we have been accustomed to rank the North American as a worker in 
stone, we .have yet failed to appreciate the fact that the Predynastic Egyptian alone 
can rank as his master. Evidence to that effect abounds in the illustrations to this 
work, but it is sufficient to mention the delicate stone arrow-heads from Oregon 
(Fig. 104), those of obsidian from Kentucky (Fig. 137), the "portraits" in chipped 
stone from Tennessee (Fig. 157), and the long blades and axes, also from Tennessee 
(Fig. 161). 

The question as to what scheme should be observed in dealing with a material 
of this vast extent is not easy to solve. From many points of view the geographical 
system is most instructive, but in this case the author was doubtless right in preferring 
a classification based on type. Had he adhered to the former a considerable amount 
of repetition would have been inevitable, and the work must have attained formidable 
dimensions. As it is, he is by no means forgetful of the necessity of pointing out 
the geographical distribution of the various types, but every now and again inserts 
a paragraph which gives a short summary from this point of view. For a more 
complete picture the student may have recourse to the excellent index. 

With regard to classification, the author has adopted in the main that drawn up 
by the Committee on Archaeological Nomenclature, as set forth in their report presented 
to the Baltimore meeting of the American Archaeological Association in 1908, which has 
the advantage of being particularly applicable to American stone implements, thoug 
it bears little relation to the methods of classification in vogue in this continent. 

[ 107 ] 

No. 69.] MAN. [1911. 

In a short review it is difficult to do more than present a few points from the 
enormous amount of information contained in the hook. 

Well worth consideration are the remarks on the skill of the individual workman 
in relation to the formation of local types. Interesting, also, is the view of the author 
that the so-called drills or piercers may have been pins for fastening garments. 

Of the stone axes most noteworthy are the fine fluted specimens characteristic 
of Wisconsin. In this connection it may be mentioned that the adze shown in 
Fig. 246 must surely be of Mangaian origin, and have found its way to America by 
the same mysterious means which have brought New Zealand implements to this 
country and Australian axes to the Veldt. 

As regards those mysterious objects known as " banner-stones " and " bracers " 
the author has no new explanation to offer. It might be said that perhaps he 
discards Cushing's explanation too lightly, and that it would have been better to have 
included the " bird-stones " in the same volume. It is greatly to be hoped that 
Mr. Stewart Culin may soon be induced to publish the result of his important 
researches on these enigmatical objects. It is interesting to note that the author 
brings evidence to show that these stones are earlier in origin than the mounds. 
Not only in this chapter but also in the sections allotted to other forms of implement 
in bone and stone, are figured many interesting series illustrating the method of 
manufacture of the types under discussion ; in the present instance two illustrations, 
Figs. 351 and 352, show that the hole drilled through the " winged " banner-stones 
was produced by means of a reed drill ; the photographs show the incomplete 
perforation with the core in situ. Another interesting series is that illustrating the 
manufacture of bone fish-hooks (Figs. 547 and 548). 

Before leaving the subject of stone objects, it may be said that the chapter on 
stone pipes is of particular interest, and that the human figure found in a mound in 
Cartersville in Georgia, and illustrated in Fig. 426, is one of the most remarkable 
examples of stone art yet found in North America. 

Of the objects in shell the most striking is a " gorget" engraved with the figure of 
a man in the attitude of casting a circular object which he holds in his hand (Fig. 534) ; 
certain shell beads from Arizona in the form of frogs (Figs. 536 and 537) are also of 
interest as bearing a striking similarity to shell beads found on the Peruvian coast. 

Another interesting resemblance occurs in the designs engraved upon certain 
bone objects from Ohio, though in this case it is the art of the north-west coast 
which is suggested. 

In the chapter on copper the author adopts the view, which, indeed, is now 
universally accepted, that the copper deposits were worked by the Indians before the 
coining of the white man, though it is still open to question whether the industry had 
become obsolete at the time of the discovery. 

The problem as to how the southern tribes obtained their copper is not easy to 
solve. Nothing has been found in the north which could suggest that a system of 
barter existed, and the author is inclined to believe that the peoples of Ohio and the 
south made raids into the copper country for the purpose of obtaining a supply of the 
metal. As regards the objects of copper themselves, it is interesting to note that, 
whereas North American stone arrow-heads are normally tanged, those of copper are 
invariably socketed. In this connection it might be suggested that the so-called 
"head-mask" of copper (Fig. 516) looks more like a seat of the pattern common 
in the Antilles. 

One fact in particular will strike the reader, and that is the impossibility of 
estimating the prehistoric population from the quantity of their remains. On the one 
hand we have numerous " workshops," which seem to suggest a large local population 
and a stone industry of considerable duration ; on the other we have evidence of the 

[ 108 ] 

1911.] MAN. [Nos. 69-70. 

extraordinary rapidity with which traces of former inhabitants may disappear. Witness, 
for example, the following passage : "On the four or five Shawano sites in the State 
" of Ohio there were large bodies of Indians assembled during the period embraced, 
" (roughly) 1700 and 1812 . . . Their leaders, Tecumseh and Cornstalk, were 
" engaged in twenty-two actions with our troops ; numerous traders were among them, 
" and they sent many expeditions against the frontiers. Yet, if one walks over there 
" populous sites of historic times, one finds practically nothing, save here and there 
" a glass bead or a broken tomahawk." 

Another point which forces itself upon the reader's notice is the extraordinary 
richness of the private collections in the States ; nearly all the most important 
specimens are in private hands. This very fact gives rise to a difficulty in illustration, 
naturally the specimens belonging to an individual are figured together, and the result 
is that it has been impossible to seriate the objects in the way which, from the point 
of view of the student, would be most desirable. Another criticism which might be 
made raises a more important point ; there has been a tendency to arrange the 
specimens in a decorative manner, which is not only unscientific but adds to the 
difficulty of comparison. Otherwise, the illustrations are excellent and furnished on 
the most generous scale, the coloured plates and photogravures being especially 
pleasing. While not wishing to appear ungrateful for what is unusual liberality in 
this respect, one cannot help feeling that it would have been better to substitute for 
the two-coloured plates of implements from the Bahamas and Mexico, others of 
objects more germane to the area under discussion. 

But these are slight criticisms and of little weight when set against the general 
value of this laborious and painstaking work. Mr. Moorehead has accomplished a task 
of permanent value, and his book will be a classic for many years to come. 

T. A. J. 

Ceylon : Folklore. Parker. 

Village Folk-tales of Ceylon. Collected and Translated by H. Parker, late TA 
of the Irrigation Department, Ceylon. Luzac & Co., 1910. [Vol. I.] /U 

Mr. H. Parker has given us a book of much interest. He relates some seventy 
tales gathered at first hand from the various castes of Ceylon, and has been at great 
pains to seek out their Indian counterparts and to tell these at length with their 
variant versions. Moreover, in a concise introduction he sketches out a picture 
of everyday Ceylon village life and explains the attributes of the different castes, 
together with the titles and functions of the rural officials, so that the reader may 
fully understand the technicalities upon which the gist of the legends frequently 

A few of the tales have been taken down from dictation, but the author tells us 
that " all the rest have been written for me in Sinhalese by the narrators themselyes, 
" or by the villagers employed by me to collect them, who wrote them just as they 
" were dictated. I preferred this latter method as being free from any disturbing 
" foreign influence." Mr. Parker's aim has been to render the genuine stories them- 
selves as related by the Sinhalese in the literal simplicity of their native language, 
without any attempt at literary style which the originals do not possess. 

To turn to the tales themselves, they begin appropriately enough with the 
" Making of the Great Earth," in which Vishnu consults the god Saman (Indra ; 
Vishnu's elder brother), and Rahu, the Asura chief, as to the manner in which he 
could effect the recreation of the earth, which had been swallowed up by one of those 
periodical deluges chronicled in Hindu mythology. Rahu tells Vishnu to plant a 
lotus seed, which sprouts in seven days. Rahu proceeds down the stalk to the earth, 
brings up a handful of sand, which forms the nucleus of the present globe. The 

[ 109 ] 

No. 70.] MAN. [1911. 

gods Vishnu and Samau then create a man a Brahmana who is instructed to 
make a woman, and these two form the parents of all living on the present earth. 
The legend is especially interesting, as it is only in the Sinhalese version that we 
find any Asura assisting in the creation, and Mr. Parker thinks with reason that 
this is based on the Indian notion that the Asuras were of more ancient date than 
the gods in fact, their elder brothers, and possessing greater powers. Next we have 
the origin of the sun, the moon, and the " Great Paddy " (Ma Vl the largest form 
of rice), these being respectively the two sons and daughter of a widow. The elder 
son and the daughter having refused food to their mother, the former was turned 
into the sun, which is never allowed to rest, and the latter into the Great Paddy, 
which, " while in hell is cooked in mud." The younger son, being more filial, 
became the tranquil moon, " where refreshing breezes blow." 

The great majority of the tales, however, deal with village incidents, in which 
there is more or less of stirring adventure, where the good hero, as a rule, even- 
tually triumphs and the villain is duly punished. As in most Eastern and African 
folklore, animals play a very prominent role, assisting those who have treated them 
kindly or have succoured them in distress. The jackal is represented as the 
craftiest the Reinecke Fuchs of Ceylon the leopard being relegated to the lowest 
place, like the tiger in India and the hyaena in East Africa. The lion is the 
king of beasts ; the tiny mouse-deer, as in Borneo, is depicted as a clever animal, 
while the hare and the turtle are endowed with much wisdom. In one story the 
turtle gets the better of the more simple elephant, after the fashion in which his 
European counterpart, the tortoise, outwitted the hare. Challenging the elephant 
to a swimming race across a river, he asks a cousin turtle to hide on the opposite 
bank, from which he pops up long before the ponderous pachyderm can reach the 
goal. There are several other variants of stories familiar to Western readers, such 
as the monkey in " Mr. Janel Sinna," who befriends his master much in the same 
manner as our old friend Puss in Boots helped the " Marquis of Carabas." In the 
" Female Quail " the bird, in order to induce a mason to recover her lost egg from 
beneath a fallen rock, has to go from pillar to post for assistance, just as the old 
woman, whose pig would not get over the stile, did in our children's tale, the finale 
in this case being a cat willing to catch a rat in place of the butcher who con- 
sented to kill the ox which refused to drink the water which declined to quench 
the fire, &c. Then again we have in " Sigiris Sinna the Giant " a version of 
Andersen's story of the Valiant Tailor who killed "seven at one blow." 'Other 
variants are found in The Arabian Nights, and we also meet that gigantic bird, 
the rukh, known in Ceylon as the Aetkanda Leniya, while the familiar ghouls and 
genii appear under the name of Yakas. 

The author has wisely divided his book into several sections, according to the 
source from which he obtained his material. Thus we have stories of the " Culti- 
" vator Class and Vaeddas," of the " Tom-tom Beaters " (who both in India and in 
Ceylon are reckoned arrant fools and a legitimate butt for the practical joker), of 
the Durayas (the carrier caste), of the Rodiyas (ropemakers and cattle tenders a 
very low caste), and of the Kinnaras or mat weavers, the lowest caste of all. This 
last people are of exceptional interest, as, despite their social status, which pre- 
cludes them from entering a Buddhist temple or its enclosures, they possess village 
tanks and ricefields, own cattle, and have good houses and neat villages. Mr. Parker, 
owing to his connection with the Irrigation Department of Ceylon, had special oppor- 
tunities for observing the social customs of the lower castes, and his remarks and 
deductions are ethnologically interesting. We shall look forward to a promised second 
volume with much pleasure. T. H. J. 

1911.] MAN. [No. 71, 

Africa, Central. Thonner. 

Vom Kongo Zum UbangL By Franz Thonner. Berlin : Dietrich Reimer. 14 

This book is the result of a botanist's four months' journey in the Belgian I I 
Congo. The account of the expedition takes up thirty-four pages ; geography, natural 
history, and anthropology being dealt with in another thirty ; there are in all 111 pages 
of text and 114 plates ; this seems to justify the supposition that the book has been 
mainly written for the sake of the illustrations, and I may state at once that most of 
them are well worth it. Herr Thonner is an excellent photographer, and it is difficult 
to imagine finer scenery more beautifully represented than the landscapes of plates 25, 
50, 51, or 66. Why the true artist who produced these should have included such 
absolute failures as plates 40 (the same as plate 41, but with the central figure moving), 
48, 49, and 63, passes my understanding. Herr Thonner's landscapes are probably 
the best ever taken in the Congo, but his human figures are mostly spoiled by the sitters' 
motions, when a snapshot would hare secured success. There is no excuse for this in 
a country where a fairly good lens permits the taking of instantaneous photographs 
for ten hours of the day. 

Although Herr Thonner's stay in the country was too short to admit of thorough 
investigations, nevertheless he has made a good use of it, and his tabular classifications 
are a timely addition to our knowledge of the Upper Congo. The linguistic map, 
annexed to the volume and compiled with the aid of the local officials, will be all the 
more gladly received because it shows the northern frontier of the Bantu-speaking 

The reluctance of the natives to discuss certain matters with an absolute stranger 
is attributed by the author to ignorance ; hence his assumption that they are 
unacquainted with the name of their own tribe. As he managed to obtain these 
tribal names from the resident officials it is obvious that shyness alone accounted for 
their refusal to give him the required information. 

The author objects to the designation " Bondjo," which is generally used by 
French travellers in connection with certain river tribes on the Ubangi ; but falls 
into the same mistake by advocating the name Ngombe for the inhabitants of the 
Congo-hinterland. More pardonable than Herr Frobenius's blunder, who believed that 
" Basenschi " was a tribal name, it is none the less inacceptable. Sometimes tribes 
will adopt the nickname given to them by their neighbours, but the "Ngombe" do 
not do this and consider it an insult ; finally, the so-called " Ngombe " do not form, 
in any sense, a distinct linguistic unit. A part of the Mongo are included by 
Herr Thonner in the Ngombe class, whereas the majority are not ; on the other hand, 
the inland-Bapoto, who enjoy the same nickname, are left out. I should be sorry 
for the traveller who called a Budja face to face a Ngombe ; Herr Thonner includes 
them. The linguistic unit ought to be designated as Mongo ; it includes some 
tribes which the author calls Bangala and Ngombe and many more, some of them 
extending as far as the Sankuru and the Kasai ; but it must be well understood that 
not all the peoples who are nicknamed Ngombe speak languages akin to Mongo. 
Ngombe means in good English " bushnigger." 

To speak of averages when measurements of seven men only are available is 

The reproduction of the photographs by J. Loewy at Vienna is above praise. 
The book is well worth buying, especially for the sake of the landscapes. 

Herr Thonner gives some advice concerning the outfit needed for six months' 
journey in the Congo ; I do not think it would be wise to follow his counsel. At 
any rate a supply of three cakes of soap might be found insufficient. E. T. 

No. 72.] MAN. [1911. 

Argentine. Outes: Bruch. 

Las Viejas Razas Argentinas. Cuadros Murales y Texto Explicative. For Tft 
Felix F. Outes y Carlos Bruch. Buenos Aires: Connp. Sud- Americana de / fc 
Billetes de Banco, 1910. Six wall maps, 107 X 70 cm. Pp. iii. 19 x 13 cm. 

Los Aborigenes de la Republic Argentina. Por Felix F. Outes y Carlos Bruch. 
Buenos Aires : Estrada et Cia, 1910. Pp. 149, with 146 Figs. 20 x 14 cm. 

In no part of the world has greater progress been made in anthropological 
investigation during the last twenty years than in the Argentine Republic. It will, 
of course, be many years yet before anything like a detailed picture can be painted 
of the archaeology and ethnography of an enormous region such as this, but the 
amount and the quality of the work already performed is surprising considering the 
small number of field-workers engaged in the task. But what these gentlemen have 
lacked in numbers they have fully supplied in enterprise and devotion, and for the 
student of the future the works of Ambrosetti, Ameghino, Boman, Lafone-Quevedo, 
Lehmann-Nitsche, Moreno, and Outes will always be indispensable. 

The exact condition of the present stage of anthropological enquiry in the 
Argentine has now been most conveniently summed up in two excellent little book?, 
the joint work of F. Outes and C. Bruch. The first of these consists of a series 
of six " wall maps " dealing each with one of the following areas : the Montana of 
the north-west, the Chaco, the Rio Grande and east coast, the " Llanuras," Patagonia, 
and Tierra del Fuego. These " wall maps," which are accompanied by a small 
volume of explanatory text, show a small map of the region, typical scenery, 
portraits of the inhabitants, and photographs illustrative of the ethnography and 
archaeology of the district. With this publication is closely connected the second, 
a small hand-book of some one hundred and forty pages, the illustrations of which 
are reduced copies of the figures on the " wall-maps " mentioned above set in 
the text. The text itself, considering its comprehensive nature, is a marvel of 

The introduction starts with a definition of anthropology, and then proceeds to a 
short classification of geological periods, treating at greater length those with which 
anthropology deals, and a short survey of the research work already accomplished. 
The first chapter sketches the geology and palaeontology of the Argentine Republic, 
and deals in an eminently sane manner with the question of early human remains, 
including the famous femur and atlas of Monte Hermoso. The remaining six chapters 
are devoted to the six areas mentioned above. In each of these something is said 
about the physical geography of the region under discussion, the physical and linguistic 
characters of the inhabitants, and their material, psychical, and social life. To each 
chapter is appended a bibliography divided into two sections, " essential " and " sup- 
plementary." Only those who have attempted to compile a general work of small 
compass can realise the enormous amount of labour which goes to the making of small 
handbooks such as these ; and only those who, like the reviewer, have spent long 
hours in searching out the articles dealing with this vast area, can appreciate to what 
extent they smooth the path of the student. The only drawback in connection with 
these excellent little publications is that they are in Spanish, and it is much to be hoped 
that the latter of the two may be translated ; but even this is not a serious matter, 
because a reading knowledge of Spanish is essential to all who attempt the study of 
South American archaeology or ethnography. Of the general arrangement of the 
material in quasi-tabular form and the whole scheme of the two books in question 
nothing can be said except in terms of the highest praise. T. A. J. 

Printed by EYRE AND SPOTTISWOODE. LTD., His Majesty's Printers, East Harding Street, E.C, 


MAN, 1911. 

1911.] MAN. [No. 73, 

Egypt. With Plate H. Murray : Seligmann. 

Note on the "Sa" Sign. By C. G. Seligmann, M.D., and Margaret 
A. Murray. 

The earliest form of the Sa sign is a loop ending below in a straight vertical' 
line. It is found on clay sealings from the tomb of Sa-nekht, a king of the III dynasty 
(Nos. 1 and 2, Garstang, Bet Khallaf, pis. xix, 2, 5, 7 ; xxviii, 14, p. 24), where it is 
written or engraved in a somewhat cursive manner without details of any kind. In 
the tomb of Ptahhetep of the V dynasty (No. 3, Quibell, Ramesseum, pi. xxxviii, 1 ; 
Davies, Ptahhetep, I, pi. xvi, 353) it is given in more detail and appears like a loop 
bound with transverse lashing at the bottom, and with a cross-lashing on each side of 
the loop. In the same dynasty the appendages at the sides first appear, and the 
vertical line below widens slightly at the base (Nos. 4 and 5, Mariette, Mastabas,, 
D67, D55). 

In the VI dynasty both forms are found, the earlier form occurs in the cartouches; 
of Kings Mehti-em-saf and Nefer-sa-Hor (No. 10, Sethe, Pyramidentexte, 8, M. 1. 130,, 
and No. 9, Petrie, History of Egypt, I, p. 35*, ed. 1903) ; also in the pyramid-text 
of King Unas (No. 7, Sethe, op. cit. 285, W. 1. 422). The later form with appendages 
occurs in the parallel passage of the pyramid -text of King Teta, the immediate 
successor of Unas (No. 8, Sethe, op. cit. 285, T. 1. 242). Another variant form is found 
in the pyramid-text of Unas (No. 6, Sethe, op. cit. \. 562). 

Borchardt (Zeitschrift fur Aegyptische Sprache, XLIV, 1907, p. 78) and Jequier 
(Recueil des Travaux egyptiens et assyriens, XXX, 1908, pp. 39, 40) have figured 
the sign from V dynasty tombs and have discussed its origin, which they agree in 
deriving from a bundle of papyrus stalks, though they take different views of the 
purpose to which the bundle was put. Borchardt points out that it is specially 
associated with herdsmen, and when unrolled forms a mat which is used as a windscreen. 
Jequier also recognises that the bundle of papyrus stalks is specially associated with 
herdsmen, but lays more stress on its use worn round the neck, in which position he 
considers it as a guard or protection against the horns of cattle. Jequier states that 
no representations of herdsmen wearing these objects are found later than the Old 
Kingdom, but that when these no longer occur the sa amulet begins to be found, and 
he suggests that at this time the roll of papyrus stalks fell into desuetude, which he 
considers explains the many variations in the form of the sign. 

In the XII dynasty another change in the form takes place, for the long vertical 
stem now divides into two spreading ends. Though this form, with the lateral 
appendages and the divided stem, becomes the conventional method of depicting the 
sa sign, there is constantly a tendency to revert to the early form with the undivided 
vertical line. On the sign from an ivory wand figured in No. 1 1 (Proc. Soc. of Biblical 
Archceology, 1905, May, pi. vi, No. 9) there is a distinct attempt to represent mat 
work or a bundle of reeds lashed together, and this also occurs in the bronze amulet 
from El Kab and in the royal jewellery of Dahshur (de Morgan, Dahshur, II, pi. v, 
12, 34, 35). On another ivory wand (No. 12, Proc. Soc. of Biblical Archceology, 1905, 
pi. xv, No. 34) the appendages are clearly though roughly indicated. In this, as in the 
other ivory wand, it represents an amulet, but in No. 13 (id. ib. 1905, pi. v, No. 6) it 
occurs as a hieroglyph, and for the first time in its fully conventionalised form. 

Of the two examples of the XVIII dynasty, No. 14 (Naville, Deir el Bahri 
pi. xliii), is a hieroglyph, and shows a tendency to revert to the early type, the 
division at the base being little more than the spreading visible in the examples from 
the V and VI dynasties. No. 15 (Naville, op. cit., pi. li) is represented as an 
amulet beneath the birth couch, on which Aahmes, mother of Queen Hatshepsut, is 
kneeling. The alabaster vase of a human-headed Taurt holding the sa-sign before 

No, 73.] MAN. [1911, 

her (Plate H) shows the form of the sign in detail, the appendages being particularly 
well shown. 

No. 16 is of the XIX dynasty and occurs as a hieroglyph (Mariette, Abydos, 1, 
pi. 33). It is of the usual form and calls for no special remark. 

No. 17 is of the XXII dynasty from Bubastis, where it occurs as a hieroglyph 
(Naville, Festival Hall, pi. iv). 

No. 18 is the amulet held hy Taurt in a relief sculpture of the XXVI dynasty 
(Mariette, Monuments divers, 91). As might be expected at this period when ancient 
sculpture was much copied, the form approximates to the early type. 

The black basalt Taurt, now in the Cairo Museum, gives the conventional form 
with appendages and divided end (Plate H, Fig. 2). This is a typical representation 
of the goddess holding the emblem on each side of her. 

The sign underwent no change in the XXX dynasty, but retains its conventional 
form (No. 19, Lepsius, Denkmaler, III, 286). 

In Ptolemaic times it is found in a highly conventionalised form, bearing little 
resemblance to ithe original type (No. 20, 21, Lepsius, op. cit. IV, 41a, 34a ; No. 22, 
Decree of Canopus, 11. 18, 19). But in No. 23 (Decree of Canopus, 11. 13, 14, 17) it 
is evident that the bar below the loop is a late invention and not universally adopted. 
While in Nos. 24 and 25 (Naville, Deir el Bahri, pi. cxlix) there is an attempt 
to return to the original form, the meaning of which was now lost though the object 
is still represented in the hand of Taurt. 

The meaning of the word sa, when written with this sign, is " protection." 
Though there are several other signs which are phonograms for S and aleph, they 
are not interchangeable with the sign under consideration, with the exception of HHHHH 
which has not only the same vocalisation but the same meaning also. Even when 
the latter sign means an " order " or " course " of priests, the two can be interchanged. 
Gardiner (Zeitschrift fiir Aegyptische Sprache, XLII, p. 116 ff.) has shown con- 


clusively that ^Ur is never read sa until the New Kingdom, except when spelt out, 

and that it is definitely the figure of a herdsman holding a peg and rope for tethering 

The theory advanced by Jequier and Borchardt accounts completely for the 
meaning of " protection," but it does not account for the fact that Taurt,* the hippo- 
potamus-headed goddess of child-birth, is almost invariably represented carrying this 
sign either in front or on each side of her, her hands resting upon the top as she 
stands upright. The object is so closely connected with this goddess that it is 
definitely her emblem when used as an amulet, and must therefore be considered as 
an attribute or as some object over which she had special control. As goddess of 
child-birth she would necessarily protect the female organs of generation. 

Disregarding for the moment the origin of the sign and the significance which 
it bore in later times, there seems little doubt that at one time the sa amulet did 
represent a bundle of papyrus stalks, the bronze amulet found at El Kab being con- 
vincing evidence of this. But the various forms assumed by the sign seem to indicate 
that this meaning was forgotten, and we believe that (whatever its origin) it came to 
be regarded as representing the uterus and its appendages, and in support of our 
hypothesis we would draw particular attention to the wing-like additions on each side 
of the main portion of the sign. These outgrowths cannot be explained on any 
development of the mat hypothesis ; on the other hand, they are examples of the 
typical method adopted by the Egyptians to render the membranes surrounding the 
viscera and (in a broad sense) the processes of the viscera. In support of this state- 
ment we need only refer to the common representations of the heart in wall paintings 

* The meaning of Ta-urt is " The Great One." 
[ H4 ] 



[No. 73. 

FIG. 1, Nos. 1, 2, Dyn. Ill, B3t-Khallaf ; 3, 4, 5, Dyn. V, Saqqara ; 6, 7, 8, Dyn. VI, Saqqara ; 
9, Dyn. VI, Provenance unknown; 10, Dyn. VI, Saqqara; 11, 12, 13, Dyn. XII, Provenance 
unknown; 14, 15, Dyn. XVIII, Deir el Bahri ; 16, Dyn. XIX, Abydos ; 17, Dyn. XXII, Bubastis; 
18, Dyn. XXVI, Karnak ; 19, Dyn. XXX, Philae; 20, Ptolemaic, Edcu ; 21, Ptolemaic, Ombos ; 
22, 23, Ptolemaic, Tanis; 24, 25, Ptolemaic, Deir el Bahri. 

No. 73.] MAN. [1911. 

and in hard-stone amulets. In many of these not only are there lateral processes (in 
every way comparable with those of the sa sign), which doubtless represent the peri- 
cardium,* but in some heart amulets the base of the heart has a similar projection, 
whicli in this position can only refer to the great vessels. If then we adopt the 
hypothesis that the body of the sign represents the body of the uterus, the origin 
and significance of the lateral processes become apparent immediately. 

Once this idea is accepted, the occurrence of such forms as Nos. 16 and 17 
becomes intelligible, and their occurrence in turn supports our hypothesis, for such 
realistic representations as is shown in these figures cannot be due to accident and 
can mean nothing but that the sign was made to represent the female organs of 
generation. This is further supported by the XVIII dynasty alabaster vase shown 
in Plate H, Fig. 1 (for a photograph of which we are indebted to the courtesy of its 
owner, the Rev. W. MacGregor), representing the human-headed Taurt. The goddess 
holds the sa emblem, represented with appendages upon which are well-marked striae, 
against her abdomen in as nearly as possible the correct position of the internal 
organs of generation. 

The persistence of the lateral processes indicates their importance as representing 
a constant feature of the object portrayed as would be the case if they represented 
the uterine appendages. The forms assumed by the sign in later times seem 
emphatically to support our view, and, lest it be alleged that the slight anatomical 
knowledge of the Egyptians would not have allowed them to recognise the form 
of the non-pregnant uterus and its appendages, we may cite the opinion of Dr. Elliot 
Smith, who agrees with us that the Egyptians knew enough about the viscera to 
enable them to recognise the uterus and its appendages and to appreciate their chief 
function. Further, Mr. F. LI. Griffithf has shown that in all probability the headdress of 
the goddess Meskhent is a conventionalised representation of the bicornate animal uterus. 

Although we cannot draw up a table showing the descent of the various forms, it 
seems that they can be divided into five main groups ; the forms with a cross-piece 
in Group V being probably derived directly from typical examples of Group II. The 
groups do not altogether correspond to chronological periods, for though realistic forms 
(such as No. 17) were produced from the XX dynasty onwards, in the latter part of this 
period the highly conventional form with the cross-piece is also found. 

I. Early conventional forms (Nos. 1, 2, 3, 7) which do not clearly represent the 
uterus, and may possibly have been derived from some other source, the central cavity 
is not always pear-shaped, and the lower extremity of the sign is invariably single 
and often disproportionately long ; lateral processes usually, but not invariably (No. 4), 

II. Forms (No. 11) dating from the XII dynasty, which the cross-ties show to be 
derived from a bundle of papyrus stalks. The lower end is often bifid. One cross- 
tie immediately above the point of bifurcation may be, and often is, strongly accentuated 
(as in No. 15). Lateral processes commonly, perhaps invariably, absent. 

III. Forms directly derived from II, but bearing lateral processes (Nos. 14, 15, 16, 
18). The cross-tie in the region of the bifurcation, though always present and often 
exaggerated, may be the only cross-tie shown and appears to represent the os uteri, the 
limbs below the bifurcation representing the vagina. 

IV. Uterus relatively slightly conventionalised in shape (Nos. 12, 13, 16, 17, 19) ; 
the vagina may be represented, and in some cases is merely a continuation of the outline 
of the uterus ; appendages as loops or more or less elongated lateral masses. These 
are mostly late forms, but examples approximating to this type occur in the V dynasty 
(Nos. 5, 6, 8). Probably Nos. 9 and 10 belong to this group. 

* Murray, Saqqara JUastabas, I, pi. xxxvii, 9. 

f Hieroglyphs^ p. 60 ; Proceedings Soc. Bihl. Arch., XXI, 277. 

1911.] MAN. [Nos. 73-74. 

V. Highly conventionalised forms (Nos. 20-25). All these appear to be relatively 
late ; the lower portion of the figure may be greatly elongated (as in Nos. 24 and 25). A 
cross-piece, apparently derived from the ankh sign, may take the place of 
the exaggerated cross-tie in Series III, and there may be fantastic 
addenda to the sign as in No. 23. 

Professor Petrie has suggested to us that the emblem of Tanit 
(Fig. 2), the great Carthaginian goddess, is connected with the sa sign. 

The amount of Egyptian influence visible in Carthaginian art is very 
great, and the emblem of Tanit may very well be a misunderstood copy 
of the highly-conventionalised forms of the Ptolemaic period, such 
as Nos. 20 and 21. The loop has become a circle, the appendages are ^ IG - 2 - 
omitted, but the cross-bar remains and the divided ends are united, thus forming 
a triangle. C. G. SELIGMANN. 


Physical Anthropology. Gray. 

The Differences and Affinities of Palaeolithic Man and the TA 

Anthropoid Apes. By John Gray. IT 

It is now very generally admitted that there were two distinct races of men 
living contemporaneously in Europe in the Palaeolithic Age. One of these is 
represented by the skeletal remains of the Galley Hill, Briinn, and Aurignac men, 
and the other by those of the Neanderthal, Spy, and Mousterien men. 

One of these races may be called the Galley Hill race and the other the 
Neanderthal race. 

It is a matter of considerable interest, in the theory of the descent of man, to 
determine where the Galley Hill branch diverged from the Neanderthal branch. Was 
it after the anthropoid apes had diverged from the main line of descent or was it 
before ? 

The former view has hitherto been most generally held, but recently Professor 
Klaatsch has declared himself in favour of the latter.* 

Klaatsch founds his theory on certain affinities in the structure of the skeletons, 
of Neanderthal man and the Gorilla on the one hand, and of the Aurignac man and 
the Orang on the other hand. 

As the exact amount of an affinity or difference can only be determined precisely 
by measurement, it occurred to me that the measurement and comparison of as many 
corresponding dimensions as possible on the skeletons of the palaeolithic races and 
of the anthropoid apes, might help to settle some of these vexed questions in the 
theory of the descent of man. 

A considerable number of measurements of the bones of the upper and lower 
extremities of the Neanderthal man and of the Aurignac man are given by Klaatsch 
and Hauser.f By the kind permission of Dr. Keith I have been enabled to measure 
the corresponding dimensions on skeletons of the Gorilla, the Orang, and the Chimpanzee 
in the Museum of the Royal College of Surgeons. 

In order to get the best numerical estimate of the differences between the five 
individuals under consideration, namely, the Neanderthal man, the Aurignac man, the 
Gorilla, the Orang, and the Chimpanzee I have made use of a slightly modified form 
of a method suggested by Dr. Czekanowski.J The method consists in taking the 
sum of the differences of all the dimensions measured, for all possible pairs of 
the individuals being investigated. The sums thus obtained are an approximate 
estimate of the differences between the types to which the individuals belong. The 

* ZeiUchrift fur Ethnologie, Heft 3 u. 4, 1910, p. 513. 

t Praehutorische Zeittchrift, Heft 3/4, 1910, p. 273. 

% Archiv f. Anthrop. Corretpondenz-Blatt 40 Jahrg., No. 6/7, 1909, p. 44. 

No. 74.] 



method is theoretically sound as it can be shown to be easily deducible from Pearson's 
theory of Gallon's Difference Problem.* It must not be forgotten that the accuracy 
of the conclusions obtained depends on the number of dimensions measured ; in 
this case the dimensions were those of the upper and lower extremities. If more 
dimensions were measured the results might be somewhat different, or if other 
individuals were measured there might be a slight variation. We have no means at 
present of ascertaining the amount of this variation, except actual experiment. In 
any case, the method must give a more accurate value of the difference between two 
types than mere estimation by the eye the method usually employed by the 
anatomical anthropologist. 

The number of measurements available in the case of the two palaeolithic types 
is sixteen of the humerus, eighteen of the femur, and six of the tibia. The following 
table gives the sums of the differences of these dimensions for each of the three bones, 
in all possible pairs of the five individuals under consideration : 

Neanderthal. Aurignac. Gorilla. Orang. Chimpanzee. 


Humerus - 89 


Femur - 169 
Tibia- - 59 
Total - 317 

Humerus - 266 

Humerus - 333 


Femur - 225 
Tibia - - 33 

Femur - 252 
Tibia - - 96 

Total - 524 

Total - 681 

Humerus - 1 26 

Humerus - 165 

Humerus - 186 


Femur - 500 

Femur - 364 

Femur - 380 

Chimpanzee. Ora 

Tibia- - 148 

Tibia - - 149 

Tibia - - 129 

Total . 774 

Total - 678 

Total - 695 

Humerus - 81 
Femur - 483 
Tibia- - 160 

Humerus - 105 
Femur - 330 
Tibia- - 161 

Humerus - 274 
Femur - 364 
Tibia- - 141 

Humerus - 108 
Femur - 130 
Tibia- - 16 

Total - 724 

Total - 596 

Total - 779 

Total - 254 

From the above table we see that the smallest difference, 254, is between the 
Orang and the Chimpanzee ; and the largest difference between the Gorilla and the 

* Bwmetrika, Vol. I, p. 399. 
[ H8 ] 

1911.] MAN. [ffo. 74. 

Taking the smallest difference as 100, the following is the list of all the differ- 
ences arranged in order of magnitude. The letters are the initial letters of the names 
of the races : 

O C - - 100 

N A - 125 

N G - - 206 

A C - - 235 

A O - - 267 

A G - 268 

G 274 

N C - - 285 

N O - - 305 
G C - - 307 

The existing differences between different races, species, &c., are the resultant 
of two opposite movements, namely, divergence and convergence. We may suppose 
that the original divergence was due to the separation and isolation of an accidental 
variation of the stock or germplasm. This divergence will steadily increase with 
time if the new variety continues to live in a different environment. On the other 
hand, if divergent varieties come to live in the same environment, convergence will 
take place. 

To apply this to the evolution of man and the anthropoid apes, it may be 
assumed that the common ancestors of these two groups lived in trees, and had 
acquired the methods of progression, &c., necessary to get their food under these 
conditions. At a certain epoch one of the ancestral species, say the chimpansoids^ 
threw off a variety which abandoned the arboreal life and took to living on the 
ground. A steady divergence would take place in this new variety from the chim- 
pansoids, who remained in the trees. At a later epoch, another ancestral species, 
say the gorilloids, threw off a variety which also took to the ground life. The 
terrestrial chimpansoids, and gorilloids (i.e., the potential human types) would tend to 
converge owing to the similarity of the conditions of life. 

A hypothesis such as the above would give a fairly satisfactory explanation of 
the differences we have found, by calculation, to exist between the upper and lower 
extremities of the skeletons of the two palaeolithic races and the anthropoid apes. 

The difference between Neanderthal man and the Gorilla is represented by the 
number 206, while the corresponding difference between the Aurignac man and the 
chimpanzee is the greater number 235. This points to the conclusion that the 
Aurignac man differentiated himself from the chimpansoids at an earlier epoch than 
the Neanderthal man separated from the gorilloids. It is often forgotten in discussing 
the evidence of the descent of man, that the most primitive forms are not necessarily 
the oldest in time. The fact that we have at the present day primitive Australian 
aborigines living alongside of the most highly-developed Europeans ought to warn 
us against the assumption that degree of development indicates the order of succession 
in time. 

The differences calculated from the above measurements support the view that 
the type of man represented by Galley Hill or Aurignac man may have advanced 
far towards humanity long before Neanderthal man had differentiated himself from 
his anthropoid ancestors. 

The difference between Neanderthal man and Aurignac man is represented by 
the number, 125, i.e., it is very much less than the difference between either of these 
races and its most closely allied ape. As convergence between the two races of men 
almost inevitably took place, owing to the similarity of their conditions of life, this 
smaller number was to be expected, even though the two races originated from 
different species of anthropoid apes. If we adopt the view most generally held at 
present that this smaller difference between the two palaeolithic races indicates that 
both originated from a single centre after the differentiation of their common 
ancestors from the apes, then we are met with the difficulty of explaining why one 
of these races should have converged towards the Gorilla and the other towards the 

[ 119 1 

Nos. 74-76,1 MAN. [19U. 

It will be noted that the above theory of the descent of man from the apes 
differs from that of Professor Klaatsch in the substitution of the Chimpanzee for the 
Orang. This is due to the fact that I have found the difference of the Aurignac 
man from the Chimpanzee (235) less than his difference from the Orang (267). The 
modifications made in Klaatsch's theory will be understood by comparing the annexed 
diagram, which represents the conclusions arrived at in this article, with the diagram 
of Klaatsch published in Nature (Nov. 24th, 1910, p. 120). 

Galleyhill Man 


Chimpanse / \ Australians 

AFRICA Tasmarrians 


FIG. l. 

The diagram suggests that the brachycephalic races of Asia have descended from 
the orangoids, but as no skeletons of palaeolithic age have yet been found in 
Asia this view must await confirmation, or the reverse, till future excavations have 
revealed the characters of the earliest human inhabitants of the Far East. 


Syria : Archaeology. Fowle. 

Report on a Bath newly excavated at Tad m or (Palmyra). By "1C 

Lieutenant T. C. Fowle, 45th Pathans. * W 

I saw the bath on March 23rd, 1910. The Arabs informed me that it had only 
been discovered about a week before. The inhabitants of the house in which it is 
(it being situated away from the main ruins in the middle of the native town) had 
been digging for some purpose connected with the strengthening of their courtyard 
wall and suddenly came upon the bath. It is in excellent preservation, the material 
being, I should say, of rough marble, though, unfortunately, I am not enough of a 
geologist to give its specific composition. Perhaps the most interesting point about 
it is the fact that it proves the presence of a hot water stream or perhaps lake 
underneath the town. I regret that owing to its position I was unable to take a 
satisfactory photograph of it, T. C. FOWLE. 

Solomon Islands. Woodford. 

Note on Bone Spear-Heads from the New Georgia Group, 7P 

British Solomon Islands. By C. M. Woodford. IP 

The accompanying illustration and photograph show a type of spear-head of 

most unusual and, so far as I am aware, hitherto unknown shape from the island 

of New Georgia. 

The two spear-heads illustrated in the photograph and drawing were discovered 
on the site of a very old burying place. 

[ 120 ] 



[No. 76. 

The wooden shafts upon which they were mounted appeared to have been about 
seven feet long and to have been made of some dark heavy wood, but they were 
much decayed. 

The spear-heads are made from the human femur, the hollow at the butt end 
having been enlarged to admit the wooden shaft. 

The total length is 10^ inches. At four inches from the butt on the lower side 
the bone has been shaved down to the medullary cavity, so that 
the central portion of the spear-head is of a horseshoe shape in 
transverse section. This gradually tapers out until the point is 

At about two inches from the point the head of the " belama," 
or frigate bird, appears on each side in low relief. 

From below the eye of the belama's head a series of about 
forty-five serrations or notches are cut in the bone, which extend 
to within four inches of the butt. These increase somewhat in 
size towards the butt. 

Upon the top of the spear-head ten triangular-shaped pro- 
jections, serrated upon the upper side, are placed in contiguity and 
iu line. Each is pierced with a small hole and a narrow strip of 
bone con- 
nects them 
with the top 
of the head 
of the be- 
lama in front 
and with a 
proj e c t i o n, 
pierced with 
a small 
hole, behind. 
(The strip 
of bone con- 
necting the 
first trian- 
gular projec- 
tion with 
the head of 
the belama 
has been re- 
stored in the 

shape of 
the triangu- 
lar projec- 
tions recalls 
the triangu- 
lar pieces of 
clam shell, 
Flo which occur 

FIG. 2. 

[ 121 ] 

Nos. 76-77.] MAN. [1911. 

on the inner side of the stem of the large " tomakos " or head-hunting canoes of 
New Georgia. These, in the dialect of New Georgia, are known as " barava." 

At one inch from the point is a hole drilled completely through the spear. 

The centre of each of the eyes of the belama is drilled with a hole sloping 
downwards into the cavity, and there are four holes drilled through the bone on 
the side of the spear-head into the cavity opposite to corresponding holes on the 
other side. 

I suggest that the object of these holes may have been for the attachment of 
small strings of native beads about three-quarters of an inch in length, used either 
for ornament or intended to come away when the spear-head penetrated the flesh of 
an enemy, and so to increase the danger of the wound. Something similar occurs 
in the case of the bone-headed spears from the island of Guadalcanar. 


Religion. Jevons. 

The Idea of God in Early Religions. By F. B. Jevons, Litt.D. Cambridge : 
University Press, 1910. 

Issued in the series of Cambridge Manuals of Science and Literature, this little 
book is one partly of science and partly of metaphysics. The writer's object seems 
to be to prove the existence of God as conceived in Christianity, by showing that 
all nations have had an idea of God, and that this idea has been progressively 
developed by "a radiative and dispersive evolution" up to Christian monotheism. 
It does not come within the scope of a scientific periodical to consider the validity 
or invalidity of this argument. Science deals exclusively with phenomena. It is 
doubtful whether there can properly be said to be a science of religion. Anthropology 
on its mental and sociological sides deals with the religious phenomena of mankind 
as part of the great comprehensive science of man. But it is not the business of 
anthropology to consider whether those phenomena, or any of them, correspond to 
the ultimate facts of existence. Whether the savage theory of spirits, for instance, 
represents to any degree the essential truth of things matters not to anthropology. 
All that concerns anthropology is to trace out the rise, evolution, and decay of the 
theory in the objective phenomena presented by human societies in various stages 
of civilisation and in different environments. Its methods would be sound and its 
conclusions valid independently of the truth or falsehood of the theory itself. 
That is a metaphysical problem to be solved by quite other methods than those 
of anthropology. 

Hence I am precluded from considering Professor Jevons' argument, and must 
limit myself to noting a few matters of detail in his view of the conclusions 
hitherto reached by scientific research. 

His reputation as anthropologist and thinker stands so high that it is needless 
to say that he has succeeded in presenting in a popular form with lucidity and 
accuracy the results of many recent enquiries. The account of fetishism is an 
excellent summary. But some consideration might have been given here to the 
North American personal manitous, which are a striking instance of the individualism 
of the fetish reconciled to the interests of the community. Indeed, among some 
tribes there seems a tendency on the part of the fetish to become less and less 
individualist, and so to approximate to Professor Jevons' definition of a god, or 
perhaps to a totem. To say that " from the outset the object of the community's 
44 worship had been conceived as a moral power " requires qualification or expla- 
nation. If we take it to mean that the object was one with whose will the general 
well-being of the community was bound up, the statement can hardly be accepted 

[ 122 ] 

1911.] MAN. [No. 77. 

as it stands. For some gods are evil that is, of temper and disposition on the 
whole hostile to the common weal and are worshipped only because they are so, 
if we may trust our evidence. In any case the argument seems vitiated here and 
elsewhere, for want of explicit recognition that in the process of civilisation the 
morals of the community had evolved, and that in virtue of such progressive 
evolution discrepancy was discovered between the character of the god as represented 
not only in his myths but in his rites, and the morality of the community. 

The definition of myth in the next chapter as a narrative in which the doings 
of some god or gods are related, seems needlessly narrow. The tale, widespread 
in North America, of the wife who returned from spirit-land, relates no doings of a 
god. Even in Greece, where gods were so much further developed, the god only 
intervenes incidentally as it were in the beautiful story of Orpheus and Eurydice. 
5Tet the narrative, dealing as it does with regions and conditions of existence 
essentially the subject of religious beliefs, can hardly be classified under any other 
head than that of myths. The criticism of Max Muller's theory of myth* is short, 
but much to the point. That learned philologist wrote so fine an English style, and 
his books have been so widely read, that perhaps it is necessary at this time of day 
still to warn readers against a theory now universally abandoned by anthropologists 
in this country, though not wholly in Germany. I must, however, enter a mild 
protest against the statement that " a myth belongs to the god of whom it is told, 
" and cannot properly be told of any other god." Examples to the contrary, 
however they are to be explained, are too numerous. Nor can it be conceded that 
man was always " looking for " gods, except in a very passive sense ; nor that myths 
are always setiological. The existence of a god, as defined by Professor Jevons, 
with a worship and probably a mythology, is hardly a necessary inference from a 
mere name. There is no evidence of a worship or a mythology ever attaching to 
Twanyirika among the Arunta, or to a score of other names in different parts of the 
world. And it is seriously to be doubted whether the Australian natives are, as 
the author suggests, in religious decay, though magic may have evolved more rapidly 
than religion from the common root of both. 

Again, the origin of sacrifice is a very difficult question. I have no such 
prejudice in favour of the "commercial theory" of sacrifice as the author suggests 
to be the special property of some, students. But I think we cannot help admitting 
that do ut des must have been a dominant cause of the rite in at least a large 
number of cases, and that in a very early, if not the earliest, stage. Men would 
approach their god, as they approached their chiefs or powerful men, with a gift to 
obtain something from him in return. The favour and acceptance they sought was 
only to be shown by some material good, regarded as the god's gift, such as rain, 
success in hunting, security from enemies, children, and so forth ; and the offerings 
at harvest and on other occasions of thanksgiving are, as Professor Jevons himself 
sees, a later development. 

It is impossible, however, in a short and rapid survey of so large a field as (he 
author here covers, to avoid laying oneself open to many differences of opinions 
on questions of detail such as these. The substantial result is that he has summa- 
rised so well, and in a manner so thoroughly interesting. The power of doing this 
is a great gift : it will procure him a wide audience, and will contribute to the 
diffusion of anthropological knowledge in many quarters otherwise innocent of it. 
But from the point of view of pure science we may be allowed to regret that his 
eye has been fixed so continuously on his metaphysical contention. 


[ 123 ] 

No. 78.] MAN. [1911. 

Southern Nigeria. Thomas. 

Anthropological Report on the Edo-speaking Peoples of Nigeria. Parts I. "Ill 
and II. By N. W. Thomas, M.A., F.R.A.I., Government Anthropologist, f 
London : Harrison and Sons, 1910. 

The region over which Mr. Northcote Thomas's ethnological studies extend in 
the two volumes under review is an irregularly-shaped patch to the west of the 
Lower Niger, just above the branching of the delta, west of Yoruba, south of 
Igbira, east of Ibo and I jo, a territory about 150 miles long from north to south, 
and an average 50 miles broad. This area corresponded more or less with the 
ancient kingdom of Bini or Benin, and the Bini or Edo tribe still occupy the centre 
of it. 

Part I. commences with a somewhat too brief account of the physical characteristics 
of the Edo-speaking negroes. Then follow an excellent and pithy description of the 
Edo group of six languages ; a description of the Edo social organisation, demo- 
graphy, food, calendar, market customs, arts arid crafts, religion and magic, secret 
societies, funeral, marriage, and birth customs, inheritance, adoption, property, land 
and slave laws, criminal law, and degrees of kinship and methods of reckoning 
genealogies. The second part of the book deals with the grammar and vocabularies 
of the Edo, Ishan, Kukuruku, and Sobo languages, and the Wano dialect of Ebo. 
The structure of these languages and their pronunciation and range of ideas are 
admirably illustrated by narratives taken down from the natives, narratives which 
throw much light on the folk-lore, customs, daily life, and morality of the Edo peoples. 
For these alone the book must possess a permanent value. 

The work is replete with interesting information, some of which is quite new, 
but there is practically no index, and there are several lacunae in this study of the 
Edo peoples where one would, from the government anthropologist of the district, 
have looked for new and accurate information. For instance, nothing is said about 
that amazing development of bronze casting in Benin, which is one of the unsolved 
enigmas of Africa (as to its origin and the source from which the bronze amalgam was 
derived), or native traditions and history, such as the development of the Benin 
kingdom, and the origins of the Edo peoples and their civilisation. The author 
alludes to the affinities (in my opinion basal and undoubted) between the Edo group 
of tongues and the Yoruba and Ewe groups. 

In his very interesting compilation under the heads above referred to, there is 
further evidence in customs, laws, arts, and crafts, and religious ideas to connect the 
Edo peoples in their early development with the Yoruba stock, before the last-named 
became Muharnmadanised in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. (An admirable 
description of the pre-Islamic condition of the Yoruba and Borgu peoples may be 
found in the works of Clapperton and Richard Lander.) The notes on the Edo 
calendar (pp. 18, 19) show that the Edo peoples recognised two kinds of years, "male " 
and " female," one of which was probably a month longer than the other. The male 
year, in short, would, by its greater arbitrary length, rectify the calendar according to 
the sun. The months or moons, according to Mr. Thomas, do not stand in any exact 
relation to the lunar phases but were taken from the ceremonies proper to certain 
periods of the year. In some districts a month of twenty days was used, making up 
a year of eighteen months. The week was of four days ; occasionally, for market 
purposes, a double week of eight days was recognised. One of the four days in 
the week was usually set apart as a rest day, especially for men, women as a rule 
enjoying no sabbath. This four-day week is a widespread custom throughout Negro 
Africa Bantu and non-Bantu. 

Interesting are the remarks as to the " silent trade " (p. 19) ; so also the 
description of the different looms used by men and by women, and the method of 

[ 124 ] 

1911.] MAN. [Nos. 78-79 

making pots. With the section dealing with religion and magic, the reviewer is fully 
in accord with the author of this book, and he welcomes the sober treatment of the 
subject, divested as it is of all preconceived theories and fantastic deductions. 

In only one direction is the reviewer at variance with the author. He dislikes 
the phonetic system employed in transcribing the Edo languages. It is annoying in 
the day of to-day when any serious student of ethnology or linguistics introduces into 
his work a new system of orthography. On the whole, the best system promulgated 
was that of Lepsius, with a few modern alterations and simplifications such a system, 
for example, as that adopted by Barth in the transcription of the Sudan languages, 
or (if I may say so) by myself and many others in regard to the Bantu tongues. 
There is no feature in the Edo languages (some of which were transcribed by the 
reviewer as far back as 1888), which prevents their being brought under the Lepsius 
system, or that (scarcely differing therefrom) officially employed by the Indian Govern- 
ment. For example, the u sound in " but " or " bud " is far more logically rendered 
by the unaccented a (according to the plan of the official alphabet in India) than by 
a special letter or an e with diacritical marks ; for it is little else than a short sound 
of the normal a. The sound of a in the French word " dans " is much more truly 
rendered by a nasalised o (o) than by the symbol used by Mr. Northcote Thomas. 


Psychology. King. 

The Development of Religion: A Study in Anthropology and Social "IQ 
Psychology, By Irving King, Ph.D. Macmillan & Co., 1910. Pp. 353. I U 

Dr. King professes to have written this work in the hope that " it may con- 
44 tribute something toward a classification of the relation of psychology to anthro- 
" pology and the social sciences." He regrets the mutual suspicion with which the 
anthropologist and the psychologist are wont to regard each other, when the need is 
for a helpful co-operation. It may be true that the failure of the psychologist to 
attain satisfactory results is in many cases due to the very character of the obser- 
vations collected by the anthropologist. Every anthropologist who has an active 
interest in psychology must admit the justness of the stricture that " surely some 
" training in psychology would have rendered some of the laborious undertakings 
" of the student of the natural races much more fruitful of results. There are, of 
" course, notable exceptions, but it is certainly true that much is yet to be desired 
" in the form in which material regarding the customs of present-day natural races 
" is at present gathered together." Indeed, the anthropologist who limits himself to 
the preparatory remarks of the author may learn more to his advantage than he who 
skips these and studies only the contents of the chapters. 

The writer treats his subjects from many different standpoints, and, owing to this 
almost constant shifting of point of view, it is not always easy to follow his line of 
thought. He seems to be following no particular theory and to be grappling with 
no particular problem ; and it can scarcely be held that he has made any valuable 
contribution to the science of religion in any of its aspects. So far as his work can 
be said to embody a system it seems in brief to be as follows : Religion has its 
source in a " take-care " attitude, always social in its origin and in its manifestation ; 
psychologically, it is the attributing of values to things, which is in turn determined 
by the " centreing " of our interests. 

As Dr. King has pointed out, it would be well if the field-worker would acquaint 
himself with the more pressing needs and aims of modern psychology ; and, as almost 
e'very treatment of anthropological data at the hands of the psychologist bears witness, 
it would in nowise be amiss for the psychologist who deals with rudimentary 
culture to acquaint himself as thoroughly as possible with some of the most trustworthy 

[ 125 ] 

No. 79,] MAN. [1911. 

authorities. That the author's knowledge of the social group about which he draws 
his conclusions is not always all that may be desired is shown on many pages, as 
witness the paragraph on page 67, in which he finds an "indefinite sense of per- 
" sonality well illustrated by the system of relationship current among many Aus- 
" tralian tribes. The notion of wife, mother, father, brother, and sister are not 
" clearly differentiated from a rather extended group of relatives. Thus the term 
" brother applies .not only to the blood brother, but also to all males born from 
" a certain group of men and women. This is not because the Australian is in 
" doubt as to his blood relationship, but because his own sense of personality is so 
" vague that he conceives vaguely those about him. He apparently thinks chiefly 
" of groups rather than of individuals." This would be paralleled by saying that 
a German student has "this indefinite sense of personality" with regard to the 
member of his Bruderschaft, to whom he speaks indiscriminately as " brother," as 
contrasted with the definite sense of personality for those without the bond, who are 
spoken to with more discriminating terminology. It is matter of surprise that the 
author, permeated with the theory of interest and valuational attitudes and pragmatic 
sanctions, did not see in this nomenclature a mere matter of social arrangement, and 
a convenient and inevitable designation, altogether independent of the definiteness 
of the sense of personality. 

It is not improbable that in other cases he has fallen into psychological fallacies. 
The discussion of the relation between religious values and needs and " the various 
" processes of social activity which are aroused by all sorts of objects of general 
" interest and concern " (pp. 314-5) seems to be a sacrifice of psychology to theory ; 
as when he says that " in all cases it should be borne in mind that the occasion 
" which excites attention, i.e., the strange and unusual object or phenomenon, is first 
" recognised because it seems to have a close connection with some of the already 
" existing activities of the individual or of the group. . . . It is important to 
" remember that these things attract the savage because of the part they appear to 
" play in something he is occupied in doing." Since, however, the unusual is, as 
compared to the usual, so seldom associated with the activity of the individual, it is 
impossible to believe that mere association would not have brought about just the 
opposite of the actual result. It would, on this theory, be the rising and setting of 
the sun, which is associated with so many of the already existing activities, and 
not the eclipse which, as a matter of fact, is associated with so few, that would 
elicit his attention and interest. In short, it is undoubtedly the unusualness of the 
phenomenon that directs attention to it and accounts for its association in the mind 
with some other phenomenon, and not -vice versa. It would task the ingenuity of 
the most subtle psychologist to show that the actions of a dog terror-stricken at 
the sight of a bone which is being drawn across the floor by an invisible thread 
are explainable in terms of the part which a bone moving without apparent cause 
" plays in something he is occupied in doing." The " attractiveness " of such 
phenomena seems to be due to the fact that they apparently are exceptions to 
the uniformity of nature, and do not enter largely into the every-day experience. 

The books given in the appended bibliography " it is hoped . . . are fairly 
" representative of the sources, and of the literature generally, of this special field." 
One notes the absence of all works on social psychology. The author may be excused 
for omitting the social psychologies of Ross and of McDougall, since they had not 
appeared many months prior to his own publication, but it is surprising that he has 
referred to none of the French, German, or Italian works on this subject, nor, 
apparently, is he acquainted with any of the writings of the important school of 
the L'Annte Sociologique. He refers to but one of the articles republished in Marett's 
Threshold of Religion, has no reference to the works of Hartland or of Wundt, 

[ 126 ] 

1911.] MAN. [Nos. 79-81. 

and does not include F. B. Jevons* Beligion in Evolution. Most of the trustworthy 
authorities on Australia are included, but no other ethnological area is adequately 
represented. W. D. WALLIS. 

Sociology. Skeat. 

The Past at our Doors. By W. W. Skeat. Macmillan & Co. 1911. 

In the preface to this charming little book Mr. Skeat draws attention to 
a real and long-felt want when he says " there is no adequate Folk Museum in this 
*' country where the development of the national life can be studied." 

The past is indeed at our doors, but unfortunately more often than not at our 
back doors ; on the rubbish heap, left to rot by those who know no better. Only 
recently in going over such a heap I discovered an old Sheffield-plated candlestick 
and a pair of fine old bedposts besides other oddments of interest. 

I never pass a scrap heap in the yard of some country " metal merchant " 
without a search, and generally with results satisfactory to myself. 

The little book under notice is divided into seven chapters devoted to the story 
of our food, dress, and homes. The author endeavours to impress his readers that 
there are many things which they are apt to consider as "common" which are 
full of hidden romance. 

He, I think, is mistaken in saying that the word " trencher " as applied to a 
bread board has died out, if so it is still in use in the game of " turn the 
trencher " as played by children. 

The derivation of such words as " hamper " and " marmalade " are interesting, but 
he might also have included that of "wig" as having found its way from Italy. 
The growth of modern machinery from the most primitive users, and the connecting 
links between practices still in vogue in Scotland and those of the Stone Age, are 
aptly set out. 

It certainly is astonishing to find out how much we owe to foreign lands for 
what are now our commonest forms of food. 

Equally instructive are the chapters on dress. " It is certainly a very odd thing 
" that most of the chief kinds of dress at present worn by women in England are 
" copied from dresses first worn by men." This seems somehow to fit the times. 

With regard to our houses the author traces the present style of numbering 
the floors to pile dwellings ; the ground floor was frequently a mere storeroom at 
first open to the air, the storey above it being the " first " floor. Added to this he 
gives the evolution of staircases and fireplaces with their accessories. 

The work comes to somewhat an abrupt ending ; but that one understands, 
for it is difficult to condense into a book of 200 pages a subject so interesting and 
absorbing. Those interested in the subject will, I am sure, look for a larger work 
from the pen of one so capable of expounding the development of our social life. 

J. E.-P. 

Indonesia : Linguistics. Brandstetter. 

Renward Brandstetters Monographien zur Indonesischen Sprachforschung. O4 
VII. Sprachvergleichendes Charakterbild eines Indonesischen Idiomes. Luzern : Ul 
Verlag Buchhandlung Haag, 1911. Pp. 71. 

This is a further contribution to the author's admirable series of dissertations 
on various points of Indonesian philology. The present paper discusses the Bugis 
language of South Celebes, in comparison with seven other languages, viz., Old 
Javan, Makassar, Tontemboan, Bontoc, Kamber, Malagasy, and Malay. The study 
is not based on the usual language manuals, but on special notes and observations 
made in studying certain Bugis and other texts, which have been published with 
or without translation. The extracts used as examples are literally translated and 

[ 127 ] 

Nos. 81-82.] MAN. [1911. 

expounded. The whole range of the grammar is treated, including the phonology. 
This is greatly hampered by the inadequate written character, which causes words like 
tlie Bugis anaq-to-ripapuwam-meii to be written anlorippuwme, or the Makassar 
ta'/bankaii to be represented by tbk. There is also a chapter on the Old Bugis 
language. The work is important to the Indonesian student both for its information 
and for the example which it presents of the method in which these languages 
should be investigated. S. H. RAY. 

India. Fraser. 

Among Indian Rajahs and Ryots : A Civil Servant" 1 s Recollections and QO 
Impressions of Thirty-seven Years' Work and Sport in the Central Provinces Ufc 
and Bengal. By Sir Andrew H. L. Fraser. London : Seeley & Co., 1911. Pp. xv 
+ 368. Index. 23 x 14 ccm. 

Sir A. Fraser records in this book his experiences of life in the Civil Service, 
beginning with his appointment as an assistant magistrate in the Central Provinces, 
and ending as Lieutenant-Governor of Bengal. His duties in the later part of his 
service, as a member of the Imperial Government, enabled him to observe more of 
the Indian Empire than is possible for the ordinary civilian, who generally begins 
and ends his career in a single province. The experienced Anglo-Indian will find 
little here that is novel or specially interesting ; but the young officer will be 
impressed by the loyalty of the writer to the traditions of a great service, and the 
unvarying kindliness and sympathy displayed towards the natives of India. Those 
who know the country by personal experience will find much to which they will 
not readily assent ; the exaggerated respect for missionary education ; the lack of 
that grit and determination which has made the empire what it is ; the suggestion 
that the present difficult situation is to be remedied by concessions on the part of 
its rulers. Social intercourse between the governing and the subject races is, of 
course, much to be commended, and by no class has it been more actively promoted 
than by the members of the service to which the writer belonged. But so long as 
the native prefers the policy of dignified seclusion, hedging himself in on all sides 
by tabus of commensality, intermarriage, seclusion of women, and caste, the gulf 
between the two races must of necessity remain unbridged. Mr. Valentine Chirol's 
recent book, Indian Unrest, supplies a useful corrective to many of the views expressed 
by Sir A. Fraser. It is also to be regretted that the writer, while full of sympathy 
for the aspirations of the Babu class, seems to have devoted little study ,to the 
religions, ethnography, or folk-lore of the peasant. At any rate, he gives us little 
on these subjects, and this in spite of the fact that much of his service was passed 
in a province, the home of most interesting forest tribes, a paradise to the ethnolo- 
gist. He has something to say about the relations between the Khonds or Kandhs, 
and the agricultural Kultas who are intruding on their forest domains ; and he 
describes an incident in which the former killed a member of the latter tribe in the 
belief that the blood of the victim would promote the fertility of their fields, a 
recent case of something like the Meriah sacrifice, which has been exhaustively 
discussed by Professor J. G. Frazer. He has visited that interesting tribe the 
Baigas, who exercise priestly functions among the Gonds, but he tells us nothing 
of their religious beliefs. Of the Gonds he says little except the tale of a stupid 
practical joke. When an attempt was made to ascertain by actual experiment the 
average produce of their fields, the scheme was defeated by someone, who ought to 
have known better, telling these semi-savages that if they cut their crop there would 
be no children in their houses. Further information about such remarkable tribes 
might well have taken the place of disquisitions on contemporary politics. 


Printed by EYRE AND SPOTTISWOODE, LTD., His Majesty's Printers, East Harding Street, B.C. 


MAN, 1911. 


1911.] MAN. [tfo. 83. 


Asia, Central. (With Plate I J.) Woolley. 

Some Ancient Local Pottery from Chinese Turkestan. By C. L. QQ 

Woolley. 00 

I have had the opportunity of working for three months over a part of the 
great collection brought back by Dr. M. A. Stein from his explorations of ancient 
sites in Chinese Turkestan and westernmost China, of which a preliminary account 
has been given by him in The Geographical Journal, July-September, 1909. 

Amongst the objects are numerous examples of pottery ; these are of almost 
every type and cover a considerable period, from the first century B.C. onwards. 
Putting on one side the porcelains imported from Eastern China, something may 
be said about the rougher local products. A large proportion of the pottery is hand- 
made. The clay is generally ill-levigated, the colour differing according to the localities 
and the methods of manufacture ; the pottery shows every degree of skill from the 
mere plastering of lumps of clay into a mould to a regularity such that it is difficult 
to distinguish the vessel from one made on the wheel. Generally speaking, no surface 
colouring matter was employed, but in some of the finer wares a thin engobbage was 
used to give a smoother surface than was produced by friction in the course of 
manufacture, and in one or two cases a colour-wash of haematite was added. Hand- 
made pottery was almost always fired on an open hearth, and shows in the section 
the uneven bands of colour usually resulting from that process. Varying degrees 
of heat were attained, but in most cases this was very intense, and gave to the clay 
a surprising hardness and a clear ring. 

Probably, as in modern India, a shallow hole in the ground would serve as a 
nucleus for the hearth, and such a hollow, easily roofed in, would account for the 
" smothering " of many hearth-burnt examples, which otherwise could have been 
attained by the arrangement about the pots of quick and slow burning fuels, or by 
plastering the heap of fuel formed round and over the pot with a coating of mud. 
This actual method was observed in Southern India by Dr. Jagors ( Verhandlungen 
der Berliner Gesellschaft fur Anthropologie. I am indebted for the reference to 
Dr. W. von Bissing). Usually, he says, a hole in the ground capable of taking a 
considerable number of pots was used for firing. Working on a smaller scale the 
potter spread a little cow dung and rice straw over the bottom of a large vessel, 
already fired, and packed his small pots inside, covering the whole with a second 
vase, and making it airtight with a mixture of cow dung, clay and ashes. The 
large vessel was then set upon a triple layer of cow dung ; more of the same fuel 
was heaped around and above it. The heap was then encased in rice straw, and the 
straw was plastered with clay, leaving a hole at the top and a ring round the base 
for purposes of draught. The fuel was fired and burnt for four hours. The pots, 
which had been washed with haematite and burnished, were found to have taken 
a deep black colour. Here we have an improvised kiln, but the same people also 
fired vessels, which were to be of clay colour on the outside and black inside, in an 
open fire, first filling them up with a mixture of cow dung and rice straw. The 
uneven colouring of some of the Chinese Turkestan examples corresponds very well 
with the results to be expected of the more primitive process of smothering in the 
open hearth. Others as clearly show a greater control of the heat, and since hearth- 
burning and kiln-firing were practised contemporarily, it is probable that every inter- 
mediate method was at the same time in use. 

From Mingoi near Kara-shahr (sixth to ninth centuries A.D.) comes a sherd 
(Mi. XXIII 006, PI. I-J, 3) on which a Tibetan inscription was scratched previous 
to burning. From the fort of Miran (circiter ninth century A.D.) comes a similar 

[ 129 ] 

No. 83.] 



hand-made fragment (PI. I-J, 8) with the graffito head of a warrior wearing a 
helmet with cheek pieces clearly of the Chinese type, made of pieces of leather 
covered with lacquer, such as were found in numbers in the ruins of the Miran fort, 
and are represented on the Mingoi clay figures. Here, evidently, hand-made pottery 
was still being produced at a time when Chinese, Iranian, and Indian influences had 
affected the civilisation of the Tarim basin for centuries past. 
A fair number of parallel cases could be quoted where wheel- 
made kiln-fired pottery never entirely superseded, for domestic 
purposes, the hand-made, hearth-burnt vessels that carried on 
the prehistoric tradition, e.g., Nubia, and Roman Britain, where 
1- the natives continued to produce their old rough wares while 

using at the same time imported terra sigillata and wheel-made, kiln-fired pottery 
locally made under Roman influence. 

So conservative was the tradition that the greatest difficulty is to distinguish 
between examples possibly late and possibly early. At some points of the Lopnor 
desert stone implements were found (see MAN, 1911, 52) in conjunction with pottery 
fragments. From these places come sherds of a type not found elsewhere ; they are 
hand-made, of a clay so ill-levigated that the numerous stones (in size up to five and 
six millimetres) sometimes go nearly through the walls ; the potting is irregular but 
the walls are always very thin ; they are hearth-burned but evenly fired with a 
remarkable degree of heat ; that this did not crack the stones and break the pots 
was probably due to the use of a very slow burning fuel, such as cow dung. These 
wares may well be neolithic, but the difference between them and some produced in 
the eighth and 

B -TJT- r< : ' . , 

ninth centuries 
A.D. is really 
very small. 
That nearly all 
are of local fabric 
there can, of 
course, be very 
little doubt; 
Fig. 1 shows a 
" waster " from 
Lopnor, the dis- 
torted rim of a 
very finely potted 
hand-made grey 
smothered jar 
with a rolled 
rim of well- 
developed type. 

On many 
"" u sites " m a t- 
marked" pottery 

is common (PI. I-J, 7). The vessels generally, if not always of bowl form, were 
moulded inside wicker baskets, the impression of which preserved on the exterior 
forms a regular decoration. One fragment so marked is wheel-made though hearth 
burned ; the matting was presumably pressed against the face of a pot already cast. 
The example gives a further link between the hand-made and wheel-made pottery. 
The mat-marked pots are often smothered, particularly the pieces from the watch- 
stations along the ancient Chinese Limes near Tun-hu'ang ; the period of the military 

[ 130 ] 

FlG - 2 - 



[No. 83. 

occupation of the Limes is circ. 100 B.C. to A.D. 150 ; but it need not be supposed that 
elsewhere the ware was always so early. Mat-marked pottery comes also from the 
Japanese dolmens and other places ; it is, indeed, the result of a very natural process. 
In connection with it might be cited a peculiar glazed example from So-yung-cheng. 
This is a bowl moulded outside a basket-work case ; the mat-marked interior is 
covered with deep brown glaze, the exterior has a white glaze whereon a floral 
design in brown (So. 0043) ; it is described by Mr. R. Hobson as Tz'u-cheu ware of 
the Sung Dynasty. 

A great advance in what is really the same technique is shown by the moulded 
wares (e.g., Yotkan 0039 k and 005 a, PI. I-J, 5, 6) ; the mould here produces an 
elaborate relief ornament in which the Gandhara influence is pronounced. Generally 
the moulded pattern and the pot result from the same process, the clay being simply 
pressed into the mould ; but in Yo. 0039 k the impression has been taken in a very 
thin layer of clay which is applied 
to a vessel with walls some six 
millimetres thick scored lightly to 
secure a bond. This recalls at 
once the stucco decorations of the 
buildings, where the clay surface 
of the reliefs is generally quite 
thin, with a backing of common 
clay mixed with fibre. As the 
whole surface of the pot seems to 
have been covered it is here 
classed with the moulded rather 
than the applique-decorated wares. 

The commonest ornament on 
hand-made pottery is either 
stamped with a series of small 
circular or toothed punches (e.g., 
Fig. 2 and PI. I-J, 2) or comb- 
drawn ; festoons or wave-patterns 
made with combs having four to 
nine teeth are most usual (PI. I-J, 
1 ; Akterek, iv, i). 

A few vessels were zoomorphic 
(Yotkan 1 and 0061, PI. I-J, 19 
and 20) ; like most of the vases 
with applique ornament, they are 
of the fine red terra-cotta, of which 
the grotesque figurines were made, 
and are kiln-fired. Like the figurines and stucco reliefs, they are built up from 
separately moulded members ; piece moulds were not used. 

The wheel-made pots are generally of very finely levigated clay, kiln-fired, 
sometimes smothered, sometimes of a clear terra-cotta red ; the surface, either by the 
mere friction of casting or by the use of a slight engobbage, is usually smooth and 
highly finished ; there are one or two cases of a haematite wash being used, and a 
few of burnishing. The ornament, when there is any, is applique ; of this a fine 
example is Yotkan, 01, Fig. 3; the fact of the broken neck and handles having been 
ground down smooth shows that the piece was originally considered of some value. 
PI. I-J, 4, is hand-made. Unfortunately at Yotkan, the site of the ancient Khotan 
capital, the site where most examples of this ware were found, no detailed chronology 

FIG. 3. 

Nos. 83-84.] 



FIG. 4. 

can be obtained within the period lasting from the first centuries B.C. to the eleventh 
century A.D. during which it was inhabited. Purely Chinese motives of decoration 
sometimes occur, but the classical Gandhara type is far more prevalent, e.g., the 
anthemium forms the base of the jug handle (Yo. 0057, PI. I-J ; cf. 11), the simple 
jug (Yo. 0060, PI. I-J, 21),. and many other specimens. Remarkable for their 
analogies in the classical west are the glazed handles from Akterek, where was a 
temple of circ. sixth century A.D. (A.T. 003, PI. I-J, 13 ; cp. Ancient Khotan, pi. xlii, 
Figs. T.M. 002 b, c ; 003 d.) These are precisely of 
the shape common on Roman lamps, a small vertical 
ring handle set low down, level with the top of the 
lamp, fitted with a flat triangular thumbpiece slightly 
inclined from the vertical ; on the face of this is moulded 
a conventional acanthus, anthemium or palmette orna- 
ment. In one case (A.T. 0012, Fig. 4), a similar 
handle, but of rough local hand-made ware, was applied 
not to the rim but to the body of a shallow vase, 
probably a native type of lamp ; in another glazed example of typical local fabric 
(A.T. 004, PI. I-J, 12), the thumbpiece lies horizontally above the vertical ring 
handle, flush with the rim of the vase, a regular Roman form not infrequent in 
glazed goblets. Another classical type of handle is A.T. 045 (PI. I-J, 14), with its 
back-turned floriate thumbpiece. 

It is not necessary to suppose that these glazed specimens were imported, seeing 
that similar glazes, though on a different body, were locally produced. From So-yung- 
cheng (So. A. 001-3, 005, PI. I-J, 15-18) come fragments of the moulded and glazed 
tiles that covered the walls and roof of a Buddhist temple ; on these occur dragons 
of Chinese type, a rough jewel ornament within a vesica, that may be a degraded 
representation of the seated Buddha, and, most important, a flame ornament from the 
dge of a large vesica. Such flame ornaments, rendered in precisely the same fashion, 
are found among the remains of Buddhist temples at nearly all the sites ; in this 
case the red clay, usually left crude and painted, has been covered with a fine blue- 
.green glaze. So-yung-cheng was occupied during Sung times, so is much later than 
Akterek, where the acanthus lamp handles were found, and the Gandhara influence is 
no longer felt there ; but at Akterek, as at the later site of Mingoi, north of the 
Taklamakan, the tradition lingered, or perhaps the old moulds remained in use, longer 
than on a priori grounds would be expected. C. LEONARD WOOLLEY. 

Africa : Sudan. Cummins. 

Golo Models and Songs. By Major S. L. Cummins, R.A.M.C. 

The three sketches sent herewith represent clay models of animals made 
by the Golo tribe near Waw in the Bahr- el-Ghazal. In an article on the Dinka, 

in the Journal of the Anthropo- 
logical Institute for 1904, I gave some 
sketches of Dinka clay models of 
cattle, and a Golo model of an ele- 
phant, illustrating the greater vigour 
and realism of the latter, as a work 
of art. 1 have since come upon the 
sketches now sent, and think them, 
perhaps, of sufficient interest to be 

The models themselves were too 
brittle to be brought home. 
[ 132 ] 



[No. 84 

With the sketches were some songs recited for me in 1902, by the chief of 
the tribe, one Gurna, son of Kiango. As the tribe is likely to alter under the 
influence of civilization in the near future, any light upon its mentality during the 
early days of the occupation of the Bahr-el-Ghazal has its value, and I there- 
fore send the songs with the sketches. 

(1) GUMA'S SONG. _^^_^_^__^_____ 

His heart is sad, the 

son of the Sultan 


You are a common man. 
If you don't hear my 

orders, you shall go 

to prison. 

Hear your ruler's com- 
Bring him grain, or you 

shall have lashes. 
Give to Guma honey, 

grain and meat, that 

he may eat in your 



Oh brother ! You tell me that I am not a proper man. 

Were I not a proper man, would I slay the beasts with arrows ? 

I am a better man than you, and my aim is sure. 


The game in the forest, does it understand our talking ? 

The elephant is the only man among them. 

Big as he is, a small man may kill him. 

I went to the forest and found him aud slew him. 

" Oh elephant ! You are big and your tusks are mighty, 

But with my little spear I slew you." 

Heavy rain is coming. I shall 

go to my hut and light a 

" Oh, wife ! Shut the door 

and kindle the fire, 
For the thunder-cloud has 

darkened the eye of the 

The heavy rain is coming, 

and we had best sleep in 

our huts. 
When the rain is over, we 

shall go out again." 


[ 133 ] 

No. 85.] 



Physical Anthropology. Duckworth : Shore. 

Report on Human Crania from Peat Deposits in England. By QC 
W. L. H. Duckworth, M.D., and L. R. Shore. 03 

The anatomical and geological collections of Cambridge University contain several 
crania from peat deposits. Although the localities are widely separated, it seems 
justifiable to bring all the available specimens together for the purposes of descrip- 
tion and comparison. This has been done in the following report. We are indebted 
to Professors Macalister and Hughes for permission to examine the crania herein 
described. The report is divided into two sections ; in the first of these, the chief 

FIG. 1 

Contour tracings of crania Nos. I aud III from British peat deposits. The bregmatic (B, Or, IN) 
and lambda (L, IN, G) angles are indicated. 

craniological features of each specimen are detailed ; in the second part will be found 
comments upon the observations thus made, and the measurements and indices 
provided by the skulls. 


I. A male skull with the mandible ; from Upware, Cambridgeshire. 
II. A male skull with the mandible ; from Bracebridge, Lincolnshire. 

III. A female skull with the mandible ; from Burwell Fen, Cambridgeshire 


IV. A male calvaria ; from Burwell Fen, Cambridgeshire (1884). 

V. A male skull ; from the Cambridgeshire Fens (exact locality not specified). 
VI. A fragmentary male calvaria : from Burwell Fen, Cambridgeshire. 
VII. A male skull (Mus. Anat. Cant., No. 658); from a "peat moss," Lanca- 
shire, described as " Ancient British." 
VIII. A male skull (Mus. Anat. Cant., No. 659) ; with locality and description 

as in the case of No. VII). 
IX. A male skull (Mus. Anat. Cant., No. 275) ; From Feltwell Fen, Norfolk, 

described as " Early British." 
X. A mandible, probably female ; from Burwell Fen, Cambridgeshire. 

No. I. A large massive male skull with prominent brow-ridges and occipital pro- 
tuberance, and large mastoid processes. The principal sutures remain open. Parts of 

[ 134 ] 



[No. 85. 

the facial skeleton are missing. There is a well-marked supra-inial protuberance of 
the occipital curve, clearly shown in tracing No. I (Fig. 1) taken from this specimen. 
The mandible is large and heavy, though imperfect. The teeth are much worn but 
not carious. In length (from symphysis to angle) the mandible measures 110 mm., and 
in width 105 mm. at the angle. 

No. II. A large male skull with prominent brow-ridges and external occipital 
protuberance. The chief sutures remain open. The sagittal cranial arc does not 
show the supra-inial bulging so distinctive of specimen No. I. Much of the base of 
this skull is missing. The remaining teeth are much worn but not carious. The 
mandible measures 94 mm. in length, and 94 mm. in width at the angle. 

No. III. This skull presents features characteristic of the female sex. The 
brow-ridges are not prominent. The occipital protuberance is feebly developed. 
The sagittal arc (cf. tracing No. Ill, Fig. 1) shows a slight, but distinct supra- 
inial bulging. The parietal eminences are distinct. The facial bones are absent or 
greatly damaged. 

No. IV. This male calvaria has been reconstructed from fragments. The face 
and the base are absent, as are also the temporal bones and part of the occipital 
bone. The brow-ridges are remarkable for their continuity in the middle line. The 
sagittal suture is closed. The measurement in breadth is only approximate, owing 
to the absence of the temporal bones. 

FIG. 2. 

Contour tracings of crania Nos. VII and IX from British peat deposits. The bregmatic (B, G, IN) 
and lambda (L, IN, G) angles are indicated. 

No. V. This specimen is shown to be male by the prominent brow-ridges and 
occipital protuberance. The face and most of the cranial base are absent. Synos- 
tosis is commencing in the external part of the sagittal suture, but has not begun in 
the other sutures. 

No. VI. A fragmentary calvaria. The chief characteristic is the very great 
transverse diameter, which must have approached 160 mm., and the cephalic index 
was probably 90 or more. The sagittal cranial arc was evidently flattened. 

No. VII. (Mus. Anat. Cant., No. 658). A male skull with prominent brow-ridges 
continuous across the mid-line. The mastoid processes are large, and the temporal 

[ 135 ] 

[No. 85. MAN. [1911. 

ridges distinct. The posterior half of the sagittal suture is closed externally. Other 
sutures remain open. The skull is elongated with a marked supra-inial bulging, well 
shown in the contour (Fig. 2). The facial skeleton is well preserved. 

No. VIII. (Mus. Anat. Cant., No. 659). A male skull, very short and wide. 
There is no supra-inial bulging, and the median sagittal contour line ascends steeply 
from the inion. The parietal eminences are well developed, and give a flattened 
form to the cranial vault. The sagittal suture is beginning to close. The bones of 
the face and of the right temporo-sphenoidal region are imperfect. 

No. IX. (Mus. Anat. Cant., No. 275). A very large and massive male skull of 
cuboidal form, resembling crania of the Gristhorpe and Cowlam types, and also to 
some extent the Briinn cranium. The interfrontal suture remains open (metopic). 
The brow-ridges and muscular impressions are prominent. The facial skeleton is well 
preserved, and the palate is wide and shallow. The teeth were fairly worn down 
but not carious. The sagittal contour is shown in Fig. 2. 

No. X. A mandible of slender proportions, and apparently female. In colour 
it is almost black, and darker than any other of these specimens. The left ascending 
ramus is missing. The presence of three molar teeth show that the individual was 
fully adult. The measurements are : Length (symphysis to angle), 76 mm. ; depth 
at symphysis, 24 mm. 

Measurements and Indices. Table I contains a statement of the more impor- 
tant measurements and indices of the nine crania described in the preceding 


(1) In criticising this series taken as a whole, there is some reason a priori for 
considering human crania from the peat as forming a homogeneous group, since in 
regard to other mammalia the peat fauna is certainly a distinctive one. But a glance 
at this collection shows that a very great diversity of cranial form obtains. 

(2) In the next place, the state of preservation of the specimens varies con- 
siderably. Nos. IV and VI, both from Burwell Fen, are distinctly more friable than 
the others, and thus give an impression of greater antiquity. Otherwise there is no 
guide whatever as to the age of the specimens, in the almost complete absence of data 
concerning the circumstances of their discovery. It should be noted that they might 
be representative of man in any stage of culture from the neolithic period .to the 
present time. But there is no question of assigning to them a greater antiquity than 
that just indicated (viz., neolithic). 

(3) In such a case it is hardly possible to do more than provide a simple record 
of the chief -osteological features of the crania, such as that given in the preceding 
section of this paper. 

(4) But beyond this, it should be remarked that in respect of certain selected 
tests, it is possible to compare these crania with some of the classical palaeolithic 
specimens. Such a comparison has been made, and the characters that have been 
employed are of a numerical order, and are considered to be of use in indicating the 
evolutionary grade of specimens studied by their aid. 

The tests are called (a) the calvarial height index, (6) the bregmatic angle, 
(c) the lambda angle. They are well-known by reason of their employment by 
Professor Schwalbe in his researches on various palaeolithic human remains, and 
especially the Neanderthal and Spy crania. Consequently they will not be further 
discussed in this place. The values in Tables II, III, IV provide a basis for 
comparisons, and here are given the figures relating to certain of the peat skulls, 
as determined on the tracings shown in Figs. 1 and 2. The values for the other 

[ 136 ] 

1911.] MAN. [No. 85. 

crania are derived from Professor Schwalbe's papers quoted by Professor Berry in the 
publication mentioned below.* 

Put briefly, the general results of these tabulations go to show that two crania 
from the peat, Nos. Ill and IX of the series here described, tend to intrude among 
the early prehistoric crania. This tendency is specially characteristic of No. Ill, 
which is hereby distinguished from modern European crania, and even from some 
savage existing types usually assigned to a low grade of evolution. It is further to 
be remarked that the associated " palaeolithic " crania are those known as the Galley- 
Hill and Briinn specimens. 

Now it would be inappropriate to enter here into a detailed discussion of the pos- 
sible meanings of such an association. But in this connexion it is desired to give 
prominence to the three statements following : 

(a) This association is not regarded as conferring a very special distinction upon 

the peat-skulls concerned. 

(6) The association is with crania whose claims to that palaeolithic antiquity have 
been to some extent " suspect." And, without embarking upon a complete 
exposition of evidence, we wish to state that apart from these doubts 
(which have not been entirely removed, even by the discussion at Paris 
in 1909), both specimens (viz., those from Galley-Hill and from Briinn) 
are open to criticism as having been partially reconstructed, while one of 
them (Galley-Hill) is admittedly distorted through pressure. 

(c) The association with the crania mentioned in the preceding paragraph may 
be claimed as corroborative of the view so ably argued by Professor 
Stolyhwo (cf. L 1 Anthropologie, Tome XIX, 1908, Nos. 2-3, pp. 191 et 
seq.~). This observer contends that in respect of their cranial characters, 
Homo primigenius (Schwalbe) and Homo sapiens overlap more distinctly 
than Professor Schwalbe was at first inclined to admit. The characters 
of the Frisian skull, known as the " Batavus genuinus," support the same 
view, as do the data provided by a skull recently described by Duckworth 
in the Journal of Anatomy and Physiology. \ 

It appears, therefore, that this series of peat-crania includes examples which are 
somewhat unusual among modern European crania, in respect of the three characters 
employed for the purpose of comparison. 

(5) Lastly, we have tested the characters of the individual crania in yet another 
way. This is set forth in Table V, which contains the specimens ordinated on the 
basis of the absolute breadth-measurement (maximum parietal breadth). The corre- 
sponding breadth-indices are also tabulated for comparison. 

The table shows that while No. Ill, which has just been discussed, does not 
occupy a position of distinction, yet No. IX, which was also involved in the discus- 
sion under the previous heading (paragraph 4), is found to be rather unusually broad. 
And the table further shows that no less than three out of the nine crania (from the 
peat) present a breadth-index exceeding eighty-one. This is a percentage of 33*3, 
whereas among modern British crania only about '33 per cent, should be so broad 
as this. The association of great breadth with great cranial capacity is clearly shown 
(Cf. Table I). 

These specimens from the peat are therefore not a fair sample of modern British 
crania. They differ from these in respect of the exceptional position of two specimens 
(Nos. Ill and IX) described in paragraph (4) and also in the unusual frequency 
(one hundred times the normal amount) of occurrence of distinct brachycephalic 

* Berry and Robertson, The Place in JYature of the Teuman'uin Aboriginal (Proc. Roy. Soc., 
Edinburgh, Vol. XXXI, Part I., No. 3). f Vol. XLVI, April. 1911. 

[ 137 ] 

No. 85.] 





Measurement, &c. 













/ 8 




Maximum glabello-occipital length - 









Maximum breadth - - - - 




? 133 





Basi-bregmatie height - 


'! 135 


1 130 




Auricular height (bregma) 







Auricular height (perpendicular) - 





Horizontal circumference 








Bistephanic breadth ... 






Bizygomatic breadth 




1 142 


Basi -nasal length - 






Basi-alveolar length ... 





Nasi-alveolar length ... 






Orbital height (R) - 






Orbital width (R) - - - - 






Nasal height - 





1 52 


Nasal width 






Cranial capacity - 


? 1,637 


1,611 + 



Cephalic index - 









i i f A 



? 67 



Stephano-zygomatic index 





A Iveolar-zygomatic 





Facial zygomatic (Kollmann) 





in , 




Nasal zygomatic .... 



1 53 

t/i j 

O L *J 

































Lancashire - 


> from 


Lancashire - 




Lancashire - 



> from 






(Norfolk) - 




(Norfolk) - 
















Anthropoids - 



Chimpanzee - 


Chimpanzee - 




Spy-Neanderthal (3) 



Spy-Neanderthal (3) 



Neanderthal - 






Spy (I) - - - 








* Berry and Robertson op. cit. 

[ 138 ] 


TABLE II cont. 

TABLE III cont. 

[No. 85. 
TABLE IV cont. 













No. IIT - 


52 -8-54 '9 
54'6 62-9 



Galley-Hill - 
Batavus genuinusf 
Brtlnn - 
Cro. Magnon - 
No. Ill - 





Cro. Magnon - 
Galley-Hill - 
No. Ill - 


74-88 c 
78 -85 

Galley-Hill - 
No. IX - 

Cro. Magnon - 
Brlinn - 
CombeChapelleJ - 
No. VII - 

No. IX - 

Brtinn - 
Tasmanians (46) - 
No. I 

Tasmanians (45) 
Combe ChapelleJ - 
No. VII - 

Kalmucks (4) - 
Batuvns genuinusf - 
Tasmanlans (44) - 
No I 

Kalmuck? (4) 
No. I 

Oanstatt ... 
Batavus genuinusf - 
Combe ChapelleJ - 
No. VII - 

Dschaggas (24) 
No. IX - 

Veddahs (8) - 
Canstatt ... 
Dschaggas (23) 
Europeans (32) 


Europeans (40) 
Canstatt - 


Noi. Ill and IX are below the lower 
limit of the data for modern European 


The crania (I. Ill, VII, IX) are 
within the range of the data for 
modern Europeans. 


Nos. Ill and IX are below the lower 
limit of the range of European crania 

* Berry and Robertson, op. cit. t Schwalbe, Qlobui, Vol. LXXXI, No. 11. 

J Kramberger, L'Anthropologie, 1910, p. 531. 


(in mm.). 








IV. (133). 




I. (143). 



140-145 < 

II. (143). 
III. (141). 
V. (145). 
VII. (144). 

VIII. (149). 



Bracebridge (Lincoln). 
Cambridge Fens. 


Cephalic index exceeds 81 in 
33 per cent, of modern 
British males. 

Cephalic index exceeds 81 
in 33 '3 per cent, of the 
crania from the peat. 


IX. (152). 


Feltwell (Norfolk). 


VI. (160). 





C 139 ] 

No. 86.] MAN. [1911. 

America, Central. Bowditch. 

The Numeration, Calendar, and Astronomical Knowledge of the Mayas. 
By C. P. Bowditch. Cambridge, Mass., 1910. Pp. xvi + 346. 

Mr. Bowditch's experience as a man of business, accustomed to weigh facts, and 
to make all kinds of calculations, has been of service in his studies of the difficult 
problems of the Maya calendar. With the writings of Goodman, Cyrus Thomas, 
Perez, Maudslay, Seler, and Forstemann to check his own observations, he has 
explained the apparently complicated but really simple methods used by the ancient 
Mayas in reckoning time, so that even a non-mathematical mind can dimly understand, 
and he has fortunately contented himself with clear statements instead of confusing 
the reader by criticism and controversy on points where he may differ from other 
students of the subject. He has also had the benefit of Dr. A. M. Tozzer's 
intimate knowledge of the Maya mind and language. 

Landa, Bishop of Yucatan, 1573-79, wrote that the Mayas had a perfect year 
of 365 days 6 hours, which they divided in two ways : one a set of 12 months of 
30 days, the other with 18 months of 20 days, and an addition of 5 days 6 hours. 
Each of the 20 days had its own sign or picture-glyph, and a comparison of those 
given by Landa with the glyphs in the Maya codices (Codex Tro-Cortesianus in 
the Madrid Museum, and the Dresden Codex)* shows that these codices consist in 
part of statements of dates calculated according to the reckoning of 18 months of 
20 days. The careful analytical method of Mr. Bowditch makes clear the means he 
has used to raise a sure structure on the foundation of available facts, beginning 
with the names and glyphs of the -days and months in Landa's work. He then 
describes the ingenious method by which a given day can always be located in the 
calendar. This was done by means of red numbers from 1 to 13, attached to the 
day signs so that with the series of 20 days the numbers 1 to 13 were counted, 
returning to 1 after each 13. In the continuous series of days it will then happen 
that each of the 20 days will be accompanied by each of the 13 numbers before a 
day with a given name has the same number a second time. We thus have a series 
of days and numbers amounting to 13 x 20 = 260, and the 261st day will be the 
same numbered day as the first. Over 200 day columns in the two codices are 
sufficiently well preserved for reference, and the majority show a uniform distance 
between the days of the column, which, multiplied by the number of intervals 
required to bring the column back into itself gives the number 260. Black numbers 
give the distance from one day to another in a series of dates. 

In Chapter V, the 52-year period or Calendar Round is considered. By using 
a year of 365 days, divided into months, and by numbering the days of the months, 
they differentiated each particular day from the other 364, and, combining this method 
with the previous one, could make a longer calculation. For instance, if 9 Kan is 
a particular day of the period of 260 days, and 12 Kayab a particular day of the 
period of 365 days, then if we speak of the day 9 Kan as the 12th day of the month 
Kayab, how long a period must elapse before another 9 Kan will appear as the 
12th day of another month Kayab ? It has been already proved that another day of 
the same name arid number cannot return until 260 days have passed, and 12 Kayab 
reappears every 365 days ; therefore the date 9 Kan 12 Kayab will not reappear until 
a number of days represented by the least common multiple of 260 and 365 has 
passed. The only common divisor of 260 and 365 is 5, so that the least common 
multiple is 52 x 73 x 5, or 52 X 365, which is 52 solar years, so that 9 Kan 

* British Museum Reading-room has Tro in Brasseur de Bourbourg, Cortesianus under Maya 
Chronicles, and Dresden under Forstemann. 



[No. 86. 

12 Kayab will not reappear until that period has elapsed, and will continue to do so 
at the end of each 52 years. 

The system usually employed for the Maya Calendar in the Codices and inscrip- 
tions is the following : 

20 kins (days) = 1 uinal (month). 
18 uinals = 360 kins = 1 tun. 

20 tuns = 360 uinals = 7,200 kins = 1 katun. 

20 katuns = 400 tuns = 7,200 uinals = 144,000 kins = 1 cycle. 

20 cycles = 400 katuns = 8,000 tuns = 144,000 uinals = 2,880,000 kins = 1 grand cycle. 

There is also strong evidence that long series of numbers serve to denote the 
distance from some date, which is the zero date of the count, and, with one exception 
(where the zero date itself is given), the initial series at Copan, Guirigua, Yaxchilan, 
Piedras, Negras, Tikal, and Naranjo record the passage of 9 cycles (3,600 tuns) from 
the date 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu( 7 )*, which, like our A.D., is seldom 
expressed. On pp. 100-106 and 109 are calculations showing how 
the date 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu( 7 ) has been made certain, by counting 
forward from it, the days expressed in the large numbers of 
an inscription to the day and month which are given beneath. 
These so-called Initial Series can be studied in the plates of 
Mr. A. Maudslay's Biologia Centrali-Americana (archaeology), 
easily consulted in the library of the Victoria and Albert Museum. 
A typical example is Stela B. Copan, in Plate 37, Vol. I. Here, 
on the left-hand side of the stela, beginning at the top, come, 
first the initial glyph or grand cycle, then 9 cycle, 15 katun, 
tun, uinal, kin. 4 ahau, 13 yax, expressed by Mr. Bowditch 
in the formula, 4 ahau 13 yax. This date is found 
several times in the inscriptions, and Goodman ascribes its frequent 
occurrence to the fact that if the grand cycle in which it is 
found is grand cycle 54 in a series of 73 grand cycles, as he 
believes, would mark exactly the end of three-fourths 
of the number of days in 73 grand cycles. Fifty-four grand 
cycles equal 432,000 tuns of 360 days. Mr. Bowditch gives lists 
of the different signs and figures used, so that it is easy to 
identify them, but there are no entire series.f 

At Palenque, in the Temples of the Sun and of the Foliated 
Cross, there are two cases of initial series in which dates far in 
the past are given, both in the first cycle of the era of the usual 
xero date, 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu,( 7 ) while another Initial Series in 
the Temple of the Cross falls still earlier in the 12th cycle of 
the preceding era. These three temples stand in one group 
facing a common centre. There are a few cases of dates 
showing the lapse of 10 cycles of the usual era, including one 
at Chichen Itza and two in Sacchana at the highlands of Guate- 
mala. The piece of jade called the Leyden Stone has the incised 
date,, 1 Eb, and the month looks like Yaxkin. If 
so it would be 1 Eb Yaxkin.( u ) 

It has been seen that a given date, described by its day 
and number as a particular day of a certain month, will again 
appear after 52 years. Thus, 5 Cib 14 Yaxkin( 1 ) in the initial 
and 3, Piedras Negras, occurs once in 52 years, but when it 





Stela B. Copan. 

Initial Series. equals 

:t,846 years, 210 days. 

PI. 37, Vol. I., 
Biologia Centrali 

" Archajology," 
A. P. Mandalay. 

series of Stelae I 
is declared to be 

* ( 7 ) stands for the seventh year in Goodman's table of the Archaic calendar, 
f Plate 65, Vol. II, Maudslay, 12 Initial Series from the Quirigua Stelae. 

Nos. 86-87,] MAN. [1911. from 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu,( 7 ) its place is absolutely fixed in a period of 
several thousand years. Other methods permit of a still longer calculation. 

1. It might be stated that a date occurred on the day on which a given number 
of cycles had elapsed. If 2 Ahau 3 Uayeb( 16 ) were accompanied by a glyph, which 
means that the end of two cycles has come, this would fix the place of this date 
in a period of 374,400 years, for in no less time could a date so formed occur on 
the ending day of cycle 2 in any other grand cycle. 

2. A date might be stated as occurring on a day in which a given number of 
katuns had elapsed. Thus, if the date 8 Ahau 8 Uo( 19 ) is accompanied by a glyph 
which means that the end of 13 katuns has come, the date becomes fixed in a 
period of 18,720 years. The Mayas must have had to deal with extremely Jong 
periods, perhaps of history or tradition as well as astronomy, or they would scarcely 
have taken such pains to fix their dates. 

With a year of 365 days, and sufficient knowledge to adjust it to the seasons 
by intercalary days, they were also able to calculate the revolutions of the moon> 
set forth for nearly 33 years on pp. 51-58 of the Dresden Codex. There is strong 
evidence of an intention to record Jupiter's revolutions by means of pictures con- 
nected with this series. Pp. 46-50 give the synodical revolutions of Venus as well 
as the solar year. The importance of the Venus periods in ancient America is well 
known in connection with the worship or observation of that planet in Mexico 
and Peru. 

Considering bow much has been learnt it seems strange that it is still impos- 
sible to decipher more than the dates in the great quantity of glyphs already known ; 
but there has been little opportunity to study them except in the expensive Biologia 
plates. The invaluable casts and moulds, made by Mr. Maudslay at a cost of 
10,000, have been lying for 25 years unseen in storerooms (the paper moulds eaten 
by rats), having unfortunately been presented to the British nation, and though other 
countries have gladly paid for copies from them, there seems no prospect that they 
will be made accessible to the London student. A profound knowledge not only of 
the Maya language and of Nahuatl with its rebus picture writings, but of the science 
of names in numbers, and of numbers as studied formerly by priests in Siam, is 
essential to real progress in what will some day be recognised as an important 
branch of ancient history. A. C. BRETON. 

India. Hodson. 

The Naga Tribes of Manipur. By T. C. Hodson. London : Macmillan 
& Co., 1911. Pp. xiii + 212. 22 x 14 cm. Price 8*. 6d. 

Mr. Hodson's monograph on the Nagas maintains the high scientific standard 
which has been reached by the volumes on the Meitheis, Khasis, Mikirs, and Garos 
in the useful series published under the patronage of the Government of Eastern 
Bengal. He has a wide personal acquaintance with the tribe, and has used all the 
available literature. He might have included in his bibliography the useful summary 
of published material, with some information from the papers of the late Mr. G. H. 
Damant, which was contributed to the Journal of the Institute (Vols. XXVI, XXVII 1) 
by Miss G. M. Godden. These articles, however, apply to a branch of the tribe 
different from that discussed by Mr. Hodson. 

The Nagas are classed in the Tibeto-Burman group of tribes ; but, in the absence 
of any skull measurements, their exact affinity to the neighbouring tribes cannot be 
defined. The case is further complicated by the looseness of the tribal organisation, 
the clan, a collection of households, and the village being the only stable social units. 
The tribal distinctions seem to be mainly linguistic ; but the structure of the language 
is such that it readily breaks up into dialects unintelligible to the people of the parent 

[ 142 ] 

1911.] MAN. [Nos. 87-88. 

village from which the new settlement was derived. There is a general conformity 
of religion, custom, and tribal organisation between the Nagas and the hill tribes of 
Chittagong and Burma ; and, to use Mr. Hodson's words, " we base our differen- 
" tiation of those tribes rather upon external variations of dress and coiffure, which 
44 are liable to change in the tribal fashion, than upon the more important matters of 
44 structure and customs which are less capable of rapid modification." 

In many ways the Nagas have attained a fairly advanced standard of culture. 
Though they maintain the primitive division of the year into the seasons of hunting 
and farming, and the latter is often confined to the periodical burning of patches of 
the jungle, still they possess terraced fields irrigated on a scientific system, and they 
have gained some skill in pottery, weaving and dyeing, salt-making, and forging 
imported iron into tools and weapons. But their customs of head-hunting, which are 
closely connected with funeral rites and eschatological beliefs, are of a distinctly 
barbarous type, as contrasted with their recognition of property in land and the careful 
record of rights, and the procedure of the tribal court of justice. One curious regula- 
tion is that when the eldest son brings home his wife it is the signal for his father, 
mother, and other relations to quit the family house for a new home, which they 
occupy till the marriage of another son, when they are again forced to leave. 
Mr. Hodson connects this custom with the succession to village offices, in which the 
condition is enforced that the holder shall be young and vigorous. It is also worth 
notice that in the tribal legends the predominance of the younger son is always 
insisted on, a rule which resembles our Borough English. This rule of law has been 
explained in various ways, and probably no single cause accounts for its wide distri- 
bution. The theory tentatively advanced in the case of the Nagas by Mr. Hodson 
is that it may be associated with the custom already mentioned of making provision 
for the sons as they grow to maturity and marry. Kinship in the tribe is reckoned 
through males, and rights of succession both to village offices and personal property 
follow the same rule. 

Again, a question raised by Dr. Frazer in his Totemism and Exogamy regard- 
ing the origin of exogamous groups is illustrated by Naga custom. As a rule, we 
are told, marriage is free between all the clans in a village or group ; but among 
the Maos at Liyai the four component clans are arranged in pairs, which mutually 
forbid marriage. Among the Marrings and Chirus we also find evidence of similar 
segmentation, and the facts seem to indicate that a like arrangement may once have 
been more widely spread. These facts, Mr. Hodson admits, " are too slender to 
" warrant us in deducing from them the inference that at one time each tribe consisted 
44 of two divisions, each endogamous, with clans which were mutually exogamous." 
But even with this reservation the fact is of much interest, and it is equally important 
to learn that an endogamous group is now in process of formation by the efforts made 
by members of the cloth-weaving villages in the Tangkul area to discourage their 
girls from marrying men of villages which lack this valuable industry. In other 
words, what in the more advanced Indian races we call the occupational form of 
caste seems to be in course of evolution. 

With Mr. Hodson's remarks on Magic, Tabu, and religious beliefs I cannot 
attempt to deal ; but his chapters on these subjects deserve attentive study. 


Europe : Archaeology and Medievalism. Baring- Gould. 

Cliff Castles and Cave Dwellings of Europe. By S. Baring Gould, M.A. 
With Fifty-seven Illustrations and Diagrams. Seeley & Co., Ltd., 1911. 
Demy 8vo. Pp. 324. Price 12*. 6d. net. 

Comparatively few English people have any knowledge of the great number of 
cave-dwellings in France, of the facts connected with their occupation from palaso- 

[ 143 ] 

Nos. 88-90.] MAN. [1911, 

lithic to present times, or of the terrible condition of that country in the Middle Ages, 
which compelled so many of its inhabitants to take refuge in fastnesses, provided in 
the first place by Nature, but strengthened in the most curious ways by those who 
made use of them. These conditions were largely caused by the English invasions, in 
part directly, but still more indirectly, since most of the atrocities from which the 
French peasantry suffered were the work of such of their own seigneurs as were so 
unprincipled and unpatriotic as to fight for the English instead of for their own 
king, if by so doing they could secure a better opportunity for committing crimes with 
impunity. Another cause was the strife between the Catholics and Calvinists, in 
which ruthless massacre was not, as British Protestants have been taught to believe, 
practised by the former party only. Those who desire information on any of these 
points cannot go to a better narrator than Mr. Baring Gould, who has visited most 
of the dwellings in France that he describes, and investigated the historical as well 
as the structural details connected with them ; he gives entertaining as well as 
informing particulars about souterrains, cliff refuges, cliff castles, subterranean churches, 
rock hermitages, rock monasteries, cave oracles, robbers' dens, and rock sepulchres, and 
although he evidently knows much more about those in France than those in other 
countries, he writes enough about the latter to justify the title of his book. Mr. 
Baring Gould traces the connection between the pagan oracles in caves and temples 
and some of the practices prevailing in parts of Christian Europe even at the present 
time, but he does not say as much as might have been expected from him about the 
dolmens in France and Ireland, which seem to have been used as oracle-shrines as 
well as tombs, arid to have formed part of the chain of descent which he has made 
clear in other directions. Many of the cliff castles and caves in cliffs have, it appears, 
now become inaccessible from various causes ; this seems to suggest a possibility of 
interesting investigations by antiquaries on aeroplanes. A. L. L. 

New Pommern. Kleintitschen. 

Die Kiistenbeivohner der Gazellehalbinsel (Neupommern-deutsche Siidsee} 
ihre Sitten und Gebrauche unter Benutzung der Monatshefte dargestellt. 
Von P. A. Kleintitschen, Missionar vom heiligsten Herzen Jesu, mit vielen 
Abbildungen und zwei Karten. Herz-Jesu-Missionshaus, Hiltrup bei Minister (in 
Westfalen), 1907. Pp. viii + 360. 

This is a systematic arrangement of numerous articles and sketches on the coast 
peoples of the Gazelle peninsula in Neupommern (New Britain), which have 
appeared from time to time in the monthly journal published by the Sacred Heart 
Missionaries at Hiltrup. These accounts were chiefly the work of Revs. Bley, 
Rascher, and Eberlein, and the editor has added an account of the discovery, 
settlement, climate, fauna, and flora of Neupommern. The natives throughout the 
book are miscalled Kanakers, following the usual name given to South Sea islanders 
by traders and others. The work forms an interesting account of a very interesting 
section of the Melanesian peoples. It is written for popular reading rather than 
for scientific study, but is abundantly and well illustrated by portraits and pictures 
covering the whole life and occupations of the natives. These alone would be 
useful to the ethnographer. S. H. RAY. 


THE death is announced of Dr. John Beddoe, F.R.S., Past President of the Qf| 
Royal Anthropological Institute, who joined the Ethnological Society in 1854 uU 
and became a Foundation Fellow of the Anthropological and later of the Anthropo- 
logical Institute. An extended obituary notice will appear in a later number. 

Printed by EYRE AND SPOTTISWOODE, LTD., His Majesty's Printers, East Harding Street, B.C. 

Pl.ATF. K. 

MAV, mil. 



1911.] MAN. [No, 91, 

Egypt. With Plate K. Petrie. 

Roman Portraits in Egypt. By W. M. Flinders Petrie, F.R.S., A 4 
F.B.A. 91 

For our knowledge of the classical civilisation we are dependent upon the pre- 
servative climate of Egypt in the case of the more perishable kinds of objects. The 
documents, clothing, and portable paintings of the Roman world would be practically 
unknown to us had they not been preserved in the sands of a rainless climate. In 
1888 the excavations at Havvara on the eastern border of the Fayum, brought to light 
a large number of portraits, and last winter I was able to finish the cemetery there, 
as the natives had removed much top earth since my previous work. It is hardly 
likely that we shall see from any other site more important examples of Roman 
portraiture. The Fayum was the most foreign province of Egypt, having been entirely 
settled by the Greek troops upon freshly reclaimed land ; and the cemetery of Hawara, 
six miles from the capital Arsinoe, was the burial place of the richer inhabitants, 
who were taken so far in order to be near the pyramid of the deified King 
Amenemhat III, worshipped there as the founder of the province. 

The custom of decorating mummies with gilt stucco covers became much developed 
in the Ptolemaic time ; the head and foot covers which stood out from the bandages 
were carefully modelled and decorated with mythological figures in relief or painted. 
The purpose of this elaboration was the growing custom of keeping the mummy in 
the atrium of the house, and this seems to have developed under the classical influence 
on Egypt, as we find no trace of the idea during the purely Egyptian ages. Possibly 
the wax figures of the ancestors which Romans kept in the hall, and for which the 
marble statues were substituted, led the Romano-Egyptian to keep the decorated 
mummy above ground. This usage of the mummy renders possible the ancient 
statement about drawing the mummy round at a feast ; for, when once the mummy 
was kept in the house, Egyptian ideas of the funeral feast for the benefit of the 
mummy would lead to its being brought forward to join in spirit in the family 

The results of keeping the mummies standing in the hall was plainly seen on 
those that we find. The stucco has been kicked about at the feet, the head is caked 
with dust and dirt, often rained upon, falls have dented in the surface or smashed 
the face. Even the little boys at their lessons have scribbled caricatures upon the 
feet of their relatives. 

About the end of the first centiiry A.D. the close of the twelve Csesars there 
was a fashion of taking the canvas portrait of the dead which had hung in a frame 
on the wall, and putting that over the face of the mummy in place of a conventional 
stucco head. These canvas portraits were usually busts, including the shoulders, but 
were covered over by the bandaging, or folded back, so as to only show the face, an 
evidence that they were painted for a different place and exposure to that upon the 
mummy. To these soon succeeded the use of panel portraits painted on thin sheets 
of wood, much like stout veneer. Such panel portraits were certainly framed for 
hanging up, as 1 found one in an " Oxford " frame with a groove to hold the glass 
over it, and a cord by which to hang it up. In every case of those which I could 
examine, the panel has been roughly split down at the sides to narrow it, and the 
top corners very roughly cut oft', in order to reduce it to the size and shape for fitting 
on to the mummy. This is proof that the panel was not originally prepared for 
attachment to the mummy, but was a large picture independently used and afterwards 
badly trimmed. This fact is strong evidence that the portraits were painted during 
life for show in the house like modern portraits, and their preservation upon the 
mummy was only a secondary use. The period of this fashion seems to have been 

[ 145 ] 

No. 91,] MAN. [1911. 

limited to about the second century A.D. ; its close was probably due to the spread 
of Christianity, which led to the cessation of mummifying, and to the burial of the 
dead in their ordinary garments. Henceforth the portraits were left hanging on the 
walls until they disappeared by neglect or commotion. 

The method of painting has been much discussed, mainly trusting to the vague 
accounts of Pliny ; but there is no reason for relying on the methods used in Italy 
even if we understood them to prove what was done in a far hotter climate. As 
wax was undoubtedly the vehicle for the colour, the heat of Egypt was an essential 
factor in the method of painting. Wax, coloured so as to absorb the heat, will 
readily soften and run under the glow of an Egyptian sun ; and, with a water bath 
for the pans of colour, wax would be quite as easy a vehicle to work with as oil. 

From a very close examination of the surfaces with a magnifier, it seems that in 
most cases there were two ways of laying on the colour. One way was with a full 
brush, quite fluid, and spread with pressure, so as to leave broad, long brush strokes 
showing the hairs ; such was usual for drapery. The other way was to lay the 
colour on in a creamy state with short sloping strokes which fed each line close up 
against the last and without any hairs of the brush marking it ; the instrument must 
have carried a moderate amount of colour on it, have been about a quarter of an inch 
diameter, with a soft rounded end, and I have no doubt that this tool was the usual 
brush, allowed to chill so as to be stiff with wax ; this method was used for the 
flesh. There was also, in some cases, a use of very thin colour, so fluid that the 
wax must have been very hot, or else thinned out with thin oil ; possibly a water 
colour may have been used and fixed by melting wax over it, but there is no sign 
left of such a process. 

The types shown in these portraits are much what we should expect from the 
known history. The Fayum province had been mainly created by the Ptolemies, 
who stopped the Nile flow into the lake and thus dried it up, so as to provide 
reclaimed ground on which to settle their Greek veteran troops. The main stock of 
the upper classes was therefore as various as a great army, but mainly European. 
Some three centuries had mixed these with Egyptians, both from the labouring classes 
and from the surrounding old families. Trade had brought in Syrians and various 
Levantines and others, from all the Mediterranean. Lastly, Roman jurisdiction had 
added an Italian top-stratum of officials who had no objection to mixing with the 
rest. The four examples here shown illustrate these mixtures. The youth A, with 
a gilt wreath, is largely Egyptian, with Sudani ancestry in the background ; the 
small chin, soft plaintive expression, pinched face, and low type of lips all tell of the 
mulatto. The old lady, B, had a most vigorous personality ; she was six feet high, 
and lived to 89 ; the type is North Mediterranean, with a strong chin, large nose, 
powerful eye, and firm mouth. The facial muscles are too thick to be withered by 
age, which has contracted the more vascular tissue and left the bundles of muscle 
outstanding ; we may note also the touch of facial paralysis which has drawn up the 
left nostril. Demetris as she is named on the wrappings must have been a leading 
personage for half a century. The man, C, cannot be connected with a fixed type ; 
probably Syro-Egyptian might be his source. The interest here lies in the three 
white lines on the brow, which are clearly no part of the flesh painting. They are 
recognised as a form of caste mark, which is the first trace of the idea of caste 
having been brought into the west ; probably here they are rather a mark of devo- 
tion to an Indian deity. In D there is probably a Spanish type. The brushing 
forward of the hair and the proportions of the face remind us of the figures of Trajan, 
who was a native of Spain. Some resemblance to the present Shawyeh of North 
Africa points to a Moresque-Spanish ancestry. These portraits will be sent to the 
collections of New York (A), Brooklyn (B), Edinburgh (C), and the National Gallery 

[ 146 ] 

1911,] MAN. [Nos. 91-92. 

(D). The necessity of scattering them will be met by a full publication in colours, 
containing twenty-eight on a large size, besides thirty-two in photograph, which will 
be issued next spring by the British School of Archaeology in Egypt, partly in 
the annual volume and chiefly in an album published separately. This will include 
all the best of this year's group, and of those found before from this cemetery. 


Malta. Tagliaferro. 

Prehistoric Burials in a Cave at Bur-meghez, near Mkabba, QO 
Malta. A Paper read before the Royal Anthropological Institute on the Ufc 
13^ June 1911, by Professor N. Tagliaferro, I.S.O. 

In a communication read before the Malta Historical and Scientific Society at 
the meeting held in February last on a neolithic tomb discovered at Bukana, near 
Attard, Professor Them Zammit stated that the importance of that discovery was 
due to the fact that hitherto nothing certain was known as to the mode in which 
the builders of our megalithic monuments buried their dead. 

Almost all the rock-tombs discovered in the Maltese Islands, except the one at 
Bukana, belong to historic times. 

Prehistoric human remains have, so far, been found in only three places : namely, 
Ghar Dalam, Hagiar Kim, and Hal Saflieni. 

In the course of a too limited excavation made at the Ghar Dalam cavern in 
1892 Mr. J. H. Cooke discovered in the upper deposit a human metacarpal bone 
and some prehistoric potsherds. No inference, however, could be drawn from these 
scanty data as to whether the individual, to whose hand the bone had belonged, was 
buried in the cavern or not. 

At Hagiar Kim a skull of a negroid was discovered in 1839 ; but nothing is known 
as to the mode of its burial. 

Professor Zammit in his first report on the Hal Saflieni prehistoric hypogeum, 
after alluding to the confused state in which human bones were found, states that 
they were strewn about out of their natural position, that the heaping of skeletons 
was quite evident, and that the enormous amount of bones accumulated in the hypo- 
geum was quite out of proportion to the size of any dwelling centre in the neigh- 
bourhood. The thousands upon thousands of bodies massed in these grottoes might 
well represent the population of all the neolithic villages of Malta. 

The mode of burial remained, however, doubtful, as there were no sufficient data 
to decide whether the hypogeum was a real burying place or an ossuary, or both. 

The neolithic tomb lately discovered by Professor Zammit at Bukana at last 
furnished a solution to the problem which had till then puzzled archaeological 
students. But that is not the only solution. It has been my good fortune to 
discover another mode of burial in prehistoric times, to which I have the honour to 
call to-day the attention of this Institute, viz., burials in the soil of natural caves. 

It is probable that this mode of burial was of an anterior date, and in more 
general use, as it obviated the necessity of digging tombs in an age when no metallic 
tools could be used for cutting stones. 

My coming across this mode of burial was quite accidental. 

Whilst engaged, at the beginning of March last, in exploring the ossiferous 
fissure which crosses the stone quarry known as " Tan-Naxxari " at Bur-meghez, 
three-quarters of a mile to the north-east of Mkabba, where a large quantity of half 
fossilized bones of more than one variety of stag (Cervus elaphus) were being ex- 
tracted, I was shown several human teeth, molars and incisors, purporting to have 
been found in the same quarry at the furthest end of the fissure near the surface of 
the rock. I received the report with utter incredulity, and was hard upon the poor 
man who made it ; but on his insisting on the veracity of his report, I repaired to 

[ 147 ] 

No. 92.] MAN. [1911. 

the spot, where to my surprise and delight I found that a rent in the rock, having the 
form of a funnel, had been cut across at the remotest part of the quarry, and that 
its section had been left exposed to sun and rain for nearly three years. 

The rent, which at that part was two metres deep from the surface, was full of 
loose red earth overlying a thick conglomerate of broken bones and small water-worn 
pebbles. Among the bones were easily distinguished fragments of human skulls and 
teeth, a ramus of human mandible, broken bones, and teeth of stags, and several 
bones of birds. The conglomerate had evidently never been disturbed from the time 
of its deposition. Under what circumstances that deposition was formed it is difficult 
to say now, but it is possible that the organic remains were carried by strong currents 
of water and deposited at the bottom of the rent when the velocity of the water 
became less. 

The immediate contact of human remains with those of the stag in an undisturbed 
conglomerate, apparently of a great antiquity, suggested very naturally the idea that I 
had before me palaeolithic man, possibly the oldest inhabitant of Malta. 

I was much excited at the time, but that excitement did not last long ; for on the 
following day Mr. Carmelo Rizzo, the chief engineer of the Public Health Department,, 
to whom I showed the conglomerate, called my attention to a small object of a different 
colour from the rest, slightly protruding from the upper part of the conglomerate. 
When extracted, that object turned out to be the handle of what might have been 
a small bowl. The inference was inevitable. The presence of a fragment of pottery, 
however small, excluded at once the possibility of the conglomerate belonging to the 
palaeolithic age. Pottery, in fact, is characteristic of the neolithic age. The notion 
of pottery belonging to palaeolithic times, although upheld by Belgian archaeologists, is 
repudiated by the archaeologists of all other countries. 

But if the presence of the small fragment of pottery dealt a deadly blow to the 
idea that the human skulls belonged to the palaeolithic age, it was not less true that 
the stag lived in Malta during the neolithic age. 

This fact is confirmed by the co-existence of human and stag bones and teeth in a 
cave existing near the surface of the soil in an adjoining quarry, where they were 
found associated with neolithic pottery, mostly belonging to one or other of the various 
classes into which the pottery found at Hal Saflieni has been distributed. 

The description of the cave and of the objects found therein lies beyond the scope 
of this paper, and will form the subject of future communications when the exploration 
of the cave will be completed. Let it suffice to state here that a large number of 
fragments of pottery, belonging to the age of the megalithic monuments in Malta, were 
found associated with the remains of man, of the stag, and of other animals. This 
fact is of paramount importance, as it fixes the epoch of the human burials which form 
the subject of the present paper. 

Before beginning the exploration of the natural cave, which I shall call the " Bur- 
meghez Cave," I was shown some bones belonging to the stag, which were found near 
the mouth of the cave, and I expected to find that the cave had been the abode of 
the stag, the remains of which were so abundant in the rock fissure crossing the 
adjoining stone quarry. However, the teeth belonging to several other animals, which 
will be determined later on, prove that the cave was not the exclusive abode of that 

The red earth, which filled the cave to an average height of 30 cm. from the roof r 
was mixed with a very large number of more or less small round or sub-angular 
pebbles of the same quality of soft stone as the rock of the cave, viz., globigerina 
or freestone immediately underlying a layer of yellow or upper " soil." With the 
pebbles were lying about in groups a considerable number of irregular unhewn stones 
measuring from 30 cm. to 60 cm., and in some cases even to 80 cm. in length, some 

[ 148 ] 

1911.] MAN. [No. 92. 

of thorn flat and angular, others with rounded edges. The flat stones were lying either 
horizontally or were slightly inclined. The presence of these large flat stones in the 
cave at first suggested the idea that they might have been fallen portions of a part of 
the roof, of which collapse there were unmistakable signs. But with the progress of 
the work, as the number of these big stones went on constantly increasing, the idea 
of their being all due to the collapse of a part of the roof had to be abandoned, par- 
ticularly when their total volume exceeded the possible volume of the fallen portion. 

Moreover, the horizontal position of the flat stones excluded the possibility of their 
having fallen accidentally, and the probability of their having been given that position 
intentionally gradually went on increasing until it forced itself upon my mind as a 
certainty. That happened when one, two, arid more human skulls were discovered under 
the flat stones. It was then that the puzzling presence of the big stones lying horizon- 
tally was explained. The cavern had been used as a burying place, and the stones and 
pebbles and been used to prop up or cover the corpses. The number of skulls hitherto 
discovered is thirty-five. They were all found ifl the first five compartments of the 
cave. The whole number of the compartments and the total length of the cave are at 
present unknown. 

So far upwards of 18 metres have been excavated, but I have reason to believe that 
the cave is much deeper. All the burials hitherto discovered were made at depths 
varying between 30 cm. and 2 metres below the surface of the red earth. 

The corpses were laid down horizontally on their left side, in several cases in 
A crouching position looking east. The skull and the sides were propped up with 
more or less large pebbles. The flat stones very likely served to cover the corpse 
at a certain height and to protect it from the pressure of the overlying material. 
But if this had been the real object of the flat stones, it was frustrated in nearly 
all cases. The water, which periodically entered the cave from the several holes 
connecting its interior with the surface of the rock, caused a settling of the material 
contained therein, with the natural consequence that nearly all the skulls were 
crushed by the pressure of the overlying material. In some cases the skulls were 
lying on the large flat stones themselves. 

There are unmistakable signs that some at least of the corpses did not remain 
undisturbed for a long time, as besides the skulls which, although more or less 
crushed, were complete, there were several portions of others lying about at a 
certain distance from one another ; a fact evidently due to those skulls having been 
removed from their original position to make room for fresh burials. The same 
may be said of the long bones which, although, as a rule, they were found lying 
horizontally in the direction of the axis of the cave (E.N.E.) or in a nearly per- 
pendicular direction, were lying without any order, in some cases even heaped up 
pele-mele and associated with bones and teeth of domestic animals. 

Owing to the fact that the skulls lay on one side surrounded by pebbles it was 
extremely difficult to extract them therefrom, and to take the necessary measurements 
for determining their cephalic index. It may, however, prima facie be maintained 
that the skulls were dolichocephalous, probably belonging to the Mediterranean race 
as defined by Sergi. 

I entertain a hope that further excavations will furnish sufficient data for an 
accurate determination of the cephalic and other indices. 

Had the existence of human burials been foreseen, the excavation would have 
been conducted with less hesitation and uncertainty at the beginning. 

But in scientific research truth does not shine upon us all of a sudden, but dawns 
gradually and slowly. After two weeks of continuous work, having acquired a clear 
idea of the mode of burial, I could foretell the existence of a skull in any part of 
the cave from the size and arrangements of the pebbles and other stones. 

[ 149 ] 

No. 92,] MAN. [1911. 

On the contrary, no order whatever could be observed in the distribution of the 
fragments of pottery which were strewn about all over the cave at all levels from 
10 cm. below the surface of the red earth to the very bottom. 

The sherds are, as a rule, small, of a thickness varying from four to twenty-five 
millimeters. As is generally the case, the thicker the sherd the coarser the ware. 

The colour varies from yellowish-red, through crimson and dull red, to grey and 
black, the red varieties occurring oftener than others. As far as could be ascertained 
from their smallness, the fragments belonged to whole or broken bottoms of jars, rims 
of bowls and handles of various forms, among which a two large-holed handle common 
at Mnaidra, Hagiar Kim, Hal Saflieni, and Cordin. Very likely other forms of 
vases will be discovered when a thorough study is made after the completion of the 

The style of decoration corresponds to that of some of the first classes of the 
pottery found at Hal Saflieni.* Some of the designs seem to be new. The scale 
ware, fluted ware, incised and cut out ware are frequently represented. 

Prima facie, it may be stated that the pottery is identical with that found in the 
megalithic monuments at Hagiar Kim, Mnaidra, Cordin, and Hal Saflieni. Flint is 
very rare. So far only two fragments have been found, one of which is a broken 
knife. Of personal ornaments four perforated marine shells have been discovered, 
two of which had been given the form of buttons and two that of an almond. The 
buttons are, in the opinion of Mr. Peet, characteristic of the pure neolithic period. 

As already stated, the full description of the cave and of all the objects found 
therein lies beyond the scope of this paper, and if I mentioned with some details a 
few of them it was because they were characteristic of the age to which the burials 
described in this paper are to be attributed. 

Had I postponed this communication till after the completion of the excavation 
I would have had sufficient time and more material for its preparation ; but I wished 
to place on record, without unnecessary delay, the discovery of these prehistoric 
burials, because it opens a new field of research, particularly in caves and rock-fissures 
in quarries in the neighbourhood of the megalithic monuments, which, like Hagiar 
Kim, Mnaidra, and Cordin, Gigantija and Xeuchia, have not yielded human bones. 
Such research, if conducted with perseverance, will, I have no doubt, throw fresh 
light on the prehistoric period of the Maltese Islands. 

Before concluding I wish to call attention to a curious fact which I observed in 
the course of the exploration of the cavern. I have already stated that the corpses 
were surrounded by pebbles. Now these pebbles are of a very porous soft stone, 
called by Sir John Murray, of the Challenger Expedition, " globigerina limestone," 
the fourth (counting downwards) of the Miocene beds of Malta. It was only natural 
that these porous pebbles should absorb the liquids and gases arising out of the 
decomposition of the bodies with which they were in contact. What is, however, 
remarkable is the variety of the odours which these stones give out when erased or 
broken after so many thousand years. Besides the bad smells of putrefaction or of 
decaying matter, others of a quite different nature were easily distinguishable, as those 
of fresh flesh, fresh vegetables, and particularly of violets. 

Evidently these facts deserve a particular study which may lead to curious and, 
perhaps, also important results. Amongst others they may afford a proof as to whether 
in particular instances the corpses had been deprived of their flesh, scarnamento, before 
burial or not. N. TAGLIAFERRO. 

* Vide The Prehistoric Pottery found in the Hypogeum at Hal Sajtieni, Casal Paula, Malta by 
Professor N. Tagliaferro, issued by the Liverpool Institute of Archaeology in Annals of Archeology 
and Anthropology, Vol. Ill, June, 1910. 

[ 150 ] 

Pl.ATF. L. 

MAX, 191 1. 


1911.] MAN. [Nos. 92-93. 

Obituary : Beddoe. With Plate L. Gray. 

John Beddoe, M.D., LL.D., F.R.S., F.R.C.P., Foreign Assoc. Anthrop. QO 
Soc., Paris; Corr. Member Anthrop. Soc., Berlin; Hon. Member VW 
Anthrop. Soc., Brussels and Washington, Soc. Friends of Science, 
Moscow. By John Gray, B.Sc. 

In this year, 1911, anthropology has lost two of its greatest pioneers. Sir Francis 
Galton died on January 17th, and now we have to record the death of Dr. John 
Beddoe on July 19th of the same year. 

Beddoe was born at Bewdley in 1826, four years after the birth of Galton. Both 
in their youth studied medicine, though Beddoe alone adopted medicine as a profession ; 
and both made a scientific tour of Europe, following almost the same route, and stopping 
in Vienna in passing, to complete their medical studies. Galton was elected president 
of the Anthropological Institute in 1885 and Huxley lecturer in 1901, Beddoe holding 
the same offices in 1889 and 1905. 

Though this remarkable parallelism occurred in the careers of these two distin- 
guished anthropologists, their mental characters and the services they rendered to 
anthropology were essentially different. Beddoe was the pioneer of the method of 
making exact observations on the physical characters of living men, while Galton was 
predominantly the pioneer of the mathematical methods of interpreting the data of 

Beddoe had not, like Galton, the mathematical mind, but was richly endowed 
with that extremely quick and flexible mind which is essential for rapid and accurate 
observation. Up to the end of his long life his intelligence was bright and alert, and 
he was always ready to receive and sympathetically examine new ideas in his 
favourite science. 

The most important anthropological work done by Beddoe was the long series of 
observations on the hair and eye colours of the living peoples, chiefly of the British 
Isles, but also to a less extent of the continent of Europe. These observations were 
begun as far back as 1846, and continued throughout the remaining sixty-five years 
of ihis life. He thus laid the foundations of oar present knowledge of the physical 
anthropology of the living races of Europe, and the example he set was followed by 
Virchow and others in the great pigmentation surveys that have since been carried out 
in Germany and many other countries. 

A large number of measurements of stature and weight were also collected by 
Beddoe, and it may be said that our present maps of the distribution of these 
characters in the British Isles are still founded on the data published by Beddoe 
in 1867. 

In 1867 Beddoe won a prize of 100 guineas offered by the Council of the Welsh 
National Eistedfod for the best essay on The Origin of the English Nation. This 
essay was afterwards expanded into his standard work on the Races of Britain. 

How prolific a writer Beddoe was may be judged of by the fact that Ripley's 
bibliography of his anthropological memoirs contains some thirty items. 

Beddoe took a prominent part in bringing about the amalgamation of the two 
original rival societies dealing with anthropology in this country, namely, the Ethno- 
logical Society and the Anthropological Society, to form the present unrivalled Royal 
Anthropological Institute. He was also one of the prime movers in securing the 
formation of a separate section for anthropology at the British Association. 

In 1910 Beddoe published an autobiography entitled Memories of Eighty Fears, 
in which the story of his life is written, as he states, from memory, with hardly any 
assistance from journal or record. This volume gives in a genial easy style a full 
account of his life's work interspersed with interesting anecdotes of the many 
celebrities he came in contact with, and should be read by every anthropologist. 

No, 93.] MAN. [1911. 

British science need have no fear of holding its own with that of any com- 
petitor as long as our country can produce such men as Dr. John Beddoe. 

The following bibliography of Dr. Beddoe's papers, &c., was compiled by him 
shortly before his death, and, thanks to Dr. A. C. Haddon's courtesy, now appears 
below : 


Contribution to Scottish Ethnology - - - 1853 

Ancient and Modern Ethnography of Scotland. (Proc. of Soc. of Antiquaries of Scotland) 1854 
Official Report on Kenkioi Hospital, Dardanelles. Appendix 2. Ethnological Notes made at 

Kenkioi - ... - 1856 

Physical Characters of Ancient and Modern Germans. (Trans. Brit. Assoc.) - - 1857 
Physical Character of the Natives of some parts of Italy and of the Austrian Dominions, &<\ 

(Ethnol. Trans., Vol. I., N.S.) - - 1861 

Physical Characteristics of the Jews. (Ethnol. Trans.} - - 1861 

Sur la Couleur des Yeux et des Cheveux des Irlandais. (Bull. Soc. d'Anthr.) - 1861 

On the supposed increasing Prevalence of Dark Hair in England. (Anthr. Review, Vol. I) - 1863 
Testimony of Local Phenomena in the West of England to Permanence of Anthropological 

Types (Memoirs Anthr. Soc., Vol. II)- - 1865 

Head-forms of the West of England. (Ibid.') - - 1865 

Stature and Bulk of Man in the British Isles. (Ibid., Vol. Ill) - 1867 

Physical Characters of Inhabitants of Bretagne. (Ibid.) - 1867 

Head -form of the Danes. (Ibid.') - - 1867 

The Kelts of Ireland. (Journal of Anthropology') - 1370 

Anniversary Address. (Ibid.) - 1871 

Anthropology of Lancashire. (Ibid.) - 1871 
Notes on the Wallons. (Ibid., Vol. II) -. 

Anthropology of Yorkshire. (Tran*. Brit. Assoc.) - 1873 

On Modern Ethnological Migrations. (Journ. Anthr. Inst., Vol. IV) - - 1875 

Aborigines of Central Queensland. (Ibid., Vol. VII) - - 1878 

Crania from St. Werburgh's, Bristol - 1878 

The Bulgarians. (Joiitn. Anthr. Iwt., Vol. VIII) - 1879 

Anthropological Colour Phenomena, Belgium and elsewhere. (Ibid., Vol. X) - - 1881 
Skulls in a Vault under Church at Mitcheldean. (Trans, of Bristol and Gloucestershire 

Arch. Soc., Vol. VI, 2) - - ? 1882 

Skeletons found at Gloucester by John Bellows. By J. Beddoe. (Ibid.) - 1882 

Stature of Inhabitants of Hungary. (Journ. Anthr. Inst.) - 1882 

Anthropology of Gloucestershire. (Bristol and Gloucestershire Trans.') - - ? 1882 

English Surnames from Ethnological Point of View. (Ibid.. Vol. XII) - 1882 
Sur la Couleur des Yeux et des Cheveux dans la France du Nord et de Centre. (Bulletins 

Soc. d' Anthr., Series 3, Vol. V) - 1882 

Couleur des Cheveux et des Yeux en Suisse. (Soc. de Sci. Nat., Neuchatel) - - 1883 

The Races of Britain. (Bristol and London} - - 1885 

The Physical Anthropology of the Isle of Man. (Manx Note Book) - - 1887 
Stature of the Older Races of England as estimated from the Long Bones. (Journ. Anthr. 

Inst., Vol. XVII) - 1887 

Woodcuts, Ratherley, &c., Human Remains discovered there. (Ibid., Vol. XIX) - 1890 

Observations on Natural Colour of Skin in certain Oriental Races. (Ibid.) - ' 1890 

Anniversary Presidential Address. (Ibid.) - - 1890 

Anniversary Presidential Address. (Ibid.. Vol. XX) - - 1891 

Anthropological History of Europe. (Rkind Lectures for 1891 ; Scottish Renew, 1892-3) - 1893 

Sur 1'Histoire de 1'Indice Cephalique dans les lies Britanniques. (L 1 Anthr., Vol. IV) - 1894 

On the Northern Settlements of the West Saxons. (Journ. Anthr. Inst.) - 1895 

Anthropometry in India. (Sci. Progress) - - 1895 

On Selection of Man. (A Series of Papers in Science Progress) - 1896 

Moore, A. W., and Beddoe Physical Anthropology of the Isle of Man. (Journ. Anthr. Inst.) 1897 
On Complexional Differences between the Irish with Indigenous and Exotic Surnames 

respectively. (Ibid.) - - 1897 

MediEeval Population of Bristol. (Ibid.) - - 1899 
Contribution to the Anthropology of Wiltshire. (From Wiltshire Arch, and Nat. Hist. 

Magazine, Vol. XXXIV; 

Contribution to the Anthropology of the West Riding, by J. B. and Dr. J. H. Rowe. (York- 
shire Arch. Joum., Vol. XIX) - 

Die Rassengeschichte cler Britischen Inseln. (Politisch-Anthrop. Revue, Vol. Ill, 1) - 

A Bushman's Skull. (MAN, 58) - - - 1901 

Sweden Physical Anthropology. (Ibid., 59) - 1901 
On certain Human Bones from a Cave at Cattedown, Devon, explored by Mr. R. Burnand, 

F.S.A. (Trans, of Plymouth Inst. and Deron and Cornwall Nat. Hist. Soc.) - 1903-4 

Cranium and other Bones from Kingston Bagprise, Abington. (Bristol Nat. So<'- Proc.) 1903-4 

Somatology of 800 Boys (Navy). (Journ. Anthr. Inst., Vol. XXXIV) - - 1904 

A Method of estimating Skull Capacity from Peripheral Measures. (Ibid.) - 1904 
Report on Two Skulls from Great Depths at Bristol Dock Gates. (Bristol Nat. Soc. Proc.) 1904-5 

Colour and Races, Huxley Lecture. (Journ. Anthr. Inst.) - 1905 

[ 152 ] ' 

1911.] MAN. [Nos. 93-94. 

Hungarian Physiognomy. (MAN) - - 1905 

Notes on Crania from Carmelite Friary. (Appendix by J. B.) {Brlatol Arch. Notes for 1904, 

by J. E. Pntchard) - - 1905 

Series of Skulls, Carmelite, from Bristol. (Journ. Anthr. Inxt.) - - - 1905 

Estimation of Skull Capacity by a Peripheral Method. (Zeitxchrift fiir Eihnologie) - - 1907 
E valuation et Signif. de la Capacite Cranium. (I? Anthropologie) 

Ancient Skull from Cave of Lombrive, Pyrenees. {Bristol Nut. Soc. Proc.) - 1907-8 
Human Bones from Harlyn Bay, Cornwall. {Trans, liny. Inst. of Cornwall) - 

Last Contribution to Scottish Ethnology. (/</. Anthr. Inst.) - 1908 

Memoirs of Eighty Years. (Brixtol and London) - - 1910 


Africa, West. Dayrell. 

The Incest Tabu. By E. Dayrell, F.R.G.S. QI 

With reference to the article by Mr. N. W. Thomas, M.A. (MAN, 1910, U*T 
72) on the above subject, I would state that in my experience, which extends 
over nine years in the Ikom district, Eastern Province, Southern Nigeria, incest is 
extremely rare. It is entirely against native custom, and in the olden days would 
have been punished by death. 

In this part of the country the fact of brothers and sisters living together would 
seem to destroy the pairing instinct as between themselves. There is no avoidance 
practised as between a man and the girl for whom he is paying bride price, neither 
does the girl " go for bush," if she should happen to meet her intended husband. 
On the contrary, from the time the girl is quite small the intended husband gives 
.her presents at intervals, and, as soon as she is old enough, he may have connection 
with her, but until the girl is properly married there is no restriction placed upon 
her promiscuous sexual intercourse with other men, any children born before marriage 
by a free-born girl belonging to the father. As an example of the native attitude 
towards incest I have obtained from a trustworthy source the following two incidents 
which show that in Calabar incest was treated as a very serious offence : 

(1) M.-my years ago, at Calabar, a woman who was envious of the amount of 
.money which her sou gave to different girls for their favours, induced him to sleep 
with her instead and made him give her the money. This went on for some time 
until it was noticed that the boy was frequently seen coming out of his mother's room 
in the early morning. He was therefore called to the Egbo house and questioned, 
the mother also being made to appear. 

The boy then stated that his mother had induced him to sleep with her instead 
of going with other women, and that she always took money from him. The boy 
was found guilty by the people, and as incest was strongly against their native custom, 
lie was tied up to a post in the Egbo house and killed. 

(2) Some years after the above-mentioned event, there was a rich chief in Calabar 
who was in the habit of sleeping regularly with his daughter. Eventually the chief 
put her in the family way, and when she was questioned the girl told the people 
that her father had been sleeping with her for some time and that she had conceived 
by him. She also complained that her father would not allow her to marry anyone. 
The chief admitted having had connection with his daughter, and the people wished 
to punish him in accordance with their custom, but were not allowed to do so ; he 
was therefore disgraced in the following manner : The man was placed in a canoe 
with a large bell tied round his waist. There was a string attached to the clapper 
of the bell which was held by his daughter, and she rang the bell all the time. The 
chief was also rubbed all over with charcoal, and feathers were stuck in his hair as 
if he were a thief ; he was then paddled in a canoe to all the seven towns and was 
paraded round each town. 

In every town he went to he had to tell the people that he had had connection 
with his daughter, and had to beg them not to kill him. This was done in order to 
.shame him before everyone. 

[ 153 ] 

Nos, 94-95.] MAN. [1911. 

The girl died shortly afterwards in childbirth, and the man never joined his com- 
pany again or attended any play. He died two years later in disgrace. 

The dates and the names of the parties concerned were given to me, and the 
degradation of the chief mentioned in Incident 2 was actually witnessed by my 
informant. E. DAYRELL. 

Anthropology. British Association. 

The annual meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of QC 
Science was held at Portsmouth, from August 30th to September 6th, 1911. UU 
Section H (Anthropology) met under the presidency of Dr. W. H. R. Rivers, F.R.S., 
who in his presidential address, after reference to the differences existing between 
various schools of the science, dealt with the importance of ethnological analysis as a 
precedent of evolutionary speculation in the study of culture. The address will be 
found in full in Nature, Vol. 87, p. 356, and in the Report of the British Association. 

The following is a brief summary of the papers communicated to the sections. 
The place in which papers are to be published in full, so far as known at present^ 
is given in square brackets. 


The late J. R. MORTIMER. Notes on the Stature, #c., of our Ancestors in 
East Yorkshire. During the author's excavations of over 300 burial-mounds and ceme- 
teries in East Yorkshire, remains of 893 bodies were obtained of the Neolithic and 
Bronze periods, but as 322 of these had been cremated, 571 only are available for 
detailed measurements. Of these, 35 were long-headed and had an average stature 
of 66 inches, 29 had short skulls and averaged 64'3 inches in height, and 40 had 
skulls of an intermediate form and averaged 64'4 inches in height. The greatest 
stature in this series measures 72'8 inches, and the lowest 56*4 inches. 

During the early Iron Age the inhabitants possessed more uniformly long skulls,, 
but were physically much inferior to their predecessors. Of 59 skeletons, 42 had 
long heads and an average stature of 62*5 inches, 2 had short heads with a computed 
height of 61 '9 inches, while 14 were intermediate in type and averaged 63'2 inches. 
The skeletons of the Romano-British period were not so plentiful, but much resembled 
those of the early Iron Age, from which they probably descended. 

Of the 61 Anglo-Saxon skeletons measiired, 31 had long heads, with an average 
stature of 65*7 inches ; 7 had short heads, with an average stature of 64 inches, and 
23 had skulls of an intermediate type, and had an average stature of 63'6 inches. 
[The Naturalist.] 

PROFESSOR C. J. PATTEN, Sc.D. The Interpretation of Division of the Parietal 
Bone as observed in the Crania of certain Primates. Unless we can get further 
evidence from the condition of the contained brain we are much handicapped in 
attempting to put forward an interpretation as to the causes of parietal division. 
This is especially so where in the dry skull pathological conditions (perhaps at an 
earlier stage of development more apparent) are only faintly discernible, and where 
they may be said to have passed almost without a line of demarcation into what 
one might conveniently term a condition of disturbed morphogenesis. However, as 
many specimens of dry skulls, minus their brains, recently examined afford fairly 
positive evidence of an abnormal process of development, the trend of opinion is that 
the supposed morphological significance assigned to the segments of divided parietals, 
together with the supposed atavistic value attached to the same segments, are 
hypotheses which are losing ground. 

[ 154 ] 

1911.] MAN. [tf . 95. 

A. KEITH, M.D. Cranium of the Cro-Magnon Type found by Mr. W. M. 
Newton in a Gravel Terrace near Dartford. Although the Cro-Magnon race was 
widely distributed in France towards the end of the Glacial period, no remains of 
this race have yet been found in England at a correspondingly early date. From 
the fauna which accompanied the Cro-Magnon race one infers that its period corre- 
sponds to the excavation of the Thames Valley below the level of the 60-foot terrace. 
The cranium described was found in 1902 during excavations in a pit in the gravel 
terrace on the west side of the valley of the Darenth, a mile above Dartford. The 
gravel excavated forms a stratum 18 feet in thickness over the chalk. The level of 
the terrace is 83 feet O.D., and may be regarded as contemporary with the 60-foot 
terrace of the Thames Valley. The cranium was not seen in situ but was found in 
a fall which had taken place from the face of the pit, after the workmen had left 
for the night. Mr. Newton examined this face of the pit both before and after the 
fall, and there was no evidence that the stratification had been broken as by a burial. 
The skull was believed to have been embedded in a " pot-hole," which was situated 
about 9 feet from the surface. Unfortunately the geological evidence as to the 
antiquity of the cranium is altogether incomplete. 

The condition of the skull is not what is expected in a specimen of great 
antiquity ; the bones are well preserved, not mineralised, and yet it bears evidence 
of having been embedded in the gravel over a great length of time. A small per- 
foration on one side has admitted the moisture of the soil, which has worn in the 
interior of the cranial cavity a rut over 2 mm. deep. The cranium is of the Cro- 
Magnon type; its length is 207 mm.; its breadth, 150 mm.; its height, 116 mm.; 
its capacity, 1,750 mm. Unfortunately the face has perished so that we cannot rely 
on the further confirmatory evidence of the characteristic orbits and maxillae. 

A. KEITH, M.D. Remains of a Skeleton from the 100-foot Terrace at Galley 
Hill. The remains were found in 1883 or 1884 by school boys at a depth, it is 
believed, of about five feet, in the face of the terrace gravel which was being worked 
at a distance of fifty yards from the spot where the skeleton of the Galley Hill 
man was found some four or five years later. The characters of the skull and 
bones give support to the probability of the bones being those of palaeolithic man 
of the Galley Hill type. The skull is long (199 mm.), narrow (140 mm.) and 
has many of the characters of the race. The calvaria is thinner than in the type 
specimen, varying from 6 to 7 mm., and, although giving a metallic resonance 
when struck, is not mineralised to the same extent as in the type specimen. The 
calvaria, although broken, is not distorted, and bears not only in its history but 
also in its features, the same relationship to the type specimen as the second Briinn 
cranium bears to the first Briinn specimen. It answers very well to our conception 
of the female type of the Galley Hill race. It may be regarded as probably 
authentic and of the same age as the upper terrace of the Thames Valley, but 
before it can be accepted as such the confirmatory evidence of further discoveries 
is necessary. 

A. KEITH, M.D. Fossil Bones of Man discovered by Colonel Willoughby 
Verner in a Limestone Cave near Honda, in the South of Spain. During tbe 
winters 1909-10 and 1910-11 Colonel Willoughby Verner explored a large and 
unknown lime-stone cave at Ronda in the south of Spain. On the walls of the 
cave he found drawings, some of which are similar to the crude art of the caves 
in North Spain. In the superficial strata of the floor he found the remains of the 
pig and goat with parts of human thigh bones, all coated with a thick layer of 
stalagmite. Fragments of a primitive type of pottery were also found. In a deeper 
and presumably older part of the floor he discovered the fragmentary remains of a 

[ 155 ] 

. 95.] MAN. [1911. 

human skeleton of a peculiar type. The bones are mineralised and were embedded 
in stalagmite. 

An examination of the parts show that they belonged to a man of about 
1480 mm. in height (4 feet 10 inches), of stout and muscular build. Although 
corresponding to the Bushman in stature, he differs from that race in many characters 
of his skeleton ; in the points wherein he differs from the Bushmen he agrees with 
the early Neolithic European races, but he possesses certain peculiar features which 
distinguish him from both of these and from all modern races. Beyond the miner- 
alised condition of the bones, their peculiar features and the remains of an apparently 
extinct form of ibex found with them, there are no means of estimating the degree 
of antiquily of this peculiar Honda type of man. Nothing is known of the physical 
characters of the artists of the Spanish caves. It is possible that the man discovered 
by Colonel Verner may prove to belong to the artist race. 

H. N. DAVIES. Notes on Human Remains of Ancient Date found at Weston- 
supcr-Mare. The remains were found at a depth of eight feet on the shore line, 
now a quarter of a mile inland, of an ancient bay. They were in a position of rest ; 
one leg being slightly drawn up, and the head resting on the right hand. No 
traces of clothing, weapons, or implements were found. 

The supraciliary ridge of the skull is prominent, and the occipital region 
protuberant. The transverse arch is well rounded, and the antero-posterior curve 
slightly depressed in the frontal region, hollowed in the occipital region, and regular 
in the parietal region The orbits are broadly elliptical. The lower jaw is very 
square, and the chin square. 

Among the measurements obtained were : Skull Max. antero-posterior length, 
198'4 mm. ; max. transverse breadth, 147'6 mm. ; bizygomatic breadth, 138' 1 mm. ; 
orbital height, 44' 4 mm.; orbital breadth, 35 '0 mm. Femur Max. length, 482 '6 
mm. The calculations for stature give 1778'0 mm. (Beddoe) or 1719-0 (Manouvrier). 
Indices Cephalic, 74 '40; facial, 117 '57; orbital, 78 '60. Although the gnathic 
index is not exactly ascertainable, the skull is certainly orthognathous. 

Finds of prehistoric interments are frequent on the southern slope of Worlebury, 
which is the site of an extensive prehistoric settlement. All the skulls from the 
site are dolichocephalic with indices ranging from 72 '0 to 74 '0, but they have weak 
pointed lower jaws, slight supraorbital prominences and squarish orbits. They 
belong to the Iberian types, differing markedly from the present specimen. Though 
it is impossible to state the age of this interment, it may be that of a later 
prehistoric immigrant, or of Roman, Saxon, or Dane. 

Anthropometric Investigation in the British Isles. Report of the Committee. It 
is satisfactory to note that the scheme embodied in the 1908 report is being widely 
adopted. The Australian Association for the Advancement of Science has resolved 
that it be used in all anthropometric work, including the extensive and very complete 
survey of the school children of Victoria now being organised. 

The Committee hopes to come to an agreement with the German and Vienna 
Anthropological Societies to secure uniformity in methods of measurement. 

H. PEAKE. Suggestions for an Anthropological Survey of the British Isles. 
This paper advocated a survey of the British Isles and the production of a number 
of maps on the 1 inch scale, accompanied by memoirs, illustrating all phases of human 
activity, or conditions by which they may have been influenced. 

It is proposed that a society should be formed governed by a council consisting of 
the principal experts in the various subjects to be dealt with, and that the country 
be divided into a number of' districts or geographical units, each containing about 
200 square miles. That in each unit a registrar be appointed to co-ordinate the work 

I 156 ] 

1911.] MAN. [No. 95. 

in that area, and that those engaged in research be encouraged to icompile maps and 
memoirs, either of one unit from several points of view or of several contiguous units 
from one point of view. That the country be divided eventually into several large 
natural regions consisting of several counties, and that when all the maps and memoirs 
relating to one particular subject in all the units of a region have been completed a 
monograph should be published, in which the work of all contributors should be 

JOHN GRAY, B.Sc. An Imperial Bureau of Anthropology : (a) Anthropometry. 
The Royal Anthropological Institute presented to the members of the last Imperial 
Conference a memorial asking for their support in the establishment of an Imperial 
Bureau of Anthropology. The object of this bureau would be to direct and control 
the collection and collation of important data about the physical and mental characters 
of the many races living within the confines of the British Empire. The constitution 
of the bureau would be representative. 

Such an institution was recommended by the Physical Deterioration Committee in 
1903, and has received the approval of the leading statesmen of all parties, but has 
not yet received any financial support. Germany, Denmark, the United States, and 
other countries have adopted many of the recommendations of the scientists of this 
country ; in Great Britain their value has yet to be fully recognised. 


T. C. HODSON. An Imperial Bureau of Anthropology : (6) Ethnography. 
The purposes which such a bureau would serve are (1) to formulate standard methods 
of anthropological and anthropometrical investigation ; (2) to assist Departments of 
Government, such as the India and Colonial Offices in London, the Departments of 
colonial administrations which are charged with the details of the administration 
of relations with aboriginal tribes as well as private bodies and individuals with expert 
advice whenever any new anthropological investigations are undertaken or are in 
contemplation, to indicate areas where such investigations can profitably be conducted 
and to assist in the organisation of such investigations ; (3) to communicate directly 
or through local committees with active workers in the field, to assist them with 
information as to the progress of similar investigations elsewhere, and as to the results 
of previous investigations whenever an area is resurveyed ; (4) to collate and to 
publish in standard form the reports of investigations and the numerous anthropological 
data received from time to time from local correspondents throughout the empire, 
to distribute such publications to the various governments and government departments 
concerned, and to public and private bodies and persons concerned in anthropological 
investigation ; (5) to publish periodical reports under competent editorship dealing 
with the progress of anthropological knowledge and of anthropometry which would 
be capable of collation with the decennial census reports. 

W. CROOKE, B. A. The Reverence for the Cow in India. The respect and 
affection for the bull and the cow shown by many pastoral and agricultural tribes does 
not suffice to account for the passionate reverence shown to the cow in India. The 
animal is worshipped at various domestic rites, the use of beef is rigidly prohibited, 
and riots have been caused by the Muhammadan custom of slaying a cow at one of 
their festivals. 

The literary evidence proves that the bull and cow were recognised as sacred 
animals from the Indo-Iranian period. The sanctity of the animal is proved by the 
wide diffusion of taboos connected with milk and other products of the cow. 

While she was revered the cow was, in the Vedic age, habitually sacrificed, and 
her flesh was consumed by the: worshippers. But Professors W. Robertson Smith and 
J. G. Frazer have pointed out that the killing of the sacred animal and the eating of its 

[ 157 ] 

No. 95.1 MAN. [1911. 

flesh was a mode of gaining sacramental communion with the divine animal. The 
view that among the early Hindoos beef eating was generally practised merely from 
the desire for this special food may be dismissed. 

From an examination of the facts the conclusion suggested is, that while its 
claims to veneration were partially ignored by Buddhism, for various reasons the cow 
came to be recognised as the specially sacred animal of the Brahmans. On the rise 
of the neo-Brahmanism it was associated with the work of the missionary ascetics 
with the cults of Siva and Krishna, and was adopted in various domestic rites con- 
ducted under Brahman superintendence. 

PROFESSOR HUTTON WEBSTER. On the Origin of Rest Days'. The custom 
of refraining from labour and other activities is by no means unknown to peoples of 
primitive or archaic culture. Communal rest-days may be studied among such 
contemporary peoples as the Dyaks of Borneo and the Nagas of Assam. They 
were a constant feature of old Polynesian life, particularly among the Hawaiian 
Islanders, whose tabu periods are well known. It would seem that in these regions 
taboos imposing various sorts of abstinence are declared at critical occasions, such as 
planting and harvesting, after an earthquake or a pestilence, very frequently after a 
death, at the changes of the moon, and at other times of crisis. The regulations 
are to be regarded primarily as protective and conciliatory measures, but they appear 
also to be sometimes considered as of compelling power over evil spirits. It is 
probable that the anthropological data may help to explain, on the one hand, the 
familiar phenomenon of " unlucky days," and, on the other hand, the Sabbatarian 
regulations found among the Romans, the Babylonians, and the Hebrews. 

MAJOR A. J. N. TREMEARNE, B.A. Some Notes on Hausa Folklore. Almost 
every well-known animal and nearly every trade or profession are represented in the 
folk-lore of the Hausas. After each account the narrator excuses himself for his 
untruths by stating that the story has been told in the name of the spider. The 
desire of motherhood is strongly implanted in the Hausas, and even abnormal children 
are welcome, though it is doubtful if they were well treated in actual life. The 
first child is often known by a nickname, and wives must not mention the names 
of their husbands. There were sacrifices of young girls to a water-god, to prevent a 
flood, the victim being said to marry him. The Magazawa still worship various spirits. 
Differences in rank and species are clearly recognised : a poor man " dies," but a chief 
" is missing ; " a man " is lame," but a horse " has no leg." A blind man is very 
cunning. To compliment a woman on her looks may bring misfortune upon her. 
A figure-target set up in the barracks at Omar was objected to as it would harm 
the police and their wives by sympathetic magic, and by the evil eye. There is a 
peculiar institution known as Bori, which was at first a treatment for insanity, but 
is now employed mainly by people of loose morals. The performers apparently 
become hypnotised by the music of a violin, and imagine themselves to be other 
persons or even animals. The Masubori form a sect with its own rulers, to which 
there is a regular form of initiation. 

C. W. HOBLEY, C.M.G. Some Religious Beliefs of the Kihuyu and Kamba 
People. The term thahu is a condition into which a person may fall if he or she 
commits certain forbidden acts, breaks certain prohibitions, or again it may be the 
result of certain circumstances over which the victim has no control. One important 
fact to be remembered is that the incidence of any particular thahu often depends 
upon the circumcision guild to which the person belongs. There is also another 
form of curse, called a Kirume, which can be inflicted by a dying man, the general 
idea being that a dying person can lay a curse upon property belonging to him or 
can lay a curse upon another person, but only upon a member of his own family. 

[ 158 ] 

1911.] MAN. [No. 95. 

For example, the head of a village can lav a curse upon a plot of land and lay down 
that it is not to pass out of the family or dire results will ensue. In some cases the 
thahu curse affects the hut. 

The ceremonial which takes place on the occasion of a death shows how closely 
the Kikuyu tribesman is bound down by the ritual of the guild to which he belongs 
from early years up to death. 

Another important phase of native life is the procedure which has to be adopted 
in the case of a murder. Until the ceremonial has been completed, no member of 
the murdered man's family can eat food out of the same dish or drink beer with a 
member of the family of the murderer. It has been discovered that the power of 
the " evil eye," which is so widespread in south Europe, extends to Kikuyu and 
Ukamba. Certain people in the tribes are believed to be born with it ; they can, 
however, neutralise its evil effects by ceremonially spitting upon the object supposed 
to be afflicted or to be in danger. 

One clan of the Kikuyu tribe, called the Ethaga, are supposed to possess magical 
powers ; in fact, they are classed as a family of wizards. Some are supposed to 
have power over the rain ; others can kill people with their magic, can lay a curse 
upon 8 thief, and can place spells upon patches of forest to prevent people from 
cutting it down. 

In travelling through Kikuyu one will occasionally meet a young man carrying 
a rattle made of a gourd ornamented with cowries and inscribed with devices ; the 
owners sing songs about the devices on these gourds. The singer commences to sing 
about the design at the lower end of the gourd, and gradually works his way through 
the various patterns, singing a verse about each. If he makes three mistakes and 
his accuracy of the interpretation of the pictographs is challenged, his gourd becomes 
forfeit to the challenger. 

C. G. SELIGMANN, M.D. The Divine Kings of the Shilluk. The Shilluk kings 
trace their origin to Nyakang, the semi-divine hero who, with a comparatively small 
band of followers, took possession of the present Shilluk territory, and founded the 
Shilluk nation. The genealogy of the royal family shows that twenty kings belonging 
to twelve generations intervene between Nyakang and Kwadke, the first king to be 
killed by the Turks^ 

The majority of Shilluk think of Nyakang as having been human in form and 
in physical qualities (though, unlike his more recent successors, he did not die, but 
disappeared), but there are also legends of his descent from a crocodile maiden. 
The holiness of Nyakang is especially shown in his relation to Juok, the formless 
and invisible high-god of the Shilluk, who made men and is responsible for the order 
of things, for it is only through Nyakang that men can approach Juok, performing 
the sacrifices to Nyakang that cause him to move Juok to send rain. 

Nyakang manifests himself in certain animals, as do the spirits of the dead 
Shilluk kings, who from one point of view are considered identical with Nyakang, 
for they incarnate his divine spirit. This belief appears to have led to the ceremonial 
slaying of the king when he becomes ill or senile, lest with his diminishing vigour 
the cattle should sicken and fail to bear their increase, the crops should rot in the 
fields, and man, stricken with disease, should die in ever-increasing numbers. 

B. MALINOWSKI. The Economic Function of the Intichiuma Ceremonies. The 
way in which man works at a low level of culture differs especially from economically 
productive labour in psychological conditions. Economic labour must be systematic, 
continuous, or periodic ; it requires forethought and pre-supposes organisation. 

If we examine the Intichiuma ceremonies of the Arunta tribe (and some of the 
other tribes of Central Australia) we find that the work accomplished in these 

[ 159 ] 

No. 95.] MAN. [191L 

ceremonies is the result of collective and organised activity, as it is performed by the 
local group as a body under the lead of the alatunja or headman. It is to a certain 
extent regular and periodic, and connected with the seasons ; it always evidences 
forethought, and in certain cases it has a definite practical object. 

C. M. BARBEAU, B.Sc. The Bearing of the Heraldry of Indians of the North- 
West Coast of America upon their Social Organisation. [MAN.] 

A. C. HADDON, Sc.D., F.R.S. The Present Position of our Knowledge of 

A. A. GOLDENWEISEK. An Interpretation of Totemism. -A]] the various indi- 
vidual features of totemism occur within as well as without totemic complexes, and 
their psychological character as well as their genetic derivation display great variability. 
Consequently all attempts to characterise totemism by a more or less definite set of 
features must needs be artificial. The distinctive characteristics of totemism are not 
the individual features, but the relation into which they enter. The problem is one 
of secondary association. In all totemic communities we find a differentiation of a 
group into definite social units clans which are distinguished by a set of homologous 
features, different in specific content, but identical in form. These features may be 
few or many, and include clan and individual names, spiritual beliefs, myths, rituals, 
material possessions, songs, dances, social regulations, prerogatives, &c. In a vast 
majority of cases these features are hereditary in the clan and form a totemic 
complex. Before ethnologists can progress much further in the investigation of 
totemic phenomena, a most careful analysis of the content and nature of totemic 
complexes becomes imperative. 

The problems involved are manifold. In the totemic complex there is considerable 
variability, both as to the number and the character of the individual features. It 
js necessary to attempt to reconstruct the process of the association of these various 
features, and of their socialisation within the limits of each one of a number of 
definite and similar social units. The mutual relation of the features at any given 
period in the development of the groups is another problem. A preliminary survey 
of the data discloses a tendency of one or another or some few features to assume 
a central position in the complex, thus lending a specific colouring to the entire 
culture of the group. Among the tribes of the north-west coast of America the 
cycle of ideas associated with the guardian spirit and the representation of totemic 
animals in art have become such dominant features. Among some Bantu trrbes of 
Africa, on the other hand, two features of a very different order seem to occupy an 
equally prominent position. These are the tabu on the totem, and property rights 
in land associated with totemic clans. The totemic complexes of Central Australia, 
again, centre around the magical ceremonies for the propagation of totems, and the 
beliefs of the natives in a spiritual connection between the clansmen and their 
totemic ancestors. 

The specific functions carried by the various social units .embraced in a totemic 
complex also claim our attention. As to the relative importance of the clans in their 
respective social organisations, witness the contrast between the north-west coast of 
America, where the sharply-defined clans practically carry the entire culture of the 
group, and the tribes of Central Australia, where the clan is a loose social aggregate 
with naught but common ceremonies and spiritual beliefs to determine its solidarity. 

Finally, the most fundamental, and in a sense the most significant, problem of 
all is an intensive analytical and synthetic interpretation of the entire set of socio- 
psychological conditions which make possible the appearance of phenomena such 
as totemism. Of the possible results of such a study we have but the faintest 
Printed by EYRE AND SPOTTISWOODE, LTD., His Majesty's Printers, East Harding Street, E.C, 




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FIG. 2. Two SKULLS. 




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1911.] MAN. [No. 96. 


Africa, West. With Plate M. Todd : Wolbach. 

Stone Circles in the Gambia. By J. L. Todd and G. B. Wolbach. QP 

The following notes contain the particulars which we gathered concerning UU 
the stone circles in the Gambia. 

The stone circles which have been seen in the Gambia by ourselves and by 
Mr. Ozanne occur principally on the north bank of the river. M. Lanzerac, the 
French resident at Maka, states that there are many circles in an area extending 
from the district of Saloutn in the west to the Faleme river, an affluent of the 
Senegal river, in the east. On the north side of the river we have seen them from 
Maka in the east to N'Jau in the west, and in 1903 one circle and a few detached 
stones were seen on the south bank of the river near Kudang. 

During our recent expedition to the Gambia we asked in every town which we 
visited if there were circles in the neighbourhood. Places in which circles existed, 
or where natives knew of any, are mentioned below. 

In the district of Sandugu circles are said to exist at Changali, near Misera, in 
the territory of a chief called Gimmamang ; other circles exist near them at Dasilimi. 
Near Lammin Koto there are several circles ; we opened one of the largest of these. 
About 600 yards to the south-west of the circle excavated by us is another circle 
which was opened by Mr. Ozanne some years ago. 

Circles are said to exist at Kaleng, not far from McCarthy's Island, and single 
stones occur at Jamarli and also near Kai-ai. 

We saw two circles in the bush about half a mile to the north of Gassan. 
There are two stone circles not far from Jallokunda. Others are said to exist at 
Buntung, while there are said to be odd stones near Kussassa. Others again are 
said to be near Nianimaru and near Ballangar. 

The circles at Maka were peculiar amongst those seen by us, in that there were 
more single stones outside the circles than was usual. M. Lanzerac has opened 
two of these circles and has found in them only traces of bone. 

None of the natives know anything of the origin of the stones. The Maudingo, 
who now inhabit the territory where they occur, say that the stones were in the 
country when the Mandingo first came to it. There is no special name for the 
circles ; they are called by the ordinary Mandingo name for stones that is, Bero, 
At present the circles and stones have absolutely no significance. The natives do 
not use them as places for praying nor for landmarks ; neither do they generally 
believe that they were used for tombs. Some persons, particularly among the better 
educated people, believe that the Portuguese made the circles, and that some of 
those who died in the Gambia are buried within them, together with their belong- 
ings. When questioned concerning the circles, most of the natives say, God or the 
people of the olden times put them there. 

It seems probable that the stones were cut and placed by some race which 
held the land long before the Mandingo appeared. It is certain that those who 
placed the stones had more knowledge of stonework ing than the Mandingo have at 
present. They also had considerable aptitude in transporting heavy weights, for, as 
at Lammin, it must have been necessary for those who built the circles to bring the 
stones composing them a distance of at least two miles. 

Suntokomo, the paramount chief of Lammin, told us that the people who pre- 
ceded the Mandingo in the country often made "Jalang" sacrifices of black animals 
of goats, sheep, horses, or cattle, before going to war, and that years ago the 
Mandingo sacrificed animals in much the same way. 

These sacrifices were sometimes made near, or on, one of the stones of a circle. 

No. 96,] 



He told us, too, that those who were about to make war often buried, near one of 
the stones, a mixture of flour and water in which was placed a spear-head. From 
the behaviour of the things buried an augury was drawn concerning the success 
of the enterprise projected. Suntokomo said that those who had held the land before 
the Mandingo were not Mohammedan. 

It is not many decades since this territory came under British control. Before 
that, Suntokomo had considerable power, and he said that he had subjugated all 
the small towns near him. Certain Laobe towns had successfully resisted him, and he 
ascribed their successful resistance to the strength of the "Jalang" which they had 
made. He said that he had seen the Laobe make a narrow hole in the ground ; 
in it they placed a woman upright and buried her alive. This, like the sacrifices 
and the burying of flour and water and spearhead, was a " Jalang." 

From the type of the spearheads, which are much like those at present in 
occasional use amongst the natives, and from the fragments of pottery, which are 
ornamented, as are the pots daily employed by the natives, we have thought that 
perhaps the bones and other articles found within the circle may be the remnants 
of a similar "Jalang." 

It is certain that Suntokomo had no idea that persons had been buried within 
the circle. He insisted at first that the bones found were the bones of animals, 



and he was especially indignant when it was suggested to him that slaves and wives 
were sometimes killed and interred with a dead chief. 

Four and a half days were spent in excavating one circle. Nineteen natives 
and three white men spent practically all their time in the work. Our experience 
has shown us that such a circle could not properly be excavated in less than ten 
days or a fortnight ; the grovind is so hard and the bones are so soft that progress 
is necessarily exceedingly slow. The excavation could only be undertaken in the 
dry season, because in the wet season the bones would be only paste, and because 
the natives would refuse to work at anything else but their farms at that time of 
the year. Those who attempt the investigation of these circles, must take with 
them implements, such as pick-axes and shovels for removing, especially, the super- 
ficial layers of earth. They would also find small bellows for blowing away dust, 
very convenient. 

The circle excavated was 1| miles north of the Gambia river opposite the station 
at McCarthy's Island. The circle was outlined by nine large pillars of volcanic 
ironstone (Fig. 3, Plate M). The dimensions of these stones are fairly uniform, 
with the exception of one, stone F, the position of which is indicated on the above 
diagram. In a line directed ten degrees south of east as determined by a small 

* True north is 18 E. of magnetic north. 
[ 162 ] 

1911.] MAN. [No. 96. 

pocket compass, are three similar stones. The distance and dimensions arc given 
in the diagram. The excavation was begun by digging a trench three feet wide, 
extending across the circle from east to west, the diameter being 18 feet. After the 
first bones were found the trench was abandoned and the whole area of the circle 
\v:is excavated simultaneously. The following objects were found : 

1 . In almost the exact centre, six inches below the surface, an earthenware jar, 
which was in fragments but held in position by the earth it contained. This jar 
was about two feet in diameter and one foot six inches deep with an inturned lip. 

2. A spear head with socket, not barbed. Found midway between the centre 
and periphery of the circle east of the centre, 26 inches deep, in an upright 
position, point down. 

3. Two human femora crossing the trench diagonally west of the centre at a 
depth of 34 inches. It was impossible to remove these bones entire. 

4. A skull at base of stone A. 36 inches below the surface of the ground. 
The position of the vault and the inferior maxilla gives the position as lying upon 
its right side, base towards the centre. 

5. A skull between stones A and B, 25 inches deep. 

6. A skull at base of stone C, 42 inches deep. The skeleton belonging to this 
skull lies on its left side, feet directed towards north-west along the edge of the 
circle. One small spear-head was found embedded in the earth at the base of the 

7. A bunch of fourteen copper bracelets (Fig. 1, Plate M) between stones B 
and C, 38 inches from the periphery of circle. In contact with several of the 
bracelets is a small piece of greenish-stained fragile woven material. Apparently 
a bunch of bracelets lies in relation to the right side and possibly the hand of a 
skeleton lying radially feet towards the centre, head not found, but probably near the 
base of stone C. 

8. A single bracelet on the arm encircling the lower end of the radius and ulna 
of a skeleton parallel to, and lying to the west of, the skeleton mentioned under 7. 

9. Three skulls near the centre at a depth of 42 inches and 68 inches from the 
periphery, one from the unworn teeth is probably that of a child. One of these skulls, 
an adult, was preserved. Nothing could be learned of the position of the bodies 
connected with these skulls. Remains of vertebra connected with one show that it 
probably ran towards the north-west. 

10. A fragment of skull 46 inches deep, at a distance of 42 inches inward from 
stone D. 

11. Two skeletons with skulls, lying parallel with heads at stone F, feet at stone E. 
The inner of the two skeletons is lying upon its right side. The other one probably 
also upon its right side. 

12. At stone I a mass of at least six flexed legs (Fig. 4, Plate M), femora and 
tibiae, the former running radially, the latter at right angles directed towards the south. 

13. At stone H a skull and some long bones, this body probably laid radially. 

14. Stone A, long bones running radially. 

15. A barbed spear-head without socket, beneath the skull found at stone A. 

16. Two spear-heads without sockets but barbed, found beneath the skulls at 
base of stone F. 

17. Two spear-heads beneath the skull at base of stone H, not barbed, one with 
a socket. 

18. A second skull at base of stone A, 46 inches deep, 24 inches inwards towards 
the centre. 

NOTE. The positions of spear-heads mentioned in 16 and 17 indicated that the 
shafts were placed beside the bodies near which they were found. 

[ 163 ] 

No. 96.] MAN. [1911. 

The character of the country in which this circle and several others were situated, 
is that of a plain, sparsely wooded, and covered with tall grass. This plain continues 
for many miles, towards the west ; to the east and north are ironstone ridges. The 
soil throughout the depth excavated was red in colour, extremely hard and porous ; 
when moistened it formed an extremely diffluent and tenacious mud. The character 
of the soil is shown in the earth which accompanies the skulls. 

After the excavation was completed, three stones, A, G, and I, were completely 
excavated. The shape is that of a cylinder, oval in cross-section, slightly flattened on 
the inner surface, and slightly tapered towards hoth ends. Tops and bottoms are flat ; 
all surfaces have been smoothly dressed. 

The stones in this circle are rather larger than those in most of the circles. 
The smallest of the stones seen in other circles measured about 12 by 14 inches in 
diameter and stood out of the ground for three feet. The heaviest stone seen was 
a single one, which measured 36 by 40 inches in diameter and stood about 6 feet 
out of the ground. The longest stone seen was one which had fallen down and was 
at least 9 feet in length. It was comparatively slender and measured about 14 by 20 
inches in diameter. 

The particulars given of our findings are the bald statements of what we observed. 
The ground was so hard and our time was so limited that it was found impossible 
to ascertain the position of the bodies to which the bones belonged. It was certain, 
however, that several of the bodies had been laid around the periphery of the circle, 
while others had been placed radially. It is probable that no large implement or other 
article was overlooked, and it is probable that AVC had the opportunity of finding every- 
thing which had been deposited in the circle, for we excavated until no trace of bones 
remained. J. L. TODD. 


[NOTE. The human remains were firmly enclosed by earth, built in and round 
them by white ants (Termites). The crania had become softened so that they were 
compressed and flattened, as if made of soft clay, and so friable that it was impossible 
to restore or preserve the fragments. Plastered to the head were bones of the shoulder 
showing that the heads had not been detached from the bodies. At least two skulls 
were represented, and some teeth evidently represented a third subject. The teeth, 
the characters of the cranial bones and palate leave little doubt of the race represented. 
The parts were typical of the Negro. A. KEITH.] 


A, 36" x 36" height above ground 26" 

B, 33" x 32" 38" 

C, 32" x 32" ., 41" 

D, 33" x 34" ., , 40" 

E, 30" x 32" 

F, 32" x 24" 

G, 31" x 29" 
H, 31" x 29" 
I, 31" x 30" 


Height, when excavated, of A is 71" 

G is 70" 

,, I is 70" 

J, inclines to E, 31" x 31" and is 65" high. 
K, small, upright, 16" x 16" and is 24" high. 
L, conical at top, is 18" x 18" and is 46" high. 

[ 164 ] 



[No. 97. 

Murray : Seligrmann. 

By C. G. Seligmann, 



Note upon an Early Egyptian Standard. 

M.D., and Margaret A. Murray. 

A hitherto unexplained standard occurs upon the great slate palette of King 

Narraer found at Hierakonpolis in Upper Egypt. So many reproductions of this 

palette have been published that it is unnecessary 
to describe it at length or to figure more than 
that portion with which our argument is im- 
mediately concerned (Fig. 1). The undescribed 
standard is borne in front of the king, and 
separated from him only by an official with a 
wig or flowing hair, wearing a short loin cloth 
tied in front. This standard, which is preceded 
by three animal standards, represents an irregu- 
larly circular, slightly bilobed object, from which 
depends a streamer, in shape recalling a length 
of creeper, or rope, but obviously not repre- 
senting cordage, as it lacks all indication of the 
strands which are realistically shown in the 
representations of ropes upon this palette. It 
is carried by a beardless man, while the bearers 
of other standards are bearded ; we shall return 
later to the possible significance of this ; mean- 
while, we may endeavour to trace the modifi- 
cations undergone by the object represented 
BELL, IlierahonpoUs, pi. xxix. by the heftd of ^ gtandard j t occupies a 

prominent position in the procession of the Sed festival of Narmer on the small 
mace-head from Hierakonpolis (Fig. 2). It is distinctly more elongated and more 
distinctly bilobed than upon the 
palette, but it obviously represents 
the same object, and is carried by 
a beardless man (the only clean- 
shaven standard bearer), and is pre- 
ceded by the jackal standard, and 
this (as we shall see) is the regular 
position in the Sed festival occupied 
by this standard in the modified form 
in which it occurs from the twelfth 
dynasty onward. 

Among the 
sculptured frag- 
ments found in the 

FIG. 2. QUIBELL, Hieraltonpolls, pi. xxvi, B. 

temple of Neter-khet at Heliopolis are the remains of a representa- 
tion of a Sed festival (Fig. 3). The standard is preserved and 
shows the object of a form intermediate between those of Narmer 
and that of the twelfth dynasty. The single streamer descends from 
the larger lobe of the object. 

We are not aware of any other representations of this standard 
FIG. 3. WEILL, . . J . 

Si>h'ni,r XV p 17 during the Old Kingdom, but in the twelfth dynasty we again find 

this sign in association with the jackal standard in the scenes of the 
Sed festival discovered by Professor Petrie below the palace of Apries at Memphis. 
The only two standards that occur in these sculptures are the jackal standard and 

[ 165 ] 

No. 97.] 



that bearing the object with which we are now concerned; this has now become 
distinctly oval or pear-shaped owing to the incurving of the smaller lobe, so that 
the latter is outlined by a single turn of a spiral, and the notch is represented by 
the space between the upper edge of the object and the curve of the spiral ; in other 
words, the standard becomes the object usually called the " joint of meat " (Fig. 4).* 
This spiral end first occurs in the twelfth dynasty, but although there are a few 
examples in the eighteenth dynasty, it is not frequent till the Ptolemaic period. 

In the twelfth dynasty the standard still retains the single streamer, though it 
is now transferred to the opposite side of the upright supporting the standard. 
From this time onward the real meaning of the streamer is lost, 
and it is generally identified with the two ribbons which occur upon 
all standards alike, so that we find variations, such as two streamers 
at the back (Fig. 5), one at the side, two short ones close to the 
transverse bar, and two longer ones floating* below, and in Ptolemaic 
times the ends are looped up in fantastic de- 
signs (Fig. 6). But even in late times the 
streamers may be single, as in the Ptolemaic 
sculpture in the Ashmolean Museum (Fig. 7), 
and in some of the scenes from the Festival 
Hall of Osorkon II. Coincidentally the 
object represented 
by the head of 
the standard usually 
undergoes further 
changes giving rise 
to many varying 
forms, though a 
few representations 
recalling those on 
the palette and the 

FlG. 4. PBTEIE, 
Memphis, II, pi. v. 

Denkmaler, III, 61. 


Dendereh, IV, 33. 

FlG. 7. ASHMO- 

mace-head still occur. Such are found in the time of Thothmes III at Semneh 
(Fig. 5), and even in Ptolemaic times, as shown by the example in the Ashmolean 
Museum (Fig. 7). 

The standard is generally carried with the small end to the front, and in the 

* This standard is sometimes wrongly called the ensign of Letopolis, owing to a confusion 
caused by the fact that both appear to be pieces of flesh. The earliest form of the Letopolite sign 
is in the tomb of Methen (Lepsius, Denkmaler, II, 3) where it is distinctly seen to be a joint of 

meat, with the bone still in it, laid upon the usual ^p upright " perch " on which the insignia of 

the nomes are always placed. Later examples show that this sign is the front leg of an ox, the 
Khepesh of the Egyptians ^D , and is obviously entirely different from the object which we are 
now considering. 

[ 166 1 



[No. 97. 

toirib of Rameses IV the object is coloured yellow, while the streamers are white 
with a black patch at the ends. This is one of the few instances of the colour being 
preserved, but, unfortunately, it cannot be taken as evidence of the colour of the 
object represented, for the accompanying standards are also coloured yellow, from 

which it seems that these are conventional representa- 
tions in gold of the original objects. 

We have been able to find two records of the sign 
upon papyri. In one of these it is coloured brown 
(Fig. 8), the other is a mere outline sketch in black 
(Fig. 9). 

The earliest known standards are those on the 
palette and mace-head of Narmer, found at Hiera- 
konpolis. The order is : 

On the palette (Fig. 1) : 1, bird ; 2, bird ; 3, jackal ; 
4, "meat." 

On the mace-head (Fig. 
2) : 1, jackal ; 2, "meat"; 
3, bird ; 4, bird. 

These standards, together 

PAPYBUS C 11 b. 

with the ibis standard, appear to hare been peculiarly 
sacred. In processions of standards they generally lead 
the way or bring up the rear (according to the position of 
the king as heading or following the procession). When 
the standards are carried by priests, these special ensigns 

are often borne by the emblematic signs HH n and 

thus marking a sharp distinction between the early and 
presumably sacred emblems and the ensigns of the iiomes. 

The " meat " standard is usually carried by 1 , a sign 
which as a hieroglyph has the double meaning of 
"strength" or "decay." The 



sign, which 

" stability," occurs in the twenty-second dynasty (Naville, Festival Hall, plates IX, 

1; XIV, 2); the -j-, the meaning of which is "life," does not appear as the 
bearer of this standard till the Ptolemaic period. 

The name of the standard* occurs, with one exception, 
only in Ptolemaic times. The exception the earliest instance 
so far discovered is the example in the Sed festival of 
Osorkon II of the twenty-second dynasty, where it is called 

^ Gr|| (Fig. 10). The reading of CHID is doubtful, unless 

it can be identified with ^^, which reads HNW, the 
whole group then reading HNW N STN, "the khenu of 
the king." This reading is confirmed by the Ptolemaic 
examples (Rochemonteix, Edfu, II, 29, 59 ; Mariette, 
Dendereh, I, 9, 13), where the name of the standard is 

written 1 5&{ HNW N STN, " the khenu of the king." 

FIG. 10. NAVILLE, Festi- 
val Hall, pi. ix, 1. 

* We are indebted to Dr. H. Junker for help and suggestions in the reading of the name of 
the standard. 

No. 97,] 



The other forms of the name are 1 (Fig. 11), la (Fig. 12), and 


(Fig. 13) HN STN, where the word khen or khenu is spelt out in alphabetic signs.* 
In these examples, the direct genitive is used, but the reading is the same, "the 
khenu of the king." The sign ^^ is interchangeable with J$ HN, which appears 
to be spelt out also with H. The meaning of HN is "interior, inside, within" 
(hence the Coptic 2OTM ) ; therefore the group can be translated " the inside thing 
of the king." 

The significance of this standard has not hitherto been pointed out, yet its per- 
sistence from the beginning to the very end of the Egyptian kingdom, and its invariable 
association with the king and with certain other special standards indicate that the 
object it represented was of great and lasting importance. We believe that the clue 
is afforded by its very characteristic shape, which closely resembles that of one object 
of great significance among certain peoples 
of Central Africa. This object is the pla- 
centa, which plays a prominent part in the 
cult ceremonies of the Baganda.t 

It must be remembered that it is not 
very long since the time, before Arab in- 
fluence had made itself felt, when the 
Kings of Uganda, men of predominantly 
Hamitic blood, considered themselves the 
most powerful sovereigns in the world, and 
bowed to no other 
authority than that 
of their gods. 
Among these peo- 
ple " the after- 
" birth was called 
" the second child 
" and was be- 
" lieved to have 
'' a spirit which 
" became at once 
" a ghost. It was 
" on account of 
" this ghost that 
" they guarded 
" the plantain by 

Dendereh, IV, 21. 

FlG. 12. DE MORGAN. 
Kom Ombos, p. 65. 

Kom Ombos, p. 342. 

" which the after-birth was placed, because the person who partook of the beer 
" made from this plantain, or of cooked food from it, took the ghost from its 
" clan, and the living child would then die in order to follow its twin ghost. 
" The grandparent, by eating the food or drinking the beer, saved the clan from 
" this catastrophe and ensured the health of the child. "J But this practice was not 
universal, for some clans buried the after-birth in the house. Nor was the placenta 
the only part of the fcetal apparatus external to the child's body that received special 
attention, for just as the jaw-bone (Iwanga) was said to be the portion of the body 
to which the ghost of a man attached itself, so the ghost of a placenta attached itself 

* At this late period the H and H are not carefully differentiated as in the early times. 

f The sign (777:7) (Fig. 10) accurately indicates the outline of the placenta seen in profile, and 
is an excellent diagrammatic representation of a transverse section of the placenta, the dots representing 
veinous spaces. J J. Roscoe, The Baganda, p. 54. 

[ 168 ] 



[No. 97. 



to the stump of the umbilical cord (mulongo). Each placenta was called a child and 
had a ghost, but as it was bora dead it was buried usually at the root of a plantain 
tree. (For the above information we are indebted to the Rev. John Roscoe, who 
not only has allowed us to use the proof sheets of his recent work, The Baganda, 
but has discussed with us a number of points which arose in connection with his 
paper published some years ago in the Journal of the Anthropological Institute. In 
what follows we have made full use of this account, making certain corrections and 
interpolations suggested by Mr. Roscoe, and notably substituting " umbilical cord " for 
" placenta " in a number of places.) 

The umbilical cord (mulongo) of a prince is always preserved, for it has power 
to kill the offspring of royalty if not respected and treated with honour. On the 
birth of a prince the umbilical cord is dried and preserved, placed in a pot which 
is made for its reception, and sealed up ; the pot is wrapped in bark cloths and 
decorated with beads, in olden times with various seeds which resemble beads ; this 
is called the mulongo (twin) and has a house built for its abode in 
the enclosure belonging to the Kimbugwe, the second officer in the 
country, who takes his seat in all the councils of the state with the 
Katikiro (Prime Minister). The umbilical cord of a king was decorated 
and treated as a person. Each new moon, in the evening, it was 
carried in state wrapped in bark cloths to the king, and the Kimbugwe 
on his return smeared the decorated cord with butter and left it in the 
moonlight during the night. It was looked after by the Kimbugwe 
until after the king's death, when it was placed in a special shrine or 
temple called malolo, with the king's jawbone, Iwanga, which is spoken 
of as the " king." The two ghosts, the one of the placenta attached 
to the mulongo and the other of the dead king attached to the Iwanga, 
were thus brought together to form a perfect god, to whom offerings 
were made in the malolo. The malolo or temple is entirely different 
from the tomb in which the king's body is laid ; indeed, the malolo 
is built some months after the tomb, often, it appears, at a considerable 
distance from the latter. The malolo is kept in repair by the state, 
while the interior and enclosure are looked after by some of the widows 
of the deceased king. Within the malolo is a dais, covered with lion 
and leopard skins and protected by a row of brass and iron spears, 

shields, and knives ; behind this there is a chamber formed by bark 





. MA- 

, ., 

dereh, IV, 32. 


cloth curtains ; here are kept the Iwanga and mulongo to which the 

spirit of the dead king is attached, but they are placed upon the dais when 

departed king wishes to hold his court, or for consultation on special occasions. 

This account shows that on certain occasions the umbilical cord, representing the 
placenta, was carried in state by a high officer, and also that the placenta was con- 
sidered a twin of the king, conditions paralleled by the standard at Dendereh 
(Mariette, Dendereh, IV, pi. 32), where the highly conventionalised form shown in 

Fig. 14 is called < , i.e., the child wearing the crown of Upper Egypt ; in short it 

A <=> 

is there the royal child. There is thus the closest resemblance between the ideas of 
the Baganda relative to their king's placenta and that of the Egyptians, so that it 
may well be that the beardless man who is shown on the slate palette and the mace- 
head carrying the placenta standard is a high official corresponding to the Baganda 
kimbugwe, and distinguished from his colleagues by his shaven head and face.* 

* In this connection it is worth noting that the lids of the so-called canopic jars are in the form 
of human heads in the twelfth dynasty, the period when they first came into use. In each set of 
four three are represented as bearded and one as beardless. The contents of these early jars have 

[ 169 J 

No. 97.] 



There is no doubt, then, of the importance of the royal placenta among the 
Baganda, and, as we shall immediately show, it is also of importance among a people 
who have in their veins blood which is almost certainly Hamitic, and who may well 
be allied to the predynastic and protodynastic Egyptians. We refer to the Shilluk, 
whom one of us has had the opportunity of studying at first hand. There is a 
considerable infusion of non-negro blood in this people, for although they all have 
frizzly hair, the members of some of their aristocratic families have comparatively 
thin lips and noses, long faces, and high foreheads, which give them an appearance 
which is anything but negroid. Among these people no wife of the king bears her 
children in the royal villager/a ret (literally "the place of the king "), but is sent to 
some other village, where she stays under the charge of the headman until her child 
is weaned. The after-birth is buried in the village, where the royal child lives and 
is himself at last buried ; and should he become king he would, in the old days, have 

made his birthplace the royal village and 
have ruled his people thence. 

Another African people, "the Swahili, 
" inter the placenta on the spot where 
" the delivery took place in order that 
" the child, through a mystic power, even 
" after it has grown up, may feel itself 
" continually drawn to its parents' house. 
" The cord is worn round the child's neck 
" for some years, and afterwards is buried 
" in the same place."* 

Here, then, we have a highly sugges- 
tive African parallel, the value of which 
is much increased by the fact that the 
Shilluk rulers are divine kings who (until 
the last few years) were put to death 
directly they showed any sign of sene- 
scence or ill-health, as was probably the 
fate of the kings of the predynastic tribes 
of Egypt.f 

We may now return to the object 
portrayed on the palette and mace-head, and we must point out that not only is this 
of about the correct size (when compared with the figures of the standard bearers) 
but that it closely reproduces the outline of a fresh placenta with the membranes 
turned to one side, as is shown in the sketches of three fresh placente drawn for us 
by Mr. S. G. Shattock, and reproduced in Fig. 15. Further, the colour is approxi- 
mately correct in the papyrus of Nesinekht-taui (Fig. 8), the surface of the normal 
human placenta being decidedly dark brown with only a tinge of red. Thus every 
morphological detail supports our belief that the standard head represents the placenta. 
The connection between the standard and the infant king is shown in the name 

not always been examined by expert anatomists, but it might be worth examining the contents of 
the jars with the beardless head (Amset) to see if they contain placentae. 

* E. S. Hartland in The Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics, Vol. II, p. 639. Art. " Birth " 
(Introduction). The belief that an intimate relation, which persists throughout life, exists between 
the after-birth and the child to which it has carried nourishment, is far from uncommon. It exists 
among peoples in every stage of civilisation in the Old World and assumes a great variety of forms. 
It is found in Australia, Torres Straits, and in Sumatra among the Toba Bataks who call the placenta 
the younger brother of the child. (Hartland, loc. cit.~) 

f Some account of the Shilluk kings will be published in vol. B of the Fourth Report of the 
Wellcome Tropical Retearch Laboratories, Khartum, under the title " The Cult of Nyakang and the 
Divine Kings of the Shilluk." 

FIG. 15. 

1911.] MAN. [Nos. 97-98. 


of the ensign as given at Dendereh, where it is called a) "the Royal Child " (Fig. 12). 

At this period $ is the name of the Bubastite norae which had been divided from 

ij CO, 

the primitive province of Buto, the latter after the division being called ,) 

Buto was the place where Horus (Harpocrates) the son of Isis, was born, and 
therefore the spot where his placenta would be preserved. 

Among the Baganda it is very evident that there are two " tombs" for every king, 
one for the royal body, the other for the reception of the royal placenta after the 
king's death. When we turn to ancient Egypt, the double burial-place for the monarch 
appears constantly. The earliest instance is that of the Step-pyramid of Saqqara, 
built by Neter-khet of the third dynasty, whose burial-place is at Bet Khallaf. Sneferu, 
the last king of the third dynasty, is always mentioned in inscriptions as having two 
pyramids, both called Kha ; only one is known as yet, that at Medum. Meukaura, of the 
fourth dynasty, has one pyramid called Neter at Abu Roash, and another called Her, the 
smallest of the three great pyramids at Gizeh. In the twelfth dynasty, Senusert II 
had a pyramid at Illahun and a rock-cut tomb at Abydos. In the seventeenth dynasty 
Queen Teta-shera, ancestress of the kings of the succeeding dynasty, had " a tomb ut 
Thebes and a shrine at Abydos " (Currelfy, Abydos, III) ; and her grandson, Aahmes I 
of the eighteenth dynasty, was buried at Thebes and also had a tomb at Abydos. 
Later than this the double u burial " places do not seem to occur, with the doubtful 
exception of Merenptah, who was buried at Thebes, but who also built a great hypo- 
geum, the use of which is still uncertain, at Abydos in the axis and within the 
temenos of his grandfather's temple. 

In conclusion, we may emphasise the agreement that exists between the Bagauda 
beliefs and the descriptions attached to two of the representations of the standard, 
viz., " the Royal Child " and " the Inner Thing of the King," and, although it seems 
almost monstrous to suggest that a pyramid was built for the disposal of the royal 
placenta, yet this is the only purpose that can be suggested for the unquestionable 
second pyramids of some Egyptian kings. We therefore put forward this hypothesis 
for their origin as a pendant to our belief that the standard upon the slate palette 
and mace-head of Narmer represents the placenta. C. G. SELIGMANN. 

_ M. A. MURRAY. 


Anthropology. British. Association. 


PROFESSOR BUTTON WEBSTER. On the Relations between Totemic Clans Qfl 
and Secret Societies. It would be a vital error to infer that secret societies uO 
with judicial and political functions such as are found in West Africa and Melanesia 
were consciously devised to preserve law and order in a savage community. Further 
investigation reveals the singularly important part played by many of them in the 
conduct of funereal rites and especially of initiation ceremonies at puberty. Under 
their direction the youth are removed from defiling contact with women, subjected to 
numerous ordeals, instructed in all matters of religion, morality, and traditional lore, 
provided with a new name, and new privileges in a word, made men. Puberty rites 
of this nature may be best studied in Australia, but are also characteristic of many 
Melanesian and African secret orders. 

There is, however, another aspect of primitive secret societies, very prominent 
in the fraternities of American Indians, but hitherto not sufficiently emphasised in 
the discussion of related organisations elsewhere. The initiates constitute a theatrical 
troupe, with masked and costumed actors personating animals, and presenting songs, 
dances, and pageants, which together form a vivid dramatisation of legendary history. 

No. 98.] MAN. [1911. 

Ancestor- worship and the cult of the dead loom large in their rituals. Ceremonies 
undoubtedly magical in character, such as rain-making and sorcery, the preparation 
of charms and spells, and the cure of disease belong to many of the organisations. 

These and other features of developed secret societies appear to be closely con- 
nected with the structure and functions of totemic clans. The formation of tribal 
aggregates from clans would gradually bring about a transference, partial or complete, 
of characteristic clan rites initiatory, funereal, magico-religious, and dramatic from 
the clan to the larger community of initiated men, and thence, in many instances, to 
esoteric associations of limited membership. Accordingly, the secret societies of 
primitive peoples would represent one of the results of the disintegration of the 
ancient totemic groupings. A study of various areas should disclose how this process 
of development has worked out in different environments and under the stress of 
diverse circumstances. 

DR. F. GRAEBNER. Totemism as a Cultural Entity. Every attempt to account 
for the origin of totemism must first deal with the question whether this institution 
is a cultural entity, for if it be once conceded that the forms of totemism found in 
different parts of the earth have arisen independently there can be no justification 
for the assumption that it has had everywhere the same origin. 

In the South Seas there are two wholly different social systems : (a) totemic 
local exogamy with patrilineal descent, and (6) the arrangement in two exogamous 
classes with raatrilineal descent which, so far as locality is concerned, is often endo- 
gamous. I have shown that these belong to two quite different cultures, and that 
any intermediate forms are the result of contact and mixture. 

The same holds good for other regions. In Africa local totemism with patrilineal 
descent is associated with cultural elements allied to those of the totemic culture of 
the South Seas, a secondary form with certain definite characters having been carried 
by a pastoral people into South Africa. In West Africa there is a different culture 
allied to the matrilineal cultures of the South Seas, and wherever the totemic culture 
has come into contact with it we find that the totemism has taken on matrilineal 
descent, though in a form different from that of the South Seas. 

In South America the older totemic form is to be found in the western region 
of the Amazon ; in North America it is present in the majority of the Algonkin, 
while in the north-west local totemism can also be recognised as the older form. The 
cultures of those regions with matrilineal totemism are again related to the matrilineal 
cultures of the South Seas. 

Since the same relations also hold good in Asia, I believe the position of group- 
totemism as a cultural entity wherever it is found to be established. Whether the 
so-called individual totemism and sex totemism belong to the same culture as group- 
totemism is not so clear. Even if it were so, however, group-to temism could not have 
arisen from individual totemism, for, apart from other difficulties, individual totemism 
is too weakly developed in the older regions of the totemic culture. There is no older 
condition from which group-totemism can be derived. Its explanation must be sought 
in its own characters. The older form is that in which the totems are animals. In 
this form there is an indefinite and unstable relation of sympathy between man and 
beast which can be explained simply by certain groups of men and animals having 
coexisted locally in a region of diversified physical characters. 

PROFESSOR E. WAXWEILER. Some Methodological Remarks on Totemism. 
Light can only be thrown on the question of so-called totemism by the application 
of a method of analysis, which considers the so-called totemic facts as being imposed 
by the conditions of organised social life amongst men. It follows that : 

(a) It is out of the question to discuss "forms" and the typical character or 

[ 172 ] 

1911.] MAN. [No. 98. 

purity of forms of totemism or to represent this or that form as a trace of an anterior 
form, more or less complete ; 

(6) It is improper to build up an evolution of totemism as such : a social function 
displays itself just as it can, according to the social conditions of the individuals 
whose organisation this function realises ; 

(c) The investigation of the social function that totemism performs should extend 
to civilised as well as to primitive societies ; where the function is not traceable in 
civilised societies, or where it appears otherwise than in a primitive society, the causes 
of this change should be detected. 

As a result of the application of those principles, the following interpretation of 
totemism might be suggested : That functionally totemism is a social device for 
sanctioning permanent situations wherein individuals, or more frequently, groups of 
individuals, appear to remain, and which are considered as essential or peculiar in 
the organisation of the group. 

To create such a sanction in primitive society, a very efficient method seems to 
have been (a) to " vow " the group to one well-known and familiar thing (animal, 
plant, object) or even to more than one thing ; (6) simultaneously to associate with 
those things, positively or negatively, social attitudes. This functional method of social 
sanctioning might be called totemism. 

One of the collective situations that seems most frequently to need sanction is the 
permanence of a social grouping whatever its origins and whatever its special field 
may be (for instance, blood or fictive relationship extending over generations, hereditary 
castes, &c.). Totemic tales would be post facto explanations elaborated according to 
a well-known social process. 

The totemic function would in primitive society be naturally mingled with the 
manifestations of several other functions, as, for instance, the regulation of marriages, 
or with tabus, &c. 

Totemism, as so interpreted, would spontaneously tend to disappear in every society 
that would allow more practical and surer administrative devices to be applied in 
order to perform the same function as was performed by totemism in primitive society. 


WARREN K. MOOREHEAD. An Arch<eological Classification of American Types 
of Prehistoric Artifacts. Until recently no attempt had been made to classify the 
thousands of objects of stone, bone, wood, metal, &c., made and used by primitive 
man in America. Some three or four years ago a committee, of which the author 
was a member, was formed for this purpose. The main outlines of the system of 
classification, which is based on shape, are as follows : 


Class I. I. Without stem. Chipped stone, knives, and projectile points : (a) 
Without secondary chipping ; (flakes) ; (6) With secondary chipping : (1) Pointed at 
one end, (2) Base concave, (3) Base straight, (4) Base convex, (5) Sides convex, &c. 

II. With stem. (a) Stem expanding from base : (1) Base concave, (2) Base 
straight, (3) Base convex ; (6) Stem with sides parallel (subdivided as Ila) ; (c) Stem 
contracting from base (subdivided as Ila). 

Class II. Scrapers. 

Class III. Perforators. 

Class IV. Unknown or Problematical Forms. 


Problematical Forms. These include the great range of American "< unknown " 
objects. No previous attempts at classification had been made. 

[ 173 ] 

No. 98.] MAN. [1911. 


This covers the range of ceramics in the United States. Over this the Com- 
mittee spent much labour. The types are so numerous that a full synopsis cannot be 
given briefly. As in the case of the stone implements it was based entirely upon 
variations in form and not upon purpose. [Published in book formJ\ 

Miss A. C. BKETON. The Ancient Frescoes at Chicken Itza. The ruins of 
Chichen Itza in Yucatan are especially remarkable for the number of coloured por- 
trait sculptures and frescoed walls. The frescoes have been sadly destroyed in the 
course of centuries, but enough remain to provide striking pictures of the life of the 
ancient folk. In two of the upper rooms of the building called the Nuns' Palace 
the walls and vaulted ceiling were entirely covered with scenes which had back- 
grounds with thatched houses and trees, also temples with high-pitched roofs enclosed 
within battlemented walls. There were groups of warriors armed with spears, atlatls 
(throwing sticks), and round shields, and others seated on the ground with orna- 
mental tails hanging from their girdles. The drawing was firm and spirited, the 
colouring vivid and harmonious. 

The building at the south end of the eastern wall of the great Ball Court, usually 
called Temple of the Tigers, contains in its upper part the best-preserved paintings 
yet discovered. The inner chamber is about 26 feet long and not quite 8 feet wide, 
and 22 feet high to the top of the vault, with the door in the middle of the long 
western side. Each of the long sides is divided into three panels, of which the four 
end ones represent landscapes full of armed warriors, as do those of the north and 
south sides, with houses above and tents and temporary buildings below, where chiefs 
are consulting and priests perform rites of divination. These panels are divided by a 
blue band from a dado with mythological figures and plants. 

The south-west end is the most complete, and has about 120 figures, almost all 
of them placed at certain distances and angles from each other. In this scene the 
attacking party are distinguished from the defenders of the village above by a differ- 
ence in costume. The former have cotton knee and ankle bands, small green shields 
at their backs with hanging streamers, and round green earrings and necklaces. 
Their headdresses, surmounted by long feathers, are more elaborate than those of the 
villagers. The latter have a round, stiff headpiece with two or three blue feathers 
standing up from it, oblong ear ornaments which pass through the elongated lobes, 
white shirts, and round shields, usually with a crescent in the centre as device. All 
cast their spears from atlatls. The chiefs, who sit in consultation below, have feather 
mantles like those of the portrait statues which supported the sculptured table in the 
outer chamber. 

The narrow south end panel also has a scene of attack, with high scaffold towers 
and a ladder of a notched tree-trunk, on which some of the assailants are perched. 
Here the men are taller and more athletic than in the previous scene. In the 
following panel there are more important houses, forming a town, with a forest on 
both sides in which are animals, snakes, and birds. Beyond come the Red Hills, on 
which wilder figures are grouped, with rocks and trees below. The north end is much 
destroyed, but some personages on a background of blue sky may represent departed 
heroes. The shields in this are oblong. The last of these scenes shows a group of 
houses inside a defensive barrier, and blue warriors in feather cloaks have conquered 
the inhabitants. Above the door a life-size recumbent figure may be the hero in 
whose honour the building was erected. 

Miss A. C. BRETON. Archaeology in Peru. In recent years there has been 
much activity in the field of Peruvian archseology. At Tiahuanaco (which must 

[ 174 1 

1911.] MAN. [No. 98. 

always be associated with Peru, though now within the borders of Bolivia), M. (*. 
Courtz, of the expedition of MM. Senechel Lagrange and de Crequi-Montfort in 1903, 
excavated the wide monolithic stairway which forms the eastern entrance to the great 
enclosure called Kalasasaya. Digging along the western line of monoliths, which 
were found to be connected by a wall of cut stone, he uncovered the double walls of 
another enclosure, and to the east found a smaller one, constructed in similar style to 
the Kalasasaya. From this wall projected a number of human heads, carved in the 
round from trachyte, and apparently portraits. Some of them are now in the Museum 
at La Paz. In 1910 the Bolivian Government had the Puerta del Sol set upright 
and cemented. An underground chamber of carefully cut and fitted stone, discovered 
in 1908, is only 1 m. 40 cYn. by 1 m. 30 cm. (not including five steps which lead down 
to it), and 1 m. 83 cm. high. The roof is of flat slabs of andesitic lava. Five colossal 
statues have been disinterred, of which the larger is 5 m. 72 cm. high. They are 
covered with finely incised designs. On the breast of one is a figure of the deity 
represented in the centre of the Puerta del Sol, surrounded in this case by standing 
personages. Another has several minute faces on its hands, and a face on each 

Small portions of the great pyramid building Ak-kapana can be seen terrace 
walls of well-cut stone, but the masses of earth thrown out from the excavation of 
the centre hide the greater part. At Purnapanku, on the opposite side of the Indian 
town, a number of huge blocks of stone remain at the edge of the plateau. 

The amazing richness of Peru in antiquities is seen in the galleries of the 
National Museum at Lima, which Dr. Max Uhle has filled with the results of two 
years' excavation in the region of Nazca, the neighbourhood of Lima, and near 
Trujillo, all coast civilisations. In the bay of Ajicon, the first settlements of primitive 
fishermen were on the side hills which slope to the sea where the rocks are covered 
with shellfish. Then followed the wide-spreading town which filled the sandy area 
between sea and mountains, known from Reiss and Stiibel's book as the Necropolis of 
Ancon, but now proved to have been a series of skull heaps and of reed huts, which 
decayed or were destroyed after the owners had been buried under them with their 
possessions, when others were built above. The accumulated material covers a space 
more than a mile square and 30 feet high. The graves are small pits lined with 
pebbles. Dr. Uhle spent several years in excavating at Pachacamac for the University 
of Pennsylvania, and has been able to form some idea of the sequence of the different 
kinds of pottery from his finds there and in other places. The beautiful painted 
pottery at lea and Nazca proves to be earlier on the coast than any other, and the 
primitive fishermen learned the art of vase-painting from the proto-Nazca folk. 
Richly clothed mummies, feathered garments of symbolic design, mosaic ear-plugs, 
gold and silver cups, and a cuirass covered with small metal plates, are some of the 
treasures of the Lima Museum. 

Of the remoter Stone Age little is yet known in Peru, but chips and scrapers 
are found in the alluvium on the plain of Lima, and the deposit with fragments of 
rude pottery, observed by Darwin, can still be seen on the top of the cliff near 

A. L. LEWIS. Dolmens or Cromlechs. A comparison of a large number of 
lantern slides of dolmens and other rude stone monuments shows differences of con- 
struction and apparently of purpose. Some of these differences are localised. Taking 
these points into consideration, together with the vast areas over which the rude 
stone monuments extend, and their great numbers, it is probable that they were not 
the work of a single race, which went about the world constructing them ; nor of 
two races, of which one erected the dolmens and the other set up the circles, but 
that they were part of a phase of culture through which many races have passed. 

[ 175 ] 

Nos. 98-99.] MAN. [1911. 

Little if anything can be deduced from these monuments as to early migrations of 
the human race. 

G. ELLIOT SMITH, M.A., M.D., F.R.S. The Foreign Relations and Influence 
of the Egyptians under the Ancient Empire. The people of Upper Egypt discovered 
copper in early pre-dynastic times, and during the succeeding centuries slowly learned 
to appreciate the magnitude of their discovery. In late pre-dynastic times they were 
casting formidable metal weapons, which enabled them to unite the whole of Egypt 
under their sway. They pushed their way beyond the frontiers of Egypt, as they 
tell us in their own records, to Sinai for copper ore, and to Syria for cedar from the 
Lebanons, as well as to the south, and they met and intermingled with the Armenoid 
population of Northern Syria, who acquired from them the knowledge of copper and 
its uses, while the Egyptians themselves took back into Egypt in their own persons 
ample evidence of the existence of an Armenoid population in Syria before 2,800 B.C. 

Before this time the Armenoids had been trickling into neolithic Europe without, 
however, making much impression upon the customs or the physical traits of its 
population, but once they had acquired metal weapons from the Egyptians they were 
able to make their way into Europe by force and to impose their customs upon her 
people, in virtue both of their numerical strength and the power they wielded in being 
better armed. 

In Egypt itself the proto-Egyptians in pre- dynastic times had learned to make 
not only weapons of war but also tools of copper. The skill they acquired in using 
these tools made them expert carpenters and stonemasons, and during the early 
dynasties they ran riot in stone, creating the vastest monuments that the world has 
ever seen. The knowledge of these achievements spread amongst the kindred peoples 
on the southern shores of the Mediterranean, to the neighbouring isles, and to Southern 
Italy and the Iberian Peninsula. But it was the knowledge of the various kinds of 
monuments that the Egyptians were building, and not the skill nor the skilled workmen 
that spread. At the time of the sixth dynasty or thereabouts the fashion of building 
stone monuments, dolmens, menhirs, cromlechs, rock-cut tombs, &c., began to spread 
amongst the kindred peoples not only on the west but also on the east of Egypt. 

The evidence afforded by the excavations of Orsi and others in Sicily and Southern 
Italy seems to indicate beyond any doubt that Egypt was the source of the new burial 
customs that came into vogue in the aeneolithic period. The features that seem so 
hopelessly inexplicable to the Italian archaeologists are precisely those which the 
Egyptian evidence elucidates. 

The absence of megaliths and kindred monuments in the track of the main 
Armenoid stream of immigration from Asia Minor into Europe is valuable negative 
evidence. The Armenoids of Asia Minor acquired a knowledge of copper weapons 
by contact with the Egyptians on the battlefields of Northern Syria, but they knew 
nothing (at the remote date we are considering) of stone working or of megalithic 
monuments, because they had no personal knowledge of Egypt. [Published in book 
form, " The Ancient Egyptians," in Harper's Library of Living Thought^] 

PROFESSOR W. M. FLINDERS PETRIE. Roman Portraits found in Egypt. 
[MAN, 1911, 91.] 


THE death is announced of Sir Herbert H. Risley, K.C.I.E., C.S.I., past QQ 
President of the Royal Anthropological Institute, who became a Fellow of the UU 
Anthropological Institute in 1889, and President of the Royal Anthropological Institute 
last year. An extended obituary notice will appear in a later number. 

Printed by EYRE AND SPOTTISWOODE, LTD., His Majesty's Printers, East Harding Street, B.C. 



MAN, jgn. 

FIG. i. 

FIG. 2. 



[No. 100. 

Egypt : Archaeology. With Plate N. Wainwright. 

Pre-Dynastic Iron Beads in Egypt. By G. A. Wainwright, B.A. 4 Aft 

Mr. Bushe-Fox and myself, while working on a pre-dynastic cemetery for IUU 
the British School of Archaeology in Egypt at El Gerzeh, about 40 miles south 
of Cairo, found the iron beads here figured in an undisturbed burial of this age : 
No. 67. The string of beads from the neck is in its original order of 3 gold, 1 iron, 
1 gold, 2 iron, 2 carnelian, 1 gold, 1 iron, 3 agate, 1 gold, 1 carnelian, 1 gold, 
1 carnelian, 1 gold, and 2 gold, which were slightly apart from the others, but 
appeared to join in here. This string is shown at the bottom of the upper 
photograph. The order of the beads from the waist is not sufficiently certain for 
a guarantee. Both strings were in position round the skeleton, the necklace resting 
in a vertical plane. There were one or two beads at the ankle. Mr. Bushe-Fox 
picked the beads off, while I cleared the sand from them, exposing two or three at 
a time and checked his observations. 

The objects in the grave are shown in the 
plate, and in illustration. They are : 

No. 6. White limestone mace-head. / f rx^\ 'S 

7. Slate palette. 
12. Copper harpoon. 
13. Strings of beads. 
16. Small ivory pot. 

v Vertebra out of place. 


1. B. 53. b. - - S.D. 40-75 

2, 3, 4. R. 69. a. - 53-66 

5. D. 7. b. - 33-63 

8, 9, 10, 11. R. 81 38-67 

14. R. 63 50-80 

15. R. 69. b. - - 36-71 

GRAVE NO. 67. 1 : 20 

S.D. 53-63 

None of these objects last on into the later 
Pan-grave civilization, nor were any objects of 
this civilization found in the whole cemetery. 

The skull was not articulated to the spine, but was standing on its base, 
packed round with the sand filling of the grave, and one of the neck vertebrae was 
found out of place, being some distance in front of the spine between the upper 
parts of the humeri. 

There were no signs of plundering, the necklace with its gold beads beiu<r 
quite undisturbed, still round the neck, and the beads in their original order ; all the 
pottery being unbroken ; the copper harpoon still remaining and the skeleton lying 
in place on the floor of the grave. There were no plundered graves at this west 
end of the cemetery, the very few that were plundered being all on the higher ground 
at the other end. The skeleton was that of a young person. It was lying on the 
left side with the head to the south, and the face to the west, the usual pre- 
dynastic position. The bones were very cracked and in a soft pasty condition, 
probably owing to the action of salts, so that they could not be moved. All shape 
had disappeared from the iliac bones. 

Professor W. Gowland, F.S.A., has examined the iron beads and reports : 
' I have examined the 'iron' beads from the Pre-dynastic grave in E^ypt and 

[ 177 ] 

Nos. 100-101.] MAN. [1911. 

" find they consist of hydrated ferric oxide, i.e., iron rust, none of the original iron 
" having escaped oxidation. On analysis one gave the following results : 

" Ferric oxide - 78 '7 per cent. 

"" Combined water with trace of C0 2 and earthy matter - 21 '3 


" They do not consist of iron ore, but of hydrated ferric oxide, which is the 
" result of the rusting of the wrought iron, of which they were originally made." 

The tubular beads have been made by bending a thin plate of metal, probably 
over a rod, which was afterwards removed. 

The full account will appear in this year's volume of the British School. 


Since writing the above, on working over the tomb groups, 1 have found the 
beads from yet another grave, No. 133, to include two small beads of iron. They 
are of the same shape and technique as the others but very much smaller, being 
only | inch long, and are rusted together. 

The tomb group is just as distinctly pre-dynastic as is No. 67, being dated 
by its pottery to S.D. 60-66, and containing a slate palette and rubber, an ivory 
spoon, a small porphyry bowl and a small vase of red breccia, and a very fine and 
small flint flake. On the head were the usual pre-dynastic disc beads of carnelian, 
garnet, lapis lazuli, glazed limestone, and serpentine. On the hands and arms were 
the two iron beads, with disc beads of carnelian, serpentine, glazed limestone, lapis 
lazuli, garnet and gold, besides some shells, and barrel beads of quartz, calcite, and 
serpentine. In the grave was also a collection of curios ; such as pretty naturally- 
polished pebbles, mostly carnelian ; two curiously - shaped pebbles not unlike the 
human eye, one of which has been ground down ; a piece of haematite much rubbed 
down ; dog's teeth and shells. This grave is the more satisfactory, as it was daubed 
over with a covering of mud, which, when we found it, was unbroken, though it 
had sagged badly while still wet. This guarantees the absence of any objects of 
later date. As the iron in the two graves is less probably the result of two 
.separate finds of iron than of one, this find is limited to S.D. 60-63. G. A. W. 

Fig. 1. Tomb group. ^ scale. Fig. 2. Iron beads, f scale. 

New Guinea : Linguistics. Strong. 

Note on the Tate Language of British New Guinea. />'// " Ifll 

Marsh Strong, M.D. IUI 

The Tate language is spoken on the Cupola, a rocky promontory on the shores 
of the Papuan Gulf, close to the village of Kerema. Mr. McGowan, of Moviavi, 
first sent me a vocabulary of this language, and Mr. H. L. GrifFen subsequently 
extended and verified this. There are two settlements of people whom the Elema 
tribes regard as strangers on the Cupola, and another small one at its foot near the 
Elema village which is known to the Motu as Silo. The language spoken in these 
villages ie quite distinct from the Elema language used in the adjoining villages ; it 
is possible that it is allied with the unknown dialects which are spoken in the hills 
behind the coastal zone of the Papuan Gulf. 

In a list of 240 words only fifteen occur at all similar to Elema words and 
probably these are borrowed, for all the Tate people speak the Kaipi language, which 
is a dialect of the Elema, and also have much intercourse with the neighbouring 
Elema villager 

[ 173 ] 






- Nau. 

Flesh - 

- Haivai-ime. 

Areca nut 

- Aiena. 

Flower - 

Opura fuai. 



Fly (noun) 

- Arepo. 








Hahu-beni . 


- Fahigenu. 



Bamboo - 




Banana - 

- Aisi.* 

Garden - 

- Faura. 

Barter - 

- Inaiame. 








- Mini. 










- Ningenu. 

Blood - 


Hair (of head) 







- Aru-ere. 



Bow (ooun) - 

- Side. 


- Aro. 

Branch - 

- Hau waina. 


- Moehea. 


- One. 





Hook - 

- Falaua. 




- Doro. 


- Arepo. 



Chest - 

- Hohiri. 


- Adu. 


- Foa. 



Child - 

- Moana. 


- Sire. 

Claw (of bird ) 




Cloud - 

- Aivara. 








- E-e.f 






- Ueka. 


- Enape. 


- Anodi. 


- Kevea. 






- leka. 

Digging stick - 

- Maha. 




- Evera. 



Drink - 



- Ivisa. 


- 0-i. 


I-i miha. 

Earth (ground) 

Tau audu. 

Mother - 

- Evera naura. 


- Nove. 

Mouth - 



Mini numu.J 


- Neilo. 

Elbow - 



- Ung-o. 






- Inodoho. 



Far oft' - 

- Upinge. 

Nipple - 

Ami-hum u. 

Father - 

Avi baudia. 



Feather - 

- lai-ore. 


- No-i. 

Finger - 

- Upu-ae. 


- Kai-ia. 


- Auehe. 


- Ainaru. 


- Nani. 



* Aisi sikuia, ripe banana. 
t E-c himidi, many cocoanuts. 

[ 179 ] 

J Mini is bird. 

No. 101.] 









Sago palm 



Scratch - 



Shadow - 

Shark - 

Shield - 






Smoke - 



Speak - 













Ori havehave. 


















Sweet potato 

Taste - 
Thick - 
Thigh - 
Thin - 
Tongue - 
Tooth - 

Village - 
Water - 
White - 
Wife - 
Wind - 

Woman - 

Yellow - 


























Ka-u : Davara 
(north - west), 
Mauda (south- 





Ungka Ungka. 
Upu Okau.* 

Mr. S. H. Ray, who has looked through my vocabulary, considers that the Tate 
language is Papuan, but quite distinct from the Elema, Namau, and Bamu groups of 
Papuan dialects and also from the Papuan languages of German New Guinea. 
Further, although the following words are similar to Roro, Mekeo, Pokau, and Kabadi, 
" these apparently Melanesian words are all (except five) words, which, in the four 
" languages mentioned are unlike Melanesian." 


- Barter 

Kabadi, inaina. 


- Blood 

Mekeo, ifa. 

Mini-numu - 

- Egg 

- Kabadi, manu-mumuna. 


- Good 

- Pokau, &c., nama. 

Aro - 


Roro, Doura, ara, but Elema, &c., 


Ea - 

- House 

- Mekeo, ea. 

leka - 

- Mat 

- Kabadi, eka (Melanesian ?). 

Fuie - 

- Moon 

Doura, huia (Melanesian ?). 


- Pig- 

- Roro, aiporo. 

Up a - 

- Rain 

- Doura, upa ; Motu, &c., gupa. 

Haua - 

- Rat 

- Roro and Kabidi, kaua (Melanesian). 

Hiiro - 

- Red 

Roro, biro. 

* i.e., hand finish. 

[ 180 ] 

1911.] MAN. [Nos. 101-102. 

Mai - - River - Doura, vei, water. (The Gulf languages 

interchange m and v.) 

Kedea - Road - Kabadi, kerea. 

Foa - - Rope - Kabadi, poa. 

Beraa Skin - Roro, parua. 

Mauda - - S.E. - Roro, baura ; Toaripi, &c., mauta. 

Africa : Congo. Maes. 

Notes sur le materiel du feticheur, Baluba. Par le Dr. Jos. 4IIQ 

Maes, Conservateur de la section ethno graphique du Musee du Congo, Beige. IMfc 

Grace a 1'initiative de nos agents d'Afrique les collections ethnographiques du 
Muse"e du Congo a Tervueren se developpent de plus en plus. 

L'interet de ces nouvelles richesses est rehaussee par le fait que toutes possederit 
des notations speciales et precises sur leur origine, leur usage et tres souvent sur leur 
signification sociale. 

Tel est le cas de la collection recoltee par le Dr. Mordiglia. Celle-ci se compose de 
28 objets formant le materiel complet du feticheur Baluba. 

1. Une Figurine en bois blanc representant une femme debout, soigneusement 
sculptee, tete aplatie, coiffure en gradins gauffres, absence de front, yeux, oreilles et 
bouche sculptes en bas relief, nez large et plat, les mains posees sur les flancs, le ventre 
preeminent, les jambes legerement coudees, les pieds larges et plats. 

L'oreille droite est teinte au ngula. 
Hauteur 11 cm.; nom indigene " Daye" 

Ce fetiche se place a 1'interieur de la hutte et sert a preserver les enfants de toute 
inaladie grave. 

2. Une Figurine en bois blanc, grossierement sculptee, representant un personnage 
debout, le sommet de la coiffure perce d'un trou dans lequel est fixe, a 1'aide de resine de 
Bulungu, un tube en bois rempli de substances magiques. Figure entouree d'une legere 
moulure, yeux marques de deux cauris, nez plat, bouche petite, menton pointu. Tout 
le corps est convert par un large pagne, fixe au cou et forme d'un morceau d'etoffe 
d'importation, de feuilles de bananier et de plusieurs lanieres de peau. 

La moitie de la figure et de la tete est teinte en rouge blanc, 1'autre noircie au 
charbon de bois melange d'huile de palme. 
Hauteur 19 cm. ; nom indigene "Am'." 
Ce fetiche se place devant les huttes pour les preserver de malheurs. 

3. Un Baton du feticheur (Fig. 1) fait d'une tige de rotang surmontee d'un 
fetiche en forme de capitule ovale, compose d'une touffe de feuilles de bananier tressees 
couvertes d'un lassis de cordes. L'ensemble est fixe et noue au sommet du baton 
a 1'aide de fibres de piassava. La partie superieure du capitule est ornee d'une houppe 
de plumes de coq et d'une serie d'eclats de rotang fixes en forme d'eventail, la partie 
mediane de deux comes s'emboitant 1'uue dans 1'autre et remplies de braises pilees, 
d'os de poule et de chevre pulverises, melanges d'huile de palme ; le cote droit de 
deux tukulo on morceaux de courge, de deux pingu morceaux de bois, de deux 
nouveaux tukulo et d'un kapulu espece de fruit de la foret, superposes et noircis ; 
le cote gauche d'une corne d'antilope teinte au ngula. 

Le fetiche est entitlement enduit et impregne d'une pate faite de ngula de pemba 
et de braises pulverisees. 

Hauteur du fetiche 25 cm. ; nom indigene Panda. 

Compaguon inseparable du feticheur en tournee chez ses malades, le panda est 
en realite forme d'un assemblage de plusieurs fetiches. Les cornes d'antilopes sont 
bourrees de substances magiques. Celles-ci servent a incarner dans les fetiches 



1 , baton du fe"ticheur ; 2, 3, 4, bracelets ; 5, 6, ceintures ; 7, bandage pour fracture ; 8, couteau et gaine ; 

9, coquille d'escargot ; 10, 11, cornes amulettes ; 12, cauteVisateur 


[ 182 ] 

1911.] MAN. [No. 102. 

nouveaux la force et 1'esprit qui eloignera les mauvais sorts, preservers I'heurenx 
possesseur des attaques et poisons, empechera les vols ou protegera les huttes. 

Pris separement le fetiche Baluba, quelque soit d'ailleurs sa forme, ne possede 
ui pouvoir iii signification. II est faeonne et sculpte par le forgeron au village et 
parfois par le proprietaire lui-meme. II n'acquiert un sens precis que lorsque le fe'ticbeur 
lui a mis dans la tete ou autour du cou, on a la ceinture les attributs de la puissance 
qu'il lui doune. 

Ces attributs sont tres souvent forme d'un amalgame de choses les plus diverses, 
feuilles, racines, huile de palme, etc., auquel le feticheur a melange une petite partie 
de la poudre de 1'une ou 1'autre corne ds son panda. 

Les Tukulo sont remplis de feuilles de courges, utilisees pour les cas d'accouche- 
ments difficiles ; le Kapulu est un fruit de la foret employe contre la migraine ; les 
pingu sont des morceaux de bois d'un arbre special qui sert de medicament pour 
les maladies de la matrice ; les eclats de rotang places en eventail exercent, d'apres 
les croyances indigenes, une influence bienfaisante sur les ecorchures aux pieds. 

Suivant le cas des maladies le feticheur aura recours a 1'un ou 1'autre des 
amulettes de son panda. Celui-ci peut done etre considere comme la boite de secours 
du medecin Baluba. 

4. Trois bracelets (Fig. 2) faits en eclats de rotang reconverts par deux lanieres de 
rotang enroulees et nouees a la partie superieure, de facon a ourler le bracelet de 
legeres moulures dentelees. 

5. Un bracelet (Fig. 4) fait d'une tige de fer recourbee eu anneau et ornee d'un 
sachet en etoflfe d'importation. 

6. Un bracelet (Fig. 3) fait d'un anneau en fer orne de dessins et garni d'uu 
sachet en peau de serpent rembourre de substances magiques. 

Nom indigene Tukano. 

Ces bracelets serventd'ornement au feticheur Baluba dans les ceremonies religieusen, 
danses, etc. 

7. Une ceinture formee d'urie laniere de cuir d'elephant garnie d'un sachet fait en 
etoffe d'importation et bourre de substances magiques. L'une des extremit^s de la 
ceinture est munie de deux oeillets servant a y faire passer 1'autre extremite pour 
attacher la ceinture. 

8. Une ceinture (Fig. 6) composee d'une fibre de raphia garnie de perles rouges, 
jaunes et bleues et ornee d'une laniere d'etoffe d'importation a laquelle sont fixees deux 
comes d'antilope. L'une de ces cornes est bourree de substances magiques, 1'autre est 
recouverte a la base d'un lassis en fibres de piassava tressees et enduites d'huile de 
palme. Une toute petite come est fixee au sommet du bourrelet et tout autour une 
serie de clous en laiton. 

9. Uue ceinture (Fig. 5) faite d'une laniere de cuir d'antilope ornee 1 de quatre 
franges de perles blanches enfilees sur des fibres de piassava ; 2 d'une corne 
d'antilope perforce a la p^inte, attachee a 1'aide de fibres tressees et garnie d'une serie 
de perles rouges, bleues et blanches enroulees autour de la base. Ceile-ci est 
recouverte d'un large lassis en fibres de piassava tressees, orne d'une couronne de 
clou en laiton et termine par un bourrelet dans lequel s'encastre une seconde corne 
d'antilope bourree en partie de substances magiques; 3 d'une laniere ue cuir a 
laquelle est fixee une sonuette en fer avec petit battant. 

Nom indigene " Bilonda." 

10. Une boite a medicaments formee d'une coque de fruit d'un arbre appele 
mubala, genre de calebasse, contenant un melange d'objets les plus divers. 

Nom indigene " Mud'tango" 

11. Une seconde boite en fer blanc, remplie de diverses substances magiques, 

[ 183 ] 

No. 102.] MAN. [1911, 

perles, ngula, ossements sachets en fibres, pierres, insectes, etc., servant a donner aux 
fetiches nouveaux les attributs do leur force et de leur pouvoir. 

12. Une boite a medicaments (Fig. 10) formee d'une corne d'antilope bourree de 
substances medicales, la base recouverte d'un eoduit d'huile de palme, de debris d'herbe, 
de ngula, formant bourrelet au sommet duquel est fixee une seconde petite corne. 

13. Une Corne amulette (Fig. 11) la pointe perforce servant a y passer une corde 
en fibres enfilant une sonnette en laiton et un siffiet en bois. La base est ornee 
d'un trou et recouverte d'un enduit forme d'huile de palme, de debris d'herbe et de 
ngula formant bourrelet au sommet duquel est fixee une petite corne d'antilope. Sert 
an feticheur a guerir les malades. 

Hauteur, 33 cm. 

14. Deux sachets en etoffe d'importation I'un contenant un melange d'os, de 
plumes, de poils de chevre et de ngula, servant a faire des medicaments, 1'autre bourre 
de sel indigene, employe parfois comme medecine. 

15. Un Couteau avec gaine (Fig. 8) faite de deux planchettes rectangulaires, 
decoupees a la base et retenues par trois ligatures en fibres. 

La lame est en forme de feuille de laurier, tres usagee et ornee d'une ligne de 
petits traits graves, allant de la base a la pointe. Elle est encastree dans un manche 
en bois sculpte, a quatre larges moulures et termine par un petit tenon. 

Le feticheur attache le couteau a la ceinture et s'en sert pour couper les herbes 

16. Une Calebasse allongee et sectionnee aux deux extremites servant de 

Le feticheur applique 1'nne des ouvertures sur le corps des malades et aspire 
fortement par 1'autre. 

Nom indigene Tsileo. 

17. Deux Calebasses percees au sommet et a la base, servant de poires a 

Nom indigene Django. 

Pour s'en servir le malade doit se placer sur les mains et les pieds, le inoganga 
.ntroduit la canule dans 1'anus du patient et verse le liquide melange aux medica- 
ments dans la calebasse, puis il applique la bouche sur 1'ouverture ronde faite dans 
la base de la calebasse et souffle avec force. 

18. Deux coquilles cTescargot (Fig. 9) bourrees de substances medicales que le 
feticheur melange a 1'huile de palme, pour en former une pate dont il se sert dans 
les cas d'adenite et d'engorgement. 

19. Deux bandages pour fractures (Fig. 7) des membres, specimens uniques, 
composes d'une serie de petites lattes de bambou juxtapposees et reliees par trois 
ligatures en fibres de raphia, prolongees par deux cordes en fibres tordues servant 
u nouer solidement le bandage autour du membre fracture. 

Hauteur des lattes, 1 cm. ; largeur, 19 cm. ; longueur des cordes, 3 m. 45 cm. ; 
uom indigene Kasasa. 

20. Une sacoche a medicaments faite en peau d'antilope cousue a 1'aide de fibres de 
piassava et fermee par une corde en fibres de raphia tressees fixee a la partie inferieure 
<1u sachet. Celui-ci contient des os, des pattes de poules, une petite corne, une patte 
de chevre, des fibres, des morceaux de bois et autres substances servant a donner au 
fetiche ses pouvoirs et sa signification sociale. 

Nom indigene " Tshilenta" 

21. Un inciseur fait d'une fine lamelle de fer de forme biconcave prolongee par 
une tige cylindrique legerement efilee. 

Nom indigene " Lukengo" 

Le feticheur se sert de cet instrument pour faire les saigm'es et les tatouages. 

[ 184 ] 

1911.] MAN. [Nos. 102-103. 

22. Un cauterisateur (Fig. 12) forme d'une come d'antilope percee de six trous, 
teinte au ngula et contenant des feuilles de bananier et de la poudre de ngula 
melangee d'huile de palme. Une tige en fer legerement efilee a 1'nne des extremites 
est fixee dans 1'un des trous perces dans la come, 

Le feticheur se sert du cauterisateur dans le cas des maladies de la peau du 
canser ou de plaies. La corne contient le charme guerisseur. 

Une minime partie de celui-ci est repandu sur la partie malade avant 1'application 
<le la tige de fer rougie au feu. 

23. Quatre eclats de gres quartzitique, veritables pierres taillees servant exclu- 
sivemerit a limer les dents. 

24. Un taillet pour dent fait d'une forte lamelle de fer dont Tune des extremites 
est inunie d'une petite entaille. Celle-ci est placee sur la dent et a petits coups de 
marteau le feticheur en casse des petites parcelles. 

Ce meme instrument sert encore a enlever les dents. Le patient place la tete sur 
les genoux du feticheur, la figure en haut la bouche ouverte. L'extremite entaillee 
est placee sur la dent a enlever et un coup sec porte sur 1'autre extremite 1'arrache 

25. Un fer de lance forge en forme de losange allonge", servant de monnaie dans 
la region des Baluba. Celui-ci fut remis au feticheur en retribution de son interven- 
tion dans un cas de maladie. 

26. Une besace faite en fibres de raphia, ornee a la partie inferieure et superieure 
de franges tressees et nouees. Une corde en fibres tordues servant de laniere de 
suspension est fixee a 1'un des coins de la besace. Le feticheur se sert de cette besace 
pour transporter ses instruments de chirurgie et les nombreuses substances magiques 
lors de ses peregrinations dans la region. 

27. Un bonnet de feticheur fait en fibres de raphia tissees, orne au sommet d'une 
simple plume de pintade. 

28. Une peau d'antilope des roseaux cervicapra arundinum servant d'habillement 
au feticheur dans Fexercise de ses fonctions sacrees. J. MAES. 

Africa, West. Macfle. 

A Bassa-Komo Burial. By J. W. Scott Macfie, B.A., B.Sc. IAQ 

In the course of a tour through the province of Bassa, in Northern Nigeria, lUU 
we came, on January 12th, 1911, to Dekina. The town, which is not a large one, 
is situated about twenty miles from Gbebe, the village on the River Niger almost 
opposite to Lokoja. It consists of a Hausa, an Igara, and a Bassa-Komo portion, 
in the letter of which the funeral described below took place. Unfortunately it was 
impossible to follow the ceremony from start to finish, but what it was possible to 
see I now place on record, in the hope that it may be of some interest. In the 
evening a great beating of drums and firing of guns attracted us to the Bassa-Komo 
village an old man had died in the afternoon and his grave was being dug. In the 
centre of the village all the women were grouped, their backs gleaming in the light 
of a dull red fire over which four huge pots were cooking. They sat chanting some 
dirge, whilst to one side stood the widow weeping bitterly. Before the dead man's 
hut three men were drumming and dancing, whilst behind it the grave was being dug. 
Some dozen boys squatted around the hole, whilst one man loosened the soil with an 
axe blade attached to the end of a long pole. Now and then he stopped, and going 
into the hole scooped out the earth with his hands. The body lay in the " juju " 
house close to the grave, and under the shade of a great tree. Smoke was coming 
out of the house, and all around it men were dancing and drumming, shouting and 
tiring oflf guns. They told us that they would be at work on the grave all night, 
and that the burial would be next day at four o'clock ; and, indeed, the drumming 

[ 183 ] 

No. 103.] MAN. [1911. 

continued throughout the night with sleep-destroying persistence. The grave when 
we saw it was about six feet deep and only just wide enough for a man to stoop 
in it, but they said they would dig it about fifteen feet deep, and then at the foot 
make two side tunnels for the head and feet of the body respectively. At the 
bottom a bed would be made of sticks, on which the dead man would be laid. As 
we went away we saw the women dancing round one of the wooden mortars in 
which they pound the guinea-corn. Each held a stick with which she rapped on 
the rim in time with the chant they were singing, and all the time they moved 
slowly round and round the mortar. Once buried they told us the funeral feast 
would begin, and for a week much " pito " would be drunk, and a year later, for 
" one moon," the feast would be resumed. 

All the next day, at intervals, the drums boomed and the guns went off, and 
now nnd then above the din shrill lamentations resounded. Walking through the 
villages we saw great numbers of pots of " pito " brewing, every cluster of huts had 
four great pots boiling over fires. And all the while people came in by twos and 
threes from the country to honour the dead the King's father, once himself the 
King. At five o'clock word was sent to us that the burial was about to take place, 
and going down to the village we found a large number of people collected. The 
women were in the centre of the village where they were on the previous evening, 
and a grass screen had been put up between them and the dead man's hut, beyond 
which they were not allowed to pass. Around the grave, now fully twelve feet 
deep, crouched some twenty boys, and a little further out the old men pipes in hand, 
the drummers, and half-a-dozen men with guns. 

The sun was setting behind us, and before us the full moon was beginning to 
shine out when they lifted the body out of the little hut in which it had lain all 
night. The drummers redoubled their efforts, and gun after gun was fired as quickly 
as they could be loaded. The body lay on an old blue cloth just as the old man had 
died, only a white cloth had been tied across the mouth and nose. He had been old 
and his forehead was furrowed and his head grey. They lifted him on to a low stool 
and washed all his body, allowing the water to run into a hollow scooped in- the 
ground especially to receive it. Then they dressed him in fine new clothes bought 
from the Hausa traders the same day an apron of blue cloth, a pair of richly 
embroidered trousers, two white robes with sleeves lined with purple, a very finely 
worked robe of mottled blue, and over all a blue-black gown. They placed a blue 
cap on his head, and lifting him up folded him within a blue and then a white 
shroud. Just before twisting the edges tightly they placed some cowries beside him, 
and his "juju" the skin of some animal and some provisions for the way; then, 
still holding him above the ground, they folded the edges together lengthwise over 
and over until the cloths wrapped round him closely. At the head a long twist was 
left with which to lower him into the grave. 

Laying him on a grass mat they brought a kid, and one man kneeling at his 
feet called to the dead man and spoke to him, holding the bleating kid at his side. 
Perhaps he was excusing the paltry sacrifice, for it is said before the white man 
came slaves were killed at the funeral of a king. Then the kid was killed, its body 
was passed over the corpse and then taken away. So they lifted up the dead king 
and carried him into the house that had been his. All drumming ceased, and in 
absolute quiet the women were allowed to come through the screen and look at the 
dead man lying in his house. I have a clear picture of this scene. The great tree 
overhead through the branches of which the moon is shining clearly ; the shadows 
creeping closer and closer ; and just at the edge of night the silent men, old men 
gripping their long pipes, young men with gleaming shoulders, men with big drums, 
and men with long flint lock guns. In the centre is the grave with its rampart of 

[ 186 ] 

1911.] MAN. [Nos. 103-104. 

red earth, around which crouch twenty or more dark figures. The fire beneath the 
tree flickers and blazes up, and slowly in procession the women pass in and out of 
the hut where the dead is laid. Presently they brought out the body and lowered it 
into the grave, steadying it by means of the twist of cloth at the head. There were 
three men in the grave, standing one above the other, to help to lay the body at 
rest. And so we left them, the drums beating again, the guns booming, and the 
Seraki (the old man's son) sitting at the door of his father's house weeping loudly. 
They bury their dead lying parallel to the river, they told us, and one curious 
instrument figured in the ceremony, a wand with a spi e at oue end and four 
elongated bell-like pieces at the other. Two cords were tied below the top, the one 
to denote the present obsequies, the other those of another man of royal blood who had 
died during the year. This wand is only used at royal funerals, and is said to have 
the virtue of preventing water from touching the body. What other ceremonies they 
performed and what things they buried with the body we could not see. It was 
night long before they had laid him down. J. W. SCOTT MACFIE. 

Criminal Anthropology. Kurella. 

Cettare Lombroso a Modern Man of Science. By Hans Kurella, M.D. Ill 1 
Translated from the German by M. Eden Paul, M.D. Rebman, 1911. lUTT 
Pp. vi + 194. 

This little book contains an interesting account of the pioneer of criminal 
anthropology by an old pupil and friend. It is a high tribute to the true friendship 
of Dr. Kurella that, in explaining and estimating Lombroso's work, he is scrupulously 
impartial ; and the book becomes a well-balanced exposition of what may be called 
the Italian School of Criminology. 

A short first chapter gives a brief account of Lombroso's early life. The next 
deals with the data of criminal anthropology, discusses the born criminal, atavism, 
the criminal type and the physical characters exhibited by criminals, especially in 
regard to the skull, brain, ear, and facial expression. In the third and longest 
chapter, the opposition aroused by Lombroso's opinions having been explained, a 
short account, with critical remarks, follows on his books, Woman as Criminal and 
The Political Criminal, and concludes with a section on Criminal Psychology. 

The fourth chapter treats of Lombroso as a social reformer. His point of view, 
so often misunderstood and misrepresented, is well expressed in the following 
words : " He was an anthropologist, but he studied human beings, not in artificial 
" isolation, nor in respect merely of individual organs, such as the skull or the brain ; 
" he studied man as he always manifests himself as the member of a community : 
" man more or less perfectly adapted to his environment, and in so far as he is 
" imperfectly adapted, in conflict with the hostile forces of that environment. He 
" studied especially the ill-adapted varieties of mankind, and those which lack the 
" faculty of adaptation ; and in this study he endeavoured to discover types. 

" No other investigator has done as much as Lombroso for the description and 
" recognition, by means of exact measurement and numeration, of the sociologically 
" important non-ethnic varieties of the human species, Homo sapiens. Inspired by the 
" great idea of evolution, he earnestly endeavoured to elucidate the most obscure 
" secrets of organic life ; but it was precisely by his profound knowledge and under- 
" standing of the organic realm that he was safeguarded from attempting to base 
" his sociological thought upon the superficial analogy between the loose association 
" of individuals in society and the intimate intercommunication of the cells of a 
" living organism, by means of which they are all fused into a unitary being." 

r 1^ ] 

Nos. 104-105.] MAN. [1911. 

The " Significance of Criminal Anthropology " is the subject next discussed, and 
the opportunity is taken of correcting erroneous ideas regarding Lombroso's views, 
especially that idea which represents him as having regard merely to the born 
criminal. The relation of the environment, in its widest sense, to the criminal forms 
the subject-matter of Lombroso's anthropology. He had a distinct preference for 
the study of states rather than processes, which accounts for his attraction to 
epilepsy and the trance states of spiritualists. If the study of criminal anthropology 
is able to throw light on the causes of anti-social actions, it will be helpful in 
guiding us to the best means for the preservation of social security. 

Next we see how Lombroso was drawn into the turmoil of politics. With his 
usual enthusiasm, unselfishness, and industry he threw himself into the investigation 
of Pellagra, that scourge of the Italian peasant. His explanation of its causes and 
of what was required to combat it had the two-fold effect of drawing him into the 
movement for agrarian reform and of bringing down upon him the hatred of the 
landowning classes of Lombardy and Venice. These people successfully engineered a 
boycott against him as a physician, with the result that a large consulting practice 
was completely destroyed. We are reminded of the illustrious Harvey, whose " practice 
fell mightily after the publication of his great discovery, for 'twas believed by the 
" vulgar that he was crackbrained." 

The last chapter is devoted to that work by which Lombroso is best known in 
this country, " The Man of Genius," in which he lays so much stress on the connec- 
tion between epilepsy and genius. How far genius, insanity, and crime are the result 
of a pathological condition manifesting itself differently according to education and 
environment is a question the study of Lombroso raises if it does not answer. 

An appendix refers to Lombroso's spiritualistic researches. Although with these 
Dr. Kurella clearly has no sympathy, and the whole subject must be distasteful 
to him, yet with that fairness which characterises the book, he describes Lombroso's 
much-to-be-regretted dealings with mediums and Eusapia Palladino, and concludes 
with the words, " To our enemies we freely give the Lombroso of senile decay, 
" for the Lombroso of youth for ever young is ours." 

The book is a remarkable tribute to one of the most remarkable men of the 
nineteenth century, whose originality and industry have done so much to stir up 
thought, and have already born fruit in the study and treatment of crime throughout 
Europe. Even in our own country, where new ideas are so slowly accepted-, and 
nowhere more than in the legal profession, the new reforms associated with the 
terms, " First Offenders Act," ' Borstal System," " Probation Act," " Habitual 
Criminal," are indirectly traceable to the work of Lombroso, work which in days to 
come we may hope will result in lessening the great incubus of insanity and crime 
which now weighs so heavily on civilised humanity. E. A. PARKYN. 

New Guinea : Ethnography & Folklore. Dempwolff : Von Luschan. 

Baessler-Archiv, Band 1, Heft 2. Sagen und Mdrchen ans Bilibili. Von IflC 
Dr. O. Dempwolff. Zur Ethnographic das Kaiserin-Augusta-Flusses. Von lUu 
Prof. F. von Luschan. Leipzig und Berlin : Druck und Verlag von B. G. Triibner, 191 1. 
The second part of Baessler-Archiv is dedicated to New Guinea, and contains 
two articles. The first, by Dr. Dempwolff, gives the text and translation of ten 
stories from Bilibili (Astrolabe Bay) collected in German East Africa from an eighteen- 
year-old Papuan, one of a draft of 150 recruits sent to do service there in 1906, 
but repatriated after a short time. Among the stories which appear to be totemic is 
one in which a crocodile is born as one of twins and, after a series of adventures, 
explains that he is not a true crocodile but a reincarnation of an ancestor. In the 

[ 188 ] 

1911.] MAN. [tfos. 105-106. 

second article Professor von Luschan figures and describes a number of objects froni 
the Empress Augusta river. The folk of the middle and upper reaches probably 
present two or three distinct cultures, and certainly differ from those in the neigh- 
bourhood of the river mouth. The specimens described are from the middle reaches, 
and include clay vessels with one side of the neck decorated with a pig's face, the 
snout projecting somewhat, as do the features in one well-known type of early 
European urn. These vessels are extremely ugly, and contrast aesthetically with the 
really beautiful shallow bowl covers of clay, apparently made by the same people, 
and decorated with patterns which bear a certain resemblance to those of the Papuan 
Gulf.* The finest piece is a pig's head modelled in the round with outstretched 
wooden tongue, which shows a vigorous naturalism uncommon in New Guinea. 
There are figures of a number of interesting wood carvings, many of which are 
beautiful pieces of work and unlike anything hitherto described. The article closes 
with figures of woven masks and prepared heads with carefully modelled features, the 
whole painted so that at first sight they look as if the skull was covered with dried 
and elaborately tatooed skin. Finally, Professor von Luschan notes with regret that 
we have not the least knowledge of the sociology of the people who make these 
characteristic objects. C. G. SELIGMANN. 

Sociology. Haddon. 

Cats' Cradles from Many Lands. By Kathleen Haddon. Longmans, <ff)Q 
Green & Co., 1911. IUO 

There are two games to be found in every quarter of the globe, knuckle bones 
and cats' cradles, under which latter heading string games or puzzles may be classed. 
The variety of these indeed, and their connection with superstitions and legends 
particularly among the Eskimo have for some years attracted the attention of 
ethnologists. Thus Miss Haddon's little work, with diagrams of nearly sixty figures, 
and her clear and concise directions for making them is especially welcome. Miss 
Haddon has gone to many sources for her examples, and has had the invaluable 
assistance of Dr. Haddon, who had supplied her with figures which he had learnt from 
the Navaho Indians, and others which he had brought from the Torres Straits and South 
Africa. In the introduction the author mentions the " occurrence of an accompaniment 
" of chants or words in the Torres Straits and the frequent representations of persons 
" or objects connected with religion or mythology in Oceania." With regard to the 
latter the writer of this notice, when in the South Seas four years ago, was shown 
a manuscript work by a German doctor, an old resident in Samoa, which contained an 
extensive collection of string figures, many representing a complete story, one of them 
being much after the style of the legend of the unfortunate lovers depicted on the 
old china plates. Miss Haddon does not deal with British figures, but in mentioning 
one, " Sawing wood," taught to Dr. Haddon by Zia Uddin Ahmad, of Trinity College, 
Cambridge, who said it was known in Delhi and Lucknow under the name of " Scissors," 
she expresses her belief that the figure also occurs in England. We can assure her 
that it does, as we played it in our boyhood quite half-a-century ago. The string 
figures illustrated in the book do not deal with the better known variety of figures, 
but with the hitherto unregarded form, which may be constructed by a single player, 
and which, as the author remarks, " apart from their ethnological interest, form a 
u fascinating pastime for an idle hour." Some fifty of these are given, some, such as 
the "Fish Spear" or "The Cocoanut Palm Tree," being quite simple and easy, while 

* One of these covers has upon it a conventional face closely resembling that engraved on 
a cone shell in the British Museum from the prehistoric site at Rairm (Collingwood Bay), B.N.G., 
and figured by Seligmann and Joyce in Anthropological Essays presented to Edward Burnett Tylor, 
PI. VI11. 

[ 189 ] 

Nos. 106-108,] MAN. [1911. 

others, such as the Eskimo " Fox and Whale," or the wider known " Moon," take 
some time and are difficult to manipulate. One figure known in Scotland as the 
" Leashing of Lochiel's Dogs," and in North America as " Crow's Feet," has a world-wide 
distribution, occurring also in North Queensland and East Africa, having a different 
mode of formation in nearly every place. Miss Haddon also describes a dozen amusing 
string "tricks" gathered from different parts of the world, including the well-known 
English " hanging trick," and one of a similar character from Central Africa. Miss 
Haddon may be congratulated on having produced an interesting work on a subject 
of which very little has hitherto been known in this country. T. H. J. 

Indonesia. de Castro. 

Flores de Coral. By Alberto Osorio de Castro. Dilli (Timor) : Imprensa 407 
Nacional, 1910. Pp. 269. lUI 

Senhor de Castro is a member of the younger school of Portuguese poetry ; he 
is also a judge in the Portuguese colonial service, and has lived in many parts of 
the world. This is not the place to make a criticism on the poems in this work ; 
written in the tongue of those that first " sailed from Portugal's western strand, e'en 
" beyond Taprobana's isle," and printed in Timor, they have a peculiar interest of 
their own. But besides the poems there is in this work very much contained of great 
interest to the student in the very full notes which accompany them. The author 
refers to a possibility of ethnological research being carried out under Government 
auspices in Portuguese Timor ; it is to be hoped more will be heard of this. He 
himself could doubtless give some valuable information. Indeed, he winds up this 
work by recording his own anthropometrical measurements. G. C. WHEELER. 


Anthropology. British Association. 


G. A. WAIN WRIGHT. Pre- dynastic Iron Beads from Egypt. [MAN, 4(10 
1911, 100.] lUO 

R. R. MARETT, M.A. Pleistocene Man in Jersey. 1. A cave named La Cotte 
de St. Brelade, on the south coast of Jersey, has yielded (a) osteological remains, 
identified as those of a pleistocene fauna, woolly rhinoceros, reindeer, two kinds of 
horse, bovines, and deer ; (6) nine human teeth, which Dr. Keith regards as those 
of an adult individual of the Neanderthal type, and indeed as being in certain features 
more primitive than any hitherto known ; (c) numerous implements of well-marked 
Mousterian facies, amongst which none are of the coup de poing type with secondary 
chipping on both faces. These finds were all close together amongst the remains 
of a hearth not far from the cave entrance, under about twenty feet of accumulations, 
consisting of clay and rock-rubbish. 

2. A cave named La Cotte de St. Ouen, on the north coast, near the north-west 
corner, has yielded implements of a Mousterian facies, but of a coarser workmanship, 
one of these being a heart-shaped coup de poing, whilst three others approximate 
to the same form. It is suggested that this cave belongs to an older Mousterian 
horizon than the other. Two separate hearths have been found here, the site having 
been recently searched completely. 

3. Other evidence concerning pleistocene man in Jersey is scarce and uncertain : 
(a) Sporadic flint implements have been assigned to the Mousterian and other palaeo- 
lithic horizons ; (6) a human skull, and elsewhere the bone of a horse, have been 
found deep in the loess of the low-lying parts of the island, which in some cases 
underlies the stratum containing remains of the early neolithic period : (c) the raised 

[ 190 ] 

1911.] MAN. [No. 108. 

beaches of Jersey and the neighbourhood provide a problematic scale of emergences 
and submergences, into which may be fitted the particular emergence coinciding with 
the Mousterian occupation. [Archaologia, Vol. LXII, 1911.] 

W. DALE, F.S.A. Memorials of Prehistoric Man in Hampshire. The gravel 
beds of the Avon from Milford Hill in Wiltshire down to Christchurch in Hants, and 
the cliff sections at Barton and Milford, at Billhead, not far from Portsmouth, and at 
a point in the Tsle of Wight nearly opposite, have all yielded palaeolithic implements 
in great variety. No district is, however, more prolific than the valleys of the Itchen 
and the Test. The great age claimed for these gravel beds and for the associated im- 
plements is confirmed by the existence near Southampton of several streams which have 
cut for themselves secondary valleys of great depth right through the gravel since it 
was deposited, and through the underlying beds. The implements are of great variety, 
and are representative of all the various forms into which palasoliths can be classed. 

Neolithic implements are plentiful and specimens of almost all the types known 
elsewhere in Britain have been found. The most common implement, apart from 
the simple flake, is the roughly chipped celt. A few long barrows exist in remote 
part*. One destroyed on Stockbridge Down some years ago contained an unburnt 
burial in a crouched form. Most of the conspicuous hills are crowned by defensive 
earthworks, and some of these probably date from Neolithic times. Many of the 
sides of the downs have " lynchets " or terraces of cultivation which are of uncertain 
age. The only megalithic monument in the county is on the western side of the 
Isle of Wight and is called the "Longstone." It was evidently originally a dolmen. 
Harrows of the Bronze Age are very abundant, particularly in the New Forest. 
Many hoards of bronze implements have been found in the county, and single specimens 
are not .scarce. Some implements showing Irish affinities may be regarded as relics 
of that time in the Bronze Age when there was commerce between Ireland and 
Scandinavia, and Southampton was a convenient port of call. 

O. G. S. CRAWFURD. The Early Bronze Age in Britain. This paper dealt 
with the distribution of Bronze Age implements in Britain, and deduced from this 
and from geographical considerations the main lines of communication and the position 
of the chief centres of population in early times. 

T. DAVIES PRYCE. A Roman Fortified Post on the Nottinghamshire Fosseway : 
A Preliminary Note on the Excavations of 1910 and 1911. The post has been 
identified with the Margidunum of the second and third Antonine Itineraries. The 
remains are approximately trapezoidal in shape, the east and west sides being 
parallel, with an internal area of six acres and a measurement over all twelve acres. 


(a) Trenches near the Southern Rampart. Roofing, coloured wall-plaster and 
isolated tesserce were found. Superimposed pavements furnished evidence of three 

(6) Section through Southern Rampart. Rubble work on a foundation of un- 
dressed stone packed in clay was found. 

(c) Section through the Southern Fosse. The broad Southern Fosse was com- 
posed of three ditches, angular in form, separated by two clay platforms. 


(1) Pottery. (a) Rude fabric made of clay mixed with pounded shells and 
ornamented with primitive incised markings, found below the layer of typical 
Romano-British discovery and almost certainly Pre-Roman and Celtic. (A) Samian 
ware. Many examples of first century fabric. The second and probably the early 
part of the third centuries were represented by numerous examples of Form 37, 

r 191 i 

No. 108.] MAN. [1911. 

with the usual styles of decoration. Plain forms referable to the second century 
were also abundant, (r) Romano-British and other ware. Fragments of amphora? 
and mortaria were numerous, also much dark and grey local (?) ware. Examples 
of Upchurch, Castor, and New Forest fabric were also discovered. Some fine 
fragmentary specimens of indented ware, with incised markings, from Eastern Gaul, 
are amongst the collection. 

(2) Iron Objects. Two short swords of Roman type, keys, nails, &c. 

(3) Bronze and other Ornaments. A fibula of antique pattern found at a 
depth of five feet. A gilt copper pendant for a horse trapping having the shape of 
an amazon's shield with a rude representation of a horse upon it. The lateral points 
were cut into the form of eagles' heads. Probably of fourth century date. 

(4) Bones. Skeleton of an old man at depth of four feet ; bones of three infants 
at three feet. Animal bones were numerous. 

(5) Definitely Pre-Roman Objects. A ground axehead or celt of green chloritic 
slate ; depth 4| feet, and two bronze socketed celts 3^ inches in length. 

(6) Coins. Victorinus (265-267), Carausius (287-293), Constans (333-350), 
Eugenius (392-395). 

A. IRVING, D.Sc., B.A. Later Finds of Horse and other Prehistoric Mam- 
malian Remains at Bishop^s Stortfprd. Along with three well-preserved lower jaws 
of B. longifrons two broken shoulder-blades of Equus caballus and the three most 
important limb-bones have been discovered. The following results are obtained by 
dividing the central length in each case by the least breadth of the bone : 
Radius Metacarpal Metatarsal 

86-7 - 6-43 - 8-50 

By Professor J. C. Ewart's formula the horse must have stood thirteen hands 
at the withers. 

Two other horse-bones were found last year on the east side of the valley, 
under one foot of the post-glacial " rubble-drift." 

July, 1911. Further down the valley a deep trench (7 feet to 12 feet) has 
been dug to lay down a new main sewer. The bottom of the trench for nearly a 
quarter of a mile exposed the glacial shingle which was found beneath the peat in 
the four trial-borings for the gas-pit, passing up into coarse, flinty " Schotter " of 
the valley flank. In places the peaty silt of the gas-pit excavation recurs. 
Under 2^ feet of this in one place was found (7 feet below the road) a peat-stained 
radius of horse tallying exactly with that from the pit-excavation, strongly stained 
with iron phosphate. In this glacial shingle Pleistocene mammalian remains occur, 
and a strong brown loam is intercalated with it as the valley-flank is approached. 

Lake Villages in the Neighbourhood of Glastonbury. Report of the Committee. 
The second season's exploration of the Meare Lake Village included the examina- 
tion of the remaining portion of Dwelling-Mound vii, the whole of Mound viii, and 
portions of Mounds ix, x, and xi. Mounds viii and ix presented special points of 
interest in the matter of construction, but, taken as a whole, this portion of the work 
was disappointing and added little to the knowledge already gained at Glastonbury. 
The relics discovered were hardly as numerous as last year. 

The Age of Stone Circles. Report of the Committee. The season's work at 
Avebury was practically confined to extending the exploration of the south-west 
portion of the fosse. The results obtained bear out the views based on the previous 
excavations and strengthen the belief that the monument belongs to neolithic 
(possibly late neolithic) times. A detailed report by Mr. Gray is appended to the 
Committee's report. 

A Prehistoric Site at Bishop's Stortford. Report of the Committee. 

Printed by EYRE AND SPOTTISWOODE, LTD., His Majesty's Printers, Bast Harding Street, E.C, 








Nos. 1112. 







Africa: Congo. Xylophone des Bakuba. (IllHxtnitetl.*) DR. J. MAES 46 

Africa, East. A'Kikuyu Fairy Tales (Rogano). CAPTAIN W. E. H. BARRETT 22 

Africa, East. A'Kikuyu Fairy Tales (Rogano). CAPTAIN W. E. H. BARRETT 57 

Africa, East. A'Kikuyu Fairy Tales (Rogano). CAPTAIN W. E. H. BARRETT 98 

Africa, East. Kamba Game. (Illustrated.*) C. W. HOBLEY, C.M.G. 95 

Africa, East. Kamba Protective Magic. (Illustrated.) C. W. HOBLEY, C.M.G 2 

Africa, East. Note on Bantu Star-names. Miss A. WERNER 105 

Africa, East. The Wa-Langulu or Ariangulu of the Taru Desert. C. W. HOBLEY, C.M.G. 9 

Africa, East. Witchcraft in Kikuyu. REV. FATHER J. CAYZAC 67 

Africa : Sociology. Dinka Laws and Customs : a Parallel. E. S. HARTLAND 12 

Africa, South : Transvaal. Note on some Stone-walled Kraals in South Africa. ( With 

Plate E. and Illustrations .) J. P. JOHNSON 36 

Africa, West. Extracts from Diary of the late Rev. John Martin. MAJOR A. J. N. 


Africa, West. Notes on " Nyam Tunerra," or Cat's Cradle. (Illustrated*) E. DAYRELL ... 87 
Africa, West. The Hammock Dance in Sierra Leone. (With Plate G.*) MAJOR A. J. N. 



Algeria: Ethnology. On R. Maclver's and J. L. Myres' " Toudja Series" of Kabyle 

Pottery. ( With Plate H.) A. VAN GENNEP 63 

America, North. The Clan Names of the Tlingit. ANDREW LANG 29 

America, North-West. The Bearing of the Heraldry of the Indians of the North-West 

Coast of America upon their Social Organisation. C. M. BARBEAU ... ... ... ... 45 

Anthropology. Suggestions for an Anthropological Survey of the British Isles. HAROLD 


Anthropology. See also AUSTRALIA. 

Archaeology. Flint Flakes of Tertiary and Secondary Age. (Illustrated.*) WORTHINGTON G. 

SMITH 106 

Archaeology. See also EGYPT ; ENGLAND ; FRANCE ; JERSEY. 


Australia. Beliefs concerning Childbirths in some Australian Tribes. A. R. BROWN, M.A. 96 

Australia. Marriage and Descent in North and Central Australia. A. R. BROWN 64 

Australia. The Distribution of Native Tribes in Part of Western Australia. A. R. BROWN... 75 
Australia: Anthropology. Anthropological Research in Northern Australia. J. G. 

FRAZBR, D.C.L., LL.D., Litt.D 39 

Australia, North. Matrilineal Descent in the Arranda and Chingalee Tribes. R. H. 


Balkans : Head-Hunting. Extract from a Letter from Miss M. E. Durham. Miss M. E. 


British Solomon Islands. Kite Fishing by the Salt-water Natives of Mala or Malaita 

Islands, British Solomon Islands. (Illustrated.) T. W. EDGE-PARTINGTON 4 

China. A Royal Relic of Ancient China. (With Plate D. and Illustrations.*) L. C. HOPKINS, 

I.S.O., and R. L. HOBSON, B.A 27 

Egypt. Stone Vases of the Bisharin. (Illustrated.*) T. WHITTEMORE 65 

Egypt : Archaeology. A Cemetery of the Earliest Dynasties. ( With Plate I-J. and 

Illustration*) W. M. FLINDERS PETRIE, F.R.S. 73 

England : Archaeology. Megalithic Monuments in Gloucestershire. A. L. LEWIS ... 21 

England : Archaeology. The Discovery of a Skeleton and " Drinking Cup " at Avebury. 

(Illustrated*) M. E. CUNNINGTON 108 

Ethnology. See ALGERIA. 



France: Archaeology. Further Notes on French Dolmens. A. L. LEWIS 48 

France : Archaeology. On some Prehistoric Monuments in the departments Gard and 

Bouches du Rhone, France. A. L. LEWIS 107 

India: Manipur. Kabui Notes. (Diai/rantx*) LIEUT.-COLONEL J. SHAKESPEAR, C.I.E., 

D.S.0 37 

India : ManipUP. Southern Tangkhul Notes. LiEUT.-CoLONEL J. SHAKESPEAE, C.I.E. ... 54 

Japan: Religion. Sacrifice in Shinto, w. G. ASTON ... 3 

Jersey I Archaeology. Excavations of a Cave containing Mousterian Implements near La 

Cotte de St. Brelade. Jersey. ( With Plate Z.) R. R. MAKETT, M.A., and G. F. B. DE 


Jersey : Archaeology. Report on the Resumed Exploration of " La Cotte," St. Brelade. 



Madagascar: Folklore. Ifaralahy and the Biby Kotra-kotra. NEVILLE JONES 86 

Madagascar: Folklore. The Story of Ifaramalemy and Ikotobekibo. NEVILLE JONES ... 66 
New Guinea. Stone Adze Blades from Suloga (British New Guinea) as Chinese Antiquities. 


Nubia: Folklore. The Fox who Lost his Tail. G.W.MURRAY 97 

Nyasaland. Native Customs in Nyasa (Manganja) Yao (Aja,wa). H. W. GARBUTT 20 

Obituary; Gray. John Gray, B.Sc. (With Plate F.} G. UDNV YULE 44 

Obituary: Lang. Andrew Lang, M.A., D.Litt., F.B.A. ( With Plate K.~) R. R. MARETT... 85 

Obituary : Mortimer. J. R. Mortimer, Esq. w. WRIGHT, M.B., B.Sc. 13 

Obituary : Risley. Sir Herbert Risley, K.C.I.E., C.S.I. ^With Plate A.~) J. D. ANDERSON 1 

Obituary: Topinard. Dr. Paul Topinard. (With Plate C.} A. CHERVIN, M.D 19 

Pacific, Eastern. Ceremonial Objects from Rarotonga. (With Plate. M.~) J. EDGE- 


Physical Anthropology. A Cretinous Skull of the Eighteenth Dynasty. ( With Plate B.~) 


Polynesia : Stewart's Island. Description and Names of various parts of a Canoe of 

Sikaiana or Stewart's Island. (Illustrated.} CHARLES M. WOODPORD, C.M.G 99 

Religion. A Note on the Secretary to whom the Prophet Mohammed is traditionally 

supposed to have dictated the Koran. J. D. HORNBLOWER ... ... ... ... ... H 

Religion. See also AFRICA, EAST ; JAPAN. 

Rhodesia. Hut at Khami Ruins, Rhodesia. (Illustrated.') H. W. GARBUTT and J. P. 


Rhodesia. How they Bury a Chief in Rhodesia. D.WRIGHT 

Sociology. Notes on Dr. J. G. Frazer's " Totemism and Exogamy." R. C. E. LONG 

Solomon Islands : Linguistics. Two Tales in Mono Speech (Bougainville Straits). G. C. 



Africa: Congo. Torday : Joyce. The Bushongo. HENRY BALFOUR 25 

Africa, East. Sutton. Man and Beast in Eastern Ethiopia. E. T 35 

Africa : Northern Rhodesia. Gouldesbury : Sheane. The Great Plateau of Northern 

Rhodesia. H. H. JOHNSTON 34 

Africa, West. Benton. Notes on some Languages of the Western Sudan and JKanuri 

Readings. A. J. N. T. 102 

Africa, West. Orr. The Making of NortJiern Nigeria. A. J. N. T 80 

Africa, West: Linguistics. Migeod. The Languages of West Africa. N. W. T 59 

Africa. See also EGYPT ; MOROCCO. 

America, North. Hodge. Handbook of American Indians North of Mexico. W. D. W. ... 41 

America, North : Ethnology. Speek. Ceremonial Songs of the Creek and Yuchi Indians. 


America, South. Krause. In dem Wildnissen Brasiliem. H. S. H 70 

America, South : Archaeology. Joyce. South American Archeology. CLEMENTS R. 


America. See also CENTRAL AMERICA. 

Arabia. Bury. The Land of U:. LEONARD W. KING 33 



Australia. Spencer: Gillen. Across Australia. A. C. HADDON ... ... ... ... 76 

Biology. Rignano. The Inheritance of acquired Characters. F. S. ... ... 77 

Bismarck Archipelago: Ethnology and Linguistics. Friederici. Wissenschaftliche 

Ergebnisse einer amtliclien Forscliungsreise nach dem Bismarck-Archipel im Jahre, 1908. 
Beitrage zur Volker-und Surachenkunde von Deutsch Neuguinea. SIDNEY H. RAY... ... HO 


Burma. Milne. //////.< / Home. T. C. HODSON 15 

Central America : Archaeology. MacCurdy. A Study of Chiriqui Antiquities. A. C. B. 82 

Ceylon. Seligmann. The Veddas. M. LONGWORTH DAMES 69 

Egypt. Elliot Smith. The Ancient Egyptians and t/teir Influence upon the Civilisation of 

Europe. JOHN L. MYEES 100 

Egypt : Religion. Budge. Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection. T. H. J 61 

Egyptology. Gardiner. Egyptian Hieratic Texts. F. LL. G 32 

Egyptology. Griffith : Mileham : Randall-Mad ver : Woolley. Karanog : The Romano- 
Nubian Cemetery. Karanog : The Town. Karanog: The Mero'itic Inscriptions. Churches 
in Lower Nubia. Buhen. (Illustrated.*) H. R. HALL ... ... ... ... ... 40 


Folklore. Wentz. The Fairy Faith in Celtic Countries. E. SIDNEY HARTLAND 83 

Folklore. See also HAUSA FOLKLORE. 

Greek Epic. Murray. The Rise of the Greek Epic. W. CROOKE 78 

Hausa Folklore. Edgar. Litaji na Tatsuniyoyi na Hausa. A. J. N. T 79 

Hinduism and Caste. Ketkar. Vol. I. The History of Caste in India : Ecidence of the 
Laws of Manu on the Social Conditions in India during the Third Century A.D. Inter- 
preted and Examined; with an Appendix on Radical Defects of Ethnology. Vol. II. An 
Essay on Hinduism, its Formation and Future. W. CROOKE ... ... ... ... ... HI 

India: Assam. Endle. The Kacharis. T. C. H 62 

Ireland: Archaeology. Coffey. New Grange (Brugh na Boinne) and other Incised 

Tumuli in Ireland. E. C. R. ARMSTRONG 58 

Linguistics. Boas. The Handbook of American Indian Languages. N. D. W. ... ... 51 

Linguistics. Sapir. Wixhram, Taltelma, and Yava Texts: The History and Varieties of 

Human Speech. N. D. W 60 


Morocco: Religion. Mauchamp. La Sorcellerie au Maroc. E. SIDNEY HARTLAND ... 81 

New Guinea. Williamson. The Mafulu Mountain People of British New Guinea. HENRY 


Palaeolithic Man and his Art. Sollas. Ancient Hunters and their Modern Representa- 


Physical Anthropology. Duckworth. Prehistoric Man. F. G. PARSONS 90 

Physical Anthropology. Gilford. The Disorders of Post-Natal Growth and Development. 

A. KEITH ... 23 

Physical Anthropology. Weissenberg. Das Wachstum des Menscten, nach Alter, 

Geschlecht und Rasse. A. KEITH ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 17 

Religion. Fran^ais. L'Eglise et la Sorcellerie. T. H. J 16 

Religion. Frazer. Taboo and tlie Perils of the Soul. E. SIDNEY HARTLAND 24 

Religion. Frazer. The Dying God. E. SIDNEY HARTLAND 50 

Religion. Frazer. The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings. E. SIDNEY HAET LAND ... 5 
Religion. See also EGYPT ; HINDUISM ; MOROCCO. 

Sociology. Thomas. Source Boolt for Social Origins. W. D. W. 26 

Statistics. Yule. An Introduction to the Tlieory of Statistics. J. G. ... ... ... ... 14 

Turkestan : Archaeology. Stein. Ruins of Desert CatJuty. O. M. D 89 


Anthropology at the British Association 91 


See Nos. 7, 18, 42, 43, 52, 71, 72, 84, 92, 103, 112. 


A. Sir Herbert Risley, K.C.I.E., C.S.I. With No. 1 

B. A Cretinous Skull of the Eighteenth Dynasty ... ... 8 

c. Paul Topinard . . . 19 

D. A Royal Relic of Ancient China ... ... ... ... ... ... 27 

E. Some Stone- walled Kraals in South Africa ... ... ... ... 36 

F. John Gray 46 

G. The Hammock Dance in Sierra Leone ... ... ... 53 

H. Kabyle Pottery, White Ware 63 

i-j. A Cemetery of the Earliest Dynasties ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 73 

K. Andrew Lang ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 85 

L. Cave containing Mousterian Implements near La Cotte de St. Brelade, Jersey ... 93 

M. Ceremonial Objects from Rarotonga ... ... ... ... ... ... ... H 1Q4 


N.B. Photographs, unless otherwise stated. 

Figs. 1-3. Kamba Amulets. (Drawings.} With No. 2 

Figs. 1-4. Kite Fishing, British Solomon Islands. {Drawings.} ... ... n 4 

Inscription in Facsimile, in Modern Characters where known, and in Romanised Sounds. 

(Drawings?) ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 27 

Figs. 1-4. Plans of Ruins of Stone-walled Kraals in South Africa. (Drawings.*) ... 5) 35 

Fig. 1. Ta Ko Ka Laiba. (Drawing}... ... ... ... ... ... }) 37 

Fig. 2. Chari Pam Bok. (Drawing.} ... ... 37 

Fig. 1. The Nubian Nile 49 

Fig. 2. Kasrlbrim 4Q 

Fig. 2. The Nile from Kasr Ibrim 40 

Fig. 4. The Southern Temple of Buhen ... ... ... ... ... ... ... r 40 

Fig. 5. The Explorer's House at Buhen, with Tomb-hill in Background ... 40 

Fig. 6. The Fortress of Mirgisse ... ... ... ... ... v 49 

Figs. 1-3. Types de Xylophones Appartenant a la l re Catdgorie. (Drawings} n 45 

Figs. 4-12. Types de Xylophones A ppartenant a la 2 e Categoric. (Drawings} ... 4g 

Plan of Hut at Khami Ruins, Rhodesia. (Drawing} ... ... ... )} 55 

Fig. 1. Stone Vases of the Bisharm ... ... ... ... ... ... 55 

Diagram of Panelled Work. (Drawing} ... ... ... ... )t 34, 

Figs. 1, 2. Kamba Game. (Drawings.} ... ... ... ... ... n 98 

Illustration of a Canoe of Sikiama or Stewart's Islands. (Drawing.} ... )? 99 

Figs. 1, 2. Natural Scraper -like Flint of Tertiary Age. Actual size. (Drawings.} ... JQ6 
Figs. 3, 4. Natural Flint of Secondary Age, with Flake found in situ. One half actual 

size. (Drawings} )t 106 

Fig. 1. Section across the middle of the hole, in which the stone stood, showing the 

relative position of the burial. A-A, the area of the burial. B, top of chalk. 

C, soil. (Drawing} JQ8 

Fig. 2. " Drinking Cup " or " Beaker " found with Skeleton at foot of Stone at 

Avebury. Half natural size. (Drawing} ... ... ... ... ... ... }i JQ8 



V. />'. The .Yuiithcrs to which an asterisk in added are thoxc of Reviews of Hooks. 

AXDF.USOX, J. D., 1. 
ARMSTRONG, E. C. R., 58*. 
ASTON, W. G., 3. 

B., A. C., 82*. 

BALFOUR, H., 25*, 101*. 

BARBEAU, C. M., 45. 

BARRETT, CAPTAIN E. H., 22, 57, 98. 

BROWN, A. R., 64, 75, 96. 

CROOKE, W., 78*, 111*. 

CUNNINGTON, M. E., 108. 

D., 0. M., 89*. 


DAYRELL, E., 87. 

DE GRUCHY, G. F. B., 93. 

DURHAM, M. E., 94. 

EDGE-PARTINGTON, T. W., 4, 104. 
FRAZER, J. G., 39. 

G., F. LL., 32*. 

G., J., 14*. 

GARBUTT, II. W., 20, 56. 

II., S. H., 70*. 

HADDON, A. C., 76*. 

HALL, H. R., 40*. 

HARTLAND, E. S., 5*, 12, 24*, 50*, 

81*, 83*. 

HOBLEY, C. W., 2, 9, 95. 
llousnx, R. L., 27. 
HUDSON, T. C., 15, 62*. 
HOPKINS, L. C., 27. 

HORXBLOWER, J. I)., 11. 

J., T. H., 16*, 61*. 
JOHNSON, J. P., 36, 56. 
JOHNSTON, Siu H. II., 34*. 
JONES, NEVILLE, 66, 86. 

KEITH, A., 17*, 23*. 
KING, L. W. ? 33*. 

LEWIS, A. L., 21, 48, 107. 
LONG, R. C. E., 55. 

MAES, DR. J., 46. 
MARETT, R. R., 85, 93. 
MATHEWS, R. H., 47. 
MURRAY, G. W., 97. 
MYRES, JOHN L., 100*. 


PARSONS, F. G., 90*. 

PEAKE, H., 30. 


RAY, SIDNEY H., 110*. 

S., F., 77*. 

SELIGMANN, C. G., 8, 38. 


SINEL, J., 88. 


T., E., 35*. 
T., N. W., 59*. 

TREMEARXE, MAJOR A. J. X., 53, 74, 
79*, 80*, 102*. 

VAN GEXXEP, A., 63. 

WALLIS, W. D., 6*, 26*, 41% 51*, 60*. 
WERNER, A., 105. 
WHEELER, G. C., 10. 
WRIGHT, D., 68. 
WRIGHT, W., 13. 

YULE, G. UDXY, 44. 


MAN, 1912. 





All communications printed in MAN are signed or initialled by their 
authors, and the Council of the Institute desires it to be understood that in giving 
publicity to them it accepts no responsibility for the opinions or statements expressed. 

N.B. MAN, 1912, consists of twelve monthly-published sheets, of sixteen pages 
each, printed in single column; containing "Original Articles" and substantial 
" Reviews " of recent publications ; all numbered consecutively 1, 2, 3, onwards. 

N.B. Articles published in MAN should be quoted by the year and the 
reference-number of the article, not by the page-reference ; e.g., the article which 
begins on p. 4 below should be quoted as MAN, 1912, 2. 


Obituary : Risley. With Plate A. Anderson. 

Sir Herbert Risley, K.C.I.E., C.S.I. By J. D. Anderson. 4 

Sir Herbert Hope Risley, K.C.I.E., C.S.I., secretary of the Judicial and I 

Public Department of the India Office, and President of the Royal Anthropological 

Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, died at Wimbledon on September 30th. 

During a painful illness extending over many months, he displayed remarkable 

fortitude, and characteristic and touching consideration for those who strove to 

alleviate his sufferings. 

Herbert Risley, a son of the Rev. James Holford Risley, was born in 1851, and 
was educated at Winchester and New College, Oxford. In 1871 he passed into the 
Indian Civil Service, and, after the usual period of training in this country, was 
appointed to Bengal. He had the good fortune to begin his service in Chota Nagpore, 
and thus came into early personal contact with the attractive highland tribes, the 
study of whose institutions and dialects was among his most valuable original con- 
tributions to anthropological research. One of his first papers, dealing with the 
Uraons of this region, published by the Asiatic Society of Bengal, was the nucleus 
of subsequent investigations by himself and others, most of the information thus 
obtained being afterwards incorporated in his invaluable Tribes and Castes of 
Bengal. It was Risley 's inquiries which led the late Rev. P. Dehon, S.J., to 
write the monograph on the Uraons, which may be found in the volume for 1906 of 
the memoirs of the R.A.S. of Bengal. From the first, it will be seen, his influence 
in suggesting and developing anthropological research was powerful. His marked 
interest in ethnology and linguistics led to his being chosen as one of tbe five 
assistants of the Director-General of Statistics, Sir W. W. Hunter, who was then 
occupied in preparing for publication the laboriously compiled materials for his great 
Gazetteers of Bengal, and, subsequently, of all India. Under Sir William Hunter, 
Risley had an opportunity of displaying his powers of organisation and his brilliant 
literary style ; while the interest he already felt in the primitive races of India was 
stimulated by the stores of information which came under his hands. His industry 
and capacity led to his appointment, after only five years' service, to the post of 

No, 1.] MAN. [1912. 

assistant secretary to the Government of Bengal, and in 1879 he had already suffi- 
ciently made his mark to be chosen as officiating Under Secretary to the Government 
of India in the Home Department. 

It was at this period of his career that he met and married the accomplished 
German lady, Avhose linguistic attainments aided him in his wide reading on anthro- 
pological and statistical subjects in foreign languages. In 1880 he once more returned 
to district work among his favourite Sonthalis and Uraons in Chota Nagpore, and in 
1884 he was placed in charge of an organised survey of the Ghatwali and other 
service tenures of the district of Manbhum. In 1885 Sir Rivers Thompson, then 
Lientenant-Governor of Bengal, was consulted by the Government of India as to the 
possibility of collecting detailed information about the castes, races, and occupations 
of the people of his province, and had the discernment to select Risley as the fittest 
person to conduct the requisite inquiries. At the beginning of Risley's now famous 
investigation, which lasted over some years, he had the good fortune to meet 
Dr. James Wise, then retired from the medical service in India, who, during ten 
years spent as Civil Surgeon at Dacca, had made a minute inquiry into the social 
and racial structure, and the surviving aboriginal customs and traits of the people 
of Eastern Bengal, a tract of which Risley himself had little personal experience. 
Dr. Wise had apparently meditated the publication of an illustrated monograph of 
his own, but was so much impressed by the energy and enthusiasm of the young 
anthropologist that he willingly gave him his cordial help and advice. When Dr. Wise 
died suddenly in 1886, his widow made over his papers to Risley, "on the under - 
*' standing," to quote Risley's own words, " that after testing the data contained in 
i<; them as far as possible in the manner contemplated by Dr. Wise himself, I should 
" incorporate the results in the ethnographical volumes of the present work, and by 
" dedicating these volumes to Dr. Wise, should endeavour to preserve some record 
" . . . of the admirable work done by him during his service in India." Not 
only did Risley put Dr. Wise's rough materials into an accessible and attractive 
literary form, but he set to work with great energy to collect similar information for 
the rest of Bengal, and himself devoted special attention to what Sir Alfred Lyall has 
called " the gradual Brahmanising of the aboriginal, non- Aryan, or casteless tribes." 
On the subject of the processes by which such tribes and races are accepted into 
the Hindu social frame-work, he rapidly made himself unquestionably the greatest 
living authority, and by the careful anthropometric inquiries which he superintended, 
satisfied himself that there is no adequate reason for holding that there is any 
*' Kolarian " race of men to the south of Bengal to be distinguished from Dravidian 
neighbours. The four volumes of The Tribes and Castes of Bengal (two containing 
an " Ethnographic Glossary," an invaluable record of all the castes, tribes, sub-castes, 
&c., in Bengal, and two comprising the anthropometric data on which many of his 
.conclusions were based) were published in 1891-2. Risley also wrote a valuable 
Gazetteer of Sikkim, the curious border-land between Bengal, Nepal, and Tibet, with 
which he became acquainted during his visits to Darjeeling, and, subsequently, a 
monograph on " Widow and Infant Marriage," which puts on record much interesting 
information. It was only natural, in the case of a man so fitted, and so filled with 
& hearty enthusiasm for ethnographic inquiry, that he should desire to continue his 
own and encourage the researches of other investigators. He was especially anxious 
that similar inquiries should be instituted in other parts of India than Bengal. An 
admirable account of the great scheme which shaped itself in his mind will be found 
in his paper on " The Study of Ethnology in India," published in Vol. XX of the 
Journal of the Anthropological Institute. 

What he thought of the administrative and political value of ethnological inquiries 
may be gathered from a charming discourse on "India and Anthropology " delivered 

[ 2 ] 

1912.] MAN. [No. 1. 

to the boys at Winchester in 1910 [vide MAN, 1910, 94], in which he paid a kindly 
and sympathetic tribute to his friend Dr. Jackson. He quoted, too, the words of 
another old friend, Sir Bamfylde Fuller, that " nothing wins the regard of an Indian 
" so easily as a knowledge of facts connected with his religion, his prejudices, or his 
" habits. We do bnt little to secure that our officers are equipped with these pass- 
" ports to popular regard." Thus, in one of the last of his public utterances, 
Sir Herbert Risley stated his deliberate conviction that it is only right " to teach the 
" anthropology of India to the men of the Indian services." 

Risley's proposal to extend his ethnological survey to the whole of India met 
with a temporary check, the Government at that time being in sore financial straits. 
But it was evident that an inquiry so practically useful and scientifically interesting 
could not be permanently arrested. Lord Curzon arrived in India when more pros- 
perous finances gave a scope to his sympathy with all projects for scientific research, 
and Risley at last found himself at the head of a complete ethnographic survey of 
the whole country as honorary director. Of this final and gratifying achievement it 
was that Professor Ridgeway said that " in our new President, Sir H. H. Risley, we 
*' have the founder and organiser of the great ethnographical survey of India." 

In 1890 Risley served as member and secretary of a Commission appointed to 
inquire into the working of the Indian police, and, after a brief reversion to district 
duty, became secretary to the Government of Bengal in the financial and municipal 
departments. In 1898 he was promoted to be financial secretary to the Government 
of India ; but the census of 1901 was at hand, and it was obvious that no man 
could be better adapted by training and temperament for the task of conducting its 
operations. In writing the voluminous and scholarly report on this census Risley had 
the assistance of Mr. E. A. Gait, to whom has fallen the duty of carrying out the 
decennial census recently effected. Risley was fortunate in having under his hand 
a coadjutor and successor trained in his own methods and inspired with his own 
enthusiasm for ethnological research. Although he was already marked for further 
official promotion, he found time to write the remarkable chapter on " Tribe, Caste, and 
Race," which, with additions, became the book published as The People of India. 
It was while he was still occupied in this congenial labour that he was summoned 
to be Home Secretary in Lord Curzon's administration. After this there fell to 
him the onerous and delicate duties of secretary to the Committee of the Government 
of India on Constitutional Reform, a post in which he rendered such indispensable 
service that he was retained in India for a couple of years beyond the age limit 
fixed for compulsory retirement. 

He was created a C.S.I, in 1904, and was advanced to the knighthood of the 
Indian Empire in 1907. In the spring of last year he was selected to succeed Sir 
C. J. Lyall at the India Office. His contributions to anthropology were widely 
recognised by learned bodies. In France he could wear the violet rosette of an 
officier d'academie. He was a corresponding member of the Anthropological Societies 
of Berlin and Rome. But probably the honour of which he was most proud was 
his election to succeed Professor Ridgeway as President of the Royal Anthropological 

In judging Sir Herbert Risley's anthropological work, it is only fair to remember 
that, if much of it was performed officially, and with all the advantages that official 
authority and prestige confer in India, he was at all times largely, and often exclu- 
sively, occupied with administrative responsibilities involving harassing and continuous 
labour. He was not a man of robust physique, and suffered much at various times 
from exhausting illnesses, due to ceaseless toil in an enervating climate. But, in addi- 
tion to the enormous mass of work in connection with anthropological inquiries which 
he performed or supervised, he strove by example and precept to foster a love of 

[ 3 ] 

Nos. 1-2.] MAN. [1912. 

his favourite study in India. Twenty years ago, in his own province of Bengal, 
inquiries into the origins of caste and custom by men of alien creed were often, 
and not unnaturally, resented. Ethnology is now one of the recognised objects of 
investigation of the Vangiya Sahitya Parisat, or " Bengal Society of Literature," 
which has recently published in the vernacular a painstaking monograph by a 
Bengali gentleman on the Chakmas of the Chittagong Hill Tracts. 

Sir Herbert Risley's last official work in India was intended to bring about a 
better understanding between people and Government by introducing the beginnings 
of popular representation. It may yet be recognised, in India as well as in Europe, 
that his most valuable achievement was the lesson he assiduously taught and 
practised that the best basis for progress is the careful and disinterested study of 
existing institutions. Out of such punctiliously impartial yet sympathetic study 
came his already classical Tribes and Castes of Bengal, which will keep his 
memory green in India long after most of his official contemporaries and rivals have 
been forgotten in the oblivion which is commonly the reward of even distinguished 
administrators in our distant and ill-comprehended Eastern empire. 


Africa, East. Hobley. 

Kamba Protective Magic. By C. W. Hobley, C.M.G. A 

Upon a recent tour in Kitui District of Ukamba, British East Africa, the fc 

writer had for a guide a very interesting old elephant hunter named Solo. He had 

with him a varied assortment of charms and medicines which he firmly believed were 

of vital importance to his success in hunting and in other branches of life. One day 

in camp he was induced to explain the origin and uses of these curiosities. They 

were as follows : 

(1) A brown powder carried in a tiny gourd and composed of three ingredients. 
The roots of the plants used were : (1) Muthia creeper ; (2) The Kinyeli creeper 
(this is what the Swahilis call Upupu or cowitch ; it has the same irritating effect as 
the nettle) ; (3) Mukutha creeper. 

A little of this powder is swallowed before starting out to hunt ; it is believed to 
make the hunter aim straight ; it is also used before one takes a suit before the Council 
of Elders, and it is believed that it will ensure the case being favourably settled. 

As a measure of the reality of the belief in this medicine, Solo stated that he had 
paid a medicine man Us. 35 and five goats for this particular specific. 

(2) The next was a light- brown powder composed of the roots of (1) Musi 
(a tree used by the Kamba for building houses) ; (2) Mutungu tree ; (3) Mbilili 
tree. This cost four goats. 

Before going to hunt a little is eaten, and it is believed that it will ensure game 
being seen, and if shot at it will be hit ; it is also used before going to sell goats, and 
it is said to ensure a good bargain being effected. 

(3) Munavu, a whip with a handle about six inches long and lash about four feet 
long made of plaited fibre ; two fibres are used, one called Chusia, and the other is one 
of the Sanseviera family ; the handle is made of Chusia, and the handle and the lash 
are all in one piece, but the Sanseviera fibre is interwoven into the lash. 

Before going hunting it is customary to crack the whip seven times, and it is 
believed to bring good luck. This cost one bullock. 

(4) Two twigs of wood bound together with strings, the twigs come from the 
Mutatha and Mbisa bisi bushes. 

Before going to hunt he takes out this medicine and mentions the beast he wishes 
to get and then bites the end of the bundle. If he has a suit coming on before the 

f 4 ] 



[Nos. 2-3. 

FlO. 1. 

"Nzaraa," or Council of Elders, he slightly burns the ends of the twigs before 
proceeding to court and believes he will then win his case. This cost one bullock. 

(5) A small bundle of twigs from the roots of the following plants : (1) Muthika, 
a shrub ; (2) Mutoti, a thorny shrub ; (3) Mukuluu, a shrub ; (4) Lelambia, the wood 
of a shrub. 

The whole parcel was bound together with the bark of the Lelambia shrub. 

If one is going to hunt or have a case tried the end is lit and then blown out ; 
the owner will, it is believed, either find his quarry or 
win his case. 

(6) Amulet made of the end of an oryx horn filled 
with medicine made of the roots of the Kinyeli (cowitch) 
and Mutuba shrub. This is tied on to the right upper arm 
when one goes hunting ; it is believed to make the owner 
shoot straight. This cost five goats. (Fig. 1.) 

(7) Amulet made of (A) the dried skin from the nose 
of an ant-bear (Orycteropus) and (B) the wood of a big 
tree called Kiawa or Mukao. This is tied on the right 
upper arm ; if the owner approaches a fierce animal it is 
believed it will not attack him. This cost four goats. 
(Fig. 2.) 

(8) An amulet made of ebony with medicine inserted 
in one end. The medicine is made of the roots of the 
following trees: (1) Muvoo ; (2) Kinyuki ; (3) Mbumba. 

If a new village is founded the owner walks round it 
with the amulet in his hand, and it is believed that fierce 
animals, leopards, lions, &c., will not enter it. This was 
very expensive and cost two bulls ; these medicines were 
obtained from an old professor of the art at Mutha who 
is now deceased. (Fig. 3.) 

At one camp (Ukazzi) the old hunter, being very anxious that we should see 
some game, killed a goat as a sacrifice to the Aiimu, or ancestral spirits, and poured 
out a libation of blood to propitiate them ; he then placed a strip of skin from the 
goat's left ear on his right wrist. The results were, it is regretted to state, not 
very marked. C. W. HOBLE5T. 

FIG. 2. 

FIG. 3. 

Japan : Religion. Aston. 

Sacrifice in Shinto. By the late W. G. Aston. Q 

The subject of sacrifice has been dealt with from various points of view U 
by Robertson Smith, Dr. Tylor, Dr. Frazer, Dr. Sanday, and more recently by 
MM. Hubert and Mauss, whose instructive essay, " Sur la nature et fonction du 
" sacrifica," was published in the Melanges cThistoire du Religion in 1909. These 
writers have based their views on evidence drawn from the great Aryan and Semitic 
religions on the one hand, and from the religious practices of savage races on the 

A study of the old Japanese religion known as Shinto enables us to consider 
this subject from a fresh and intermediate standpoint. Though not a Primitive 
religion, if there be such a thing, it had attained a far less degree of development 
than the religions of Europe and Western Asia. It is a nebulous polytheism with 
innumerable deities, few of which have defined functions or distinct personalities. 
Many are sexless and mythless. Some are at one time single persons, at another 
dual, triple, or even more. There are not a few traces in Shinto of that earliest 

[ 5 ] 

No. 3,] MAN. [1912. 

stage of religious development in which the nature, power, or object is directly 
worshipped without the intervention of any anthropomorphic personage. Thus in 
the rite called Ji-shidzume, or " earth-propitiation," performed to this day when a 
site is chosen for a house, or a plot of ground brought under cultivation, there is 
no separate god of the earth. The earth is the god, sexless and mythless. But a 
somewhat more advanced stage of development is commoner, in which the nature 
power is confounded with an anthropomorphic deity associated with it. The older 
Shinto worshipper did not forget that Amaterasu, the Sun-goddess, was iu reality 
the sun. Fire and the fire-god were to him convertible terms. It may be remarked 
that Herbert Spencer's well-known theory, which will admit of no other origin of 
religion than the worship of ghosts, fails altogether to account for facts of this kind. 
Further instances of the rudimentary character of Shinto are its embryonic morality 
and the comparative neglect of the aids to religion supplied by the arts of painting, 
sculpture, architecture, and music. 

The most solemn and important ceremony of Shinto is the Ohonihe or Daijowe 
(great offering) which was celebrated at the beginning of every reign. It consti- 
tuted the religious sanction of the Mikado's rule, and corresponds to our Coronation. 
The preparations for this rite were of so sumptuous a character that in not a few 
reigns it was omitted for financial reasons. The leading feature of the Daijowe is 
the Nihiname, or " new-tasting," an annual festival of first-fruits, in which the 
Mikado in person sprinkled rice with sake which he then placed before the "Deity- 
seat," no one else being present but the Uneme or female court officials, who 
repeated a formula which was intended to rectify any irregularities or impurities in 
the preparation of this offering. The Mikado then bowed his head, clapped his 
hands (primarily a sign of joy), and said, " O (Yes, or Amen "), after which he 
joined the deity in partaking of the food. The deity in question was no doubt 
the Sun-goddess. She was represented by a cushion 3 feet broad by 4 feet long. 
The Mikado's seat was placed to the south of it. 

There is evidence that in the most ancient times the Nihiname was a general 
practice not confined to the Sovereign only. 

The Nihiname is essentially a " grace before meat." As a modern Japanese 
says : " The Mikado, when the grain became ripe, joined unto him the people in 
" sincere veneration, and, as in duty bound, made return to the gods of Heaven. 
" He thereupon partook of it along with the nation. Thus the people learnt that 
" the grain which they eat is no other than the seed bestowed on them by the gods 
" of Heaven." A myth preserved to us in the Nihongi relates that on the death 
of the Food-goddess there were produced in her head silkworms, in her eyes rice, 
in her nose small beans, in her genitals barley, and in her fundament large beans. 
These were brought to the Sun -goddess, who was rejoiced and said, " These are 
" the things which the race of visible men will eat and live." The Nihiname is 
therefore not traceable to any " reluctance to taste the first-fruits until some ceremony 
" has been performed which makes it safe to do so," such as has been noted by 
Dr. Frazer in other cases. It is gratitude and not fear which animates the Japanese 
worshipper. There are no doubt exceptions, men of dense and sordid minds who, 
incapable of spontaneous gratitude, have to be shamed or frightened into conformity 
with the practices of their more generous fellows. 

It is difficult to reconcile the fact that the cardinal rite of Shinto is an 
expression of gratitude to a beneficent being with Herbert Spencer's view that all 
ceremony originates from fear or with the saying of the Roman poet Statius that 
" Primus in orbe deos fecit timor." Even the religion of the Romans was mainly 
based on something different from the fear of angry deities. Jupiter was the father 
of his worshippers and the cult of " Alma Venus, hominum divomque voluptas," was 

[ 6 ] 

1912.] MAN. [No, 3. 

assuredly not prompted by fear alone. Renan in his History of Israel agrees with 
Statius, but Robertson Smith points out that the Semitic deities were the guardians 
and protectors of their devotees. Schiller calls the worship of the Gods of Greece 
a " Wonnedienst." Shelley, speaking of the ancient Jews, says : 

" A savage and inhuman race 
Howled hideous praises to their demon God " 

which only shows to what strange extremes anti-religions prejudice may carry one. 
Think of the 100th and the 23rd psalms being called "hideous praises"! Perhaps 
the epithet " devil-worshippers " applied to tribes in other parts of the world may 
have little better foundation. Lafcadio Hearn calls the older Shinto a religion "of 
perpetual fear." But this gifted writer knew very little about Shinto, and was only 
applying it to Herbert Spencer's statement quoted above. He describes Herbert 
Spencer as " the wisest man in the world," differing therein from Thomas Carlyle, 
who thought him " just a puir creature." 

Gratitude, however, is not the only emotional basis of Shinto. The worship of 
the evil Fire-God is prompted by fear. There is an old ritual in which offerings 
are made to him to induce him to refrain from transports of rage against the 
buildings of the Imperial Palace. But he is an inferior deity on whom his worshippers 
waste little reverence. 

The Japanese evidence lends no support to Herbert Spencer's assumption that 
" rites performed at graves, becoming afterwards religious rites performed at altars in 
" temples, were at first acts done for the benefit of the ghost, either as originally 
" conceived, or as ideally expanded into a deity." The old Shinto record does not 
even mention ghosts. It abhorred everything connected with the dead. Attendance 
at a funeral made a man temporarily unclean and unfit to perform Shinto services. 
The Nihiname harvest rite is fully explicable as a natural expression of gratitude 
to a beneficent power and owes nothing to the worship of the dead. It is true that 
there is frequent mention of food-offerings or other honours to the dead. But it is 
the deceased man who is honoured. There is no expansion of a ghost into a deity. 
In Japan the deification of men, alive or dead, is a secondary phenomenon unknown 
to the older cult. Not one of the older deities can be recognised as promotions from 
the ranks of dead men. They are, in so far as their origin can be traced, nature- 
powers or the servants or children of nature-powers. Gifts to living men were 
already familiar to the first worshippers of such deities and are far more likely to 
have been the prototypes of religious offerings. . 

Logically, of course, the actual gift a transfer of valuable property for the benefit 
of the recipient precedes in order of development the symbolical gift, the object of 
which may be partly or wholly different. Gifts in token of homage or friendship are 
known to the most utter savages. I may also quote the gift of a ring to a bride r 
of earth and water in token of political submission, of a gold mohur by an Indian 
prince to the Viceroy, who touches it and gives it back again. 

When it is remembered that the older Shinto belongs to that stage of religious 
development in which the nature-power is the god, or at any rate has not been quite 
forgotten in the anthropomorphic being which is associated with it, it will appear 
highly improbable that the first Japanese sun-worshipper intended his offerings for 
the actual physical benefit of the deity. He was not such an idiot as to suppose that 
the sun in Heaven or the Sun-goddess profited physically by his offerings of a few 
grains of rice or a few drops of sake. These were not real gifts but only symbols of 
love and gratitude. One of the norito has the expression " things of reverence," i.e., 
things offered in token of reverence. I venture the suggestion that offerings of food 
to the dead are equally symbolical and are not intended " for the benefit of the 
" ghost," to use Herbert Spencer's expression. It is true that in the ca&e both of 

L 7 ] 

No. 3.] MAN. [1912. 

nature-deities and of deceased men there is abundant evidence not wanting in Japan 
of a secondary and more vulgar current of opinion which holds in some obscure way 
that an actual consumption of the offered food does take place. This has its source in 
the minds of those dull-witted people, who, like Nicodemus, are unable to penetrate 
the inner meaning of myth, metaphor, and symbol, and are, therefore, constrained to 
receive them, if at all, in their literal acceptation. But such men are not the makers 
of religion. We should be on our guard against the idea that beliefs characteristic 
of a lower intellectual civilisation are always earlier in point of time than more 
enlightened faiths. The reverse is frequently the case. Compare the Vedas with the 
Brahmanas, the religion of the Tao-te-king with the congeries of magical beliefs and 
practices which constitute modern Taoism, Christianity with medieval witchcraft, or 
the religion of the gospels with certain modern Christian doctrines which it is needless 
to specify. 

The Nihiname is not a " totem-sacrifice." There is no totemisin in Japan. But 
the commensal principle of communion is recognised, as has been seen above. 
There is another instance in the modern practice of pilgrims to Ise purchasing from 
the priests, and eating rice that had been offered in sacrifice. 

Other food offerings were fish, fruit, sea-ear, shell-fish, edible seaweed, salt, venison, 
wild boar, and birds of various kinds. There is frequent mention of offerings of 
horses. But they were not killed, only let loose in the precinct of the shrine or 
kept in a stable for the deity to ride out upon in procession on festival occasions. 
The god was then represented by his Shintai or material representative. In the 
older Aryan and Semitic religions, the slaughter of living victims before the altar of 
the god is universal. The Hebrew term zabah, slaughter, is the commonest word for 
sacrifice. It is, therefore, noteworthy that in the official Shinto from the seventh 
century onwards, there is no such slaughter of living animals. One reason for this 
is the comparative absence of domestic animals used for food. The ancient Japanese 
had no sheep, goats, or pigs. They possessed horses and oxen, but did not use them, 
ordinarily at least, for food. There is, however, some reason to think that, at an 
earlier period, the slaughter of animals was not uncommon. The Nihongi says, under 
the date 642 : " The Ministers conversed with one another, saying, ' In accordance 
" 'with the teachings of the village hafuri there have been, in some places, horses 
" ' and cattle killed as a sacrifice to the gods of the various (Shinto) shrines without 
" ' any good result.' " The object of this sacrifice was to produce rain in time of drought. 
Now it is, highly suggestive that the word hafuri, here applied to Shinto priests of 
an inferior class, means " slaughter." The high priest of one of the oldest shrines 
in Japan, that of Suwa, was styled the Oho-hafuri, or great slaughterer, and a 
feast, at which large quantities of venison was consumed, was one of the customary 
celebrations, the laity who took part in it being supplied by the priests with specially 
sanctified chopsticks. In the most ancient times there were human sacrifices to 
river-gods. There is evidence of a mock human sacrifice in 1699 to a Shinto god, 
the victim being apparently a scape-goat, but it may be doubted whether this is a 
case of survival from a real human sacrifice. 

What Robertson Smith calls the " primitive practice " of sprinkling the blood 
against the altar, common to the Semites with the Greeks and Romans, and indeed, 
with the ancient nations generally, is wholly unknown in Japan. Blood has no par- 
ticular virtue or sanctity, and is not even mentioned in the old Shinto records. The 
word " primitive " is, therefore, doubtfully appropriate in this connection. Generally, 
it has the sanction of our highest authorities, but for my own part, I am disposed to 
regard it as a damnosa hereditas from the pre-scientific stage of anthropology when 
the first chapters of Genesis were regarded as the beginning of everything. 

Next to in importance food offerings comes clothing or the materials for making 

[ 8 ] 

1912.] MAN. [Nos. 3-4. 

it. This usually took the form of pieces of cloth, the currency of those early times. 
The absurdity of offering clothes for the actual use of the Sun, Wind, or other nature- 
powers must have been palpable even to those prehistoric Japanese who created 
Shinto. What attests very clearly the symbolical character of such gifts is the 
circumstance that leaves of hemp were frequently substituted for hempen garments, 
and scollops of paper (gohet) for the fabrics manufactured from the same material, 
namely, the inner bark of the paper mulberry tree. It was, of course, the priests 
who benefited by these offerings, except perhaps in the case of purification offerings, 
which were thrown into a river to be carried down into the sea, where they were 
received and destroyed by certain deities whose sole function it was to do so. 

Other offerings were mirrors, weapons, slaves, and utensils of various kinds. 
The same objects were offered again and again another proof, if any were needed, 
of their symbolical character. 

Most of our information relating to sacrifice in ancient Japan deals with the 
official form of Shinto. The following incident, which is related in the Tosa Nikki, 
a diary of travel written A.D. 935, gives a glimpse of a more popular form of sacrifice. 
The author, a government official and a famous poet, essayist, and editor, writes in 
the assumed character of a woman, and was not so superstitious as he pretends 
to be. 

*' Meanwhile a sudden gale sprung up, and in spite of all our efforts we fell 
gradually to leeward and were in great danger of being sent to the bottom. By the 
advice of the captain nusa were offered, but us the danger only increased the captain 
again said, ' Because the heart of the god (a Sea-god) is not moved for nusa, 
4 neither does the august ship move, offer to him something in which he will take 
4 greater pleasure.' In compliance of this advice I bethought me what it would be 
best to offer. ' Of eyes I have a pair, then let me give the god my mirror of which 
* I have only one.' The mirror was accordingly flung into the sea, to my very great 
regret, but no sooner had I done so than the sea itself became smooth as a mirror." 

The nusa mentioned here were no doubt a mixture of paper, leaves of the sacred 
sakaki tree, and rice, which was carried in a bag by travellers and offered to the gods 
along their road. 

Shinto offerings are mainly gifts, but the commensal, bargain, and scape-goat 
principles are also recognised, although exceptionally. W. G. ASTON. 

British Solomon Islands. Edge-Partington. 

Kite Fishing by the Salt-water Natives of Mala or Malaita A 

Island, British Solomon Islands. />'// '/'. //". Edge-Partington. T 

On windy days the salt-water natives go out fishing for the " gar-fish " (walelo) 
with a kite (rau). There is no hook on the line, but a loop made of spider's web 
(laqua\ which trails along the top of the water. The fish bites it, and its teeth get 
caught in the web. 

The Kite. In the drawings, Fig. 1 and Fig. 2, a picture of the kite is shown. 
This is made from the leaf of the sago palm, or ivory nut tree. The centre stick 
of the kite is part of the stalk, and there is a certain amount of leaf on each side 
of it. To this, on each side, is attached another piece of leaf, which is pegged on 
with small bits of stick. The leaf is then trimmed to represent as much as possible 
the under part and hindquarters of a bird. Across the top and bottom of the kite 
as in Fig. 1 and Fig. 2, are attached pieces of small stick (B) to strengthen it. 
Fig. 1 is the front of the kite, and to the upper cross stick (B) is attached a small 
piece of rope about two feet long (C), called fa-lo, which is tied on to the fishing 
line leading down to the man, so as to form a triangle, and by this means the kite 

[ 9 ] 

No. 4.] 



1912.] MAN [Nos. 4-5. 

catches the wind. The fishing line is from 60 to 100 fathoms long, more commonly 
the lesser length. The man secures the fishing line to the perpendicular stalk, or 
stick, at the point marked (K) in Figs. 1 and 2, at the 30-fathom mark, or in other 
words, at the centre of the fishing line. Then one end of the line is wound round 
the stick, and secured again at (T), and then leads down to the salt water. This 
end has the web loop attached to it. The other half of the line is attached to the 
rope (C), and then leads down to the man in the canoe. The fishing line is called 
laquavi, the fish bait of web laqua, the kite rau, and the leaf it is made of sau ; 
and the two small cross pieces (B) are called au. 

The Fish Bait. This is made of a spider's-web woven round the fingers until a 
loop is formed. The method of making it is as follows : When the man wants a 
bait of this kind he first gets a long thin leaf about two feet long, and very stiff, 
called kikerendi, and, armed with this, he goes into the bush to look for spiders'-webs. 
When he finds one he pushes this leaf into the middle of the web and winds all the 
web on to it by turning it round and round in the centre of the web. When the 
web is all on the leaf he goes and looks for another, and repeats the process until 
the leaf is quite full from the top to his hand at the other end. Then he takes 
hold of the web near his hand and pushes the whole up to the top of the leaf until 
it comes off. Then he stretches it out by working it gradually until he has a long 
thin rope of it ; then he winds it round and round his first two fingers until he has 
made a loop. Then to one end of the loop is attached the small rope (fd-lo), 
about three inches long, and marked as (N) in my sketch (Fig. 3). The loop marked 
(M) is about two inches long, and is called laqua. To the end of (N) (fa-lo) is 
attached the fishing line (L) (laquavi). The loop (laqua) looks very small when it is 
dry, but coming in contact with the water it spreads out. The fish that they catch 
with it is a long, thin, gar-fish, called by the natives walelo. When the fish takes 
the bait its mouth and teeth get entangled in the web, and it is impossible for it to 
get away. The difficulty is to disentangle the web from the fish's mouth after it is 
caught. If a man is very careful he can catch about ten fish with the same piece 
of web, but if not, about four or five fish is the limit, and then he has to make a 
new loop by the process just named. 

Method of Fishing. Fig. 4 gives a rough sketch of the man fishing with the 
kite. After he has secured his fishing line as I have already stated he flies his 
kite, and, when sufficiently high in the air to allow the web to trail along the top 
of the water, he puts the line in his mouth and holds it with his teeth and then 
paddles as fast as he can over the reefs and the likely haunts of the gar-fish. If a 
fish bites he can feel the tug in his teeth and turns the canoe round and hauls in 
the line. Sometimes a man is out the whole afternoon and only catches one fish. 
It is not a rapid method of securing fish. T. W. EDGE-PARTINGTON. 

Religion. Frazer. 

The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings. By J. G. Frazer, D.C.L., C 
LL.D., Litt.D. 2 vols. London: Macmillan & Co., Ltd., 1911. Price 20$. net. U 
The grass is not to be allowed to grow under Professor Frazer's feet. Hardly has 
he got fairly off his hands the big book on Totemism and Exogamy, reviewed in these 
pages in January last, than he presents us with the first part of the new edition 
of The Golden Bough, consisting of these two fine volumes ; and already the second 
part is announced. I am not quite sure whether he is more to be congratulated 
than his readers, or they than he, on The Magic Art. At all events it is a book 
brimful of vivid interest to all anthropologists. As an instalment of the new edition 

.1 U J 

No, 5.] MAN. [1912. 

it brings us down to the end of the first chapter of the old work. Paragraphs 
are expanded into chapters, and the old chapter entitled " The King of the Wood " 
is extended into two stalwart volumes. Nor are the additions padding. They are 
vital parts of the work. By his vast learning and acute insight he has strengthened 
and illustrated his argument in important particulars. Especially his further researches 
into the early history of Roman and pre-Roman culture are not merely in themselve 8 
of interest, but they help to place the ancient priesthood of the wood in its true 
setting. In this connection he has availed himself with the happiest results of 
Mr. A. B. Cook's extensive enquiries on the subject of the ancient European sky- 
and tree-god. The wealth of illustration in previous editions, which has been so 
great a joy to students, gave rise to the reproach by careless readers that one could 
not see the wood for the trees. In spite of the increasing wealth here piled up, the 
author has done much to remove the reproach, in so far as it was deserved, by care- 
fully pausing at intervals to summarize his argument and point out exactly how far 
it has taken him. 

Naturally the student will turn to the account of the relations between magic 
and religion as one of the portions of the work in its earlier form that excited the 
greatest amount of discussion. He will find it substantially identical with that 
contained in pp. 60-81 of the first volume of the second edition, but somewhat 
expanded. Magic is still a false science, based on the assumption " that in nature 
u one event follows another necessarily and invariably without the intervention of auy 
" spiritual or personal agency." Religion is "a propitiation or conciliation of powers 
" superior to man which are believed to direct and control the course of nature and 
" of human life." Man began with magic, but after awhile found out his blunder. 
" The shrewder intelligences must in time have come to perceive that magical 
" ceremonies and incantations did not really effect the results they were designed to 
" produce, and which the majority of their simpler fellows still believed that they did 
" actually produce. . . . The discovery amounted to this, that men for the first 
" time recognised their inability to manipulate at pleasure certain natural forces which 
" hitherto they had believed to be completely within their control. It was a con- 
" fession of human ignorance and weakness. Man saw that he had taken for causes 
" what were no causes, and that all his efforts to work by means of these imaginary 
" causes had been vain. . . . Not that the effects which he had striven so hard 
" to produce did not continue to manifest themselves. They were still produced, but 
" not by him." In this emergency he turned to " a new system of faith and practice, 
" which seemed to offer a solution of his harassing doubts and a substitute, however 
" precarious, for that sovereignty over nature which he had abdicated. If the great 
" world went on its way without the help of him or his fellows it must surely be 
" because there were other beings, like himself, but far stronger, who, unseen thern- 
" selves, directed its course and brought about all the varied series of events which 
" he had hitherto believed to be dependent on his own magic. . . . To these 
" mighty beings, whose handiwork he traced in all the gorgeous and varied pageantry 
" of nature, man now addressed himself, humbly confessing his dependence on their 
'* invisible power, and beseeching them of their mercy to furnish him with all good 
" things." In short, the Age of Religion succeeded to the Age of Magic, though 
gradually, reluctantly, and, as regards at least the majority of mankind, incompletely 
even to the present day. 

It is a pleasure to read over again the familiar and glowing paragraphs, from 
which I have extracted but a few sentences, and which expound in such inimitable 
language this seductive hypothesis. But the truth of a theory by no means follows 
from the artistic charm of its presentation. Nobody would cite the seventh book 
of Paradise Lost as an incontrovertible authority, in opposition to the most prosaic 

[ 12 ] ' 

1912.] MAN. [No. 5. 

text-book on geology. So we are compelled to enquire what evidence is there 
of the correspondence of this hypothesis to the facts ? Is it in any measure 
verifiable ? 

Professor Frazer offers evidence. On the priority of magic to religion he alleges 
the case of the Australian aborigines. On the transition from magic to religion he 
produces the fact that, in the Egyptian, Babylonian, Vedic, and Norse religions, gods 
themselves are represented as working by means of magic, as its inventors, as 
employing names of power and incantations, amulets and talismans, to do their 
will ; and he conjectures that " many gods may at first have been merely deified 

Now, taking the latter point first, it may safely be said that no religion has 
yet been discovered that is pure from the touch of magic. And if in the higher 
polytheisms men are conscious of the distinction between worship and magical rite, 
and yet continue generally to practise both as part of the official religion, they 
naturally ascribe their proceedings to the initiative of the gods. Such an ascription 
is necessary to justify the incongruity. At a stage yet higher they will add an 
attempt to explain away the magical rite altogether without abandoning its practice. 
In the absence, however, of definite historical evidence it is hard to analyse this 
compound of magic and religion, and to determine the priority of this or that 
element in it. 

For such evidence we are thrown back upon the Australian aborigines. I hardly 
think Professor Frazer has sufficiently considered the elements of religion to be found 
among the blackfellows. He has himself set forth in the first volume of Totemism 
and Exogamy, to which a footnote in the work now before us refers the reader, a 
list by no means despicable of such elements ; and I have ventured elsewhere to 
enumerate a number of others.* Some of them may not literally come within the 
terms of his definition, but they are so near the border-line that its extension by 
introducing the word invocation would at once bring them within it. A definition 
of religion must surely be imperfect which does not include invocation. Or are we 
to draw the line between magic and religion, so as to assign to the former the 
invocation of the "powers superior to man which are believed to direct and control 
" the course of nature and of human life ? " Then what becomes of Professor Frazer's 
definition of magic ? If " among the Jupagalk a person in pain would call on a 
" dead friend to come and help him " ; if certain of the Queensland aborigines '* are 
" wont to call on their totems by name before they fall asleep, and they believe 
" that they derive certain benefits from so doing " ; if the Warramunga, who are, 
according to Professor Frazer, among the most backward of these backward savages, 
perform periodical rites " by which they seem to think that they can at once pro- 
" pitiate and coerce," the mythical Wollunqua (water-snake), and if afterwards when 
they hear thunder rumbling in the distance, " they declare that it is the voice of the 
" water-snako saying that he is pleased with what they have done and that he will 
" send rain " ; can we justly deny to them religion ? We are told that, " roughly 
" speaking, all men in Australia are magicians, but not one is a priest." This 
general statement is true in the sense that in the lowest stages of civilisation there 
and elsewhere every man performs magical ceremonies, probably believes that he has 
some measure of supernatural power, and assuredly attributes such power to his 
neighbours. It does not, however, exclude the existence of professional wizards or 
medicine-men who have the power in still fuller measure. They undergo, in Australia 
not less than in other parts of the world, a regular training for their office ; according 
to their own belief, as well as that of their fellow-tribesmen, they are initiated by, 
and derive their power from, the supernatural beings by whom they are surrounded. 

* Presidential Address to the British Association, Section H, 1886, pp. 684, 685. 

[ 13 ] 

No* 5.] MAN. [1912. 

They remain in intimate communion with the spirit-Avorld, and are influenced and 
aided by the spirits. In fact, they are neither more nor less than shamans such as 
we are familiar with in other and widely distant regions. Professor Frazer admits 
that at one stage in culture, though not the earliest, " magic is confused with religion." 
Can he point to any substantial evidence of a stage in which religion is unknown 
and magic alone is practised ? If the evidence on a close inspection fails in Australia, 
where can it be found ? 

To me the truth seems to be that the presentation of magic as a false science 
based on the uniformity of nature, and the hypothesis that it preceded religion in the 
evolution of culture, do not correctly colligate the facts. Mankind did not begin as 
eighteenth-century philosophers. The unknown with all its mystery lay about the 
cradle of the race. Wonder, awe, fear, an indefinable sense of enveloping powers 
with which he must make friends, or which he must control, if he would satisfy his 
needs, were among man's primal experiences, if not the most compelling of them. 
He knew nothing about the uniformity of nature. He felt within himself desires, 
needs, and a will to gratify them ; and he attributed the same to the objects around 
him, not distinguishing accurately between living and dead matter. Hence religion 
and magic came gradually into being together, indistinguishable, one. We must not 
allow the vision of the Arunta as presented by Messrs. Spencer and Gillen to distort 
the perspective. They have depicted the life, the principal ceremonies, and many of 
the beliefs of that interesting tribe ; but of the true inwardness of the Arunta mind 
have they given us more than glimpses ? To these glimpses, -however, there attaches 
a significance harmonising with known facts elsewhere, which the more prominent 
peculiarities of the tribe may well lead us to overlook. 

Such a view of the early relations of magic and religion would have enabled 
Professor Frazer to account for their inexplicable entanglement right through the 
ages, and in all human societies. His pages are crowded with proofs of it, and his 
theory ouly embarrasses his exposition. (See, for example, Vol. I., p. 374.) " The 
" relentless hostility with which in history the priest has often pursued the magician " 
may easily be exaggerated. It has not prevented the priest himself from practising 
rites and claiming powers essentially parallel, if not identical, with those of his oppo- 
nent. A religion paramount in any society professes to exercise its powers and per- 
form its rites in the public interest. It is, in fact, merely society in its commerce with 
what we should call the supernatural ; and its officials are the functionaries of society 
charged with this business. The practitioners of a rival religion, whether one that 
has been superseded by conquest or one that is still struggling for recognition, are 
not regarded as acting in the public interest, but in that of their own clientele. To 
that extent they are anti-social. Where civilisation has sufficiently far advanced to 
distinguish between religion and magic the term religion becomes a term of approval, 
and the term magic one of disapproval. Religion is regarded as social, magic as anti- 
social. Hence in mediaeval Europe magic was nearly always one of the charges 
against pagans and heretics. In the witch-trials of the sixteenth and seventeenth 
centuries it is usually anti-social charges, such as murder committed or attempted, or 
malicious injury to person or property, that form the chief counts of the indictment. 
So in the tropical forests of the Congo, or on the spacious veldt, the Nganga pursues 
with cunning and persistence the wizard who withholds the rain or causes a death, 
though they are both adherents of the same religion, practise the same rites, and 
mutter the same spells. The innuendo which underlies the imputation of witchcraft, 
in short, is its anti-social character. Probably, as Dr. Frazer suggests, professional 
jealousy sharpens the priest's hostility, and compels him to a prominent part in the 
persecution of wizards ; but the persecution itself is to be ascribed neither to that nor 
to any "radical conflict of principle between magic and religion." 

[ 14 ] 

1912.] MAN. [No. 5. 

Further, the hypothesis has led the author to a gloomier view than, I think, the 
facts warrant of the bona fides of the magician. No doubt there are cases of 
conscious knavery. But these cases, though numerous arithmetically, are rare in 
comparison with the total sum. No doubt the magician often brings to his aid an 
astuteness above that of many of his fellows. His cunning is exercised, for instance, 
in postponing ceremonies for rain until he sees some chance of a change of weather, 
in discovering the direction in which suspicions point to the cause of a death, in 
accounting for the failure of his treatment of disease, and so forth. But is it in- 
compatible with a general belief in the reality of his supernormal powers ? It is 
inconceivable that one who is to play the part, as Dr. Frazer will show in succeeding 
volumes, of a king or a god will run the horrible risks nay, incur certain death 
often in dreadful form unless he really believe in the powers and personality to 
which he makes pretence. We must not forget that the magician is a product of 
his environment. He may be in some respects head and shoulders above his people ; 
but he does not stand on a pinnacle. He is not one of the enlightened spirits who 
sees that he has been pulling at strings to which nothing was attached. He is of 
his time, of his people. He stands among them, as one of them. He is affected by 
their prejudices, moved by their passions. The collective beliefs, impulses, hopes and 
fears are reflected in him and add unquestionable force to his own. He is stirred 
with the common emotions of the crowd. Because they believe in him he believes in 
himself all the more strongly. The testimony of travellers, explorers, and missionaries 
all over the world is emphatic as to the general honesty in this respect of the 
medicine-man, the shaman, the wizard, under whatever name or form he may be 
found. And the testimony is in accord with our ordinary experience of human 

I have dwelt, however, on the author's hypothesis of the origin and early relations 
of magic and religion longer than either the space devoted to it in these volumes, or 
its practical importance in relation to their theme, altogether warrants. For the rest 
of this instalment of the new edition of The Golden Bough I have little but pro- 
found admiration and gratitude. It is not necessary to accept the solution offered of 
every problem raised in the course of so comprehensive a review of archaic rite and 
story. Many of such solutions will probably remain subject to discussion for a long 
time yet. But there can be only one opinion about the conduct of the argument and 
the masterly presentation of the evidence, old and new. In any case it is a greater 
contribution than even the second edition to our anthropological knowledge. 

The important section on the sacred fire that fills so large a part of the second 
volume is entirely new. It starts from the sacred marriage, the account of which is an 
expansion of a few pages in the second edition, and proceeds to consider the parallel 
cases in which the divine bridegroom is the fire and his bride a human virgin. The 
Vestal Virgins, it is argued with much force, were the brides of the fire, and the 
theory derives support from the legends of the births of Servius Tullius and other 
heroes of ancient Latiuni, as well as from a variety of traditional practices at Rome 
and elsewhere. The fire-drill, marriage customs connected with the hearth, perpetual 
fires, come successively under review. Thence we revert to the question of the mode 
of succession to the kingdom in Latium. It is suggested that the succession was 
through women, marriage with whom transmitted the crown to the husband, and that 
husband, a man of another clan, or even of another race. There is much to be said 
on behalf of the suggestion. It is, of course, justified by similar cases in other parts 
of the world ; but the evidence points still further to the possibility that the bride was 
won in a contest which might include the slaughter of the previous king. Hence 
bride-contests are discussed, and the argument leads back to the conjecture advance^ 
in the opening chapter of the first volume that the Priest of Nemi, the King of the 

[ 15 1 

Nos. 5-7.] MAN. [1912. 

Wood, was nothing less than a personation of the oak-god Jupiter, and the mate of the 
goddess Diana. 

It is needless to say that the argument is of extraordinary interest, and that the 
presentation of both argument and evidence is conducted with great skill. Though 
there may be weak links here and there, on the whole the chain is continuous, and 
the case assumes the aspect of probability. I am not one of those who complain 
because a scientific writer sometimes ekes out his argument by conjecture. It is a 
legitimate proceeding. Imagination has a recognised office and employment in scien- 
tific enquiry. If Professor Frazer here or elsewhere has indulged in conjecture, he 
has never, to my knowledge, abused his freedom by stating his conjectures as facts. 

The conjecture that the practice of ceremonially bringing infants to the domestic 
hearth is a mode of presenting them to the ancestral spirits, there can be little doubt, 
is correct. But we may, perhaps, be allowed to question whether there is sufficient 
evidence of a deeper reason than this for the ancient Aryan custom of leading the 
bride around the hearth of her new home. The evidence, too, that Thor was the 
oak-tree-god is very slender. 

But such matters as these are trivial. They are merely mentioned here as 
samples (not all new) of the debatable points occurring here and there. As compared 
with the total mass and value of The Golden Bough, they are tiny furrows in its 
precious bark, and they leave the substance unimpaired. It remains a talisman of 
power. By its means the student will long be able to find his way into dark and 
subterranean regions of the past, and will obtain access to many secrets that can 
only be won by adventuring along the devious tracks haunted by dead and dying 
religions. E. SIDNEY HARTLAND. 

America, North: Ethnology. Speek. 

Ceremonial Songs of the Creek and Yuchi Indians. By Frank G. Speek. O 
With music transcribed by Jacob D. ISapir. University of Penns3'lvania : The U 
Museum Anthropological Publications, Vol. I, No. 2, pp. 157-245. 

In his second volume of Yuchi Ethnology, Dr. Speek gives twenty-two Creek 
dance songs, seven Yuchi dance songs, twenty Creek medicine songs and formulas, 
and two Shawnee love songs. There is given, also, in a convenient table, a list of 
the plants used for various diseases, together with the scientific names, the native 
names, a literal translation, of the latter, and the cause of the disease. 

The author's object is " merely to assemble the material for someone else to 
' ; study," and he professes " no attempt ... to discuss the external qualities or 
" characteristics of the music itself." The songs were recorded on the phonograph, 
and the accompanying words and syllables were taken down in phonetic script. 

The collection is especially interesting, aside from its musical contribution, for 
the intimate connection which the people believe to exist between themselves and 
the animal world, and the efficacy of the compelling song formulas. 



Eighteenth International Congress of Americanists, 1912. "7 

The International Congress of Americanists have accepted the invitation, t 
issued by the Koval Anthropological Institute, to hold their eighteenth session in 
London in 1912, at the Imperial Institute. Full particulars will appear in the 
next number of MAN. Meanwhile donations to the general fund and members' 
subscriptions (1) should be sent to J. Gray, Esq., 50, Great Russell Street. 

Printed by EYRE AND SPOTTISWOODE, LTD., His Majesty's Printers, Bast Harding Street, B.C. 



MAN, 1912. 


1912.] MAN. [No. 8. 

Anthropology. With Plate B. Seligrmann. 

A Cretinous Skull of the Eighteenth Dynasty. /'.// C. G. Si-lit/- Q 
maun, M.D. U 

The skull, two views of which are reproduced in Plate B, is one of a number 
discovered by Professor Flinders Petrie while exploring a temple of Thotmes IV 
at Thebes. It will be seen that this skull (now in the museum of the Royal 
College of Surgeons) is of most unusual shape, but before describing and discussing 
this it will be well to quote Professor Petrie's account of the chamber in which it 
was found. " In the 8.W. chamber of ... (the temple) the floor was found 
" to rest upon made earth, and not on rock. On digging down here a rock scarp was 
" found facing the east. . . . Below this scarp an entrance was found leading 
" into a passage running west ; at the end of this passage a doorway admits to a 
" chamber cut in the rock, in which is a pit descending to a lower level, and 
*' giving access to another passage running east, with a tomb chamber at the end 
" of it. . . ." When Professor Petrie opened this there was no trace of the 
original interment, " but the upper passage and chamber was closely filled with at 
" least two layers of bodies, over eighty being packed into it. ... These bodies 
" were scarcely to be called mummies, as they seemed to have been buried in 
" wrappings without any attempt at preserving the flesh by resin, oil, or salts. 
" Hence there was only a confused mass of bones amid a deep soft heap of brown 
*' dust."* The condition and position of these bones led Professor Petrie to consider 
that the chamber in which they were found was an old and plundered tomb, used as 
a common burying place, perhaps for workmen, during the reign of Thotmes IV 
or possibly Amenhotep II. Further, the great diversity in the form of the skulls led 
him to suggest that these were not the bones of natives, but rather those of foreign 
captives employed on public works. 

The skull itself appears to be that of a cretin and exhibits the characteristic 
lack of development (hypoplasia) of the bones laid down in cartilage. The following 
particulars are taken from Dr. Keith's description in the College catalogue: "The 
" arrest of growth concerns the floor of the posterior fossa ; the foramen magnum, 
" basioccipital and basisphenoid, and the occipital squama hardly exceeding the size 
" of the parts at the time of birth. . . . The internal auditory meatuses, the 
" internal ears, and the carotid canals are no further apart than at birth. . . . 
" The several sutures between the occipital and neighbouring bones are closed, and 
i4 were evidently obliterated at an early date. ... In consequence of the short- 
" ness of the base, the growth of the cranium has been largely directed upwards in 
u compensation ; the forehead being, moreover, particularly prominent. 
" There is, moreover, an arrest in the development of the nasal bones and nasal 
" processes of the superior maxilla?, formed over the anterior prolongation of the 
*' trabeculas cranii." 

Particular stress must be laid on the condition of the nasal bones, since I believe 
this makes it possible to say fairly definitely that the skull is that of a cretin and 
not the skull of an achondroplasiac, such as we know existed in ancient Egypt.f 

* Six Temples at Thebes, pp. 7, 8. 

f There is in the Cairo Museum the statuette of an achondroplastic dwarf Khnumhotep found at 
Saqqarah and dating from the old empire. A reproduction of this statuette is given by Breasted 
(//ixfuri/ of Egypt, Fig. 75, p. 140), who, in spite of the absence of all Negrito characteristics, speaks 
of this man as coming from " one of the pigmy tribes of inner Africa." It seems certain that Khnum- 
hotep was an achondroplasiac ; indeed, I have been unable to satisfy myself that any representation 
of a pigmy is to be found on Egyptian monuments. 

[ 17 ] 

Nos. 8-9.] MAN. [1912. 

Although the general appearance of the specimen immediately suggests that it is 
the skull of a cretin, considerable care must be exercised in order to exclude achon- 
droplasia. Achondroplastic skulls, like those of cretins, may be high and broad though 
deficient in length, and may have an unduly prominent forehead. In the living, this 
latter character may give a sunken appearance to the root of the nose, and if the 
latter be short the whole physiognomy may suggest defective development of the 
nasal bones. 

In the skull under consideration, the arrest of the development of the nasal bones 
is very marked, and this also occurs in the skulls of undoubtedly cretinous calves in 
whose thyroid glands colloid is completely absent. In achondroplastic skulls, on the 
other hand, the nasal bones and the nasal processes of the maxilla? develop normally, 
though owing to the shortness of the base the angle made with the frontal may be 
abnormal. This statement is based on the examination of the skull of an achondro- 
plastic infant in the museum of the College of Surgeons kindly placed at my disposal 
by Mr. Shattock, whom I take this opportunity of thanking for the assistance he 
so readily gave me. In this skull the nasal bones and the nasal processes of the 
superior maxillae are normal, but the nasal bones are set at right angles with the 
frontal, i.e., at an acuter angle than in the normal subject. Thus the condition 
presented by this achondroplastic skull differs in an important particular from that 
of the eighteenth dynasty Egyptian skull under discussion, while the latter agrees in 
this particular with undoubtedly cretinous skulls, so that there is every justification for 
regarding the skull, which forms the subject of this note, as that of an eighteenth 
dynasty cretin. C. G. SELIGMANN. 

Africa, East. Hobley. 

The Wa-Langulu or Ariangulu of the Taru Desert. By C. W. Q 
Hobley, C.M.G. U 

There is a small but interesting hunter tribe which inhabits the thorn-bush 
country or Nyika, known as the Taru desert and their habitat extends from the 
Sabaki valley to some distance south of the Uganda Railway, almost as far as 
Mount Kilibasi. They originally lived entirely by the chase, killing their game by 
poisoned arrows ; their bows are the longest seen in East Africa, and often measure 
,5 feet by 6 inches. They are believed to be allied to the nomad tribe known as 
Wa-Sania. They were formerly serfs of the Galla, and if they killed an elephant 
they had to present one tusk to the Galla chief. They say that they moved south- 
wards from the direction of the Sabaki to avoid the jurisdiction of the Galla, and 
this is probably the case. There is a great scarcity of water in the part of the 
country they inhabit, and they depend entirely on a very doubtful supply obtained 
from a peculiar series of holes found in the carboniferous Taru sandstones in which 
rain water is naturally stored. Like the true Okiek Dorobo they are probably sin 
aboriginal people who became affiliated to the tribe which was once the dominant 
f-dctor in this region, viz., the Galla, and in the same way that so many of the 
Okiek have adopted Masai and Kikuyu language, they have adopted the language 
of their over-lords, the Galla. A small vocabulary has, however, been collected in 
the hopes that it may contain some traces of the aboriginal tongue. 

Europeans have never interested themselves very much in these people, mainly 
because they inhabit such inhospitable country, and Mr. Hollis is, it is believed, the 
only other person who has ever made any notes of their customs or speech. They 
are very suspicious of strangers, and as they only usually know their own language 
and Ki-Duruma, it is not easy to communicate with them. The writer recently had an 

[ 18 J 

1912.] MAN. [No. 9, 

opportunity of meeting a few members of the tribe for a short period, and collected 
a few notes. 

Two elders were interviewed, named Barisa wa Abashora and Dida wa Bonaya. 
These men live near the Tarn Hills and belong to the Okoli clan of the Ariangulu. 
Ariangulu is their own name for the tribe and they sometimes call themselves 
Wata ; Wa-Langulu is what they are called by the Duruma people. 

The tribe is said to be divided into four clans, viz. : 


(1) Karara Ziru. 

(2) Okoli - Bashora. 

(3) Beretuma - - Ocha. 

(4) Wayu - Wario. 

The principal chief of the tribe is said to be one Dukata, who lives on the 
north bank of the Sabaki River near Rogi Hill. They worship a Supreme Being 
they know by the name of Wak, and worship him by sacrificing goats under certain 
big trees. They say they have no medicine men. 

Both sexes are circumcised. 

Two incisors are extracted from the lower jaw, and a V-shaped gap is cut 
between the two middle upper incisor teeth. 

No person can marry within his clan. The bridegroom has to pay a marriage fee 
of a tusk of male ivory weighing about two frasilas (about 70 Ibs.) to his father-in-law, 
and a cow tusk to his mother-in-law. 

They bury their dead, .and lay a male in the grave on his right side and a 
woman on her left side. 

They do not forge iron but purchase it from the Giriama ; they manufacture their 
own arrow poison. 

They now cultivate maize to a limited extent, and this it is believed is due to 
their intermarriage in recent years with Duruma and Taita women ; in fact, the majority 
of their huts are now built according to the Duruma fashion, that is to say, oblong 
in shape, tapering towards the top, and thatched right down to the ground. 

The domestic animals seen consisted of fowls and goats ; no traces of cattle 
were observed. 

Over the door of the huts various charms are tucked into the thatch, and it was 
stated that the object of these was to prevent the entrance of thieves while the 
owners were absent. One of their charms consisted of a rude carving of a head 
which was said to represent that of a baboon. 

A leopard trap was seen in one village ; it consisted of two parallel series of 
posts about three feet in height, with a heavy beam balanced between them, but secured 
at one end, there was a cage partitioned off at one end in which a live bait consisting 
of a fowl was placed ; over the other end, which was the mouth of the trap, the 
beam was suspended, and when the leopard entered he was supposed to trip against 
a fine cord which released a trigger catch and allowed the beam to fall. He 
would receive a severe blow on his hindquarters and would be crushed into a 
crouching position. Next morning the villagers would despatch him with a poisoned 

Most of the people now wear a certain amount of cloth, so one cannot say what 
their original dress consisted of. 

Physically they appear to be fairly tall and spare, the Galla type of face is 
frequently seen, but it is not predominant ; unless a representative gathering of elders 
could be observed it would be unsafe to generalise on this point. 

No. 9.1 



It is hoped that someone who has opportunities will make a detailed study of 
these people before they become entirely merged with the Duruma, who have spread 
westward many miles in recent years. 



Chuguruba. I/ A. 

Hand - 


Arrk - 


Arrow poison 


Hill - 


Borgi, also hadare. 

Back - 



Dcim - 



Aried - 



Mina - 

Gee, also Mana. 

Bee - 



Head - 

Mata - 


Bear (bring 

Naduu Indet - 


Hippopotamus Kuobi 






Bird - 



Iron - 

Sirila - 


Beer - 

Dadi - 

Dyalali, also dadi. 

Knife - 

Bilo - 

Zenti, also harutu 

Bow - 


Kamba tribe - 






Bury - 









Lion - 


Neuja or Ncutcha. 

Brass - 






Badi - 



Kola - 


Chest - 






Luku - 

Djudji, also Koko. 

Man - 

Dira - 

Dira (plural). 

Cloth - 




Aya - 







Come - 

Kwi - 

Ga, also diefa. 

Masai tribe - 


Cooking pot - 

Okoti - 


Nails - 


Cow - 

La 1 von 

Ton (plural). 

No - 

Efet or Efedo 





Nose - 



Child (male) - 





Child (female) 




Die - 

Adu - 


Penis - 


Luba, also zala. 

Dig - 



Pool - 

Kono - 

Gibe, also tekafe. 




Rain - 

Boke - 


Drink (f.) 

Kugi - 





Duruma tribe 


River - 

Laga - 

Aba-abofni, also 

Ear - 

Gur - 


galana, also laga. 




Road - 



Eyes - 

Ila - 




Gorora. also hand- 








Sand, soil 

Bie - 


Fat - 




Cla - 


Fish - 





Fly (*.) 

Titis - 



Buf or Bof - 


Foot - 

Fan - 

Fana, also Mila. 


Dani - 



Aba - 


Sweet potato - 




Bali - 


Swahili tribe - 




Teeth - 

11 kan - 


Go - 

Sur - 





Goat - 

Rer - 





Guinea-fowl - 



Tree - 

Muka - 


God - 





Dyidan, also 

Grass - 

Buyo - 





Taita tribe - 


Ground (earth) 

Lafa - 





Gal la tribe 


Oromo is the name 




by which the Gal- 




las call them- 

Wind - 






Naden (plural). 

Hair - 






[ 20 ] 

1912.] MAN. [Nos. 9-10. 



1 - - Tana - - Toko, or Taka. 

2 - - Lam - - Lama. 

3 - - Sedi - - Zadi. 

4 - Arfur - - Afur. 

5 - - Shen - - Zan. 

6 - - Ja - Dya. 

7 - - Toib - Torba. 


9 - - Sagal - - Zagal. 

10 - Kudrn - - Kutlan. 

20 - - Kurlam. 

30 - - Kusedi - - Zodoma. 

40 - - Avuri - - Aportam. 

50 - - Kurshcn - Zantama. 

100 - - Sodoma - Diba 

8 - - Sad let - - Zadeta. 

NOTE. The only Galla vocabulary available was one compiled some forty years 
back by a German missionary in the south of Abyssinia, so considerable dialectic 
differences may be expected. C. W. HOBLEY. 

Solomon Islands : Linguistics. Wheeler. 

Two Tales in Mono Speech (Bougainville Straits). By G. C. 4 A 

Wheeler, B.A.Lond. (Roy. Soc. Gov. Grant}. lU 

The following are from a collection of tales (lagalagala) made in Shortland and 
Treasury Islands. Dudueri has a place in the religion of the people ; here the text 
is treated only philologically. 

No. 1. DUDUERI. 

(A.) An sana 1 iua " emiagagana fauna tapoina. emiaelima 2 aia. emiagaloama " 3 
iua Dudueri. iua. Irigagana. irifose kiniua 4 . iriala Magusaiai 5 . iriala. irieli an 
leana 6 fasala. irieli ga aia. irieli. irifagafuli 7 . iripipisi. irigaloama. lama irifa- 
safili 8 kenoa. iriena ga kiniu. renuasi. 

(B.) irifosema 1 . irifoseina. eang Dudueri darami tapoina 2 ihamako 3 . " soa 
" lama dreaaang fanua. sagu beampeu irigaloma 4 . an andreagaloama 5 lama reaaang 
" darami" iua ga Dudueri. iua. fanua irifosema. irisoku Piogai. igumo kiniu. 
dehautupi 6 . iutupu sana au. ikafuru ga. 

(C.) Dudueri. irisoku fanua famataang 1 . kiniu itataposa 2 . " iafaua 3 ga sagu 
" au amfautupi ? 4 haipaiteang 5 . sagu au iutupu. haikahuruuta " 6 iua ga 7 Dudueri. 
iua. i'nkoti ga darami. itaupong 8 . isuala. isale aloaga 9 . isale. ea 10 tiong 
Dudueri igagana kenoa. iau kenoa. Piogai 11 iau. iua. isoma 12 . somanana 13 . 

Told by Baoi of Faleta. 

English Translation. 

(A*.) Once upon a time he said, " All you men go and dig up an aia, and bring 
" it here," quoth Dudueri. He spoke. They went, and paddled in their canoe, and 
crossed over to Magusaiai. They crossed over ; they dug up a tree of the kind 
called fasala ; so they dug up an aia. They dug ; they finished digging ; they tied 
it to a log to carry on their shoulders, and carried it. Then they brought it down 
to the sea. They lifted their canoe and launched it ; they put it in the canoe and 
(B*) paddled back. They paddled back. Dudueri had a lot of food cooked. "Yes, 
" then the men shall eat ; they have brought me the thing I wanted ; those who 
" bring the tree shall have food afterwards," quoth Dudueri. He said. The men 
paddled home ; they came to Piogai ; the canoe capsized ; they sank it, and his 
tree sank (C*). Dudueri was wrath. The men got home, but the canoe was broken 
up. "Why have you sunk my tree? I am angry with you. My tree has sunk. 
" I am angry," said Dudueri. He said. He took hold of the food and upset it. It 
grew up of itself ; the aloaga kept alive ; it kept alive. The man Dudueri went 
into the sea ; he stayed in the sea ; he stayed at Piogai. It has been said : it is 
ended. It is the end. 

* These letters are to show the correspondencies with the Mono text. 

[ 21 ] 

No. 10.] MAN. [1912. 



(Only philological notes are given bere ; see elsewhere for sociological and geographical notes.) 
(A.) ' Au sana: verbal subst.= 'his staying, stopping." A common expression in the tales. 
Here can be translated by "once upon a time." * EmiaeUmasstmia (verb, prefix, 2 plur. fut.) + eli 
(dig) -j- mo. * Emiagaloama ; gala (to bring) -f- -a ma (another form of -ma). * Kiniua : kiniu + -a : 
the suffix -a denotes place where or whither ; also nearness. After final a it is -ang. (See C. 1 
below.) 5 Magusalai : after proper names of places the suffix -a is not used to denote place where 
or whither ; the place-name standing by itself gives this meaning. (See note C." below.) 6 Leana : 
lea- (name) takes always a possessive suffix. ' Fagafuli : fa -\- gafulu (to come to an end) : fa- is 
the causative prefix, which may be used with a great many verbs (gafulu ; the simple verb is perhaps 
not used in the form gufuli). Fa- may also be written ha-. * Fasajitl =fa- (causative prefix) 
-j- sajili = to come, arrive. 

(B.) ' lrifosema:fose = to paddle a canoe; -ma = hither. 2 Tapoina = much, many, several, all. 
Tapoi=to be plentiful; -tta is an adjectival ending. * Ihamalto =fa- + mako (to be boiled, be 
cooked). 4 Irigaloma : notice the suffix in the form -ma ; whereas above it was -ama. 5 Andreaga- 
loama = an -+ area (verbal pref. 3 pi. fut.) + galoama. The prefix an- (ang-~) is used to give a relative 
meaning to verbg and other words ; tiong angiroro = " the man who saw it" ; Hong ansana saiga = 
the man whose garden it is (sana= his). Defiautupi: utupu = to sink (intrans.) : fautupi = lo 
make to sink. 

(C.) ' Famataang = famata (village) + -ang (hither ; denotes place whither : see A. 4 above). 
2 Itataposa : was broken up. The usual prefix denoting a passive state is ta- : here the reduplication 
probably has a reference to the canoe being in many bits. Reduplication, in general, denotes plurality 
or frequency. 3 lafaua = why ? " Why ? " is translated by -afaua with verbal prefixes, which may 
either agree with the verb or be in the 3 pers. sing. past. Here we might have angafaua, the 2 
pers. plur. past prefix. 4 Amfautupl : am- (or ang-) is the verbal prefix, 2 pers. plur. past. 5 Haipai- 
teang : hal (verb. pref. 1 pers, sing, past) + paite (to be angry) + -ang (prcnoun, 2 pers. plur. ; 
object). 6 Halkakuruutu : = Juii -f- ka/iuru (to be angry) + u t a - The suffix -uta (-#ta, -ita, -ota, 
according to the preceding vowel) may be added to verbs, or not ; apparently it does not affect the 
meaning, but merely is analogous to a cognate accusative. 7 lua ga. The enclitic ga is constantly 
found after the first word of a sentence and is often hardly to be translated : it is analogous to the 
Greek <J and yap. Standing as the first word in a sentence it = " therefore." 8 Itaupong : the -ng 
here is probably the often-found suffix to verbs, denoting " there, thither," or not to be translated. 
" Isale aloaga : "the aloaga kept alive": the other food died. 10 Ea : "the, this, that"; another 
form is eang (eang JDudueri, above, B). " Piogai : note the proper name does not take the suffix -a 
to denote the place where. (See Note A. 3 above.) 12 lua. Isoma : the standard ending for a lag ala gala 
(tale) : ua = to say. Here lua perhaps = "he (the teller) has spoken," or is it a passive ? isoma = 
"it (the tale) has ended," or "he (the teller) has finished." I3 Somanana: this and the two pre- 
ceding words invariably end the tales. Somanana is a much-used expression to denote " that is all," 
'that is the end," " that is over." Smna = end : -nana either (1) = " it is " : or (2) is a reduplicated 
-na (of it) : or (3) is -na (of it) + -n& " it is." 

(The above notes were got with the help of the natives Segimeti, Mule, Bitiai.) 


(A.) eriasae 2 loana natuna. magota enaau Sana. enalafilafi enagaloma kore 
enaosi ga ulina. enaselo korea. " kokong selo. ulina selo " enaua. enabui 3 asu. 
enaisang ga apasa 4 . enaamisu. puai enaisang petaang. enahamako. enaoleole. 
eaaboi. dreafotuma ga natuna sana kanegaua 5 . " maang egutaimia, boo gaina 6 
lamanaimia 7 

(B.) andregaloama " J enandi 2 . dreapapasu. dreadarami. dreagolu ga ulina 
magota. euaboi. dreasuele. ilale 3 . dresae natuna loana. deeeva. ea magota 
ilafilafi igaloama ga kore. iosi ga uliiia. iselo. kokong iselo. ii'amako. ifakoro 
kabaikaang. ioleole. ibui asu. iisang ga apasa. iainisu petaang. ifalulusu puai. 

(C.) au sana 1 irisokuma ga natuna sana kanegaua. iindi " emiararami ga ena. 
emia 2 boo "iindi. "a'uta 3 ingalonama 4 " iiudi. iridarami. iboi irisuele. ilale. " i afaua 
ga magota 5 ? boi tapoina taragaganaata saigaang enaporo ga boo. taraau saraata 6 
ape enaporo ? " reua. irisae. irilefemalema". reofong. " tararoro " reua. iosi ga 

[ 22 ] 

1912.] MAN. [No. 10. 

(D.) iselo korea. iselo darami. " oge-, raagota ea inaita boi tapoiua ulina ga 
gogolua 1 saraata " reua. " hamanunu. enaboi tarafotuma tiga saiga lama fanalapu " 
iua ga natuna. irilefe saigaang. irieeva. ilafilafi. refotu. resoku numaang. 
" maang sang kanegaua enaa emia boo" iindi, " samia tala 2 irigaloama" iiudi. 
" fealau 3 boo gai ? maito fang 4 tiling ga ena (or gaina). teteleami sang ga " boo " 5 
inami 6 sang " iing. ilapu natuna. imate. iua. isoma. somanana. 
(By blind Bitiai. An Alu, Mono, and Fauru tale.) 

English Translation. 

ULINA ANGOOSI SANA. (The woman who used to cut up her body.) 
(A.) Her son-in-law and her daughter would go inland. The old woman would 
stay behind. When the afternoon came she would bring a cooking-pot and cut up 
her body : she would boil it in the pot. "Cook taro ; cook her body," she would 
say. She would prepare betel-nut lime and pepper : she would throw away the 
betel-skin ; she would spit ; and throw lime on the ground. She would cook (the 
flesh), and hang it up. When night came on her daughter and daughter's husband 
would come back. " Ah ! my dears, here is pig (B) which your manai (" uncles ") 
brought here," she would tell them. They would take it down, and partake ; they 
would eat the old woman's body. Night would come on and they would sleep. Day 
dawned : her daughter and son-in-law went up inland. They worked. When after- 
noon came on this old woman brought a pot : she cut up her body : she boiled it : 
she boiled taro : she cooked all properly. She put it into a basket ; and hung it up. 
She made a chewing-mixture ; and threw away the betel-skin. She spat on the 
ground ; she sprinkled lime 011 the ground. She kept quiet. (C) Presently, her 
daughter and her daughter's husband arrived. Said she to them : " Eat this ; it is 
" pig for you," said she to them. " It is what they brought here," quoth she. They 
eat. Night came on and they slept. Day dawned : " What does the old woman do ? 
" Every day when we go to the garden there is pig. If we stay, there is no pig," 
said they (d. and h.). They went out : and came back again. They kept quiet. 
" Let us see," said they. She cut up her body ; (D) and cooked it in the pot. 
She cooked vegetable-food. " Hullo ! We have been eating this old woman's body 
" every day," said they. " Keep quiet ; when night comes on we will go back from 
" the garden, and then I will kill her," said her daughter. They went away to the 
garden ; and worked. Afternoon came on and they went back to the village. They 
came to the house. " Oh ! you, here is pig for you and your husband," said she to 
them. " Your men brought it," said she. " What kind of pig is this ? It is your 
" own body. When you give it to us, ' it is pig ' you tell us," said she to her 
(the m.). Her daughter killed her. She died. It is said : it is ended. 
It is the end. 


1 Angooti tana : is the verbal substantive, denoting frequentative action ; with the relative prefix, 
ang- " the woman who used to cut up her body." 

(A.) 2 Eriasae : note the future prefixes used, down to Hale [B., n. 3]. Here they seem to denote 
habitual past action. * Enabui asu : bui = to prepare the ingredients for betel-chewing (?) 4 Apasa : the 
remains, refuse of anything. Here the outer skin of the betel-nut. The actions of chewing, spitting, 
and scattering lime are, it would seem, to make believe that several men had been to the house. 
s Kanegaua = kanega (husband) + ua (together with, and). 6 Gaina = ga-\-ena, this (emphatic). 
7 Lamanaimia ; manai, plur. lamanai = the men of the preceding generation in a totem-clan ; or as 
blood-kinship, a mother's brother. 

(B.) ' Andregaloama : an- is the relative prefix, here as object. 2 Enandi : ena + i (to say) -J- di 
(to them). * Hale : note the change to past prefixes ; single actions are now spoken of. 

(C.) * Au sana: here seems = " bye and bye." 2 Emia boo: egn, eng, &c., is the possessive used 
with anything that is to be consumed by a person. * A'nta : perhaps is a form of the relative prefix 
an-, ang-. 4 Ingalonama : the less common prefix in- ; perhaps is of passive meaning. Note the 

[ 23 ] 

Nos. 10-11.] MAN. [1912. 

unusual n after the o of galo. 5 Iafaua ga magota : here iafaua is taken as an independent verb. 
Another reading might be that it="why" ? and that iafaua down to ape enaporo is one sentence. 
In this latter case we should have, "Why, when we go daily to the garden, does pig come for the 
old woman, but if we stay it does not come ? " magota being taken as in the objective case of advan- 
tage (ethic dative). 6 Taraau saraata : the verbal substantive with a verbal prefix, and the ending 
-ata. J Irilffemaleina : here -male- is infix = " again." 

(D.) ' Gogolua saraata': note the suffix -a in gogolua, which seems to be of the same nature as 
the -ata . (-ita, -ota, -uta,--eta~) used after the verb, and verbal substantive (as here). Golu = to eat 
fish or flesh, aang to eat vegetable food. 2 Tala : tala = (1) war ; (2) a chief's men, as here. The 
man was a chief, or his wife a chiefess. 3 Fealau = which ? or what kind of ? 4 Fang : exact 
meaning uncertain. Perhaps it is the same word as the reciprocal particle /#-, " one another," 
and is here used to stress the possessive suffix -ng = thy (as is maito). 5 Boo: is here the object 
of inami sang, " You tell us ' pig.' " Inami gang : verbal substantive of /', to say, with the objective 
pronoun of the 1st pers. plur. exclus. 


Religion. Hornblower. 

A Note on the Secretary to whom the Prophet Mohammed 41 

is traditionally supposed to have dictated the Koran. By J. D. II 


The Christians of the Near East firmly believe that Mohammed's secretary was 
a Copt, although this view is not generally shared by Mohammedans. 

In support of the theory, a well-educated Syrian has produced an ingenious 
interpretation of certain mystic letters found in the Koran. At the beginning of the 
19th chapter, "Miriam," which gives Mohammed's account of the Virgin Mary are 
found the letters ^a*.^ (K, H, Y, Aiu, S). Similar mystic letter-combinations are 
found at the beginning of other chapters for example, Ta-ha and Ya-sin (which, 
being of holy import, have been adopted as men's names by Mohammedans) and 
volumes of learned conjectures have been produced to elucidate their meaning. 

Now the chapter " Miriam " is naturally of special interest to Christians, and it 
has been conjectured by some that the letter-combinations at the head of it would 
give a clue to the religion of the secretary. The clue desired has been arrived at by 
my correspondent in the following manner : The letters of the Arabic alphabet, 
arranged in their primitive order (known as the Abjedieh from the order of the first 
four letters A, B, G, D) are used as in Greek to denote the numerals. A common 
form of anagram in Arabic is to take the total number resulting from adding up 
the numerals represented by the letters of a certain word or combination of words, 
and then resolve this total into other numerals represented by other letters, which 
will give the real meaning of the anagram. This is the process supposed to have 
been followed by Mohammed's scribe in putting the letters above mentioned at the 
head of the chapter " Miriam," with the following result : 

^ = 10 ; ^ = 5 ; d = 20 ; c = 70 ; ^ 90. Total, 195. 

This total may be also made up as follows : 1, 30, 40, 60, 10, 8, 1, 30, 5, 10. 
The Arabic letters corresponding to these numerals are IJ*jj-ijf1J/*(^, 
which put together give the words ^.Jl ^a-*)! (El-Mesih Alahi), the meaning of 
which is " Christ is my God." 

This constitutes, in the fervent Oriental mind, an absolute proof of the 
Christianity of Mohammed's secretary, though to others it may be less convincing, 
especially as the details given of the Virgin Mary in this chapter are often far 
different from those that would be in a Christian's mind, even supposing him to be 
well versed in the apocryphal Gospels, both existing and lost, which give many 
accounts of the Virgin of a very different nature from those now received. 


[ 24 ] 

1912.] MAN. [tfo. 12. 

Africa : Sociology. Hartland. 

Dinka Laws and Customs: a Parallel. /'// F. S. Hartland. 4 A 

In an introductory note to the collection of Dinka laws and customs, made Ifc 
by Captain Hugh O'Sullivan and printed in the Journal of the Royal Anthropo- 
logical Institute, Vol. XL, I drew attention to the arrangements for "raising up seed " 
to a man who dies childless. When such a man, it will be remembered, dies childless, 
or at least sonleas without near relatives, and leaving only widows beyond the age 
of child-bearing, it is incumbent on his widow (or daughter, if he leave one) to 
contract marriage in his name with a woman, who by the act of marriage becomes in 
law his widow and is charged with the responsibility of bearing his heir. For this 
purpose the widow who marries her provides her with another man with whom to 
cohabit ; and all the offspring of this union are regarded as the children of the deceased. 
I then observed (and repeated the observation in Primitive Paternity, Vol. I, p. 315) 
that the Dinkas probably carried the practice of procuring, artificially, a son for a 
childless man further than aay other people. 

In this, however, I was wrong. I have been reminded by an article by Dr. Kohler 
in the Zeitschrift fur vergleichende Rechtswissenschaft, Vol. XXV, p. 434, that the 
ancient Persians practised a similar custom. West, in a note to his translation of 
the Bundahish {Sacred Rooks of the East, Vol. V, p. 142-3), enumerates from the 
Rivayats five kinds of marriages, or rather five kinds of wives, known to the ancient 
Persians. Among these five is the Satar (adopted) wife. When a man over fifteen 
years of age dies childless and unmarried, his relatives provide a maiden with a dowry 
and marry her to another man. Half of her children belong to the dead man, and the 
other half to the living ; while she herself in the next world will be the dead man's 
wife. The analogy between the two cases is obvious. But it is to be noted that in 
the Persian case the girl is married at the expense of the deceased man's relatives 
to a living man, upon condition that she is to be the wife of the deceased in the other 
world, and that of the children she bears to her earthly husband one half are to be 
reckoned to the deceased. Moreover, the proceeding is only adopted where the 
deceased has died not merely childless, but unmarried. In the Dinka case, on the 
other hand, the deceased must have been married, for it is only the widow or an 
unmarried daughter, if Captain O'Sullivan's collection be complete on this point, who 
can marry the new wife. This new wife, too, is married not to another man but to 
the deceased ; she becomes in law his widow ; and all the children she bears are 
reckoned as his. Among the Dinkas a widow cannot marry again, though she may 
bear children such children, by whomsoever begotten, being reckoned to the deceased 
husband. Among the Persians, however, a widow could marry again, though if her 
husband had died childless she was in exactly the same position as a Satar wife : 
half her children belonged to her first husband ; and in any case she herself would 
belong to him in the next world. 

In both cases the reason for this curious arrangement is the value of offspring, 
even to a dead man. The Dinkas are ancestor- worshippers ; and ancestor- worship is 
carried on for the advantage not merely of the descendants, but also of the ancestors 
themselves, who benefit by the offerings made to them. The Persians probably 
indulged at one time in the direct cult of the dead ; but they had passed beyond it to 
the higher religion of Zoroaster. Yet something more than a relic of it is to be 
traced in the teaching of the high priests " that the duty and good works which a son 
" performs are as much the father's as though they had been done by his own hand." 
Wherefore the faithful are enjoined in the Shayast La-Shayast "to persevere much 
" in the begetting of offspring, since it is for the acquisition of many good works at 
once" (Sacred Books, Vol. V, p. 345). E. SIDNEY HARTLAND. 

[ 23 ] 

No. 13.] MAN. [1912. 

Obituary : Mortimer. Wright. 

J. R. Mortimer, Esq. By W. Wright, M.B., D.Sc. 4H 

It must have been with the deepest regret that many members of the lU 
Anthropological Institute heard of the death of Mr. J. R. Mortimer. While it is 
probable that but few members of the present generation had the privilege of knowing 
him personally, all must have been familiar with his work and writings. Born at 
Fimber in 1825, Mr. Mortimer devoted the last fifty years of his long life to 
archaeological investigations into the manner of life, the customs, and physical appear- 
ance of the prehistoric inhabitants of his beloved Yorkshire Wolds. It is no slight 
cause for satisfaction that he lived long enough to incorporate his results and 
conclusions in book form. Forty Years' 1 Researches in British and Saxon Burial 
Mounds of East Yorkshire is a book which must for ever be the final authority, so 
far as Yorkshire is concerned, on these most interesting questions, for the work of the 
archaeologist once done can never be repeated. It is this which adds so enormously 
to the heaviness of his task, for the archaeologist can only escape censure by the 
most rigorous attention to the most elaborate and oftentimes the most tedious pre- 
cautions. Fortunately the two important qualities of thoroughness and patience were 
present in Mr. Mortimer's character to a quite unusual degree, and it is due to this 
that his work has the high and permanent value which it is universally admitted 
to possess. 

Having had the privilege on several occasions of participating with Mr. Mortimer 
in his "diggings," I can personally testify to the meticulous care with which all 
the operations were performed. More than this, Mr. Mortimer alone among his 
contemporaries (with the notable exception of General Pitt Rivers) had the notion 
to collect in one building all the bones and relics obtained from the barrows which 
he had opened, so that at Driffield, as at Farnharn, are museums in which all the 
evidence is present and in order, not one link being absent. By this Mr. Mortimer 
has placed all students of prehistoric problems under an incalculable debt of gratitude. 
It is devoutly to be hoped that the dispersion will not be allowed to take place now 
that the collection has passed from his charge, but that it will remain a lasting 
memorial to the industry, enthusiasm, and far-sighted intelligence of a man who in 
his later years lived with ithe almost single purpose of adding to our knowledge of 
those people who moved to and fro over the face of our country so many centuries 

No obituary notice could be anything but incomplete which made no reference to 
some of Mr. Mortimer's personal qualities. He was already advanced in years when 
I first had the pleasure of meeting him : his tall figure was already beginning to 
bend, but the energy and enthusiasm of youth were still there, and there they 
remained until the end. He was of a peculiarly kind and simple disposition, with a 
genius for friendship. He was a man of few words, with whom, however, it was 
possible to spend periods of quiet conversation or of almost unbroken silence with 
complete satisfaction and pleasure. To me he always seemed to personify the wide, 
warm, and generous spirit of the wolds. He lived much during late years in the 
Past, from which he had gleaned an inexhaustible store of reminiscences. 

He has left a great gap in the ranks of English archaeologists, but his work has 
been accomplished, and it will remain as a memorial so long as Englishmen continue 
to take an interest in the prehistoric inhabitants of their country. To his friends he 
has left many happy and tender memories, only to be effaced by the all-prevailing 
hand of Death. WILLIAM WRIGHT. 

[ 26 1 

1912.] MAN. [Nos. 14-15, 

Statistics. Yule. 

An Introduction to the Theori/ of Statistics. By G. Udny Yule. II 
I .Ion : Charles Griffin & Co., Ltd., 1911. Price 10*. 6rf. net. I 1 * 

Anthropologists will be glad to learn that a text- book dealing in a comprehensive 
milliner with the new statistical methods, and intelligible to persons having only a 
limited knowledge of mathematics, has at last made its appearance. No more 
capable an author for such a text-book could have been found than Mr. Udny 
Yule, whose name will always be associated with those of Gallon and Pearson as 
one of the founders of the new science. The work is based on the Newmarch 
Lectures delivered by the author at University College, London, and the whole 
subject is expounded in a clear, logical, and original style. 

Mr. Yule divides his subject into three main divisions : I. The Theory of 
Attributes ; II. The Theory of Variables ; and III. The Theory of Sampling. 

In Part I. the theory of classification by dichotomy and of manifold classifica- 
tion, is explained. This section also deals with the very important subject of the 
association of attributes, the degree of which is so simply expressed by the author's 
well-known coefficient of association, here clearly distinguished from the coefficient 
of correlation with which some undecerning critics have recently confounded it. A 
simple explanation of Pearson's contingency coefficient and its limitations is given in 
this section. 

In Part II. dealing with the theory of variables we have valuable chapters 
on frequency of distribution, averages, measures of dispersion, and correlation. These 
chapters are characterised by the great breadth with which the subject is treated ; 
not only do we find discussions of the properties of arithmetical means, and medians, 
but also of the less commonly employed geometric and harmonic means. Similarly the 
student is not left with the impression that the standard deviation is the only known 
measure of dispersion, due attention being directed to the calculation and properties 
of the mean deviation. 

The chapter on partial correlation will be of special interest and value to the 
student with only a limited knowledge of the higher mathematics. The theory of 
partial correlation promises to be a most powerful instrument of investigation not 
only in physical anthropology but more especially in psychological anthropology. 
This theory as originally propounded could be understood only by persons trained in 
the use of determinants till Yule devised his marvellously simple proof in which 
the use of determinants is entirely dispensed with. This method is here explained 
for the first time in a text-book. In his discussion of the theory of sampling, 
Mr. Yule has introduced several innovations ; he has, for example, got rid of that 
confusing terminological survival " probable error " and substituted for it the easily 
intelligible " standard deviation of simple sampling." 

At the end of each chapter is a bibliography for the use of students who desire 
a more advanced knowledge of the subject, and numerous exercises are given for 
practice in statistical calculations. 

We have no hesitation in saying that the publication of this volume will give 
a great impetus to the diffusion of exact methods of dealing with anthropological 
data, and thereby lead to important advances in the Science of Man. J. G. 

Burma. Milne. 

Shans at Home. By Mrs. Leslie Milne. Pp. xxiv -+- 289. London : John 
Murray, Albenwrle Street, W., 1910. 

The Shan among whom Mrs. Milne has lived are those of the Northern Shan 
States and form l>nt a fraction of the widely-spread Tai race. From Assam on the 

[ 27* ] 

No. 15.] MAN. [1912. 

west to Cambodia and Annam on the east] the Tai are still numerous and offer to 
the student of ethnology and of linguistics many difficult but interesting problems. 

Mrs. Milne's picture of Shan life is clear and very complete. She describes in 
simple straightforward language the life-history, from the cradle to the grave, of a 
people of remarkable gentleness and kindly ways. Obviously her task has been one 
of affectionate regard, a pleasure as well as a pious duty. Birth, marriage and death 
customs, games, food, the arts and industries, the folklore and the religious beliefs of 
the Northern Shan are pictured for us finely with insight, respect and sympathy, 
qualities which give an additional value to the book. The numerous beautiful photo- 
graphs by the author illustrate and amplify the text and adorn a very handsomely 
presented work. 

In her preface (p. xix) Mrs. Milne deals rather scornfully with the expression* 
" worship of the implements of trade such as plough or a razor," and quotes a 
Kashmiri informant to the effect that the prayer is invariably addressed to an unseen 
deity. The actual state of affairs is made quite clear by Mr. Crooke in the locus 
classicus on Tool fetishism (Folklore of Northern India, II, p. 183 ct seq.). The 
attention (I avoid the term worship deliberately) and the respectful regard which are 
paid by Hindus to the implements of their industry seem to be based on reverence 
for the power in the tool or instrument, be it the pen of the ready writer or the 
sword of the soldier, the quality in virtue of which they work. Hindu religious theory 
shows very markedly the dependence of the personal on the impersonal phase of 
religious respect and awe. The explanation given to me by a Bengali clerk of the 
Sri pauchami festival, was that they worshipped the power of the pen, the implement 
of the writer caste. 

The belief in a dual spirit guardianship is interesting. Lushai belief explains 
the instability of human character as typified by Lushai, varium et mutabile semper, 
as due to the conflict of two spirits, thlarao (Ethnography of India, p. 226). 

The bean game, known among the Shans as maknim, is widely diffused in this 
area. It is played in Manipur, the Naga Hills, and the Lushai Hills, according to 
rules almost identical in every detail with those given by Mrs. Milne (p. 61). 

The device of marking grades of social maturity by differences of coiffure is 
common and is well marked among the Tibeto-Burman races. The separation of the 
sexes at the fast days is a feature of some sociological importance and is found among 
the Naga as a part of the genna system. 

At a time when the conceptional theory of the origin of totemism is to the front, 
beliefs such as these of the Shan (p. 181), however faint the light they throw upon 
this difficult problem, should be carefully analysed and their provenance and history 
ascertained. " The soul of a child is believed to enter into the mother from 20 to 
'* 30 days after conception. It is brought to earth by an attendant spirit. It alights 
" on fruit or vegetable food, but not on meat, when the woman is eating, and is 
" swallowed by her." Here, then, a child is a revenant, a reincarnation of a previously 
existing soul, here, as among the Tibeto-Burman races, often the embodiment of 
deceased tribesman (p. 111). 

The chapter on medicine and charms is deserving of careful study and attention 
and is of especial interest to the folklorist. It shows the effect of the mixture of 
ideas and practices which inevitably results from the conflict of various stages of 
mental culture. 

Mrs. Milne hazards the suggestion that the thunder legend (p. 207) may have 
come in someway from Manipur. It is a curious and perhaps a relevant fact that 
polo started in Manipur in the reign of Khagenba, circa A.D. 1600, a monarch whose 
intimacy with the Shan kings of his day was the feature of his foreign policy, which 
pushed him over his western border into Cachar, where he captured many ponies. 

[ 28 ] 

1912,] MAN. [Nos, 15-16. 

Polo in Msuiipiir originated spontaneously, as I hold, as a development from the 
national game of hockey. Its name in Manipuri, sagol ku/if/jci, means pony hockey, 
(Sa = animal, gol = foreign, kang = bean (the bean used in the game which Shan 
call -Hiaknim), and jei = to strike). It v;ould be well within the bounds of possibility 
that the Shan legend had its origin in the days, centuries ago, of the entente cordiale 
between the Shan and the Manipuri kings. 

At a time when the Council of the Royal Anthropological Institute are pressing 
upon Government the importance from a commercial point of view, of a sound systematic 
knowledge of the social ideas of the dependent races within the Empire, evidence such 
as that which Mrs. Milne gives on pp. 137 et seq. of the failure of British traders 
to grasp the markets which soldiers and civilians have won for him is singularly 
valuable and apposite. 

Of the sidelights into the character and habits of this very charming and 
interesting people I will cite but two, the splendid tolerance of Buddhism and the 
difficulty which Shan like others have found in some of the essential doctrines of 
Buddhism, parts of which read very much like anticipations of the new philosophy 
which all London has flocked to hear from the eloquent lips of M. Bergson. 

I have said enough to show that Mrs. Milne's book is full of personal charm and 
of interest for the serious student of the anthropology of Further India. 

The Rev. W. W. Cochrane, a missionary among this gentle tolerant, industrious 
people, contributes two chapters to the book, one on the history of the Shan and the 
other on the language, but no bibliographical list is given. 

I do not think the map on p. 4 at all worthy of the book. In conclusion let me 
express the sincere hope that Mrs. Milne will give us an account of the Palaung, 
whom philologists place in a linguistic group, Mon Khmer, which is of the greatest 
interest to all concerned in tracing out the relationships of the congeries of tribes 
in this part of Asia with the wild tribes of the Malay Peninsula, and, possibly, even 
with the Australian savages. T. C. HODSON. 

Religion. Frai^ais. 

L'figlise et la Sorcellerie. Par J. Fran^ais. Paris : Librairie Critique, 1C 
Emile Nourry. 10 

The practice of sorcery or witchcraft belongs to all races and to all ages. It 
was co-existent with the earliest-known records of the human species ; it exists now 
more or less among civilised as well as amongst primitive peoples. " Sorcellerie " in 
its broadest terms does not necessarily imply dealings with evil spirits, but is better 
defined by the African phrase, " making magic," i.e., the endeavour to alter the 
normal course of nature by an appeal to, or the exercise of, some superior control- 
ling influence. Nor is it necessary that "Sorcellerie" should be practised exclusively 
for an evil purpose. The rainmakers and witch doctors, who play so important a 
part amongst all primitive peoples, are as much revered for their supposed power to 
break up a drought or to heal the sick as they are feared for their ability to destroy 
an enemy or to cast .a spell on an obnoxious individual or his belongings. Thus, 
even in the twelfth century the clergy were occasionally wont to claim magical 
powers, and M. J. Francais, in the interesting book before us, tells us that one 
priest celebrated for his necromancy Gerbert D'Aurillac became Pope, while an 
Archbishop of Besancon employed ecclesiastical wizards to hunt out heretics. At the 
same time priests were directed to teach their flock that demonological mysteries, 
and especially the witches' sabbath, were mere creations of the imagination, and that 
whoever believed the contrary was a heretic and a pagan. Indeed, the people, 
and not the Church, first took measures to punish suspected wizards and witches by 
lynch law, but in the thirteenth century the popular feeling had become so strong 

[ 29 ] 

No. 16.] MAN. [1912. 

that the Church felt bound to take cognisance of the alleged evil. In the fourteenth 
century, thanks to a Papal bull of John XXIT, began a series of the most atrocious 
cruelties, which lasted throughout Europe for more than 200 years, and, indeed, only 
ended in 1782 when, for the last time, a woman was beheaded for witchcraft in the 
Canton of Glaris, a doctor having accused her of having bewitched his daughter. 

During the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries what may be called the sorcery 
mania raged in every European country, the epidemic not only affecting ecclesiastical 
officials, eager to punish those suspected of diabolical practices, but the people them- 
selves, who denounced their neighbours upon the slightest pretext, such, for instance, 
as wilfully crushing a snail shell. Moreover, this extraordinary spirit infected the 
accused themselves, who frequently gave minute details of their amorous adventures 
with the archfiend, and the obscene and degrading debaucheries of the witches' 
sabbath. In their turn they would denounce many of their acquaintances as having 
taken part in these orgies, and, as witchcraft was pronounced an "exceptional 
" crime " and required only one witness, the number of persons condemned can easily 
be imagined. In 1676 there was a fashion for sorcery in high circles, and we find 
ladies of the Court, and, it is said, even Madame de Montespan herself, taking part in 
the " Black Mass," the leading features of which are described by M. Fran^ais, who 
states that a well-known Parisian abbe Avas credited with having officiated at these 

With regard to the actual spells and charms described, these differ but little from 
those exercised all over the world. Waxen images of the person to be afflicted pierced 
with pins, love philtres, ointments, by which those anointed could become a wild 
animal such as the legendary Loup-Garou, spells cast over obnoxious personages for 
private or political purposes, cattle bewitched, were the most frequent ; while witches 
were accredited with a power of transporting their spiritual forms to the Sabbath, 
leaving their human bodies quietly reposing and apparently asleep, even within prison 
walls. Though many of the avowals were wrung from the accused by the most 
horrible tortures, many victims held to their confessions at the very stake, and the 
force of auto-suggestion has never been more strikingly illustrated than in these 
instances. Of course, the mark with which the Devil stamps his own and which was 
invariably sought for and as invariably found, was some spot on the body, perfectly 
insensible to pain, and from which the torturer's needle would not draw blood. 
M. Franpais gives the official statistics of those executed in many of the affected 
regions, and these, only to quote a few, will give some idea of the number of persons 
who actually suffered. For instance, in three years one judge alone, M. Boguet, claimed 
to have burned, between 1658 and 1660, 1,500 persons, while at Strasbourg, in four 
days, 130 perished at the stake, the numbers in the years 1615 to 1635 amounting to 
more than 6.000. Protestant Germany was no more merciful than her Roman Catholic 
neighbours, while the epidemic raged fiercely in Austria and Germany, spreading 
in a lesser degree to Holland, Switzerland, England, and, in later years, to 

The book is especially interesting as showing how widely witchcraft of mediaeval 
Europe differed from that of primitive peoples, the former being considered productive 
mainly of evil and debauchery, while the latter was regarded in a great measure as 
tending to the general benefit. Another point is the intense personality of the Devil 
as shown by his amorous tendencies and his general behaviour towards his devotees. 
It was this, doubtless, which brought about the terrible crusade which M. Francais 
so vividly sets forth, and for which he so scathingly condemns the ecclesiastical 
authorities as having, in the first instance, given way to popular outcry and then 
out-Heroding Herod with what he terms their " demoniacal theology." T. H. J. 

[ 30 1 

1912.] MAN. [No. 17. 

Physical Anthropology. Weissenberg:. 

Das Wachstntn ilex Menschcn, nach Alter, Geschlechl und Rasse. Von Dr. d"I 
S. Weissenberg. 220 pp., 2 plates, and 22 "graphic charts. Stuttgart : Strecker 
iiinl Scliroeder, 1911. 

This is the most important work on the growth and proportions of the human 
body which has appeared since the publication of Quetelet's Anthropo metric in 1870. 
The author has won already a high place among European anthropologists on account 
of his researches into the growth and physical structure of the Jews of South 
Russia. The data of his published papers form the basis of the present book. His 
aim has been to measure one hundred individuals (fifty male and fifty female) for 
each year of life from birth onwards until the twentieth year is reached, when larger 
groups were taken. The larger groups, six in number, represent (1) individuals 
between 21-25 ; (2) 26-30 : (3) 31-40 ; (4) 41-50 ; (5) 51-60 ; (6) over 61. Fifteen 
measurements were taken of each individual, including the statue, span, sitting height, 
length of trunk, arm, hand, leg, and foot lengths, shoulder and hip breadths, head 
an I chest circumferences, head and neck length, body weight, and two measurements 
of muscle strength. The data yielded by these measurements, tabulated and 
systematised, form the basis of Dr. Weissenberg's book. The facts are new and 
particularly valuable because they relate to a race of which very little was- known from 
an anthropological point of view. 

It is impossible to summarise Dr. Weissenberg's statistics, and it is almost equally 
difficult to indicate briefly the conclusions he draws from them. The growth changes 
are grouped under seven periods : The first, from birth to the close of the third year, 
is the one of most rapid growth ; in the second, ending with the sixth year, growth 
has slackened ; in the third, which ends in boys at the eleventh and in girls at the 
ninth year, a further diminution in the rate of growth occurs ; the fourth period is 
the one of sexual ripening, growth is accelerated and secondary characters appear. 
In boys the fourth period extends from twelfth to the end of the seventeenth years, 
in girls from tenth to the end of the fourteenth year. The fifth period is one of 
maturation, it extends from the eighteenth to the twenty-fifth in men, and from the 
fifteenth to the eighteenth in women. Then follows a comparatively stable period 
the sixth which ends for both sexes at the fiftieth year, when the seventh or 
retrograde period sets in. The stages are convenient, but Dr. Weissenberg is too 
accurate an observer to regard them as more than approximations to the truth. 
The difference between one individual and another is often very great, and each part 
of the body has its own growth history, that of the head, for instance, being very 
different to that of the leg, and the foot from that of the trunk. The manner 
in which Dr. Weissenberg has worked out the growth history of the various parts of 
the body constitutes a real service to anthropology. 

Soon after the publication of Dr. Weissenberg's work there appeared in the 
British Medical Journal (July 17th, 1911, p. 1423) a table of the average height 
and weight of English school children, hy Drs. Tuxford and Glegg. The English 
boy of five is 1' 030 mm. high and 17 '54 kilos, in weight; the Jewish boys of South 
Russia aged five measured by Dr. Weissenberg were 23 mm. less . in height and 
1 -36 kilos, less in weight. In the fourteenth year, the English boys were 1*471 mm. 
high and 38*15 kilos, in weight, while the Russian Jews were only 18 mm. less in 
height and '26 kilos, less in weight. The Jewish girls had overtaken and outstripped 
the English girls by the fourteenth year both in height and weight. From a com- 
parison of Dr. Roberts's statistics and his own Dr. Weissenberg had inferred that in 
relatively tall races, such as the English, the growth changes at puberty are later in 
appearing, are more intense, and last over a longer period than in races of a relatively 
low stature, such as the Russian Jews and Japanese. The comparison just made 

[ 31 ] 

Nos. 17-18.] MAN. [1912. 

between the modern statistics for English school children and Russian Jews bear out 
Dr. Weissenberg's conclusions, for it is not until the period of puberty is reached that 
the Russian girls overtake the English girls in height and weight. 

The laws of growth form one of the true foundation stones on which our 
knowledge of racial anatomy must be based ; Dr. Weissenberg has helped to lay this 
stone securely and truly. A. KEITH. 


Eighteenth International Congress of Americanists, 1912. 4Q 

The International Congress of Americanists have accepted the invitation, 10 
issued by the Royal Anthropological Institute, to hold their eighteenth session in 
London in 1912, at the Imperial Institute. This Congress which meets every two 
years, is devoted to the historical and scientific study of the two Americas and their 
inhabitants, and the papers read and the questions discussed during the session relate 
to the following subjects : 

(a) Native American races, their origin, their geographical distribution, their 
history, their physical characteristics, languages, civilisation, mythology, 
religion, habits, and customs. 

(6) Native monuments and the archaeology of the Americas, 
(c) History of the discovery and European occupation of the new world. 

The Congress has already met at Nancy, Paris, Berlin, Stuttgart, Vienna, Madrid, 
Huelva, Turin, Brussels, Lvixemburg, Copenhagen, Stockholm, Mexico, New York, 
Quebec, and in 1910 at Buenos Ayres and Mexico, at the special invitation of the 
Governments of those countries, in celebration of the hundredth anniversary of Argentine 
and Mexican independence. 

The members of the Congress have more than once informally expressed the hope 
that an invitation from this country might be forthcoming, and the opportunity has 
now been taken of removing what has become little less than a national reproach. 
The desire to meet in England is no doubt increased by the importance of the collec- 
tions illustrating the archaeology and ethnography of America preserved in the museums 
of this country, and in private hands. The British Museum possesses the largest 
collection in the world of ancient Mexican mosaics, a splendid series of Peruvian 
pottery and textiles, as well as the earliest objects collected in New England and 
the north-west coast of America; the latter including many specimens of the 'highest 
value and scientific importance secured during the voyages of Captain Cook and of 
Vancouver. Oxford possesses an unrivalled collection of ancient Mexican picture- 
writings, most of them from the library of Archbishop Laud, which are only in part 
known to the public through the publications of Lord Kingsborough and Prescott's 
History of the Conquest of Mexico. Cambridge owns an extremely important collec- 
tion of casts of American sculptures ; Liverpool, a fine series of pottery and wonderful 
stone implements from British Honduras ; and Salisbury, an unique collection of 
objects illustrating the craftsmanship of the North American Indians. Besides these 
many most valuable and interesting specimens, now in private hands, could be collected 
together and exhibited. 

The expenses involved in the entertainment of such a Congress are naturally 
considerable ; the cities which have previously acted as hosts have taken a liberal 
view of their obligation in this direction, and it would ill become this country to fall 
short of the standard set by them. 

Donations to the general fund and members' subscriptions should be sent to 
J. Gray, Esq., 50, Great Russell Street. 

Printed by EYRE ATSD SPOTTISWOODE, LTD., His Majesty's Printers, last Harding Street, E.C. 


MAN, 1912. 


1912.] MAN. [No. 19. 


Obituary : Topinard. With Plate C. Chervin. 

Dr. Paul Topinard. Born November 4, 183O ; Died December 2O, IQ 

1911. By Arthur Chervin, M.D. * 

Le Docteur Paul Topinard, dont le nom fut constamment associe a celui de Broca 
dans 1'histoire de rAnthropologie francaise, est mort a Paris le 20 decembre, 1911. 
II etait membre associe de 1'Institut Royal d'Anthropologie de la Grande 
Bretagne et de 1'Irlande depuis de longues annees (1878). 

Sa vie, entitlement consacree a 1'etude, merite d'etre rappelee. 
Ne a I'lsle Adam (Seine-et-Oise) le 4 novembre 1830, le jeune Paul commence 
ses etudes au College Ste-Barbe, de Paris. II fut bientot oblige de les interrompre 
pour suivre son pere qui, possesseur d'un immense domaiue de 20,000 arpents dans 
1'Etat de New York, venait de se decider a y aller mener la rude vie de pionnier* 
Le jeune Paul passait son temps a parcourir les montagnes couvertes de forets ou 
la Delaware prend sa source, sans autre ambition que la chasse ou la peche. If 
mena, pendant une dizaine d'annees, une existence de liberte absolue oii il acquit 
cette independance d'esprit qui etait le trait particulier de son caractere. 

On se decida, cependant, un jour, a 1'envoyer au College de la petite ville de 
Delhi, voisine des fermes de son pere. Puis, il passa a Philadelphie oii il suivit 
tantot les cours de 1'ecole publique, tant6t ceux du college des Augustins. La guerre 
civile que, se faisaient entre eux, les protestants anglais et les catholiques Irlandais 
fut suivie de 1'incendie de son college, et il fut encore oblige de changer d'ecole. 
Cette fois, c'est a Xew York qu'il alia. II y resta deux annees dans une ecole 

Mais le negoce n'etait pas son fait. Et, a son retour a Paris, en 1848, Paul 
Topinard se mit enfin a des etudes serieuses, avec ardeur et perseverance. Quelques 
annees apres, en 1853, il etait nomme interne des Hopitaux de Paris, apres un 
brillant concours. 

II fut re^u Docteur en medecine, en 1860, avec une these intitulee : Quelques 
aperqus sur la chirurgie anglaise qui cut un grand retentissement. Ce succes 
encourageait le jeune docteur, qui faisait paraitre, 1'annee suivante, un ouvraga 
remarkquable sur Y Ataxie locomotrice progressive qui eut les honneurs d'une traductiom 
en anglais et 1'obtention du prix Civrieux, a 1' Academic de Medecine. 

Paul Topinard semblait done destine a se consacrer entitlement a la pratique 
medicale. Deja, une nombreuse clientele reclamait ses soins et il se preparait aux 
concours des Hopitaux. 

La guerre de 1870 arriva, bientot suivie de la Commune, et la maison que Topinard 
habitait rue Royale fut incendiee. II eprouva alors, comme beaucoup d'entre nous, um 
decouragement profond au contact des terribles evenements qui s'etaient deroules; 
sous nos yeux. II semblait que tout fut a jamais perdu. 

Broca, qui avait enrole Topinard dans la Societe d'Anthropologie, des 1860, profita 
de ce moment de decouragement pour lui persuader de renoncer a la pratique medicale. 
II le pressa vivement de se vouer, avec lui, aux etudes nouvelles et particulierement 
captivantes de 1'histoire naturelle de 1'Homme. II fit entrevoir, a son esprit curieux 
de science, les problemes a elucider, les verites a decouvrir. Broca fut si persuasif que 
Topinard abaudonna la medecine et suivit Broca, dont il devint 1'eleve de predilection 
et le bras droit. 

Broca venait de faire decider la creation d'un laboratoire d'anthropologie a 1'Ecole 
des Hantes-Etudes, Topinard en fut le Directeur-adjoiut. 

II s'agissait de prendre soin des collections anatomiques qui, deja, commen9aient 
a s'accumuler dans le Musee de la Societe, Topinard fut nomme Conservateur des. 

[ 33 ] 

No. 19.] MAN. [1912. 

Broca venait de fonder la Revue d" 1 Anthropjlogie, Tv>piuirl en devint la cheville 

L'Ecole d'Aiithropologie veriait de s'ouvrir sous la direction de Broca, Topiuard 
en fut nomine Professeur avec les Bertillon, les Hovelacque, les de Mortillet, les Bordier, 
les Dally, tons aujourd'hui disparus. 

Topinard etait, comme son Maitre, d'une activite devorante, il suffisait a toutes 
les besognes : au laboratoire, au musee, a la Revue, a 1'Ecole, on trouvait toujours 
Broca et Topinard a la tache. Ce fut 1'epoque hero'ique ! 

Le l er Janvier 1876, Topinard publiait dans la " Bibliotheque des sciences 
contemporaines," editee par Reiuwald, un volume intitule IS Anthropologie. Ce 
livre eut un succes extraordinaire. La premiere edition fut enlevee en quelques 
mois. C'etait, a propremeut parler, un manuel qui mettait au point toutes les questions 
d'Anthropologie. II avail le grand merite de venir a son beure et de n'avoir pas de 
sirnilaire dans aucune litterature. Ce volume fut traduit dans toutes les langues et 
eut un grand nombre d'cditions francaises. II est devenu classique aupres des 
iiaturalistes et des explorateurs scientifiques des Deux Mondes. 11 fit davantage 
pour la vulgarisation et pour le developpement de 1'Anthropologie que quarante memoires 
plus savants, plus originaux, qui viurent apres. 

La mort de Broca qui surviut brusquement, en 1880, laissait la Societe 
d'Anthropologie desemparee. II n'y eut qu'une voix pour confier a Topinard le 
drapeau de 1'Anthropologie francaise et il fut nomme, a 1'unanimite, secretaire-general 
de la Societe, fonction que Broca avait exercee pendant vingt ans. 

Penetre de la responsabilite qui lui incombait, Topinard redoubla d'ardeur et 
maintint la Societe dans 1'etat de prosperite ou 1'avait laissee son Maitre. 

II continuait sa collaboration aux Revues, son enseiguement a 1'Ecole, ses travaux 
de laboratoire. II faisait face a toutes les taches. II eut la joie de voir ses efforts 
couronues de succes et les etudes anthropologiques continuer a passionner les plus 
nobles esprits. C'est a ses lemons que se sont formes tous ceux qui en France se 
sont faits, depuis, un uom dans 1'Anthropologie anatomique. 

Je ne rappelerai pas ici les multiples travaux scientifiques qui ont rendu celebre 
le nom de Paul Topinard. Je ne parlerai ni de ses instructions pour les voyageurs, 
ni de ses memoires sur les questions si imporiantes de methode, sur la technique 
craniologique, ranthropometrie, la morphologic ou 1'ethuologie. Je citerai seulement 
son beau traite (Tanthropologie generate, paru en 1885, qui est son oauvre magistrale 
et le couronnement de sou long labeur. 

A la suite de quelques injustices dont sou caractere droit et loyal eut fort a 
souffrir, Topinard se demit de toutes ses fonctions et se retira. Des lors, il continua 
de travailler ; mais il cessa de publier. Son silence fut vivement ressenti dans le 
monde scientifique. 

Jusque daus ses dernieres anuees, Paul Topinard avait garde, une activite de 
corps et d'esprit qui faisait ['admiration de ses amis. 

Aujourd'hui, devant cette tombe, nous pouvons declarer, sans risquer uu seul 
dementi, que Paul Topinard laisse un nom respecte parmi les Anthropologistes 
fran^ais et etrangers. II laisse parmi ses collegues et ses amis de la Societe 
, d'Anthropologie le souvenir d'un homme bon, bienveillaut, accueillant aux jeunes et 
toujours pret a se depenser pour tous ceux et ils etaient nouibreux qui faisaient 
appel a son experience et a son erudition. 

On me permettra d'ajouter le temoignage personnel de plus de treiite anuees, qu'il 
fut toujours un ami serviable. devouje, sur et fidele. 

Puisse ce souvenir emu, garde par les temoins de son activite scientifique apporter 
quelque reconfort dans le coaur brisj de la tres devoiii.'e compagne de sa vie. 


[ 34 ] 

1912.] MAN. [No. 20. 

Nyasaland. Garbutt. 

Native Customs in Nyasa (Manganja) Yao (Ajawa). By All 
H. W. Garbutt. fcU 

Witchcraft. When anyone wishes to learn how to bewitch they go to a person 
who is suspected of being a wizard and ask him if he can make them famous (kuchuka), 
as it is impossible to go and ask to be made a wizard. 

The profession is not confined to men. 

The wizard first asks the applicant if he (or she) has a relative, or a sister, 
mother, or aunt of a relative, who is expecting to become a mother. No one can 
be taught the profession unless they can comply with this condition. If he can the 
wizard tells him to go home and wait until the child is born. Should it be born dead 
the applicant learns where it is going to be buried and reports it to the wizard. 
After the burial the teacher and pupil go to the grave and dig out the body. The 
wizard cuts open the body and takes out the liver and heart, these he mixes with 
some ground nuts (mitsitsi), roasts and gives to the pupil to eat. 

It would be interesting to know what procedure is followed if the child is born 

The wizard also gets some roots out of the bush, mixes them with the nostrils, 
hair off the forehead, and the wrist bone of a hyena, burns them and mixes the ashes 
with castor oil (ntsatsi). This mixture he puts into the tail of a hyena. He also 
makes a necklace of human teeth, thumbs, dried eyes, ears, nose, &c., and gives it 
to his pupil. 

All wizards are said to possess tame hyenas and owls, which they keep in a 
cave and feed with human flesh. 

When the pupil has finished his course of instruction the teacher supplies him 
with a hyena and an owl. 

Wizards are said to be able to get into huts at night without disturbing the 
sleeping inmates. They are said to do this by means of the above-mentioned hyena 
tail. When they come to the front of the hut they tie the tail into a knot and push 
the door open, enter and find everyone fast asleep. 

The hyena tail in Nyasaland is a very serious thing to the natives and an 
important part of a thief's outfit. These thieves are called " chitaka," and are said 
to be able to kill a goat without letting it cry out, or to steal from the hut of any 
wizard except the mabisalila. 

The following are five classes of witch doctors : 

1. Waula - the bone thrower. 

2. Mapondela - the ordeal poison pounder. 

3. Mabisalila - - the witch hider. 

4. Mabvumbula - the shewer or pointer. 

5. Namlondola - - the theft doctor. 

1. Waula. When a person is sick the relatives go to the bone thrower 
{Waula kukavmbiza) to find out who is bewitching the sick one. The bone thrower 
asks for the names of the people living at the kraal. This information having been 
given, he says to his bones, " Tamvatu muvanawe tandinza usaukwe weka" ("Just 
listen, my boy, tell me and choose amongst these names by yourself"). He goes on, 
" E' E' E','' and then mentions the name of the person who is suspected of bewitching 
the sick person. 

2. Mapondela. The relatives return home and send for the ordeal poison pounder 
{mwabvi ordeal, mapondela the one who pounds). This man gets the poison, called 
by the natives " mwabvi," from the bark of a tree of that name. When he gets 
this bark he takes only the pieces which fall open, not those which fall flat. That 
which falls flat is called " mpelanjilu." Mapondela keeps this ordeal poison in a ha<; 

[ 35 ] 

No. 20.] MAN. [1912, 

made out of baboon skin. When he arrives at the kraal of the sick person the relatives 
hide him. Early in the morning the headman of the kraal shouts with a loud voice,, 
" Musadie nsima musadie kanthu" (" Do not eat porridge or anything else "), and orders 
a young man to call all the people in the kraal to come together. The people then 
go with the headman to the fields (panthando). There the mapondela appears in full 
dress, leaping and singing, " Dzanja lamanzele lilipanyama " (" The left hand is at the 
meat).*' Whilst singing he pounds the mwabvi, mixes it with the excrement of hyenas,, 
owls, &c., and calling the people one by one he gives them it to drink. He tells the 
relatives of the people, some of whom presently die and some vomit, that those who- 
die are guilty, and those who vomit are innocent but have to pay the pounder. 

The dead bodies are left at the drinking place (nthando) and are eaten by birds; 
and wild beasts. 

3. Mabisalila. When a person dies, a brother or son of the deceased goes to- 
" Mabisalila " and asks him to go to the kraal where he died. He goes with the relative,, 
and reaches the kraal secretly at night so that he is not seen. Having found out 
the time arranged for the funeral, they go to the place of burial and measure a place 
where the body has 'to be buried. Mabisalila with two men are left hidden here y 
whilst the relative returns to the kraal to join the others in carrying the body to the 
grave. They dig a pit in a place pointed out by the relative, the same place as 
Mabisalila measured. When they have dug about eight feet deep they make a room 
in the side of the pit and put the body in. They then put sticks and a mat to- 
separate the body from the soil with which they fill in the pit. Having filled it in 
they return to their kraal. Before going to the kraal, however, they go to a river or 
brook and wash ; the women bathe down the stream and the men up the stream.. 
When the mourners reach the kraal they find a goat killed and cooked, but before 
eating it they burn the hut of the deceased. The relative then slips away and rejoins 
Mabisalila, who has previously provided himself with poisoned skewers and a koodoos 
horn. Wizards or witches are supposed to visit the grave at sundown, as they are- 
afraid to go later. They come in a whirlwind with their baskets of human bones, 
Mabisalila blows his horn, the wizards then fall and become blind, and he stabs them 
with the poisoned skewers, which he breaks off, leaving a portion in their bodies- 
When he has finished doing this he sends his two men home, and, stooping, he blows 
his horn to wake up the wizards. The wizards scatter away, but return to the grave 
for revenge. They find no one, however, as the Mabisalila ran away with them, but,, 
instead of returning to the grave when they did, he went home. The next morning 
all the victims are unable to sit down owing to the broken skewers, and in a few days 
some of them die, and the broken skewer points are found in them. 

4. Mabvumbula. When natives are always sick in their kraal the headman and 
his people agree to send for the witch pointer. A man is then sent to Mabvumbula's 
kraal with a pair of fowls. On arriving he claps his hands in front of the Mab- 
vumbula and says, " I have been sent by my headman to disturb you and to ask 
" you to come and dance in front of your slaves to-morrow morning." In reply he 
simply nods his head. The messenger returns home and tells the headman that the 
fowls have been accepted. Early the next morning the witch pointer comes, bringing 
with him a koodoo horn, small buck's horn, zebra's tail, and a pot of castor oil. He 
is dressed iq full dress of wild animal skins, and brings boys with him. On arriving, 
he finds the headman and all his people waiting to receive him. Mabvumbula's boys 
beat drums and he, putting the castor oil (ntsatsi) on the ground, holding the koodoo 
horn in the left hand and the zebra tail in the right, dances with the people in a 
circle round him. The small buck horn hangs from his neck by a piece of hyena 
skin. Mabvumbula sings, " Monsemu ndatsenda ndaona lelo sindinaziwona " ("I have 
" been travelling to-day through country which I never saw before"). He then dips- 

[ 36 ] 

1912.] MAN. [No. 20. 

the tail in the castor oil and swings it round so as to spray the people whilst he 
whistles with the small buck's horn. He tells all the people to look at him and 
he points the koodoo horn at each one. Soon he leaps and hits with the tail the 
one suspected of being a wizard. The Mabvumbula's boys immediately bind the 
suspected person or persons and take them off to be burned or stoned. 

A good headman did not allow this practice unless he had previously sent for 
the ordeal poison pounder to make an examination by the ordeal. 

5. Namlondola. Whenever goods or sheep are stolen by the magic thieves 
(chitakd) the owner gets permission from the headman of the kraal to engage the 
services of the " theft doctor." He goes to the doctor and makes him a present, 
saying, " Master, I am your servant, who has lost all his goods and have nothing 
left ; please accept this present and follow me to-morrow. The doctor answers, 
" Yes, my son." 

On his return, the owner of the stolen goods does not tell the people at his kraal 
that he has engaged the doctor. Early the next day Namlondola arrives, bringing 
with him the horn of an eland or of a koodoo. His face is covered with red paint 
(ochre) and he goes to the headman and tells him that he has been invited to come 
to the kraal by one of the inhabitants. The headman calls the man who has lost 
the goods and tells him to get four strong men. When these men are found they all 
go to the place where the stolen goods used to be, and Namlondola orders two of the 
men to lift up the horn and two to press it down. The horn starts moving forward 
and follows the thieves' tracks to the place where the goods are hidden ; here the horn 
slips from the four men's grasp and drops to the ground. The four men dig, and the 
goods are found. If the goods are found in a hut the owner of the hut is considered 
the thief and is tied up. If he is well known he is fined a slave and some goats, 
but if he is a " nobody " he is burnt. 

When the goods are found in the bush, Namlondola says to his horn, "Now, 
" friend, show me where the thieves are." The four men then grasp the horn as 
before and it seems to pull all four men until it arrives at the thieves' kraal and 
stops before the hut of the head thief. The owner of this hut is tied up until he 
discloses the names of his accomplices. If common people they were burnt and the 
doctor was allowed to take away from their huts all he could carry and was also 
paid a fee of two goats by the owner of the stolen property. 

When a boy of about ten years steals fowls, eggs, &c., his parents may decide 
to punish him. To do so the mother takes hold of his left hand and shoves it into 
some hot ashes and pours cold water on to them, though the youth cries the mother 
does not let his hand go until the vice is scaled out. This is to teach the boy that 
when he grows to manhood his whole body will be burnt if he steals. 

Litpanda. Every year the boys who are about twelve years old have to be 
circumcised. Parents who have sons of that age make arrangements by laying in 
a stock of fowls, beans, bananas, and by grinding much native flour. 

The chief of the district gives the order and fixes the day on which the boys 
are to be sent to a place appointed. The chief also orders the father or brother 
of each boy to build a hut for the boys to sleep in. These huts are always built 
near a running stream. When these camp huts are finished the place is called 
" Ndagala." Before leaving their homes for this camp the boya are provided with a 
farewell meal by their parents. 

Each boy has his own guard, or teacher, called " Pungu." The Pungu, singing, 
leads his scholar to the camp. The chief teacher (Mmichila) is the most skilful, and 
is called " the one with a tail," because he carries a zebra tail. When the boys arrive 
at the camp their clothes are taken away from them and they are clothed in stuff 
called " nkweude," made from the bark of a tree. This is done to disguise them, so 

[ 37 ] 

No. 20.] MAN. [1912. 

that people passing near the camp may not recognise them. To-day, instead of this 
bark cloth, they use sacks. 

Mmichila arrives the morning after the boys, and each Pungu prepares his boy 
(Namwali the one to be circumcised) and takes him to a secret place where they 
are kept waiting for the Mmichila's orders, he being in another place with other men. 
Presently he orders the Namwali to be brought to him one at a time. As each arrives 
he is circumcised, and his cries, if any, are not heard by the other boys as the men 
with the Mmichila shout so as to drown the cries. When the boys are all finished 
the Fungus dress the wounds with the leaves of the mpoza tree. The boys are told 
not to tell the younger boys because, if they do, their mothers will die. They are 
also told to honour their parents, to help their fathers in their work, to be polite to 
grown-up people, and to go to the burials to help the people digging. 

The Namwali are kept in camp for two months, until the wounds are healed, and 
are told to keep those parts hidden, especially when bathing. 

The mothers never go to the camp but send food there. 

Should one of the boys die it is not mentioned until the camp is broken up. 
When that day comes there is much beer drinking, and the boys are supplied with 
new clothes and a face cap. Their parents bring them lots of nice things to eat but 
do not yet see their sons, who are kept in a hut. Then each Namwali has a woman 
to carry him to bathe, the woman washes him and is afterwards called his sister. They 
then return to the hut, dress and cover their heads so that their parents will not 
recognise them. 

The parents give Mmichila fowls in payment of his services, and are then 
allowed to see their sons. They also make a present to their chief. Mmichila 
dances, holding his zebra tail, and sings, " Chakulia mandanda mchile chele papa " 
("Stop all the egg eating on this very spot"). The dancing is called "kuchimula." 
The Namwali are given new names by their Fungus, and it is considered a very great 
insult to call anyone by his former name. 

When the beer drinking is finished the Namwali go to the head kraal and salute 
their chief. When they arrive, and before entering the surrounding fence they sing, 
" Kuchikomo angele ! kuchikomo angele ! kusowa kwalupita " (" They have closed the 
gate ! they have closed the gate ! there is no entrance ") whilst walking round and 
round the chief's fence with the Mmichila in front. After the second round they go 
into another hut, which is pointed out to them by someone in the chief's quarters. 
The next morning after saluting their chief they return home, but, on the instruc- 
tions of the Fungus, do not enter the kraals until beer has been prepared for their 
teachers and they receive half their pay. 

The Namwali never answer people when talking unless a present is given to 
him, this he does for a month or two, talking only to those who have given him 
something. All these presents, beads, bangles, &c., he takes and gives to his Pungu. 
If he does not do so his Pungu is not pleased with him. 

The Pungu and other men, singing, take the Namwali into his parents' hut, 
and tell him to sit near the doorway and not to sit elsewhere or to go into his 
mother's hut, nor to sit on the place where his parents sleep, or to look for food 
amongst the pots. If food is kept for him it will be put where he was told to 
sit near the doorway. 

The woman who washed the boy gives him some flour and a fowl, for which he 
makes her a present. Some time later the woman makes some beer and sends for 
the boy, he goes taking with him his Pungu and other men. She gives them food 
and beer, the boy and his Pungu drink their beer in her hut whilst the others have 
their's outside. After giving the woman a. present they return home. 

Marriage. When a boy is about twenty years old he gets married ; this is the 

[ 38 J 

1912.] MAN. [No. 20. 

present custom. Before the white men came into Nyasaland boys of that age were 
not allowed to marry, they had to be older and to get their parents' consent. 

A man who proposed to get married would privately see the girl he wished to 
marry, and ask her if she was willing ; if she was he would go and tell his uncle. 
It was impossible for anyone to get married without his uncle's permission, but if 
he had no uncle he would go to his father and say, " I wish you uncle or father 
" to go to yonder kraal and apply for a girl for me" (mentioning the girl's name). 
The uncle or father agrees, but does not ask the girl herself but her parents. The 
parents do not at once consent, but tell the man to come again in the morning after 
they have asked the girl. In the morning if the girl consents they tell him. After 
he has left they send and inform the girl's uncle. The messenger returns and tells 
the boy and his parents that the girl consents, and the boy is told to go and sleep 
with the girl that day. If there is no room for him at the girl's kraal he builds 
his own hut there, and some days later the girl comes and spends a few days at the 
boy's kraal. A man is not allowed to take away his wife and build her a hut at 
his own kraal, but must live with her amongst her family. 

When the man has remained with his wife a year or two his mother-in-law 
makes him beer so that he can invite his friend, who will stand surety for him in 
any future circumstances which may arise between he and his wife, or if death 
happens in his family. The uncle of the girl is also invited to come. If the married 
man is behaving well they kill a hen, that means they have given away their 
daughter to the man, and the man's uncle gives them a cock, which signifies that 
they have given the man into the girl's care. But if the man has not behaved well 
the girl's parents kill a cock, which means " take away your young man." In the 
former case both fowls are cooked with their heads on so that they can be recog- 
nised by their combs. So the marriage is over. 

Every native is dependent on his uncle. Before Europeans were in the country 
a boy with no uncle was thought as little of as a dog or a girl, it was nobody's 
business to look after him even though he had a father, unless the father happened 
to be of a well-known family or of good repute in war. 

Fathers sometimes ill-treated their own families, and by calling their wives 
" slaves " they could do what they liked with the family. If a son, mother, or 
daughter did anything wrong, the father could do as he liked to them. If the 
father was accused and was sentenced to pay a fine of a slave, he could hand over 
one of his family in payment. Should the family, however, have an uncle, the 
father dare not do this, and the uncle had to pay the fine. If the uncle lost a case 
against himself and had to pay a slave, he could take one of his nephews or nieces 
usually the latter to pay with, and the father could make no objection. If a 
nephew or niece was accused, the uncle was the proper person to appear in the 
case, and if a fine of a slave had to be paid, the uncle must find it. If he had no 
slave, he could let the accused be taken, but boys were not usually made slaves for 
their own offences, and the uncle would probably hand over one of the sisters to be 
taken instead of the boy. This was done because the boy might become the head 
of the uncle's family on his death, as he is the heir. On the death of his uncle 
the nephew becomes husband to all the wives; this they call " manyumba." If the 
nephew has married one of his uncle's daughters, he does not "manyumba," but only 
inherits the property, and the brother of the uncle takes the wives. If there is no 
brother, the nephew would appoint someone to marry them. 

When a nephew was of marriageable age, the uncle gives him the choice of his 
daughters for a wife. By this arrangement the uncle is saved the trouble entailed 
in arranging for a wife from another family (see Marriage Customs), and ensures his 
daughter reaping some benefit from his estate. 

[ 39 ] 

20-21.] MAN. [1912. 

With regard to cousins, supposing a man has two daughters and each has a 
family, the children do not call each other cousins, but brothers and sisters. If, 
however, a man has a son and a daughter, and they have families, they call each 
other cousin. 

If a woman is enceinte the old women gather together with the woman in the 
middle. The old women dance and tell her she must be faithful to her husband or 
she will die when the baby is born. They also instruct her in what she must eat. 
She must not eat : (1) hippopotamus, or the child will have teeth like that animal ; 
(2) pig, or the baby will be diseased ; (3) eggs, or the baby will have no hair i 
(5) certain fruits, or the baby will have wounds on its thighs. 

The husband receives similar instructions from his uncle and friends, to be 
faithful to his wife or she will die, &c. 

When the birth is expected the old women again gather round the bride and 
tell her to disclose the names of men she has been with or she will die. If the 
girl has been unfaithful she will usually give the names, but if she does not she 
dies. This the natives considered always happened. 

The man is also persuaded to give the names of women, if he does not, his 
wife dies. 

When one of them confesses, the child is born. 

But if both refuse, recourse is had to the bone-thrower to find out which is 
guilty. If he cannot find out he asks if the parents of the husband or wife ever 
had any quarrel concerning the marriage, whether the couple themselves ever 
quarrelled, or whether the parents of one quarrelled with the parents of the other. 
If either of these cases is admitted the guilty ones are ordered by the bone-thrower 
to go and make offerings to the spirits of their grandmother. If after this the baby 
still remains unborn both parents consult another bone-thrower. Sometimes one 
bone-thrower recommends one thing and the other recommends something else, and 
the parents do not know what to do and can only wait until the baby is born or 
the mother dies. If the baby is born and the mother lives the husband and" parents 
sing, and the husband with his weapon leaps and imitates fighting. Should the 
woman die the husband is blamed and has to pay. H. W. GARBUTT. 

England : Archaeology. Lewis. 

Megalithic Monuments in Gloucestershire. />'// . I. /.. Lewis. Q 4 

The Longstone at Minchinhampton, Gloucestershire, is 1\ feet high, 5 to fc I 
6 feet wide, and 15 inches thick, and has several natural holes in it, through one of 
which children were formerly passed to cure them of measles or whooping cough. 
(This, I may say, was also done at the dolmen of Trie Chateau in the Oise.) This 
stone was said by Rudder, in his Gloucestershire (1799), to have stood on the top of 
a tumulus or barrow, but I do not think that it could have done so ; the ground round 
it is now level, and the stone would have been upset in removing the barrow, if any 
liad existed, and would not have been set up again. Dr. Thurnam said the barrow 
was " scarcely visible " when he visited the spot in 1860. It probably required the 
ye of faith to discern any traces of it at all. Twelve yards slightly south of west 
from the standing stone is a fallen one (4^ feet by 2^ by 1), built into a dry stone 
wall, which may also contain the fragments of other stones, possible even of a whole 
circle. Within a mile to the south of these there is, however, a stone 5 or 6 feet 
high called the " Tingle Stone," which does stand on a barrow. 

About three miles south-east from this stone is the Rodmarton chambered tumulus, 
and five or six miles west is the chambered barrow at Uley, both of which are treated 
of at considerable length in Dr. Thurnam's great paper on "Long Barrows " (Archceo- 
logia, Vol. 42). Concerning the Uley barrow he says it was explored in 1821, when 

[ 40 ] 

1912.] MAN. [Nos, 21-22. 

two dolichocephalic skulls were found and preserved in the museum of Guy's Hospital 
with a memorandum, unpublished, but it had been ransacked before that time. The 
cephalic index of these skulls was 71, 74 mean 72^. Dr. Thurnam himself explored 
the barrow in 1854 and published an illustrated report in the Archceological Journal, 
XI, 315 (1854). He found at that time the remains of fifteen skeletons, and eight or 
nine skulls, none of which had been burnt. Some of the skulls appeared to have 
been cleft in a manner suggestive of a violent death;; three or four of them were 
sufficiently perfect to show great length and thickness. Flint flakes were found, 
which must have been brought from some site many miles away ; and two axes, one 
of flint and one of hard green stone, wore found close to the tumulus, and are preserved 
with the two skulls in the museum of Guy's Hospital. " Above one of the side chambers 
" and within a foot of the surface of the mound was a skeleton, lying north-east 
" and south-west, which, from three third brass coins of the three sons of Constantine 
" the Great deposited with it, appeared to belong to the Roman period" (Dr. Thur- 
nam in Archceologia, XLII, 235). W. C. Borlase (Dolmens of Ireland, p. 974) says : 
*' Roman remains were found in one of the side chambers, and. since among them 
" was a lachrymatory, the idea presents itself that the cultus of the dead and the 
*' devotions paid to them at this sepulchre had not died out in the age to which 
*' such relics belong." That was a favourite idea with Borlase, and one to which I 
see no great reason to object, but in the case of Uley it may well have happened 
that if any Roman objects were really found in the side chamber they had dropped 
into it from the secondary interment above it. Thurnam, moreover, speaks only of a 
*' small vessel described as resembling a Roman lachrymatory " (Archceological 
Journal, XI, 321). 

The barrow itself, locally called " Hetty Pegler's Tump," is 120 feet long, 85 feet 
broad, and 10 feet high ; the gallery is 23 feet long, divided into three compartments, 
10 feet, 9 feet, and 4 feet long respectively ; near the entrance it is 5 feet wide, but 
only 3 feet at the inner end, and it is nowhere more than 5 feet high. At each side 
of the gallery are two small chambers about 6 feet by 4 feet ; two of these have 
either fallen in or were destroyed when the tumulus was accidentally broken into in 
1820, or perhaps even before that date. The walls of the gallery and chambers are 
partly of slabs and partly of small dry masonry, and the roof is formed of slabs. 
There appears to have been a peculiar arrangement of dry stone walling in the body 
of the tumulus. The figure of the stone axe which is carved on some of the 
French dolmens does not appear at Uley, but the barrow itself is very much in the 
shape of an axe ; that, however, is probably only an accidental coincidence. 


Africa, East. Barrett. 

A'Kikuyu Fairy Tales (Rogano). By Captain W. E. H. Barrett. HO 


In a certain tribe of the A'Kikuyu there were six warriors, all renowned far and 
wide for their power of endurance and their bravery. These men were continually 
competing against one another, and each thought that he was superior to the rest. 
One day they arranged among themselves to make a journey to where the sun lived, 
and to see him in his own abode. Accordingly, having said good-bye to their rela- 
tions they started off, each taking with him a bullock for food. The first day they 
travelled a long distance, and in the evening they camped, lit large fires, and killed 
one bullock, which they ate. 

They travelled in the direction of the sun for five days, and each evening they 
ate one of their bullocks. Towards the evening of the sixth day they came to a 
vast expanse of water, lying in front of them, and were unable to proceed any 

[ 41 ] 

Nos. 22 23.] MAJ<. [1912. 

further. This stretch of water was so large that thej could see no land beyond it, 
and knew that they were close to the spot where the sun lived. That night they 
camped near the water, and killed and ate their last bullock. The next morning 
all rose early, and one of the warriors said to the others, " It is nearly time for the 
" sun to rise, when he rises we must all keep silent, or else if he hears us talking 
" he may be angry at finding us spying on him, and evil may befall us." Just 
before dawn they saw the water turn red and became frightened, as they knew the 
sun was about to appear. Presently the sun rose and looked about him ; on which 
five of the warriors exclaimed, " What is it ? " and at once fell dead. The sun then 
came up to the one remaining warrior and asked him where he came from. He told 
him the whole story of how they had left their villages in the Kikuyu country and 
come to find out the place from which the sun rose, and how he had warned his 
companions to remain silent when they saw him come up. When the sun had 
listened to what the warrior had to say, he told him to go back to his village and 
to tell no one that he had seen the sun rising from his resting place, or to tell 
anyone where that place was ; he also said, " I am angry because your people, the 
" A'Kikuyu, call me Riua. In future you must always call me Kigango, if ever 
" you call me Riua again you will drop dead." When the sun had finished speaking 
the warrior suddenly found himself transferred to his own hut ; he came out, and 
when his relations saw him they were overjoyed, as they had long since thought him 
dead. All endeavoured to make him tell them his adventures, but he refused. Every 
morning when he saw the tun he said to those near him, " I see that Kigango has 
" risen," and gradually all his tribe called the sun Kigaugo and not Riua as formerly. 

After many years had passed, the warrior, who had become an old man, got tired 
of living, and calling all his children together divided his possessions up among them, 
as he told them that he intended to die the following day. The next day he got up 
early and said to his children, "Look, Riua has risen." No sooner had these words 
passed his lips than he fell down dead. W. E. H. BARRETT. 

Physical Anthropology. Gilford. 

The Disorders of Post- Natal Growth and Development. By Hastings OQ 
Gilford, F.R.C.S. London: Adlard and Son, 1911. Pp. 727, with 65 illus- U 
trations. Price 15$. net. 

Amongst the books which have fallen to me for review, none has given so much 
trouble as this, to place in its proper position in the literature dealing with the 
body of man. Indeed, it is a great book, wide in its scope, great in its aim, and 
excellent in its execution, and yet on every page there is something which upsets 
one's preconceived notions regarding the interpretation of facts with which medical 
men are familiar. The author's aim is no less than to formulate a new system or 
philosophy of disease. All the diseases to which the human body is liable, excepting 
those which are directly due to micro-organisms, are, in Mr. Gilford's opinion, really 
disturbances of growth. Constitutional diseases are purely biological problems, and 
therefore of the greatest interest, not only to medical men, but to all who study the 
human body from an anthropological point of view. 

If this book had been produced by the leisured occupant of a medical chair 
in a university or by the experienced member of the staff of a great hospital it 
would have been remarkable enough, but, when it is remembered that its author is 
a busy surgeon in a country town, both the book and the writer command our 
whole-hearted admiration. To those familiar with the progress of modern medicine 
Mr. Gilford's name is already well known. He was the first to recognise a very 
remarkable disease to which he gave the name of Progeria. The subjects of this 

[ 42 ] 

1912.] MAN. [Nos. 23-24. 

disease are young people on whom old age falls like a blight while they are still in 
their youth : they are hurried on to the age of seventy while they are still in their 
" teens." It was he also who first defined the opposite condition or disease 
Ateleiosis in which the condition of infantilism persists. The subject of the disease 
remains an infant in size, and yet tends to assume the proportions and some of the 
characters of the adult. Very slow growth goes on until the thirtieth year or later. 
It was the study of these two conditions, with continual enquiry and observation on 
all forms of constitutional disease, which probably led Mr. Gilford to formulate his 
philosophy of disease and to expound it in the book now under review. 

The two examples which have been cited progeria and ateleiosis --belong to 
Mr. Gilford's third class of diseases those which affect the whole body. In one of 
these ateleiosis the rate of growth and of development are retarded ; in progeria 
they are accelerated, senility coming on apace. To this third class, which includes 
all those disturbances affecting the whole body, Mr. Gilford assigns the various forms 
of dwarfs, of giants, of excessively fat people, of sexual acceleration and retardation ? 
of cretinism, acromegaly, &c. All of these represent in their essential features 
disturbances of growth and development. 

A disturbance of growth may affect not the whole of the body but only one of the 
organs, the liver, the kidney, the blood, or the skeleton. Diseases which affect 
only an organ or a system of the body constitute Mr. Gilford's second class. He 
interprets certain diseases of those organs which have hitherto been regarded as specific 
pathological conditions, as disturbances in the normal growth of the cells of that organ. 
For instance, the disease known as pernicious anaemia, nearly always fatal, he regards, 
if I may use a more familiar terminology, as due to a sudden reversion to the nucleated 
condition of the very lowest vertebrates. The actual term Mr. Gilford applies is that of 
" senility," but .when he uses the term thus I understand him not to mean that these 
blood cells are suffering from " old age," but from a relapse to an ancestral condition. 

Mr. Gilford's first class includes those diseases in which the disturbance of growth 
affect only the cells. To this class belong all forms of tumour, benign and malig- 
nant. Tumour cells are normal cells which have broken away from the traditions 
normally regulating their growth and decay. 

In a brief review such as this must necessarily be it is impossible to do justice to- 
twenty years of accurate observation and of close study. The importance of the book 
lies in Mr. Gilford's discovery that one may, through the study of our diseases, gain an 
insight into those laws which regulate the growth, the maturation, the decay of our 
bodies, and thus establish those broad principles which must form the foundation of a 
rational anthropology. As already said, every page of this book rouses antagonism, 
and yet every one of them is worth reading and makes one think. All through we 
feel that the facts do not naturally fit the pigeon-holes Mr. Gilford has assigned 
them in his system, and yet one must confess that we have no better places to 
suggest for them. There is another comfort in such a book. Medicine in England 
must be in a healthy and progressive condition when it is possible to produce such a 
work as this. A. KEITH. 

Religion. Frazer. 

Taboo and the Perils of the Soul. By J. G. Frazer, D.C.L., LL.D., Litt.D. fll 
London : Macmillan & Co., 1911. Price 105. net. fc 

The second volume of the new edition of The Golden Bough is an expansion 
of the latter half of the first volume of the second edition. To the chapter on the 
" Perils of the Soul " Dr. Frazer's untiring research has not been able to add so much 
as to that on the King of the Wood. Archaeological discoveries have not availed 
him here ; and recent anthropological explorations and discussions have been able to 

[ 43 ] 

No. 24.] MAN. [1912. 

suggest but little in modification or extension of interpretations of savage custom 
already well settled. In the preface he emphasises the limitation of the subject. 
It is not taboo in general, but " the principles of taboo in their application to sacred 
*' personages, such as kings and priests, who are the proper theme " of the entire 
work. On the scale of the present volume the subject of taboo at large would fill 
a library. 

Within its limits, however, the treatment of the subject is exhaustive. Every 
phase of belief, every variation of practice, is considered, accounted for, explained. 
The interweaving of the new portions with the old is done with consummate skill ; 
and everywhere the exposition is marked by the incisive comment and dry humour 
that the author has taught us to expect. 

Everyone who is acquainted with the earlier editions knows how much anthro- 
pological science is indebted to Professor Frazer for a correct appreciation of the 
reasons underlying what seem to us practices absurd and even injurious. To his 
exposition of these reasons he has little to add, save here and there, in their application 
to his new examples, and the most critical reviewer will find little to object. The 
utmost that can be done is to express a doubt, which sometimes arises, whether 
sufficient allowance has always been made for the vagueness that is so characteristic 
of the thought of the lower culture. The " definite course of reasoning " on the part 
of the savage, rightly insisted on in the two quotations from experienced missionaries 
in a footnote to page 420, is not inconsistent with this. We must admit the evolution 
of the reasoning power of the human mind. Ultimately savage reasoning, like that 
of civilised man, is based on observation ; and both are, at all events in their earlier 
stages, liable to be controlled, or at least largely influenced on the subjects here 
discussed, by emotion. Man did not start with a complete theory of the soul, still 
less of the universe at large. The process of forming such a theory was inductive, 
though it may well have been that the induction was often more or less unconscious. 
The phenomena with which it dealt were at first observed casually ; attention was 
only gradually concentrated on them ; and when in the slow revolution of the 
centuries something like definiteness was attained, there would still remain a 
considerable body of the undetermined, the mysterious, and the uncanny not yet 
reduced into conformity with the hypothesis, not yet fitted into its place in the 
system of the savage universe. That residuum even yet persists in savage mentality, 
nay, in the mentality of races who have long since left the stage of savagery. It 
is vague, but its very vagueness is the basis of its power. It penetrates thought with 
unknown possibilities, it charges the emotions with energy that issues at unexpected 
moments in explosions altogether disproportioned to the apparent triviality of their 
cause. Its traces are to be found in languages the most diverse. The Wakan of 
the Dacotahs, the Kami of the Japanese, the Mana of the Melanesians, are attempts 
at its expression. 

To take a familiar instance, that of the Australian who nearly died of fright 
because the shadow of his mother-in-law fell on his legs as he lay asleep under a 
tree, or the native of the Banks Islands who would not so much as follow his 
mother-in-law along the beach until the rising tide had effaced her footprints in the 
sand. She was, as Professor Frazer says, a source of dangerous influence upon him. 
But was the nature of that influence, or of its sanction, ever defined ? I venture to 
think it would be as dark to the Australian or Melanesian, if he thought about it at 
all, as it is to us, and it never was otherwise. The taboos imposed on the heir to the 
throne of Loango and many another native of West Africa rest upon terrors equally 
vague and unexplained. On the other hand, there are numerous taboos, such as those 
of hunters and manslayers, which do rest upon specific fears traceable to the savage 
theory of souls. I submit that there is a very real distinction to be drawn here, and 

[ 44 ] 

1912.] MAN. [Nos. 24-25. 

that we cannot reach the true meaning of the widespread practice of taboo unless 
we take into account the possibility nay, the certainty of its origin at a period 
when the ideas of the savage had not yet crystallized (so far as they may be said to- 
have now crystallised) in definite theories and a definite course of reasoning. Not 
all of the taboos that we meet with originated in this far-off period ; but the mystic 
terror of mystic dangers having once seized the human soul, the practice of measures 
to avoid them grew and was adapted and applied to the dangers gradually defined by 
developing theories. 

The power of sacred personages is a particular case of the orenda or wakan, 
which many men have in a greater or less degree, but which is specially manifested 
in some men, and is inherent in a king or an incarnate god. It is guarded by certain 
taboos. Probably for many of these taboos no definite reason could at any time be 
assigned. The theory of the soul may help us to understand some of them : but it 
will not explain all. Nor is this to be wondered at, for there is good ground for 
thinking that the belief in orenda or wakan goes back to a more archaic stage 
of human thought than that in the soul or double. But however the various taboos 
have originated, once they become current the practice of the fathers descends un- 
questioned to the children, despite a certain measure of advance in civilisation and 
in thought. 

The preface contains a few weighty words on the bearing of the investigation 
upon ethical science. The moral code of a people is the product, like its material 
civilisation, of its environment, of its knowledge, and of its general advance. It must 
change it must even in many details be reversed with the change of environment 
and the raising of the standard of culture. " The old view that the principles of 
" right and wrong are immutable and eternal is no longer tenable. The moral world 
" is as little exempt as the physical world from the law of ceaseless change, of 
44 perpetual flux." The power of a community to adapt and develop its moral code 
is one of the most important factors in the struggle for continued existence. To 
stereotype the moral code is to arrest the evolution of society, a course that has 
resulted once and again in its extinction. These considerations must profoundly affect 
ethical thought in the near future. E. SIDNEY HARTLAND. 

Africa : Congo. Torday : Joyce. 

The Bushongo. By E. Torday and T. A Joyce, with Illustrations by OC 
Norman H. Hardy. Brussels, 1910. Lu 

The expedition to the Belgian Congo organised and led by Mr. Emil Torday, 
the well-known African traveller, which started from England in October 1907 and 
returned in September 1909, has undoubtedly been one of the most productive of recent 
years in new and important ethnological results. Mr. Torday, who, having travelled 
widely and observantly, already possessed an extended knowledge of many of the 
native tribes of the Belgian Congo, was accompanied on the present expedition by 
Mr. M. W. Hilton Simpson, and during part of the time by Mr. Norman H. Hardy. 
The former, a keen sportsman, had already gained experience in travel mainly during 
expeditions in the Algerian Sahara. To him chiefly is due the addition of sundry 
new species to the list of the mammalian fauna of the region. Mr. Norman Hardy had 
travelled extensively in the South Pacific and elsewhere, and is unrivalled as au 
ethnographic artist in whom technical skill and painstaking accuracy are happily 
combined. If the scientific results of the expedition have been fruitful and striking, 
much is due to the personel, the well-assorted trio having worked together in perfect 
harmony and with real enthusiasm, enduring hardships and meeting the inevitable 
difficulties with cheerfulness and discretion. The leader himself possesses qualities 
which make the ideal field ethnographer. In addition to a sublime intrepidity and 

L 45 

No. 25.] MAN. [1912. 

keen observational powers, he possesses a natural gift for picking up languages, and is 
endowed with an exceptional capacity for treating the so-called " savage " peoples 
with firmness combined with sympathy, which goes far towards enabling him to gain 
their confidence and respect, a most necessary thing where the object aimed at is to 
acquire reliable information regarding the habits, customs, and beliefs of a shy and 
usually suspicious people. 

The present volume, which is the first of a series, is published in French under the 
auspices of the Belgian Minister of Colonies, as one of the Annales du Musee du 
Congo Beige, and is admirably produced under the joint authorship of Mr. Torday and 
Mr. T. A. Joyce of the British Museum. (Here, again, Mr. Torday has been singularly 
fortunate in his choice of a coadjutor.) The volume is written with great clearness in 
simple and straightforward language, and is very fully illustrated. A great feature of 
this monograph is supplied by the numerous and most valuable drawings both in colour 
and monochrome by Mr. Norman Hardy, which cannot be too highly praised. The 
photographs are for the most part good, andja large number of excellent line drawings 
illustrating details of structure and ornamentation add clearness and point to the 

The expedition journeyed up the Kasai River and its tributary the Sankuru, 
as far as the Basonge people. Next, a visit to the cannibal Southern Batetela was 
made, and later visits were paid to the easterly offshoots of the Bushongo, the Northern 
Batetela, Basongo Meno, Akela and Bankutu. A considerable stay was then made in 
the capital of the Western Bushongo. In order to study comparatively the culture 
affinities of this very important people, it was deemed advisable to investigate the 
tribes further to the west, and a wide detour was made down the Kasai to the mouth 
of the Kwilu River, which was ascended, and thence an easterly traverse was made to 
the Loange River, from which point a country hitherto unvisited by white men was 
entered and crossed until the Kasai was again reached in latitude 5 degrees S. This 
latter part of the journey was beset with difficulties owing to the opposition offered by 
the hostile and truculent Bakongo and Bashilele ; but the traverse was safely accom- 
plished, a result of skilful and tactful handling of the obstructive natives coupled with 
occasional appeals to their superstitious credulity. Such in brief was the itinerary of 
the expedition. 

The volume is devoted in the main to a detailed study of the Bushongo, with 
added notes upon the allied Bakongo and Bashilele for comparative A 
separate chapter is appended on the neighbouring Basongo Meno of the Sankuru, 
whose long contact with the Bushongo rendered their ethnology of importance. 

The authors' investigations lead to the conclusion that the Bushongo entered 
their present territory from the N.N.W., the migration having probably originated in 
the neighbourhood of the Shari basin. The Bashilele and Bakongo are believed to 
have formed an advance-guard in the southerly movement, and to have been followed 
later by their kinsfolk, the Bushongo, who, having become settled in the angle formed 
by the junction of the Kasai and Sankuru, developed their culture to a remarkable 
extent. The book, indeed, reveals an amazing condition of culture-progress among 
an indigenous Negro population. It is true that some evidence of high attainments 
had previously been obtained, but this was barely sufficient to prepare ethnologists 
for the full revelation of the great capabilities of this Central African people. 

The Bushongo are justly described as exhibiting a high intelligence and great 
powers of application, coupled with considerable receptivity and a retentive memory, 
qualities wlrch should, under tactful administration, enable them to rise in the scale 
of civilisation and conform to its dictates more readily than is likely to prove the case 
with the majority of native African peoples. Their opposition to European encroach- 
ments arises naturally from their successful development of commercial enterprise 

[46 ] 

1912.] MAN. [No. 25. 

amongst the neighbouring populations, which would be seriously impaired and curtailed 
through a breakdown of their established monopolies. One cannot blame them for 
looking after their own interests, and resenting antagonistic intrusions of a more 
powerful exotic people. 

A very remarkable feature of their culture is the extended historical record which 
they have preserved. A continuous list of no less than 121 successive paramount 
chiefs and chieftainesses is kept by special official record-keepers, who act as reciters 
of historical facts and mythological traditions. If these two items in the repertoire 
of these officials become at times confused, it must be admitted that the same mingling 
of fact acd myth characterises the " history " of the most cultured peoples. 

The position of women is on the whole a dignified one. Monogamy prevails and 
the bride's consent to marriage is necessary at any rate among the Bambala, the 
principal sub-tribe. Women are represented upon the council, and their advice is often 
sought and valued even in important political affairs. Descent is in the female line, 
and the most important personage in the kingdom is the Mana Nyimi, the mother of 
the paramount chief. Although the chief himself, the Nyimi, is in theory an absolute 
monarch, enjoying a divine right as a lineal descendant from Chembe (god), actually, 
his powers are limited by democratic representatives, who exert a controlling force. 
The government is highly perfected on an hierarchical basis. Morality and justice 
have reached a high standard. The law is drafted and administered in a very practical 
and sensible manner,, though touches of the old order prevail and the poison ordeal 
is still, on occasion, resorted to and its efficacy believed in. Magical divination is 
extensively practised and natural death is not admitted, the cause being sought in the 
malign machinations of some individual possessed by an evil spirit. The initiation 
ceremonies are of a searching description, calculated to test the nerve of the candidates 
to the utmost, but combined with the ordeals of courage is a course of moral teaching 
inculcating the observance of respect towards parents, chiefs, and elders, and the 
development of feelings of delicacy, morality and sportsmanship. 

But it is in the arts more especially that the evidence of advanced culture among 
the Bushongo is chiefly apparent. If the punitive expedition to Benin astonished 
the ethnological world by the revelation of the marvellous cire perdu bronze-work 
and the ivory carving of that Nigerian district, Mr. Torday's expedition to the 
Bushongo reveals a yet more wonderful art-culture, the more to be admired since it 
is strictly indigenous and uninfluenced by contact with Europeans. The wood-carving 
of the Bushongo, Bakongo, and Bashilele is very remarkable both as regards technique 
and decorative qualities. The small portrait statue of Shamba Bolongongo, now in 
the British Museum, dating from the beginning of the seventeenth century, is wonder- 
fully executed and altogether admirable as a skilful piece of carving, while the 
decorative carving upon wooden cups, boxes, drums, and other objects of use, exhibits 
a technical skill of a very high order, combined with an aesthetic sense of proportion 
and of balance in the adaptation of embellishment to the necessary form of the objects. 
A similar skill is exhibited in the working of iron and copper. The details of orna- 
mentation and the origin and evolution of designs are dealt with at length by the 
authors, and instances of " hybridisation " of patterns, or the influence of one design 
upon another, are noted. In the textile arts the Bushongo excel. The prevailing 
textile is of raphia fibre and is woven by the men, but the women embroider the cloth 
in a variety of ways, and produce the remarkable "plush-work" designs, which form 
a highly specialised branch of the industry. Double and multiple-dyeing by a 
" stopping-out " process is well understood by them and recalls the methods of some 
Oriental peoples. 

The zenith of culture-development and prestige was reached under the far-seeing 
and enlightened King Shambu Bolongongo (c. 1600-1620). He travelled widely among 

[ 47 ] 

Nos. 25-26.] MAN. [1912, 

the adjacent tribes, observing their characteristics and studying their arts, and he 
introduced many important ideas among his own people. The present chief-paramount, 
Kwete Peshanga Kena, is highly intellectual and well-disposed ; but signs of decadence 
in art and culture are becoming apparent. A transitional state has been reached, and 
in the face of encroachments by civilised aliens, it is, perhaps, too much to expect that 
the Bushongo will be able to maintain their national characteristics and their inde- 
pendence as a dominant indigenous people, though due recognition of their potentialities 
may possibly save them from the usual fate of the comparatively " unrisen " native 
races which come under the white man's influence. They deserve something better 
than the common lot of those who are absorbed by the higher civilisation. 

The publication of further results of this admirably arranged expedition will be 
welcomed by all who have studied the present volume. All concerned in its production 
are heartily to be congratulated. HENRY BALFOUR, 

Sociology. Thomas. 

Source Book for Social Origins : Ethnological Materials, Psychological 
Standpoint, Classified and Annotated Bibliographies for the Interpretation of 
Savage Society. By William J. Thomas. Chicago and London, 1909. Pp. (including 
indices) 932. 

This is, so far as we know, the first attempt in anthropology to embody in one 
volume extracts from various periodicals and books that will bring before the reader 
the sections deemed best on the topics which the Editor wishes to present. At the 
end of each of these sections a brief discussion follows, summarising the section or 
criticising the procedure of the various writers represented. In the main, the selec- 
tions seem to us the best that could be made, and the appended bibliographies are 
excellent. A most commendable thing about these latter is that they are more than 
a mere list of books and articles treating of the topic in question. The more 
important have been indicated by a star, and there are further guides, such as 
"admirable paper," " excellent," &c. At the end of one bibliography (p. 331), how- 
ever, is the bracketed statement in small print " [Hall's Adolescence is omitted by 
" no oversight]." We are glad to know this. There is an ailment known as short- 
sightedness, and some suffer from a peripheral blindness that limits their field of 
vision. Not to mention the work lay within the discretion of the author, but to 
call attention to its absence in this way, whatever the theories of the editor may 
be, seems inexcusable to say the least. Discrimination and criticism we would have, 
and more of it, but not gratuitous insult. Suffice it to say that the monumental work 
on Adolescence by President Hall will probably not sink into innocuous desuetude 
because of a " no oversight " on the part of the editor. 

Dr. Thomas's attitude is throughout safe and sane, and his own contribution 
to the volume is valuable. His studies, published in Sex and Society, have already 
made him known to anthropologists as a lucid and cautious thinker, and he has 
undoubtedly made a further contribution to the science of anthropology by placing 
before those students who have not access to a good anthropological library excellent 
selections from the sources not accessible to them. 

The scope of the volume may be best indicated by giving the titles of the 
various parts : Part I, The Relation of Society to Geographic and Economic 
Environment ; Part II, Mental Life and Education ; Part III, Invention and Tech- 
nology ; Part IV, Sex and Marriage ; Part V, Art, Ornament, and Decoration ; 
Part VI, Magic, Religion, Myth ; Part VII, Social Organisation, Morals, the State ; 
Supplementary Bibliographies. N. D. W. 

Printed by EYRE AMD SPOTTISWOODE, LTD., His Majesty's Printers, East Harding Street, E.C, 


MAN, 1912. 

S 2 

> z 
. w 






a, S 
* z 

I 1 


1912.] MAN. [No. 27. 

China. "With. Plate D. Hopkins : Hobson. 

A Royal Relic of Ancient China. By L. C. Hopkins, I.S.O., and R. L. 
Hobson, B.A. 

This remarkable relic of the Chou dynasty (1122-256 B.C.) is the centrepiece of a 
large collection of ancient Chinese inscribed bones and amulets formed by the Revs. 
Samuel Couling and F. H. Chalfant, and purchased by the British Museum. The 
Couling collection was part of a large find of inscribed tortoise-shells and bones of 
sacrificial animals stated to have been made by Chinese in 1899 while digging in or 
near the ancient city of Chao Kuo Cheng, now Wei-Hui Fu, in Honan Province.* 
Mr. Hopkins, who has already published examples of these bones and amulets in the 
Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society,} has kindly consented to explain the highly 
interesting inscription carved on the shaft of this relic. In the above-mentioned 
paper he gave cogent reasons for dating the bones to the sixth century B.C. But 
it is to be noted that the only two Chinese authors who have discussed this matter 
are confident for reasons which they give, and which are serious, that the relics date 
back to the previous or Shang dynasty, and that they were deposited in a mound 
representing one of the capitals of that dynasty, that one to which the Emperor 
Wu I (1198-1194 B.C.) had removed. In any case, there is no reason to doubt that 
the curious object illustrated on the accompanying plate belongs to the same period. 
It is formed of a portion of a stag's antler, the upper part of which has been facetted 
to make suitable surfaces for the engraved characters. The conformation of the lower 
part has been utilised in characteristic Chinese fashion, being deeply carved with 
designs which will be familiar to every student of Chinese bronzes. The principal 
motive, no doubt suggested by the material itself, is the formidable horned head of 
the Vao-Pieh, or "greedy glutton" monster with large protruding eyes and a lozenge- 
shaped excrescence between them. The rest of the head is carved with conventional 
ornament, chiefly small kuei dragon forms, in low relief, the background as usual 
tooled over with meander, or key, fret which the Chinese rail the " cloud and thunder 
pattern." Similar ornament occurs on the neck, but here it is subordinated to two 
sinuous, snake-like forms on the sides, carved with large conventional scales, and to 
a series of " cicada " designs underneath. A band of four stiff" leaf-shaped ornaments 
completes the decoration. 

The Shin sho sei, an illustrated book on ancient Chinese bronzes, &c. (published 
in Japan in 1891, but evidently based on the Chinese classic of antiquities, the Po 
ku <'M), shows on the first page of illustrations a bronze tripod of the Shang dynasty 
{1766-1123 B.C.), on which the motives of the tfao-tieh, kuei dragon, key fret and 
stiff leaves appear fully developed. On the fifth page (verso) of the same volume is 
a tripod of the Chou dynasty (1122-256 B.C.), which illustrates the cicada motive. 

It is clear, then, that the dating of this object is in no way inconsistent with 
the style of the ornament. The significance of the latter was explained by Dr. W. P. 
Yetts in a paper on Symbolism in Chinese Art, read before the China Society in 
January 1912. In his researches in the Po ku t'u Dr. Yetts had found that the 
ancient Chinese regarded the presence of the kuei dragon as " a restraining influence 
" against the sin of greed," while the cicada "suggested restraint of cupidity and 

* See Memoirs of the Carnegie Museum, Vol. IV., No. 1, p. 6, Pittsburg, 1906. Early Chinese 
Writing, by Frank H. Chalfant, through whose hands all the inscribed bones have passed. Mr. 
Hopkins, however (op. cit. infra, p. 1026), explains that there is a slight discrepancy in the various 
accounts of the locality of the find, and that the Chinese author, Lo Chen-yii, asserts that the true 
position of the find is a little hamlet two miles west of the city of Chang T Fu in North Honan. 
and that seems to be correct. 

f Chinese Writing in the Chou Dynasty in the Light of Recent Discoveries, by L. C. Hopkins, 
I.S.O., Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, October, 1911. 

[ 49 ] 

No. 27.] MAN. [1912. 

" vice," and the " cloud and thunder pattern " symbolised the fertilising rain. The 
ta^o-fiefi, or " greedy glutton," is no doubt explained on the homoeopathic principle as 
a preventative of excess. 

All these motives, which are perennial on Chinese bronzes, are still frequently- 
found in other forms of Chinese art, such as the pottery and porcelain vessels whose 
shapes are based on bronze models. The skill with which the old bronzes have 
been reproduced hi China without intermission for at least a thousand years makes 
the identification of original examples of the earliest periods, if indeed we possess-- 
any at all, a matter of the utmost difficulty. In view of this the presence of a 
genuine example of the archaic " bronze " ornament in its first freshness is particu- 
larly welcome. And when we see how the decorative motives on this remarkable 
antler have already at this distant date crystallised in the conventional forms which 
they still retain, we are able to realise at once the antiquity and the conservatism- 
of Chinese art. 

The precise intention of this carved antler can only be a matter of conjecture.. 
In appearance, at any rate, it has analogies with the ju-i sceptre (usually of carved 
wood, jade, or porcelain), which is often given as an emblematic present among the 
Chinese. The name ju-i (as you wish) suggests that the sceptre conveys a wish for 
the fulfilment of the heart's desire of the recipient, and the constant form of it is 
a carved shaft with a head closely resembling the top of a ling chih fungus, one of 
the emblems of longevity. Hence the ju-i also delicately hints that the wish for 
longevity (ever present in the Chinese heart) may be fulfilled. The origin of the 
ju-i sceptre is a much-discussed subject which cannot be treated here, but the earliest 
references to it seem to suggest that it merely served in the first instance as a stafF 
or pointer held by a princely personage. The decoration of the carved antler seems 
to indicate that it was something more than a mere vehicle for the inscription on 
the shaft ; and its form being well adapted for carrying in the hand, we may venture 
to suggest in default of definite evidence of its use that it served in the manner of 
the original ju-i as a sceptre for the princely owner of the genealogy. 


(The letters of the alphabet from to Z have been used to correspond to the 
characters whose modern forms are unknown. They are, it will be seen, in all cases 
the names of individuals, apparently successive occupiers of the throne.. In two 
cases, Cheng and Sang, I have been able to identify the modern forms.) 

"The king was named Cheng (Steadfast). [?His] first ancestor was named ; 
O's son was named P ; P's son was named Q ; Q's son was named R ; R's son was 
named S ; S's younger brother was named T ; S's son was named Sang (mulberry 
tree); Sang's son was named U; U's son was named V; V's son was named W ; 
Ws younger brother was named X ; W's son was named Y ; Y's son was named Z." 
, The above inscription is of high interest both from the historical and the 
epigraphic points of view. As a short historical document, it appears to be a royal 
genealogy of one of the sovereigns either of the Chou dynasty or possibly of their 
predecessors the line of Shang or Yin, as it was latterly called. Those characters 
which, being at present impossible to identify with any modern forms, I have 
.rendered in the translation by letters of the alphabet are apparently the personal 
names of successive rulers. Epigraphically regarded, the text is most valuable, 
exhibiting as it does a group of characters of the most archaic, because most trans- 
parehtly pictographic, type yet discovered with the exception of a similar genealogy 
'oh a bone fragment in my collection, as yet unpublished. 

;:; In two instances of,the names occurring on the antler -decipherment, is possible. 
The first of these is Cheng the .third character of the' text. This represents a. 

[ -60 J 



[No. 27, 


COL. 2. 

COL. 3. 

Cot. l. 



C\ R 

^- ^ Wang 



M R 

^ 7h 



^V, Hp tzu 

^ Jf cheng 


^& tzii 

i-j p] yueh 

dj i 

t? -**- 

/) ? tT sllOU 



1 s 

^L 3t hsieu 



1. s 

affl t 



$' i& 

^j Q yueh 



5^ tl 

(J pjl yueh 

fl^p o 



Q yueh 

k*Ef T 





I s 

1 * 



O Ip tzu 

^ ^ ueh 



"T*. tZU 

LJ yueh 

1 _T _ TJ 


pt yueh 

+tbr ,^ 

Jfe ^ san g 

I'dj P 

* O 





ik sang 

O ~7*. 

\^ ~} tzu 




(^j yueh 


vJ ^4-' tzii 



171 tzu 

S yueh 




L A 

r^l yueh 

/Vs, U 

^ Q 




O -3 


^y u 

O/ -7 tett 



[ 51 


No. 27.] MAN. [1912. 

conventionalised version of an outline of a ting or tripod cauldron, with its two 
opposite erect handles, round belly, and triangular feet, two only visible to the 
spectator, as is usually the case with a tripod viewed in profile. 

This use of the character representing the word ting, a cauldron, to write a 
word pronounced cheng and meaning " steadfast," " firm," is explained by the fact 
that these two now differing syllables were probably homophones in ancient Chinese 
(as they still are in certain dialects), and the borrowing of homophonous characters 
already existing, for hitherto unwritten words was a common and very convenient 
device in the early days of Chinese writing. 

The second instance is the word Sang. The form in our text occurs fairly often 
on the Honan bones, of which the British Museum has a fine collection. It consists 
of a linearised sketch of a tree with branches and roots, and what appears to be the 
character k'ou, mouth, thrice repeated, but probably a corruption, as occasionally 
elsewhere, of three circles, here representing, as I suppose, the mulberry fruit. The 
character in its later development was again corrupted, the element ^C yu, right hand, 
replacing the older p, k'ou, mouth, and thus acquired its present shape ^. 

The other signs have not yet yielded up their secrets. But we can, at any rate, 
detect in most cases component elements known to us. Thus the character marked P 
in the transcription appears to consist of a combination of a human figure viewed 
frontally which may be ^, fu, a man, and a profile outline of a halberd, or battle-axe, 
which may be either jrj, mou, or J$ hsii, now only used as time-cycle characters. But 
when we come to combine the modern versions of these two elements into one unit, 
we find that no such combination exists in the dictionaries. So, too, the character 
marked R may possibly be ;jf|, ts^io, small bird, and at any rate, the lower part is the 
old form of the lower part of the modern character. 

Again, with S, this is seen at once to consist of the old shape of ^, hu, vase, 
with a contained element, rather resembling an old variant of ^, yd, fish. If we 
knew what this element really was we could easily " reconstruct " the compound, 
such as as it ought to have become, but has not. The form marked U, if it had 
not the additional element at the right-hand lower corner, would be the character 
shan, ^ yang, sheep, thrice repeated, given in the dictionaries as meaning strong 
smelling, rank. 

In the signs marked X and Y, the right half shows in varying degrees of 
decomposition, so to speak, a human figure in profile holding some object with 
extended arm. But in neither case can a modern equation be provided. The last 
form, Z, is perhaps a figure of a sacrificial vessel and possibly a variant of cheng, 

It should be added that most of these unknown forms occur here and there on 
the Honan bones. 

As is observable in many other of the oldest inscriptions, the writing exhibits 
a certain freedom and nonchalance on the engraver's part. The repeated characters 
are often not exact copies of the foregoing, but vary considerably in detail. Thus 
O on its first occurrence faces to the right, when repeated, to the left. W, which 
occurs three times, has three continuous ovals on the left side in the first example, 
only two in the second and third. Other variations will easily be noticed. All these 
illustrate the truth of a remark by a recent Chinese author, who says in effect, that 
the Chinese characters in their earlier stages were in a more plastic state than was 
afterwards permitted. Provided that the form expressed unmistakably the graphic 
intention, small details of position and composition were neglected. It is a very just 
observation. L. C. HOPKINS. 


C 52 ] 

1912,] MAN. [Nos. 28-29. 

A Obituary : Keane. Brabrook. 

t/ A. H. Keane, B.A., LL.D. Born 1st June, 1833 ; died 3rd February, OQ 

1912. By Sir Edward Brabrook, C.B. i.0 

The science of ethnology has lost a devoted student by the death of Dr. Keane. 
For it he made great sacrifices in early life, to it he devoted high intellectual 
qualities, a rare linguistic faculty, and untiring industry. He began to take part in 
the meetings of the Anthropological Institute in 1879, in which year he contributed a 
monograph on the relations of the Indo-Chinese and inter-Oceanic races and languages 
and discussed a paper on a similar subject by Colonel Yule. He was an eloquent 
speaker, and joined in our discussions with much effect. At the anniversary meeting in 
January 1880 he was elected a member of the council. In 1883 he prepared at the 
invitation of that body and read to a special meeting of the Institute a paper on the 
Botocudos, two males and three females of that people being present. In the same 
year be was appointed Professor of Hindustani at University College. In 1884 he 
read to the Institute a paper on the ethnology of the Egyptian Sudan, and in 1885 
one on the Lapps, a group of whom were exhibited on the occasion. At the anni- 
versary in January 18B6 he was elected a vice-president of the Institute, a distinction 
which he highly valued, though the vice-presidents were not frequently called upon 
for their services while Sir Francis Galton was president. Professor Keane's term 
of office expired at the anniversary of January 1890. After that time he frequently 
contributed to the journal of the Institute and to MAN critical reviews of new anthro- 
pological works. In 1896 the second edition of his standard treatise on ethnology 
was issued from the Cambridge University Press. In it he discussed separately the 
fundamental ethnical problems and the primary ethnical groups. Under the first head 
were included the physical and mental evolution of man, the antiquity of man, and 
the specific unity and varietal diversity of man. Under the second head he laid 
down a division of man into four primary groups, which he designated Homo JEth'io- 
picus, Mongolicus, Americanus, and Caucasicus. This was followed in 1899 by Man, 
Past and Present, in which the origin and inter-relation of those groups are discussed 
in further detail. In 1900 he published a timely and enlightening work on The 
Boer States : Land and People. His contributions to encyclopaedias and guides and 
other geographical works are too numerous to mention. His eminent services to 
science and literature procured for him the corresponding membership of the Anthro- 
pological Societies of Italy and of Washington, the degree of LL.D., and the grant 
of a pension on the civil list. E. W. BRABROOK. 

America, North. A. Lang. 

The Clan Names of the Tlingit. By Andrew Lang. OQ 

There seems to be much confusion of evidence and opinion as to the U 
totemism of the Tlingit of Southern Alaska. Mr. Frazer, in Totemism and Exogamy 
(Vol. Ill, pp. 265, 266), assigns to them two phratries, Wolf and Raven, while in 
each phratry are " clans named after various animals," and as no clan has representa- 
tives in both phratries, these animal-named clans "are no doubt exogamous." 

A table is given ; each phratry has its animal-named clans, nine in each ; " the 

table does not claim to be complete." The authorities cited are, to choose the 

earliest and the latest, Holmberg, Ueber die Vdlker der Russischen America (1856) ; 

and John R. Swanton, Social Condition, Beliefs, $c., of the Tlingit Indians, XXVI, 

Ann. Rep. of Bureau of American Ethnology (1908, pp. 398-423, sq.). 

Holmberg's work, In Acta Societatis Scientiarum Finnicce (1856), pp. 292, sq., 
338-342, is not accessible to me. That of Mr. Swanton lies before me, and it does 
not agree with Holmberg as to the animal names of the Tlingit clans, for these, 
says Mr. Swanton, are mainly not animal but local. But his statements are, to me, 

[ 53 ] 

No. 29.] MAN. [1912. 

so perplexing, and the point is so important, that I examine his account. The 
Tlingit have descent in the female line, so that their totemism, as described by 
Holmberg, is (except for confusions caused by the heraldry of their animal " crests " 
or " badges ") precisely that of such an Australian tribe as the Dieri. 

Mr. Swan ton says (op. cit., p. 395) that there are fourteen " geographical 
groups," which he also (p. 397) calls "divisions or tribes," with many "clans" 
bearing descriptive names. The divisions, so far (whether they be " tribes " or not), 
are merely " geographical." But (p. 398) " each phratry was divided into clans or 
" consanguineal bands, the members of which were more closely related to one 
" another than to other members of the phratry ; and each of these bands " (also 
styled " clans ") " usually derived its origin from some town or camp it had once 
" occupied .... they were therefore in a way local groups. . . . Thirdly, 
" the clans were subdivided into house groups, the members of which might occupy 
" one or several houses." We then receive a list of the names of the " clans " 
(pp. 398-400), and it is clear that, if these " bands " be " clans," the " clans " of the 
Tlingit do not usually bear animal but mainly local names. 

On the other hand, Mr. Frazer says (Totemism and Exogamy, Vol. Ill, p. 265), 
" The Raven class and the Wolf class are subdivided into a number of clans which 
" are named after various animals . . . while " (p. 266) " the clans are divided 
" into families or households, which may occupy one or more houses." So, too, 
Mr. Swanton says, " finally the clans were subdivided into house groups, the members 
" of which might occupy one or several houses." 

Now, curious to say, while Mr. Frazer assigns animal names to the " clans," 
Mr. Swanton gives them local names ; and while Mr. Frazer gives place names to 
the "houses," Mr. Swanton says that they bear (usually) animal names, the animals 
often appearing in Mr. Frazer's list of Tlingit totems are totem-kins. This is very 
mysterious and perplexing. 

Here I must make a brief personal explanation. In Journal- of American 
Folklore (April-June, 1910) Mr. A. A. Goldenweiser published Totemism : An 
Analytic Study. He had a good deal of criticism to bestow on me, to which I 
replied in a paper called " Method in the Study of Totemism." This was given, 
with other tracts, to the guests of the University of St. Andrews, at the celebra- 
tion of her demi-centenary (1911). No copies were for sale. Mr. Goldenweiser 
points out to me that a letter of his to me on the Tlingit (pp. 23, 24) has 
been so confused in printing, in my tract, that I warn students off my essay if 
they meet with copies. In a copy of a reply to me, which he kindly sent to me, 
typed, Mr. Goldenweiser says that " the Tlingit clans are also local groups," that is, 
definite localities or groups of houses, are associated with individual clans. A " clan " 
may have as many as four or eight houses, in one region, and only one house in 
another region. The people in these houses being of the same " clan " have the 
same clan-name, usually that of a town or locality from which they suppose that they 
originally came. As Mr. Swanton puts it, " The clans were divided into house groups, 
" the members of which might occupy one or several houses." 

But, one asks, if the " clans " inherit through women clan-names derived from 
localities, why are the names of the " house groups " usually those animal names 
which Mr. Frazer, following Holmberg, assigns to the "clans" Killer Whale, Eagle, 
Raven, Frog, Shark, and so on ? Names of Holmberg's totems constantly occur 
as names of Mr. Swanton's house groups (Bureau of Ethnology, ut supra, 
pp. 400-404). 

Matters are not more translucent when we find Mr. Swanton (p. 411) using 
" clans " and " families " as synonyms. " Among the Wolf families " (those of 
phratry Wolf) " at a given place," were the Nanvaa, 'yi a clan, " All these clans 

[ 54 ] 

1912.] MAN. [Nos. 29-30. 

are said," and so on. A " house group " is, probably or may be a " family," but a 
"family" is not a "clan." 

It presently appears that it is the " clans " who possess badges representing 
animals, and that, " theoretically, the emblems used on the Raven side " (phratry) 
"were different from those on the Wolf side " (phratry) (p. 415). Thus, the totem kins 
of the Dieri (or any other such Australian tribe) have animals arranged one set in 
one phratry, the other in the other while the Tlingit " clans " have badges 
representing their animals similarly arranged theoretically. But now, in practice, a 
love of heraldic distinctions has led men to seize " crests " not originally those of 
their own clans. Now, in precisely the same way, the house names used by each 
phratry were generally distinct, each phratry having distinct animal names for the 
houses of its clans, " and even the separate clans often had names of this sort not 
" employed by others" (p. 421). 

That is, in the past, " each separate ' clan ' " had its " name of this sort," and 
names "of this sort" (house names) are usually animal names (p. 421). Now clans 
assert claims to the animal badges of other clans, through the grandfather, for 
example, though Tlingit descent is in the female line. From all this it appears to 
be certain that the state of things described by Mr. Frazer had been an actual state, 
that the Tlingit " clans " had totems and totemic names, perhaps, as lately as when 
Holmberg wrote (1856). But Mr. Swajiton shows us the present habit of grasping 
at as many crests as possible a very rich " clan " (or " family ") " were so rich that 
" they could use anything." Manifestly the Tlingit have passed partly away from 
the Dieri totemic organisation under the influences of rank, wealth, heraldry, and 
settled homes in towns, a conclusion which Mr. Goldenweiser appears to reject. 

But how, with female descent of the clan names, a clan can be " a local group," 
I know not, unless the men go to the women's homes I do not gather that this is 
the case. Why the " house-groups " of this or that " clan " retain the animal names 
which the clans have dropped in favour of local names I do not venture to guess. 


Anthropology. Peake. 

Suggestions for an Anthropological Survey of the British Isles QA 

(a paper read at the Portsmouth meeting of the British Association for the UU 
Advancement of Science, 4th September 1911). By Harold Peake. 

In offering suggestions for an anthropological survey of the British Isles it may 
be well at the outset to define the scope and purpose of such a survey before pro- 
ceeding to discuss how it may best be carried out. The term " anthropological " is 
very comprehensive, and will suggest to some the measurement of skulls, while others 
will think of the customs and folklore of savages. I need not remind you that 
anthropology includes this, and much more ; in fact, that nothing of human interest 
is foreign to it. It is in this broad sense that I am using the term, and the survey 
that I propose is one that may include within its scope every kind of human activity, 
both in the past and at the present day. 

It is no doubt due to the influence of anthropology that the great problems of 
history are now being approached, less with a view to determining the motives which 
have. led men to perform certain deeds than with the object of ascertaining what 
cosmic forces have from time to time controlled human activities. Historical vision 
is penetrating beyond the limits of documentary evidence into periods in which persons 
disappear to be replaced by nations and races, and we are forced to consider the rise 
and fall of states in the light of climate, trade, and food supply. 

There are those who deprecate the change, and would deny to such inquiries the 
title of history. But whether we call these studies history or anthropology, sociology 

[ 55 ] 

No. 30.] MAN. [1912. 

or human geography, we cannot deny that they are of vital interest in the study of 
the past of the human race. They may also be of the utmost importance hy enabling 
us to appreciate the phenomena of the present day at their true value, nor are they 
altogether useless as guides when we attempt to shape the future. Let us call such 
studies human geography, if you will ; yet this is limiting their scope to one aspect 
alone, while we are thereby striving to measure the whole range of human activities 
in two dimensions those of Time and Space. 

For such a line of inquiry the study of geography is indispensable, and it can 
scarcely be a coincidence that this subject has of late years received an exceptional 
impetus. If we are to study man in relation to his surroundings we must have maps 
to illustrate his environment, and if our study is further to trace the effects of that 
environment in succeeding ages a long series of such maps will be required. 

Let us take as an example the suggestive idea that great and rich centres of 
population have always arisen at those points where the greatest number of trade 
routes converge, and that the possession or loss of such centres has caused the rise 
and fall of states. This theory is attractive, but to what extent is it true ? This 
can be proved or disproved only by the study of a series of maps on which are 
shown the principal lines that trade has followed during succeeding ages. To restore 
such trade routes in early times we must also have maps showing the distribution 
of discoveries of articles traded bronze celts, amber, pigs of lead and the like as 
well as the position of the gold, copper, and tin mines of antiquity. 

But our inquiries must not be limited to the past, we have also to survey the 
present conditions of the population. There are many sociological problems, the 
solution of which depends in a great measure upon realising the exact distribution 
*f certain phenomena, and accurate maps showing such distribution cannot fail to be 
of assistance to the students of social science. Further, I am inclined to think that 
a comparison of such modern maps with those showing more ancient conditions will 
not be without its value, for modern social and economic conditions have often their 
roots set in the remote past, and such a comparison of ancient and modern conditions 
may bring out resemblances, by no means fortuitous, which may help to explain the 
causes of many modern conditions. 

Thanks to the energies of the new geographers the supply of good maps has 
been rapidly increasing of late, yet these do not give us all the information that we 
need ; nor can the geographer provide us with what we desire until we on our side 
furnish him with the necessary material. Before maps can be made to illustrate our 
anthropological problems with sufficient accuracy and detail a series of surveys must 
be undertaken, and it is to advocate such surveys for the British Isles that this 
paper has been written. 

Under the auspices of the Geological Survey we have been provided with maps 
showing the distribution of the various formations and the drift which in some places 
overlies them. Our young geographers are busily engaged in the production of sheets 
showing climate, landforms, and other geographical features, while some of them have 
extended the scope of their researches in our direction and have dealt with the dis- 
tribution of the population at different periods showing sometimes how this has been 
controlled by such natural conditions as the extent of forest and swamp. What these 
pioneers have done in part I would see more fully and systematically carried out 
throughout the kingdom, leaving out no aspect of human activity which can be 
mapped, and no natural features which can have affected men's progress or welfare. 

This may be thought to be too ambitious a project, but much may be done by 
organised research. If the scheme be launched under competent guidance I feel 
little doubt but that many willing workers will be found. The survey will have to be 
a labour of love, at any rate at first, for the British public has not yet learned to be 

[ 56 ] 

1912.] MAN. [No. 30. 

generous in its -support of anthropological research. Nevertheless, many voluntary 
workers can be found if we utilise the great mass of amateur students which exists 
throughout the country. Such amateurs are numerous, and it is too often thought 
that they are useless because their output is small and of little value. I venture to 
think, however, that under expert guidance their assistance will be well worth having, 
and many are anxious to embark on original research but do not know how to begin. 
Such a survey as I am advocating will give them scope for their energies. 

So far I have been dealing with generalities, but now to more precise details. To 
carry out this scheme we shall need to make maps on the one-inch scale, accompanied 
by monographs illustrating our country in a number of aspects. We shall need maps 
of soils and vegetation, especially woodlands and marsh ; maps showing the occurrence 
of certain minerals, more particularly flint, copper, tin, gold, and coal ; maps, again, 
showing the distribution of the population in neolithic times, and how bronze imple- 
ments of different types and periods have been scattered throughout the country. Such 
a series of maps will assist the solution of many problems ; how and whence metal 
was introduced to these isles, the situation of early metallurgical centres, and the 
direction whence conquering tribes descended upon our shores. 

The early Iron Age and the Roman period will require their maps, the distribution 
of Pagan Saxon remains may elucidate many problems connected with the conquest of 
England, while maps showing the bounds of the townships mentioned in Anglo-Saxon 
charters will be of great value for more purposes than one. The Domesday survey 
will require a whole series of maps for its explanation, and maps illustrating the Testa 
de Neville, the Hundred Rolls, and other similar documents may not be without their 
value. Forest perambulations require plotting, while the distribution of common fields 
at different periods will prove of interest to others. 

Maps showing the conditions at the present day will be required in great numbers, 
for students of economics are ever in need of these. We shall require surveys 
showing the density of the population, the economic conditions of the people and maps 
illustrating lunacy, poverty, and crime. 

These are only a few of the subjects that might be dealt with, and fresh points 
will readily occur to those present. The scheme should be elastic enough to embrace 
all these and more. The chief lines of communication at different epochs would be 
a profitable subject for research, leading to many unexpected results. Nor must 
we forget an anthropometric survey, with maps illustrating head form, stature, 
and colour, as well as a series showing the distribution of various customs and 

These will be some of our objects, and we must now consider how they are to 
be carried out. The memoirs of the Geological Survey deal each with a one-inch 
sheet, and the geographical memoirs have followed the same course. But in this 
case I would suggest a different geographical unit. So long as we are dealing solely 
with natural features the arbitrary division of the Ordnance sheet may suffice, but 
on the introduction of the human element, the bounds that men have set to their 
territories cannot altogether be ignored. Most records of arclneological discoveries 
are calendared under counties, and this system becomes more marked as we deal 
with legal records and modern statistics. A worker with a sheet as a unit would 
often be compelled to study the literature of three or more counties, while he would 
have to deal with fragments of many parishes and vills. The more his information 
was drawn from statistics, the more complicated would this process become, so that 
it may be well to realise at the outset that a unit should never be, except for some 
very good reason, in more than one county, while a parish, or at any rate a township, 
should never be divided. It is not beyond the limits of ingenuity to divide our 
counties into a number of such units, each about equal in size to what is shown on 

[ 57 ] 

No. 30.] MAN. [1912. 

a one-inch sheet ; it will then be found that convenient districts have been formed, 
.generally with a market town near the centre. 

So much for the division of the land, now for the apportionment of the work. 
I would suggest that for each unit there be a local secretary, recorder, or registrar, 
whose business it should be to co-ordinate all the work in his unit. He should be, 
where possible, someone living in the area, thoroughly familiar with it from all points 
of view, and, though no specialist, yet an intelligent dabbler in many of the subjects 
concerned. There are few neighbourhoods that cannot produce such a man, the person 
to whom everyone turns for local information, and who has in his time come in 
contact with many specialists. His duties will be to help the workers from his 
stores of local knowledge, to act as their guide, introducing them to local people who 
can help them, and to bring them into touch with other workers on the same unit 
whose subjects are allied to theirs. He will act, in fact, as the consul for his district 
The selection of these local secretaries must be made with care, for they will form 
an important part of the machinery, and carelessness or lack of tact on their part 
might easily wreck the scheme so far as their unit is concerned. 

Often the local secretary will be able himself to prepare some of the maps and 
monographs of his unit, especially if he can have the help and advice of experts ; 
often, too, he will be able to engage the services of friends and neighbours, and 
interest others in the scheme. Our experts, too, will have their pupils and disciples, 
who will perhaps undertake the maps and memoirs relating to one subject in a number 
of contiguous units. Then there are the many archaeologists and sociologists scattered 
throughout the country, so that workers could be found in numbers ; organisation is 
what is required. 

Lastly, We must have what I may describe as the headquarters staff, a body of 
experts in every department that we touch, who will guide the machine, direct the 
workers, and be ready to help and advise the beginnner, yet prepared to look upon 
the work with critical eyes. Some kind of an office and library, with perhaps a per- 
manent secretary or librarian will be necessary, where meetings can be held, manu- 
scripts and maps kept for reference, and the business of the survey transacted. 

The methods pursued by the workers will, I anticipate be somewhat of this 
kind. They will first communicate with the local secretary of the unit which they 
propose to investigate, and having obtained from him such information as they 
require, they will set to work to prepare the map and memoir on their subject. It 
may frequently happen that they may be making one map only, but of several con- 
tiguous units, or they may be making a series of maps of one unit ; but when the 
maps and memoirs are finished, which may take a few months or as many years to 
complete, they will submit them to the local secretaries concerned for their remarks, 
as the local knowledge of the secretary may often enable him to detect slips and 
errors, often of quite a trivial nature, which if left unconnected would detract from 
the value of the work. The maps with the monographs would then be submitted to 
one or more experts for criticism, before being filed m the library at headquarters. 

Whether each map and memoir will be published separately, or only deposited 
in the library for the use of other workers, must be left for the future to decide ; 
but in any case, when a large number of contiguous maps on any given subject have 
been completed, it will be possible for a regional monograph compiled from this raw 
material, to be issued to the public. It may be advisable in the first instance to 
divide the British Isles into a number of regions, fairly homogeneous as to natural 
features, population, and history, with a view to the issue of such monographs, but 
it is perhaps well to leave this point open at present. If the monographs could be 
written by the experts themselves they would, of course, have the greater value, 
but failing that they might be placed in the hands of promising young men, the 

.[ -58 I] 

1912.] MAN. [Nos. 30-31. 

experts of the future. In any case all contributors of maps and memoirs should have 
their work fully acknowledged. 

Such in brief outline is the scheme ambitious, no doubt, but I venture to think 
by no means impracticable. We shall require time, money, and many willing helpers 
to bring it to perfection, but these should be attainable. We shall need the support 
of learned societies geological, biological, anthropological, and archaeological, geo- 
graphical, and sociological. We want to interest students of statistics and econo- 
mics. We require the assistance of universities and colleges, not only to provide us 
with experts in every department, but to supply also men to do the rough but neces- 
sary spade work. Nor need we, I think, leave out of consideration our public schools, 
and those secondary schools, whose resuscitation has been such a feature of our time, 
for there is work, too, that boys can do, and research cannot be begun too young. 

We need, too, the support of those connected with our great museums, not only 
the keepers of our national collections, but the curators in the great provincial towns, 
for museums are the repositories of much of the material that we wish to record 
on our maps. All these must be included among our supporters if we are to achieve 
our object, as also the members of many a small local archasological society or field 
club, and those who have charge of the museums in our little country towns. 

These two last require a further word before I conclude. The little local field 
club was a great institution in its day, and many of them have done good work in 
the past, as the back volumes of their transactions testify. With the decline of the 
interest taken in field natural history as laboratory work absorbed more and more 
the attention of the younger students, these societies fell on evil days, and many are 
dead or moribund. The few remaining members of such clubs meet once or twice 
in the summer to visit some cathedral or ancient mansion where they receive from 
some expert a mass of predigested information which they absorb, but do not 
assimilate. Could not our scheme, involving as it does plenty of work, much of it 
within the compass of the beginner, galvanise these decrepit societies and restore 
them to their old-time vigour ? Such a task is in itself worth attempting, for the 
work done by these societies thirty or forty years ago is not to be despised. 

The little country town museum, too, has great possibilities, especially if worked 
in connection with a rejuvenated field club. Not only may it become a storehouse 
of records for its neighbourhood and a centre of local research in the domain of 
archaeology and natural history, but it should prove, if well arranged, a useful 
educational institution, valuable alike to the pupils of both secondary and elementary 

There remains for me only to hope that the scheme that I have laid before you 
may appeal to you as both profitable and practicable, in which case you will doubtless 
take steps to see that these suggestions materialise. H. PEAKE. 

Rhodesia, North- Western. Garbutt. 

Natives from North - Western Rhodesia on Congo Border. />'// Q4 

H. W. Garbutt. 01 

No ceremonies are performed on boys when they reach manhood, but as regards 
the girls their mothers make beer (munkoyo), and other women dance near the girl's 
hut. No medicine is given to the girl. 

When boys can walk and talk their teeth are filed, chipped, or knocked out. 
Extracted teeth are thrown on to the roof of a hut. When the children, male or 
female, can bear pain they are tattooed with incised marks. If the boy wishes it 
he is burnt on the arm. These tattoo marks are made on the forehead, cheeks, arms, 
chest, stomach, ribs, below the navel, &c. No particular ceremonies accompany the 
tattooing, and the tattooers may be either male or female. It is done for personal 

[ 59 ] 

Ncs. 31-32.] MAN. [1912. 

adorument principally, but they also think that by tattooing all over the body they 
reduce the bad blood, in the same way as sucking bad blood out in sickness. 
There is no idea of benefiting in a future life by being tattooed. Both men and 
women are tattooed, and there is no difference in the patterns. In some instances 
the marks distinguish tribes : for instance, the Bakaonde (Congo Free State) Mwanda 

on the forehead . i . , and any pattern on other parts of the body ; Walamba have 

all their marks on the face, and this on the forehead, /' ^ , ^ \ ; Wawemba on the 
forehead and on the back of the neck. ^ 

Heaps of stones, sticks, &c., to which every passer-by adds a stone, stick or 
leaf are not found in Kaondes country. If, however, a dead man is being carried 
and is put down to rest the bearers, some leaves, or grass, are put there, but no 
heap is made, and the spot is soon forgotten. They sometimes tie a rag to a tree 
to honour a dead chief's grave, and in the hope that his spirit will bless them. It 
is also done to a father, mother, or uncle's grave, as a prayer for good luck. 

Four trees are sacred : 

Chikole is supposed to make food abundant. 

Mulende is medicine for the teeth. Kaonde people do not burn it ; they say 
they would get toothache if they did. 

Kaivalaicala is not burnt for firewood. It is planted about six yards from a 
hut door, and under it a man and his wife offer sacrifices for themselves and their 

Mubumbu, or Muumbu, is planted the same as the Kawalawala tree, except 
that two trees are placed near together, and offerings of meal or white clay are 
made under or between the trees.* GARBUTT. 

Egyptology. Gardiner. 

Egyptian Hieratic Texts, Transcribed, Translated, and Annotated. By QO 
Alan H. Gardiner, D.Litt., Laycock student of Egyptology at Worcester College, Ufc 
Oxford. Series I, u Literary Texts of the New Kingdom," Part I. The Papyrus 
Anastasi I and the Papyrus Koller, together with the parallel texts. Leipzig : J. C. 
Heinrich'sche Buchhandlung, 1911. 

The title of this work promises a corpus of the literary texts of the New 
Kingdom as the first section of a wider undertaking. It is high time that a collec- 
tive edition of the New Kingdom Papyri was begun. The original papyri of the 
period are limited in number. Most were found in the early days of widespread 
plunderings by the natives in the cemeteries of Thebes and Memphis ; many were 
published before the middle of the last century ; and it is seldom that any new 
examples are announced. The hieratic texts were actively discussed, and to a large 
extent deciphered between 1850 and 1880. Subsequent students have done much 
to remove the endless difficulties due to their fragmentary condition, rare words, and 
corrupt readings. The work of previous commentators, too often neglected by 
modern editors, has been fully considered by Dr. Gardiner, and his own ingenuity 
and accurate learning put large sections of the texts in an entirely new light. The 
method of publication is excellent ; a transcription from the hieratic into hieroglyphs, 
made after collation with the originals, is given, with notes on the readings con- 
veniently placed on the opposite page. Where several texts are to be found, on 

* " The spirits take up their abode in the shade (not the substance) of certain trees. Each 
" family has its own grove of trees which is sacred for spirits." {Manners and. Custom-s of the 
Winamwango and Wiwa, by Dr. James A. Chisholm, in the Journal of the. African Society, 
p. 362, No. XXXVI, Vol. IX, June, 1910.) 

[ 60 ] 

1912.] MAN. [Nos. 32-33. 

papyri or ostraca, the subordinate texts are fully transcribed in lines parallel to the 
main text. This part of the work is necessarily in autograph (well executed) ; the 
rest, consisting of the introductions and the translations with their explanatory 
footnotes, is in type. 

The present instalment contains first a long papyrus in the British Museum 
collection, composed in, or soon after, the reign of Rameses II, and in part well 
known to scholars under the title of " The Voyage of an Egyptian in Syria." 
According to Dr. Gardiner the whole work is to be viewed as a satirical letter 
addressed by one more or less distinguished scribe to another, also high placed but 
incompetent. It is a very curious document still unfortunately full of difficulties, 
and touches on a great variety of topics, amongst others the construction of a brick 
ramp, the transport of an obelisk, and the erection of a colossus, as well as the 
merits and demerits of scribes and the topography of Syria. 

The other document is a collection of model letters from a Berlin Papyrus ; the 
first letter gives orders for the preparation of chariotry for Syria ; the second is a 
warning to a truant student of writing, the third gives instructions for the payment 
of tribute from Nubia, the fourth details the preparations to be made for a royal 
visit. Apart from their great philological interest, it is from such materials that 
the life of the ancient Egyptians can best be realised, and we may all look forward 
with interest to the continuation of the work by Dr. Gardiner, whose unrivalled 
competence as an editor of hieratic texts is admitted on all sides. 

On p. 41 a small point seems to have been missed that is of anthropological 
interest. The substance didi is amongst the tribute of Gush ; Dr. Gardiner, following 
Brugsch, renders the name by " didy-berries " as meaning the fruit of the mandrake. 
In the legend of the Destruction of Mankind it is a substance obtained from 
Elephantine which, mixed with beer, deluded the goddess Sakhmet into the idea 
that she was drinking human blood, and so saved mankind through the intoxication 
of the goddess. Loret has shown that it was in reality a red or ochreous earth 
which is still to be found in the neighbourhood of Elephantine. F. LL. G. 

Arabia. Bury. 

The Land of Uz. By Abdullah Mansur (G. Wyman Bury). Macmillan QQ 
& Co., 1911. UU 

The precise situation of the land of the Uz, the birthplace of Job, is among 
those problems of biblical geography, the solution of which must always remain 
rather vague and uncertain. Assuming that there was not more than one country 
of this name, the balance of evidence appears to point to a district to the south- 
east of Palestine, north of Arabia, and not far from Edom. Arab tradition, however, 
places the country in the extreme south-west corner of the Arabian peninsula, 
between the districts of Oman and Yaman, where the ruins of palaces still to be 
seen on the borders of the Great Red Desert are locally ascribed to the early King 
Shedad, whose land is believed to have been overwhelmed by a sandstorm in conse- 
quence of its idolatry. The Arab tradition suggested to Mr. Bury the title of his 
book, which deals with this portion of Arabia and gives a description of his explora- 
tions carried out for some years among a number of tribes and districts he has had 
opportunities of visiting. The book is divided into two parts. The first describes 
the Sultanates of the Aden Protectorate, under which Mr. Bury was for a long time 
employed as a political agent ; it recounts the causes which led up to the Anglo- 
Turkish Boundary Commission, and gives a lively account of the operations under- 
taken to suppress a series of tribal risings in 1903. The second part deals with other 
tribes of the Aden hinterland, beyond the limits of the Aden Protectorate. The 
rather exciting adventures and the new information which are here placed before the 

[ 61 ] 

No. 33.] MAN. [1912. 

reader are the outcome of a number of journeys in these districts, when the author 
travelled in the guise of a down-country chief, as he is represented in the frontispiece 
to the volume. In accordance with his character he adopted the name of Abdullah 
Mansur, which appears on the title-page. 

One interesting point which Mr. Bury brings out in his book is the compara- 
tively fertile character of the interior of southern Arabia between the flat coastal 
regions and the Kaur, the steep mountain range which forms the southern boundary 
of the Great Red Desert. On the coast there is practically no rainfall, and even on 
the higher plateaux away from the coast it is very scanty. Here Mr. Bury notes 
that the herds, which consist almost entirely of goats, frequently go without water 
for many weeks ; but they have learnt to pull up and chew the fleshy roots of a species 
of cactus to quench their thirst. Mr. Bury compares the similar adaptation to cir- 
cumstances displayed by the fat camels of the Somali, which are kept for meat, 
not as beasts of burden, and are only brought to the wells once in six months or 
so : they thrive in their waterless region by feeding on the fresh green mimosa, 
whose roots strike moisture deep below the surface. But further still inland there 
is a broad belt of country, both north and south of the Kaur, which is marvellously 
fertile and in a high state of cultivation. Here the rainfall is regular in summer, 
while in winter moisture is supplied by a dense fog which comes up at dusk. The 
country is heavily timbered, and the main mountain-range, though possessing no 
towns of any size, is thickly dotted with strong fighting towers, which dominate 
well-farmed land and flourishing villages. To the north of the Kaur, beyond the 
cultivation, is a belt roamed over by the desert nomads with their typical black tents 
of woven goat-hair ; and then comes the desert, which Mr. Bury describes as " a 
nightmare region of rolling sand." But here and there the ruins of palaces and temples 
may still be seen rising from the sand, or built on some slight eminence above its 
level. We thus have distinct proof that in past ages the country was more fertile 
than it is at the present day. The shifting sand, under the driving pressure of the 
simoom, doubtless played its part in overwhelming cultivated tracts of country. 
But that cannot entirely account for the changed conditions. We may undoubtedly 
trace them in part to climatic change. 

The researches of Stein, Pumpelly, Huntington, and others in Central Asia 
have shown the results of desiccation in Central Asia, and have proved the existence 
of former cities, both in Russian and Chinese Turkestan, near Askhabad, in the Merv 
Oasis, and more especially in the region of Khotan. A similar diminution- of the 
rainfall has certainly taken place in the interior of southern Arabia. An interesting 
confirmation of this, so far as concerns the coast, is mentioned by General Maitland 
in the preface he contributes to the book. He points out that the great tanks at 
Aden, which were hewn out of the solid rock in early Himyarite, if not in Sabean, 
times, are at the present day absolutely dry for four years out of five, and that the 
heaviest rainfalls since they were discovered and cleared out have not filled them to 
an eighth part of their capacity. To such climatic changes, which, according to 
the latest theories, occur in recurrent cycles, we may possibly connect the racial 
migrations from Arabia in times earlier than the Sabean Kingdom. 

We have not space to deal in detail with the tribes among whom Mr. Bury 
travelled, but will merely note that the Arabs of southern Arabia are nearly beard- 
less, and are smaller, darker, and coarser-featured than the northern Arabs of Syria 
and Palestine, or even than the nomads of Irak. In spite of the fact that they 
have been subjected to a slight admixture of Negro blood, they undoubtedly represent 
more closely than their northern kindred the original Semitic type. Several of the 
photographs in the volume are interesting from an ethnographical point of view. 


[ 62 ] 

1912.] MAN. [No. 34. 

Africa : Northern Rhodesia. Gouldesbury : Sheane. 

The Great Plateau of Northern Rhodesia. Being some Impressions of Q 1 
the Tanganyika Plateau. By Cullen Gouldesbury and Hubert Sheane : with UT 
an Introduction by Sir Alfred Sharpe. Edwin Arnold, 1911. 

This is a most satisfactory work, I arn glad to be able to remark. It is one 
of those books which will be really necessary to all persons studying Africa, and 
more especially that part of Africa the southern third of the Continent which is 
associated with the Bantu peoples. The region described by the two authors (the 
work is most beautifully and aptly illustrated by photographs, the most noteworthy 
being by Messrs. F. H. Melland, Bernard Turner, and G. Stokes) is practically 
limited to the Tanganyika Plateau, a district bounded by the abrupt edge of this 
Plateau on the north-east (German East Africa), by the vicinity of Lake Nyasa on 
the south-east, and by the low country of the Luaugwa and the basin of Bangweulu 
on the south and west. And the principal native race which is described is the 

The authors, though they have recorded many original observations of their 
own, have wisely commenced their work of studying Northern Rhodesia by absorb- 
ing nearly all the available other literature published about this part of Central 
Africa, and all other parts of Africa connected with the Bantu people. Conse- 
quently, they are able to confirm many a theory adumbrated elsewhere, to prove 
points that have been raised or disputed, and have thus made a contribution to 
the literature of African students which is of great value and is likely to be in con- 
siderable request in Germany and France, as well as in our own country. I have 
been through the book critically and have noticed very few mistakes, such slight 
errors, or approach to error, being rather in the direction of zoology than anthro- 
pology, and, therefore, not necessary to be referred to here. Some of the chapters, 
while never departing from accuracy of observation, almost verge on true poetry in 
their description of native life and the fascinations of the jungle. There is no 
attempt at fine writing, no gush, and, except, perhaps, for the somewhat needless 
chapter on outfit, no padding. This chapter, indeed, can only be described as need- 
less from the point of view of an anthropologist who may not be interested in other 
and more practical issues. 

The Awemba (a name which would seem to be a contraction of Awa- or 
Aba-embd) are a very interesting Bantu people. Their main stock certainly 
originated 700 years ago in the south-eastern part of the Congo Basin. The Bemba 
or Emba language (the root Emba has some connection with "lake"; Li-emba was 
an old name for the south end of Tanganyika Livingstone's Lake Liemba) would 
seem to be spoken in more archaic form and greater purity just outside British 
limits on Belgian territory and close to Tanganyika. Here the people are known 
as Itawa. The authors render this as Taba, and may perhaps be in the right. It 
is interesting to note that there is an important Bantu language, known as Ki-taba 
farther up the west coast of Tanganyika, which is even more archaic than that of 
the Awemba. The Bemba group of Bantu tongues is, in fact, of .divided affinities, 
showing many points of resemblance with the Congolese groups especially Luba 
and many with East African Bantu ; while some features suggest a distant relationship 
with the Uganda languages. The conquering impulse which drew the Awemba down 
into South-Central Africa and the culture which they brought with them, all seem 
to go back to one of those great waves of human migration which was started in 
Bantu Africa about fifteen or sixteen hundred years ago -^waves which resulted in the 
advance into South Africa of the Kafir-Zulu peoples, the Bautu-ising of nearly all 
the Congo Basin, and many race movements in East Africa. In the case of Congo- 
land these events were probably connected with the invasion of the Congo forests 

[ 63 1 ; 

Nos. 34-35.] MAN. [1912. 

by that celebrated race which Mr. Emil Torday calls Bushongo, and thel- .Bushongo 
seem to have brought their culture from the basin of the Shari, which in its turn 
received it from ancient Egypt. The doings of the Bushongo apparently started 
the ancestors of the Awemba on a southward migration which resulted finally in 
their establishment on the Tanganyika Plateau. The work under review deals 
specially and in a most interesting manner with totemism, with the arts and 
industries of the Awemba and neighbouring tribes, with initiation ceremonies, 
marriage, divorce, birth and funeral customs, with animism and witchcraft, with the 
former history of South-Central Africa and the effect produced on the natives by 
Christian missionaries and European officials. We learn a great deal from it that is 
new about native husbandry and the social life of the Central-African Bantu. The 
book seems to me to have exactly the right tone. It renders due justice to the 
missionaries and yet points out the weakness of some of their work and methods. 
It gives us down to minute details all that is bad, immoral, cruel, and inimical to 
progress in native laws, customs and superstitions, and yet reveals a sympathy with 
these not-unattractive people of Central Africa worthy of Mary Kingsley or Morel. 
It is written throughout in the most interesting style and is cordially recommended 
by the reviewer to all persons, apart from anthropologists, who desire to get a clear 
conception of the present state of native life in South-Central Africa. 


Africa, East. Sutton. 

Man and Beast in Eastern Ethiopia. By J. Bland Sutton. Macmillan QC 
& Co. Pp. 419. UU 

An amusing book to read for those who have visited these or similar regions, 
for every page recalls familiar features of Imman, animal, or vegetable life. In a 
curious jotty way, things that have no connection whatever among themselves, 
appear and disappear. Thus within four pages, a great part of which is taken up 
by two illustrations, judgment is given upon the respective merits of the pawpaw 
and the mango, the baobab is described, and the (inexact) statement is made that 
the natives eat its fruit ; there then follows a description of the harbour of Mombasa 
and the constitution of the coast; navigation is discussed, followed by a description 
of the castor-oil plant, the abundance of butterflies, birds, and Cape-gooseberries ; 
the modes of locomotion are narrated, and the zodiacal light explained. At the end 
of every few lines the reader meets with a surprising and unexpected change. The 
student will find very little, if any, new material in the book, and the editing of 
it might have been more carefully performed. 

Mr. Bland Sutton leaves the reader's mind unsatisfied as to the means by 
which the poor African can be preserved ; for he tells us that the native who, 
like the Masai, has stuck to his ancestral organisation, is doomed to extinction. 
The Baganda, on the other hand, who are now almost completely converted to 
Christianity, have decreased from 4,000,000 in 1884, to 1,000,000 in 1901, and the 
word Baganda " is almost synonymous with sensuality, debauchery, and drunkenness. 
"... When Speke entered Uganda his donkey was regarded as indecent 
" without trousers. It is noteworthy that a negro people so punctilious in outward 
" decency, especially in regard to clothes . . . should be considered among the 
** most immoral of the African races." The "moral handkerchief" does not seem 
to have been a success in Uganda. 

The excellent woodcuts are the redeeming feature of the book ; they are a 
pleasant change after the eternal photographs, and for their sake alone the book is 
worth having. E. T. 

Printed by EYRE AND SPOTTISWOODE, LTD., His Majesty's Printers, East Harding Street, B.C. 


MAN, 1912. 




[No. 36. 

Transvaal. With Plate E. 

Stone-walled Kraals in South Africa. 

By J. P. 

Africa, South 
Note on some 


The Masibi reservation is an extensive tract of country occupied by a section 
of the Bantu people and situated on the right bank of the Magalakwin river, 
north-west of Potgietersrust. The whole area was formerly under one chief of that 
name, but on his death it was divided into a northern and southern portion under 
his sons Hendrick and Hans respectively. 

In passing through this area in 1910 I came across the remains of a group of 
old kraals that had a special interest in that they possessed many of the characteristic 
features of the better ruins north of the Limpopo. I learnt that these were 
inhabited up to about 1897, Avhen they were set on fire during a fight between 
Hendrick and Hans. I also saw a number of inhabited kraals of the same kind. 
Since the old kraals, 
now represented by little 
more than the stone 
walls, afforded, in their 
ruined condition, a better 
comparison, I devoted 
most of the little time 
at my disposal to making 
plans of as many as I 
could. I also secured a 
number of photographs 
of both the ruined and 
the inhabited kraals. 

These old kraals 
are ranged along the 
western foot of Ramoo 
Kop, which is situated 
on the boundary between 
the northern and south- 
ern divisions of the 
reservation, and number 
eleven in all. Of these 
I surveyed the first 
four, counting from north 
to south. 

All four ruins, though differing 
plan, that is, they each consist of an 



RUIN No. I. 

much in form, are built on the same general 
inner enclosure, containing a shallow pit 
surrounded by a mound, and an outer enclosure containing the remains of huts. 

The wall of the inner enclosure is, in each case, higher and more neatly built 
than that of the outer, and was once completely plastered over with mud.* The 
former is mainly built of split, though not trimmed, slabs of gabbrodiorite, and the 
latter is largely made up of rounded and irregular pieces, but both exhibit consider- 
able variation in quality of construction from point to point. They similarly vary 

* Mr. Franklin White (Proe. Rhodesia Scientific Assoc., Vol. IV, p. 15) in describing the Khami 
ruins, mentions the presence on some walls of a coating of cement or plaster, and remarks that 
' this probably covered the whole of the interior walls . . . and also formed the floor." The 
outer enclosure of the inhabited kraal, referred to later, has a cement floor. 

[ 65 ] 

No. 36.] 



in height, which ranges from one-half to one-and-a-half metres, and, as will be seen 
from the plans, in width. 

The plaster is largely preserved at No. II ruin, and also at No. IV ruin, but 
only traces remain at the other two. One small patch still retains the red and white 
geometric decoration. At the No. II ruin, the high door-posts of the same material 
are preserved at two entrances. 

o to 20 


The entrances are mostly rectangular, but in ruin No. IV there are two rounded 
examples. In the one, the main entrance, the rounding is due to its being built of 
boulders ; in the other, squared slabs are used, and the rounding intentionally produced, 
but curiously enough, one of the four corners is rectangular. 

The two stone-built hut walls are interesting. They are both very neatly con- 
structed, and differ from the other walls in that the slabs of stone, some of which are 
distinctly trimmed, are laid in a mortar of mud. That in No. Ill ruin is the better 

[ 66 ] 



[No, 36, 

preserved, and still retains two patches of decorated plaster on the inside. The inner 

arc of the other seems to be a later addition, and is a low wall, very roughly built 

without mortar, but the whole is much fallen in. 

The outer enclosure was originally split up into compartments by means of radial 

mud walls, and each compartment 

possessed an entrance to the inner 

enclosure, and contained a hut. Por- 
tions of these dividing walls are still 

standing in No. II ruin, which is both 

the largest and the best preserved of 

the group. The circular cement hut 

foundations, .from which the bottoms 

of the posts that supported the roofs 

still project, though now largely con 

cealed by soil, can still be traced, 

while, in some cases, portions of the 

mud walls shown on the plans, are 

still standing. In No. II ruin no less 

than eleven of these hut foundations 

are shown, and the reader will readily 

perceive the probable position of four 

more. With a little excavation one 

could restore all the interior features 

of these ruins. 

The hut sites are strewn with o to 20 30 METRES 

broken hand-made pottery, some of RUIN No. III. 

which is plain, some incised with cord, 

herring-bone, and similar patterns, and some polished with both incised and painted 

geometric decoration. 

In the plan of ruin No. IV I have shown a small heap of stones. In the outer 

enclosure of ruin No. II there are a number 
of these small heaps. I do not know their 
purpose. They remind me of the heaps of 
stones that the Kafirs sort out of the soil 
during their agricultural operations. 

There are many similar kraals still 
inhabited in the neighbourhood, and they 
show that the outer wall was capped by a 
fence of cut bushes and that the inner wall 
was capped by grass-matting. 

In Plate E are reproduced two photo- 
graphs of the inner walls of inhabited kraals ; 
Fig, 1 in which the plaster covering is not 
yet completely added, and Fig. 2 in 
which the plaster covering is finished and 

These kraals also show the purpose of 
the inner enclosure. Its primary object was 
to stable the animals at night, these being 
herded in one or more lesser enclosures of 

cut bushes. It was also used as a place of assembly. Under its floor was buried 

the store of grain, the rifling of which has given rise to the mound -encircled pits. 

r e? j 





Nos, 36-37.] MAN. [1912. 

The smaller circular depressions were fire-places where pots and other things were 

The wall decoration is in red and white, which colours were obtained by- 
powdering ochre and limestone ; lately, blue, obtained from traders, has been added 
in some cases. 

In other kraals in the neighbourhood stone walls have been discarded. 

Pottery with patterns similar to, but not always quite identical with, those from 
the ruins, is made and is in general use in the kraals visited by me, but as I only 
went into a few out of the many, no importance must be attached to the difference. 
It is noteworthy that the polychrome ware is reserved neither for special persons nor 
for special occasions but is as much an article of daily use as the plain, the degree 
and style of decoration going with the class of utensil. The colouring materials are 
wood ash for white, ochre for red, and graphite for black. The pottery, it may be 
remarked, is made by the women. 

Another common household article is a conical dish of marula wood, round the 
rim of which is carved the chevron pattern, sometimes single and sometimes double, 
as on the main building at Zimbabwe. 

In and around these ruins, large pebbles, worn down on both sides to a flat disc 
by rubbing, abound, as also do the polished slabs of gabbrodiorite with which they 
were used, and the pounding stones and hollowed out blocks of the same rock that 
served the purpose of pestles and mortars. 

On the other side of the Magalakwin, on the road from Potgietersrust to the 
tin mines and not far from the latter, are the remains of a kraal that was inhabited 
until recently, when the inhabitants burnt it down and removed to another spot 
nearer the river. In what was the inner enclosure of this kraal, recognisable, though 
it had no stone wall but merely a fence of cut bushes, because it contains a dumb-bell- 
shaped grain-pit, without, however, any surrounding mound, and the smaller circular 
fire-place, stands a stout tapering pole about five metres in height. This is decorated 
with alternate plain black and red bands and has the head of what appears to be a 
hornless ox carved on the top. In the inner enclosure of the new kraal, which likewise 
has a fence of cut bushes only, but shows no pit, a similar pole painted with alternate 
bands of black and white, and surmounted by a rag model of what appears to be the 
head of a hare, has been erected. Owing to my ignorance of the language I was 
unfortunately unable to obtain any satisfactory information regarding these poles, 
but gathered that they were connected with initiation ceremonies. Can these be 
homologous with the birds-on-posts or the conical tower at Zimbabwe ? 


India : Manipur. Shakespear. 

Kabui Notes. By Lieutenant- Colonel J. Shakespear, C.I.E., D.S.O. OTI 

Village, Ireng, close to Kangjupkhul. In their own language they call Uf 
themselves Ha-me. In the village are found the following u Sageis " : 

Matang-me. Ningthauja. 

Heng-me. Luang. 

Bon-me. Kabon-ngamba.* 

Marem-me. Kumul. 

Pui-me is the name they apply to the people of Ngatokpa, who are called by 
the Manipuris Kabui anoba.f 

Marong-me is applied to the people of Konga-khul and most of the plains 
Kabuis, and appears equivalent to ISongpu. 

* or Khabanganba. f i.e., New Kabuis. 

[ 68 ] 

1912.] MAN. [No. 37. 

Marriage endogamous as regards clan, but exogamous as regards Sagei. 

In Ireng there are the following Lais : 

Chara-wong (Chara = Lai and Wong = chief). At commencement of jhuminy 
season a fowl is sacrificed outside the village gate, and the village is nu-bo^ i.e., 
genna for one day. The sacrifice is called " Tarakhaibo." 

After harvest a small pig is sacrificed and zu drunk, but no nautch ; one day's 
nu-bo called " Talingkhuri." 

At ripening of rice a fowl is killed in the house and eaten in the jhum. This 
is called " Shekbo." 

When threshing begins each household kills a fowl and eats it on the threshing 

The above are village sacrifices to Charawong ; the dates are fixed by the 
Yaisuba* called by Hame " Chak-ko-poh," who also diagnoses illness by feeling the 
pulse. If he decides that the illness is due to Kashabera, demons of the forest, a 
pig is killed. This is called " haipu." If the illness is sent by Thakhiyak demon, 
a fowl is killed outside the village, if Khathianpoh, the water demons, are respon- 
sible, a goat has to be killed. The portions reserved for the demon called sherh in 
Lushai are known as Chara-thatiek. 

Tamtira, household god, gets a pig, when one is available ; if this sacrifice is 
too long deferred someone in the house will get ill. The pig is killed inside the 
house ; all the elders of the village share in the feast. The liver with some rice 
is offered to the god. The householder is nu-bo for five days, during which time 
he may only drink zu out of a leaf, and may only eat the flesh of animals killed 
by men. 

On death of wife, her nearest relative claims Rs. 2 to Rs. 5. 

Divorce can be obtained by giving the other party a hoe. 

Marriage is arranged by go-betweens with zu. They settle price. If girl's family 
agree the young man may visit her and sleep with her for three years ; during this 
time he helps her father ; at the end of the time the girl's parents kill a pig, and 
take her to her husband's house, and there is a feast, and the girls and boys dance. 
The price is about one or two cows. If the boy cries off before the actual mar- 
riage he has to give a pig for a village feast, and girl's parents get Rs. 5 or Rs. 6. 
If there are any children the father takes them. Should the girl cry off, whatever 
part of the price has been paid has to be returned. 

During the time that the rice is growing no dancing or singing is allowed. 

Spirits of the dead go to Nongmaijing hill. 

The spirits of those who die by accident, &c., are called " Tashikasabo," and go 
nowhere. The classes of death which constitute Tashikasabo are the same as in all 
other hill tribes. 

There is only one heaven, but certain spirits, those of warriors and hunters, 
seem to be favoured in some way. Thieves are said to be troubled iu the land of 
the dead. 

Ngatok. Village a little to south of Kangjupkhul. 

The people are called " New Kabuis " by the Manipuris. They speak a dialect 
which is unintelligible to the people of Ireng. They call themselves Pui-ruong. 
They say the clan is divided into three sageis : 

Babang-ruong, called by Manipuris Ningthauja. 
Mariam-ruong, Kumal. 

Phungang-ruong, Luang. 

The chief god is Rikarong, who gets a fowl at the beginning of the jhuming, 
when there is a three days' genna call " Lakosangko." 

* Yai-su-ba =.- causer of fortune, 
t 69 ] 

No. 37] MAN. [1912. 

Tashuong is a lesser god, he receives a cock when the harvest is over. It is 
killed in the village council-house. This sacrifice is called " Tope." 

When the dhan is ripe each household takes a fowl, and, gathering some heads 
of rice in thejhum, makes the tour of thejhum with the rice and the fowl, and then 
returns to the house and eats the, fowl there. This is called "Lodinbu." 
The Yaisuba, or priest, is called "Thak-ko-po" (Ireng Chak-ko-poh). 
In case of illness sacrifices are made to the above gods, but if no good results, 
then sacrifices are made to the Kararaba, who are demons of the hills, streams, and 
forests, the term seems equivalent to the Lushai " Huai." If fowls do not appease 
the Kararaba, pigs are tried, and if the man does not get well a dog is sacrificed 
to the Kobru Lai. 

The household god is " Ingkarao," to whom a pig or dog is sacrificed when one 
is available. All the village may join in the feast, eating ginger with the flesh. 
There are no special sacred portions reserved for Ingkarao, but eight portions are 
placed on one leaf for the remote ancestors, and seven on another leaf for less remote 
ancestors. I was unable to find out the reason of these divisions. 

Marriage customs as among Ireng. In neither clan can wives be sold. 

Kongo, Khul. Ten miles south of Kangjupkhul. Information collected on 8th 
October 1905, from Rankhingai, Khunpu of the village. 

No tradition of origin could be obtained. There are three sageis, called by the 
Manipuris, Ningthauja, Kumul, and Luang. Angom is said to have died out. I did not 
find out the Kabui names for the sageis as at that time I did not know there were 
different names. 

The dead are buried in front of the houses, each in u separate grave. A pig is 
killed and the sacred portions are hung over the grave with some herbs. 

Accidental deaths and deaths of first-born children within a short time of birth,