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A  MONTHLY  RECORD  OF  ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SCIENCE. 


PUBLISHED    UNDER    THE    DIRECTION   OF   THE 


ROYAL    ANTHROPOLOGICAL    INSTITUTE 


OF 


GREAT     BRITAIN     AND     IRELAND. 


XI. 


1911. 


Nos.  1—1  O  8. 
WITH      PLATES      A— N 


PUBLISHED  BY   THE 

ROYAL    ANTHROPOLOGICAL    INSTITUTE, 

50,  GREAT  RUSSELL  STREET,  LONDON,  W.C. 
NEW    YORK    AGENTS:    MESSRS.    Q,   E.    STECHERT   &    Co. 


ORIGINAL.    ARTICLES. 

No. 

Africa,  Central.     A  Neolithic  Site  in  the  Katanga.     E.  TORDAY           26 

Africa,  Central.     An  Avungura  Drum.     (With  Plate.  B.~)    C.  G.  SELIGMANN,  M.D.  7 

Africa:  Congo.     Kese  et  Tambue  fetiches  des  Wazimba.     (Illustrated?)     DR.  Jos.  MAES    ...  9 

Africa :  Congo.     Notes  sur  le  materiel  du  fdticheur,  Baluba     (Illustrated.)     DR.  Jos.  MAES  102 

Africa,  East.     A  Note  on  "  Hammer-Stones."    B.  W.  WALKER,  M.D 55 

Africa,  East.     Description  of  Kijesu  Ceremony  among  the  Akamba,  Tiva  River,  East  Africa. 

(With  Plate  D.~)    The  late  C.  W.  NELIGAN           34 

Africa:  Gold  Coast.  A  Note  on  the  Social  Organisation  of  the  Peoples  of  the  Western 

Gold  Coast.  JOHN  PARKINSON  2 

Africa :  Nigeria.  Ancient  Funeral  Rites  of  the  Pagan  Gwari  of  Northern  Nigeria.  L.  W. 

LA  CHARD,  F.Z.S 53 

Africa :  Nigeria.     Notes  on  Ornaments  of  the  Womdeo  Pagans,  who  are  a  Section  of  the 

Marghi  Pagans  (Females  only).     (With ,  Plate  A. ~)     D.  ALEXANDER,  M.D.    ...         1 

Africa :   Sudan.     Golo  Models  and  Songs.     (Illustrated.')     MAJOR  S.  L.  CUMMINS,  R.A.M.C.        84 

Africa,  West.    A  Bassa-Komo  Burial.    J.  W.  SCOTT  MACFIE,  B.A.,  B.Sc 103 

Africa,  West.     Hausa  Folklore.    CAPTAIN  A.  J.  N.  TREMEARNE,  F.R.G.S 11 

Africa,  West.     Hausa  Folklore.    MAJOR  A.  J.  N.  TREMEARNE  37 

Africa,  West.     Stone  Circles  in  the  Gambia.     (With  Plate  M.  and  Diagram.)    J.  L.  TODD 

and  G.  B.  WOLBACH ...       96 

Africa,  West.     The  Incest  Tabu.     E.  DAYRELL,  F.R.G.S.  94 

Africa.    See  also  EGYPT. 

America  :   Ethnology.      Some    American    Museums.     (With   Plate    G.  and  Illustration.') 

A.  C.  BRETON 65 

Archaeology.    See  EGYPT  ;  ENGLAND  ;  SYRIA. 

Asia,  Central.     Note  on  a  Number  of  Fire  Sticks  from  ruined  Sites  on  the  South  and  East 

of  the  Takla-makan  District,  collected  by  Dr.  M.  A.  Stein.     (Illustrated.')     T.  A.  JOYCE  ...        24 
Asia,  Central.     Some  Ancient  Local  Pottery  from  Chinese  Turkestan.    (  With  Plate  I-J.  and 

Illustrations.')     C.  L.  WOOLLEY       83 

Asia.    See  also  BORNEO  ;  CHINESE  TURKESTAN  ;  INDIA  ;  SYRIA. 

Australia.     Australian  Marriage  Classes.    W.  D.  WALLIS  25 

Australia.     Kabi  Sub-Class  Names.     A.  LANG          3 

Australia.     Matrilineal  Descent  in  the  Kaiabara  Tribe,  Queensland.     R.  H.  MATTHEWS,  L.S.        66 
Australia  :  Sociology.     Mr.  Mathew's  Theory  of  Australian  Phratries.    ANDREW  LANG     ...       54 

Borneo.     Punans  of  Borneo.     MERVYN  W.  H.  BEECH,  M.A.  8 

Borneo.     "  The  Swine  of  Delaga."     A  Borneo  Fairy  Story  told  the  Author  by  one  Penghulu 

Arsat,  a  Tutong  Chief  resident  in  Labuan.     M.  W.  H.  BEECH,  M.A.  ...         ...         ...         ...          4 

Chinese  Turkestan.     The  Stone  Age  in  Chinese  Turkestan.     (  With  Plate  F.  and  Illustra- 
tion.')   R.  A.  SMITH 52 

Egypt.     Note  on   the   "  Sa  "   Sign.     (With  Plate  If.  and  Illustrations.)     C.  G.  SELIGMANN, 

M.D.,  and  MARGARET  A.  MURRAY  73 

Egypt.     Note  upon  an  Early  Egyptian  Standard.     (Illustrated.')     C.  G.  SELIGMANN,  M.D., 

and  MARGARET  A.  MURRAY          97 

Egypt.     Roman  Portraits  in   Egypt.    (With  Plate  K.~)    W.  M.  FLINDERS  PETRIE,  F.R.S., 

F.B.A 91 

Egypt.     The  Hieroglyph  o  a  Jar  Sealing.    A.  M.  BLACKMAN,  B.A 10 

Egypt  .*  Archaeology.     On  a  Series  of  Small  Worked  Flints  from  Hilwan,  Egypt.     (Illus- 
trated.')   H.  S.  COOPER,  F.S.A 5 

Egypt:  Archaeology.     Pre-Dynastic  Iron  Beads  in  Egypt.     (With  Plate  N.  and  Illustra- 
tion.')   G.  A.  WAINWRIGHT 100 

England:    Archaeology.     Additional    Notes    upon   the    British    Camp    near    Wallington. 

N.  F.  ROBARTS  and  H.  C.  COLLYER         28 

England :   ArehSBOlOgy.     Additional    Notes    upon    the    British    Camp    near    Wallington. 

(Illustrated.)    N.  F.  ROBARTS  and  fl.  C.  COLLYER     67 

Ethnology.    See  AMERICA  ;  INDIA  ;  NORTH  WALES. 

Europe.     See  ENGLAND  ;  MALTA  ;  NORTH  WALES. 

Folklore.    See  AFRICA,  WEST  ;  BORNEO. 

India:  Ethnology.     A  Note  on  the  Derivation  of  "  Miri."     L.  A.  WADDELL  ...  56 


IV 

No. 
India:  Ethnology.     A   Note  on  the  meaning  of  " Meriah."    H.  S.  BRATDWOOD  and  W. 

CROOKB     27 

Linguistics.    See  NEW  GUINEA. 

Malta.     Prehistoric    Burials   in    a    Cave   at   Bur-meghez,  near  Mkabba,   Malta.     PROFESSOR 

N.  TAGLIAFERRO,  T.S.0 92 

Melanesia.     A  Secret  Society  of  Ghoul-Cannibals.     REV.  G.  BROWN,  D.D 45 

New   Guinea :  Linguistics.     Note   on   the    Tate   Language    of  British   New  Guinea.     W. 

MARSH  STRONG,  M.D.          101 

North  Wales:  Ethnology.     A   Note  on  certain  Obsolete  Utensils  in  North  Wales  (Illus- 
trated?)   J.  EDGE-PARTINGTON      36 

Obituary:  Beddoe.     John  Beddoe,  M.D.,  LL.D.,  F.R.S.,  F.R.C.P.    (With  Plate  L?)    JOHN 

GRAY     93 

Obituary:  Galton.     Sir  Francis  Galton,  M.A.,  D.C.L.,  F.R.S.     DR.  J.  BEDDOE      23 

Obituary:    Galton.      Sir   Francis   Galton,  M.A.,   D.C.L.,   F.R.S.     (With    Plate    C.~)    JOHN 

GRAY      22 

Obituary.    See  also  90,  99. 

Physical  Anthropology.     Report  on  a  Human  Skull  from  Thessaly  (now  in  the  Cambridge 

Anatomical  Museum).     (Illustrated.')    W.  L.  H.  DUCKWORTH,  M.D.,  Sc.D.  35 

Physical  Anthropology.     Report  on  Human  Crania  from  Peat  Deposits  in  England.    (With 

Diagrams?)    W.  L.  H.  DUCKWORTH,  M.D.,  and  L.  R.  SHORE          85 

Physical  Anthropology.     The   Differences   and   Affinities   of    Palaeolithic    Man    and    the 

Anthropoid  Apes.     (Diagram?)    JOHN  GRAY        74 

Solomon  Islands.     Note   on   Bone   Spear-Heads  from    the    New    Georgia    Group,    British 

Solomon  Islands.     (Illustrated.?)     C.  M.  WOODFORD       76 

Solomon  Islands.     Solomon  Island  Notes.    (With  Plate  E?)    R.  W.  WILLIAMSON 44 

Syria  :  Archaeology.     Report  on  a  Bath  newly  excavated  at  Tadmor   (Palmyra).     LIEUT. 

T.  C.  FOWLE     75 

Tabu.    See  AFRICA,  WEST. 


REVIEWS. 

Africa,  Central.     Thonner.     Vom  Kongo  zum,  Ubangi.     E.  T 71 

Africa,  East.     Hobley.    A-Kamba  and  other  East  African  Tribe*.    T.  A.  J 40 

Africa:  Sociology.     Blyden.    African  Life  and  Customs.     E.  T 39 

Africa,  West.     Dennett.    Nigerian  Studies,  or  the  Religious  and  the  Political  System  of  the 

Yoruba.     E.  T 31 

Africa,   West.     Tremearne.     Fables  and  Fairy    Tales  for  Little  Folk,  or   Uncle  Remus  in 

Hausaland.    T.  H.  J 51 

Africa,  West.     Tremearne.     The  Mger  and  the    West   Sudan :    The    West  African's   Note- 
Book.    E.  T 41 

Africa.    See  also  SOUTHERN  NIGERIA. 

African  Folklore.     Dayrell.     Folk  Stories  from  Southern  Nigeria,  West  Africa.    T.  H.  J.  ...        18 

America,  Central.     Bowditch.     The  Numeration.  Calendar,  and  Astronomical  Knowledge  of 

the  Mayas.    A.C.BRETON 86 

America:  Ecuador.     Savile.     Contributions  to  South  American  Archeology;  the  George  G. 

Heye  Expedition.     T.  A.  J 48 

America,   North.     McClintock.     The  Old  North  Trail,  or  Life,  legends  and  Religion  of  the 

Blackfoot  Indians.    T.  H.  J.  ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...        32 

America,  South.     Grubb.    An   Unknown  People  in  an   Unknown  Land.    SEYMOUR  H.  C. 

HAWTREY        57 

America,  South  :  ArehSBOlogy.    Boman.    Antiquites  de  la  Region  Andine  de  la  Republique 

Argentine.    A.  C.  B.    ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...        61 

America.    See  also  NORTH  AMERICA  ;  PERU. 

Archaeology.    See  AMERICA  ;  ECUADOR  ;  AMERICA,  SOUTH  ;  EUROPE  ;  NORTH  AMERICA  ; 
PERU. 

Argentine.     Outes.    Las  Viejas  Razas  Argentinas.    T.  A.  J 72 

Asia.    See  BORNEO  ;  CEYLON  ;  CHINA  ;  INDIA  ;  PERSIA. 

Australasia.      Brown.     Melanesians  and  Polynesians:  Their  Life-Histories  described  and 

compared.     G.  C.  WHEELER  ...         ...         ...         ...  29 

Australia.     Wheeler.     TJie  Tribal  and  Intertribal  Relations  in  Australia.     B.  M 15 

Biology.     Bigelow.     Experiments  on  the  Generation  of  Insects.    T.  H.  J.  50 

Borneo.     Gomes.     Seventeen  Years  among  the  Sea  DyaJts  of  Borneo.    A.  C.  HADDON 60 

Ceylon:  Folklore.     Parker.     Village  Folk-Tales  of  Ceylon.     T.  H.  J 70 

China:  Folklore.     Macgowan.     Chinese  Folklore  Tales.    T.  H.  J 33 

Criminal  Anthropology.      Kurella.     Cesare  Lombroso—a  Modern  Man  of  Science.     E.  A. 
PARKYN  


No. 

Darwinism.     Novicow.     La  Critique  du  Darwinigme  Social.     A.  E.  C 16 

Darwinism.     Ponlton.     Charles  Darwin  and  the  "Origin  of  Species."     A.  E.  C 12 

Ethnography:    General.      British  Museum  Handbook  to  the  Ethnographical   Collections. 

A.  C.  HADDON 13 

Europe:  Archaeology  and  Mediae valism.     Baring  Gould,    cuff  Castles  and   f ',<>;• 

Dwellings  of  Europe.      A.  L.  L.         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...        88 

Europe:  Ethnology.     Niederle.     La  Eace  Slave.     B.  MALINOWSKI 42 

Europe.    See  also  GREENLAND. 

Evolution.     Willey.     Convergence  in  Evolution.    J.  G ...         47 

Folklore.     Van  Gennep.     La  Formation  des  Legendes.     T.  C.  HODSON 21 

Folklore.    See  also  AFRICA,  WEST  ;  AFRICAN  FOLKLORE  ;  CEYLON;  CHINA  ;  NEW  GUINEA. 
Greenland:  Eskimo.     Trebitsch.     Bel  den  Eskimos  in  Wextgronland;    G.  SEBBELOW         ...        62 
India.     Fraser.     Among  Indian  Rajahs  and  Ryots:  A  Ciril  Servant's  Recollection*  and  Im- 
pression* of  Thirty-Seven  Years'   Work  and  Sport  in  tlie  Central  Provinces  and  Bengal. 

W.  CROOKE       82 

India.     Hodson.     The  Ndga  Tribes  of  Manipur.    W.  CROOKE        87 

Indonesia.     De  Castro.     Flares  de  Coral.    G.  C.  WHEELER        107 

Indonesia  :  Linguistics.    Brandstetter.    Renward  Brandstetters  Mono(jraphien  zur  Indonesi- 

sclten  Sprachforschung .     S.  H.  RAY  ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...        81 

Linguistics.    See  INDONESIA  ;  PHILIPPINES. 

Melanesia.     Seligmann.     The  Melanesians  of  British  New  Guinea.     R.  THURXWALD  ...       38 

New    Guinea.      Hanke.      Archiv  fur    das  Studium  deutscher  Kolonialsprachen.      SIDNEY 

H.  RAY , 59 

New  Guinea:   Ethnography  and   Folklore.     Dempwolff:  Von  Luschan.     Baessler- 

Archiv,  Band  1,  Heft  2.     Sagen  und  Mdrchen  ans  Bilibili.      Von  Dr.  0.  Dempwolff.     Zur 

Ethnographic  das  Kaiserin-Augusta-Flusties.      Von   Professor   F.   Von   Luschan.      C.    G. 

SELIGMANN       105 

New    Pommern.      Kleintitschen.      Die  Kiistenbewohner  de    Gazellelialbinsel  (Neupommern- 

deutsche  Siidsee')  ihre  Sitten  und  Gebrauche  unier  Benut:ung  der  Monatschefte  dargestellt. 

S.H.RAY          ' 89 

North  America  :  Archaeology.    Moorehead.    The  Stone  Age  in  North  America.    T.  A.  J....        69 
Pacific.     See  MELANESIA  ;  NEW  GUINEA  :  NEW  POMMERN-  ;  POLYNESIA. 

Persia.     Sykes.     The  Glory  of  the  Shia  World.     M.  LONGWORTH  DAMES          14 

Peru.     Markham.     Tlie  Incas  of  Peru.     T.  A.  J 58 

Peru  :  Archaeology.     Schmidt.     Baesxler-Archiv.      Beitrage  zur  Volkerkunde  twrausgec/eben 

aus  mitteln  des  Baessler-Instituts.     Uber  Altperuanische  Gewebe  mit  Szenenhaften  Dantell- 

ungen.    T.  A.  J.          ...         ...        ...         ...         ...        ...         ...         ...        ...         ...        ...        30 

Philippines  :  Linguistics.     Seidenadel.     Tlie  First  Grammar  of  the  Language  spoken  by  the. 

Bontoc-Igorot.     S.  H.  RAY 63 

Polynesia.       Caillot.      Les   Polynesians  orientaux  au   contact  de  la   civilisation.      SIDNEY 

H.  RAY 68 

Prehistory.     Churchward  :  Hirmenech.     The  Signs  and  Symbols  of  Primordial  Man.    A.  L. 

LEWIS 20 

Psychology.     King.     The  Development  of  Religion.     W.  D.  WALLIS      79 

Religion.     Edmonston-Scott.     Elements  of  Negro  Religion.     E.  TORDAY  19 

Religion.     Jevons.     The  Idea  of  God  in  Ezrly  Religions.     E.  SIDNEY  HARTLAND      77 

Sociology.      Frazer.      Totemism  and   Exogamy.      A    Treatise    on   certain    Early    Forms   of 

Superstition  and  Society.     E.  S.  HARTLAND         ...        ...         ...         ...         ...         ...        ...         6 

Sociology.     Haddon.     Cats'  Cradles  from  many  Lands.     T.  H.  J.  106 

Sociology.     Skeat,     The  Past  at  our  Doors.    J.  E.-P.          80 

Sociology.     Van  Gennep.     Les  Rites  de  Passage.     T.  C.  HODSON  ...         ...         ...         ...         ...        17 

Southern    Nigeria.       Thomas.      Anthropological   Report  on  the    Edo-Speaking   Peoples  of 

Nigeria.    H.  H.  JOHNSTON     78 

Tragedy.     Ridgeway.     The  Origins  of  Tragedy,  with  Special  Reference  to  the  Greek  Tragedians. 

K.T.FROST      49 


PROCEEDINGS. 

America :  Archaeology  and  Ethnography.    Sixteenth  International  Congress  of 

Americanists.    A.  C.  BRETON      46 

Anthropology.    Anthropology  at  the  British  Association        95,  98, 108 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL    NOTES. 

See  Nos.  43,  64,  90,  99. 


DESCRIPTION    OF    THE     PLATES. 

A.  Ornaments  of  the  Womdeo  Pagan  Women  With  No.      1 

B.  An  Avungura  Drum ...         ...         •••         •••         ••<         •••  » 

c.     Sir  Francis  Galton       »  22 

D.  Kijesu  Ceremony         ...         •••         »  34 

E.  Taboo  Signs,  Solomon  Islands           ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         •••  .,  44 

F.  Jasper  and  Jade  Implements,  Chinese  Turkestan „  52 

G.  Painted  Pottery,  Costa  Rica „  65 

H.    Note  on  the  "  Sa "  Sign         »  73 

i-j.  Ancient  Pottery  from  Chinese  Turkestan „  83 

K.     Eoman  Portraits  in  Egypt     ...         ...         ,< 

L.  John  Bcddoe      ...         ...         ...         .-•         •••         •••         •••         •••         •••         •••         •••  » 

M.    Stone  Circles  in  the  Gambia  ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...  •>  96 

N.     Pre-Dynastic  Iron  Beads  in  Egypt „       100 


ILLUSTRATIONS    IN     THE    TEXT. 

N.B. — Photographs,  unless  otherwise  stated. 

Figs.  1,  2.     Small  Worked  Flints  from  Hilwan,  Egypt.     (Drawing 8.}       ... With  No.     5 

Fig.  3.     Crescents,  Arrowhead  and  Larger  Flints  from  Hilwan.  Egypt.     (Drawing."]     ...  „  5 

Figs.  1,  2.     Kese.     (Drawings.') ,,  9 

Figs.  3;  4.    Tambue.     (Dratvingg.)        ...        ...         ...         ...         ...        ...        ...        ...  „  9 

Figs.  1-4.     Fire  Sticks      „  24 

Figs.  5,  6.     Fire  Sticks     „  24 

Fig.  1.     Skull  from  Thessaly  (Norma  Lateralis)          ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...  „  35 

Fig.  2.     Skull  from  Thessaly  (Norma  Verticalis)         „  35 

Fig.  1.     Ram  Yoke.     (Drawing.)           „  36 

Fig.  2.     Spade.     (Drawing.)       „  36 

Fig.  3.     "  Turfing  Iron."     (Drawing.) .,  36 

Fig.  4.     Iron  Dish.     (Drawing.) .,  36 

Fig.  5.    Wooden  "  Begging  Bowl."     (Draiving.)         „  36 

Fig.  6.    Wooden  Dish.     (Drawing.)       „  36 

Fig.  7.     "Porringer."     (Drawing.)        .,  36 

Fig.  8.     Wooden  Scales.     (Drawing.) .,  36 

Fig.  9.     Shovel.    (Drawing.)      .,  36 

Fig.  10.     Small  Shovel.     (Drawing.) „  36 

Fig.  11.     Rolling  Pin.     (Drawing.)       „  36 

Fig.  12.     Wooden  "  Peel."     (Drawing.)           „  36 

Fig.  13.     Iron  Rack.     (Drawing.)          „  36 

Fig.  14.     Miniature  Barrel.     (Drawing.)          ,,  36 

Fig.  25.     Back  of  Blade.     (Draiving) .,  52 

Fig.  7.     Painted  Pottery  with  Figures  in  Relief,  Costa  Rica...         ...         ...         ...         ...      .       ,,  65 

Site  of  Excavation,  Wallington .,  67 

Fig.  1.     "Sa"Sign.     (Draicing . .,  73 

Fig.  2.     Emblem  of  Tanit.     (Drawing.)           „  73 

Fig.  1.     Diagram  illustrating  Differences  and  Affinities  of  Palaeolithic  Man    and  the 

Anthropoid  Apes.     (Drawing.)       ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...  .,  74 

Fig.  1.     Spear-Head,  from  New  Georgia.     (Drawing.)         ...         ...         ...         „  76 

Fig.  2.     Spear-Heads  from  New  Georgia          ...         ...          ...         ...         ...  „  76 

Fig.l.     "  Waster "  from  Lopnor.     (Drawing.)           „  33 

Fig.  2.     Handmade  Pottery  ornamented  with  Circular  Punches      ...         ...  „  83 

Fig.  3.    Wheel-made  Pot  with  Applique'  Ornament  ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...  .,  83 

Fig.  4.     Ring  Handle.     (Draiuing.)       ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...  .,  83 

Golo  Models.    (Drawings.)         ...         ...         ...          ...         ...         ...         ...  .,  84 

Fig.l.     Contour  Tracings  of  Crania,  Nos.  I.  and  III.     (Drawing.)           ...         ...         ...  „  85 

Fig.  2.     Contour  Tracing  of  Crania,  Nos.  VII.  and  IX.     (Drawing.)       ...         ...         ...  „  85 

Diagram  of  Circle  excavated  near  McCarthy's  Island           ...         ...         ...  „  96 

Figs.  1-14.     Egyptian  Standards.     (Drawings.)        ...         ...         ...         ...  „  97 

Fig.  15.     Placentas.     (Drawing.)          ...         ...         ...         ...  „  97 

Grave  No.  67.     1:20.    (Drawing.)       „  1QO 

Materiel  du  feticheur,  Baluba.     (Drawing.) ...         ...         ...         ...         ...  ,f  JQ2 


VII 


LIST    OF    AUTHORS. 

N.B.—Tke  Numbers  to  which  tin  antensk  in  added  are  thoxe  of  Reeieios  of  Books. 
ALEXANDER,  D.,   I. 


BEECH,  M.  W.  H.,  4,  8. 
BEDDOE,  J.,  23. 
BLACKMAN,  A.  M.,  10. 
BRAIDWOOD,  H.  S.,  27. 
BRETON,  A.  C.,  46,  61*,  65,  86* 
BROWN,  G.,  45. 

C.,  A.  E..  12*,  16*. 
COLLYER,  H.  C.,  28,  67. 
COWPER,  H.  S.,  5. 
CROOKE,  W.,  27,  82*,  87*. 
CUMMINS,  S.  L.,  84. 

DAMES,  M.  L.,  14*. 
DAYKELL,  E.,  94. 
DUCKWORTH,  W.  L.  H.,  35,  85. 

EDGE-PARTINGTON,  J.,  36,  80*. 

FOWLE,  T.  C.,  75. 
FROST,  K.  T.,  49*. 

GRAY,  J.,  22,  47*,  74,  93. 

HADDON,  A.  C.,  13*,  60*. 
HARTLAND,  E.  S.,  6*,  77*. 
HAWTREY,  S.  H.  C.,  57*. 
HODSON,  T.  C.,  17*,  21*. 


J.,  T.  H.,  18*,  32*,  33*,  50*,  51,*  70*, 

106*. 

JOHNSTON,  SIR  H.  H.,  78*. 
JOYCE,  T.  A.,  24,  30*,  40*,  48*,  58*,  69*, 

72*. 


LA  CHARD,  L.  W.,  53. 
LANG,  A.,  3,  54. 
LEWIS,  A.  L.,  20*,  88*. 

MACFIE,  J.  W.  S.,  103. 
MAES,  J.,  9,  102. 
MALINOWSKI,  B.,  15*,  42. 
MATTHEWS,  R.  H.,  66. 
MURRAY,  M.  A.,  73,  97. 

NELIGAN,  the  late  C.  W.,  34. 

PARKINSON,  J.,  2. 
PARKYN,  E.  A.,  104*. 
PETRIE,  W.  M.  F.,  91. 

RAY,  S.  H.,  59*,  63*,  68*,  81*,  89*. 
ROBARTS,  N.  F.,  28,  67. 

SEBBELOW,  G.,  62. 

SELIGMANN,  C.  G.,  7,  73,  97,  105*. 

SHORE,  L.  R.,  85. 

SMITH,  R.  A.,  52. 

STRONG,  W.  M.,  101. 

TAGLIAFERRO,  N.,  92. 

THURNWALD,  R.,  28*. 

TODD,  J.  L.,  96. 

TORDAY,  E.,  19*,  26,  31*,  39*,  41*,  7 1' 

TREMEARNE,  A.  J.  N.,  11,  37. 

WADDELL,  L.  A.,  56. 
WAINWRIGHT,  G.  A.,  100. 
WALKER,  B.  W.,  55. 
WALLIS,  W.  D.,  25,  79*. 
WHEELER,  G.  C.,  29,  107*. 
WILLIAMSON,  R.  W.,  44. 
WOLBACH,  G.  B.,  96. 
WOODFORD,  C.  M.,  76. 
WOOLEY,  C.  L.,  83. 


' 


PLATE  A. 


MAN,  1911. 


ORNAMENTS    OF     THE     WOMDEO     PAGANS. 


MAN 


A    MONTHLY   RECORD   OF  ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SCIENCE, 

PUBLISHED    UNDER   THE    DIRECTION   OF   THE 
ROYAL   ANTHROPOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE  OF   GREAT   BRITAIN   AND  IRELAND. 

N.B. — All  communications  printed  in  MAN  are  signed  or  initialled  by  their 
authors,  and  the  Council  of  the  Institute  desires  it  to  be  understood  that  in  giving 
publicity  to  them  it  accepts  no  responsibility  for  the  opinions  or  statements  expressed. 

N.B. — MAN,  1911,  consists  of  twelve  monthly-published  sheets,  of  sixteen  pages 
each,  printed  in  single  column ;  containing  "  Original  Articles "  and  substantial 
"  Reviews  "  of  recent  publications  ;  all  numbered  consecutively  1,  2,  3,  onwards. 

N.B.  —  Articles  published,  in  MAN  should  be  quoted  by  the  year  and  the 
reference-number  of  the  article,  not  by  the  page-reference ;  e.g.,  the  article  which 
begins  on  p.  6  below  should  be  quoted  as  MAN,  1911,  5. 


ORIGINAL    ARTICLES. 

Africa :  Nigeria.  "With  Plate  A.  Alexander. 

Notes  on    Ornaments   of  the  Womdeo   Pagans,  who    are    a   Sec-    f 

tion  of  the  Marghi   Pagans  (Females  only).     By  D.  Alexander.,  M.D.     | 

1.  After  the  child  has  stopped  suckling,  i.e.,  in  about  a  year  and  a  half,  the  lower 
lip  is  bored  to  receive  the  "  pappal  "  or  tin  ornament  ;  the  lower  lobe  of  the  ear  is  also 
bored  and  gradually  stretched   so  as  eventually  to  receive  a  specially  polished  length 
of  the  "  kurami "  or  "  kemri "  (Hausa),  i.e.,  the    stalk  of   the  grass  that    is    used    to 
make  arrow  shafts. 

2.  At  the  third  year  four  strings  of  beads  are  worn  suspended  from  the  girdle  in 
front,    which  are  composed  of  seeds,   ground   down  and  polished,  of  the  "  Cheddia " 
(Hausa)  tree,  or  of  white  beads  or  buttons  of  European  manufacture. 

3.  At  the  sixth  year  the  number  of  strings  is  increased  to  six  (PI.  A.,  Fig.   ]). 

4.  At  the  tenth  year  the  number  is  increased  to  fifteen,  and  about  this  time  the 
prospective  husband  proposes  to  the  girl,  and,  if  accepted,  gives  her,  according  to  his 
wealth,  eight  to  twenty  peculiarly  shaped  iron  rings  with  hooks  (PL  A.,  Figs.  2  and  3), 
whilst  at  the  same  time  two  goats  are  killed.     After  this  stage  of  the  proceedings  if 
the  girl  marries  another   man,    the  mother  has  to  pay   back  two  goats.      From  the 
time  of  the  betrothal  the  suitor  brings  every  now  and  again  dishes  of  food. 

5.  At  the  twelfth  year,  when  puberty  is  reached,  the   strings   are    increased  to 
twenty. 

6.  At  marriage,  from  the  fourteenth  to  the  fifteenth,  year,  the  beads  are  removed 
and  replaced  by  long  strips  of  leather,  sixteen  to   twenty  in  number  (PI.  A.,  Fig.  4). 
On  the  day  of  marriage   the   husband,  if  wealthy,  kills   a  cow,  and   must  give  at  least 
one  string  of  round  iron  beads,  "  miltidu,"  to  be  worn  round  the  hips.      Any  number, 
however,  of  these  strings  may  be  given. 

In  addition  to  these  adornments  strings  of  blue  and  white  beads  are  worn  round 
the  neck  and  hips — but  these  have  no  racial  significance — and  iron  bangles  on  the 
forearm,  upper  arm,  and  above  the  ankles.  D.  ALEXANDER. 

[    1     J 


No.  2.]  MAN.  [1911. 

Africa  :  Gold  Coast.  Parkinson. 

A  Note  on  the  Social  Organisation  of  the  Peoples  of  the  Western 
Gold  Coast.      By  John  Parkinson. 

During  a  recent  short  visit  to  Appolonia,  that  portion  of  the  Gold  Coast  Colony 
between  the  Ancobra  River  and  the  French  Ivory  Coast,  I  was  able  to  gather 
together  a  few  facts  bearing  on  the  social  organisation  of  the  natives,  which,  I  trust, 
may  be  worthy  of  being  placed  on  record. 

In  reference  to  the  twelve  families  or  totems  under  which  Ellis  records  the 
"  Tshi-speaking  peoples "  as  being  divided,*  I  find  that  certain  of  these  are  branches 
of,  or  are  considered  as  being  specially  related  to,  one  of  the  remainder. 

Thus,  the  Odumina  fu,t  representing  the  richest  people  or  the  aristocracy,  are 
said  to  be  "  sisters "  to  the  Annono-fu  or  Parrot-tribe.  Intermarriage  is  forbidden 
between  them. 

The  Abrutu-fu  or  Cornstalk-family  and  the  Affiadi-fu  (Servant-family)  are  both 
to  be  regarded  as  branches  of  the  Parrot-family.  The  Affiadi-fu  are  the  children  of 
slaves  of  the  Parrot-family,  and  are,  in  consequence,  attached  to  the  family  group 
of  their  masters,  but  in  a  subordinate  position.  In  the  same  way  the  Abbahdzi-fu. 
which  Ellis  translates  doubtfully  as  the  Cannibal-family,  a  translation  my  informant 
could  not  follow,  had,  I  was  told,  the  same  slave  relationship  to  the  Kwonna-fu  or 
Buffalo-family. 

Both  the  Kwonna-fu  and  the  Abbahdzi-fu  have  nine  sub-divisions,  the  members 
of  which  are  known  as  "  sisters "  and  may  not  inter-marry.  I  was  informed  that 
the  Abradzi-fu  (Plantain  family)  have  the  right  to  choose  kings. J 

The  largest  families  are  the  Abrutu-fu,  the  Abradzi-fu,  the  Annono-fu,  the 
Intchwa-fu  (Dog-family),  and  the  Kwonna-fu.  My  informant  did  not  recognise  that 
the  first  four  of  Ellis's  families,  viz.,  the  Tchwiden-fu  (Leopard-family)  and 
Unsunna-fu  (Bush-cat  family),  Kwonna-fu  (Buffalo-family)  and  Intchwa-fu  (Dog- 
family),  were  older  than  the  remainder. 

Endogamous  marriage  is  not  recognised  in  the  coast  towns,  i.e.,  those  where 
the  native  has  been  most  brought  into  contact  with  the  white  men,  but  still  obtains 
in  the  country. 

Each  of  the  twelve  families  has  a  day  set  apart  as  a  holiday  or  feast  day,  and 
I  was  informed  that  there  were  twelve  days  in  the  week,  sixty  days  in  the  month  ;. 
but  Ellis  does  not  bear  this  out.  Children  are  named  after  the  day  on  which  they 
are  born,§  even  if  several  should  happen  to  be  born  on  the  same  day.  .  Thus,  five 
children,  each  born  on  a  Friday,  would  be  named  Friday,  Nos.  1  to  5,  an  extraordinary 
procedure  which  one  would  imagine  must  lead  to  confusion.  The  reason  for  naming 
a  child  after  the  day  on  which  it  was  born  appears  to  me  singularly  obscure,  it  can 
scarcely  be  attributed  to  a  paucity  of  ideas,  for  the  Fanti  are  a  comparatively  highly- 
developed  race,  nor  can  it  have  anything  to  do  with  tribal  or  totem  identification,  the 
mark  of  which  is  cut  between  the  eye  and  the  ear  in  the  usual  manner. 

It  may  be  worth  recording  that  the  distinctive  totem  marks  are  not  made  on  an 
Ashanti  under  normal  circumstances,  nor  was  this  the  case  in  the  last  generation  ; 
but  if  a  woman  loses  several  children,  the  tribal  mark  will  be  made  on  the  next 
born.  Whatever  was  thought  in  the  past,  this  is  now  said  to  be  made  for  luck.  These 
totem  marks  are  very  inconspicuous  in  the  Appolonians. 

In  regard  to  the  ordinary  exogamous   marriage,  children   belong  to  the  mother's 

*  P.  206. 

f  Dumina-fo  of  Ellis.     I  have  altered  the  spelling  where  I  thought  to  detect  a  difference. 

%  The  similarity  of  sound  between  Abradzi  and  Abbahdzi  makes  me  doubtful  now  which  of  the 
two  families  was  meant.  The  fact  is  interesting  either  way  as  showing  some  monopoly  of  social 
function  by  certain  totems.  §  Ellis,  p.  219. 

r  2  ]. 


1911.]  MAN.  [Nos.  2-4. 

totem,  but  in  cases  of  civil  war  they  act  in  conjunction  with  their  father's  tribe. 
On  the  other  hand,  in  time  of  trouble  a  man  looks  to  his  mother's  tribe  for  assistance. 
It  is  said  that  the  priest  has  a  voice  in  the  matter  of  determining  the  totem  of  a 
new-born  child,  and  is  open  to  a  bribe  if  either  parent  is  especially  anxious  to  claim 
the  new  arrival  into  his  or  her  totem. 

In  olden  days  a  man  travelling  would  stay  with  one  of  his  own  totem,  and  receive 
hospitality  gratis.  His  obligations  towards  his  totem  animal  are  to  treat  it  with  care 
and  kindness,  and  to  show  anger  and  resentment  at  the  ill-treatment  of  it  by  others. 

I  can  confirm  Ellis's  remark  that  a  man  is  separated  from  his  wife  after  she  has 
borne  ten  children,*  or  that  the  tenth  child  is  buried  alive,|  for  I  was  informed,  without 
question,  that  nine  is  the  maximum  number  of  children  allowed  in  Appolonia,  and  if 
another  is  born,  that,  too,  is  killed.  Efforts  are  often  made  to  kill  the  child  at  birth, 
and  the  mother  not  infrequently  at  the  same  time,  or  the  child  may  be  hastily 
drowned  directly  after  birth. 

Many  women  pregnant  with  the  tenth  child  will  go  to  Cape  Coast  to  escape, 
for  the  custom  is  confined  to  the  Appolonians,  and  (on  the  authority  of  Ellis)  to 
the  Ahanta.  JOHN  PARKINSON. 


Australia.  Lang-. 

Kabi    Sub-class    Names.     ////  A.  Lang.  Q 

Writing  in  MAN  for  September  (pp.  130-134),  I  tried  to  clear  up  "The  Puzzle  0 
"  of  Kaiabara  Class  Names."  I  have  now  read  Two  Representative  Tribes  of 
Queensland,  by  the  Rev.  John  Mathew,  and  the  result  is  new  perplexity.  According 
to  Mr.  Mathew,  opposing  Mr.  Howitt,  the  Kaiabara  were  merely  a  small  local  com- 
munity of  the  Kabi  tribe.  They  used  female,  not,  as  Mr.  Howitt  says,  male  descent  of 
the  phratry  and  sub-class  names.  Phratry  1  was  Dilbai,  with  sub-classes  Dherwain, 
Bunda.  Phratry  2  was  Kupaithin,  Avith  sub-classes  Baring,  Bulkoin.  Mr.  Howitt 
gives  male  descent  with  Phratry  1,  Dilebi,  sub-classes  Baring,  Turowain.  Phratry  2, 
Kubatine,  with  sub-classes  Bulkoiu,  Bunda.  There  can  be  no  doubt,  I  think,  that 
Mr.  Mathew  is  right  about  female  descent.  If  we  translated  the  sub-class  names  as  I 
did  in  MAN,  Dilbai  would  present,  as  sub-classes,  Black  Eagle  Hawk  and  White 
Eagle  Hawk,  while  Kupaithin  would  have  Rock  Carpet  Snake  and  Scrub  Carpet 
Snake,  the  animals  being,  in  each  phratry,  contrasted  in  colour  or  in  habitat.  But 
Mr.  Mathew  (pp.  150,  151)  gives  but  dubious  renderings  of  the  sub-class  names  ;  Baring 
is  not  Rock  Carpet  Snake  but  Emu  ;  Dherwain  is  Emu,  not  Black  Eagle  Hawk  ; 
Bunda  is  not  White  Eagle  Hawk  but  Kangaroo ;  and  Bulkoin,  according  to  one 
informant,  is  Native  Bear,  though  Mr.  Mathew  conjectures  that  it  is  Kangaroo.  If  so, 
each  phratry  has  a  Kangaroo,  and  each  has  an  Emu  sub-class.  Mr.  Mathew  does  not 
say  at  what  date,  or  from  what  informants,  he  got  the  translations,  or  remark  on 
Mr.  Howitt's  different  translations,  which,  at  least,  are  of  old  standing. 

It  is  now,  I  fear,  too  late  in  the  day  to  clear  up  the  truth  as  to  the  meanings 
of  the  sub-class  names,  and  as  to  the  sense  of  the  phratry  names  Mr.  Mathew  can 
merely  offer  conjectures  (p.  149).  A.  LANG. 


Borneo.  Beech. 

"The   Swine   of   Delaga."      A  Borneo  Fairy  Story  told  the   Author     1 

by  one   Penghulu   Arsat,  a  Tutong  Chief  resident    in  Labuan.     /,'//     *T 

M.   W.  H.  Beech,  M.A. 

In  Delaga,  in  the  Tutong  country,  many  years  ago,  the  people  of  the  village 
were  much  troubled  by  the  wild  pigs,  which  devoured  their  gardens  so  soon  aa 
planted.  Now  the  whole  of  the  village  folk  after  a  while  would  keep  watch  over 

*  Ellis,  p.  341.  t  Bllis.  P-  234- 

[    3     J 


No.  4,]  MAN.  [[1911. 

the  gardens  nightly.  Now  it  fell  on  a  day  that  a  certain  villager  of  the  name  of 
Jaisse  was  watching  his  father's  garden,  when  he  saw  a  large  pig  approaching,  so  he 
hurled  his  spear,  which  struck  the  animal  in  the  side,  but,  breaking  off,  the  beast 
carried  away  the  head  in  its  body.  Thereat  the  father  of  Jaisse  was  greatly  angered, 
and  told  his  son  that  if  he  did  not  recover  that  spearhead  he  should  surely  die. 
Wherefore  Jaisse  set  out  on  a  journey  to  recover  the  lost  head,  and  following  the 
bloody  tracks  of  the  wounded  animal  he  journeyed  on  for  the  space  of  two  days. 
And  at  nightfall  on  the  third  day  he  arrived  at  the  banks  of  a  river,  and  seeing  a 
large  tree  there  lay  down  to  rest  under  its  shelter.  Now  the  name  of  the  river  was 
Lobo,  though  he  knew  it  not.  And  in  the  morning  of  the  next  day  he  would  fain 
cross  the  river,  and  stepped  into  the  water.  On  withdrawing  his  foot  he  was  amazed 
and  terrified  to  find  it  no  longer  as  the  foot  of  a  man,  but  as  the  foot  of  a  pig.  But 
thinking  that  to  retract  now  would  be  the  work  of  a  fool,  he  boldly  plunged  his 
whole  body  into  the  stream,  and  swam  for  the  opposite  shore.  On  emerging  from 
the  water  he  perceived  his  whole  body  had  become  the  body  of  a  pig,  though  his 
intellect  remained  that  of  a  human  being.  Wherefore  he  did  not  cease  to  follow  the 
blood  tracks,  nor  did  his  mind  cease  from  the  desire  of  recovering  the  lost  spear, 
and  saving  the  honour  of  his  house. 

It  may  have  been  for  the  space  of  four  days  that  he  walked  on  until  he  arrived 
at  the  banks  of  a  second  river — the  river  we  men  of  Tutong  call  "  Miang."  There, 
as  before,  he  lay  down  to  rest  under  the  shelter  of  a  tree  until  the  morrow.  Then, 
early  in  the  morning,  he  essayed  to  cross  the  river,  and  to  his  delight  found  that  on 
emerging  on  the  opposite  shore  he  had  regained  his  natural  human  shape — for  as 
there  were  bad  spirits  governing  the  River  Lobo,  so  were  there  good  ones  governing 
these  other  waters.  Now,  as  the  blood  tracks  were  still  visible  he  followed  them 
steadfastly,  for  never  for  a  moment  could  he  forget  his  quest,  nor  the  honour  of  his 
father's  house.  Till  at  last  he  arrived  at  a  large  village,  and  many  men  saw  he  there. 
And  these  asked  him  whence  he  had  come,  and  he  answered,  "  I  am  a  wanderer,  and 
"  I  crave  your  hospitality  for  a  few  days."  This  they  accorded  him,  not  without 
looks  askance.  And  when  he  had  dwelt  amongst  them  a  few  days,  it  fell  that 
while  walking  in  the  village  he  heard  moans — as  of  a  body  sick  unto  death — pro- 
ceeding from  one  of  the  houses.  And  he  asked  them,  "  What  is  this  ?  "  And  they 
replied,  "  Our  comrade  while  hunting  fell,  and  his  side  was  grievously  wounded  by 
"  a  falling  tree." 

Now  Jaisse  was  a  man  of  no  dull  sense,  and  he  pondered  in  his  heart  all  that 
he  had  heard  and  all  that  had  befallen  him  of  late,  nor  had  the  bloodstains  leading 
to  that  house  escaped  his  notice.  And  the  following  plan  he  formed.  He  let  it  be 
known  that  he  was  a  man  well  skilled  in  medicine,  and  willing  to  practise  it  withal. 
So  after  a  few  days — even  as  he  had  expected — an  old  man  came  running  to  him 
and  said,  "My  daughter  is  sick  unto  death,  I  can  do  naught  for  her.  If  you  can 
"  cure  her,  gladly  will  I  give  her  to  you  in  marriage."  So  Jaisse  followed  the  old  man 
to  his  home,  and  within  were  many  folks  trying  to  aid  the  sick  girl.  And  Jaisse 
said  to  them,  "  I  can  cure  the  girl,  but  all  you  must  go  outside  and  leave  us  alone." 
And  when  they  were  all  without  he  approached  the  bed,  and,  even  as  he  thought,  saw 
in  the  maiden's  side  the  very  spear  of  which  he  was  in  search.  So  he  took  two  pieces 
of  bamboo  and  inserted  them  into  the  wound,  the  one  above,  the  other  below  the 
spear  head,  and  when  the  maiden  would  have  cried  out  he  silenced  her  by  saying 
that  to  utter  cries  would  be  her  death.  Then  using  the  two  bamboos  like  pincers, 
with  a  sudden  pull  he  extracted  the  head,  which  he  hastily  thrust  into  the  pocket 
of  his  coat.  He  then  formed  a  make-believe  parcel,  in  the  which  he  had  wrapt  a 
stick  of  wood,  and  called  in  those  others  from  without,  and  bade  them  hastily  throw 
into  the  river  the  parcel,  as  it  contained  a  deadly  and  infectious  disease.  And  after  a 

[  4  ] 


1911]  MAN.  [No.  4. 

few  more  days  the  girl  became  stronger  and  desired  to  eat  worms  (yalang\*  and  after 
a  week  she  was  well.  And  her  father  was  overjoyed  at  the  craft  of  the  stranger,  and 
gladly  offered  her  in  marriage  to  him,  and  he  being  not  averse,  the  marriage  wa> 
celebrated  with  much  rejoicing.  Now  Jaisse  told  his  wife  that  having  been  but 
recently  sick  unto  death  she  must  not  walk  but  must  remain  quiet  in  the  house.  But 
towards  dusk  she  would  be  always  for  leaving  the  house,  saving  that  she  must  search 
for  food  albeit  her  husband  supplied  that  in  plenty,  and  frequently  she  desired  to  eat 
fruit.  And  he  also  noticed  that  about  that  lime  of  day  the  village  almost  to  a  man 
would  leave  the  place  not  returning  until  the  next  day.  And  while  the  sun  was 
shining  all  would  sit  quiet  or  sleep  within  their  houses,  nor  did  work  seem  desirable 
or  necessary  to  any  of  them. 

So,  as  I  said,  Jaisse  married  the  girl,  and  she  became  pregnant,  and  in  due  time 
brought  forth  three  children,  of  whom  two  were  boys  and  one  a  girl.  And  after  a 
year  or  more  he  began  to  tire  of  so  long  an  exile,  and  to  yearn  to  see  again  his 
native  land,  his  father,  his  mother,  and  his  kindred  all — for  who  could  say  who  Avas 
still  living  or  who  was  dead  ?  And  his  wife  wished  to  go  too,  but  always  she  would 
say  that  she  must  return  anon  to  her  country,  and  that  the  desire  was  beyond  her 
power  to  resist.  And  this  was  displeasing  to  her  husband,  for  he  wished  her  to  return 
and  live  with  him  in  his  village  until  the  day  of  her  death,  as  is  the  custom  for 
wives  to  leave  their  own  surroundings  and  cleave  to  those  of  their  husbands.  So  he, 
perhaps  after  forty  days,  devised  a  plan  whereby  he  could  deceive  his  wife  for  what 
he  thought  was  her  own  good.  So  he  took  her,  and  his  three  children,  and  tightly 
bound  their  hands  with  rotan.  Their  feet  he  bound  also,  but  lightly  so  that  they 
could  still  walk.  Nevertheless  they  started,  and  set  out  homewards.  Now,  after 
they  had  crossed  the  River  Miang,  and  were  approaching  the  River  Lobo,  daily  did 
his  wife  grow  more  restless,  and  when  they  reached  the  banks  of  the  latter  river 
with  difficulty  could  he  restrain  her.  Now,  remembering  the  effect  of  the  water  of  the 
river  he  had  no  mind  to  enter  again,  and  so  arrive  at  his  home  in  tho  likeness  of  a 
beast  [for  the  river  that  was  its  antidote  was,  of  course,  now  in  their  rear],  he 
searched  along  the  bank,  and  a  little  higher  up  he  found  a  tree  fallen  across  the 
water  which  would  serve  as  a  bridge.  And  first  he  placed  the  three  children  on  the 
bridge,  and  was  about  to  lead  his  wife  thereto  when  she,  with  astonishing  strength, 
burst  asunder  her  bonds,  and  rushed  headlong  for  the  water.  And  her  two  sons 
seeing  their  mother  would  fain  follow  her,  and  struggling — "  chelaka  !  "f — they  both 
fell,  and  as  their  mother  plunged  into  the  water  so  at  the  same  time  fell  her  two 
male  offspring.  And  all  three,  when  the  water  embraced  them,  lost  their  human 
semblance,  and  their  bodies  became  the  bodies  of  swine,  and  their  bonds  being  loosed 
they  swam  to  the  shore,  and  fled  on  four  legs  into  the  jungle,  and  Jaisse  saw  them 
no  more.  But  the  man  and  his  daughter  continued  their  way  until  they  arrived 
at  the  village  of  Delaga.  And  his  friends  espied  him  from  afar,  and  said,  "Surely 
this  cannot  be  Jaisse,  who  has  long  "  been  dead — it  must  be  his  spirit."  So  they 
called  his  father,  who  recognised  him,  gave  him  kisses,  and  said,  "  Bring  forth  golden 
"  rice  for  my  son."  Then  Jaisse  took  from  his  pocket  the  spear  head,  and  his  father 
greatly  rejoiced  for  that  the  honour  of  his  house  was  .saved.  Then  he  looked  upon 
the  child,  and  said,  "  My  son,  who  is  this  ?  "  And  he  answered,  "  Tis  a  wandering 
"  maiden  I  met  with  who  seeks  the  shelter  of  our  roof."  And  his  father  said,  "  In 
"  truth  she  is  welcome,  and  she  is  beautiful,  and  how  fair  is  her  skin — but  her  eyes 
"  are  not  the  eyes  of  a  woman,  they  are  more  like  the  eyes  of  a  pig,  how  is  this  ?"' 

*  Galang,  obtained  from  rotten  wood  which  has  been  lying  in  the  water.      The  worms  have  a  sour 
taste,  and  are  considered  to  promote  appetite. 
f  Malay,  "Alas  !  " 


Nos.  4-5.] 


MAN. 


[1911. 


But    Ins    son    held    his    peace.     And    she  lived  and  grew  up  there,  and  in  due  time 
married  and  had  one  child — a  girl,  and  the  villagers  called  her  Si-Babi.* 
This  is  the  legend  of  the  "  Babi "  tuam — an  old  one  and  true. 

M.  W.  H.  BEECH. 


RIGHT     HANDED     POINTS 


Egypt:  Archaeology.  Cowper. 

On   a   Series    of    Small  Worked   Flints  from    Hilwan,    Egypt.       /,',/     C 

H.  S.   Cowper,  F.S.A.  U 

These    notes  relate  to  a  series    of  204  small   worked  flints  which  I    collected  in 

February  last,  on  the 
sandy  plain  just  west  of 
the  modern  town  of  Hil- 
wan in  Lower  Egypt. 

The  discovery  at 
Hilwan  of  flints  of  the 
type  now  exhibited  is 
not  new  ;  but  though  I 
was  aware  that  imple- 
ments had  occurred  in 
tli is  vicinity,  I  was  at 
the  time  unacquainted 
with  auy  particulars,  and 
the  finding  of  a  prolific 
site  was  quite  accidental 
on  my  part,  and  it  was 
only  after  returning  to 
England  that  I  was  able 
to  see  any  literature  on 
the  subject. 

The  two  papers  of 
Mr.  A.  J.  Jukes  Browne, 
published  thirty  -  three 
years  ago,*  contain 
practically  the  same 
material  slightly  differ- 
ently arranged.  The  de- 
scription he  gives  of  the 
physical  geography  and 
geological  conditions  of 
the  Hilwan  plateau  is 
very  clear,  and  it  is  un- 
necessary for  me  to  des- 
cribe these  again.  Thirty- 
three  years,  however, 
have  seen  great  changes 
in  Egypt,  including  the 
development  of  Hilwan 

*  As  we  might  say,  "  Miss  Piggie." 

f  On  tlie  Flint  Implements  found  at  Helwan,  near  Cairo.  By  A.  J.  Jukes  Browne,  Esq.,  B.A., 
F.G.S.  Communicated  by  Professor  Hughes.  (Pub.  Cambridge  Antiquarian  Soc.  (Nov.  12th,  1877). 
IV,  85.)  On  Some  Flint  Implements  from  Egypt,  by  same  author  (Dec.  llth,  1877).  (Journ.  Anthr. 
Inst.,  VII,  396-412.) 

r  e  j 


LEFT    HANDED      POINTS 


FIG.  I. 


1911.] 


MAN. 


[No.  5. 


itself  into  a  town  of  some  size.  Moreover,  our  knowledge  of  the  Stone  Age  in 
Egypt  has  much  increased  ;  indeed,  so  little  was  then  known,  that  any  notes  on  >t<-ni 
implements  from  Egypt  attracted  a  good  deal  of  attention,  and  this  makes  it  more 
singular  that  (as  far 
as  I  know)  no  further 
account  of  the  Hilwan 
flints  has  appeared  in 
English. 

The  sites  that  I 
examined  were  three  in 
number,  but  the  distance 
separating  them  was  so 
small,  and  the  types 
found  so  uniform,  that 
there  can  be  no  doubt 
that  they  belong  to  the 
same  period  and  race.  The 
house  which  I  rented  was 
on  the  extreme  edge  of 
the  town  and  at  the 
north-west  corner  of  it, 
and  from  here  my  first 
site  (Site  I)  was  about 
one-third  of  a  mile  dis- 
tant in  a  direction  south 
of  west,  and  near  a 
sandy  hummock.  The 
second  (Site  II)  was 
about  200  yards  from 
my  house  in  a  direction 
south-west  by  south  and 
near  a  larger  rounded 
sandhill  ;  and  this  site,  I 
believe,  corresponds  with 
Mr.  Jukes  Browne's 
Site  III.  My  third  site 
(Site  III)  was  only 
about  200  yards  east  of 
Site  I,  but  at  a  higher 
level. 


RIGHT  HANDED    S  HOULOERED  POI  NTS 


LEFT    HANDED    SHOULDERED   POINTS. 


FIG.  II. 


The  features  of  these 
sites  are,  that  an  over- 
whelming majority  of  the  little  instruments  found  are  of  one  type,  and  as  nearly 
as  possible  all  these  are  complete,  and  that  the  type  itself  is  one  of  which  tin- 
use  has  never  been  determined. 

These  instruments  may  be  described  as  pointed  flakes  ;  and  it  may  be  said  that 
out  of  the  204  worked  flints  which  I  collected,  there  are  not  more  than  about  a  dozen 
which  could  be  classed  as  of  another  type.  The  following  is  a  summary  : — 

(A)  Right-handed  Points.  — These  are  formed  by  carefully  trimming  off  one  side 
of  a  straight  flake,  until  it  is  brought  by  a  fairly  even  curve  down  to  the  straight 
untrimmed  edge.  Right  -  handed  points  are  such  as  have  the  sharp  point  to  the 
observer's  right,  when  looked  at  on  the  ridged  side  of  the  flake. 

[     7     ] 


No.  5.]  MAN.  [1911. 

(B)  Left-handed  Points. — Exactly  the  reverse  of    the  above,  the  point  being  to 
the  left  when  observed  in  same  manner. 

(C)  Right-handed  Shouldered  Points. — These  only  differ  from  Class  (A),  in  that 
there  is  a  shoulder,  or  hump,  on  the  chipped  edge,  instead  of  its  being  formed  with 
an  even  curve. 

(D)  Left-handed    Shouldered    Points. — Exactly  the    reverse    of    Class  (C).     In 
all  these  classes  one  end  is  always  unpointed. 

(E)  Crescent-shaped  Flints. — ID  these  the  work  is  very  similar,   but  the  flaking 
is  brought  down  in  an  even    curve    at    both    ends,    until  it  meets  the  sharp,  straight 
edge,  resulting  thus  in  a  narrow  crescent  with  two  sharp  points. 

Beside  these  I  found  one  finely  worked  leaf-shaped  arrowhead  on  Site  III  ;  three 

bigger  worked  flints    on    Site  I,    and    of  these   two  are    of    a  more  or  less  unpointed 

knife-like  type  (see  Nos.  69  and  70),  while  the  other  distinctly  belongs  to  Group  A, 
but  is  of  exceptional  size  (see  No.  71). 

The  proportions  in   which  these  types  occur  are  as  follows  : — 

Class  A.             B.             C.             D.  E. 

Site  I                                                  19             21             11             13  7 

Site  II                                                  19             31                6             11  2 
Site  III                                                11              12                9               4 

49  64             26             28             9 
or,  in  all — 

Right-handed  points,  Classes  A  and  C  --        75 

Left-handed  points,  Classes  B  and  D   -  92 

Crescent-shape,  Class  E  9 

176 
To  which  add — 

Leaf-shaped  arrowhead,  Site  III  1 

Broken    specimens  which,  with    the    exception    of    two    or    three,  all 

seem  to  have  been  Class  A,  B,  C,  or  D      -  25 

Two  bigger  worked  flakes  2 

204 

Of  course,  on  all  three  sites  flakes  and  splinters  were  numerous,  and  these  I  did 
not  collect.  But  nothing  else  which  could  be  called  a  scraper,  arrowhead,  or  knife, 
complete  or  broken,  was  found  by  myself,  or  my  wife,  or  my  little  boy,  in  any  of  our 
searches.  The  fact  is  clear,  therefore,  that  at  these  sites,  about  190  out  of  204 
implements  belong  to  the  same  type,  and  another  nine  to  a  type  so  like,  that  it  is 
probable  that  they  served  some  similar  purpose. 

These  little  instruments  vary  in  length  from  little  over  fths  of  an  inch  to 
1^  inches.  No.  71,  being  1|  inches,  is  exceptional  both  in  length  and  thickness.  The 
crescents  are  between  ^  and  1^  inches. 

In  Mr.  Jukes  Browne's  paper  in  the  Journal  of  the  Anthropological  Institute, 
a  very  impartial  discussion  is  devoted  to  these  remarkable  flints  and  to  their  probable 
use,  and  the  problem  is  considered  whether  the  blunted  side  of  the  flake  was  produced 
intentionally  by  chipping,  or  simply  by  wear  ;  and  also,  whether  the  sharp  uutrimmed 
edge,  or  the  worked  edge,  was  the  "  business  "  edge  ?  In  other  words,  whether  the 
instruments  were  scrapers  or  knives  ?  And  the  conclusions  he  reached  were,  that 
the  "  general  form  points  rather  to  the  use  of  the  cutting  edge  than  that  of  the  trimmed 
"  or  blunted  back."  He  was,  in  fact,  in  favour  of  their  being  pointed  knives. 

Being  practically  ignorant  of  all  theories,  when  I  was  in  Egypt,  and  away  from 

[  8  1 


1911.] 


MAN, 


[No.  5. 


all  literature,  I  was  compelled  to  examine  my  flints  from  an  unbiassed  standpoint. 
The  opinion  that  I  then  formed,  however,  I  have  seen  no  reason  yet  to  chanjr<-  ; 
and  that  is,  that  these  instruments  are  neither  knives  nor  scrapers,  hut  point 
to  speak  more  accurately,  barbs,  since  the  characteristic  feature  of  the  type  is  that 
the  point  is  never  in  line  with  the  axis  of  the  flake,  but  to  one  side,  so  that  properly 
mounted  they  would  form  barbs  or  hooks. 

Although  I  have  ventured  to  divide  them  into  two  classes,  one  with  an  even 
curve,  and  the  other  with 
a  shoulder  or  hump,  I 
do  not  think  that  this 
points  to  any  different 
use,  since  it  may  be  only 
a  degree  of  finish,  the 
less  careful  fabricator 
omitting  to  take  off  the 
last  flake  or  two.  Of 
the  crescent  form  I  shall 
have  a  word  or  two  more 
to  say  ;  but,  looking  at 
the  others  with  their 
sharp  incurved  points 
and  their  blunted  butts, 
it  seems  to  me  that  they 
must  have  been  made 
for  one  of  two  purposes  : 
either  they  were  for  arm- 
ing the  edge  of  serrated 
weapons,  such  as  were 
used  by  the  Kingsmill 
Islanders,  and  set  with 
sharks'  teeth,  or  they 
were  simply  the  barbs  of 
fishing  spears  or  har- 
poons, or  mounted  sepa- 
rately were  fish  hooks 
themselves.  The  very 
position  of  the  sites,  only 
a  short  walk  from  the 
Nile,  favours  the  sup- 
position, and  I  trust 
that  someone  will  collect 
and  compare  the  various 
discoveries  of  flints  of 


CRESCENTS,  ARROW  HEAD 
AND    LARGER   FLINTS. 


Fm.  III. 


this  character,  and  see 
if  many  or  most  are 
found  in  the  area  of  important  lakes  or  rivers  which,  like  the  Nile,  teem  with  fish. 

Of  the  two  suggestions,  the  one,  that  they  were  set  along  the  edge  of  a  serrated 
weapon  seems  to  me  the  less  likely,  because  the  shark's  tooth  thus  used  is  sharp  on 
both  edges  as  well  as  acutely  pointed,  whereas  in  these  flint  points  there  is  practically 
no  attempt  to  bring  the  convex-chipped  side  to  an  edge  at  all. 

There  are,  indeed,  only  one  or  two  examples  in  my  series  (sec  Nos.  3,  23} 
where  the  chipping  is  done  from  both  faces  ;  and  there  can  be  little  doubt  that  thia 

[     9     J 


No.  5.]  MAN.  [1911. 

chipping  was  done   entirely  with    the   object   of   producing   a   curved   side,  so  as  to 
get  a  point  on  one  side,  which  then  became  practically  a  barb. 

The  little  crescents  are  perhaps  a  distinct  type,  and  their  comparative  rarity 
suggests  some  rather  different  use.  A  noticeable  point  is  that  four  out  of  the  eight 
•crescents  that  I  found  are  trimmed  from  both  faces  to  the  convex  side  of  the  instrument 
(Nos.  64,  65,  66,  67).  The  points  of  these  crescents  are  in  most  cases  extremely 
sharp,  and  it  seems  possible  that  they  were  mounted  as  arrow  tips,  in  such  a  manner 
that  one  point  was  the  arrow  point,  while  the  other  projected  slightly  laterally  and 
formed  a  barb.  Nine  specimens  are,  however,  insufficient  to  theorise  about. 

The  fish-hook  theory  seems  to  have  been  suggested  before.  Mr.  W.  L.  Abbot, 
in  his  account  of  small  flints  from  Hastings  and  Sevenoaks,*  is  inclined  to  regard  the 
small  crescents  he  found  as  fish-hooks  or  gorges,  and  he  suggests  that  they  were 
mounted  directly  on  a  line,  which  was  tied  round  the  centre,  and  kept  in  place  by 
the  characteristic  hump  on  the  convex  back  of  the  crescent.  In  the  Hilwan  crescents, 
however  (at  any  rate  those  I  have  found),  the  hump  is  not  characteristic. 

Without  going  into  the  question  of  pigmy  flints  generally,  it  may  be  said  that 
there  is  a  considerable  family  likeness  between  Mr.  Carlyle's  flints  from  the  Vindhya 
Hills,  and  from  other  parts  of  Central  India,  and  also  Mr.  R.  A.  Gratty's  Scunthorpe 
pigmies,  and  those  from  Hilwan  ;  but  there  is  a  much  greater  variety  of  shapes  in 
both  these  series  ;  and  in  the  Indian  series,  at  any  rate,  a  greater  proportion  pointed 
at  both  ends.  I  have  not  seen  Mr.  Carlyle's  paper,  published  at  Calcutta,  but  the 
•districts  in  Central  India  in  which  these  little  instruments  occur,  appear  to  be  in  the 
vicinity  of  rivers  and  fisheries. 

The  conditions  under  which  the  Hilwan  flints  are  found  are  accurately  described 
by  Mr.  Jukes  Browne  as  "  an  ancient  surface  compacted  by  the  deposition  of  salts," 
from  which  surface  sand  is  periodically  cleared  by  the  wind.  It  is  very  probable  that 
these  cleared  spaces  change,  so  that  the  exact  areas  examined  in  1877  may  now  lie 
under  a  foot  or  two  of  sand,  Avhile  the  cleared  places  that  I  examined  may  have  been 
•only  recently  exposed.  It  is,  therefore,  possible  that  there  is  quite  a  large  area 
covered  with  these  little  implements,  but  that  only  small  portions  are  exposed  at  a 
time.  It  seems  rather  unlikely  that  the  small  areas  which  I  examined  could  have 
been  long  exposed,  since  a  search  of  an  hour,  generally  resulted  in  about  twenty-five 
or  thirty  instruments,  very  few  of  which  were  broken,  and  after  heavy  showers  the 
number  visibly  increased. 

Concerning  the  antiquity  of  these  flints  probably  the  less  said  the  better  at  present. 
A  great  deal  more  information  about  the  distribution  and  types  should  be-  available 
before  the  theory  of  "  particular  race "  making  pigmy  flints  can  be  accepted.  The 
•only  thing  that  is  fairly  certain  is  that  they  are  not  palaeolithic,  but  whether  they 
belong  to  a  Stone  Age  at  all,  or  to  dynastic  times,  is  an  open  question.  There  is  a 
character  about  them  which  is  quite  different  from  the  well-marked  series  of  neolithic 
arrowheads,  knives,  saws,  and  celts  which  have  been  found  in  the  desert  of  Lower 
Egypt  in  such  large  numbers  in  recent  years. 

It  is  true  that  an  arrowhead  occurred  among  the  points  on  Site  III,  and  there  is, 
I  think,  no  reason  to  doubt  that  it  was  the  work  of  the  people  who  made  the  "barbs," 
but  the  very  delicacy  and  smallness  of  it  differentiate  it  from  the  neolithic  arrowheads 
above  mentioned. 

Looking  at  the  number  of  spalls  and  flakes  of  flint  about  these  sites  I  think  we 
must  conclude  that  we  have  on  the  Hilwan  plateau  the  manufactory  of  these  little 
barbs.  But  it  is  very  curious  that  so  few  broken  ones  occur.  Are  we  to  conclude  from 
this  that  the  makers  were  sufficiently  skilled  to  trim  their  flakes  into  barbs  without 

*  Notes  on  Some  Specialised  and  Diminutive  Forms  of  Flint  Implements  from  Hasting*  Kitclien 
Midden  and  Sevenoaks.  By  W.  J.  Lewis  Abbot,  F.G.S.  (Jovrn.  Anthr.  Imt.,  XXV.,  141-143). 

[     10     1 


1911.] 


MAN. 


[Nos.  5-6. 


many  breakages  ?  It  is  a  little  difficult  to  suggest  any  other  explanation.  Of  course, 
if  the  presence  of  the  barbs  only  marks  the  site  of  a  village,  of  which  the  inhabitants 
used  them,  one  would  not  expect  numerous  broken  points  ;  but,  as  I  have  said,  the 
number  of  spalls  points  to  the  site  of  a  manufactory.  H.  S.  COWPER. 


FIG.  I. 

Nos.    1-12,  Site  I. 
„     13-15,     „    II. 
„     16-21,     „    I. 
„     22-26,     „    II. 
„     27-29,     „   III. 


KEY  TO  ILLUSTRATIONS. 

FIG.  II. 

Nos.  30-35,  Site  I. 

„     36—38,     „  II. 

„     39-44,     „  III. 

„     45-47,     „  I. 

„     48-56,     „  II. 

„     57-59,     „  III. 


FIG.  III. 

Nos.  60-63,  Site  I. 
„     64-66,     „    I. 
„     67,          „    II. 
„     68,          „    III. 
„     69-71,     „    I. 


REVIEW. 


Sociology. 


Frazer. 


Totemism  and  Exogamy :  A  Treatise  on  certain  Early  Forms  of  Super-  fl 
stition  and  Society.  By  J.  G.  Frazer,  D.C.L.,  LL.D.,  Litt.D.,  F.B.A.  4  vols.  0 
London  :  Macmillan  &  Co.,  Ltd.,  1910.  Price  50s.  net. 

More  than  forty  years  have  elapsed  since  the  late  J.  F.  McLennan,  who  was  the 
first  to  investigate  systematically  both  totemism  and  exogamy,  made  public  the  first- 
fruits  of  his  research.  He  died  while  engaged  in  preparing  a  more  extended  exposi- 
tion, and  for  years  even  the  materials  he  had  collected  were  withheld  from  the  world. 
In  the  meantime  the  late  Professor  Robertson  Smith  saw  the  importance  of  the 
study  of  totemism  in  its  relations  to  religion,  and  endeavoured  to  apply  it  to  the 
explanation  of  problems  in  the  Semitic  area.  At  his  instance  his  friend,  Professor 
Frazer,  took  up  the  enquiry  ;  and  the  famous  article  on  totemism  in  the  Encyclopaedia 
Britannica,  reprinted  with  a  large  addition  in  1887,  became  the  text-book  from  which 
anthropological  students  worked.  But  the  years  since  then  have  been  years  of  un- 
exampled activity  in  anthropological  enquiry.  Researches  in  the  field  on  a  wider 
scale  and  in  a  more  severely  scientific  spirit,  and  critical  discussions  at  home,  have 
destroyed  some  of  our  first  illusions ;  but  they  have  added  enormously  to  our  positive 
knowledge  of  the  range  of  totemism  over  the  surface  of  the  earth,  and  of  its  content 
as  a  social  and  religious  system.  Its  study  could  not  be  disentangled  from  that  of 
exogamy,  which  was  believed  to  be  an  integral  part  of  the  system  ;  and  the  investi- 
gations into  both  have  gone  hand  in  hand.  At  length  Professor  Frazer  has  turned 
from  other  and  equally  engrossing  enquiries  to  his  first  love,  and  in  these  volumes, 
which  almost  attain  the  proportions  of  a  German  Handbuch,  has  aimed  at  giving  a 
full  account  of  all  that  is  known  about  both  totemism  and  exogamy,  accompanied  and 
synthesized  by  discussion  of  their  origin  and  object. 

He  has,  indeed,  left  little  unrecorded  of  what  is  definitely  known  ;  and  he  has 
wisely  wasted  no  room  in  discussing  what  are  conjectured  to  be  remains  of  totemism 
in  the  higher  civilisations.  These  may  safely  be  left  for  future  consideration.  It 
is  a  great  pity,  however  (as  doubtless  he  himself  recognises),  that  the  original  plan 
of  republishing  his  earlier  work  and  subsequent  essays  on  the  subject,  merely  with 
notes  and  corrections,  was  not  relinquished  in  time  to  be  dropped  altogether  in  favour 
of  the  ethnographical  survey  which  occupies  the  bulk  of  the  book.  Their  retention 
has  served  no  useful  purpose  except  that  of  bringing  into  relief  the  changes  in  the 
author's  views,  his  open-mindedness  and  candour,  and  the  magnitude  of  the  distance 
that  separates  the  scientific  knowledge  and  speculations  of  1887  from  those  of  1910. 


No.  6.]  MAN.  [1911, 

So  far  as  these  are  matters  of  personal  interest,  all  Professor  Frazer's  personal  friends, 
and  a  large  part  of  the  scientific  world  beside,  fully  appreciate  them  :  for  the  rest, 
they  might  have  been  committed  to  the  vindication  of  time. 

The  conspectus  here  presented  of  totemism,  not  merely  in  its  geographical  extent, 
but  also  in  its  relation  to  the  great  problems  of  the  evolution  of  human  society,  it 
need  hardly  be  said,  will  render  the  work  indispensable  to  practical  students.  The 
author  has  rightly  insisted  on  the  consideration  of  the  environment  in  any  study  of 
the  institutions  of  a  race.  Nor  has  he  neglected  to  exemplify  this  consideration  by 
descriptions  unsurpassed  in  charm  (of  which  that  of  Australian  conditions  may  be  cited 
as  perhaps  the  most  striking),  and  by  exhibiting  the  influence  of  the  environment  on 
the  institutions  of  many  of  the  peoples  under  discussion. 

While  the  descriptive  and  the  merely  expository  portions  of  the  work  provide  the 
most  lucid  and  comprehensive  account  yet  laid  before  the  student  of  totemism  and 
exogamy,  the  enunciation  of  theory  arid  the  arguments  in  its  support  are  not  less 
attractive.  Here  the  author's  powers  of  advocacy  are  exhibited  at  their  best.  His 
plea  for  the  artificial  origin  of  the  Australian  exogamic  classes,  or  phratries,  amounts 
to  demonstration.  But  it  raises  the  question  whether  after  all  exogamy  may  not  have 
been,  contrary  to  his  opinion,  an  essential  part  of  totemism,  and  whether  the  creation 
of  totemic  clans  may  not  have  been  as  artificial  and  purposeful  as  that  of  the  Australian 
phratries,  and  that  purpose  wholly  or  partially  exogamy.  For  if  the  one  organisation 
were  created  for  the  purpose  of  hindering  the  marriage  of  near  kin,  why  could  not  the 
other  have  been  created  with  a  definite  and  similar  object  ?  Where  exogamous  clans 
already  exist,  this  kind  of  fission  sometimes  actually  takes  place.  Thus  in  a  certain 
district  of  Sumatra,  we  are  told,  the  people  are  still  in  the  stage  of  mother-right,  or 
what  Professor  Frazer  calls  mother-kin,  usual  on  the  island.  They  are  organised  in 
strictly  exogamous  clans,  subdivided  into  families.  When  a  clan,  however,  has  grown 
too  big,  and  the  prohibition  of  marriage  within  it  is  consequently  found  inconvenient, 
it  is  divided  into  two  or  more  smaller  clans  in  order  to  overcome  the  difficulty  (xcii, 
Globus,  263).  What  is  stated  as  a  fact  in  Sumatra  is  only  what  has  been  inferred 
with  high  probability  in  North  America  from  the  organisation  of  the  Mohicans  and 
other  tribes.  At  any  rate  it  seems  clear  that  once  the  clan  organisation  has  been 
started  arbitrary  subdivision  may  proceed  indefinitely.  The  real  problem  is  to  discover 
why  exogamy  was  instituted  at  all.  All  sorts  of  hypotheses  have  been  framed  to 
account  for  it,  and  not  one  of  them  is  satisfactory.  It  may  have  arisen,  as  Professor 
Frazer  conjectures,  from  some  superstition  to  which  we  have  lost  the  clue.  What 
seems  equally  possible,  in  view  of  subsequent  voluntary  fission,  is  that  it  'may  have 
originated  in  a  first  conscious  effort  at  organisation.  The  groups  thus  created  would 
have  found  it  necessary  to  take  names,  and  their  names  would  have  been  obtained 
from  objects  with  which  they  were  familiar.  The  beliefs  clustering  around  those 
objects — as  of  descent,  brotherhood,  supernatural  assistance,  and  so  forth — and  the 
ceremonial  practices  in  relation  to  them  might  then  have  grown  out  of  superstitions 
we  know,  such  as  the  belief  in  the  vital  connection  of  a  name  with  its  owner. 

It  cannot  be  ignored  that  the  hypothesis  is  not  without  difficulties.  We  are 
thrown  back  on  the  question.  Why  should  a  horde  of  savages  attempt  to  organise 
themselves,  not  so  far  as  we  can  see  primarily  for  war  or  the  chase,  but  for  sexual 
and  social  purposes  ?  The  question  cannot  be  answered  at  present.  But  it  may  be 
pointed  out  that  all  these  purposes  may  be  far  more  intimately  interwoven  than  we 
in  our  highly  analytical  organisation  and  civilisation  commonly  suspect.  The  position 
of,  and  the  duties  assigned  to,  different  clans  in  a  number  of  North  American  tribes 
give  something  more  than  hints  of  this. 

Professor  Frazer,  however,  finds  that  totemism  originated  in  the  sick  fancies 
of  pregnant  women,  who  supposed  that  their  children  were  to  be  attributed  to  some 

[  12  ] 


1911.]  MAN.  [No.  6. 

•external  and  non-human  object.  He  cites  in  support  some  very  striking  instances 
recorded  by  Dr.  Rivers  from  Melanesia.  The  belief  that  a  child  is  the  new  birth 
of  some  other  being,  human  or  non-human,  is  so  widespread  as  to  be  almost,  if 
not  quite,  universal.  And  I  am  extremely  happy  to  learn  that  Dr.  Frazer  has  inde- 
pendently come  to  the  conclusion,  put  forward  by  me  as  a  conjecture  many  years 
ago,  and  recently  worked  out  in  some  measure  of  detail  in  Primitive  Paternity, 
that  this  belief  is  due  to  the  primitive  ignorance  of  mankind  relating  to  the  physio- 
logical process  of  conception.  All  the  more  do  I  regret  that  my  agreement  with 
him  stops  there,  and  that  the  evidence  does  not  seem  to  me  to  warrant  at  present 
the  ascription  of  totemism  to  this  cause.  For  it  is  faced  by  the  difficulty  that,  as 
the  author  himself  admits,  what  he  calls  "  the  conceptional  totems  are  not  hereditary." 
Jn  their  very  nature  they  could  not  be  hereditary  :  you  cannot  control  the  sick 
fancy.  To  that  he  has,  of  course,  one  reply  :  totems  among  the  Arunta  are  not 
hereditary  ;  they  are  obtained  in  a  manner  analogous  to  that  of  the  "  totem  "  or  guar- 
dian spirit  in  Melanesia  ;  the  Arunta  are  the  rudest  of  all  the  tribes  known  to  us 
in  Australia,  and  one  of  the  rudest  in  the  world  ;  and  we  may  conclude  that  their 
totemism — conceptional,  non-hereditary  totemism — is  primitive.  It  would  take  too 
long  to  argue  here  the  question  of  the  cultural  status  of  the  Arunta.  I  must  content 
myself  with  saying  that,  so  far  as  I  can  see,  the  evidence  points  rather  to  unequal 
advance.  It  is  true  they  preserve  in  a  specially  startling  form  the  primitive  ignorance 
of  paternity.  Their  most  barbarous  and  cruel  customs,  however,  are  not  more  bar- 
barous and  cruel  than  those  of  other  Australian  tribes.  They  have  abandoned  group 
marriage,  and  they  have  advanced  to  a  high  form  of  social  organisation  and  to 
some  sort  of  paternal  descent.  Professor  Frazer  lays  great  weight  on  the  historical 
evidence  of  their  traditions  for  the  conclusion  that  their  totemism  was  originally  non- 
exogamous  and  did  not  prevent  the  eating  of  their  totems. 

For  my  part  I  am  extremely  doubtful  whether  so-called  historical  traditions — 
apart  from  such  as  record  simply  a  pedigree,  or  define  the  boundary  of  a  territory,  or 
perform  some  similar  function  to  these — can  ever  be  trusted  as  records  of  past  events ; 
and  even  in  these  cases  they  need  very  searching  criticism.  For  instance,  the  author 
relies  on  "the  traditions  of  the  natives,"  in  proof  that  "the  custom  which  allows  and 
*'  compels  a  man  to  partake  of  his  totem  is  certainly  older  than  that  which  taboos 
•'  it  to  him  entirely"  (i,  238).  And  he  elsewhere  (i,  112),  directs  attention  to 
traditions  that  not  merely  show  the  members  of  a  totem-clan  eating  their  totemic 
animal  or  vegetable,  but,  as  he  rightly  says  on  the  assumption  that  they  are  historical, 
"  point  to  a  time  when,  if  you  wished  to  eat  bandicoot,  you  had  to  belong  to  the 
"  Bandicoot  totem  ;  and  if  you  wished  to  kill  and  eat  kangaroos,  you  had  to  belong 
*'  to  the  Kangaroo  totem  ;  in  short,  they  seem  to  carry  us  back  to  a  time  when 
"  among  these  tribes  a  man's  special  function  in  life  was  to  kill  and  eat  his  totem 
"  animal."  From  this  it  would  inevitably  follow  that  the  members  of  the  totemic 
clan  in  those  times  fed  exclusively  upon  their  totems.  So,  indeed,  the  Arunta 
traditions  appear  to  assume  ;  sometimes  they  appear  to  go  further  and,  by  inference, 
to  affirm  it.  That  they  here  record  actual  fact  nobody  believes  ;  the  author  himself 
throws  doubt  upon  it  by  the  manner  of  his  reference  to  it,  while  Professor  Baldwin 
Spencer  repudiates  it  (iv,  5 In.  Cf.  i,  253).  But  this  is  a  cardinal  test. 

Let  us  apply  another.  Professor  Frazer  has,  by  elaborate  argument,  proved  the 
existence  of  group-marriage  among  some  of  the  Australian  tribes,  and  shown  that 
certain  practices  among  others,  such  as  the  Kaitish  and  Arunta,  where  individual 
marriage  is  the  rule,  are  best  explained  as  "relics  or  survivals  of  group-marriage." 
If  that  be  so,  and  if  the  traditions  be  veritable  historical  records,  we  should  expect 
to  find  so  important  an  institution  as  group-marriage  recognised  as  one  of  the  charac- 
teristics of  the  Alcheringa.  I  cannot,  however,  recall  a  single  instance.  Individual 

[  13  ] 


No.  6,]  MAN.  [1911. 

marriage  prevails,  though  it  is  true  there  are  cases  of  ceremonial  intercourse  with 
other  men  than  the  husband  (if  any),  and  of  visiting  men  belonging  to  other  clans 
being  accommodated  with  the  temporary  society  of  women.  In  these  particulars 
the  traditions  simply  mirror  present-day  customs.  The  argument  ex  silentio  is  pro- 
verbially dangerous ;  but  the  omission  of  all  allusion  to  group-marriage  from  the 
traditions  is  the  more  curious  when  it  is  remembered  that,  the  evolution  and  adjust- 
ment of  sexual  relations  by  the  institution  of  exogamous  classes  form  the  theme  of 
a  number  of  the  stories. 

These  two  tests  —  the  one  positive,  the  other  negative  —  leave  the  genuine 
historicity  of  the  traditions  open  to  grave  question.  Besides,  Arunta  traditions  are 
not  consistent  with  those  of  the  Kaitish  and  Unmatjera,  still  less  with  those  of  the 
Warramunga,  on  the  points  on  which  Professor  Frazer  invokes  them  as  witnesses. 
The  two  former  tribes,  which  are  in  general  agreement  on  organisation  and  practices 
with  the  Arunta,  are  included  by  Spencer  and  Gillen  with  the  Arunta,  the  Iliaura, 
and  llpirra,  in  a  group  sufficiently  in  unison  to  be  called  the  Arunta  nation  ;  while 
the  Warramunga  are  similarly  grouped  with  some  other  of  the  more  northerly  tribes 
as  the  Warramunga  nation.  Now  the  Arunta  traditions  regard  the  totemic  clans  as 
properly  feeding  upon  their  own  totems,  whereas  the  Kaitish  traditions  are  by  no 
means  agreed  in  taking  the  same  view.  Professor  Frazer  has  mentioned  some 
Kaitish  traditions  which  represent  Emus  as  feeding  on  emus,  Yelka  women  as  eating 
yelka  (an  edible  root),  and  Rabbit-Kangaroos  as  eating  rabbit-kangaroos.  But  he 
has  overlooked  others  that  represent  Emus  as  feeding  on  witchetty  grubs  and 
Opossums  as  feeding  not  on  opossums  but  on  the  seed  of  the  gum  tree  (Northern 

Tribes,  pp.  414,  415);  while  he  candidly  points  out  that  another  tradition  common 
to  the  Kaitish  and  Unmatjera  betrays  qualms  of  conscience  in  a  Beetle-grub  man 
who  fed  constantly  on  beetle-grubs. 

There  is,  however,  yet  another  Unmatjera  tradition,  in  which  young  Eagle-hawks 
hunted  for  wallaby,  "  on  which  they  fed,  for  they  did  not  eat  eagle-hawk,  fearing  lest 
"  it  would  turn  them  grey,  as  it  always  does,  except  in  the  case  of  very  old  people  " 
(see  Northern  Tribes,  p.  398).  At  the  present  day  this  taboo,  with  the  same  penalty,  is 
common  to  the  young  men  of  all  the  tribes,  without  distinction  of  totem  (see  Northern 

Tribes,  p.  472,  where  it  is  specified  of  Arunta  Ulpmerkas  ;  Northern  Tribes,  p.  485r 
young  Warramunga  medicine-men  ;  p.  611,  Kaitish).  We  cannot,  therefore,  infer  it 
was  here  intended  to  prohibit  feeding  on  the  totem.  But,  at  least,  it  shows  that 
among  the  Unmatjera  the  totem  is  not  regarded  as  the  ordinary  food  of  the 
members  of  the  totem-clan.  Again,  the  Arunta  traditions  may  contemplate  exclusively 
endogamous  unions  between  the  men  and  women  of  the  same  totemic  clan,  though 
the  evidence  is  not  so  clear  as  it  might  be.  But  to  the  Kaitish  and  Unmatjera 
exogamous  unions  were  clearly  normal  and  proper.  The  latter,  indeed,  present  a 
detailed  picture  in  one  story  of  the  selection  by  men  belonging  to  the  Honey-ant 
totem  of  wives  from  women  of  the  Irriakura  totem,  in  which  the  only  question  to 
be  considered  was  the  matrimonial  classes  whereto  the  women  belonged  (Northern 

Tribes,  p.  416).  To  which  of  these  traditions  shall  we  pin  our  faith?  Which  of 
them  are  truly  historical  ? 

The  answer  is  that  none  of  them  are  historical.  The  groundwork  of  them  all  i& 
the  present  institutions  and  practices  of  the  tribe.  These  are  read  back  into  an 
indefinite  antiquity,  and,  in  the  process,  generalised  beyond  the  warrant  of  the 
present.  Thus,  where  a  group  dwells  usually  about  a  totem-centre,  say  of  Emus,  the 
great  majority  both  of  men  and  women  will  be  Emus.  There  being  now  no  objection 
to  Emus  inter-marrying  with  Emus,  provided  the  matrimonial  classes  be  correctly 
observed,  if  the  population  be  large  enough  and  isolated  as  in  the  cases  put  in  the 
traditions,  the  majority  of  marriages  will  be  between  Emus,  and  the  children  begotten 


1911,]  MAN.  [No,  6. 


and  born  near  the  totem-centre  will  be  Emus  too.  At  the  present  day,  it  is  true, 
can  probably  happen  but  seldom.  But  the  natives,  living  in  a  lonely  country,  and 
imagining  it  still  more  lonely  in  the  days  of  their  primeval  ancestors,  unconsciously 
generalise  the  present-day  facts.  A  large  number  of  the  traditions,  moreover,  are 
setiological.  They  do  not  relate  what  actually  took  place.  They  attempt  to  account 
for  such  things  as  oknanikillas,  the  institution  of  the  marriage  classes,  the  ceremonies, 
and  so  forth,  by  reasoning  and  imagination,  the  starting-point  of  which  is  the  present 
culture,  with  all  that  it  implies.  In  a  sense,  of  course,  they  are  old.  They  are  not 
recently  invented.  They  have  come  down  from  the  forefathers.  But  for  all  that 
they  are  not  genuine,  unadulterated  memories.  Whatever  shape  the  stories  may  have 
assumed  when  they  first  arose,  in  the  mouths  of  repeated  generations  they  have  under- 
gone, as  tradition  always  and  everywhere  does,  repeated  modification.  Some  things 
have  been  dropped,  some  have  been  added  ;  when,  by  the  slow  change  of  circumstances 
or  of  custom,  some  things  have  ceased  to  be  understood,  they  have  been  modified  ; 
until  at  last  they  have  reached  the  inquisitive  explorer  in  a  shape  very  different  from 
the  original  memory  of  facts  —  where  there  is  an  underlying  fact  —  and  doubtless  in 
many  instances  hopelessly  opposed  to  it.  Often,  however,  there  is  no  underlying  fact  ; 
there  is  only  the  object  to  be  explained.  The  tradition,  then,  is  simply  the  product 
of  a  more  or  less  unconscious  exercise  of  the  collective  mentality  in  conjecture  and 
in  fancy  no  the  external  surroundings,  or  the  institutions  and  practices  of  the  tribe. 
It  is  unfortunate  that  we  have  not  the  text  of  the  traditions  collected  by 
Messrs.  Spencer  and  Gillen.  They  have  only  given  summaries  or  paraphrases  ;  and 
many  of  the  Alcheringa  traditions  have  been  arranged  so  as  to  present  a  quasi- 
chronological  order.  I  am  not  imputing  this  as  a  fault  to  the  distinguished  explorers  ; 
still  less  am  I  suggesting  any  want  of  the  utmost  good  faith  on  their  part.  But  it 
is  obvious  that  the  result  is  that  these  traditions  are  not  presented  to  us  so  nearly 
in  the  form  in  which  they  were  uttered  by  the  natives  as  if  we  had  been  given  a 
more  or  less  close  and  literal  translation,  with  notes  to  explain  the  allusions  and 
other  difficult,  points.  In  other  words,  the  personal  equation  of  the  recorder 
necessarily  plays  a  larger  part.  The  chronological  arrangement  of  the  Alcheringa, 
for  instance,  may  be  justified  as  an  attempt  to  reduce  into  some  order  the 
apparently  chaotic  stories.  But  it  is  justified  only  as  the  result  of  civilised  reasoning 
upon  them.  The  result  may  approximate  to  the  native  view  of  the  Alcheringa,  or 
it  may  not.  We  have  no  real  evidence  on  the  point  ;  and  it  may  safely  be  said 
that  it  organises  the  "  history  "  in  a  manner  that  never  entered  the  native  heads. 

It  is  unfortunate,  too,  that  Professor  Frazer's  account  of  the  totemism  of  the 
central  tribes  was  written  before  the  work  of  Herr  Strehlow  reached  him,  and  that 
he  had  not  an  opportunity  of  fully  considering  that  work  before  his  arguments  and 
speculations  assumed  their  final  form.  His  observations  and  those  of  Professor  Spencer, 
which  he  cites  in  a  note  (i,  186),  on  the  missionary's  qualifications  to  render  an 
accurate  account  of  Arunta  beliefs  and  practices,  have  a  large  measure  of  justice, 
and  must  be  taken  into  consideration  in  any  estimate  of  the  evidence  presented  in  the 
My  then,  Sagen  und  Marchen  des  Aranda-Stammes.  But  it  may  be  observed  that 
they  would  rule  out  every  account  by  missionaries  of  every  savage  or  barbarous 
people  in  the  world  ;  and  when  it  is  considered  how  large  a  proportion  of  anthropolo- 
gical data  rests  on  the  evidence  of  missionaries,  and,  indeed,  to  how  great  an  extent 
Professor  Frazer  relies  on  it  in  this  very  book,  they  seem  insufficient  to  prohibit  a 
cautious  and  critical  use  of  the  material.  The  author  is  too  modest  in  disclaiming 
the  power  "  to  filter  the  native  liquid  clear  of  its  alien  sediment."  His  abstention 
is  the  more  to  be  regretted,  since  Herr  Strehlow  gives  what  profess  to  be  native 
stories  in  something  like  their  native  form,  that  is  to  say,  in  fairly  close  and  some- 
times literal  interlineal  translations.  These  stories  are,  if  correctly  reported,  a  sub- 

[    15    ] 


No.  6.]  MAN.  [1911. 

stantial  addition  to  our  knowledge  of  Arunta  and  Luritcha  traditions.  Very  many  of 
them  are  not  given  in  any  shape  by  Messrs.  Spencer  and  Gillen  ;  and  the  rest, 
though  apparently  referring  to  the  same  personages  and  localities,  differ  widely  in 
their  course,  to  say  nothing  of  their  details.  So  far  as  I  can  judge,  they  bear  the 
stamp,  on  the  whole,  of  genuineness.  If  so,  they  cannot  be  ignored  in  an  attempt  to 
render  a  true  account  of  the  Arunta  culture.  Professor  Frazer  would  have  found  in 
them  reason  for  .modifying  in  some  particulars  his  view  of  it.  For  example,  they  do 
not  represent  the  ancestors  as  subsisting  chiefly  on  their  own  totem-animal  or  plant, 
but  as  exercising  a  width  of  choice  similar  to  that  of  their  descendants. 

I  have  dwelt  so  long  on  the  central  tribes  of  Australia,  because  Professor  Frazer 
draws  from  them  so  large  a  part  of  the  evidence  for  his  theory  on  the  origin  of 
totemism,  and  space  fails  me  to  consider  other  parts  of  the  work  that  I  had  marked 
for  the  purpose.  To  one  question,  however,  I  desire  specially  to  refer.  The  author 
rests  the  widely-spread  mother-in-law  avoidance  on  precautions  against  incest,  and 
has  brought  forward  much  evidence  pointing  in  this  direction.  In  view  of  the 
cases  adduced  by  him,  it  is  clear  that  I  have  expressed  myself  elsewhere  {Prim. 
Pat.,  ii,  p.  93)  in  terms  requiring  qualification.  But  incest-jealousy  does  not  cover 
the  whole  ground.  As  between  a  man  amd  his  father-in-law  it  is  absurd.  Incest 
is  more  likely  between  father-in-law  and  daughter-in-law  than  between  son-in-law 
and  mother-in-law  ;  yet  the  latter  is  probably  more  widely  diffused  than  the  former, 
and  it  exists  in  cases  where  the  .other  does  not.  The  avoidance  of  a  mother-in-law 
also  frequently  comes  to  an  end  at  a  comparatively  early  date  after  marriage. 
Moreover,  the  rule  where,  as  among  some  of  the  North  American  tribes,  it  extends 
to  sisters-in-law  and  brothers-in-law,  does  not  prevent  their  subsequent  intermarriage. 
Indeed,  among  the  Yakuts,  where  there  is  a  taboo  of  blood-relations,  it  does  not  prevent 
endogamy.  The  avoidance  of  affines  must  have  more  than  one  motive.  The  same 
key  will  not  open  all  locks.  This  is  a  side  issue.  I  have  referred  to  it  because  I 
was  glad  to  have  an  opportunity  of  acknowledging  that  Professor  Frazer  had 
convinced  me  I  had  been  guilty — looking  only  at  one  set  of  facts — of  .too  hasty 
generalization.  I  venture  to  submit  that  we  had  each  grasped  a  portion  of  the  truth, 
but  that  the  whole  was  greater  than  either  of  us  perceived. 

The  book  by  its  very  importance  invites  criticism.  It  was  a  vast  undertaking  ; 
and  on  any  view  of  it  the  author  has  achieved  a  large  measure  of  success.  He 
needs  no  smooth  and  facile  compliments.  If  I  have  here  ventured  to  differ  from 
some  of  his  conclusions,  if  I  have  criticised  the  evidence  on  which  he  relies  for 
them,  I  have  done  so  with  deference  to  learning  and  research  far  wider  than  my 
own.  I  trust  that  the  criticism  has  shown  itself  in  no  sense  hostile,  still  less 
carping.  Space  has  failed  me  adequately  to  express  my  agreement  with  him  on  a 
score  of  other  points  hitherto  in  controversy.  I  yield  to  no  man  in  admiration  of 
his  powers,  his  intense  consecration  of  those  powers  to  one  object,  and  the  magnitude 
of  his  achievement.  What  would  the  history  of  anthropology — nay,  of  thought  in 
other  regions  of  the  most  vital  concern  to  mankind — during  the  last  quarter  of 
a  century  have  been  without  his  gigantic  labours  ?  The  preface,  amid  the  exquisite 
cadence  of  its  sentences,  betrays,  perhaps,  a  little  weariness,  but  no  slackening  of  his 
indomitable  energy,  or  of  his  determination  to  discover  and  expound  the  truth  about 
the  history  of  human  civilisation  and  the  origin  of  human  beliefs.  I,  at  least,  decline 
to  admit  that  his  sun  is  yet  prematurely  westering.  I  hope  for  many  another 
contribution  from  him  to  the  sum  of  knowledge  on  the  great  and  supremely  interesting 
subjects  of  his  life-work,  commended  as  hitherto  to  a  much  wider  circle  of  readers 
than  merely  experts  by  the  persuasive  eloquence  of  his  English  style. 

E.  SIDNEY  HARTLAND. 

Printed  by  EYKK  AND  SPOTTISWOODE.  LTD.,  His  Majesty's  Printers,  East  Harding  Street,  B.C. 


PLATE   B. 


MA.N,  1911. 


AN     AVUNGURA     DRUM. 


1911.]  MAN.  [Nos.  7-8. 

ORIGINAL    ARTICLES. 
Africa,  Central.  With  Plate  B.  Seligmann. 

An  Avungura  Drum.    By  C.  G.  Seligmann,  M.D.  T 

The  drum  figured  in  Plate  B  is  preserved  in  the  Gordon  College,  Khartum,  * 
and  though  somewhat  damaged  by  the  recent  fire,  is  still  in  good  condition.  It 
was  taken  from  Yambio,  the  most  powerful  chief  of  the  Avungura  (Azande),  in 
1905,  by  a  punitive  expedition  under  the  late  Major  Boulnois,  R.A.  It  represents 
a  bullock  or  cow  (there  is  nothing  to  show  its  sex),  and  is  about  life  size,  the  trunk 
and  head  being  hewn  out  of  a  single  block  of  wood.  I  am  indebted  to  Captaia 
F.  J.  Brakenridge,  R.A.M.C.,  who  accompanied  the  expedition,  for  the  following 
particulars  : — 

"  The  drum  stood  in  the  open,  near  Yambio's  hut,  but  the  place  was  not  well 
cleared,  and  there  was  no  evidence  of  its  being  a  place  of  assembly  ;  in  fact,  as  far 
as  we  could  learn,  it  was  rare  for  anyone  except  his  immediate  bodyguard  and 
councillors  to  enter  within  the  precincts  of  his  village.  His  own  hut,  which  was  no 
more  elaborate  than  others,  stood  near  the  edge  of  the  settlement,  which  was  very 
extensive,  covering  perhaps  five  square  miles.  It  was  not  a  close  aggregation  of  huts, 
but  large  numbers  of  homesteads,  mostly  hidden  from  one  another  by  bush,  maize 
crops,  and  banana  trees. 

"  The  drum  was  an .  object  of  great  reverence  ;  we  saw  several,  all  of  the  same 
shape,  but  none  so  big,  apparently  the  size  was  relative  to  each  '  sultan's '  importance. 
That  we  carried  away  the  drum  was  of  great  effect  in  assuring  the  people  that 
Yambio  was  really  done  for."  C.  G.  SELIGMANN. 


Borneo.  Beech. 

Punans    of    Borneo.     By  Mervyn  W.  H.  Beech,  M.A.  A 

Inche  Abdallah  bin  Nakhodah  is  my  authority  for  the  following  information  0 
concerning  these  weird  people.  He  is  a  Malay  trader  of  Tawao.  The  Punans  live 
in  the  dense  jungle  beyond  the  Sagai,  in  the  interior  of  Bolongan,  on  the  east  coast 
of  Borneo.  They  are  a  hunter  tribe  (corresponding  somewhat  to  the  Dorobo  of  East 
Africa),  and  will  not  come  into  a  village,  but  always  live  in  the  jungle,  as  they  are 
unable  to  bear  the  heat  and  glare  of  the  sun.  As  a  result  of  this  their  complexion  is 
white,  "  like  a  Chinaman's."  They  wear  no  clothes  except  the  bark  of  trees  ;  they 
have  no  houses  or  property,  but  wander  about  and  sleep  in  trees.  They  are  rapidly 
becoming  extinct.  They  are  mentioned  by  Dr.  Nieuwenhuis  in  his  work  Quer  durck 
Borneo,  as  being  nomadic  hunters,  living  in  the  mountains  and  at  the  sources 
of  rivers. 

They  have  a  curious  method  of  leaping  three  or  four  yards  at  a  time,  instead 
of  walking,  and  their  celerity  of  movement  is  astounding. 

Those  who  have  had  the  opportunity  of  seeing  the  dance  have  told  me  that  the 
performance  is  quite  marvellous,  their  bodies  seeming  to  be  made  of  elastic  and  to 
contain  no  bones. 

Their  aim  with  the  sumpit  or  blowpipe  is  unerring,  and  they  do  not  manipulate 
this  by  blowing  with  the  mouth,  but  by  hitting  the  end  which  contains  the  dart 
with  the  curved  palms  of  their  hands. 

My  informant  was  in  the  habit  of  trading  with  the  Punans.  Their  method  was 
a  kind  of  "  silent  trade."  He  thus  described  it  to  me  : — 

"  On  hearing  of  the  presence  of  Punans  in  the  neighbourhood  I  would  go  up 
"  into  the  interior  with  my  goods,  and,  with  a  piece  of  wood,  hammer  loudly  on  a 
"  taming,  or  natural  buttress  of  a  tree,  whereupon  the  Punans  would  come  leaping 
"  out  of  the  gloom  and  look  at  the  goods  displayed. 

[    17    ] 


Nos.  8-9.] 


MAN. 


[1911. 


"  As  no  one  understands  their  language  they  point  out  by  signs  the  articles 
which  take  their  fancy. 

"  They  then  would  give  me  a  piece  of  rotan  in  which  they  had  previously  cut 
notches,  signifying  the  number  of  days  in  which  they  could  produce  the  requisite 
amount  of  gutta,  or  whatever  jungle  produce  was  expected  of  them  in  exchange. 

"  One  piece  of  rotan  notched  in  the  same  way  they  would  keep  for  themselves. 

"  Supposing  ten  notches  are  made,  they  will  turn  up  at  the  same  rendezvous  on 
the  tenth  day  without  fail,  and  bring  with  them  their  articles  of  exchange. 

"  Should  I  have  failed  to  have  placed  my  goods  on  the  spot,  the  deal  would 
have  been  considered  off,  and  none  of  them  would  ever  have  done  business  with 
me  again."  MERVYN  W.  H.  BEECH. 


Africa :  Congo. 

Kese   et  Tambue  -Fetiches   des   Wazimba. 


Maes. 


Par  Dr.  J.  Maes. 


9 


Les    Wazimba,  tres   connus  sous   le  nom    de  Bango  Bango,   guerriers,    inde- 
pendants,  insoumis,  occupent  le  territoire  qui  s'etend  entre  le  3°  30'  lat.  sud  au  nord  ; 
le  28°  long.  E.  Gr.  a  Test,  le  4°  30'  lat.  sud  au  sud  et  le  Lualaba  a  1'ouest. 

Us  possedent  une  collection  de  fetiches  affectant  des  formes  humaines  ou 
animales  et  ayant  chacun  un  pouvoir  special.  L'un  protege  les  plantations,  1'autre 
assure  le  succes  d'une  entreprise,  un  troisieme  guerit  les  maladies,  &c.,  &c. 

Quatre  de  ces  fetiches,  recoltes  par  M.  Populair,  chef  de  poste  a  Warumba, 
ont  ete  envoyes  au  Musee  du  Congo  a  Tervueren. 

Le  premier  (Fig.  1)  represente  une  femme  debout,  grossierement  sculptee  en  bois 
rougeatre  et  entierement  enduite  de  resine  de  bulungu.  Autour  du  front,  des  yeux, 
des  oreilles  et  dans  la  coiffure  se  remarquent  des  traces  de  sang  et  de  ngula  ou 
poudre  rouge.  La  coiffure  est  sculptee  en  forme  de  quatre  pyramides  irregulieres, 
aigues  et  placees  inversement  symetriques  deux  a  deux.  Le  front  est  large  et  plat  ; 

les  oreilles  droites 
et  proeminentes  ;  les 
yeux  marques  par 
deux  trous,  de 
forme  ovale,  par- 
tiellement  remplis  de 
resine  de  bulungu 
et  de  poudre  de 
ngula  ;  le  nez  aplati 
et  petit  ;  la  bouche 
etroite  ;  le  menton 
et  la  figure  aigus  ; 
la  tete .  allongee 
verticalement,  les 
bras  droits,  marques 
par  1'absence  de 
mains  ;  le  corps 
etroit,  les  seins  peu 

prononces,  jambes  legerement  coudees,  les  pieds  larges  et  plats.     Le  bras  gauche  est 
orne  d'un  bracelet  fait  d'un  petit  anneau  en  fer. 
Hauteur  38  cm.     Nom  indigene  "  Kese  nsa." 

Le  deuxieme  (Fig.  2)  represente  une  femme  debout  grossierement  sculptee,  la  tete 
surmontee  d'un  bourrelet  a  trois  cornes,  le  front  large,  les  oreilles  a  peine  marquees 
par  un  leger  relief  en  forme  de  croissant,  les  yeux  representes  par  deux  cauris  fixes 
dans  des  excavations  a  1'aide  de  resine  de  bulungtt,  le  nez  large  et  droit,  la  boucne 

[    18    ] 


FIG.  1. 


FIG.  2. 


KESE. 


1911.] 


MAN. 


[Nos.  9-10. 


petite  placee  a  la  partie  inferieure  du  menton,  les  bras  en  relief,  le  corps  etroit  et 
long,  les  jambes  coudees,  les  pieds  tailles  en  biseau,  le  sexe  a  peine  grave  et  entoure 
d'une  teinte  noire. 

Hauteur  43  cm.      Nom  indigene  " Kese" 

Le  troisieme  (Fig.  4)  represente  une  femme  debout  sculptee  en  bois  blanc,  la 
tete  surmontee  d'une  coupe  de  forme  cylindrique,  les  oreilles  tres  grandes  formees 
par  une  moulure  ovale,  la  figure  plate,  absence  de  front,  les  yeux  larges  et  e"troits, 
le  nez  long  et  droit,  la 
bouche  tres  petite,  les 
bras  longs,  les  mains 
posees  sur  les  flaucs, 
corps  etroit,  seins  peu 
developpes,  jambes  tres 
courtes,  pieds  plats, 
sexe  marque  par  deux 
lignes  gravees  et  noir- 
cies  an  feu  de  meme 
que  le  nombril,  les 
seins,  la  bouche  et  les 
yeux. 

Hauteur  26^  cm. 
Nom  indigene  "  Tam- 
bue." 

Le  quatrieme  (Fig. 
3)  represente  un  homme. 
le  sexe  bien  sculpte, 

les  jambes  droites  et  les  pieds  plats.  Le  bord  des  oreilles,  les  yeux,  la  bouche, 
les  seins,  le  nombril,  les  mains  et  le  sexe  sont  noircis  au  feu.  La  tete  et  la 
coiffure  sont  identiques  a  celles  du  fetiche  precedant. 

Hauteur  31  cm.      Nom  indigene  "  Tambue  ngu" 

Le  "  Kese  nsa "  est  le  fetiche  protecteur  des  enfants  (garcons). 

Le  "  Kese  "  est  le  fetiche  des  enfants  (filles)  et  de  I'accouchement. 

Le  "  Tambue  "  est  le  fetiche  protecteur  de  la  maison. 

Le  "  Tambue  ngu  "  preserve  des  cauchemars. 

Pour  les  trois  premiers  fetiches  les  ceremonies  qui  accompagnent  leur  intervention, 
se  reduisent  au  sacrifice  d'une  ou  de  plusieurs  poules,  suivant  la  gravite  des  cas  et 
la  situation  sociale  des  malades. 

Pour  le  "  Tambue  ngu,"  le  feticheur  appele  en  toute  hate,  entre  dans  la  hutte  du 
malade  ;  depose  le  fetiche  a  terre,  fait  bouillir  dans  un  vase  en  terre  de  I'eau  et  des 
feuilles  de  manioc  ou  sombe,  en  forme  une  petite  pate,  la  depose  dans  la  coupe 
sculptee  au  sommet  de  la  tete  du  fetiche,  puis  fait  deux  fois  le  tour  de  la  case 
en  prononcant  des  paroles  mysterieuses  et  ordonne  au  malade  d'absorber  la  mixture. 

Apres  ces  ceremonies  le  malade  sera  retabli.  J«  MAES. 


FIG.  3. 


FIG.  4. 


TAMBUE. 


Egypt. 


Blackman. 


The    Hieroglyph   ^  a  Jar-Sealing.     By  Aylward   M.  Blackman,  B.A.     4  A 

Among  the  rubbish  cleared  out  of  the  Northern  Temple  at  Haifa,  and  the     IU 

adjacent    buildings,    during    last    season's    work,*    were    numerous    uninscribed    mud- 

sealings.      The    majority  of    them  were    of    the    same    shape    as  that    shown    in    the 

*  Excavations  were  carried  on  at  Haifa  by  Dr.  Randall-Maclver  for  Pennsylvania  University 
Museum  during  the  season  1909-10.  It  is  by  his  kind  permission  that  I  am  at  liberty  to  make 
this  communication.  * 

[    19    1 


Nos.  10-11.]  MAN.  [1911. 

accompanying  illustration,  and  I  was  much  struck  immediately  I  saw  them  by  their 
close  resemblance  to  the  Egyptian  hieroglyph  o  t.  The  modern  Egyptian  for  such  a 
sealing  is  «x-  <5J-J»  sidd  tina,  "  a  stopper  of  mud."  I  would  suggest  that  the  alpha- 
betic value  t  was  derived  from  the  old  Egyptian  word  for  Nile-mud  t>  •</  ***  i1,  which 
may  just  as  well  have  been  used  to  describe  such  a  stopper  among  the  ancient 
Egyptians,  as  tina  is  among  their  descendants. 

For   the   neglect   of   the  /  in   the    derived    alphabetic    sign   cf.  A  k,  GRIFFITH, 
Hieroglyphs,  p.   32,  Fig.  71;  and  <rr>  r  derived  from  <~r>  r»,    "mouth."      Cf.  also 

c> 

""^  d  '  t,  the  final  t  of  which  is  omitted  when  the  sign  is  used  alphabetically  —  d  ', 

GRIFFITH,  Op.  Cit.,  p.  24,  Figs.  16,  173.  This  same  authority,  Op.  Cit.,  p.  49,  has 
suggested  that  the  sign  a  represents  a  lump  of  clay  on  the  potter's  wheel.  But  I 
think  we  have  good  ground  for  identifying  it  with  the  mud-sealing.  This  kind  of  jar- 
sealing,  the  workmen  told  me,  is  still  used  in  Egypt. 

AYLWARD   M.   BLACKMAN. 


Africa,  West.  Tremearne. 

Hausa  Folklore.*      By    Captain  A.  J.    N.   Tremearne,   F.R.G.S.,    Hausa     44 
Lecturer,  Cambridge. 

A  good  many  tales  are  told  of  witches,  herewith  a  few  translations.  Two 
variants  of  No.  1  make  Death  a  witch,  and  in  one  a  spider  is  introduced.  This 
account  seems  to  indicate  a  visit  to  the  under-world,  but  it  is  put  amongst  the  witch 
stories.  All  of  these  were  obtained  during  1909  at  Jemaan  Daroro  (N.  Nigeria). 

I. — THE  BOY  WHO  CHEATED  DEATH. 

This  is  about  a  very  rich  man  ;  he  was  the  richest  in  the  town.  He  had  a  son  ; 
the  chief  of  the  town  also  had  a  son.  The  chief's  son  said  he  wanted  the  rich 
man's  son  for  his  friend.  Now  as  to  this  friendship  which  they  had,  the  chief's 
son  did  not  like  the  rich  man's  son  very  much,  and  he,  the  rich  man's  son,  did  not 
like  the  chief's  son  very  much.  The  chief's  son  was  friendly  to  him  on  account  of 
his  father's  riches  ;  he  also,  the  rich  man's  son,  was  friendly  to  him  because  he  was 
the  son  of  the  chief  of  the  town. 

Now  there  was  a  certain  town  ;  Death  lived  there  with  her  children  and  her 
husband.  Whoever  went  to  her  house  did  not  return.  The  chief's  son  said  to  the 
rich  man's  son,  "  Look  here,  you  are  very  proud  because  your  father  is-  rich,"  he 
said,  "  Now  go  to  the  house  of  Death,  eat  her  food  and  bring  me  the  remains." 
Then  the  rich  man's  son  told  his  father  and  said,  "  Listen  to  what  the  chief's  son 
"  said  to  me  when  we  were  at  the  games,  before  the  women,  before  the  people.  He 
"  said  my  father  is  rich,  let  me  go  and  eat  the  food  of  Death  and  bring  him  the 
"  remains."  Then  the  father  said,  "  Very  well,  I  will  give  you  twelve  slaves  to 
"  take  with  you,  while  she  is  killing  them  you  can  run  away  and  escape."  Then 
he  (s.)  said,  "  Oh,  no  !  as  for  me,  let  my  horse  be  saddled  and  let  me  go."  So  his 
horse  was  saddled. 

He  went  on,  and  on,  and  on,  and  came  upon  a  certain  man  who  was  carving 
stools.  He  said,  "  Oh  !  rich  man's  son,  where  are  you  going  ? "  He  said,  "  I  am 
"  going  to  Death's  house."  He  (m.)  said,  "  Let  me  give  you  one  chair,  it  will  be 
"  useful  to  you "  (lit.,  it  will  make  to  you  sun). 

He  went  on,  and  on,  and  on,  and  came  upon  a  blacksmith.  The  blacksmith 
said,  'k  Oh  !  rich  man's  son,  where  are  you  going  ?  "  He  said,  "  I  am  going  to 
"  Death's  house."  He  said,  "  Let  me  give  you  this  hammer,  it  will  be  useful  to  you." 

*  For  other  tales  see  the  Journals  of  the  Folklore  Society  (June,  1910)  and  of  Ihe  Royal  Society  of 
Arts  (October  1910). 

[    20    J 


1911.]  MAN.  [No.  11, 

He  went  on,  and  on,  and  on,  and  came  upon  a  woman  who  was  collecting  fire- 
wood. She  said,  "  Oh  !  rich  man's  son,  where  are  you  going  ? "  He  said,  "  I  am 
"  going  to  Death's  house."  She  said,  "  Let  me  give  you  a  bundle  of  Wood,  it  will 
"  be  useful  to  you."  So  he  took  it,  all  of  them  he  put  behind  him  on  his  horse. 

So  he  came  and  met  the  children  of  Death  ;  they  were  farming,  and  they  said, 
u  Oh  !  rich  man's  son,  welcome,  welcome."  So  he  said,  "  Where  is  Death  ?  "  They 
said,  "  Oh,  she  is  at  home."  So  he  came  and  saluted.  When  he  had  saluted,  Death 
came  out  and  said,  "  Ah  !  rich  man's  son,  welcome."  Then  she  said  to  her  children, 
"Cook  rice*  for  the  rich  man's  son;  prepare  a  meal  for  him."  They  cooked  it  and 
got  his  dinner  ready.  Then  she  said,  "  Very  well,  give  him  it  that  he  may  eat,  I 
"  am  going  to  the  stream  to  my  husband." 

When  the  children  had  given  the  rich  man's  son  food  and  he  had  eaten  and  was 
filled  he  threw  the  remains  into  his  haversack,  then  he  spurred  his  horse  and  galloped 
off.  Then  Death  came  and  asked  the  children  where  the  rich  man's  son  was,  and  they 
said,  "  Oh,  he  has  gone."  She  said,  "  It  is  a  lie  ;  does  he  who  comes  to  my  house 
"  return  ?  "  So  she  ran  after  him  ;  she  ran  on  and  on.  When  she  had  come  up 
close  and  was  about  to  seize  the  horse's  tail,  he  let  go  the  stool  and  it  became  a  great 
tree  and  closed  the  road.  Then  she  returned  to  her  house  and  took  an  axe  and  came 
and  chopped.  She  chopped  and  chopped  ;  as  she  was  chopping,  the  rich  man's  son 
was  getting  far  away.  When  she  had  chopped  the  tree  she  threw  down  the  axe  and 
ran  and  followed  the  rich  man's  son.  When  she  had  come  up  close  and  was  about  to 
seize  the  horse's  tail  he  let  go  the  hammer  and  it  closed  the  road.  Death  said,  "  Dear 
"  me,  I  must  go  and  get  the  hoe  and  dig  and  loosen  it,  and  throw  it  away."  When 
she  had  loosened  it  the  rich  man's  son  was  a  long  way  ahead,  so  she  ran  after  him. 
When  she  was  about  to  seize  the  horse's  tail  the  rich  man's  son  let  go  the  bundle  of 
wood  ;  it  closed  the  road.  Then  she  said,  "  Dear  me,  I  must  return  to  where  I  threw 
"  the  axe."  By  the  time  she  had  come  back  and  had  chopped  it  the  rich  man's  son  had 
reached  the  gate  of  his  town.  When  she  had  chopped  it  she  ran  and  almost  caught 
him.  She  stopped  and  said,  "  Oh,  son  of  the  rich  man,  you  are  very  lucky ;  you  will 
"  not  die  until  God  kills  you,  for  you  have  come  to  my  house  and  have  returned." 

The  rich  man's  son  on  his  return  went  to  the  chief's  son  and  said,  "  Here  is  the 
"  food  of  Death  which  I  have  left  for  you."  Then  the  chief's  son  said,  "  Oh  !  that 
"  is  a  lie,  you  played  a  trick  on  her  ;  if  you  are  truthful  come  and  go  to  the  house  of 
"  the  Rago."f 

Now  at  the  Rago's  house,  for  him  who  came  one  day  would  be  killed  he  who 
had  come  the  day  before,  as  for  him  he  would  be  killed  for  the  next  day's  visitor.  So 
the  rich  man's  son  went  and  told  his  father  and  said,  "  Listen  to  what  the  chief's  son 
"  said,  he  said  I  must  go  to  the  house  of  the  Rago."  Then  the  father  said,  "  Very 
"  well,  I  will  give  you  twelve  slaves  to  take  with  you  ;  while  the  Rago  is  eating  them 
"  you  can  run  away  and  escape."  Then  he  said,  "  Oh,  no  !  as  for  me  let  my  horse  be 
"  saddled  and  let  me  go." 

So  he  came  to  the  Rago's  house  and  saluted.  Then  the  Rago  said,  "  Ah  !  rich 
"  man's  son,  welcome."  The  rich  man's  son  dismounted,  and  there  was  killed  for  him 
the  stranger  who  had  come  the  previous  day.  When  he  had  been  killed  and  soup  had 
been  made  the  rich  man's  son  and  his  horse  were  inside  the  Rago's  house.  When  the 
meal  had  been  prepared  and  eaten  the  Rago's  wife  opened  the  door  at  the  back  of  the 
house  and  he  ran  off.  As  for  the  Rago  he  was  in  the  porchj  and  did  not  know  that 
the  rich  man's  son  had  run  away. 

*  A  special  mark  of  honour,  rice  not  being  plentiful. 

f  Kago  may  mean  either  ram  or  rogue  ;  I  think  the  former  is  intended,  but  prefer  to  give  the 
Hausa  word. 

I  The  principal  and  (at  night)  usually  the  only  entrance. 

[     21     ] 


No.  11.]  MAN.  [1911. 

Then  another  stranger  came  and  saluted.  When  he  had  saluted  he  (R.)  said, 
"  Welcome,  welcome."  When  he  had  welcomed  him  he  entered  the  house  and  said, 
"  Where  is  the  rich  man's  son  ?  "  He  wanted  to  kill  him  for  the  stranger.  Then  the 
wives  said, "  Oh,  dear  !  as  for  us  we  have  not  seen  the  rich  man's  son,  he  has  run  away." 
Then  he  said,  "  It's  a  lie,  I  shall  follow  him."  Then  he  followed  him  crying,  "  Oh  ! 
"  rich  man's  son,  stop  !  "  Then  he  (r.  m.  s.)  said,  "  Oh,  no  !  I  shall  not  stop  ;  will  you 
"  not  run  and  catch  me  if  you  can  ?  "  Then  he  followed  him,  and  ran  on,  and  on,  and 
on  ;  but  the  rich  man's  son  escaped.  When  he  had  escaped  and  had  reached  the  door 
of  his  house  the  Rago  said, "  Oh  !  rich  man's  son,  you  are  indeed  lucky,  you  will  not  die 
"  until  God  kills  you." 

When  he  had  returned  he  went  to  the  chief's  son  and  said,  "  I  have  been  to  the 
"  house  of  the  Rago."  Then  the  chief's  son  said,  "  It  is  a  lie,  to-morrow  you  mount 
"  your  favourite  horse,  I  also  shall  mount  my  favourite  horse,  and  let  us  gallop 
"  before  the  door  of  the  council  chamber,  my  father's  door."  When  morning  broke 
the  rich  man's  son  said  to  his  father  :  "  Listen  to  what  the  chief's  son  said  ;  he 
"  said  that  I  must  mount  my  favourite  horse,  and  he  would  mount  his  favourite 
"  horse,  and  we  are  to  gallop  before  the  door  of  the  council  chamber,  his  father's 
"  door."  So  the  chief's  son  rode  a  horse  worth  ten  slaves,  the  rich  man's  son  rode 
one  worth  twenty.  When  they  had  come  to  the  open  space  at  the  door  of  the 
council  chamber  the  chief's  son  said,  "  Oh  !  rich  man's  son,  you  gallop  first "  ;  the 
rich  man's  son  said,  "  No,  no,  you  must  go  first,  this  is  your  father's  door."  When 
he  had  galloped  he  brought  his  horse  back  and  said,  "  Very  well,  I  have,  now  you 
go."  He  (r.  m.  s.)  said  very  well,  he  would.  As  he  was  returning  to  where  the 
chief's  son  was,  the  rich  man's  son's  horse  neighed.  When  it  had  neighed  the 
chief's  son  and  his  horse  were  missing,  the  neighing  had  carried  them  off,  there  was 
no  one  who  knew  where  they  had  gone,  he  and  his  horse. 

Then  the  rich  man's  son  went  to  his  father  and  said, "  See,  I  galloped  with  (against) 
"  the  chief's  son,  but  he  is  missing,  I  have  not  seen  him  since."  So  the  chief 
mourned  the  loss  of  his  son. 

II. HOW    THE    BOY    ESCAPED    FROM    THE    WlTCH. 

This  is  about  a  certain  boy  who  started  off  on  a  journey.  When  he  started  he 
said  he  was  going  to  see  where  the  end  of  the  world  was.  So  it  came  to  pass  that 
he  went  off  on  his  horse,  a  big  one,  with  a  fowl  in  his  haversack.  When  he  had 
gone,  as  he  was  travelling  he  tied  razors  to  the  horse  to  the  number  of  about  twenty. 
He  went  on,  and  on,  and  on,  until  he  came  to  the  house  of  a  witch  in  the  depths  of 
the  forest.  As  for  the  house  it  was  a  big  house,  with  a  wall  and  porches,  about 
twenty.  He  went  and  came  upon  the  witch  ;  she  had  made  a  kind  of  broth.  All 
over  her  body  were  mouths.  So  he  watched  her  from  a  distance  ;  he  was  upon  his 
horse.  One  mouth  said,  "Me  you  have  given  me  (food),  me  you  have  not  given 
"  me  (food)."  Another  mouth  said,  "  Me  you  have  given  (food),  me  you  have  not 
"  given  me  (food)."  Then  the  boy  entered  the  porch.  When  he  had  come  close  to 
the  porch  where  she  was  he  said,  "Peace  be  upon  you."  Then  immediately  she 
rubbed  her  mouths  with  her  hand  and  there  was  but  one.  Then  she  said,  "  On  you 
"  be  peace."  Then  she  said,  "  Stranger,  enter."  She  said,  "  Did  you  see  ?  "  He  said, 
"  No,  I  did  not  see  you."  She  said,  "  Speak  the  truth."  He  said,  "  As  God  is  my 
"  witness,  I  have  not  seen  you  except  for  this  glimpse  since  we  have  been  talking."* 
Then  she  said,  "  Very  well,  here  is  a  good  hut,  come  in."  So  he  went  in  and  took 
off  the  saddle  from  the  horse  and  hobbled  him. 

It  came  to  pass  that   he  lay  down  and  rested  ;    night  was  not  yet  come  ;    the 

*  The  witch  is  often  described  as  having  mouths  all  over  her  body,  and  she  does  not  like  being 
seen  nor  made  fun  of.    See  Story. 

[    22    ] 


1911.]  MAN.  [Nos.  11-12. 

witch  prepared  food  for  him,  and  he  ate.  Then  he  said,  "  So  far,  so  good."  It  came 
to  pass  that  at  night  he  plucked  his  fowl  and  roasted  it,  then  he  ate  and  was  filled. 
And  the  woman  prepared  food,  and  brought  it  to  the  boy.  Then  the  boy  said, 
"  Good,  thanks  be  to  God,"  then  he  took  it  and  put  it  aside,  he  refused  to  eat  it. 
Then  he  dug  a  hole  in  the  hut,  and  when  he  had  dug  the  hole  he  threw  in  the 
food  and  covered  it  up.  And  when  he  had  thrown  it  in  he  took  the  calabash  to  her. 
Now,  when  he  took  the  calabash  to  her  night  had  come. 

In  the  night  the  witch  sharpened  the  knife  to  come  and  kill  the  boy.  And  it 
came  to  pass  that  when  she  came  the  horse  neighed — he  knew  she  was  a  witch,  he, 
the  horse.  So  the  witch  went  back,  and  when  she  had  gone  back  she  lay  down  and 
sleep  overcame  her.  When  sleep  had  overcome  her  the  boy  arose,  and  put  on  the 
saddle,  and  escaped  from  the  house.  But  he  left  his  turban  in  the  hut  so  that  she 
might  not  find  out  that  he  had  run  away.  So  the  boy  mounted,  and  was  galloping 
when  the  woman  awoke.  When  she  had  awakened  she  looked  in  the  hut,  and  saw 
nothing  but  the  turban.  Then  she  took  the  turban  and  ran  off.  She  was  calling 
out,  "  You  have  left  your  turban "  ;  he  was  saying,  "  I  left  it  as  a  present  for  you." 
She  was  calling,  "  I  see  a  youth  who  is  afraid."  When  she  had  come  up  close  she 
caught  hold  of  the  horse's  tail,  but  the  razors  cut  her  hands.  And  it  came  to  pass 
when  they  cut  her  she  stopped,  and  began  licking  the  blood.  Then  the  boy  got 
far  off  until  he  reached  the  bank  of  the  river,  then  she  went  and  made  a  river  in  front 
of  him.  Then  the  boy  came  and  looked  at  the  river,  it  was  wide  ;  but  the  horse 
jumped  and  alighted  on  the  opposite  bank. 

So  it  came  to  pass  that  the  witch  let  the  boy  go.  She  returned  to  her  house. 
When  she  had  returned  to  her  house  the  boy  said,  "  Certainly  God  is  very  fond 
of  me."  A.  J.  N.  TREMEARNE. 


REVIEWS. 
Darwinism.  Poulton. 

Charles  Darwin  and  the  "  Origin  of  Species."  By  Edward  Bagnall  Poulton.  4Q 
London  :  Longmans,  Green  &  Co.,  1909.  Pp.  xv  +  302,  including  index.  •£ 
Price  7s.  6d.  net. 

.These  addresses  were  delivered  by  Professor  Poulton  at  Baltimore,  Oxford,  and 
Cambridge.  To  them  are  added  an  expansion  of  the  author's  essay  on  "  The  Value  of 
"  Colour  in  the  Struggle  for  Life,"  published  in  Darwin  and  Modern  Science,  and  the 
letters  written  by  Darwin  to  Mr.  Trimen,  which  were  unavailable  for  The  Life  and 
Letters. 

The  book  is  concerned  primarily  with  "  Darwinism  and  Darwin  himself."  In  his 
review  of  "  Fifty  Years  of  Darwinism  "  Professor  Poulton  gives  a  highly  interesting  and 
sociologically  valuable  account  of  the  effect  produced  by  The  Origin  of  Species  on  the 
minds  of  men.  Towards  the  end  it  naturally  touches  upon  the  modern  variations  of  the 
great  theory,  and  here  the  author  is  not  concerned  to  hide  his  own  preferences.  The 
reference  to  controversial  topics  is  not  out  of  place  ;  it  assists  towards  a  complete  view 
of  the  dynamic  relations  of  the  theory  to  modern  thought  generally.  "  The  Personality 
"  of  Charles  Darwin  "  is  a  beautiful  biographical  and  psychological  study.  "  The  world 
"  knows  nothing  of  its  greatest  men,"  and  vulgar  ignorance  on  the  subject  of  a 
character,  which  was  extraordinarily  expressive  of  sweetness  and  light,  has  here  a 
proof  of  its  own  blindness  and  incapacity.  For  instance,  the  vulgar  misconception 
about  Darwin's  famous  remark  as  to  his  appreciation  of  poetry  is  finally  shown  up. 
As  we  saw  from  The  Life  and  Letters,  Darwin  is  once  more  revealed  as  the  most 
charming  of  letter  writers. 

The  author's  special  subjects  of  protective  coloration  and  mimicry  are  treated  with 

[  23  ] 


Nos,  12-13.]  MAN.  [1911. 

some  fulness.  Controversial  topics  are  discussed  in  appendices ;  for  instance,  the 
transmissibility  or  non-transmissibility  of  "  fluctuations  "  receives  a  very  careful  study 
from  the  point  of  view  of  verbal  misunderstanding.  What  exactly  does  De  Vries 
mean,  and  what  exactly  are  "  fluctuations,"  "  mutations,"  "  variations,"  "  summation  of 
fluctuations,"  and  the  like  ?  Impetuous  disciples  of  the  new  theories  may  be  heartily 
recommended  to  these  appendices. 

Curiously  enough  the  120  pages  devoted  to  the  author's  special  subjects  spoil  the 
harmony  of  the  book.  As  useful  illustrations  of  the  permanent  applicability  of  Darwin's 
views  they  are  not  remarkable.  Their  own  value  is  remarkable  enough,  but  their  place 
might  well  have  been  taken  by  a  fuller  discussion  of  the  points  of  contact  between 
Darwinism  old  and  new,  which  are  so  interestingly  referred  to  in  the  appendices. 

A.  E.  C. 


Ethnography :  General. 

British  Museum  Handbook  to  the  Ethnographical  Collections.  With  15  4O 
plates,  275  illustrations,  and  3  maps.  1910.  Price  2s.  *U 

Mr.  T.  A.  Joyce,  with  the  collaboration  of  Mr.  0.  M.  Dalton  and  under  the 
direction  of  Dr.  C.  H.  Read,  has  written  what  is  modestly  termed  a  Handbook  to 
the  Ethnographical  Collections  of  the  British  Museum;  but  fortunately  it  is  far 
more  than  this,  as  it  is  virtually  a  text-book  of  general  ethnology,  in  which  the 
arts  and  crafts  of  the  peoples  dealt  with  rightly  receive  preponderating  attention. 
A  mere  guide  to  the  collections  would  certainly  be  useful,  but  Mr.  Joyce  was  well 
advised  not  to  confine  himself  to  that  somewhat  insipid  type  of  publication,  and  by 
taking  a  larger  view  he  has  greatly  extended  its  usefulness.  A  guide  has  com- 
paratively little  value  beyond  its  museum,  and  must  restrict  itself  to  the  objects  in 
the  museum  at  that  particular  time  ;  but  a  well-devised  handbook  is  of  value  to 
students  everywhere,  and  it  can  be  so  written  as  to  refer  to  specimens  which,  while 
not  actually  in  the  collections,  may  be  acquired  in  the  near  future.  At  the  same 
time,  the  exigencies  of  space  and  the  absence  or  paucity  of  specimens  from  a  par- 
ticular district  must  affect  a  book  of  this  kind  and  lead  to  a  lack  of  ideal  balance. 

The  introduction  presents  us  with  a  concise  account  in  forty-four  pages  of  the 
general  principles  of  ethnology,  beginning  with  a  history  of  discovery  and  ending 
with  sketches  of  man  in  relation  to  the  material  world,  to  his  fellows,  and  to  the 
supernatural.  Of  the  ethnographical  sections  which  follow,  the  most  thorough  are 
those  dealing  with  Oceania  and  Africa  ;  indeed,  the  latter  is  a  marvel  of  compres- 
sion, and  it  is  obvious  that  it  is  merely  a  partial  "  creaming "  of  a  large  store  of 
collected  data.  Perhaps  some  day  Mr.  Joyce  will  give  us  a  book  on  Africa,  for 
which  he  must  possess  abundant  material.  The  book  is  written  with  sane  judgment 
and  there  is  an  absence  of  "  faddy "  theories,  as  is  befitting  the  august  establish- 
ment whence  it  arises.  Mr.  Joyce  evidently  leans  to  the  view  advocated  by  some 
French  authorities  that  the  negroid  element  in  Madagascar  is  mainly  of  Oceanic 
rather  than  of  African  origin.  He  also  suggests  that  the  Melanesians  were  differen- 
tiated in  an  area  that  embraced  East  Australia,  Tasmania,  and  New  Caledonia  ; 
these  lands  may  have  once  been  connected,  but  as  New  Caledonia  is  separated  from 
the  others  by  a  sea  more  than  a  thousand  fathoms  deep,  it  is  questionable  whether 
this  land  connection  was  available  in  human  times. 

A  critic  is  supposed  to  look  out  for  errors,  but  the  book  is  remarkably  free 
from  mistakes  of  any  kind,  which  is  a  very  great  achievement  when  one  considers 
the  vast  number  of  facts,  names,  and  objects  referred  to  ;  but,  in  order  to  show 
that  the  present  writer  is  not  unmindful  of  this  function,  one  misprint  may  be 
noted  on  p.  118 — "  Bismark  Archipelago."  Also  a  zoologist  or  botanist  does  not 
like  to  see  generic  scientific  names  spelt  without  an  initial  capital  letter,  e.g.,  morus 

[  24  ] 


1911,]  MAN.  [Nos.  13-15. 

papyri/era,  but  in  the  sections  on  America  this  blemish  is  rectified.  With  this 
petty  grumble  we  can  return  once  more  to  an  unstinted  praise  of  this  invaluable 
book,  the  price  of  which  is  remarkably  low,  especially  when  we  consider  the  great 
number  of  first-class  illustrations.  A.  C.  HADDOX. 


Persia.  Sykes. 

The  Glory  of  the  Shia   World.      By  Major  F.  M.  Sykes,    C.M.G.,    assisted     4 1 
by  Khan  Bahadur  Ahmad  Din  Khan.     Macmillan  &  Co.,  1910.      Pp.  xiv  +  279.     IT 

Major  F.  M.  Sykes  has  been  inspired  with  the  happy  idea  of  casting  his 
illuminating  observations  on  Persian  life  and  character  into  the  form  of  a  narrative, 
which  he  attributes  to  a  grandson  of  Mirza  Abdul  Hasan  Khan,  the  original  of 
Mirza  Firouz  of  Morier's  Hajji  Baba,  who  was  the  first  Persian  Ambassador  to 
England,  thereby  affiliating  his  story  to  Morier's  celebrated  picaresque  tale.  His 
hero,  indeed,  does  not  bear  much  resemblance  to  the  genial  scoundrel  whose  adventures 
are  so  humorously  told  by  Morier.  He  moves  in  a  higher  sphere  and  is  not  reduced 
to  the  same  shifts  as  Hajji  Baba,  that  worthy  successor  of  Lazarillo  de  Tormes  and 
Gil  Bias.  Nevertheless,  his  narrative  is  by  no  means  devoid  of  humour,  especially 
that  part  which  relates  to  the  miserly  Mahmud  Khan  and  the  pilgrimage  to 
Meshhed. 

It  is  this  pilgrimage  to  Meshhed  and  the  description  of  the  celebrated  shrine  of 
the  Imam  Riza,  "  the  Glory  of  the  Shia  World,"  which  form  the  most  important 
feature  in  the  book.  Other  chapters  deal  in  considerable  detail  with  birth  and 
marriage  customs,  official  life,  war  against  the  wild  tribes  of  Persian  Baluchistan, 
and  descriptions  of  Karman  and  Yezd,  but  the  account  of  the  shrine  from  the 
pilgrim's  point  of  view  is  peculiarly  interesting,  and  contains  much  information  drawn 
from  sources  to  which  no  one  but  Major  Sykes  has  hitherto  had  access.  The  interior 
of  the  shrine  cannot  be  visited  by  Europeans,  but  some  very  good  illustrations  drawn 
from  photographs  and  Persian  drawings  give  an  excellent  idea  of  its  appearance,  and 
a  complete  plan  of  the  shrine  and  all  its  surrounding  courts  and  buildings  is  given 
at  page  101.  Several  of  the  other  illustrations  of  places  and  groups  are  also 
interesting,  and  the  same  may  be  said  of  the  reproductions  of  Persian  drawings, 
some  in  colour. 

A  good  deal  of  popular  belief  and  folklore  is  interspersed  in  the  narrative.  One 
notion,  that  a  house  must  not  be  finished  for  fear  its  owner  will  die  (page  261),  I  have 
met  with  myself  as  far  away  from  Persia  as  Portugal,  where  a  magnificent  palace 
in  the  Manueline  style  is  being  built  at  Cintra  by  a  rich  person  who  is  unwilling 
to  let  it  be  finished  for  the  same  cause.  Possibly  the  Moors,  who  once  possessed 
Lisbon,  have  been  the  means  of  transmitting  this  idea. 

Altogether  this  is  a  delightful  as  well  as  an  important  book,  and  is  produced  in 
an  attractive  form.  M.  LONGWORTH  DAMES. 


Australia.  Wheeler. 

The  Tribal  and  Intertribal  Relations  in  Australia.  By  G.  C.  Wheeler,  1C 
B.A.,  with  a  prefatory  note  by  Professor  E.  A.  Westermarck,  Ph.D.  London:  lu 
John  Murray,  1910.  Pp.  xii  +  168. 

Mr.  Wheeler's  monograph  is  not  only  restricted  to  a  single  ethnic  area,  and  to 
a  definite  subject,  but  its  scope  is  also  strictly  limited.  He  gives  us  merely  a 
description  of  the  intertribal  relations  in  Australia,  without  entering  into  any  ques- 
tions of  origins,  development,  or  any  prehistory  at  all.  He  has  not  even  the  oppor- 
tunity of  formulating  any  more  general  sociological  laws,  owing  to  the  limitation  of 
the  material  with  which  he  is  dealing.  If  we  were  justified  in  drawing  a  strong  line 
between  ethnography,  as  a  merely  collecting,  descriptive  and  classificatory  science,  and 

[    25     ] 


No,  15,]  MAN.  [1911. 

ethnology,  whose  aim  would  be  construction  of  laws  and  explanation  of  phenomena, 
we  should  assign  to  the  present  book  a  place  in  the  former  category.  And,  un- 
doubtedly, in  our  present  state  of  science,  we  want,  perhaps  most  urgently,  good, 
really  scientific,  ethnographic  monographs;  and  such  is  Mr.  Wheeler's  work.  But 
perhaps  a  sharp  distinction  between  ethnography  and  ethnology  is  not  quite  legiti- 
mate. There  is  no  real  scientific  description  of  social  phenomena  without  the  use 
of  strict  notions,  such  as  may  be  obtained  by  ethnological  or  sociological  induction 
and  generalisation  only.  Even  if  we  want  to  describe  facts  of  the  most  concrete 
character  and  belonging  to  quite  a  circumscribed  ethnic  area,  we  must  not  only  over- 
come the  difficulties  of  dealing  with  and  reconciling  all  our  sources,  but  we  must 
also  shape  all  this  crude  material  according  to  quite  general,  abstract,  scientific  points 
of  view.  These  points  of  view  were  neither  understood  nor,  still  less,  of  course, 
taken  into  account  by  most  of  our  observers. 

To  perform  this  task  one  must  not  only  have  a  great  knowledge  of,  and  command 
over,  the  first-hand  evidence,  but  also  the  theoretical  training  requisite  for  the  appli- 
cation of  general  ideas  to  special  cases.  By  such  an  application  we  secure  on  the  one 
hand,  a  strict  and  scientific  description  of  our  facts  ;  on  the  other  hand,  we  put  our 
general  ideas  to  a  test  of  validity.  In  the  exact  natural  sciences  a  general  mathe- 
matical theory  of  a  group  of  phenomena  is  nearly  worthless,  so  long  as  it  is  not 
adapted  to  a  series  of  special  individual  cases,  in  which  the  results  of  calculation 
may  be  tested  by  experiment.  Although  the  social  phenomena  do  not  allow  of  a 
strict  treatment,  nevertheless,  on  broader  lines,  the  same  method  should  be  applied 
here  also.  Such  general,  abstract  theories  and  ideas  should  be  applied  to  different 
types  of  societies  ;  in  this  way  we  learn,  understand  better,  classify,  and  describe 
the  facts  reported  of  these  societies,  and  at  the  same  time  our  general  ideas  are  also 
enriched  and  enlarged  thereby.  So  in  the  present  book,  for  instance,  the  author 
proposes  to  apply  our  ideas  and  theories  of  international  relations  and  laws  to  the 
Australian  society,  asking  what  forms  and  features  do  these  relations  assume  there. 
For  this  purpose  a  mere  collection  and  classification  of  statements  were  not  sufficient. 
The  author  required  to  have  at  his  disposal  all  the  theoretical  notions  of  inter- 
national law  and  relations  ;  and  with  this  apparatus  he  had  to  operate  upon  the 
Australian  facts,  examining  them  for  equivalents  or  germs  of  the  higher  developed 
forms.  He  had,  in  the  first  place,  to  settle  on  social  units,  amongst  which  there  exist 
some  external,  international,  or  better,  inter-tribal  relations ;  he  had  to  find  and 
describe  all  the  features  of  these  relations  ;  he  had,  in  short,  to  apply  all  the  ideas 
belonging  to  this  category  to  the  raw  material.  Command  over  this  material  was, 
of  course,  his  first  task.  And  here  the  difficulties  were  serious  enough.  Everyone 
who  is  acquainted  with  the  available  ethnographic  information  in  general,  and  that 
of  Australia  in  particular,  knows  well  how  ambiguous,  contradictory,  and  confused 
it  is  on  nearly  every  point.  The  best  authorities  contradict  themselves  in  plain  terms, 
especially  when  engaged  in  polemics,  which  unhappily  sometimes  occurs. 

There  is  much  to  be  done  by  a  criticism  of  the  value  of  each  statement,  and  this 
the  general  rules  of  historical  criticism  may  be  applied. 

All  statements  so  corrected,  if  necessary,  should  be  then  placed  in  juxta- 
position, and  a  certain  average  should  be  taken.  Of  course,  in  both  these  proceedings 
the  author  should  adopt  a  definite  method  and  systematically  follow  it.  And  here 
is  our  chief  reproach  against  Mr.  Wheeler.  He  has  not  got  any  definite  way  of 
dealing  with  the  evidence,  or  at  least  he  has  not  made  us  acquainted  with  it.  And 
yet  a  clear  method,  conscious  of  its  aims,  is  absolutely  necessary.  The  more 
statements  we  gather  on  a  certain  point,  the  more  contradictions  we  find  and  the 
more  puzzled  we  are.  To  get  out  of  this  difficulty  with  the  certainty  that  we  have 
proved  neither  more  nor  less  than  our  material  can  yield,  we  must  adopt  the  best 

[  26  1 


1911.]  MAN.  [No.  15. 

way,  and  we  must  prove  that  this  way  is  the  best.  Methodical  criticism  of  each 
statement  and  systematic  computation  of  the  results  are,  of  course,  the  right  way, 
provided  our  systems  in  criticism  as  well  as  in  computation  are  really  the  best.  But 
to  help  each  reader  to  judge  whether  he  agrees  with  the  author's  methods  or  not, 
it  is  necessary  to  state  his  methods  explicitly. 

There  is  no  necessity  for  each  separate  ethnologist  to  construct  his  own 
systems.  The  main  lines  of  a  good  criticism  of  sources  are  given  in  the  well-known 
handbook  of  Langlois  and  Seignobois.  These  authors  also  give  methods  of  dealing 
with  several  corrected  controversial  statements.  Very  useful  hints  for  this  purpose 
are  also  contributed  by  Steinmetz. 

It  is  undoubtedly  the  lack  of  a  consistent  and  well-digested  method  that  lowers 
the  level  of  all  ethnological  investigations.  (Compare  the  interesting  and  suggestive 
remarks  of  S.  R.  Steinmetz  in  the  introduction  to  his  Studien  zum  ersten  Entwickelung 
d.  Strafe,  also  in  his  article  in  Annee  sociologique,  Tome  III,  and  Zeitschrift  f. 
Sozialwissenschaft,  Band  II.) 

That  there  is  method  in  Mr.  Wheeler's  work  is  beyond  doubt  ;  that  he  does 
not  give  us  (and  probably  himself,  too)  any  explicit  account  of  it,  is  regrettable. 
The  real  importance  of  his  book,  besides  its  intrinsic  value  as  a  useful  research,  is 
that  it  is  new  in  many  respects.  It  is  the  first  monograph  on  inter-tribal  relations 
(as  is  pointed  out  by  Professor  Westermarck  in  his  prefatory  note).  It  discusses  or 
touches  on  many  sides  in  Australian  sociology  not  yet  treated.  It  is  also  new  in  its 
really  scientific  limitation  and  soberness.  And  so,  being  intended  exclusively  for 
scientific  use,  and  written  really  in  all  other  respects  according  to  this  standard,  we 
may  exact  that  the  methodical  side  should  be  treated  as  carefully  as  its  primordial 
importance  imperatively  demands. 

The  author  quotes  his  statements  in  many  places  verbally,  always  very  clearly 
and  at  length,  which  is  very  useful.  He  adopted  a  certain  geographic  order  which 
facilitates  the  survey.  His  bibliography,  although  not  pedantically  extensive,  un- 
doubtedly exhausts  all  that  is  really  reliable  in  Australian  survey.  Some  of  the 
authors  (like  J.  Eraser,  Brough  Smyth,  &c.)  could  be  omitted  as  being  not  observers, 
but  second-hand  compilers. 

Let  us  now  survey  some  of  the  most  interesting  of  the  author's  results.  The 
first  problem  that  presents  itself  on  the  perusal  of  inter-tribal  relations — viz.,  the 
determination  of  the  tribal  units,  leads  the  author  to  a  discussion  of  the  territorial 
organisation  of  the  Australian  tribes  (pp.  15-69).  Undoubtedly  this  point  is  of  the 
highest  importance,  not  only  in  the  present  instance,  but  for  the  whole  of  Australian 
sociology.  The  local,  territorial  distribution  of  the  natives  ;  the  connotation  of  the 
group  living  together,  being  in  actual  daily  contact ;  the  boundaries  of  a  tract  of 
country  over  which  a  group  roams :  all  these  questions  are  involved  and  form  together 
the  problem  of  tribal  constitution. 

It  is  obvious  that  all  forms  and  features  of  such  life — family  as  well  as  class, 
clan,  government,  &c. — depend  on  the  general  picture  we  form  of  the  actual  daily  life. 
We  are  not  quite  clear  even  if  the  natives  live  in  "single  families,"  in  "tribes," 
or  "  hordes,"  if  the  mode  of  living  is  uniform  throughout  the  continent,  &c.,  &c. 

The  great  importance  of  all  these  questions  is  obvious.  Mr.  Wheeler  is,  however 
(as  far  as  I  know),  the  first  writer  (excluding  the  Australian  firsthand  ethnographers) 
who  has  given  a  large  contribution  to  this  problem  on  the  whole  Australian  continent 
and  using  a  sufficiently  extensive  information.  The  chief  result  of  his  investigations 
here  is  the  conclusion  that  the  most  important  unit  for  inter-tribal  relations  is  not 
the  tribe,  but  the  smaller  local  groups,  several  of  which  groups  make  up  a  tribe  (p.  55). 
These  local  groups  are  the  real  owners  of  land,  which  is  sometimes  further  sub- 
divided (pp.  35-46)  ;  they  are  autonomous,  the  rudiments  of  government  being  localised 

[  27  ] 


Nos.  15-16.]  MAN;  [1911, 

in  them  (pp.  46-52).  Several  of  them  constitute  a  tribe,  which  is  characterised  by 
common  speech,  name,  customs,  a  certain  suzerainty  over  the  territory  (pp.  23-35, 
62-70). 

After  having  fixed  the  forms  of  local  organisation,  the  author  proceeds  to  give 
their  working.  The  autonomous  units — local  groups  and  their  aggregate — the  tribes, 
have  certain  forms  of  friendly  intercourse. 

The  general  conditions  of  tribal  intercourse,  its  rules  and  features,  are  described 
(pp.  70-81)  ;  a  prevalent  form  of  actual  meeting  is  the  corroboree.  At  the  initiation 
gatherings  there  is  another  occasion  for  contact  of  different  local  groups  and  tribes 
(pp.  81-83)  ;  inter-marriage  (pp.  83-93)  and  barter  (pp.  93-97)  were  two  of  the  chief 
sources  of  frequent  contact. 

As  further  features  of  the  inter-tribal  relations  are  discussed  the  sacrosanctity 
and  frequent  use  of  heralds  and  messengers  (pp.  109-115)  and  all  the  questions 
belonging  to  justice  (pp.  116-159).  As  the  government  was  localised  in  single  local 
groups,  all  internal  justice  was  performed  in  the  local  group  and  was  administered  by 
the  elders  of  the  group  who  constituted  its  government  (pp.  120-128).  The  descrip- 
tion of  justice  between  different  local  groups  and  of  the  settlement  of  inter-tribal 
differences  and  quarrels,  including  war,  occupies  the  remaining  pages  of  the  book 
(pp.  128-159).  Mr.  Wheeler's  general  conclusion  that  war  is  not  the  normal  condition 
of  the  Australian  black,  and  that,  in  fact,  it- does  not  exist  in  the  form  of  an  open 
unregulated  battle,  interesting  as  it  is,  and  important,  will  excite  no  surprise  in  anyone 
acquainted  with  Australian  evidence.  We  know  only  two  forms  of  bloodshed  ;  either 
a  regulated  combat  between  two  individuals  OF  two  quarrelling  groups — a  combat  in 
which  there  is  seldom  a  grave  injury  (p.  150),'  or  an  attack  on  an  unprepared  enemy 
— probably  as  an  act  of  revenge  (p.  151).  We  read  of  such  an  attack,  for  instance, 
made  by  the  Kurnai  on  the  Brajerak  (Hewitt's  Kamilaroi  and  Kurnai,  p.  212).  There 
was  no  such  thing  as  territorial  conquest,  as  tribal  land  ownership  was  respected 
(p.  151).  Mr.  Wheeler  gives  a  careful  review  of  statements,  referring  to  regulated 
inter-tribal  justice  (pp.  129,  137). 

The  information  contained  in  Mr.  Wheeler's  book  is  of  great  interest  to  all 
students  of  Australian  sociology.  As  remarked  above,  the  territorial  distribution, 
the  local  grouping,  which  is  the  clue  to  all  regular  daily  contact,  is  of  greatest 
importance  in  creating  all  the  social  bonds.  Especially  amongst  savages,  every 
stranger  is  an  enemy,  and  only  those  who  are  in  continuous,  e very-day  contact  may 
be  friends  or  kinsmen.  The  signification  and  functions  of  the  local  group,  duly 
appreciated  and  described  by  Mr.  Wheeler,  should  be  taken  into  account  in  all 
sociological  discussions  referring  to  Australian  aboriginal  society.  On  the  other  hand, 
all  the  features  of  the  inter-tribal  life,  so  thoroughly  collected  by  Mr.  Wheeler, 
influence  the  whole  social  life  of  our  natives. 

The  publication  of  this  book  is  another  example  of  the  liberality  with  which 
Mr.  Martin  White  is  supporting  sociological  research  in  the  University  of  London. 

B.  M. 


Darwinism.  Novicow. 

La  Critique  du  Darwinisme  Social.     Par  J.  Novicow.     Paris  :  F.  Alcan,  1910.     4G 
Pp.  406.     Index.  I 0 

Like  all  M.  Novicow's  books,  this  volume  is  stimulating  and  interesting.  It  is  a 
fine  piece  of  special  pleading  by  a  typically  clear  French  intellect.  His  thesis  is  a 
continuation  of  former  theses — the  defects  of  Darwinian  sociology.  This  is  defective 
from  its  main  principle — "  collective  homicide  is  the  cause  of  human  progress." 

In  harmony  with  modern  research  he  emphasizes  the  all-important  influence  of 
protection  and  environment.  Humorous  and  vivid  examples  are  given  to  reduce  to 

[     28     ] 


1911.]  MAN.  [Nos.  16-17. 

absurdity  the  elevation  of  Natural  Selection  into  a  fetish.  "  To  apply  to  the  psycho- 
"  logical  domain,  and  then  to  the  social,  principles  solely  applicable  to  the  zoological 
"  domain  is  contrary  to  good  sense,  and  to  the  observation  of  the  most  elementary 
"  facts."  "  The  more  association  the  more  progress  "  is  his  counter-theory.  War,  said 
H.  Spencer,  has  made  civilisation.  War,  says  our  author,  is  a  division,  not  merely  a 
subtraction,  of  vital  power. 

The  book  is  a  powerful  and  convincing  refutation  of  the  old  sociology,  and  Eng- 
lish and  American  sociologists  cannot  ignore  it.  A.  E.  C. 


Sociology.  Van  Gennep. 

Les  Rites  de  Passage.  Par  A.  Van  Gennep.  Paris  :  Nourry,  1909.  4^ 
Pp.  ii-f  2«8.  23  X  14  cm.  Price  5  francs.  If 

Anthropology  owes  much  to  the  analytical  skill  and  lucidity  of  French  anthro- 
pologists, and  readers  of  L'Annee  sociologigue  need  not  be  reminded  of  the  admirable 
essay  by  MM.  Hubert  and  Mauss  in  Vol.  II  on  Sacrifice,  reprinted  with  other  essays 
in  Melanges  a" 'ffistoire  des  Religions.  In  that  essay  they  showed  that  sacrifice 
conformed  generally  to  a  typical  form  possessing  three  distinct  phases.  In  the  first 
phase  the  sacrificer,  the  person  who  received  the  benefits  or  experiences  the  results  of 
the  rite,  effects  an  entry  into  le  monde  sacre  and  is  thereby  removed  from  le  monde 
profane,  a  proceeding  necessarily  fraught  with  danger  because  light,  incautious  dealings 
with  the  supernatural  are  always  hazardous.  The  next  phase  is  that  in  which  the 
sacrificer  is  in  the  most  intimate  contact  with  le  monde  sacre — is,  in  fact,  part  of  it, 
and  is  able  to  effect  the  purpose  of  the  rite.  The  intention  of  the  last  phase  is  to 
desacralise  him,  to  bring  him  back  safely  to  le  monde  profane,  in  such  a  way  as  to 
render  him  free  to  enter  on  his  normal  life  once  more  by  divesting  him  of  all  vestiges 
of  the  superior  sanctity  with  which  he  had  been  in  contact,  and  to  make  it  safe  for 
him  to  consort  with  his  fellows  as  of  yore. 

In  the  work  under  notice  M.  Van  Gennep  shows  how,  in  addition  to  their  specific 
purpose,  birth,  marriage,  and  initiation  rites  (which  I  have  cited  merely  as  examples) 
are  intended  to  effect  a  similar  transition  from  one  stage  in  social  life  to  another,  and 
are  therefore  rites  de  passage.  He  succeeds  in  showing  that  in  general  they 
exhibit  the  threefold  structure  of  rites  de  separation,  rites  de  marge,  and  rites 
d'agregation.  Sometimes  one  phase  is  more  important  than  the  other  two.  Some- 
times in  one  and  the  same  stage  of  the  same  rite,  now  one  now  another  purpose 
is  dominant,  as  in  the  case  of  funeral  rites  where  the  rites  of  separation  are  found  to  be 
often  dualised  by  reason  of  the  fact  that  what  severs  the  living  from  the  dead  does  not 
absolutely  get  rid  of  the  dead  and  secure  the  safety  of  the  living. 

Much  of  the  argument  rests  upon  the  distinction  drawn  between  le  monde  sacre 
and  le  monde  profane.  Both  are  relative  terms.  To  a  member  of  one  social  stage  or 
group  other  stages  or  groups  in  society  are  part  of  le  monde  sacre,  relations  with  which 
are  potentially  dangerous.  Hence,  our  author  analyses  social  structure,  and  starts  with 
the  lines  of  social  cleavage,  by  sex,  by  age,  and  by  religious  and  economic  divisions. 
Thus,  perhaps,  the  most  important  social  division  is  that  by  sex.  It  is  permanent. 
As  soon  as  a  woman  is  declared  to  be  adult,  socially  as  well  as  physically  mature, 
a  distinction  which  masks  a  real  difference,  not  only  are  there  initiation  rites  to 
mark  her  severance  from  le  monde  asexue,  and  her  entry  into  the  world  of  womanhood, 
but  there  are  outward  and  visible  tokens  of  the  change  of  status.  There  are  changes 
in  dress,  in  ornaments,  and  in  coiffure.  No  doubt  sweet  seventeen  has  to  put  up 
with  mild  family  chaff  when  she  puts  her  hair  up  for  the  first  time,  but  she  is 
conforming  to  a  social  law  of  immemorial  age.  What  is  the  nature  of  the  danger 
which  in  savage  thought  attends  these  changes  ?  Is  there  fear  of  an  offended  spirit 

[  29  ] 


Nos.  17-19,]  MAN.  [1911. 

which  visits  the  temerity  of  the  trespasser  with  sudden  punishment,  unless  the  trespass 
be  made  in  accordance  with  the  forms  of  law  ?  Is  it  dread  of  the  vague  unknown 
which  we  know  to  be  fraught  with  terrors  of  all  sorts  ?  Should  we  be  right  in 
including  many  of  the  cases  of  rites  de  passage  in  a  general  category  of  rites  de 
premiere  fois,  a  topic  to  which  some  very  pertinent  and  interesting  pages  are  devoted  ? 
The  tendency  to  excessive  unification  must  be  resisted,  as  the  causes  which  produce 
social  phenomena  are  many  and  various,  even  in  the  societies  which  seem  the  simplest. 
M.  Van  Gennep  takes  us  from  the  cradle  to  the  grave,  through  all  the  stages  and 
grades  of  life,  through  all  the  seasons  of  the  year,  and  has  succeeded  in  writing  a 
very  interesting  book,  which  is  a  substantial  and  valuable  contribution  to  anthropo- 
logical literature,  and  by  its  sustained  and  close  argument  merits  thought  and  attention 
from  the  beginning  to  the  last  word  of  the  last  chapter.  T.  C.  HODSON. 


African  Folklore.  Dayrell. 

Folk  Stories  from  Southern  Nigeria,  West  Africa.  By  Elphinstone  4Q 
Dayrell,  F.R.G.S.,  F. R.A.I.,  District  Commissioner,  Southern  Nigeria,  with  an  10 
Introduction  by  Andrew  Lang.  (Longmans,  Green  &  Co.) 

This  is  an  excellent  collection  of  forty  stories  and  legends  gathered  from  the 
natives  of  Southern  Nigeria.  Told  in  simple  language  and  with  praiseworthy  brevity, 
they  are  interesting  as  showing  the  mythical  origin  of  some  of  the  ceremonies 
and  customs  which  form  such  prominent  features  of  African  tribal  life.  In  the 
introduction  Mr.  Andrew  Lang  deals  with  the  various  tales  in  a  running  commentary, 
and  compares  several  of  them  with  their  European,  Asiatic,  or  Australasian  counterparts. 
As  he  remarks,  "  The  stories  are  full  of  mentions  of  strange  institutions,  as  well  as 
"  of  rare  adventures."  In  these  tales  the  tortoise  plays  the  part  of  the  wise  and 
cunning  personage,  much  in  the  same  manner  as  Reynard  the  Fox,  as  Ananzi  the 
West  Indian  Spider,  as  Brer  Rabbit,  and  other  Solons  amongst  animals.  Many 
of  the  stories,  as  in  most  folklore  fables,  treat  of  the  dealings  of  birds,  beasts, 
and  reptiles  with  each  other.  Some,  however,  refer  to  the  legendary  origin  of 
natural  phenomena  as,  "  Why  the  Sun  and  Moon  live  in  the  Sky,"  "  The  story  of 
"  Thunder  and  Lightning,"  "  Why  the  Moon  waxes  and  wanes,"  "  The  reason  that 
"  Fish  live  in  the  Water."  The  first  named  is  certainly  an  entirely  original  myth. 
Others,  again,  explain  the  reason  why  the  dead  are  buried,  why  a  cat  kills  rats,  and 
why  the  bat  flies  by  night.  Of  this  last,  two  versions  are  given  neither  in  accordance 
with  the  traditional  ^Esopian  version  of  our  childhood.  The  dreaded  secret  African 
societies,  the  Egbo  or  JuJu  wizard-priests  of  Nigeria,  the  "  spirit "  men  who 
materialise  in  order  to  gratify  their  cannibalistic  tastes,  are  duly  .brought  into  the 
tales,  which  all  have  a  moral  tendency,  the  guilty  personages  being,  punished  with 
cruel  devices  characteristic  of  the  African  at  home.  The  book  will  entertain  the 
general  reader,  and  is  not  unworthy  of  the  attention  of  those  interested  in 
anthropology.  T.  H.  J. 

Religion.  Edmondston-Scott. 

Elements  of  Negro  Religion.  By  W.  J.  Edmondston-Scott.  Edinburgh  :  IQ 
Edmondston-Scott  &  Co.,  1910.  Pp.  xvi  +  244. 

The  author  claims  to  sum  up  in  this  volume  the  elements  of  negro  religion  as  it 
was  and  as  it  is  (p.  233).  He  announces  in  his  introduction  (p.  x)  that  he  describes 
only  those  modern  religious  beliefs  of  which  the  history  can  be  traced  back  to  about 
4000  B.C.,  thus  enabling  the  reader,  from  evidence  laid  before  him,  to  judge  for  him- 
self the  state  of  negro  religion  as  it  was  shortly  after  the  flood.  He  warns  the 
reader  that  it  must  be  read  with  the  scientific  vision,  for,  although  the  work  professes 
to  be  of  a  simple  and  unassuming  nature,  it  claims  to  be  a  scientific  study  on  scien- 

[     30     ] 


1911.]  MAN.  [Nos.  19-20. 

tific  lines.  It  is  to  be,  in  one  word,  the  foundation  of  the  study  of  Indo-Bantu 
comparative  religion.  Mr.  Edmondstoti- Scott  admits  that  he  has  ignored  the  existence 
of  many  scientists  of  our  day,  and,  furthermore,  declares  that  he  utterly  disbelieves 
the  statements  of  the  so-called  conscientious  traveller.  Thus,  unhampered  by  facts, 
he  sallies  forth  to  do  battle  with  agnostics,  evolutionists,  and  other  infidels. 

After  having  been  informed  that  religion  is  not  subject  to  evolution  (p.  xi),  we 
learn  that,  scientifically  speaking,  the  Kol,  Basques,  and  Bantu  belong  to  one  family, 
the  direct  descendants  of  the  ancient  Indo-Bantu  race  of  Bengal.  The  regeneration 
of  Africa,  therefore,  is  a  task  devolving  on  the  Bantu,,  he  being  of  the  same  blood 
as  the  Greek,  Roman,  Celt,  and  Teuton.  This  assumption  is  based  on  Mr.  Edmondston- 
Scott's  statement  that  the  Bantu  language  is  the  parent  of  many  European  tongues. 

The  only  commendable  part  of  this  book  is  the  careful  separation  of  religious  beliefs 
from  the  beliefs  in  spirits  and  ghosts  ;  but  this  has  been  done  much  more  successfully 
and  on  a  serious  and  scientific  basis  by  Mr.  R.  E.  Dennett  in  his  book,  At  the  Back  of 
the  Black  Man's  Mind.  But  why  does  Mr.  Edmondston-Scott  express  himself  like 
this  :  u  There  are  no  negro  tribes  to  be  found  anywhere  so  debased  and  ignorant  as 
"  to  disbelieve  in  the  existence  of  spirits  "  ?  Surely  some  people  do  exist  who  are 
not  debased  and  yet  who  do  not  believe  in  them. 

It  is  impossible  to  point  out  even  a  small  part  of  the  erroneous  assumptions  to 
be  found  in  this  book,  e.g.,  "  The  moon  is  less  beloved  of  the  negro  than  star  or  sun 
"  or  sea"  (p.  13).  "The  Bantu  of  to-day  always  very  carefully  double  up  a  dying 
"  man  into  the  crouching  position  "  (p.  77).  "  ^sop,  this  Bantu  negro  "  (p.  22).  With 
a  little  care  the  author  could  have  avoided  contradicting  himself  as  he  does,  when  he 
states  (p.  10),  that  the  wanderers  from  Europe,  after  abusing  Africa's  welcome 
hospitality,  deny  the  negro's  knowledge  of  God  and  then  include  the  native  names  for 
"  God "  in  the  vocabularies  they  compile  ;  and  when  he  says  further  on  (p.  56)  that 
the  Jehovah  of  the  negroes  is  nameless. 

Mr.  Edmondston-Scott  assumes  that  Adam  and  Eve  were  negroes,  and  gives  his 
reasons  as  follows  on  p.  30:  "The  older  legends  circle  round  the  person  of  Pilcliu 
Hadam  ....  "his  sister  was  Malin  ....  but  after  she  bore  him  children 

"  he  changed   her  name  to  Eva,  or  Eve Bantu  legend    upholds,    therefore, 

"  the    biblical    tradition  (?)  that    two    antediluvian    persons,    named    Hadam  and  Eve 
"  '  man  '  and  '  mother,'  were  negroes." 

The  book  is  all  on  this  line.  Mr.  Edmondston-Scott  says  (p.  II):  "  The  negro 
"  .  .  .  .  regards  himself  as  all-knowing,  and  certainly  is  an  authority  on  whatever 
"  he  knows  nothing  about."  Well,  well,  we  dare  not  suggest  what  an  intelligent 
negro  might  say  about  Mr.  Edmondston-Scott  if  he  read  his  book.  E.  TORDAY. 


Prehistory.  Churchward:  Hirmenech. 

The  Signs  and  Symbols  of  Primordial  Man,  being  an  Explanation  of  the  All 
Evolution  of  Religious  Doctrines  from  the  Eschatology  of  the  Ancient  fcU 
Egyptians.  By  Albert  Churchward,  M.D.,  P.M.,  P.Z.,  30°,  &c.  London  :  Sonnen- 
schein,  1910.  Pp.  xxiv  +  449.  185  illustrations.  25  X  16  cm.  Price  25*.  net. 

Le  Dolmen  Royal  de  Gavr  Inis  pres  d'Auray  (Morbihan).  Origine  et  ffistoire, 
Interpretation  des  Signes  Hieroglyphiques  Sculptes  a  Vlnterieur  du  Monument.  By 
H.  P.  Hirmenech.  Le  Mans  :  Imprimerie  Monnoyer,  1908.  8vo.  58  pp.  text,  4  pp. 
illustrations. 

All  the  authorities  have  gone  more  or  less  astray  for  want  of  the  master  key  to 
the  past,  discovered  by  Dr.  Churchward,  namely,  that  all  the  human  races,  palaeolithic, 
neolithic,  Australian,  Ainu,  American,  Israelitish,  Druidic,  and  others,  and  all  their 
ideas  originated  on  the  banks  of  the  Nile,  and  went  thence  by  successive  "  exodes  " 

[    31     ] 


Nos.  20-21.]  MAN.  [1911. 

at  various  times  during  the  last  50,000  years.  But  why  Egypt  ?  Why  not  Atlantis, 
which,  being  beyond  our  reach  at  the  bottom  of  the  sea,  is  so  much  safer  to  speculate 
upon,  and  would,  moreover,  fit  better  with  some  of  the  other  notions  adopted  by 
Dr.  Churchward  ?  The  Great  Pyramid,  its  coffer,  its  cubit,  and  its  inch  ;  the  coupling 
together  of  Moses  and  the  Druids  as  derived  from  Egypt  (perilously  near  the  Anglo- 
Israelite  "  Identification  "),  are  all  in  his  book.  One  thing  which  would  consort  well 
with  his  views  is  not  in  it,  however,  namely,  the  demonstration  by  M.  Hirmenech  that 
Osiris =Thoth  was  to  have  been  buried  in  the  chamber  of  Gavr  Inis  if  he  had  not  been 
eaten  instead,  and  that  the  mysterious  figures  on  its  walls  contain  the  history  of  his 
death  and  of  the  Deluge  ;  but  perhaps  Dr.  Churchward  is  not  yet  acquainted  with 
the  works  of  M.  Hirmenech.  Still  his  book  contains  the  results  of  very  much 
reading,  and  may  at  least  serve  one  useful  purpose,  that  of  showing  that  Free- 
masonry, though  it  may  make  use  of  old  signs  and  symbols,  the  original  meaning  of 
which  has  been  forgotten,  does  not  retain  the  intelligent  guardianship  of  any  secret 
of  antiquity.  If  it  did  it  would  have  been  unnecessary  for  Dr.  Churchward  to  have 
written  450  pages  and  more  to  prove  the  fact  to  his  brethren.  That  some  venerable 
ideas  from  Central  Africa  and  the  palseolithic  period  may  have  filtered  through  ancient 
Egypt  into  modern  "  Christian  Europe,"  as  Dr.  Churchward  suggests,  is  likely  enough  ; 
but  that,  if  proved,  would  not  pave  the  way  for  accepting  his  views  about  the 
Australians,  Americans,  and  Ainus.  A.  L.  LEWIS. 


Folklore.  Van  Gennep. 

La  Formation  des  Legendes.  Par  A.  Van  Gennep.    Paris  :  Ernest  Flammarion,     OJ 
1910.     Pp.  326.     Price  3  fr.  50  c.  L\ 

M.  Van  Gennep  offers  us  in  this  book  the  answers  to  five  questions.  First,  What 
do  we  mean  by  the  terms  fable,  tale  (conte),  legend,  and  myth,  and  what  are  the 
relations  between  these  various  forms  of  popular  narrative  ?  Second,  What  is  the 
place  of  legends  in  the  general  life  of  the  community,  and  in  what  way  are  they 
linked  with  other  forms  of  social  activity  ?  Third,  What  is  their  value  as  documents 
for  the  purposes  of  ethnography,  of  geography,  of  history,  and  of  psychology  ?  Fourth, 
What  are  the  laws  of  the  production,  of  the  formation,  the  transmission,  and  modifica- 
tion of  legends  ?  And  fifth,  What  is  the  relative  importance  in  literary  production 
in  general  of  the  individual  element  as  compared  with  the  collective  element  ?  To 
do  justice  to  so  comprehensive  a  theme,  or  rather  to  a  succession  of  comprehensive 
themes,  in  a  book  of  some  310  pages  demands  a  power  of  compression,  of  terse  state- 
ment, and  succinct  argument,  qualifications  which  our  author,  being  a  Frenchman, 
possesses  in  a  happy  degree.  There  is  here  no  room  for  purple  patches,  for  tropical 
forests  as  seen  from  a  professorial  library  or  for  gorgeous  sunsets.  A  work  like 
this  has,  of  course,  the  defects  of  its  qualities.  There  is,  and  can  be,  little  or  no 
documentation.  There  is  plenty  of  evidence  that  our  author  is  not  a  mere  a  priorist. 
We  who  are  acquainted  with  M.  Van  Gennep's  other  works  can  testify  to  his  reading 
and  knowledge.  We  know  him  to  be  an  accurate  and  thorough  student  of  savage 
custom  and  lore,  as  well  as  an  ingenious  and  acute  psychologist.  It  would  not  be 
fair  to  pretend  in  a  brief  review  to  do  more  than  draw  the  attention  of  workers 
in  the  field  of  anthropology  to  this  book.  We  are  likely  to  be  busy  for  a  long  time 
to  come  with  the  problem  of  the  part  played  by  individual  ability  and  genius  in 
the  development  of  society  and  of  its  many  activities,  especially  in  its  earlier  stages. 
The  sanity  and  moderation  of  this  book,  together  with  its  comprehensiveness,  make 
it  very  useful  to  all  who  are  interested  in  the  study  of  legend  and  myth.  Even  those 
who  do  not  accept  his  conclusions  will  respect  the  merits  of  style  and  conciseness 
which  adorn  M.  Van  Geunep's  study  of  folklore.  T.  C.  HOD  SON. 

Printed  by  EYEE  AND  SPOTTISWOODE.  LTD.,  His  Majesty's  Printers,  Bast  Harding  Street,  B.C. 


PLATE  C. 


MAN,  191 1. 


SIR     FRANCIS     GALTON. 


1911.]  MAN.  [No.  22. 

ORIGINAL    ARTICLES. 

Obituary :  Galton.  With  Plate  C.  Gray. 

Sir  Francis  Galton,  M.A.,    D.C.L.,    F.R.S.      Born,  February  16,  1822;     A  A 

died,  January  17,  1911.     By  John   Gray,  B.Sc.  H 

By  the  death  of  Sir  Francis  Galton,  British  science  has  lost  one  of  its  most 
original  and  creative  thinkers,  and  the  loss  is  especially  great  to  anthropology,  which 
he  may  be  said  to  have  elevated,  for  the  first  time,  to  the  rank  of  an  exact  science. 

Galton  had  the  advantage  of  belonging  to  a  stock  of  great  intellectual  distinction  ; 
his  grandfather  on  the  mother's  side  being  the  celebrated  Erasmus  Darwin,  and  his 
cousin  the  still  mere  distinguished  Charles  Darwin.  On  the  father's  side  he  was  come 
of  a  good  Quaker  stock,  some  members  of  which,  as  for  example  the  famous  Captain 
Barclay  of  Ury,  were  of  exceptionally  fine  physique.  No  one  appreciated  better  than 
Galton  himself  the  benefits  he  derived  from  natural  inheritance,  the  laws  and 
importance  of  which  he  has  done  so  much  to  elucidate. 

Galton's  early  studies  were  devoted  to  medicine  and  later  to  mathematics,  he 
having  entered  Birmingham  Hospital  as  a  medical  student  in  1838,  and  Trinity  College, 
Cambridge,  in  1840.  The  study  of  these  more  or  less  exact  sciences,  must  have 
exercised  a  great  influence  in  impelling  him  to  work  out  exact  methods  in  that  study 
of  the  mental  and  physical  characters  of  man,  which  occupied  almost  exclusively  the 
last  forty  years  of  his  life. 

In  1850  he  organised  an  expedition  to  explore  Damaraland.  the  scientific  results 
of  which  were  so  valuable,  that  in  1853  the  Royal  Geographical  Society  awarded  him 
one  of  its  annual  gold  medals.  Owing  to  this  and  subsequent  work  in  connection 
therewith  he  was  in  1856  elected  a  Fellow  of  the  Royal  Society. 

Early  in  the  'sixties  he  began  his  studies  in  heredity,  and  in  1865  an  article  on 
*'  Hereditary  Talent  and  Character"  Avas  published  in  Macmillan's  Magazine,  which 
clearly  set  out  his  views  on  a  department  of  applied  anthropology,  he  afterwards  named 
Eugenics.  Through  his  strenuous  advocacy,  eugenics  is  now  beginning  to  exercise 
an  important  influence  on  social  reform  in  all  civilised  countries. 

One  of  the  greatest  achievements  of  Galton  consisted  in  the  application  of  exact 
mathematical  methods  to  the  analyses  of  anthropometric  statistics.  Quetelet  was  the 
first  to  apply  the  Gaussian  curve  to  represent  the  frequency  of  anthropometric  data, 
but  Galton  records  that,  though  he  once  met  Quetelet,  it  was  from  Spottiswoode  that 
he  received  the  first  impulse  in  this  direction.  In  1886  Galton  made  the  great 
discovery  of  the  Correlation  table,  and,  with  the  assistance  of  a  mathematical  friend, 
devised  a  method  of  calculating  the  coefficient  of  correlation  which  now  plays  so 
important  a  part  in  the  interpretation,  not  only  of  anthropometric,  but  of  all  kinds 
of  statistics. 

In  1882  he  wrote  in  The  Fortnightly  Review,  "  When  shall  we  have  anthro- 
"  pometric  laboratories  where  a  man  may  from  time  to  time  get  himself  and  his 
"  children  weighed,  measured,  and  rightly  photographed,  and  have  each  of  their 
"  bodily  faculties  tested  by  the  best  methods  known  to  modern  science  ?  "  This 
important  suggestion  he  afterwards  realised  by  starting  an  anthropometric  laboratory 
in  1884,  in  connection  with  the  exhibitions  at  South.  Kensington.  This  was  main- 
tained at  his  own  expense  until  1891.  It  is  of  interest  to  mention  that  the  Royal 
Anthropological  Institute  has  resuscitated  Galton's  important  undertaking  by  the 
installation  (1909-10)  of  anthropometric  bureaus  in  connection  with  the  exhibitions  at 
Shepherd's  Bush. 

Galton  was  President  of  the  Anthropological  Institute  (1885-88)  and  Huxley 
Lecturer  (1901). 

The  practical  working  of  the  finger-print  method  of  identification  is  also  due  to 
Galton. 

[    33    ] 


Nos.  22-24.]  MAN.  [1911. 

Among  his  more  important  works  are  Hereditary  Genius  (1869),  Human  Faculty 
(1883),  and  Natural  Inheritance  (1889). 

He  was  on  the  Meteorological  Council  for  thirty-four  years,  and  invented  many 
ingenious  contrivances  for  making  and  recording  meteorological  observations,  some  of 
which  are  still  in  use. 

Galton's  genius  was  essentially  that  of  the  great  engineer.  Fortunately  he  pre- 
ferred to  apply  the  exact  and  practical  methods  of  the  engineer  to  the  study  of  man — 
methods  the  future  development  of  which  may  safely  be  left  in  the  hands  of  the 
brilliant  school  which  he  has  created.  J.  GRAY. 


Obituary :  Galton.  Beddoe. 

Sir  Francis  Galton,  D.C.L.,  F.R.S.     By  Dr.  J.  Beddoe,  LL.D.,  F.R.S.,     QO 

F.R.C.P.  fcO 

My  acquaintance  with  Mr.  Galton — one  hardly  can  think  of  him  as  Sir  Francis, 
for  our  most  accomplished    biologist  was  not    recognised    by  the  British    Government 

.. -V  II T^&MT-  fe  " 


-I- 


until  he  was  nearing  his  end — began  more  than  fifty  years  ago,  and  speedily  ripened 
into  friendship.  But  though  we  were  very  intimate  I  could  have  but  little  intercourse 
with  him,  as  we  lived  one  hundred  miles  apart.  And  there  were  compartments  in  the 
mind  of  this  most  many-sided  of  men  that  I  never  had  an  opportunity  of  knowing. 

I  never  had,  indeed,  a  chance  of  measuring  his  head,  though  I  scarcely  ever 
saw  him  without  wondering  at  its  peculiar  shape,  peculiar  at  least  for  England, 
and  speculating  as  to  what  quality  was  wanting  in  him  in  connexion  with  that 
extreme  flatness  of  occiput  that  suggested  deficiency  of  part  of  the  posterior  cerebral 
lobe.  But  though  there  might  possibly  be  superabundance,  one  could  not  think  of 
deficiency  in  the  nature  of  Francis  Galton.  Mild  and  pacific  he  was  ;  but  it  was 
from  no  lack  of  energy  and  courage  in  the  man  who  risked  his  life  among  the 
savage  Damara,  and  who  taught  us  how  to  go  to  bed  comfortably  with  a  rifle. 
He  had  the  solidity  of  his  Quaker  ancestors,  a  solidity  that  did  not  exclude,  but 
gave  steady  quiet  force  to  enthusiasm.  Humour  was  the  only  quality  one  could 
conceive  as  lacking  in  him  ;  and  we  know  it  is  apt  to  be  so  in  the  Quakers. 

I  may  be  permitted  to  recall  an  instance  of  his  inventiveness  in  which  I  was 
personally  interested.  Knowing  my  methods  of  observation  of  colour,  and  the 
difficulties  I  occasionally  had  in  making  use  of  them  coram  publico,  he  contrived 
an  instrument  which  could  be  carried  in  a  pocket,  and  which  would  make,  and 
record  a  division  of  a  number  of  subjects  into  five  categories,  in  accordance  with 
the  colour  of  the  hair,  or  any  other  physical  difference.  This  little  instrument  I 
made  trial  of,  at  his  instigation,  and  found  that  it  could  be  perfectly  well  worked 
with  a  hand  in  a  trouser  pocket,  without  the  knowledge  or  suspicion  of  the^ 
subjects.  JOHN  BEDDOE, 

Asia:  Central.  Joyce. 

Note  on  a  Number  of  Fire-Sticks  from  ruined  Sites  on  the  South      A 1 

and  East  of  the  Takla-makan  Desert,  collected  by  Dr.  M.  A.  Stein.      (J\ 

By  T.  A.  Joyce,  M.A. 

Among  the  lesser  objects  collected  by  Dr.  Stein  during  his  last  journey  in 
Central  Asia  were  a  number  of  fire-sticks,  of  which  the  best  specimens  are,  by  his 
kind  permission,  figured  herewith.  In  every  case  except  one  the  "female"  stick 
alone  was  found,  and  all  of  these  are  typical  of  the  apparatus  by  which  fire  is- 
procured  by  the  "  twirling "  method.  In  most  cases  before  the  formation  of  the 
"  hearth,"  a  V-shaped  groove  has  been  cut  in  the  face  of  the  stick  at  right  angles 
to  that  in  which  the  "  hearth "  is  formed,  parallel  with  the  axis  of  the  "  male "" 
stick  when  in  operation.  The  hearth  is  then  formed  close  to  the  edge  of  the  stick.. 

[    34    ] 


1911.] 


MAN. 


[No,  24- 


FIG. l. 


FIG.  2. 


FIG.  3. 


FIG.  4. 


so  that  the  fine  dust  produced  by  the  friction  pours  out  through  the  notch  pro- 
duced by  the  groove.  This  is  well  seen  on  the  lower  portion  of  the  stick  (Fig.  2). 
In  other  cases  the  hearth  has  been  formed  in  the  centre  line  of  the  stick,  but  is 
connected  with  the  margin  by  a  groove  cut  deeper  than  the  lowest  part  of  the  hearth 
and  deepening  as  it  approaches  the  margin  ;  this  is  seen  in  Fig.  3.  It  may  be 
said  at  once  that 
no  importance  can 
be  attached  to  this 
slight  difference, 
as  the  two  sticks 
in  question  are  a 
pair  and  were 
both  found  in  the 
rough  cloth  bag 
(Fig.  4)  among 
the  ruins  at  En- 
dere. 

As  remarked 
above,  one 
"male"  fire -stick 
was  found,  and  is 
seen  attached  to 
the  "female" 
stick  (Fig.  5). 
The  flattened 
conical  point  of 

this  is  quite  typical,  and  bears  faint  traces  of  the  action  of  fire,  but  it  could  hardly 
have  been  used  in  its  present  form,  since  it  is  too  short ;  probably  it  is  a  stick 
which  had  broken  or  become  worn  down,  and  had  been  made  into  a  peg  for 
suspending  the  other  stick  by  having  the  other  end  sharpened.  It  is  noticeable  that 
in  almost  every  case  these  "female"  sticks  were  meant  to  be  attached  to  something, 

since  each  is  furnished  with  a  hole  obviously 
for  suspension.  In  some  cases  this  hole  runs 
vertically  through,  as  in  Fig.  1,  but  in  other 
cases  two  holes  are  bored  to  meet  one  another, 
from  the  under  surface  and  from  one  of  the 
marginal  surfaces  respectively.  It  is  rather 
difficult  to  judge  of  the  quality  of  the  wood, 
owing  to  the  extreme  desiccation  of  the  speci- 
mens, but  it  seems  almost  certain  that  the 
"  male  "  sticks  were  of  hard,  the  "  female  "  of 
soft  wood. 

It  is  a  little  surprising  to  find  in  the  heart 
of  Central  Asia,  where  one  has  been  accus- 
tomed to  regard  the  flint  and  steel  as  the 
typical  fire-making  appliance,  apparatus  for 
"  twirling  "  which  might,  from  their  appearance, 
perfectly  well  have  come  from  East  Africa  ; 
there  is  no  reason  to  suppose  that  any  of  the  specimens  are  of  great  age,  since  the 
sites  where  they  were  found  were  not  abandoned  until  the  latter  part  of  the  third 
century,  and,  therefore,  the  use  of  wood  for  this  purpose  was  not  dictated  by  lack 
of  iron.  Similar  appliances  are  found  in  use  among  the  primitive  tribes  in  India, 

[    35    J 


FIG.  5. 


FIG.  6. 


Nos.  24-25.]  MAN.  [1911, 

and,  for  ceremonial  purposes,  among  the  civilised  also.  Moreover,  the  use  of  the 
irvpeia,  reperpov  and  evxapa,  were  known  in  classical  times  (see  Theophrastus  de  Hist. 
Plant,  v.  9.  7,  and  de  Igne,  64).  Consequently  it  is  not  unreasonable  to  suppose  that 
in  these  fire-sticks  we  see  traces  of  the  Grseco-Buddhist  influence  which  appears  so 
plainly  in  the  local  art. 

Of  the  specimens  figured,  1  and  6   are  from  Niya  ;  2,  3  and  4  from  Endere  ;  and 
5  from  Lop-nor.  T.  A.  JOYCE. 


Australia.  Wallis. 

Australian    Marriage  Classes.      />'//   //'.    /'•   Wallis.  AC 

In  Journ.  Roy.  Anthr.  Inst.,  XL.,  pp.  165-70,  the  Rev.  J.  Mathew  fcU 
restates  his  theory  of  the  origin  of  Australian  marriage  classes.  "  It  is  briefly,  that 
"  the  two  phratries  represent  two  ancient,  distinct  races,  which  amalgamated  to  form 
"  the  Australian  race.  One  race  was  Papuasian,  very  dark,  with  curly  hair.  The 
"  remnant  of  it  became  extinct  with  Truganini,  the  last  of  the  pure  Tasmanians. 
"  The  other  was  a  stronger,  more  advanced,  lighter  coloured  race,  with  straight  hair, 
"  and  akin  to  the  Dravidians  and  Veddahs "  (p.  166).  In  support  of  his  theory 
the  Rev.  J.  Mathew  adduces  nine  reasons,  four  of  them  somatological,  the  remaining 
five  linguistic.  Our  present  concern  is  with  the  former. 

"  We  have,"  says  the  writer,  "  phratries  in  New  South  Wales,  Western  Australia, 
"  and  Queensland,  whose  names  are  respectively  light-blooded  and  dark-blooded,  or 
"  light-skinned  or  dark-skinned."  Finally,  "  On  visiting  two  aboriginal  reserves  in 
"  Victoria,  four  natives,  one  of  whom  was  close  on  eighty  and  the  other  over  sixty 
"  years  of  age,  told  me,  when  interrogated  separately,  that  the  old  blacks  professed 
"  to  be  able  to  distinguish  members  of  the  Kirrokaitch  from  those  of  the  Kafaitch 
"  phratry  and  members  of  the  Bundyil  from  those  of  the  Wa  by  the  quality  of  the 
"  hair.  Two  told  me  that  one  phratry  had  fine  hair,  the  other  coarse  ;  and,  corroborative 
"  of  this  distinction,  a  fifth  native,  belonging  to  Swan  Hill  on  the  Murray,  taking 
"  hold  of  his  hair  said,  'I'm  Kirlba,  straight  hair,  other  fellows  are  Mukwar,  curly 
"  hair,'  and  went  on  to  explain  that  the  straight  hair  people  could  not  marry  among 
"  themselves  but  had  to  intermarry  with  the  curly-hair  people,  and  vice  versa " 
(pp.  166-7).  Thus  the  Rev.  J.  Mathew  seems  to  support  his  contention  by 
observed  somatological  differences  which  are  at  least  perceptible  to  the  native. 
The  biological  problem  involved  is  not,  however,  so  simple  as  he  seems  to  take  for 
granted.  It  involves  very  important  assumptions  to  which  every  biologist  .could  not 
subscribe. 

As  I  understand  the  writer — and  he  has  put  his  arguments  with  admirable 
clearness — Australian  class  exogamy  is  founded  on  racial  exogamy.  Let  us  call  the 
one  race  A,  the  complementary  race  B.  As  a  marriage  system  becomes  well- 
established  along  these  lines,  race  A  becomes  phratry  A,  race  B  becomes  phratry  B, 
and  the  two  together  make  up  the  tribe.  The  writer  does  not  tell  us  when  he  supposes 
this  process  to  have  begun  ;  but  in  the  light  of  the  universal  distribution  over  almost 
the  entire  Australian  continent,  and  in  the  light  of  the  great  conservatism  which 
pervades  Australian  social  organisation,  no  one  could  intelligently  maintain  that  this 
race-phratry  exogamy  did  not  begin  many  generations  ago.  Add  to  this  the  exogamous 
nature  of  this  race-phratry  organisation,  and  it  becomes  clear  that  a  perpetuation  of 
the  somatological  differences  which  originally  existed  is  so  highly  improbable  that 
we  may  call  it  impossible. 

A  never  marries  within  A  but  always  in  B.  Let  us  call  the  first  generation  of 
this  intermarriage  D  and  E  respectively,  according  as  its  members  belong  to  phratry  A 
or  phratry  B.  It  is  then  evident  that  D  is  as  much  B  as  it  is  A,  so  far  as  ancestry 
is  concerned,  and  E  is  as  much  A  as  it  is  B,  so  far  as  its  ancestry  is  concerned  ;  nor 

[  36  ] 


1911,]  MAN.  [No.  25. 

does  the  question  of  matrilineal  or  of  patrilineal  descent  in  any  way  affect  the  problem. 
If,  then,  in  the  first  generation  the  blood  of  the  two  races  is  evenly  blended,  and  each 
successive  generation  is  a  further  even  blending,  there  being  always  as  much  blood  of 
the  original  race-phratry  A  in  any  given  individual  as  there  is  blood  of  the  original 
race-phratry  B — of  necessity  a  constant  ratio  —  how  shall  those  race  differences, 
certainly  not  great  in  the  beginning,  be  preserved  during  future  generations,  even  to 
the  present  time  ?  Or  let  us  suppose  that  amalgamation  does  not  take  place,  but  that 
in  any  given  family  some  of  the  members  show  marked  characteristics  of  phratry  A, 
others  of  phratry  B.  Even  so  they  must  all  be  grouped  together,  either  in  the  phratry 
of  the  father,  or  in  that  of  the  mother  ;  and  I  do  not  understand  how  these  distinctions 
could  be  gathered  into  the  original  race-phratry  divisions,  since  the  prevailing  social 
organisation  must  result  in  continual  attempts  to  break  down  any  somatological 
differences  that  may  at  one  time  have  been  identical  with  class  divisions. 

Aside  from  these  objections  to  his  argument,  I  do  not  believe  that  the  facts 
adduced  by  the  Rev.  J.  Mathew  lend  weight  to  his  contention.  In  the  first  place  a 
glance  at  the  totems  and  phratries  of  different  tribes  as  recorded  in  Howitt's  Native 
Tribes  of  S.E.  Australia  shows  that  colour  distinctions  are  not  consistently  adhered 
to.  For  example,  how  does  it  happen  that,  in  the  Wakelbura  tribe  the  black  bee  is  in 
the  Malera  phratry,  while  the  black  duck  is  in  the  Wuthera  phratry  (p.  112)  ?  Again, 
in  the  Wotjobaluk  tribe  black  swan,  white  gull,  white-bellied  cormorant,  small  black 
cormorant,  grey  heron,  black  duck  are  in  the  Gamutch  phratry  ;  while  in  the  Krokitch 
phratry  are  grey  kangaroo  and  red  kangaroo  (p.  121)  ? 

It  is  possible  that  the  Rev.  J.  Mathew  makes  a  further  false  assumption  when  he 
attributes  (implicitly)  the  colour  concept  in  our  descriptive  names  of  these  animals  to 
the  Australians,  whose  terminology  is  built  upon  an  absolutely  different  basis.  We 
speak  of  two  species  of  animals  as  grey  kangaroo  and  red  kangaroo,  and  for  us  they 
are  a  grey  species  and  a  red  species.  When  the  Australian  speaks  of  the  one  as 
Gori  and  of  the  other  as  Burra,  does  he  think  of  the  one  as  grey  and  the  other  as 
red,  any  more  than  we,  when  we  see  a  reference  to  Howitt,  think  of  a  green  book,  and, 
when  we  see  a  reference  to  Mr.  Lang,  think  of  a  blue  one  ?  By  Jarb-jurk  and  by 
Burtita  the  Australian  refers  to  the  same  animals  that  we  have  in  mind  when  we  say 
that  these  are  respectively  the  white  gull  and  the  wfoVe-bellied  cormorant.  But  it 
does  not  follow  that  he  thereby  recognises  the  common  concept  of  white  which  is 
stated  in  our  descriptive  nomenclature.  Indeed,  in  all  the  lists  given  by  Mr.  Howitt 
the  native  terms  give  us  little  reason  to  suspect  that  the  distinctions  in  size  and 
colour  which  go  to  make  up  Mr.  Howitt's  descriptive  names  of  totem  objects  are 
distinctions  observed  by  the  savage  ;  or  that  he  is  ordinarily  aware  of  such  dis- 
tinctions until  some  special  demand  directs  his  attention  toward  them.  It  is  true, 
as  Mr.  Lang  says,  that  "  in  the  phratry  names  of  so  many  tribes  .  .  .  we  observe 
"  the  marked  contrast  in  colour  or  in  habitat  ...  of  the  opposite  exogamous  sets " 
(MAN,  80,  1910,  p.  133).  But  it  is  quite  false  to  deduce  from  this — and  Mr.  Lang 
draws  no  such  conclusion — that  therefore  the  Australian  observes  this  marked  con- 
trast. His  perceived  contrasts  are  probably  quite  different,  and  may  ignore  our  point 
of  view  altogether,  just  as  we  return  the  compliment  by  absolutely  ignoring  his. 

In  conclusion,  it  seems  probable  that  the  statement  made  by  the  native  at  Swan 
Hill  with  regard  to  his  phratry  was  nothing  more  than  an  explanation  of  the  marriage 
system.  If,  in  reply  to  a  question,  I  say  that  my  name  is  Wall,  and  say  that  my 
friend's  name  is  Well,  and  point  to  a  wall  and  a  well  respectively,  it  does  not  follow 
that  I  am  indicating  a  resemblance  between  myself  and  a  wall,  and  between  my 
friend  and  a  well.  It  would,  however,  not  be  strange  if  savages  imagine  an  appro- 
priateness between  the  names  imposed  and  personal  characteristics,  and  believe  in  the 
through-going  correspondence  of  name  and  observed  characteristics.  How  else  shall 

[    37    ] 


Nos.  25-28.]  MAN.  [1911. 

we  explain  such  beliefs  as    those  which  make  thirteen  and  Friday  unlucky — a  belief 
that,  to  the  individual  accepting  it,  is  abundantly  proved  in  experience  ? 

W.  D.  WALLIS. 


Africa,  Central.  Torday. 

A    Neolithic   Site    in    the    Katanga.      /,'///:.  Torday.  HO 

I  should  like  to  call  the  attention  of  any  anthropologist  or  archaeologist  fcll 
who  may  now,  or  in  the  future,  be  travelling  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Lake  Moero, 
to  a  neolithic  site  which  exists  on  the  Belgian  shore.  Here  the  Lukonzowa,  an 
unimportant  brook  a  few  hundred  yards  from  the  former  headquarters  of  the  Katanga 
Comity  of  the  same  name,  falls  from  a  great  height  into  the  lake.  At  the  top  of 
the  falls  may  be  seen  a  number  of  grooves  in  the  rock,  which  are  obviously  the  result 
of  polishing  stone  axes.  These  grooves  are  very  noticeable  and  have  attracted  the 
attention  of  many  people,  none  of  whom,  however,  had  any  knowledge  of  archaeology, 
and  who  have  been  greatly  puzzled  as  to  their  meaning.  There  are  many  Europeans 
in  the  Kantauga  now,  and  I  am  quite  sure  that  the  Belgian  authorities  would  gladly 
assist  in  any  investigation  ;  in  fact,  I  believe  that  they  might  be  induced  to  take  the 
initiative  in  the  matter.  E.  TORDAY. 


India :  Ethnology.  Braidwood  :  Crooke. 

A  Note  on  the  Meaning  of  "Meriah."      By   H.    S.   Braidwood   and 
W.  Crooke,  B.A. 

The  custom  of  human  sacrifice  among  the  Kandhs  or  Khonds  of  Orissa  and  Ganjam, 
who  performed  this  rite  with  the  object  of  promoting  the  fertility  of  their  fields,  is  of 
great  ethnological  interest,  and  has  been  elaborately  discussed  by  Professor  J.  G.  Frazer 
(The  Golden  Bough,  2nd  edition,  ii.,  241  seqq.)  The  origin  of  the  name  Meriah  used 
to  designate  the  human  vk>um  in  this  sacrifice,  has  never,  I  believe,  been  satisfactorily 
explained.  Professor  H.  H.  Wilson  (Glossary  of  Judicial  and  Revenue  Terms,  1855) 
gives  :  "  Meria  or  Meriya,  a  human  victim,  usually  a  child  or  young  person,  kid- 
"  napped,  and,  after  a  season,  sacrificed  by  the  Khonds,  a  barbarous  race  in  the  hills 
"  west  of  Cuttack."  Colonel  E.  T.  Daltoii  (Descriptive  Ethnology  of  Bengal,  1872, 
p.  29)  says,  speaking  of  the  Miri  tribe  in  Assam,  that  the  title  of  this  tribe  means 
"  mediator  or  go-between,  and  is  the  same  word  as  miria  or  milia  used  with  the  same 
"  signification  in  Orissa.  Perhaps  the  meriah  applied  to  the  sacrifice  of  the  Khunds 
"  is  a  cognate  word,  the  meriah  being  the  messenger  between  man  and  the  deity." 
This  for  many  reasons  seems  improbable.  I  recently  made  inquiries  into  the  matter 
through  the  Collector  of  Ganjam,  which  contains  139,000  Khands.  I  have  been 
favoured  with  a  reply  from  Mr.  H.  L.  Braidwood,  Headquarters  Sub-Collector,  which 
appears  to  me  to  deserve  publication.  He  states  that  the  word  comes,  as  might  have 
been  expected,  from  the  Kandh,  not  the  Oriya  dialect.  In  Oriya  it  is  always  spelt 
Merid,  the  r  being  soft,  and  the  final,  though  written  a,  is  generally  pronounced  a. 
Being  a  Kandh  word,  it  has  probably  no  connection  with  any  Sanskrit  root.  According 
to  the  District  Manual  of  Ganjam,  meriah  is  probably  the  Oriya  form  of  the  Kandh 
meroi,  mervi,  or  mrivi,  "  a  human  victim."  The  a  in  mend  may  simply  be  the  common 
personal  termination  of  Oriya  added  to  a  Kandh  word.  The  Kandh  interpreter  at 
Ganjam,  who  is  an  Oriya,  says  that  mrivi,  meri,  and  toki  are  used  by  the  Kandhs  in 
various  parts  of  their  country,  as  the  name  of  the  human  victim.  W.  CROOKE. 


England  :  Archaeology.  Robarts :  Collyer. 

Additional  Notes  upon  the  British  Camp  near  Wallington.       /(,,      AQ 

N.  F.  Robarts  and  H.  C.  Collyer.  £.0 

The  favourable  reception  accorded  to  the  previous  notes  upon   the  British    camp 

situated    on  the  site    of   the  Southern  Hospital  of  the    Metropolitan   Asylums  Board 

[    38     ] 


1911.]  MAN.  [No.  28. 

submitted  to  the  Institute  in  1904,  encouraged  us  to  make  further  investigations, 
permission  having  been  given  us  to  excavate  a  portion  of  the  ditch  of  the  camp 
whilst  the  buildings  were  in  course  of  erection,  in  the  hope  that  by  so  doing,  the 
latest  dajte  when  the  settlement  was  inhabited  might  be  ascertained. 

During  the  progress  of  the  work,  one  or  other  of  us  was  constantly  present,  so 
that  we  were  able  definitely  to  fix  the  approximate  position  from  which  the  different 
finds  were  taken. 

The  excavation  was  commenced  on  21st  July  1905,  and  was  continued  for  just  a 
fortnight,  Messrs.  D.  Stewart  and  Sons,  contractors  of  Wallington,  furnishing  us  with 
the  necessary  labour. 

Choosing  the  most  southerly  point  of  the  hill  a  little  to  the  east  of  the  "  Isolation 
Ward,"  and  east  of  the  spot  at  which,  in  the  earlier  paper,  it  was  shown  that  there 
was  probably  an  entrance  road  into  the  camp,  we  endeavoured  to  locate  the  ditch  by 
cutting  two  parallel  trenches  running  due  north  and  south,  120  ft.  apart,  the  western 
one  being  about  80  yards,  and  the  eastern  about  120  yards,  east  of  the  Isolation  Ward 
of  the  Hospital. 

In  order  exactly  to  locate  the  position  of  any  traces  of  human  occupation  we  might 
discover,  the  tredches  were  first  dug  to  the  depth  of  one  spit  (6  ins.)  throughout  their 
entire  length — say  52  ft.  in  the  case  of  the  western  trench,  and  37  ft.  in  the  case  of  the 
eastern  one. 

Both  were  first  sunk  to  the  depth  of  18  ins.  at  the  north  end,  and  in  both  cases 
it  was  found  that  the  southerly  end  of  the  trench  bisected  the  ditch,  which  swept  a 
little  more  to  the  south  than  was  anticipated,  when  taking  a  line  from  the  part  exposed 
in  the  Isolation  Ward,  mentioned  in  the  previous  communication. 

The  disturbed  soil  in  the  trenches  varied  from  1  ft.  6  ins.  in  depth  at  the  north  ends 
to  2  ft.  4  ins.  at  the  south,  where  the  trench  struck  the  north  side  of  the  ditch,  the 
ploughed  land  having  silted  to  the  lower  depth  since  it  was  first  cultivated,  the  slope 
of  the  hill  being  well  defined,  and  the  sand,  of  which  the  soil  was  composed,  being 
evidently  washed  down  very  easily  after  it  had  once  been  disturbed  by  the  plough. 

In  the  trenches  to  the  above  depth  (2  ft.  4  ins.)  we  found  : — 
Small  fragments  of  British  earthenware. 

Small  pieces  of  sandstone  (portions  of  mealing  stones)  some  burnt. 
A  broken  neolithic  axe  (unpolished),  depth  24  ins. 
An  echinus. 
Neolithic  scraper. 
Flint  core. 

Flint  flakes,  used  and  unused. 
A  number  of  burnt  flints. 
A  piece  of  Roman  pottery. 

All  these  objects  being  in  disturbed  ground  may  have  travelled  from  the  surface 
of  the  higher  ground.  The  specimen  of  Roman  pottery  was  the  only  Roman  article 
found  in  the  course  of  the  whole  excavation,  and  it  must  be  remembered  that  it  was 
in  disturbed  ground  at  a  depth  of  not  more  than  2  ft.  4  ins. 

At  a  depth  of  1  ft.  6  ins.  at  the  north  end  of  the  west  trench  a  considerable 
number  of  burnt  flints  were  discovered  lying  near  together,  probably  originally  forming 
a  hearth,  which  had  been  disturbed  by  the  plough. 

There  were  no  signs  of  a  vallum,  if  such  ever  existed  (as  is  probable)  ;  being 
formed  of  sand  it  would  have  been  entirely  washed  into  the  ditch  before  cultivation 
began,  or  been  thrown  down  to  fill  up  the  ditch.  As  the  transverse  trenches  were  not 
extended  beyond  the  south  side  of  the  ditch  we  did  not  ascertain  if  there  had  been 
any  counterscarp  on  the  outer  side  ;  but  if  there  had  been  one  originally,  as  the  field 
showed  only  a  natural  slope,  it  had  probably  been  either  denuded  or  ploughed  away. 

[    39    ] 


No.  28.]  MAN.  [1911. 

In  opening  up  the  ditch  the  soil  was  removed  in  transverse  sections  for  the  full 
width  of  the  ditch,  so  that  the  position  of  each  object  could  be  ascertained,  the  cross 
one  being  reduced,  as  greater  depth   was  attained,  and  it  became  clear  that    the  full 
width  of  the  ditch  was  laid  open,  and  that  its  sides  had  a  sharp  and  regular  slope. 
Upon  the  original  surface  line  the  full  width  of  the  ditch  was  found  to  be   12  ft. 
To  a  depth  of  1  ft.  6  ins.  the  soil  contained  modern  pottery  and  iron,  all  having 
apparently  been  introduced  under  cultivation. 

Below  this  was  1  ft.  to  1  ft.  6  ins.  of  redeposited  clayey  sand,  and  then  upon 
the  sides  of  the  section  was  seen  the  old  dark  surface  line  of  decayed  vegetation, 
from  which  in  a  V  shape  the  banks  of  the  ditch  ran  down  to  a  point,  meeting  at 
7  ft.  below  the  original  surface  line,  proving  that  the  ditch  was  originally  12  ft.  wide 
and  7  ft.  deep. 

After  having  carefully  noted  for  the  first  day  or  two  the  positions  from  which 
the  objects  were  taken,  it  became  clear  that  they  all  lay  either  in  the  first 
2  ft.  6  ins.  from  the  surface  (the  disturbed  soil),  or  upon  the  banks  of  the  ditch, 
or  below  3  ft.  from  the  old  surface  line,  which  3  ft.  consisted  of  dark  clayey  sand. 

All  the  finds  mentioned  above  as  taken  from  the  transverse  trenches  were 
therefore  washed  or  moved  into  position  after  the  ditch  was  filled  up  to  the  old 
surface  line,  as  they  lay  in  the  2  ft.  6  ins.  or  3  ft.  of  soil  over  the  ditch  or  in  the 
trenches  on  its  north  side,  where  they  were  not  sunk  down  to  the  old  land  surface. 
The  conclusion,  therefore,  is  that  the  above  finds  were  all  originally  deposited  on  the 
higher  ground  in  the  interior  of  the  camp,  possibly  even  after  the  camp  was  abandoned, 
and  that  they  were  washed  down  or  brought  down  by  the  plough. 

Below  the  3  ft.  of  dark  clayey  earth  in  the  ditch  the  banks  apparently  curved 
towards  the  centre,  the  2  or  3  ins.  of  vegetable  soil  on  the  banks  gradually  thickening 
to  12  or  18  ins.  at  the  bottom,  which  soil  becoming  darker  and  stiffer  the  deeper  it 
got,  contained  the  great  majority  of  the  finds  we  discovered. 

Below  this  black  soil  further  excavation  showed  that  the  ditch  was  filled  with 
slightly  clayey  yellow  sand  for  a  depth  of  1  ft.  6  ins.  to  2  ft.,  the  banks  meeting 
at  a  sharp  angle  at  a  depth  of  7  ft.  from  the  old  surface  line. 

The  history  of  the  ditch,  therefore,  appears  to  be  this,  that  excavated  in  Thanet 
sand  in  a  V-shape  to  the  depth  of  7  ft.  and  a  width  at  the  top  of  12  ft.,  the  vallum 
and  banks  were  almost  immediately  washed  down  and  filled  the  ditch  to  the  depth 
of  1  ft.  6  ins.  to  2  ft.,  destroying  the  V-shape  and  altering  the  straight  sides  of 
the  ditch  to  a  gentle  curve. 

In  the  lowest  position,  1  ft.  6  ins.  to  2  ft.  from  the  original  bottom  of  the  ditch, 
were  found  bones  and  teeth  of  horse,  ox,  dog,  or  wolf,  flint  flakes  and  cores,  but 
very  little  pottery. 

The  ditch  was  subsequently  used  as  a  cooking  place  for  a  long  period,  during 
which  accumulations  took  place  until  a  black  stratum  of  1  ft.  6  ins.  to  2  ft.  in  thick- 
ness was  deposited,  consisting  largely  of  carbonised  materials  and  vegetable  matter. 

The  settlement  was  then  probably  abandoned,  and  denudation  from  the  vallum 
took  place,  or  the  ditch  was  artificially  filled  up  with  the  soil  from  the  vallum  until 
the  original  surface  was  reached. 

Vegetation  either  grew  upon  this  soil  as  it  accumulated,  rendering  it  darker,  or 
it  became  waterlogged,  the  water  being  unable  to  sink  through  the  clayey  carbonaceous 
bottom,  thus  discolouring  the  sand. 

Further  denudation  from  the  hill  above  took  place  until  1  ft.  6  ins.  had 
accumulated  over  the  ditch  above  the  old  land  surface,  but  the  water  having  then 
free  course  to  lower  ground,  not  being  arrested  in  the  new  ground  in  the  filled-iri 
ditch,  passed  freely  away  and  the  sand  was  therefore  not  discoloured. 

Agriculture  then  recommenced  and    buried  Roman    and    mediaeval  objects  to  the 

[    40     ] 


1911.]  MAN.  [Nos.  28-29. 

depth  of  6  ins.,  and  from  that  time  to  the  present  the  plough  and  ordinary  denudation 
produced  1  ft.  more  accumulation  of  soil,  so  that  ultimately  Roman  and  mediaeval 
objects  mixed  with  neolithic  implements  and  British  pottery  from  the  surface  of 
the  camp  are  found  throughout  the  1  ft.  6  ins.  overlying  the  original  surface  and 
above  the  ditch,  forming  the  cultivated  soil,  Avhilst  denudation  and  agriculture  have 
destroyed  all  vestiges  of  hut  foundations  within  the  camp,  leaving  only  here  and 
there  some  disturbed  hearths  and  burnt  flints. 

The  date  of  the  camp  and  the  civilisation  of  its  occupants  next  demand  our 
attention. 

As  already  mentioned,  the  ditch  when  first  made  had  the  misfortune  of  having 
banks  which  were  easily  washed  down  by  heavy  rains — the  loose  sand  of  the 
vallum  would  be  still  more  affected  by  atmospheric  conditions  than  the  banks  formed 
of  solid  Thanet  sand,  through  which  the  ditch  was  dug.  The  washings  from  the 
vallum  and  banks  of  the  ditch  soon  covered  up  flint  cores,  flakes,  bones,  and  a 
little  pottery. 

There  was  found  sufficient  of  the  latter  to  satisfy  us  that  the  makers  of  the 
ditch  used  the  same  class  of  pottery  as  the  latest  inhabitants,  and  that  they  used 
flint  implements  ;  but  whether  bronze  had  been  introduced  when  the  camp  was  first 
made  there  were  no  evidences  to  show. 

The  discovery  of  stains  of  bronze  or  copper,  and  a  bronze  brooch  found  upon 
the  exterior  banks,  and  a  piece  of  malachite  and  cuprite,  showed  that  the  later 
inhabitants  at  all  events  were  in  the  bronze  stage,  though  the  numerous  flakes  and 
cores  of  flint  showed  a  considerable  contemporaneous  use  of  stone. 

We  may  mention  that  the  exterior  bank  of  the  ditch  had  a  much  thicker 
deposit  of  carbonaceous  matter  upon  it  than  there  was  upon  the  inner  bank,  no 
doubt  through  its  being  much  more  easy  of  access  for  cooking,  &c. 

The  camp  when  first  constructed  may  have  been  constructed  in  neolithic  times, 
as  flint  flakes  were  fairly  abundant  at  the  bottom  of  the  ditch,  whilst  there  was  no 
trace  there  of  bronze  or  copper,  although  there  were  a  few  fragments  of  pottery 
which  appeared  more  and  more  frequently  as  we  drew  up  to  the  level  of  the  old 
land  surface,  but  as  the  pottery  was  of  the  same  character  throughout,  from  the 
very  lowest  point  of  the  ditch  right  up  to  the  old  land  surface,  it  is  most  probable 
that  the  camp  was  continuously  inhabited  by  the  same  tribe  from  its  formation 
until  its  destruction  or  abandonment  without  any  break  in  continuity. 

N.  F.  ROBARTS. 
H.  C.  COLLIER. 

REVIEWS. 
Australasia.  Brown. 

Melanesians  and  Polynesians:  Their  Life-Histories  described  and  com-  flfl 
pared.  By  George  Brown,  D.D.  London  :  Macmillan  &  Co.,  Ltd.,  1910.  fcU 
Pp.  xv  +  451.  Price  12*.  net. 

In  his  preface  Dr.  Brown  tells  us  that  his  "  acquaintance  with  the  natives  of  the 
"  East  and  West  Pacific  extends  over  a  term  of  forty-eight  years."  He  spent  fourteen 
continuous  years  in  Samoa,  with  later  visits.  In  1875  he  landed  in  New  Britain,  when 
there  was  no  white  man  living  there.  Here  he  spent  five  years,  only  broken  by  two 
visits  to  Australia,  and  he  has  revisited  the  group  several  times  since  then.  Besides 
these  places  he  has  visited  the  Solomon  Islands,  and  other  groups  in  the  Western 
Pacific,  and  he  is  acquainted  with  the  "  Samoan,  Tongan,  Fijian,  and  New  Britain 
''  languages."  In  the  present  work  he  does  not  undertake  a  general  account  of  the 
Melanesians  and  Polynesians ;  indeed,  such  an  attempt  would  utterly  destroy  the 
value  of  the  book.  The  account  is  "only  of  those  with  whom  I  have  had  close 

[     41     ] 


No.  29.]  MAN.  [1911. 

"  acquaintance."  In  describing  the  Melanesians  his  observations  are,  in  general,  on 
"  the  people  of  New  Britain  .  .  .  and  more  particularly  of  the. Duke  of  York 
*'  Group."  This  restriction  should  be  borne  in  mind  in  reading  the  work.  The 
remark  on  p.  23  that  "  there  is  but  little  difference  between  the  manners  and  customs 
"  of  the  people  living  on  the  larger  islands  of  New  Britain  and  New  Ireland," 
is  hardly  likely  to  stand  in  the  light  of  the  later  and  more  detailed  researches 
which  have  been  made  ;  though,  unfortunately,  New  Ireland  has  been  so  largely 
unpeopled  through  the  labour  traffic,  that  the  field  of  observation  here  is  sadly 
narrowed. 

For  the  Polynesians  Dr.  Brown  generally  takes  the  Samoans.  It  would  have 
been  better  to  have  shown,  more  particularly  by  the  title,  the  fields  covered  by  this 
book.  The  choice  of  vague  and  general  titles  (which  may  not  be  unconnected  with 
the  purpose  of  seeking  a  wider  public)  is  one  which  should  not  be  encouraged,  even 
in  a  work  which  is  not  professedly  scientific. 

It  is  clear  that  we  have  in  this  book  the  conditions  for  a  most  useful  collection 
of  ethnological  data,  particularly  as  the  author  promises  us  that  he  has  no  pet 
theories  to  distort  his  facts  or  intrude  themselves  into  their  presentment.  As  he 
says,  we  have  had  from  the  South  Seas  examples  both  of  the  scientific  fad  and  of  the 
invention  of  sensational  "facts,"  where  the  truth  is  too  drab  for  the  popular  mind. 
A  collection  of  objective  material  (as  far  as  may  be),  however  scanty,  from  this  quarter 
is  very  welcome.  Anyone  who  has  had  the  slightest  experience  of  "  South  Sea  yarns," 
and  their  tellers,  will  be  ready  to  disbelieve  almost  anyone  and  anything  from  the 
Pacific.  A  welcome  feature  in  Dr.  Brown's  work  is  that  there  is  no  long  and 
fruitless — owing  to  the  present  state  of  our  knowledge — discussion  of  the  prehistory 
of  the  Pacific  peoples.  This  has  too  long  been  the  classic  ground  of  what  we  may 
call  the  mythic  stage  of  ethnology  ;  it  may  well  become  now  its  Elysian  Fields. 
Moreover,  the  intrusion  of  general  theories  into  the  account  of  a  special  area,  tends 
to  spoil  this  ;  while  the  former  are  necessarily  based  on  too  slight  evidence.  What 
Dr.  Brown  has  to  say  in  the  way  of  general  theories  is,  happily,  kept  apart  at  the 
beginning  of  the  book. 

In  his  first  chapter  Dr.  Brown  gives  a  short  geographical  sketch  of  the  Pacific 
groups  he  is  acquainted  with.  As  far  as  his  experience  goes  he  is  "  inclined  to  believe 
"  in  the  old  theory  that  by  far  the  largest  proportion  of  the  islands  in  the  Pacific 
"  are  either  the  tops  of  mountain  ranges  or  have  been  uplifted  by  volcanic  agency." 
In  eight  pages  he  then  gives  his  view  on  "  the  vexed  question  of  the  original  home 
"  of  the  races  who  inhabit  the  large  groups  of  islands  in  the  Pacific."  He  sees  no 
reason  to  alter  the  conclusion  which  he  reached  in  a  paper  published  in  the  Journal 
of  the  Institute,  February  1887,  namely,  that  the  Melanesians  and  Polynesians  are 
from  one  stock,  the  Melanesians  being  now  the  oldest  representatives. 

But  his  views  on  the  "  pre-Malayan "  race  in  Malaya  have  since  then  been 
modified.  He  believes  (mainly  on  the  evidence  of  language)  that  this  race  was  one 
of  the  Turanian  races  of  Asia,  and  was  a  Negrito  people,  perhaps  extending  as  far 
as  Burma  on  the  mainland.  He  thinks,  however,  that  the  Melaneso-Polynesian  lan- 
guages have  been  very  much  modified  through  immigrations  from  the  Aryan-speaking 
races  on  the  Indian  mainland.  The  discussion,  however,  of  this  whole  question  is 
difficult  owing  to  the  present  scantiness  of  our  knowledge  of  the  Melanesian  and 
"  Papuan  "  tongues.  Dr.  Brown  rightly  insists  on  the  importance  in  comparing  the 
Oceanic  tongues,  not  of  certain  ordinary  words  for  objects,  but  of  root  words  and 
particles.  With  Wallace  Dr.  Brown  believes  in  "one  great  Oceanic  or  Polynesian" 
race. 

What  Dr.  Brown  gives  as  a  "  striking  example  "  of  the  identity  of  the  Melanesian 
and  Polynesian  languages,  namely,  the  two  words  for  "  house  "  in  Duke  of  York  Island, 

[    42     ] 


1911.]  MAN.  [No,  29. 

ruma  (found  in  Malaya)  and  pal  (an  outhouse ;  Polynesian  fale,  vale,  whare)  ia 
found  also  in  the  Bougainville  Straits  speech,  where  the  forms  are  numa  and  j ale/ale 
(a  temporary  shelter  house),  the  Polynesian  in  each  case  designating  a  less  important 
object. 

The  rest  of  the  work  is  given  up  to  the  sociology  and  culture  of  the  peoples. 
There  are  chapters  on  family  life,  war,  religion,  magic,  morals,  tabu,  sickness  and 
death,  property,  hunting  and  fishing,  and  so  on. 

Dr.  Brown  observes  that  in  Samoa  the  villages  used  to  be  more  inland  than 
they  are  now  :  there  has  been  a  movement  to  the  coast  of  later  years.  This  is  a 
phenomenon  which  is  seen  also  in  the  Solomon  Islands  ;  whether  it  takes  place  or 
not  will  depend  on  whether  the  direction  of  danger  has  been  from  the  sea  or  from 
the  bushmen  :  "  in  New  Britain,"  says  Dr.  Brown,  "  the  coast  natives'  villages  are 
"  not  built  far  from  the  beach  for  fear  of  attacks  by  the  bushmen."  In  the  island  of 
Malaita  (eastern  Solomons)  there  are  two  very  distinct  sets,  bushmen  and  salt-water- 
men, living  in  constant  enmity,  broken  only  by  periodical  markets,  when  their  necessi- 
ties drive  them  to  a  short  truce.  Many  of  the  Malaita  villages  are  artificial  islets 
off  the  mainland  surrounded  by  walls.  In  Chapter  III.  is  an  account  of  the  Dukduk, 
which  was  written  from  information  given  by  a  member  of  the  society.  Dr.  Brown 
somewhat  inadequately  observes  that  "  one  impression  made  upon  my  mind  at  the 
"  time  was,  that  the  principal  object  appeared  to  be  to  extort  money  from  anyone  else 
"  who  was  not  a  member,  and  to  terrify  women  and  those  who  were  not  initiated." 
But  it  is  evidently  a  far  more  complex  institution  than  this,  and  bears  marks  of 
ancestor  worship.  There  are  also  various  other  New  Britain  ceremonies  (nialira) 
connected  with  youth.  We  are  likewise  given  a  good  deal  of  information  as  to  birth 
and  marriage  customs. 

In  his  notes  on  cannibalism  Dr.  Brown  wisely  rejects  the  attempts  to  account 
for  it  by  the  scarcity  of  animal  food,  and  refutes  the  idea  that  cannibals  are  particu- 
larly ferocious  and  repulsive.  As  he  says,  "  Many  of  them  are  no  more  ferocious 
"  than  other  races  who  abhor  the  very  idea  of  eating  the  human  body."  He  does 
not  *'  think  that  the  New  Britain  people  ever  practised  cannibalism  for  the  purpose 
"  of  acquiring  part  of  the  valour  of  the  person  eaten." 

In  Duke  of  York  Island  there  are  two  exogamous  classes  with  a  leaf-like  insect, 
and  the  mantis  religiosus  as  respective  totems,  each  class  calling  its  totem  "  our 
"  relatives,"  but  the  author  does  not  think  "  they  believe  that  they  were  descended 
"  from  them.  Neither  class  will  injure  its  totem,  and  any  injury  inflicted  by  one 
"  class  on  the  totem  of  the  other  would  certainly  be  considered  as  an  insult,  and  would 
"  occasion  a  serious  quarrel."  Lands,  &c.,  belong  to  one  or  the  other  of  the  two 
classes  ;  in-marriage  would  almost  certainly  lead  to  the  guilty  pair  being  killed  ; 
kuon  (incestuous)  is  also  applied  to  anyone  killing  or  eating  one  of  his  own  class. 
The  children  follow  the  mother's  class. 

The  "  New  Britain  people "  call  the  soul  nio  or  niono,  probably  the  same  word 
as  used  in  the  Bougainville  Straits  (nunu)  ;  it  survives  death.  There  is  also  a  niono 
of  the  objects  which  may  accompany  a  dead  person  to  the  next  world.  In  Duke  of 
York  the  abode  of  the  dead  is  a  small  island  ;  in  "  New  Britain  "  the  idea  of  its  where- 
about is  hazy.  Life  in  the  next  world  is  much  the  same  as  here  ;  there  seems  to  be 
no  moral  retribution  except  that  niggardliness  (and  perhaps  certain  other  offences)  is 
punished.  It  would  seem  that  the  souls  of  the  dead  go  into  the  body  of  some  animal 
(for  example,  the  flying-fox).  Souls  are  invoked  by  their  kinsmen,  but  Dr.  Brown 
says,  "  I  have  never  heard  of  any  primitive  ancestors  of  the  tribe  being  worshipped  in 
"  connection  with  any  animal  apart  from  the  sacredness  which  is  attached  to  the  totem 
"  of  the  family."  There  is  a  class  of  spirits  called  tebaran,  generally  evil  ;  they  are 
the  disease  bringers,  and  in  some  cases  are  the  souls  of  dead  human  beings  ;  but  it  looks 

[  43  ] 


Nos.  29-30,]  MAN.  [1911, 

as  if  in  general  they  are  of  non-human  origin.  There  are  also  tebaran  attached  to 
wells,  rivers,  pools,  and  so  on.  There  are  further  certain  higher  evil  beings  called 
kaia.  Dr.  Brown  thinks  that  on  Duke  of  York  there  is  a  belief  in  a  "  supreme  deity  " 
("  he  who  made  us,"  or  "  someone  who  made  us  ")  ;  but  he  is  not  the  maker  of  the 
world,  though  he  takes  an  active  interest  in  the  affairs  of  men  and  prayers  are  offered 
to  him.  There  are  also  spirits  controlling  the  weather. 

Dr.  Brown  visited  the  Shortland  Islands  (Bougainville  Straits)  and  gives  at  length 
the  information  he  received  from  Mr.  Macdonald,  one  of  the  first  traders  to  settle 
there  ;  he  is  mentioned  by  Ribbe,  and  Dr.  Frazer  has  made  use  of  these  notes  in  his 
last  work. 

On  the  tabu,  Dr.  Brown  rightly  remarks  that  it  owes  its  power  not  merely  to 
the  fear  of  punishment  from  the  living  (indeed  this  element  is  often  wholly  wanting), 
but  "to  a  dread  of  some  supernatural  powers  of  magic  which  will  certainly"  afflict 
an  offender.  The  essence  of  the  tabu  in  Oceania  will  almost  certainly  be  found  to 
lie  in  that  it  is  a  conditional  curse  or  a  potential  magic. 

Dr.  Brown  refers  to  the  want  of  traditions  as  to  their  past  among  New  Britain 
people  ;  and  this  agrees  with  observations  in  the  Bougainville  Straits  ;  he  could  not 
find  any  tradition  of  former  migrations.  We  are  given  some  of  the  Samoan  tales  and 
traditions  ;  it  is  to  be  hoped  they  will  all  be  published,  and  in  the  original  text.  We 
have  the  tale  of  the  origin  of  death,  in  which  occurs  the  motive  of  men  dying  through 
not  casting  their  skins. 

Linguistic  material  of  every  kind  is  among  the  most  valuable  data  which  the 
missionary  can  give  us  ;  it  is  a  knowledge  for  which  a  long  residence  in  close  touch 
with  the  natives  is  generally  needful ;  not  only  is  it  intrinsically  valuable  but  it  puts  a 
powerful  instrument  in  the  hands  of  future  researchers,  and  makes  easier  the  acquiring 
of  new  languages.  It  is,  moreover,  a  field  in  which  little  is  felt  of  preconceived  ideas. 
Dr.  Brown  has  written  a  most  useful  book,  in  which  he  has  been  very  successful  in 
keeping  the  bare  record  of  facts  apart  from  interpretations  and  general  statements  ;  but 
at  the  end  occurs  a  passage  which  shows  the  danger  of  general  surveys  based  on  too 
little  evidence  ;  he  makes  the  extraordinary  statement  that  "  the  Melanesians  had  no 
"  hereditary  chiefs,  no  form  of  settled  government,  whilst  the  Samoans  and  other 
"  Polynesian  races  had  both."  The  work  is,  however,  to  be  recommended  as  a  good 
collection  of  ethnological  material,  and  our  debt  to  the  writer  will  be  many  times 
increased  when  he  publishes  his  philological  material.  G.  C.  WHEELER. 


Peru :  Archaeology.  Schmidt. 

Baessler-Archiv.  Beitrdge  zur  Volkerkunde  herausgegeben  aus  mitteln  des  Ofl 
Baessler-Instituts.  Uber  altperuanische  Gewebe  mit  Szenenhaften  Darstell-  UU 
ungen.  Von  Dr.  Max  Schmidt.  Band  1,  Heft  1,  mit  4  Tafeln  in  Schwarg  und 
Mehrfarben-Lichtdruck  sowie  49  abbildungen  im  text.  Leipzig  und  Berlin  :  Druck 
und  Verlag  von  B.  G.  Triibner,  1910. 

This  is  the  first  instalment  of  a  new  publication  which  is  to  appear  from  time 
to  time  under  the  general  editorship  of  Dr.  P.  Ehrenreich.  In  the  selection  of  the 
articles  and  monographs  which  will  appear  in  its  pages,  priority  is  to  be  given  to 
those  which  deal  with  collections  in  German  museums  ;  in  fact,  the  publication  is  to 
be  primarily  ethnographical  and  technological. 

The  selection  'of  the  first  paper  has  been  particularly  happy.  In  the  first  place 
the  name  of  Baessler  is  connected  chiefly  with  the  study  of  South  American  archasology  ; 
in  the  second,  the  subject  of  Peruvian  textiles  is  one  which  lends  itself  to  attractive 
illustration ;  in  the  third,  the  name  of  Dr.  Max  Schmidt  is  sufficient  guarantee  of  the 
value  of  the  monograph. 

[    44    ] 


1911.]  MAN.  [No.  30. 

The  recent  researches  of  Dr.  Uhle  at  Pacbacamac,  Nasca,  and  the  valleys  round 
Trujillo  have  done  much  towards  setting  the  study  of  South  American  archaeology 
upon  a  scientific  basis,  and  his  attempts  at  sequence-dating  have  shed  much  new 
light  upon  the  results  of  former  excavations.  Dr.  Schmidt  now  claims  that  the  tex- 
tiles of  the  coast,  which  correspond  with  two  of  Dr.  Uhle's  periods,  exhibit  respectively 
structural  differences  of  so  important  a  nature  as  to  imply  at  least  a  specific  difference 
in  the  culture  associated  with  each  of  periods  to  which  they  refer. 

The  textiles  in  question  are,  firstly  those  which,  from  their  inwoven  designs,  are 
associated  with  the  so-called  Tiahuanaco  culture,  including  those  with  the  geometrical 
designs  characteristic  of  Yea  ;  and  secondly,  those  with  more  naturalistic  ornament 
which  were  made  so  familiar  to  students  by  Reiss  and  Stiibel's  great  work  on  the 
Necropolis  of  Ancon.  Dr.  Schmidt  holds,  on  good  grounds,  that  the  former  were 
woven  without  any  mechanical  appliance,  such  as  is  implied  in  a  loom,  while  the 
latter  are  loom-made.  Further,  he  points  out  that  the  small  longitudinal  slits,  which 
occur  whenever  a  line  in  the  design  corresponds  with  the  line  of  the  warp,  and  which 
are  a  feature  of  the  latter  type  of  textile,  are  lacking  in  cloths  belonging  to  the 
Tiahuanaco  period.  The  reason  for  this  is  that  the  weft  threads  of  one  colour 
interlock  with  those  of  the  other  whenever  a  vertical  line  occurs  in  the  design,  but 
that  in  the  loom-made  textiles  no  such  interlocking  occurs.  He  argues  that  it  seems 
incredible  that  so  simple  an  expedient  should  have  been  forgotten,  unless  we  suppose 
that  the  old  culture  was  superseded  by  one  specifically  different  at  the  time  when 
the  loom  was  introduced. 

The  author  then  proceeds  to  an  interesting  discussion  of  the  designs  which  appear 
on  the  textiles,  with  remarks  on  the  attempts  at  perspective,  conventionalisation,  and 
the  meaning  of  the  scenes  depicted.  His  observations  are  acute  and  of  considerable 
value,  but  in  one  respect  they  seem  to  call  for  criticism.  He  shows  that  a  certain 
figure  is  shown  repeatedly  accompanied  by  certain  emblems  ;  that  these  emblems  may 
be  significant,  in  so  far  as  they  probably  enabled  the  beholder  to  recognise  the  identity 
of  the  figure,  may  be  readily  granted,  but  surely  it  is  misleading  to  dignify  them  by 
the  name  of  "  a  kind  of  picture-writing  "  (eine  Art  von  Bilderschrift)  ?  Much  has 
been  written  on  the  question  as  to  whether  the  Peruvians  possessed  any  form  of  writing, 
but  more  cannot  be  adduced  from  the  evidence  than  that  at  one  period  certain  pictures 
were  painted  to  commemorate  certain  events,  while  the  negative  evidence  as  regards 
any  actual1  form  of  picture  writing  in  pre- Spanish  days  is  very  strong.  It  seems 
expedient,  therefore,  to  be  extremely  wary  in  the  choice  of  words  when  dealing  with 
this  subject,  and  it  appears  to  the  reviewer  a  misuse  of  terms  to  apply  to  an  emblem, 
which  appears  on  the  face  of  it  to  be  exactly  parallel  to  the  lion  of  St.  Mark  or  the 
eagle  of  St.  John,  the  words  "  eine  Art  von  Bilderschrift."  Still  less  excusable  is  it 
when  the  author  later  on  drops  the  qualification  and  speaks  roundly  of  "Altperuan- 
isches  Bilderschrift,"  applying  the  term,  amongst  other  designs,  to  what  is  no  more 
than  a  somewhat  conventionalised  representation  of  waves  in  a  boating  scene. 
Apart  from  this  the  article  is  a  careful  study  of  Peruvian  textile  art,  based  upon 
the  magnificent  collections  in  the  Berlin  Museum,  and  as  such  is  a  real  contribution 
to  science. 

A  word  of  praise  must  be  said  with  regard  to  the  form  of  the  publication,  which 
is  well  printed  and  admirably  illustrated,  one  of  the  large  coloured  plates  being 
especially  worthy  of  commendation.  The  scheme  in  accordance  with  which  the 
Baessler-Archiv  has  been  inaugurated  is  extremely  happy,  and  promises  to  result  in 
the  publication  of  monographs  of  great  importance,  especially  if  augury  be  taken 
from  this  the  first  instalment.  T.  A.  J. 


[    45    ] 


No.  31.]  MAN.  [1911. 

Africa,  West.  Dennett. 

Nigerian  Studies,  or  the  Religious  and  the  Political  System  of  the   Yoruba.     OJ 
By  R.  E.  Dennett.     Macmillan,  1910.     Pp.  xviii  +  235.     Price  $s.  6d.  net.          01 

A  new  book  by  Mr.  Dennett  is  sure  to  be  welcomed  by  all  students  of  African 
religions  ;  but  it  is  no  less  sure  to  be  called  fantastic  by  certain  critics  who  lack  the 
qualifications  Mr.  Dennett  rightly  holds  as  vitally  necessary  to  the  comprehension  of 
his  work.  The  student  will  need  to  have  a  "  primitive  mind  "  attitude  if  he  is  to 
understand  the  ideas  of  the  primitive  man,  who  does  not  possess  sufficient  culture  to 
express  the  mysteries  that  have  been  unconsciously  revealed  to  him.  The  reviewer 
in  the  Times  declares  that  the  quaint  symbolism  seen  by  Mr.  Dennett  in  the  reli- 
gious system  of  the  Yoruba  can  scarcely  have  been  in  any  black  man's  mind  until 
Mr.  Dennett  put  it  there  ;  but  surely  latent  symbolism  is  to  be  found  in  all  religions. 
A  debt  of  gratitude  is  due  to  the  author  for  having  attempted  to  explain  the  hidden 
ways  of  the  negroes'  thought  to  those  who  have  not  had  the  advantage  of  his  long 
experience  in  West  Africa. 

The  most  fascinating  feature  of  this  book  is  the  lucidity  with  which  it  shows 
how  religion  has  followed  the  development  of  social  organisations.  The  very  first 
stage  of  Yoruba  religion  is  the  outcome  of  an  effort  to  explain  the  mysteries  of 
reproduction  and  of  decay,  and  it  is  Jakuta,  the  thrower  of  stones,  namely  lightning, 
the  most  awful  of  natural  phenomena,  which  becomes  the  first  unique  god.  It  is 
only  later,  under  foreign  influence,  that  Olorun,  the  owner  of  the  sky  (I  would  suggest 
the  Sun-god)  takes  its  place.  In  this  very  primitive  stage  religion  implies  no  duties 
to  the  divine  powers  ;  there  are  no  prayers,  nor  is  there  a  cult.  At  a  more  developed 
phase  Jakuta  is  identified  with  a  deified  ancestor,  the  King  Oyo,  the  temporal  head 
of  the  Yoruba  race.  And  as  the  government  of  the  country  passes  out  of  the  hand 
of  the  village  chiefs  and  becomes  more  complex,  the  lyaloda  (queen-mother)  repre- 
sentative of  motherhood,  the  Oba  (king)  representative  of  fatherhood,  the  Balogun 
(the  war  chief)  representative  of  mother's  brother,  that  is  to  say,  in  a  matriarchal 
system,  the  personification  of  authority,  and  the  Bashorun  (the  head  of  the  council) 
representative  of  sonship,  that  is  to  say,  the  people,  find  their  counterpart  in.  the 
heavenly  government  in  Odudua,  Jakuta,  Obatala,  and  Ifa.  The  Ogboni  (senatorial 
society),  a  political,  social,  and  secret  society,  is  the  king's  chief  consultative  chamber, 
and  we  find  in  the  heavenly  government  a  corresponding  number  of  Orishas  (deified 
ancestors). 

As  the  gods  are  the  divine  equivalent  of  the  earthly  powers,  so  the  seasons 
recall  to  the  Yoruba  the  stages  of  human  life.  The  dry  season,  the  part  of  the 
year  in  which  nature  sleeps,  is  not  divided  into  months  ;  in  the  black  man's  mind 
it  does  not  form  part  of  any  year,  but  is  simply  the  period  separating  one  year 
from  another.  The  five  months  of  Nature's  activity  stand  for  the  corresponding 
stages  of  human  life  :  First  month,  the  time  of  planting  represents  copulation  ;  the 
second,  the  period  of  germination,  conception  ;  the  third,  harvest  time,  pregnancy  ; 
the  fourth,  the  time  of  putrefaction,  stands  for  death ;  and  finally,  the  fifth,  the 
time  of  storing  represents  birth  (and  memory). 

I  am  afraid  I  am  unable  to  follow  Mr.  Dennett  (p.  99)  in  the  attempt  to  bring 
the  order  of  the  Orishas  into  harmony  with  Genesis  ;  their  correspondence  one  to 
another  seems  to  me  rather  too  far-fetched.  I  admit  the  author's  ingenuity,  but  see 
nothin01  more  in  this  part  of  his  classification  than  a  clever  jeu  d'esprit.  I  also 
have  my  doubts  regarding  the  story  of  Shango  as  related  by  Mr.  Pelegrin  on 
p.  171.  It  sounds  as  if  it  had  been  arranged  to  suit  the  taste  of  the  Christian 
inquirer  (an  effort  not  rare  amongst  natives,  especially  if  Christians  themselves). 
According  to  this  account  Odudua  first  sent  "  Truth "  to  the  people.  Dissatisfied 
with  this,  they  preferred  to  be  ruled  by  the  Orisha  Iro,  "  the  lie,"  "  who  made 

[     46     ] 


1911.]  MAN.  [Nos.  31-32. 

"  images  "  and  told  those  who  fell  sick  to  gather  such-and-such  a  herb  and  make 
medicine,  which,  when  taken,  causes  the  fever  to  pass  away.  Has  Christian  Science 
made  its  appearance  in  Nigeria  ? 

The  marriage  restrictions  of  the  Yoruba  claim  special  attention.  Each  person 
has  an  Orisha,  an  omen  (the  exact  meaning  of  which  I  cannot  trace),  and  a  plant 
and  an  animal  tabu.  Persons  who  have  any  of  these  Ewawa  in  common  are  not 
allowed  to  marry.  Ewawa  are  inherited  for  four  generations  only,  and  it  is  the 
duty  of  the  priests  of  Ife  to  study  the  genealogy  of  every  child  and  then  decide 
which  its  Ewawa  are  to  be.  The  list  given,  p.  182,  shows  the  difficulty  of  this 
task.  By  the  way,  on  p.  183  read  "  Funtumia  elastica"  instead  of  "Funtunsia." 

Mr.  Dennett's  main  point  is  that,  if  man  has  developed  from  a  non-speaking 
animal  stage  to  his  present  cultivated  and  speaking  stage,  his  knowledge  of  things 
and  the  way  of  expressing  his  ideas  should  have  been  developed  at  the  same  rate. 
Mr.  Dennett  does  not  claim  to  have  finally  solved  the  problem,  but  no  one  can 
deny  his  merit  in  having  raised  such  a  far-reaching  question,  undeterred  from  his 
research  by  adverse,  nay,  even  unfair  criticism.  Mr.  Dennett  deserves  special  thanks 
for  acceding  to  a  request,  set  forth  in  my  review  of  At  the  Back  of  the  Black 
Man's  Mind,  namely,  to  make  allowance  for  the  limited  understanding  of  his  readers 
and  reviewers.  His  last  book  is  certainly  far  plainer  reading  than  his  former 
works.  All  Mr.  Dennett's  books  are  the  production  of  a  rarely  sincere  pioneer  ; 
they  are  of  high  value,  and  I  can  only  say  that  the  more  he  gives  us  of  them  the 
better  shall  we  understand  the  black  man's  unconscious  cerebration.  E.  T. 


America,  North.  McClintock. 

The  Old  North  Trail,  or  Life,  Legends,  and  Religion  of  the  Blackfeet  Qft 
Indians.  By  Walter  McClintock.  Macmillan  &  Co.,  Ltd.,  1910.  Pp.  xxvi  Ofc 
+  539.  Price  15s.  net. 

The  author  first  visited  the  country  of  the  Blackfoot  or  Siksikaua  Indians  as  a 
member  of  the  United  States  Government  Expedition,  which  had  been  sent  to  the 
North- West  by  the  National  Forest  Commission  to  report  upon  the  advisability  of 
forming  certain  forest  reserves.  He  succeeded  in  a  remarkable  manner  in  winning  the 
confidence  and  friendship  of  the  Blackfoot,  and  lived  with  them  in  their  camps  at 
various  times.  He  was  formally  adopted  as  a  son  by  a  noted  chief,  "  Mad  Wolf," 
and  made  a  member  of  the  tribe  under  the  name  of  "  White  Weasel  Moccasin," 
(A-pe-ech-eken),  thus  being  afforded  the  amplest  opportunities  of  studying  the  tribal 
rites  and  ceremonies,  to  which  he  was  freely  admitted,  and  in  some  of  Avhich  he  took 
part.  He  also  learned  the  tribal  customs,  traditions,  and  legends  at  firsthand  from 
the  older  chiefs,  who  had  roamed  the  country  at  their  own  sweet  will  before  the  white 
man  drove  them  back  into  the  narrow  reservations,  where  they  now  lead  a  weary  and 
monotonous  existence.  Mr.  McClintock's  book  is  consequently  of  much  value  and 
interest  to  ethnologists,  as  the  older  Indians  are  fast  dying  off  and  the  rising  generation 
are  losing  touch  with  the  ways  and  traditions  of  their  forefathers. 

The  leading  features  of  the  Indian  religious  creed,  the  belief  in  one  all-good  and 
powerful  Great  Spirit,  in  evil  spirits  which  have  to  be  propitiated,  in  the  spirits  of 
birds  and  animals  such  as  the  grizzly  bear,  the  buffalo,  the  beaver,  the  wolf,  the  eagle, 
the  raven,  and  many  others,  are  exhaustively  discussed.  The  author  also  tells  us  the 
manner  in  which  the  animal  and  other  spirits  originally  appeared  in  dreams  to  the 
founders  of  the  clans  which  bear  their  names,  and  gave  directions  for  the  "  medicine 
making "  or  ceremonials  to  be  performed  in  their  honour.  The  actual  ceremonies  are 
described  in  detail,  and  chief  among  these  is,  of  course,  the  celebrated  Sun  Dance, 
the  great  annual  religious  festival  of  the  Blackfoot.  Mr.  McClintock  dwells 
impressively  upon  the  remarkable  symbolism  of  the  ritual,  and  the  elevated  ideas  and 

[    47    ] 


Nos.  32-33.]  MAN.  [1911, 

teachings  contained  in  the  ceremonial.  He  sheds  upon  this  and  similar  gatherings 
Avhat  will  be  a  new  light  to  many  who  have  regarded  them  as  possessing  demoralising 
tendencies.  Various  sports,  games,  and  dances  aie  also  described  at  length,  while 
details  are  given  of  that  mysterious  "  sign  language "  by  which  Indians  of  different 
tribes  and  ignorant  of  each  other's  language  can  converse  freely — a  gift,  they  claim, 
which  was  allotted  to  them  by  the  Great  Spirit  in  place  of  the  power  to  read  and 
write  which  was.  bestowed  on  the  White  Men. 

Numerous  legends  are  related  referring  to  the  origin  of  tribal  names  and  of  the 
many  societies  existing  among  the  tribes,  together  with  much  curious  folklore  regarding 
the  principal  planets  and  constellations.  Like  all  Indians  the  Blackfoot  are  highly 
superstitious  and,  dreams  play  an  important  part  in  their  life,  forming  the  means  of 
communication  between  their  guardian  animal  and  other  spirits,  while  the  names  of 
their  children  are  frequently  chosen  through  a  nocturnal  vision.  Perhaps  something 
should  be  discounted  from  the  highly  sympathetic  manner  in  which  the  author  treats 
his  subject,  but  the  story  of  his  relations  with  the  various  chiefs,  and  their  anxiety 
that  he  should  let  his  brother  whites  know  and  appreciate  the  real  gist  of  their  religious 
beliefs  and  ceremonials  is  of  much  interest,  and  serves  to  show  what  good  could  have 
been  wrought  among  this  people  had  the  European  invaders  shown  tact,  and  had  they 
taken  the  trouble  to  learn  something  of  Indian  ways  in  place  of  acting  on  the  axiom 
that  "  Injun  spells  pison." 

The  book  might  teach  a  lesson  to  those  now  engaged  in  "  civilising  "  the  various 
peoples  of  Africa,  and  provides  a  powerful  argument  for  the  ethnological  education  of 
officials  and  others  to  whom  such  tasks  are  allotted.  It  is  excellently  illustrated  and 
apart  from  its  ethnological  value  is  very  entertaining  reading.  T.  H.  J. 


China :  Folk-Lore.  Macgowan. 

Chinese  Folk-Lore  Tales.     By  Rev.  J.  Macgowan,  D.D.     Macmillan  &  Co.,     QQ 
Ltd..  1910.     Pp.  197.     Price  3*.  net.  00 

This  is  a  collection  of  eleven  Chinese  stories  in  which  the  supernatural  powers, 
and  the  Goddess  of  Mercy  in  particular,  are  depicted  as  keeping  a  watchful  eye  on 
human  affairs — punishing  the  wicked  and  rewarding  the  good.  Prayers  and  praise- 
worthy actions  not  only  bring  their  reward  to  the  faithful  in  this  world,  but  go  far 
to  release  their  ancestors  from  the  dismal  "Land  of  Shadows,"  and  enable  them  to 
be  born  again  into  the  joys  of  earthly  life.  There  is  one  pretty  legend  concerning  a 
lover  who  mourned  his  dead  mistress  with  such  fervour  and  constancy  that  not  only 
was  she  permitted  to  return  to  earth  as  a  babe,  with  the  promise  that  she  should 
become  his  wife,  but,  in  the  fitness  of  things,  the  lover  himself  was  rejuvenated  by 
the  Queen  of  the  Fairies,  so  that  he  might  become  an  appropriate  bridegroom  for  a 
girl  of  eighteen.  Another  story  tells  how  a  river  god,  who  had  been  caught  as  a  fish 
but  purchased  and  released  by  a  charitable  prefect,  subsequently  rewarded  his  bene- 
factor by  sheltering  him  for  eighteen  years  from  his  enemies  and  eventually  restoring 
him  to  power  and  to  the  bosom  of  his  family.  In  other  tales  the  slow  but  sure 
working  of  vengeance  on  the  part  of  the  gods  is  vividly  described,  together  with  the 
conflicts  between  the  characteristic  Chinese  demons  and  the  heavenly  spirits  sent  to 
guard  the  devout  from  their  evil  workings.  One  legend,  "  The  Reward  of  a  Benevo- 
''  lent  Life,"  tells  of  an  exceptionally  worthy  citizen  who  was  warned  by  a  Bonze, 
whom  he  had  entertained,  of  the  coming  of  a  great  flood,  and  advised  to  build  boats 
in  readiness.  Like  Noah  he  obeyed,  in  spite  of  the  scoffing  of  his  neighbours,  and 
when  the  waters  rose  he  was  able  to  save  himself  and  his  family,  together  with 
various  animals  which  he  picked  up  as  they  were  drowning.  These  animals,  by 
the  way,  rendered  their  preserver  good  service  in  after  years — a  sequel  we  do  not 
remember  to  have  been  given  in  any  other  version  of  the  Flood.  T.  H.  J. 

Printed  by  EYBE  AND  SPOTTISWOODE.  LTD.,  His  Majesty's  Printers,  East  Harding  Street,  E.G. 


PLATE  D. 


MAN,  IQII. 


KIJESU     CEREMONY. 


1911.1  MAN.  [Nos.  34-35. 

ORIGINAL    ARTICLES. 

Africa,  East.  With  Plate  D.  Neligan. 

Description  of  Kijesu  Ceremony  among  the  Akamba,  Tiva  Q 1 
River,  East  Africa.  By  the  late  C.  W.  Neligan.  MT 

I  was  sitting  in  iny  camp  near  the  Tiva  River  on  January  8th,  1908,  under  a 
tree  with  my  helmet  on.  The  woman  seen  in  the  accompanying  photographs  came  in, 
saw  my  helmet,  and  promptly  went  into  a  fit.  She  started  trembling  very  violently, 
throwing  her  arms  about.  She  was  taken  in  hand  by  the  people  shown  in  the 
photographs,  more  particularly  the  man  with  a  knife  in  his  hand,  who  started  making 
passes  with  his  knife  around  her  legs,  head,  and  body.  The  woman  still  went  on 
throwing  herself  about  moaning  and  behaving  as  if  she  was  in  great  pain.  The 
man  with  the  knife  in  his  hand  then  made  some  patterns  on  the  woman's  legs  with 
sand  in  this  shape  ^\  ;  after  which  he  passed  the  point  of  his  knife  along  these 
patterns  and  again  round  and  round  the  woman's  legs,  head,  and  body  ;  he  also  made 
the  woman — who  seemed  insane — put  her  arms  out  in  front  of  her  as  if  in  supplication, 
the  man  all  the  time  repeating  what  seemed  to  be  certain  phrases.  By  this  time, 
thinking  the  woman  was  seriously  ill,  I  asked  two  other  native  women,  who  were 
standing  by,  what  the  matter  was,  and  they  said,  "  Oh,  its  only  Kijesu."  Knowing 
from  Mr.  Traill  (who  was  the  original  discoverer  of  this  affair)  that  it  was  only  a  sort  of 
fit  on  account  of  seeing  anyone  with  a  helmet  on,  I  went  to  my  tent :  this  was  after  the 
woman  had  been  about  1^  hours  in  this  fit.  About  one  hour  later  a  message  was  sent 
over  to  me  saying  that  if  I  would  give  this  woman  a  letter  she  would  be  all  right. 
I  tore  off  a  piece  of  a  magazine  I  was  reading  and  just  ran  a  pencil  over  it  and  sent  it 
over.  The  woman  then  sent  back  for  some  matches,  which  I  sent ;  she  then  lit  the  paper 
and  put  the  lighted  paper  in  her  mouth,  and  the  alleged  devil  was  exorcised.  From 
beginning  to  end  this  woman  was  in  this  fit  about  3^  hours.  Next  morning  I  saw  her 
and  she  was  perfectly  all  right  and  did  not  mind  my  helmet  in  the  least. 

C.  W.  NELIGAN. 

Physical  Anthropology.  Duckworth. 

Report  on  a  Human  Skull  from  Thessaly  (now  in  the  Cam-  QC 
bridge  University  Anatomical  Museum).  By  W,  L.  H.  Duckworth,  UU 
M.D.,  Sc.D. 

I.  History   of  the    Specimen.  —  The    skull  was  found  with  other    remains  of    a 
human  skeleton  in  the  stratum  of  the  second  neolithic  period  at  Tsangli.     It  was  at 
least    1  •  50   m.  from    the  surface,  and   there  was   no  disturbance    of    the  stratification 
above  it.     Therefore  the  skull  would  seem  to  belong  to  the  end  of  the  second  or  to 
the  third  (chalcolithic)  period.      As    the  population    then,  to  judge    by  archaeological 
evidence,  was  different  from  that   which   inhabited    Thessaly   in  classical  times,  it   is 
likely  that    this   skull  would    differ   from   those   modern   Thessalians.      In  connection 
with  the  good  preservation  of  the  skull  it  is  to  be  noted  that  animal  bones  from  the 
same  prehistoric  mound  are  in  good  condition. 

II.  Craniological  Description  (with  Figs.  1  and  2). — This  is  a  male  cranium  of 
moderate    size  ;    it    has    been    reconstructed    from   about    fifteen    fragments.      In  the 
proportion  of  length  and  breadth  it  falls  within  the  mesaticephalic  division. 

The  brow  ridges  are  distinct,  the  external  occipital  protuberance  on  the  contrary 
is  small.  The  transverse  orbital  axes  droop  outwardly,  and  the  orbital  proportions 
were  probably  microseme.  The  mastoid  processes  are  large  with  long  axes  nearly 
vertical  in  direction. 

The  nasal  skeleton  was  prominent  and  the  lower  margins  of  the  nasal  aperture 
distinct.  The  palate  has  nearly  a  parabolic  contour.  The  teeth  are  of  moderate 
size  but  of  excellent  quality.  In  the  upper  jaws  the  second  and  third  molars  are 

[  49  ] 


JTos.  35-36.] 


MAN. 


[1911. 


distinctly  smaller  and  less  worn  than  the  first.  No  signs  of  caries  can  be  detected 
in  either  jaw.  The  chin  is  prominent,  but  a  deep  incisura  submentalis  reduces  the 
height  of  the  mandible  in  front. 

The  last  character  is  almost  the  only  distinctive  feature  of  the  specimen  ;  that 
is  to  say,  that  in  the  vast  majority  of  the  details  observed,  no  clear  indication  is  given 
of  the  association  of  this  skull  with  any  well-known  type.  Moreover,  this  specimen 
may  be  of  comparatively  recent  date,  so  far  as  the  evidence  of  its  state  of  preservation 
permits  of  a  pronouncement  on  the  subject.  But  if  the  evidence  of  its  association 
with  other  objects  of  undoubted  antiquity  is  good,  then  the  presence  of  a  highly 


FlG-.    1. — SKULL   FROM   THESSALY. 
(NORMA  LATERALIS.) 


FlG.  2. — SKULL  FROM  THESSALY. 
(NORMA  VERTICALIS.) 


evolved  cranial  form  in  Thessaly,  even  at  an  early  date,  will  be  established.  I  may 
add  that  some  of  the  Roussolakkos  skulls  from  Crete  (now  in  the  museum  at  Candia) 
are  quite  comparable  to  this  skull.  But  to  judge  from  the  Thessalian  crania  of 
modern  date  (to  be  found  in  the  Academy  at  Athens)  the  more  usual  skull  form  in 
that  part  of  Greece  is  now  longer  and  narrower  than  at  earlier  periods.  In  regard  to 
its  proportions,  then,  the  specimen  now  under  consideration  would  be  contrasted  with 
the  majority  of  modern  Thessalian  skulls,  and  thus  there  is  some  reason,  on  these 
grounds  alone,  for  assigning  it  to  an  earlier  epoch  in  history. 


List  of  Measurements. 


Length  (glabello-occipital) 
Breadth  - 

Height  (auricular) 
Circumference    - 
Minimum  frontal  breadth 


186 
143 
117 
530 
96-5 


Frontal  arc 
Parietal  arc 
Lambda  to  inion 
Supra-auricular  arc 


130 

130 

65 

305 


Breadth  index  (mesaticephalic)  -       76 -9 
W.  L.  H.  DUCKWORTH. 


36 


North  Wales :  Ethnography.  Edgre-Partington. 

A  Note  on  Certain  Obsolete  Utensils  in  North  Wales.    By  J.  Edge- 
Partington. 

So  much  is  and  has  been  written  about  ethnographical  specimens  from  foreign 
lands  that  those  of  Great  Britain  are  apt  to  be  overlooked  ;  in  fact,  many  of  our 
most  interesting  industries  of  a  bygone  age  have  disappeared  for  ever,  together  with  the 
implements  connected  with  them.  There  are  very  few  collectors,  although  there  ought 

[    50    ] 


1911.] 


MAN. 


[No.  36. 


to  be  at  least  one  in  every  county.  Our  local  museums  are  in  some  way  to  blame  for 
this,  for  if  they  would  interest  themselves  more  in  local  folklore  they  would  soon 
find  someone  to  take  up  this  most  important  subject,  thus  preserving  many  things 
destined  for  the  scrap-heap  or  fated  to  be  thrown  away  to  rot  in  some  backyard. 
Most  of  the  specimens  that  I  have  figured  were  obtained  for  me  quite  recently  from 
farms  in  North  Wales,  and  I  think  are  worthy  of  preservation  in  our  National 
Museum.  Although  at  present  there  is  no  room  for  exhibiting  them,  yet  I  hope 
the  time  is  not  far  distant  when  a  growing  interest  in  this  subject  will  bring  about 


a  change  in  this  direction,  thus  bringing  to  light  many  specimens  of  extreme 
interest   before  their   final  disappearance.      Why  should  a  Fiji  "  cannibal " 
bowl  have    more  interest  for    an    Englishman    than    any  of    the    specimens 
here  figured  ? 

No.  1.  A  ram  yoke,  consisting  of  a  stout  bar  ;  each  end  is  pierced,  and  through 
the  aperture  passes  a  spring  hoop,  the  ends  of  which  are  secured  by  a  crossbar. 
One  end  removable  to  admit  the  animal's  neck.  Used  during  the  rutting  season. 
N.  Wales. 

No.  2.  A  spade  for    cutting    turfs,  shod  with  iron,  with   flange   at  right  angles. 

N.  Wales. 

[    51     ] 


Nos.  36-37.] 


MAN. 


[1911, 


No.  3.  A  "  turfing  iron  ; "  iron  blade  with  cutting  edge  on  one  side  and  at 
point,  welded  at  base  over  the  handle.  N.  Wales. 

No.  4.  An  iron  dish  standing  on  three  legs,  one  at  each  end  of  the  pointed 
oval-shaped  bowl,  the  third  is  at  the  end  of  the  handle  ;  used  for  holding  the  hot 
fat  for  dipping  rushes,  in  the  manufacture  of  rush-lights.  N.  Wales. 

No.  5.   Wooden  "  begging  bowl "  used  by  the  very  poor  people,  employed  in  the 
manufacture  of  rush-lights,  for  begging  food  from  the  farms.     N.  Wales. 
No.  6.  Circular  wooden  dish.     N.  Wales. 

No.  7.  "  Porringer "  ;  this  type  was  in  general  use  for  eating 
porridge  and  milk.  The  staves  are  bound  together  by  one  broad 
wooden  band  with  ends  cut  into  strips  and  interlaced  ;  one  stave 
is  longer  than  the  rest  and  forms  a  handle.  N.  Wales. 

No.  8.  Wooden  scales  used  for  the  weighing  of  butter. 
N.  Wales. 


No.  9.  Shovel  used  in  malt  houses.     N.  Wales. 

No.  10.  Small  ditto,  found  in  the  old  Kiln  House.     Greywell,  Hants. 

No.  11.  Rolling  pin,  the  centre  portion  grooved,  for  crushing  oat-cake.    N.  Wales. 

No.  12.  Wooden  "peel"  (for  removing  dishes,  &c.,  from  oven).     Shropshire. 

No.  13.  Iron  rack  for  cleaning  churchwarden  pipes  by  placing  them  in  the  oven, 
generally  after  the  bread  was  removed.  Essex. 

No.  14.  Miniature  barrel  used  by  farm  labourers  to  take  their  day's  beer  to  the 
fields.  Greywell,  Hants.  J.  EDGE-PARTINGTON. 


Africa,  West.  Tremearne. 

Hausa  Folklore.*     By  Major   A.  J.    N.    Tremearne,   F.R.G.S.,  Hausa 
Lecturer,  Cambridge. 

III. — How  THE  ILL-TREATED  GIRL  BECAME  RICH. 

There  was  a  certain  man,  he  had  two  wives  ;  they  both  gave  birth,  each  brought 
forth   a   daughter.     Then  one  mother  died,  and  the  father  said  to  the   other,  "  See, 

*  For  other  tales  see  the  Journal  of  the  Folklore  Society  (June,  1910),  and  of  the  Royal  Society  of 
Arts  (Oct.  19,  1910),  and  MAK  (February,  1911). 

[     52     ] 


1911.]  MAN.  [No.  37. 

"  now  this  one's  mother  has  died,"  he  said,  "  You  must  look  after  both,  both  yours 
"  and  hers."     She  said,  "  Very  well,  I  will  look  after  them." 

They  lived  there,  and  the  girls  grew  up.  Now  she  (m.)  was  always  beating 
the  one  who  was  not  her  daughter,  until  the  father  scolded  her. 

Then  she  said,  "Very  well,  do  you  quarrel  with  me  because  of  her?  I  shall 
"  take  her  to  where  she  will  be  eaten." 

There  was  a  certain  river  called  the  River  Bagajun  ;  whoever  went  there  a  witch 
would  eat.  She  (step-mother)  said  that  the  girl  had  soiled  a  skin,  so  she  must  go  to 
the  River  Bagajun  to  wash  it.  She  was  travelling  in  the  forest,  she  the  girl,  when 
she  saw  a  river  of  sour  milk*  flowing  in  the  forest,  and  the  river  of  sour  milk  said, 
"  Here,  you  girl,  come  and  take  some  of  me  to  drink."  But  she  said,  "  No,  what  is 
''  the  use  ?  "  So  she  passed  on  and  came  to  a  river  of  honey,  and  the  river  of  honey 
said,  "  Here,  you  girl,  come  and  take  some  of  me  to  drink."  But  she  said,  "  No,  what 
''  is  the  use  ? "  So  she  passed  on  and  came  upon  some  fowls  ;  they  were  cooking 
themselves.  When  she  had  come  the  fowls  said,  "  Here,  you  girl,  look  here,  we  are 
"  cooking  ourselves  ;  you  must  come  and  take  one  and  eat."  But  she  said,  "  No, 
"  what  is  the  use  ?  " 

So  she  passed  on  and  came  close  to  the  River  Bagajun,  and  she  stood  close  up 
against  a  tree  and  watched  a  certain  woman  in  the  river  who  was  washing.  All  her 
body  was  mouths  ;  the  mouths  were  saying,  "  Here  you  have  given  me  (water)  ;  here 
"  you  have  not  given  me."  Then  the  girl  came  out  into  the  open.  When  she  had 
come  out  the  woman  beat  her  body  with  her  two  hands  ;  then  her  mouths  again 
became  one  like  everyone's.  Then  she  said,  "  Welcome,  girl."  And  she  said,  "  What 
"  has  brought  you  to  the  River  Bagajun  to-day  ?  "  She  (g.)  said,  "  Because  I  made 
"  water  on  the  skin  I  was  told  to  come  and  wash  it."  Then  she  (w.)  said,  "  Indeed  ; 
"  then  come  here  and  rub  me."  So  she  came,  and  while  she  was  rubbing  her  on  the 
back,  lo  the  back  opened  ;  but  she  remained  silent,  she  the  girl.  Then  she  (w.)  said, 
"  What  is  it  ?  "  The  girl  said,  "  The  back  has  opened."  She  (w.)  said,  "  What  do 
"  you  see  inside  ?  "  She  said,  "  A  tiny  basket  with  a  lid."  Then  she  (w.)  said, 
"  Take  it,"  she  said,  "  You  may  go  ;  I  give  it  you."  She  said,  "  If  when  you  have 
"  gone  you  say,  '  Shall  it  be  broken  here  ?  '  if  you  hear,  '  Break,  let  us  divide,'  do 
"  not  break  it." 

So  she  went  away,  and  while  she  was  travelling  she  said,  "  Shall  I  break  here  ?  " 
She  heard,  "  Break,  let  us  divide "  ;  so  she  passed  on.  When  she  had  journeyed  a 
good  distance  she  said,  "  Shall  I  break  here  ?  "  Silence.  "  Shall  I  break  here  ?  " 
Silence.  So  she  broke  it ;  then  riches  appeared — cattle,  slaves,  camels,  goats,  and 
horses.  So  she  sent  to  her  town  to  her  father,  saying  he  was  not  to  be  afraid  and 
run  awayf  ;  it  was  she  who  had  returned  from  the  River  Bagajun. 

When  she  had  come  and  her  mother's  rival  (kishiafy  had  seen,  anger  seized  her. 
So  she  said  to  her  daughter,  "  Make  water  and  go  to  the  River  Bagajun."  She  went 
on,  and  on,  and  on,  until  she  came  to  the  river  of  sour  milk.  The  river  of  sour  milk 
said,  "  Here  you,  take  some  and  drink."  As  for  her  she  said,  "  You  are  full  of 
"  impudence  when  you  say  I  am  to  take  some."  So  she  took  some  and  drank  and 
filled  her  stomach.  She  went  on.  She  came  to  the  river  of  honey.  Then  the  river 
of  honey  said,  "Here  girl,  come  and  take  some  of  me  and  drink."  But  she  said, 
"  Who  asked  you  ?  "  So  she  took  some  and  drank  and  passed  on.  Then  she  came  and 
met  with  the  fowls,  they  were  cooking  themselves,  and  they  said,  "  Here,  you,  come 
"  and  take  one  and  eat  it."  So  she  took  and  ate  it  and  passed  on. 

Then  she  came  to  the  River  Bagajun  and  saw  the  old  woman  in  it,  washing  and 

*  Milk  is  drunk  sour,  not  fresh. 

t  Otherwise  he  might  have  thought  that  a  hostile  force  was  coming  to  attack  the  town. 
%  Kishia  is  from  kishi,  jealousy,  for  a  sufficiently  evident  reason. 

[    53    ] 


No.  37.]  MAN.  [1911. 

saying,  "  Here  you  have  given  me  (water),  here  you  have  not  given  me."  Then  she 
jumped  out  with  a  "  boop."  The  woman  hit  her  body  and  the  mouths  again  became 
one.  Then  the  woman  said,  "  Did  you  see  me  ?  "  Then  she  said,  "  Great  scot  !  I  did 
"  see  you  with  about  1,000  mouths."  Then  she  (w.)  said,  "  What  has  brought  you  to 
"  the  River  Bagajun  ?  "  So  she  (g.)  said,  "  Oh  dear,  I  came  to  wash  a  skin."  Then 
she  said,  "  Come  and  rub  me,"  but  she  (g.)  said,  "  Nonsense,  I  came  to  wash  a  skin." 
Then  she  (w.)  said,  "  Come  nevertheless."  So  she  said,  "  All  right."  When  she  had 
come  she  rubbed  and  the  back  burst  open.  She  said,  "  There,  that  is  your  silliness,  I 
"  said  I  should  not  rub  you."  She  (w.)  said,  "  What  do  you  see  ?  "  She  (g.)  said, 
"  What  could  I  see  except  a  little  basket  ?  "  Then  she  (w.)  said,  "  Take  it,  I  give 
"  you  it."  She  said,  "  When  you  have  gone  and  are  travelling,  if  you  say,  '  Shall  I 
"  *  break  ?  '  if  you  hear,  '  Break,  let  us  divide,'  pass  on."  But  she  (g.)  said,  "  Nonsense. 
"  if  I  hear,  '  Break,  let  us  divide,'  I  shall  break  it." 

When  she  had  gone  she  said,  "  Shall  I  break  ? "  She  heard,  "  Break,  let  us 
"  divide,"  so  she  broke  it.  Then  lepers  appeared  to  the  number  of  about  1,000,  and 
lame  men  about  1,000,  and  cripples  and  blind  men.  So  she  sent  them  on  in  front  to 
go  to  the  town.  But  her  father  heard  the  news  and  said  she  was  not  to  come  into 
the  town  but  that  she  was  to  remain  out  in  the  forest  with  her  unclean  (stinking) 
family. 

IV. DAN    KUCHINGATA    AND    THE    WlTCH. 

There  were  certain  boys,  they  were  three,  one  named  Dan  Kuchingaya*  and  his 
two  brothers.  So  it  came  to  pass  that  they  began  courting  girls.  Now  these  girls 
were  the  daughters  of  a  witch.  As  for  them  they  did  not  know  they  were  a  witch's 
daughters.  So  the  boys  went  to  the  girls'  house.  When  they  had  arrived  food  was 
prepared  for  them,  and  they  went  outside  to  walk  about,  the  boys. 

Now  it  happened  that  they  came  upon  the  witch  combing  the  plaits  of  her  daughter 
and  looking  for  lice.  So  the  boys  came  and  said,  "  Peace  be  upon  you."  Then  the 
mother  let  go  of  her  daughter's  head.  When  she  had  let  it  go  the  boys  came  and 
sat  down. 

When  evening  came  food  was  brought  to  the  boys  and  they  ate  it,  when  night 
came  the  witch  was  unable  to  sleep,  so  she  took  a  knife  and  began  sharpening  it. 
Now  Dan  Kuchingaya  pulled  off  her  daughters'  breasts  and  put  them  on  his  brothers. 
So  the  witch  was  sharpening  the  knife.  As  she  was  sharpening  she  came  to  cut  the 
boys'  throats.  Then  Dan  Kuchingaya  coughed  and  said,  "  Um."  So  she  said,  "  Oh  I 
"  boy,  what  do  you  want  ?  "  He  said,  "  I  want  an  egg  to  do  something."  So  the 
witch  went  and  brought  it  to  him.  Then  she  went  and  lay  down.  Then  he  came, 
he  Dan  Kuchingaya,  and  pulled  off  the  cloths  from  the  witch's  daughters  and  put 
them  on  his  brothers.  Then  he  pulled  off  his  brothers'  loinclothsf  and  put  them  on 
the  witch's  daughters.  When  he  had  put  them  thus  and  had  lain  down  the  witch  came. 
As  she  felt  if  she  found  a  loincloth  she  killed  the  wearer.  So  she  killed  all  her  daughters. 
When  she  had  killed  them  she  returned  and  lay  down  by  herself. 

Now  the  boy  (D.  K.)  made  a  hole  in  the  house  and  made  a  tunnel  to  their  town,  so- 
he  roused  his  brothers  and  they  went  off.  Only  he  alone,  Dan  Kuchingaya,  stayed  in 
the  witch's  house. 

When  morning  broke  the  witch  came  and  said,  "  Get  up  you  children,  day  has 
broken."  Then  Dan  Kuchingaya  came  out  first  and  said,  "  I  am  Dan  Kuchingaya,  I 
"  will  show  you  what  I  have  done."  Then  she  went  and  came  upon  her  daughters  ; 
she  had  killed  all.  So  she  said,  "  As  for  me,  I  shall  revenge  myself  for  what  you  have 

*  You  will  be  revenged. 

f  The  women's  cloths  (zenne)  are  long,  reaching  from  under  the  armpits  to  the  knees  ;  the  men's. 
(bente)  are  small  triangular  pieces. 

[    54     ] 


1911.]  MAN.  [No.  37- 

"  done  to  me."  Then  the  boy  returned  home  and  went  and  told  his  brothers.  He  said, 
"  If  yon  see  a  certain  woman  come  soliciting  do  not  go  with  her." 

Now  the  witch  arose  and  became  a  prostitute,  and  came  on  market  day.  And  it 
happened  that  Dan  Kuchingaya's  elder  brother  saw  her  ;  she  had  put  forty  needles  in 
her  hand.  Then  Dan  Kuchingaya's  elder  brother  saw  her  and  said  he  liked  her.  And 
she  said,  "  Very  well,"  but  Dan  Kuchingaya  came  and  saw  her  and  he  called  his  elder 
brother  aside  and  said,  "  Do  not  go  with  that  woman."  But  he  (e.b.)  swore  at  the  boy. 
Then  he  (D.  K.)  said,  "  All  right,  go  with  her."  Then  he  (e.b.)  called  the  woman  aside 
and  they  began  to  talk.  Then  all  of  a  sudden  she  plucked  out  his  eyes  and  went  off. 
Then  Dan  Kuchingaya  said,  "  Ah  !  I  told  you  not  to  go  with  her."  Then  he  said, 
"  Now,  I  must  go  and  get  back  your  eyes  for  you."  So  he  (e.b.)  said,  "  Right." 

So  Dan  Kuchingaya  transformed  himself  and  became  a  Filani  girl.*  And  he 
carried  some  milk.  He  did  not  begin  to  cry  it  until  he  reached  the  door  of  the  witch's 
house.  And  it  came  to  pass  that  the  witch  said,  "  Bring  it  here."  So  he  brought  it 
and  she  brought  it.  Then  he  asked  her  and  said,  "  Do  you  not  know  of  a  charm  for 
"  the  eyes  ?  "  Then  he  said,  "  Dan  Kuchingaya,  a  wicked  youth,  came  and  plucked 
"  out  the  eyes  of  my  cattle."  Then  she  said,  "  Is  that  so  ?  go  and  get  the  eyes  of  a 
"  black  goat,  when  you  have  got  them  I  will  give  you  a  certain  fat  (ointment  ?)  to 
"  put  with  the  eyes  and  you  will  see  that  the  eyes  of  the  cattle  will  be  restored." 
So  he  said,  "Right." 

So  Dan  Kuchingaya  went  off,  and  when  he  had  gone  a  good  distance  away  he 
changed  himself  into  a  man  and  said,  "I  am  Dan  Kuchingaya,  it  is  on  account  of 
"  the  eyes  of  my  elder  brother,  which  you  plucked  out,  that  I  came  and  questioned 
"  you."  Then  she  said,  "  Go  and  get  some  pepper  and  put  it  in."  But  he  said,  "  Oh  ! 
"  I  understand."  So  it  happened  that  he  went  and  they  bought  a  black  goat  and 
killed  it  and  put  the  eyes  into  the  elder  brother's  sockets.  And  it  came  to  pass  that 
the  eyes  were  restored. 

V. — THE  WITCH  WHO  ATE  HER  CHILDREN. 

This  is  about  a  woman,  she  was  a  witch,  her  name  Umbajia.  There  were  she 
and  her  children,  they  were  twelve  children.  Now  she  sent  them  to  the  forest  and 
they  left  the  eldest  at  home.  Then  she  said  to  him,  "  Climb  up  and  pluck  a  pumpkinf 
"  for  me."  So  he  said,  "  Very  well,"  and  climbed  up.  Now,  when  he  had  plucked 
the  pumpkin  he  descended  with  it  and  fell  into  a  wooden  mortar.J  When  they  had 
fallen  in  she  pounded  up  the  boy  together  with  the  pumpkin.  And  so  she  prepared 
a  meal  with  the  boy. 

When  the  brothers  returned  she  said,  "  See,  here  is  your  food."  So  they  ate,  they 
did  not  know.  So  it  came  to  pass  at  daybreak  they  were  going  to  the  forest  when 
she  said  one  was  to  remain.  So  one  remained.  She  said,  "  Climb  up  and  pluck  that 
''  thing  for  me."  And  he  said,  "  Very  well."  So  he  climbed  up  and  plucked  it  and 
descended  and  fell  with  the  pumpkin.  So  she  pounded  them  up  and  prepared  a  meal, 
and  the  boys  came  and  ate,  they  did  not  know.  All  of  her  children  she  ate  except  the 
son  Auta,  he  alone.  As  for  the  son  Auta  he  ran  away. 

When  he  had  run  away  she  searched  for  him  but  did  not  find  him,  so  she  followed 
him.  He  was  running  on,  and  on,  and  on,  when  she  espied  him  ;  so  he  said,  "  Quickly, 
"  quickly,  big  horse,  take  me  home."  Really  his  feet  were  his  horse.  So  he  came  and 
met  some  sowers.  They  said,  u  Oh,  youth  !  what  are  you  running  from  ?  "  He  said, 
"  It  is  my  mother,  she  will  eat  me."  Then  they  said,  "  Stop  here,  shall  we  not  kill  her 
"  even  with  our  hoes  ?  "  So  he  stayed.  Now  the  mother  came  on  singing,  "  Barra- 

*  For  the  origin  of  these  people  see  Tfie  Niger  and  tlie  West  Sudan,  p.  54. 
f  Growing  on  the  roof  of  the  house.  {  Usually  standing  outside,  close  to  the  roof. 

[    55    ] 


No.  37,]  MAN.  [1911. 

"  ram,  barraram,*  Dodo,  I  am  going  home  ;  see  me  here,  my  son."  Now,  when  they 
were  aware  of  her  approach  fear  seized  them,  and  they  said,  "  Boy,  save  yourself,  we 
"  shall  save  ourselves."  So  the  boy  went  on,  and  on,  and  on,  saying,  "  Quickly, 
"  quickly,  big  horse,  take  me  home." 

So  he  went  on  and  came  upon  some  blacksmiths.  They  said,  "  Oh,  boy  !  what 
"  are  you  running  from  ? "  So  he  said,  "  It  is  my  mother,  she  will  eat  me."  So 
they  said,  "  Stay  here,  could  we  not  kill  her  even  with  our  bellows  ?  "  So  he  said, 
"  Very  well."  Then  the  mother  approached  singing,  "  Barraram,  barraram,  Dodo, 
"  I  am  going  home  ;  see  me  here,  my  son."  But  when  they  saw  her  they  said,  "  Boy, 
"  save  yourself,  we  shall  save  ourselves."  So  the  boy  ran  on,  and  on,  and  on,  saying, 
*'  Quickly,  quickly,  big  horse,  take  me  home." 

So  it  came  to  pass  that  he  came  upon  a  detachment  of  soldiers  and  they  said, 
"  Oh,  boy  !  what  are  you  running  from  ?  "  So  he  said,  "  It  is  my  mother,  she  will 
"  eat  me."  Then  they  said,  "  Remain  here,  we  will  drive  her  away."  So  the  mother 
approached  singing,  and  when  they  had  seen  her  they  began  fighting.  But  when  they 
had  fought  and  could  not  kill  her  they  said,  "  Boy,  arise  and  go."  So  he  said, 
"Very  well." 

He  was  running  on,  and  on,  and  on,  when  he  came  to  the  hedgehog's  house.  The 
hedgehog  said,  "  Oh  !  boy,  what  are  you  running  from  ?  "  And  he  said,  "  It  is  my 
"  mother,  she  will  eat  me."  Then  shef  said,  "  Stay  here."  Now  when  she  (m.)  came 
she  questioned  the  hedgehog,  saying,  "  Have  you  not  seen  a  boy  go  past  ?  "  She  (h.h.) 
refused  to  reply.  Then  she  (m.)  said,  "  Have  you  not  seen  a  boy  go  past  ? "  She 
refused  to  reply.  Then  the  witch  became  angry,  and  took  the  hedgehog  and  swallowed 
her  ;  but  the  hedgehog  opened  the  witch's  stomach  and  came  out.  Then  she  took 
and  again  swallowed  the  hedgehog,  but  the  hedgehog  cut  open  her  breast  and  came 
out.  Then  she  took  and  once  more  swallowed  her  ;  but  the  hedgehog  emerged  from 
her  heart,  and  she  killed  the  witch.J  Then  she  said,  "  Boy,  you  can  come  out  and 
"  go  away." 

VI. — THE  WITCH  WHO  ATE  HER  GRANDCHILD. 

This  is  about  one  whose  mother  was  a  witch,  and  she  gave  birth  to  a  daughter  ; 
the  daughter  did  not  practise  witchcraft.  She  was  brought  and  married  in  another 
town.  When  she  had  been  married  she  was  taken  away.  When  she  had  been  taken 
away  she  lived  there  until  she  conceived,  she  the  girl,  and  she  brought  forth  a  son. 
When  she  had  brought  him  forth  he  was  named,  the  son  was  given  the  name  of 
Allah  Sidi. 

Now  it  came  to  pass  that  the  boy  grew  up,  and  when  he  had  become  rather 
big  the  girl  said  she  would  go  to  visit  her  old  home.  About  two  days  after  she  had 
come  the  mother  gave  her  a  basket,  a  sieve,  and  a  grass  covering  to  get  water.  She 
went  off,  and  when  she  drew  the  water  it  ran  out  again.  Now  the  mother  (of  the  girl) 
took  the  boy  and  put  him  in  a  mortar  to  pound.  When  she  was  about  to  pound  the 
boy  would  laugh,  when  he  laughed  the  witch  would  put  down  the  pestle  even  unto 
three  times.  Then  the  witch  closed  her  eyes  and  pounded  the  boy  up.  When  she 
had  pounded  him  she  took  him  out  and  made  food  with  him.  When  she  had  done  this 
she  put  by  a  hand  and  some  food  for  her  daughter. 

When  the  girl  tired  (of  trying  to  get  water)  she  returned  to  the  house,  and 
when  she  had  returned  she  (w.)  said,  "  Here  is  your  food."  Then  the  girl  took  it, 
and  was  eating  when  she  saw  the  boy's  hand  in  it.  So  she  replaced  it  and  went  off  to 
her  husband's  house  ;  she  was  crying.  She  went  and  said,  "  The  boy  was  taken  to 

*  Supposed  to  represent  the  hoof  beats.     She  evidently  had  a  horse, 
f  Hedgehog  (jbu&hia)  is  feminine. 

I  It  is  always  the  third  time  which  is  fatal  in  these  cases. 

[    56    ] 


1911.]  MAN.  [No.  37. 

"  my  mother,  see  she  has  killed  him."     Then  the  husband  said,  "  Very  well,  we  shall 
"  be  revenged." 

So  the  husband  dug  a  well,  a  deep  one,  and  took  the  [grass]  roof  of  a  granary 
and  put  it  into  the  well  ;  he  took  wood  (about  three  bundles)  and  threw  them  into  the 
well,  and  he  set  fire  to  the  lot.  Wherever  he  had  put  fire  the  fire  caught  the  wood 
and  devoured  it.  when  it  had  devoured  it  the  place  became  red-hot.  Then  he  took 
some  mats,  and  he  put  about  three  mats  over  the  mouth  of  the  well.  Then  he  sent 
to  the  girl's  mother,  and  said  that  the  girl  had  died.  As  for  the  girl  he  hid  her  in 
the  house.  So  the  mother  came  to  attend  the  funeral  rites.  And  it  came  to  pass 
that  when  she  had  come  she  was  told  to  sit  on  the  mat.  So  when  she  sat  down, 
and  they  were  saluting,  when,  lo,  the  witch  fell  into  the  well.  She  died.  Then  they 
said,  "  Oh,  girl,  come  out,  for  the  thing  that  your  mother  did  we  are  revenged."  So 
the  girl  said,  "Good."  And  so  they  lived  there,  and  the  girl  conceived  again. 

VII. — THE  THREE  YOUTHS  AND  THE  THREE  DEVILS. 

Three  youths  used  to  go  to  a  certain  town  to  get  women  to  bring  to  their  town* 
to  sleep.  They  were  always  going.  Now,  behold,  there  were  three  devils  on  the 
road.  And  three  of  the  women  devils  said,  "  Let  us  take  counsel  that  we  may  kill 
these  boys."  So  they  adorned  themselves.  Now,  the  three  boys  set  out  from  their 
town  to  bring  the  women,  and  lo  they  met  the  three  female  devils.  Then  they  said, 
"  Well,  look  here,  we  came  to  look  for  women,  see  we  have  obtained  them."  Then 
the  women  said,  "  Let  us  sit  here  awhile  and  talk,  then  we  will  return  with  you." 
They  sat  down  and  were  talking,  and  were  leaning  up  against  the  women's  thighs 
when  the  eldest  of  them  stretched  out  his  leg  and  touched  the  foot  of  a  woman — it  was 
a  hoof  like  that  of  a  horse.  Then  he  felt  afraid  in  his  body,  his  heart  was  rent.  Then 
of  these  three  boys  he  called  the  youngest,  and  said  let  him  send  him  home,  he  had 
forgotten  something.  When  they  had  gone  aside  he  said,  "  When  you  go  home  do 
not  return,  these  women  are  devils."  The  youngest  of  them  when  he  had  gone 
remained  at  home.  Then,  again,  he  called  the  next  youngest  and  said,  "  I  sent  Auta 
"  to  bring  me  something  and  he  has  not  come,  you  go  quickly  and  call  him."  When 
he  had  gone  aside  he  said,  "  When  you  go  home  do  not  return.  These  women  are 
*'  devils."  So  he  followed  Auta. 

Except  for  him  there  was  no  one  but  the  three  female  devils.  Then  he  said 
the  perspiration  was  bothering  him.  So  he  pulled  off  his  robe,  and  folded  up  his 
robe  tightly.  Then  lie  said  the  perspiration  was  bothering  him,  so  he  pulled  off  his 
trousersf  and  folded  them  up  tightly,  and  he  took  the  robe  and  put  it  in  his  trousers 
and  put  them  down  close  to  him.  Then  he  got  up  and  snatched  up  his  trousers  and 
hung  them  on  his  shoulder.  Then  he  bounded  off  at  a  run.  Then  the  female  devils 
followed  him.  When  he  had  come  to  the  fence  of  his  house  he  jumped,  meaning  to  fall 
inside,  but  they  caught  his  foot,  so  his  head  was  swinging  to  and  fro  in  the  compound  ; 
his  foot  they  were  holding.  Then  he  said,  "  How  ridiculous  ;  it  is  not  my  foot  that 
you  have  seized  but  a  post."J  When  they  had  released  his  foot  he  fell  and  ran 
inside  the  house.  So  the  female  devils  went  back. 

VIII. — THE  YOUTH  WHO  COURTED  A  WITCH. 

There  was  a  certain  loose  woman,  she  arose  and  went  to  a  certain  town.  A  youth 
of  the  town  came  to  her,  but  she  said  she  did  not  want  him  ;  another  youth  came  to  her, 
but  she  said  she  did  not  want  him.  All  the  youths  of  the  town  came  to  her,  but  she 
said  she  did  not  want  them.  Then  the  son  of  the  chief  of  the  town  arose  and  went 

*  The  woman  is  the  visitor  in  Hausalaud. 

t  The  long  robe  and  loose  trousers  (like  those  of  the  Arabs)  would  naturally  impede  him. 
j  The  danga  is  made  of  mats,  twigs,  or  canes  supported  by  posts. 

[     57    ] 


Nos.  37-38.]  MAN.  [1911. 

and  said  he  liked  her,  and  she  said,  "  As  for  me  I  like  you."  So  he  took  her  and 
brought  her  to  his  hut.  The  chief's  son  said  he  would  marry  her.  As  for  her  she 
said,  "  If  you  are  going  to  marry  me  you  must  tell  me  what  charms  you  possess  that  I 
"  may  know."  Then  he  said  he  would  tell  her.  So  he  began  and  said,  "  Stone."  He 
said  he  could  change  into  garafunu*  She  said,  "  I  have  heard  two."  He  said,  "  I  can 
"  become  water."  He  said,  "I  can  become  hash — "f  But  his  mother  said,  "  Stop,  for 
"  goodness'  sake."  So  he  was  silent.  So  he  said  that  those  were  all  the  charms 
he  possessed. 

Now  in  the  morning,  about  8  a.m.,  the  woman  said  he  must  escort  her  towards  her 
parents'  town.  So  the  chief's  son  said,  "  Very  well."  They  started  off  and  took  the 
road.  They  were  travelling  in  the  depths  of  the  forest  when  she  pulled  off  one  of  her 
cloths  and  threw  it  down.  Then  he  said,  "  Hullo,  are  you  going  to  throw  away  your 
"  cloth  ?  "  But  she  said  it  was  there  that  she  had  got  it.  They  were  journeying  on 
again  when  she  loosed  all  her  cloths  and  threw  them  away,  and  then  she  turned  into 
a  devil.  Then  she  seized  the  chief's  son  and  threw  him  on  the  ground,  but  the  chief's 
son  became  a  stone.  Then  she  seized  the  stone  and  threw  it  on  the  ground,  but  he 
became  a  garafunu  plant.  Then  she  plucked  up  the  garafunu  and  went  to  pound  it 
up,  but  he  became  goat's  dung.  Then  she  stopped  and  looked  here  and  there  and  said, 
I  heard  him  say  hash,  but  his  mother  interrupted.  So  she  took  the  dung  and  examined 
it,  but  she  threw  it  away.  Again  she  returned  and  took  the  goat's  dung  and  said, 
"  Is  it  he,  or  is  it  not  he  ?  "  Then  she  threw  it  away  with  force  into' the  forest.  When 
he  had  gone  and  had  fallen  he  became  a  man  and  ran  home. 

A.  J.  N.  THEME ARNE. 


REVIEWS. 
Melanesia.  Seligrmann. 

The  Melanesians  of  British  New  Guinea.  By  C.  G-.  Seligmann,  M.D.,  Qfl 
with  a  chapter  by  F.  R.  Barton,  C.M.G.,  and  an  Appendix  by  E.  L.  Giblin.  00 
Cambridge  :  At  the  University  Press,  1910.  Pp.  766.  With  79  plates,  50  text 
figures,  a  table  and  a  map.  24  X  15  cm.  Price  £1  1*. 

The  author  gives  an  enormous  quantity  of  most  reliable  information  of  every 
kind  about  the  many  tribes  belonging  especially  to  the  eastern  half  of  British  New 
Guinea.  He  who  has  travelled  among  the  Melanesians  and  knows  the  difficulties 
under  which  work  is  carried  on,  is  able  to  appreciate  fully  the  amount  of  labour  that 
is  involved  in  this  book. 

The  author's  method  is  to  take  into  consideration  not  only  the  facts  of  material 
culture,  sociology,  language,  or  physical  type,  but  to  deduce  from  these  aspects  of 
a  people's  life  a  view  of  its  biologic  and  historic  conditions  and  their  present  value. 
Thus,  in  combining  the  facts  he  tries  to  get  the  characteristics  of  each  of  the  tribes. 
It  is  agreeable  to  note  that  in  his  detail  work  he  gives  also  a  broad  survey  of  the 
main  points.  The  author  had  the  opportunity  of  obtaining  various  data  from  different 
informants  to  which  he  refers  constantly  in  his  book.  These  references  enable  the 
reader  to  appreciate  the  source. 

None  of  the  peoples  discussed  belongs  to  a  pure  Papuan  race,  but  all  are  con- 
sidered as  a  Papuo-Melanesian  mixture.  The  author  divides  them  into  an  Eastern  and 
a  Western  group.  The  Eastern  group  (Massim)  occupies  the  eastern  and  south-eastern 
administrative  division  of  British  New  Guinea  (from  Cape  Nelson  to  Orangerie  Bay) 
and  includes  all  the  Archipelagos  in  the  neighbourhood  of  this  part  of  the  mainland 
of  New  Guinea,  showing  "  a  more  or  less  orderly  change  from  west  to  east,  from 
"  short-statured  dolichocephaly  to  brachycephaly  associated  with  increase  of  stature." 

*  Garafunu.  or  aarajini,  is  a  bitter  plant  used  in  foods  and  medicines.  f  Dung  is  kashi. 

[    58     ] 


1911.]  MAN.  [No.  38. 

They  all  speak  a  language  with  a  common  Melanesian  grammar.  The  northern 
portion  of  this  group  includes  the  Trobriands,  the  Marshall  Bennets,  the  Woodlarks 
(Murua),  as  well  as  a  number  of  smaller  islands,  and  is  characterised  by  a  cephalic 
index  and  a  cranial  capacity  that  is  higher  than  elsewhere  among  the  Massim.  They 
have  a  royal  family  in  each  district  with  an  hereditary  chieftainship  of  considerable 
authority  and  of  a  long-faced  tall  type.  This  type  otherwise  seems  to  excel  among 
its  companions.  "  These  people  build  the  big  sea-going  canoes  (waga)  that  play 
"  such  an  important  part  in  the  life  of  the  district,  and  it  is  in  these  islands  that 
''  the  decorative  art,  characteristic  of  the  whole  of  the  Massim  district,  has  reached 
"  its  highest  expression  in  the  carving  of  the  ornaments  for  the  prows  of  the 
"  waga,  and  in  the  patterns  used  to  decorate  the  Trobriand  lime  gourds."  This 
northern  portion  is  distinguished  from  the  others  by  the  absence  of  cannibalism, 
which,  until  recently,  existed  throughout  the  remaining  portion  of  the  Massim 
district.  Whereas  the  Trobriand  islanders  have  large  and  compact  settlements,  the 
dwellings  of  the  communities  of  a  great  part  of  the  Massim  area  are  arranged  in 
scattered  groups  which  Seligmann  proposes  to  call  hamlets.  The  members  of  a 
hamlet  are  closely  related  by  blood,  each  hamlet  having  its  own  name  and  exercising 
a  considerable  degree  of  autonomy. 

The  most  characteristic  social  feature  of  the  Massim  is  shown  in  the  famous  linked 
totems  (exogamous,  with  matrilineal  descent),  consisting  mostly  of  a  bird,  a  fish,  a 
snake,  and  a  plant,  or,  instead  of  that,  of  a  rock.  In  Milne  Bay  and  Bartle  Bay  there 
is  a  dual  or  multiple  grouping  of  the  clans,  connected  with  cannibalism,  and  the 
regulation  of  the  terms  by  which  every  individual  is  addressed.  A  special  reverence 
is  accorded  the  father's  totem.  I  do  not  know  if  we  are  authorised  to  construct  an 
ancient  or  original  paternal  totemisui  upon  this  fact.  It  may  be  that  we  simply 
have  to  deal  with  one  kind  of  the  many  forms  and  appearances  affiliated  to  the 
whole  complexity  of  beliefs  in  mystic  powers  and  connections,  which  commonly 
are  generalised  under  the  name  of  totemism.  Totem-insignia  are,  now  at  least, 
indifferently  used  as  a  means  of  decorating  the  houses  and  utensils,  and  degenerate 
often  into  the  spiral  patterns  common  throughout  the  district.  Pottery  has  not  the 
same  high  standard  as  wood  carving.  Of  special  interest  are  the  ceremonial  adze 
blades  formerly  made  at  Suloga,  and  traded  from  hand  to  hand  for  many  hundreds  of 
miles,  in  one  direction  as  far  as  the  Papuan  Gulf,  in  the  other  direction  west  of  Cape 
Nelson,  greatly  valued  everywhere  and  used  as  currency  in  the  brisk  trade  maintained 
between  the  archipelagos. 

.  The  Western  Papuo-Melanesians  have  a  very  considerable  Papuan  element  in 
their  composition  and  represent  another  type  of  miscegenation  which  differs  con- 
siderably among  the  single  tribes.  Their  characters  differ  again  from  the  more  western 
population,  which  Seligmann  calls  Papuan.  These  Western  Papuo-Melanesians  occupy 
the  area  along  the  south  coast  from  Cape  Possession  (East,  Papuan  Gulf)  to  the 
neighbourhood  of  Orangerie  Bay,  extending  inland  into  the  high  mountains.  Appar- 
ently the  aboriginal  population  of  the  shores  and  of  the  islands  has  more  easily  been 
swept  away  by  the  Melanesian  invaders  than  in  the  hilly  and  mountainous  or  swampy 
mainland.  Thus  the  western  Papuo-Melanesians  have  not  only  a  very  considerable 
Papuan  element  in  their  physical  composition,  but  many  speak  also  Papuan  languages. 
These  tribes  show  in  every  respect  a  far  greater  range  of  variation  than  the  eastern 
Papuo-Melanesians.  They  all  have  a  clan  organisation  with  patriliueal  descent.  But 
traces  of  mother-right  exist  and  are  most  numerous  among  the  Mekeo  tribes,  where 
chieftainship  may  descend  through  the  female  line.  Exogamy  is  the  rule,  with  the 
exception  of  the  Motu  tribe,  whose  members  are  good  craftsmen  but  the  poorest 
artists.  In  a  number  of  tribes  there  are  signs  of  a  former  totemic  condition,  or,  at 
least,  of  a  stage,  in  which  animals  played  an  important  part  in  the  beliefs  of  the  people. 

[    59    ] 


Nos.  38-39.]  MAN.  [1911. 

Such  is  the  case  with  the  Mekeo,  who  inhabit  the  upper  plain  of  the  St.  Joseph 
River,  behind  the  coastal  Roro-speakiug  zone,  and  who  possess  a  complicated  system  of 
general  and  special  clans,  which  is  explicitly  described.  In  connection  with  this  clan 
organisation  club-houses  are  built.  The  Koita  tribes  have,  instead  of  the  club-houses, 
the  very  artistically  decorated  ceremonial  platforms  (dubu\  the  erection  of  which  is  a 
family  privilege  and  connected  with  an  elevated  social  position.  An  important  feature 
distinguishes  the  group  of  the  Roro,  Koita,  Sinaugolo,  &c.,  tribes,  i.e.,  the  greater 
importance  attached  to  the  right  than  to  the  left  side  in  matters  of  ceremony  (also 
chieftainship),  and  the  predominance  of  geometrical  designs  in  the  decorative  art. 

It  is  impossible  in  this  brief  summary  to  give  an  adequate  idea  of  the  inex- 
haustible stock  of  detailed  observations  that  is  brought  before  the  public  in  the  746 
pages,  followed  by  a  glossary  and  a  valuable  index.  All  sides  of  social  life,  initia- 
tion ceremonies,  marriage,  chieftainship,  property  and  inheritance,  crop-growing  and 
trade,  settlements,  magic  and  sorcery,  funeral  and  mourning  ceremonies,  folk-tales, 
dances  and  songs,  morals  and  religion  are  discussed.  It  is  a  matter  of  course  that 
the  reports  vary  in  some  way  to  suit  the  characteristics  of  the  tribes.  The  annual 
trading  expeditions  of  the  Motu  people  to  the  Papuan  Gulf  are  richly  described  by 
Captain  Barton.  Very  interesting  is  the  note  about  the  stone  circles  for  cannibal 
feasts,  which  may  be  compared  in  some  way  with  the  preparations  for  the  "  ingniet " 
festival  of  New  Britain.  The  report  about  the  cult  of  the  mango  reminds  me  of  a 
legend  collected  from  the  Admiralty  Islands,  where  a  child  results  from  the  mango 
fruit.  The  custom  of  purchasing  the  right  to  perform  a  dance,  as  reported  from  the 
Koita,  will  also  be  found  on  New  Ireland.  Contrary  to  the  Melanesians  of  the 
islands,  the  sexual  element  is  scarcely  to  be  found  in  the  art  of  the  Papuo-Melanesians, 
and  we  remark  the  same  in  the  native  designs  reproduced  in  facsimile  in  the  plates 
of  Seligmann's  book,  an  instance  that  distinguishes  these  tribes  from  other  primitive 
peoples. 

Considering  the  influence  of  the  wanderings,  we  may  be  converted  to  the  opinion 
that,  generally  speaking,  the  culture  seems  to  deteriorate  the  more  the  pure  Papuan 
influence  is  traced  in  the  racial  composition.  The  linguistic  characteristics  must  be 
left  apart.  We  are  not  entitled  to  group  Papuan-speaking  peoples  among  the  Papuan 
race  without  somatic  investigations.  Therefore,  a  Papuan-speaking  man  in  these  mixed 
regions,  cannot  be  qualified  as  an  example  of  the  true  Papuan  somatic  type.  As 
Papuan  languages  and  racial  relics  are  more  and  more  found  among  the  Melanesian 
Islands,  we  do  right  to  qualify  all  these  inhabitants  more  or  less  as  Papuo-Malanesians 
also. 

An  excellent  series  of  photos  accompanies  the  text  and  perfects  this  first-rate 
reference  book.  It  completes  for  the  East  the  splendid  Cambridge  Expedition  Reports 
of  the  more  western  Torres  Straits  and  the  Fly  River  territory,  giving  together  with 
it  an  account  of  most  of  the  known  tribes  of  entire  British  New  Guinea. 

R.  THURNWALD. 


Africa :  Sociology.  Blyden. 

African  Life  and  Customs.  (Reprinted  from  the  Sierra  Leone  Weekly  OQ 
News.)  By  Edward  Wilmot  Blyden,  LL.D.  C.  M.  Phillips.  Pp.  91.  Price  UU 
Is.  6d.  net. 

When  educated  natives  of  Africa  tackle  the  complex  question  of  the  government 
of  the  negro  races  by  the  white  man,  it  is  their  habit  to  bow  low,  before  the  superior 
wisdom  of  the  superior  race  and  to  apologise  humbly  for  the  ignorance  and  wickedness 
of  their  benighted  brethren.  This  is  the  natural  consequence  of  the  European 
education  they  have  received,  for  only  too  often  they  are  taught,  not  to  despise  their 
own  race,  but  to  despise  those  who  have  preserved  their  racial  characteristics  ;  in 

[    60    ] 


1911.]  MAN.  [Nos.  39-40. 

their  opinion  the  less  a  negro  is  a  negro,  the  nearer  he  is  to  perfection.  This  is,  of 
course,  quite  comprehensible  when  we  have  to  deal  with  American  negroes,  there  is 
a  good  practical  reason  why  they  should  try  to  adopt  the  customs  of  the  people 
among  whom  they  have  to  live  ;  but  the  African  in  Africa  has  no  such  excuse,  and 
it  is  a  pleasant  change  to  read  a  book,  written  by  a  negro,  in  which  a  plea  is  made 
for  a  return  to  ancestral  customs. 

A  much  discussed  problem  is  why  the  negro,  after  reaching  a  certain  height  of 
civilisation,  not  only  stops  in  his  progress,  but  frequently  reverts  to  barbaric  customs. 
The  only  answer  is  that  he  has  not  yet  invented  the  means  by  which  acquired 
knowledge  can  be  perpetuated.  Without  the  art  of  writing,  it  is  impossible  for  any 
race  to  progress  beyond  a  certain  point,  and  progress  already  achieved  will  thus 
easily  fall  into  oblivion.  The  social  and  moral  improvement  of  the  human  race  cannot 
be  disassociated  from  it,  and  the  negro  has  only  attained  to  the  civilisation  of  the 
illiterate  ;  benefiting  by  the  experience  of  the  other  races,  he  will  be  able  to  skip 
the  stages  of  the  more  primitive  forms,  and  at  once  proceed  to  the  period  when 
paper  and  the  printing  press  will  serve  to  preserve  and  diffuse  knowledge.  Give 
him  his  tools  and  then  let  him  proceed  to  carve  out  for  himself  such  a  culture  as  will 
suit  his  nature  and  his  environment. 

"  Teach  the  negro  the  use  of  letters  and  let  him  fight  his  own  battle,"  sums  up 
fairly  well  the  teaching  of  Dr.  Blyden's  book  ;  and  he  then  compares  the  advantages 
of  European  civilisation  with  those  tendered  by  the  African.  There  is  no  gainsaying 
that  the  former  makes  a  very  poor  show.  The  great  problems  that  we  find  in 
Europe — eugenics,  decrease  of  birth-rate,  poverty,  poor-laws,  overcrowding  of  towns, 
treatment  of  criminals,  the  labour,  land,  and  religious  questions  have  been  solved  by 
the  African  in  the  most  satisfactory  way  :  they  have  been  never  allowed  to  arise. 
Compulsory  spinsterhood  is  unknown,  and  instruction  is  given  to  all  girls,  preparing 
them  for  their  duties  as  wives  and  mothers  ;  a  long  rest  after  the  birth  of  each  child 
and  suppression  of  the  unfit  prevent  the  deterioration  of  the  species.  The  industrial 
system  of  the  African  is  co-operative  ;  it  is  all  for  one  and  one  for  all.  Everybody 
has  the  right  to  hunt  and  fish  and  to  retain  for  his  own  use  and  benefit  everything 
which  may  be  the  result  of  his  efforts.  There  is  no  law  of  property  too  sacred  to 
permit  any  man,  woman,  or  child  suffering  either  hunger  or  want  without  a  sufficient 
supply  of  food  or  clothing,  provided  that  these  things  exist  in  the  village  or  the 
community.  Criminals  are  judged  by  the  entirety  of  the  adult  population,  and  if 
found  guilty,  instead  of  being  a  burden  to  the  law-abiding  part  of  the  community, 
are  sold  as  slaves  to  remote  countries,  and  the  money  so  obtained  is  used  for  the 
compensation  of  those  whom  they  have  wronged.  There  is  work  for  everybody,  and 
this  work  assures  the  labourer  such  an  income  as  permits  him  to  live  in  decent 
comfort.  Land  is  inalienable,  and  every  member  of  the  community  is  entitled  to  such 
parts  of  it  as  he  desires  to  cultivate.  No  standing  aVmy  or  police  force  are  necessary. 
Religious  intolerance  is  beyond  the  grasp  of  their  imagination.  Politics,  as  understood 
in  Europe,  do  not  occupy  their  mind'. 

Pleading  for  the  study  of  native  institutions,  Dr.  Blyden  urges  their  preservation, 
and  all  true  friends  of  the  African  cannot  but  wish  him  success.  E.  T. 


Africa,  East.  Hobley. 

A-Kamba  and  other  East  African  Tribes.  By  C.  W.  Hobley,  C.M.G.  Cam-  I A 
bridge  University  Press,  1910.  Pp.  xvi  +  172,  with  map.  Price  7*.  6rf.  net.  TU 
Nothing  augurs  better  for  the  future  of  anthropology  than  the  fact  that  it  has 
engaged  the  interest  of  many  of  those  who  administer  the  primitive  peoples  in  the 
more  remote  corners  of  our  Empire,  and  that  the  study  of  local  ethnography  has 
proved  not  merely  to  be  academically  interesting,  but  to  have  a  practical  application. 

[    61     ] 


Nos.  40-41,]  MAN.  [1911. 

In  none  of  our  colonies  have  ethnographical  studies  been  more  actively  pursued  than 
in  the  East  Africa  Protectorate,  and  the  book  under  notice,  by  Mr.  C.  W.  Hobley, 
forms  a  welcome  addition  to  the  store  of  knowledge  already  collected  by  him,  Hollis, 
Tate,  and  others. 

The  first  part  of  the  book  deals  with  the  A-Kamba,  a  tribe  the  name  of  which 
has  long  been  known  to  travellers,  but  concerning  whom  little  detailed  information 
has  hitherto  been  available.  Situated  as  they  are  between  Mount  Kenya  and  the 
coast,  it  has  so  happened  that  travellers  have  passed  quickly  through  their  country 
on  their  way  to  the  interior,  the  more  remote  regions  possessing  superior  attraction. 

At  the  same  time  there  are  many  points  of  unusual  interest  connected  with  the 
A-Kamba  ;  and  of  these  not  the  least  interesting  concerns  their  psychology ;  they  seem 
as  a  people  to  be  subject  to  periodic  epidemics  of  a  nervous  disease  known  as  Chesu, 
which  corresponds  in  a  remarkable  manner  to  the  malady  known  as  Latah  among 
the  Malays,  and  which  has  been  supposed  to  be  confined  to  people  of  that  stock. 

Another  point  of  interest  lies  the  existence  of  something  approaching  to  a  picto- 
graphic  script :  certain  conventional  symbols  are  carved  upon  sticks  by  the  men  in 
charge  of  the  initiation  camps,  and  the  candidates  have  to  state  the  meaning  of  these. 
If  a  boy  cannot  solve  the  riddle,  his  father  is  ridiculed  and  has  to  pay  a  fine  con- 
sisting in  beer.  The  A-Kamba  are  divided  into  a  number  of  original  clans  and 
subdivisions  of  these  clans ;  the  members  of  different  subdivisions  of  one  of  the 
original  clans  were  not  allowed  to  intermarry  in  former  times,  though  strangely  enough 
they  could  marry  back  into  the  parent  clan.  The  prohibition  against  intermarriage 
between  the  sub-clans  is  not  strictly  enforced  now,  the  reason  alleged  being  that  the 
clans  are  now  so  large  numerically  that  it  does  not  matter.  Granted  the  possibility 
of  marriage  into  the  original  clan,  this  reason  seems  rather  difficult  to  explain  satis- 
factorily. In  connection  with  marriage  may  be  noted  the  ordinance  which  obtained 
in  former  times  by  which  no  man  could  marry  until  he  had  killed  a  Masai. 

A  link  with  the  tribes  of  British  Central  Africa  is  seen  in  the  belief  that  certain 
professional  thieves  possess  "  medicine,"  which,  when  blown  in  the  direction  of  a  hut, 
causes  the  inmates  to  become  stupefied  so  that  they  can  be  robbed  with  impunity. 
Another  is  the  word  for  hyena,  Mbiti,  which,  in  the  form  of  Mpkiti,  is  given  by  the 
Manganja  to  those  practitioners  of  black  magic  who  kill  men  in  order,  hyena-like, 
to  prey  upon  their  corpses.  In  the  folklore  section  it  is  interesting  to  find  here,  close 
to  the  east  coast,  two  of  the  stories  which  occur  in  Uncle  Remus. 

After  a  thorough  discussion  of  the  A-Kamba,  principally  from  a  sociological  point 
of  view,  the  author  gives  a  very  interesting  account  of  the  social  organisation  of  the 
Masai,  much  of  which  is  entirely  new  ;  and  a  few  notes  on  the  A-Kikuyu,  chiefly 
relating  to  land  tenure,  and  on  the  Mogodogo,  Mweru,  Sambur,  Laikipiak,  Elgeyo, 
Uasingishu,  and  their  sub-divisions,  bring  the  book  to  a  close. 

The  book  is  written  in  a  thoroughly  straightforward  manner,  and  with  no 
"  embroidery "  ;  the  information  is  put  in  the  fewest  Words  and  the  simplest,  so  that 
the  sense  is  always  perfectly  clear.  That  it  is  by  Mr.  Hobley  is  sufficient  guarantee 
of  the  accuracy  of  the  information  contained.  The  volume  is  illustrated  with  photo- 
graphs and  contains  an  excellent  sketch  map.  An  introductory  chapter  is  furnished 
by  Professor  W.  Ridgeway.  T.  A.  J. 


Africa,  West.  Tremearne. 

The  Niger  and  the  West  Sudan :  the  West  African's  Note-Book.  By  Captain 
A.  J.  N.  Tremearne,  Dip.  Anth.  (Cantab.),  F.R.G.S.,  F.R.A.I.  Hodder  & 
Stoughton  and  Arthur  H.  Wheeler  &  Co.  Pp.  151. 

In  this  very  useful  little  book  Captain  Tremearne  gives  a  general  survey  of  the 
history  and  ethnography  of  Nigeria  and  the  West  Sudan,  with  hints  and  suggestions 

[     62    ] 


1911.]  MAN.  [No.  41. 

to  the  traveller  who  intends  to  visit  these  countries*  The  author  falls  into  the 
common  mistake  of  taking  history  to  be  an  account  of  rulers  and  conquests  and  not 
of  the  intellectual,  moral,  and  social  development  of  the  natives  ;  this,  the  real 
history,  he  relates  to  some  extent  in  Part  II  under  the  heading  "The  Races  of 
"  British  West  Africa."  This  part  contains  certain  points  on  which  Captain 
Tremearne  ought  not  to  have  suggested  definite  solutions.  He  takes  for  granted 
that  the  iron  industry  is  an  imported  one  in  Africa,  whereas  it  seems  to  me  that 
the  more  the  knowledge  of  African  ethnography  progresses,  the  more  reason  is  there 
to  believe  that  it  is  indigenous.  Stone  implements,  too,  are  now  being  found  in  all 
parts  of  Africa  where  research  is  carried  out,  and  the  negative  evidence  of  their 
non-existence  ought  to  be  qualified  by  the  unsatisfactory  and  insufficient  nature  of 
investigations.  As  for  a  copper  age  the  absence  of  ore  cannot  be  pleaded ;  the 
South-Central  African  copper  mines  are  perhaps  the  richest  in  the  world,  and  if  the 
smelting  of  copper  had  been  invented  at  all  the  use  of  the  metal  would  have  spread 
over  the  whole  continent  by  means  of  the  trade  carried  on  from  village  to  village. 
This  is  proved  by  what  happened  to  brass  ;  the  moment  it  appeared  on  the  West 
Coast  it  penetrated  into  the  interior,  and  early  in  the  seventeenth  century  we  find 
it  a  well-known  commodity  in  the  very  centre  of  the  continent.  "  What  can  we 
"  reason  but  from  what  we  know  ? "  Let  us  for  the  present  limit  ourselves  to  a 
statement  of  what  research  has  revealed  and  leave  to  future  generations  the  draw- 
ing of  conclusions,  when  material  enough  will  be  at  hand  to  form  a  sounder  basis  for 
theories. 

The  compilations,  which  form  the  ethnographical  part,  are  the  work  of  an 
industrious  and  careful  student,  and  are  well  suited  to  help  those  who  intend  to  push 
inquiry  forward.  The  Fulani  and  the  Hausa  claim  the  author's  special  attention  ; 
the  Yoruba  are  superficially  treated.  Ellis'  Yoruba-speaking  People,  Barbot's  Coast 
of  Guinea,  Johnson's  Yoruba  Heathenism,  Phillips'  If  a,  and  Dennett's  Nigerian 
Studies  have  escaped  the  author's  attention.  Chapter  VI  must  be  rewritten  for 
a  future  edition  worthy  of  the  author's  own  standard  as  established  by  the  previous 
chapters. 

The  chapter  on  education  is  suitably  opened  with  a  quotation  from  dear  Mary 
Kingsley  :  "  The  percentage  of  honourable  and  reliable  men  among  the  Bushmen  is 
"  higher  than  among  the  educated  men."  When  will  those  in  power  appreciate  the 
commonsense  of  this  admirable  woman  and  be  guided  by  its  spirit  in  the  government 
of  native  races  instead  of  applying  the  tenets  of  Exeter  Hall  ?  Captain  Tremearne 
deserves  the  gratitude  of  the  West  Coast  natives  for  advocating  the  wise  development 
of  their  own  civilisation  instead  of  the  systematic  application  of  European  codes  of 
honour,  morals,  and  education,  all  equally  unsuited  to  them.  Nigeria  is  probably  the 
most  rationally  governed  of  all  colonies,  English  or  foreign,  and  if  even  there  we  find  a 
tendency  to  make  bad  imitations  of  the  white  man  out  of  excellent  native  material, 
what  hope  is  there  for  dependencies  under  less  favourable  conditions  ?  Full  of 
quotations  from  the  best  sources,  this  chapter  ought  to  be  read  by  all  colonial 
administrators,  who,  if  impartial,  cannot  fail  to  see  that  before  educating  the  natives 
we  must  study  their  language,  sociology,  and  ethnology,  as  has  been  pointed  out  by 
the  Committee  on  the  Organisation  of  Oriental  Studies.  And  here  again  Nigeria 
has  the  lead  ;  it  is,  I  believe,  the  only  colony  that  can  boast  of  a  duly  qualified 
government  anthropologist.  "  Let  the  pagans  be  ruled  in  accordance  with  their  own 
"  traditions,  and  without  the  introduction  of  ideals,  which,  although  very  desirable  to 
*'  us,  might  be  repugnant  to  them." 

Captain  Tremearne's  small  vocabularies  and  general  hints  to  travellers  are  very 
acceptable.  It  would  be  rather  a  dangerous  game  implicitly  to  follow  his  advice  as  to 

[  63  ] 


Nos.  42-43.]  MAN.  [1911. 

constant  quinine  dosing,  and  he  does  not  dwell   sufficiently  on  the  necessity  of  plenty  of 
exercise.     The  kit  selected  seems  to  be  quite  satisfactory. 

As  the  book  is  to  be  a  note-book,  a  smaller  shape,   permitting  it  to  be  carried 
in  the  pocket,  would  be  an  improvement.  E.  T. 


Europe :  Ethnology.  Nierderle. 

La  Race  Slave.  Par  Lubar  Niederle,  Professeur  a  PUnversite  de  Prague,  ifl 
Traduit  du  tcheque  par  Louis  Leger,  de  1'Institut.  Paris  :  F.  Alcan,  1911.  •*• 
Pp.  xii  +  231. 

This  small  volume  contains  a  short  but  comprehensive  collection  of  statistical 
anthropological  and  demographical  data  concerning  the  Slavonic  nations.  In  the  intro- 
duction a  few  words  are  said  about  the  different  modes  of  classification  of  these 
peoples.  For  the  purpose  of  this  work  seven  groups  are  accepted  : — the  Russians, 
the  Poles,  the  Lusatians,  the  Czechs  (Bohemians),  the  Slovenians,  the  Serbocroatians, 
and  the  Bulgars.  Each  of  these  groups  is  more  or  less  homogeneous.  In  the  descrip- 
tion of  each  group  we  get  in  the  first  place  a  short  historical  sketch  in  order  to  trace 
the  general  movements  of  the  nation  and  the  influences  it  has  undergone  from  its 
neighbours.  Next  the  territory  and  the  frontiers  of  the  nationality  are  indicated,  a 
task  which  in  many  cases  presents  some  difficulties.  A  short  statistical  sketch 
follows  with  an  account  of  the  density  of  the  population.  Of  special  interest  will 
be  undoubtedly  the  part  devoted  to  internal  differences  which  obtain  amongst  some 
of  the  apparently  homogeneous  groups  such  as  the  Russians.  There  are  many  things 
concerning  this  point  that  come  to  the  knowledge  of  Western  Europeans  in  more  or 
less  official  form  and  therefore  distorted  and  falsified.  In  addition  also  the  stress  of 
national  feeling  in  the  case  of  each  individual  nation  is  so  strong  that  it  is  difficult 
to  trust  any  casual  information  obtained  from  any  one  of  the  interested  parties 
about  another.  M.  Niederle's  book  is  written  with  a  thorough  knowledge  of  all  the 
nationalities  he  describes  and  in  an  impartial  spirit.  It  is  a  valuable  source  of  informa- 
tion for  the  student  of  folklore  and  ethnography,  who  wishes  to  be  informed  in  a 
short  but  clear  way  about  the  general  questions  forming  the  basis  of  all  the  more 
detailed  researches.  B.  MALINOWSKL 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL    NOTES. 

AT  the  meeting  of  the  Universal  Races  Congress  in  July  it  is  proposed  to 
have  an  exhibition'  of  some  3,000  select  photographs  of  men  and  women  of 
some  standing  in  their  country  and  race.  This  exhibition  should  be  of  considerable 
interest  to  anthropologists.  The  Congress  Executive  invite  ail  Fellows  of  the  Royal' 
Anthropological  Institute  to  send  their  photographs  for  this  exhibition  to  the- 
Secretary,  Gr.  Spiller,  63,  South  Hill  Park,  N.W.  At  the  suggestion  of  M.  Topinard 
it  is  requested  that  there  should  be  attached  to  the  photograph,  not  only  the  name  of 
the  person  but  also  his  or  her  age,  stature,  colour  of  hair  and  eyes,  country  of  birth, 
and  cephalic  index.  For  this  purpose  any  person  wishing  to  be  measured  should  call 
at  the  rooms  of  the  Royal  Anthropological  Institute,  50,  Great  Russell  Street,  W.C. 
The  attention  of  all  readers  is  drawn  to  the  Questionnaire  of  the  Congress,  which  is 
inserted  in  the  form  of  a  leaflet  in  this  number  of  MAN. 

THE  Institute  is  much  indebted  to  Miss  L.  E.  Biggs  for  her  kindness  in  permitting 
the  use  of  the  photograph  of  the  late  Sir  Francis  Galton,  from  which  the  plate  in. 
the  March  number  was  reproduced. 

Printed  by  EYRE  AND  SPOTTISWOODE.  LTD.,  His  Majesty's  Printers,  Bast  Harding  Street,  E.C, 


PLATE  E. 


MAN,  1911. 


FIG.  3. 


FIG.  5. 


FIG.  4. 


FIG.  6. 


TABOO     SIGNS,     SOLOMON     ISLANDS. 


1911.]  MAN.  [No.  44. 

ORIGINAL    ARTICLES. 
Solomon  Islands.  With  Plate  E.  Williamson. 

Solomon  Island  Notes.     By  If.    U  .    Williamson. 

I  had  an  opportunity,  whilst  en  route  last  year  for  British  New  Guinea,  of 
spending  a  short  time  in  the  Rubiana  Lagoon  (island  of  New  Georgia)  and  in  the 
island  of  Kulambangra,  Avhich  is  a  great  volcanic  peak  not  far  from  Gizo.  The 
time  and  facilities  at  my  disposal  were  not  sufficient  to  enable  me  to  attempt  any 
serious  -ethnological  work  ;  but  a  few  things  which  I  saw  and  heard  in  Kulambangra 
are  not,  I  think,  without  interest. 

I  had  pitched  my  tent  in  an  old  palm  grove,  being  one  of  a  series  of  groves 
extending  for  a  considerable  distance  along  the  coast  of  the  island.  There  were 
villages  in  the  vicinity,  but  there  were  none  on  the  spot  where  I  was  encamped, 
those  which  had  been  there  having  been  destroyed  by  a  Government  punitive  expe- 
dition, following  inter-village  fighting,  and  the  natives  having  retreated  into  the 
interior,  where  they  had  built  fresh  villages. 

The  chief  visible  matters  of  interest  in  Kulambangra  were  a  series  of  taboo  signs, 
of  which  I  found  a  considerable  number  on  the  sea  margin  of  the  palm  groves,  and 
each  of  which  referred  to  the  group  of  palms  whose  owner  had  erected  the  sign.  •  I 
had  these  explained  to  me  by  a  native  of  the  island,  and,  as  a  subsequent  explana- 
tion, which  I  afterwards  obtained  from  a  quite  independent  native  source,  was 
substantially  the  same,  I  think  I  may  take  it  that  my  information  is  probably  fairly 
correct. 

One  form  of  taboo  (Fig.  1)  was  a  representation  of  a  crocodile.  It  was  made 
out  of  the  ribs  of  two  cocoa-nut  leaves,  placed  horizontally  one  upon  the  other,  and 
supported  by  sticks.  These  were  placed  with  their  concave  sides  inwards,  and  their 
expanding  bases,  bending  upwards  and  downwards,  had  been  cut  along  their  edges  into 
tooth-like  indentations,  and  so  represented  the  crocodile's  open  mouth  and  teeth,  and 
in  this  mouth  was  placed  a  cocoa-nut.  The  meaning  of  this  taboo  was  that  any  ma» 
who  stole  cocoanuts  from  the  trees  which  the  taboo  protected  would  be  eaten  by  a 
crocodile. 

Another  form  (Fig.  2)  was  somewhat  similar  to  the  first  one  ;  but  in  this  case 
the  crocodile  was  upright,  instead  of  being  horizontal,  and  there  was  no  cocoanut  ia 
its  mouth.  I  tried  to  ascertain  whether  the  presence  of  the  cocoanut  in  form  No.  I 
and  its  absence  in  form  No.  2  was  accidental,  but  was  assured  that  it  was  not 
so ;  and,  having  seen  a  few  of  each,  I  can  say  that  one  always  had  the  cocoanut 
and  the  other  had  not.  The  explanation  of  No.  2  form,  as  given  to  me,  was  com- 
plicated, and  in  no  way  obvious.  It  meant  that  a  single  thief  would  be  caught  by 
a  crocodile,  which  would  only  get  one  of  his  limbs,  but  that  several  thieves  together 
would  all  be  entirely  devoured  by  crocodiles.  It  may  be  that  I  have  fallen  into  error 
over  this  explanation,  but  I  have  no  reason  for  thinking  so  other  than  its  complicated 
and  somewhat  non-obvious  character. 

Another  form  (Fig.  3)  was  half  of  a  bivalve  shell  inserted  into  the  split  end  of  a 
vertical  stick.  This  was  apparently  intended  to  represent  a  human  ear,  and  the  warning 
which  it  gave  was  that  the  .thief  would  lose  his  power  of  hearing. 

Another  form  (Fig.  4)  was  a  bundle  of  leaves  inserted  into  the  split  end  of  a 
vertical  stick  ;  and  the  threat  involved  by  it  was  that  the  robber  would  be  carried  by 
the  winds  out  to  sea  in  his  canoe  and  be  lost.  No  explanation  was  forthcoming  as 
to  the  idea  concerning  such  a  calamity  which  was  conveyed  by  these  leaves  ;  but 
it  might  well  be  based  upon  the  way  in  which  leaves  are  blown  about  and  carried 
away  by  the  wind. 

Another  form  (Fig.  5)  was  a  little  bundle  of   three  or  four  leafy  plants  inserted 

[     65    ] 


No.  44.]  MAN.  [1911. 

into  the  slit  end  of  the  stick  ;  and  the  penalty  foretold  by  it  was  that  of  sores  about 
the  legs  and  arms,  which  would  travel  to  the  toes  and  fingers  and  make  the  bones  rot 
away.  Here  again  I  could  not  learn  how  this  fate  was  indicated  by  the  taboo  ;  and, 
as  I  did  not  know  what  the  plants  were,  I  am  unable  to  hazard  any  suggestion 
upon  the  point. 

Another  form  (Fig.  6)  was  a  bundle  of  plants  similarly  inserted  into  a  stick  ; 
and  the  threat  involved  by  it  was  that  boils,  from  which  a  white  juice  would  exude, 
would  break  out  all  over  the  trespasser's  body.  The  plants  had  lost  their  leaves, 
and  were  so  dried  up  that  I  could  not  make  out  what  they  were  ;  but  I  was  shown 
some  living  plants,  which  I  was  told  were  the  same.  I  think  they  were  a  form  of 
spurge  ;  and  at  all  events  white  milky  juice  exuded  from  their  stems  and  leaves  when 
broken,  so  -  that  the  suggestion  intended  to  be  conveyed  by  them  is  fairly  obvious. 
Referring  to  the  figure,  I  should  explain  that  the  bundle  of  plants  which  I  found  in 
the  cleft  stick  is  the  horizontal  bundle  at  the  top.  The  bundle  of  fresh  plants,  which 
will  be  seen  tied  vertically  to  the  stick  lower  down,  was  a  bundle  of  those  which 
had  been  shown  to  me,  and  which  I  had  tied  on  to  the  stick  with  a  view  to  possible 
verification  of  my  belief  that  they  were  spurge. 

Another  form,  my  photograph  of  which  was  unfortunately  a  failure,  was  a  bundle 
of  root  fibres  inserted  in  the  split  stick.  It  foretold  that  root-like  things  would  grow 
in  the  robber's  body,  and  that  he  would  die. 

A  superstition,  which  may  be  already  known,  but  of  which  I  was  not  aware, 
was  brought  to  my  notice  during  a  wander  along  the  coast.  I  met  an  old  man,  a 
native  of  one  of  the  inland  villages,  walking  with  his  axe  and  shield  (life  is  unsafe 
in  these  parts,  and  natives  never  venture  to  travel  unarmed  outside  their  own 
villages).  I  photographed  him,  and  persuaded  him  to  bring  some  of  his  people 
down  to  the  shore  for  the  same  purpose  on  the  following  day.  As  I  was  some 
distance  from  my  tent,  I  suggested  that  they  should  all  come  to  a  spot  on  the  shore 
near  to  the  tent.  This  he  absolutely  refused  to  do  ;  and  the  reason,  as  explained 
to  me,  for  this  refusal  was  that  some  years  ago  a  man  of  his  village  had  killed  a 
man  of  the  village  on  the  site  of  which  my  tent  was  pitched,  and  that  it  was 
dangerous  and  taboo  for  any  man  of  his  village  to  trespass  on  the  site  of  the  other 
village,  as,  if  he  did  so,  he  would  be  attacked  by  the  ghost  of  the  murdered  man, 
and  would  die.  I  gathered  that  this  taboo  continued  for  some  time,  and  would  be 
passed  down  from  generation  to  generation,  but  that  it  only  rested  on  grown  men, 
and  not  upon  women  and  children,  who  might  visit  the  haunted  locality  with  safety. 
I  have  no  confirmation  of  the  truth  of  this  explanation  ;  but  I  had  no  doubt  that 
the  man  himself  was  bona  fide  in  giving  it  to  me. 

I  also  came  across  an  interesting  case  of  superstitious  village  desertion,  my 
attention  to  which  was  drawn  by  visits  to  two  small  villages,  one  an  old  one,  and 
the  other  obviously  a  new,  indeed  a  barely  finished,  one,  both  of  which  were  absolutely 
deserted.  The  history  of  the  matter,  as  subsequently  explained  to  me,  was  as 
follows.  The  older  of  the  two  villages  was  the  original  village  of  the  people  from 
whom  I  obtained  the  explanation.  Their  chief  had  died,  and  the  village  was 
therefore  haunted,  and  they  had  migrated  to  another  spot,  where  they  commenced 
house  building  ;  but  almost  immediately  after  their  arrival  there  further  troubles 
(I  could  not  ascertain  what  these  were)  of  superstitious  portent  had  befallen  them, 
and  they  had  therefore  again  moved  to  another  spot,  where  they  made  considerable 
progress  in  the  construction  of  a  new  village,  this  being,  in  fact,  the  new  unfinished 
village  which  I  had  seen.  Before  this  construction  was  finished,  however,  they  had 
another  death,  which  once  again  involved  a  migration.  The  spot  selected  this  time 
was  on  a  small  outlying  island  ;  and  it  was  on  a  subsequent  visit  to  their  new 
village  on  this  island  that  I  saw  the  people  and  obtained  their  explanation  of  the 

[  66  ] 


1911.]  MAN.  [ffo.  44, 

matter.  They  were  hoping  to  return  to  their  original  first  deserted  village*  very 
shortly,  as  some  of  their  members  had  on  the  previous  day  visited  it,  and  removed 
the  spell  upon  it  by  sacrifice  on  a  great  chief's  tomb  there  (I  think  it  was  the  grave 
of  the  chief  whose  death  had  necessitated  their  original  migration,  though  I  am  not 
sure  as  to  this).  On  their  way  from  their  then  present  temporary  village  to  the 
original  one  they  had  landed  on  a  spot  close  to  my  tent  to  get  some  cocoanuts,  a 
statement  which  was  interesting  to  me,  because  I  had  observed  their  arrival,  and  so 
had  some  sort  of  confirmation  of  a  part  of  their  story. 

On  arrival  at  the  original  village  they  had  cooked  a  repast  of  cocoanut,  taro, 
and  yam,  and,  having  built  a  fire  on  the  grave  and  lit  it,  they  had  placed  the  cooked 
food  upon  the  fire — (I  have  seen  a  number  of  these  chiefs'  graves  in  the  Rubiana 
Lagoon  and  on  Kulambangra,  and  the  burnt-up  ashes  which  I  sometimes  found  on 
the  upper  layer  of  stones,  just  in  front  of  the  wooden  memorial  image,  are  in  accord 
with  what  I  believe  to  be  a  well-known  native  sacrificial  custom).  The  food  was 
consumed  by  the  fire  ;  and  this  was  an  indication  that  the  ghost  was  appeased,  and 
their  mission  had  been  successful.  They  had  then  returned  to  the  new  village,  in 
which  they  were  then  actually  living,  and  had  that  morning  (i.e.,  on  the  morning 
of  the  day  of  my  visit)  had  a  feast  in  that  village,  each  individual  having  received  a 
portion  of  food  wrapped  up  in  leaves.  This  is  the  story  as  it  was  told  me  ;  but 
here  again,  though  I  feel  no  doubt  as  to  the  bona  fides  of  the  narration,  as  I  had 
no  means  of  checking  its  accuracy  from  any  other  source,  and  as  my  means  of 
interpretation  were  not  very  good,  I  should  not  be  justified  in  asking  any  reader 
to  rely  upon  it  as  being  correct  in  detail,  though  I  think  that  it  probably  is  so  in 
substance.  I  tried  to  ascertain  what  would  have  happened  if  the  fire  had  not  con- 
sumed the  food  ;  and,  though  I  give  the  statement  as  to  this  as  it  was  given  to  me, 
I  do  so  with  even  greater  reserve.  They  told  me  that  this  would  have  meant  that 
the  ghost  to  be  appeased  (the  word  used  by  them  was  interpreted  to  me  as  devil- 
devil  ;  but  I  avoid  this  term,  which,  though  much  used  by  natives  in  their  pidgin 
English,  may  be  misleading  as  to  meaning)  was  not  satisfied,  and  that  further  trouble 
to  them  would  occur,  unless  they  succeeded  in  propitiating  him.  Apparently  they 
had  had  this  possible  difficulty  in  mind,  as  they  had  looked  to  the  death  of  their 
present  chief,  who,  they  said,  was  unwell,  as  the  probable  further  disaster  ;  and  here 
again  I  had  a  little  side-light  of  confirmation,  as  I  made  the  acquaintance  of  this 
chief  a  few  days  later,  and  he  was  undoubtedly  unwell.  There  was,  however,  a 
further  ceremony  by  which  to  placate  the  ghost,  if  it  had  been  necessary  to  do  so. 
They  would  have  gone  again  to  the  grave,  and  one  of  them  would  have  stood  over 
(or  near  ?)  the  grave,  holding  in  his  hand  a  string,  to  which  a  stone  was  attached. 
His  hands  and  arms  would  shake,  apparently  under  the  influence  of  (perhaps  really 
through  fear  of)  the  ghost,  and  the  stone  would  swing  round  and  round.  They 
would  then  have  asked  the  ghost  what  he  wanted,  and  he  would  have  told  them, 
but  I  could  not  find  out  how  he  would  have  done  this.  His  demands  might  have 
been  for  native  money  or  for  food,  or  both,  and  they  would  have  been  complied  with, 
the  money  being  put  on  the  grave,  and  the  food  being  placed  upon  a  fire  on  the 
grave,  but  which  fire  in  this  case  need  not  have  been  a  large  one  capable  of  consuming 
the  food.  In  this  way  they  would  have  overcome  their  difficulties,  if  they  had  arisen. 
I  should  mention  that  the  sacrificial  giving  of  money  is,  according  to  Dr.  Codrington, 
confined  to  the  Eastern  Solomons,*  a  statement  which  is  not  in  accord  with  the  above 
explanation  given  to  me. 

I  may  say,  in  conclusion,  that  the  natives  of  the  Rubiana  Lagoon  and  Kulambangra 
are  still  primitive  people,  not  having  yet  been  spoilt  by  civilisation,  though  some 

*  The  Melanegians,  p     129. 
[    67    J 


Nos.  44-45.]  MAN.  [1911. 

white  man's  implements  and  utensils  are  being  used  by  most  of  those  whom  I  saw. 
I  had  a  most  interesting  time  among  them,  and  succeeded  in  taking  a  considerable 
number  of  capital  photographs.  R.  W.  WILLIAMSON. 


Melanesia,  Brown. 

A   Secret   Society   of  Ghoul-Cannibals.     By   Rev.    G.  Brown,   D.I).     1C 

In  my  book,  Melanesians  and  Polynesians,  I  stated,  p.  143,  "  I  do  not  TTU 
"  think  that  the  New  Britain  people  ever  practised  cannibalism  for  the  purpose  of 
'*  acquiring  part  of  the  valour  of  the  person  eaten."  I  have  no  further  knowledge 
from  the  main  island  of  New  Britain,  causing  me  to  modify  or  alter  that  opinion, 
but  I  have  recently  received  a  very  trustworthy  account  of  a  most  revolting  kind  of 
cannibalism  practised  by  a  secret  society  in  a  particular  district  of  New  Ireland  for 
which  I  can  find  no  adequate  reasons,  except  those  given  me  by  my  informant, 
Mr.  George  Pearson,  a  lay  missionary  of  the  Methodist  Missionary  Society,  who  has 
resided  in  New  Ireland  for  ten  years,  most  of  which  time  was  spent  at  Bom  and 
Eratubu,  the  districts  referred  to. 

The  reasons  given  by  him  are  that  it  is  done  "  not  for  revenge  only  but  to  get 
"  back  the  strength,  spirit,  and  influence  which  they  have  lost,"'  by  the  death  of  one 
or  more  of  their  people  in  war,  whilst  in  those  cases  where  the  body  which  is  eaten 
is  that  of  one  of  their  own  people  the  same  idea  is  the  actuating  cause,  viz.,  that 
"  strength,  spirit,  and  influence  may  be  retained  in  the  tribe." 

The  society,  which  is  called  Kipkipto,  only  existed,  so  far  as  we  know  from  our 
present  information,  in  a  district  on  the  west  coast  of  New  Ireland  near  the  centre  of 
the  island.  Its  headquarters  were  around  the  villages  or  sub-districts  of  Bom  and 
Eratubu.  The  society  is  now,  it  is  believed,  broken  up,  but  the  information  was 
obtained  from  two  members  who  are  still  living.  These  men  were  being  initiated 
into  the  society  at  the  time  when  Mr.  Pearson  resided  in  the  district.  They 
abandoned  heathenism  and  are  now  engaged  as  teachers.  I  have  made  very 
particular  inquiries  from  Mr.  Pearson,  and  he  is  fully  convinced  of  the  truth  of 
the  statements  made  to  him.  He,  however,  does  not  think  that  the  whole  of  the 
revolting  practices  were  told  to  him,  as  the  two  men  are  naturally  very  much 
ashamed  of  them  now. 

The  following  particulars,  however,  were  obtained  from  them  : — 

1.  A  large  house  was  built  in  which  the  members  of  the  Kipkipto  were  initiated. 
Down  the  centre   of  this  house   they    constructed   a  long   narrow  passage   or  tunnel 
just  wide  enough  to  admit  the  bodies  of  the  neophytes.     The  sides  of  this  passage 
or  tunnel  were  lined  with  two  rows  of  strong  posts  firmly  set  in  the  ground.    These 
posts   were    not    placed  quite    close  together,  but    between  each   post    a   space    wide 
enough  for  the  insertion    of  a   hand  was  left.      The  initiated   members  were  placed 
on   both   sides   of    this   passage    on   the    outside   of    each    row    of    posts.      As    the 
candidates  crawled  through  the  narrow  passage   each  of    the  old  members  thrust  his 
hand  through  the  space  between  the  posts,  got  hold  of  their  ears  and  pulled   them 
very  forcibly,  so  that  by  the  time  the  candidates  were  well  through  the  house  they 
suffered  very  great  pain,  so  much  so  that  some  of  them  fainted.     Some  idea  may  be 
formed   of   the  strength  of   the   pull   by  the   fact   that  in  most,  if  not  all,  cases  the 
ligaments  of  the  ear  were  so  distended  or  stretched  that  the  ears  projected  forward. 
This  was  done  to  give  them  the  appearance  of  an  evil  spirit  or  tabaran.     There  was 
no  distinctive  mark  by  which  members  of  the  society  were  known,  except  that  often 
owing  to  the  ill-usage   they  received  the  ears  had  a  tendency  to  project  forward  in 
a  greater  or  lesser  degree. 

2.  If  one  of  their  own  people  or  one  from  a  village  with  which  they  were  on 

[    68    U 


19U.]  MAN.  [Nos.  45-46. 

friendly  relations    died,  there  would   be,  of   course,  the    usual   feast  of  pigs  and  the 
burial  of  the  body. 

3.  After  the  burial   the  chief  of  the  Kipkipto  Society  would  approach  the  man 
who  had  charge  of  the  burial  and  make  arrangements  for  the  purchase  of  the  body. 
The  only  objections  which  were  made  were  as  to  the  price  which  was  offered. 

4.  After    a    satisfactory   agreement    had    been    arrived  at  the   Kipkipto  Society 
would  dig  up  the  body  during  the  night. 

5.  The  body  was  left   for  a    short    time    until  decomposition  was  established,  in 
order   that   the    flesh    might   be   more  easily   detached   from   the   bones.      After    the 
flesh  was  removed  the  bones  were  all  re-buried. 

6.  The    body  was    not    cooked,  but  was    cut  up    into    small    pieces,  minced,  and 
mixed  with  many  pungent  and  strong-tasting  herbs,  in  order  to  counteract  as  much 
as  possible  the   bad    taste.      The  composition  was    then    put   into   the  small   baskets 
usually  carried  by  all  the  natives.      These  were    slung  over  the   shoulder  and  partly 
concealed  under  the  armpit. 

7.  The    composition  was    eaten    secretly  in   the    forest.      Only  those    who    were 
fully  initiated  were  allowed  to  eat  it. 

8.  It  was  very  important  that  no  part  of  it  should  be  lost.      So  important  was 
this  that  if   a  member  could  not  restrain  from  vomiting  he  would  make  signs  to  his 
nearest  companion,   who  would  run  to   him   and   receive   the   ejected  matter  into  his 
own  mouth,  for  which  service  he  would  receive  a  small  payment. 

9.  The  members  of  the  society  were  supposed  to  be  possessed  by  spirits.     They 
were  said  to  become    as  light    as    air,  so    that    they  could   sit  on  the  smallest  twigs. 
They  were  able  to  make  themselves  unseen.      When  walking   they  did  not  feel   the 
ground,  and  were  lunga — that  is,  mad. 

10.  The  desire  to  eat  this  horrible   mess  was  so  strong  that  they  would  go  for 
miles  in  order  to  purchase  a  corpse,  and  when  opening  a  grave   they  would  tremble 
with  excitement. 

11.  The    same    customs  were    carried    out   when    they  obtained   the   body  of   an 
enemy    which    had    been    killed    by    them,    or   which    had    been    purchased   from   an 
adjoining  tribe,  with  the  exception  of  the  usual  feast  of  pigs  at  the  burial. 

12.  Mr.  Pearson  only  knew  of   one  society,  and  that    is    now  broken  up.      The 
members  of   it  were  very  much  feared,  and  could  go  with  impunity  to  places  where 
an  ordinary  native  would  not  dare  to  go. 

13.  The  reasons  given  by  the    natives  for    this  practice  are  that,  by  eating   the 
bodies  of   their  own  people,   they  retain  within    the    tribe    the  "  strength,  spirit,  and 
influence  "  which  they  possessed,  and  by  eating  the  bodies  of  their  enemies  who  had 
previously  killed  one  of  their  kindred  they  recovered  the  same  qualities  which  had  pre- 
viously passed  away  from  them.     This,  Mr.  Pearson  says,  partly  explains  why  a  tribe 
will  wait  a  whole  generation  (until  their  sons  have  grown  up)  for   an  opportunity  to 
get  even  with  the  people  who  had  previously  conquered  them.  Gr.  BROWN. 


PROCEEDINGS    OF    SOCIETIES. 

America :  Archaeology  and  Ethnography. 

Sixteenth    International    Congress   of  Americanists.  1C 

The  report  of  the  Sixteenth  International  Congress  of  Americanists,  held  ^U 
in  Vienna  in  September  1908,  was  published  early  in  1910,  and  contains  the  fifty 
papers  presented,  as  well  as  detailed  accounts  of  the  Congress  proceedings,  and  of 
the  subsequent  tour  through  Hungary,  Croatia,  Bosnia,  and  the  Herzegovina  which 
gave  so  much  pleasure  to  those  members  who  took  part  in  it. 

[    69    J 


No.  46.]  MAN.  [1911. 

Dr.  Franz  Boas  described  in  general  terms  the  Results  of  the  Jessup  North 
Pacific  Expedition,  which  cost  Mr.  Morris  Jessup  100,000  dollars,  including  the 
publication  of  twelve  volumes  on  the  ethnology,  philology,  and  anthropology  of  the 
regions  visited.  The  main  object  was  to  study  th«  connections  between  the  cultures^ 
speech,  and  races  of  the  old  and  new  world,  and  the  place  of  the  American 
aborigines  amongst  the  races  of  the  earth.  An  immense  mass  of  material  was 
Collected  by  the  twelve  members,  some  of  whom  studied  the  isolated  tribes  of 
Eastern  Siberia,  whilst  others  went  through  the  state  of  Washington  and  devoted 
much  time  to  northern  British  Columbia.  The  New  York  Natural  History  Museum 
contains  the  magnificent  collection  brought  back  from  the  north-west  coast. 

The  complex  conditions  observed  showed  the  difficulty  of  the  problems  to  be 
solved.  It  became  evident  that  there  had  been  intercommunication  and  migrations 
to  and  fro  between  north-west  America  and  eastern  Asia,  and  the  vast  experience 
of  Dr.  Boas  in  race-study  has  enabled  him,  in  a  measure,  to  judge  what  inferences 
may  be  drawn  from  the  ascertained  facts  pending  further  investigation.  It  has 
become  evident  that  the  phonetic  and  morphological  character  of  the  isolated 
languages  of  north-east  Asia  cannot  be  separated  from  that  of  the  American 
languages,  and  the  confusing  varieties  of  the  latter  (ten  distinct  languages  being 
spoken  between  Behring's  Straits  and  the  Columbia  river),  may  be  gathered  into  a 
number  of  morphological  groups  which,  in  spite  of  great  and  even  fundamental 
differences,  may  prove  to  have  emerged  from  a  single  entity.  In  addition  to  con- 
siderations of  language  and  anthropology,  there  is  a  striking  resemblance  in  the  legends 
of  the  peoples  on  both  sides  of  the  northern  Pacific,  and  Dr.  Boas  gives  reasons 
for  thinking  that  there  was  an  extremely  ancient  connection  between  them  before 
the  Eskimo  had  reached  Behring's  Straits,  which  began  from  the  American  side. 

Sir  Clement  Markham's  two  papers  are  A  Comparison  of  the  Ancient  Peruvian 
Carvings  and  the  Stone  Reliefs  of  Tiahuanaco  and  Chavin  and  Sarmiento' 's  History 
of  the  Incas.  The  latter  was  published  by  Dr.  Pietschmann  of  Gottingen  in  1906, 
having  been  written  about  1573.  Sarmiento  is  the  most  reliable  of  the  early  Spanish 
writers  on  Peru,  as  his  history  was  compiled  from  the  carefully  attested  evidence  of 
forty-two  descendants  of  the  Incas  who  were  examined  at  Cuzco.  From  it  we  learn 
that  the  Inca  system  of  government  in  its  perfection,  had  only  existed  for  three 
generations  before  the  Spaniards  came,  and  was  a  pure  socialism  which  has  never 
existed  in  the  world  before  or  since.  All  were  well  fed  and  well  clothed,  even 
amused,  but  there  could  be  no  freedom,  no  opening  for  ambition,  no  attempts  to 
rise,  and  efforts  at  revolt  met  severe  and  cruel  punishment. 

In  Dr.  J.  Kollmann's  paper  on  Pygmies  among  the  Aboriginal  Races  of  America 
he  gives  illustrations  of  pre-Columbian  pygmy  skulls  from  Brazilian  Guayana,  from 
Guatemala,  and  from  the  coast  cemeteries  of  Peru  (Ancon  and  Pachacamac)  ;  the  last 
excavated  under  the  supervision  of  the  Princess  Therese  of  Bavaria.  Her  Royal  High- 
ness also  brought  away  some  bones,  amongst  them  two  femora,  which  denote  statures 
of  1,161  and  1,463  mm.  Fourteen  pygmy  skulls  from  these  graves  have  capacities 
between  1,000  and  1,190  cm.  In  an  urn  from  the  caves  of  Maraca,  northern  Brazil, 
were  found  two  pygmy  skeletons.  Judging  from  the  femur,  the  heights  of  the  bodies 
were  1,400  and  1,460  mm.,  and  the  tibia  show  decided  platycnemia.  In  none  of 
these  cases  does  there  appear  to  have  been  disease  to  account  for  the  small  size. 
Dr.  Kollmann  does  not  mention  the  very  small  people  to  be  seen  in  Yucatan,  amongst 
whom  a  man  of  5  ft.  4  in.  looks  quite  tall  and  imposing. 

Dr.  Lehmann-Nitsche  in  Homo  Sapiens  and  Homo  Neogceus  in  the  Argentine 
Pampas  Formations  gives  his  views  on  the  remains  of  ancient  man  found  there.  In 
the  Upper  and  Middle  Loeas  they  do  not  differ  greatly  from  the  modern  Indian,  and 
the  bones  of  the  extremities  have  the  relative  peculiarities  of  the  inferior  races.  In 

[     70    ] 


1911.]  MAN.  [No.  46. 

the  Lower  Loess,  which  is  geologically  at  least  pliocene,  was  found  the  atlas  of 
Monte  Hermoso.  In  comparison  with  recent  South  American  and  other  races  this 
atlas  shows  very  distinctive  characters.  It  is  too  small  for  Homo  primigenius,  but 
belongs  certainly  to  a  very  early  form,  approaching  pithecanthropus.  Reserving  the 
name  of  Homo  antiquus  for  the  tertiary  being,  who  may  yet  be  found  in  the  old 
world,  the  author  has  called  the  tertiary  owner  of  this  atlas  Homo  neog&us. 

Dr.  Capitan  draws  attention  to  the  resemblances  between  certain  objects  from 
the  old  and  new  worlds,  such  as  the  flat  rings  of  stone  worn  on  the  breasts  by 
ancient  Mexican  gods  and  found  in  prehistoric  France  and  in  Japan.  A  statue  of 
a  bonze  at  the  Musee  Guimet  has  one  on  the  left  side  of  the  breast.  An  inter- 
laced sign,  which  expresses  gold  in  Mexican  picture-writings,  appears  on  Merovingian 
buckles,  and  a  development  of  it,  seen  in  Central  American  reliefs,  is  known  in  China 
and  Tibet  as  the  intestine  of  Buddha. 

A  human  femur  with  a  series  of  deep  incisions,  used  as  a  musical  instrument  in 
ancient  Mexico  and  called  omichicahuaztli,  is  paralleled  by  the  deer  horns  similarly 
incised,  of  the  quaternary  period  in  France,  and  by  instruments  of  the  Hopi  and  Zuni. 

Another  interesting  parallel  is  noted  by  Professor  H.  Matiegka,  between  North 
American  incised  and  painted  pottery  and  several  groups  of  neolithic  pottery  in 
central  Europe.  He  refers  to  Dr.  Holmes'  work,  Aboriginal  Pottery  of  the  Eastern 
United  States  (twentieth  annual  report  of  the  Bureau  of  Ethnology),  and  to  many 
German  writers  on  neolithic  pottery.  In  both  regions  the  sequence  of  style  appears 
to  be  the  same,  and  the  resemblance  is  not  only  in  the  forms  of  the  vessels,  but  in 
their  whole  decoration  and  ornaments  (apart  from  some  distinctive  American  and 
local  Mediterranean  motives),  and  their  wide  extension.  The  very  early  incised  ware 
of  northern  Europe  with  the  design  filled  with  white  is  found  in  America,  mostly  in 
the  northern  area  and  in  the  Canadian  kitchen-middens,  which  are  of  great  antiquity. 
There  are  specimens  with  incised  patterns  as  far  as  Costa  Rica  and  Panama. 

The  whole  question  of  the  infinite  resemblances  between  neolithic  objects  and 
implements  of  all  kinds,  as  well  as  the  pottery,  in  Europe  and  America,  needs 
unprejudiced  study. 

In  Recent  Cave  Work  in  America  Dr.  C.  Peabody  describes  some  caves  in  the 
Ozark  Mountains.  The  rocks  there  are  Silurian  sandstone,  Devono-carboniferous  and 
sub-carboniferous,  and  in  the  first  and  third  there  are  caves  and  rock-shelters  which 
resemble  those  of  the  Dordogne.  Examination  of  Jacob's  Cavern,  Benton  County,  Mis- 
souri, and  Kelly  Cavern,  Madison  County,  Arkansas,  showed  that  the  deposits  in  them 
consisted  of  mud,  fallen  rock,  and  "  ash."  This  last  is  a  dark-coloured  substance,  very 
light  in  weight,  certainly  connected  with  the  presence  of  man,  and  in  quantity  to  length 
of  occupancy,  although  an  analysis  proved  unfavourable  to  the  hypothesis  that  it  is  a 
true  ash.  Skeletons  were  in  poor  preservation,  and  usually  incomplete,  but  where  the 
inhumation  is  deep  enough  to  have  been  undisturbed  by  animals,  the  types  of  burial 
known  as  "  bundle  "  and  "  scissors  "  are  found.  The  accompanying  objects  are  insig- 
nificant. Animal  bones  belong  only  to  recent  species.  The  deposits  are  peculiarly 
rich  in  stone  implements  and  fragments,  and  include  hammer  stones,  polishing  stones, 
and  metates  (grinding  stones),  knives,  and  projectile  points,  scrapers,  and  perforators. 
The  pottery  is  rude  and  of  simple  design,  but  an  industry  of  worked  bone  had 
developed,  and  bone  implements,  especially  pins,  are  abundant.  Textiles  of  wild  cane 
are  also  found.  The  culture  is  noteworthy  for  what  it  lacks  ;  there  is  no  richly- 
decorated  pottery,  no  intricately-carved  shell,  and  the  absence  of  ground  celts  and 
axes  is  almost  absolute.  Stalagmite  50  cm.  thick  covers  split  bones,  charcoal,  and 
splintered  flints  in  some  places. 

Dr.  E.  Seler  has  a  learned  paper,  Latest  Investigations  of  the  Legends  of  Guetza- 
coatl  and  the  Toltics,  and  a  profusely  illustrated  description  of  the  Ruins  of  ChicKen 

(    71     ] 


No.  46.]  MAN.  [1911. 

Itza  in  Yucatan.  Mr.  A.  P.  Maudslay's  great  work  will  always  be  the  necessary 
foundation  for  knowledge  of  the  wonderful  buildings  and  sculptures  there,  but  quantities 
of  reliefs  and  statues  are  not  yet  recorded,  and  Dr.  Seler  especially  notices  the  caryatids, 
and  the  many  figures  in  the  frescoes  and  reliefs  which  are  in  an  upholding  position. 

The  sculptured  stone  table,  supported  by  fifteen  portrait  statuettes,  which  stood 
between  the  two  great  serpent  columns  in  the  ante-chamber  of  the  Temple  of  the 
Tigers  (upper  building),  was  discovered  by  Dr.  Le  Plongeon  when  he  removed  the 
mass  of  debris  there.  He  buried  the  statuettes  for  their  better  preservation  (after 
photographing  the  table  in  position),  and  they  were  found  in  1902,  and  are  now  in 
Mexico  city.  Before  they  were  removed  the  present  writer  photographed  and  drew 
them  in  colour,  for  they  had  been  harmoniously  painted,  as  were  the  other  sculptures, 
and  Fran  C.  Seler  also  photographed  them.  The  varied  types  of  these  portraits  and 
the  details  of  their  costumes  and  feather  mantles  make  them  very  remarkable. 

Another  small  building  had  caryatid  pillars,  which  supported  a  large  stone  with 
rows  of  Maya  glyphs  in  sunk  relief.  The  initial  glyphs  give  a  date  corresponding  to 
3,993  years  224  days  from  the  beginning-date  of  Maya  reckoning. 

Dr.  C.  V.  Hartman  gives  interesting  photographs  of  graves  in  Some  Features  of 
Costa  Rica  Archceology.  It  is  a  great  misfortune  in  that  country  that  immense  numbers 
of  graves  have  been,  and  still  are,  ransacked  for  the  gilt-copper  objects  found  in  them, 
whilst  everything  else  is  left  or  destroyed.  Dr.  Hartman  studied  limited  areas  on  the 
Atlantic  and  Pacific  coasts  and  on  the  high  land.  There  were  four  main  types  of  stone 
cists.  One  consisted  entirely  of  slabs,  both  top,  bottom,  and  sides  ;  another  kind  had 
walls  of  oval  river-stones,  and  a  pile  of  them  as  roof.  A  third  form,  on  the  Atlantic 
coast,  was  twice  as  deep  and  large,  with  roof  of  very  large  heavy  slabs.  The  fourth 
form  was  in  the  mountains  west  of  Cartago,  where  square-cut  pieces  of  stone,  the 
size  of  bricks,  were  used  for  walls,  whilst  roof  and  floor  were  of  larger  flat  slabs.  On 
account  of  the  moist  climate,  nearly  all  objects  of  perishable  materials,  such  as  textiles, 
wood,  bone,  shell,  &c.,  have  disappeared,  and  only  those  of  stone,  clay,  and  metal  are 
left.  Very  beautiful  painted  pots  are  found  in  some  graves.  Dr.  Hartman's  published 
works  give  a  good  idea  of  the  archaeological  riches  of  Costa  Rica. 

But  in  truth  the  profusion  of  antiquities  in  America  is  amazing,  as  shown  by 
Professor  Marshall  Saville's  Archaeological  Researches  on  the  Coast  of  Esmeraldas, 
Ecuador.  Thanks  to  information  received  from  a  resident,  Mr.  Stapleton,  Professor 
Saville  headed  expeditions  (financed  by  Mr.  G.  Heye)  in  1906  and  1907  to  the  province 
of  Manabi,  and  has  published  two  fine  volumes  describing  his  discoveries.  It  'is  only 
regrettable  that  the  object  of  the  expeditions  is  mainly  to  collect  rather  than  to  make 
systematic  excavations. 

In  1908  he  was  again  in  Manabi  for  a  short  time  before  proceeding  to  Esmeraldas, 
and,  in  the  low  hill  region  south-west  of  Manta,  he  discovered  near  La  Roma  about 
forty  bottle-shaped  hollows,  probably  the  tombs  described  by  Cieza  de  Leon,  somewhat 
like  the  Chultunes  of  Yucatan.  These  in  Ecuador  are  cut  in  the  solid  rock,  in  places 
where  they  would  not  have  been  used  for  storing  water,  and  average  eight  to  ten  feet 
in  depth.  They  are  symmetrically  shaped,  resembling  enormous  carafes,  with  an 
opening  or  neck  two  feet  in  diameter,  and  have  smooth  sides  and  rounded  bottoms 
with  a  diameter  equal  to  the  depth.  They  were  sealed  by  a  circular  stone  slightly 
over  two  feet  across  and  about  two  inches  thick.  Where  the  earth  is  of  some  depth 
before  reaching  the  bed  rock,  courses  of  squared  stones  line  the  necks.  The  excavation 
of  one  pit  produced  fragments  of  human  and  animal  bones,  potsherds,  and  a  stone  ear 
plug.  Similar  graves  honeycomb  the  ground  in  parts  of  Cajamarquilla,  an  ancient 
ruined  city  near  Lima,  Peru. 

In  the  province  of  Esmeraldas  there  was  a  different  mode  of  burial  ;  in  great 
pottery  tubes.  One  found  at  Tonchigue,  two  and  a  half  feet  high  with  a  diameter  of 

[     72     J 


1911.]  MAN.  [No.  46 

twenty  inches,  was  resting  on,  as  well  as  covered  by,  a  jar.  It  contained  a  skeleton 
and  a  number  of  gold  and  copper  objects.  So  many  of  these  tubes  were  found 
(usually  considerably  below  low-tide  mark)  near  the  village  of  Atacames,  that  almost 
every  house  has  one  or  more,  used  for  storage  purposes.  Tubes  of  this  character 
are  found  from  La  Tolita  south,  nearly  to  the  border  of  the  province  of  Manabi. 
Atacames  was  the  chief  town  of  an  ancient  province,  and  in  the  river  bank  enormous 
deposits  of  pottery  and  shells  are  exposed.  Skulls  found  there  have  tiny  gold  discs 
set  in  the  teeth. 

At  La  Tolita,  on  an  island  called  Tola,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Santiago  river, 
seventy-five  miles  north  of  the.  town  of  Esmeraldas,  there  are  forty  mounds  in  a 
cleared  portion  of  the  forest.  A  trench  was  dug  through  the  largest  mound  and  at  a 
<lepth  of  7  metres  a  skeleton  was  found  in  sitting  position,  holding  a  large  clay  seal 
or  stamp  in  its  hand.  With  it  were  a  number  of  pottery  vessels,  a  gold  egg  with 
an  emerald  in  it,  and  other  interesting  objects.  In  the  level  parts  of  the  island, 
wherever  excavations  are  made,  gold  is  found  by  placer  washing,  and  there  are 
thousands  of  fragments  of  painted  pottery,  vessels,  and  figures  (frequently  broken  by 
the  workmen's  picks)  to  a  depth  of  five  feet  in  the  mud  and  decayed  vegetable  deposit. 
A  collection  of  2,000  pieces  of  worked  gold  was  obtained,  of  an  infinite  variety  of 
forms.  The  greater  part  of  the  jewels  are  of  very  diminutive  size,  and  a  lens  must 
be  used  in  order  to  study  the  workmanship.  Amongst  them  are  gold  rings  and 
pendants  set  with  stones,  minute  filigree  masks,  nose,  ear,  and  lip  ornaments,  and 
nails  of  various  forms,  which  were  set  in  holes  in  the  face,  as  described  by  the  early 
Spaniards.  There  are  also  gold  fish-hooks,  needles,  and  awls.  Some  jewels  are  of 
pure  platinum,  or  of  platinum  and  gold  filigree.  These  minute  objects  show  the 
marvellous  skill  of  the  ancient  workers,  and  they  are  found  in  extraordinary  profusion 
in  the  alluvium  near  the  mouths  of  all  the  streams  which  flow  into  the  Pacific 
within  a  certain  limit.  The  great  deposits  of  pottery  appear  to  have  been  scattered, 
redistributed,  and  alluvium  formed  over  them,  a  process  repeated  in  three  different 
periods,  at  one  place  at  least. 

Dr.  Max  Uhle's  opportunities  of  studying  the  Primitive  Culture  in  the  Neigh- 
bourhood of  Lima,  in  the  course  of  the  excavations  made  by  him  for  the  Universities 
of  Pennsylvania  and  California,  and  for  the  splendid  museum  he  has  created  in 
Lima,  have  enabled  him  to  formulate  a  provisional  sequence  for  his  finds,  with  the 
knowledge  also  obtained  by  his  researches  at  the  ruins  near  Trujillo. 

He  discovered  at  Ancon  a  very  early  site  of  primitive  fisherfolk,  from  whom  the 
people  may  have  descended  who  left  the  huge  extent  of  mounds  30  or  40  feet  high, 
spread  over  the  plain  there,  and  known  as  the  Necropolis  of  Ancon,  although  really 
a  series  of  dwellings  and  shell  heaps  in  which  interments  have  been  made.  At 
Pachacamac  his  excavations  proved  the  super-position  of  temples  and  buildings  with 
their  respective  burials,  pottery,  &c.  At  Nieveria  he  found  an  ancient  cemetery 
with  a  very  great  variety  of  artistic  objects  of  bone,  shell,  wood,  and  mosaic,  in 
addition  to  pottery  of  the  most  decorative  kind.  From  Chancay  also  he  obtained 
fine  painted  pottery,  and  all  this  is  different  from  the  later  well-known  Peruvian  type. 
It  belongs  to  the  Ica-Nazca  region  farther  south,  where  Dr.  Uhle,  after  long  search, 
found  great  numbers  of  beautiful  pots  covered  with  mythological  paintings. 

Tentative  excavation  in  the  enormous  mounds  built  of  small  bricks  near  Lima, 
resulted  in  the  finding  of  burial  urns  of  unusual  size  and  thickness.  It  is  most 
unfortunate  that,  owing  to  want  of  money,  the  Peruvian  Government  has  been  unable 
for  the  last  two  years  to  pay  for  the  further  exploration  which  Dr.  Uhle  is  so  capable 
of  managing,  as  shown  by  the  great  collections  he  has  brought  together  in  a  short 
time.  Irresponsible  persons  dig  everywhere,  and  sell  their  finds  to  foreigners,  to  the 
infinite  loss  of  science. 

[    73    ] 


No.  46.]  MAN,  [19U. 

In  his  paper  on  The  Significance  of  the  Intihuatana  Dr.  Uhle  brings  together 
photographs  of  the  different  gnomons  which  he  discovered  on  the  hillsides  round  Cuzco, 
as  well  as  the  one  called  Intihuatana  at  Pisac,  the  only  sun  temple  left  in  good 
condition. 

Amongst  the  philological  contributions  Father  Morice's  sprightly  French  descrip- 
tion of  The  Verb  in  the  Dene  Languages  will  delight  the  reader.  Far  from  being  a 
dry  dissertation,  it  gives  a  vivid  picture  of  the  extraordinary  richness  and  variety  of 
terms  which  the  Indian  mind  has  found  necessary  to  express  its  subtle  distinc- 
tions of  thought.  Dene  possesses,  for  every  French  verb,  thousands  of  synonyms 
with  distinct  shades  of  meaning,  and  the  total  number  of  its  verb  expressions  can  be 
counted  by  millions. 

One  category  of  verbs  has  seventeen  persons  for  each  tense,  whilst  certain  verbs 
of  locomotion  have  twenty-one.  For  instance,  "  to  start  forth  "  has  not  only  the  usual 
six  persons  to  each  tense,  but  can  express  two  persons,  one  of  two  persons,  one  of 
several,  and  so  on,  in  each  case  changing  the  'word  used.  Then  there  are  the 
objective  verbs  whose  elements  change  with  the  nature  of  the  object  which  they 
have  as  complement.  In  pp.  587-9  the  author  gives  the  verbs  developed  from 
"  to  put,"  forming  over  23,000  in  one  series  only,  owing  to  the  great  number  of 
variations  possible,  for  here  the  verbs  take  on  the  character  of  particles  of  numeration,, 
according  to  the  class  of  object  referred  to. 

"  The  verbs  of  locomotion  also  offer  a  vast  horizon  of  possibilities.  The  Dene 
"  changes  his  verb  for  '  to  progress  '  according  as  he  goes  on  foot,  or  in  a  vehicle, 
"  by  canoe,  sledge,  or  on  horseback,  with  difficulty  in  a  crowd,  or  sailing  over  the 
"  great  areas  of  his  lakes,  with  care  as  one  who  has  tender  feet,  or  running,  with 
"  crutches  or  leaping,  whilst  he  is  cutting  with  the  axe  or  a  knife,  gathering  fruit 
"  or  dancing,  &c.  The  movements  of  the  stars,  the  air,  fog,  heat,  a  canoe,  a  path 
"  considered  as  leading  to  a  place,  and  many  other  things,  are  also  expressed  by 
u  special  verbs. 

"  Adjective  verbs  are  conjugated  regularly  and  from  them  are  derived  a  long 
"  series  of  comparative  verb  forms.  Substantive  verbs  likewise  are  true  verbs  with 
"  a  complete  conjugation,  but  are  often  impersonal." 

Dr.  F.  Heger,  in  addition  to  his  heavy  work  as  secretary-general,  prepared  a 
special  catalogue  of  the  American  collections  in  the  Imperial  Natural  History  Museum, 
and  gave  a  short  paper,  mentioning  the  chief  treasures.  These  are  an  ancient  feather 
shield,  the  centre  of  a  wooden  shield  with  turquoise  mosaic,  a  large  feather  fan,  an 
animal's  head  in  mosaic,  and  the  magnificent  feather  headdress  in  the  shape  of  a 
mythical  sun-bird,  which  was  also  the  subject  of  a  monograph.  Dr.  Heger  paid  a 
tribute  to  Johann  Natterer,  a  zoologist  who  was  in  Brazil  from  1817-1835,  and 
brought  back  to  Vienna  great  ethnological  collections  "with  far-seeing  enthusiasm 
"  at  a  time  when  the  science  had  not  even  a  name." 

Space  fails  to  do  justice  to  many  other  papers  of  interest,  such  as  that  by 
Dr.  Thalbitzer  on  the  Heathen  Priests  of  Greenland,  Dr.  Preuss  on  the  ceremonial 
Festival  of  the  Cora  Indians  of  Western  Mexico,  amongst  whom  he  lived  from  1905 
to  1907,  the  Comte  de  Charency's  on  the  Numeration  of  the  Izotzil  Language,  and 
that  by  Lie.  Belmar,  in  which  he  traces  a  connection  between  the  Tarasco  and  the 
Languages  of  the  Mixteco-Zapoteca-Otomi  Family. 

Amongst  the  forty  works  presented  to  the  Congress  were  the  Reisestudien  aus 
dem  Westlichen  Sudamerika  by  Princess  Therese  of  Bavaria,  von  Weiser's  valuable 
edition  of  early  American  maps,  known  as  the  Islario  de  Alonso  de  Santa  Cruz 
and  Sefior  Batres'  Prehistoric  Civilization  along  the  Papaloapam  River. 

A.  C.  BRETON. 

[     74     ] 


1911-]  MAN.  [Nos.  47-48. 

REVIEWS. 
Evolution.  Willey, 

Convergence  in  Evolution.  By  Arthur  Willey,  D.Sc.,  M.A.,  F.R.S.  London:  J7 
John  Murray,  Albemarle  Street,  W.  "f  f 

This  is  a  very  original  and  suggestive  work,  and  will,  we  have  no  doubt,  be 
regarded  in  the  future  as  an  important  contribution  towards  the  elucidation  of  the 
laws  of  evolution,  which  notwithstanding  the  vast  amount  of  research  that  has  been 
carried  out  since  the  time  of  Darwin,  are  still,  as  the  author  says,  "obscure  and 
"  peculiar." 

The  object  of  the  book  is  to  emphasise  the  importance  of  convergence  in  deter- 
mining the  structure  and  functions  of  animals,  and  the  author  shows  by  many  examples 
how  universal  the  action  of  this  law  is  in  the  animal  kingdom. 

Convergence,  from  the  author's  point  of  view,  is  of  wider  scope  than  the  homoplasy 
(similarity  of  form  unaccompanied  by  community  of  pedigree)  of  Ray  Lankester,  or 
ihe  cenogenesis  (the  origin  of  structural  features  by  relatively  recent  adaptation)  of 
Haeckel.  Convergence  is  a  term  applied  to  resemblances  among  animals,  which  are 
not  due  to  direct  relationship  or  genetic  affinity — in  other  words,  which  are  not  derived 
by  inheritance  from  common  ancestors. 

The  two  most  widely  diffused  ways  of  convergence  are  homoplasy  and  mimicry. 
Mimicry  is  defined  as  a  form  of  protective  resemblance  in  which  one  species  so  closely 
resembles  another  in  external  form  and  colouring  as  to  be  mistaken  for  it,  although 
the  two  may  not  be  nearly  allied  and  often  belong  to  distinct  families  or  orders. 
Homoplasy  depends  on  a  more  deep-seated  or  structural  convergence. 

Convergence  is  due  to  similarity  of  habits,  and,  as  the  author  points  out,  the 
methods  adopted  for  procuring  food  determine  in  a  great  measure  the  habits  of  animals. 
Many  animals  follow  similar  methods  and  thus  convergence  is  brought  about  ;  there 
is,  for  example,  a  remarkable  resemblance  in  the  structure  of  a  carnivorous  marsupial 
and  a  carnivorous  placental  mammal. 

The  author  shows  by  numerous  examples  that  convergence  affects  the  three 
principal  functions  of  animal  life,  namely,  metabolism,  reproduction,  and  neuration. 
The  most  widespread  aspect  of  convergence  is  cerebral  convergence  ;  the  cerebration 
of  the  ant  is  comparable  with  that  of  the  higher  mammals.  Even  histogenetic  con- 
vergence has  been  shown  to  exist,  for  histological  identity  between  members  of 
different  phyla  has  been  discovered. 

Dr.  Willey  will  have  done  a  great  service  to  biologists  and  to  anthropologists 
if  he  succeeds  in  impressing  upon  them  that  they  cannot  safely  trace  pedigrees  by 
similarity  of  structure  and  function  alone,  without  taking  into  consideration  the  prin- 
ciple, the  universality  of  which  he  has  so  ably  established,  that  these  similarities  may 
not  be  due  to  common  descent,  but  to  similarity  of  habits  of  life  induced  by  similar 
conditions  of  life.  This  fact,  however,  is  often  forgotten  in  working  out  theories  of 
the  descent  of  man,  as  well  as  of  the  lower  animals.  J.  G. 


America :  Ecuador.  Saville. 

Contributions  to  South  American  Archeology:  the  George  G.  Heye  Expe- 
dition:—  Vol.  I.  The  Antiquities  of  Manabi,  Ecuador,  Preliminary  Report. 
By  Marshall  H.  Saville  (New  York  :  Irving  Press,  1907.  Pp.  135,  Iv  plates). 
Vol.  II.,  The  Antiquities  of  Manabi,  Ecuador,  Final  Report.  By  Marshall  H. 
Saville  (New  York  :  Irving  Press,  1910.  Pp.  284,  cxiv  plates  and  map). 

The  George  G.  Heye  Expedition,  of  which  these  two  admirable  volumes  are  the 
firstfruits,  was  organised  to  perform  the  highly  important  work  of  carrying  on 
investigations  in  the  area  lying  between  the  confines  of  Peru  and  Panama.  Little 

[    75    ] 


No.  48.]  MAN.  [1911. 

enough  is  known  of  this  large  area,  considering  the  number  of  culture-centres  which 
appear  to  exist  there.  Of  these  culture-centres  at  least  four  lie  in  Colombia,  and 
Professor  Saville  distinguishes  no  less  than  five  in  Ecuador,  in  addition  to  that  of 
the  Inca,  which  was  intrusive.  The  Inca  culture  is,  of  course,  a  matter  of  secondary 
importance  to  the  expedition,  which  aims  at  making  a  survey  of  the  less-known 
indigenous  cultures  existing  between  the  spheres  of  influence  respectively  of  the  Inca 
to  the  south  and  the  Nahua  and  Maya  to  the  north. 

Given  a  programme  of  this  extent  it  will  be  realised  that  only  a  comparatively 
small  portion  of  it  has  yet  been  performed  ;  in  fact,  researches  have  at  present  been 
carried  on  in  the  maritime  provinces  of  Manabi  and  Esmeraldas  alone,  and  the 
results  obtained  in  the  latter  province  still  await  publication.  Yet  the  work  actually 
done  is  considerable  and  important,  for  the  expedition  was  not  engaged  solely  in  the 
gathering  of  information,  but  in  the  still  more  laborious  task  of  amassing  a  large 
archaeological  collection. 

Of  this  collection  the  most  noticeable  item  at  first  sight  is  the  long  series  of 
stone  seats  with  human  or  animal  supporters,  of  which  some  fifty  are  figured  in  the 
first  volume,  and  which  were  found  in  the  ruined  dwellings  or  corrales.  Though  it 
is  rare  to  find  two  of  these  seats  exactly  alike,  yet  their  general  similarity  is  more 
striking  than  their  variety,  a  feature  not  altogether  surprising  when  it  is  considered 
that  they  seem  to  be  confined  to  a  small  area  of  not  more  than  twenty  miles  in 
diameter.  In  this  connection  it  may  be  mentioned  that  the  author  credits  the  British 
Museum  with  but  one  of  these  seats,  whereas  as  a  matter  of  fact  there  are  two, 
and  both  have  the  support  fashioned  to  represent  a  human  figure,  and  not,  as  he 
states,  an  animal.  Of  far  greater  interest  are  the  remarkable  stone  reliefs  from  the 
same  region,  of  which  the  greater  number  are  figured  in  the  second  volume.  In 
some  of  the  figures  represented  on  these  reliefs  is  found  the  same  convention  of 
representing  the  head  in  a  reversed  position,  which  is  also  seen  in  the  Chavin  stone 
and  in  the  painted  designs  on  pottery  from  Nasca.  Attention  should  also  be  drawn 
to  the  peculiar  stone  columns,  often  ornamented  with  carving,  which  were  certainly 
not  used  for  any  structural  purpose,  but  may  have  been,  as  the  author  suggests, 
tables  for  incense. 

Perhaps  the  most  important  section  of  the  collection  from  an  archasological 
point  of  view  is  the  pottery.  This  is  quite  typical,  and  for  the  most  part  unlike 
anything  else  from  other  parts,  with  the  exception  of  some  of  the  vases  with  ex- 
panding foot.  In  particular  some  of  the  figures  are  of  great  interest  since  they 
shed  considerable  light  upon  the  dress  and  ornaments  of  the  early  inhabitants  ;  most 
of  these  figures  are  painted  red  and  green.  The  vases  show  little  decoration,  but 
the  shapes  are  often  very  graceful,  while  the  spindle-whorls  are  ornamented  with 
incised  designs. 

As  regards  objects  of  metal  no  finds  of  any  importance  were  made,  with  the 
exception  of  three  good  specimens  of  the  circular  copper  plaques  with  a  head 
embossed  in  the  centre.  These  plaques  Professor  Saville  believes  to  have  been 
gongs,  but  it  must  be  admitted  that  there  is  practically  no  evidence  either  for  or 
against  his  view.  As  regards  the  practice  of  gilding  copper,  he  writes,  "  It  is  a  most 
"  interesting  fact,  and  one  of  great  importance  in  our  studies,  that  the  art  of  gold- 
*'  plating  on  copper  was  confined  to  the  strip  of  Pacific  coast  extending  from  Manabi 
"  north  to  Panama,"  and  in  the  next  sentence  he  qualifies  this  statement  by  stating 
that  the  art  was  also  practised  in  the  Cara  province  of  Pichincha.  The  area, 
however,  must  be  extended  to  include  Cuenca,  since  the  British  Museum  possesses 
a  fine  series  of  copper  mace-heads  and  axes,  all  overlaid  with  gold  leaf,  from  this 
neighbourhood. 

Apart  from  the  collection  of  specimens,  the  ruins  of  the  neighbourhood  were 

[  76  ] 


191L]  .  MAN.  [Nos.  48-49. 

explored,  wells  examined,  mounds  excavated,  and  burial  sites  explored,  and  the  results 
of  these  operations  are  well  worthy  of  close  study.  The  mounds  are  of  particular 
interest,  and  in  them  were  found  human  remains,  together  with  objects  of  stone  and 
pottery,  A  peculiar  feature  was  the  existence,  in  each  case  at  the  southern  end,  of 
a  platform  of  baked  clay,  which  was  an  important  part  of  the  mound-structure,  and 
contained  a  large  pot  with  ashes. 

Of  the  manner  in  which  the  results  are  published  nothing  can  be  said  but  in 
praise.  The  same  generous  scale  appears  in  the  publication  of  the  results  as  in  the 
programme  of  the  expedition.  While  most  authors  are  content  with  references  to 
past  literature  in  footnotes,  Professor  Saville  gives  us  an  appendix  of,  in  each  volume, 
some  forty  pages  containing  extracts  often  of  considerable  length  from  Zarate, 
Velasco,  Mendoza,  Oviedo,  Herrera,  Xeres,  Cieza  de  Leon,  and  other  writers,  so  that 
we  have  before  us  practically  a  compendium  of  all  literature  relating  to  the  area 
under  discussion  :  besides  this  there  is  an  excellent  bibliography.  In  the  size  of  the 
volumes  a  most  praiseworthy  restraint  has  been  exercised,  the  quarto  form  in  which 
they  appear  is  quite  large  enough  to  give  a  magnificent  plate,  and  the  quality  of  the 
paper  is  such  that  they  are  easy  to  manipulate.  The  magnificent  series  of  plates  is 
beyond  any  criticism,  and  the  text,  save  for  an  occasional  looseness  of  expression, 
such  as  "  the  Quichuas,  or,  as  they  are  commonly  known,  the  Incas,"  and  the  use  of 
the  phrase  "  most  unique,"  is  eminently  readable  and  far  less  dull  than  the  majority 
of  similar  works,  Mr.  Heye  is  greatly  to  be  congratulated  on  the  initial  success  of 
his  most  laudable  undertaking,  and  Professor  Saville  has  reason  to  be  equally  proud 
of  a  fine  commencement  of  a  series  of  explorations  which  will  be  of  the  greatest 
value  for  science.  It  is  not  in  any  spirit  of  criticism  that  we  may  venture  to 
express  the  hope  that  he  will  not  allow  his  zeal  as  a  collector  of  specimens  to 
circumscribe  in  any  way  his  activities  as  a  collector  of  information.  In  the  present 
state  of  our  knowledge,  or  rather  ignorance,  a  survey  of  the  archaeology  of  the  huge 
area  under  investigation  is  of  paramount  importance,  and  such  a  survey  could  be 
accomplished  in  the  same  time  as  would  be  involved  in  the  accumulation  of  a  com- 
pletely representative  collection  of  specimens  from  merely  a  section  of  that  area.  A 
complete  survey,  accompanied  by  small,  though  fairly  representative  collections,  would 
be  of  far  greater  value  at  the  present  juncture  than  an  incomplete  survey  accom- 
panied by  collections  which  were  absolutely  exhaustive  from  one  or  two  sections. 
Meanwhile  we  shall  look  forward  with  the  highest  expectation  to  the  publication 
of  the  results  already  obtained  in  Esmeraldas  and  of  the  material  yet  to  be  gathered 
in  the  interior.  T.  A.  J. 


Tragedy.  Ridgreway. 

The  Origin  of  Tragedy,  with  Special  Reference  to  the  Greek  Tragedians.  1 Q 
By  William  Ridgeway,  Sc.D.,  F.B.A.,  &c.  Cambridge  University  Press.  TV 
Pp.  xii  +  228.  With  15  illustrations.  Price  6s.  6d.  net. 

Professor  Ridgeway  has  given  us  in  his  book,  The  Origin  of  Tragedy,  a  work 
of  the  first  importance,  both  in  the  theories  which  he  advances  and  in  the  method 
by  which  he  arrives  at  his  conclusions.  In  1904  Professor  Ridgeway  delivered  a 
lecture  to  the  Hellenic  Society,  which  revolutionised  our  ideas  on  the  origin  of  the 
Greek  Drama,  and  which  inaugurated  a  new  epoch  in  the  study  of  the  whole  subject, 
It  showed  for  the  first  time  that  the  tragedies  of  the  great  Athenian  dramatists  of 
the  fifth  century  B.C.  were  evolved  not  from  the  festival  of  Dionysus  the  Wine  God, 
as  we  had  always  been  taught  to  believe,  but  from  a  far  older  ritual,  namely,  tha 
commemoration  of  the  death  of  some  worshipped  hero.  The  present  work  develops 
this  theory  and  places  it  in  a  clear  and  convincing  form  within  the  reach  of  the 
general  public.  But  it  does  much  more  than  this  ;  it  affords  an  admirable  example 

[    77     ] 


No.  49.]  MAN.  [1911. 

of  historical  research  based  on  a  synoptic  view  of  life  and  custom  in  many  lands  and 
in  many  different  stages  of  human  development.  In  other  words,  it  is  based  on  a  study 
of  evolution  and  anthropology.  The  whole  point  of  view  shows  how  great  a  change 
has  come  over  the  attitude  of  scholars  in  comparatively  recent  years.  It  is  true  that 
our  grandfathers  accepted  the  dictum  of  Horace  that  there  were  brave  men  before 
Agamemnon,  but,  as  these  worthies  had  left  no  trace  of  their  prowess,  they  were 
disregarded,  and  though  no  doubts  were  entertained  of  their  valour,  they  were  con- 
sidered to  have  been  sadly  deficient  in  art.  "  Cyclopean  "  walls  and  "  rude  stone 
"  monuments  "  seemed  to  have  been  their  highest  achievements.  Athenian  civili- 
sation, therefore,  sprang  upon  an  astonished  and  barbarian  world,  even  as  Athene 
herself  had  sprung  fully  armed  from  the  head  of  Zeus.  Such  at  least  was  the 
impression  of  the  general  run  of  classical  scholars.  Excavation  and  a  long  series  of 
discoveries  have  entirely  altered  this  view.  Egypt,  Babylonia,  and  Crete  have  in 
turn  yielded  up  enough  of  their  secrets  to  make  it  certain  that  at  the  date  formerly 
assigned  to  the  Creation  there  was  widespread  civilisation  of  a  very  high  order,  and 
that  writing  had  been  in  ordinary  use  for  ages  ;  recorded  history  was  even  then 
ancient.  The  importance  of  this  fact  is  not  fully  appreciated  even  yet  ;  for  example, 
the  extent  of  Minoan  influence  on  Greek  art,  literature,  tradition  and  custom  is  only 
beginning  to  be  recognised,  great  as  is  the  progress  already  made  in  this  direction. 
For  this  influence  was  twofold  :  partly  direct,  as  in  the  transmission  of  legends  or 
of  artistic  forms  ;  partly  indirect  in  the  gradual  mental  development  of  the  race  which 
made  the  later  achievements  possible.  For  there  have  been  many  Dark  Ages  just 
as  there  have  been  many  Glacial  periods,  and  the  history  of  civilisation  is  like  the 
history  of  an  incoming  tide — wave  succeeding  wave  with  occasionally  one  that  towers 
above  its  fellows. 

More  recent  still  is  the  application  of  anthropology  to  history.  We  find  that 
parallels  can  be  brought  from  all  over  the  world  for  most  Greek  customs,  or  at 
least  for  their  earlier  forms.  Thus  Greece  no  longer  occupies  the  position  she  once 
held  in  the  minds  of  scholars.  But  she  has  gained  by  the  change.  The  more  we 
see  of  the  mighty  nations  which  surrounded  her  in  her  infancy,  and  the  more  we 
see  how  closely  allied  she  was  in  many  respects  to  other  peoples,  the  more  wonderful 
is  the  story  of  how  she  rose  above  them  all.  Just  as  in  sculpture  the  Greek  artists 
perceived  the  true  aims  of  art  from  the  first  and  rejected  much  that  found  favour 
with  Assyrians  and  Egyptians  and  transmuted  the  rest ;  just  as  in  the  words  of 
Brunn  she  "borrowed  the  alphabet  of  her  art  but  used  the  letters  to  spell  her  own 
"  words,"  and  then  worked  steadily  through  the  sixth  century  to  gain  technical  skill 
and  thus  paved  the  way  for  future  glories  ;  so  in  other  forms  of  art  we  find  her 
pursuing  the  same  path,  showing  the  same  power  of  selection,  the  same  true  artistic 
instinct,  till  under  the  stimulus  of  the  defeat  of  Persia  she  achieved  those  glories 
which  are  still  the  wonder  of  the  world.  Greece  has  nothing  to  fear  from  archae- 
ology or  anthropology,  but  these  sciences  render  her  service  by  showing  her  true 
place  in  the  history  of  the  world,  and  Professor  Ridgeway  has  long  been  famous 
in  both.  Thus  the  present  work  rests  on  foundations  deep  and  wide,  and  though 
details  may,  and  indeed  in  the  nature  of  things  will,  be  altered,  the  main  structure 
will  endure. 

A  reviewer  must  mention  some  such  details.  To  begin  with,  the  worship  of 
Dionysus  is  a  good  deal  more  complex  in  its  bearing  on  tragedy  than  the  book 
would  lead  one  to  suppose.  In  this  connection  Dr.  Farnell  is  treated  too  severely. 
Dr.  Farnell's  knowledge  of  ancient  Greece  from  the  standpoint  of  the  classical 
scholar  is  probably  unique,  and  his  evidence  in  this  case  will  have  to  be  considered 
further  when  dealing  with  some  aspects  of  tragedy.  Again,  the  Christianity  which 
enjoyed  an  auto-da-fe  and  allowed  the  long-drawn  tortures,  of  which  the  actual 

[    78    ] 


19tt]  MAN.  [Nos,  49-50. 

l)uruing  was  but  the  last  stage,   would  scarcely  have  objected  to  human  sacrifice  on 
grounds  of    morality  alone.     Throughout  the    book    there    is  a  frequency  of   metrical 
lines  which  is  annoying.     On  page   63,  for  example,  thirty-one  full  lines  contain  no 
less  than  twenty  complete  lines  in  blank  verse  metre,  such  as  : — 
"  But  if  the  leader  of  that  company 
of  peasant  actors  were  to  take  it  to 
some  town  or  city." 

On  the  other  hand,  most  of  the  lines  which  are  translated  from  the  poets  could 
not  be  mistaken  for  anything  but  translations.  Perhaps  amid  the  plentiful  illustra- 
tions reference  might  have  been  made  to  the  somewhat  parallel  rise  of  Roman 
gladiatorial  shows  from  Etruscan  funeral  rites. 

But  these  points  are  far  outweighed  by  the  admirable  clearness  of  the  argument 
and  the  way  the  points  are  driven  home  by  recapitulation,  references  and  the 
tautology  of  emphasis,  and  above  all  by  the  breadth  of  treatment. 

Not  only  the  main  thesis  but  the  deductions  from  it  are  bold  and  convincing. 
The  chapter  on  the  Expansion  of  Tragedy  is  in  itself  a  masterly  work  and  throws 
a  flood  of  new  light  on  plays  which  seemed  to  have  little  prospect  of  further 
annotation.  Other  scholars,  such  as  the  late  Albrecht  Dieterich,  have  developed  some 
of  Professor  Ridgeway's  arguments  still  further.  The  very  fact  that  subsequent 
discovery  confirms  his  main  theory  is  the  highest  tribute  to  its  author  and  its  surest 
confirmation.  K.  T.  FROST. 


Biology.  Bigelow. 

Experiments  on  the  Generation  of  Insects.  By  Francesco  Redi  of  Arrezzo.  Cfl 
Translated  from  the  Italian  edition  of  1688  by  Mab  Bigelow.  The  Open  UU 
Court  Publishing  Company,  Chicago  (London  agents  :  Kegan  Paul,  Trench,  Triib- 
ner  &  Co.,  Ltd.). 

Francesco  Redi  was  Court  Physician  to  Ferdinand  II.,  and  subsequently  to 
Cosimo  III.,  Grand  Dukes  of  Tuscany,  and  as  such  was  head  of  the  Medicean  laboratory. 
A  profound  student  of  natural  history,  he  sought  to  show,  by  actual  experiment, 
the  utter  absurdity  and  falsity  of  the  various  theories  which,  dating  from  Aristotle 
and  Pliny,  had  largely  accounted  for  the  origin  of  insects  by  spontaneous  generation. 
Though  in  some  instances  his  logic  was  limited,  and  his  clear-headedness  dimmed 
by  his  Jesuit  education  and  sympathies,  he  was  undoubtedly  the  pioneer  in  making 
careful  and  well-directed  experiments  in  the  breeding  and  culture  of  insects,  and,  as 
the  translator  justly  remarks,  the  book  is  "  a  mile-stone  marking  the  beginning  of  a 
"  great  epoch."  It  has  always  seemed  a  curious  fact  that  for  many  centuries,  even 
at  a  time  when  art  and  letters  were  in  a  high  state  of  advancement,  scientific 
research  was  left  to  the  visionary,  who  devoted  his  labours  to  the  transmutation  of 
metals,  the  practice  of  astrology,  or  the  pursuit  of  the  Philosopher's  Stone.  With 
regard  to  natural  history,  people  were  quite  content  with  the  legends  and  fables  which 
sufficed  for  their  forebears,  and  no  one  thought  it  worth  while  to  test  their  accuracy 
by  observation  or  by  the  simplest  experiments.  It  was  this  that  Redi  set  himself 
to  do,  and  by  dividing  pieces  of  meat  into  two  portions,  leaving  one  exposed  to  the 
air  and  hermetically  sealing  the  other,  he  speedily  discovered  that  the  worms  which 
infested  the  former,  but  which  were  wholly  absent  from  the  latter,  were  due,  not  to 
spontaneous  generation,  but  to  eggs  deposited  by  flies. 

In  like  manner,  he  controverted  the  accepted  notions,  that  scorpions  were  generated 
by  sweet  basil,  that  frogs  were  brought  by  heavy  rain,  that  bees  were  produced  from 
snake's  vomit,  that  cabbages  brought  forth  butterflies,  and  that  a  mulberry  tree  could 
engender  silkworms,  or  that  the  latter  could  be  bred  from  the  flesh  of  a  mule  which 
had  been  fed  on  mulberry  leaves  for  twenty  days.  He  explains  away  the  Biblical 

[  79  ] 


Nos.  50-51.]  MAN.  [1911. 

story  of  the  bees  in  the  carcase  of  Samson's  lion  with  a  boldness  and  lucidity  worthy 
of  a  modern  scientist,  while  his  explanations  are  not  merely  put  forward  as  theories,, 
but  are  enforced  by  the  description  of  his  actual  experiments.  Take  those,  for  instance,, 
by  which  he  tested,  the  poisonous  effect  of  the  scorpion's  sting,  and  the  manner  in 
which  the  virus  can  be  temporarily  exhausted.  He  was  not  satisfied  with  trying  the 
effect  on  pigeons,  but  he  tells  us,  "having  heard  that  animals  killed  by  a  snake's 
"  bite  or  by  tobacco,  which  is  a  terrible  poison,  can  be  eaten  with  impunity,  I  gave 
"  these  pigeons  to  a  poor  man,  who  was  overjoyed,  and  ate  them  with  great  gusto, 
"  and  they  agreed  with  him  very  well." 

On  one  point,  however,  Redi's  reasoning  faculty  failed  him.  He  could  not 
account  for  the  presence  of  worms  in  oak  galls,  cherries,  pears,  plums,  and  osier 
plants,  and  so  fell  back  upon  the  ancient  theory  that  plants,  being  themselves  alive, 
could  themselves  engender  life.  Consequently  they  were  capable  of  producing  worms 
without  animal  assistance.  He  argued  this  from  experiments  on  the  sensitiveness  of 
plants,  in  which,  we  should  mention,  he  included  sea  anemones  and  sponges. 
Curiously  enough  he  excepted  the  filbert,  which,  he  thought,  might  have  been  pierced 
when  soft,  by  some  insect.  At  the  same  time  he  was  dead  against  the  possibility 
of  life  being  engendered  by  anything  animal  or  vegetable  which  itself  was  lifeless. 
The  book  is  illustrated  by  the  author's  own  drawings,  and  is  well  worth  glancing 
through  as  it  furnishes  a  good  idea  of  the  condition  of  biological  science  in  the  seven- 
teenth century.  T.  H.  J. 


Africa,  West.  Tremearne. 

Fables  and  Fairy  Tales  for  Little  Folk,  or  Uncle  Remus  in  Hausaland.  C0 
By  Mary  and  Newman  Tremearne.  Cambridge  :  W.  Heffer  and  Sons,  Ltd.  Ul 
London  :  Simpkin,  Marshall  &  Co.,  Ltd.,  1910.  (First  Series.) 

This  collection  of  a  dozen  animal  folklore  stories  of  the  Hausas  in  Northern 
Nigeria  is  a  series  of  tales  of  which  the  literal  translations  have  originally  appeared 
in  the  journals  of  the  Folklore  and  other  societies,  told  after  the  fashion  of  Uncle 
Remus  for  the  delectation  of  children.  Here  we  have  our  old  friend  the  Spider 
portrayed  as  the  most  cunning  of  all  animals,  having  been  made  king  for  his  reputed 
wisdom,  an  office  which  he  uses  for  his  own  purely  selfish  purposes  without  the 
slightest  regard  for  the  welfare  of  his  subjects.  He  is  depicted  as  a  greedy  thief 
eating  up  the  public  grain  stores  by  stealth,  and  as  a  wicked  husband  who  eventually 
causes  the  death  of  his  wife,  and  reaps  undeserved  but  material  sympathy  from  his 
evil  doings.  Indeed,  throughout  these  stories  the  battle  is  mainly  to  the  strong, 
irrespective  of  morality.  Thus,  the  spider  nearly  always  prospers  in  his  career  of 
crime,  he  even  burns  down  his  house  to  excite  pity,  while  eventually,  by  sheer  fraud,, 
he  obtains  the  hand  of  a  charming  girl  as  his  new  wife.  The  couple  become  devotedly 
attached  to  each  other,  and,  apparently,  at  last  the  Spider  shows  symptoms  of  turning 
over  a  new  leaf  and  settling  down  to  a  respectable  domesticity.  In  one  story,, 
however,  the  Spider  is  caught  out  by  the  "  Half-Man  "  and  gets  his  deserts,  being 
enticed  into  a  "  tar  "  trap  and  beaten  within  an  inch  of  his  life.  Another  impostor 
is  "  the  Billy-Goat  who  said  he  was  a  magician,"  while  the  simple  clown  is  the 
Hyaena,  whose  stupidity  is  always  bringing  him  into  trouble.  One  of  the  prettiest 
tales  is  "  The  Hunter  and  the  Fairy  Buffalo,"  in  which  a  Princess  of  the  Buffaloes 
assumes  human  form  and  marries  a  young  hunter  in  order  to  ascertain  man's  method 
of  entrapping  her  kind.  This  contains  a  really  charming  element  of  pathos.  The 
authors  have  done  their  work  well  and  judiciously,  and  the  book,  which  is  appro- 
priately illustrated,  will  give  young  folk  a  pleasant  peep  into  certain  phases  of  native 
African  life.  T.  H.  J*. 

Printed  by  EYBE  AND  SPOTTISWOODE,  LTD.,  Hjs  Majesty's  Printers,  Bast  Harding  Street,  B.C.. 


PLATE  F. 


MAN,  ign. 


19  20  ^2          ~23  24 

JASPER     AND     JADE     IMPLEMENTS,     CHINESE    TURKESTAN. 


1911.]  MAN.  [No.  52, 

•  ORIGINAL    ARTICLES. 
Chinese  Turkestan.  With  Plate  F.  Smith. 

The  Stone  Age   in   Chinese  Turkestan.     By  R.  A.  Smith.  FA 

During  his  second  expedition  into  Chinese  Turkestan  (1906-8),  Dr.  M.  A.  UL 
Stein  collected  from  the  Lop-nor  desert  a  small  series  of  worked  stones  of  which 
a  selection  is  represented  on  the  adjoining  plate.  For  the  exact  sites  of  these  dis- 
coveries reference  must  be  made  to  his  map  in  the  Geographical  Journal,  March, 
1911  (lat.  40°-41°,  long.  89°-90°),  while  the  circumstances  are  detailed  in  the  same 
journal,  July  and  September,  1909  (see  especially  pp.  25-27). 

The  stones  were  picked  upon  eroded  bare  patches  of  ground  close  to  the  route 
followed  from  Abdal  across  the  Lop-nor  desert  to  the  site  of  an  ancient  Chinese 
military  station  provisionally  identified  with  Lou-Ian,  and  thence  to  the  lagoons  of 
the  Tarim  River.  Owing  to  the  conditions  of  the  journey  through  waterless  desert 
no  search  could  be  made  away  from  the  actual  route  line.  If  a  wider  belt  of  ground 
could  have  been  searched,  the  number  of  finds  would  presumably  have  been  far 
greater.  In  the  Lop-nor  desert  the  soil,  apart  from  drift  sand,  consists  exclusively  of 
lacustrine  clay  or  loess  deposits,  no  stones  of  any  kind  occurring  there  naturally  ; 
and  the  worked  stones  recovered  were  almost  certainly  made  out  of  material  derived 
from  the  Kun-lun  range  south  of  Lop-nor.  Many  specimens  are  more  or  less  sand- 
worn,  and  the  effect  of  driven  sand  in  the  region  is  well  seen  on  the  ruins  dis- 
covered by  Dr.  Stein.  It  should  be  remembered  that,  owing  to  the  extensive  lowering 
of  the  ground  by  wind  erosion,  specimens  belonging  to  widely  distant  periods  may 
now  be  found  lying  side  by  side  on  the  same  level. 

At  Lou-Ian  itself  the  worked  stones  may  be  historical  and  come  down  to  a  com- 
paratively late  period,  as  the  site  was  occupied  till  the  fourth  century  of  our  era. 
As  far  as  Camp  122  occupation  in  historical  times  is  highly  improbable,  but  from 
Camps  123-125  we  are  on  ground  proved  by  plentiful  remains  to  have  been  inhabited 
during  the  early  centuries  after  Christ,  though  now  a  barren  waste  undergoing  wind 
erosion.  The  area  represented  by  Camps  126-129  can  hardly  have  been  occupied 
since  prehistoric  times,  and  even  then  need  not  have  been  settled,  but  only  passed 
over  by  caravans. 

Of  the  140  pieces  of  stone  (mostly  jasper)  collected  from  the  surface,  just  half 
the  number  showed  any  degree  of  finish,  the  remainder  being  flakes  and  splinters 
evidently  struck  off  by  man  from  the  cores,  but  not  themselves  utilised.  Nearly 
sixty  "  blades  "  are  included  among  the  worked  stones,  with  single  or  double  ridges 
showing  that  they  were  struck  by  people  who  understood  the  art  of  detaching  regular 
two-edged  flakes.  Three  cores,  from  which  smaller  flakes  than  those  illustrated  were 
struck,  are  the  only  specimens  recovered,  and  closely  resemble  specimens  of  the  same 
material  from  the  Vindhya  Hills  and  Jabalpur  district  of  India.  The  raw  material 
is  represented  by  four  lumps  of  jasper  (such  as  Figs.  14,  17). 

Of  implements  properly  so-called  the  number  is  insignificant,  two  jade  celts  and 
three  points  being  all  illustrated  (Figs.  11,  21,  and  3,  4,  5).  The  smaller  celt  is 
the  more  finished  and  is  ground  to  a  straight  cutting-edge,  the  butt  and  sides  being 
left  rough.  The  other  is  twice  its  length  but  less  symmetrical,  with  the  polishing 
confined  to  the  two  faces.  The  points  are  the  most  interesting  of  the  series  and 
may  have  been  intended  for  arrows,  though  they  are  highly  finished  and  not  likely 
to  have  been  risked  in  this  way  by  their  owners,  especially  as  the  supply  of  raw 
material  was  very  limited.  The  triangular  specimen  (Fig.  4)  is  dark  grey  jasper, 
carefully  flaked  over  both  faces  and  complete.  The  truncated  leaf  form  (Fig.  3)  is 
black,  thickest  at  the  butt,  and  not  so  finely  worked  ;  a  more  recent  flake  has  been 
detached  from  the  centre  of  one  face,  exposing  a  granular  surface,  whereas  the 

[    81     1 


No.  52.] 


MAN. 


[1911. 


remainder  is  sand-worn  and  the  point  blunt  and  smoothed.  The  willow-leaf  point 
(Fig.  5)  is  also  black,  carefully  flaked  on  both  faces,  one  showing  almost  a  rippled 
surface.  It  is  complete  and  slightly  sand-worn,  2' 2  inches  long. 

Another  specimen  of  some  importance  has  been  drawn  to  show  the  battered  back 
of  the  blade  (Fig.  25).  This  method  of  providing  a  broad  blunt  surface  on  which 
the  forefinger  could  rest  in  use  was  adopted  by  palaeolithic  as  well 
as  neolithic  man,  and  is  illustrated  by  a  large  number  of  lames  a 
dos  rabattu  (or  abattu)  in  the  cave  period  named  after  the  palaeo- 
lithic rock-shelter  of  La  Madeleine  in  the  Dordogne.  It  was  towards 
the  end  of  that  period  that  the  pygmy  industry  first  made  its 
appearance ;  and  the  succeeding  period  (called  by  the  French 
Tardenoisieri)  is  characterised  by  such  diminutive  flint  flakes,  which 
seem  to  have  survived  the  transition  and  to  have  persisted  through 
the  neolithic  period.  In  the  British  Museum  are  several  specimens 
from  Bruniquel,  Tarn-et-Garonne  (Madeleine  period)  ;  and  neolithic 
specimens  frequently  occur  in  our  own  country,  as,  for  example,  near  Farnborough, 
Kent,  and  Tackley,  Oxon. 

The  plain  triangle  is  a  recognised  form  of  arrow-head,  occasionally  found  in 
Ireland  (though  rarer  than  most  patterns)  and  in  most  other  regions  where  arrow- 
heads abound.  It  is  found,  for  instance,  on  the  fringe  of  the  Sahara  (where  a  large 
proportion  are  flaked  on  one  face  only),*  also  in  Chili, f  the  Fay  urn  of  Egypt, J  the 
C6te  d'Or  in  France,§  and  a  list  of  similarly  distant  sites  might  be  drawn  up  for  the 
leaf-shaped  point.  ||  But  the  difficulty  is  to  find  the  same  group  of  implements  in 
other  localities  that  might  throw  light  on  the  culture  and  origin  of  the  people  who 
during  the  Stone  Age  occupied  areas  within  what  is  now  the  Lop-nor  desert. 
Worked  obsidian  from  Crete  in  the  British  Museum  presents  a  general  resemblance 
to  the  jasper  series,  but  a  still  closer  parallel  is  afforded  by  the  kitchen-middens  of 
Japan,  which  abound  in  diminutive  tools  of  obsidian  and  other  materials.  The 
arrow-heads  and  leaf-shaped  point  are  much  like  specimens  from  Hakodote,  Yezo,  in 
the  national  collection,  and  it  is  worthy  of  remark  that  knives  and  other  tools  from 
the  same  locality  have  flat  knob-like  projections  for  the  attachment  of  a  thong. 
This  may  throw  some  light  on  the  curious  projection  from  the  end  of  Fig.  13  on  the 
plate,  and  some  connection  with  the  extreme  east  of  Asia  is  not  altogether  out  of 
the  question. 

The  following  table  gives  details  of  the  most  characteristic  specimens  which  are 
represented  on  the  plate  natural  size.  The  determination  of  the  various  materials  was 
kindly  undertaken  by  my  colleague,  Mr.  L.  J.  Spencer,  of  the  Department  of  Mineralogy, 
Natural  History  Museum. 

DESCRIPTION  OF  PLATE. 

Jasper  cores  or  nuclei  for  producing  short  and  narrow  blades  : — 
Fig.  1,  speckled  brown,   1-25  in.,  Camp  121-2,  002. 
„     7,  dark  brown,  I'Oo  in.,  Camp  122,  006a. 
„     9,  marbled  grey  and  yellow,  1-4  in.,  Camp  122,  002. 

Jasper  blades  with  median  ridge  and  bulb  of  percussion  at  end  of  under  face,  if  not  broken 
away.  Ranging  in  colour  from  brown  to  purplish  black,  and  used  (if  at  all)  on  one  or  both  edges  :— 


Fig.  2,  1-6  in.,  Camp  122-3,  009. 
„     6,  1-5  in.,  Camp  121,  002. 
,.  10,  1-8  in.,  Camp  122,  006. 


Fig.  18,  2-2  in.,  Camp  127-8,  003,  Lop-nor. 
20,  2-8  in.,  Camp  121,  0045. 
24,  1-6  in.,  Camp  122,  0027. 


Points   of  grey  to  black  jasper,  slightly   sand-worn,    flaked   on   both   faces   and    symmetrically 
shaped : — 


Fig.  3,  1-6  in.,  Lou-Ian,  00160. 
„     4,  1-2  in.,  Camp  122,  0023. 


Fig.  5,  2-2  in.,  Camp  122,  0064. 


*  EHomm.e  prehutorique,  1906,  171.  f 

§  Congres  prehistorlque  de  France,  Autun,  348. 

[     82 


1903'  164-  I  lbid">  1907>  267' 

||  E.g.,  L'llomme  prehistorique,  1904,  104. 


MAN.  [Nos.  52-53. 


Jasper  blades  with  two  separated  ridges,  used  on  both  edges  :  — 


Fig.  8,  1-7  in.,  Camp  122,  0052. 


Fig.  19,  2  in.,  Camp  121,  0032. 


„  15,  1-1  in.,  Camp  122,  008. 

Fig.  11.    Jade  celt,  green,  roughly  ground  on  the  faces  and  more  carefully  towards  the  cutting 
edge.     2  in.,  Lou-Ian,  00145. 

Fig.  12.    Carnelian  flake,  pale  Indian  red,  bulb  on  plain  face,  the  other  with  patch  of  crust, 
edges  not  used.     1-9  in.,  Camp  121,  0047. 

Fig.  13.    Jasper  flake  dark  green  veined,  with  knob  projecting  from   the  end.    1*8  in.,  Camp 
121,  0049. 

Fig.  14.    Jasper  flake  of  unusual  size,  speckled  brown,  irregularly  flaked,  with  patch  of  pebbled 
surface.     2-5  in.,  Camp  121,  0010. 

Fig.  16.     Jasper  flake,  speckled  brown,  with  bulb  of  percussion,  and  pebbled  surface  on  other 
face.    1-3  in.,  Camp  121,  0011. 

Fig.  17.     Jasper  flake,    mottled  yellow    and  black,   much    sand-worn    on    one   face.      2'6    in., 
Camp  122,  0049. 

Fig.  21.    Jade  celt,   green,    both   faces   ground,    sides   and   butt   left   rough,    the   cutting  edge 
sloping.     4  in..  Camp  126,  001. 

Fig.  22.    Jasper  blade  with   median   ridge,   much   used  on   both   edges,  bulb  of   percussion   on 
under  face,  slightly  sand-worn.     2 '9  in.,  Camp  1IJ1,  0033. 

Fig.  23.     Chalcedony  blades,  smoky  black,  with  median  ridge  and  bulb  of  percussion  on   under 
face,  edges  unused.     1-9  in.,  Lop-nor,  Camp  127-8,  002. 

REGINALD  A.  SMITH. 


Africa :  Nigeria.  la  Chard. 

Ancient  Funeral  Rites  of  the  Pagan  Gwari  of  Northern  Nigeria.     CO 

By  L.   W.  la  Chard,  F.Z.S.  DO 

A  discovery  promising  to  be  of  some  interest  and  throwing  light  upon  certain 
curious  old  burial  customs  amongst  the  pagan  tribes  of  Zaria  Province,  Northern 
Nigeria,  was  made  in  November  1907,  during  the  construction  of  a  road  between 
Zungeru  and  Kuta.  The  road  passed  over  the  remains  of  a  former  town.  Like  all 
primary  settlements  in  most  countries,  this  place  had  sprung  up  near  the  banks  of  a 
river  at  a  convenient  fording-place,  and  on  the  route  between  two  trade  centres,  Kuta 
and  Wushishi.  A  cutting  on  the  road  passed  through  the  burial  ground  of  this  old 
town,  and  it  was  here  that  certain  pots  and  other  objects  were  unearthed,  which  first 
drew  attention  to  the  place. 

The  burial-ground  itself,  which  seems  to  have  been  chosen  with  characteristic 
ignorance  or  contempt  of  the  simplest  laws  of  hygiene,  was  situated  immediately 
between  the  town  and  the  areas  devoted  to  cultivation  of  farm  products.  The  remains 
of  the  latter  areas  consisted  of  long,  parallel  rows  of  stones,  extending  for  a  considerable 
distance,  enclosing  narrow  banks  of  earth.  Whilst  a  cutting  was  being  made  through 
the  burial-ground,  a  number  of  large  symmetrical  earthenware  pots  were  found. 
They  were  of  various  sizes,  the  largest  beiug  5  feet  4  inches  in  height  with  a  maximum 
diameter  of  nearly  3  feet,  the  approximate  corresponding  measures  of  the  smallest  one 
found  being  3  feet  and  2  feet.  Each  really  consisted  of  two  circular  pots,  the  smaller 
one  inverted  upon  the  larger,  the  necks  fitting  firmly  into  each  other  and  the  ridged 
depression  at  the  junction  stuffed  with  hardened  clay.  The  pots  were  placed  in  the 
ground  at  no  great  depth,  generally  from  2  to  3  feet  from  the  surface.  They  were 
about  ^  inch  in  thickness,  and  were  made  of  strong,  well-preserved  red  earthenware. 
No  designs  nor  ornamental  work  of  any  description  were  found  on  them. 

When  broken  open,  most  of  them  were  found  to  be  empty  save  for  a  grey  deposit 
on  the  bottom  which  consisted  of  bones  and  corroded  metal  rings.  Small  circular  bowls 
about  4  inches  deep  and  5  inches  in  diameter  were  also  found  amongst  the  deposit. 
One  pot  was  full  of  earth,  and  in  this  earth  was  found  a  complete  skeleton  in  a  sitting 
posture  with  the  bones  in  their  anatomical  position.  An  iron  spear-head  much  corroded, 
a  small  circular  bowl  of  the  kind  already  described,  a  brass  ring,  and  two  small  iron 

[    83    ] 


No.  53.]  MAN.  [1911. 

rings  were  found  at  the  bottom  of  the  pot.  None  of  these  objects  had  been  broken, 
and  no  stone  implements  or  weapons  of  any  description  were  found,  although  careful 
search  was  made. 

Enquiries  amongst  natives  elicited  the  fact  that  at  some  indefinite  period,  a  large 
Gwari  town,  called  Ajugbai  existed  on  the  spot.  A  Gwari  native  from  Kuta,  about 
thirty-five  years  of  age,  remembered  his  father  telling  him  about  this  town,  which  had 
been  a  halting-place  for  traders.  It  was  twice  destroyed,  once  by  Masaba,  King  of 
Bida,  when  he  annihilated  the  King  of  Kuta  and  took  most  of  the  people  away  as 
slaves.  It  sprang  up  again  some  time  afterwards,  but  was  finally  destroyed  by 
Nagomachi,  King  of  Kontagora,  father  of  the  present  Emir  of  that  place.  Since  then 
the  Gwari,  who  were  scattered,  have  not  practised  these  burial  rites,  but  have  disposed 
of  their  dead  in  the  Mohammedan  fashion,  like  their  conquerors. 

Formerly  the  head  of  each  family  possessed  one  of  these  pots  which  was  kept  in 
the  house  and  worshipped,  being  regarded  apparently  as  a  memento  mori.  It  was  called, 
in  the  Gwari  language,  Shakun.  When  any  member  of  the  family  died,  the  pot  was 
taker)  out  in  front  of  the  house  and  the  top  portion  was  removed.  The  body  was  placed 
in  the  lower  portion,  in  a  sitting  position,  with  the  head  touching  the  knees.  Rings, 
bracelets,  gowns,  and  any  ornaments  belonging  to  the  deceased,  together  with  weapons 
(if  an  adult  male)  were  deposited  unbroken  at  the  bottom.  A  small  jar  (Shabali) 
made  from  hardened  clay  was  filled  with  native  liquor  (Kuno),  and  was  also  placed 
with  the  dead  person.  The  inverted  top  of  the  pot  was  placed  in  position,  the 
resulting  clip-like  depression  at  the  junction  was  filled  with  moist  clay,  and  the  whole 
was  placed  in  a  grave  dug  so  that  the  top  of  the  pot  would  be  about  a  foot  from 
the  surface  of  the  ground.  A  cairn  of  stones  marked  the  spot,  and  the  mourners 
completed  the  ceremony  by  becoming  intoxicated  and  dancing  around  the  grave,  an 
Omarian  custom  which  in  a  modified  form  is  not  restricted  to  the  unenlightened 
pagan  of  the  Dark  Continent.  The  name  given  to  the  whole  ceremony  was  Vingo, 
and  this  word  also  seems  to  have  signified  the  burial-ground  itself.  When  ques- 
tioned as  to  how  the  brass  ring  came  into  the  possession  of  these  people  so  long 
ago,  the  natives  stated  that  ornaments  of  brass  and  silver  were  brought  up  from  the 
coast  by  -traders  and  Hausa  ex-soldiers,  the  latter  of  whom  were  frequently  paid  in 
brass  rods. 

The  Gwari  always  have  been,  and  are  still,  pagans.  They  worship  an  indefinable 
object  which  they  call  Heshan,  which,  or  rather,  who  appears  to  be  a  vague  anthropo- 
morphic conception  of  the  whole  universe,  and  who  is  supposed  to  exercise  a  provi- 
dential care  over  them,  their  possessions,  crops,  and  even  future  descendants.  It  is 
really  a  crude,  pantheistic  belief.  They  still  gather  round  a  kuka-tree  to  sacrifice  fowls, 
goats,  and  sheep,  and  sing  chants  to  Heshan.  They  do  not  believe  in  the  existence  of 
evil  spirits  or  forces  hostile  to  the  supreme  will  of  their  deity,  and  repudiate  the  idea 
of  a  future  existence.  In  consequence,  it  is  somewhat  difficult  to  trace  the  beginning 
of  their  former  peculiar  burial  customs,  which  certainly  did  not  originate  in  the  common 
savage  notion  of  burying  weapons  and  trinkets  with  the  body  to  ensure  for  it  a  safe 
journey  to  paradise.  The  Gwari  of  to-day  say  that  it  was  merely  a  very  old  custom 
devoid  of  any  particular  motive  ;  but  its  origin  amongst  a  crudely  materialistic  people 
must  have  been  a  tangible  one,  unless  it  was  introduced  at  an  early  period  when 
a  phase  of  their  religion  admitted  of  spiritual  agencies.  Possibly  it  was  considered 
the  most  efficient  method  of  protecting  the  dead  body  from  wild  beasts,  or  pro- 
bably the  custom  may  have  been  a  relic  of  a  time  when  sacrificial  pots,  such  as 
have  been  found  in  Southern  Nigeria,  were  used  in  barbaric  ceremonies  to  propitiate 
an  offended  deity.  L.  W.  LA  CHARD. 


1911.]  MAN.  [Nos,  54-55. 

Australia :  Sociology.  Lang-. 

Mr.  Mathew's  Theory  of  Australian  Phratries.      /;_//  Andrew  Lang.     C 1 

In  the  Journal  of  the  Anthropological  Institute,  Vol.  XL,  pp.  165  to  171,  U  • 
the  Rev.  John  Mathew  again  sets  forth  his  theory  of  the  origin  of  phratries,  and  of 
some  phratry  names  in  Australia.  The  theory  is,  that  "  the  two  phratries  represent 
"  two  ancient  distinct  races  " — one  of  them,  "  Papuasian,  very  dark,  with  curly  hair  "  ; 
the  other,  "  a  stronger,  more  advanced,  lighter-coloured  race,  with  straight  hair,  and 
"  akin  to  the  Dravidians  and  Veddahs." 

An  obvious  question  arises.  We  meet  phratries,  or  exogamous  intermarrying  sets 
of  people,  in  many  parts  of  the  world.  Are  all  these  phratries  the  result  of  a  com- 
bination of  two  distinct  human  races  ?  If  not  (and  Mr.  Mathew,  perhaps,  ought  to 
scrutinise  all  known  phratries),  why  are  we  to  suppose  that  phratries  in  Australia  are, 
the  result  of  a  combination  with  connubium  of  two  races,  primarily  distinct  ?  An 
institution  so  very  widely  extant,  in  lands  so  far  remote,  as  the  phratry  is,  is  likely 
to  have  arisen  in  some  "  felt  need "  other  than  the  peaceful  coalition  of  two  separate 
races. 

Mr.  Mathew  gives  evidence,  proving  that  among  the  Euahlayi,  in  Western 
Australia,  and  in  Queensland,  and  in  Victoria  (I  state  the  case  as  briefly  as  possible)? 
phratry  names  indicate  contrasts  in  colour  or  complexion — "  light  blood  "  and  "  dark 
"  blood  " — and  that  old  blacks  believe  they  can  tell  the  phratry  of  an  individual  by 
the  quality  of  his  hair,  straight  or  curly.  Mrs.  Bates,  I  may  add,  has  kindly  given 
me  much  information  to  the  same  effect  :  nor  do  I  question  her  accuracy.  The  light 
phratry,  therefore,  it  seems,  inherits  the  complexion  and  hair  of  one  of  Mr.  Mathew's 
two  ancient  races  ;  the  dark  phratry  inherits  the  hair  and  complexion  of  the  other 
ancient  race.  But  have  we  not  here  a  question  for  physiologists  ?  Say  that,  in  an 
isolated  region,  a  thousand  negroes  and  a  thousand  Scandinavians  combine  as  two 
phratries,  one  "  dark"  (the  negroes),  the  other  "white"  (the  Danes).  Black  marries 
white  alone;  white  marries  black  alone,  for  ever. 

In  the  second  generation  all  are  equally  mulattoes.  How  could  you  tell  to  which 
phratry  (given  reckoning  by  female  descent)  any  mulatto  individual  belonged  ?  In 
ten  generations  all  would  be  coffee-coloured  (cafe  au  lait),  and  how  could  you  tell  to 
which  phratry  any  individual  belonged  ?  Each  individual  belongs  to  both  by  descent  ; 
the  black  blood  and  the  white  blood  are  equally  in  his  or  her  veins. 

Where  distinctions  of  complexion  are  so  much  less  marked,  as  among  Mr.  Mathew's 
two  ancient  races,  both  dusky,  how  can  the  distinction  survive  through  the  eternal 
combination  of  both  races  under  the  phratry  system  ? 

That  many  tribes  have  phratries  named  after  birds  of  contrasted  colours  Mr. 
Thomas  and  I  have  pointed  out  some  time  ago.  But  I  do  not  think  that  philological 
guesses,  applied  to  discover  the  meanings  of  phratry  names  of  unknown  sense,  can  do 
anything  but  darken  causes. 

For  the  rest,  I  leave  to  physiologists  the  question  :  After  long  and  exclusive 
intermarriage  between  negroes  and  Danes,  could  the  members  of  black  phratry  be 
distinguished,  in  the  same  environment,  from  the  members  of  the  white  phratry  ? 

ANDREW  LANG. 


Africa,  East.  Walker. 

A    Note    on    "Hammer-Stones."     By  B.    W.    Walker,  M.D.  C|J 

When  visiting  Nasa  and  other  villages  at  the  south  end  of  Victoria  Nyanza     UU 

in  German  East  Africa  from  1887  to  1907  Mr.  R.  H.  Walker,  of  the  Church  Missionary 

Society  in    Uganda,  noticed  that    the    native  women  there    had    a    special   use  for   a 

hammer-stone,  several  of  which  he  obtained  as  specimens. 

These  stones  become  absolutely  spherical  from  constant  use,  being  turned  about 

[    85    ] 


Nos.  55-57.]  MAN.  [1911. 

in  the  hand  and  dropped  upon  the  rock.  They  are  just  the  size  of  a  cricket  ball,  and 
some  consist  apparently  of  granite,  others  of  a  stone  resembling  limestone,  but  no 
limestone  of  any  sort  exists  in  that  region. 

The  native  grain  that  is  eaten  there  is  ground  on  a  stone  in  the  hut,  or  it  is 
as  often  ground  on  a  rock  on  the  hill  side.  The  women  do  the  grinding,  and  they 
keep  the  surface  of  the  rock  or  lower  stone  rough  by  constantly  dropping  these 
hammer-stones  on  to  it  from  a  height  of  about  10  inches.  They  appear  to  catch 
the  stone  each  time  as  it  rebounds. 

In  time  the  rock  gets  worn  into  holes  or  basins  by  this  continual  process  of 
preparing  the  surface,  and  the  hammer-stone,  which  may  be  very  rough  and  shapeless 
to  begin  with,  becomes  smooth  and  spherical  by  being  turned  about  in  the  using. 

B.   W.  WALKER. 


India :  Ethnology.  Waddell :  Crooke. 

A   Note  on   the   Derivation  of  Miri.     By  L.  A.  Waddell. 

With  reference  to  my  note  on  the  derivation  of  Meriah  (MAN,  1911,  27), 
I  have  been  favoured  with  the  following  communication  from  Lieut.-Col.  L.  A. 
Waddell,  the  leading  authority  on  the  languages  of  Tibet  and  the  Eastern  Hima- 
layas, which  deserves  publication.  I  did  not  intend  in  my  note  to  vouch  for  Dalton's 
explanation  of  the  name  of  the  Miri  tribe  in  Assam.  He  wrote  nearly  forty  years 
ago,  when  little  was  known  of  these  languages.  He  seems  to  have  intended  to 
connect  both  "  Meriah  "  and  "  Miri  "  with  the  Sanskrit  root  mil,  "  to  join,  meet," 
which  appears  in  Hindustani  as  milna.  His  explanation  of  both  these  terms  is 
now  shown  to  be  incorrect.  W.  CROOKE. 

"  In  your  note  regarding  the  '  Meriah '  sacrifice  of  the  Khonds  in  the  March 
issue  of  MAN  (No.  27),  I  observe  you  quote  Colonel  Dalton  as  stating  that  the  tribal 
nam  e  of  the  Miri  of  Assam  '  is  the  same  word  as  miria  or  milia  (a  mediator  or  go- 
between)  '  used  with  the  same  signification  in  Orissa.'  This  is  not  the  etymology 
of  the  name  of  the  Miri  tribe  at  all.  That  word  is  of  Tibetan  origin.  Mi  is  the 
ordinary  Tibetan  word  for  '  man,'  and  is  found  with  this  meaning  amongst  most  of 
the  Himalayan  tribes  from  Ladak  down  to  Assam.  In  this  latter  province  the  word 
enters  into  the  tribal  name  of  several  of  the  tribes  of  Tibetan  stock  or  with  Tibetan 
affinities.  Thus  it  occurs,  in  addition  to  the  Miri,  in  the  designations  of  the  Mishmi, 
the  Mish  (or  '  Mech  '),  Mikir,  and  probably  also  in  Mitai  (or  Meitei  of  Manipur). 

"  The  Miri  are  a  typically  Mongoloid  people,  and  call  themselves,  I  found,* 
Mi-zhing  or  Mi-shing,  that  is  to  say,  '  men  of  the  soil  or  the  land,'  with  the  sense  of 
'  native  to  the  soil '  (ascripti  glebce).  They  are  termed  by  the  more  Hinduised 
settlers  in  the  Assam  Valley,  who  are  largely  an  offshoot  of  the  Miris  themselves, 
'  Mi-ri,'  which  means  '  hill-men.'  Doubtless  they  are  so  called  because  they  have 
retained  the  customs  of  their  ancestors  in  the  upper  Himalayas  and  in  S.E.  Tibetan, 
the  '  Hill  Miris  and  Daflas,  with  whom,  indeed,  the  Miri  claim  kinship.'  " 


REVIEWS. 
America,  South.  Gru'bb. 

An   Unknown  People   in  an   Unknoivn  Land.     By  W.  B.  Grubb.      Pp.  329,     fJTf 

with  40  illustrations  and  a  map.     London:  Seeley  &  Co.,  1911.     16s.  net.  Uf 

An  Unknown  People  in  an  Unknown  Land  is  the  title  of  a  book  dealing  with 

a  hitherto  unknown  region  in  Central  South  America.     It  is  written  by  a  man  who 

deals    at    first    hand  with    primitive  Indian    life    as    seen  from  within,  and  not  as  it 

*  See  my  monograph  on  Tribes  of  the  Brahmaputra  (Journ.  Bengal  Asiatic  Soc.,  PI.  iii,  1900,  p.  57). 

[     86     ] 


19U.]  MAN.  [Nos.  57-58, 

appears  to  the  casual  observer.  For  this  reason  it  is  especially  valuable  to  anyone 
who  wishes  to  realise  for  himself  the  aspirations,  feelings,  and  sentiments  of  those 
who  are  generally  regarded  as  savage  Indians. 

The  book  is  not  perfect.  There  are  some  inaccuracies  ;  the  author  occasionally 
repeats  himself,  and  there  is  at  times  an  air  of  making  more  of  a  situation  than  it 
altogether  warrants,  while  it  is  written  in  a  conversational  and  somewhat  rambling 
style.  Apart  from  this,  however,  one  can  find  only  praise  for  a  Deeply  interesting 
book. 

The  chapter  on  war  gives  one  the  impression  that  the  Lengua  Indians  are 
naturally  a  warlike  tribe,  but  this  is  not  the  case.  They  are,  on  the  contrary,  most 
peaceable  and  peace-loving,  and  only  incline  to  fight  under  strong  provocation. 
The  twenty-ninth  chapter,  "  'Twixt  Old  and  New,"  is  an  excellent  reply  to  those 
who  insist  that  the  ''Mission  Indian"  is  much  worse  as  a  man  than  he  was  before 
the  advent  of  Christianity  and  civilization. 

The  arts  and  industries  of  these  so-called  savages  are  well  treated,  and  the 
illustrations  give  a  good  idea  of  the  various  processes  of  blanket  weaving  and 
pottery  making.  But  the  chief  merit  of  the  book  lies  in  the  fact  that  it  enables 
the  reader  to  take  the  Indian's  place  and  look  at  the  world  through  his  eyes. 

SEYMOUR  H.  C.  HAWTREY. 


Peru.  Markham. 

The  Incas  of  Peru.  By  Sir  Clements  Markham,  K.C.B.,  D.Sc.,  F.R.S.  CO 
Smith,  Elder  &  Co.,  1910.  Pp.  xiii  +  443,  with  sixteen  plates  and  map.  uU 
21  x  13  cm.  Price  10s.  6d. 

We  have  long  been  awaiting  from  Sir  Clements  Markham,  the  doyen  of  British 
Americanists,  a  book  in  which  he  should  give  a  summary  of  the  conclusions  to  which 
his  life-long  study  of  Peruvian  archaeology  has  led  him  ;  and  the  volume  which  has 
at  last  appeared  is  a  most  valuable  and  concise  epitome  of  what  is  known  concerning 
the  history  and  ethnography  of  the  early  inhabitants  of  Peru.  The  subject  is  treated 
in  the  main  from  the  literary  side  :  that  is  to  say,  the  material  is  gleaned  principally 
from  the  early  records  of  which  Sir  Clements  has  been  so  indefatigable  a  student ; 
and,  as  the  author  is  personally  acquainted  with  the  country  of  which  he  writes,  he 
has  been  able  to  apply  a  large  amount  of  local  experience  to  the  interpretation  of  the 
early  chroniclers.  Grateful  as  we  all  must  be  for  the  book,  it  is  nevertheless  a  great 
disappointment  to  read  in  the  preface  that,  "  Having  reached  my  eightieth  birthday, 
"  I  have  abandoned  the  idea  of  completing  a  detailed  history  which  I  once  enter- 
"  tained."  Those  who  have  the  privilege  of  knowing  Sir  Clements  know  also  how 
lightly  he  bears  his  eighty  years,  and  it  is  earnestly  to  be  hoped  that  he  will  yet 
decide  to  carry  out  his  original  intention,  and  write  the  work  which  it  is  almost  his 
duty  to  provide  for  future  students  of  the  subject. 

The  book  starts  with  an  admirable  survey  of  the  principal  authorities  upon  whom 
we  rely  for  a  knowledge  of  the  ancient  inhabitants  of  Peru,  with  hints  regarding 
their  respective  credibility.  In  this  chapter  the  author  calls  attention  to  the  recently 
discovered  work  by  Huaman  Poma  de  Ayala,  "a  thick  quarto  of  1,179  pages,  with 
"  numerous  clever  pen-and-ink  sketches,  almost  one  for  every  page,"  which  is  soon 
to  be  published,  and  which  seems  to  be  a  document  of  extraordinary  value. 

The  next  chapter  deals  with  the  early  culture  of  which  the  most  remarkable 
remains  are  found  at  Tiahuanaco,  of  which  traces  are  found  from  the  southern  shore 
of  Lake  Titicaca  to  Chordeleg  in  Ecuador,  and  which  seems  to  have  penetrated  to  the 
coast  region.  It  may  be  mentioned,  in  passing,  that  the  author  has  allowed  a  slight 
inaccuracy  to  creep  into  his  description  of  the  "  frieze "  of  the  large  monolithic 
gateway,  where  he  states  that  k'  the  bird-headed  worshippers  have  sceptres  like  the 

[    87    ] 


No.  58,]  MAN.  [1911. 

"  one  in  the  central  figure's  left  hand,  while  the  sceptres  of  the  human-headed 
''  worshippers  are  the  same  as  those  in  the  central  figure's  right  hand."  As  a  matter 
of  fact,  the  type  of  sceptre  held  by  the  bird-headed  figures  is  the  same  as  that  held 
by  the  human-headed  figures  in  the  top  row ;  that  carried  by  the  human-headed 
figures  in  the  bottom  row  differs  from  both.  It  is  surprising,  too,  that  in  the  footnote 
in  which  he  gives  the  "  best  accounts  of  the  Tiahuanaco  ruins  "  he  makes  no  mention 
of  the  great  wori  of  Stiibel  and  Uhle,  which  is  the  only  really  adequate  description 
of  the  remains.  J 

In  his  description  of  the  remarkable  relief  found  at  Chavin  de  Huantar  the  author 
does  not  note  (in  fact  the  reviewer  has  never  seen  it  noted)  that  the  head  of  the 
figure  depicted  is  not  comprehensible  until  viewed  upside-down,  when  it  becomes 
perfectly  plain,  and  is  seen  to  consist  of  a  number  of  monstrous  heads  issuing  one  from 
the  mouth  of  the  other.  The  convention  of  placing  the  head  in  a  reversed  position 
is  common  in  the  designs  of  the  remarkable  pots  recently  discovered  by  Dr.  Uhle  at 
Nasca,  and  is  found  in  certain  of  the  reliefs  found  by  Professor  Naville  in  Manabi, 
and  the  reduplication  of  faces  is  also  a  frequent  feature  of  the  Nasca  pots.  Both  at 
Nasca  and  at  Manabi  such  figures  are  surrounded  by  "  ostrich-feather  "  shaped  rays 
as  in  the  Chavin  relief.  The  reversed  position  of  the  head  may  be  a  conventional 
means  of  expressing  a  figure  gazing  skyward.  It  is  perhaps  unwise,  in  the  present 
state  of  our  knowledge,  to  mention  the  fact,  but  the  reviewer  cannot  help  adding 
that  every  Maya  scholar  with  whom  he  has  spoken  on  the  subject  is  perfectly  ready 
to  accept  the  Chavin  stone  as  pure  Maya  handiwork. 

The  third  chapter  gives  a  sketch  of  the  early  history  as  related  by  Montesinos, 
and  is  supplemented  by  an  appendix  in  which  the  list  of  kings  given  by  the  latter 
author  is  quoted,  and  reasons  are  given  for  the  belief  that  it  was  copied  from  Bias 
Valera.  If  this  theory  be  adopted,  the  hitherto  discredited  list  of  Montesinos  becomes 
of  the  greatest  importance.  Sir  Clements  himself  seems  inclined  to  support  the 
authenticity  of  the  list,  and  his  interpretation  of  the  historical  events  which  may  be 
supposed  to  underly  it  is  extremely  ingenious  and  worthy  of  special  attention  (see 
p.  46). 

The  next  four  chapters  give  an  account  of  Inca  history  from  Manco  Ccapac  to 
the  accession  of  Huayna  Ccapac,  and  then  follows  a  chapter  on  religion.  This 
latter  subject  is  one  of  such  extraordinary  difficulty  that  it  is  here,  more  perhaps 
than  anywhere  else,  that  the  reader  will  hope  that  Sir  Clements  will  yet  adhere  to 
his  original  intention  of  writing  an  extended  work  on  Peruvian  archaeology.  Excellent 
as  the  chapter  is,  it  suffers  much  from  compression,  and  it  would  have  been  of  the 
highest  interest  to  have  seen  what  the  author  has  to  say,  for  instance,  upon  the 
conclusions  of  Dr.  Uhle,  that  Pachacamac  and  Uiraccocha  were  originally  the  same 
deity,  that  the  worship  of  the  former  on  the  coast,  under  the  name  of  Irma,  dates 
from  the  days  of  the  supremacy  of  the  culture  of  Tiahuanaco,  and  that  the  Chanca 
War  was  at  bottom  a  struggle  between  the  rival  cults  of  the  same  deity  as  they  had 
developed  respectively  in  the  highlands  and  further  west,  the  god  Pachacamac 
having  become  the  central  figure  of  the  Huaca-cult.  As  regards  human  sacrifices, 
it  is  worthy  of  mention  that  the  author  accepts  the  statement  of  Cieza  de  Leon — viz., 
that  it  was  occasionally  practised ;  and,  indeed,  after  the  discovery  by  Dr.  Uhle  of 
a  cemetery  of  sacrificed  women  of  unquestionable  Inca  times  at  Pachacamac,  it  seems 
impossible  to  doubt  the  fact.  In  this  chapter  are  given  three  remarkable  -hymns 
to  Uiraccocha  of  singular  beauty.  The  following  chapters  deal  with  the  general 
ethnography  of  the  Inca,  the  history  of  the  conquest  of  the  great  empire  and  the 
civilisation  of  the  coast.  The  last  region  is  peculiar  in  that  it  provides  by  far  the 
greatest  number  of  archaeological  specimens,  while  the  literature  which  might 
explain  them  is  singularly  deficient.  All  that  the  author  says  is  of  great  value,  but 

[  88  ] 


1911.]  MAN.  [Nos.  58-59. 

he  might  perhaps  have  added  a  word  about  the  researches  of  Dr.  Uhle  at  Paeha- 
camac,  which  have  yielded  such  important  results,  and  the  attempts  made  hy  that 
gentleman  to  establish  a  system  of  sequence-dating,  attempts  which  mark  an  era  in 
the  history  of  American  archaeology. 

In  his  description  of  the  Inca  calendar  it  is  evident  that  the  text  should  have 
been  accompanied  by  small  illustrations  of  the  signs  which  the  author  believes  to 
have  been  symbols  of  the  various  seasons  ;  these  seem  to  have  been  omitted  by  the 
publisher,  with  the  result  that  the  description  is  not  quite  so  clear  as  it  might  have 
been. 

At  the  end  of  the  book  are  several  appendices,  the  most  noteworthy  of  which 
contain  a  translation  of  the  Inca  drama  of  Ollantay,  prefaced  by  a  survey  of  the 
evidence  which  the  author  maintains,  and  on  good  grounds,  that  this  interesting  relic 
is  of  purely  Inca  origin  ;  and  a  note  on  the  names  Quichua  and  Aymara.  In  the  latter 
note  the  author  gives  many  reasons  for  the  belief  that  the  term  Aymara,  as  applied 
to  the  language  spoken  by  the  Colla,  is  incorrect,  and  that  its  application  to  the 
civilisation  which  found  its  noblest  expression  at  Tiahuanaco  is  equally  unjustifiable. 
He  gives  evidence  in  support  of  the  view  that  the  early  students  collected  their  material 
among  a  tribe  of  mitimacs  who  came  from  a  small  province  called  Aymara  on  the 
upper  waters  of  the  Pachachaca  river,  and  applied  the  name  of  these  immigrants  to 
the  Colla  language,  which  they  had  learnt  since  their  transportation. 

The  few  small  criticisms  made  above,  all  of  relatively  unimportant  points,  stand 
out  perhaps  in  higher  relief  than  they  should.  As  a  scientific  work  the  volume  is  the 
work  of  a  well-balanced  mind  backed  by  an  unique  knowledge  of  the  literary  material 
from  which  it  is  deduced.  Of  the  book  as  a  whole  there  can  be  but  one  opinion  ;  it 
is  delightful.  The  author  has  the  faculty  of  breathing  life  into  the  dry  bones  of 
archeology,  and  the  result  is  a  picture  which  is  far  more  human  than  anything  which 
has  yet  been  written  of  the  Inca  ;  it  may  be  said,  and  in  no  carping  spirit,  that  it 
leaves  the  reader  anxious  for  more,  and  it  will  be  the  hope  of  Americanists  all  over 
the  world  that  Sir  Clements  Markham  will  add  to  the  great  debt  that  they  already 
owe  him  by  responding  to  the  call.  T.  A.  J. 


New  Guinea.  Hanke. 

Archiv  fur  das  Studium  deutscher  Kolonialsprachen.  Band  VIII.  CQ 
Grammatik  und  Vokabularium  der  Bongu-Sprache  (Astrolabebai,  Kaiser-  UU 
Wilhelmsland).  Von  A.  Hanke,  Rheinischer  Missionar  in  Deutsch-Neuguinea.  Mit 
einer  Karte,  einer  wortvergleichenden  Tabelle  von  neun  Orten  des  Astrolabegebietes 
und  einem  Vokabularium  der  Sungumana-Sprache.  Berlin  :  Druck  und  Kommissions- 
verlag  von  Georg  Reimer,  1909.  Pp.  xii  +  252.  21-5  x  15  cm. 

Father  Schmidt  in  1902,  when  discussing  the  position  of  the  languages  of  the 
mainland  of  German  New  Guinea,  showed  that,  as  in  British  New  Guinea,  they 
are  divisible  into  two  main  groups.  One  of  these,  the  Melanesian,  is  related  to  the 
languages  of  the  islands  to  the  south-east,  and  the  other,  the  Papuan,  is  distinct 
and  unrelated  to  the  Melanesian.  The  language  here  illustrated  by  Herr  Hanke 
belongs  to  the  latter  group,  and  is  spoken  in  its  greatest  purity  in  the  village  of 
Bongu  on  the  south-east  shore  of  Astrolabe  Bay.  The  first  specimens  of  this 
speech  were  collected  by  N.  von  Miklucho-Maclay  in  1871,  and  formed  the  subject 
of  a  notice  in  Gabelentz  and  Meyer's  work  on  the  Melanesian,  Mikronesian,  and 
Papuan  languages  in  1882.  Further  specimens  were  given  by  Zoller  (Deutsche- 
Neuguinea)  in  1891,  and  by  Biro  (catalogue  of  his  collection  in  the  Hungarian 
National  Museum)  in  1901.  Father  Schmidt's  notice  in  1902  was  based  on  the 
lists  of  Miklucho-Maclay  and  Zoller.  These  lists  were  in  many  instances  incorrect 

[    89     ] 


No,  59.]  MAN.  [1911. 

and  misleading,  and  with  the  still  more  numerous  errors  of  Biro,  are  corrected  by 
Herr  Hanke  in  his  introduction.  The  interest  of  the  present  work  is  due  to  its 
being  the  most  complete  study  yet  made  of  any  Papuan  language  of  this  region. 
The  author  in  his  preface  modestly  apologises  for  its  imperfections,  but  as  a  first 
exploration  in  an  unknown  field  the  difficulties  were  extreme,  and  the  author  is  to 
be  congratulated  on  the  skilful  and  successful  manner  in  which  he  has  presented  this 
new  form  of  speech. 

The  roots  of  the  language  are  monosyllables  or  disyllables  which  may  be  used 
as  words  without  change,  or  formed  into  words  by  reduplication  of  the  first  sound 
or  syllable,  by  gemination  or  repetition  of  the  whole  word,  or  by  composition  of 
root  words.  Prefixed  particles  are  extremely  rare,  and,  with  one  exception,  are 
only  used  to  express  the  pronominal  object  of  the  verb.  Suffixes,  on  the  other 
hand,  are  extremely  numerous,  and  are  used  not  only  to  form  nouns,  verbs,  and 
adjectives,  but  also  to  indicate  case  and  conjugation.  There  is  no  article.  Nouns 
have  no  gender,  and  the  sexes  have  distinct  names,  or  persons  are  distinguished  as 
"loin  cloth"  or  "petticoat  wearing  :"  animals  and  plants  by  words  for  "male"  and 
"  female."  The  noun  itself  does  not  indicate  number,  which  is  shown  by  a  demon- 
strative, by  the  verb,  or  by  reduplication.  As  in  some  of  the  Papuan  languages  of 
British  New  Guinea,  the  case  of  the  noun  is  shown  sometimes  by  position,  sometimes 
by  means  of  a  suffixed  particle.  The  active  nominative  and  instrumental  are  shown 
by  the  suffix  -en  or  -«,  the  dative  by  ga  (nga),  and  various  locatives  by  -»,  <Fo,  or  gu. 
The  nominative  precedes  the  verb,  and  the  accusative  comes  between  the  subject 
and  the  verb.  The  genitive  is  shown  by  a  possessive  pronoun,  "  the  sea  its  thing  " 
for  "  thing  of  the  sea."  Names  of  relationships  take  a  shortened  personal  pronoun 
as  suffix,  Bua  father-his,  Bua's  father. 

The  personal  pronouns  are  singular,  dual  and  plural,  and  distinguish  the  inclu- 
sion or  exclusion  of  the  person  addressed.  All  pronouns  are  declined  by  suffixes  as 
nouns,  but  the  genitive  has  the  suffix  -m. 

The  numerals  follow  the  quinary  system  with  distinct  words  for  "  one "  to 
"  four."  "  One  hand  "  is  "  five  "  ;  "  one  hand  count  one  "  is  six  ;  "  ten  "  is  "  two 
hands  "  ;  "  twenty  "  is  «'  two  hands  two  feet." 

The  verb  is  extremely  rich  in  forms  and  is  conjugated  by  means  of  suffixes. 
In  the  singular  three  persons  are  distinguished  only  in  some  tenses.  In  the  dual 
and  plural  only  two  persons  are  distinguished,  an  inclusive  equivalent  to  "  I  and 
"  those  with  me "  and  an  exclusive  meaning  "  other  persons."  Thus  adl  or  nl 
gin-mesen,  I  am  or  thou  art  coming  ;  andu  gin-esen,  he  is  coming  ;  jal  or  gal  gin- 
muslan,  we  two  come  ;  nil  or  nal  gin-beslam,  the  other  two  come.  This  grouping 
of  the  verb  is  found  in  other  Papuan  languages  as,  e.g.,  Miriam  (Murray,  Is.), 
Kiwai  (Fly  Delta)  and  Mailu  (Cloudy  Bay). 

There  are  seven  tenses  shown  by  changes  in  the  tense  endings,  and  five  modes 
distinguished  by  additions  to  the  verbal  stem,  and  by  infixing  certain  words  or 
particles  in  the  positive  form,  negation,  totality,  admiration,  and  continuation  may 
be  indicated.  A  causative  is  formed  by  infixing  t  before  the  terminations,  as, 
e.g.,  balar,  fly  over  ;  baltar,  make  fly  over,  shoot  up.  Besides  this  variety  certain 
verbs  take  prefixes  to  indicate  the  object,  as,  e.g.,  i-gar,  to  give  us ;  im-bar  to 
give  thee  ;  iv-ar  to  give  him  ;  in-gar,  to  give  you  ;  un-d'ar,  to  give  them.  These 
correspond  to  forms  in  the  Namau  language  of  the  Papuan  Gulf,  where  similar 
forms  are  used,  as,  e.g.,  a-kuai,  to  give  us  ;  ni-kuai,  to  give  thee  ;  aiv-kuai,  to 
give  him ;  na-kuai,  to  give  you ;  e-kuai,  to  give  them.  Similar  forms  also  are 
found  in  Katedong  (Finschhafen)  :  naleo,  he  gives  me  ;  galeo,  he  gives  thee  ;  laneo, 
he  gives  him. 

Herr    Hanke's  grammar   is    followed   by   a   Sprachproben   of    six   folklore   tales, 

[     90     ] 


1911.]  MAN.  [Nos.  59-60. 

with  literal  and  free  translations,  and  by  a  copious  Bongu-German  vocabulary,  with 
a  German-Bongu  index.  A  short  comparative  vocabulary  is  given  of  the  dialects 
of  nine  villages  on  the  shores  of  Astrolabe  Bay.  Those  on  the  coast  about  Con- 
stantiuhafen,  or  in  the  neighbouring  hills,  appear  similar  to  Bongu.  The  Maragum 
at  a  short  distance  shows  many  differences  ;  the  language  of  Siar  and  Ragetta  to 
the  north  are  Melanesian.  The  supplement  contains  a  longer  vocabulary  of  the 
Sungumana  language. 

The  book  is  well  and  clearly  printed,  and  forms  a  notable  addition  to  the 
series  of  works  on  the  languages  of  the  German  Colonies  which  are  published  under 
the  direction  of  Professor  Dr.  E.  Sachau.  SIDNEY  H.  RAY. 


Borneo.  Gomes. 

Seventeen  Years  among  the  Sea  Dyaks  of  Borneo :  a  Record  of  Intimate  OH 
Association  with  the  Natives  of  the  Bornean  Jungles.  By  Edwin  H.  Gomes.  OU 
With  40  illustrations  and  a  map.  London  :  Seeley  &  Co.,  1911.  16s.  net. 

Those  who  desire  to  gain  an  insight  into  the  daily  life  and  beliefs  of  a  barbaric 
people  who  have  been  but  little  influenced  by  European  culture  should  read  Mr.  Gomes' 
description  of  the  Sea  Dyaks,  or  Iban  as  ethnologists  are  now  beginning  to  call  them. 
As  Mr.  Gomes  has  been  a  missionary  among  these  attractive  people  for  seventeen 
years,  and  has  an  intimate  knowledge  of  them  and  their  mode  of  life,  the  reader  is  thus 
assured  that  the  information  imparted  is  correct,  so  far  as  it  goes.  This  qualification 
must  be  added,  for  the  scientific  student  would  like  more  detailed  information  on  many 
matters,  though  this  would  probably  have  rendered  the  book  less  attractive  to  those 
who  do  not  care  to  probe  deeply  into  the  social  constitution  of  a  people.  Considerable 
space  is  wisely  given  to  religious  beliefs  and  ceremonies,  since  these  form  an  integral 
part  of  native  life,  and  it  is  clearly  brought  out  how  the  natives  lie  under  the  thraldom 
of  omens,  which  tends  to  paralyse  or  at  all  events  to  retard  advancement.  The  author 
is  to  be  congratulated  on  freely  interspersing  his  narrative  with  native  names,  and  on 
the  glossary  at  the  end  of  the  book  of  Dyak  words  and  phrases  which  occur  in  the 
text.  A  few  slips  may  be  noted,  for  example,  on  p.  149  we  read  that  "  the  cobra,  so 
"  much  dreaded  in  India,  is  not  met  with  in  Borneo,"  but  on  p.  153  it  is  stated  that 
among  other  animals  "  the  cobra  .  .  .  may  give  omens  under  special  circumstances." 
On  turning  to  Beccari's  valuable  book,  Wanderings  in  the  Great  Forests  of  Borneo, 
p.  35,  we  read  :  "In  Kuching  the  cobra  (Naja  tripudians)  is  found,  but  it  is  not  common. 
"  As  a  matter  of  fact,  during  my  whole  stay  in  Borneo  I  never  once  heard  of  a  death 
"  by  snake  bite,"  a  statement  confirmed  by  Mr.  Gomes,  who  states  that  "death  from 
"  a  snake  bite  is  very  rare."  On  p.  1 56  Mr.  Gomes  refers  to  "  a  gazelle,"  by  which 
he  probably  means  the  kijang  (Cervulus  muntjac\  a  small  deer  with  non-branching 
antlers.  In  Journ.  Anthr.  Inst.,  Vol.  XXXI,  1901,  p.  199,  Drs.  C.  Hose  and  W. 
MacDougall  refer  to  the  spirit-helper  of  the  Iban,  a  belief  which  is  rare  among 
other  peoples  of  Borneo.  Dr.  Hose  has  recently  informed  me  that  he  found  this 
belief  in  a  ngarong  (it  was  wrongly  spelt  nyarong  in  the  article  quoted)  among 
the  Ulu  Ai  Iban,  more  particularly  those  from  the  Kapuas.  It  probably  occurs  among 
other  Iban,  but  it  is  "  one  of  the  very  few  topics  in  regard  to  which  the  Ibans  display 
"  any  reluctance  to  speak  freely.  So  great  is  their  reserve  in  this  connection  that 
"  one  of  us  lived  for  fourteen  years  on  friendly  terms  with  Ibans  of  various  districts 
"  without  ascertaining  the  meaning  of  the  word  '  nyarong  '  [«c]  or  suspecting  the  great 
"  importance  of  the  part  played  by  it  in  the  lives  of  many  of  these  people."  This 
being  the  case,  it  is  quite  possible  that  the  Iban  would  not  care  to  speak  to  a  mis- 
sionary on  the  subject.  However  that  may  be,  Mr.  Gomes  does  not  refer  to  it  by 
name,  though  allusions  to  the  belief  may  perhaps  be  found  on  pp.  143  and  199  of 
his  book. 

[    91    ] 


Nos.  60-61.]  MAN.  [1911. 

The  Christian  religion  does  not  appear  to  make  much  headway  among  the  Iban, 
"  but  unpromising  as  the  soil  apparently  is,  the  good  seed  does  germinate.  .  .  . 
"  That  a  Dyak  can  succeed  in  his  labours,  or  even  exist  for  any  length  of  time 
"  without  the  observance  of  bird  omens,  or  paying  heed  to  dreams,  or  continually 
"  making  sacrifices  to  gods  and  spirits,  is  to  the  Dyaks  in  general  such  a  remarkable 
"  thing  that  it  causes  other  minds  to  consider  what  Christianity  means.  To  give  up 
"  heathen  practices,  and  to  pay  no  heed  to  the  omens  of  birds,  is  but  a  small  part 
"  of  the  Christian  religion,  but  it  sets  men  thinking.  It  is  a  mark  of  freedom  from 
"  the  slavery  of  tyrannous  superstition."  In  the  last  chapter  the  author  points  out 
the  difficulties  in  the  way  of  the  material  and  spiritual  improvement  of  the  natives, 
>and  states  that  "  the  future  of  the  Sea  Dyak  even  as  regards  material  well-being  is 
"  somewhat  doubtful."  The  book  contains  a  considerable  number  of  very  excellent 
photographs  ;  in  those  illustrating  Dyaks  in  war  dress  some  are  holding  Kayan  and 
other  Kenyah  shields,  but  this  distinction  is  not  made  in  the  text :  it  seems  that  the 
original  type  or  types  of  shields  are  now  obsolete,  and  in  this  as  in  other  matters  they 
adopt  the  devices  of  other  tribes.  Students  will  still  find  it  necessary  to  consult 
Ling  Roth's  excellent  compilation,  The  Natives  of  Sarawak  and  British  North  Borneo, 
for  various  details,  but  probably  Mr.  Gomes'  book  will  long  remain  the  best  general 
account  of  the  Iban.  A.  C.  HADDON. 


America,  South :  Arcliseology.  Boman. 

Antiquites    de    la  Region    Andine    de    la    Republique    Argentine.       By    Eric 
Boman.     2  vols.     Paris,  1908,  1909.     Pp.  xi  +  948. 

This  work,  in  two  heavy  volumes,  with  900  pages,  including  a  bibliography  of 
more  than  400  items,  is  indeed  a  monument  of  industry.  It  is  not  an  easy  book  to 
read,  for  the  author's  own  journeys  and  explorations  are  sandwiched  between  mono- 
graphs on  many  subjects  and  criticisms  of  other  writers,  and  except  for  a  brief  notice 
of  a  day's  digging  on  page  255,  the  description  of  his  actual  work  does  not  begin  until 
page  279.  But  much  interesting  matter  has  been  passed  on  the  way.  The  history, 
geography,  and  botany  of  the  region  are  summarised  clearly  and  well,  and  everything 
that  had  been  written  on  the  archaeology  has  been  collected,  up  to  the  date  of 
publication. 

In  the  expedition  of  MM.  G.  de  Crequi-Montfort  and  E.  Senechal.de  la  Grange, 
Mr.  Boman's  part  was  to  study  north-west  Argentina,  though  the  time  allotted  was 
too  short,  for  he  was  only  there  from  May  18th  to  September  2nd,  1903.  Excep- 
tional luck  would  be  needed  to  find  valuable  prizes  in  such  a  hurried  trip,  and  his 
results  are  not  of  the  very  highest  importance,  but  he  has  made  a  careful  survey  of 
a  difficult  piece  of  country  and  added  largely  to  our  knowledge  of  it.  Starting  from 
Salta,  he  went  a  short  way  south  to  El  Carmen,  where,  in  the  Campo  del  Pucara, 
near  an  ancient  fort,  are  three  groups  of  small  circular  mounds  from  40  to  50  cm. 
high,  with  a  diameter  of  2  m.  60  to  2  m.  70.  Each  is  edged  round  by  one  or  two 
rows  of  water-rolled  stones  all  about  the  same  size,  and  the  mounds  are  arranged  in 
straight  rows  with  regular  equal  intervals,  exactly  in  the  direction  of  the  cardinal 
points  of  the  compass.  Group  A  has  1,047  mounds  and  formerly  extended  200  metres 
further  east.  Group  B  2  kilometres  to  the  N.N.W.  has  158  mounds  and  Group  C 
300  metres  north  of  B  has  463.  This  last  is  surrounded  by  a  rectangular  rampart 
of  earth  still  a  metre  high.  Mr.  Boman  dug  in  six  mounds  and  made  two  excava- 
tions in  the  spaces  between  but  found  no  human  traces.  The  mound  earth  has  been 
brought  from  a  distance  and  just  heaped  on  the  hard  ground,  and  occasional  gaps 
in  the  rows  lead  to  the  belief  that  the  mounds  were  not  made  simultaneously  but 
as  required.  At  Carbajal,  south  of  El  Carmen,  the  next  place  visited,  the  owner 

[    92    ] 


1911.]  MAN.  [tfo.  6t 

of  the  hacienda  had  discovered,  under  a  ruined  building,  a  deposit  of  small  pebbles 
like  marbles,  most  of  them  quartz  of  different  pretty  colours,  about  2,000  kilos,  in 
weight.  Quartz  veins  are  rare  there  and  few  quartz  pebbles  are  found  in  the  rivers. 

The  interesting  plans  of  the  ancient  hill  towns  of  Morohuasi,  Puerta  de  TastiK 
Tastil,  and  Pucara  de  Rinconada  show  a  general  resemblance  in  the  low  walls  (pirca) 
of  stones  carefully  laid  without  mortar,  enclosing  large  or  small  rectangular  spaces 
which  often  contain  a  circular  walled  burial-place  about  2  metres  in  diameter.  There 
are  also  cemeteries  at  some  distance.  The  bodies  were  buried  in  a  sitting  position, 
and  at  Morohuasi  were  so  much  decayed  that  not  one  entire  skull  could  be  obtained, 
although  wooden  objects  with  them  were  in  good  preservation  and  the  climate  is 
very  dry.  To  the  north  of  Puerta  de  Tastil  there  are  seventy  or  eighty  cairn-like 
heaps  of  stones  in  diagonal  rows  on  a  space  about  80  metres  square.  At  Tastil  in 
most  of  the  enclosures  there  is  a  standing  stone  more  or  less  rectangular  from  40  cm. 
to  1  metre  high,  whilst  at  Pucara  de  Rinconada  round  menhirs  occupy  the  same 
position  in  the  centre  of  the  small  hut  enclosures.  All  these  places  are  difficult  of 
access,  and  in  more  or  less  fortified  positions. 

Near  the  great  salt-beds  of  Salinas  Grandes,  Mr.  Boman  in  three  days  found 
forty-six  large  and  heavy  stone  axes,  unlike  any  in  rivers  or  graves  of  the  region, 
but  resembling  some  figured  by  M.  Chantre  from  ancient  salt  mines  in  Armenia,  and 
also  those  of  Halstatt,  though  the  latter  are  smaller.  At  Saladillo,  near  the  Salinas, 
he  discovered  a  hill  with  great  quantities  of  flaked  quartzite  implements  of  Chellean 
type,  left  from  workings  on  the  spot.  The  burial  caves  near  Sayate  also  produced 
interesting  finds,  for  although  treasure-seekers  had  carried  off  all  that  was  valuable, 
many  naturally-mummied  bodies  and  skeletons  remained,  some  with  skulls  which  had 
been  deformed  either  vertically  or  laterally.  One  skull  had  the  lower  incisors  cut 
into  square  hollows  rising  into  a  point  on  each  side.  The  hair  was  usually  long,  in 
several  plaits,  and  occasionally  white. 

Susques,  a  remote  Indian  village  in  the  middle  of  a  desert,  provided  ethnological 
material,  besides  folk-lore,  festivals,  and  the  many  details  which  would  strike  the 
intelligent  observer  of  a  people  untouched  by  modern  ways.  Mr.  Boman  had 
.been  told  to  make  measurements,  by  the  Bertillon  system,  though  he  did  not  find 
it  suitable  to  the  circumstances.  These  Indians  govern  themselves,  and  the  discipline 
is  excellent.  The  Assembly,  of  all  the  males  over  twenty,  elects  a  capitan  for  an 
indefinite  period.  Resolutions  of  the  Assembly  are  invariably  respected  by  him,  and 
everyone  obeys  his  orders.  The  capitan  at  this  time  was  an  intelligent,  dignified, 
diplomatic  little  old  man  with  greyish  hair.  Offences  are  scarcely  known,  except  an 
occasional  blow  given  under  the  influence  of  drink.  These  people  marry  only  among 
themselves,  or  rarely  with  those  of  one  or  two  other  villages.  Their  houses  are  of 
adobe,  rectangular,  and  contain  one  large  room  which  has  a  poyo  or  divan  across 
one  end.  On  this  the  family  sleep  without  changing  their  clothes.  There  is  a 
walled-off  space  at  the  other  end  for  maize,  niches  in  the  wall  for  small  objects, 
whilst  larger  things  hang  from  the  roof. 

Mr.  Boman  returned  by  La  Quiaca,  on  the  border  of  Argentina  and  Bolivia,  and 
came  down  the  Quebrada  de  Humahuaca,  through  which  the  railway  now  runs,  to 
Jujuy.  Much  lies  hidden  under  the  talus  below  the  cliffs  in  this  remarkable  valley 
(as  Senor  Debenedetti  has  shown  in  his  excavations  at  La  Isla  de  Tilcara),  for  it  must 
always  have  been  a  highway  between  north  and  south.  He  gives  a  description  of 
his  trip  to  the  lower  country  east  of  Jujuy  with  the  Swedish  Expedition  in  1901. 
The  extent  of  kitchen-midden  deposits  on  ancient  sites  there,  sometimes  thousands  of 
metres  long,  proportionately  wide,  and  from  30  to  60  cm.  thick,  implies  a  large 
population  at  a  period  sufficiently  remote  for  layers  of  earth  to  have  formed  since, 

[    93    ] 


Nos.  61-62.]  MAN.  [1911. 

10  to  30  cm.  deep,  on  which  is  dense  virgin  forest,  whilst  the  direction  of  the 
streams  has  altered. 

This  will  always  be  an  excellent  book  of  reference,  with  its  full  treatment  of 
every  subject  connected  with  the  region,  its  maps,  eighty-three  plates,  good  indexes, 
and  especially  the  method  of  bibliography,  and  the  copies  of  petroglyphs  and  cave 
paintings.  It  seems  a  pity  to  have  made  trivial  changes  in  accustomed  names,  such 
as  Barzana  for  Barcena,  Diaguite  for  Calchaqui,  and  Lapaya  for  La  Paya,  a  place 
which  Senor  Ambrosetti's  volumes  describing  his  discoveries  there  have  made  so 
well  known. 

One  of  the  most  valuable  pieces  of  information  in  this  work  is,  that  in  an 
ancient  grave  at  the  Pucara  of  Rinconada,  Mr.  Boman  found  the  skeleton  of  a  dog. 
This  was  Cants  magellanicus,  which  inhabited  Tierra  del  Fuego  and  Patagonia,  but 
a  difference  in  the  skull  of  the  present  specimen  seems  to  indicate  that  it  had  been 
domesticated.  He  also  found  numerous  mummies  of  Canis  ingee,  and  skulls  arranged 
to  form  decorative  figures  in  tombs.  Professor  Nehring,  in  papers  contributed  to  the 
Berlin  Anthropological  Society  in  1885  and  the  American  Congress  of  1888,  divides 
C.  ingce  into  three  species,  pecuarius,  vertagus,  and  molossoides,  and  thinks  it  perhaps 
descended  from  the  North  American  wolf.  Canis  caraibicus,  the  hairless  grey-skinned 
dog,  was  seen  by  the  Spanish  conquerors  in  the  Antilles,  Mexico,  and  Peru.  At 
the  present  time  it  is  used  instead  of  a  hot-water  bottle  at  night  in  Bolivia,  but  is 
not  common.  A.  C.  B. 


Greenland  :  Eskimo.  Trebitsch.. 

Bei  den  Eskimos  in  Westgronland.      Von   Dr.   Rudolf   Trebitsch.      Berlin : 
Dietrich  Reimer,  1910.     Pp.  xxiii  +  162. 

Ethnologists,  as  well  as  would-be  ethnologists,  often  over-emphasise  the  import- 
ance of  instituting  and  recording  ethnographical  research,  just  at  that  particular 
moment  when  they  are  ready  to  undertake  it ;  at  least,  as  far  as  certain  areas  are 
concerned.  "  The  old  original  culture  is  rapidly  vanishing,"  they  say.  Yet  we  all 
know  that  wherever  so-called  civilisation  shows  its  face  in  a  primitive  society  there 
we  shall  rarely  find  more  than  the  tail-end  of  the  old  cultures,  material  as  well  as 
social  and  religious.  And  these  bare  scraps  and  remnants  of  bygone  conditions  are 
often  so  intricately  interwoven  with,  and  obscured  by,  the  new  introductions,  that  it 
is  a  most  difficult  and  delicate  operation  to  sever  the  two.  In  such  fields  the 
services  of  the  trained  sifter  are  more  needed  than  those  of  the  enthusiastic  collector 
and  reaper.  On  the  other  hand,  we  must  remember  that  even  where  aboriginal 
culture  is  now  found  in  its  purest  form,  it  will  be  a  question  of  but  a  short  time 
before  we  also  shall  have  to  spend  energy,  not  only  on  collecting,  but  on  sifting 
and  unravelling  the  riddles  which  introductions  and  adaptations  afford  us. 

This  fact  it  might  be  well  to  bear  in  mind,  for  it  might  induce  us  to  make  an 
effort  to  reap  while  and  where  harvesting  is  easiest,  and  also  to  consider  whether 
the  importance  of  one  problem  does  not  in  any  given  case  outweigh  the  importance 
of  the  other. 

The  areas  that  I  regard  as  past  ripe  for  the  mere  gathering  of  ethnological 
material  by  more  or  less  (perhaps  more  often  less  than  more)  trained  and  experienced 
collectors,  and  where  the  advancing  of  such  necessity  of  immediate  exploration  as  a 
pretext  for  a  voyage  or  a  publication  is  not  justified,  are  those  where  the  ethnological 
field  has  already  been  scraped  to  its  very  marrow,  and  where  the  questions  left  are 
so  intricate  and  bewildering  that  much  insight  and  training  is  needed  to  discern  the 
problems,  let  alone  to  solve  them. 

Dr.  Trebitsch   has    in  Danish  West  Greenland    come   across    such  a  rather  fully 

[    94    ] 


1911.]  MAN.  [Nos.  62-63. 

explored  area,  and  yet  he  ends  the  introduction  to  the  book  here  under  review  with 
the  usual  outcry. 

After  the  old  Dutch  descriptions,  after  Hans  Egede's  extensive  work,  the  successful 
efforts  of  Fabricius,  Kleinschmidt,  Thalbitzer,  Knud  Rasmussen,  Mylius  Erichsen,  and, 
first  and  last,  of  H.  Rink,  who  by  his  long  years  of  service  among  the  Eskimo  and 
his  intense  interest  in  them,  was  perhaps  better  than  anyone  else  fitted  to  give  to 
posterity  a  true  picture  of  the  life  and  psychology  of  these  interesting  people,  not  to 
mention  the  yearly  publications  appearing  in  Meddelelser  om  Gronland,  where  all 
questions  relating  to  Greenland  are  discussed  by  scientists — after  all  this  it  is 
difficult  to  imagine  how  the  publication  of  mere  personal  experience  and  observation 
while  travelling  from  place  to  place  during  a  stay  of  2£  months  could  help  being  in 
the  main  a  repetition  of  work  already  done.  And  so  it  is  with  Dr.  Trebitsch's  book. 
Wherever  he,  among  his  phonograph  records,  has  succeeded  in  getting  something 
really  old  you  can  usually  find  the  same  tales  or  songs  in  Rink's  book.  Tales  and 
Traditions  of  the  Eskimo. 

Most  of  the  translated  Eskimo  songs  that  Dr.  Trebitsch  presents  to  us  are  late 
inventions  and  illustrate  the  present  stage  of  their  civilisation,  mixed  as  it  is  with 
European  introductions  and  adaptations.  To  any  one  interested  in  the  psychology  of 
foreign  influence,  it  might  prove  of  value  to  compare  these  songs  with  Rink's  trans- 
lations. Some  are  introductions  pure  and  simple  ;  as,  for  instance,  the  last  two  lines 
of  the  song,  p.  50,  which  represent  the  refrain  of  a  modern  Danish  ditty  that  was 
quite  in  vogue  some  few  years  ago.  There  are  others  about  whicli  it  would  be  more 
difficult  to  say  whether  they  are  of  older  origin  or  merely  clever  adaptations. 

The  same  is  true  of  the  tales,  and  yet  it  is  surprising  to  see  how  much  of  the 
old  flavour  is  retained  and  preserved  even  in  these  new  renderings. 

While  I  cannot  accept  Dr.  Trebitsch's  own  estimate  of  his  work  as  one  necessary 
for  the  sake  of  recording  primitive  Greenland  culture,  there  is  one  point  on  which 
he  deserves  unstinted  praise,  and  where  his  publication  is  unequalled  by  all  the  older 
works,  and  that  is  in  the  wealth  of  beautiful,  descriptive  photographs  that  he  presents 
to  us.  The  immense  icebergs,  the  rugged  country,  the  features  of  the  Eskimo,  their 
material  culture,  their  customs  and  dresses  are  admirably  illustrated  in  these  clever 
selections  and  by  these  photographs,  illuminated  by  his  experiences,  and  illustrated 
by  the  tales  and  songs,  Dr.  Trebitsch  gives  us  a  splendid  picture  of  the  Greenland  of 
to-day  with  its  entangled  mixture  of  old  and  new. 

Another  thing  for  which  we  are  indebted  to  Dr.  Trebitsch  is  an  attraction  added  to 
K.  K.  Naturhistorisches  Hofmuseum  in  Vienna.  Dr.  Trebitsch  brought  back  from  West 
Greenland  a  collection  of  581  interesting  pieces,  and  added  thereto  by  the  good  will 
of  Director  Ryberg,  of  Copenhagen,  forty-seven  pieces  from  the  east  coast,  many  of 
which  it  will  probably  be  impossible  to  duplicate,  and  all  of  which  Dr.  Trebitsch  has 
presented  to  the  above-mentioned  museum. 

These  pieces  are  described  very  fully  by  Docent  Dr.  M.  Haberlandt  in  a  valuable 
supplement  to  the  book.  G.  SEBBELOW. 


Philippines :  Linguistics.  Seidenadel. 

The  First  Grammar  of  the  Language  Spoken  by  the  Bontoc-Igorot,  with  a 
Vocabulary  and  Texts,  Mythology,  Folklore,  Historical  Episodes,  Songs.  By 
Dr.  Carl  Wilhelm  Seidenadel.  Chicago  :  The  Open  Court  Publishing  Company. 
London  Agents  :  Kegan  Paul,  Trench,  Triibner  &  Co.,  Ltd.,  1909.  Pp.  xxiv  +  529. 
Dr.  Seidenadel's  study  is  based  upon  material  which  he  personally  obtained  from 
a  party  of  Bontoc-Igorots  who  were  on  exhibition  in  Chicago  during  the  greater 

[    95    ] 


Nos.  63-64.]  MAN.  [1911. 

part  of  1906  and  1907.  These  people  came  from  the  valley  of  the  Rio  Chico  de 
Cagayan,  in  the  heart  of  North  Luzon.  The  grammar  (pp.  3-270)  is  dealt  with  in 
a  thoroughly  exhaustive  manner.  The  language  belongs  to  the  Indonesian  Group,  and 
whilst  distinct  from  the  Iloko,  shows  many  points  of  likeness  to  the  latter  language, 
especially  in  the  pronouns,  verbal  and  noun  forms  and  construction.  The  numerals 
present  little  variation  from  the  usual  Philippine  words.  They  are  :  1,  isa  ;  2,  djna  ; 
3,  tolo  ;  4,  ipat ;  5,  lima  ;  6,  enem  ;  7,  pito  ;  8,  walo  ;  9,  siam  ;  10,  polo,  with  the 
higher  numbers  formed  by  ya,  and,  as  13,  sin  polo  ya  tolo.  The  so-called  "numeral 
affixes,"  describing  the  kind  of  thing  counted,  are  not  used  in  Bontoc. 

The  vocabulary  occupies  pp.  273-475.  This  is  arranged  under  the  English 
words,  but  with  very  full  explanations.  Some  of  the  items  have  reference  to  the 
illustrations  in  Dr.  Jenk's  book,  The  Bontoc-Igorot,  and  to  Meyer  and  Schadenberg's 
Nord  Luzon.  Many  of  the  descriptions  are  interesting  ethnographically,  as,  e.g., 
the  accounts  under  basket,  beverages,  brother,  buildings,  ceremonies,  charm,  council- 
house,  dance,  food,  house,  jar,  loom,  spirit. 

The  Bontoc  texts  (pp.  481-583)  are  few  in  number,  but  form  a  most  interesting 
sample  of  the  varied  folklore  of  the  people,  with  valuable  incidental  notices  of  customs 
and  beliefs.  The  subjects  are  :  Lumawig  (the  Creator)  ;  the  Head  Hunter's  return, 
the  battle  of  Caloocan,  animal  and  wonder  stories  and  songs.  Prefixed  to  the  volume 
is  a  collection  of  thirteen  plates,  with  twenty-four  illustrations  or  portraits  of  Bontoc- 
Igorot. 

The  get-up  of  the  volume  will  certainly  make  the  European  student  envious  ; 
envious  of  the  zeal  of  the  student  who  could  so  thoroughly  investigate  a  hitherto 
unknown  form  of  speech  ;  envious  of  his  opportunity  of  studying  a  primitive  people  ; 
envious  of  the  enterprise  which  has  published  this  splendid  memorial  of  the  author's 
labours.  S.  H.  RAY. 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL    NOTES. 

COUNT  ERIC  VON  ROSEN,  who  has  recently  been  engaged  upon  exploration  A  J 
in  Bolivia,  intends  now  to  turn  his  attention  to  Africa.  His  plans  at  present  UT 
are  as  follows  :  At  the  beginning  of  July  he  hopes  to  leave  Cape  Town  for  Kalomo 
in  North-Western  Rhodesia  ;  here  he  will  turn  westward  and  spend  some  time  in 
collecting  information  among  the  Mashukolumbwe.  He  will  next  visit  Lake  Bang- 
weolo,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  which  he  hopes  to  stay  for  several  months,  carrying 
on  investigations  among  the  marsh-dAvelling  Batwa.  Later,  if  time  allows,  he  will 
pass  on  to  Lake  Moero,  where,  amongst  other  matters,  he  intends  to  obtain  particulars 
concerning  the  attempted  canal  at  Kasangeneke  (see  MAN,  1907,  45),  and  the 
neolithic  site  on  the  lake  (MAN,  1911,  26).  After  proceeding  along  Tanganyika 
and  the  lakes,  he  will  enter  the  Thor'i  forest,  where  he  hopes  to  be  able  to  make  a 
detailed  study  of  the  pygmies.  Finally,  he  will  return  to  Europe  via  the  Nile  and 
Cairo.  The  collections  which  will  be  made  during  the  expedition  are  destined  for 
the  Stockholm  Museum. 

WITH  reference  to  the  invitation  to  be  measured,  which  was  contained  in  Note  43 
of  MAN  for  April,  1911,  as  all  the  instruments  for  measuring  are  now  at  the  Science 
Section  of  the  Coronation  Exhibition  at  the  White  City,  Shepherd's  Bush,  all 
persons  desiring  to  be  measured  should  call  there  instead  of  at  the  Royal  Anthro- 
pological Institute. 

Printed  by  EYRE  AND  SPOTTISWOODE.  LTD.,  His  Majesty's  Printers,  East  Harding  Street,  B.C. 


PLATE  G. 


FIG.  3. 


MAN,  1911. 


FIG.  4. 


Fir,.  6. 


FIG.   i.  FIG-  -• 

PAINTED     POTTERY,     COSTA     RICA. 


1911.]  MAN.  [No.  65. 

ORIGINAL    ARTICLES. 

America:  Ethnology.          With  Plate  G.  Breton. 

Some   American    Museums.     By  Miss  A.   C.  Breton.  pr 

During  the  last  twenty  years  the  development  of  museums  in  America  has  MU 
been  remarkable,  both  in  the  size  and  cost  of  the  buildings  and  the  interesting  nature 
of  the  contents.  An  acquaintance  with  them  is  essential  for  those  who  desire  a  compre- 
hensive understanding  of  ethnology  and  archaeology,  and  of  America  as  related  to  the 
rest  of  the  world.  They  have  good  libraries,  to  which  access  is  readily  permitted, 
arid  the  officials  usually  spend  part  of  the  year  in  field  work  so  that  information  at  first 
hand  can  be  gained  from  them.  Each  man  has  a  private  office  with  ample  room  for 
books  and  specimens. 

In  the  enormous  halls  and  galleries  of  the  New  York  Natural  History  Museum 
everything  pertaining  to  the  native  peoples  of  the  north-west  and  the  Pacific  coast 
is  displayed,  and  the  whole  course  of  their  lives  can  be  studied  in  the  many  objects, 
garments,  utensils,  weapons,  and  implements  of  all  kinds,  mostly  brought  back  by  the 
Jessup  Expedition.  On  an  upper  floor  is  the  magnificent  Mexican  Hall.  Here  are 
casts  of  several  of  the  great  portrait  stelas  at  Copan  and  Quirigua,  some  of  the  altars, 
the  Quirigua  turtle  (a  marvel  of  ancient  sculpture),  and  many  of  the  warriors  of  the 
Chichen  Itza  reliefs.  Most  of  them  were  presented  by  the  Due  de  Loubat,  copies  of 
those  made  by  Mr.  A.  Maudslay,  which  have  been  lying  neglected  for  so  many  years  at 
South  Kensington.  In  the  ample  space  and  fine  lighting  from  both  sides  in  the  hall 
the  regal  figures  of  the  stelaa  have  almost  their  original  outdoor  effect,  and  in  default 
of  the  original  brilliant  tints  they  have  been  coloured  a  brownish  grey,  which  throws 
the  elaborate  details  into  good  light  and  shade. 

The  skill  of  ancient  Mexican  goldsmiths  is  well  shown  in  some  exquisite  little 
gold  objects,  chiefly  birds  and  animals.  There  are  good  representative  groups  of  clay 
figures  from  the  different  districts  of  Mexico,  especially  one,  life  size,  brought  by 
Professor  Saville  from  Tezcoco,  and  stone  and  obsidian  implements  and  masks  are  in 
abundance. 

Mr.  Stewart  Culin  reigns  at  the  Brooklyn  Institute,  an  imposing  edifice  on  a  height 
reached  by  Flatbush  Avenue  cars  from  Brooklyn  Town  Hall.  He  has  made  an 
unusually  fine  collection  from  Japan  of  ceremonial  robes  and  armour,  musical  instru- 
ments, and  the  curious  long  cylindrical  beads  of  greenish  stone  which  are  found  in 
ancient  burial  mounds  there.  The  main  feature  of  the  museum  is  the  illustration  of  the 
ethnology  of  the  western  United  States,  especially  the  Navajo,  Zuni,  and  Californian 
Indians.  Typical  landscapes  on  the  walls,  photographs,  and  printed  descriptions  help 
to  give  the  visitor  a  real  glimpse  of  these  phases  of  a  different  civilisation.  Zuni  shrines 
and  dance-masks,  dolls  used  in  the  dances,  drums  made  with  a  large  pottery  jar  and  a 
piece  of  skin  strained  over  the  top,  stone  implements,  and  pottery  found  by  Mr.  Culin 
three  years  ago  in  the  Canyon  de  Chelly,  when  he  also  brought  away  Mrs.  Day's 
wonderful  collection  of  arrow  points  and  some  of  the  exquisite  feather-covered 
Californian  baskets,  are  some  of  the  things  that  linger  in  the  memory  of  a  too  brief 
visit. 

The  Peabody  Museum  of  Harvard  College  at  Cambridge  is  famous  for  its  Central 
American  department,  the  result  of  expeditions  financed  by  friends  of  Professor 
F.  W.  Putnam,  who  has  devoted  so  many  years  to  American  archaeology.  It  is  almost 
the  only  place  where,  in  addition  to  casts  of  the  large  sculptures,  the  lesser  details 
of  the  highly-developed  Maya  art  can  be  studied  in  the  beautiful  heads  and  other 
fragments  from  Copan,  and  the  varieties  of  painted  pottery  from  the  deposits  in  the 
banks  of  the  Ulua  River.  Then  it  has  facsimile  copies  to  quarter  scale  of  the  ancient 
wall-paintings  at  Chichen  Itza,  the  most  remarkable  presentment  of  battle  scenes  yet 

[    97    ] 


No.  65.]  MAN.  [1911. 

known.  The  museum  is  also  very  rich  in  the  archaeology  of  the  northern  United 
States  and  the  Ohio  mounds.  It  trains  students  by  lectures  and  field  work,  and  its 
publications  are  of  great  value. 

Yale  University  Museum  at  Newhaven,  Connecticut,  is  cramped  for  room  and 
some  of  its  best  things  cannot  be  exhibited,  notably  the  painted  vases  from  Chiriqui, 
on  which  Dr.  G.  MacCurdy  is  writing  a  monograph,  and  many  of  the  gold-plated 
copper  objects  also  from  Chiriqui ;  but  the  gallery  contains  much  of  interest.  Part 
of  a  neolithic  shell-heap  with  stone  implements  and  fragments  of  pottery,  some  other 
primitive  remains  from  New  England,  and  two  of  the  shell  disks  or  gorgets  with 
incised  figures  from  the  south,  are  among  the  more  important  possessions. 

At  Philadelphia,  the  Academy  of  Sciences  has  Mr.  Clarence  Moore's  great 
collection  of  pots  from  the  burial-mounds  of  Georgia  and  Florida,  which  his  careful 
methods  of  excavation,  and  record  in  many  volumes,  have  made  so  valuable,  and  there 
are  also  particularly  well-arranged  and  labelled  cases  of  the  infinite  variety  of  small 
Mexican  clay  figures,  heads,  and  other  objects.  The  Museum  of  the  University  of 
Pennsylvania  at  West  Philadelphia  has  several  fine  ethnological  series,  especially 
from  the  hill  tribes  of  Assam  (with  photographs),  from  Borneo  and  other  parts  of 
the  Pacific,  and  of  boomerangs,  wummerahs,  and  shields  from  Australia.  There  are 
also  the  results  of  the  excavations  at  Nippur  made  by  Dr.  Hilprecht,  and  Dr.  Randall 
Maclver's  great  Egyptian  finds  from  five  years'  work,  which  cost  £10,000.  The 
three  feet  long  necklace  of  alternate  amethyst  and  gold  beads  and  other  treasures  were 
unfortunately  stolen  last  February.  Mr.  Gr.  Heye's  immense  collection  illustrating  the 
Plains  Indians  is  now  there,  and  also  represents  a  very  great  expenditure  of  time 
and  money.  The  sense  of  colour  and  harmony  in  those  Indians  must  be  strongly 
developed,  judging  from  the  many  beautiful  things  wrought  in  feathers,  beads,  or  woven. 
The  mocassins  are  particularly  interesting  as  each  tribe  has  its  own  variety.  But 
knowledge  of  the  meaning  of  the  designs  has  been  lost.  One  gallery  is  filled  with 
Californian  baskets  of  many  styles,  some  of  them  covered  with  minute  feathers  of 
different  colours  arranged  in  patterns. 

A  revelation  to  the  antiquarian  has  been  the  setting  up  and  colouring  (after  the 
original)  of  the  central  part  of  the  carved  interior  wall  of  Chamber  E,  at  Chichen 
Itza,  copied  from  the  Maudslay  cast.  A  similar  cast  in  the  New  York  Museum  was 
coloured  by  an  artist  who  had  not  seen  the  original,  and  another  at  Chicago  is  also 
unsatisfactory,  but  this  one,  well  placed  and  lighted,  gives  a  fair  impression  of  the 
rows  of  warriors  in  relief,  all  richly  clothed,  with  many  ornaments  and  bearing  weapons, 
and  is  worthy  of  prolonged  study. 

The  new  National  Museum  at  Washington  is  a  splendid  building,  which  has  cost 
3,500,000  dollars.  Under  Dr.  W.  H.  Holmes's  care  it  will  become  a  treasure  house 
of  American  archaeology  and  ethnology,  whilst  for  the  student  of  somatology  there 
is  a  most  important  mass  of  material.  This  includes  2,500  skulls  and  bones  belonging 
to  a  large  number  of  bodies,  recently  collected  from  ransacked  ancient  cemeteries  at 
Pachacamac,  near  Lima,  Peru,  for  Dr.  Ales  Hrdlicka,  who  will  be  glad  to  give 
every  facility  to  anyone  desiring  to  specialise  in  these  subjects. 

Besides  the  usual  casts  of  Mexican  and  Central  American  sculptures,  Dr.  Holmes 
has  had  executed  some  exquisite  models  of  the  principal  buildings.  That  of  the 
House  of  the  Governor  at  Uxmal  shows  the  complex  details,  so  that  the  beauty  and 
significance  of  the  designs  can  be  appreciated  better  than  in  the  original  seen  in 
the  glare  and  heat  of  Yucatan.  In  another  gallery  there  are  the  life-size  groups  of 
Indians  so  popular  in  American  museums,  and  teaching  more  vividly  than  any 
quantity  of  things  in  cases,  as  they  are  arranged  to  show  the  people  in  their  various 
occupations,  such  as  flaking  stone  implements,  with  the  cores  and  heaps  of  rejects — 
all  genuine.  This  museum  has  always  received  with  pleasure  (and  an  official  letter 

[    98    ] 


1911.] 


MAN. 


[No.  65. 


of  acknowledgment)  every  sort  of  ancient  American  object  sent  by  the  humble  amateur, 

so  that  it  has  a  vast  accumulation  which  would  otherwise  have  been  lost  to  science. 

A  voyage  of  6^  days  from  New  Orleans  in  one  of  the  United  Fruit  Company's 

good  steamers  brings  one  to  Puerto  Limon,  Costa  Rica,  from  whence   San  Jose,  the 


;fJuJ 


V"-* 
FlG.   7.— PAINTED  POTTERY  WITH   FIGURES  IN   RELIEF,  COSTA  RICA. 

capital,  is  reached  by  train  in  seven  hours.  The  National  Museum  in  that  charming 
town  is  of  the  greatest  interest.  Although  there  is  an  absence  in  Costa  Rica  of  the 
wonderful  ancient  structures  of  Guatemala  and  Honduras,  and  only  foundations  of 
buildings  and  some  small  mounds  have  been  discovered,  the  wealth  of  objects  in 

[    99    ] 


Nos.  65-66.]  MAN.  [1911. 

prehistoric  graves  is  phenomenal.  The  gilt-copper  ornaments,  strangely  enough 
never  yet  found  in  situ  by  a  foreigner,  are  said  by  the  Bishop  of  Costa  Rica  (who 
is  a  good  antiquarian)  to  be  frequently  forgeries,  but  many  are  undoubtedly  genuine. 
Two  men  brought  a  number,  weighing  about  1  lb.,  while  the  writer  was  in  San  Jose, 
and  said  they  were  the  result  of  five  weeks'  search.  This  was  from  El  General 
towards  the  Chiriqui  district,  and  the  objects  were  of  that  character.  They  are  well 
represented  in  the  museum,  but  its  chief  glories  are  the  painted  pottery  and  the 
figure-celts.  Of  the  former  there  is  every  possible  variety,  from  the  plain  Neolithic 
pots,  some  with  incised  designs,  to  the  latest  elaborate  style  with  figures  in  relief. 

The  two  large  pots  in  Plate  G  are  particularly  fine  in  technical  treatment,  and 
also  in  the  design  and  colour.  Fig.  1  has  the  design  incised  in  three  divisions  on  a 
white  slip  and  tints  of  blue,  black,  and  a  bright  orange  (which  shows  black  in  the 
print)  are  used  in  addition.  A  broad  orange  band  goes  round  the  inner  edge  of  the 
pot.  Fig.  2  is  of  much  heavier  make,  highly  burnished,  and  broadly  painted  with 
black  and  a  glowing  orange  colour.  Figs.  3  to  6  are  painted  in  black,  red,  and 
yellow  on  a  creamy  ground,  Fig.  3  having  an  incised  hatching  of  lines  outside. 
Amongst  the  more  frequent  motives  are  the  dragon-jaw  conventionalised,  two  eyes 
(as  in  Figs.  3  and  4),  a  curious  beast  with  a  proboscis  snout,  and  jars  with  outstand- 
ing head,  arms,  and  legs,  of  semi-human  creatures,  as  shown  in  Fig.  7.  Many  months 
might  be  spent  in  copying  and  studying  the  thousand  different  designs.  Dr.  Walter 
Lehmann  has  done  something  towards  this.  The  argillite  and  jadeite  celts  are  like 
precious  stones  in  their  beauty  of  veining,  colour,  and  polish.  These  are  chiefly 
from  Nicoya,  near  the  frontier  of  Nicaragua.  The  large  metates  (or  seats  ?)  of  vesicu- 
lar volcanic  stone  have  interlaced  designs  similar  to  the  early  Celtic.  Round  stools 
or  small  altars  have  rows  of  sculptured  heads.  All  these  things  are  worked  with 
refined  taste  of  a  high  order.  Some  Zulu  spears  and  shields  are  also  in  this  museum. 

In  the  episcopal  palace  there  is  a  fine  collection,  chiefly  made  by  the  late  bishop 
and  added  to  by  the  present  one  (who  often  walks  eight  hours  a  day  in  going 
about  his  diocese),  of  similar  Costa  Rica  antiquities,  especially  jadeite  objects. 

A.  C.  BRETON. 


Australia.  Mathews. 

Matrilineal   Descent  in   the  Kaiabara   Tribe,   Queensland.      By     OO 

R.  H.  Mat  hews,  L.S.  00 

I  have  read  an  article  by  Mr.  Lang  in  MAN,  1910,  No.  80,  in  which  he  offers 
some  interesting  conclusions  respecting  the  Kaiabara  tribe  in  South  Queensland,  at 
which  he  has  arrived  from  perusal  of  the  late  Mr.  A.  W.  Howitt's  book.  As  I  have 
made  some  personal  investigations  among  several  of  the  old  natives  of  the  tribe 
mentioned  as  to  their  initiation  ceremonies  and  sociology  during  the  past  fifteen 
years,  I  am  desirous  of  submitting  a  few  remarks  on  their  marriage  laws. 

Mr.  Howitt  had  never  been  among  the  Kaiabara  blacks  himself,  but,  relying  upon 
a  correspondent  who  was  evidently  not  qualified  for  the  task,  he  reported  that  descent 
was  counted  through  the  father.  The  whole  cause  of  this  trouble  arose  from  mis- 
apprehending which  pair  of  sub-classes  (or  sections)  formed  a  phratry.  In  order  to 
place  the  matter  before  the  reader  it  will  be  necessary  for  me  to  repeat  Mr.  Howitt's 
table  ;  a  course  also  followed  by  Mr.  Lang. 

TABLE  A.  (Mr.  HOWITT,  1884  and  1904). 
PHRATRY.  HUSBAND.  WIFE.  OFFSPRING. 

( Bulkoin.  Turowain.  Bunda. 

Kubatine  -  i  T>      j  -™     •  -D  n    • 

( Bunda.  Baring.  Bulkoin. 

(  Baring.  Bunda.  Turowain. 

Dilebi       -         -         - 1  'fwi  . 

(  Turowain.  Bulkoin.  Baring. 

[    100    ] 


1911.]  MAN.  [No.  66. 

Mr.  Howitt  says,  "Bulkoin  and  Bunda  are  the  sub-divisions  of  Kubatine,  and 
"  Baring  and  Turowain  of  Dilebi.  .  .  .  While  the  class  (phratry)  name  descends 
"  from  the  father  to  the  child,  the  sub-class  (section)  name  of  the  child  is  that  which, 
*'  together  with  that  of  its  father,  represents  the  class  (phratry)  of  the  latter.  Therefore 
"  descent  is  in  the  male  line."  He  adds,  "  While  there  is  male  descent  in  the  classes 
"  and  sub-classes,  it  is  in  the  female  line  in  the  totems." 

The  above  table  and  its  letterpress  has  misled  Mr.  Lang,  and  I  do  not  wonder  that 
he  calls  it  an  "intricate  puzzle."  In  1907  I  stigmatised  it  as  a  "confused  and 
hetereogeneous  jumble  of  descent"  (MAN,  1907.  97).  Mr.  Lang  is  not  the  only  one 
who  has  been  misled  by  Mr.  Hewitt's  erroneous  report  of  the  Kaiabara.  In  1895, 
relying  upon  the  information  published  by  Mr.  Howitt  in  1884,  I  stated  that  the 
sociology  of  the  Kaiabara  was  "  framed  after  the  Kamilaroi  type,  but  with  male 
*'  descent."*  Fortunately,  I  did  not  lie  under  that  delusion  for  long,  but  went  out  to 
make  inquiries  among  the  natives  on  my  own  account.  In  1898,  referring  to  Mr. 
Hewitt's  assertion  that  "  descent  was  counted  through  the  male,''  I  said,  "  There  is, 
*'  however,  no  question  that  he  is  in  error,  and  has  evidently  been  misinformed.  I 
"  have  drawn  attention  to  the  matter  now  because  on  a  former  occasion  I  was  misled 
*'  by  Mr.  Howitt's  conclusions  respecting  the  line  of  descent  of  the  Kaiabara  tribe. "| 

In  1900  I  again  reported  that  the  phratry  Karpeun  (Kubatine)  contained  the 
sections  Barrang  and  Banjoor  (the  equivalent  of  Bulkoin),  and  that  the  phratry 
Deeajee  (Dilebi)  comprised  the  sections  Bunda  and  Derwairi.J  We  see,  then,  that  a 
correct  report  of  the  formation  of  the  phratries,  showing  female  descent  very  clearly, 
was  published  by  me  twice  in  1898  and  twice  in  1900  in  journals  of  acknowledged 
repute.  But.  notwithstanding  these  four  reports  of  mine,  Mr.  Howitt,  in  1904,  re- 
asserts his  error  of  1884. 

Yet  another  author  has  been  misled  by  Mr.  Howitt's  mistaken  report  of  the 
Kaiabara  divisions.  Mr.  N.  W.  Thomas  (p.  43,  Kinship  and  Marriage)  prints  the 
sub-class  names  in  Mr.  Howitt's  order  and  states  that  there  is  "  male  descent."  And 
still  again  it  would  appear  that  Mr.  J.  G.  Fraser  has  been  induced  to  assume  male 
descent  in  the  Kaiabara  (Totemism,  Vol.  I.,  pp.  443-447).  He,  however,  takes  the 
precaution  of  adding  that,  "It  is  curious  that  with  male  descent  of  the  class  and 
"  sub-class  the  totem  of  the  child  should  be  akin  to  that  of  its  mother,  instead  of  to 
"  that  of  its  father." 

It  will  now  be  necessary  to  introduce  the  table  I  published  in  1898,§  already 
referred  to,  showing  the  correct  sociology  of  a  number  of  tribes  in  Southern  Queensland, 
among  which  the  Kaiabara  family  or  triblet  was  included. 

TABLE  B.  (Mr.  MATHEWS,  1898). 

PHRATRY.  HUSBAND.  WIFE.  OFFSPRING. 

TT-  j  Balkoin  (Banjoor).  Derwain.  Bunda. 

"  |  Barrang.  Bunda.  Derwain. 

Deeaiee  -  ( Bunda.  Barrang.  Banjoor  (Balkoin). 

"  \  Derwaiu.  Banjoor  (Balkoin).  Barrang. 

I  added,  "Descent  is  always  reckoned  in  the  female  side,  the  children  taking 
"  the  phratry  name  of  their  mother  ;  they  do  not,  however,  belong  to  her  section 
"  (sub-class)  but  take  the  name  of  the  other  section  in  their  mother's  phratry,  as 
"  exemplified  in  the  above  table."  I  mentioned  that  in  certain  parts  the  name 

*  Queensland  Geographical  Journal,  Vol.  10,  p.  29. 

f  Proc.  Amer.  Philos.  Soc.,  Vol.   37,  p.  330  ;  Journ.  Hoy.  Soc.  N.S.  Wales,  Vol.  32,  p.  82. 
J  Proc.  Amer.  Philos.  Soc.,  Vol.  39,  p.  576,  map  ;  American  Anthropologist,  Vol.  2,  N.S.,  p.  139. 
§  Proc.  Amer.  Philoi.  Soc.,  Vol.  37,  pp.  328-331,  with   map  ;  Queensland  Geographical  Journal 
Vol.  22,  pp.  82-86. 


No.  66.]  MAN.  [1911. 

Balkoin  was  used  instead  of  Banjoor.     The  children  also  take  their  totem  from  the 
mother  in  every  case. 

If  we  take  Balkoin,  the  first  name  in  the  "  Husband  "  column  of  the  above 
table,  his  normal  wife  is  Derwain  ;  or  it  is  quite  lawful  for  him  to  espouse  a 
Bunda  woman.  If  he  marries  Derwain  his  child  is  Bunda  ;  but  if  he  weds  Bunda 
the  child  is  Derwain.  The  phratry,  and  the  section  (sub-class),  and  the  totem  of  the 
man  Balkoin's  children  would  depend  altogether  upon  their  mother,  quite  irrespective 
of  their  father. 

Having  now  before  us  the  two  tables,  A  and  B,  we  can  pass  on  to  make  a 
few  remarks  on  Mr.  Hewitt's  lists  of  totems.  At  pp.  229-230,  Native  Tribes,  he 
refers  to  the  carpet  snake  as  being  in  each  of  the  sub-classes,  Balkoin  and  Barrang, 
which,  according  to  his  table  A,  would  mean  in  both  phratries,  and  says  that  it 
"  suggests  an  inaccuracy."  My  Table  B  shows  the  Balkoin  and  Barrang  belong  to 
the  same  phratry,  and  therefore  it  would  be  quite  correct  for  the  carpet  snake,  for 
example,  to  be  attached  to  both  the  sections  constituting  such  phratry. 

In  1884  (Journ.  Anthr.  Inst.,  13,  p.  336)  Mr.  Howitt  gives  Flood-water  in 
Dilebi  phratry,  and  Lightning  in  Kubatine  phratry.  In  1889  (Journ.  Anthr.  Inst., 
18,  p.  49)  he  includes  Flood-  water  in  Kubatine  phratry  and  Lightning  in  Dilebi 
phratry.  In  1904  (Native  Tribes)  he  further  states  that  Flood-water  belongs  to  the 
sub-class  Balkoin,  and  Lightning  to  Barrang.  If  his  latest  report  be  correct  then 
both  the  totems  mentioned  belong  to  the  same  phratry.  So  many  contradictory  state- 
ments prove  that  "  someone  has  blundered."  Moreover,  the  habitat  of  the  Kaiabara 
is  erroneously  given  on  the  map  facing  page  58,  Native  Tribes.  I  have  on  other 
occasions  found  fault  with  Mr.  Hewitt's  maps,  which  have  misled  some  writers.* 

Being  anxious  to  help  in  clearing  up  the  misrepresentations  which  have  been 
so  persistently  published  about  the  Kaiabara,  I  beg  leave  to  reproduce  verbatim 
Mr.  Ho  witt's  first  table  of  1884,  printed  as  "No.  2"  on  p.  336,  Journ.  Anthr.  Inst., 
vol.  13. 

TABLE  C.  (after  Mr.  HOWITT  in  1884). 

Two  PRIMARY  CLASSES.  FOUR  SUB-CLASSES.  TOTEM  NAMES. 

(  Baring  (Turtle)     -  -  )  9 

Dilebi  (Flood-water)     -         -  \  „       *.       ra  A  ? 

(  Turowme  (Bat)     -  -  ) 

(  Balcoin  (Carpet  Snake)      -  i  v 

Cubatme  (Lightning)  -         -  |  Bunda  (Natiye  Cftt) 


Mr.  Howitt  expressly  states  that  the  information  given  in  this  table  was  "  com- 
"  municated  by  Mr.  J.  Brooke."  It  seems  to  me  that  the  names  Flood-water,  Turtle, 
Bat  in  Dilebi  phratry,  and  Lightning,  Carpet  Snake,  Native  Cat  in  Cubatine  phratry 
should  have  been  inserted  in  the  column  headed  "Totem  Names."  I  think  their 
insertion  in  the  other  columns  was  owing  to  a  misapprehension  on  the  part  of  the 
compiler.  If  we  look  at  Table  No.  1,  p.  335,  Journ.  Anthr.  Inst.,  Vol.  13  ;  Table 
No.  3,  p.  336,  and  Table  No.  4,  p.  337,  we  observe  that  the  totems  attached  to  the 
phratries  and  sub-classes  are  printed  in  the  columns  headed  "  Totem  Names,"  and  I 
can  see  no  reason  why  No.  2  was  printed  differently  from  the  other  three,  except 
that  it  was  perhaps  part  of  the  general  confusion  which  has  clung  to  everything  con- 
nected with  the  Kaiabara.  This  supposition  is  strengthened  by  the  fact  that  in  his 
table  of  1904  (Native  Tribes,  p.  116)  Mr.  Howitt  put  all  the  above  totems  in  the 
proper  columns,  ranking  them  as  ordinary  totems. 

In  conclusion  I  would  like  to  refer  to  another  tribe  having  the  same  organisation. 
In  1904,  Native  Tribes,  p.  Ill,  Mr.  Howitt  gives  each  of  the  four  sub-classes  of  the 
Kuinmurbura  as  meaning  an  animal  or  natural  object.  In  1884,  Journ.  Anthr.  Inst., 

*  Nature  (London),  Vol.  77,  pp.  80-81  ;  MAN  (London),  1907,  97,  note  *. 
[     102     ] 


1911,]  MAN.  [jfos.  66-67. 

Vol.  13,  p.  336,  Table  No.  3,  he  gives  the  four  sub-classes  with  totems  in  the  column 
headed  "Totem  Names."  I  think  the  latter  is  correct,  and  that  in  his  table  of  1904  the 
barimundi,  hawk,  good-water,  and  iguana  ought  to  have  been  set  down  among  the  other 
totems  in  the  "  Totem  "  column.  His  conclusion  that  they  are  "  instances  of  class  or 
"  sub-class  names  being  totems  "  is  incorrect.  In  my  opinion  he  confounded  the  names 
of  the  sub-classes  with  those  of  the  totems.  Similar  bungling  occurred  in  Mr.  Hewitt's 
first  table  of  the  Kaiabara  tribe,  vide  Table  C.,  where  he  mixed  up  certain  totems  with 
the  phratry  and  sub-class  names.  R.  H.  MATHEWS. 

England :  Archaeology.  Robarts  :  Collyer. 

Additional   Notes  upon  the  British  Camp  near  Wallington.*     /;// 

N.  F.  Robarts  and  H.  C.  Collyer. 

The  various  objects  discovered  throw  considerable  light  upon  the  condition  of  the 
inhabitants. 

First,  as  to  defence.  A  considerable  number  of  large  unbroken  flints  were 
found  upon  the  inner  side  of  the  ditch.  These  may  have  been  used  for  a  lining  to 
support  the  side  and  prevent  the  sand  slipping,  but  there  appeared  to  be  no  method 
in  their  position,  and  we  are  disposed  to  consider  that  they  were  used  for  defence 
and  had  been  thrown  from  the  vallum  upon  an  attacking  force.  A  considerable 
number  of  particularly  round  tertiary  pebbles  were  found,  which  we  conclude  were 
used  as  slingstones,  as  they  were  apparently  selected  for  their  good  shape,  although 
all  tertiary  pebbles  are  suitable  for  use  in  slings,  if  not  too  large. 

Articles  used  in  connection  with  Food. — The  most  common,  probably  because  also 
the  most  indestructible,  were  the  saddleback  mealing  stones,  made  of  Lower  Greensand 
sandstone — one  perfect  one  was  found  measuring  15  ins.  by  8^  ins. — together  with 
numerous  broken  ones,  and  pieces,  many  of  which  had  apparently  been  used  in  fire- 
places. This  would  be  natural,  as  in  the  district  there  is  no  other  available  stone 
which  will  bear  fire,  and  broken  mealing  stones  would  be  usefu)  to  cook  upon. 

Although  the  mealing  stones  were  numerous,  the  pounding  stones  were  not,  only 
one  flint  pounder  was  discovered,  which  had  been  well  used  and  was  formed  to  hold 
between  the  finger  and  thumb.  One  piece  of  sandstone,  which  had  apparently  been 
used  as  an  upper  stone,  was  found.  Pot  boilers  were  very  plentiful. 

The  numerous  cooking  pots  and  fragments  of  same,  some  having  four  handles  for 
suspension  from  a  tripod,  many  of  them  still  containing  carbonised  grain,  show,  as  was 
also  indicated  by  the  mealing  stones,  that  agriculture  was  practised. 

Many  of  the  broken  pots  had  had  holes  drilled  in  them,  either  for  rivets  or  to 
enable  a  string  to  be  passed  through  them  for  the  purpose  of  suspension. 

The  most  interesting  finds  were  clay  tiles,  pierced  with  holes  apparently  made  by 
the  forefinger.  The  dimensions  were  from  8  ins.  to  9  ins.  long  by  about  6  ins.  in 
width,  with  a  thickness  of  about  half  an  inch. 

The  tiles  were  of  irregular  shape,  oblong,  and  oval.  They  had  been  exposed  to 
considerably  more  heat  than  the  other  pottery,  and  none  were  absolutely  perfect. 
Fragments  of  similar  tiles  may  be  seen  in  the  British  Museum  from  Swiss  lake- 
dwellings,  and  a  somewhat  similar  object  is  figured  from  Bardello — Lake  of  Varese, 
plate  49,  fig.  14,  in  The  Lake  Dwellings  of  Europe  (Munro),  and  in  plate  cxvii, 
fig.  10,  Lake  Dwellings  (Keller),  is  an  object  possibly  similar,  though  only  about  one- 
fourth  of  the  size  of  those  found  by  us.  The  use  of  these  objects  remained  in  doubt, 
though  from  the  much-fired  appearance  we  surmised  they  were  used  in  cooking,  until 
we  found  at  the  bottom  of  the  trench  a  cooking  place,  with  cooking  pot  and  one 
of  these  clay  objects,  all  covered  by  fresh  sand  which  had  evidently  fallen  from 
the  sides  and  had  never  been  removed. 

*  See  MAN,  1911,  28,  for  the  first  part  of  this  Article. 
[     103    ] 


No,  67.] 


MAN. 


[1911. 


This  satisfied  us  that  these  perforated  tiles  were  either  used  for  cooking  pots  to  stand 
upon  in  the  fire,  or  as  supports  for  food  to  be  baked  or  roasted.  They  appear  similar  to 
the  "  grids  "  described  by  Professor  T.  McKenny  Hughes,*  found  at  Cherry  Hinton, 
Cambs.,  but  with  the  important  difference  that  those  found  at  Cherry  Hinton  appear  to 
have  been  supported  upon  clay  cylinders,  whilst  those  found  by  us  were,  no  doubt, 
laid  upon  the  fire  itself — we  should  almost  certainly  have  found  the  clay  cylinders 
had  there  ever  been  any  in  the  above-mentioned  fireplace,  but,  although  the  perforated 
tiles  were  comparatively  numerous,  no  traces  of  clay  supports  were  anywhere  discovered. 
If  we  are  correct  in  identifying  these  tiles  with  those  figured  as  mentioned  above 
or  those  to  be  seen  in  the  British  Museum,  there  would  appear  to  have  been  a 
connection  between  the  users  here  and  in  Switzerland  and  Italy. 

Although  when  first  taken  out  the  pottery  was  very  fragile,  making  it  very 
difficult  to  secure  many  of  the  vessels  unbroken,  it  soon  hardened  on  being  exposed 
to  the  air  and  dried. 

The  Thanet  sand  in  which  the  ditch  was  dug  was  very  favourable  to  the  pre- 
servation of  both  pottery  and  bones.  Although  quite  firm  in  its  undisturbed  condition 

it  is  readily  washed  down 
by  rain  if  it  has  been 
moved.  This  appears  to 
have  been  one  of  the  prin- 
cipal causes  of  so  much 
pottery  having  been  pre- 
served at  the  bottom  of  the 
ditch,  for  the  stratum  of 
carbonaceous  soil  in  which 
the  finds  chiefly  occurred 
was  generally  overlain  by 
quite  clean  sand  from  6  ins. 
to  12  ins.  in  thickness, 
to  all  appearances  washed 
down  suddenly  over  the 
hearths  in  the  ditch  and  the 
pottery  lying  around  them. 

Whilst  the  excavations 
were  in  progress  we.  had  an 
experience  of  what  probably 
often  took  place  in  former  times — a  thunderstorm  came  on  accompanied  by  very 
heavy  rain,  lasting  for  about  an  hour.  The  heaped  up  sand  which  we  had  thrown 
out  of  the  trench  was  in  some  places  washed  down  again  into  it  to  the  depth  of 
nearly  a  foot,  and  the  same  thing  occurred  in  the  trenches  then  being  made  for  the 
drains  of  the  hospital. 

It  may  be  inferred  that  an  exceptionally  heavy  rain  covered  up  the  hearths  with 
sand  quite  suddenly,  as  one  hearth  had  a  pot  and  a  griddle  on  the  stones.  They 
were  found  side  by  side,  the  pot  not  on  the  griddle,  and  the  form  of  the  pots,  though 
quite  suitable  for  standing  supported  by  stones  would  not  allow  of  their  standing  so 
securely  on  the  griddles.  From  the  quantity  of  bones  lying  about  it  may  reasonably 
be  supposed  that  the  griddles  were  used  for  cooking  meat. 

We  cleared  a  hearth — leaving  the  stones  quite  undisturbed  for  a  visit  of  the 
Croydon  Natural  History  and  Scientific  Society — around  which  the  pottery  and 
bones  were  placed  as  nearly  as  possible  in  the  position  in  which  they  were  found. 


SITE   OP   EXCAVATION,   WALLINGTON. 


*  Proc.  Cambridge  Antiquarian  Society,  No.  XLIV. 
[     104     ] 


1911.]  MAN.  [No.  67. 

Later   another  hearth   was   found,  upon    which    the  pot  and  griddle  were  discovered, 
placed  upon  the  stones. 

Much  of  the  pottery  was  in  very  large  pieces.  Had  these  been  lying  for  any 
length  of  time  on  an  exposed  surface,  liable  to  be  trodden  on,  they  would  have  been 
broken  into  small  fragments.  The  bottom  of  the  ditch  must  therefore  have  been 
covered  from  time  to  time  quite  suddenly  by  falls  of  sand  from  the  vallum,  or  else 
the  camp  itself  must  have  been  abandoned  in  a  hurry  shortly  after  these  large  pieces 
had  been  thrown  into  the  ditch,  and  the  sand  washed  down  upon  them  gradually. 

Whichever  may  have  been  the  cause  we  are  indebted  to  the  covering  of  sand  for 
sealing  up  these  finds  without  admixture  of  auy  material  belonging  to  a  later  date 
than  that  of  the  latest  habitation  of  the  camp. 

Amongst  other  objects  found  were  : — 

A  four-handled  cooking  pot  standing  6J  ins.  high,  diameter  of  base  3£  ins., 
height  to  shoulder  3|-  ins.,  and  diameter  at  rim  4£  ins.  This  was  the  most 
perfect  cooking  pot  found.  It  has  no  ornamentation. 

A  vessel  of  blackish  ware,  6  ins.  high,  2|  ins.  at  base  and  4J  ins.  to  shoulder, 
was  also  found  in  good  condition. 

There  were  the  bases  and  parts  of  a  number  of  cooking  pots  of  very  rough  ware. 

Various  rims  of  vessels  were  found  :  the  large  majority  were  perfectly  plain.  A 
few  were  ornamented  with  finger-nail  indentations. 

The  bodies  of  all  the  vessels  were  plain,  except  one  drinking  cup,  which  was 
decorated  with  a  bulbous  ornamentation  round  it.  One  fragment  of  pottery  was 
ornamented  with  incised  lines. 

Spindlewhorls  of  baked  clay  were  found  ;  these  were  unornamented. 

Loom  weights  of  baked  clay  were  illustrated  by  several  specimens,  all  being 
cylindrical,  about  5  ins.  high  and  4  ins.  in  diameter,  pierced  by  a  hole  \  in.  in  dia- 
meter, through  which  passed  the  cord  for  suspension.  In  several  cases  the  friction 
•of  the  cord  had  more  or  less  cut  the  soft  pottery,  with  the  result  that  the  weight 
had  split  lengthwise. 

Fragments  of  an  amber  bead  were  found. 

Stone  Implements.-^Atihough  a  very  considerable  number  of  flakes  and  cores 
were  discovered  the  implements  were  very  few  in  number. 

A  partially  manufactured  celt  was  found  near  the  surface.  One  or  two  scrapers 
and  a  fine  flint  borer  were  also  discovered.  A  broken  stone  hammer  of  diorite 
showed  foreign  commerce,  also  a  piece  of  perforated  slaty  stone,  possibly  a  fragment 
of  whetstone,  which  was  not  of  local  origin,  and  another  worked  piece  of  schistose 
stone,  which  might  have  been  a  whetstone  or  only  for  ornamentation. 

The  bronze  brooch,  already  alluded  to,  was  of  the  simple  type  without  a  spring, 
and  the  only  other  traces  of  bronze  met  with  were  a  small  fragment  of  inoceramus 
shell,  which  had  evidently  from  its  greenish  stain  been  attached  to  or  lain  against  a 
fragment  of  bronze  or  copper,  and  a  small  piece  of  malachite  and  cuprite. 

A  considerable  quantity  of  animal  bones  were  discovered,  ox  and  horse  being 
abundant. 

Charred  grain  and  seeds,  obtained  by  washings  from  several  of  the  cooking  pots, 
were  found.  Mr.  Clement  Reid,  F.R.S.,  has  kindly  examined  these  for  us,  and  reports 
there  is  no  great  variety,  in  fact,  wheat,  barley,  and  pea  are  the  only  cultivated  plants, 
and  be  finds  no  weeds  of  cultivation.  He  informs  us  that  the  wheat  seems  to  be 
extremely  variable,  but  he  does  not  feel  prepared  to  say  anything  as  to  the  forms 
•cultivated  until  we  get  something  more  than  the  threshed  grain. 

Mr.  Reid  has  also  identified  some  charcoal  as  being  oakwood.  The  wheat  and 
pea  in  several  instances  had  been  charred  together  in  the  same  pot.  In  two  instances 
wheat  and  barley  were  together. 

[    105    ] 


Nos.  67-68.]  MAN.  [1911. 

A  quartzite  pebble,  probably  brought  from  the  Croydon  gravels  in  which  such 
pebbles  are  rare,  had  evidently  been  used  as  a  hammer-stone  but  had  been  found 
too  brittle. 

Several  echini  were  foimd  which  had  probably  been  used  for  ornament,  as  it  is 
well  known  these  have  in  several  instances  been  associated  with  burials,  and  were 
evidently  treasured. 

No  iron  or  trace  of  iron  was  discovered  anywhere. 

The  great  extent  of  ditch  which  has  been  left  unexplored,  if  at  any  time  it  can 
be  investigated,  will  doubtless  reveal  much  more  of  the  civilisation  of  the  tribe  that 
occupied  this  camp  for  a  great  period  ;  but  the  objects  above  enumerated,  in  addition 
to  those  recorded  in  the  paper  previously  read  before  the  Institute,  are  sufficient  to 
give  a  tolerably  clear  idea  of  the  civilisation,  arts,  and  manufactures  of  the  inhabitants 
of  this  town  in  Surrey  in  the  first  or  second  century  B.C. 

We  must  express  our  indebtedness  to  Mr.  A.  J.  Hogg  for  assisting  us  in  superin- 
tending the  workmen,  to  Mr.  Reginald  A.  Smith  for  information  as  to  the  probable  date 
of  the  objects  found,  to  Mr.  Clement  Reid,  F.R.S.,  for  examining  the  seeds  discovered, 
and  to  Mr.  W.  F.  P.  McLintock  for  identifying  the  piece  of  malachite. 

N.  F.  ROBARTS. 
H.  C.  COLLYER. 

REVIEWS. 
Polynesia.  Caillot. 

Les  Polynesiens  orientaux  au  contact  de  la  civilisation.  Par  A.  C»  Eugene 
Caillot.  Paris  :  Ernest  Leroux  (Editeur,  28,  Rue  Bonaparte),  1909.  Pp.  291, 
with  159  Phototypes  in  92  plates. 

The  written  portion  of  this  work  is  in  two  parts.  The  first  and  smaller  section 
(pp.  7-99)  is  devoted  to  a  consideration  of  the  manners,  customs,  religion,  and  politi- 
cal organisation  of  Tahiti,  the  Marquesas,  and  Tuamotu  archipelagoes — that  is,  of 
those  portions  of  Eastern  Polynesia  which  are  under  French  rule.  The  larger  por- 
tion (pp.  101-281)  is  a  history  of  the  relations  between  the  French  and  the  natives 
in  1894-5-6,  which  culminated  in  the  war — or  rather  insurrection — of  1897. 

The  first  part  will  be  found  of  much  interest  to  the  anthropologist.  The  author's 
account  is  based  on  his  own  observations  during  a  visit  in  1900.  He  gives  a  general 
account  of  the  daily  life  of  the  islanders,  their  music  and  dances,  antiquities,  and 
peculiar  medley  of  religions.  He  found  most  of  their  old  arts  and  customs  decayed. 
The  fabrication  of  tapa  is  almost  extinct,  except  among  a  few  old  women  of  the 
Marquesas  and  Tubuai,  but  it  is  doubtful  whether  anthropophagy  has  died  out  in  the 
Marquesas.  As  regards  religious  convictions,  the  author  considers  that  the  natural 
loquacity  of  the  Polynesian  favours  Protestantism,  as  it  gives  him  facilities  for  dis- 
cussion which  are  denied  by  the  absolute  submission  required  by  the  Church  of  Rome. 
In  Tuamotu  there  are  all  sorts  of  strange  sects.  He  describes  the  Sanitos,  or  Kanitos, 
whose  faith,  a  mingling  of  Mormonism  with  paganism,  is  absolutely  contrary  to  their 
practice.  Besides  these  there  are  Mormons,  Israelites,  Hiohio  (Whistlers),  and  Mamoe 
(Sheep).  Tapu  appears  to  be  still  effective,  as  well  as  a  belief  in  the  malignant 
influence  of  the  tupapau,  or  departed  spirits.  In  Moorea  and  Tahiti  atheism  prevails. 

A  special  chapter  is  devoted  to  the  Tuamotu,  the  darkest  and  least  known  of  the 
Eastern  Polynesians  :  "  Une  foule  melee  de  toutes  les  origines."  Living  in  islands 
periodically  swept  by  cyclone  and  tidal  wave,  death  and  disaster  move  the  people  but 
little,  a  common  refrain  of  their  songs  being,  "  Demain  nous  pouvons  mourir." 

This  refrain  is  the  key-note  to  M.  Caillot's  important  contribution  to  the  history 
of  civilisation  in  Polynesia.  Contact  with  the  white  man,  in  the  eastern  islands 
at  least,  has  brought  the  natives  nothing  but  evil.  Their  old  restraints  have  been 

[    106    ] 


1911.]  MAN.  [Nos.  68-69. 

broken  down  by  the  contempt  of  the  white  man,  and  their  former  respect  for  Chris- 
tianity has  been  destroyed  by  the  war  of  creeds  and  the  vicious  lives  of  nominally 
Christian  traders.  Respect  for  law  and  order  is  annulled  or  distracted  by  the  dis- 
agreement of  officials.  The  author  contrasts  the  government  of  this  population  of 
22,000  by  several  hundreds  of  officials  with  the  British  rule  of  220,000,000  in  India. 
The  Tahitian  of  Papeete  is  described  by  the  author  as  "  un  civilise  artificiel,"  savage 
at  heart,  though  outwardly  civilised.  The  mixed  races  are  grossly  immoral.  The 
country  itself  lacks  animation,  it  is  moribund,  and  the  traveller  is  disgusted.  M. 
Caillot  considers  that  before  thirty  years  have  passed  the  population  will  be  extinct. 
Its  only  hope  of  revival  lies  in  the  absorption  of  the  islands  by  Britain  or  America, 
a  result  to  which  the  piercing  of  the  isthmus  of  Panama  by  the  latter  power  will 
indubitably  contribute. 

The  plates  added  to  M.  Caillot's  book  in  illustration  occupy  as  much  space  as 
the  written  matter.  The  ninety-two  sheets  reproduce  159  photographs  (some  double- 
page)  of  scenery,  people,  art,  and  antiquities.  A  few  of  the  scenes  of  life  in  Papeete 
are  rather  poor,  but  a  great  number  of  the  reproductions  are  exceedingly  good. 

SIDNEY  H.  RAY. 

North  America  :  Archaeology.  Moorehead. 

The  Stone  Age  in  North  America.  By  Warren  K.  Moorehead.  Boston  OQ 
and  New  York  :  Houghton  Mifflin  Co.,  1910.  Two  vols.  Pp.  457  +  415.  Ou 
723  illustrations.  Price  31  s.  6d. 

This  admirable  work  is  more  comprehensive  even  than  the  title  suggests  ;  besides 
the  various  types  of  implement  of  chipped  and  polished  stone  found  throughout  the 
United  States,  it  deals  also  with  objects  of  shell,  bone,  copper,  and  hematite,  and 
with  textile  fabrics  and  pottery.  It  must  have  been  difficult  for  the  author,  in  the  first 
place,  to  avoid  being  overwhelmed  by  his  material ;  not  only  has  he  studied  the  rich 
collections  in  the  American  museums,  but  he  has  had  a  large  number  of  private 
collections  placed  at  his  disposal.  This  last  fact  is  of  great  importance,  since  many 
of  the  masterpieces  of  aboriginal  craftsmanship  are  in  the  possession  of  private 
individuals.  The  first  idea  which  strikes  the  reader  on  glancing  through  the  book  is 
that,  high  as  we  have  been  accustomed  to  rank  the  North  American  as  a  worker  in 
stone,  we  .have  yet  failed  to  appreciate  the  fact  that  the  Predynastic  Egyptian  alone 
can  rank  as  his  master.  Evidence  to  that  effect  abounds  in  the  illustrations  to  this 
work,  but  it  is  sufficient  to  mention  the  delicate  stone  arrow-heads  from  Oregon 
(Fig.  104),  those  of  obsidian  from  Kentucky  (Fig.  137),  the  "portraits"  in  chipped 
stone  from  Tennessee  (Fig.  157),  and  the  long  blades  and  axes,  also  from  Tennessee 
(Fig.  161). 

The  question  as  to  what  scheme  should  be  observed  in  dealing  with  a  material 
of  this  vast  extent  is  not  easy  to  solve.  From  many  points  of  view  the  geographical 
system  is  most  instructive,  but  in  this  case  the  author  was  doubtless  right  in  preferring 
a  classification  based  on  type.  Had  he  adhered  to  the  former  a  considerable  amount 
of  repetition  would  have  been  inevitable,  and  the  work  must  have  attained  formidable 
dimensions.  As  it  is,  he  is  by  no  means  forgetful  of  the  necessity  of  pointing  out 
the  geographical  distribution  of  the  various  types,  but  every  now  and  again  inserts 
a  paragraph  which  gives  a  short  summary  from  this  point  of  view.  For  a  more 
complete  picture  the  student  may  have  recourse  to  the  excellent  index. 

With  regard  to  classification,  the  author  has  adopted  in  the  main  that  drawn  up 
by  the  Committee  on  Archaeological  Nomenclature,  as  set  forth  in  their  report  presented 
to  the  Baltimore  meeting  of  the  American  Archaeological  Association  in  1908,  which  has 
the  advantage  of  being  particularly  applicable   to  American  stone  implements,  thoug 
it  bears  little  relation  to  the  methods  of  classification  in  vogue  in  this  continent. 

[     107     ] 


No.  69.]  MAN.  [1911. 

In  a  short  review  it  is  difficult  to  do  more  than  present  a  few  points  from  the 
enormous  amount  of  information  contained  in  the  hook. 

Well  worth  consideration  are  the  remarks  on  the  skill  of  the  individual  workman 
in  relation  to  the  formation  of  local  types.  Interesting,  also,  is  the  view  of  the  author 
that  the  so-called  drills  or  piercers  may  have  been  pins  for  fastening  garments. 

Of  the  stone  axes  most  noteworthy  are  the  fine  fluted  specimens  characteristic 
of  Wisconsin.  In  this  connection  it  may  be  mentioned  that  the  adze  shown  in 
Fig.  246  must  surely  be  of  Mangaian  origin,  and  have  found  its  way  to  America  by 
the  same  mysterious  means  which  have  brought  New  Zealand  implements  to  this 
country  and  Australian  axes  to  the  Veldt. 

As  regards  those  mysterious  objects  known  as  "  banner-stones  "  and  "  bracers  " 
the  author  has  no  new  explanation  to  offer.  It  might  be  said  that  perhaps  he 
discards  Cushing's  explanation  too  lightly,  and  that  it  would  have  been  better  to  have 
included  the  "  bird-stones "  in  the  same  volume.  It  is  greatly  to  be  hoped  that 
Mr.  Stewart  Culin  may  soon  be  induced  to  publish  the  result  of  his  important 
researches  on  these  enigmatical  objects.  It  is  interesting  to  note  that  the  author 
brings  evidence  to  show  that  these  stones  are  earlier  in  origin  than  the  mounds. 
Not  only  in  this  chapter  but  also  in  the  sections  allotted  to  other  forms  of  implement 
in  bone  and  stone,  are  figured  many  interesting  series  illustrating  the  method  of 
manufacture  of  the  types  under  discussion  ;  in  the  present  instance  two  illustrations, 
Figs.  351  and  352,  show  that  the  hole  drilled  through  the  "  winged "  banner-stones 
was  produced  by  means  of  a  reed  drill  ;  the  photographs  show  the  incomplete 
perforation  with  the  core  in  situ.  Another  interesting  series  is  that  illustrating  the 
manufacture  of  bone  fish-hooks  (Figs.  547  and  548). 

Before  leaving  the  subject  of  stone  objects,  it  may  be  said  that  the  chapter  on 
stone  pipes  is  of  particular  interest,  and  that  the  human  figure  found  in  a  mound  in 
Cartersville  in  Georgia,  and  illustrated  in  Fig.  426,  is  one  of  the  most  remarkable 
examples  of  stone  art  yet  found  in  North  America. 

Of  the  objects  in  shell  the  most  striking  is  a  "  gorget"  engraved  with  the  figure  of 
a  man  in  the  attitude  of  casting  a  circular  object  which  he  holds  in  his  hand  (Fig.  534)  ; 
certain  shell  beads  from  Arizona  in  the  form  of  frogs  (Figs.  536  and  537)  are  also  of 
interest  as  bearing  a  striking  similarity  to  shell  beads  found  on  the  Peruvian  coast. 

Another  interesting  resemblance  occurs  in  the  designs  engraved  upon  certain 
bone  objects  from  Ohio,  though  in  this  case  it  is  the  art  of  the  north-west  coast 
which  is  suggested. 

In  the  chapter  on  copper  the  author  adopts  the  view,  which,  indeed,  is  now 
universally  accepted,  that  the  copper  deposits  were  worked  by  the  Indians  before  the 
coining  of  the  white  man,  though  it  is  still  open  to  question  whether  the  industry  had 
become  obsolete  at  the  time  of  the  discovery. 

The  problem  as  to  how  the  southern  tribes  obtained  their  copper  is  not  easy  to 
solve.  Nothing  has  been  found  in  the  north  which  could  suggest  that  a  system  of 
barter  existed,  and  the  author  is  inclined  to  believe  that  the  peoples  of  Ohio  and  the 
south  made  raids  into  the  copper  country  for  the  purpose  of  obtaining  a  supply  of  the 
metal.  As  regards  the  objects  of  copper  themselves,  it  is  interesting  to  note  that, 
whereas  North  American  stone  arrow-heads  are  normally  tanged,  those  of  copper  are 
invariably  socketed.  In  this  connection  it  might  be  suggested  that  the  so-called 
"head-mask"  of  copper  (Fig.  516)  looks  more  like  a  seat  of  the  pattern  common 
in  the  Antilles. 

One  fact  in  particular  will  strike  the  reader,  and  that  is  the  impossibility  of 
estimating  the  prehistoric  population  from  the  quantity  of  their  remains.  On  the  one 
hand  we  have  numerous  "•  workshops,"  which  seem  to  suggest  a  large  local  population 
and  a  stone  industry  of  considerable  duration  ;  on  the  other  we  have  evidence  of  the 

[  108  ] 


1911.]  MAN.  [Nos.  69-70. 

extraordinary  rapidity  with  which  traces  of  former  inhabitants  may  disappear.  Witness, 
for  example,  the  following  passage  : — "On  the  four  or  five  Shawano  sites  in  the  State 
"  of  Ohio  there  were  large  bodies  of  Indians  assembled  during  the  period  embraced, 
"  (roughly)  1700  and  1812  .  .  .  Their  leaders,  Tecumseh  and  Cornstalk,  were 
"  engaged  in  twenty-two  actions  with  our  troops  ;  numerous  traders  were  among  them, 
"  and  they  sent  many  expeditions  against  the  frontiers.  Yet,  if  one  walks  over  there 
"  populous  sites  of  historic  times,  one  finds  practically  nothing,  save  here  and  there 
"  a  glass  bead  or  a  broken  tomahawk." 

Another  point  which  forces  itself  upon  the  reader's  notice  is  the  extraordinary 
richness  of  the  private  collections  in  the  States ;  nearly  all  the  most  important 
specimens  are  in  private  hands.  This  very  fact  gives  rise  to  a  difficulty  in  illustration, 
naturally  the  specimens  belonging  to  an  individual  are  figured  together,  and  the  result 
is  that  it  has  been  impossible  to  seriate  the  objects  in  the  way  which,  from  the  point 
of  view  of  the  student,  would  be  most  desirable.  Another  criticism  which  might  be 
made  raises  a  more  important  point  ;  there  has  been  a  tendency  to  arrange  the 
specimens  in  a  decorative  manner,  which  is  not  only  unscientific  but  adds  to  the 
difficulty  of  comparison.  Otherwise,  the  illustrations  are  excellent  and  furnished  on 
the  most  generous  scale,  the  coloured  plates  and  photogravures  being  especially 
pleasing.  While  not  wishing  to  appear  ungrateful  for  what  is  unusual  liberality  in 
this  respect,  one  cannot  help  feeling  that  it  would  have  been  better  to  substitute  for 
the  two-coloured  plates  of  implements  from  the  Bahamas  and  Mexico,  others  of 
objects  more  germane  to  the  area  under  discussion. 

But  these  are  slight  criticisms  and  of  little  weight  when  set  against  the  general 
value  of  this  laborious  and  painstaking  work.  Mr.  Moorehead  has  accomplished  a  task 
of  permanent  value,  and  his  book  will  be  a  classic  for  many  years  to  come. 

T.  A.  J. 


Ceylon  :  Folklore.  Parker. 

Village  Folk-tales  of  Ceylon.  Collected  and  Translated  by  H.  Parker,  late  TA 
of  the  Irrigation  Department,  Ceylon.  Luzac  &  Co.,  1910.  [Vol.  I.]  /U 

Mr.  H.  Parker  has  given  us  a  book  of  much  interest.  He  relates  some  seventy 
tales  gathered  at  first  hand  from  the  various  castes  of  Ceylon,  and  has  been  at  great 
pains  to  seek  out  their  Indian  counterparts  and  to  tell  these  at  length  with  their 
variant  versions.  Moreover,  in  a  concise  introduction  he  sketches  out  a  picture 
of  everyday  Ceylon  village  life  and  explains  the  attributes  of  the  different  castes, 
together  with  the  titles  and  functions  of  the  rural  officials,  so  that  the  reader  may 
fully  understand  the  technicalities  upon  which  the  gist  of  the  legends  frequently 
depends. 

A  few  of  the  tales  have  been  taken  down  from  dictation,  but  the  author  tells  us 
that  "  all  the  rest  have  been  written  for  me  in  Sinhalese  by  the  narrators  themselyes, 
"  or  by  the  villagers  employed  by  me  to  collect  them,  who  wrote  them  just  as  they 
"  were  dictated.  I  preferred  this  latter  method  as  being  free  from  any  disturbing 
"  foreign  influence."  Mr.  Parker's  aim  has  been  to  render  the  genuine  stories  them- 
selves as  related  by  the  Sinhalese  in  the  literal  simplicity  of  their  native  language, 
without  any  attempt  at  literary  style  which  the  originals  do  not  possess. 

To  turn  to  the  tales  themselves,  they  begin  appropriately  enough  with  the 
"  Making  of  the  Great  Earth,"  in  which  Vishnu  consults  the  god  Saman  (Indra  ; 
Vishnu's  elder  brother),  and  Rahu,  the  Asura  chief,  as  to  the  manner  in  which  he 
could  effect  the  recreation  of  the  earth,  which  had  been  swallowed  up  by  one  of  those 
periodical  deluges  chronicled  in  Hindu  mythology.  Rahu  tells  Vishnu  to  plant  a 
lotus  seed,  which  sprouts  in  seven  days.  Rahu  proceeds  down  the  stalk  to  the  earth, 
brings  up  a  handful  of  sand,  which  forms  the  nucleus  of  the  present  globe.  The 

[  109  ] 


No.  70.]  MAN.  [1911. 

gods  Vishnu  and  Samau  then  create  a  man — a  Brahmana — who  is  instructed  to 
make  a  woman,  and  these  two  form  the  parents  of  all  living  on  the  present  earth. 
The  legend  is  especially  interesting,  as  it  is  only  in  the  Sinhalese  version  that  we 
find  any  Asura  assisting  in  the  creation,  and  Mr.  Parker  thinks  with  reason  that 
this  is  based  on  the  Indian  notion  that  the  Asuras  were  of  more  ancient  date  than 
the  gods — in  fact,  their  elder  brothers,  and  possessing  greater  powers.  Next  we  have 
the  origin  of  the  sun,  the  moon,  and  the  "  Great  Paddy  "  (Ma  Vl — the  largest  form 
of  rice),  these  being  respectively  the  two  sons  and  daughter  of  a  widow.  The  elder 
son  and  the  daughter  having  refused  food  to  their  mother,  the  former  was  turned 
into  the  sun,  which  is  never  allowed  to  rest,  and  the  latter  into  the  Great  Paddy, 
which,  "  while  in  hell  is  cooked  in  mud."  The  younger  son,  being  more  filial, 
became  the  tranquil  moon,  "  where  refreshing  breezes  blow." 

The  great  majority  of  the  tales,  however,  deal  with  village  incidents,  in  which 
there  is  more  or  less  of  stirring  adventure,  where  the  good  hero,  as  a  rule,  even- 
tually triumphs  and  the  villain  is  duly  punished.  As  in  most  Eastern  and  African 
folklore,  animals  play  a  very  prominent  role,  assisting  those  who  have  treated  them 
kindly  or  have  succoured  them  in  distress.  The  jackal  is  represented  as  the 
craftiest — the  Reinecke  Fuchs  of  Ceylon — the  leopard  being  relegated  to  the  lowest 
place,  like  the  tiger  in  India  and  the  hyaena  in  East  Africa.  The  lion  is  the 
king  of  beasts  ;  the  tiny  mouse-deer,  as  in  Borneo,  is  depicted  as  a  clever  animal, 
while  the  hare  and  the  turtle  are  endowed  with  much  wisdom.  In  one  story  the 
turtle  gets  the  better  of  the  more  simple  elephant,  after  the  fashion  in  which  his 
European  counterpart,  the  tortoise,  outwitted  the  hare.  Challenging  the  elephant 
to  a  swimming  race  across  a  river,  he  asks  a  cousin  turtle  to  hide  on  the  opposite 
bank,  from  which  he  pops  up  long  before  the  ponderous  pachyderm  can  reach  the 
goal.  There  are  several  other  variants  of  stories  familiar  to  Western  readers,  such 
as  the  monkey  in  "  Mr.  Janel  Sinna,"  who  befriends  his  master  much  in  the  same 
manner  as  our  old  friend  Puss  in  Boots  helped  the  "  Marquis  of  Carabas."  In  the 
"  Female  Quail "  the  bird,  in  order  to  induce  a  mason  to  recover  her  lost  egg  from 
beneath  a  fallen  rock,  has  to  go  from  pillar  to  post  for  assistance,  just  as  the  old 
woman,  whose  pig  would  not  get  over  the  stile,  did  in  our  children's  tale,  the  finale 
in  this  case  being  a  cat  willing  to  catch  a  rat  in  place  of  the  butcher  who  con- 
sented to  kill  the  ox  which  refused  to  drink  the  water  which  declined  to  quench 
the  fire,  &c.  Then  again  we  have  in  "  Sigiris  Sinna  the  Giant "  a  version  of 
Andersen's  story  of  the  Valiant  Tailor  who  killed  "seven  at  one  blow."  'Other 
variants  are  found  in  The  Arabian  Nights,  and  we  also  meet  that  gigantic  bird, 
the  rukh,  known  in  Ceylon  as  the  Aetkanda  Leniya,  while  the  familiar  ghouls  and 
genii  appear  under  the  name  of  Yakas. 

The  author  has  wisely  divided  his  book  into  several  sections,  according  to  the 
source  from  which  he  obtained  his  material.  Thus  we  have  stories  of  the  "  Culti- 
"  vator  Class  and  Vaeddas,"  of  the  "  Tom-tom  Beaters  "  (who  both  in  India  and  in 
Ceylon  are  reckoned  arrant  fools  and  a  legitimate  butt  for  the  practical  joker),  of 
the  Durayas  (the  carrier  caste),  of  the  Rodiyas  (ropemakers  and  cattle  tenders — a 
very  low  caste),  and  of  the  Kinnaras  or  mat  weavers,  the  lowest  caste  of  all.  This 
last  people  are  of  exceptional  interest,  as,  despite  their  social  status,  which  pre- 
cludes them  from  entering  a  Buddhist  temple  or  its  enclosures,  they  possess  village 
tanks  and  ricefields,  own  cattle,  and  have  good  houses  and  neat  villages.  Mr.  Parker, 
owing  to  his  connection  with  the  Irrigation  Department  of  Ceylon,  had  special  oppor- 
tunities for  observing  the  social  customs  of  the  lower  castes,  and  his  remarks  and 
deductions  are  ethnologically  interesting.  We  shall  look  forward  to  a  promised  second 
volume  with  much  pleasure.  T.  H.  J. 


1911.]  MAN.  [No.  71, 

Africa,  Central.  Thonner. 

Vom  Kongo    Zum  UbangL      By   Franz  Thonner.      Berlin  :  Dietrich  Reimer.      14 

This  book  is  the  result  of  a  botanist's  four  months'  journey  in  the  Belgian  I  I 
Congo.  The  account  of  the  expedition  takes  up  thirty-four  pages  ;  geography,  natural 
history,  and  anthropology  being  dealt  with  in  another  thirty  ;  there  are  in  all  111  pages 
of  text  and  114  plates  ;  this  seems  to  justify  the  supposition  that  the  book  has  been 
mainly  written  for  the  sake  of  the  illustrations,  and  I  may  state  at  once  that  most  of 
them  are  well  worth  it.  Herr  Thonner  is  an  excellent  photographer,  and  it  is  difficult 
to  imagine  finer  scenery  more  beautifully  represented  than  the  landscapes  of  plates  25, 
50,  51,  or  66.  Why  the  true  artist  who  produced  these  should  have  included  such 
absolute  failures  as  plates  40  (the  same  as  plate  41,  but  with  the  central  figure  moving), 
48,  49,  and  63,  passes  my  understanding.  Herr  Thonner's  landscapes  are  probably 
the  best  ever  taken  in  the  Congo,  but  his  human  figures  are  mostly  spoiled  by  the  sitters' 
motions,  when  a  snapshot  would  hare  secured  success.  There  is  no  excuse  for  this  in 
a  country  where  a  fairly  good  lens  permits  the  taking  of  instantaneous  photographs 
for  ten  hours  of  the  day. 

Although  Herr  Thonner's  stay  in  the  country  was  too  short  to  admit  of  thorough 
investigations,  nevertheless  he  has  made  a  good  use  of  it,  and  his  tabular  classifications 
are  a  timely  addition  to  our  knowledge  of  the  Upper  Congo.  The  linguistic  map, 
annexed  to  the  volume  and  compiled  with  the  aid  of  the  local  officials,  will  be  all  the 
more  gladly  received  because  it  shows  the  northern  frontier  of  the  Bantu-speaking 
peoples. 

The  reluctance  of  the  natives  to  discuss  certain  matters  with  an  absolute  stranger 
is  attributed  by  the  author  to  ignorance ;  hence  his  assumption  that  they  are 
unacquainted  with  the  name  of  their  own  tribe.  As  he  managed  to  obtain  these 
tribal  names  from  the  resident  officials  it  is  obvious  that  shyness  alone  accounted  for 
their  refusal  to  give  him  the  required  information. 

The  author  objects  to  the  designation  "  Bondjo,"  which  is  generally  used  by 
French  travellers  in  connection  with  certain  river  tribes  on  the  Ubangi  ;  but  falls 
into  the  same  mistake  by  advocating  the  name  Ngombe  for  the  inhabitants  of  the 
Congo-hinterland.  More  pardonable  than  Herr  Frobenius's  blunder,  who  believed  that 
"  Basenschi  "  was  a  tribal  name,  it  is  none  the  less  inacceptable.  Sometimes  tribes 
will  adopt  the  nickname  given  to  them  by  their  neighbours,  but  the  "Ngombe"  do 
not  do  this  and  consider  it  an  insult  ;  finally,  the  so-called  "  Ngombe  "  do  not  form, 
in  any  sense,  a  distinct  linguistic  unit.  A  part  of  the  Mongo  are  included  by 
Herr  Thonner  in  the  Ngombe  class,  whereas  the  majority  are  not  ;  on  the  other  hand, 
the  inland-Bapoto,  who  enjoy  the  same  nickname,  are  left  out.  I  should  be  sorry 
for  the  traveller  who  called  a  Budja  face  to  face  a  Ngombe  ;  Herr  Thonner  includes 
them.  The  linguistic  unit  ought  to  be  designated  as  Mongo ;  it  includes  some 
tribes  which  the  author  calls  Bangala  and  Ngombe  and  many  more,  some  of  them 
extending  as  far  as  the  Sankuru  and  the  Kasai  ;  but  it  must  be  well  understood  that 
not  all  the  peoples  who  are  nicknamed  Ngombe  speak  languages  akin  to  Mongo. 
Ngombe  means  in  good  English  "  bushnigger." 

To  speak  of  averages  when  measurements  of  seven  men  only  are  available  is 
inadmissible. 

The  reproduction  of  the  photographs  by  J.  Loewy  at  Vienna  is  above  praise. 
The  book  is  well  worth  buying,  especially  for  the  sake  of  the  landscapes. 

Herr  Thonner  gives  some  advice  concerning  the  outfit  needed  for  six  months' 
journey  in  the  Congo  ;  I  do  not  think  it  would  be  wise  to  follow  his  counsel.  At 
any  rate  a  supply  of  three  cakes  of  soap  might  be  found  insufficient.  E.  T. 


No.  72.]  MAN.  [1911. 

Argentine.  Outes:  Bruch. 

Las  Viejas  Razas  Argentinas.  Cuadros  Murales  y  Texto  Explicative.  For  Tft 
Felix  F.  Outes  y  Carlos  Bruch.  Buenos  Aires:  Connp.  Sud- Americana  de  / fc 
Billetes  de  Banco,  1910.  Six  wall  maps,  107  X  70  cm.  Pp.  iii.  19  x  13  cm. 

Los  Aborigenes  de  la  Republic  Argentina.  Por  Felix  F.  Outes  y  Carlos  Bruch. 
Buenos  Aires  :  Estrada  et  Cia,  1910.  Pp.  149,  with  146  Figs.  20  x  14  cm. 

In  no  part  of  the  world  has  greater  progress  been  made  in  anthropological 
investigation  during  the  last  twenty  years  than  in  the  Argentine  Republic.  It  will, 
of  course,  be  many  years  yet  before  anything  like  a  detailed  picture  can  be  painted 
of  the  archaeology  and  ethnography  of  an  enormous  region  such  as  this,  but  the 
amount  and  the  quality  of  the  work  already  performed  is  surprising  considering  the 
small  number  of  field-workers  engaged  in  the  task.  But  what  these  gentlemen  have 
lacked  in  numbers  they  have  fully  supplied  in  enterprise  and  devotion,  and  for  the 
student  of  the  future  the  works  of  Ambrosetti,  Ameghino,  Boman,  Lafone-Quevedo, 
Lehmann-Nitsche,  Moreno,  and  Outes  will  always  be  indispensable. 

The  exact  condition  of  the  present  stage  of  anthropological  enquiry  in  the 
Argentine  has  now  been  most  conveniently  summed  up  in  two  excellent  little  book?, 
the  joint  work  of  F.  Outes  and  C.  Bruch.  The  first  of  these  consists  of  a  series 
of  six  "  wall  maps  "  dealing  each  with  one  of  the  following  areas  :  the  Montana  of 
the  north-west,  the  Chaco,  the  Rio  Grande  and  east  coast,  the  "  Llanuras,"  Patagonia, 
and  Tierra  del  Fuego.  These  "  wall  maps,"  which  are  accompanied  by  a  small 
volume  of  explanatory  text,  show  a  small  map  of  the  region,  typical  scenery, 
portraits  of  the  inhabitants,  and  photographs  illustrative  of  the  ethnography  and 
archaeology  of  the  district.  With  this  publication  is  closely  connected  the  second, 
a  small  hand-book  of  some  one  hundred  and  forty  pages,  the  illustrations  of  which 
are  reduced  copies  of  the  figures  on  the  "  wall-maps "  mentioned  above  set  in 
the  text.  The  text  itself,  considering  its  comprehensive  nature,  is  a  marvel  of 
compression. 

The  introduction  starts  with  a  definition  of  anthropology,  and  then  proceeds  to  a 
short  classification  of  geological  periods,  treating  at  greater  length  those  with  which 
anthropology  deals,  and  a  short  survey  of  the  research  work  already  accomplished. 
The  first  chapter  sketches  the  geology  and  palaeontology  of  the  Argentine  Republic, 
and  deals  in  an  eminently  sane  manner  with  the  question  of  early  human  remains, 
including  the  famous  femur  and  atlas  of  Monte  Hermoso.  The  remaining  six  chapters 
are  devoted  to  the  six  areas  mentioned  above.  In  each  of  these  something  is  said 
about  the  physical  geography  of  the  region  under  discussion,  the  physical  and  linguistic 
characters  of  the  inhabitants,  and  their  material,  psychical,  and  social  life.  To  each 
chapter  is  appended  a  bibliography  divided  into  two  sections,  "  essential "  and  "  sup- 
plementary." Only  those  who  have  attempted  to  compile  a  general  work  of  small 
compass  can  realise  the  enormous  amount  of  labour  which  goes  to  the  making  of  small 
handbooks  such  as  these  ;  and  only  those  who,  like  the  reviewer,  have  spent  long 
hours  in  searching  out  the  articles  dealing  with  this  vast  area,  can  appreciate  to  what 
extent  they  smooth  the  path  of  the  student.  The  only  drawback  in  connection  with 
these  excellent  little  publications  is  that  they  are  in  Spanish,  and  it  is  much  to  be  hoped 
that  the  latter  of  the  two  may  be  translated  ;  but  even  this  is  not  a  serious  matter, 
because  a  reading  knowledge  of  Spanish  is  essential  to  all  who  attempt  the  study  of 
South  American  archaeology  or  ethnography.  Of  the  general  arrangement  of  the 
material  in  quasi-tabular  form  and  the  whole  scheme  of  the  two  books  in  question 
nothing  can  be  said  except  in  terms  of  the  highest  praise.  T.  A.  J. 


Printed  by  EYRE  AND  SPOTTISWOODE.  LTD.,  His  Majesty's  Printers,  East  Harding  Street,  E.C, 


PLATE  H. 


MAN,  1911. 


1911.]  MAN.  [No.  73, 

ORIGINAL    ARTICLES. 
Egypt.  With  Plate  H.  Murray :  Seligmann. 

Note  on  the  "Sa"   Sign.     By  C.  G.  Seligmann,  M.D.,  and   Margaret 
A.  Murray. 

The  earliest  form  of  the  Sa  sign  is  a  loop  ending  below  in  a  straight  vertical' 
line.  It  is  found  on  clay  sealings  from  the  tomb  of  Sa-nekht,  a  king  of  the  III  dynasty 
(Nos.  1  and  2,  Garstang,  Bet  Khallaf,  pis.  xix,  2,  5,  7  ;  xxviii,  14,  p.  24),  where  it  is 
written  or  engraved  in  a  somewhat  cursive  manner  without  details  of  any  kind.  In 
the  tomb  of  Ptahhetep  of  the  V  dynasty  (No.  3,  Quibell,  Ramesseum,  pi.  xxxviii,  1  ; 
Davies,  Ptahhetep,  I,  pi.  xvi,  353)  it  is  given  in  more  detail  and  appears  like  a  loop 
bound  with  transverse  lashing  at  the  bottom,  and  with  a  cross-lashing  on  each  side  of 
the  loop.  In  the  same  dynasty  the  appendages  at  the  sides  first  appear,  and  the 
vertical  line  below  widens  slightly  at  the  base  (Nos.  4  and  5,  Mariette,  Mastabas,, 
D67,  D55). 

In  the  VI  dynasty  both  forms  are  found,  the  earlier  form  occurs  in  the  cartouches; 
of  Kings  Mehti-em-saf  and  Nefer-sa-Hor  (No.  10,  Sethe,  Pyramidentexte,  8,  M.  1.  130,, 
and  No.  9,  Petrie,  History  of  Egypt,  I,  p.  35*,  ed.  1903)  ;  also  in  the  pyramid-text 
of  King  Unas  (No.  7,  Sethe,  op.  cit.  285,  W.  1.  422).  The  later  form  with  appendages 
occurs  in  the  parallel  passage  of  the  pyramid -text  of  King  Teta,  the  immediate 
successor  of  Unas  (No.  8,  Sethe,  op.  cit.  285,  T.  1.  242).  Another  variant  form  is  found 
in  the  pyramid-text  of  Unas  (No.  6,  Sethe,  op.  cit.  \.  562). 

Borchardt  (Zeitschrift  fur  Aegyptische  Sprache,  XLIV,  1907,  p.  78)  and  Jequier 
(Recueil  des  Travaux  egyptiens  et  assyriens,  XXX,  1908,  pp.  39,  40)  have  figured 
the  sign  from  V  dynasty  tombs  and  have  discussed  its  origin,  which  they  agree  in 
deriving  from  a  bundle  of  papyrus  stalks,  though  they  take  different  views  of  the 
purpose  to  which  the  bundle  was  put.  Borchardt  points  out  that  it  is  specially 
associated  with  herdsmen,  and  when  unrolled  forms  a  mat  which  is  used  as  a  windscreen. 
Jequier  also  recognises  that  the  bundle  of  papyrus  stalks  is  specially  associated  with 
herdsmen,  but  lays  more  stress  on  its  use  worn  round  the  neck,  in  which  position  he 
considers  it  as  a  guard  or  protection  against  the  horns  of  cattle.  Jequier  states  that 
no  representations  of  herdsmen  wearing  these  objects  are  found  later  than  the  Old 
Kingdom,  but  that  when  these  no  longer  occur  the  sa  amulet  begins  to  be  found,  and 
he  suggests  that  at  this  time  the  roll  of  papyrus  stalks  fell  into  desuetude,  which  he 
considers  explains  the  many  variations  in  the  form  of  the  sign. 

In  the  XII  dynasty  another  change  in  the  form  takes  place,  for  the  long  vertical 
stem  now  divides  into  two  spreading  ends.  Though  this  form,  with  the  lateral 
appendages  and  the  divided  stem,  becomes  the  conventional  method  of  depicting  the 
sa  sign,  there  is  constantly  a  tendency  to  revert  to  the  early  form  with  the  undivided 
vertical  line.  On  the  sign  from  an  ivory  wand  figured  in  No.  1 1  (Proc.  Soc.  of  Biblical 
Archceology,  1905,  May,  pi.  vi,  No.  9)  there  is  a  distinct  attempt  to  represent  mat 
work  or  a  bundle  of  reeds  lashed  together,  and  this  also  occurs  in  the  bronze  amulet 
from  El  Kab  and  in  the  royal  jewellery  of  Dahshur  (de  Morgan,  Dahshur,  II,  pi.  v, 
12,  34,  35).  On  another  ivory  wand  (No.  12,  Proc.  Soc.  of  Biblical  Archceology,  1905, 
pi.  xv,  No.  34)  the  appendages  are  clearly  though  roughly  indicated.  In  this,  as  in  the 
other  ivory  wand,  it  represents  an  amulet,  but  in  No.  13  (id.  ib.  1905,  pi.  v,  No.  6)  it 
occurs  as  a  hieroglyph,  and  for  the  first  time  in  its  fully  conventionalised  form. 

Of  the  two  examples  of  the  XVIII  dynasty,  No.  14  (Naville,  Deir  el  Bahri 
pi.  xliii),  is  a  hieroglyph,  and  shows  a  tendency  to  revert  to  the  early  type,  the 
division  at  the  base  being  little  more  than  the  spreading  visible  in  the  examples  from 
the  V  and  VI  dynasties.  No.  15  (Naville,  op.  cit.,  pi.  li)  is  represented  as  an 
amulet  beneath  the  birth  couch,  on  which  Aahmes,  mother  of  Queen  Hatshepsut,  is 
kneeling.  The  alabaster  vase  of  a  human-headed  Taurt  holding  the  sa-sign  before 


No,  73.]  MAN.  [1911, 

her  (Plate  H)  shows  the  form  of  the  sign  in  detail,  the  appendages  being  particularly 
well  shown. 

No.  16  is  of  the  XIX  dynasty  and  occurs  as  a  hieroglyph  (Mariette,  Abydos,  1, 
pi.  33).  It  is  of  the  usual  form  and  calls  for  no  special  remark. 

No.  17  is  of  the  XXII  dynasty  from  Bubastis,  where  it  occurs  as  a  hieroglyph 
(Naville,  Festival  Hall,  pi.  iv). 

No.  18  is  the  amulet  held  hy  Taurt  in  a  relief  sculpture  of  the  XXVI  dynasty 
(Mariette,  Monuments  divers,  91).  As  might  be  expected  at  this  period  when  ancient 
sculpture  was  much  copied,  the  form  approximates  to  the  early  type. 

The  black  basalt  Taurt,  now  in  the  Cairo  Museum,  gives  the  conventional  form 
with  appendages  and  divided  end  (Plate  H,  Fig.  2).  This  is  a  typical  representation 
of  the  goddess  holding  the  emblem  on  each  side  of  her. 

The  sign  underwent  no  change  in  the  XXX  dynasty,  but  retains  its  conventional 
form  (No.  19,  Lepsius,  Denkmaler,  III,  286). 

In  Ptolemaic  times  it  is  found  in  a  highly  conventionalised  form,  bearing  little 
resemblance  to  ithe  original  type  (No.  20,  21,  Lepsius,  op.  cit.  IV,  41a,  34a  ;  No.  22, 
Decree  of  Canopus,  11.  18,  19).  But  in  No.  23  (Decree  of  Canopus,  11.  13,  14,  17)  it 
is  evident  that  the  bar  below  the  loop  is  a  late  invention  and  not  universally  adopted. 
While  in  Nos.  24  and  25  (Naville,  Deir  el  Bahri,  pi.  cxlix)  there  is  an  attempt 
to  return  to  the  original  form,  the  meaning  of  which  was  now  lost  though  the  object 
is  still  represented  in  the  hand  of  Taurt. 

The  meaning  of  the  word  sa,  when  written  with  this  sign,  is  "  protection." 
Though  there  are  several  other  signs  which  are  phonograms  for  S  and  aleph,  they 
are  not  interchangeable  with  the  sign  under  consideration,  with  the  exception  of  «HHHHH» 
which  has  not  only  the  same  vocalisation  but  the  same  meaning  also.  Even  when 
the  latter  sign  means  an  "  order  "  or  "  course  "  of  priests,  the  two  can  be  interchanged. 
Gardiner  (Zeitschrift  fiir  Aegyptische  Sprache,  XLII,  p.  116  ff.)  has  shown  con- 

R\ 

clusively  that  ^Ur  is  never  read  sa  until  the  New  Kingdom,  except  when  spelt   out, 

and  that  it  is  definitely  the  figure  of  a  herdsman  holding  a  peg  and  rope  for  tethering 
cattle. 

The  theory  advanced  by  Jequier  and  Borchardt  accounts  completely  for  the 
meaning  of  "  protection,"  but  it  does  not  account  for  the  fact  that  Taurt,*  the  hippo- 
potamus-headed goddess  of  child-birth,  is  almost  invariably  represented  carrying  this 
sign  either  in  front  or  on  each  side  of  her,  her  hands  resting  upon  the  top  as  she 
stands  upright.  The  object  is  so  closely  connected  with  this  goddess  that  it  is 
definitely  her  emblem  when  used  as  an  amulet,  and  must  therefore  be  considered  as 
an  attribute  or  as  some  object  over  which  she  had  special  control.  As  goddess  of 
child-birth  she  would  necessarily  protect  the  female  organs  of  generation. 

Disregarding  for  the  moment  the  origin  of  the  sign  and  the  significance  which 
it  bore  in  later  times,  there  seems  little  doubt  that  at  one  time  the  sa  amulet  did 
represent  a  bundle  of  papyrus  stalks,  the  bronze  amulet  found  at  El  Kab  being  con- 
vincing evidence  of  this.  But  the  various  forms  assumed  by  the  sign  seem  to  indicate 
that  this  meaning  was  forgotten,  and  we  believe  that  (whatever  its  origin)  it  came  to 
be  regarded  as  representing  the  uterus  and  its  appendages,  and  in  support  of  our 
hypothesis  we  would  draw  particular  attention  to  the  wing-like  additions  on  each  side 
•of  the  main  portion  of  the  sign.  These  outgrowths  cannot  be  explained  on  any 
development  of  the  mat  hypothesis  ;  on  the  other  hand,  they  are  examples  of  the 
typical  method  adopted  by  the  Egyptians  to  render  the  membranes  surrounding  the 
viscera  and  (in  a  broad  sense)  the  processes  of  the  viscera.  In  support  of  this  state- 
ment we  need  only  refer  to  the  common  representations  of  the  heart  in  wall  paintings 

*  The  meaning  of  Ta-urt  is  "  The  Great  One." 
[     H4     ] 


19U.] 


MAN. 


[No.  73. 


FIG.  1,  Nos.  1,  2,  Dyn.  Ill,  B3t-Khallaf  ;  3,  4,  5,  Dyn.  V,  Saqqara ;  6,  7,  8,  Dyn.  VI,  Saqqara ; 
9,  Dyn.  VI,  Provenance  unknown;  10,  Dyn.  VI,  Saqqara;  11,  12,  13,  Dyn.  XII,  Provenance 
unknown;  14,  15,  Dyn.  XVIII,  Deir  el  Bahri  ;  16,  Dyn.  XIX,  Abydos  ;  17,  Dyn.  XXII,  Bubastis; 
18,  Dyn.  XXVI,  Karnak ;  19,  Dyn.  XXX,  Philae;  20,  Ptolemaic,  Edcu  ;  21,  Ptolemaic,  Ombos ; 
22,  23,  Ptolemaic,  Tanis;  24,  25,  Ptolemaic,  Deir  el  Bahri. 


No.  73.]  MAN.  [1911. 

and  in  hard-stone  amulets.  In  many  of  these  not  only  are  there  lateral  processes  (in 
every  way  comparable  with  those  of  the  sa  sign),  which  doubtless  represent  the  peri- 
cardium,* but  in  some  heart  amulets  the  base  of  the  heart  has  a  similar  projection, 
whicli  in  this  position  can  only  refer  to  the  great  vessels.  If  then  we  adopt  the 
hypothesis  that  the  body  of  the  sign  represents  the  body  of  the  uterus,  the  origin 
and  significance  of  the  lateral  processes  become  apparent  immediately. 

Once  this  idea  is  accepted,  the  occurrence  of  such  forms  as  Nos.  16  and  17 
becomes  intelligible,  and  their  occurrence  in  turn  supports  our  hypothesis,  for  such 
realistic  representations  as  is  shown  in  these  figures  cannot  be  due  to  accident  and 
can  mean  nothing  but  that  the  sign  was  made  to  represent  the  female  organs  of 
generation.  This  is  further  supported  by  the  XVIII  dynasty  alabaster  vase  shown 
in  Plate  H,  Fig.  1  (for  a  photograph  of  which  we  are  indebted  to  the  courtesy  of  its 
owner,  the  Rev.  W.  MacGregor),  representing  the  human-headed  Taurt.  The  goddess 
holds  the  sa  emblem,  represented  with  appendages  upon  which  are  well-marked  striae, 
against  her  abdomen  in  as  nearly  as  possible  the  correct  position  of  the  internal 
organs  of  generation. 

The  persistence  of  the  lateral  processes  indicates  their  importance  as  representing 
a  constant  feature  of  the  object  portrayed  as  would  be  the  case  if  they  represented 
the  uterine  appendages.  The  forms  assumed  by  the  sign  in  later  times  seem 
emphatically  to  support  our  view,  and,  lest  it  be  alleged  that  the  slight  anatomical 
knowledge  of  the  Egyptians  would  not  have  allowed  them  to  recognise  the  form 
of  the  non-pregnant  uterus  and  its  appendages,  we  may  cite  the  opinion  of  Dr.  Elliot 
Smith,  who  agrees  with  us  that  the  Egyptians  knew  enough  about  the  viscera  to 
enable  them  to  recognise  the  uterus  and  its  appendages  and  to  appreciate  their  chief 
function.  Further,  Mr.  F.  LI.  Griffithf  has  shown  that  in  all  probability  the  headdress  of 
the  goddess  Meskhent  is  a  conventionalised  representation  of  the  bicornate  animal  uterus. 

Although  we  cannot  draw  up  a  table  showing  the  descent  of  the  various  forms,  it 
seems  that  they  can  be  divided  into  five  main  groups  ;  the  forms  with  a  cross-piece 
in  Group  V  being  probably  derived  directly  from  typical  examples  of  Group  II.  The 
groups  do  not  altogether  correspond  to  chronological  periods,  for  though  realistic  forms 
(such  as  No.  17)  were  produced  from  the  XX  dynasty  onwards,  in  the  latter  part  of  this 
period  the  highly  conventional  form  with  the  cross-piece  is  also  found. 

I.  Early  conventional  forms  (Nos.   1,  2,  3,  7)    which  do  not  clearly  represent  the 
uterus,  and  may  possibly  have  been  derived  from  some  other  source,  the  central  cavity 
is  not  always  pear-shaped,  and   the  lower   extremity   of    the  sign  is   invariably  single 
and  often  disproportionately  long  ;  lateral  processes  usually,  but  not  invariably  (No.  4), 
absent. 

II.  Forms  (No.  11)  dating  from  the  XII  dynasty,  which  the  cross-ties  show  to  be 
derived  from  a  bundle  of    papyrus  stalks.     The  lower  end  is  often  bifid.     One  cross- 
tie  immediately  above  the  point  of  bifurcation  may  be,  and  often  is,  strongly  accentuated 
(as  in  No.  15).     Lateral  processes  commonly,  perhaps  invariably,  absent. 

III.  Forms  directly  derived  from  II,  but  bearing  lateral  processes  (Nos.  14,  15,  16, 
18).     The  cross-tie  in  the  region  of  the  bifurcation,  though  always  present  and  often 
exaggerated,  may  be  the  only  cross-tie  shown  and  appears  to  represent  the  os  uteri,  the 
limbs  below  the  bifurcation  representing  the  vagina. 

IV.  Uterus  relatively  slightly  conventionalised  in  shape  (Nos.  12,  13,  16,  17,  19)  ; 
the  vagina  may  be  represented,  and  in  some  cases  is  merely  a  continuation  of  the  outline 
of  the  uterus  ;  appendages  as  loops  or  more  or  less  elongated  lateral    masses.     These 
are  mostly  late  forms,  but  examples  approximating  to  this   type  occur  in  the  V  dynasty 
(Nos.  5,  6,  8).     Probably  Nos.  9  and   10  belong  to  this  group. 

*  Murray,  Saqqara  JUastabas,  I,  pi.  xxxvii,  9. 

f  Hieroglyphs^  p.  60  ;    Proceedings  Soc.  Bihl.  Arch.,  XXI,  277. 


1911.]  MAN.  [Nos.  73-74. 

V.  Highly  conventionalised  forms  (Nos.  20-25).  All  these  appear  to  be  relatively 
late  ;  the  lower  portion  of  the  figure  may  be  greatly  elongated  (as  in  Nos.  24  and  25).  A 
cross-piece,  apparently  derived  from  the  ankh  sign,  may  take  the  place  of 
the  exaggerated  cross-tie  in  Series  III,  and  there  may  be  fantastic 
addenda  to  the  sign  as  in  No.  23. 

Professor   Petrie    has    suggested  to  us    that  the  emblem   of   Tanit 
(Fig.  2),  the  great  Carthaginian  goddess,  is  connected  with  the  sa  sign. 

The  amount  of  Egyptian  influence  visible  in  Carthaginian  art  is  very 
great,  and  the  emblem  of  Tanit  may  very  well  be  a  misunderstood  copy 
of   the    highly-conventionalised    forms    of    the    Ptolemaic   period,   such 
as  Nos.  20  and  21.     The  loop  has  become  a  circle,  the  appendages  are         ^IG-  2- 
omitted,  but  the    cross-bar   remains    and    the   divided    ends    are  united,   thus   forming 
a  triangle.  C.  G.  SELIGMANN. 

M.  A.  MURRAY. 

Physical  Anthropology.  Gray. 

The    Differences    and   Affinities    of   Palaeolithic    Man   and    the     TA 

Anthropoid  Apes.     By  John   Gray.  IT 

It  is  now  very  generally  admitted  that  there  were  two  distinct  races  of  men 
living  contemporaneously  in  Europe  in  the  Palaeolithic  Age.  One  of  these  is 
represented  by  the  skeletal  remains  of  the  Galley  Hill,  Briinn,  and  Aurignac  men, 
and  the  other  by  those  of  the  Neanderthal,  Spy,  and  Mousterien  men. 

One  of  these  races  may  be  called  the  Galley  Hill  race  and  the  other  the 
Neanderthal  race. 

It  is  a  matter  of  considerable  interest,  in  the  theory  of  the  descent  of  man,  to 
determine  where  the  Galley  Hill  branch  diverged  from  the  Neanderthal  branch.  Was 
it  after  the  anthropoid  apes  had  diverged  from  the  main  line  of  descent  or  was  it 
before  ? 

The  former  view  has  hitherto  been  most  generally  held,  but  recently  Professor 
Klaatsch  has  declared  himself  in  favour  of  the  latter.* 

Klaatsch  founds  his  theory  on  certain  affinities  in  the  structure  of  the  skeletons, 
of  Neanderthal  man  and  the  Gorilla  on  the  one  hand,  and  of  the  Aurignac  man  and 
the  Orang  on  the  other  hand. 

As  the  exact  amount  of  an  affinity  or  difference  can  only  be  determined  precisely 
by  measurement,  it  occurred  to  me  that  the  measurement  and  comparison  of  as  many 
corresponding  dimensions  as  possible  on  the  skeletons  of  the  palaeolithic  races  and 
of  the  anthropoid  apes,  might  help  to  settle  some  of  these  vexed  questions  in  the 
theory  of  the  descent  of  man. 

A  considerable  number  of  measurements  of  the  bones  of  the  upper  and  lower 
extremities  of  the  Neanderthal  man  and  of  the  Aurignac  man  are  given  by  Klaatsch 
and  Hauser.f  By  the  kind  permission  of  Dr.  Keith  I  have  been  enabled  to  measure 
the  corresponding  dimensions  on  skeletons  of  the  Gorilla,  the  Orang,  and  the  Chimpanzee 
in  the  Museum  of  the  Royal  College  of  Surgeons. 

In  order  to  get  the  best  numerical  estimate  of  the  differences  between  the  five 
individuals  under  consideration,  namely,  the  Neanderthal  man,  the  Aurignac  man,  the 
Gorilla,  the  Orang,  and  the  Chimpanzee  I  have  made  use  of  a  slightly  modified  form 
of  a  method  suggested  by  Dr.  Czekanowski.J  The  method  consists  in  taking  the 
sum  of  the  differences  of  all  the  dimensions  measured,  for  all  possible  pairs  of 
the  individuals  being  investigated.  The  sums  thus  obtained  are  an  approximate 
estimate  of  the  differences  between  the  types  to  which  the  individuals  belong.  The 

*  ZeiUchrift  fur  Ethnologie,  Heft  3  u.  4,  1910,  p.  513. 

t  Praehutorische  Zeittchrift,  Heft  3/4,  1910,  p.  273. 

%  Archiv  f.  Anthrop.  Corretpondenz-Blatt  40  Jahrg.,  No.  6/7,  1909,  p.  44. 


No.  74.] 


MAN. 


[19U. 


method  is  theoretically  sound  as  it  can  be  shown  to  be  easily  deducible  from  Pearson's 
theory  of  Gallon's  Difference  Problem.*  It  must  not  be  forgotten  that  the  accuracy 
of  the  conclusions  obtained  depends  on  the  number  of  dimensions  measured ;  in 
this  case  the  dimensions  were  those  of  the  upper  and  lower  extremities.  If  more 
dimensions  were  measured  the  results  might  be  somewhat  different,  or  if  other 
individuals  were  measured  there  might  be  a  slight  variation.  We  have  no  means  at 
present  of  ascertaining  the  amount  of  this  variation,  except  actual  experiment.  In 
any  case,  the  method  must  give  a  more  accurate  value  of  the  difference  between  two 
types  than  mere  estimation  by  the  eye — the  method  usually  employed  by  the 
anatomical  anthropologist. 

The  number  of  measurements  available  in  the  case  of  the  two  palaeolithic  types 
is  sixteen  of  the  humerus,  eighteen  of  the  femur,  and  six  of  the  tibia.  The  following 
table  gives  the  sums  of  the  differences  of  these  dimensions  for  each  of  the  three  bones, 
in  all  possible  pairs  of  the  five  individuals  under  consideration  : — 

TABLE  OF  SUMMATION  OF  DIFFERENCES. 
Neanderthal.  Aurignac.  Gorilla.  Orang.  Chimpanzee. 


Neanderthal. 

Humerus    -      89 

Aurignac. 

Femur        -     169 
Tibia-        -       59 
Total     -     317 

Humerus    -    266 

Humerus    -     333 

Gorilla. 

Femur        -    225 
Tibia  -        -      33 

Femur        -     252 
Tibia  -        -      96 

Total     -     524 

Total     -     681 

Humerus    -     1  26 

Humerus    -     165 

Humerus    -     186 

ti 

Femur        -     500 

Femur        -    364 

Femur        -     380 

Chimpanzee.  Ora 

Tibia-        -     148 

Tibia  -        -     149 

Tibia  -        -     129 

Total     .     774 

Total     -     678 

Total     -     695 

Humerus    -      81 
Femur        -    483 
Tibia-        -     160 

Humerus    -     105 
Femur        -     330 
Tibia-        -     161 

Humerus    -    274 
Femur        -     364 
Tibia-        -     141 

Humerus    -     108 
Femur        -     130 
Tibia-         -       16 

Total     -     724 

Total     -     596 

Total     -     779 

Total     -     254 

From  the  above  table  we  see  that  the  smallest  difference,  254,  is  between  the 
Orang  and  the  Chimpanzee  ;  and  the  largest  difference  between  the  Gorilla  and  the 
Chimpanzee. 

*  Bwmetrika,  Vol.  I,  p.  399. 
[     H8     ] 


1911.]  MAN.  [ffo.  74. 

Taking  the  smallest  difference  as  100,  the  following  is  the  list  of  all  the  differ- 
ences arranged  in  order  of  magnitude.  The  letters  are  the  initial  letters  of  the  names 
of  the  races : — 


O— C  -  -  100 

N— A  -  125 

N— G  -  -  206 

A— C  -  -  235 


A— O  -         -  267 

A— G  -  268 

G— 0  274 

N— C  -         -  285 


N— O        -         -     305 
G— C        -         -     307 


The  existing  differences  between  different  races,  species,  &c.,  are  the  resultant 
of  two  opposite  movements,  namely,  divergence  and  convergence.  We  may  suppose 
that  the  original  divergence  was  due  to  the  separation  and  isolation  of  an  accidental 
variation  of  the  stock  or  germplasm.  This  divergence  will  steadily  increase  with 
time  if  the  new  variety  continues  to  live  in  a  different  environment.  On  the  other 
hand,  if  divergent  varieties  come  to  live  in  the  same  environment,  convergence  will 
take  place. 

To  apply  this  to  the  evolution  of  man  and  the  anthropoid  apes,  it  may  be 
assumed  that  the  common  ancestors  of  these  two  groups  lived  in  trees,  and  had 
acquired  the  methods  of  progression,  &c.,  necessary  to  get  their  food  under  these 
conditions.  At  a  certain  epoch  one  of  the  ancestral  species,  say  the  chimpansoids^ 
threw  off  a  variety  which  abandoned  the  arboreal  life  and  took  to  living  on  the 
ground.  A  steady  divergence  would  take  place  in  this  new  variety  from  the  chim- 
pansoids,  who  remained  in  the  trees.  At  a  later  epoch,  another  ancestral  species, 
say  the  gorilloids,  threw  off  a  variety  which  also  took  to  the  ground  life.  The 
terrestrial  chimpansoids,  and  gorilloids  (i.e.,  the  potential  human  types)  would  tend  to 
converge  owing  to  the  similarity  of  the  conditions  of  life. 

A  hypothesis  such  as  the  above  would  give  a  fairly  satisfactory  explanation  of 
the  differences  we  have  found,  by  calculation,  to  exist  between  the  upper  and  lower 
extremities  of  the  skeletons  of  the  two  palaeolithic  races  and  the  anthropoid  apes. 

The  difference  between  Neanderthal  man  and  the  Gorilla  is  represented  by  the 
number  206,  while  the  corresponding  difference  between  the  Aurignac  man  and  the 
chimpanzee  is  the  greater  number  235.  This  points  to  the  conclusion  that  the 
Aurignac  man  differentiated  himself  from  the  chimpansoids  at  an  earlier  epoch  than 
the  Neanderthal  man  separated  from  the  gorilloids.  It  is  often  forgotten  in  discussing 
the  evidence  of  the  descent  of  man,  that  the  most  primitive  forms  are  not  necessarily 
the  oldest  in  time.  The  fact  that  we  have  at  the  present  day  primitive  Australian 
aborigines  living  alongside  of  the  most  highly-developed  Europeans  ought  to  warn 
us  against  the  assumption  that  degree  of  development  indicates  the  order  of  succession 
in  time. 

The  differences  calculated  from  the  above  measurements  support  the  view  that 
the  type  of  man  represented  by  Galley  Hill  or  Aurignac  man  may  have  advanced 
far  towards  humanity  long  before  Neanderthal  man  had  differentiated  himself  from 
his  anthropoid  ancestors. 

The  difference  between  Neanderthal  man  and  Aurignac  man  is  represented  by 
the  number,  125,  i.e.,  it  is  very  much  less  than  the  difference  between  either  of  these 
races  and  its  most  closely  allied  ape.  As  convergence  between  the  two  races  of  men 
almost  inevitably  took  place,  owing  to  the  similarity  of  their  conditions  of  life,  this 
smaller  number  was  to  be  expected,  even  though  the  two  races  originated  from 
different  species  of  anthropoid  apes.  If  we  adopt  the  view  most  generally  held  at 
present  that  this  smaller  difference  between  the  two  palaeolithic  races  indicates  that 
both  originated  from  a  single  centre  after  the  differentiation  of  their  common 
ancestors  from  the  apes,  then  we  are  met  with  the  difficulty  of  explaining  why  one 
of  these  races  should  have  converged  towards  the  Gorilla  and  the  other  towards  the 
Chimpanzee. 

[     119    1 


Nos.  74-76,1  MAN.  [19U. 

It  will  be  noted  that  the  above  theory  of  the  descent  of  man  from  the  apes 
differs  from  that  of  Professor  Klaatsch  in  the  substitution  of  the  Chimpanzee  for  the 
Orang.  This  is  due  to  the  fact  that  I  have  found  the  difference  of  the  Aurignac 
man  from  the  Chimpanzee  (235)  less  than  his  difference  from  the  Orang  (267).  The 
modifications  made  in  Klaatsch's  theory  will  be  understood  by  comparing  the  annexed 
diagram,  which  represents  the  conclusions  arrived  at  in  this  article,  with  the  diagram 
of  Klaatsch  published  in  Nature  (Nov.  24th,  1910,  p.  120). 


Galleyhill  Man 


Sou&iSea, 
Islanders 

Chimpanse     /  \  Australians 

AFRICA  Tasmarrians 

*Gortila, 

FIG.  l. 

The  diagram  suggests  that  the  brachycephalic  races  of  Asia  have  descended  from 
the  orangoids,  but  as  no  skeletons  of  palaeolithic  age  have  yet  been  found  in 
Asia  this  view  must  await  confirmation,  or  the  reverse,  till  future  excavations  have 
revealed  the  characters  of  the  earliest  human  inhabitants  of  the  Far  East. 

J.  GRAY. 


Syria :  Archaeology.  Fowle. 

Report  on  a  Bath  newly  excavated  at  Tad m or  (Palmyra).      By     "1C 

Lieutenant   T.   C.  Fowle,  45th  Pathans.  *  W 

I  saw  the  bath  on  March  23rd,  1910.  The  Arabs  informed  me  that  it  had  only 
been  discovered  about  a  week  before.  The  inhabitants  of  the  house  in  which  it  is 
(it  being  situated  away  from  the  main  ruins  in  the  middle  of  the  native  town)  had 
been  digging  for  some  purpose  connected  with  the  strengthening  of  their  courtyard 
wall  and  suddenly  came  upon  the  bath.  It  is  in  excellent  preservation,  the  material 
being,  I  should  say,  of  rough  marble,  though,  unfortunately,  I  am  not  enough  of  a 
geologist  to  give  its  specific  composition.  Perhaps  the  most  interesting  point  about 
it  is  the  fact  that  it  proves  the  presence  of  a  hot  water  stream — or  perhaps  lake 
— underneath  the  town.  I  regret  that  owing  to  its  position  I  was  unable  to  take  a 
satisfactory  photograph  of  it,  T.  C.  FOWLE. 


Solomon  Islands.  Woodford. 

Note    on    Bone    Spear-Heads    from    the    New    Georgia    Group,     7P 

British  Solomon  Islands.     By  C.  M.   Woodford.  IP 

The   accompanying   illustration   and    photograph    show  a    type    of    spear-head    of 

most  unusual  and,  so   far   as  I  am  aware,  hitherto    unknown    shape    from  the  island 

of  New  Georgia. 

The  two  spear-heads  illustrated  in  the  photograph  and  drawing  were  discovered 
on  the  site  of  a  very  old  burying  place. 

[     120     ] 


1911.] 


MAN. 


[No.  76. 


The  wooden  shafts  upon  which  they  were  mounted  appeared  to  have  been  about 
seven  feet  long  and  to  have  been  made  of  some  dark  heavy  wood,  but  they  were 
much  decayed. 

The  spear-heads  are  made  from  the  human  femur,  the  hollow  at  the  butt  end 
having  been  enlarged  to  admit  the  wooden  shaft. 

The  total  length  is  10^  inches.  At  four  inches  from  the  butt  on  the  lower  side 
the  bone  has  been  shaved  down  to  the  medullary  cavity,  so  that 
the  central  portion  of  the  spear-head  is  of  a  horseshoe  shape  in 
transverse  section.  This  gradually  tapers  out  until  the  point  is 
reached. 

At  about  two  inches  from  the  point  the  head  of  the  "  belama," 
or  frigate  bird,  appears  on  each  side  in  low  relief. 

From  below  the  eye  of  the  belama's  head  a  series  of  about 
forty-five  serrations  or  notches  are  cut  in  the  bone,  which  extend 
to  within  four  inches  of  the  butt.  These  increase  somewhat  in 
size  towards  the  butt. 

Upon  the  top  of  the  spear-head  ten  triangular-shaped  pro- 
jections, serrated  upon  the  upper  side,  are  placed  in  contiguity  and 
iu  line.  Each  is  pierced  with  a  small  hole  and  a  narrow  strip  of 
bone  con- 
nects them 
with  the  top 
of  the  head 
of  the  be- 
lama in  front 
and  with  a 
proj  e  c  t  i  o  n, 
pierced  with 
a  small 
hole,  behind. 
(The  strip 
of  bone  con- 
necting the 
first  trian- 
gular projec- 
tion with 
the  head  of 
the  belama 
has  been  re- 
stored in  the 
drawing.) 

The 
shape  of 
the  triangu- 
lar projec- 
tions recalls 
the  triangu- 
lar pieces  of 
clam  shell, 
similarly 
serrated, 
Flo  which  occur 


FIG.  2. 


[    121     ] 


Nos.  76-77.]  MAN.  [1911. 

on  the  inner   side   of   the   stem   of   the   large  "  tomakos "  or    head-hunting  canoes  of 
New  Georgia.     These,  in  the  dialect  of  New  Georgia,  are  known  as  "  barava." 

At  one  inch  from  the  point  is  a  hole  drilled  completely  through  the  spear. 

The  centre  of  each  of  the  eyes  of  the  belama  is  drilled  with  a  hole  sloping 
downwards  into  the  cavity,  and  there  are  four  holes  drilled  through  the  bone  on 
the  side  of  the  spear-head  into  the  cavity  opposite  to  corresponding  holes  on  the 
other  side. 

I  suggest  that  the  object  of  these  holes  may  have  been  for  the  attachment  of 
small  strings  of  native  beads  about  three-quarters  of  an  inch  in  length,  used  either 
for  ornament  or  intended  to  come  away  when  the  spear-head  penetrated  the  flesh  of 
an  enemy,  and  so  to  increase  the  danger  of  the  wound.  Something  similar  occurs 
in  the  case  of  the  bone-headed  spears  from  the  island  of  Guadalcanar. 

CHARLES  M.  WOODFORD. 


REVIEWS. 
Religion.  Jevons. 

The  Idea  of  God  in  Early  Religions.     By  F.  B.  Jevons,  Litt.D.    Cambridge  : 
University  Press,  1910. 

Issued  in  the  series  of  Cambridge  Manuals  of  Science  and  Literature,  this  little 
book  is  one  partly  of  science  and  partly  of  metaphysics.  The  writer's  object  seems 
to  be  to  prove  the  existence  of  God  as  conceived  in  Christianity,  by  showing  that 
all  nations  have  had  an  idea  of  God,  and  that  this  idea  has  been  progressively 
developed  by  "a  radiative  and  dispersive  evolution"  up  to  Christian  monotheism. 
It  does  not  come  within  the  scope  of  a  scientific  periodical  to  consider  the  validity 
or  invalidity  of  this  argument.  Science  deals  exclusively  with  phenomena.  It  is 
doubtful  whether  there  can  properly  be  said  to  be  a  science  of  religion.  Anthropology 
on  its  mental  and  sociological  sides  deals  with  the  religious  phenomena  of  mankind 
as  part  of  the  great  comprehensive  science  of  man.  But  it  is  not  the  business  of 
anthropology  to  consider  whether  those  phenomena,  or  any  of  them,  correspond  to 
the  ultimate  facts  of  existence.  Whether  the  savage  theory  of  spirits,  for  instance, 
represents  to  any  degree  the  essential  truth  of  things  matters  not  to  anthropology. 
All  that  concerns  anthropology  is  to  trace  out  the  rise,  evolution,  and  decay  of  the 
theory  in  the  objective  phenomena  presented  by  human  societies  in  various  stages 
of  civilisation  and  in  different  environments.  Its  methods  would  be  sound  and  its 
conclusions  valid  independently  of  the  truth  or  falsehood  of  the  theory  itself. 
That  is  a  metaphysical  problem  to  be  solved  by  quite  other  methods  than  those 
of  anthropology. 

Hence  I  am  precluded  from  considering  Professor  Jevons'  argument,  and  must 
limit  myself  to  noting  a  few  matters  of  detail  in  his  view  of  the  conclusions 
hitherto  reached  by  scientific  research. 

His  reputation  as  anthropologist  and  thinker  stands  so  high  that  it  is  needless 
to  say  that  he  has  succeeded  in  presenting  in  a  popular  form  with  lucidity  and 
accuracy  the  results  of  many  recent  enquiries.  The  account  of  fetishism  is  an 
excellent  summary.  But  some  consideration  might  have  been  given  here  to  the 
North  American  personal  manitous,  which  are  a  striking  instance  of  the  individualism 
of  the  fetish  reconciled  to  the  interests  of  the  community.  Indeed,  among  some 
tribes  there  seems  a  tendency  on  the  part  of  the  fetish  to  become  less  and  less 
individualist,  and  so  to  approximate  to  Professor  Jevons'  definition  of  a  god,  or 
perhaps  to  a  totem.  To  say  that  "  from  the  outset  the  object  of  the  community's 
44  worship  had  been  conceived  as  a  moral  power "  requires  qualification  or  expla- 
nation. If  we  take  it  to  mean  that  the  object  was  one  with  whose  will  the  general 
well-being  of  the  community  was  bound  up,  the  statement  can  hardly  be  accepted 

[     122     ] 


1911.]  MAN.  [No.  77. 

as  it  stands.  For  some  gods  are  evil — that  is,  of  temper  and  disposition  on  the 
whole  hostile  to  the  common  weal — and  are  worshipped  only  because  they  are  so, 
if  we  may  trust  our  evidence.  In  any  case  the  argument  seems  vitiated  here  and 
elsewhere,  for  want  of  explicit  recognition  that  in  the  process  of  civilisation  the 
morals  of  the  community  had  evolved,  and  that  in  virtue  of  such  progressive 
evolution  discrepancy  was  discovered  between  the  character  of  the  god  as  represented 
not  only  in  his  myths  but  in  his  rites,  and  the  morality  of  the  community. 

The  definition  of  myth  in  the  next  chapter  as  a  narrative  in  which  the  doings 
of  some  god  or  gods  are  related,  seems  needlessly  narrow.  The  tale,  widespread 
in  North  America,  of  the  wife  who  returned  from  spirit-land,  relates  no  doings  of  a 
god.  Even  in  Greece,  where  gods  were  so  much  further  developed,  the  god  only 
intervenes  incidentally  as  it  were  in  the  beautiful  story  of  Orpheus  and  Eurydice. 
5Tet  the  narrative,  dealing  as  it  does  with  regions  and  conditions  of  existence 
essentially  the  subject  of  religious  beliefs,  can  hardly  be  classified  under  any  other 
head  than  that  of  myths.  The  criticism  of  Max  Muller's  theory  of  myth*  is  short, 
but  much  to  the  point.  That  learned  philologist  wrote  so  fine  an  English  style,  and 
his  books  have  been  so  widely  read,  that  perhaps  it  is  necessary  at  this  time  of  day 
still  to  warn  readers  against  a  theory  now  universally  abandoned  by  anthropologists 
in  this  country,  though  not  wholly  in  Germany.  I  must,  however,  enter  a  mild 
protest  against  the  statement  that  "  a  myth  belongs  to  the  god  of  whom  it  is  told, 
"  and  cannot  properly  be  told  of  any  other  god."  Examples  to  the  contrary, 
however  they  are  to  be  explained,  are  too  numerous.  Nor  can  it  be  conceded  that 
man  was  always  "  looking  for  "  gods,  except  in  a  very  passive  sense  ;  nor  that  myths 
are  always  setiological.  The  existence  of  a  god,  as  defined  by  Professor  Jevons, 
with  a  worship  and  probably  a  mythology,  is  hardly  a  necessary  inference  from  a 
mere  name.  There  is  no  evidence  of  a  worship  or  a  mythology  ever  attaching  to 
Twanyirika  among  the  Arunta,  or  to  a  score  of  other  names  in  different  parts  of  the 
world.  And  it  is  seriously  to  be  doubted  whether  the  Australian  natives  are,  as 
the  author  suggests,  in  religious  decay,  though  magic  may  have  evolved  more  rapidly 
than  religion  from  the  common  root  of  both. 

Again,  the  origin  of  sacrifice  is  a  very  difficult  question.  I  have  no  such 
prejudice  in  favour  of  the  "commercial  theory"  of  sacrifice  as  the  author  suggests 
to  be  the  special  property  of  some,  students.  But  I  think  we  cannot  help  admitting 
that  do  ut  des  must  have  been  a  dominant  cause  of  the  rite  in  at  least  a  large 
number  of  cases,  and  that  in  a  very  early,  if  not  the  earliest,  stage.  Men  would 
approach  their  god,  as  they  approached  their  chiefs  or  powerful  men,  with  a  gift  to 
obtain  something  from  him  in  return.  The  favour  and  acceptance  they  sought  was 
only  to  be  shown  by  some  material  good,  regarded  as  the  god's  gift,  such  as  rain, 
success  in  hunting,  security  from  enemies,  children,  and  so  forth  ;  and  the  offerings 
at  harvest  and  on  other  occasions  of  thanksgiving  are,  as  Professor  Jevons  himself 
sees,  a  later  development. 

It  is  impossible,  however,  in  a  short  and  rapid  survey  of  so  large  a  field  as  (he 
author  here  covers,  to  avoid  laying  oneself  open  to  many  differences  of  opinions 
on  questions  of  detail  such  as  these.  The  substantial  result  is  that  he  has  summa- 
rised so  well,  and  in  a  manner  so  thoroughly  interesting.  The  power  of  doing  this 
is  a  great  gift :  it  will  procure  him  a  wide  audience,  and  will  contribute  to  the 
diffusion  of  anthropological  knowledge  in  many  quarters  otherwise  innocent  of  it. 
But  from  the  point  of  view  of  pure  science  we  may  be  allowed  to  regret  that  his 
eye  has  been  fixed  so  continuously  on  his  metaphysical  contention. 

E.  SIDNEY  HARTLAND. 


[     123    ] 


No.  78.]  MAN.  [1911. 

Southern  Nigeria.  Thomas. 

Anthropological  Report  on  the  Edo-speaking  Peoples  of  Nigeria.  Parts  I.  "Ill 
and  II.  By  N.  W.  Thomas,  M.A.,  F.R.A.I.,  Government  Anthropologist,  f  0 
London  :  Harrison  and  Sons,  1910. 

The  region  over  which  Mr.  Northcote  Thomas's  ethnological  studies  extend  in 
the  two  volumes  under  review  is  an  irregularly-shaped  patch  to  the  west  of  the 
Lower  Niger,  just  above  the  branching  of  the  delta,  west  of  Yoruba,  south  of 
Igbira,  east  of  Ibo  and  I  jo,  a  territory  about  150  miles  long  from  north  to  south, 
and  an  average  50  miles  broad.  This  area  corresponded  more  or  less  with  the 
ancient  kingdom  of  Bini  or  Benin,  and  the  Bini  or  Edo  tribe  still  occupy  the  centre 
of  it. 

Part  I.  commences  with  a  somewhat  too  brief  account  of  the  physical  characteristics 
of  the  Edo-speaking  negroes.  Then  follow  an  excellent  and  pithy  description  of  the 
Edo  group  of  six  languages  ;  a  description  of  the  Edo  social  organisation,  demo- 
graphy, food,  calendar,  market  customs,  arts  arid  crafts,  religion  and  magic,  secret 
societies,  funeral,  marriage,  and  birth  customs,  inheritance,  adoption,  property,  land 
and  slave  laws,  criminal  law,  and  degrees  of  kinship  and  methods  of  reckoning 
genealogies.  The  second  part  of  the  book  deals  with  the  grammar  and  vocabularies 
of  the  Edo,  Ishan,  Kukuruku,  and  Sobo  languages,  and  the  Wano  dialect  of  Ebo. 
The  structure  of  these  languages  and  their  pronunciation  and  range  of  ideas  are 
admirably  illustrated  by  narratives  taken  down  from  the  natives,  narratives  which 
throw  much  light  on  the  folk-lore,  customs,  daily  life,  and  morality  of  the  Edo  peoples. 
For  these  alone  the  book  must  possess  a  permanent  value. 

The  work  is  replete  with  interesting  information,  some  of  which  is  quite  new, 
but  there  is  practically  no  index,  and  there  are  several  lacunae  in  this  study  of  the 
Edo  peoples  where  one  would,  from  the  government  anthropologist  of  the  district, 
have  looked  for  new  and  accurate  information.  For  instance,  nothing  is  said  about 
that  amazing  development  of  bronze  casting  in  Benin,  which  is  one  of  the  unsolved 
enigmas  of  Africa  (as  to  its  origin  and  the  source  from  which  the  bronze  amalgam  was 
derived),  or  native  traditions  and  history,  such  as  the  development  of  the  Benin 
kingdom,  and  the  origins  of  the  Edo  peoples  and  their  civilisation.  The  author 
alludes  to  the  affinities  (in  my  opinion  basal  and  undoubted)  between  the  Edo  group 
of  tongues  and  the  Yoruba  and  Ewe  groups. 

In  his  very  interesting  compilation  under  the  heads  above  referred  to,  there  is 
further  evidence  in  customs,  laws,  arts,  and  crafts,  and  religious  ideas  to  connect  the 
Edo  peoples  in  their  early  development  with  the  Yoruba  stock,  before  the  last-named 
became  Muharnmadanised  in  the  eighteenth  and  nineteenth  centuries.  (An  admirable 
description  of  the  pre-Islamic  condition  of  the  Yoruba  and  Borgu  peoples  may  be 
found  in  the  works  of  Clapperton  and  Richard  Lander.)  The  notes  on  the  Edo 
calendar  (pp.  18,  19)  show  that  the  Edo  peoples  recognised  two  kinds  of  years,  "male  " 
and  "  female,"  one  of  which  was  probably  a  month  longer  than  the  other.  The  male 
year,  in  short,  would,  by  its  greater  arbitrary  length,  rectify  the  calendar  according  to 
the  sun.  The  months  or  moons,  according  to  Mr.  Thomas,  do  not  stand  in  any  exact 
relation  to  the  lunar  phases  but  were  taken  from  the  ceremonies  proper  to  certain 
periods  of  the  year.  In  some  districts  a  month  of  twenty  days  was  used,  making  up 
a  year  of  eighteen  months.  The  week  was  of  four  days  ;  occasionally,  for  market 
purposes,  a  double  week  of  eight  days  was  recognised.  One  of  the  four  days  in 
the  week  was  usually  set  apart  as  a  rest  day,  especially  for  men,  women  as  a  rule 
enjoying  no  sabbath.  This  four-day  week  is  a  widespread  custom  throughout  Negro 
Africa — Bantu  and  non-Bantu. 

Interesting  are  the  remarks  as  to  the  "  silent  trade "  (p.  19)  ;  so  also  the 
description  of  the  different  looms  used  by  men  and  by  women,  and  the  method  of 

[     124     ] 


1911.]  MAN.  [Nos.  78-79 

making  pots.  With  the  section  dealing  with  religion  and  magic,  the  reviewer  is  fully 
in  accord  with  the  author  of  this  book,  and  he  welcomes  the  sober  treatment  of  the 
subject,  divested  as  it  is  of  all  preconceived  theories  and  fantastic  deductions. 

In  only  one  direction  is  the  reviewer  at  variance  with  the  author.  He  dislikes 
the  phonetic  system  employed  in  transcribing  the  Edo  languages.  It  is  annoying  in 
the  day  of  to-day  when  any  serious  student  of  ethnology  or  linguistics  introduces  into 
his  work  a  new  system  of  orthography.  On  the  whole,  the  best  system  promulgated 
was  that  of  Lepsius,  with  a  few  modern  alterations  and  simplifications — such  a  system, 
for  example,  as  that  adopted  by  Barth  in  the  transcription  of  the  Sudan  languages, 
or  (if  I  may  say  so)  by  myself  and  many  others  in  regard  to  the  Bantu  tongues. 
There  is  no  feature  in  the  Edo  languages  (some  of  which  were  transcribed  by  the 
reviewer  as  far  back  as  1888),  which  prevents  their  being  brought  under  the  Lepsius 
system,  or  that  (scarcely  differing  therefrom)  officially  employed  by  the  Indian  Govern- 
ment. For  example,  the  u  sound  in  "  but "  or  "  bud "  is  far  more  logically  rendered 
by  the  unaccented  a  (according  to  the  plan  of  the  official  alphabet  in  India)  than  by 
a  special  letter  or  an  e  with  diacritical  marks  ;  for  it  is  little  else  than  a  short  sound 
of  the  normal  a.  The  sound  of  a  in  the  French  word  "  dans "  is  much  more  truly 
rendered  by  a  nasalised  o  (o)  than  by  the  symbol  used  by  Mr.  Northcote  Thomas. 

H.  H.  JOHNSTON. 


Psychology.  King. 

The  Development  of  Religion:  A  Study  in  Anthropology  and  Social  "IQ 
Psychology,  By  Irving  King,  Ph.D.  Macmillan  &  Co.,  1910.  Pp.  353.  I U 

Dr.  King  professes  to  have  written  this  work  in  the  hope  that  "  it  may  con- 
44  tribute  something  toward  a  classification  of  the  relation  of  psychology  to  anthro- 
"  pology  and  the  social  sciences."  He  regrets  the  mutual  suspicion  with  which  the 
anthropologist  and  the  psychologist  are  wont  to  regard  each  other,  when  the  need  is 
for  a  helpful  co-operation.  It  may  be  true  that  the  failure  of  the  psychologist  to 
attain  satisfactory  results  is  in  many  cases  due  to  the  very  character  of  the  obser- 
vations collected  by  the  anthropologist.  Every  anthropologist  who  has  an  active 
interest  in  psychology  must  admit  the  justness  of  the  stricture  that  "  surely  some 
"  training  in  psychology  would  have  rendered  some  of  the  laborious  undertakings 
"  of  the  student  of  the  natural  races  much  more  fruitful  of  results.  There  are,  of 
"  course,  notable  exceptions,  but  it  is  certainly  true  that  much  is  yet  to  be  desired 
"  in  the  form  in  which  material  regarding  the  customs  of  present-day  natural  races 
"  is  at  present  gathered  together."  Indeed,  the  anthropologist  who  limits  himself  to 
the  preparatory  remarks  of  the  author  may  learn  more  to  his  advantage  than  he  who 
skips  these  and  studies  only  the  contents  of  the  chapters. 

The  writer  treats  his  subjects  from  many  different  standpoints,  and,  owing  to  this 
almost  constant  shifting  of  point  of  view,  it  is  not  always  easy  to  follow  his  line  of 
thought.  He  seems  to  be  following  no  particular  theory  and  to  be  grappling  with 
no  particular  problem  ;  and  it  can  scarcely  be  held  that  he  has  made  any  valuable 
contribution  to  the  science  of  religion  in  any  of  its  aspects.  So  far  as  his  work  can 
be  said  to  embody  a  system  it  seems  in  brief  to  be  as  follows  : — Religion  has  its 
source  in  a  "  take-care  "  attitude,  always  social  in  its  origin  and  in  its  manifestation  ; 
psychologically,  it  is  the  attributing  of  values  to  things,  which  is  in  turn  determined 
by  the  "  centreing "  of  our  interests. 

As  Dr.  King  has  pointed  out,  it  would  be  well  if  the  field-worker  would  acquaint 
himself  with  the  more  pressing  needs  and  aims  of  modern  psychology  ;  and,  as  almost 
e'very  treatment  of  anthropological  data  at  the  hands  of  the  psychologist  bears  witness, 
it  would  in  nowise  be  amiss  for  the  psychologist  who  deals  with  rudimentary 
culture  to  acquaint  himself  as  thoroughly  as  possible  with  some  of  the  most  trustworthy 

[  125  ] 


No.  79,]  MAN.  [1911. 

authorities.  That  the  author's  knowledge  of  the  social  group  about  which  he  draws 
his  conclusions  is  not  always  all  that  may  be  desired  is  shown  on  many  pages,  as 
witness  the  paragraph  on  page  67,  in  which  he  finds  an  "indefinite  sense  of  per- 
"  sonality  well  illustrated  by  the  system  of  relationship  current  among  many  Aus- 
"  tralian  tribes.  The  notion  of  wife,  mother,  father,  brother,  and  sister  are  not 
"  clearly  differentiated  from  a  rather  extended  group  of  relatives.  Thus  the  term 
"  brother  applies  .not  only  to  the  blood  brother,  but  also  to  all  males  born  from 
"  a  certain  group  of  men  and  women.  This  is  not  because  the  Australian  is  in 
"  doubt  as  to  his  blood  relationship,  but  because  his  own  sense  of  personality  is  so 
"  vague  that  he  conceives  vaguely  those  about  him.  He  apparently  thinks  chiefly 
"  of  groups  rather  than  of  individuals."  This  would  be  paralleled  by  saying  that 
a  German  student  has  "this  indefinite  sense  of  personality"  with  regard  to  the 
member  of  his  Bruderschaft,  to  whom  he  speaks  indiscriminately  as  "  brother,"  as 
contrasted  with  the  definite  sense  of  personality  for  those  without  the  bond,  who  are 
spoken  to  with  more  discriminating  terminology.  It  is  matter  of  surprise  that  the 
author,  permeated  with  the  theory  of  interest  and  valuational  attitudes  and  pragmatic 
sanctions,  did  not  see  in  this  nomenclature  a  mere  matter  of  social  arrangement,  and 
a  convenient  and  inevitable  designation,  altogether  independent  of  the  definiteness 
of  the  sense  of  personality. 

It  is  not  improbable  that  in  other  cases  he  has  fallen  into  psychological  fallacies. 
The  discussion  of  the  relation  between  religious  values  and  needs  and  "  the  various 
"  processes  of  social  activity  which  are  aroused  by  all  sorts  of  objects  of  general 
"  interest  and  concern  "  (pp.  314-5)  seems  to  be  a  sacrifice  of  psychology  to  theory  ; 
as  when  he  says  that  "  in  all  cases  it  should  be  borne  in  mind  that  the  occasion 
"  which  excites  attention,  i.e.,  the  strange  and  unusual  object  or  phenomenon,  is  first 
"  recognised  because  it  seems  to  have  a  close  connection  with  some  of  the  already 
"  existing  activities  of  the  individual  or  of  the  group.  .  .  .  It  is  important  to 
"  remember  that  these  things  attract  the  savage  because  of  the  part  they  appear  to 
"  play  in  something  he  is  occupied  in  doing."  Since,  however,  the  unusual  is,  as 
compared  to  the  usual,  so  seldom  associated  with  the  activity  of  the  individual,  it  is 
impossible  to  believe  that  mere  association  would  not  have  brought  about  just  the 
opposite  of  the  actual  result.  It  would,  on  this  theory,  be  the  rising  and  setting  of 
the  sun,  which  is  associated  with  so  many  of  the  already  existing  activities,  and 
not  the  eclipse  which,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  is  associated  with  so  few,  that  would 
elicit  his  attention  and  interest.  In  short,  it  is  undoubtedly  the  unusualness  of  the 
phenomenon  that  directs  attention  to  it  and  accounts  for  its  association  in  the  mind 
with  some  other  phenomenon,  and  not  -vice  versa.  It  would  task  the  ingenuity  of 
the  most  subtle  psychologist  to  show  that  the  actions  of  a  dog  terror-stricken  at 
the  sight  of  a  bone  which  is  being  drawn  across  the  floor  by  an  invisible  thread 
are  explainable  in  terms  of  the  part  which  a  bone  moving  without  apparent  cause 
"  plays  in  something  he  is  occupied  in  doing."  The  "  attractiveness "  of  such 
phenomena  seems  to  be  due  to  the  fact  that  they  apparently  are  exceptions  to 
the  uniformity  of  nature,  and  do  not  enter  largely  into  the  every-day  experience. 

The  books  given  in  the  appended  bibliography  "  it  is  hoped  .  .  .  are  fairly 
"  representative  of  the  sources,  and  of  the  literature  generally,  of  this  special  field." 
One  notes  the  absence  of  all  works  on  social  psychology.  The  author  may  be  excused 
for  omitting  the  social  psychologies  of  Ross  and  of  McDougall,  since  they  had  not 
appeared  many  months  prior  to  his  own  publication,  but  it  is  surprising  that  he  has 
referred  to  none  of  the  French,  German,  or  Italian  works  on  this  subject,  nor, 
apparently,  is  he  acquainted  with  any  of  the  writings  of  the  important  school  of 
the  L'Annte  Sociologique.  He  refers  to  but  one  of  the  articles  republished  in  Marett's 
Threshold  of  Religion,  has  no  reference  to  the  works  of  Hartland  or  of  Wundt, 

[  126  ] 


1911.]  MAN.  [Nos.  79-81. 

and  does  not  include  F.  B.  Jevons*  Beligion  in  Evolution.  Most  of  the  trustworthy 
authorities  on  Australia  are  included,  but  no  other  ethnological  area  is  adequately 
represented.  W.  D.  WALLIS. 

Sociology.  Skeat. 

The  Past  at  our  Doors.     By  W.  W.  Skeat.     Macmillan  &  Co.     1911. 

In  the  preface  to  this    charming  little  book  Mr.  Skeat  draws  attention  to 
a  real  and  long-felt  want  when  he  says  "  there  is  no  adequate  Folk  Museum  in  this 
*'  country  where  the  development  of  the  national  life  can  be  studied." 

The  past  is  indeed  at  our  doors,  but  unfortunately  more  often  than  not  at  our 
back  doors  ;  on  the  rubbish  heap,  left  to  rot  by  those  who  know  no  better.  Only 
recently  in  going  over  such  a  heap  I  discovered  an  old  Sheffield-plated  candlestick 
and  a  pair  of  fine  old  bedposts  besides  other  oddments  of  interest. 

I  never  pass  a  scrap  heap  in  the  yard  of  some  country  "  metal  merchant " 
without  a  search,  and  generally  with  results  satisfactory  to  myself. 

The  little  book  under  notice  is  divided  into  seven  chapters  devoted  to  the  story 
of  our  food,  dress,  and  homes.  The  author  endeavours  to  impress  his  readers  that 
there  are  many  things  which  they  are  apt  to  consider  as  "common"  which  are 
full  of  hidden  romance. 

He,  I  think,  is  mistaken  in  saying  that  the  word  "  trencher "  as  applied  to  a 
bread  board  has  died  out,  if  so  it  is  still  in  use  in  the  game  of  "  turn  the 
trencher  "  as  played  by  children. 

The  derivation  of  such  words  as  "  hamper  "  and  "  marmalade  "  are  interesting,  but 
he  might  also  have  included  that  of  "wig"  as  having  found  its  way  from  Italy. 
The  growth  of  modern  machinery  from  the  most  primitive  users,  and  the  connecting 
links  between  practices  still  in  vogue  in  Scotland  and  those  of  the  Stone  Age,  are 
aptly  set  out. 

It  certainly  is  astonishing  to  find  out  how  much  we  owe  to  foreign  lands  for 
what  are  now  our  commonest  forms  of  food. 

Equally  instructive  are  the  chapters  on  dress.  "  It  is  certainly  a  very  odd  thing 
•"  that  most  of  the  chief  kinds  of  dress  at  present  worn  by  women  in  England  are 
"  copied  from  dresses  first  worn  by  men."  This  seems  somehow  to  fit  the  times. 

With  regard  to  our  houses  the  author  traces  the  present  style  of  numbering 
the  floors  to  pile  dwellings  ;  the  ground  floor  was  frequently  a  mere  storeroom  at 
first  open  to  the  air,  the  storey  above  it  being  the  "  first "  floor.  Added  to  this  he 
gives  the  evolution  of  staircases  and  fireplaces  with  their  accessories. 

The  work  comes  to  somewhat  an  abrupt  ending  ;  but  that  one  understands, 
for  it  is  difficult  to  condense  into  a  book  of  200  pages  a  subject  so  interesting  and 
absorbing.  Those  interested  in  the  subject  will,  I  am  sure,  look  for  a  larger  work 
from  the  pen  of  one  so  capable  of  expounding  the  development  of  our  social  life. 

J.  E.-P. 


Indonesia :  Linguistics.  Brandstetter. 

Renward  Brandstetters  Monographien  zur  Indonesischen  Sprachforschung.  O4 
VII.  Sprachvergleichendes  Charakterbild  eines  Indonesischen  Idiomes.  Luzern  :  Ul 
Verlag  Buchhandlung  Haag,  1911.  Pp.  71. 

This  is  a  further  contribution  to  the  author's  admirable  series  of  dissertations 
on  various  points  of  Indonesian  philology.  The  present  paper  discusses  the  Bugis 
language  of  South  Celebes,  in  comparison  with  seven  other  languages,  viz.,  Old 
Javan,  Makassar,  Tontemboan,  Bontoc,  Kamber,  Malagasy,  and  Malay.  The  study 
is  not  based  on  the  usual  language  manuals,  but  on  special  notes  and  observations 
made  in  studying  certain  Bugis  and  other  texts,  which  have  been  published  with 
or  without  translation.  The  extracts  used  as  examples  are  literally  translated  and 

[     127     ] 


Nos.  81-82.]  MAN.  [1911. 

expounded.  The  whole  range  of  the  grammar  is  treated,  including  the  phonology. 
This  is  greatly  hampered  by  the  inadequate  written  character,  which  causes  words  like 
tlie  Bugis  anaq-to-ripapuwam-meii  to  be  written  anlorippuwme,  or  the  Makassar 
ta'/bankaii  to  be  represented  by  tbk.  There  is  also  a  chapter  on  the  Old  Bugis 
language.  The  work  is  important  to  the  Indonesian  student  both  for  its  information 
and  for  the  example  which  it  presents  of  the  method  in  which  these  languages 
should  be  investigated.  S.  H.  RAY. 


India.  Fraser. 

Among  Indian  Rajahs  and  Ryots :  A  Civil  Servant"1  s  Recollections  and  QO 
Impressions  of  Thirty-seven  Years'  Work  and  Sport  in  the  Central  Provinces  Ufc 
and  Bengal.  By  Sir  Andrew  H.  L.  Fraser.  London  :  Seeley  &  Co.,  1911.  Pp.  xv 
+  368.  Index.  23  x  14  ccm. 

Sir  A.  Fraser  records  in  this  book  his  experiences  of  life  in  the  Civil  Service, 
beginning  with  his  appointment  as  an  assistant  magistrate  in  the  Central  Provinces, 
and  ending  as  Lieutenant-Governor  of  Bengal.  His  duties  in  the  later  part  of  his 
service,  as  a  member  of  the  Imperial  Government,  enabled  him  to  observe  more  of 
the  Indian  Empire  than  is  possible  for  the  ordinary  civilian,  who  generally  begins 
and  ends  his  career  in  a  single  province.  The  experienced  Anglo-Indian  will  find 
little  here  that  is  novel  or  specially  interesting  ;  but  the  young  officer  will  be 
impressed  by  the  loyalty  of  the  writer  to  the  traditions  of  a  great  service,  and  the 
unvarying  kindliness  and  sympathy  displayed  towards  the  natives  of  India.  Those 
who  know  the  country  by  personal  experience  will  find  much  to  which  they  will 
not  readily  assent ;  the  exaggerated  respect  for  missionary  education  ;  the  lack  of 
that  grit  and  determination  which  has  made  the  empire  what  it  is  ;  the  suggestion 
that  the  present  difficult  situation  is  to  be  remedied  by  concessions  on  the  part  of 
its  rulers.  Social  intercourse  between  the  governing  and  the  subject  races  is,  of 
course,  much  to  be  commended,  and  by  no  class  has  it  been  more  actively  promoted 
than  by  the  members  of  the  service  to  which  the  writer  belonged.  But  so  long  as 
the  native  prefers  the  policy  of  dignified  seclusion,  hedging  himself  in  on  all  sides 
by  tabus  of  commensality,  intermarriage,  seclusion  of  women,  and  caste,  the  gulf 
between  the  two  races  must  of  necessity  remain  unbridged.  Mr.  Valentine  Chirol's 
recent  book,  Indian  Unrest,  supplies  a  useful  corrective  to  many  of  the  views  expressed 
by  Sir  A.  Fraser.  It  is  also  to  be  regretted  that  the  writer,  while  full  of  sympathy 
for  the  aspirations  of  the  Babu  class,  seems  to  have  devoted  little  study  ,to  the 
religions,  ethnography,  or  folk-lore  of  the  peasant.  At  any  rate,  he  gives  us  little 
on  these  subjects,  and  this  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  much  of  his  service  was  passed 
in  a  province,  the  home  of  most  interesting  forest  tribes,  a  paradise  to  the  ethnolo- 
gist. He  has  something  to  say  about  the  relations  between  the  Khonds  or  Kandhs, 
and  the  agricultural  Kultas  who  are  intruding  on  their  forest  domains  ;  and  he 
describes  an  incident  in  which  the  former  killed  a  member  of  the  latter  tribe  in  the 
belief  that  the  blood  of  the  victim  would  promote  the  fertility  of  their  fields,  a 
recent  case  of  something  like  the  Meriah  sacrifice,  which  has  been  exhaustively 
discussed  by  Professor  J.  G.  Frazer.  He  has  visited  that  interesting  tribe  the 
Baigas,  who  exercise  priestly  functions  among  the  Gonds,  but  he  tells  us  nothing 
of  their  religious  beliefs.  Of  the  Gonds  he  says  little  except  the  tale  of  a  stupid 
practical  joke.  When  an  attempt  was  made  to  ascertain  by  actual  experiment  the 
average  produce  of  their  fields,  the  scheme  was  defeated  by  someone,  who  ought  to 
have  known  better,  telling  these  semi-savages  that  if  they  cut  their  crop  there  would 
be  no  children  in  their  houses.  Further  information  about  such  remarkable  tribes 
might  well  have  taken  the  place  of  disquisitions  on  contemporary  politics. 

W.  CROOKE. 

Printed  by  EYRE  AND  SPOTTISWOODE,  LTD.,  His  Majesty's  Printers,  East  Harding  Street,  B.C. 


PLATE  I— J. 


MAN,  1911. 


ANCIENT     LOCAL     POTTERY     FROM     CHINESE    TURKESTAN. 


1911.]  MAN.  [tfo.  83. 

ORIGINAL    ARTICLES. 

Asia,  Central.  (With  Plate  I— J.)  Woolley. 

Some  Ancient  Local  Pottery  from  Chinese  Turkestan.    By  C.  L.     QQ 

Woolley.  00 

I  have  had  the  opportunity  of  working  for  three  months  over  a  part  of  the 
great  collection  brought  back  by  Dr.  M.  A.  Stein  from  his  explorations  of  ancient 
sites  in  Chinese  Turkestan  and  westernmost  China,  of  which  a  preliminary  account 
has  been  given  by  him  in  The  Geographical  Journal,  July-September,  1909. 

Amongst  the  objects  are  numerous  examples  of  pottery  ;  these  are  of  almost 
every  type  and  cover  a  considerable  period,  from  the  first  century  B.C.  onwards. 
Putting  on  one  side  the  porcelains  imported  from  Eastern  China,  something  may 
be  said  about  the  rougher  local  products.  A  large  proportion  of  the  pottery  is  hand- 
made. The  clay  is  generally  ill-levigated,  the  colour  differing  according  to  the  localities 
and  the  methods  of  manufacture  ;  the  pottery  shows  every  degree  of  skill  from  the 
mere  plastering  of  lumps  of  clay  into  a  mould  to  a  regularity  such  that  it  is  difficult 
to  distinguish  the  vessel  from  one  made  on  the  wheel.  Generally  speaking,  no  surface 
colouring  matter  was  employed,  but  in  some  of  the  finer  wares  a  thin  engobbage  was 
used  to  give  a  smoother  surface  than  was  produced  by  friction  in  the  course  of 
manufacture,  and  in  one  or  two  cases  a  colour-wash  of  haematite  was  added.  Hand- 
made pottery  was  almost  always  fired  on  an  open  hearth,  and  shows  in  the  section 
the  uneven  bands  of  colour  usually  resulting  from  that  process.  Varying  degrees 
of  heat  were  attained,  but  in  most  cases  this  was  very  intense,  and  gave  to  the  clay 
a  surprising  hardness  and  a  clear  ring. 

Probably,  as  in  modern  India,  a  shallow  hole  in  the  ground  would  serve  as  a 
nucleus  for  the  hearth,  and  such  a  hollow,  easily  roofed  in,  would  account  for  the 
"  smothering "  of  many  hearth-burnt  examples,  which  otherwise  could  have  been 
attained  by  the  arrangement  about  the  pots  of  quick  and  slow  burning  fuels,  or  by 
plastering  the  heap  of  fuel  formed  round  and  over  the  pot  with  a  coating  of  mud. 
This  actual  method  was  observed  in  Southern  India  by  Dr.  Jagors  ( Verhandlungen 
der  Berliner  Gesellschaft  fur  Anthropologie. — I  am  indebted  for  the  reference  to 
Dr.  W.  von  Bissing).  Usually,  he  says,  a  hole  in  the  ground  capable  of  taking  a 
considerable  number  of  pots  was  used  for  firing.  Working  on  a  smaller  scale  the 
potter  spread  a  little  cow  dung  and  rice  straw  over  the  bottom  of  a  large  vessel, 
already  fired,  and  packed  his  small  pots  inside,  covering  the  whole  with  a  second 
vase,  and  making  it  airtight  with  a  mixture  of  cow  dung,  clay  and  ashes.  The 
large  vessel  was  then  set  upon  a  triple  layer  of  cow  dung  ;  more  of  the  same  fuel 
was  heaped  around  and  above  it.  The  heap  was  then  encased  in  rice  straw,  and  the 
straw  was  plastered  with  clay,  leaving  a  hole  at  the  top  and  a  ring  round  the  base 
for  purposes  of  draught.  The  fuel  was  fired  and  burnt  for  four  hours.  The  pots, 
which  had  been  washed  with  haematite  and  burnished,  were  found  to  have  taken 
a  deep  black  colour.  Here  we  have  an  improvised  kiln,  but  the  same  people  also 
fired  vessels,  which  were  to  be  of  clay  colour  on  the  outside  and  black  inside,  in  an 
open  fire,  first  filling  them  up  with  a  mixture  of  cow  dung  and  rice  straw.  The 
uneven  colouring  of  some  of  the  Chinese  Turkestan  examples  corresponds  very  well 
with  the  results  to  be  expected  of  the  more  primitive  process  of  smothering  in  the 
open  hearth.  Others  as  clearly  show  a  greater  control  of  the  heat,  and  since  hearth- 
burning  and  kiln-firing  were  practised  contemporarily,  it  is  probable  that  every  inter- 
mediate method  was  at  the  same  time  in  use. 

From  Mingoi  near  Kara-shahr  (sixth  to  ninth  centuries  A.D.)  comes  a  sherd 
(Mi.  XXIII  006,  PI.  I-J,  3)  on  which  a  Tibetan  inscription  was  scratched  previous 
to  burning.  From  the  fort  of  Miran  (circiter  ninth  century  A.D.)  comes  a  similar 

[  129  ] 


No.  83.] 


MAN. 


[1911. 


hand-made  fragment  (PI.  I-J,  8)  with  the  graffito  head  of  a  warrior  wearing  a 
helmet  with  cheek  pieces  clearly  of  the  Chinese  type,  made  of  pieces  of  leather 
covered  with  lacquer,  such  as  were  found  in  numbers  in  the  ruins  of  the  Miran  fort, 
and  are  represented  on  the  Mingoi  clay  figures.  Here,  evidently,  hand-made  pottery 
was  still  being  produced  at  a  time  when  Chinese,  Iranian,  and  Indian  influences  had 
affected  the  civilisation  of  the  Tarim  basin  for  centuries  past. 
A  fair  number  of  parallel  cases  could  be  quoted  where  wheel- 
made  kiln-fired  pottery  never  entirely  superseded,  for  domestic 
purposes,  the  hand-made,  hearth-burnt  vessels  that  carried  on 
the  prehistoric  tradition,  e.g.,  Nubia,  and  Roman  Britain,  where 
1-  the  natives  continued  to  produce  their  old  rough  wares  while 

using  at  the  same  time  imported  terra  sigillata  and  wheel-made,  kiln-fired  pottery 
locally  made  under  Roman  influence. 

So  conservative  was  the  tradition  that  the  greatest  difficulty  is  to  distinguish 
between  examples  possibly  late  and  possibly  early.  At  some  points  of  the  Lopnor 
desert  stone  implements  were  found  (see  MAN,  1911,  52)  in  conjunction  with  pottery 
fragments.  From  these  places  come  sherds  of  a  type  not  found  elsewhere  ;  they  are 
hand-made,  of  a  clay  so  ill-levigated  that  the  numerous  stones  (in  size  up  to  five  and 
six  millimetres)  sometimes  go  nearly  through  the  walls  ;  the  potting  is  irregular  but 
the  walls  are  always  very  thin ;  they  are  hearth-burned  but  evenly  fired  with  a 
remarkable  degree  of  heat ;  that  this  did  not  crack  the  stones  and  break  the  pots 
was  probably  due  to  the  use  of  a  very  slow  burning  fuel,  such  as  cow  dung.  These 
wares  may  well  be  neolithic,  but  the  difference  between  them  and  some  produced  in 
the  eighth  and 

B— -TJT-  r™<—     :'  .      , 

ninth  centuries 
A.D.  is  really 
very  small. 
That  nearly  all 
are  of  local  fabric 
there  can,  of 
course,  be  very 
little  doubt; 
Fig.  1  shows  a 
"  waster  "  from 
Lopnor,  the  dis- 
torted rim  of  a 
very  finely  potted 
hand-made  grey 
smothered  jar 
with  a  rolled 
rim  of  well- 
developed  type. 

On     many 
""u      sites       "  m  a  t- 
marked"  pottery 

is  common  (PI.  I-J,  7).  The  vessels  generally,  if  not  always  of  bowl  form,  were 
moulded  inside  wicker  baskets,  the  impression  of  which  preserved  on  the  exterior 
forms  a  regular  decoration.  One  fragment  so  marked  is  wheel-made  though  hearth 
burned  ;  the  matting  was  presumably  pressed  against  the  face  of  a  pot  already  cast. 
The  example  gives  a  further  link  between  the  hand-made  and  wheel-made  pottery. 
The  mat-marked  pots  are  often  smothered,  particularly  the  pieces  from  the  watch- 
stations  along  the  ancient  Chinese  Limes  near  Tun-hu'ang  ;  the  period  of  the  military 

[     130    ] 


FlG-  2- 


1911.] 


MAN. 


[No.  83. 


occupation  of  the  Limes  is  circ.  100  B.C.  to  A.D.  150  ;  but  it  need  not  be  supposed  that 
elsewhere  the  ware  was  always  so  early.  Mat-marked  pottery  comes  also  from  the 
Japanese  dolmens  and  other  places  ;  it  is,  indeed,  the  result  of  a  very  natural  process. 
In  connection  with  it  might  be  cited  a  peculiar  glazed  example  from  So-yung-cheng. 
This  is  a  bowl  moulded  outside  a  basket-work  case  ;  the  mat-marked  interior  is 
covered  with  deep  brown  glaze,  the  exterior  has  a  white  glaze  whereon  a  floral 
design  in  brown  (So.  0043)  ;  it  is  described  by  Mr.  R.  Hobson  as  Tz'u-cheu  ware  of 
the  Sung  Dynasty. 

A  great  advance  in  what  is  really  the  same  technique  is  shown  by  the  moulded 
wares  (e.g.,  Yotkan  0039  k  and  005  a,  PI.  I-J,  5,  6)  ;  the  mould  here  produces  an 
elaborate  relief  ornament  in  which  the  Gandhara  influence  is  pronounced.  Generally 
the  moulded  pattern  and  the  pot  result  from  the  same  process,  the  clay  being  simply 
pressed  into  the  mould  ;  but  in  Yo.  0039  k  the  impression  has  been  taken  in  a  very 
thin  layer  of  clay  which  is  applied 
to  a  vessel  with  walls  some  six 
millimetres  thick  scored  lightly  to 
secure  a  bond.  This  recalls  at 
once  the  stucco  decorations  of  the 
buildings,  where  the  clay  surface 
of  the  reliefs  is  generally  quite 
thin,  with  a  backing  of  common 
clay  mixed  with  fibre.  As  the 
whole  surface  of  the  pot  seems  to 
have  been  covered  it  is  here 
classed  with  the  moulded  rather 
than  the  applique-decorated  wares. 

The  commonest  ornament  on 
hand-made  pottery  is  either 
stamped  with  a  series  of  small 
circular  or  toothed  punches  (e.g., 
Fig.  2  and  PI.  I-J,  2)  or  comb- 
drawn  ;  festoons  or  wave-patterns 
made  with  combs  having  four  to 
nine  teeth  are  most  usual  (PI.  I-J, 
1  ;  Akterek,  iv,  i). 

A  few  vessels  were  zoomorphic 
(Yotkan  1  and  0061,  PI.  I-J,  19 
and  20)  ;  like  most  of  the  vases 
with  applique  ornament,  they  are 
of  the  fine  red  terra-cotta,  of  which 
the  grotesque  figurines  were  made, 
and  are  kiln-fired.  Like  the  figurines  and  stucco  reliefs,  they  are  built  up  from 
separately  moulded  members  ;  piece  moulds  were  not  used. 

The  wheel-made  pots  are  generally  of  very  finely  levigated  clay,  kiln-fired, 
sometimes  smothered,  sometimes  of  a  clear  terra-cotta  red  ;  the  surface,  either  by  the 
mere  friction  of  casting  or  by  the  use  of  a  slight  engobbage,  is  usually  smooth  and 
highly  finished  ;  there  are  one  or  two  cases  of  a  haematite  wash  being  used,  and  a 
few  of  burnishing.  The  ornament,  when  there  is  any,  is  applique  ;  of  this  a  fine 
example  is  Yotkan,  01,  Fig.  3;  the  fact  of  the  broken  neck  and  handles  having  been 
ground  down  smooth  shows  that  the  piece  was  originally  considered  of  some  value. 
PI.  I-J,  4,  is  hand-made.  Unfortunately  at  Yotkan,  the  site  of  the  ancient  Khotan 
capital,  the  site  where  most  examples  of  this  ware  were  found,  no  detailed  chronology 


FIG.  3. 


Nos.  83-84.] 


MAN. 


[1911. 


FIG.  4. 


can  be  obtained  within  the  period  lasting  from  the  first  centuries  B.C.  to  the  eleventh 
century  A.D.  during  which  it  was  inhabited.  Purely  Chinese  motives  of  decoration 
sometimes  occur,  but  the  classical  Gandhara  type  is  far  more  prevalent,  e.g.,  the 
anthemium  forms  the  base  of  the  jug  handle  (Yo.  0057,  PI.  I-J  ;  cf.  11),  the  simple 
jug  (Yo.  0060,  PI.  I-J,  21),.  and  many  other  specimens.  Remarkable  for  their 
analogies  in  the  classical  west  are  the  glazed  handles  from  Akterek,  where  was  a 
temple  of  circ.  sixth  century  A.D.  (A.T.  003,  PI.  I-J,  13  ;  cp.  Ancient  Khotan,  pi.  xlii, 
Figs.  T.M.  002  b,  c  ;  003  d.)  These  are  precisely  of 
the  shape  common  on  Roman  lamps,  a  small  vertical 
ring  handle  set  low  down,  level  with  the  top  of  the 
lamp,  fitted  with  a  flat  triangular  thumbpiece  slightly 
inclined  from  the  vertical ;  on  the  face  of  this  is  moulded 
a  conventional  acanthus,  anthemium  or  palmette  orna- 
ment. In  one  case  (A.T.  0012,  Fig.  4),  a  similar 
handle,  but  of  rough  local  hand-made  ware,  was  applied 
not  to  the  rim  but  to  the  body  of  a  shallow  vase, 
probably  a  native  type  of  lamp  ;  in  another  glazed  example  of  typical  local  fabric 
(A.T.  004,  PI.  I-J,  12),  the  thumbpiece  lies  horizontally  above  the  vertical  ring 
handle,  flush  with  the  rim  of  the  vase,  a  regular  Roman  form  not  infrequent  in 
glazed  goblets.  Another  classical  type  of  handle  is  A.T.  045  (PI.  I-J,  14),  with  its 
back-turned  floriate  thumbpiece. 

It  is  not  necessary  to  suppose  that  these  glazed  specimens  were  imported,  seeing 
that  similar  glazes,  though  on  a  different  body,  were  locally  produced.  From  So-yung- 
cheng  (So.  A.  001-3,  005,  PI.  I-J,  15-18)  come  fragments  of  the  moulded  and  glazed 
tiles  that  covered  the  walls  and  roof  of  a  Buddhist  temple  ;  on  these  occur  dragons 
of  Chinese  type,  a  rough  jewel  ornament  within  a  vesica,  that  may  be  a  degraded 
representation  of  the  seated  Buddha,  and,  most  important,  a  flame  ornament  from  the 
«dge  of  a  large  vesica.  Such  flame  ornaments,  rendered  in  precisely  the  same  fashion, 
are  found  among  the  remains  of  Buddhist  temples  at  nearly  all  the  sites  ;  in  this 
case  the  red  clay,  usually  left  crude  and  painted,  has  been  covered  with  a  fine  blue- 
.•green  glaze.  So-yung-cheng  was  occupied  during  Sung  times,  so  is  much  later  than 
Akterek,  where  the  acanthus  lamp  handles  were  found,  and  the  Gandhara  influence  is 
no  longer  felt  there  ;  but  at  Akterek,  as  at  the  later  site  of  Mingoi,  north  of  the 
Taklamakan,  the  tradition  lingered,  or  perhaps  the  old  moulds  remained  in  use,  longer 
than  on  a  priori  grounds  would  be  expected.  C.  LEONARD  WOOLLEY. 

Africa :  Sudan.  Cummins. 

Golo  Models  and  Songs.     By  Major  S.  L.  Cummins,  R.A.M.C. 

The  three  sketches  sent  herewith    represent  clay  models  of   animals  made 
by  the  Golo  tribe   near   Waw   in  the  Bahr- el-Ghazal.      In   an  article   on  the  Dinka, 

in  the  Journal  of  the  Anthropo- 
logical Institute  for  1904,  I  gave  some 
sketches  of  Dinka  clay  models  of 
cattle,  and  a  Golo  model  of  an  ele- 
phant, illustrating  the  greater  vigour 
and  realism  of  the  latter,  as  a  work 
of  art.  1  have  since  come  upon  the 
sketches  now  sent,  and  think  them, 
perhaps,  of  sufficient  interest  to  be 
recorded. 

The  models  themselves   were  too 
brittle  to  be  brought  home. 
[     132     ] 


1911.] 


MAN. 


[No.  84 


With  the  sketches  were  some  songs  recited  for  me  in  1902,  by  the  chief  of 
the  tribe,  one  Gurna,  son  of  Kiango.  As  the  tribe  is  likely  to  alter  under  the 
influence  of  civilization  in  the  near  future,  any  light  upon  its  mentality  during  the 
early  days  of  the  occupation  of  the  Bahr-el-Ghazal  has  its  value,  and  I  there- 
fore send  the  songs  with  the  sketches. 

(1)  GUMA'S  SONG.  _^^_^_^__^_____ 

His    heart    is    sad,  the 

son    of    the     Sultan 

(Kiango) 

You  are  a  common  man. 
If  you   don't   hear   my 

orders,  you    shall  go 

to  prison. 

Hear  your  ruler's  com- 
mands. 
Bring  him  grain,  or  you 

shall  have  lashes. 
Give    to  Guma  honey, 

grain  and  meat,  that 

he  may  eat   in    your 

village. 

(2)  HUNTER'S  SONG. 

Oh  brother  !     You  tell  me  that  I  am  not  a  proper  man. 

Were  I  not  a  proper  man,  would  I  slay  the  beasts  with  arrows  ? 

I  am  a  better  man  than  you,  and  my  aim  is  sure. 

(3)  SONG  OF  ELEPHANTS. 

The  game  in  the  forest,  does  it  understand  our  talking  ? 

The  elephant  is  the  only  man  among  them. 

Big  as  he  is,  a  small  man  may  kill  him. 

I  went  to  the  forest  and  found  him  aud  slew  him. 

"  Oh  elephant  !     You  are  big  and  your  tusks  are  mighty, 

But  with  my  little  spear  I  slew  you." 

(4)  SONG  OF  RAIN. 
Heavy  rain  is  coming.     I  shall 

go    to   my    hut    and    light  a 

fire. 
"  Oh,   wife  !       Shut   the   door 

and  kindle  the  fire, 
For     the      thunder-cloud      has 

darkened    the     eye    of     the 

Sun. 
The     heavy     rain    is    coming, 

and    we    had    best    sleep    in 

our  huts. 
When    the    rain    is    over,    we 

shall  go  out  again." 

S.  LYLE  CUMMINS. 


[    133    ] 


No.  85.] 


MAN. 


[1911. 


Physical  Anthropology.  Duckworth  :  Shore. 

Report  on  Human  Crania  from  Peat  Deposits   in  England.      By     QC 
W.  L.  H.  Duckworth,  M.D.,  and  L.  R.   Shore.  03 

The  anatomical  and  geological  collections  of  Cambridge  University  contain  several 
crania  from  peat  deposits.  Although  the  localities  are  widely  separated,  it  seems 
justifiable  to  bring  all  the  available  specimens  together  for  the  purposes  of  descrip- 
tion and  comparison.  This  has  been  done  in  the  following  report.  We  are  indebted 
to  Professors  Macalister  and  Hughes  for  permission  to  examine  the  crania  herein 
described.  The  report  is  divided  into  two  sections  ;  in  the  first  of  these,  the  chief 


FIG.  1 


Contour  tracings  of  crania  Nos.  I  aud  III  from  British  peat  deposits.    The  bregmatic  (B,  Or,  IN) 
and  lambda  (L,  IN,  G)  angles  are  indicated. 

craniological  features  of  each  specimen  are  detailed  ;  in  the  second  part  will  be  found 
comments  upon  the  observations  thus  made,  and  the  measurements  and  indices 
provided  by  the  skulls. 

SECTION  I. — LIST  OF  THE  SPECIMENS,  AND  BRIEF  DESCRIPTIONS  OF  EACH. 

I.  A  male  skull  with  the  mandible  ;  from  Upware,  Cambridgeshire. 
II.  A  male  skull  with  the  mandible  ;  from  Bracebridge,  Lincolnshire. 

III.  A  female    skull  with    the    mandible ;    from  Burwell   Fen,    Cambridgeshire 

(1890). 

IV.  A  male  calvaria  ;  from  Burwell  Fen,  Cambridgeshire  (1884). 

V.  A  male  skull  ;  from  the  Cambridgeshire  Fens  (exact  locality  not  specified). 
VI.  A  fragmentary  male  calvaria  :  from  Burwell  Fen,  Cambridgeshire. 
VII.  A  male  skull  (Mus.  Anat.  Cant.,  No.  658);  from  a  "peat  moss,"  Lanca- 
shire, described  as  "  Ancient  British." 
VIII.  A  male  skull  (Mus.  Anat.  Cant.,  No.  659)  ;  with  locality  and  description 

as  in  the  case  of  No.  VII). 
IX.  A  male  skull  (Mus.  Anat.  Cant.,  No.  275)  ;  From  Feltwell  Fen,  Norfolk, 

described  as  "  Early  British." 
X.  A  mandible,  probably  female  ;  from  Burwell  Fen,  Cambridgeshire. 

No.  I.  A  large  massive  male  skull  with  prominent  brow-ridges  and  occipital  pro- 
tuberance, and  large  mastoid  processes.     The  principal  sutures  remain  open.     Parts  of 

[     134    ] 


19U.] 


MAN. 


[No.  85. 


the  facial  skeleton  are  missing.  There  is  a  well-marked  supra-inial  protuberance  of 
the  occipital  curve,  clearly  shown  in  tracing  No.  I  (Fig.  1)  taken  from  this  specimen. 
The  mandible  is  large  and  heavy,  though  imperfect.  The  teeth  are  much  worn  but 
not  carious.  In  length  (from  symphysis  to  angle)  the  mandible  measures  110  mm.,  and 
in  width  105  mm.  at  the  angle. 

No.  II.  A  large  male  skull  with  prominent  brow-ridges  and  external  occipital 
protuberance.  The  chief  sutures  remain  open.  The  sagittal  cranial  arc  does  not 
show  the  supra-inial  bulging  so  distinctive  of  specimen  No.  I.  Much  of  the  base  of 
this  skull  is  missing.  The  remaining  teeth  are  much  worn  but  not  carious.  The 
mandible  measures  94  mm.  in  length,  and  94  mm.  in  width  at  the  angle. 

No.  III.  This  skull  presents  features  characteristic  of  the  female  sex.  The 
brow-ridges  are  not  prominent.  The  occipital  protuberance  is  feebly  developed. 
The  sagittal  arc  (cf.  tracing  No.  Ill,  Fig.  1)  shows  a  slight,  but  distinct  supra- 
inial  bulging.  The  parietal  eminences  are  distinct.  The  facial  bones  are  absent  or 
greatly  damaged. 

No.  IV.  This  male  calvaria  has  been  reconstructed  from  fragments.  The  face 
and  the  base  are  absent,  as  are  also  the  temporal  bones  and  part  of  the  occipital 
bone.  The  brow-ridges  are  remarkable  for  their  continuity  in  the  middle  line.  The 
sagittal  suture  is  closed.  The  measurement  in  breadth  is  only  approximate,  owing 
to  the  absence  of  the  temporal  bones. 


FIG.  2. 


Contour  tracings  of  crania  Nos.  VII  and  IX  from  British  peat  deposits.    The  bregmatic  (B,  G,  IN) 
and  lambda  (L,  IN,  G)  angles  are  indicated. 

No.  V.  This  specimen  is  shown  to  be  male  by  the  prominent  brow-ridges  and 
occipital  protuberance.  The  face  and  most  of  the  cranial  base  are  absent.  Synos- 
tosis  is  commencing  in  the  external  part  of  the  sagittal  suture,  but  has  not  begun  in 
the  other  sutures. 

No.  VI.  A  fragmentary  calvaria.  The  chief  characteristic  is  the  very  great 
transverse  diameter,  which  must  have  approached  160  mm.,  and  the  cephalic  index 
was  probably  90  or  more.  The  sagittal  cranial  arc  was  evidently  flattened. 

No.  VII.  (Mus.  Anat.  Cant.,  No.  658).  A  male  skull  with  prominent  brow-ridges 
continuous  across  the  mid-line.  The  mastoid  processes  are  large,  and  the  temporal 

[  135  ] 


[No.  85.  MAN.  [1911. 

ridges  distinct.  The  posterior  half  of  the  sagittal  suture  is  closed  externally.  Other 
sutures  remain  open.  The  skull  is  elongated  with  a  marked  supra-inial  bulging,  well 
shown  in  the  contour  (Fig.  2).  The  facial  skeleton  is  well  preserved. 

No.  VIII.  (Mus.  Anat.  Cant.,  No.  659).  A  male  skull,  very  short  and  wide. 
There  is  no  supra-inial  bulging,  and  the  median  sagittal  contour  line  ascends  steeply 
from  the  inion.  The  parietal  eminences  are  well  developed,  and  give  a  flattened 
form  to  the  cranial  vault.  The  sagittal  suture  is  beginning  to  close.  The  bones  of 
the  face  and  of  the  right  temporo-sphenoidal  region  are  imperfect. 

No.  IX.  (Mus.  Anat.  Cant.,  No.  275).  A  very  large  and  massive  male  skull  of 
cuboidal  form,  resembling  crania  of  the  Gristhorpe  and  Cowlam  types,  and  also  to 
some  extent  the  Briinn  cranium.  The  interfrontal  suture  remains  open  (metopic). 
The  brow-ridges  and  muscular  impressions  are  prominent.  The  facial  skeleton  is  well 
preserved,  and  the  palate  is  wide  and  shallow.  The  teeth  were  fairly  worn  down 
but  not  carious.  The  sagittal  contour  is  shown  in  Fig.  2. 

No.  X.  A  mandible  of  slender  proportions,  and  apparently  female.  In  colour 
it  is  almost  black,  and  darker  than  any  other  of  these  specimens.  The  left  ascending 
ramus  is  missing.  The  presence  of  three  molar  teeth  show  that  the  individual  was 
fully  adult.  The  measurements  are  : — Length  (symphysis  to  angle),  76  mm.  ;  depth 
at  symphysis,  24  mm. 

Measurements  and  Indices. — Table  I  contains  a  statement  of  the  more  impor- 
tant measurements  and  indices  of  the  nine  crania  described  in  the  preceding 
paragraphs. 

SECTION  II. 

(1)  In  criticising  this   series  taken  as  a  whole,  there  is  some  reason  a  priori  for 
considering  human  crania  from  the  peat  as  forming  a  homogeneous    group,  since  in 
regard  to  other  mammalia  the  peat  fauna  is  certainly  a  distinctive  one.     But  a  glance 
at  this  collection  shows  that  a  very  great  diversity  of  cranial  form  obtains. 

(2)  In  the  next  place,  the  state   of    preservation   of    the    specimens  varies    con- 
siderably.    Nos.  IV  and  VI,  both  from  Burwell  Fen,  are  distinctly  more  friable  than 
the  others,  and  thus  give  an  impression  of  greater  antiquity.     Otherwise  there  is  no 
guide  whatever  as  to  the  age  of  the  specimens,  in  the  almost  complete  absence  of  data 
concerning  the  circumstances  of  their  discovery.     It   should  be  noted  that  they  might 
be  representative  of  man  in    any  stage  of   culture  from  the  neolithic  period  .to   the 
present  time.     But  there  is  no  question  of  assigning  to  them  a  greater  antiquity  than 
that  just  indicated  (viz.,  neolithic). 

(3)  In  such  a  case  it  is  hardly  possible  to  do  more  than  provide  a  simple  record 
of  the  chief  -osteological  features  of  the  crania,  such  as  that  given  in  the  preceding 
section  of  this  paper. 

(4)  But  beyond  this,  it   should  be  remarked  that  in  respect  of   certain   selected 
tests,  it  is  possible  to  compare  these   crania  with   some  of  the  classical   palaeolithic 
specimens.      Such  a  comparison  has  been  made,  and  the  characters  that  have  been 
employed  are  of  a  numerical  order,  and  are  considered  to  be  of  use  in  indicating  the 
evolutionary  grade  of  specimens  studied  by  their  aid. 

The  tests  are  called  (a)  the  calvarial  height  index,  (6)  the  bregmatic  angle, 
(c)  the  lambda  angle.  They  are  well-known  by  reason  of  their  employment  by 
Professor  Schwalbe  in  his  researches  on  various  palaeolithic  human  remains,  and 
especially  the  Neanderthal  and  Spy  crania.  Consequently  they  will  not  be  further 
discussed  in  this  place.  The  values  in  Tables  II,  III,  IV  provide  a  basis  for 
comparisons,  and  here  are  given  the  figures  relating  to  certain  of  the  peat  skulls, 
as  determined  on  the  tracings  shown  in  Figs.  1  and  2.  The  values  for  the  other 

[    136     ] 


1911.]  MAN.  [No.  85. 

crania  are  derived  from  Professor  Schwalbe's  papers  quoted  by  Professor  Berry  in  the 
publication  mentioned  below.* 

Put  briefly,  the  general  results  of  these  tabulations  go  to  show  that  two  crania 
from  the  peat,  Nos.  Ill  and  IX  of  the  series  here  described,  tend  to  intrude  among 
the  early  prehistoric  crania.  This  tendency  is  specially  characteristic  of  No.  Ill, 
which  is  hereby  distinguished  from  modern  European  crania,  and  even  from  some 
savage  existing  types  usually  assigned  to  a  low  grade  of  evolution.  It  is  further  to 
be  remarked  that  the  associated  "  palaeolithic  "  crania  are  those  known  as  the  Galley- 
Hill  and  Briinn  specimens. 

Now  it  would  be  inappropriate  to  enter  here  into  a  detailed  discussion  of  the  pos- 
sible meanings  of  such  an  association.  But  in  this  connexion  it  is  desired  to  give 
prominence  to  the  three  statements  following  : — 

(a)  This  association  is  not  regarded  as  conferring  a  very  special  distinction  upon 

the  peat-skulls  concerned. 

(6)  The  association  is  with  crania  whose  claims  to  that  palaeolithic  antiquity  have 
been  to  some  extent  "  suspect."  And,  without  embarking  upon  a  complete 
exposition  of  evidence,  we  wish  to  state  that  apart  from  these  doubts 
(which  have  not  been  entirely  removed,  even  by  the  discussion  at  Paris 
in  1909),  both  specimens  (viz.,  those  from  Galley-Hill  and  from  Briinn) 
are  open  to  criticism  as  having  been  partially  reconstructed,  while  one  of 
them  (Galley-Hill)  is  admittedly  distorted  through  pressure. 

(c)  The  association  with  the  crania  mentioned  in  the  preceding  paragraph  may 
be  claimed  as  corroborative  of  the  view  so  ably  argued  by  Professor 
Stolyhwo  (cf.  L1  Anthropologie,  Tome  XIX,  1908,  Nos.  2-3,  pp.  191  et 
seq.~).  This  observer  contends  that  in  respect  of  their  cranial  characters, 
Homo  primigenius  (Schwalbe)  and  Homo  sapiens  overlap  more  distinctly 
than  Professor  Schwalbe  was  at  first  inclined  to  admit.  The  characters 
of  the  Frisian  skull,  known  as  the  "  Batavus  genuinus,"  support  the  same 
view,  as  do  the  data  provided  by  a  skull  recently  described  by  Duckworth 
in  the  Journal  of  Anatomy  and  Physiology. \ 

It  appears,  therefore,  that  this  series  of  peat-crania  includes  examples  which  are 
somewhat  unusual  among  modern  European  crania,  in  respect  of  the  three  characters 
employed  for  the  purpose  of  comparison. 

(5)  Lastly,  we  have  tested  the  characters  of  the  individual  crania  in  yet  another 
way.  This  is  set  forth  in  Table  V,  which  contains  the  specimens  ordinated  on  the 
basis  of  the  absolute  breadth-measurement  (maximum  parietal  breadth).  The  corre- 
sponding breadth-indices  are  also  tabulated  for  comparison. 

The  table  shows  that  while  No.  Ill,  which  has  just  been  discussed,  does  not 
occupy  a  position  of  distinction,  yet  No.  IX,  which  was  also  involved  in  the  discus- 
sion under  the  previous  heading  (paragraph  4),  is  found  to  be  rather  unusually  broad. 
And  the  table  further  shows  that  no  less  than  three  out  of  the  nine  crania  (from  the 
peat)  present  a  breadth-index  exceeding  eighty-one.  This  is  a  percentage  of  33*3, 
whereas  among  modern  British  crania  only  about  '33  per  cent,  should  be  so  broad 
as  this.  The  association  of  great  breadth  with  great  cranial  capacity  is  clearly  shown 
(Cf.  Table  I). 

These  specimens  from  the  peat  are  therefore  not  a  fair  sample  of  modern  British 
crania.  They  differ  from  these  in  respect  of  the  exceptional  position  of  two  specimens 
(Nos.  Ill  and  IX)  described  in  paragraph  (4)  and  also  in  the  unusual  frequency 
(one  hundred  times  the  normal  amount)  of  occurrence  of  distinct  brachycephalic 
proportions. 

*  Berry  and  Robertson,  The  Place  in  JYature  of  the  Teuman'uin  Aboriginal  (Proc.  Roy.  Soc., 
Edinburgh,  Vol.  XXXI,  Part  I.,  No.  3).  f  Vol.  XLVI,  April.  1911. 

[     137     ] 


No.  85.] 


MAN. 


[1911. 


HUMAN     CRANIA     FROM    BRITISH     PEAT     DEPOSITS. 

TABLE  I. 


Measurement,  &c. 

I. 

II. 

III. 

IV. 

V. 

VII. 
(658) 

VIII. 

(659) 

IX. 
(275) 

$ 

$ 

9 

/  8 

$ 

$ 

4 

£ 

Maximum  glabello-occipital  length  - 

199 

193 

185 

170 

194 

210 

176 

180 

Maximum  breadth  -        -        -        - 

143 

142 

141 

?  133 

145 

144 

149 

152 

Basi-bregmatie  height     - 

141 

'!  135 

130 

— 

1  130 

135 

7 

149 

Auricular  height  (bregma) 

121 

124 

112 

— 

122 

124 

— 

127 

Auricular  height  (perpendicular)     - 

122 

123 

— 

— 

— 

124 

— 

126 

Horizontal  circumference 

558 

545 

520 

— 

552 

552 

552 

534 

Bistephanic  breadth         ... 

110 

130 

— 

— 

— 

120 

126 

129 

Bizygomatic  breadth 

141 

?134 

— 

— 

— 

133 

1  142 

148 

Basi  -nasal  length     - 

107 

1 

98 

— 

— 

104 

— 

110 

Basi-alveolar  length        ... 

111 

1 

— 

— 

— 

104 

— 

105 

Nasi-alveolar  length        ... 

77 

73 

— 

— 

— 

71 

65 

71 

Orbital  height  (R)  - 

34 

33 

— 

— 

— 

32 

32 

32 

Orbital  width  (R)   -        -        -        - 

39 

41 

— 

— 

— 

34 

38 

40 

Nasal  height    - 

57 

51 

— 

'     — 

— 

47 

1  52 

49 

Nasal  width     

26 

27 

— 

— 

— 

25 

25 

27 

Cranial  capacity      - 

1,767 

?  1,637 

1,132 

— 

1,611  + 

1,810 

— 

1,800 

Cephalic  index        - 

71-8 

73-6 

76-2 

78-2 

74-7 

68-5 

84-5 

85-5 

•i   •  i  f  •  A 

70 

70-3 

— 

?  67 

64-5 

— 

83 

Stephano-zygomatic  index 

78-7 

94-8 

— 

— 

— 

90-2 

— 

87-1 

A  Iveolar-zygomatic 

103-7 

? 

— 

— 

— 

100 

— 

92 

Facial  zygomatic  (Kollmann) 

54-6 

54-5 

CA*  £ 

— 

— 

— 

53-4 

in  •  •, 

45-8 
81  •£» 

48 

art 

Nasal  zygomatic      .... 

45-6 

OU    O 

1  53 

— 

— 

— 

t/i  j 
53-4 

O  L      *J 

48-2 

Ow 

55 

TABLE  IT. 


TABLE  III. 


TABLE  IV. 


OALVARIAL  HEIGHT  INDEX. 

BHEGMATIC  ANGLE. 

LAMBDA  ANGLE. 

No. 

Locality. 

Index. 



No. 

Locality. 

Angle. 



No. 

Locality. 

Angle. 



O 

0 

I. 

Upware 

56-1 

1 

I. 

Upware 

57-5 

•J 

I. 

Upware 

82 

I 

III. 
VII. 

Harwell 
Lancashire  - 

48-04 
54-3 

Orania 
>•      from 
Peat. 

III. 
VII. 

Burwell 
Lancashire  - 

55 
56 

Crania 
from 
Peat. 

III. 
VII. 

Burwell 
Lancashire  - 

75 

92 

Crania 
>     from 
Peat. 

IX. 

Feltwell 
(Norfolk) 

49-2 

J 

IX. 

Feltwell 
(Norfolk)  - 

59 

J 

IX. 

Feltwell 
(Norfolk)  - 

75 

J 

Comparison.* 

Index. 

Range. 

Comparison.* 

Angle. 

Range. 

Comparison.* 

Angle. 

Range. 

Pithecanthropus 

34-2 

Pithecanthropus 

37-5 

Anthropoids    - 

55-5 

43°-68° 

Chimpanzee     - 

35-1 

Chimpanzee     - 

39-5 

Pithecanthropus 

66 

Spy-Neanderthal  (3) 

44-9 

40-9-47 

Spy-Neanderthal  (3) 

47-5 

45°-50-5° 

Neanderthal    - 

66-5 

Gibraltar 

45-4 

Gibraltar 

50'5 

Spy  (I)    -       -       - 

68 

BrUx 

47-6 

BrUx 

51-1 

Gibraltar 

69 

*  Berry  and  Robertson   op.  cit. 

[     138    ] 


1911.] 


TABLE  II — cont. 


MAN. 
TABLE  III — cont. 


[No.  85. 
TABLE  IV — cont. 


CALVARIAL  HFJGHT  INDEX. 

BREGMATIC  ANGLE. 

LAMBDA  ANGLE. 

Comparison.* 

Index. 

Range. 

Comparison.* 

Angle. 

Range. 

Comparison.* 

Angle. 

Range. 

No.  IIT     - 

48-04 
48-2 
49-2 
50'0 
51-2 
53'4(?) 
54*3 
54-5 
54-8 
56-1 
5G'l 

52  -8-54  '9 
48-3-62-7 
54'6  62-9 

62-1-67-1 

54-4-66-2 

Galley-Hill       - 
Batavus  genuinusf  • 
Brtlnn     - 
Cro.  Magnon  - 
No.  Ill     - 

52 
52 
54 
54 
55 
56 
56(?) 
56 
56-5 
57-5 
58-6 
59 
59-9 
60 

51-5°-64° 

55°-57° 
63°-63-5° 

54°-68° 

Cro.  Magnon   - 
Galley-Hill      - 
No.  Ill    - 

70 
74 
75 
75 
78 
80-5 
81-5 
82 
83 
84-5 
85(?) 
90 
92 

74°-88c 
78°  -85° 

Galley-Hill      - 
No.  IX    - 

Cro.  Magnon  - 
Brlinn      - 
CombeChapelleJ     - 
No.  VII   - 

No.  IX     - 

Brtinn     - 
Tasmanians  (46)      - 
Europeans 
No.  I 

Tasmanians  (45) 
Combe  ChapelleJ    - 
No.  VII   - 

Kalmucks  (4)  - 
Batuvns  genuinusf  - 
Tasmanlans  (44)     - 
No  I 

Kalmuck?  (4)  • 
No.  I 

Oanstatt  ... 
Batavus  genuinusf  - 
Combe  ChapelleJ    - 
BrUx 
No.  VII  - 

Dschaggas  (24) 
No.  IX    - 

Veddahs  (8)    - 
Canstatt  ... 
Dschaggas  (23) 
Europeans  (32) 

58-4 
59-6 
59-8 
59-8 

Europeans  (40) 
Canstatt  - 

Remarks. 

Noi.  Ill  and  IX  are  below    the    lower 
limit  of  the  data  for  modern  European 
crania. 

Remarks. 

The    crania    (I.     Ill,    VII,    IX)    are 
within    the   range   of   the  data    for 
modern  Europeans. 

Remarks. 

Nos.  Ill  and  IX  are  below  the  lower 
limit  of  the  range  of  European  crania 
given. 

*  Berry  and  Robertson,  op.  cit.  t  Schwalbe,  Qlobui,  Vol.  LXXXI,  No.  11. 

J  Kramberger,  L'Anthropologie,  1910,  p.  531. 


TABLE  V. 


Maximum 
Breadth 
(in  mm.). 

Crania 

by 

Numbers. 

Corresponding 
Cephalic 
Index. 

Locality. 

Remarks. 

135-140 

IV.  (133). 

78-2 

Burwell. 

1 

• 

I.  (143). 

71-8 

Upware. 

140-145  < 
145-150 

II.  (143). 
III.  (141). 
V.  (145). 
VII.  (144). 

VIII.  (149). 

73-6 
76-2 
74-7 
68-5 

84-5 

Bracebridge  (Lincoln). 
Burwell. 
Cambridge  Fens. 
Lancashire. 

Lancashire. 

Cephalic  index  exceeds  81  in 
•33  per  cent,  of  modern 
British  males. 

Cephalic  index  exceeds  81 
in  33  '3  per  cent,  of  the 
crania  from  the  peat. 

150-155 

IX.  (152). 

85-5 

Feltwell  (Norfolk). 

155-160 

VI.  (160). 

?91-4 

Burwell. 

- 

W.  L.  H.  DUCKWORTH. 
L.  R.  SHORE. 


C    139    ] 


No.  86.]  MAN.  [1911. 

REVIEWS. 
America,  Central.  Bowditch. 

The    Numeration,   Calendar,  and  Astronomical   Knowledge    of  the    Mayas. 
By  C.  P.  Bowditch.     Cambridge,  Mass.,    1910.     Pp.   xvi  +  346. 

Mr.  Bowditch's  experience  as  a  man  of  business,  accustomed  to  weigh  facts,  and 
to  make  all  kinds  of  calculations,  has  been  of  service  in  his  studies  of  the  difficult 
problems  of  the  Maya  calendar.  With  the  writings  of  Goodman,  Cyrus  Thomas, 
Perez,  Maudslay,  Seler,  and  Forstemann  to  check  his  own  observations,  he  has 
explained  the  apparently  complicated  but  really  simple  methods  used  by  the  ancient 
Mayas  in  reckoning  time,  so  that  even  a  non-mathematical  mind  can  dimly  understand, 
and  he  has  fortunately  contented  himself  with  clear  statements  instead  of  confusing 
the  reader  by  criticism  and  controversy  on  points  where  he  may  differ  from  other 
students  of  the  subject.  He  has  also  had  the  benefit  of  Dr.  A.  M.  Tozzer's 
intimate  knowledge  of  the  Maya  mind  and  language. 

Landa,  Bishop  of  Yucatan,  1573-79,  wrote  that  the  Mayas  had  a  perfect  year 
of  365  days  6  hours,  which  they  divided  in  two  ways  :  one  a  set  of  12  months  of 
30  days,  the  other  with  18  months  of  20  days,  and  an  addition  of  5  days  6  hours. 
Each  of  the  20  days  had  its  own  sign  or  picture-glyph,  and  a  comparison  of  those 
given  by  Landa  with  the  glyphs  in  the  Maya  codices  (Codex  Tro-Cortesianus  in 
the  Madrid  Museum,  and  the  Dresden  Codex)*  shows  that  these  codices  consist  in 
part  of  statements  of  dates  calculated  according  to  the  reckoning  of  18  months  of 
20  days.  The  careful  analytical  method  of  Mr.  Bowditch  makes  clear  the  means  he 
has  used  to  raise  a  sure  structure  on  the  foundation  of  available  facts,  beginning 
with  the  names  and  glyphs  of  the  -days  and  months  in  Landa's  work.  He  then 
describes  the  ingenious  method  by  which  a  given  day  can  always  be  located  in  the 
calendar.  This  was  done  by  means  of  red  numbers  from  1  to  13,  attached  to  the 
day  signs  so  that  with  the  series  of  20  days  the  numbers  1  to  13  were  counted, 
returning  to  1  after  each  13.  In  the  continuous  series  of  days  it  will  then  happen 
that  each  of  the  20  days  will  be  accompanied  by  each  of  the  13  numbers  before  a 
day  with  a  given  name  has  the  same  number  a  second  time.  We  thus  have  a  series 
of  days  and  numbers  amounting  to  13  x  20  =  260,  and  the  261st  day  will  be  the 
same  numbered  day  as  the  first.  Over  200  day  columns  in  the  two  codices  are 
sufficiently  well  preserved  for  reference,  and  the  majority  show  a  uniform  distance 
between  the  days  of  the  column,  which,  multiplied  by  the  number  of  intervals 
required  to  bring  the  column  back  into  itself  gives  the  number  260.  Black  numbers 
give  the  distance  from  one  day  to  another  in  a  series  of  dates. 

In  Chapter  V,  the  52-year  period  or  Calendar  Round  is  considered.  By  using 
a  year  of  365  days,  divided  into  months,  and  by  numbering  the  days  of  the  months, 
they  differentiated  each  particular  day  from  the  other  364,  and,  combining  this  method 
with  the  previous  one,  could  make  a  longer  calculation.  For  instance,  if  9  Kan  is 
a  particular  day  of  the  period  of  260  days,  and  12  Kayab  a  particular  day  of  the 
period  of  365  days,  then  if  we  speak  of  the  day  9  Kan  as  the  12th  day  of  the  month 
Kayab,  how  long  a  period  must  elapse  before  another  9  Kan  will  appear  as  the 
12th  day  of  another  month  Kayab  ?  It  has  been  already  proved  that  another  day  of 
the  same  name  arid  number  cannot  return  until  260  days  have  passed,  and  12  Kayab 
reappears  every  365  days  ;  therefore  the  date  9  Kan  12  Kayab  will  not  reappear  until 
a  number  of  days  represented  by  the  least  common  multiple  of  260  and  365  has 
passed.  The  only  common  divisor  of  260  and  365  is  5,  so  that  the  least  common 
multiple  is  52  x  73  x  5,  or  52  X  365,  which  is  52  solar  years,  so  that  9  Kan 

*  British   Museum  Reading-room  has  Tro    in    Brasseur  de   Bourbourg,  Cortesianus   under  Maya 
Chronicles,  and  Dresden  under  Forstemann. 


1911,] 


MAN. 


[No.  86. 


12  Kayab  will  not  reappear  until  that  period  has  elapsed,  and  will  continue  to  do  so 
at  the  end  of  each  52  years. 

The  system  usually  employed  for  the  Maya  Calendar  in  the  Codices  and   inscrip- 
tions is  the  following  : — 

20  kins  (days)  =  1  uinal  (month). 
18  uinals  =  360  kins  =  1  tun. 

20  tuns  =         360  uinals  =         7,200  kins  =  1  katun. 

20  katuns  =     400  tuns  =      7,200  uinals  =     144,000  kins  =  1  cycle. 

20  cycles  =  400  katuns  =  8,000  tuns  =  144,000  uinals  =  2,880,000  kins  =  1  grand  cycle. 

There  is  also  strong  evidence  that  long  series  of  numbers  serve  to  denote  the 
distance  from  some  date,  which  is  the  zero  date  of  the  count,  and,  with  one  exception 
(where  the  zero  date  itself  is  given),  the  initial  series  at  Copan,  Guirigua,  Yaxchilan, 
Piedras,  Negras,  Tikal,  and  Naranjo  record  the  passage  of  9  cycles  (3,600  tuns)  from 
the  date  4  Ahau  8  Cumhu(7)*,  which,  like  our  A.D.,  is  seldom 
expressed.  On  pp.  100-106  and  109  are  calculations  showing  how 
the  date  4  Ahau  8  Cumhu(7)  has  been  made  certain,  by  counting 
forward  from  it,  the  days  expressed  in  the  large  numbers  of 
an  inscription  to  the  day  and  month  which  are  given  beneath. 
These  so-called  Initial  Series  can  be  studied  in  the  plates  of 
Mr.  A.  Maudslay's  Biologia  Centrali-Americana  (archaeology), 
easily  consulted  in  the  library  of  the  Victoria  and  Albert  Museum. 
A  typical  example  is  Stela  B.  Copan,  in  Plate  37,  Vol.  I.  Here, 
on  the  left-hand  side  of  the  stela,  beginning  at  the  top,  come, 
first  the  initial  glyph  or  grand  cycle,  then  9  cycle,  15  katun,  0 
tun,  0  uinal,  0  kin.  4  ahau,  13  yax,  expressed  by  Mr.  Bowditch 
in  the  formula  9.15.0.0.0,  4  ahau  13  yax.  This  date  is  found 
several  times  in  the  inscriptions,  and  Goodman  ascribes  its  frequent 
occurrence  to  the  fact  that  if  the  grand  cycle  in  which  it  is 
found  is  grand  cycle  54  in  a  series  of  73  grand  cycles,  as  he 
believes,  9.15.0.0.0  would  mark  exactly  the  end  of  three-fourths 
of  the  number  of  days  in  73  grand  cycles.  Fifty-four  grand 
cycles  equal  432,000  tuns  of  360  days.  Mr.  Bowditch  gives  lists 
of  the  different  signs  and  figures  used,  so  that  it  is  easy  to 
identify  them,  but  there  are  no  entire  series.f 

At  Palenque,  in  the  Temples  of  the  Sun  and  of  the  Foliated 
Cross,  there  are  two  cases  of  initial  series  in  which  dates  far  in 
the  past  are  given,  both  in  the  first  cycle  of  the  era  of  the  usual 
xero  date,  4  Ahau  8  Cumhu,(7)  while  another  Initial  Series  in 
the  Temple  of  the  Cross  falls  still  earlier — in  the  12th  cycle  of 
the  preceding  era.  These  three  temples  stand  in  one  group 
facing  a  common  centre.  There  are  a  few  cases  of  dates 
showing  the  lapse  of  10  cycles  of  the  usual  era,  including  one 
at  Chichen  Itza  and  two  in  Sacchana  at  the  highlands  of  Guate- 
mala. The  piece  of  jade  called  the  Leyden  Stone  has  the  incised 
date,  8.14.3.1.12.,  1  Eb,  and  the  month  looks  like  Yaxkin.  If 
so  it  would  be  1  Eb  0  Yaxkin.(u) 

It   has    been    seen    that    a  given    date,  described  by  its   day 
and    number   as    a  particular  day  of   a  certain    month,  will  again 
appear  after  52  years.      Thus,  5  Cib  14  Yaxkin(1)  in    the    initial 
and  3,  Piedras    Negras,    occurs    once    in    52    years,   but    when    it 


Grand 
cycie. 


Cycle. 


Katun. 


Tun. 


Stela  B.  Copan. 

Initial  Series. 

9.16.0.0.0.  equals 

:t,846  years,  210  days. 

PI.  37,  Vol.  I., 
Biologia  Centrali 

Americana, 
"  Archajology," 
A.  P.  Mandalay. 


series  of   Stelae  I 
is   declared  to   be 


*  (7)  stands  for  the  seventh  year  in  Goodman's  table  of  the  Archaic  calendar, 
f  Plate  65,  Vol.  II,  Maudslay,  12  Initial  Series  from  the  Quirigua  Stelae. 


Nos.  86-87,]  MAN.  [1911. 

9.12.2.0.16.  from  4  Ahau  8  Cumhu,(7)    its  place  is    absolutely    fixed    in    a   period   of 
several  thousand  years.     Other  methods  permit  of  a  still  longer  calculation. 

1.  It  might  be  stated  that  a  date  occurred  on  the  day  on  which  a  given  number 
of  cycles  had  elapsed.      If  2  Ahau  3  Uayeb(16)  were  accompanied  by  a  glyph,  which 
means  that  the  end    of   two  cycles   has   come,  this  would  fix  the  place  of   this  date 
in  a  period  of   374,400  years,  for  in   no  less  time  could  a  date  so  formed   occur  on 
the  ending  day  of  cycle  2  in  any  other  grand  cycle. 

2.  A  date  might  be  stated  as  occurring  on   a  day  in  which  a  given  number  of 
katuns  had  elapsed.     Thus,  if  the  date  8  Ahau  8  Uo(19)  is  accompanied  by  a  glyph 
which  means   that   the    end  of    13   katuns  has    come,  the    date    becomes    fixed   in    a 
period  of    18,720  years.      The  Mayas   must  have  had    to   deal   with    extremely  Jong 
periods,  perhaps  of  history  or  tradition  as  well  as  astronomy,  or  they  would  scarcely 
have  taken  such  pains  to  fix  their  dates. 

With  a  year  of  365  days,  and  sufficient  knowledge  to  adjust  it  to  the  seasons 
by  intercalary  days,  they  were  also  able  to  calculate  the  revolutions  of  the  moon> 
set  forth  for  nearly  33  years  on  pp.  51-58  of  the  Dresden  Codex.  There  is  strong 
evidence  of  an  intention  to  record  Jupiter's  revolutions  by  means  of  pictures  con- 
nected with  this  series.  Pp.  46-50  give  the  synodical  revolutions  of  Venus  as  well 
as  the  solar  year.  The  importance  of  the  Venus  periods  in  ancient  America  is  well 
known  in  connection  with  the  worship  or  observation  of  that  planet  in  Mexico 
and  Peru. 

Considering  bow  much  has  been  learnt  it  seems  strange  that  it  is  still  impos- 
sible to  decipher  more  than  the  dates  in  the  great  quantity  of  glyphs  already  known  ; 
but  there  has  been  little  opportunity  to  study  them  except  in  the  expensive  Biologia 
plates.  The  invaluable  casts  and  moulds,  made  by  Mr.  Maudslay  at  a  cost  of 
£10,000,  have  been  lying  for  25  years  unseen  in  storerooms  (the  paper  moulds  eaten 
by  rats),  having  unfortunately  been  presented  to  the  British  nation,  and  though  other 
countries  have  gladly  paid  for  copies  from  them,  there  seems  no  prospect  that  they 
will  be  made  accessible  to  the  London  student.  A  profound  knowledge  not  only  of 
the  Maya  language  and  of  Nahuatl  with  its  rebus  picture  writings,  but  of  the  science 
of  names  in  numbers,  and  of  numbers  as  studied  formerly  by  priests  in  Siam,  is 
essential  to  real  progress  in  what  will  some  day  be  recognised  as  an  important 
branch  of  ancient  history.  A.  C.  BRETON. 


India.  Hodson. 

The  Naga   Tribes    of  Manipur.     By    T.  C.  Hodson.      London  :    Macmillan 
&  Co.,  1911.     Pp.  xiii  +  212.     22  x  14  cm.     Price  8*.  6d. 

Mr.  Hodson's  monograph  on  the  Nagas  maintains  the  high  scientific  standard 
which  has  been  reached  by  the  volumes  on  the  Meitheis,  Khasis,  Mikirs,  and  Garos 
in  the  useful  series  published  under  the  patronage  of  the  Government  of  Eastern 
Bengal.  He  has  a  wide  personal  acquaintance  with  the  tribe,  and  has  used  all  the 
available  literature.  He  might  have  included  in  his  bibliography  the  useful  summary 
of  published  material,  with  some  information  from  the  papers  of  the  late  Mr.  G.  H. 
Damant,  which  was  contributed  to  the  Journal  of  the  Institute  (Vols.  XXVI,  XXVII 1) 
by  Miss  G.  M.  Godden.  These  articles,  however,  apply  to  a  branch  of  the  tribe 
different  from  that  discussed  by  Mr.  Hodson. 

The  Nagas  are  classed  in  the  Tibeto-Burman  group  of  tribes  ;  but,  in  the  absence 
of  any  skull  measurements,  their  exact  affinity  to  the  neighbouring  tribes  cannot  be 
defined.  The  case  is  further  complicated  by  the  looseness  of  the  tribal  organisation, 
the  clan,  a  collection  of  households,  and  the  village  being  the  only  stable  social  units. 
The  tribal  distinctions  seem  to  be  mainly  linguistic  ;  but  the  structure  of  the  language 
is  such  that  it  readily  breaks  up  into  dialects  unintelligible  to  the  people  of  the  parent 

[     142     ] 


1911.]  MAN.  [Nos.  87-88. 

village  from  which  the  new  settlement  was  derived.  There  is  a  general  conformity 
of  religion,  custom,  and  tribal  organisation  between  the  Nagas  and  the  hill  tribes  of 
Chittagong  and  Burma  ;  and,  to  use  Mr.  Hodson's  words,  "  we  base  our  differen- 
"  tiation  of  those  tribes  rather  upon  external  variations  of  dress  and  coiffure,  which 
44  are  liable  to  change  in  the  tribal  fashion,  than  upon  the  more  important  matters  of 
44  structure  and  customs  which  are  less  capable  of  rapid  modification." 

In  many  ways  the  Nagas  have  attained  a  fairly  advanced  standard  of  culture. 
Though  they  maintain  the  primitive  division  of  the  year  into  the  seasons  of  hunting 
and  farming,  and  the  latter  is  often  confined  to  the  periodical  burning  of  patches  of 
the  jungle,  still  they  possess  terraced  fields  irrigated  on  a  scientific  system,  and  they 
have  gained  some  skill  in  pottery,  weaving  and  dyeing,  salt-making,  and  forging 
imported  iron  into  tools  and  weapons.  But  their  customs  of  head-hunting,  which  are 
closely  connected  with  funeral  rites  and  eschatological  beliefs,  are  of  a  distinctly 
barbarous  type,  as  contrasted  with  their  recognition  of  property  in  land  and  the  careful 
record  of  rights,  and  the  procedure  of  the  tribal  court  of  justice.  One  curious  regula- 
tion is  that  when  the  eldest  son  brings  home  his  wife  it  is  the  signal  for  his  father, 
mother,  and  other  relations  to  quit  the  family  house  for  a  new  home,  which  they 
occupy  till  the  marriage  of  another  son,  when  they  are  again  forced  to  leave. 
Mr.  Hodson  connects  this  custom  with  the  succession  to  village  offices,  in  which  the 
condition  is  enforced  that  the  holder  shall  be  young  and  vigorous.  It  is  also  worth 
notice  that  in  the  tribal  legends  the  predominance  of  the  younger  son  is  always 
insisted  on,  a  rule  which  resembles  our  Borough  English.  This  rule  of  law  has  been 
explained  in  various  ways,  and  probably  no  single  cause  accounts  for  its  wide  distri- 
bution. The  theory  tentatively  advanced  in  the  case  of  the  Nagas  by  Mr.  Hodson 
is  that  it  may  be  associated  with  the  custom  already  mentioned  of  making  provision 
for  the  sons  as  they  grow  to  maturity  and  marry.  Kinship  in  the  tribe  is  reckoned 
through  males,  and  rights  of  succession  both  to  village  offices  and  personal  property 
follow  the  same  rule. 

Again,  a  question  raised  by  Dr.  Frazer  in  his  Totemism  and  Exogamy  regard- 
ing the  origin  of  exogamous  groups  is  illustrated  by  Naga  custom.  As  a  rule,  we 
are  told,  marriage  is  free  between  all  the  clans  in  a  village  or  group  ;  but  among 
the  Maos  at  Liyai  the  four  component  clans  are  arranged  in  pairs,  which  mutually 
forbid  marriage.  Among  the  Marrings  and  Chirus  we  also  find  evidence  of  similar 
segmentation,  and  the  facts  seem  to  indicate  that  a  like  arrangement  may  once  have 
been  more  widely  spread.  These  facts,  Mr.  Hodson  admits,  "  are  too  slender  to 
"  warrant  us  in  deducing  from  them  the  inference  that  at  one  time  each  tribe  consisted 
44  of  two  divisions,  each  endogamous,  with  clans  which  were  mutually  exogamous." 
But  even  with  this  reservation  the  fact  is  of  much  interest,  and  it  is  equally  important 
to  learn  that  an  endogamous  group  is  now  in  process  of  formation  by  the  efforts  made 
by  members  of  the  cloth-weaving  villages  in  the  Tangkul  area  to  discourage  their 
girls  from  marrying  men  of  villages  which  lack  this  valuable  industry.  In  other 
words,  what  in  the  more  advanced  Indian  races  we  call  the  occupational  form  of 
caste  seems  to  be  in  course  of  evolution. 

With  Mr.  Hodson's  remarks  on  Magic,  Tabu,  and  religious  beliefs  I  cannot 
attempt  to  deal  ;  but  his  chapters  on  these  subjects  deserve  attentive  study. 

W.  CROOKE. 

Europe :  Archaeology  and  Medievalism.  Baring-  Gould. 

Cliff  Castles  and  Cave  Dwellings  of  Europe.  By  S.  Baring  Gould,  M.A. 
With  Fifty-seven  Illustrations  and  Diagrams.  Seeley  &  Co.,  Ltd.,  1911. 
Demy  8vo.  Pp.  324.  Price  12*.  6d.  net. 

Comparatively  few  English  people  have  any  knowledge  of  the  great  number  of 
cave-dwellings  in  France,  of  the  facts  connected  with  their  occupation  from  palaso- 

[     143    ] 


Nos.  88-90.]  MAN.  [1911, 

lithic  to  present  times,  or  of  the  terrible  condition  of  that  country  in  the  Middle  Ages, 
which  compelled  so  many  of  its  inhabitants  to  take  refuge  in  fastnesses,  provided  in 
the  first  place  by  Nature,  but  strengthened  in  the  most  curious  ways  by  those  who 
made  use  of  them.  These  conditions  were  largely  caused  by  the  English  invasions,  in 
part  directly,  but  still  more  indirectly,  since  most  of  the  atrocities  from  which  the 
French  peasantry  suffered  were  the  work  of  such  of  their  own  seigneurs  as  were  so 
unprincipled  and  unpatriotic  as  to  fight  for  the  English  instead  of  for  their  own 
king,  if  by  so  doing  they  could  secure  a  better  opportunity  for  committing  crimes  with 
impunity.  Another  cause  was  the  strife  between  the  Catholics  and  Calvinists,  in 
which  ruthless  massacre  was  not,  as  British  Protestants  have  been  taught  to  believe, 
practised  by  the  former  party  only.  Those  who  desire  information  on  any  of  these 
points  cannot  go  to  a  better  narrator  than  Mr.  Baring  Gould,  who  has  visited  most 
of  the  dwellings  in  France  that  he  describes,  and  investigated  the  historical  as  well 
as  the  structural  details  connected  with  them  ;  he  gives  entertaining  as  well  as 
informing  particulars  about  souterrains,  cliff  refuges,  cliff  castles,  subterranean  churches, 
rock  hermitages,  rock  monasteries,  cave  oracles,  robbers'  dens,  and  rock  sepulchres,  and 
although  he  evidently  knows  much  more  about  those  in  France  than  those  in  other 
countries,  he  writes  enough  about  the  latter  to  justify  the  title  of  his  book.  Mr. 
Baring  Gould  traces  the  connection  between  the  pagan  oracles  in  caves  and  temples 
and  some  of  the  practices  prevailing  in  parts  of  Christian  Europe  even  at  the  present 
time,  but  he  does  not  say  as  much  as  might  have  been  expected  from  him  about  the 
dolmens  in  France  and  Ireland,  which  seem  to  have  been  used  as  oracle-shrines  as 
well  as  tombs,  arid  to  have  formed  part  of  the  chain  of  descent  which  he  has  made 
clear  in  other  directions.  Many  of  the  cliff  castles  and  caves  in  cliffs  have,  it  appears, 
now  become  inaccessible  from  various  causes  ;  this  seems  to  suggest  a  possibility  of 
interesting  investigations  by  antiquaries  on  aeroplanes.  A.  L.  L. 


New  Pommern.  Kleintitschen. 

Die  Kiistenbeivohner  der  Gazellehalbinsel  (Neupommern-deutsche  Siidsee} 
ihre  Sitten  und  Gebrauche  unter  Benutzung  der  Monatshefte  dargestellt. 
Von  P.  A.  Kleintitschen,  Missionar  vom  heiligsten  Herzen  Jesu,  mit  vielen 
Abbildungen  und  zwei  Karten.  Herz-Jesu-Missionshaus,  Hiltrup  bei  Minister  (in 
Westfalen),  1907.  Pp.  viii  +  360. 

This  is  a  systematic  arrangement  of  numerous  articles  and  sketches  on  the  coast 
peoples  of  the  Gazelle  peninsula  in  Neupommern  (New  Britain),  which  have 
appeared  from  time  to  time  in  the  monthly  journal  published  by  the  Sacred  Heart 
Missionaries  at  Hiltrup.  These  accounts  were  chiefly  the  work  of  Revs.  Bley, 
Rascher,  and  Eberlein,  and  the  editor  has  added  an  account  of  the  discovery, 
settlement,  climate,  fauna,  and  flora  of  Neupommern.  The  natives  throughout  the 
book  are  miscalled  Kanakers,  following  the  usual  name  given  to  South  Sea  islanders 
by  traders  and  others.  The  work  forms  an  interesting  account  of  a  very  interesting 
section  of  the  Melanesian  peoples.  It  is  written  for  popular  reading  rather  than 
for  scientific  study,  but  is  abundantly  and  well  illustrated  by  portraits  and  pictures 
covering  the  whole  life  and  occupations  of  the  natives.  These  alone  would  be 
useful  to  the  ethnographer.  S.  H.  RAY. 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL    NOTE. 

THE  death  is  announced  of  Dr.  John  Beddoe,  F.R.S.,  Past  President  of  the  Qf| 
Royal  Anthropological  Institute,  who  joined  the  Ethnological  Society  in  1854  uU 
and  became  a  Foundation  Fellow  of  the  Anthropological  and  later  of  the  Anthropo- 
logical Institute.  An  extended  obituary  notice  will  appear  in  a  later  number. 

Printed  by  EYRE  AND  SPOTTISWOODE,  LTD.,  His  Majesty's  Printers,  East  Harding  Street,  B.C. 


Pl.ATF.     K. 


MAV,  mil. 


ROMAN     PORTRAITS     IN     EGYPT. 


e/ 


1911.]  MAN.  [No,  91, 

ORIGINAL    ARTICLES. 
Egypt.  With  Plate  K.  Petrie. 

Roman    Portraits    in    Egypt.       By    W.    M.    Flinders    Petrie,    F.R.S.,     A  4 
F.B.A.  91 

For  our  knowledge  of  the  classical  civilisation  we  are  dependent  upon  the  pre- 
servative climate  of  Egypt  in  the  case  of  the  more  perishable  kinds  of  objects.  The 
documents,  clothing,  and  portable  paintings  of  the  Roman  world  would  be  practically 
unknown  to  us  had  they  not  been  preserved  in  the  sands  of  a  rainless  climate.  In 
1888  the  excavations  at  Havvara  on  the  eastern  border  of  the  Fayum,  brought  to  light 
a  large  number  of  portraits,  and  last  winter  I  was  able  to  finish  the  cemetery  there, 
as  the  natives  had  removed  much  top  earth  since  my  previous  work.  It  is  hardly 
likely  that  we  shall  see  from  any  other  site  more  important  examples  of  Roman 
portraiture.  The  Fayum  was  the  most  foreign  province  of  Egypt,  having  been  entirely 
settled  by  the  Greek  troops  upon  freshly  reclaimed  land  ;  and  the  cemetery  of  Hawara, 
six  miles  from  the  capital  Arsinoe,  was  the  burial  place  of  the  richer  inhabitants, 
who  were  taken  so  far  in  order  to  be  near  the  pyramid  of  the  deified  King 
Amenemhat  III,  worshipped  there  as  the  founder  of  the  province. 

The  custom  of  decorating  mummies  with  gilt  stucco  covers  became  much  developed 
in  the  Ptolemaic  time  ;  the  head  and  foot  covers  which  stood  out  from  the  bandages 
were  carefully  modelled  and  decorated  with  mythological  figures  in  relief  or  painted. 
The  purpose  of  this  elaboration  was  the  growing  custom  of  keeping  the  mummy  in 
the  atrium  of  the  house,  and  this  seems  to  have  developed  under  the  classical  influence 
on  Egypt,  as  we  find  no  trace  of  the  idea  during  the  purely  Egyptian  ages.  Possibly 
the  wax  figures  of  the  ancestors  which  Romans  kept  in  the  hall,  and  for  which  the 
marble  statues  were  substituted,  led  the  Romano-Egyptian  to  keep  the  decorated 
mummy  above  ground.  This  usage  of  the  mummy  renders  possible  the  ancient 
statement  about  drawing  the  mummy  round  at  a  feast ;  for,  when  once  the  mummy 
was  kept  in  the  house,  Egyptian  ideas  of  the  funeral  feast  for  the  benefit  of  the 
mummy  would  lead  to  its  being  brought  forward  to  join  in  spirit  in  the  family 
gathering. 

The  results  of  keeping  the  mummies  standing  in  the  hall  was  plainly  seen  on 
those  that  we  find.  The  stucco  has  been  kicked  about  at  the  feet,  the  head  is  caked 
with  dust  and  dirt,  often  rained  upon,  falls  have  dented  in  the  surface  or  smashed 
the  face.  Even  the  little  boys  at  their  lessons  have  scribbled  caricatures  upon  the 
feet  of  their  relatives. 

About  the  end  of  the  first  centiiry  A.D. — the  close  of  the  twelve  Csesars — there 
was  a  fashion  of  taking  the  canvas  portrait  of  the  dead  which  had  hung  in  a  frame 
on  the  wall,  and  putting  that  over  the  face  of  the  mummy  in  place  of  a  conventional 
stucco  head.  These  canvas  portraits  were  usually  busts,  including  the  shoulders,  but 
were  covered  over  by  the  bandaging,  or  folded  back,  so  as  to  only  show  the  face,  an 
evidence  that  they  were  painted  for  a  different  place  and  exposure  to  that  upon  the 
mummy.  To  these  soon  succeeded  the  use  of  panel  portraits  painted  on  thin  sheets 
of  wood,  much  like  stout  veneer.  Such  panel  portraits  were  certainly  framed  for 
hanging  up,  as  1  found  one  in  an  "  Oxford  "  frame  with  a  groove  to  hold  the  glass 
over  it,  and  a  cord  by  which  to  hang  it  up.  In  every  case  of  those  which  I  could 
examine,  the  panel  has  been  roughly  split  down  at  the  sides  to  narrow  it,  and  the 
top  corners  very  roughly  cut  oft',  in  order  to  reduce  it  to  the  size  and  shape  for  fitting 
on  to  the  mummy.  This  is  proof  that  the  panel  was  not  originally  prepared  for 
attachment  to  the  mummy,  but  was  a  large  picture  independently  used  and  afterwards 
badly  trimmed.  This  fact  is  strong  evidence  that  the  portraits  were  painted  during 
life  for  show  in  the  house  like  modern  portraits,  and  their  preservation  upon  the 
mummy  was  only  a  secondary  use.  The  period  of  this  fashion  seems  to  have  been 

[     145     ] 


No.  91,]  MAN.  [1911. 

limited  to  about  the  second  century  A.D.  ;  its  close  was  probably  due  to  the  spread 
of  Christianity,  which  led  to  the  cessation  of  mummifying,  and  to  the  burial  of  the 
dead  in  their  ordinary  garments.  Henceforth  the  portraits  were  left  hanging  on  the 
walls  until  they  disappeared  by  neglect  or  commotion. 

The  method  of  painting  has  been  much  discussed,  mainly  trusting  to  the  vague 
accounts  of  Pliny  ;  but  there  is  no  reason  for  relying  on  the  methods  used  in  Italy — 
even  if  we  understood  them — to  prove  what  was  done  in  a  far  hotter  climate.  As 
wax  was  undoubtedly  the  vehicle  for  the  colour,  the  heat  of  Egypt  was  an  essential 
factor  in  the  method  of  painting.  Wax,  coloured  so  as  to  absorb  the  heat,  will 
readily  soften  and  run  under  the  glow  of  an  Egyptian  sun  ;  and,  with  a  water  bath 
for  the  pans  of  colour,  wax  would  be  quite  as  easy  a  vehicle  to  work  with  as  oil. 

From  a  very  close  examination  of  the  surfaces  with  a  magnifier,  it  seems  that  in 
most  cases  there  were  two  ways  of  laying  on  the  colour.  One  way  was  with  a  full 
brush,  quite  fluid,  and  spread  with  pressure,  so  as  to  leave  broad,  long  brush  strokes 
showing  the  hairs  ;  such  was  usual  for  drapery.  The  other  way  was  to  lay  the 
colour  on  in  a  creamy  state  with  short  sloping  strokes  which  fed  each  line  close  up 
against  the  last  and  without  any  hairs  of  the  brush  marking  it  ;  the  instrument  must 
have  carried  a  moderate  amount  of  colour  on  it,  have  been  about  a  quarter  of  an  inch 
diameter,  with  a  soft  rounded  end,  and  I  have  no  doubt  that  this  tool  was  the  usual 
brush,  allowed  to  chill  so  as  to  be  stiff  with  wax  ;  this  method  was  used  for  the 
flesh.  There  was  also,  in  some  cases,  a  use  of  very  thin  colour,  so  fluid  that  the 
wax  must  have  been  very  hot,  or  else  thinned  out  with  thin  oil  ;  possibly  a  water 
colour  may  have  been  used  and  fixed  by  melting  wax  over  it,  but  there  is  no  sign 
left  of  such  a  process. 

The  types  shown  in  these  portraits  are  much  what  we  should  expect  from  the 
known  history.  The  Fayum  province  had  been  mainly  created  by  the  Ptolemies, 
who  stopped  the  Nile  flow  into  the  lake  and  thus  dried  it  up,  so  as  to  provide 
reclaimed  ground  on  which  to  settle  their  Greek  veteran  troops.  The  main  stock  of 
the  upper  classes  was  therefore  as  various  as  a  great  army,  but  mainly  European. 
Some  three  centuries  had  mixed  these  with  Egyptians,  both  from  the  labouring  classes 
and  from  the  surrounding  old  families.  Trade  had  brought  in  Syrians  and  various 
Levantines  and  others,  from  all  the  Mediterranean.  Lastly,  Roman  jurisdiction  had 
added  an  Italian  top-stratum  of  officials  who  had  no  objection  to  mixing  with  the 
rest.  The  four  examples  here  shown  illustrate  these  mixtures.  The  youth  A,  with 
a  gilt  wreath,  is  largely  Egyptian,  with  Sudani  ancestry  in  the  background  ;  the 
small  chin,  soft  plaintive  expression,  pinched  face,  and  low  type  of  lips  all  tell  of  the 
mulatto.  The  old  lady,  B,  had  a  most  vigorous  personality  ;  she  was  six  feet  high, 
and  lived  to  89  ;  the  type  is  North  Mediterranean,  with  a  strong  chin,  large  nose, 
powerful  eye,  and  firm  mouth.  The  facial  muscles  are  too  thick  to  be  withered  by 
age,  which  has  contracted  the  more  vascular  tissue  and  left  the  bundles  of  muscle 
outstanding  ;  we  may  note  also  the  touch  of  facial  paralysis  which  has  drawn  up  the 
left  nostril.  Demetris — as  she  is  named  on  the  wrappings — must  have  been  a  leading 
personage  for  half  a  century.  The  man,  C,  cannot  be  connected  with  a  fixed  type  ; 
probably  Syro-Egyptian  might  be  his  source.  The  interest  here  lies  in  the  three 
white  lines  on  the  brow,  which  are  clearly  no  part  of  the  flesh  painting.  They  are 
recognised  as  a  form  of  caste  mark,  which  is  the  first  trace  of  the  idea  of  caste 
having  been  brought  into  the  west ;  probably  here  they  are  rather  a  mark  of  devo- 
tion to  an  Indian  deity.  In  D  there  is  probably  a  Spanish  type.  The  brushing 
forward  of  the  hair  and  the  proportions  of  the  face  remind  us  of  the  figures  of  Trajan, 
who  was  a  native  of  Spain.  Some  resemblance  to  the  present  Shawyeh  of  North 
Africa  points  to  a  Moresque-Spanish  ancestry.  These  portraits  will  be  sent  to  the 
collections  of  New  York  (A),  Brooklyn  (B),  Edinburgh  (C),  and  the  National  Gallery 

[    146    ] 


1911,]  MAN.  [Nos.  91-92. 

(D).  The  necessity  of  scattering  them  will  be  met  by  a  full  publication  in  colours, 
containing  twenty-eight  on  a  large  size,  besides  thirty-two  in  photograph,  which  will 
be  issued  next  spring  by  the  British  School  of  Archaeology  in  Egypt,  partly  in 
the  annual  volume  and  chiefly  in  an  album  published  separately.  This  will  include 
all  the  best  of  this  year's  group,  and  of  those  found  before  from  this  cemetery. 

W.  M.  FLINDERS  PETR1E. 

Malta.  Tagliaferro. 

Prehistoric  Burials  in  a  Cave  at  Bur-meghez,  near  Mkabba,  QO 
Malta.  A  Paper  read  before  the  Royal  Anthropological  Institute  on  the  Ufc 
13^  June  1911,  by  Professor  N.  Tagliaferro,  I.S.O. 

In  a  communication  read  before  the  Malta  Historical  and  Scientific  Society  at 
the  meeting  held  in  February  last  on  a  neolithic  tomb  discovered  at  Bukana,  near 
Attard,  Professor  Them  Zammit  stated  that  the  importance  of  that  discovery  was 
due  to  the  fact  that  hitherto  nothing  certain  was  known  as  to  the  mode  in  which 
the  builders  of  our  megalithic  monuments  buried  their  dead. 

Almost  all  the  rock-tombs  discovered  in  the  Maltese  Islands,  except  the  one  at 
Bukana,  belong  to  historic  times. 

Prehistoric  human  remains  have,  so  far,  been  found  in  only  three  places  :  namely, 
Ghar  Dalam,  Hagiar  Kim,  and  Hal  Saflieni. 

In  the  course  of  a  too  limited  excavation  made  at  the  Ghar  Dalam  cavern  in 
1892  Mr.  J.  H.  Cooke  discovered  in  the  upper  deposit  a  human  metacarpal  bone 
and  some  prehistoric  potsherds.  No  inference,  however,  could  be  drawn  from  these 
scanty  data  as  to  whether  the  individual,  to  whose  hand  the  bone  had  belonged,  was 
buried  in  the  cavern  or  not. 

At  Hagiar  Kim  a  skull  of  a  negroid  was  discovered  in  1839  ;  but  nothing  is  known 
as  to  the  mode  of  its  burial. 

Professor  Zammit  in  his  first  report  on  the  Hal  Saflieni  prehistoric  hypogeum, 
after  alluding  to  the  confused  state  in  which  human  bones  were  found,  states  that 
they  were  strewn  about  out  of  their  natural  position,  that  the  heaping  of  skeletons 
was  quite  evident,  and  that  the  enormous  amount  of  bones  accumulated  in  the  hypo- 
geum was  quite  out  of  proportion  to  the  size  of  any  dwelling  centre  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood. The  thousands  upon  thousands  of  bodies  massed  in  these  grottoes  might 
well  represent  the  population  of  all  the  neolithic  villages  of  Malta. 

The  mode  of  burial  remained,  however,  doubtful,  as  there  were  no  sufficient  data 
to  decide  whether  the  hypogeum  was  a  real  burying  place  or  an  ossuary,  or  both. 

The  neolithic  tomb  lately  discovered  by  Professor  Zammit  at  Bukana  at  last 
furnished  a  solution  to  the  problem  which  had  till  then  puzzled  archaeological 
students.  But  that  is  not  the  only  solution.  It  has  been  my  good  fortune  to 
discover  another  mode  of  burial  in  prehistoric  times,  to  which  I  have  the  honour  to 
call  to-day  the  attention  of  this  Institute,  viz.,  burials  in  the  soil  of  natural  caves. 

It  is  probable  that  this  mode  of  burial  was  of  an  anterior  date,  and  in  more 
general  use,  as  it  obviated  the  necessity  of  digging  tombs  in  an  age  when  no  metallic 
tools  could  be  used  for  cutting  stones. 

My  coming  across  this  mode  of  burial  was  quite  accidental. 

Whilst  engaged,  at  the  beginning  of  March  last,  in  exploring  the  ossiferous 
fissure  which  crosses  the  stone  quarry  known  as  "  Tan-Naxxari "  at  Bur-meghez, 
three-quarters  of  a  mile  to  the  north-east  of  Mkabba,  where  a  large  quantity  of  half 
fossilized  bones  of  more  than  one  variety  of  stag  (Cervus  elaphus)  were  being  ex- 
tracted, I  was  shown  several  human  teeth,  molars  and  incisors,  purporting  to  have 
been  found  in  the  same  quarry  at  the  furthest  end  of  the  fissure  near  the  surface  of 
the  rock.  I  received  the  report  with  utter  incredulity,  and  was  hard  upon  the  poor 
man  who  made  it  ;  but  on  his  insisting  on  the  veracity  of  his  report,  I  repaired  to 

[    147    ] 


No.  92.]  MAN.  [1911. 

the  spot,  where  to  my  surprise  and  delight  I  found  that  a  rent  in  the  rock,  having  the 
form  of  a  funnel,  had  been  cut  across  at  the  remotest  part  of  the  quarry,  and  that 
its  section  had  been  left  exposed  to  sun  and  rain  for  nearly  three  years. 

The  rent,  which  at  that  part  was  two  metres  deep  from  the  surface,  was  full  of 
loose  red  earth  overlying  a  thick  conglomerate  of  broken  bones  and  small  water-worn 
pebbles.  Among  the  bones  were  easily  distinguished  fragments  of  human  skulls  and 
teeth,  a  ramus  of  human  mandible,  broken  bones,  and  teeth  of  stags,  and  several 
bones  of  birds.  The  conglomerate  had  evidently  never  been  disturbed  from  the  time 
of  its  deposition.  Under  what  circumstances  that  deposition  was  formed  it  is  difficult 
to  say  now,  but  it  is  possible  that  the  organic  remains  were  carried  by  strong  currents 
of  water  and  deposited  at  the  bottom  of  the  rent  when  the  velocity  of  the  water 
became  less. 

The  immediate  contact  of  human  remains  with  those  of  the  stag  in  an  undisturbed 
conglomerate,  apparently  of  a  great  antiquity,  suggested  very  naturally  the  idea  that  I 
had  before  me  palaeolithic  man,  possibly  the  oldest  inhabitant  of  Malta. 

I  was  much  excited  at  the  time,  but  that  excitement  did  not  last  long  ;  for  on  the 
following  day  Mr.  Carmelo  Rizzo,  the  chief  engineer  of  the  Public  Health  Department,, 
to  whom  I  showed  the  conglomerate,  called  my  attention  to  a  small  object  of  a  different 
colour  from  the  rest,  slightly  protruding  from  the  upper  part  of  the  conglomerate. 
When  extracted,  that  object  turned  out  to  be  the  handle  of  what  might  have  been 
a  small  bowl.  The  inference  was  inevitable.  The  presence  of  a  fragment  of  pottery, 
however  small,  excluded  at  once  the  possibility  of  the  conglomerate  belonging  to  the 
palaeolithic  age.  Pottery,  in  fact,  is  characteristic  of  the  neolithic  age.  The  notion 
of  pottery  belonging  to  palaeolithic  times,  although  upheld  by  Belgian  archaeologists,  is 
repudiated  by  the  archaeologists  of  all  other  countries. 

But  if  the  presence  of  the  small  fragment  of  pottery  dealt  a  deadly  blow  to  the 
idea  that  the  human  skulls  belonged  to  the  palaeolithic  age,  it  was  not  less  true  that 
the  stag  lived  in  Malta  during  the  neolithic  age. 

This  fact  is  confirmed  by  the  co-existence  of  human  and  stag  bones  and  teeth  in  a 
cave  existing  near  the  surface  of  the  soil  in  an  adjoining  quarry,  where  they  were 
found  associated  with  neolithic  pottery,  mostly  belonging  to  one  or  other  of  the  various 
classes  into  which  the  pottery  found  at  Hal  Saflieni  has  been  distributed. 

The  description  of  the  cave  and  of  the  objects  found  therein  lies  beyond  the  scope 
of  this  paper,  and  will  form  the  subject  of  future  communications  when  the  exploration 
of  the  cave  will  be  completed.  Let  it  suffice  to  state  here  that  a  large  number  of 
fragments  of  pottery,  belonging  to  the  age  of  the  megalithic  monuments  in  Malta,  were 
found  associated  with  the  remains  of  man,  of  the  stag,  and  of  other  animals.  This 
fact  is  of  paramount  importance,  as  it  fixes  the  epoch  of  the  human  burials  which  form 
the  subject  of  the  present  paper. 

Before  beginning  the  exploration  of  the  natural  cave,  which  I  shall  call  the  "  Bur- 
meghez  Cave,"  I  was  shown  some  bones  belonging  to  the  stag,  which  were  found  near 
the  mouth  of  the  cave,  and  I  expected  to  find  that  the  cave  had  been  the  abode  of 
the  stag,  the  remains  of  which  were  so  abundant  in  the  rock  fissure  crossing  the 
adjoining  stone  quarry.  However,  the  teeth  belonging  to  several  other  animals,  which 
will  be  determined  later  on,  prove  that  the  cave  was  not  the  exclusive  abode  of  that 
ruminant. 

The  red  earth,  which  filled  the  cave  to  an  average  height  of  30  cm.  from  the  roofr 
was  mixed  with  a  very  large  number  of  more  or  less  small  round  or  sub-angular 
pebbles  of  the  same  quality  of  soft  stone  as  the  rock  of  the  cave,  viz.,  globigerina 
or  freestone  immediately  underlying  a  layer  of  yellow  or  upper  "  soil."  With  the 
pebbles  were  lying  about  in  groups  a  considerable  number  of  irregular  unhewn  stones 
measuring  from  30  cm.  to  60  cm.,  and  in  some  cases  even  to  80  cm.  in  length,  some 

[  148  ] 


1911.]  MAN.  [No.  92. 

of  thorn  flat  and  angular,  others  with  rounded  edges.  The  flat  stones  were  lying  either 
horizontally  or  were  slightly  inclined.  The  presence  of  these  large  flat  stones  in  the 
cave  at  first  suggested  the  idea  that  they  might  have  been  fallen  portions  of  a  part  of 
the  roof,  of  which  collapse  there  were  unmistakable  signs.  But  with  the  progress  of 
the  work,  as  the  number  of  these  big  stones  went  on  constantly  increasing,  the  idea 
of  their  being  all  due  to  the  collapse  of  a  part  of  the  roof  had  to  be  abandoned,  par- 
ticularly when  their  total  volume  exceeded  the  possible  volume  of  the  fallen  portion. 

Moreover,  the  horizontal  position  of  the  flat  stones  excluded  the  possibility  of  their 
having  fallen  accidentally,  and  the  probability  of  their  having  been  given  that  position 
intentionally  gradually  went  on  increasing  until  it  forced  itself  upon  my  mind  as  a 
certainty.  That  happened  when  one,  two,  arid  more  human  skulls  were  discovered  under 
the  flat  stones.  It  was  then  that  the  puzzling  presence  of  the  big  stones  lying  horizon- 
tally was  explained.  The  cavern  had  been  used  as  a  burying  place,  and  the  stones  and 
pebbles  and  been  used  to  prop  up  or  cover  the  corpses.  The  number  of  skulls  hitherto 
discovered  is  thirty-five.  They  were  all  found  ifl  the  first  five  compartments  of  the 
cave.  The  whole  number  of  the  compartments  and  the  total  length  of  the  cave  are  at 
present  unknown. 

So  far  upwards  of  18  metres  have  been  excavated,  but  I  have  reason  to  believe  that 
the  cave  is  much  deeper.  All  the  burials  hitherto  discovered  were  made  at  depths 
varying  between  30  cm.  and  2  metres  below  the  surface  of  the  red  earth. 

The  corpses  were  laid  down  horizontally  on  their  left  side,  in  several  cases  in 
A  crouching  position  looking  east.  The  skull  and  the  sides  were  propped  up  with 
more  or  less  large  pebbles.  The  flat  stones  very  likely  served  to  cover  the  corpse 
at  a  certain  height  and  to  protect  it  from  the  pressure  of  the  overlying  material. 
But  if  this  had  been  the  real  object  of  the  flat  stones,  it  was  frustrated  in  nearly 
all  cases.  The  water,  which  periodically  entered  the  cave  from  the  several  holes 
connecting  its  interior  with  the  surface  of  the  rock,  caused  a  settling  of  the  material 
contained  therein,  with  the  natural  consequence  that  nearly  all  the  skulls  were 
crushed  by  the  pressure  of  the  overlying  material.  In  some  cases  the  skulls  were 
lying  on  the  large  flat  stones  themselves. 

There  are  unmistakable  signs  that  some  at  least  of  the  corpses  did  not  remain 
undisturbed  for  a  long  time,  as  besides  the  skulls  which,  although  more  or  less 
crushed,  were  complete,  there  were  several  portions  of  others  lying  about  at  a 
certain  distance  from  one  another  ;  a  fact  evidently  due  to  those  skulls  having  been 
removed  from  their  original  position  to  make  room  for  fresh  burials.  The  same 
may  be  said  of  the  long  bones  which,  although,  as  a  rule,  they  were  found  lying 
horizontally  in  the  direction  of  the  axis  of  the  cave  (E.N.E.)  or  in  a  nearly  per- 
pendicular direction,  were  lying  without  any  order,  in  some  cases  even  heaped  up 
pele-mele  and  associated  with  bones  and  teeth  of  domestic  animals. 

Owing  to  the  fact  that  the  skulls  lay  on  one  side  surrounded  by  pebbles  it  was 
extremely  difficult  to  extract  them  therefrom,  and  to  take  the  necessary  measurements 
for  determining  their  cephalic  index.  It  may,  however,  prima  facie  be  maintained 
that  the  skulls  were  dolichocephalous,  probably  belonging  to  the  Mediterranean  race 
as  defined  by  Sergi. 

I  entertain  a  hope  that  further  excavations  will  furnish  sufficient  data  for  an 
accurate  determination  of  the  cephalic  and  other  indices. 

Had  the  existence  of  human  burials  been  foreseen,  the  excavation  would  have 
been  conducted  with  less  hesitation  and  uncertainty  at  the  beginning. 

But  in  scientific  research  truth  does  not  shine  upon  us  all  of  a  sudden,  but  dawns 
gradually  and  slowly.  After  two  weeks  of  continuous  work,  having  acquired  a  clear 
idea  of  the  mode  of  burial,  I  could  foretell  the  existence  of  a  skull  in  any  part  of 
the  cave  from  the  size  and  arrangements  of  the  pebbles  and  other  stones. 

[    149    ] 


No.  92,]  MAN.  [1911. 

On  the  contrary,  no  order  whatever  could  be  observed  in  the  distribution  of  the 
fragments  of  pottery  which  were  strewn  about  all  over  the  cave  at  all  levels  from 
10  cm.  below  the  surface  of  the  red  earth  to  the  very  bottom. 

The  sherds  are,  as  a  rule,  small,  of  a  thickness  varying  from  four  to  twenty-five 
millimeters.  As  is  generally  the  case,  the  thicker  the  sherd  the  coarser  the  ware. 

The  colour  varies  from  yellowish-red,  through  crimson  and  dull  red,  to  grey  and 
black,  the  red  varieties  occurring  oftener  than  others.  As  far  as  could  be  ascertained 
from  their  smallness,  the  fragments  belonged  to  whole  or  broken  bottoms  of  jars,  rims 
of  bowls  and  handles  of  various  forms,  among  which  a  two  large-holed  handle  common 
at  Mnaidra,  Hagiar  Kim,  Hal  Saflieni,  and  Cordin.  Very  likely  other  forms  of 
vases  will  be  discovered  when  a  thorough  study  is  made  after  the  completion  of  the 
excavation. 

The  style  of  decoration  corresponds  to  that  of  some  of  the  first  classes  of  the 
pottery  found  at  Hal  Saflieni.*  Some  of  the  designs  seem  to  be  new.  The  scale 
ware,  fluted  ware,  incised  and  cut  out  ware  are  frequently  represented. 

Prima  facie,  it  may  be  stated  that  the  pottery  is  identical  with  that  found  in  the 
megalithic  monuments  at  Hagiar  Kim,  Mnaidra,  Cordin,  and  Hal  Saflieni.  Flint  is 
very  rare.  So  far  only  two  fragments  have  been  found,  one  of  which  is  a  broken 
knife.  Of  personal  ornaments  four  perforated  marine  shells  have  been  discovered, 
two  of  which  had  been  given  the  form  of  buttons  and  two  that  of  an  almond.  The 
buttons  are,  in  the  opinion  of  Mr.  Peet,  characteristic  of  the  pure  neolithic  period. 

As  already  stated,  the  full  description  of  the  cave  and  of  all  the  objects  found 
therein  lies  beyond  the  scope  of  this  paper,  and  if  I  mentioned  with  some  details  a 
few  of  them  it  was  because  they  were  characteristic  of  the  age  to  which  the  burials 
described  in  this  paper  are  to  be  attributed. 

Had  I  postponed  this  communication  till  after  the  completion  of  the  excavation 
I  would  have  had  sufficient  time  and  more  material  for  its  preparation  ;  but  I  wished 
to  place  on  record,  without  unnecessary  delay,  the  discovery  of  these  prehistoric 
burials,  because  it  opens  a  new  field  of  research,  particularly  in  caves  and  rock-fissures 
in  quarries  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  megalithic  monuments,  which,  like  Hagiar 
Kim,  Mnaidra,  and  Cordin,  Gigantija  and  Xeuchia,  have  not  yielded  human  bones. 
Such  research,  if  conducted  with  perseverance,  will,  I  have  no  doubt,  throw  fresh 
light  on  the  prehistoric  period  of  the  Maltese  Islands. 

Before  concluding  I  wish  to  call  attention  to  a  curious  fact  which  I  observed  in 
the  course  of  the  exploration  of  the  cavern.  I  have  already  stated  that  the  corpses 
were  surrounded  by  pebbles.  Now  these  pebbles  are  of  a  very  porous  soft  stone, 
called  by  Sir  John  Murray,  of  the  Challenger  Expedition,  "  globigerina  limestone," 
the  fourth  (counting  downwards)  of  the  Miocene  beds  of  Malta.  It  was  only  natural 
that  these  porous  pebbles  should  absorb  the  liquids  and  gases  arising  out  of  the 
decomposition  of  the  bodies  with  which  they  were  in  contact.  What  is,  however, 
remarkable  is  the  variety  of  the  odours  which  these  stones  give  out  when  erased  or 
broken  after  so  many  thousand  years.  Besides  the  bad  smells  of  putrefaction  or  of 
decaying  matter,  others  of  a  quite  different  nature  were  easily  distinguishable,  as  those 
of  fresh  flesh,  fresh  vegetables,  and  particularly  of  violets. 

Evidently  these  facts  deserve  a  particular  study  which  may  lead  to  curious  and, 
perhaps,  also  important  results.  Amongst  others  they  may  afford  a  proof  as  to  whether 
in  particular  instances  the  corpses  had  been  deprived  of  their  flesh,  scarnamento,  before 
burial  or  not.  N.  TAGLIAFERRO. 

*  Vide  The  Prehistoric  Pottery  found  in  the  Hypogeum  at  Hal  Sajtieni,  Casal  Paula,  Malta  by 
Professor  N.  Tagliaferro,  issued  by  the  Liverpool  Institute  of  Archaeology  in  Annals  of  Archeology 
and  Anthropology,  Vol.  Ill,  June,  1910. 

[    150    ] 


Pl.ATF.     L. 


MAX,  191 1. 


JOHN     BEDDOE. 


1911.]  MAN.  [Nos.  92-93. 

Obituary :  Beddoe.  With  Plate  L.  Gray. 

John  Beddoe,  M.D.,  LL.D.,  F.R.S.,  F.R.C.P.,  Foreign  Assoc.  Anthrop.  QO 
Soc.,  Paris;  Corr.  Member  Anthrop.  Soc.,  Berlin;  Hon.  Member  VW 
Anthrop.  Soc.,  Brussels  and  Washington,  Soc.  Friends  of  Science, 
Moscow.  By  John  Gray,  B.Sc. 

In  this  year,  1911,  anthropology  has  lost  two  of  its  greatest  pioneers.  Sir  Francis 
Galton  died  on  January  17th,  and  now  we  have  to  record  the  death  of  Dr.  John 
Beddoe  on  July  19th  of  the  same  year. 

Beddoe  was  born  at  Bewdley  in  1826,  four  years  after  the  birth  of  Galton.  Both 
in  their  youth  studied  medicine,  though  Beddoe  alone  adopted  medicine  as  a  profession  ; 
and  both  made  a  scientific  tour  of  Europe,  following  almost  the  same  route,  and  stopping 
in  Vienna  in  passing,  to  complete  their  medical  studies.  Galton  was  elected  president 
of  the  Anthropological  Institute  in  1885  and  Huxley  lecturer  in  1901,  Beddoe  holding 
the  same  offices  in  1889  and  1905. 

Though  this  remarkable  parallelism  occurred  in  the  careers  of  these  two  distin- 
guished anthropologists,  their  mental  characters  and  the  services  they  rendered  to 
anthropology  were  essentially  different.  Beddoe  was  the  pioneer  of  the  method  of 
making  exact  observations  on  the  physical  characters  of  living  men,  while  Galton  was 
predominantly  the  pioneer  of  the  mathematical  methods  of  interpreting  the  data  of 
observation. 

Beddoe  had  not,  like  Galton,  the  mathematical  mind,  but  was  richly  endowed 
with  that  extremely  quick  and  flexible  mind  which  is  essential  for  rapid  and  accurate 
observation.  Up  to  the  end  of  his  long  life  his  intelligence  was  bright  and  alert,  and 
he  was  always  ready  to  receive  and  sympathetically  examine  new  ideas  in  his 
favourite  science. 

The  most  important  anthropological  work  done  by  Beddoe  was  the  long  series  of 
observations  on  the  hair  and  eye  colours  of  the  living  peoples,  chiefly  of  the  British 
Isles,  but  also  to  a  less  extent  of  the  continent  of  Europe.  These  observations  were 
begun  as  far  back  as  1846,  and  continued  throughout  the  remaining  sixty-five  years 
of  ihis  life.  He  thus  laid  the  foundations  of  oar  present  knowledge  of  the  physical 
anthropology  of  the  living  races  of  Europe,  and  the  example  he  set  was  followed  by 
Virchow  and  others  in  the  great  pigmentation  surveys  that  have  since  been  carried  out 
in  Germany  and  many  other  countries. 

A  large  number  of  measurements  of  stature  and  weight  were  also  collected  by 
Beddoe,  and  it  may  be  said  that  our  present  maps  of  the  distribution  of  these 
characters  in  the  British  Isles  are  still  founded  on  the  data  published  by  Beddoe 
in  1867. 

In  1867  Beddoe  won  a  prize  of  100  guineas  offered  by  the  Council  of  the  Welsh 
National  Eistedfod  for  the  best  essay  on  The  Origin  of  the  English  Nation.  This 
essay  was  afterwards  expanded  into  his  standard  work  on  the  Races  of  Britain. 

How  prolific  a  writer  Beddoe  was  may  be  judged  of  by  the  fact  that  Ripley's 
bibliography  of  his  anthropological  memoirs  contains  some  thirty  items. 

Beddoe  took  a  prominent  part  in  bringing  about  the  amalgamation  of  the  two 
original  rival  societies  dealing  with  anthropology  in  this  country,  namely,  the  Ethno- 
logical Society  and  the  Anthropological  Society,  to  form  the  present  unrivalled  Royal 
Anthropological  Institute.  He  was  also  one  of  the  prime  movers  in  securing  the 
formation  of  a  separate  section  for  anthropology  at  the  British  Association. 

In  1910  Beddoe  published  an  autobiography  entitled  Memories  of  Eighty  Fears, 
in  which  the  story  of  his  life  is  written,  as  he  states,  from  memory,  with  hardly  any 
assistance  from  journal  or  record.  This  volume  gives  in  a  genial  easy  style  a  full 
account  of  his  life's  work  interspersed  with  interesting  anecdotes  of  the  many 
celebrities  he  came  in  contact  with,  and  should  be  read  by  every  anthropologist. 


No,  93.]  MAN.  [1911. 

British  science  need  have  no  fear  of  holding  its  own  with  that  of  any  com- 
petitor as  long  as  our  country  can  produce  such  men  as  Dr.  John  Beddoe. 

The  following  bibliography  of  Dr.  Beddoe's  papers,  &c.,  was  compiled  by  him 
shortly  before  his  death,  and,  thanks  to  Dr.  A.  C.  Haddon's  courtesy,  now  appears 
below  : — 

LIST     OF     PAPERS. 

Contribution  to  Scottish  Ethnology             -                                                   -                                      -  1853 

Ancient  and  Modern  Ethnography  of  Scotland.     (Proc.  of  Soc.  of  Antiquaries  of  Scotland)  •  1854 
Official  Report  on  Kenkioi  Hospital,  Dardanelles.     Appendix  2.     Ethnological  Notes   made  at 

Kenkioi    -                                                     ...                                                     -  1856 

Physical  Characters  of  Ancient  and  Modern  Germans.     (Trans.  Brit.  Assoc.)  -                         -  1857 
Physical  Character  of  the  Natives  of  some  parts  of  Italy  and  of  the  Austrian  Dominions,  &<\ 

(Ethnol.  Trans.,  Vol.  I.,  N.S.)    -                                                                                                     -  1861 

Physical  Characteristics  of  the  Jews.     (Ethnol.  Trans.}     -                                                              -  1861 

Sur  la  Couleur  des  Yeux  et  des  Cheveux  des  Irlandais.     (Bull.  Soc.  d'Anthr.)                          -  1861 

On  the  supposed  increasing  Prevalence  of  Dark  Hair  in  England.     (Anthr.  Review,  Vol.  I)   -  1863 
Testimony  of  Local  Phenomena   in   the  West   of   England  to  Permanence  of  Anthropological 

Types  (Memoirs  Anthr.  Soc.,  Vol.  II)-                                                                                         -  1865 

Head-forms  of  the  West  of  England.     (Ibid.')         -                                                                           -  1865 

Stature  and  Bulk  of  Man  in  the  British  Isles.     (Ibid.,  Vol.  Ill)                                                    -  1867 

Physical  Characters  of  Inhabitants  of  Bretagne.     (Ibid.)                                                                 -  1867 

Head -form  of  the  Danes.     (Ibid.')    -                                                                                                     -  1867 

The  Kelts  of  Ireland.     (Journal  of  Anthropology')                                                                            -  1370 

Anniversary  Address.     (Ibid.)                                                                                                                -  1871 

Anthropology  of  Lancashire.     (Ibid.)                                                                                                        -  1871 
Notes  on  the  Wallons.     (Ibid.,  Vol.  II)      -. 

Anthropology  of  Yorkshire.     (Tran*.   Brit.  Assoc.)                                                                                -  1873 

On  Modern  Ethnological  Migrations.     (Journ.  Anthr.  Inst.,  Vol.  IV)     -                                      -  1875 

Aborigines  of  Central  Queensland.     (Ibid.,  Vol.  VII)        -                                                                -  1878 

Crania  from  St.  Werburgh's,  Bristol                                                                                                      -  1878 

The  Bulgarians.     (Joiitn.  Anthr.  Iwt.,  Vol.  VIII)                                                                             -  1879 

Anthropological  Colour  Phenomena,  Belgium  and  elsewhere.     (Ibid.,  Vol.  X)    -                         -  1881 
Skulls   in    a   Vault   under    Church   at   Mitcheldean.      (Trans,  of  Bristol  and  Gloucestershire 

Arch.  Soc.,  Vol.  VI,  2)  -                                                                                                                  -  ?  1882 

Skeletons  found  at  Gloucester  by  John  Bellows.     By  J.  Beddoe.     (Ibid.)                                     -  1882 

Stature  of  Inhabitants  of  Hungary.     (Journ.  Anthr.  Inst.)                                                             -  1882 

Anthropology  of  Gloucestershire.     (Bristol  and  Gloucestershire  Trans.')  -                                     -  ?  1882 

English  Surnames  from  Ethnological  Point  of  View.     (Ibid..  Vol.  XII)                                       -  1882 
Sur  la  Couleur  des  Yeux  et  des  Cheveux  dans  la  France  du  Nord   et  de  Centre.      (Bulletins 

Soc.  d' Anthr.,  Series  3,  Vol.  V)                                                                                                       -  1882 

Couleur  des  Cheveux  et  des  Yeux  en  Suisse.     (Soc.  de  Sci.  Nat.,  Neuchatel)  -                         -  1883 

The  Races  of  Britain.     (Bristol  and  London}         -                                                                          -  1885 

The  Physical  Anthropology  of  the  Isle  of  Man.     (Manx  Note  Book)     -                                     -  1887 
Stature  of   the  Older  Races  of  England  as  estimated  from   the  Long  Bones.      (Journ.  Anthr. 

Inst.,  Vol.  XVII)                                                                                                                               -  1887 

Woodcuts,  Ratherley,  &c.,  Human  Remains  discovered  there.     (Ibid.,  Vol.  XIX)                      -  1890 

Observations  on  Natural  Colour  of  Skin  in  certain  Oriental  Races.    (Ibid.)      -                        '  1890 

Anniversary  Presidential  Address.     (Ibid.)  -                                                                                       -  1890 

Anniversary  Presidential  Address.     (Ibid..  Vol.  XX)          -                                                               -  1891 

Anthropological  History  of  Europe.     (Rkind  Lectures  for  1891  ;  Scottish  Renew,  1892-3)       -  1893 

Sur  1'Histoire  de  1'Indice  Cephalique  dans  les  lies  Britanniques.     (L1  Anthr.,  Vol.  IV)             -  1894 

On  the  Northern  Settlements  of  the  West  Saxons.     (Journ.  Anthr.  Inst.)                                   -  1895 

Anthropometry  in  India.     (Sci.  Progress)    -                                                                                           -  1895 

On  Selection  of  Man.     (A  Series  of  Papers  in  Science  Progress)                                                   -  1896 

Moore,   A.  W.,  and  Beddoe— Physical  Anthropology  of  the  Isle  of  Man.     (Journ.  Anthr.  Inst.)  1897 
On    Complexional   Differences    between    the    Irish    with    Indigenous    and    Exotic    Surnames 

respectively.     (Ibid.)       -                                                                                                                      -  1897 

MediEeval  Population  of  Bristol.     (Ibid.)     -                                                                                       -  1899 
Contribution   to    the   Anthropology   of   Wiltshire.      (From    Wiltshire  Arch,    and  Nat.   Hist. 

Magazine,  Vol.  XXXIV; 

Contribution  to  the  Anthropology  of  the  West  Riding,  by  J.  B.  and  Dr.  J.  H.  Rowe.     (York- 
shire Arch.  Joum.,  Vol.  XIX)  - 

Die  Rassengeschichte  cler  Britischen  Inseln.     (Politisch-Anthrop.  Revue,  Vol.  Ill,  1)    - 

A  Bushman's  Skull.     (MAN,  58)       -                                        -                                                                  -  1901 

Sweden  Physical  Anthropology.     (Ibid.,  59)                                                                                            -  1901 
On   certain  Human  Bones  from   a  Cave   at  Cattedown,  Devon,  explored  by  Mr.  R.  Burnand, 

F.S.A.     (Trans,  of  Plymouth  Inst.  and  Deron  and   Cornwall  Nat.  Hist.  Soc.)       -  1903-4 

Cranium  and  other  Bones  from  Kingston  Bagprise,  Abington.     (Bristol  Nat.  So<'-  Proc.)         1903-4 

Somatology  of  800  Boys  (Navy).     (Journ.  Anthr.  Inst.,  Vol.  XXXIV)   -                                      -  1904 

A  Method  of  estimating  Skull  Capacity  from  Peripheral  Measures.     (Ibid.)      -                         •  1904 
Report  on  Two  Skulls  from  Great  Depths  at  Bristol  Dock  Gates.     (Bristol  Nat.  Soc.  Proc.)    1904-5 

Colour  and  Races,  Huxley  Lecture.     (Journ.  Anthr.  Inst.)                                                             -  1905 

[     152     ]     ' 


1911.]  MAN.  [Nos.  93-94. 

Hungarian  Physiognomy.     (MAN)     -                                                                             -  1905 

Notes  on  Crania  from  Carmelite  Friary.     (Appendix  by  J.  B.)    {Brlatol  Arch.  Notes  for  1904, 

by  J.  E.  Pntchard)        -  -     1905 

Series  of  Skulls,  Carmelite,  from  Bristol.     (Journ.  Anthr.  Inxt.)  -            -  -                  1905 

Estimation  of  Skull  Capacity  by  a  Peripheral  Method.     (Zeitxchrift  fiir  Eihnologie)  -            -     1907 
E  valuation  et  Signif.  de  la  Capacite  Cranium.     (I?  Anthropologie) 

Ancient  Skull  from  Cave  of  Lombrive,  Pyrenees.     {Bristol  Nut.  Soc.  Proc.)     -  1907-8 
Human  Bones  from  Harlyn  Bay,  Cornwall.     {Trans,  liny.  Inst.  of  Cornwall)    - 

Last  Contribution  to  Scottish  Ethnology.     («/<•«/•».  Anthr.  Inst.)  -     1908 

Memoirs  of  Eighty  Years.     (Brixtol  and  London)  -            -     1910 

J.  GRAY. 

Africa,  West.  Dayrell. 

The    Incest    Tabu.     By  E.  Dayrell,  F.R.G.S.  QI 

With  reference  to  the  article  by  Mr.  N.  W.  Thomas,  M.A.  (MAN,  1910,  U*T 
72)  on  the  above  subject,  I  would  state  that  in  my  experience,  which  extends 
over  nine  years  in  the  Ikom  district,  Eastern  Province,  Southern  Nigeria,  incest  is 
extremely  rare.  It  is  entirely  against  native  custom,  and  in  the  olden  days  would 
have  been  punished  by  death. 

In  this  part  of  the  country  the  fact  of  brothers  and  sisters  living  together  would 
seem  to  destroy  the  pairing  instinct  as  between  themselves.  There  is  no  avoidance 
practised  as  between  a  man  and  the  girl  for  whom  he  is  paying  bride  price,  neither 
•does  the  girl  "  go  for  bush,"  if  she  should  happen  to  meet  her  intended  husband. 
On  the  contrary,  from  the  time  the  girl  is  quite  small  the  intended  husband  gives 
.her  presents  at  intervals,  and,  as  soon  as  she  is  old  enough,  he  may  have  connection 
with  her,  but  until  the  girl  is  properly  married  there  is  no  restriction  placed  upon 
her  promiscuous  sexual  intercourse  with  other  men,  any  children  born  before  marriage 
by  a  free-born  girl  belonging  to  the  father.  As  an  example  of  the  native  attitude 
towards  incest  I  have  obtained  from  a  trustworthy  source  the  following  two  incidents 
which  show  that  in  Calabar  incest  was  treated  as  a  very  serious  offence  : — 

(1)  M.-my  years   ago,  at  Calabar,  a   woman  who    was  envious  of    the  amount  of 
.money  which  her  sou  gave  to  different  girls  for  their  favours,  induced  him  to   sleep 
with  her   instead   and   made  him  give  her  the  money.     This  went  on   for  some  time 
until  it  was  noticed  that  the  boy  was  frequently  seen  coming  out  of  his  mother's  room 
in  the  early  morning.     He  was  therefore   called  to   the  Egbo   house   and   questioned, 
the  mother  also  being  made  to  appear. 

The  boy  then  stated  that  his  mother  had  induced  him  to  sleep  with  her  instead 
of  going  with  other  women,  and  that  she  always  took  money  from  him.  The  boy 
was  found  guilty  by  the  people,  and  as  incest  was  strongly  against  their  native  custom, 
lie  was  tied  up  to  a  post  in  the  Egbo  house  and  killed. 

(2)  Some  years  after  the  above-mentioned  event,  there  was  a  rich  chief  in  Calabar 
who  was  in  the  habit  of  sleeping  regularly  with  his  daughter.     Eventually  the  chief 
put  her  in  the  family  way,  and  when    she  was    questioned    the    girl    told   the  people 
that  her  father  had  been  sleeping  with  her  for  some  time  and  that  she  had  conceived 
by  him.     She  also  complained  that  her  father  would  not  allow  her  to  marry  anyone. 
The  chief  admitted  having  had  connection  with   his  daughter,  and  the  people  wished 
to  punish  him    in    accordance  with  their  custom,  but  were  not  allowed  to  do  so  ;    he 
was  therefore  disgraced  in  the  following   manner  : — The  man  was  placed  in    a    canoe 
with  a  large  bell  tied  round  his  waist.      There  was  a  string  attached  to  the  clapper 
of  the  bell  which  was  held  by  his  daughter,  and  she  rang  the  bell  all  the  time.     The 
chief  was  also  rubbed  all  over  with  charcoal,  and  feathers  were    stuck  in  his  hair  as 
if  he  were  a  thief ;  he  was  then  paddled  in  a  canoe  to  all  the  seven  towns  and   was 
paraded  round  each  town. 

In  every  town  he  went  to  he  had  to  tell  the  people  that  he  had  had  connection 
with  his  daughter,  and  had  to  beg  them  not  to  kill  him.  This  was  done  in  order  to 
.shame  him  before  everyone. 

[     153     ] 


Nos,  94-95.]  MAN.  [1911. 

The  girl  died  shortly  afterwards  in  childbirth,  and  the  man  never  joined  his  com- 
pany again  or  attended  any  play.  He  died  two  years  later  in  disgrace. 

The  dates  and  the  names  of  the  parties  concerned  were  given  to  me,  and  the 
degradation  of  the  chief  mentioned  in  Incident  2  was  actually  witnessed  by  my 
informant.  E.  DAYRELL. 


PROCEEDINGS    OF    SOCIETIES. 
Anthropology.  British  Association. 

The  annual  meeting  of  the  British  Association  for  the  Advancement  of  QC 
Science  was  held  at  Portsmouth,  from  August  30th  to  September  6th,  1911.  UU 
Section  H  (Anthropology)  met  under  the  presidency  of  Dr.  W.  H.  R.  Rivers,  F.R.S., 
who  in  his  presidential  address,  after  reference  to  the  differences  existing  between 
various  schools  of  the  science,  dealt  with  the  importance  of  ethnological  analysis  as  a 
precedent  of  evolutionary  speculation  in  the  study  of  culture.  The  address  will  be 
found  in  full  in  Nature,  Vol.  87,  p.  356,  and  in  the  Report  of  the  British  Association. 

The  following  is  a  brief  summary  of  the  papers  communicated  to  the  sections. 
The  place  in  which  papers  are  to  be  published  in  full,  so  far  as  known  at  present^ 
is  given  in  square  brackets. 

PHYSICAL  ANTHROPOLOGY. 

The  late  J.  R.  MORTIMER. — Notes  on  the  Stature,  #c.,  of  our  Ancestors  in 
East  Yorkshire. — During  the  author's  excavations  of  over  300  burial-mounds  and  ceme- 
teries in  East  Yorkshire,  remains  of  893  bodies  were  obtained  of  the  Neolithic  and 
Bronze  periods,  but  as  322  of  these  had  been  cremated,  571  only  are  available  for 
detailed  measurements.  Of  these,  35  were  long-headed  and  had  an  average  stature 
of  66  inches,  29  had  short  skulls  and  averaged  64'3  inches  in  height,  and  40  had 
skulls  of  an  intermediate  form  and  averaged  64'4  inches  in  height.  The  greatest 
stature  in  this  series  measures  72'8  inches,  and  the  lowest  56*4  inches. 

During  the  early  Iron  Age  the  inhabitants  possessed  more  uniformly  long  skulls,, 
but  were  physically  much  inferior  to  their  predecessors.  Of  59  skeletons,  42  had 
long  heads  and  an  average  stature  of  62*5  inches,  2  had  short  heads  with  a  computed 
height  of  61 '9  inches,  while  14  were  intermediate  in  type  and  averaged  63'2  inches. 
The  skeletons  of  the  Romano-British  period  were  not  so  plentiful,  but  much  resembled 
those  of  the  early  Iron  Age,  from  which  they  probably  descended. 

Of  the  61  Anglo-Saxon  skeletons  measiired,  31  had  long  heads,  with  an  average 
stature  of  65*7  inches  ;  7  had  short  heads,  with  an  average  stature  of  64  inches,  and 
23  had  skulls  of  an  intermediate  type,  and  had  an  average  stature  of  63'6  inches. 
[The  Naturalist.] 

PROFESSOR  C.  J.  PATTEN,  Sc.D. —  The  Interpretation  of  Division  of  the  Parietal 
Bone  as  observed  in  the  Crania  of  certain  Primates. — Unless  we  can  get  further 
evidence  from  the  condition  of  the  contained  brain  we  are  much  handicapped  in 
attempting  to  put  forward  an  interpretation  as  to  the  causes  of  parietal  division. 
This  is  especially  so  where  in  the  dry  skull  pathological  conditions  (perhaps  at  an 
earlier  stage  of  development  more  apparent)  are  only  faintly  discernible,  and  where 
they  may  be  said  to  have  passed  almost  without  a  line  of  demarcation  into  what 
one  might  conveniently  term  a  condition  of  disturbed  morphogenesis.  However,  as 
many  specimens  of  dry  skulls,  minus  their  brains,  recently  examined  afford  fairly 
positive  evidence  of  an  abnormal  process  of  development,  the  trend  of  opinion  is  that 
the  supposed  morphological  significance  assigned  to  the  segments  of  divided  parietals, 
together  with  the  supposed  atavistic  value  attached  to  the  same  segments,  are 
hypotheses  which  are  losing  ground. 

[     154     ] 


1911.]  MAN.  [tf0.  95. 

A.  KEITH,  M.D. — Cranium  of  the  Cro-Magnon  Type  found  by  Mr.  W.  M. 
Newton  in  a  Gravel  Terrace  near  Dartford. — Although  the  Cro-Magnon  race  was 
widely  distributed  in  France  towards  the  end  of  the  Glacial  period,  no  remains  of 
this  race  have  yet  been  found  in  England  at  a  correspondingly  early  date.  From 
the  fauna  which  accompanied  the  Cro-Magnon  race  one  infers  that  its  period  corre- 
sponds to  the  excavation  of  the  Thames  Valley  below  the  level  of  the  60-foot  terrace. 
The  cranium  described  was  found  in  1902  during  excavations  in  a  pit  in  the  gravel 
terrace  on  the  west  side  of  the  valley  of  the  Darenth,  a  mile  above  Dartford.  The 
gravel  excavated  forms  a  stratum  18  feet  in  thickness  over  the  chalk.  The  level  of 
the  terrace  is  83  feet  O.D.,  and  may  be  regarded  as  contemporary  with  the  60-foot 
terrace  of  the  Thames  Valley.  The  cranium  was  not  seen  in  situ  but  was  found  in 
a  fall  which  had  taken  place  from  the  face  of  the  pit,  after  the  workmen  had  left 
for  the  night.  Mr.  Newton  examined  this  face  of  the  pit  both  before  and  after  the 
fall,  and  there  was  no  evidence  that  the  stratification  had  been  broken  as  by  a  burial. 
The  skull  was  believed  to  have  been  embedded  in  a  "  pot-hole,"  which  was  situated 
about  9  feet  from  the  surface.  Unfortunately  the  geological  evidence  as  to  the 
antiquity  of  the  cranium  is  altogether  incomplete. 

The  condition  of  the  skull  is  not  what  is  expected  in  a  specimen  of  great 
antiquity  ;  the  bones  are  well  preserved,  not  mineralised,  and  yet  it  bears  evidence 
of  having  been  embedded  in  the  gravel  over  a  great  length  of  time.  A  small  per- 
foration on  one  side  has  admitted  the  moisture  of  the  soil,  which  has  worn  in  the 
interior  of  the  cranial  cavity  a  rut  over  2  mm.  deep.  The  cranium  is  of  the  Cro- 
Magnon  type;  its  length  is  207  mm.;  its  breadth,  150  mm.;  its  height,  116  mm.; 
its  capacity,  1,750  mm.  Unfortunately  the  face  has  perished  so  that  we  cannot  rely 
on  the  further  confirmatory  evidence  of  the  characteristic  orbits  and  maxillae. 

A.  KEITH,  M.D. — Remains  of  a  Skeleton  from  the  100-foot  Terrace  at  Galley 
Hill. — The  remains  were  found  in  1883  or  1884  by  school  boys  at  a  depth,  it  is 
believed,  of  about  five  feet,  in  the  face  of  the  terrace  gravel  which  was  being  worked 
at  a  distance  of  fifty  yards  from  the  spot  where  the  skeleton  of  the  Galley  Hill 
man  was  found  some  four  or  five  years  later.  The  characters  of  the  skull  and 
bones  give  support  to  the  probability  of  the  bones  being  those  of  palaeolithic  man 
of  the  Galley  Hill  type.  The  skull  is  long  (199  mm.),  narrow  (140  mm.)  and 
has  many  of  the  characters  of  the  race.  The  calvaria  is  thinner  than  in  the  type 
specimen,  varying  from  6  to  7  mm.,  and,  although  giving  a  metallic  resonance 
when  struck,  is  not  mineralised  to  the  same  extent  as  in  the  type  specimen.  The 
calvaria,  although  broken,  is  not  distorted,  and  bears  not  only  in  its  history  but 
also  in  its  features,  the  same  relationship  to  the  type  specimen  as  the  second  Briinn 
cranium  bears  to  the  first  Briinn  specimen.  It  answers  very  well  to  our  conception 
of  the  female  type  of  the  Galley  Hill  race.  It  may  be  regarded  as  probably 
authentic  and  of  the  same  age  as  the  upper  terrace  of  the  Thames  Valley,  but 
before  it  can  be  accepted  as  such  the  confirmatory  evidence  of  further  discoveries 
is  necessary. 

A.  KEITH,  M.D. — Fossil  Bones  of  Man  discovered  by  Colonel  Willoughby 
Verner  in  a  Limestone  Cave  near  Honda,  in  the  South  of  Spain. — During  tbe 
winters  1909-10  and  1910-11  Colonel  Willoughby  Verner  explored  a  large  and 
unknown  lime-stone  cave  at  Ronda  in  the  south  of  Spain.  On  the  walls  of  the 
cave  he  found  drawings,  some  of  which  are  similar  to  the  crude  art  of  the  caves 
in  North  Spain.  In  the  superficial  strata  of  the  floor  he  found  the  remains  of  the 
pig  and  goat  with  parts  of  human  thigh  bones,  all  coated  with  a  thick  layer  of 
stalagmite.  Fragments  of  a  primitive  type  of  pottery  were  also  found.  In  a  deeper 
and  presumably  older  part  of  the  floor  he  discovered  the  fragmentary  remains  of  a 

[    155    ] 


.  95.]  MAN.  [1911. 

human    skeleton  of  a  peculiar  type.     The  bones  are  mineralised  and  were  embedded 
in  stalagmite. 

An  examination  of  the  parts  show  that  they  belonged  to  a  man  of  about 
1480  mm.  in  height  (4  feet  10  inches),  of  stout  and  muscular  build.  Although 
corresponding  to  the  Bushman  in  stature,  he  differs  from  that  race  in  many  characters 
of  his  skeleton  ;  in  the  points  wherein  he  differs  from  the  Bushmen  he  agrees  with 
the  early  Neolithic  European  races,  but  he  possesses  certain  peculiar  features  which 
distinguish  him  from  both  of  these  and  from  all  modern  races.  Beyond  the  miner- 
alised condition  of  the  bones,  their  peculiar  features  and  the  remains  of  an  apparently 
extinct  form  of  ibex  found  with  them,  there  are  no  means  of  estimating  the  degree 
of  antiquily  of  this  peculiar  Honda  type  of  man.  Nothing  is  known  of  the  physical 
characters  of  the  artists  of  the  Spanish  caves.  It  is  possible  that  the  man  discovered 
by  Colonel  Verner  may  prove  to  belong  to  the  artist  race. 

H.  N.  DAVIES. — Notes  on  Human  Remains  of  Ancient  Date  found  at  Weston- 
supcr-Mare. — The  remains  were  found  at  a  depth  of  eight  feet  on  the  shore  line, 
now  a  quarter  of  a  mile  inland,  of  an  ancient  bay.  They  were  in  a  position  of  rest  ; 
one  leg  being  slightly  drawn  up,  and  the  head  resting  on  the  right  hand.  No 
traces  of  clothing,  weapons,  or  implements  were  found. 

The  supraciliary  ridge  of  the  skull  is  prominent,  and  the  occipital  region 
protuberant.  The  transverse  arch  is  well  rounded,  and  the  antero-posterior  curve 
slightly  depressed  in  the  frontal  region,  hollowed  in  the  occipital  region,  and  regular 
in  the  parietal  region  The  orbits  are  broadly  elliptical.  The  lower  jaw  is  very 
square,  and  the  chin  square. 

Among  the  measurements  obtained  were  :  Skull — Max.  antero-posterior  length, 
198'4  mm.  ;  max.  transverse  breadth,  147'6  mm.  ;  bizygomatic  breadth,  138' 1  mm.  ; 
orbital  height,  44' 4  mm.;  orbital  breadth,  35 '0  mm.  Femur — Max.  length,  482 '6 
mm.  The  calculations  for  stature  give  1778'0  mm.  (Beddoe)  or  1719-0  (Manouvrier). 
Indices — Cephalic,  74 '40;  facial,  117 '57;  orbital,  78 '60.  Although  the  gnathic 
index  is  not  exactly  ascertainable,  the  skull  is  certainly  orthognathous. 

Finds  of  prehistoric  interments  are  frequent  on  the  southern  slope  of  Worlebury, 
which  is  the  site  of  an  extensive  prehistoric  settlement.  All  the  skulls  from  the 
site  are  dolichocephalic  with  indices  ranging  from  72 '0  to  74 '0,  but  they  have  weak 
pointed  lower  jaws,  slight  supraorbital  prominences  and  squarish  orbits.  They 
belong  to  the  Iberian  types,  differing  markedly  from  the  present  specimen.  Though 
it  is  impossible  to  state  the  age  of  this  interment,  it  may  be  that  of  a  later 
prehistoric  immigrant,  or  of  Roman,  Saxon,  or  Dane. 

Anthropometric  Investigation  in  the  British  Isles. — Report  of  the  Committee. — It 
is  satisfactory  to  note  that  the  scheme  embodied  in  the  1908  report  is  being  widely 
adopted.  The  Australian  Association  for  the  Advancement  of  Science  has  resolved 
that  it  be  used  in  all  anthropometric  work,  including  the  extensive  and  very  complete 
survey  of  the  school  children  of  Victoria  now  being  organised. 

The  Committee  hopes  to  come  to  an  agreement  with  the  German  and  Vienna 
Anthropological  Societies  to  secure  uniformity  in  methods  of  measurement. 

H.  PEAKE. — Suggestions  for  an  Anthropological  Survey  of  the  British  Isles. — 
This  paper  advocated  a  survey  of  the  British  Isles  and  the  production  of  a  number 
of  maps  on  the  1  inch  scale,  accompanied  by  memoirs,  illustrating  all  phases  of  human 
activity,  or  conditions  by  which  they  may  have  been  influenced. 

It  is  proposed  that  a  society  should  be  formed  governed  by  a  council  consisting  of 
the  principal  experts  in  the  various  subjects  to  be  dealt  with,  and  that  the  country 
be  divided  into  a  number  of'  districts  or  geographical  units,  each  containing  about 
200  square  miles.  That  in  each  unit  a  registrar  be  appointed  to  co-ordinate  the  work 

I  156  ] 


1911.]  MAN.  [No.  95. 

in  that  area,  and  that  those  engaged  in  research  be  encouraged  to  icompile  maps  and 
memoirs,  either  of  one  unit  from  several  points  of  view  or  of  several  contiguous  units 
from  one  point  of  view.  That  the  country  be  divided  eventually  into  several  large 
natural  regions  consisting  of  several  counties,  and  that  when  all  the  maps  and  memoirs 
relating  to  one  particular  subject  in  all  the  units  of  a  region  have  been  completed  a 
monograph  should  be  published,  in  which  the  work  of  all  contributors  should  be 
acknowledged. 

JOHN  GRAY,  B.Sc. — An  Imperial  Bureau  of  Anthropology  :  (a)  Anthropometry. — 
The  Royal  Anthropological  Institute  presented  to  the  members  of  the  last  Imperial 
Conference  a  memorial  asking  for  their  support  in  the  establishment  of  an  Imperial 
Bureau  of  Anthropology.  The  object  of  this  bureau  would  be  to  direct  and  control 
the  collection  and  collation  of  important  data  about  the  physical  and  mental  characters 
of  the  many  races  living  within  the  confines  of  the  British  Empire.  The  constitution 
of  the  bureau  would  be  representative. 

Such  an  institution  was  recommended  by  the  Physical  Deterioration  Committee  in 
1903,  and  has  received  the  approval  of  the  leading  statesmen  of  all  parties,  but  has 
not  yet  received  any  financial  support.  Germany,  Denmark,  the  United  States,  and 
other  countries  have  adopted  many  of  the  recommendations  of  the  scientists  of  this 
country  ;  in  Great  Britain  their  value  has  yet  to  be  fully  recognised. 

ETHNOGRAPHY  AND  ETHNOLOGY. 

T.  C.  HODSON. — An  Imperial  Bureau  of  Anthropology :  (6)  Ethnography. — 
The  purposes  which  such  a  bureau  would  serve  are  (1)  to  formulate  standard  methods 
of  anthropological  and  anthropometrical  investigation  ;  (2)  to  assist  Departments  of 
Government,  such  as  the  India  and  Colonial  Offices  in  London,  the  Departments  of 
colonial  administrations  which  are  charged  with  the  details  of  the  administration 
of  relations  with  aboriginal  tribes  as  well  as  private  bodies  and  individuals  with  expert 
advice  whenever  any  new  anthropological  investigations  are  undertaken  or  are  in 
contemplation,  to  indicate  areas  where  such  investigations  can  profitably  be  conducted 
and  to  assist  in  the  organisation  of  such  investigations  ;  (3)  to  communicate  directly 
or  through  local  committees  with  active  workers  in  the  field,  to  assist  them  with 
information  as  to  the  progress  of  similar  investigations  elsewhere,  and  as  to  the  results 
of  previous  investigations  whenever  an  area  is  resurveyed  ;  (4)  to  collate  and  to 
publish  in  standard  form  the  reports  of  investigations  and  the  numerous  anthropological 
data  received  from  time  to  time  from  local  correspondents  throughout  the  empire, 
to  distribute  such  publications  to  the  various  governments  and  government  departments 
concerned,  and  to  public  and  private  bodies  and  persons  concerned  in  anthropological 
investigation  ;  (5)  to  publish  periodical  reports  under  competent  editorship  dealing 
with  the  progress  of  anthropological  knowledge  and  of  anthropometry  which  would 
be  capable  of  collation  with  the  decennial  census  reports. 

W.  CROOKE,  B. A.  —  The  Reverence  for  the  Cow  in  India. — The  respect  and 
affection  for  the  bull  and  the  cow  shown  by  many  pastoral  and  agricultural  tribes  does 
not  suffice  to  account  for  the  passionate  reverence  shown  to  the  cow  in  India.  The 
animal  is  worshipped  at  various  domestic  rites,  the  use  of  beef  is  rigidly  prohibited, 
and  riots  have  been  caused  by  the  Muhammadan  custom  of  slaying  a  cow  at  one  of 
their  festivals. 

The  literary  evidence  proves  that  the  bull  and  cow  were  recognised  as  sacred 
animals  from  the  Indo-Iranian  period.  The  sanctity  of  the  animal  is  proved  by  the 
wide  diffusion  of  taboos  connected  with  milk  and  other  products  of  the  cow. 

While  she  was  revered  the  cow  was,  in  the  Vedic  age,  habitually  sacrificed,  and 
her  flesh  was  consumed  by  the:  worshippers.  But  Professors  W.  Robertson  Smith  and 
J.  G.  Frazer  have  pointed  out  that  the  killing  of  the  sacred  animal  and  the  eating  of  its 

[  157  ] 


No.  95.1  MAN.  [1911. 

flesh  was  a  mode  of  gaining  sacramental  communion  with  the  divine  animal.  The 
view  that  among  the  early  Hindoos  beef  eating  was  generally  practised  merely  from 
the  desire  for  this  special  food  may  be  dismissed. 

From  an  examination  of  the  facts  the  conclusion  suggested  is,  that  while  its 
claims  to  veneration  were  partially  ignored  by  Buddhism,  for  various  reasons  the  cow 
came  to  be  recognised  as  the  specially  sacred  animal  of  the  Brahmans.  On  the  rise 
of  the  neo-Brahmanism  it  was  associated  with  the  work  of  the  missionary  ascetics 
with  the  cults  of  Siva  and  Krishna,  and  was  adopted  in  various  domestic  rites  con- 
ducted under  Brahman  superintendence. 

PROFESSOR  HUTTON  WEBSTER. — On  the  Origin  of  Rest  Days'. — The  custom 
of  refraining  from  labour  and  other  activities  is  by  no  means  unknown  to  peoples  of 
primitive  or  archaic  culture.  Communal  rest-days  may  be  studied  among  such 
contemporary  peoples  as  the  Dyaks  of  Borneo  and  the  Nagas  of  Assam.  They 
were  a  constant  feature  of  old  Polynesian  life,  particularly  among  the  Hawaiian 
Islanders,  whose  tabu  periods  are  well  known.  It  would  seem  that  in  these  regions 
taboos  imposing  various  sorts  of  abstinence  are  declared  at  critical  occasions,  such  as 
planting  and  harvesting,  after  an  earthquake  or  a  pestilence,  very  frequently  after  a 
death,  at  the  changes  of  the  moon,  and  at  other  times  of  crisis.  The  regulations 
are  to  be  regarded  primarily  as  protective  and  conciliatory  measures,  but  they  appear 
also  to  be  sometimes  considered  as  of  compelling  power  over  evil  spirits.  It  is 
probable  that  the  anthropological  data  may  help  to  explain,  on  the  one  hand,  the 
familiar  phenomenon  of  "  unlucky  days,"  and,  on  the  other  hand,  the  Sabbatarian 
regulations  found  among  the  Romans,  the  Babylonians,  and  the  Hebrews. 

MAJOR  A.  J.  N.  TREMEARNE,  B.A. — Some  Notes  on  Hausa  Folklore. — Almost 
every  well-known  animal  and  nearly  every  trade  or  profession  are  represented  in  the 
folk-lore  of  the  Hausas.  After  each  account  the  narrator  excuses  himself  for  his 
untruths  by  stating  that  the  story  has  been  told  in  the  name  of  the  spider.  The 
desire  of  motherhood  is  strongly  implanted  in  the  Hausas,  and  even  abnormal  children 
are  welcome,  though  it  is  doubtful  if  they  were  well  treated  in  actual  life.  The 
first  child  is  often  known  by  a  nickname,  and  wives  must  not  mention  the  names 
of  their  husbands.  There  were  sacrifices  of  young  girls  to  a  water-god,  to  prevent  a 
flood,  the  victim  being  said  to  marry  him.  The  Magazawa  still  worship  various  spirits. 
Differences  in  rank  and  species  are  clearly  recognised  :  a  poor  man  "  dies,"  but  a  chief 
"  is  missing  ;  "  a  man  "  is  lame,"  but  a  horse  "  has  no  leg."  A  blind  man  is  very 
cunning.  To  compliment  a  woman  on  her  looks  may  bring  misfortune  upon  her. 
A  figure-target  set  up  in  the  barracks  at  Omar  was  objected  to  as  it  would  harm 
the  police  and  their  wives  by  sympathetic  magic,  and  by  the  evil  eye.  There  is  a 
peculiar  institution  known  as  Bori,  which  was  at  first  a  treatment  for  insanity,  but 
is  now  employed  mainly  by  people  of  loose  morals.  The  performers  apparently 
become  hypnotised  by  the  music  of  a  violin,  and  imagine  themselves  to  be  other 
persons  or  even  animals.  The  Masubori  form  a  sect  with  its  own  rulers,  to  which 
there  is  a  regular  form  of  initiation. 

C.  W.  HOBLEY,  C.M.G. — Some  Religious  Beliefs  of  the  Kihuyu  and  Kamba 
People. — The  term  thahu  is  a  condition  into  which  a  person  may  fall  if  he  or  she 
commits  certain  forbidden  acts,  breaks  certain  prohibitions,  or  again  it  may  be  the 
result  of  certain  circumstances  over  which  the  victim  has  no  control.  One  important 
fact  to  be  remembered  is  that  the  incidence  of  any  particular  thahu  often  depends 
upon  the  circumcision  guild  to  which  the  person  belongs.  There  is  also  another 
form  of  curse,  called  a  Kirume,  which  can  be  inflicted  by  a  dying  man,  the  general 
idea  being  that  a  dying  person  can  lay  a  curse  upon  property  belonging  to  him  or 
can  lay  a  curse  upon  another  person,  but  only  upon  a  member  of  his  own  family. 

[    158    ] 


1911.]  MAN.  [No.  95. 

For  example,  the  head  of  a  village  can  lav  a  curse  upon  a  plot  of  land  and  lay  down 
that  it  is  not  to  pass  out  of  the  family  or  dire  results  will  ensue.  In  some  cases  the 
thahu  curse  affects  the  hut. 

The  ceremonial  which  takes  place  on  the  occasion  of  a  death  shows  how  closely 
the  Kikuyu  tribesman  is  bound  down  by  the  ritual  of  the  guild  to  which  he  belongs 
from  early  years  up  to  death. 

Another  important  phase  of  native  life  is  the  procedure  which  has  to  be  adopted 
in  the  case  of  a  murder.  Until  the  ceremonial  has  been  completed,  no  member  of 
the  murdered  man's  family  can  eat  food  out  of  the  same  dish  or  drink  beer  with  a 
member  of  the  family  of  the  murderer.  It  has  been  discovered  that  the  power  of 
the  "  evil  eye,"  which  is  so  widespread  in  south  Europe,  extends  to  Kikuyu  and 
Ukamba.  Certain  people  in  the  tribes  are  believed  to  be  born  with  it ;  they  can, 
however,  neutralise  its  evil  effects  by  ceremonially  spitting  upon  the  object  supposed 
to  be  afflicted  or  to  be  in  danger. 

One  clan  of  the  Kikuyu  tribe,  called  the  Ethaga,  are  supposed  to  possess  magical 
powers  ;  in  fact,  they  are  classed  as  a  family  of  wizards.  Some  are  supposed  to 
have  power  over  the  rain  ;  others  can  kill  people  with  their  magic,  can  lay  a  curse 
upon  8  thief,  and  can  place  spells  upon  patches  of  forest  to  prevent  people  from 
cutting  it  down. 

In  travelling  through  Kikuyu  one  will  occasionally  meet  a  young  man  carrying 
a  rattle  made  of  a  gourd  ornamented  with  cowries  and  inscribed  with  devices  ;  the 
owners  sing  songs  about  the  devices  on  these  gourds.  The  singer  commences  to  sing 
about  the  design  at  the  lower  end  of  the  gourd,  and  gradually  works  his  way  through 
the  various  patterns,  singing  a  verse  about  each.  If  he  makes  three  mistakes  and 
his  accuracy  of  the  interpretation  of  the  pictographs  is  challenged,  his  gourd  becomes 
forfeit  to  the  challenger. 

C.  G.  SELIGMANN,  M.D. — The  Divine  Kings  of  the  Shilluk. — The  Shilluk  kings 
trace  their  origin  to  Nyakang,  the  semi-divine  hero  who,  with  a  comparatively  small 
band  of  followers,  took  possession  of  the  present  Shilluk  territory,  and  founded  the 
Shilluk  nation.  The  genealogy  of  the  royal  family  shows  that  twenty  kings  belonging 
to  twelve  generations  intervene  between  Nyakang  and  Kwadke,  the  first  king  to  be 
killed  by  the  Turks^ 

The  majority  of  Shilluk  think  of  Nyakang  as  having  been  human  in  form  and 
in  physical  qualities  (though,  unlike  his  more  recent  successors,  he  did  not  die,  but 
disappeared),  but  there  are  also  legends  of  his  descent  from  a  crocodile  maiden. 
The  holiness  of  Nyakang  is  especially  shown  in  his  relation  to  Juok,  the  formless 
and  invisible  high-god  of  the  Shilluk,  who  made  men  and  is  responsible  for  the  order 
of  things,  for  it  is  only  through  Nyakang  that  men  can  approach  Juok,  performing 
the  sacrifices  to  Nyakang  that  cause  him  to  move  Juok  to  send  rain. 

Nyakang  manifests  himself  in  certain  animals,  as  do  the  spirits  of  the  dead 
Shilluk  kings,  who  from  one  point  of  view  are  considered  identical  with  Nyakang, 
for  they  incarnate  his  divine  spirit.  This  belief  appears  to  have  led  to  the  ceremonial 
slaying  of  the  king  when  he  becomes  ill  or  senile,  lest  with  his  diminishing  vigour 
the  cattle  should  sicken  and  fail  to  bear  their  increase,  the  crops  should  rot  in  the 
fields,  and  man,  stricken  with  disease,  should  die  in  ever-increasing  numbers. 

B.  MALINOWSKI. —  The  Economic  Function  of  the  Intichiuma  Ceremonies. — The 
way  in  which  man  works  at  a  low  level  of  culture  differs  especially  from  economically 
productive  labour  in  psychological  conditions.  Economic  labour  must  be  systematic, 
continuous,  or  periodic  ;  it  requires  forethought  and  pre-supposes  organisation. 

If  we  examine  the  Intichiuma  ceremonies  of  the  Arunta  tribe  (and  some  of  the 
other  tribes  of  Central  Australia)  we  find  that  the  work  accomplished  in  these 

[  159  ] 


No.  95.]  MAN.  [191L 

ceremonies  is  the  result  of  collective  and  organised  activity,  as  it  is  performed  by  the 
local  group  as  a  body  under  the  lead  of  the  alatunja  or  headman.  It  is  to  a  certain 
extent  regular  and  periodic,  and  connected  with  the  seasons  ;  it  always  evidences 
forethought,  and  in  certain  cases  it  has  a  definite  practical  object. 

C.  M.  BARBEAU,  B.Sc. —  The  Bearing  of  the  Heraldry  of  Indians  of  the  North- 
West  Coast  of  America  upon  their  Social  Organisation.  [MAN.] 

A.  C.  HADDON,  Sc.D.,  F.R.S. — The  Present  Position  of  our  Knowledge  of 
Totemism. 

A.  A.  GOLDENWEISEK. — An  Interpretation  of  Totemism.— -A]]  the  various  indi- 
vidual features  of  totemism  occur  within  as  well  as  without  totemic  complexes,  and 
their  psychological  character  as  well  as  their  genetic  derivation  display  great  variability. 
Consequently  all  attempts  to  characterise  totemism  by  a  more  or  less  definite  set  of 
features  must  needs  be  artificial.  The  distinctive  characteristics  of  totemism  are  not 
the  individual  features,  but  the  relation  into  which  they  enter.  The  problem  is  one 
of  secondary  association.  In  all  totemic  communities  we  find  a  differentiation  of  a 
group  into  definite  social  units — clans — which  are  distinguished  by  a  set  of  homologous 
features,  different  in  specific  content,  but  identical  in  form.  These  features  may  be 
few  or  many,  and  include  clan  and  individual  names,  spiritual  beliefs,  myths,  rituals, 
material  possessions,  songs,  dances,  social  regulations,  prerogatives,  &c.  In  a  vast 
majority  of  cases  these  features  are  hereditary  in  the  clan  and  form  a  totemic 
complex.  Before  ethnologists  can  progress  much  further  in  the  investigation  of 
totemic  phenomena,  a  most  careful  analysis  of  the  content  and  nature  of  totemic 
complexes  becomes  imperative. 

The  problems  involved  are  manifold.  In  the  totemic  complex  there  is  considerable 
variability,  both  as  to  the  number  and  the  character  of  the  individual  features.  It 
js  necessary  to  attempt  to  reconstruct  the  process  of  the  association  of  these  various 
features,  and  of  their  socialisation  within  the  limits  of  each  one  of  a  number  of 
definite  and  similar  social  units.  The  mutual  relation  of  the  features  at  any  given 
period  in  the  development  of  the  groups  is  another  problem.  A  preliminary  survey 
of  the  data  discloses  a  tendency  of  one  or  another  or  some  few  features  to  assume 
a  central  position  in  the  complex,  thus  lending  a  specific  colouring  to  the  entire 
culture  of  the  group.  Among  the  tribes  of  the  north-west  coast  of  America  the 
cycle  of  ideas  associated  with  the  guardian  spirit  and  the  representation  of  totemic 
animals  in  art  have  become  such  dominant  features.  Among  some  Bantu  trrbes  of 
Africa,  on  the  other  hand,  two  features  of  a  very  different  order  seem  to  occupy  an 
equally  prominent  position.  These  are  the  tabu  on  the  totem,  and  property  rights 
in  land  associated  with  totemic  clans.  The  totemic  complexes  of  Central  Australia, 
again,  centre  around  the  magical  ceremonies  for  the  propagation  of  totems,  and  the 
beliefs  of  the  natives  in  a  spiritual  connection  between  the  clansmen  and  their 
totemic  ancestors. 

The  specific  functions  carried  by  the  various  social  units  .embraced  in  a  totemic 
complex  also  claim  our  attention.  As  to  the  relative  importance  of  the  clans  in  their 
respective  social  organisations,  witness  the  contrast  between  the  north-west  coast  of 
America,  where  the  sharply-defined  clans  practically  carry  the  entire  culture  of  the 
group,  and  the  tribes  of  Central  Australia,  where  the  clan  is  a  loose  social  aggregate 
with  naught  but  common  ceremonies  and  spiritual  beliefs  to  determine  its  solidarity. 

Finally,  the  most  fundamental,  and  in  a  sense  the  most  significant,  problem  of 
all  is  an  intensive  analytical  and  synthetic  interpretation  of  the  entire  set  of  socio- 
psychological  conditions  which  make  possible  the  appearance  of  phenomena  such 
as  totemism.  Of  the  possible  results  of  such  a  study  we  have  but  the  faintest 
adumbration. 
Printed  by  EYRE  AND  SPOTTISWOODE,  LTD.,  His  Majesty's  Printers,  East  Harding  Street,  E.C, 


PLATE    M. 


FIG.  i. — COPPER  BRACELETS  IN  SITU. 


^liSJySIP 
^^^ 

t?  V  •*.      •  •*.%   ~     »»*•>  -»  ^  •  •    •<    • 

^^v-V.^V-r-    ^:         ^im 


FIG.  2. — Two  SKULLS. 


^SF/r 


^fc. 


FIG.  3. — CIRCLE  NEAR  MCCARTHY'S  ISLAND  BEFORE  E 


>'     j 


is    •< 


r/, 


r  • 


».?/i-.  : 


* 


-^Hit. 


'  ?i 

^;«ME$*i 

XW§»i^ 

mLj"^P'lt.--(  ;'l-,,  t'uv 


FIG.  4. — MASS  OF  FLEXED  LEG  BONES. 
STONE     CIRCLES     IN     THE     GAMBIA. 


1911.]  MAN.  [No.  96. 

ORIGINAL    ARTICLES. 

Africa,  West.  With  Plate  M.  Todd  :  Wolbach. 

Stone  Circles  in  the  Gambia.     By  J.  L.  Todd  and  G.  B.  Wolbach.          QP 

The  following  notes  contain  the  particulars  which  we  gathered  concerning  UU 
the  stone  circles  in  the  Gambia. 

The  stone  circles  which  have  been  seen  in  the  Gambia  by  ourselves  and  by 
Mr.  Ozanne  occur  principally  on  the  north  bank  of  the  river.  M.  Lanzerac,  the 
French  resident  at  Maka,  states  that  there  are  many  circles  in  an  area  extending 
from  the  district  of  Saloutn  in  the  west  to  the  Faleme  river,  an  affluent  of  the 
Senegal  river,  in  the  east.  On  the  north  side  of  the  river  we  have  seen  them  from 
Maka  in  the  east  to  N'Jau  in  the  west,  and  in  1903  one  circle  and  a  few  detached 
stones  were  seen  on  the  south  bank  of  the  river  near  Kudang. 

During  our  recent  expedition  to  the  Gambia  we  asked  in  every  town  which  we 
visited  if  there  were  circles  in  the  neighbourhood.  Places  in  which  circles  existed, 
or  where  natives  knew  of  any,  are  mentioned  below. 

In  the  district  of  Sandugu  circles  are  said  to  exist  at  Changali,  near  Misera,  in 
the  territory  of  a  chief  called  Gimmamang ;  other  circles  exist  near  them  at  Dasilimi. 
Near  Lammin  Koto  there  are  several  circles  ;  we  opened  one  of  the  largest  of  these. 
About  600  yards  to  the  south-west  of  the  circle  excavated  by  us  is  another  circle 
which  was  opened  by  Mr.  Ozanne  some  years  ago. 

Circles  are  said  to  exist  at  Kaleng,  not  far  from  McCarthy's  Island,  and  single 
stones  occur  at  Jamarli  and  also  near  Kai-ai. 

We  saw  two  circles  in  the  bush  about  half  a  mile  to  the  north  of  Gassan. 
There  are  two  stone  circles  not  far  from  Jallokunda.  Others  are  said  to  exist  at 
Buntung,  while  there  are  said  to  be  odd  stones  near  Kussassa.  Others  again  are 
said  to  be  near  Nianimaru  and  near  Ballangar. 

The  circles  at  Maka  were  peculiar  amongst  those  seen  by  us,  in  that  there  were 
more  single  stones  outside  the  circles  than  was  usual.  M.  Lanzerac  has  opened 
two  of  these  circles  and  has  found  in  them  only  traces  of  bone. 

None  of  the  natives  know  anything  of  the  origin  of  the  stones.  The  Maudingo, 
who  now  inhabit  the  territory  where  they  occur,  say  that  the  stones  were  in  the 
country  when  the  Mandingo  first  came  to  it.  There  is  no  special  name  for  the 
circles  ;  they  are  called  by  the  ordinary  Mandingo  name  for  stones — that  is,  Bero, 
At  present  the  circles  and  stones  have  absolutely  no  significance.  The  natives  do 
not  use  them  as  places  for  praying  nor  for  landmarks  ;  neither  do  they  generally 
believe  that  they  were  used  for  tombs.  Some  persons,  particularly  among  the  better 
educated  people,  believe  that  the  Portuguese  made  the  circles,  and  that  some  of 
those  who  died  in  the  Gambia  are  buried  within  them,  together  with  their  belong- 
ings. When  questioned  concerning  the  circles,  most  of  the  natives  say,  God  or  the 
people  of  the  olden  times  put  them  there. 

It  seems  probable  that  the  stones  were  cut  and  placed  by  some  race  which 
held  the  land  long  before  the  Mandingo  appeared.  It  is  certain  that  those  who 
placed  the  stones  had  more  knowledge  of  stonework  ing  than  the  Mandingo  have  at 
present.  They  also  had  considerable  aptitude  in  transporting  heavy  weights,  for,  as 
at  Lammin,  it  must  have  been  necessary  for  those  who  built  the  circles  to  bring  the 
stones  composing  them  a  distance  of  at  least  two  miles. 

Suntokomo,  the  paramount  chief  of  Lammin,  told  us  that  the  people  who  pre- 
ceded the  Mandingo  in  the  country  often  made  "Jalang"  sacrifices  of  black  animals 
of  goats,  sheep,  horses,  or  cattle,  before  going  to  war,  and  that  years  ago  the 
Mandingo  sacrificed  animals  in  much  the  same  way. 

These  sacrifices  were  sometimes  made  near,  or  on,  one  of  the  stones  of  a  circle. 


No.  96,] 


MAN. 


[1911. 


He  told  us,  too,  that  those  who  were  about  to  make  war  often  buried,  near  one  of 
the  stones,  a  mixture  of  flour  and  water  in  which  was  placed  a  spear-head.  From 
the  behaviour  of  the  things  buried  an  augury  was  drawn  concerning  the  success 
of  the  enterprise  projected.  Suntokomo  said  that  those  who  had  held  the  land  before 
the  Mandingo  were  not  Mohammedan. 

It  is  not  many  decades  since  this  territory  came  under  British  control.  Before 
that,  Suntokomo  had  considerable  power,  and  he  said  that  he  had  subjugated  all 
the  small  towns  near  him.  Certain  Laobe  towns  had  successfully  resisted  him,  and  he 
ascribed  their  successful  resistance  to  the  strength  of  the  "Jalang"  which  they  had 
made.  He  said  that  he  had  seen  the  Laobe  make  a  narrow  hole  in  the  ground  ; 
in  it  they  placed  a  woman  upright  and  buried  her  alive.  This,  like  the  sacrifices 
and  the  burying  of  flour  and  water  and  spearhead,  was  a  "  Jalang." 

From  the  type  of  the  spearheads,  which  are  much  like  those  at  present  in 
occasional  use  amongst  the  natives,  and  from  the  fragments  of  pottery,  which  are 
ornamented,  as  are  the  pots  daily  employed  by  the  natives,  we  have  thought  that 
perhaps  the  bones  and  other  articles  found  within  the  circle  may  be  the  remnants 
of  a  similar  "Jalang." 

It  is  certain  that  Suntokomo  had  no  idea  that  persons  had  been  buried  within 
the  circle.  He  insisted  at  first  that  the  bones  found  were  the  bones  of  animals, 


(COMPASS) 


DIAGRAM   OP  CIRCLE   EXCAVATED   NEAR   MCCARTHY'S   ISLAND. 

and  he  was  especially  indignant  when  it  was  suggested  to  him  that  slaves  and  wives 
were  sometimes  killed  and  interred  with  a  dead  chief. 

Four  and  a  half  days  were  spent  in  excavating  one  circle.  Nineteen  natives 
and  three  white  men  spent  practically  all  their  time  in  the  work.  Our  experience 
has  shown  us  that  such  a  circle  could  not  properly  be  excavated  in  less  than  ten 
days  or  a  fortnight ;  the  grovind  is  so  hard  and  the  bones  are  so  soft  that  progress 
is  necessarily  exceedingly  slow.  The  excavation  could  only  be  undertaken  in  the 
dry  season,  because  in  the  wet  season  the  bones  would  be  only  paste,  and  because 
the  natives  would  refuse  to  work  at  anything  else  but  their  farms  at  that  time  of 
the  year.  Those  who  attempt  the  investigation  of  these  circles,  must  take  with 
them  implements,  such  as  pick-axes  and  shovels  for  removing,  especially,  the  super- 
ficial layers  of  earth.  They  would  also  find  small  bellows  for  blowing  away  dust, 
very  convenient. 

The  circle  excavated  was  1|  miles  north  of  the  Gambia  river  opposite  the  station 
at  McCarthy's  Island.  The  circle  was  outlined  by  nine  large  pillars  of  volcanic 
ironstone  (Fig.  3,  Plate  M).  The  dimensions  of  these  stones  are  fairly  uniform, 
with  the  exception  of  one,  stone  F,  the  position  of  which  is  indicated  on  the  above 
diagram.  In  a  line  directed  ten  degrees  south  of  east  as  determined  by  a  small 

*  True  north  is  18°  E.  of  magnetic  north. 
[     162     ] 


1911.]  MAN.  [No.  96. 

pocket  compass,  are  three  similar  stones.  The  distance  and  dimensions  arc  given 
in  the  diagram.  The  excavation  was  begun  by  digging  a  trench  three  feet  wide, 
extending  across  the  circle  from  east  to  west,  the  diameter  being  18  feet.  After  the 
first  bones  were  found  the  trench  was  abandoned  and  the  whole  area  of  the  circle 
\v:is  excavated  simultaneously.  The  following  objects  were  found  : — 

1 .  In  almost  the  exact  centre,  six  inches  below  the  surface,  an   earthenware  jar, 
which   was  in  fragments  but    held   in   position   by   the    earth    it   contained.      This    jar 
was  about  two  feet  in  diameter  and  one  foot  six  inches  deep  with  an  inturned  lip. 

2.  A  spear  head   with   socket,  not  barbed.       Found    midway   between   the  centre 
and    periphery    of    the    circle    east    of  the    centre,    26    inches    deep,    in     an     upright 
position,  point  down. 

3.  Two  human  femora  crossing   the   trench  diagonally  west   of  the  centre   at   a 
depth  of  34  inches.     It  was  impossible  to  remove  these  bones  entire. 

4.  A  skull   at   base   of    stone    A.    36  inches    below    the    surface   of   the  ground. 
The  position  of  the  vault  and  the  inferior  maxilla  gives  the  position  as  lying  upon 
its  right  side,  base  towards  the  centre. 

5.  A  skull  between  stones  A  and  B,  25  inches  deep. 

6.  A  skull  at  base  of  stone  C,  42  inches  deep.     The  skeleton  belonging  to  this 
skull   lies   on    its  left   side,  feet   directed   towards   north-west  along  the  edge  of  the 
circle.      One  small    spear-head  was  found  embedded  in  the  earth  at  the  base  of   the 
skull. 

7.  A   bunch    of   fourteen   copper  bracelets  (Fig.   1,  Plate  M)  between   stones  B 
and    C,    38   inches   from    the    periphery  of    circle.      In   contact  with   several   of   the 
bracelets  is    a   small    piece    of    greenish-stained  fragile  woven  material.      Apparently 
a  bunch    of  bracelets  lies  in  relation  to  the  right  side  and   possibly   the   hand   of   a 
skeleton  lying  radially  feet  towards  the  centre,  head  not  found,  but  probably  near  the 
base  of  stone  C. 

8.  A  single  bracelet  on  the  arm  encircling  the  lower  end  of  the  radius  and  ulna 
of  a  skeleton  parallel  to,  and  lying  to  the  west  of,  the  skeleton  mentioned  under  7. 

9.  Three  skulls  near  the  centre  at  a  depth   of  42  inches  and  68   inches  from  the 
periphery,  one  from  the  unworn  teeth  is  probably  that  of  a  child.     One  of  these  skulls, 
an    adult,   was   preserved.      Nothing    could    be  learned  of   the  position  of   the  bodies 
connected  with  these  skulls.      Remains  of  vertebra  connected   with  one  show  that  it 
probably  ran  towards  the  north-west. 

10.  A  fragment  of  skull  46  inches  deep,  at  a  distance  of  42  inches  inward  from 
stone  D. 

11.  Two  skeletons  with  skulls,  lying  parallel  with  heads  at  stone  F,  feet  at  stone  E. 
The  inner  of  the   two  skeletons  is  lying  upon  its  right  side.     The  other  one  probably 
also  upon  its  right  side. 

12.  At  stone  I  a  mass  of  at  least  six  flexed  legs  (Fig.  4,  Plate  M),  femora  and 
tibiae,  the  former  running  radially,  the  latter  at  right  angles  directed  towards  the  south. 

13.  At  stone  H  a  skull  and  some  long  bones,  this  body  probably  laid  radially. 

14.  Stone  A,  long  bones  running  radially. 

15.  A  barbed  spear-head  without  socket,  beneath  the  skull  found  at  stone  A. 

16.  Two  spear-heads   without  sockets  but    barbed,  found    beneath    the    skulls  at 
base  of  stone  F. 

17.  Two  spear-heads  beneath  the  skull  at  base  of  stone  H,  not  barbed,  one  with 
a  socket. 

18.  A  second  skull  at  base  of  stone  A,  46  inches  deep,  24  inches  inwards  towards 
the  centre. 

NOTE. — The  positions  of  spear-heads  mentioned  in  16  and  17  indicated  that  the 
shafts  were  placed  beside  the  bodies  near  which  they  were  found. 

[    163    ] 


No.  96.]  MAN.  [1911. 

The  character  of  the  country  in  which  this  circle  and  several  others  were  situated, 
is  that  of  a  plain,  sparsely  wooded,  and  covered  with  tall  grass.  This  plain  continues 
for  many  miles,  towards  the  west  ;  to  the  east  and  north  are  ironstone  ridges.  The 
soil  throughout  the  depth  excavated  was  red  in  colour,  extremely  hard  and  porous  ; 
when  moistened  it  formed  an  extremely  diffluent  and  tenacious  mud.  The  character 
of  the  soil  is  shown  in  the  earth  which  accompanies  the  skulls. 

After  the  excavation  was  completed,  three  stones,  A,  G,  and  I,  were  completely 
excavated.  The  shape  is  that  of  a  cylinder,  oval  in  cross-section,  slightly  flattened  on 
the  inner  surface,  and  slightly  tapered  towards  hoth  ends.  Tops  and  bottoms  are  flat ; 
all  surfaces  have  been  smoothly  dressed. 

The  stones  in  this  circle  are  rather  larger  than  those  in  most  of  the  circles. 
The  smallest  of  the  stones  seen  in  other  circles  measured  about  12  by  14  inches  in 
diameter  and  stood  out  of  the  ground  for  three  feet.  The  heaviest  stone  seen  was 
a  single  one,  which  measured  36  by  40  inches  in  diameter  and  stood  about  6  feet 
out  of  the  ground.  The  longest  stone  seen  was  one  which  had  fallen  down  and  was 
at  least  9  feet  in  length.  It  was  comparatively  slender  and  measured  about  14  by  20 
inches  in  diameter. 

The  particulars  given  of  our  findings  are  the  bald  statements  of  what  we  observed. 
The  ground  was  so  hard  and  our  time  was  so  limited  that  it  was  found  impossible 
to  ascertain  the  position  of  the  bodies  to  which  the  bones  belonged.  It  was  certain, 
however,  that  several  of  the  bodies  had  been  laid  around  the  periphery  of  the  circle, 
while  others  had  been  placed  radially.  It  is  probable  that  no  large  implement  or  other 
article  was  overlooked,  and  it  is  probable  that  AVC  had  the  opportunity  of  finding  every- 
thing which  had  been  deposited  in  the  circle,  for  we  excavated  until  no  trace  of  bones 
remained.  J.  L.  TODD. 

G.  B.  WOLBACH. 

[NOTE. — The  human  remains  were  firmly  enclosed  by  earth,  built  in  and  round 
them  by  white  ants  (Termites).  The  crania  had  become  softened  so  that  they  were 
compressed  and  flattened,  as  if  made  of  soft  clay,  and  so  friable  that  it  was  impossible 
to  restore  or  preserve  the  fragments.  Plastered  to  the  head  were  bones  of  the  shoulder 
showing  that  the  heads  had  not  been  detached  from  the  bodies.  At  least  two  skulls 
were  represented,  and  some  teeth  evidently  represented  a  third  subject.  The  teeth, 
the  characters  of  the  cranial  bones  and  palate  leave  little  doubt  of  the  race  represented. 
The  parts  were  typical  of  the  Negro. — A.  KEITH.] 

DESCRIPTION    OF    DIAGRAM    IN    TEXT. 
DIMENSIONS  OF  STONES. 

A,  36"  x  36"  height  above  ground  26" 

B,  33"  x  32"  „  „  38" 

C,  32"  x  32"  „  .,  41" 

D,  33"  x  34"  .,  ,  40" 


E,  30"  x  32" 

F,  32"  x  24" 

G,  31"  x  29" 
H,  31"  x  29" 
I,   31"  x  30" 


37" 
16" 
37" 
34" 
37" 


Height,  when  excavated,  of  A  is  71" 

„       G  is  70" 

,,        I  is  70" 

J,  inclines  to  E,  31"  x  31"  and  is  65"  high. 
K,  small,  upright,  16"  x  16"  and  is  24"  high. 
L,  conical  at  top,  is  18"  x  18"  and  is  46"  high. 


[     164     ] 


1911.] 


MAN. 


[No.  97. 


Murray :  Seligrmann. 

By     C.     G.    Seligmann, 


97 


Egrypt. 

Note  upon    an    Early  Egyptian    Standard. 

M.D.,  and  Margaret  A.  Murray. 

A  hitherto  unexplained    standard    occurs    upon  the  great    slate    palette    of  King 

Narraer  found    at    Hierakonpolis    in   Upper    Egypt.     So    many    reproductions  of    this 

palette  have  been  published  that  it  is  unnecessary 
to  describe  it  at  length  or  to  figure  more  than 
that  portion  with  which  our  argument  is  im- 
mediately concerned  (Fig.  1).  The  undescribed 
standard  is  borne  in  front  of  the  king,  and 
separated  from  him  only  by  an  official  with  a 
wig  or  flowing  hair,  wearing  a  short  loin  cloth 
tied  in  front.  This  standard,  which  is  preceded 
by  three  animal  standards,  represents  an  irregu- 
larly circular,  slightly  bilobed  object,  from  which 
depends  a  streamer,  in  shape  recalling  a  length 
of  creeper,  or  rope,  but  obviously  not  repre- 
senting cordage,  as  it  lacks  all  indication  of  the 
strands  which  are  realistically  shown  in  the 
representations  of  ropes  upon  this  palette.  It 
is  carried  by  a  beardless  man,  while  the  bearers 
of  other  standards  are  bearded  ;  we  shall  return 
later  to  the  possible  significance  of  this  ;  mean- 
while, we  may  endeavour  to  trace  the  modifi- 
cations undergone  by  the  object  represented 
BELL,  IlierahonpoUs,  pi.  xxix.  by  the  heftd  of  ^  gtandard  jt  occupies  a 

prominent  position  in  the  procession  of  the  Sed  festival  of  Narmer  on  the  small 
mace-head  from  Hierakonpolis  (Fig.  2).  It  is  distinctly  more  elongated  and  more 
distinctly  bilobed  than  upon  the 
palette,  but  it  obviously  represents 
the  same  object,  and  is  carried  by 
a  beardless  man  (the  only  clean- 
shaven standard  bearer),  and  is  pre- 
ceded by  the  jackal  standard,  and 
this  (as  we  shall  see)  is  the  regular 
position  in  the  Sed  festival  occupied 
by  this  standard  in  the  modified  form 
in  which  it  occurs  from  the  twelfth 
dynasty  onward. 

Among  the 
sculptured  frag- 
ments found  in  the 


FIG.  2. — QUIBELL,  Hieraltonpolls,  pi.  xxvi,  B. 


temple  of  Neter-khet  at  Heliopolis  are  the  remains  of  a  representa- 
tion of  a  Sed  festival  (Fig.  3).  The  standard  is  preserved  and 
shows  the  object  of  a  form  intermediate  between  those  of  Narmer 
and  that  of  the  twelfth  dynasty.  The  single  streamer  descends  from 
the  larger  lobe  of  the  object. 

We  are  not  aware  of  any  other  representations  of  this  standard 
FIG.  3. — WEILL,  .  .  J . 

Si>h'ni,r   XV   p    17     during  the  Old  Kingdom,  but  in  the  twelfth  dynasty  we    again  find 

this  sign  in  association  with  the  jackal  standard  in  the  scenes  of  the 
Sed  festival  discovered  by  Professor  Petrie  below  the  palace  of  Apries  at  Memphis. 
The  only  two  standards  that  occur  in  these  sculptures  are  the  jackal  standard  and 

[    165    ] 


No.  97.] 


MAN. 


[1911. 


that  bearing  the  object  with  which  we  are  now  concerned;  this  has  now  become 
distinctly  oval  or  pear-shaped  owing  to  the  incurving  of  the  smaller  lobe,  so  that 
the  latter  is  outlined  by  a  single  turn  of  a  spiral,  and  the  notch  is  represented  by 
the  space  between  the  upper  edge  of  the  object  and  the  curve  of  the  spiral ;  in  other 
words,  the  standard  becomes  the  object  usually  called  the  "  joint  of  meat "  (Fig.  4).* 
This  spiral  end  first  occurs  in  the  twelfth  dynasty,  but  although  there  are  a  few 
examples  in  the  eighteenth  dynasty,  it  is  not  frequent  till  the  Ptolemaic  period. 

In  the  twelfth   dynasty  the  standard   still  retains  the    single  streamer,  though  it 
is    now    transferred  to   the    opposite    side   of    the   upright    supporting    the    standard. 
From  this  time  onward  the  real  meaning    of   the    streamer    is  lost, 
and  it  is  generally  identified  with  the  two  ribbons  which  occur  upon 
all  standards  alike,  so  that  we  find  variations,  such  as  two  streamers 
at  the  back  (Fig.  5),  one  at  the  side,  two  short  ones    close    to  the 
transverse  bar,  and  two  longer  ones  floating*  below,  and  in  Ptolemaic 
times  the  ends  are  looped  up  in  fantastic  de- 
signs (Fig.  6).     But  even  in   late  times  the 
streamers  may  be  single,  as  in  the  Ptolemaic 
sculpture  in  the  Ashmolean  Museum  (Fig.  7), 
and  in  some  of  the  scenes  from  the  Festival 
Hall    of    Osorkon    II.       Coincidentally    the 
object      represented 
by      the      head      of 
the  standard  usually 
undergoes       further 
changes  giving  rise 
to      many     varying 
forms,      though       a 
few    representations 
recalling     those     on 
the  palette  and  the 


FlG.  4.— PBTEIE, 
Memphis,  II,  pi.  v. 


FIG.  5. — LEPSIUS, 
Denkmaler,  III,  61. 


FlG.   6. — MAEIETTE, 

Dendereh,  IV,  33. 


FlG.  7.— ASHMO- 
LEAN   MUSEUM. 


mace-head  still  occur.  Such  are  found  in  the  time  of  Thothmes  III  at  Semneh 
(Fig.  5),  and  even  in  Ptolemaic  times,  as  shown  by  the  example  in  the  Ashmolean 
Museum  (Fig.  7). 

The   standard  is  generally  carried    with  the  small   end   to   the   front,  and    in  the 

*  This  standard  is  sometimes  wrongly  called  the  ensign  of  Letopolis,  owing  to  a  confusion 
caused  by  the  fact  that  both  appear  to  be  pieces  of  flesh.  The  earliest  form  of  the  Letopolite  sign 
is  in  the  tomb  of  Methen  (Lepsius,  Denkmaler,  II,  3)  where  it  is  distinctly  seen  to  be  a  joint  of 

meat,  with  the  bone  still  in  it,  laid  upon  the  usual  ^p  upright  "  perch  "  on    which    the  insignia  of 


the  nomes  are  always  placed.  Later  examples  show  that  this  sign  is  the  front  leg  of  an  ox,  the 
Khepesh  of  the  Egyptians  «^£D ,  and  is  obviously  entirely  different  from  the  object  which  we  are 
now  considering. 

[     166    1 


1911.] 


MAN. 


[No.  97. 


toirib  of  Rameses  IV  the  object  is  coloured  yellow,  while  the  streamers  are  white 
with  a  black  patch  at  the  ends.  This  is  one  of  the  few  instances  of  the  colour  being 
preserved,  but,  unfortunately,  it  cannot  be  taken  as  evidence  of  the  colour  of  the 
object  represented,  for  the  accompanying  standards  are  also  coloured  yellow,  from 

which    it   seems  that   these  are  conventional   representa- 
tions in  gold  of  the  original  objects. 

We  have  been  able  to  find  two  records  of  the  sign 
upon  papyri.  In  one  of  these  it  is  coloured  brown 
(Fig.  8),  the  other  is  a  mere  outline  sketch  in  black 
(Fig.  9). 

The  earliest  known  standards  are  those  on  the 
palette  and  mace-head  of  Narmer,  found  at  Hiera- 
konpolis.  The  order  is  : — 

On  the  palette  (Fig.  1)  :  1,  bird  ;  2,  bird  ;  3,  jackal  ; 
4,  "meat." 

On  the  mace-head  (Fig. 
2)  :  1,  jackal  ;  2,  "meat"; 
3,  bird  ;  4,  bird. 

These  standards,  together 


FlG.   8. — LEYDEN  MUSEUM, 
PAPYBUS  C   11   b. 


with  the  ibis  standard,  appear  to  hare  been  peculiarly 
sacred.  In  processions  of  standards  they  generally  lead 
the  way  or  bring  up  the  rear  (according  to  the  position  of 
the  king  as  heading  or  following  the  procession).  When 
the  standards  are  carried  by  priests,  these  special  ensigns 

are  often    borne    by    the    emblematic    signs   HH  n   and 

thus  marking  a  sharp  distinction  between  the  early  and 
presumably  sacred  emblems  and  the  ensigns  of  the  iiomes. 

The  "  meat "  standard  is  usually  carried  by  1  ,  a  sign 
which  as  a  hieroglyph  has  the  double  meaning  of 
"strength"  or  "decay."  The 


means 


FlG.  9. — LEYDEN  MUSEUM, 
LYKPAPYBUS   16. 


sign,    which 
u 

"  stability,"  occurs  in  the  twenty-second  dynasty  (Naville,  Festival  Hall,  plates  IX, 

1;    XIV,  2);    the    -j-,  the  meaning    of   which    is    "life,"    does    not    appear   as    the 
bearer  of  this  standard  till  the  Ptolemaic  period. 

The  name  of  the  standard*  occurs,  with  one  exception, 
only  in  Ptolemaic  times.  The  exception — the  earliest  instance 
so  far  discovered— is  the  example  in  the  Sed  festival  of 
Osorkon  II  of  the  twenty-second  dynasty,  where  it  is  called 

^  Gr||   (Fig.  10).      The  reading  of  CHID   is  doubtful,   unless 

it  can  be  identified  with  ^^,  which  reads  HNW,  the 
whole  group  then  reading  HNW  N  STN,  "the  khenu  of 
the  king."  This  reading  is  confirmed  by  the  Ptolemaic 
examples  (Rochemonteix,  Edfu,  II,  29,  59  ;  Mariette, 
Dendereh,  I,  9,  13),  where  the  name  of  the  standard  is 

written  1  5&{   HNW    N    STN,    "  the    khenu  of   the    king." 


FIG.  10.— NAVILLE,  Festi- 
val Hall,  pi.  ix,  1. 


*  We  are  indebted  to  Dr.   H.  Junker  for  help  and   suggestions  in   the  reading  of  the  name  of 
the  standard. 


No.  97,] 


MAN. 


[1911. 


The    other  forms  of  the  name  are      ®  1   (Fig.  11),  la   (Fig.  12),  and 

A*VW\  T  WW\A    I 

(Fig.  13)  HN  STN,  where  the  word  khen  or  khenu  is  spelt  out  in  alphabetic  signs.* 
In  these  examples,  the  direct  genitive  is  used,  but  the  reading  is  the  same,  "the 
khenu  of  the  king."  The  sign  ^^  is  interchangeable  with  J$  HN,  which  appears 
to  be  spelt  out  also  with  H.  The  meaning  of  HN  is  "interior,  inside,  within" 
(hence  the  Coptic  2OTM  )  ;  therefore  the  group  can  be  translated  "  the  inside  thing 
of  the  king." 

The  significance  of  this  standard  has  not  hitherto  been  pointed  out,  yet  its  per- 
sistence from  the  beginning  to  the  very  end  of  the  Egyptian  kingdom,  and  its  invariable 
association  with  the  king  and  with  certain  other  special  standards  indicate  that  the 
object  it  represented  was  of  great  and  lasting  importance.  We  believe  that  the  clue 
is  afforded  by  its  very  characteristic  shape,  which  closely  resembles  that  of  one  object 
of  great  significance  among  certain  peoples 
of  Central  Africa.  This  object  is  the  pla- 
centa, which  plays  a  prominent  part  in  the 
cult  ceremonies  of  the  Baganda.t 

It    must  be  remembered    that  it    is    not 
very  long  since   the  time,    before    Arab    in- 
fluence   had    made    itself     felt,    when     the 
Kings    of    Uganda,    men    of    predominantly 
Hamitic    blood,    considered    themselves    the 
most  powerful  sovereigns    in  the  world,  and 
bowed  to  no  other 
authority  than  that 
of     their     gods. 
Among  these  peo- 
ple     "  the      after- 
"  birth  was  called 
"  the  second  child 
"  and      was      be- 
"  lieved    to     have 
''  a     spirit    which 
"  became   at  once 
"  a  ghost.     It  was 
"  on    account      of 
"  this    ghost    that 
"  they     guarded 
"  the  plantain  by 


FlG.   11. — MARIETTE, 
Dendereh,  IV,  21. 


FlG.  12. — DE  MORGAN. 
Kom  Ombos,  p.  65. 


FlG.  13. — DE  MORGAN 
Kom  Ombos,  p.  342. 


"  which  the  after-birth  was  placed,  because  the  person  who  partook  of  the  beer 
"  made  from  this  plantain,  or  of  cooked  food  from  it,  took  the  ghost  from  its 
"  clan,  and  the  living  child  would  then  die  in  order  to  follow  its  twin  ghost. 
"  The  grandparent,  by  eating  the  food  or  drinking  the  beer,  saved  the  clan  from 
"  this  catastrophe  and  ensured  the  health  of  the  child. "J  But  this  practice  was  not 
universal,  for  some  clans  buried  the  after-birth  in  the  house.  Nor  was  the  placenta 
the  only  part  of  the  fcetal  apparatus  external  to  the  child's  body  that  received  special 
attention,  for  just  as  the  jaw-bone  (Iwanga)  was  said  to  be  the  portion  of  the  body 
to  which  the  ghost  of  a  man  attached  itself,  so  the  ghost  of  a  placenta  attached  itself 

*  At  this  late  period  the  H  and  H  are  not  carefully  differentiated  as  in  the  early  times. 

f  The  sign  (777:7)  (Fig.  10)  accurately  indicates  the  outline  of  the  placenta  seen  in  profile,  and 
is  an  excellent  diagrammatic  representation  of  a  transverse  section  of  the  placenta,  the  dots  representing 
veinous  spaces.  J  J.  Roscoe,  The  Baganda,  p.  54. 

[     168     ] 


1911,] 


MAN. 


[No.  97. 


S2> 

Gk 


to  the  stump  of  the  umbilical  cord  (mulongo).  Each  placenta  was  called  a  child  and 
had  a  ghost,  but  as  it  was  bora  dead  it  was  buried  usually  at  the  root  of  a  plantain 
tree.  (For  the  above  information  we  are  indebted  to  the  Rev.  John  Roscoe,  who 
not  only  has  allowed  us  to  use  the  proof  sheets  of  his  recent  work,  The  Baganda, 
but  has  discussed  with  us  a  number  of  points  which  arose  in  connection  with  his 
paper  published  some  years  ago  in  the  Journal  of  the  Anthropological  Institute.  In 
what  follows  we  have  made  full  use  of  this  account,  making  certain  corrections  and 
interpolations  suggested  by  Mr.  Roscoe,  and  notably  substituting  "  umbilical  cord  "  for 
"  placenta  "  in  a  number  of  places.) 

The  umbilical  cord  (mulongo)  of  a  prince  is  always  preserved,  for  it  has  power 
to  kill  the  offspring  of  royalty  if  not  respected  and  treated  with  honour.  On  the 
birth  of  a  prince  the  umbilical  cord  is  dried  and  preserved,  placed  in  a  pot  which 
is  made  for  its  reception,  and  sealed  up  ;  the  pot  is  wrapped  in  bark  cloths  and 
decorated  with  beads,  in  olden  times  with  various  seeds  which  resemble  beads  ;  this 
is  called  the  mulongo  (twin)  and  has  a  house  built  for  its  abode  in 
the  enclosure  belonging  to  the  Kimbugwe,  the  second  officer  in  the 
country,  who  takes  his  seat  in  all  the  councils  of  the  state  with  the 
Katikiro  (Prime  Minister).  The  umbilical  cord  of  a  king  was  decorated 
and  treated  as  a  person.  Each  new  moon,  in  the  evening,  it  was 
carried  in  state  wrapped  in  bark  cloths  to  the  king,  and  the  Kimbugwe 
on  his  return  smeared  the  decorated  cord  with  butter  and  left  it  in  the 
moonlight  during  the  night.  It  was  looked  after  by  the  Kimbugwe 
until  after  the  king's  death,  when  it  was  placed  in  a  special  shrine  or 
temple  called  malolo,  with  the  king's  jawbone,  Iwanga,  which  is  spoken 
of  as  the  "  king."  The  two  ghosts,  the  one  of  the  placenta  attached 
to  the  mulongo  and  the  other  of  the  dead  king  attached  to  the  Iwanga, 
were  thus  brought  together  to  form  a  perfect  god,  to  whom  offerings 
were  made  in  the  malolo.  The  malolo  or  temple  is  entirely  different 
from  the  tomb  in  which  the  king's  body  is  laid  ;  indeed,  the  malolo 
is  built  some  months  after  the  tomb,  often,  it  appears,  at  a  considerable 
distance  from  the  latter.  The  malolo  is  kept  in  repair  by  the  state, 
while  the  interior  and  enclosure  are  looked  after  by  some  of  the  widows 
of  the  deceased  king.  Within  the  malolo  is  a  dais,  covered  with  lion 
and  leopard  skins  and  protected  by  a  row  of  brass  and  iron  spears, 

shields,    and    knives  ;    behind  this  there  is    a    chamber  formed    by  bark 

J 


c\a 


3 


9 


.—  MA- 


,  ., 

dereh,  IV,  32. 

the 


cloth  curtains  ;    here    are  kept  the   Iwanga    and  mulongo  to   which  the 

spirit  of  the  dead  king  is  attached,    but    they    are    placed    upon  the    dais  when 

departed  king  wishes  to  hold  his  court,  or  for  consultation  on  special  occasions. 

This  account  shows  that  on  certain  occasions  the  umbilical  cord,  representing  the 
placenta,  was  carried  in  state  by  a  high  officer,  and  also  that  the  placenta  was  con- 
sidered a  twin  of  the  king,  conditions  paralleled  by  the  standard  at  Dendereh 
(Mariette,  Dendereh,  IV,  pi.  32),  where  the  highly  conventionalised  form  shown  in 

Fig.  14  is  called  <§      ,  i.e.,  the  child  wearing  the  crown  of  Upper  Egypt  ;  in  short  it 

A    <=> 

is  there  the  royal  child.  There  is  thus  the  closest  resemblance  between  the  ideas  of 
the  Baganda  relative  to  their  king's  placenta  and  that  of  the  Egyptians,  so  that  it 
may  well  be  that  the  beardless  man  who  is  shown  on  the  slate  palette  and  the  mace- 
head  carrying  the  placenta  standard  is  a  high  official  corresponding  to  the  Baganda 
kimbugwe,  and  distinguished  from  his  colleagues  by  his  shaven  head  and  face.* 

*  In  this  connection  it  is  worth  noting  that  the  lids  of  the  so-called  canopic  jars  are  in  the  form 
of  human  heads  in  the  twelfth  dynasty,  the  period  when  they  first  came  into  use.  In  each  set  of 
four  three  are  represented  as  bearded  and  one  as  beardless.  The  contents  of  these  early  jars  have 

[    169     J 


No.  97.] 


MAN. 


[1911. 


There  is  no  doubt,  then,  of  the  importance  of  the  royal  placenta  among  the 
Baganda,  and,  as  we  shall  immediately  show,  it  is  also  of  importance  among  a  people 
who  have  in  their  veins  blood  which  is  almost  certainly  Hamitic,  and  who  may  well 
be  allied  to  the  predynastic  and  protodynastic  Egyptians.  We  refer  to  the  Shilluk, 
whom  one  of  us  has  had  the  opportunity  of  studying  at  first  hand.  There  is  a 
considerable  infusion  of  non-negro  blood  in  this  people,  for  although  they  all  have 
frizzly  hair,  the  members  of  some  of  their  aristocratic  families  have  comparatively 
thin  lips  and  noses,  long  faces,  and  high  foreheads,  which  give  them  an  appearance 
which  is  anything  but  negroid.  Among  these  people  no  wife  of  the  king  bears  her 
children  in  the  royal  villager/a  ret  (literally  "the  place  of  the  king  "),  but  is  sent  to 
some  other  village,  where  she  stays  under  the  charge  of  the  headman  until  her  child 
is  weaned.  The  after-birth  is  buried  in  the  village,  where  the  royal  child  lives  and 
is  himself  at  last  buried  ;  and  should  he  become  king  he  would,  in  the  old  days,  have 

made  his  birthplace  the   royal  village  and 
have  ruled  his  people  thence. 

Another  African  people,  "the  Swahili, 
"  inter  the  placenta  on  the  spot  where 
"  the  delivery  took  place  in  order  that 
"  the  child,  through  a  mystic  power,  even 
"  after  it  has  grown  up,  may  feel  itself 
"•  continually  drawn  to  its  parents'  house. 
"  The  cord  is  worn  round  the  child's  neck 
"  for  some  years,  and  afterwards  is  buried 
"  in  the  same  place."* 

Here,  then,  we  have  a  highly  sugges- 
tive African  parallel,  the  value  of  which 
is  much  increased  by  the  fact  that  the 
Shilluk  rulers  are  divine  kings  who  (until 
the  last  few  years)  were  put  to  death 
directly  they  showed  any  sign  of  sene- 
scence or  ill-health,  as  was  probably  the 
fate  of  the  kings  of  the  predynastic  tribes 
of  Egypt.f 

We  may  now  return  to  the  object 
portrayed  on  the  palette  and  mace-head,  and  we  must  point  out  that  not  only  is  this 
of  about  the  correct  size  (when  compared  with  the  figures  of  the  standard  bearers) 
but  that  it  closely  reproduces  the  outline  of  a  fresh  placenta  with  the  membranes 
turned  to  one  side,  as  is  shown  in  the  sketches  of  three  fresh  placente  drawn  for  us 
by  Mr.  S.  G.  Shattock,  and  reproduced  in  Fig.  15.  Further,  the  colour  is  approxi- 
mately correct  in  the  papyrus  of  Nesinekht-taui  (Fig.  8),  the  surface  of  the  normal 
human  placenta  being  decidedly  dark  brown  with  only  a  tinge  of  red.  Thus  every 
morphological  detail  supports  our  belief  that  the  standard  head  represents  the  placenta. 
The  connection  between  the  standard  and  the  infant  king  is  shown  in  the  name 

not  always  been  examined  by  expert  anatomists,  but  it  might  be  worth  examining  the  contents  of 
the  jars  with  the  beardless  head  (Amset)  to  see  if  they  contain  placentae. 

*  E.  S.  Hartland  in  The  Encyclopedia  of  Religion  and  Ethics,  Vol.  II,  p.  639.  Art.  "  Birth  " 
(Introduction).  The  belief  that  an  intimate  relation,  which  persists  throughout  life,  exists  between 
the  after-birth  and  the  child  to  which  it  has  carried  nourishment,  is  far  from  uncommon.  It  exists 
among  peoples  in  every  stage  of  civilisation  in  the  Old  World  and  assumes  a  great  variety  of  forms. 
It  is  found  in  Australia,  Torres  Straits,  and  in  Sumatra  among  the  Toba  Bataks  who  call  the  placenta 
the  younger  brother  of  the  child.  (Hartland,  loc.  cit.~) 

f  Some  account  of  the  Shilluk  kings  will  be  published  in  vol.  B  of  the  Fourth  Report  of  the 
Wellcome  Tropical  Retearch  Laboratories,  Khartum,  under  the  title  "  The  Cult  of  Nyakang  and  the 
Divine  Kings  of  the  Shilluk." 


FIG.  15. 


1911.]  MAN.  [Nos.  97-98. 

a 

of  the  ensign  as  given  at  Dendereh,  where  it  is  called  a)  "the  Royal  Child  "  (Fig.  12). 


. 
At  this  period    $        is  the  name  of  the  Bubastite  norae  which  had  been  divided  from 

ij        CO, 

the  primitive    province   of    Buto,   the    latter  after   the  division    being    called    ,£) 


Buto  was  the    place  where  Horus  (Harpocrates)  the  son  of  Isis,  was  born,  and 
therefore  the  spot  where  his  placenta  would  be  preserved. 

Among  the  Baganda  it  is  very  evident  that  there  are  two  "  tombs"  for  every  king, 
one  for  the  royal  body,  the  other  for  the  reception  of  the  royal  placenta  after  the 
king's  death.  When  we  turn  to  ancient  Egypt,  the  double  burial-place  for  the  monarch 
appears  constantly.  The  earliest  instance  is  that  of  the  Step-pyramid  of  Saqqara, 
built  by  Neter-khet  of  the  third  dynasty,  whose  burial-place  is  at  Bet  Khallaf.  Sneferu, 
the  last  king  of  the  third  dynasty,  is  always  mentioned  in  inscriptions  as  having  two 
pyramids,  both  called  Kha  ;  only  one  is  known  as  yet,  that  at  Medum.  Meukaura,  of  the 
fourth  dynasty,  has  one  pyramid  called  Neter  at  Abu  Roash,  and  another  called  Her,  the 
smallest  of  the  three  great  pyramids  at  Gizeh.  In  the  twelfth  dynasty,  Senusert  II 
had  a  pyramid  at  Illahun  and  a  rock-cut  tomb  at  Abydos.  In  the  seventeenth  dynasty 
Queen  Teta-shera,  ancestress  of  the  kings  of  the  succeeding  dynasty,  had  "  a  tomb  ut 
Thebes  and  a  shrine  at  Abydos  "  (Currelfy,  Abydos,  III)  ;  and  her  grandson,  Aahmes  I 
of  the  eighteenth  dynasty,  was  buried  at  Thebes  and  also  had  a  tomb  at  Abydos. 
Later  than  this  the  double  u  burial  "  places  do  not  seem  to  occur,  with  the  doubtful 
exception  of  Merenptah,  who  was  buried  at  Thebes,  but  who  also  built  a  great  hypo- 
geum,  the  use  of  which  is  still  uncertain,  at  Abydos  in  the  axis  and  within  the 
temenos  of  his  grandfather's  temple. 

In  conclusion,  we  may  emphasise  the  agreement  that  exists  between  the  Bagauda 
beliefs  and  the  descriptions  attached  to  two  of  the  representations  of  the  standard, 
viz.,  "  the  Royal  Child  "  and  "  the  Inner  Thing  of  the  King,"  and,  although  it  seems 
almost  monstrous  to  suggest  that  a  pyramid  was  built  for  the  disposal  of  the  royal 
placenta,  yet  this  is  the  only  purpose  that  can  be  suggested  for  the  unquestionable 
second  pyramids  of  some  Egyptian  kings.  We  therefore  put  forward  this  hypothesis 
for  their  origin  as  a  pendant  to  our  belief  that  the  standard  upon  the  slate  palette 
and  mace-head  of  Narmer  represents  the  placenta.  C.  G.  SELIGMANN. 

_  M.  A.  MURRAY. 

PROCEEDINGS    OF    SOCIETIES. 

Anthropology.  British.  Association. 

ETHNOGRAPHY  AND  ETHNOLOGY. 

PROFESSOR  BUTTON  WEBSTER.  —  On  the  Relations  between  Totemic  Clans  Qfl 
and  Secret  Societies.  —  It  would  be  a  vital  error  to  infer  that  secret  societies  uO 
with  judicial  and  political  functions  such  as  are  found  in  West  Africa  and  Melanesia 
were  consciously  devised  to  preserve  law  and  order  in  a  savage  community.  Further 
investigation  reveals  the  singularly  important  part  played  by  many  of  them  in  the 
conduct  of  funereal  rites  and  especially  of  initiation  ceremonies  at  puberty.  Under 
their  direction  the  youth  are  removed  from  defiling  contact  with  women,  subjected  to 
numerous  ordeals,  instructed  in  all  matters  of  religion,  morality,  and  traditional  lore, 
provided  with  a  new  name,  and  new  privileges  —  in  a  word,  made  men.  Puberty  rites 
of  this  nature  may  be  best  studied  in  Australia,  but  are  also  characteristic  of  many 
Melanesian  and  African  secret  orders. 

There  is,  however,  another  aspect  of  primitive  secret  societies,  very  prominent 
in  the  fraternities  of  American  Indians,  but  hitherto  not  sufficiently  emphasised  in 
the  discussion  of  related  organisations  elsewhere.  The  initiates  constitute  a  theatrical 
troupe,  with  masked  and  costumed  actors  personating  animals,  and  presenting  songs, 
dances,  and  pageants,  which  together  form  a  vivid  dramatisation  of  legendary  history. 


No.  98.]  MAN.  [1911. 

Ancestor- worship  and  the  cult  of  the  dead  loom  large  in  their  rituals.  Ceremonies 
undoubtedly  magical  in  character,  such  as  rain-making  and  sorcery,  the  preparation 
of  charms  and  spells,  and  the  cure  of  disease  belong  to  many  of  the  organisations. 

These  and  other  features  of  developed  secret  societies  appear  to  be  closely  con- 
nected with  the  structure  and  functions  of  totemic  clans.  The  formation  of  tribal 
aggregates  from  clans  would  gradually  bring  about  a  transference,  partial  or  complete, 
of  characteristic  clan  rites — initiatory,  funereal,  magico-religious,  and  dramatic — from 
the  clan  to  the  larger  community  of  initiated  men,  and  thence,  in  many  instances,  to 
esoteric  associations  of  limited  membership.  Accordingly,  the  secret  societies  of 
primitive  peoples  would  represent  one  of  the  results  of  the  disintegration  of  the 
ancient  totemic  groupings.  A  study  of  various  areas  should  disclose  how  this  process 
of  development  has  worked  out  in  different  environments  and  under  the  stress  of 
diverse  circumstances. 

DR.  F.  GRAEBNER. —  Totemism  as  a  Cultural  Entity. — Every  attempt  to  account 
for  the  origin  of  totemism  must  first  deal  with  the  question  whether  this  institution 
is  a  cultural  entity,  for  if  it  be  once  conceded  that  the  forms  of  totemism  found  in 
different  parts  of  the  earth  have  arisen  independently  there  can  be  no  justification 
for  the  assumption  that  it  has  had  everywhere  the  same  origin. 

In  the  South  Seas  there  are  two  wholly  different  social  systems  :  (a)  totemic 
local  exogamy  with  patrilineal  descent,  and  (6)  the  arrangement  in  two  exogamous 
classes  with  raatrilineal  descent  which,  so  far  as  locality  is  concerned,  is  often  endo- 
gamous.  I  have  shown  that  these  belong  to  two  quite  different  cultures,  and  that 
any  intermediate  forms  are  the  result  of  contact  and  mixture. 

The  same  holds  good  for  other  regions.  In  Africa  local  totemism  with  patrilineal 
descent  is  associated  with  cultural  elements  allied  to  those  of  the  totemic  culture  of 
the  South  Seas,  a  secondary  form  with  certain  definite  characters  having  been  carried 
by  a  pastoral  people  into  South  Africa.  In  West  Africa  there  is  a  different  culture 
allied  to  the  matrilineal  cultures  of  the  South  Seas,  and  wherever  the  totemic  culture 
has  come  into  contact  with  it  we  find  that  the  totemism  has  taken  on  matrilineal 
descent,  though  in  a  form  different  from  that  of  the  South  Seas. 

In  South  America  the  older  totemic  form  is  to  be  found  in  the  western  region 
of  the  Amazon  ;  in  North  America  it  is  present  in  the  majority  of  the  Algonkin, 
while  in  the  north-west  local  totemism  can  also  be  recognised  as  the  older  form.  The 
cultures  of  those  regions  with  matrilineal  totemism  are  again  related  to  the  matrilineal 
cultures  of  the  South  Seas. 

Since  the  same  relations  also  hold  good  in  Asia,  I  believe  the  position  of  group- 
totemism  as  a  cultural  entity  wherever  it  is  found  to  be  established.  Whether  the 
so-called  individual  totemism  and  sex  totemism  belong  to  the  same  culture  as  group- 
totemism  is  not  so  clear.  Even  if  it  were  so,  however,  group-to temism  could  not  have 
arisen  from  individual  totemism,  for,  apart  from  other  difficulties,  individual  totemism 
is  too  weakly  developed  in  the  older  regions  of  the  totemic  culture.  There  is  no  older 
condition  from  which  group-totemism  can  be  derived.  Its  explanation  must  be  sought 
in  its  own  characters.  The  older  form  is  that  in  which  the  totems  are  animals.  In 
this  form  there  is  an  indefinite  and  unstable  relation  of  sympathy  between  man  and 
beast  which  can  be  explained  simply  by  certain  groups  of  men  and  animals  having 
coexisted  locally  in  a  region  of  diversified  physical  characters. 

PROFESSOR  E.  WAXWEILER.  —  Some  Methodological  Remarks  on  Totemism.  — 
Light  can  only  be  thrown  on  the  question  of  so-called  totemism  by  the  application 
of  a  method  of  analysis,  which  considers  the  so-called  totemic  facts  as  being  imposed 
by  the  conditions  of  organised  social  life  amongst  men.  It  follows  that  : — 

(a)  It  is  out  of  the  question  to  discuss  "forms"  and  the  typical  character  or 

[  172  ] 


1911.]  MAN.  [No.  98. 

purity  of  forms  of  totemism  or  to  represent  this  or  that  form  as  a  trace  of  an  anterior 
form,  more  or  less  complete  ; 

(6)  It  is  improper  to  build  up  an  evolution  of  totemism  as  such  :  a  social  function 
displays  itself  just  as  it  can,  according  to  the  social  conditions  of  the  individuals 
whose  organisation  this  function  realises  ; 

(c)  The  investigation  of  the  social  function  that  totemism  performs  should  extend 
to  civilised  as  well  as  to  primitive  societies ;  where  the  function  is  not  traceable  in 
civilised  societies,  or  where  it  appears  otherwise  than  in  a  primitive  society,  the  causes 
of  this  change  should  be  detected. 

As  a  result  of  the  application  of  those  principles,  the  following  interpretation  of 
totemism  might  be  suggested  :  That  functionally  totemism  is  a  social  device  for 
sanctioning  permanent  situations  wherein  individuals,  or  more  frequently,  groups  of 
individuals,  appear  to  remain,  and  which  are  considered  as  essential  or  peculiar  in 
the  organisation  of  the  group. 

To  create  such  a  sanction  in  primitive  society,  a  very  efficient  method  seems  to 
have  been  (a)  to  "  vow "  the  group  to  one  well-known  and  familiar  thing  (animal, 
plant,  object)  or  even  to  more  than  one  thing  ;  (6)  simultaneously  to  associate  with 
those  things,  positively  or  negatively,  social  attitudes.  This  functional  method  of  social 
sanctioning  might  be  called  totemism. 

One  of  the  collective  situations  that  seems  most  frequently  to  need  sanction  is  the 
permanence  of  a  social  grouping  whatever  its  origins  and  whatever  its  special  field 
may  be  (for  instance,  blood  or  fictive  relationship  extending  over  generations,  hereditary 
castes,  &c.).  Totemic  tales  would  be  post  facto  explanations  elaborated  according  to 
a  well-known  social  process. 

The  totemic  function  would  in  primitive  society  be  naturally  mingled  with  the 
manifestations  of  several  other  functions,  as,  for  instance,  the  regulation  of  marriages, 
or  with  tabus,  &c. 

Totemism,  as  so  interpreted,  would  spontaneously  tend  to  disappear  in  every  society 
that  would  allow  more  practical  and  surer  administrative  devices  to  be  applied  in 
order  to  perform  the  same  function  as  was  performed  by  totemism  in  primitive  society. 

ARCHAEOLOGY. 

WARREN  K.  MOOREHEAD. — An  Arch<eological  Classification  of  American  Types 
of  Prehistoric  Artifacts.  —  Until  recently  no  attempt  had  been  made  to  classify  the 
thousands  of  objects  of  stone,  bone,  wood,  metal,  &c.,  made  and  used  by  primitive 
man  in  America.  Some  three  or  four  years  ago  a  committee,  of  which  the  author 
was  a  member,  was  formed  for  this  purpose.  The  main  outlines  of  the  system  of 
classification,  which  is  based  on  shape,  are  as  follows  : — 

CHIPFED   STONE. 

Class  I. — I.  Without  stem. — Chipped  stone,  knives,  and  projectile  points  :  (a) 
Without  secondary  chipping  ;  (flakes)  ;  (6)  With  secondary  chipping  :  (1)  Pointed  at 
one  end,  (2)  Base  concave,  (3)  Base  straight,  (4)  Base  convex,  (5)  Sides  convex,  &c. 

II.  With  stem. — (a)  Stem  expanding  from  base  :  (1)  Base  concave,  (2)  Base 
straight,  (3)  Base  convex  ;  (6)  Stem  with  sides  parallel  (subdivided  as  Ila)  ;  (c)  Stem 
contracting  from  base  (subdivided  as  Ila). 

Class  II. — Scrapers. 

Class  III. — Perforators. 

Class  IV. —  Unknown  or  Problematical  Forms. 

GROUND  STONE. 

Problematical  Forms. — These  include  the  great  range  of  American  "< unknown  " 
objects.  No  previous  attempts  at  classification  had  been  made. 

[     173     ] 


No.  98.]  MAN.  [1911. 

ARTICLES  IN  CLAY. 

This  covers  the  range  of  ceramics  in  the  United  States.  Over  this  the  Com- 
mittee spent  much  labour.  The  types  are  so  numerous  that  a  full  synopsis  cannot  be 
given  briefly.  As  in  the  case  of  the  stone  implements  it  was  based  entirely  upon 
variations  in  form  and  not  upon  purpose.  [Published  in  book  formJ\ 

Miss  A.  C.  BKETON. —  The  Ancient  Frescoes  at  Chicken  Itza. — The  ruins  of 
Chichen  Itza  in  Yucatan  are  especially  remarkable  for  the  number  of  coloured  por- 
trait sculptures  and  frescoed  walls.  The  frescoes  have  been  sadly  destroyed  in  the 
course  of  centuries,  but  enough  remain  to  provide  striking  pictures  of  the  life  of  the 
ancient  folk.  In  two  of  the  upper  rooms  of  the  building  called  the  Nuns'  Palace 
the  walls  and  vaulted  ceiling  were  entirely  covered  with  scenes  which  had  back- 
grounds with  thatched  houses  and  trees,  also  temples  with  high-pitched  roofs  enclosed 
within  battlemented  walls.  There  were  groups  of  warriors  armed  with  spears,  atlatls 
(throwing  sticks),  and  round  shields,  and  others  seated  on  the  ground  with  orna- 
mental tails  hanging  from  their  girdles.  The  drawing  was  firm  and  spirited,  the 
colouring  vivid  and  harmonious. 

The  building  at  the  south  end  of  the  eastern  wall  of  the  great  Ball  Court,  usually 
called  Temple  of  the  Tigers,  contains  in  its  upper  part  the  best-preserved  paintings 
yet  discovered.  The  inner  chamber  is  about  26  feet  long  and  not  quite  8  feet  wide, 
and  22  feet  high  to  the  top  of  the  vault,  with  the  door  in  the  middle  of  the  long 
western  side.  Each  of  the  long  sides  is  divided  into  three  panels,  of  which  the  four 
end  ones  represent  landscapes  full  of  armed  warriors,  as  do  those  of  the  north  and 
south  sides,  with  houses  above  and  tents  and  temporary  buildings  below,  where  chiefs 
are  consulting  and  priests  perform  rites  of  divination.  These  panels  are  divided  by  a 
blue  band  from  a  dado  with  mythological  figures  and  plants. 

The  south-west  end  is  the  most  complete,  and  has  about  120  figures,  almost  all 
of  them  placed  at  certain  distances  and  angles  from  each  other.  In  this  scene  the 
attacking  party  are  distinguished  from  the  defenders  of  the  village  above  by  a  differ- 
ence in  costume.  The  former  have  cotton  knee  and  ankle  bands,  small  green  shields 
at  their  backs  with  hanging  streamers,  and  round  green  earrings  and  necklaces. 
Their  headdresses,  surmounted  by  long  feathers,  are  more  elaborate  than  those  of  the 
villagers.  The  latter  have  a  round,  stiff  headpiece  with  two  or  three  blue  feathers 
standing  up  from  it,  oblong  ear  ornaments  which  pass  through  the  elongated  lobes, 
white  shirts,  and  round  shields,  usually  with  a  crescent  in  the  centre  as  device.  All 
cast  their  spears  from  atlatls.  The  chiefs,  who  sit  in  consultation  below,  have  feather 
mantles  like  those  of  the  portrait  statues  which  supported  the  sculptured  table  in  the 
outer  chamber. 

The  narrow  south  end  panel  also  has  a  scene  of  attack,  with  high  scaffold  towers 
and  a  ladder  of  a  notched  tree-trunk,  on  which  some  of  the  assailants  are  perched. 
Here  the  men  are  taller  and  more  athletic  than  in  the  previous  scene.  In  the 
following  panel  there  are  more  important  houses,  forming  a  town,  with  a  forest  on 
both  sides  in  which  are  animals,  snakes,  and  birds.  Beyond  come  the  Red  Hills,  on 
which  wilder  figures  are  grouped,  with  rocks  and  trees  below.  The  north  end  is  much 
destroyed,  but  some  personages  on  a  background  of  blue  sky  may  represent  departed 
heroes.  The  shields  in  this  are  oblong.  The  last  of  these  scenes  shows  a  group  of 
houses  inside  a  defensive  barrier,  and  blue  warriors  in  feather  cloaks  have  conquered 
the  inhabitants.  Above  the  door  a  life-size  recumbent  figure  may  be  the  hero  in 
whose  honour  the  building  was  erected. 

Miss  A.  C.  BRETON. — Archaeology  in  Peru. — In  recent  years  there  has  been 
much  activity  in  the  field  of  Peruvian  archseology.  At  Tiahuanaco  (which  must 

[     174     1 


1911.]  MAN.  [No.  98. 

always  be  associated  with  Peru,  though  now  within  the  borders  of  Bolivia),  M.  (*. 
Courtz,  of  the  expedition  of  MM.  Senechel  Lagrange  and  de  Crequi-Montfort  in  1903, 
excavated  the  wide  monolithic  stairway  which  forms  the  eastern  entrance  to  the  great 
enclosure  called  Kalasasaya.  Digging  along  the  western  line  of  monoliths,  which 
were  found  to  be  connected  by  a  wall  of  cut  stone,  he  uncovered  the  double  walls  of 
another  enclosure,  and  to  the  east  found  a  smaller  one,  constructed  in  similar  style  to 
the  Kalasasaya.  From  this  wall  projected  a  number  of  human  heads,  carved  in  the 
round  from  trachyte,  and  apparently  portraits.  Some  of  them  are  now  in  the  Museum 
at  La  Paz.  In  1910  the  Bolivian  Government  had  the  Puerta  del  Sol  set  upright 
and  cemented.  An  underground  chamber  of  carefully  cut  and  fitted  stone,  discovered 
in  1908,  is  only  1  m.  40  cYn.  by  1  m.  30  cm.  (not  including  five  steps  which  lead  down 
to  it),  and  1  m.  83  cm.  high.  The  roof  is  of  flat  slabs  of  andesitic  lava.  Five  colossal 
statues  have  been  disinterred,  of  which  the  larger  is  5  m.  72  cm.  high.  They  are 
covered  with  finely  incised  designs.  On  the  breast  of  one  is  a  figure  of  the  deity 
represented  in  the  centre  of  the  Puerta  del  Sol,  surrounded  in  this  case  by  standing 
personages.  Another  has  several  minute  faces  on  its  hands,  and  a  face  on  each 
finger-nail. 

Small  portions  of  the  great  pyramid  building  Ak-kapana  can  be  seen — terrace 
walls  of  well-cut  stone,  but  the  masses  of  earth  thrown  out  from  the  excavation  of 
the  centre  hide  the  greater  part.  At  Purnapanku,  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  Indian 
town,  a  number  of  huge  blocks  of  stone  remain  at  the  edge  of  the  plateau. 

The  amazing  richness  of  Peru  in  antiquities  is  seen  in  the  galleries  of  the 
National  Museum  at  Lima,  which  Dr.  Max  Uhle  has  filled  with  the  results  of  two 
years'  excavation  in  the  region  of  Nazca,  the  neighbourhood  of  Lima,  and  near 
Trujillo,  all  coast  civilisations.  In  the  bay  of  Ajicon,  the  first  settlements  of  primitive 
fishermen  were  on  the  side  hills  which  slope  to  the  sea  where  the  rocks  are  covered 
with  shellfish.  Then  followed  the  wide-spreading  town  which  filled  the  sandy  area 
between  sea  and  mountains,  known  from  Reiss  and  Stiibel's  book  as  the  Necropolis  of 
Ancon,  but  now  proved  to  have  been  a  series  of  skull  heaps  and  of  reed  huts,  which 
decayed  or  were  destroyed  after  the  owners  had  been  buried  under  them  with  their 
possessions,  when  others  were  built  above.  The  accumulated  material  covers  a  space 
more  than  a  mile  square  and  30  feet  high.  The  graves  are  small  pits  lined  with 
pebbles.  Dr.  Uhle  spent  several  years  in  excavating  at  Pachacamac  for  the  University 
of  Pennsylvania,  and  has  been  able  to  form  some  idea  of  the  sequence  of  the  different 
kinds  of  pottery  from  his  finds  there  and  in  other  places.  The  beautiful  painted 
pottery  at  lea  and  Nazca  proves  to  be  earlier  on  the  coast  than  any  other,  and  the 
primitive  fishermen  learned  the  art  of  vase-painting  from  the  proto-Nazca  folk. 
Richly  clothed  mummies,  feathered  garments  of  symbolic  design,  mosaic  ear-plugs, 
gold  and  silver  cups,  and  a  cuirass  covered  with  small  metal  plates,  are  some  of  the 
treasures  of  the  Lima  Museum. 

Of  the  remoter  Stone  Age  little  is  yet  known  in  Peru,  but  chips  and  scrapers 
are  found  in  the  alluvium  on  the  plain  of  Lima,  and  the  deposit  with  fragments  of 
rude  pottery,  observed  by  Darwin,  can  still  be  seen  on  the  top  of  the  cliff  near 
Bellavista. 

A.  L.  LEWIS. — Dolmens  or  Cromlechs. — A  comparison  of  a  large  number  of 
lantern  slides  of  dolmens  and  other  rude  stone  monuments  shows  differences  of  con- 
struction and  apparently  of  purpose.  Some  of  these  differences  are  localised.  Taking 
these  points  into  consideration,  together  with  the  vast  areas  over  which  the  rude 
stone  monuments  extend,  and  their  great  numbers,  it  is  probable  that  they  were  not 
the  work  of  a  single  race,  which  went  about  the  world  constructing  them  ;  nor  of 
two  races,  of  which  one  erected  the  dolmens  and  the  other  set  up  the  circles,  but 
that  they  were  part  of  a  phase  of  culture  through  which  many  races  have  passed. 

[  175  ] 


Nos.  98-99.]  MAN.  [1911. 

Little  if  anything  can  be  deduced  from  these  monuments  as  to  early  migrations  of 
the  human  race. 

G.  ELLIOT  SMITH,  M.A.,  M.D.,  F.R.S. — The  Foreign  Relations  and  Influence 
of  the  Egyptians  under  the  Ancient  Empire. — The  people  of  Upper  Egypt  discovered 
copper  in  early  pre-dynastic  times,  and  during  the  succeeding  centuries  slowly  learned 
to  appreciate  the  magnitude  of  their  discovery.  In  late  pre-dynastic  times  they  were 
casting  formidable  metal  weapons,  which  enabled  them  to  unite  the  whole  of  Egypt 
under  their  sway.  They  pushed  their  way  beyond  the  frontiers  of  Egypt,  as  they 
tell  us  in  their  own  records,  to  Sinai  for  copper  ore,  and  to  Syria  for  cedar  from  the 
Lebanons,  as  well  as  to  the  south,  and  they  met  and  intermingled  with  the  Armenoid 
population  of  Northern  Syria,  who  acquired  from  them  the  knowledge  of  copper  and 
its  uses,  while  the  Egyptians  themselves  took  back  into  Egypt  in  their  own  persons 
ample  evidence  of  the  existence  of  an  Armenoid  population  in  Syria  before  2,800  B.C. 

Before  this  time  the  Armenoids  had  been  trickling  into  neolithic  Europe  without, 
however,  making  much  impression  upon  the  customs  or  the  physical  traits  of  its 
population,  but  once  they  had  acquired  metal  weapons  from  the  Egyptians  they  were 
able  to  make  their  way  into  Europe  by  force  and  to  impose  their  customs  upon  her 
people,  in  virtue  both  of  their  numerical  strength  and  the  power  they  wielded  in  being 
better  armed. 

In  Egypt  itself  the  proto-Egyptians  in  pre- dynastic  times  had  learned  to  make 
not  only  weapons  of  war  but  also  tools  of  copper.  The  skill  they  acquired  in  using 
these  tools  made  them  expert  carpenters  and  stonemasons,  and  during  the  early 
dynasties  they  ran  riot  in  stone,  creating  the  vastest  monuments  that  the  world  has 
ever  seen.  The  knowledge  of  these  achievements  spread  amongst  the  kindred  peoples 
on  the  southern  shores  of  the  Mediterranean,  to  the  neighbouring  isles,  and  to  Southern 
Italy  and  the  Iberian  Peninsula.  But  it  was  the  knowledge  of  the  various  kinds  of 
monuments  that  the  Egyptians  were  building,  and  not  the  skill  nor  the  skilled  workmen 
that  spread.  At  the  time  of  the  sixth  dynasty  or  thereabouts  the  fashion  of  building 
stone  monuments,  dolmens,  menhirs,  cromlechs,  rock-cut  tombs,  &c.,  began  to  spread 
amongst  the  kindred  peoples  not  only  on  the  west  but  also  on  the  east  of  Egypt. 

The  evidence  afforded  by  the  excavations  of  Orsi  and  others  in  Sicily  and  Southern 
Italy  seems  to  indicate  beyond  any  doubt  that  Egypt  was  the  source  of  the  new  burial 
customs  that  came  into  vogue  in  the  aeneolithic  period.  The  features  that  seem  so 
hopelessly  inexplicable  to  the  Italian  archaeologists  are  precisely  those  which  the 
Egyptian  evidence  elucidates. 

The  absence  of  megaliths  and  kindred  monuments  in  the  track  of  the  main 
Armenoid  stream  of  immigration  from  Asia  Minor  into  Europe  is  valuable  negative 
evidence.  The  Armenoids  of  Asia  Minor  acquired  a  knowledge  of  copper  weapons 
by  contact  with  the  Egyptians  on  the  battlefields  of  Northern  Syria,  but  they  knew 
nothing  (at  the  remote  date  we  are  considering)  of  stone  working  or  of  megalithic 
monuments,  because  they  had  no  personal  knowledge  of  Egypt.  [Published  in  book 
form,  "  The  Ancient  Egyptians,"  in  Harper's  Library  of  Living  Thought^] 

PROFESSOR  W.  M.  FLINDERS  PETRIE.  —  Roman  Portraits  found  in  Egypt. 
[MAN,  1911,  91.] 

ANTHROPOLOGICAL    NOTE. 

THE  death  is  announced  of  Sir  Herbert  H.  Risley,  K.C.I.E.,  C.S.I.,  past  QQ 
President  of  the  Royal  Anthropological  Institute,  who  became  a  Fellow  of  the  UU 
Anthropological  Institute  in  1889,  and  President  of  the  Royal  Anthropological  Institute 
last  year.  An  extended  obituary  notice  will  appear  in  a  later  number. 

Printed  by  EYRE  AND  SPOTTISWOODE,  LTD.,  His  Majesty's  Printers,  East  Harding  Street,  B.C. 

/' 


PLATE   N. 


MAN,  jgn. 


FIG.  i. 


FIG.  2. 
PRE-DYNASTIC     IRON     BEADS     IN     EGYPT. 


1911.] 


MAN. 


[No.  100. 


ORIGINAL    ARTICLES. 
Egypt :  Archaeology.  With  Plate  N.  Wainwright. 

Pre-Dynastic  Iron  Beads  in  Egypt.     By  G.  A.  Wainwright,  B.A.  4 Aft 

Mr.  Bushe-Fox  and  myself,  while  working  on  a  pre-dynastic  cemetery  for  IUU 
the  British  School  of  Archaeology  in  Egypt  at  El  Gerzeh,  about  40  miles  south 
of  Cairo,  found  the  iron  beads  here  figured  in  an  undisturbed  burial  of  this  age  : 
No.  67.  The  string  of  beads  from  the  neck  is  in  its  original  order  of  3  gold,  1  iron, 
1  gold,  2  iron,  2  carnelian,  1  gold,  1  iron,  3  agate,  1  gold,  1  carnelian,  1  gold, 
1  carnelian,  1  gold,  and  2  gold,  which  were  slightly  apart  from  the  others,  but 
appeared  to  join  in  here.  This  string  is  shown  at  the  bottom  of  the  upper 
photograph.  The  order  of  the  beads  from  the  waist  is  not  sufficiently  certain  for 
a  guarantee.  Both  strings  were  in  position  round  the  skeleton,  the  necklace  resting 
in  a  vertical  plane.  There  were  one  or  two  beads  at  the  ankle.  Mr.  Bushe-Fox 
picked  the  beads  off,  while  I  cleared  the  sand  from  them,  exposing  two  or  three  at 
a  time  and  checked  his  observations. 

The  objects    in    the    grave    are  shown   in  the 
plate,  and  in  illustration.     They  are  : — 

No.     6.  White  limestone  mace-head.  /  f         rx^\  'S 

„       7.  Slate  palette. 
„     12.  Copper  harpoon. 
„     13.  Strings  of  beads. 
„     16.  Small  ivory  pot. 

v    Vertebra  out  of  place. 

POTTERY    OF    CORPUS    TYPES.  DATES. 

1.           B.  53.  b.  -  -     S.D.  40-75 

2,  3,  4.       R.  69.  a.  -  53-66 

5.           D.     7.  b.  -  33-63 

8,  9,  10,  11.  R.  81  38-67 

14.  R.  63  50-80 

15.  R.  69.  b.  -  -              36-71 


GRAVE  NO.    67.      1  :  20 


S.D.     53-63 

None  of  these  objects  last  on  into  the  later 
Pan-grave  civilization,  nor  were  any  objects  of 
this  civilization  found  in  the  whole  cemetery. 

The  skull  was  not  articulated  to  the  spine,  but  was  standing  on  its  base, 
packed  round  with  the  sand  filling  of  the  grave,  and  one  of  the  neck  vertebrae  was 
found  out  of  place,  being  some  distance  in  front  of  the  spine  between  the  upper 
parts  of  the  humeri. 

There  were  no  signs  of  plundering,  the  necklace  with  its  gold  beads  beiu<r 
quite  undisturbed,  still  round  the  neck,  and  the  beads  in  their  original  order  ;  all  the 
pottery  being  unbroken  ;  the  copper  harpoon  still  remaining  and  the  skeleton  lying 
in  place  on  the  floor  of  the  grave.  There  were  no  plundered  graves  at  this  west 
end  of  the  cemetery,  the  very  few  that  were  plundered  being  all  on  the  higher  ground 
at  the  other  end.  The  skeleton  was  that  of  a  young  person.  It  was  lying  on  the 
left  side  with  the  head  to  the  south,  and  the  face  to  the  west,  the  usual  pre- 
dynastic  position.  The  bones  were  very  cracked  and  in  a  soft  pasty  condition, 
probably  owing  to  the  action  of  salts,  so  that  they  could  not  be  moved.  All  shape 
had  disappeared  from  the  iliac  bones. 

Professor  W.  Gowland,  F.S.A.,  has  examined  the  iron  beads  and  reports  :— 
'  I  have  examined  the  'iron'  beads  from  the  Pre-dynastic  grave  in  E^ypt  and 

[     177    ] 


Nos.  100-101.]  MAN.  [1911. 

"  find  they  consist  of   hydrated  ferric  oxide,  i.e.,  iron  rust,  none  of  the  original  iron 
"  having  escaped  oxidation.     On  analysis  one  gave  the  following  results  : — 

"  Ferric  oxide    -  78  '7  per  cent. 

""  Combined  water  with  trace  of  C02  and  earthy  matter    -       21 '3  „ 


100-0 

"   They    do    not    consist    of   iron    ore,    but    of    hydrated    ferric    oxide,    which    is    the 
"  result  of  the  rusting  of  the  wrought  iron,  of  which  they  were  originally  made." 

The  tubular  beads  have  been  made  by  bending  a  thin  plate  of  metal,  probably 
over  a  rod,  which  was  afterwards  removed. 

The  full  account  will  appear  in  this  year's  volume  of  the  British  School. 

G.  A.  WAINWRIGHT. 

Since  writing  the  above,  on  working  over  the  tomb  groups,  1  have  found  the 
beads  from  yet  another  grave,  No.  133,  to  include  two  small  beads  of  iron.  They 
are  of  the  same  shape  and  technique  as  the  others  but  very  much  smaller,  being 
only  |  inch  long,  and  are  rusted  together. 

The  tomb  group  is  just  as  distinctly  pre-dynastic  as  is  No.  67,  being  dated 
by  its  pottery  to  S.D.  60-66,  and  containing  a  slate  palette  and  rubber,  an  ivory 
spoon,  a  small  porphyry  bowl  and  a  small  vase  of  red  breccia,  and  a  very  fine  and 
small  flint  flake.  On  the  head  were  the  usual  pre-dynastic  disc  beads  of  carnelian, 
garnet,  lapis  lazuli,  glazed  limestone,  and  serpentine.  On  the  hands  and  arms  were 
the  two  iron  beads,  with  disc  beads  of  carnelian,  serpentine,  glazed  limestone,  lapis 
lazuli,  garnet  and  gold,  besides  some  shells,  and  barrel  beads  of  quartz,  calcite,  and 
serpentine.  In  the  grave  was  also  a  collection  of  curios  ;  such  as  pretty  naturally- 
polished  pebbles,  mostly  carnelian  ;  two  curiously  -  shaped  pebbles  not  unlike  the 
human  eye,  one  of  which  has  been  ground  down  ;  a  piece  of  haematite  much  rubbed 
down  ;  dog's  teeth  and  shells.  This  grave  is  the  more  satisfactory,  as  it  was  daubed 
over  with  a  covering  of  mud,  which,  when  we  found  it,  was  unbroken,  though  it 
had  sagged  badly  while  still  wet.  This  guarantees  the  absence  of  any  objects  of 
later  date.  As  the  iron  in  the  two  graves  is  less  probably  the  result  of  two 
.separate  finds  of  iron  than  of  one,  this  find  is  limited  to  S.D.  60-63. — G.  A.  W. 

DESCRIPTION  OF  PLATE  N. 
Fig.   1. — Tomb  group.     ^  scale.  Fig.  2. — Iron  beads,     f  scale. 


New  Guinea  :  Linguistics.  Strong. 

Note   on    the    Tate    Language    of    British   New  Guinea.      />'//   "  •     Ifll 

Marsh   Strong,  M.D.  IUI 

The  Tate  language  is  spoken  on  the  Cupola,  a  rocky  promontory  on  the  shores 
of  the  Papuan  Gulf,  close  to  the  village  of  Kerema.  Mr.  McGowan,  of  Moviavi, 
first  sent  me  a  vocabulary  of  this  language,  and  Mr.  H.  L.  GrifFen  subsequently 
extended  and  verified  this.  There  are  two  settlements  of  people  whom  the  Elema 
tribes  regard  as  strangers  on  the  Cupola,  and  another  small  one  at  its  foot  near  the 
Elema  village  which  is  known  to  the  Motu  as  Silo.  The  language  spoken  in  these 
villages  ie  quite  distinct  from  the  Elema  language  used  in  the  adjoining  villages  ;  it 
is  possible  that  it  is  allied  with  the  unknown  dialects  which  are  spoken  in  the  hills 
behind  the  coastal  zone  of  the  Papuan  Gulf. 

In  a  list  of  240  words  only  fifteen  occur  at  all  similar  to  Elema  words  and 
probably  these  are  borrowed,  for  all  the  Tate  people  speak  the  Kaipi  language,  which 
is  a  dialect  of  the  Elema,  and  also  have  much  intercourse  with  the  neighbouring 
Elema  villager 

[     173    ] 


1911.] 

MAN. 

[No 

VOCABULARY. 

Adze 

-     Nau. 

Flesh      - 

-     Haivai-ime. 

Areca  nut 

-     Aiena. 

Flower    - 

Opura  fuai. 

Arm 

Upu. 

Fly  (noun) 

-     Arepo. 

Arrow 

Oade. 

Foot 

Feda. 

Ashes 

Mai-ira. 

Forest 

Hahu-beni  . 

Bad 

-     Fahigenu. 

Fowl 

Biai. 

Bamboo  - 

Pokoa. 

Fruit 

Opuro-fuai. 

Banana  - 

-     Aisi.* 

Garden  - 

-     Faura. 

Barter     - 

-     Inaiame. 

Ghost 

Hadiumoru. 

Belly 

Sede. 

Give 

Haufave. 

Bird 

-     Mini. 

Go 

Onea. 

Bite 

Nana-ena. 

Good 

Namaia. 

Black 

Unabemai. 

Great 

-     Ningenu. 

Blood      - 

Ivare. 

Hair  (of  head) 

U-uba. 

Boat 

Araha. 

Hand 

Upu. 

Bone 

-     Aru-ere. 

Hard 

Koko. 

Bow  (ooun)     - 

-     Side. 

Head 

-     Aro. 

Branch    - 

-     Hau  waina. 

Hear 

-     Moehea. 

Bring 

-     One. 

Hill 

Mena. 

Bury 

Ukahauma. 

Hook      - 

-     Falaua. 

Butterfly 

Baibai. 

Hot 

-     Doro. 

Centipede 

-     Arepo. 

House 

Ea. 

Chest      - 

-     Hohiri. 

Husband 

-     Adu. 

Charcoal 

-     Foa. 

Kangaroo 

Havadu. 

Child       - 

-     Moana. 

Know 

-     Sire. 

Claw  (of  bird  ) 

Faha, 

Leaf 

Opurore. 

Cloud      - 

-     Aivara. 

Log 

Fede. 

Club 

Diaigena. 

Lime 

Mai-ine. 

Cocoanut 

-     E-e.f 

Lip 

Anana. 

Come 

Mane. 

Live 

-     Ueka. 

Crocodile 

-     Enape. 

Louse 

-     Anodi. 

Darkness 

-     Kevea. 

Man 

Adu. 

Die 

Bahaha. 

Mat 

-     leka. 

Digging  stick  - 

-     Maha. 

Milk 

Ami. 

Dog 

-     Evera. 

Moon 

Fuie. 

Drink      - 

Mungake. 

Morning 

-     Ivisa. 

Ear 

-     0-i. 

Mosquito 

I-i  miha. 

Earth  (ground) 

Tau  audu. 

Mother   - 

-     Evera  naura. 

Eat 

-     Nove. 

Mouth     - 

Anana. 

Egg 

Mini  numu.J 

Name 

-     Neilo. 

Elbow     - 

(Jpu-oko. 

Navel 

-     Ung-o. 

Eye 

Ini. 

Near 

Be-e. 

Face 

-     Inodoho. 

Night 

Bodi. 

Far  oft'    - 

-     Upinge. 

Nipple    - 

Ami-hum  u. 

Father    - 

Avi  baudia. 

No 

Auesa. 

Feather  - 

-     lai-ore. 

Nose 

-     No-i. 

Finger     - 

-     Upu-ae. 

Paddle 

-     Kai-ia. 

Fire 

-     Auehe. 

Pig 

-     Ainaru. 

Fish 

-     Nani. 

Rain 

Upa. 

*  Aisi  sikuia,  ripe  banana. 
t  E-c  himidi,  many  cocoanuts. 

[     179    ] 


J  Mini  is  bird. 


No.  101.] 


MAN. 


[1911, 


Rat 

Red 

River 

Road 

Root 

Rope 

Sago  palm 

Salt 

Sand 

Scratch  - 

Sea 

See 

Shadow  - 

Shark      - 

Shield     - 

Sit 

Skin 

Sky 

Sleep 

Small 

Smoke    - 

Snake 

Soft 

Speak     - 

Spear 

Spit 


One 
Two 
Three 


Haua. 

Bi-iro. 

Mai. 

Kedea. 

Au-ue. 

Foa. 

Ai-i. 

Bia. 

Fai. 

Ori  havehave. 

Ai-ime. 

Iriai. 

Harihu. 

Aro. 

Oa-u. 

Dia. 

Bera-a. 

Meneau. 

Di-e. 

Pakau. 

Au-ue. 

Memere. 

Fomamu. 

Emedamuena. 

Hoama. 

Ainoha. 


Stand 
Star 
Stone 
Sun 

Sweet  potato 
Taro 

Taste  - 
Thick  - 
Thigh  - 
Thin  - 
Tongue  - 
Tooth  - 
Tree 

Village  - 
Water  - 
Weep 
White  - 
Wife  - 
Wind  - 


Woman  - 
Yam 

Yellow    - 

Yes 


Oaki. 

Ungka. 

Ungkapoa. 


NUMERALS. 

Four 

Five 


Ungien. 

Bihoa. 

Ede. 

Nade. 

Hawani. 

Noa. 

Ningenu. 

One. 

Hauraia. 

Ohara-Fumainga. 

Anara. 

Fou. 

Oporo. 

Dohu. 

Ai-ine. 

Ufonge. 

Mehamane. 

A-u. 

Ka-u  :  Davara 
(north  -  west), 
Mauda  (south- 
east). 

A-u. 

Mapori. 

Nano. 

Ini-naive. 


Ungka  Ungka. 
Upu  Okau.* 


Mr.  S.  H.  Ray,  who  has  looked  through  my  vocabulary,  considers  that  the  Tate 
language  is  Papuan,  but  quite  distinct  from  the  Elema,  Namau,  and  Bamu  groups  of 
Papuan  dialects  and  also  from  the  Papuan  languages  of  German  New  Guinea. 
Further,  although  the  following  words  are  similar  to  Roro,  Mekeo,  Pokau,  and  Kabadi, 
"  these  apparently  Melanesian  words  are  all  (except  five)  words,  which,  in  the  four 
"  languages  mentioned  are  unlike  Melanesian." 


Inaiame 

-     Barter 

Kabadi,  inaina. 

Iva-re 

-     Blood 

Mekeo,  ifa. 

Mini-numu  - 

-     Egg 

-     Kabadi,  manu-mumuna. 

Namaia 

-     Good 

-     Pokau,  &c.,  nama. 

Aro     - 

Head 

Roro,    Doura,    ara,    but   Elema,    &c., 

haro. 

Ea      - 

-     House 

-     Mekeo,  ea. 

leka    - 

-     Mat 

-     Kabadi,  eka  (Melanesian  ?). 

Fuie    - 

-     Moon 

Doura,  huia  (Melanesian  ?). 

Aiparu 

-     Pig- 

-     Roro,  aiporo. 

Up  a    - 

-     Rain 

-     Doura,  upa  ;  Motu,  &c.,  gupa. 

Haua  - 

-     Rat 

-     Roro  and  Kabidi,  kaua  (Melanesian). 

Hiiro  - 

-     Red 

Roro,  biro. 

*  i.e.,  hand  finish. 

[    180    ] 

1911.]  MAN.  [Nos.  101-102. 

Mai    -  -  River  -     Doura,  vei,  water.   (The  Gulf  languages 

interchange  m  and  v.) 

Kedea  -  Road  -     Kabadi,  kerea. 

Foa     -  -  Rope  -     Kabadi,  poa. 

Beraa  Skin  -     Roro,  parua. 

Mauda  -                   -  S.E.  -     Roro,  baura  ;  Toaripi,  &c.,  mauta. 


Africa :  Congo.  Maes. 

Notes  sur  le  materiel  du  feticheur,  Baluba.      Par   le   Dr.  Jos.    4IIQ 

Maes,  Conservateur  de  la  section  ethno graphique  du  Musee  du  Congo,  Beige.        IMfc 

Grace  a  1'initiative  de  nos  agents  d'Afrique  les  collections  ethnographiques  du 
Muse"e  du  Congo  a  Tervueren  se  developpent  de  plus  en  plus. 

L'interet  de  ces  nouvelles  richesses  est  rehaussee  par  le  fait  que  toutes  possederit 
des  notations  speciales  et  precises  sur  leur  origine,  leur  usage  et  tres  souvent  sur  leur 
signification  sociale. 

Tel  est  le  cas  de  la  collection  recoltee  par  le  Dr.  Mordiglia.  Celle-ci  se  compose  de 
28  objets  formant  le  materiel  complet  du  feticheur  Baluba. 

1.  Une  Figurine   en   bois    blanc  representant   une   femme  debout,  soigneusement 
sculptee,  tete  aplatie,  coiffure  en   gradins  gauffres,  absence  de  front,  yeux,  oreilles  et 
bouche  sculptes  en  bas  relief,  nez  large  et  plat,  les  mains  posees  sur  les  flancs,  le  ventre 
preeminent,  les  jambes  legerement  coudees,  les  pieds  larges  et  plats. 

L'oreille  droite  est  teinte  au  ngula. 
Hauteur  11   cm.;  nom  indigene  "  Daye" 

Ce  fetiche  se  place  a  1'interieur  de  la  hutte  et  sert  a  preserver  les  enfants  de  toute 
inaladie  grave. 

2.  Une  Figurine  en  bois  blanc,  grossierement  sculptee,  representant  un  personnage 
debout,  le  sommet  de  la  coiffure  perce  d'un  trou  dans  lequel  est  fixe,  a  1'aide  de  resine  de 
Bulungu,  un  tube  en  bois  rempli  de  substances  magiques.     Figure  entouree  d'une  legere 
moulure,  yeux  marques  de  deux  cauris,  nez   plat,  bouche  petite,  menton  pointu.     Tout 
le  corps  est  convert  par  un  large  pagne,  fixe  au  cou  et  forme  d'un  morceau  d'etoffe 
d'importation,  de  feuilles  de  bananier  et  de  plusieurs  lanieres  de  peau. 

La  moitie  de  la  figure  et  de  la  tete  est  teinte  en  rouge  blanc,  1'autre  noircie  au 
charbon  de  bois  melange  d'huile  de  palme. 
Hauteur  19  cm.  ;  nom  indigene  "Am'." 
Ce  fetiche  se  place  devant  les  huttes  pour  les  preserver  de  malheurs. 

3.  Un    Baton   du  feticheur  (Fig.   1)  fait   d'une   tige   de   rotang   surmontee  d'un 
fetiche  en  forme  de  capitule  ovale,  compose  d'une  touffe  de  feuilles  de  bananier  tressees 
couvertes   d'un  lassis    de  cordes.      L'ensemble  est  fixe  et    noue  au  sommet  du  baton 
a  1'aide  de  fibres  de  piassava.     La  partie  superieure  du  capitule  est  ornee  d'une  houppe 
de  plumes  de  coq  et  d'une  serie  d'eclats  de  rotang  fixes  en  forme  d'eventail,  la  partie 
mediane  de  deux  comes  s'emboitant  1'uue  dans  1'autre  et  remplies  de  braises  pilees, 
d'os  de  poule  et  de  chevre  pulverises,  melanges  d'huile  de  palme  ;    le  cote  droit   de 
deux   tukulo    on  morceaux  de   courge,  de  deux    pingu  morceaux  de    bois,    de  deux 
nouveaux   tukulo  et  d'un   kapulu  espece  de  fruit  de  la  foret,  superposes   et   noircis  ; 
le  cote  gauche  d'une  corne  d'antilope  teinte  au  ngula. 

Le  fetiche  est  entitlement  enduit  et  impregne  d'une  pate  faite  de  ngula  de  pemba 
et  de  braises  pulverisees. 

Hauteur  du  fetiche  25  cm.  ;  nom  indigene  Panda. 

Compaguon  inseparable  du  feticheur  en  tournee  chez  ses  malades,  le  panda  est 
en  realite  forme  d'un  assemblage  de  plusieurs  fetiches.  Les  cornes  d'antilopes  sont 
bourrees  de  substances  magiques.  Celles-ci  servent  a  incarner  dans  les  fetiches 


MAN. 


[1911. 


1 ,  baton  du  fe"ticheur ;  2,  3,  4,  bracelets ;  5,  6,  ceintures  ;  7,  bandage  pour  fracture  ;  8,  couteau  et  gaine ; 

9,  coquille  d'escargot ;  10,  11,  cornes  amulettes  ;  12,  cauteVisateur 

MATERIEL   DU    FETICHE  UR,    BALUBA. 

[     182     ] 


1911.]  MAN.  [No.  102. 

nouveaux  la  force  et  1'esprit  qui  eloignera  les  mauvais  sorts,  preservers  I'heurenx 
possesseur  des  attaques  et  poisons,  empechera  les  vols  ou  protegera  les  huttes. 

Pris  separement  le  fetiche  Baluba,  quelque  soit  d'ailleurs  sa  forme,  ne  possede 
ui  pouvoir  iii  signification.  II  est  faeonne  et  sculpte  par  le  forgeron  au  village  et 
parfois  par  le  proprietaire  lui-meme.  II  n'acquiert  un  sens  precis  que  lorsque  le  fe'ticbeur 
lui  a  mis  dans  la  tete  ou  autour  du  cou,  on  a  la  ceinture  les  attributs  de  la  puissance 
qu'il  lui  doune. 

Ces  attributs  sont  tres  souvent  forme  d'un  amalgame  de  choses  les  plus  diverses, 
feuilles,  racines,  huile  de  palme,  etc.,  auquel  le  feticheur  a  melange  une  petite  partie 
de  la  poudre  de  1'une  ou  1'autre  corne  ds  son  panda. 

Les  Tukulo  sont  remplis  de  feuilles  de  courges,  utilisees  pour  les  cas  d'accouche- 
ments  difficiles  ;  le  Kapulu  est  un  fruit  de  la  foret  employe  contre  la  migraine  ;  les 
pingu  sont  des  morceaux  de  bois  d'un  arbre  special  qui  sert  de  medicament  pour 
les  maladies  de  la  matrice  ;  les  eclats  de  rotang  places  en  eventail  exercent,  d'apres 
les  croyances  indigenes,  une  influence  bienfaisante  sur  les  ecorchures  aux  pieds. 

Suivant  le  cas  des  maladies  le  feticheur  aura  recours  a  1'un  ou  1'autre  des 
amulettes  de  son  panda.  Celui-ci  peut  done  etre  considere  comme  la  boite  de  secours 
du  medecin  Baluba. 

4.  Trois  bracelets  (Fig.  2)  faits  en  eclats  de  rotang  reconverts  par  deux  lanieres  de 
rotang   enroulees  et  nouees   a   la   partie    superieure,  de  facon  a  ourler   le  bracelet  de 
legeres  moulures  dentelees. 

5.  Un  bracelet  (Fig.  4)  fait  d'une  tige  de  fer  recourbee  eu  anneau  et  ornee  d'un 
sachet  en  etoflfe  d'importation. 

6.  Un    bracelet  (Fig.  3)  fait  d'un   anneau   en  fer   orne  de  dessins    et  garni   d'uu 
sachet  en  peau  de  serpent  rembourre  de  substances  magiques. 

Nom  indigene  Tukano. 

Ces  bracelets  serventd'ornement  au  feticheur  Baluba  dans  les  ceremonies  religieusen, 
danses,  etc. 

7.  Une  ceinture  formee  d'urie  laniere  de  cuir  d'elephant  garnie  d'un  sachet  fait  en 
etoffe  d'importation  et  bourre    de    substances   magiques.     L'une   des  extremit^s  de  la 
ceinture   est    munie   de   deux  oeillets  servant  a  y  faire  passer   1'autre   extremite  pour 
attacher  la  ceinture. 

8.  Une  ceinture  (Fig.  6)   composee  d'une  fibre  de  raphia  garnie  de  perles  rouges, 
jaunes  et  bleues  et  ornee  d'une  laniere  d'etoffe  d'importation  a  laquelle  sont  fixees  deux 
comes  d'antilope.     L'une  de  ces  cornes  est  bourree  de  substances  magiques,  1'autre  est 
recouverte   a  la  base  d'un  lassis  en  fibres  de  piassava  tressees  et  enduites  d'huile  de 
palme.     Une  toute  petite  come  est  fixee  au  sommet  du  bourrelet  et  tout  autour  une 
serie  de  clous  en  laiton. 

9.  Uue  ceinture  (Fig.  5)  faite  d'une  laniere  de  cuir  d'antilope  ornee   1°  de  quatre 
franges   de   perles    blanches    enfilees     sur    des    fibres   de    piassava  ;    2°    d'une    corne 
d'antilope  perforce  a  la  p^inte,  attachee  a  1'aide  de  fibres  tressees  et  garnie  d'une  serie 
de    perles    rouges,    bleues    et   blanches   enroulees   autour   de    la   base.      Ceile-ci    est 
recouverte  d'un  large  lassis    en    fibres  de  piassava  tressees,    orne   d'une   couronne   de 
clou  en  laiton    et  termine  par  un    bourrelet  dans  lequel  s'encastre  une   seconde  corne 
d'antilope  bourree  en    partie    de    substances   magiques;     3°    d'une   laniere   ue   cuir    a 
laquelle  est  fixee  une  sonuette  en  fer  avec  petit  battant. 

Nom  indigene  "  Bilonda." 

10.  Une   boite    a    medicaments   formee  d'une    coque   de   fruit   d'un    arbre   appele 
mubala,  genre  de  calebasse,  contenant  un  melange  d'objets  les  plus  divers. 

Nom  indigene  "  Mud'tango" 

11.  Une  seconde    boite    en    fer  blanc,  remplie    de  diverses   substances    magiques, 

[    183    ] 


No.  102.]  MAN.  [1911, 

perles,  ngula,  ossements  sachets  en  fibres,  pierres,  insectes,  etc.,  servant  a  donner  aux 
fetiches  nouveaux  les  attributs  do  leur  force  et  de  leur  pouvoir. 

12.  Une  boite  a  medicaments  (Fig.  10)  formee  d'une  corne  d'antilope  bourree  de 
substances  medicales,  la  base  recouverte  d'un  eoduit  d'huile  de  palme,  de  debris  d'herbe, 
de  ngula,  formant  bourrelet  au  sommet  duquel  est  fixee  une  seconde  petite  corne. 

13.  Une  Corne  amulette  (Fig.  11)  la  pointe  perforce  servant  a  y  passer  une  corde 
en  fibres    enfilant  une    sonnette    en  laiton  et  un  siffiet  en  bois.      La  base   est    ornee 
d'un  trou  et  recouverte  d'un  enduit  forme  d'huile    de  palme,  de  debris  d'herbe  et  de 
ngula  formant  bourrelet  au  sommet   duquel  est  fixee  une  petite  corne  d'antilope.     Sert 
an  feticheur  a  guerir  les  malades. 

Hauteur,  33   cm. 

14.  Deux    sachets  en    etoffe    d'importation    I'un    contenant  un    melange    d'os,    de 
plumes,  de  poils  de  chevre  et  de  ngula,  servant  a  faire  des  medicaments,  1'autre  bourre 
de  sel  indigene,  employe  parfois  comme  medecine. 

15.  Un    Couteau  avec  gaine  (Fig.  8)  faite    de    deux    planchettes    rectangulaires, 
decoupees  a  la  base  et  retenues  par  trois  ligatures  en  fibres. 

La  lame  est  en  forme  de  feuille  de  laurier,  tres  usagee  et  ornee  d'une  ligne  de 
petits  traits  graves,  allant  de  la  base  a  la  pointe.  Elle  est  encastree  dans  un  manche 
en  bois  sculpte,  a  quatre  larges  moulures  et  termine  par  un  petit  tenon. 

Le  feticheur  attache  le  couteau  a  la  ceinture  et  s'en  sert  pour  couper  les  herbes 
medicales. 

16.  Une    Calebasse    allongee    et    sectionnee     aux    deux    extremites    servant    de 
veutouse. 

Le  feticheur  applique  1'nne  des  ouvertures  sur  le  corps  des  malades  et  aspire 
fortement  par  1'autre. 

Nom  indigene  Tsileo. 

17.  Deux     Calebasses    percees    au    sommet    et    a   la    base,  servant    de    poires    a 
lavement. 

Nom  indigene  Django. 

Pour  s'en  servir  le  malade  doit  se  placer  sur  les  mains  et  les  pieds,  le  inoganga 
.ntroduit  la  canule  dans  1'anus  du  patient  et  verse  le  liquide  melange  aux  medica- 
ments dans  la  calebasse,  puis  il  applique  la  bouche  sur  1'ouverture  ronde  faite  dans 
la  base  de  la  calebasse  et  souffle  avec  force. 

18.  Deux  coquilles  cTescargot  (Fig.  9)  bourrees  de  substances    medicales  que  le 
feticheur   melange  a  1'huile  de  palme,  pour  en  former  une    pate  dont  il  se  sert  dans 
les  cas  d'adenite  et  d'engorgement. 

19.  Deux    bandages  pour  fractures  (Fig.  7)  des  membres,    specimens    uniques, 
composes   d'une  serie  de  petites  lattes    de  bambou    juxtapposees    et   reliees  par  trois 
ligatures  en  fibres  de  raphia,  prolongees    par   deux    cordes    en    fibres  tordues  servant 
u  nouer  solidement  le  bandage  autour  du  membre  fracture. 

Hauteur  des  lattes,  1  cm.  ;  largeur,  19  cm.  ;  longueur  des  cordes,  3  m.  45  cm.  ; 
uom  indigene  Kasasa. 

20.  Une  sacoche  a  medicaments  faite  en  peau  d'antilope  cousue  a  1'aide  de  fibres  de 
piassava  et  fermee  par  une  corde  en  fibres  de  raphia  tressees  fixee  a  la  partie  inferieure 
<1u  sachet.     Celui-ci  contient  des  os,  des  pattes  de  poules,  une  petite  corne,  une  patte 
de  chevre,  des  fibres,  des  morceaux  de  bois  et  autres  substances  servant  a  donner  au 
fetiche  ses  pouvoirs  et  sa  signification  sociale. 

Nom  indigene  "  Tshilenta" 

21.  Un  inciseur  fait  d'une  fine  lamelle  de  fer  de  forme  biconcave  prolongee  par 
une  tige  cylindrique  legerement  efilee. 

Nom  indigene  "  Lukengo" 

Le  feticheur  se  sert  de  cet  instrument  pour  faire  les  saigm'es  et  les  tatouages. 

[    184    ] 


1911.]  MAN.  [Nos.  102-103. 

22.  Un  cauterisateur  (Fig.   12)  forme  d'une  come  d'antilope  percee  de  six  trous, 
teinte    au    ngula    et  contenant    des   feuilles  de    bananier    et    de   la    poudre    de    ngula 
melangee  d'huile  de  palme.     Une  tige  en  fer  legerement  efilee  a   1'nne  des  extremites 
est  fixee  dans  1'un  des  trous  perces  dans  la  come, 

Le  feticheur  se  sert  du  cauterisateur  dans  le  cas  des  maladies  de  la  peau  du 
canser  ou  de  plaies.  La  corne  contient  le  charme  guerisseur. 

Une  minime  partie  de  celui-ci  est  repandu  sur  la  partie  malade  avant  1'application 
<le  la  tige  de  fer  rougie  au  feu. 

23.  Quatre   eclats   de   gres  quartzitique,  veritables  pierres  taillees  servant  exclu- 
sivemerit  a  limer  les  dents. 

24.  Un  taillet  pour  dent  fait  d'une  forte  lamelle  de  fer  dont  Tune  des  extremites 
•est  inunie  d'une  petite  entaille.     Celle-ci  est  placee  sur  la  dent  et  a  petits  coups  de 
marteau  le  feticheur  en  casse  des  petites  parcelles. 

Ce  meme  instrument  sert  encore  a  enlever  les  dents.  Le  patient  place  la  tete  sur 
les  genoux  du  feticheur,  la  figure  en  haut  la  bouche  ouverte.  L'extremite  entaillee 
est  placee  sur  la  dent  a  enlever  et  un  coup  sec  porte  sur  1'autre  extremite  1'arrache 
violemment. 

25.  Un  fer  de  lance  forge  en  forme  de  losange  allonge",  servant  de  monnaie  dans 
la  region  des  Baluba.     Celui-ci  fut  remis  au  feticheur  en  retribution  de  son  interven- 
tion dans  un  cas  de  maladie. 

26.  Une  besace  faite  en  fibres  de  raphia,  ornee  a  la  partie  inferieure  et  superieure 
de  franges  tressees    et   nouees.      Une  corde    en  fibres  tordues  servant    de    laniere  de 
suspension  est  fixee  a  1'un  des  coins  de  la  besace.     Le  feticheur  se  sert  de  cette  besace 
pour  transporter  ses  instruments  de  chirurgie  et    les  nombreuses  substances  magiques 
lors  de  ses  peregrinations  dans  la  region. 

27.  Un  bonnet  de  feticheur  fait  en  fibres  de  raphia  tissees,  orne  au  sommet  d'une 
simple  plume  de  pintade. 

28.  Une  peau  d'antilope  des  roseaux  cervicapra  arundinum  servant  d'habillement 
au  feticheur  dans  Fexercise  de   ses  fonctions  sacrees.  J.  MAES. 


Africa,  West.  Macfle. 

A  Bassa-Komo  Burial.     By  J.   W.  Scott  Macfie,  B.A.,  B.Sc.  IAQ 

In  the  course  of  a  tour  through  the  province  of  Bassa,  in  Northern  Nigeria,  lUU 
we  came,  on  January  12th,  1911,  to  Dekina.  The  town,  which  is  not  a  large  one, 
is  situated  about  twenty  miles  from  Gbebe,  the  village  on  the  River  Niger  almost 
opposite  to  Lokoja.  It  consists  of  a  Hausa,  an  Igara,  and  a  Bassa-Komo  portion, 
in  the  letter  of  which  the  funeral  described  below  took  place.  Unfortunately  it  was 
impossible  to  follow  the  ceremony  from  start  to  finish,  but  what  it  was  possible  to 
see  I  now  place  on  record,  in  the  hope  that  it  may  be  of  some  interest.  In  the 
evening  a  great  beating  of  drums  and  firing  of  guns  attracted  us  to  the  Bassa-Komo 
village — an  old  man  had  died  in  the  afternoon  and  his  grave  was  being  dug.  In  the 
centre  of  the  village  all  the  women  were  grouped,  their  backs  gleaming  in  the  light 
of  a  dull  red  fire  over  which  four  huge  pots  were  cooking.  They  sat  chanting  some 
dirge,  whilst  to  one  side  stood  the  widow  weeping  bitterly.  Before  the  dead  man's 
hut  three  men  were  drumming  and  dancing,  whilst  behind  it  the  grave  was  being  dug. 
Some  dozen  boys  squatted  around  the  hole,  whilst  one  man  loosened  the  soil  with  an 
axe  blade  attached  to  the  end  of  a  long  pole.  Now  and  then  he  stopped,  and  going 
into  the  hole  scooped  out  the  earth  with  his  hands.  The  body  lay  in  the  "  juju  " 
house  close  to  the  grave,  and  under  the  shade  of  a  great  tree.  Smoke  was  coming 
out  of  the  house,  and  all  around  it  men  were  dancing  and  drumming,  shouting  and 
tiring  oflf  guns.  They  told  us  that  they  would  be  at  work  on  the  grave  all  night, 
and  that  the  burial  would  be  next  day  at  four  o'clock  ;  and,  indeed,  the  drumming 

[     183    ] 


No.  103.]  MAN.  [1911. 

continued  throughout  the  night  with  sleep-destroying  persistence.  The  grave  when 
we  saw  it  was  about  six  feet  deep  and  only  just  wide  enough  for  a  man  to  stoop 
in  it,  but  they  said  they  would  dig  it  about  fifteen  feet  deep,  and  then  at  the  foot 
make  two  side  tunnels  for  the  head  and  feet  of  the  body  respectively.  At  the 
bottom  a  bed  would  be  made  of  sticks,  on  which  the  dead  man  would  be  laid.  As 
we  went  away  we  saw  the  women  dancing  round  one  of  the  wooden  mortars  in 
which  they  pound  the  guinea-corn.  Each  held  a  stick  with  which  she  rapped  on 
the  rim  in  time  with  the  chant  they  were  singing,  and  all  the  time  they  moved 
slowly  round  and  round  the  mortar.  Once  buried  they  told  us  the  funeral  feast 
would  begin,  and  for  a  week  much  "  pito "  would  be  drunk,  and  a  year  later,  for 
"  one  moon,"  the  feast  would  be  resumed. 

All  the  next  day,  at  intervals,  the  drums  boomed  and  the  guns  went  off,  and 
now  nnd  then  above  the  din  shrill  lamentations  resounded.  Walking  through  the 
villages  we  saw  great  numbers  of  pots  of  "  pito  "  brewing,  every  cluster  of  huts  had 
four  great  pots  boiling  over  fires.  And  all  the  while  people  came  in  by  twos  and 
threes  from  the  country  to  honour  the  dead — the  King's  father,  once  himself  the 
King.  At  five  o'clock  word  was  sent  to  us  that  the  burial  was  about  to  take  place, 
and  going  down  to  the  village  we  found  a  large  number  of  people  collected.  The 
women  were  in  the  centre  of  the  village  where  they  were  on  the  previous  evening, 
and  a  grass  screen  had  been  put  up  between  them  and  the  dead  man's  hut,  beyond 
which  they  were  not  allowed  to  pass.  Around  the  grave,  now  fully  twelve  feet 
deep,  crouched  some  twenty  boys,  and  a  little  further  out  the  old  men  pipes  in  hand, 
the  drummers,  and  half-a-dozen  men  with  guns. 

The  sun  was  setting  behind  us,  and  before  us  the  full  moon  was  beginning  to 
shine  out  when  they  lifted  the  body  out  of  the  little  hut  in  which  it  had  lain  all 
night.  The  drummers  redoubled  their  efforts,  and  gun  after  gun  was  fired  as  quickly 
as  they  could  be  loaded.  The  body  lay  on  an  old  blue  cloth  just  as  the  old  man  had 
died,  only  a  white  cloth  had  been  tied  across  the  mouth  and  nose.  He  had  been  old 
and  his  forehead  was  furrowed  and  his  head  grey.  They  lifted  him  on  to  a  low  stool 
and  washed  all  his  body,  allowing  the  water  to  run  into  a  hollow  scooped  in-  the 
ground  especially  to  receive  it.  Then  they  dressed  him  in  fine  new  clothes  bought 
from  the  Hausa  traders  the  same  day — an  apron  of  blue  cloth,  a  pair  of  richly 
embroidered  trousers,  two  white  robes  with  sleeves  lined  with  purple,  a  very  finely 
worked  robe  of  mottled  blue,  and  over  all  a  blue-black  gown.  They  placed  a  blue 
cap  on  his  head,  and  lifting  him  up  folded  him  within  a  blue  and  then  a  white 
shroud.  Just  before  twisting  the  edges  tightly  they  placed  some  cowries  beside  him, 
and  his  "juju" — the  skin  of  some  animal — and  some  provisions  for  the  way;  then, 
still  holding  him  above  the  ground,  they  folded  the  edges  together  lengthwise  over 
and  over  until  the  cloths  wrapped  round  him  closely.  At  the  head  a  long  twist  was 
left  with  which  to  lower  him  into  the  grave. 

Laying  him  on  a  grass  mat  they  brought  a  kid,  and  one  man  kneeling  at  his 
feet  called  to  the  dead  man  and  spoke  to  him,  holding  the  bleating  kid  at  his  side. 
Perhaps  he  was  excusing  the  paltry  sacrifice,  for  it  is  said  before  the  white  man 
came  slaves  were  killed  at  the  funeral  of  a  king.  Then  the  kid  was  killed,  its  body 
was  passed  over  the  corpse  and  then  taken  away.  So  they  lifted  up  the  dead  king 
and  carried  him  into  the  house  that  had  been  his.  All  drumming  ceased,  and  in 
absolute  quiet  the  women  were  allowed  to  come  through  the  screen  and  look  at  the 
dead  man  lying  in  his  house.  I  have  a  clear  picture  of  this  scene.  The  great  tree 
overhead  through  the  branches  of  which  the  moon  is  shining  clearly  ;  the  shadows 
creeping  closer  and  closer  ;  and  just  at  the  edge  of  night  the  silent  men,  old  men 
gripping  their  long  pipes,  young  men  with  gleaming  shoulders,  men  with  big  drums, 
and  men  with  long  flint  lock  guns.  In  the  centre  is  the  grave  with  its  rampart  of 

[  186  ] 


1911.]  MAN.  [Nos.  103-104. 

red  earth,  around  which  crouch  twenty  or  more  dark  figures.  The  fire  beneath  the 
tree  flickers  and  blazes  up,  and  slowly  in  procession  the  women  pass  in  and  out  of 
the  hut  where  the  dead  is  laid.  Presently  they  brought  out  the  body  and  lowered  it 
into  the  grave,  steadying  it  by  means  of  the  twist  of  cloth  at  the  head.  There  were 
three  men  in  the  grave,  standing  one  above  the  other,  to  help  to  lay  the  body  at 
rest.  And  so  we  left  them,  the  drums  beating  again,  the  guns  booming,  and  the 
Seraki  (the  old  man's  son)  sitting  at  the  door  of  his  father's  house  weeping  loudly. 
They  bury  their  dead  lying  parallel  to  the  river,  they  told  us,  and  one  curious 
instrument  figured  in  the  ceremony,  a  wand  with  a  spi  e  at  oue  end  and  four 
elongated  bell-like  pieces  at  the  other.  Two  cords  were  tied  below  the  top,  the  one 
to  denote  the  present  obsequies,  the  other  those  of  another  man  of  royal  blood  who  had 
died  during  the  year.  This  wand  is  only  used  at  royal  funerals,  and  is  said  to  have 
the  virtue  of  preventing  water  from  touching  the  body.  What  other  ceremonies  they 
performed  and  what  things  they  buried  with  the  body  we  could  not  see.  It  was 
night  long  before  they  had  laid  him  down.  J.  W.  SCOTT  MACFIE. 


REVIEWS. 
Criminal  Anthropology.  Kurella. 

Cettare  Lombroso — a  Modern  Man  of  Science.  By  Hans  Kurella,  M.D.  Ill  1 
Translated  from  the  German  by  M.  Eden  Paul,  M.D.  Rebman,  1911.  lUTT 
Pp.  vi  +  194. 

This  little  book  contains  an  interesting  account  of  the  pioneer  of  criminal 
anthropology  by  an  old  pupil  and  friend.  It  is  a  high  tribute  to  the  true  friendship 
of  Dr.  Kurella  that,  in  explaining  and  estimating  Lombroso's  work,  he  is  scrupulously 
impartial ;  and  the  book  becomes  a  well-balanced  exposition  of  what  may  be  called 
the  Italian  School  of  Criminology. 

A  short  first  chapter  gives  a  brief  account  of  Lombroso's  early  life.  The  next 
deals  with  the  data  of  criminal  anthropology,  discusses  the  born  criminal,  atavism, 
the  criminal  type  and  the  physical  characters  exhibited  by  criminals,  especially  in 
regard  to  the  skull,  brain,  ear,  and  facial  expression.  In  the  third  and  longest 
chapter,  the  opposition  aroused  by  Lombroso's  opinions  having  been  explained,  a 
short  account,  with  critical  remarks,  follows  on  his  books,  Woman  as  Criminal  and 
The  Political  Criminal,  and  concludes  with  a  section  on  Criminal  Psychology. 

The  fourth  chapter  treats  of  Lombroso  as  a  social  reformer.  His  point  of  view, 
so  often  misunderstood  and  misrepresented,  is  well  expressed  in  the  following 
words  :  — "  He  was  an  anthropologist,  but  he  studied  human  beings,  not  in  artificial 
"  isolation,  nor  in  respect  merely  of  individual  organs,  such  as  the  skull  or  the  brain  ; 
"  he  studied  man  as  he  always  manifests  himself  as  the  member  of  a  community  : 
"  man  more  or  less  perfectly  adapted  to  his  environment,  and  in  so  far  as  he  is 
"  imperfectly  adapted,  in  conflict  with  the  hostile  forces  of  that  environment.  He 
"  studied  especially  the  ill-adapted  varieties  of  mankind,  and  those  which  lack  the 
"  faculty  of  adaptation  ;  and  in  this  study  he  endeavoured  to  discover  types. 

"  No  other  investigator  has  done  as  much  as  Lombroso  for  the  description  and 
"  recognition,  by  means  of  exact  measurement  and  numeration,  of  the  sociologically 
"  important  non-ethnic  varieties  of  the  human  species,  Homo  sapiens.  Inspired  by  the 
"  great  idea  of  evolution,  he  earnestly  endeavoured  to  elucidate  the  most  obscure 
"  secrets  of  organic  life  ;  but  it  was  precisely  by  his  profound  knowledge  and  under- 
"  standing  of  the  organic  realm  that  he  was  safeguarded  from  attempting  to  base 
"  his  sociological  thought  upon  the  superficial  analogy  between  the  loose  association 
"  of  individuals  in  society  and  the  intimate  intercommunication  of  the  cells  of  a 
"  living  organism,  by  means  of  which  they  are  all  fused  into  a  unitary  being." 

r  1^  ] 


Nos.  104-105.]  MAN.  [1911. 

The  "  Significance  of  Criminal  Anthropology  "  is  the  subject  next  discussed,  and 
the  opportunity  is  taken  of  correcting  erroneous  ideas  regarding  Lombroso's  views, 
especially  that  idea  which  represents  him  as  having  regard  merely  to  the  born 
criminal.  The  relation  of  the  environment,  in  its  widest  sense,  to  the  criminal  forms 
the  subject-matter  of  Lombroso's  anthropology.  He  had  a  distinct  preference  for 
the  study  of  states  rather  than  processes,  which  accounts  for  his  attraction  to 
epilepsy  and  the  trance  states  of  spiritualists.  If  the  study  of  criminal  anthropology 
is  able  to  throw  light  on  the  causes  of  anti-social  actions,  it  will  be  helpful  in 
guiding  us  to  the  best  means  for  the  preservation  of  social  security. 

Next  we  see  how  Lombroso  was  drawn  into  the  turmoil  of  politics.  With  his 
usual  enthusiasm,  unselfishness,  and  industry  he  threw  himself  into  the  investigation 
of  Pellagra,  that  scourge  of  the  Italian  peasant.  His  explanation  of  its  causes  and 
of  what  was  required  to  combat  it  had  the  two-fold  effect  of  drawing  him  into  the 
movement  for  agrarian  reform  and  of  bringing  down  upon  him  the  hatred  of  the 
landowning  classes  of  Lombardy  and  Venice.  These  people  successfully  engineered  a 
boycott  against  him  as  a  physician,  with  the  result  that  a  large  consulting  practice 
was  completely  destroyed.  We  are  reminded  of  the  illustrious  Harvey,  whose  "  practice 
fell  mightily  after  the  publication  of  his  great  discovery,  for  'twas  believed  by  the 
"  vulgar  that  he  was  crackbrained." 

The  last  chapter  is  devoted  to  that  work  by  which  Lombroso  is  best  known  in 
this  country,  "  The  Man  of  Genius,"  in  which  he  lays  so  much  stress  on  the  connec- 
tion between  epilepsy  and  genius.  How  far  genius,  insanity,  and  crime  are  the  result 
of  a  pathological  condition  manifesting  itself  differently  according  to  education  and 
environment  is  a  question  the  study  of  Lombroso  raises  if  it  does  not  answer. 

An  appendix  refers  to  Lombroso's  spiritualistic  researches.  Although  with  these 
Dr.  Kurella  clearly  has  no  sympathy,  and  the  whole  subject  must  be  distasteful 
to  him,  yet  with  that  fairness  which  characterises  the  book,  he  describes  Lombroso's 
much-to-be-regretted  dealings  with  mediums  and  Eusapia  Palladino,  and  concludes 
with  the  words,  "  To  our  enemies  we  freely  give  the  Lombroso  of  senile  decay, 
"  for  the  Lombroso  of  youth  for  ever  young  is  ours." 

The  book  is  a  remarkable  tribute  to  one  of  the  most  remarkable  men  of  the 
nineteenth  century,  whose  originality  and  industry  have  done  so  much  to  stir  up 
thought,  and  have  already  born  fruit  in  the  study  and  treatment  of  crime  throughout 
Europe.  Even  in  our  own  country,  where  new  ideas  are  so  slowly  accepted-,  and 
nowhere  more  than  in  the  legal  profession,  the  new  reforms  associated  with  the 
terms,  "  First  Offenders  Act,"  •'  Borstal  System,"  "  Probation  Act,"  "  Habitual 
Criminal,"  are  indirectly  traceable  to  the  work  of  Lombroso,  work  which  in  days  to 
come  we  may  hope  will  result  in  lessening  the  great  incubus  of  insanity  and  crime 
which  now  weighs  so  heavily  on  civilised  humanity.  E.  A.  PARKYN. 


New  Guinea  :  Ethnography  &  Folklore.       Dempwolff :  Von  Luschan. 

Baessler-Archiv,  Band  1,  Heft  2.  Sagen  und  Mdrchen  ans  Bilibili.  Von  IflC 
Dr.  O.  Dempwolff.  Zur  Ethnographic  das  Kaiserin-Augusta-Flusses.  Von  lUu 
Prof.  F.  von  Luschan.  Leipzig  und  Berlin  :  Druck  und  Verlag  von  B.  G.  Triibner,  191 1. 
The  second  part  of  Baessler-Archiv  is  dedicated  to  New  Guinea,  and  contains 
two  articles.  The  first,  by  Dr.  Dempwolff,  gives  the  text  and  translation  of  ten 
stories  from  Bilibili  (Astrolabe  Bay)  collected  in  German  East  Africa  from  an  eighteen- 
year-old  Papuan,  one  of  a  draft  of  150  recruits  sent  to  do  service  there  in  1906, 
but  repatriated  after  a  short  time.  Among  the  stories  which  appear  to  be  totemic  is 
one  in  which  a  crocodile  is  born  as  one  of  twins  and,  after  a  series  of  adventures, 
explains  that  he  is  not  a  true  crocodile  but  a  reincarnation  of  an  ancestor.  In  the 

[     188    ] 


1911.]  MAN.  [tfos.  105-106. 

second  article  Professor  von  Luschan  figures  and  describes  a  number  of  objects  froni 
the  Empress  Augusta  river.  The  folk  of  the  middle  and  upper  reaches  probably 
present  two  or  three  distinct  cultures,  and  certainly  differ  from  those  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  the  river  mouth.  The  specimens  described  are  from  the  middle  reaches, 
and  include  clay  vessels  with  one  side  of  the  neck  decorated  with  a  pig's  face,  the 
snout  projecting  somewhat,  as  do  the  features  in  one  well-known  type  of  early 
European  urn.  These  vessels  are  extremely  ugly,  and  contrast  aesthetically  with  the 
really  beautiful  shallow  bowl  covers  of  clay,  apparently  made  by  the  same  people, 
and  decorated  with  patterns  which  bear  a  certain  resemblance  to  those  of  the  Papuan 
Gulf.*  The  finest  piece  is  a  pig's  head  modelled  in  the  round  with  outstretched 
wooden  tongue,  which  shows  a  vigorous  naturalism  uncommon  in  New  Guinea. 
There  are  figures  of  a  number  of  interesting  wood  carvings,  many  of  which  are 
beautiful  pieces  of  work  and  unlike  anything  hitherto  described.  The  article  closes 
with  figures  of  woven  masks  and  prepared  heads  with  carefully  modelled  features,  the 
whole  painted  so  that  at  first  sight  they  look  as  if  the  skull  was  covered  with  dried 
and  elaborately  tatooed  skin.  Finally,  Professor  von  Luschan  notes  with  regret  that 
we  have  not  the  least  knowledge  of  the  sociology  of  the  people  who  make  these 
characteristic  objects.  C.  G.  SELIGMANN. 


Sociology.  Haddon. 

Cats'    Cradles    from    Many    Lands.      By    Kathleen    Haddon.     Longmans,     <ff)Q 
Green  &  Co.,  1911.  IUO 

There  are  two  games  to  be  found  in  every  quarter  of  the  globe,  knuckle  bones 
and  cats'  cradles,  under  which  latter  heading  string  games  or  puzzles  may  be  classed. 
The  variety  of  these  indeed,  and  their  connection  with  superstitions  and  legends 
— particularly  among  the  Eskimo — have  for  some  years  attracted  the  attention  of 
ethnologists.  Thus  Miss  Haddon's  little  work,  with  diagrams  of  nearly  sixty  figures, 
and  her  clear  and  concise  directions  for  making  them  is  especially  welcome.  Miss 
Haddon  has  gone  to  many  sources  for  her  examples,  and  has  had  the  invaluable 
assistance  of  Dr.  Haddon,  who  had  supplied  her  with  figures  which  he  had  learnt  from 
the  Navaho  Indians,  and  others  which  he  had  brought  from  the  Torres  Straits  and  South 
Africa.  In  the  introduction  the  author  mentions  the  "  occurrence  of  an  accompaniment 
"  of  chants  or  words  in  the  Torres  Straits  and  the  frequent  representations  of  persons 
"  or  objects  connected  with  religion  or  mythology  in  Oceania."  With  regard  to  the 
latter  the  writer  of  this  notice,  when  in  the  South  Seas  four  years  ago,  was  shown 
a  manuscript  work  by  a  German  doctor,  an  old  resident  in  Samoa,  which  contained  an 
extensive  collection  of  string  figures,  many  representing  a  complete  story,  one  of  them 
being  much  after  the  style  of  the  legend  of  the  unfortunate  lovers  depicted  on  the 
old  china  plates.  Miss  Haddon  does  not  deal  with  British  figures,  but  in  mentioning 
one,  "  Sawing  wood,"  taught  to  Dr.  Haddon  by  Zia  Uddin  Ahmad,  of  Trinity  College, 
Cambridge,  who  said  it  was  known  in  Delhi  and  Lucknow  under  the  name  of  "  Scissors," 
she  expresses  her  belief  that  the  figure  also  occurs  in  England.  We  can  assure  her 
that  it  does,  as  we  played  it  in  our  boyhood  quite  half-a-century  ago.  The  string 
figures  illustrated  in  the  book  do  not  deal  with  the  better  known  variety  of  figures, 
but  with  the  hitherto  unregarded  form,  which  may  be  constructed  by  a  single  player, 
and  which,  as  the  author  remarks,  "  apart  from  their  ethnological  interest,  form  a 
u  fascinating  pastime  for  an  idle  hour."  Some  fifty  of  these  are  given,  some,  such  as 
the  "Fish  Spear"  or  "The  Cocoanut  Palm  Tree,"  being  quite  simple  and  easy,  while 

*  One  of  these  covers  has  upon  it  a  conventional  face  closely  resembling  that  engraved  on 
a  cone  shell  in  the  British  Museum  from  the  prehistoric  site  at  Rairm  (Collingwood  Bay),  B.N.G., 
and  figured  by  Seligmann  and  Joyce  in  Anthropological  Essays  presented  to  Edward  Burnett  Tylor, 
PI.  VI11. 

[     189     ] 


Nos.  106-108,]  MAN.  [1911. 

others,  such  as  the  Eskimo  "  Fox  and  Whale,"  or  the  wider  known  "  Moon,"  take 
some  time  and  are  difficult  to  manipulate.  One  figure  known  in  Scotland  as  the 
"  Leashing  of  Lochiel's  Dogs,"  and  in  North  America  as  "  Crow's  Feet,"  has  a  world-wide 
distribution,  occurring  also  in  North  Queensland  and  East  Africa,  having  a  different 
mode  of  formation  in  nearly  every  place.  Miss  Haddon  also  describes  a  dozen  amusing 
string  "tricks"  gathered  from  different  parts  of  the  world,  including  the  well-known 
English  "  hanging  trick,"  and  one  of  a  similar  character  from  Central  Africa.  Miss 
Haddon  may  be  congratulated  on  having  produced  an  interesting  work  on  a  subject 
of  which  very  little  has  hitherto  been  known  in  this  country.  T.  H.  J. 


Indonesia.  de  Castro. 

Flores  de   Coral.     By  Alberto  Osorio  de  Castro.     Dilli  (Timor)  :  Imprensa     407 
Nacional,  1910.     Pp.  269.  lUI 

Senhor  de  Castro  is  a  member  of  the  younger  school  of  Portuguese  poetry  ;  he 
is  also  a  judge  in  the  Portuguese  colonial  service,  and  has  lived  in  many  parts  of 
the  world.  This  is  not  the  place  to  make  a  criticism  on  the  poems  in  this  work  ; 
written  in  the  tongue  of  those  that  first  "  sailed  from  Portugal's  western  strand,  e'en 
"  beyond  Taprobana's  isle,"  and  printed  in  Timor,  they  have  a  peculiar  interest  of 
their  own.  But  besides  the  poems  there  is  in  this  work  very  much  contained  of  great 
interest  to  the  student  in  the  very  full  notes  which  accompany  them.  The  author 
refers  to  a  possibility  of  ethnological  research  being  carried  out  under  Government 
auspices  in  Portuguese  Timor  ;  it  is  to  be  hoped  more  will  be  heard  of  this.  He 
himself  could  doubtless  give  some  valuable  information.  Indeed,  he  winds  up  this 
work  by  recording  his  own  anthropometrical  measurements.  G.  C.  WHEELER. 


PROCEEDINGS    OF    SOCIETIES. 

Anthropology.  British  Association. 

ARCHAEOLOGY. 

G.  A.  WAIN  WRIGHT.— Pre-  dynastic  Iron  Beads  from  Egypt. — [MAN,  4(10 
1911,  100.]  lUO 

R.  R.  MARETT,  M.A. — Pleistocene  Man  in  Jersey. — 1.  A  cave  named  La  Cotte 
de  St.  Brelade,  on  the  south  coast  of  Jersey,  has  yielded  (a)  osteological  remains, 
identified  as  those  of  a  pleistocene  fauna,  woolly  rhinoceros,  reindeer,  two  kinds  of 
horse,  bovines,  and  deer  ;  (6)  nine  human  teeth,  which  Dr.  Keith  regards  as  those 
of  an  adult  individual  of  the  Neanderthal  type,  and  indeed  as  being  in  certain  features 
more  primitive  than  any  hitherto  known  ;  (c)  numerous  implements  of  well-marked 
Mousterian  facies,  amongst  which  none  are  of  the  coup  de  poing  type  with  secondary 
chipping  on  both  faces.  These  finds  were  all  close  together  amongst  the  remains 
of  a  hearth  not  far  from  the  cave  entrance,  under  about  twenty  feet  of  accumulations, 
consisting  of  clay  and  rock-rubbish. 

2.  A  cave  named  La  Cotte  de  St.  Ouen,  on  the  north  coast,  near  the  north-west 
corner,  has  yielded  implements  of  a  Mousterian  facies,  but  of  a  coarser  workmanship, 
one  of  these  being  a  heart-shaped   coup  de  poing,  whilst   three   others   approximate 
to  the  same  form.      It  is  suggested   that   this  cave  belongs  to   an   older  Mousterian 
horizon  than  the  other.     Two  separate  hearths  have  been  found  here,  the  site  having 
been  recently  searched  completely. 

3.  Other  evidence  concerning  pleistocene  man  in  Jersey  is  scarce  and  uncertain  : 
(a)  Sporadic  flint  implements  have  been  assigned  to  the  Mousterian  and  other  palaeo- 
lithic   horizons  ;    (6)  a  human  skull,  and    elsewhere  the  bone   of  a  horse,   have  been 
found  deep  in  the  loess  of   the   low-lying   parts   of   the   island,  which  in  some  cases 
underlies  the  stratum  containing  remains  of  the  early  neolithic  period  :  (c)  the  raised 

[    190    ] 


1911.]  MAN.  [No.  108. 

beaches  of  Jersey  and  the  neighbourhood  provide  a  problematic  scale  of  emergences 
and  submergences,  into  which  may  be  fitted  the  particular  emergence  coinciding  with 
the  Mousterian  occupation.  [Archaologia,  Vol.  LXII,  1911.] 

W.  DALE,  F.S.A. — Memorials  of  Prehistoric  Man  in  Hampshire. — The  gravel 
beds  of  the  Avon  from  Milford  Hill  in  Wiltshire  down  to  Christchurch  in  Hants,  and 
the  cliff  sections  at  Barton  and  Milford,  at  Billhead,  not  far  from  Portsmouth,  and  at 
a  point  in  the  Tsle  of  Wight  nearly  opposite,  have  all  yielded  palaeolithic  implements 
in  great  variety.  No  district  is,  however,  more  prolific  than  the  valleys  of  the  Itchen 
and  the  Test.  The  great  age  claimed  for  these  gravel  beds  and  for  the  associated  im- 
plements is  confirmed  by  the  existence  near  Southampton  of  several  streams  which  have 
cut  for  themselves  secondary  valleys  of  great  depth  right  through  the  gravel  since  it 
was  deposited,  and  through  the  underlying  beds.  The  implements  are  of  great  variety, 
and  are  representative  of  all  the  various  forms  into  which  palasoliths  can  be  classed. 

Neolithic  implements  are  plentiful  and  specimens  of  almost  all  the  types  known 
elsewhere  in  Britain  have  been  found.  The  most  common  implement,  apart  from 
the  simple  flake,  is  the  roughly  chipped  celt.  A  few  long  barrows  exist  in  remote 
part*.  One  destroyed  on  Stockbridge  Down  some  years  ago  contained  an  unburnt 
burial  in  a  crouched  form.  Most  of  the  conspicuous  hills  are  crowned  by  defensive 
earthworks,  and  some  of  these  probably  date  from  Neolithic  times.  Many  of  the 
sides  of  the  downs  have  "  lynchets  "  or  terraces  of  cultivation  which  are  of  uncertain 
age.  The  only  megalithic  monument  in  the  county  is  on  the  western  side  of  the 
Isle  of  Wight  and  is  called  the  "Longstone."  It  was  evidently  originally  a  dolmen. 
Harrows  of  the  Bronze  Age  are  very  abundant,  particularly  in  the  New  Forest. 
Many  hoards  of  bronze  implements  have  been  found  in  the  county,  and  single  specimens 
are  not  .scarce.  Some  implements  showing  Irish  affinities  may  be  regarded  as  relics 
of  that  time  in  the  Bronze  Age  when  there  was  commerce  between  Ireland  and 
Scandinavia,  and  Southampton  was  a  convenient  port  of  call. 

O.  G.  S.  CRAWFURD. —  The  Early  Bronze  Age  in  Britain. — This  paper  dealt 
with  the  distribution  of  Bronze  Age  implements  in  Britain,  and  deduced  from  this 
and  from  geographical  considerations  the  main  lines  of  communication  and  the  position 
of  the  chief  centres  of  population  in  early  times. 

T.  DAVIES  PRYCE. — A  Roman  Fortified  Post  on  the  Nottinghamshire  Fosseway : 
A  Preliminary  Note  on  the  Excavations  of  1910  and  1911. — The  post  has  been 
identified  with  the  Margidunum  of  the  second  and  third  Antonine  Itineraries.  The 
remains  are  approximately  trapezoidal  in  shape,  the  east  and  west  sides  being 
parallel,  with  an  internal  area  of  six  acres  and  a  measurement  over  all  twelve  acres. 

EXCAVATIONS  OF  1910  AND  1911. 

(a)  Trenches  near  the  Southern  Rampart. — Roofing,  coloured  wall-plaster  and 
isolated  tesserce  were  found.  Superimposed  pavements  furnished  evidence  of  three 
occupations. 

(6)  Section  through  Southern  Rampart. — Rubble  work  on  a  foundation  of  un- 
dressed stone  packed  in  clay  was  found. 

(c)  Section  through  the  Southern  Fosse. — The  broad  Southern  Fosse  was  com- 
posed of  three  ditches,  angular  in  form,  separated  by  two  clay  platforms. 

FINDS. 

(1)  Pottery. — (a)  Rude  fabric  made  of  clay  mixed  with  pounded  shells  and 
ornamented  with  primitive  incised  markings,  found  below  the  layer  of  typical 
Romano-British  discovery  and  almost  certainly  Pre-Roman  and  Celtic.  (A)  Samian 
ware.  Many  examples  of  first  century  fabric.  The  second  and  probably  the  early 
part  of  the  third  centuries  were  represented  by  numerous  examples  of  Form  37, 

r  191  i 


No.  108.]  MAN.  [1911. 

with  the  usual  styles  of  decoration.  Plain  forms  referable  to  the  second  century 
were  also  abundant,  (r)  Romano-British  and  other  ware. — Fragments  of  amphora? 
and  mortaria  were  numerous,  also  much  dark  and  grey  local  (?)  ware.  Examples 
of  Upchurch,  Castor,  and  New  Forest  fabric  were  also  discovered.  Some  fine 
fragmentary  specimens  of  indented  ware,  with  incised  markings,  from  Eastern  Gaul, 
are  amongst  the  collection. 

(2)  Iron   Objects. — Two  short  swords  of  Roman  type,  keys,  nails,  &c. 

(3)  Bronze    and    other    Ornaments. — A    fibula    of   antique    pattern    found    at    a 
depth  of  five  feet.     A  gilt  copper  pendant  for  a  horse  trapping  having  the  shape  of 
an  amazon's  shield  with  a  rude  representation  of  a  horse  upon  it.     The  lateral  points 
were  cut  into  the  form  of  eagles'  heads.     Probably  of  fourth  century  date. 

(4)  Bones. — Skeleton  of  an  old  man  at  depth  of  four  feet ;  bones  of  three  infants 
at  three  feet.     Animal  bones  were  numerous. 

(5)  Definitely  Pre-Roman   Objects. — A  ground  axehead  or  celt  of  green  chloritic 
slate  ;  depth  4|  feet,  and  two  bronze  socketed  celts  3^  inches  in  length. 

(6)  Coins.— Victorinus    (265-267),    Carausius    (287-293),    Constans    (333-350), 
Eugenius  (392-395). 

A.  IRVING,  D.Sc.,  B.A. — Later  Finds  of  Horse  and  other  Prehistoric  Mam- 
malian Remains  at  Bishop^s  Stortfprd. — Along  with  three  well-preserved  lower  jaws 
of  B.  longifrons  two  broken  shoulder-blades  of  Equus  caballus  and  the  three  most 
important  limb-bones  have  been  discovered.  The  following  results  are  obtained  by 
dividing  the  central  length  in  each  case  by  the  least  breadth  of  the  bone  : — 
Radius  Metacarpal  Metatarsal 

86-7     -  6-43       -  8-50 

By  Professor  J.  C.  Ewart's  formula  the  horse  must  have  stood  thirteen  hands 
at  the  withers. 

Two  other  horse-bones  were  found  last  year  on  the  east  side  of  the  valley, 
under  one  foot  of  the  post-glacial  "  rubble-drift." 

July,  1911. — Further  down  the  valley  a  deep  trench  (7  feet  to  12  feet)  has 
been  dug  to  lay  down  a  new  main  sewer.  The  bottom  of  the  trench  for  nearly  a 
quarter  of  a  mile  exposed  the  glacial  shingle  which  was  found  beneath  the  peat  in 
the  four  trial-borings  for  the  gas-pit,  passing  up  into  coarse,  flinty  "  Schotter "  of 
the  valley  flank.  In  places  the  peaty  silt  of  the  gas-pit  excavation  recurs. 
Under  2^  feet  of  this  in  one  place  was  found  (7  feet  below  the  road)  a  peat-stained 
radius  of  horse  tallying  exactly  with  that  from  the  pit-excavation,  strongly  stained 
with  iron  phosphate.  In  this  glacial  shingle  Pleistocene  mammalian  remains  occur, 
and  a  strong  brown  loam  is  intercalated  with  it  as  the  valley-flank  is  approached. 

Lake  Villages  in  the  Neighbourhood  of  Glastonbury. — Report  of  the  Committee. 
— The  second  season's  exploration  of  the  Meare  Lake  Village  included  the  examina- 
tion of  the  remaining  portion  of  Dwelling-Mound  vii,  the  whole  of  Mound  viii,  and 
portions  of  Mounds  ix,  x,  and  xi.  Mounds  viii  and  ix  presented  special  points  of 
interest  in  the  matter  of  construction,  but,  taken  as  a  whole,  this  portion  of  the  work 
was  disappointing  and  added  little  to  the  knowledge  already  gained  at  Glastonbury. 
The  relics  discovered  were  hardly  as  numerous  as  last  year. 

The  Age  of  Stone  Circles. — Report  of  the  Committee. — The  season's  work  at 
Avebury  was  practically  confined  to  extending  the  exploration  of  the  south-west 
portion  of  the  fosse.  The  results  obtained  bear  out  the  views  based  on  the  previous 
excavations  and  strengthen  the  belief  that  the  monument  belongs  to  neolithic 
(possibly  late  neolithic)  times.  A  detailed  report  by  Mr.  Gray  is  appended  to  the 
Committee's  report. 

A  Prehistoric  Site  at  Bishop's   Stortford. — Report  of  the   Committee. 

Printed  by  EYRE  AND  SPOTTISWOODE,  LTD.,  His  Majesty's  Printers,  Bast  Harding  Street,  E.C, 


MAN 


A  MONTHLY  RECORD  OF  ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SCIENCE. 


PUBLISHED    UNDER    THE    DIRECTION    OF    THE 


ROYAL    ANTHROPOLOGICAL    INSTITUTE 


OF 


GREAT     BRITAIN     AND     IRELAND 


XII. 


Nos.  1—112. 
WITH      PLATES      A— M. 


PUBLISHED   BY    THE 

ROYAL    ANTHROPOLOGICAL     INSTITUTE, 

50,  GREAT  RUSSELL  STREET,   LONDON,  W.C. 
NEW    YORK    AGENTS:    MESSRS.    Q.    E.    STECHERT   &    Co. 


OOIsTTEIsTTS. 


ORIGINAL     ARTICLES. 

No. 

Africa:  Congo.     Xylophone  des  Bakuba.     (IllHxtnitetl.*)     DR.  J.  MAES         46 

Africa,  East.     A'Kikuyu  Fairy  Tales  (Rogano).     CAPTAIN  W.  E.  H.  BARRETT      22 

Africa,  East.     A'Kikuyu  Fairy  Tales  (Rogano).     CAPTAIN  W.  E.  H.  BARRETT      57 

Africa,  East.     A'Kikuyu  Fairy  Tales  (Rogano).     CAPTAIN  W.  E.  H.  BARRETT      98 

Africa,  East.     Kamba  Game.     (Illustrated.*)     C.  W.  HOBLEY,  C.M.G.  95 

Africa,  East.     Kamba  Protective  Magic.     (Illustrated.)     C.  W.  HOBLEY,  C.M.G 2 

Africa,  East.     Note  on  Bantu  Star-names.    Miss  A.  WERNER 105 

Africa,  East.     The  Wa-Langulu  or  Ariangulu  of  the  Taru  Desert.    C.  W.  HOBLEY,  C.M.G.          9 

Africa,  East.     Witchcraft  in  Kikuyu.    REV.  FATHER  J.  CAYZAC       67 

Africa  :  Sociology.     Dinka  Laws  and  Customs  :  a  Parallel.     E.  S.  HARTLAND         12 

Africa,  South :  Transvaal.     Note  on  some  Stone-walled  Kraals  in  South  Africa.     ( With 

Plate  E.  and  Illustrations .)    J.  P.  JOHNSON        36 

Africa,    West.      Extracts  from   Diary   of   the   late   Rev.  John   Martin.      MAJOR  A.  J.  N. 

TBEMEARNE     74 

Africa,  West.     Notes  on  "  Nyam  Tunerra,"  or  Cat's  Cradle.     (Illustrated*)     E.  DAYRELL  ...        87 
Africa,  West.     The  Hammock  Dance  in  Sierra  Leone.     (With  Plate  G.*)    MAJOR  A.  J.  N. 

TREMEARNE     53 

Africa.    See  alxo  ALGERIA  ;  EGYPT  ;  NUBIA  ;  NYASSALAND  ;  RHODESIA. 

Algeria:    Ethnology.      On   R.   Maclver's  and   J.  L.  Myres'  "  Toudja   Series"  of   Kabyle 

Pottery.    ( With  Plate  H.)    A.  VAN  GENNEP      63 

America,  North.     The  Clan  Names  of  the  Tlingit.     ANDREW  LANG     29 

America,  North-West.     The  Bearing  of  the  Heraldry  of  the  Indians  of  the  North-West 

Coast  of  America  upon  their  Social  Organisation.     C.  M.  BARBEAU  ...         ...         ...         ...        45 

Anthropology.     Suggestions  for  an  Anthropological  Survey  of  the  British  Isles.    HAROLD 

PEAKE 30 

Anthropology.    See  also  AUSTRALIA. 

Archaeology.    Flint  Flakes  of  Tertiary  and  Secondary  Age.    (Illustrated.*)    WORTHINGTON  G. 

SMITH 106 

Archaeology.    See  also  EGYPT  ;  ENGLAND  ;  FRANCE  ;  JERSEY. 

Asia.    See  CHINA  ;  INDIA  ;  JAPAN. 

Australia.     Beliefs  concerning  Childbirths  in  some  Australian  Tribes.     A.  R.  BROWN,  M.A.          96 

Australia.     Marriage  and  Descent  in  North  and  Central  Australia.     A.  R.  BROWN 64 

Australia.     The  Distribution  of  Native  Tribes  in  Part  of  Western  Australia.    A.  R.  BROWN...        75 
Australia:    Anthropology.      Anthropological    Research    in    Northern   Australia.      J.    G. 

FRAZBR,  D.C.L.,  LL.D.,  Litt.D 39 

Australia,    North.      Matrilineal   Descent   in   the   Arranda  and    Chingalee  Tribes.      R.   H. 

MATHEWS.  L.S.  47 

Balkans :  Head-Hunting.     Extract  from  a  Letter  from  Miss  M.  E.  Durham.     Miss  M.  E. 

DURHAM          94 

British  Solomon  Islands.      Kite  Fishing   by  the  Salt-water  Natives  of  Mala   or  Malaita 

Islands,  British  Solomon  Islands.     (Illustrated.)     T.  W.  EDGE-PARTINGTON          4 

China.     A  Royal  Relic  of  Ancient  China.    (With  Plate  D.  and  Illustrations.*)    L.  C.  HOPKINS, 

I.S.O.,  and  R.  L.  HOBSON,  B.A 27 

Egypt.     Stone  Vases  of  the  Bisharin.     (Illustrated.*)    T.  WHITTEMORE 65 

Egypt :   Archaeology.      A   Cemetery  of   the   Earliest   Dynasties.      ( With  Plate  I-J.  and 

Illustration*)    W.  M.  FLINDERS  PETRIE,  F.R.S.          73 

England  :   Archaeology.     Megalithic  Monuments  in  Gloucestershire.    A.  L.  LEWIS  ...        21 

England :  Archaeology.     The  Discovery  of  a  Skeleton  and  "  Drinking  Cup "  at  Avebury. 

(Illustrated*)     M.  E.  CUNNINGTON  108 

Ethnology.    See  ALGERIA. 

Europe.    See  BALKANS;  ENGLAND;  FRANCE;  JERSEY. 

Folklore.    See  AFRICA,  EAST  ;  MADAGASCAR  ;  NUBIA. 

France:  Archaeology.     Further  Notes  on  French  Dolmens.     A.  L.  LEWIS 48 

France  :   Archaeology.      On   some  Prehistoric  Monuments  in  the  departments  Gard  and 

Bouches  du  Rhone,  France.     A.  L.  LEWIS  107 

India:  Manipur.    Kabui  Notes.     (Diai/rantx*)    LIEUT.-COLONEL  J.  SHAKESPEAR,  C.I.E., 

D.S.0 37 


No. 
India  :  ManipUP.     Southern  Tangkhul  Notes.    LiEUT.-CoLONEL  J.  SHAKESPEAE,  C.I.E.  ...       54 

Japan:  Religion.    Sacrifice  in  Shinto,    w.  G.  ASTON    ...       3 

Jersey  I  Archaeology.     Excavations  of  a  Cave  containing  Mousterian  Implements  near  La 

Cotte  de  St.  Brelade.  Jersey.     (  With  Plate  Z.)     R.  R.  MAKETT,  M.A.,  and  G.  F.  B.  DE 

GRUCHY 93 

Jersey  :  Archaeology.     Report  on  the  Resumed  Exploration  of  "  La  Cotte,"  St.  Brelade. 

E.  TOULMIN  NICOLLE  and  J.  SINEL        88 

Linguistics.    See  AFRICA,  EAST  ;  SOLOMON  ISLANDS. 

Madagascar:  Folklore.     Ifaralahy  and  the  Biby  Kotra-kotra.     NEVILLE  JONES 86 

Madagascar:  Folklore.     The  Story  of  Ifaramalemy  and  Ikotobekibo.     NEVILLE  JONES  ...        66 
New   Guinea.     Stone  Adze  Blades  from  Suloga  (British  New  Guinea)  as  Chinese  Antiquities. 

C.  G.  SELIGMANN,  M.D 38 

Nubia:  Folklore.    The  Fox  who  Lost  his  Tail.    G.W.MURRAY        97 

Nyasaland.     Native  Customs  in  Nyasa  (Manganja)  Yao  (Aja,wa).     H.  W.  GARBUTT 20 

Obituary;  Gray.    John  Gray,  B.Sc.    (With  Plate  F.}    G.  UDNV  YULE       44 

Obituary:  Lang.    Andrew  Lang,  M.A.,  D.Litt.,  F.B.A.    ( With  Plate  K.~)    R.  R.  MARETT...       85 

Obituary :  Mortimer.    J.  R.  Mortimer,  Esq.    w.  WRIGHT,  M.B.,  B.Sc.         13 

Obituary  :  Risley.     Sir  Herbert  Risley,  K.C.I.E.,  C.S.I.     ^With  Plate  A.~)    J.  D.  ANDERSON  1 

Obituary:  Topinard.     Dr.  Paul  Topinard.     (With  Plate  C.}    A.  CHERVIN,  M.D 19 

Pacific,    Eastern.      Ceremonial   Objects   from   Rarotonga.      (With    Plate.    M.~)      J.  EDGE- 

PARTINGTON 104 

Physical  Anthropology.     A  Cretinous  Skull  of  the  Eighteenth  Dynasty.     (  With  Plate  B.~) 

C.  G.  SELIGMANN,  M.D 8 

Polynesia  :   Stewart's   Island.      Description  and  Names  of  various  parts  of   a  Canoe  of 

Sikaiana  or  Stewart's  Island.     (Illustrated.}     CHARLES  M.  WOODPORD,  C.M.G 99 

Religion.      A  Note   on   the   Secretary   to   whom  the   Prophet   Mohammed    is   traditionally 

supposed  to  have  dictated  the  Koran.     J.  D.  HORNBLOWER     ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         H 

Religion.    See  also  AFRICA,  EAST  ;  JAPAN. 

Rhodesia.      Hut   at   Khami   Ruins,   Rhodesia.      (Illustrated.')     H.  W.  GARBUTT  and  J.  P. 

JOHNSON  

Rhodesia.     How  they  Bury  a  Chief  in  Rhodesia.     D.WRIGHT      

Sociology.     Notes  on  Dr.  J.  G.  Frazer's  "  Totemism  and  Exogamy."     R.  C.  E.  LONG 

Solomon  Islands :  Linguistics.     Two  Tales  in  Mono  Speech  (Bougainville  Straits).     G.  C. 

WHEELER,  B.A.  10 


REVIEWS. 

Africa:  Congo.     Torday  :  Joyce.     The  Bushongo.    HENRY  BALFOUR 25 

Africa,  East.     Sutton.     Man  and  Beast  in  Eastern  Ethiopia.     E.  T 35 

Africa :    Northern    Rhodesia.      Gouldesbury  :    Sheane.      The  Great  Plateau  of  Northern 

Rhodesia.     H.  H.  JOHNSTON  34 

Africa,   West.      Benton.      Notes  on  some  Languages  of  the    Western   Sudan  and  JKanuri 

Readings.     A.  J.  N.  T.  102 

Africa,  West.     Orr.     The  Making  of  NortJiern  Nigeria.    A.  J.  N.  T 80 

Africa,  West:  Linguistics.     Migeod.     The  Languages  of  West  Africa.    N.  W.  T 59 

Africa.     See  also  EGYPT  ;  MOROCCO. 

America,  North.     Hodge.     Handbook  of  American  Indians  North  of  Mexico.    W.  D.  W.     ...        41 

America,    North  :  Ethnology.     Speek.     Ceremonial  Songs  of  the  Creek  and  Yuchi  Indians. 

W.  D.  WALLIS 6 

America,  South.     Krause.     In  dem  Wildnissen  Brasiliem.     H.  S.  H 70 

America,  South  :    Archaeology.      Joyce.     South  American  Archeology.     CLEMENTS  R. 

MARKHAM         49 

America.    See  also  CENTRAL  AMERICA. 

Arabia.     Bury.     The  Land  of  U:.     LEONARD  W.  KING 33 

Archaeology.    See  AMERICA,  SOUTH  ;  CENTRAL  AMERICA  ;  IRELAND  ;  TURKESTAN. 

Asia.    See  BURMA  ;  CEYLON  ;  INDIA  ;  TURKESTAN. 

Australia.     Spencer:  Gillen.     Across  Australia.     A.  C.  HADDON  ...         ...         ...         ...        76 

Biology.     Rignano.     The  Inheritance  of  acquired  Characters.     F.  S.        ...         ...         77 

Bismarck  Archipelago:  Ethnology  and  Linguistics.     Friederici.     Wissenschaftliche 

Ergebnisse  einer  amtliclien  Forscliungsreise  nach  dem  Bismarck-Archipel  im  Jahre,  1908. 
Beitrage  zur  Volker-und  Surachenkunde  von  Deutsch  Neuguinea.     SIDNEY  H.  RAY...         ...       HO 


No. 

Burma.     Milne.       //////.< «/  Home.     T.  C.  HODSON 15 

Central  America  :  Archaeology.     MacCurdy.     A  Study  of  Chiriqui  Antiquities.    A.  C.  B.        82 

Ceylon.     Seligmann.     The  Veddas.    M.  LONGWORTH  DAMES      69 

Egypt.      Elliot  Smith.      The  Ancient  Egyptians  and  t/teir  Influence  upon  the  Civilisation  of 

Europe.    JOHN  L.  MYEES 100 

Egypt :  Religion.     Budge.     Osiris  and  the  Egyptian  Resurrection.    T.  H.  J 61 

Egyptology.     Gardiner.     Egyptian  Hieratic  Texts.    F.  LL.  G 32 

Egyptology.       Griffith  :    Mileham  :    Randall-Mad ver  :    Woolley.      Karanog :    The  Romano- 
Nubian  Cemetery.     Karanog :  The  Town.     Karanog:  The  Mero'itic  Inscriptions.     Churches 
in  Lower  Nubia.     Buhen.     (Illustrated.*)    H.  R.  HALL  ...         ...         ...         ...         ...        40 

Ethnology.    See  AMERICA,  NORTH  ;  BISMARCK  ARCHIPELAGO. 

Folklore.     Wentz.     The  Fairy  Faith  in  Celtic  Countries.     E.  SIDNEY  HARTLAND     83 

Folklore.    See  also  HAUSA  FOLKLORE. 

Greek  Epic.     Murray.     The  Rise  of  the  Greek  Epic.     W.  CROOKE          78 

Hausa  Folklore.     Edgar.     Litaji  na  Tatsuniyoyi  na  Hausa.     A.  J.  N.  T 79 

Hinduism  and  Caste.  Ketkar.  Vol.  I.  The  History  of  Caste  in  India :  Ecidence  of  the 
Laws  of  Manu  on  the  Social  Conditions  in  India  during  the  Third  Century  A.D.  Inter- 
preted and  Examined;  with  an  Appendix  on  Radical  Defects  of  Ethnology.  Vol.  II.  An 
Essay  on  Hinduism,  its  Formation  and  Future.  W.  CROOKE  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...  HI 

India:  Assam.     Endle.     The  Kacharis.     T.  C.  H 62 

Ireland:    Archaeology.      Coffey.      New    Grange   (Brugh  na  Boinne)   and    other  Incised 

Tumuli  in  Ireland.     E.  C.  R.  ARMSTRONG  58 

Linguistics.     Boas.     The  Handbook  of  American  Indian  Languages.     N.  D.  W.          ...         ...        51 

Linguistics.      Sapir.     Wixhram,   Taltelma,  and   Yava  Texts:  The  History  and    Varieties  of 

Human  Speech.     N.  D.  W 60 

Linguistics.    See  also  AFRICA,  WEST  ;  BISMARCK  ARCHIPELAGO. 

Morocco:  Religion.     Mauchamp.     La  Sorcellerie  au  Maroc.    E.  SIDNEY  HARTLAND        ...         81 

New  Guinea.     Williamson.     The  Mafulu  Mountain  People  of  British  New  Guinea.      HENRY 

BALFOUR          101 

Palaeolithic  Man  and  his  Art.      Sollas.     Ancient  Hunters  and  their  Modern  Representa- 

tii-i'x.    S.  HAZZLEDINE  WARREN 1Q9 

Physical  Anthropology.     Duckworth.     Prehistoric  Man.     F.  G.  PARSONS 90 

Physical  Anthropology.     Gilford.     The  Disorders  of  Post-Natal  Growth  and  Development. 

A.  KEITH         ...        23 

Physical     Anthropology.      Weissenberg.      Das    Wachstum    des     Menscten,     nach    Alter, 

Geschlecht  und  Rasse.    A.  KEITH ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         17 

Religion.     Fran^ais.     L'Eglise  et  la  Sorcellerie.     T.  H.  J 16 

Religion.     Frazer.     Taboo  and  tlie  Perils  of  the  Soul.    E.  SIDNEY  HARTLAND  24 

Religion.    Frazer.    The  Dying  God.    E.  SIDNEY  HARTLAND      50 

Religion.     Frazer.     The  Magic  Art  and  the  Evolution  of  Kings.     E.  SIDNEY  HAET LAND       ...          5 
Religion.    See  also  EGYPT  ;  HINDUISM  ;  MOROCCO. 

Sociology.     Thomas.     Source  Boolt  for  Social  Origins.     W.  D.  W.  26 

Statistics.     Yule.     An  Introduction  to  the  Tlieory  of  Statistics.    J.  G.     ...         ...         ...         ...         14 

Turkestan  :  Archaeology.     Stein.    Ruins  of  Desert  CatJuty.     O.  M.  D 89 


PROCEEDINGS    OF    SOCIETIES. 

Anthropology  at  the  British  Association      91 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL    NOTES. 

See  Nos.  7,  18,  42,  43,  52,  71,  72,  84,  92,  103,  112. 


DESCRIPTION    OF    THE     PLATES. 

A.  Sir  Herbert  Risley,  K.C.I.E.,  C.S.I.  With  No.      1 

B.  A  Cretinous  Skull  of  the  Eighteenth  Dynasty      ...         ...         „  8 

c.     Paul  Topinard  . . .         • „  19 

D.  A  Royal  Relic  of  Ancient  China      ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         „  27 

E.  Some  Stone- walled  Kraals  in  South  Africa           ...         ...         ...         ...         „  36 

F.  John  Gray        „  46 

G.  The  Hammock  Dance  in  Sierra  Leone       ...         ...         ...         „  53 

H.    Kabyle  Pottery,  White  Ware           „  63 

i-j.  A  Cemetery  of  the  Earliest  Dynasties       ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...  „  73 

K.  Andrew  Lang ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...          ...         ...         ...         ...         ...  „  85 

L.  Cave  containing  Mousterian  Implements  near  La  Cotte  de  St.  Brelade,  Jersey         ...  „  93 

M.  Ceremonial  Objects  from  Rarotonga           ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...  H  1Q4 


ILLUSTRATIONS    IN    THE    TEXT. 

N.B. — Photographs,  unless  otherwise  stated. 

Figs.  1-3.  Kamba  Amulets.  (Drawings.}  With  No.  2 

Figs.  1-4.  Kite  Fishing,  British  Solomon  Islands.  {Drawings.} ...  ...  n  4 

Inscription  in  Facsimile,  in  Modern  Characters  where  known,  and  in  Romanised  Sounds. 

(Drawings?)     ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...  „  27 

Figs.  1-4.  Plans  of  Ruins  of  Stone-walled  Kraals  in  South  Africa.  (Drawings.*)  ...  5)  35 

Fig.  1.  Ta  Ko  Ka  Laiba.  (Drawing}...  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...  })  37 

Fig.  2.  Chari  Pam  Bok.  (Drawing.}  ...  ...  „  37 

Fig.  1.  The  Nubian  Nile „  49 

Fig.  2.  Kasrlbrim  „  4Q 

Fig.  2.  The  Nile  from  Kasr  Ibrim  „  40 

Fig.  4.  The  Southern  Temple  of  Buhen  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...  r  40 

Fig.  5.  The  Explorer's  House  at  Buhen,  with  Tomb-hill  in  Background ...  „  40 

Fig.  6.  The  Fortress  of  Mirgisse  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...  v  49 

Figs.  1-3.  Types  de  Xylophones  Appartenant  a  la  lre  Catdgorie.  (Drawings} n  45 

Figs.  4-12.  Types  de  Xylophones  A ppartenant  a  la  2e  Categoric.  (Drawings}  ...  „  4g 

Plan  of  Hut  at  Khami  Ruins,  Rhodesia.  (Drawing}  ...  ...  ...  )}  55 

Fig.  1.  Stone  Vases  of  the  Bisharm  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...  55 

Diagram  of  Panelled  Work.  (Drawing}  ...  ...  ...  ...  )t  34, 

Figs.  1,  2.  Kamba  Game.  (Drawings.}  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...  n  98 

Illustration  of  a  Canoe  of  Sikiama  or  Stewart's  Islands.  (Drawing.}  ...  )?  99 

Figs.  1,  2.  Natural  Scraper -like  Flint  of  Tertiary  Age.  Actual  size.  (Drawings.}  ...  „  JQ6 
Figs.  3,  4.  Natural  Flint  of  Secondary  Age,  with  Flake  found  in  situ.  One  half  actual 

size.  (Drawings}  )t  106 

Fig.  1.  Section  across  the  middle  of  the  hole,  in  which  the  stone  stood,  showing  the 

relative  position  of  the  burial.     A-A,  the  area  of  the  burial.      B,  top  of  chalk. 

C,  soil.  (Drawing} „  JQ8 

Fig.  2.  "  Drinking  Cup "  or  "  Beaker "  found  with  Skeleton  at  foot  of  Stone  at 

Avebury.     Half  natural  size.    (Drawing}          ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...  }i  JQ8 


Vll 


LIST    OF    AUTHORS. 

•  V.  />'.  —The  .Yuiithcrs  to  which  an  asterisk  in  added  are  thoxc  of  Reviews  of  Hooks. 


AXDF.USOX,  J.  D.,   1. 
ARMSTRONG,  E.  C.  R.,  58*. 
ASTON,  W.  G.,  3. 

B.,  A.  C.,  82*. 

BALFOUR,  H.,  25*,   101*. 

BARBEAU,  C.  M.,  45. 

BARRETT,  CAPTAIN  E.  H.,  22,  57,  98. 

BROWN,  A.  R.,  64,  75,  96. 

CAYZAC,  REV.  FATHER  J.,  67. 
CHERVIN,  ARTHUR,  19. 
CROOKE,  W.,  78*,  111*. 

CUNNINGTON,    M.    E.,    108. 

D.,  0.  M.,  89*. 

DAMES,  M.  LONGWORTH,  69*. 

DAYRELL,  E.,  87. 

DE  GRUCHY,  G.  F.  B.,  93. 

DURHAM,  M.  E.,  94. 

EDGE-PARTINGTON,  T.  W.,  4,  104. 
FRAZER,  J.  G.,  39. 

G.,  F.  LL.,  32*. 

G.,  J.,  14*. 

GARBUTT,  II.  W.,  20,  56. 

II.,  S.  H.,  70*. 

HADDON,  A.  C.,  76*. 

HALL,  H.  R.,  40*. 

HARTLAND,  E.     S.,    5*,    12,    24*,    50*, 

81*,  83*. 

HOBLEY,  C.  W.,  2,  9,  95. 
llousnx,  R.  L.,  27. 
HUDSON,  T.  C.,  15,  62*. 
HOPKINS,  L.  C.,  27. 

HORXBLOWER,    J.    I).,     11. 

J.,  T.  H.,  16*,  61*. 
JOHNSON,  J.  P.,  36,  56. 
JOHNSTON,  Siu  H.  II.,  34*. 
JONES,  NEVILLE,  66,  86. 


KEITH,  A.,  17*,  23*. 
KING,  L.  W.?  33*. 

LANG,  ANDREW,  29. 
LEWIS,  A.  L.,  21,  48,  107. 
LONG,  R.  C.  E.,  55. 

MAES,  DR.  J.,  46. 
MARETT,  R.  R.,  85,  93. 
MARKHAM,  SIR  CLEMEXTS,  R.,  49*. 
MATHEWS,  R.  H.,  47. 
MURRAY,  G.  W.,  97. 
MYRES,  JOHN  L.,  100*. 

NICOLLE,  E.  TOULMIN,  88. 

PARSONS,  F.  G.,  90*. 

PEAKE,  H.,  30. 

PETRIE,  W.  M.  FLINDERS,  73. 

RAY,  SIDNEY  H.,  110*. 

S.,  F.,  77*. 

SELIGMANN,  C.  G.,  8,  38. 

SHAKESPEAR,  LIEUT. -COLONEL,  37,  54. 

SINEL,  J.,  88. 

SMITH,  WORTHIXGTON  G..   106. 

T.,  E.,  35*. 
T.,  N.  W.,  59*. 

TREMEARXE,  MAJOR   A.  J.  X.,   53,  74, 
79*,  80*,  102*. 

VAN  GEXXEP,  A.,  63. 

WALLIS,  W.  D.,  6*,  26*,  41%  51*,  60*. 
WARREX,  S.  HAZZLEDINI;,   109*. 
WERNER,  A.,  105. 
WHEELER,  G.  C.,   10. 
WHITTEMORE,  T.,  65. 
WOODKORD,  CHARLES  M.,  99. 
WRIGHT,  D.,  68. 
WRIGHT,  W.,   13. 

YULE,  G.  UDXY,  44. 


PLATE   A. 


MAN,  1912. 


SIR     HERBERT     RISLEY,     K.C.I. EM     C.S.I. 


M.AN 


A    MONTHLY  RECORD  OF  ANTHROPOLOGICAL   SCIENCE. 

PUBLISHED    UNDER   THE    DIRECTION   OF   THE 
ROYAL   ANTHROPOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE  OF   GREAT  BRITAIN    AND   IRELAND, 


All  communications  printed  in  MAN  are  signed  or  initialled  by  their 
authors,  and  the  Council  of  the  Institute  desires  it  to  be  understood  that  in  giving 
publicity  to  them  it  accepts  no  responsibility  for  the  opinions  or  statements  expressed. 

N.B.  —  MAN,  1912,  consists  of  twelve  monthly-published  sheets,  of  sixteen  pages 
each,  printed  in  single  column;  containing  "Original  Articles"  and  substantial 
"  Reviews  "  of  recent  publications  ;  all  numbered  consecutively  1,  2,  3,  onwards. 

N.B.  —  Articles  published  in  MAN  should  be  quoted  by  the  year  and  the 
reference-number  of  the  article,  not  by  the  page-reference  ;  e.g.,  the  article  which 
begins  on  p.  4  below  should  be  quoted  as  MAN,  1912,  2. 

ORIGINAL    ARTICLES. 

Obituary  :  Risley.  With  Plate  A.  Anderson. 

Sir  Herbert  Risley,  K.C.I.E.,  C.S.I.     By  J.  D.  Anderson.  4 

Sir   Herbert  Hope  Risley,  K.C.I.E.,    C.S.I.,   secretary    of   the   Judicial    and      I 

Public  Department  of  the  India  Office,  and  President  of   the  Royal  Anthropological 

Institute    of    Great    Britain    and    Ireland,    died  at    Wimbledon    on    September    30th. 

During    a    painful    illness    extending    over    many    months,    he    displayed    remarkable 

fortitude,    and    characteristic    and    touching    consideration    for    those    who    strove    to 

alleviate  his  sufferings. 

Herbert  Risley,  a  son  of  the  Rev.  James  Holford  Risley,  was  born  in  1851,  and 
was  educated  at  Winchester  and  New  College,  Oxford.  In  1871  he  passed  into  the 
Indian  Civil  Service,  and,  after  the  usual  period  of  training  in  this  country,  was 
appointed  to  Bengal.  He  had  the  good  fortune  to  begin  his  service  in  Chota  Nagpore, 
and  thus  came  into  early  personal  contact  with  the  attractive  highland  tribes,  the 
study  of  whose  institutions  and  dialects  was  among  his  most  valuable  original  con- 
tributions to  anthropological  research.  One  of  his  first  papers,  dealing  with  the 
Uraons  of  this  region,  published  by  the  Asiatic  Society  of  Bengal,  was  the  nucleus 
of  subsequent  investigations  by  himself  and  others,  most  of  the  information  thus 
obtained  being  afterwards  incorporated  in  his  invaluable  Tribes  and  Castes  of 
Bengal.  It  was  Risley  's  inquiries  which  led  the  late  Rev.  P.  Dehon,  S.J.,  to 
write  the  monograph  on  the  Uraons,  which  may  be  found  in  the  volume  for  1906  of 
the  memoirs  of  the  R.A.S.  of  Bengal.  From  the  first,  it  will  be  seen,  his  influence 
in  suggesting  and  developing  anthropological  research  was  powerful.  His  marked 
interest  in  ethnology  and  linguistics  led  to  his  being  chosen  as  one  of  tbe  five 
assistants  of  the  Director-General  of  Statistics,  Sir  W.  W.  Hunter,  who  was  then 
occupied  in  preparing  for  publication  the  laboriously  compiled  materials  for  his  great 
Gazetteers  of  Bengal,  and,  subsequently,  of  all  India.  Under  Sir  William  Hunter, 
Risley  had  an  opportunity  of  displaying  his  powers  of  organisation  and  his  brilliant 
literary  style  ;  while  the  interest  he  already  felt  in  the  primitive  races  of  India  was 
stimulated  by  the  stores  of  information  which  came  under  his  hands.  His  industry 
and  capacity  led  to  his  appointment,  after  only  five  years'  service,  to  the  post  of 


No,  1.]  MAN.  [1912. 

assistant  secretary  to  the  Government  of  Bengal,  and  in  1879  he  had  already  suffi- 
ciently made  his  mark  to  be  chosen  as  officiating  Under  Secretary  to  the  Government 
of  India  in  the  Home  Department. 

It  was  at  this  period  of  his  career  that  he  met  and  married  the  accomplished 
German  lady,  Avhose  linguistic  attainments  aided  him  in  his  wide  reading  on  anthro- 
pological and  statistical  subjects  in  foreign  languages.  In  1880  he  once  more  returned 
to  district  work  among  his  favourite  Sonthalis  and  Uraons  in  Chota  Nagpore,  and  in 
1884  he  was  placed  in  charge  of  an  organised  survey  of  the  Ghatwali  and  other 
service  tenures  of  the  district  of  Manbhum.  In  1885  Sir  Rivers  Thompson,  then 
Lientenant-Governor  of  Bengal,  was  consulted  by  the  Government  of  India  as  to  the 
possibility  of  collecting  detailed  information  about  the  castes,  races,  and  occupations 
of  the  people  of  his  province,  and  had  the  discernment  to  select  Risley  as  the  fittest 
person  to  conduct  the  requisite  inquiries.  At  the  beginning  of  Risley's  now  famous 
investigation,  which  lasted  over  some  years,  he  had  the  good  fortune  to  meet 
Dr.  James  Wise,  then  retired  from  the  medical  service  in  India,  who,  during  ten 
years  spent  as  Civil  Surgeon  at  Dacca,  had  made  a  minute  inquiry  into  the  social 
and  racial  structure,  and  the  surviving  aboriginal  customs  and  traits  of  the  people 
of  Eastern  Bengal,  a  tract  of  which  Risley  himself  had  little  personal  experience. 
Dr.  Wise  had  apparently  meditated  the  publication  of  an  illustrated  monograph  of 
his  own,  but  was  so  much  impressed  by  the  energy  and  enthusiasm  of  the  young 
anthropologist  that  he  willingly  gave  him  his  cordial  help  and  advice.  When  Dr.  Wise 
died  suddenly  in  1886,  his  widow  made  over  his  papers  to  Risley,  "on  the  under - 
*'  standing,"  to  quote  Risley's  own  words,  "  that  after  testing  the  data  contained  in 
i<;  them  as  far  as  possible  in  the  manner  contemplated  by  Dr.  Wise  himself,  I  should 
•"  incorporate  the  results  in  the  ethnographical  volumes  of  the  present  work,  and  by 
•"  dedicating  these  volumes  to  Dr.  Wise,  should  endeavour  to  preserve  some  record 
"  .  .  .  of  the  admirable  work  done  by  him  during  his  service  in  India."  Not 
only  did  Risley  put  Dr.  Wise's  rough  materials  into  an  accessible  and  attractive 
literary  form,  but  he  set  to  work  with  great  energy  to  collect  similar  information  for 
the  rest  of  Bengal,  and  himself  devoted  special  attention  to  what  Sir  Alfred  Lyall  has 
called  "  the  gradual  Brahmanising  of  the  aboriginal,  non- Aryan,  or  casteless  tribes." 
On  the  subject  of  the  processes  by  which  such  tribes  and  races  are  accepted  into 
the  Hindu  social  frame-work,  he  rapidly  made  himself  unquestionably  the  greatest 
living  authority,  and  by  the  careful  anthropometric  inquiries  which  he  superintended, 
satisfied  himself  that  there  is  no  adequate  reason  for  holding  that  there  is  any 
*'  Kolarian  "  race  of  men  to  the  south  of  Bengal  to  be  distinguished  from  Dravidian 
neighbours.  The  four  volumes  of  The  Tribes  and  Castes  of  Bengal  (two  containing 
an  "  Ethnographic  Glossary,"  an  invaluable  record  of  all  the  castes,  tribes,  sub-castes, 
&c.,  in  Bengal,  and  two  comprising  the  anthropometric  data  on  which  many  of  his 
.conclusions  were  based)  were  published  in  1891-2.  Risley  also  wrote  a  valuable 
Gazetteer  of  Sikkim,  the  curious  border-land  between  Bengal,  Nepal,  and  Tibet,  with 
which  he  became  acquainted  during  his  visits  to  Darjeeling,  and,  subsequently,  a 
monograph  on  "  Widow  and  Infant  Marriage,"  which  puts  on  record  much  interesting 
information.  It  was  only  natural,  in  the  case  of  a  man  so  fitted,  and  so  filled  with 
&  hearty  enthusiasm  for  ethnographic  inquiry,  that  he  should  desire  to  continue  his 
own  and  encourage  the  researches  of  other  investigators.  He  was  especially  anxious 
that  similar  inquiries  should  be  instituted  in  other  parts  of  India  than  Bengal.  An 
admirable  account  of  the  great  scheme  which  shaped  itself  in  his  mind  will  be  found 
in  his  paper  on  "  The  Study  of  Ethnology  in  India,"  published  in  Vol.  XX  of  the 
Journal  of  the  Anthropological  Institute. 

What  he  thought  of  the  administrative  and  political  value  of  ethnological  inquiries 
may  be  gathered  from  a  charming  discourse  on  "India  and  Anthropology "  delivered 

[  2  ] 


1912.]  MAN.  [No.  1. 

to  the  boys  at  Winchester  in  1910  [vide  MAN,  1910,  94],  in  which  he  paid  a  kindly 
and  sympathetic  tribute  to  his  friend  Dr.  Jackson.  He  quoted,  too,  the  words  of 
another  old  friend,  Sir  Bamfylde  Fuller,  that  "  nothing  wins  the  regard  of  an  Indian 
"  so  easily  as  a  knowledge  of  facts  connected  with  his  religion,  his  prejudices,  or  his 
"  habits.  We  do  bnt  little  to  secure  that  our  officers  are  equipped  with  these  pass- 
"  ports  to  popular  regard."  Thus,  in  one  of  the  last  of  his  public  utterances, 
Sir  Herbert  Risley  stated  his  deliberate  conviction  that  it  is  only  right  "  to  teach  the 
"  anthropology  of  India  to  the  men  of  the  Indian  services." 

Risley's  proposal  to  extend  his  ethnological  survey  to  the  whole  of  India  met 
with  a  temporary  check,  the  Government  at  that  time  being  in  sore  financial  straits. 
But  it  was  evident  that  an  inquiry  so  practically  useful  and  scientifically  interesting 
could  not  be  permanently  arrested.  Lord  Curzon  arrived  in  India  when  more  pros- 
perous finances  gave  a  scope  to  his  sympathy  with  all  projects  for  scientific  research, 
and  Risley  at  last  found  himself  at  the  head  of  a  complete  ethnographic  survey  of 
the  whole  country  as  honorary  director.  Of  this  final  and  gratifying  achievement  it 
was  that  Professor  Ridgeway  said  that  "  in  our  new  President,  Sir  H.  H.  Risley,  we 
*'  have  the  founder  and  organiser  of  the  great  ethnographical  survey  of  India." 

In  1890  Risley  served  as  member  and  secretary  of  a  Commission  appointed  to 
inquire  into  the  working  of  the  Indian  police,  and,  after  a  brief  reversion  to  district 
duty,  became  secretary  to  the  Government  of  Bengal  in  the  financial  and  municipal 
departments.  In  1898  he  was  promoted  to  be  financial  secretary  to  the  Government 
of  India  ;  but  the  census  of  1901  was  at  hand,  and  it  was  obvious  that  no  man 
could  be  better  adapted  by  training  and  temperament  for  the  task  of  conducting  its 
operations.  In  writing  the  voluminous  and  scholarly  report  on  this  census  Risley  had 
the  assistance  of  Mr.  E.  A.  Gait,  to  whom  has  fallen  the  duty  of  carrying  out  the 
decennial  census  recently  effected.  Risley  was  fortunate  in  having  under  his  hand 
a  coadjutor  and  successor  trained  in  his  own  methods  and  inspired  with  his  own 
enthusiasm  for  ethnological  research.  Although  he  was  already  marked  for  further 
official  promotion,  he  found  time  to  write  the  remarkable  chapter  on  "  Tribe,  Caste,  and 
Race,"  which,  with  additions,  became  the  book  published  as  The  People  of  India. 
It  was  while  he  was  still  occupied  in  this  congenial  labour  that  he  was  summoned 
to  be  Home  Secretary  in  Lord  Curzon's  administration.  After  this  there  fell  to 
him  the  onerous  and  delicate  duties  of  secretary  to  the  Committee  of  the  Government 
of  India  on  Constitutional  Reform,  a  post  in  which  he  rendered  such  indispensable 
service  that  he  was  retained  in  India  for  a  couple  of  years  beyond  the  age  limit 
fixed  for  compulsory  retirement. 

He  was  created  a  C.S.I,  in  1904,  and  was  advanced  to  the  knighthood  of  the 
Indian  Empire  in  1907.  In  the  spring  of  last  year  he  was  selected  to  succeed  Sir 
C.  J.  Lyall  at  the  India  Office.  His  contributions  to  anthropology  were  widely 
recognised  by  learned  bodies.  In  France  he  could  wear  the  violet  rosette  of  an 
officier  d'academie.  He  was  a  corresponding  member  of  the  Anthropological  Societies 
of  Berlin  and  Rome.  But  probably  the  honour  of  which  he  was  most  proud  was 
his  election  to  succeed  Professor  Ridgeway  as  President  of  the  Royal  Anthropological 
Institute. 

In  judging  Sir  Herbert  Risley's  anthropological  work,  it  is  only  fair  to  remember 
that,  if  much  of  it  was  performed  officially,  and  with  all  the  advantages  that  official 
authority  and  prestige  confer  in  India,  he  was  at  all  times  largely,  and  often  exclu- 
sively, occupied  with  administrative  responsibilities  involving  harassing  and  continuous 
labour.  He  was  not  a  man  of  robust  physique,  and  suffered  much  at  various  times 
from  exhausting  illnesses,  due  to  ceaseless  toil  in  an  enervating  climate.  But,  in  addi- 
tion to  the  enormous  mass  of  work  in  connection  with  anthropological  inquiries  which 
he  performed  or  supervised,  he  strove  by  example  and  precept  to  foster  a  love  of 

[  3  ] 


Nos.  1-2.]  MAN.  [1912. 

his  favourite  study  in  India.  Twenty  years  ago,  in  his  own  province  of  Bengal, 
inquiries  into  the  origins  of  caste  and  custom  by  men  of  alien  creed  were  often, 
and  not  unnaturally,  resented.  Ethnology  is  now  one  of  the  recognised  objects  of 
investigation  of  the  Vangiya  Sahitya  Parisat,  or  "  Bengal  Society  of  Literature," 
which  has  recently  published  in  the  vernacular  a  painstaking  monograph  by  a 
Bengali  gentleman  on  the  Chakmas  of  the  Chittagong  Hill  Tracts. 

Sir  Herbert  Risley's  last  official  work  in  India  was  intended  to  bring  about  a 
better  understanding  between  people  and  Government  by  introducing  the  beginnings 
of  popular  representation.  It  may  yet  be  recognised,  in  India  as  well  as  in  Europe, 
that  his  most  valuable  achievement  was  the  lesson  he  assiduously  taught  and 
practised  that  the  best  basis  for  progress  is  the  careful  and  disinterested  study  of 
existing  institutions.  Out  of  such  punctiliously  impartial  yet  sympathetic  study 
came  his  already  classical  Tribes  and  Castes  of  Bengal,  which  will  keep  his 
memory  green  in  India  long  after  most  of  his  official  contemporaries  and  rivals  have 
been  forgotten  in  the  oblivion  which  is  commonly  the  reward  of  even  distinguished 
administrators  in  our  distant  and  ill-comprehended  Eastern  empire. 

J.  D.  ANDERSON. 


Africa,  East.  Hobley. 

Kamba  Protective  Magic.     By  C.    W.  Hobley,  C.M.G.  A 

Upon  a  recent  tour  in  Kitui  District  of  Ukamba,   British   East  Africa,  the     fc 

writer  had  for  a  guide  a  very  interesting  old  elephant  hunter  named  Solo.      He  had 

with  him  a  varied  assortment  of  charms  and  medicines  which  he  firmly  believed  were 

of  vital  importance  to  his  success  in  hunting  and  in  other  branches  of  life.     One  day 

in  camp  he  was  induced  to  explain  the    origin    and  uses  of  these  curiosities.      They 

were  as  follows  : — 

(1)  A  brown  powder  carried  in  a  tiny  gourd  and  composed  of  three  ingredients. 
The  roots  of  the  plants   used  were  : — (1)   Muthia  creeper  ;  (2)  The  Kinyeli  creeper 
(this  is  what  the  Swahilis  call  Upupu  or  cowitch  ;  it  has  the  same  irritating  effect  as 
the  nettle)  ;  (3)  Mukutha  creeper. 

A  little  of  this  powder  is  swallowed  before  starting  out  to  hunt ;  it  is  believed  to 
make  the  hunter  aim  straight  ;  it  is  also  used  before  one  takes  a  suit  before  the  Council 
of  Elders,  and  it  is  believed  that  it  will  ensure  the  case  being  favourably  settled. 

As  a  measure  of  the  reality  of  the  belief  in  this  medicine,  Solo  stated  that  he  had 
paid  a  medicine  man  Us.  35  and  five  goats  for  this  particular  specific. 

(2)  The    next    was    a    light- brown    powder   composed  of  the   roots  of   (1)    Musi 
(a  tree   used  by  the   Kamba  for   building  houses)  ;    (2)  Mutungu   tree  ;    (3)    Mbilili 
tree.     This  cost  four  goats. 

Before  going  to  hunt  a  little  is  eaten,  and  it  is  believed  that  it  will  ensure  game 
being  seen,  and  if  shot  at  it  will  be  hit  ;  it  is  also  used  before  going  to  sell  goats,  and 
it  is  said  to  ensure  a  good  bargain  being  effected. 

(3)  Munavu,  a  whip  with  a  handle  about  six  inches  long  and  lash  about  four  feet 
long  made  of  plaited  fibre  ;  two  fibres  are  used,  one  called  Chusia,  and  the  other  is  one 
of  the  Sanseviera  family  ;   the  handle  is  made  of   Chusia,  and  the   handle  and  the  lash 
are  all  in  one  piece,  but  the  Sanseviera  fibre  is  interwoven  into  the  lash. 

Before  going  hunting  it  is  customary  to  crack  the  whip  seven  times,  and  it  is 
believed  to  bring  good  luck.  This  cost  one  bullock. 

(4)  Two  twigs  of  wood  bound  together  with  strings,  the  twigs  come  from  the 
Mutatha  and  Mbisa  bisi  bushes. 

Before  going  to  hunt  he  takes  out  this  medicine  and  mentions  the  beast  he  wishes 
to  get  and  then  bites  the  end  of  the  bundle.  If  he  has  a  suit  coming  on  before  the 

f     4     ] 


1912.] 


MAN. 


[Nos.  2-3. 


FlO.   1. 


"Nzaraa,"  or  Council   of    Elders,   he   slightly   burns    the   ends   of    the   twigs   before 
proceeding  to  court  and  believes  he  will  then  win  his  case.     This  cost  one  bullock. 

(5)  A  small  bundle  of  twigs  from  the  roots  of  the  following  plants  : — (1)  Muthika, 
a  shrub  ;  (2)  Mutoti,  a  thorny  shrub  ;  (3)  Mukuluu,  a  shrub  ;  (4)  Lelambia,  the  wood 
of  a  shrub. 

The  whole  parcel  was  bound  together  with  the  bark  of  the  Lelambia  shrub. 

If  one  is  going  to  hunt  or  have  a  case  tried  the  end  is  lit  and  then  blown  out  ; 
the    owner  will,  it    is    believed,  either    find    his  quarry  or 
win  his  case. 

(6)  Amulet  made  of   the  end    of  an  oryx   horn    filled 
with  medicine  made  of  the  roots  of  the  Kinyeli  (cowitch) 
and  Mutuba  shrub.     This  is  tied  on  to  the  right  upper  arm 
when  one  goes  hunting  ;  it  is  believed  to  make  the  owner 
shoot  straight.     This  cost  five  goats.     (Fig.   1.) 

(7)  Amulet  made  of  (A)  the  dried  skin  from  the  nose 
of   an  ant-bear  (Orycteropus)  and  (B)  the  wood  of  a  big 
tree    called  Kiawa    or  Mukao.      This  is  tied  on  the  right 
upper  arm  ;    if  the  owner  approaches  a  fierce  animal  it  is 
believed   it   will    not  attack    him.      This    cost    four  goats. 
(Fig.  2.) 

(8)  An  amulet  made  of  ebony  with  medicine  inserted 
in  one   end.     The    medicine  is  made    of    the  roots   of   the 
following  trees: — (1)  Muvoo ;   (2)  Kinyuki ;  (3)  Mbumba. 

If  a  new  village  is  founded  the  owner  walks  round  it 
with  the  amulet  in  his  hand,  and  it  is  believed  that  fierce 
animals,  leopards,  lions,  &c.,  will  not  enter  it.  This  was 
very  expensive  and  cost  two  bulls  ;  these  medicines  were 
obtained  from  an  old  professor  of  the  art  at  Mutha  who 
is  now  deceased.  (Fig.  3.) 

At  one  camp  (Ukazzi)  the  old  hunter,  being  very  anxious  that  we  should  see 
some  game,  killed  a  goat  as  a  sacrifice  to  the  Aiimu,  or  ancestral  spirits,  and  poured 
out  a  libation  of  blood  to  propitiate  them  ;  he  then  placed  a  strip  of  skin  from  the 
goat's  left  ear  on  his  right  wrist.  The  results  were,  it  is  regretted  to  state,  not 
very  marked.  C.  W.  HOBLE5T. 


FIG.  2. 


FIG.  3. 


Japan :  Religion.  Aston. 

Sacrifice  in  Shinto.  By  the  late  W.  G.  Aston.  Q 

The  subject  of  sacrifice  has  been  dealt  with  from  various  points  of  view  U 
by  Robertson  Smith,  Dr.  Tylor,  Dr.  Frazer,  Dr.  Sanday,  and  more  recently  by 
MM.  Hubert  and  Mauss,  whose  instructive  essay,  "  Sur  la  nature  et  fonction  du 
"  sacrifica,"  was  published  in  the  Melanges  cThistoire  du  Religion  in  1909.  These 
writers  have  based  their  views  on  evidence  drawn  from  the  great  Aryan  and  Semitic 
religions  on  the  one  hand,  and  from  the  religious  practices  of  savage  races  on  the 
other. 

A  study  of  the  old  Japanese  religion  known  as  Shinto  enables  us  to  consider 
this  subject  from  a  fresh  and  intermediate  standpoint.  Though  not  a  Primitive 
religion,  if  there  be  such  a  thing,  it  had  attained  a  far  less  degree  of  development 
than  the  religions  of  Europe  and  Western  Asia.  It  is  a  nebulous  polytheism  with 
innumerable  deities,  few  of  which  have  defined  functions  or  distinct  personalities. 
Many  are  sexless  and  mythless.  Some  are  at  one  time  single  persons,  at  another 
dual,  triple,  or  even  more.  There  are  not  a  few  traces  in  Shinto  of  that  earliest 

[  5  ] 


No.  3,]  MAN.  [1912. 

stage  of  religious  development  in  which  the  nature,  power,  or  object  is  directly 
worshipped  without  the  intervention  of  any  anthropomorphic  personage.  Thus  in 
the  rite  called  Ji-shidzume,  or  "  earth-propitiation,"  performed  to  this  day  when  a 
site  is  chosen  for  a  house,  or  a  plot  of  ground  brought  under  cultivation,  there  is 
no  separate  god  of  the  earth.  The  earth  is  the  god,  sexless  and  mythless.  But  a 
somewhat  more  advanced  stage  of  development  is  commoner,  in  which  the  nature 
power  is  confounded  with  an  anthropomorphic  deity  associated  with  it.  The  older 
Shinto  worshipper  did  not  forget  that  Amaterasu,  the  Sun-goddess,  was  iu  reality 
the  sun.  Fire  and  the  fire-god  were  to  him  convertible  terms.  It  may  be  remarked 
that  Herbert  Spencer's  well-known  theory,  which  will  admit  of  no  other  origin  of 
religion  than  the  worship  of  ghosts,  fails  altogether  to  account  for  facts  of  this  kind. 
Further  instances  of  the  rudimentary  character  of  Shinto  are  its  embryonic  morality 
and  the  comparative  neglect  of  the  aids  to  religion  supplied  by  the  arts  of  painting, 
sculpture,  architecture,  and  music. 

The  most  solemn  and  important  ceremony  of  Shinto  is  the  Ohonihe  or  Daijowe 
(great  offering)  which  was  celebrated  at  the  beginning  of  every  reign.  It  consti- 
tuted the  religious  sanction  of  the  Mikado's  rule,  and  corresponds  to  our  Coronation. 
The  preparations  for  this  rite  were  of  so  sumptuous  a  character  that  in  not  a  few 
reigns  it  was  omitted  for  financial  reasons.  The  leading  feature  of  the  Daijowe  is 
the  Nihiname,  or  "  new-tasting,"  an  annual  festival  of  first-fruits,  in  which  the 
Mikado  in  person  sprinkled  rice  with  sake  which  he  then  placed  before  the  "Deity- 
seat,"  no  one  else  being  present  but  the  Uneme  or  female  court  officials,  who 
repeated  a  formula  which  was  intended  to  rectify  any  irregularities  or  impurities  in 
the  preparation  of  this  offering.  The  Mikado  then  bowed  his  head,  clapped  his 
hands  (primarily  a  sign  of  joy),  and  said,  "  O  (Yes,  or  Amen "),  after  which  he 
joined  the  deity  in  partaking  of  the  food.  The  deity  in  question  was  no  doubt 
the  Sun-goddess.  She  was  represented  by  a  cushion  3  feet  broad  by  4  feet  long. 
The  Mikado's  seat  was  placed  to  the  south  of  it. 

There  is  evidence  that  in  the  most  ancient  times  the  Nihiname  was  a  general 
practice  not  confined  to  the  Sovereign  only. 

The  Nihiname  is  essentially  a  "  grace  before  meat."  As  a  modern  Japanese 
says  :  "  The  Mikado,  when  the  grain  became  ripe,  joined  unto  him  the  people  in 
"  sincere  veneration,  and,  as  in  duty  bound,  made  return  to  the  gods  of  Heaven. 
"  He  thereupon  partook  of  it  along  with  the  nation.  Thus  the  people  learnt  that 
"  the  grain  which  they  eat  is  no  other  than  the  seed  bestowed  on  them  by  the  gods 
"  of  Heaven."  A  myth  preserved  to  us  in  the  Nihongi  relates  that  on  the  death 
of  the  Food-goddess  there  were  produced  in  her  head  silkworms,  in  her  eyes  rice, 
in  her  nose  small  beans,  in  her  genitals  barley,  and  in  her  fundament  large  beans. 
These  were  brought  to  the  Sun -goddess,  who  was  rejoiced  and  said,  "  These  are 
"  the  things  which  the  race  of  visible  men  will  eat  and  live."  The  Nihiname  is 
therefore  not  traceable  to  any  "  reluctance  to  taste  the  first-fruits  until  some  ceremony 
"•  has  been  performed  which  makes  it  safe  to  do  so,"  such  as  has  been  noted  by 
Dr.  Frazer  in  other  cases.  It  is  gratitude  and  not  fear  which  animates  the  Japanese 
worshipper.  There  are  no  doubt  exceptions,  men  of  dense  and  sordid  minds  who, 
incapable  of  spontaneous  gratitude,  have  to  be  shamed  or  frightened  into  conformity 
with  the  practices  of  their  more  generous  fellows. 

It  is  difficult  to  reconcile  the  fact  that  the  cardinal  rite  of  Shinto  is  an 
expression  of  gratitude  to  a  beneficent  being  with  Herbert  Spencer's  view  that  all 
ceremony  originates  from  fear  or  with  the  saying  of  the  Roman  poet  Statius  that 
"  Primus  in  orbe  deos  fecit  timor."  Even  the  religion  of  the  Romans  was  mainly 
based  on  something  different  from  the  fear  of  angry  deities.  Jupiter  was  the  father 
of  his  worshippers  and  the  cult  of  "  Alma  Venus,  hominum  divomque  voluptas,"  was 

[     6     ] 


1912.]  MAN.  [No,  3. 

assuredly  not  prompted  by  fear  alone.  Renan  in  his  History  of  Israel  agrees  with 
Statius,  but  Robertson  Smith  points  out  that  the  Semitic  deities  were  the  guardians 
and  protectors  of  their  devotees.  Schiller  calls  the  worship  of  the  Gods  of  Greece 
a  "  Wonnedienst."  Shelley,  speaking  of  the  ancient  Jews,  says  : — 

"  A  savage  and  inhuman  race 
Howled  hideous  praises  to  their  demon  God  " 

which  only  shows  to  what  strange  extremes  anti-religions  prejudice  may  carry  one. 
Think  of  the  100th  and  the  23rd  psalms  being  called  "hideous  praises"!  Perhaps 
the  epithet  "  devil-worshippers  "  applied  to  tribes  in  other  parts  of  the  world  may 
have  little  better  foundation.  Lafcadio  Hearn  calls  the  older  Shinto  a  religion  "of 
perpetual  fear."  But  this  gifted  writer  knew  very  little  about  Shinto,  and  was  only 
applying  it  to  Herbert  Spencer's  statement  quoted  above.  He  describes  Herbert 
Spencer  as  "  the  wisest  man  in  the  world,"  differing  therein  from  Thomas  Carlyle, 
who  thought  him  "  just  a  puir  creature." 

Gratitude,  however,  is  not  the  only  emotional  basis  of  Shinto.  The  worship  of 
the  evil  Fire-God  is  prompted  by  fear.  There  is  an  old  ritual  in  which  offerings 
are  made  to  him  to  induce  him  to  refrain  from  transports  of  rage  against  the 
buildings  of  the  Imperial  Palace.  But  he  is  an  inferior  deity  on  whom  his  worshippers 
waste  little  reverence. 

The  Japanese  evidence  lends  no  support  to  Herbert  Spencer's  assumption  that 
"  rites  performed  at  graves,  becoming  afterwards  religious  rites  performed  at  altars  in 
"  temples,  were  at  first  acts  done  for  the  benefit  of  the  ghost,  either  as  originally 
"  conceived,  or  as  ideally  expanded  into  a  deity."  The  old  Shinto  record  does  not 
even  mention  ghosts.  It  abhorred  everything  connected  with  the  dead.  Attendance 
at  a  funeral  made  a  man  temporarily  unclean  and  unfit  to  perform  Shinto  services. 
The  Nihiname  harvest  rite  is  fully  explicable  as  a  natural  expression  of  gratitude 
to  a  beneficent  power  and  owes  nothing  to  the  worship  of  the  dead.  It  is  true  that 
there  is  frequent  mention  of  food-offerings  or  other  honours  to  the  dead.  But  it  is 
the  deceased  man  who  is  honoured.  There  is  no  expansion  of  a  ghost  into  a  deity. 
In  Japan  the  deification  of  men,  alive  or  dead,  is  a  secondary  phenomenon  unknown 
to  the  older  cult.  Not  one  of  the  older  deities  can  be  recognised  as  promotions  from 
the  ranks  of  dead  men.  They  are,  in  so  far  as  their  origin  can  be  traced,  nature- 
powers  or  the  servants  or  children  of  nature-powers.  Gifts  to  living  men  were 
already  familiar  to  the  first  worshippers  of  such  deities  and  are  far  more  likely  to 
have  been  the  prototypes  of  religious  offerings.  . 

Logically,  of  course,  the  actual  gift — a  transfer  of  valuable  property  for  the  benefit 
of  the  recipient — precedes  in  order  of  development  the  symbolical  gift,  the  object  of 
which  may  be  partly  or  wholly  different.  Gifts  in  token  of  homage  or  friendship  are 
known  to  the  most  utter  savages.  I  may  also  quote  the  gift  of  a  ring  to  a  brider 
of  earth  and  water  in  token  of  political  submission,  of  a  gold  mohur  by  an  Indian 
prince  to  the  Viceroy,  who  touches  it  and  gives  it  back  again. 

When  it  is  remembered  that  the  older  Shinto  belongs  to  that  stage  of  religious 
development  in  which  the  nature-power  is  the  god,  or  at  any  rate  has  not  been  quite 
forgotten  in  the  anthropomorphic  being  which  is  associated  with  it,  it  will  appear 
highly  improbable  that  the  first  Japanese  sun-worshipper  intended  his  offerings  for 
the  actual  physical  benefit  of  the  deity.  He  was  not  such  an  idiot  as  to  suppose  that 
the  sun  in  Heaven  or  the  Sun-goddess  profited  physically  by  his  offerings  of  a  few 
grains  of  rice  or  a  few  drops  of  sake.  These  were  not  real  gifts  but  only  symbols  of 
love  and  gratitude.  One  of  the  norito  has  the  expression  "  things  of  reverence,"  i.e., 
things  offered  in  token  of  reverence.  I  venture  the  suggestion  that  offerings  of  food 
to  the  dead  are  equally  symbolical  and  are  not  intended  "  for  the  benefit  of  the 
"  ghost,"  to  use  Herbert  Spencer's  expression.  It  is  true  that  in  the  ca&e  both  of 

L     7     ] 


No.  3.]  MAN.  [1912. 

nature-deities  and  of  deceased  men  there  is  abundant  evidence — not  wanting  in  Japan — 
of  a  secondary  and  more  vulgar  current  of  opinion  which  holds  in  some  obscure  way 
that  an  actual  consumption  of  the  offered  food  does  take  place.  This  has  its  source  in 
the  minds  of  those  dull-witted  people,  who,  like  Nicodemus,  are  unable  to  penetrate 
the  inner  meaning  of  myth,  metaphor,  and  symbol,  and  are,  therefore,  constrained  to 
receive  them,  if  at  all,  in  their  literal  acceptation.  But  such  men  are  not  the  makers 
of  religion.  We  should  be  on  our  guard  against  the  idea  that  beliefs  characteristic 
of  a  lower  intellectual  civilisation  are  always  earlier  in  point  of  time  than  more 
enlightened  faiths.  The  reverse  is  frequently  the  case.  Compare  the  Vedas  with  the 
Brahmanas,  the  religion  of  the  Tao-te-king  with  the  congeries  of  magical  beliefs  and 
practices  which  constitute  modern  Taoism,  Christianity  with  medieval  witchcraft,  or 
the  religion  of  the  gospels  with  certain  modern  Christian  doctrines  which  it  is  needless 
to  specify. 

The  Nihiname  is  not  a  "  totem-sacrifice."  There  is  no  totemisin  in  Japan.  But 
the  commensal  principle  of  communion  is  recognised,  as  has  been  seen  above. 
There  is  another  instance  in  the  modern  practice  of  pilgrims  to  Ise  purchasing  from 
the  priests,  and  eating  rice  that  had  been  offered  in  sacrifice. 

Other  food  offerings  were  fish,  fruit,  sea-ear,  shell-fish,  edible  seaweed,  salt,  venison, 
wild  boar,  and  birds  of  various  kinds.  There  is  frequent  mention  of  offerings  of 
horses.  But  they  were  not  killed,  only  let  loose  in  the  precinct  of  the  shrine  or 
kept  in  a  stable  for  the  deity  to  ride  out  upon  in  procession  on  festival  occasions. 
The  god  was  then  represented  by  his  Shintai  or  material  representative.  In  the 
older  Aryan  and  Semitic  religions,  the  slaughter  of  living  victims  before  the  altar  of 
the  god  is  universal.  The  Hebrew  term  zabah,  slaughter,  is  the  commonest  word  for 
sacrifice.  It  is,  therefore,  noteworthy  that  in  the  official  Shinto  from  the  seventh 
century  onwards,  there  is  no  such  slaughter  of  living  animals.  One  reason  for  this 
is  the  comparative  absence  of  domestic  animals  used  for  food.  The  ancient  Japanese 
had  no  sheep,  goats,  or  pigs.  They  possessed  horses  and  oxen,  but  did  not  use  them, 
ordinarily  at  least,  for  food.  There  is,  however,  some  reason  to  think  that,  at  an 
earlier  period,  the  slaughter  of  animals  was  not  uncommon.  The  Nihongi  says,  under 
the  date  642  :  "  The  Ministers  conversed  with  one  another,  saying,  '  In  accordance 
"  'with  the  teachings  of  the  village  hafuri  there  have  been,  in  some  places,  horses 
"  '  and  cattle  killed  as  a  sacrifice  to  the  gods  of  the  various  (Shinto)  shrines  without 
•"  '  any  good  result.'  "  The  object  of  this  sacrifice  was  to  produce  rain  in  time  of  drought. 
Now  it  is,  highly  suggestive  that  the  word  hafuri,  here  applied  to  Shinto  priests  of 
an  inferior  class,  means  "  slaughter."  The  high  priest  of  one  of  the  oldest  shrines 
in  Japan,  that  of  Suwa,  was  styled  the  Oho-hafuri,  or  great  slaughterer,  and  a 
feast,  at  which  large  quantities  of  venison  was  consumed,  was  one  of  the  customary 
celebrations,  the  laity  who  took  part  in  it  being  supplied  by  the  priests  with  specially 
sanctified  chopsticks.  In  the  most  ancient  times  there  were  human  sacrifices  to 
river-gods.  There  is  evidence  of  a  mock  human  sacrifice  in  1699  to  a  Shinto  god, 
the  victim  being  apparently  a  scape-goat,  but  it  may  be  doubted  whether  this  is  a 
case  of  survival  from  a  real  human  sacrifice. 

What  Robertson  Smith  calls  the  "  primitive  practice  "  of  sprinkling  the  blood 
against  the  altar,  common  to  the  Semites  with  the  Greeks  and  Romans,  and  indeed, 
with  the  ancient  nations  generally,  is  wholly  unknown  in  Japan.  Blood  has  no  par- 
ticular virtue  or  sanctity,  and  is  not  even  mentioned  in  the  old  Shinto  records.  The 
word  "  primitive  "  is,  therefore,  doubtfully  appropriate  in  this  connection.  Generally, 
it  has  the  sanction  of  our  highest  authorities,  but  for  my  own  part,  I  am  disposed  to 
regard  it  as  a  damnosa  hereditas  from  the  pre-scientific  stage  of  anthropology  when 
the  first  chapters  of  Genesis  were  regarded  as  the  beginning  of  everything. 

Next  to  in  importance  food  offerings  comes  clothing  or  the  materials  for  making 

[    8    ] 


1912.]  MAN.  [Nos.  3-4. 

it.  This  usually  took  the  form  of  pieces  of  cloth,  the  currency  of  those  early  times. 
The  absurdity  of  offering  clothes  for  the  actual  use  of  the  Sun,  Wind,  or  other  nature- 
powers  must  have  been  palpable  even  to  those  prehistoric  Japanese  who  created 
Shinto.  What  attests  very  clearly  the  symbolical  character  of  such  gifts  is  the 
circumstance  that  leaves  of  hemp  were  frequently  substituted  for  hempen  garments, 
and  scollops  of  paper  (gohet)  for  the  fabrics  manufactured  from  the  same  material, 
namely,  the  inner  bark  of  the  paper  mulberry  tree.  It  was,  of  course,  the  priests 
who  benefited  by  these  offerings,  except  perhaps  in  the  case  of  purification  offerings, 
which  were  thrown  into  a  river  to  be  carried  down  into  the  sea,  where  they  were 
received  and  destroyed  by  certain  deities  whose  sole  function  it  was  to  do  so. 

Other  offerings  were  mirrors,  weapons,  slaves,  and  utensils  of  various  kinds. 
The  same  objects  were  offered  again  and  again — another  proof,  if  any  were  needed, 
of  their  symbolical  character. 

Most  of  our  information  relating  to  sacrifice  in  ancient  Japan  deals  with  the 
official  form  of  Shinto.  The  following  incident,  which  is  related  in  the  Tosa  Nikki, 
a  diary  of  travel  written  A.D.  935,  gives  a  glimpse  of  a  more  popular  form  of  sacrifice. 
The  author,  a  government  official  and  a  famous  poet,  essayist,  and  editor,  writes  in 
the  assumed  character  of  a  woman,  and  was  not  so  superstitious  as  he  pretends 
to  be. 

*'  Meanwhile  a  sudden  gale  sprung  up,  and  in  spite  of  all  our  efforts  we  fell 
gradually  to  leeward  and  were  in  great  danger  of  being  sent  to  the  bottom.  By  the 
advice  of  the  captain  nusa  were  offered,  but  us  the  danger  only  increased  the  captain 
again  said,  '  Because  the  heart  of  the  god  (a  Sea-god)  is  not  moved  for  nusa, 
4  neither  does  the  august  ship  move,  offer  to  him  something  in  which  he  will  take 
4  greater  pleasure.'  In  compliance  of  this  advice  I  bethought  me  what  it  would  be 
best  to  offer.  '  Of  eyes  I  have  a  pair,  then  let  me  give  the  god  my  mirror  of  which 
*  I  have  only  one.'  The  mirror  was  accordingly  flung  into  the  sea,  to  my  very  great 
regret,  but  no  sooner  had  I  done  so  than  the  sea  itself  became  smooth  as  a  mirror." 

The  nusa  mentioned  here  were  no  doubt  a  mixture  of  paper,  leaves  of  the  sacred 
sakaki  tree,  and  rice,  which  was  carried  in  a  bag  by  travellers  and  offered  to  the  gods 
along  their  road. 

Shinto  offerings  are  mainly  gifts,  but  the  commensal,  bargain,  and  scape-goat 
principles  are  also  recognised,  although  exceptionally.  W.  G.  ASTON. 


British  Solomon  Islands.  Edge-Partington. 

Kite    Fishing    by   the    Salt-water    Natives    of    Mala    or    Malaita      A 

Island,  British  Solomon  Islands.      />'//    '/'.    //".  Edge-Partington.  T 

On  windy  days  the  salt-water  natives  go  out  fishing  for  the  "  gar-fish "  (walelo) 
with  a  kite  (rau).  There  is  no  hook  on  the  line,  but  a  loop  made  of  spider's  web 
(laqua\  which  trails  along  the  top  of  the  water.  The  fish  bites  it,  and  its  teeth  get 
caught  in  the  web. 

The  Kite. — In  the  drawings,  Fig.  1  and  Fig.  2,  a  picture  of  the  kite  is  shown. 
This  is  made  from  the  leaf  of  the  sago  palm,  or  ivory  nut  tree.  The  centre  stick 
of  the  kite  is  part  of  the  stalk,  and  there  is  a  certain  amount  of  leaf  on  each  side 
of  it.  To  this,  on  each  side,  is  attached  another  piece  of  leaf,  which  is  pegged  on 
with  small  bits  of  stick.  The  leaf  is  then  trimmed  to  represent  as  much  as  possible 
the  under  part  and  hindquarters  of  a  bird.  Across  the  top  and  bottom  of  the  kite 
as  in  Fig.  1  and  Fig.  2,  are  attached  pieces  of  small  stick  (B)  to  strengthen  it. 
Fig.  1  is  the  front  of  the  kite,  and  to  the  upper  cross  stick  (B)  is  attached  a  small 
piece  of  rope  about  two  feet  long  (C),  called  fa-lo,  which  is  tied  on  to  the  fishing 
line  leading  down  to  the  man,  so  as  to  form  a  triangle,  and  by  this  means  the  kite 

[  9  ] 


No.  4.] 


MAN. 


[1912. 


1912.]  MAN  [Nos.  4-5. 

catches  the  wind.  The  fishing  line  is  from  60  to  100  fathoms  long,  more  commonly 
the  lesser  length.  The  man  secures  the  fishing  line  to  the  perpendicular  stalk,  or 
stick,  at  the  point  marked  (K)  in  Figs.  1  and  2,  at  the  30-fathom  mark,  or  in  other 
words,  at  the  centre  of  the  fishing  line.  Then  one  end  of  the  line  is  wound  round 
the  stick,  and  secured  again  at  (T),  and  then  leads  down  to  the  salt  water.  This 
end  has  the  web  loop  attached  to  it.  The  other  half  of  the  line  is  attached  to  the 
rope  (C),  and  then  leads  down  to  the  man  in  the  canoe.  The  fishing  line  is  called 
laquavi,  the  fish  bait  of  web  laqua,  the  kite  rau,  and  the  leaf  it  is  made  of  sau  ; 
and  the  two  small  cross  pieces  (B)  are  called  au. 

The  Fish  Bait. — This  is  made  of  a  spider's-web  woven  round  the  fingers  until  a 
loop  is  formed.  The  method  of  making  it  is  as  follows  : — When  the  man  wants  a 
bait  of  this  kind  he  first  gets  a  long  thin  leaf  about  two  feet  long,  and  very  stiff, 
called  kikerendi,  and,  armed  with  this,  he  goes  into  the  bush  to  look  for  spiders'-webs. 
When  he  finds  one  he  pushes  this  leaf  into  the  middle  of  the  web  and  winds  all  the 
web  on  to  it  by  turning  it  round  and  round  in  the  centre  of  the  web.  When  the 
web  is  all  on  the  leaf  he  goes  and  looks  for  another,  and  repeats  the  process  until 
the  leaf  is  quite  full  from  the  top  to  his  hand  at  the  other  end.  Then  he  takes 
hold  of  the  web  near  his  hand  and  pushes  the  whole  up  to  the  top  of  the  leaf  until 
it  comes  off.  Then  he  stretches  it  out  by  working  it  gradually  until  he  has  a  long 
thin  rope  of  it ;  then  he  winds  it  round  and  round  his  first  two  fingers  until  he  has 
made  a  loop.  Then  to  one  end  of  the  loop  is  attached  the  small  rope  (fd-lo), 
about  three  inches  long,  and  marked  as  (N)  in  my  sketch  (Fig.  3).  The  loop  marked 
(M)  is  about  two  inches  long,  and  is  called  laqua.  To  the  end  of  (N)  (fa-lo)  is 
attached  the  fishing  line  (L)  (laquavi).  The  loop  (laqua)  looks  very  small  when  it  is 
dry,  but  coming  in  contact  with  the  water  it  spreads  out.  The  fish  that  they  catch 
with  it  is  a  long,  thin,  gar-fish,  called  by  the  natives  walelo.  When  the  fish  takes 
the  bait  its  mouth  and  teeth  get  entangled  in  the  web,  and  it  is  impossible  for  it  to 
get  away.  The  difficulty  is  to  disentangle  the  web  from  the  fish's  mouth  after  it  is 
caught.  If  a  man  is  very  careful  he  can  catch  about  ten  fish  with  the  same  piece 
of  web,  but  if  not,  about  four  or  five  fish  is  the  limit,  and  then  he  has  to  make  a 
new  loop  by  the  process  just  named. 

Method  of  Fishing. — Fig.  4  gives  a  rough  sketch  of  the  man  fishing  with  the 
kite.  After  he  has  secured  his  fishing  line  as  I  have  already  stated  he  flies  his 
kite,  and,  when  sufficiently  high  in  the  air  to  allow  the  web  to  trail  along  the  top 
of  the  water,  he  puts  the  line  in  his  mouth  and  holds  it  with  his  teeth  and  then 
paddles  as  fast  as  he  can  over  the  reefs  and  the  likely  haunts  of  the  gar-fish.  If  a 
fish  bites  he  can  feel  the  tug  in  his  teeth  and  turns  the  canoe  round  and  hauls  in 
the  line.  Sometimes  a  man  is  out  the  whole  afternoon  and  only  catches  one  fish. 
It  is  not  a  rapid  method  of  securing  fish.  T.  W.  EDGE-PARTINGTON. 


REVIEWS. 
Religion.  Frazer. 

The  Magic  Art  and  the  Evolution  of  Kings.  By  J.  G.  Frazer,  D.C.L.,  C 
LL.D.,  Litt.D.  2  vols.  London:  Macmillan  &  Co.,  Ltd.,  1911.  Price  20$.  net.  U 
The  grass  is  not  to  be  allowed  to  grow  under  Professor  Frazer's  feet.  Hardly  has 
he  got  fairly  off  his  hands  the  big  book  on  Totemism  and  Exogamy,  reviewed  in  these 
pages  in  January  last,  than  he  presents  us  with  the  first  part  of  the  new  edition 
of  The  Golden  Bough,  consisting  of  these  two  fine  volumes  ;  and  already  the  second 
part  is  announced.  I  am  not  quite  sure  whether  he  is  more  to  be  congratulated 
than  his  readers,  or  they  than  he,  on  The  Magic  Art.  At  all  events  it  is  a  book 
brimful  of  vivid  interest  to  all  anthropologists.  As  an  instalment  of  the  new  edition 

.1    U    J 


No,  5.]  MAN.  [1912. 

it  brings  us  down  to  the  end  of  the  first  chapter  of  the  old  work.  Paragraphs 
are  expanded  into  chapters,  and  the  old  chapter  entitled  "  The  King  of  the  Wood  " 
is  extended  into  two  stalwart  volumes.  Nor  are  the  additions  padding.  They  are 
vital  parts  of  the  work.  By  his  vast  learning  and  acute  insight  he  has  strengthened 
and  illustrated  his  argument  in  important  particulars.  Especially  his  further  researches 
into  the  early  history  of  Roman  and  pre-Roman  culture  are  not  merely  in  themselve8 
of  interest,  but  they  help  to  place  the  ancient  priesthood  of  the  wood  in  its  true 
setting.  In  this  connection  he  has  availed  himself  with  the  happiest  results  of 
Mr.  A.  B.  Cook's  extensive  enquiries  on  the  subject  of  the  ancient  European  sky- 
and  tree-god.  The  wealth  of  illustration  in  previous  editions,  which  has  been  so 
great  a  joy  to  students,  gave  rise  to  the  reproach  by  careless  readers  that  one  could 
not  see  the  wood  for  the  trees.  In  spite  of  the  increasing  wealth  here  piled  up,  the 
author  has  done  much  to  remove  the  reproach,  in  so  far  as  it  was  deserved,  by  care- 
fully pausing  at  intervals  to  summarize  his  argument  and  point  out  exactly  how  far 
it  has  taken  him. 

Naturally  the  student  will  turn  to  the  account  of  the  relations  between  magic 
and  religion  as  one  of  the  portions  of  the  work  in  its  earlier  form  that  excited  the 
greatest  amount  of  discussion.  He  will  find  it  substantially  identical  with  that 
contained  in  pp.  60-81  of  the  first  volume  of  the  second  edition,  but  somewhat 
expanded.  Magic  is  still  a  false  science,  based  on  the  assumption  "  that  in  nature 
u  one  event  follows  another  necessarily  and  invariably  without  the  intervention  of  auy 
"  spiritual  or  personal  agency."  Religion  is  "a  propitiation  or  conciliation  of  powers 
"  superior  to  man  which  are  believed  to  direct  and  control  the  course  of  nature  and 
"  of  human  life."  Man  began  with  magic,  but  after  awhile  found  out  his  blunder. 
"  The  shrewder  intelligences  must  in  time  have  come  to  perceive  that  magical 
"  ceremonies  and  incantations  did  not  really  effect  the  results  they  were  designed  to 
"  produce,  and  which  the  majority  of  their  simpler  fellows  still  believed  that  they  did 
"  actually  produce.  .  .  .  The  discovery  amounted  to  this,  that  men  for  the  first 
"  time  recognised  their  inability  to  manipulate  at  pleasure  certain  natural  forces  which 
"  hitherto  they  had  believed  to  be  completely  within  their  control.  It  was  a  con- 
"  fession  of  human  ignorance  and  weakness.  Man  saw  that  he  had  taken  for  causes 
"  what  were  no  causes,  and  that  all  his  efforts  to  work  by  means  of  these  imaginary 
"  causes  had  been  vain.  .  .  .  Not  that  the  effects  which  he  had  striven  so  hard 
"  to  produce  did  not  continue  to  manifest  themselves.  They  were  still  produced,  but 
"  not  by  him."  In  this  emergency  he  turned  to  "  a  new  system  of  faith  and  practice, 
"  which  seemed  to  offer  a  solution  of  his  harassing  doubts  and  a  substitute,  however 
"  precarious,  for  that  sovereignty  over  nature  which  he  had  abdicated.  If  the  great 
"  world  went  on  its  way  without  the  help  of  him  or  his  fellows  it  must  surely  be 
"  because  there  were  other  beings,  like  himself,  but  far  stronger,  who,  unseen  thern- 
"  selves,  directed  its  course  and  brought  about  all  the  varied  series  of  events  which 
"  he  had  hitherto  believed  to  be  dependent  on  his  own  magic.  .  .  .  To  these 
"  mighty  beings,  whose  handiwork  he  traced  in  all  the  gorgeous  and  varied  pageantry 
"  of  nature,  man  now  addressed  himself,  humbly  confessing  his  dependence  on  their 
'*  invisible  power,  and  beseeching  them  of  their  mercy  to  furnish  him  with  all  good 
"  things."  In  short,  the  Age  of  Religion  succeeded  to  the  Age  of  Magic,  though 
gradually,  reluctantly,  and,  as  regards  at  least  the  majority  of  mankind,  incompletely 
even  to  the  present  day. 

It  is  a  pleasure  to  read  over  again  the  familiar  and  glowing  paragraphs,  from 
which  I  have  extracted  but  a  few  sentences,  and  which  expound  in  such  inimitable 
language  this  seductive  hypothesis.  But  the  truth  of  a  theory  by  no  means  follows 
from  the  artistic  charm  of  its  presentation.  Nobody  would  cite  the  seventh  book 
of  Paradise  Lost  as  an  incontrovertible  authority,  in  opposition  to  the  most  prosaic 

[  12  ]  ' 


1912.]  MAN.  [No.  5. 

text-book  on  geology.  So  we  are  compelled  to  enquire  what  evidence  is  there 
of  the  correspondence  of  this  hypothesis  to  the  facts  ?  Is  it  in  any  measure 
verifiable  ? 

Professor  Frazer  offers  evidence.  On  the  priority  of  magic  to  religion  he  alleges 
the  case  of  the  Australian  aborigines.  On  the  transition  from  magic  to  religion  he 
produces  the  fact  that,  in  the  Egyptian,  Babylonian,  Vedic,  and  Norse  religions,  gods 
themselves  are  represented  as  working  by  means  of  magic,  as  its  inventors,  as 
employing  names  of  power  and  incantations,  amulets  and  talismans,  to  do  their 
will  ;  and  he  conjectures  that  "  many  gods  may  at  first  have  been  merely  deified 
sorcerers." 

Now,  taking  the  latter  point  first,  it  may  safely  be  said  that  no  religion  has 
yet  been  discovered  that  is  pure  from  the  touch  of  magic.  And  if  in  the  higher 
polytheisms  men  are  conscious  of  the  distinction  between  worship  and  magical  rite, 
and  yet  continue  generally  to  practise  both  as  part  of  the  official  religion,  they 
naturally  ascribe  their  proceedings  to  the  initiative  of  the  gods.  Such  an  ascription 
is  necessary  to  justify  the  incongruity.  At  a  stage  yet  higher  they  will  add  an 
attempt  to  explain  away  the  magical  rite  altogether  without  abandoning  its  practice. 
In  the  absence,  however,  of  definite  historical  evidence  it  is  hard  to  analyse  this 
compound  of  magic  and  religion,  and  to  determine  the  priority  of  this  or  that 
element  in  it. 

For  such  evidence  we  are  thrown  back  upon  the  Australian  aborigines.  I  hardly 
think  Professor  Frazer  has  sufficiently  considered  the  elements  of  religion  to  be  found 
among  the  blackfellows.  He  has  himself  set  forth  in  the  first  volume  of  Totemism 
and  Exogamy,  to  which  a  footnote  in  the  work  now  before  us  refers  the  reader,  a 
list  by  no  means  despicable  of  such  elements  ;  and  I  have  ventured  elsewhere  to 
enumerate  a  number  of  others.*  Some  of  them  may  not  literally  come  within  the 
terms  of  his  definition,  but  they  are  so  near  the  border-line  that  its  extension  by 
introducing  the  word  invocation  would  at  once  bring  them  within  it.  A  definition 
of  religion  must  surely  be  imperfect  which  does  not  include  invocation.  Or  are  we 
to  draw  the  line  between  magic  and  religion,  so  as  to  assign  to  the  former  the 
invocation  of  the  "powers  superior  to  man  which  are  believed  to  direct  and  control 
"  the  course  of  nature  and  of  human  life  ?  "  Then  what  becomes  of  Professor  Frazer's 
definition  of  magic  ?  If  "  among  the  Jupagalk  a  person  in  pain  would  call  on  a 
"  dead  friend  to  come  and  help  him  "  ;  if  certain  of  the  Queensland  aborigines  '*  are 
"  wont  to  call  on  their  totems  by  name  before  they  fall  asleep,  and  they  believe 
"  that  they  derive  certain  benefits  from  so  doing "  ;  if  the  Warramunga,  who  are, 
according  to  Professor  Frazer,  among  the  most  backward  of  these  backward  savages, 
perform  periodical  rites  "  by  which  they  seem  to  think  that  they  can  at  once  pro- 
"  pitiate  and  coerce,"  the  mythical  Wollunqua  (water-snake),  and  if  afterwards  when 
they  hear  thunder  rumbling  in  the  distance,  "  they  declare  that  it  is  the  voice  of  the 
"  water-snako  saying  that  he  is  pleased  with  what  they  have  done  and  that  he  will 
"  send  rain "  ;  can  we  justly  deny  to  them  religion  ?  We  are  told  that,  "  roughly 
"  speaking,  all  men  in  Australia  are  magicians,  but  not  one  is  a  priest."  This 
general  statement  is  true  in  the  sense  that  in  the  lowest  stages  of  civilisation  there 
and  elsewhere  every  man  performs  magical  ceremonies,  probably  believes  that  he  has 
some  measure  of  supernatural  power,  and  assuredly  attributes  such  power  to  his 
neighbours.  It  does  not,  however,  exclude  the  existence  of  professional  wizards  or 
medicine-men  who  have  the  power  in  still  fuller  measure.  They  undergo,  in  Australia 
not  less  than  in  other  parts  of  the  world,  a  regular  training  for  their  office  ;  according 
to  their  own  belief,  as  well  as  that  of  their  fellow-tribesmen,  they  are  initiated  by, 
and  derive  their  power  from,  the  supernatural  beings  by  whom  they  are  surrounded. 

*  Presidential  Address  to  the  British  Association,   Section  H,  1886,  pp.  684,  685. 

[    13    ] 


No*  5.]  MAN.  [1912. 

They  remain  in  intimate  communion  with  the  spirit-Avorld,  and  are  influenced  and 
aided  by  the  spirits.  In  fact,  they  are  neither  more  nor  less  than  shamans  such  as 
we  are  familiar  with  in  other  and  widely  distant  regions.  Professor  Frazer  admits 
that  at  one  stage  in  culture,  though  not  the  earliest,  "  magic  is  confused  with  religion." 
Can  he  point  to  any  substantial  evidence  of  a  stage  in  which  religion  is  unknown 
and  magic  alone  is  practised  ?  If  the  evidence  on  a  close  inspection  fails  in  Australia, 
where  can  it  be  found  ? 

To  me  the  truth  seems  to  be  that  the  presentation  of  magic  as  a  false  science 
based  on  the  uniformity  of  nature,  and  the  hypothesis  that  it  preceded  religion  in  the 
evolution  of  culture,  do  not  correctly  colligate  the  facts.  Mankind  did  not  begin  as 
eighteenth-century  philosophers.  The  unknown  with  all  its  mystery  lay  about  the 
cradle  of  the  race.  Wonder,  awe,  fear,  an  indefinable  sense  of  enveloping  powers 
with  which  he  must  make  friends,  or  which  he  must  control,  if  he  would  satisfy  his 
needs,  were  among  man's  primal  experiences,  if  not  the  most  compelling  of  them. 
He  knew  nothing  about  the  uniformity  of  nature.  He  felt  within  himself  desires, 
needs,  and  a  will  to  gratify  them  ;  and  he  attributed  the  same  to  the  objects  around 
him,  not  distinguishing  accurately  between  living  and  dead  matter.  Hence  religion 
and  magic  came  gradually  into  being  together,  indistinguishable,  one.  We  must  not 
allow  the  vision  of  the  Arunta  as  presented  by  Messrs.  Spencer  and  Gillen  to  distort 
the  perspective.  They  have  depicted  the  life,  the  principal  ceremonies,  and  many  of 
the  beliefs  of  that  interesting  tribe  ;  but  of  the  true  inwardness  of  the  Arunta  mind 
have  they  given  us  more  than  glimpses  ?  To  these  glimpses, -however,  there  attaches 
a  significance  harmonising  with  known  facts  elsewhere,  which  the  more  prominent 
peculiarities  of  the  tribe  may  well  lead  us  to  overlook. 

Such  a  view  of  the  early  relations  of  magic  and  religion  would  have  enabled 
Professor  Frazer  to  account  for  their  inexplicable  entanglement  right  through  the 
ages,  and  in  all  human  societies.  His  pages  are  crowded  with  proofs  of  it,  and  his 
theory  ouly  embarrasses  his  exposition.  (See,  for  example,  Vol.  I.,  p.  374.)  "  The 
"  relentless  hostility  with  which  in  history  the  priest  has  often  pursued  the  magician  " 
may  easily  be  exaggerated.  It  has  not  prevented  the  priest  himself  from  practising 
rites  and  claiming  powers  essentially  parallel,  if  not  identical,  with  those  of  his  oppo- 
nent. A  religion  paramount  in  any  society  professes  to  exercise  its  powers  and  per- 
form its  rites  in  the  public  interest.  It  is,  in  fact,  merely  society  in  its  commerce  with 
what  we  should  call  the  supernatural  ;  and  its  officials  are  the  functionaries  of  society 
charged  with  this  business.  The  practitioners  of  a  rival  religion,  whether  one  that 
has  been  superseded  by  conquest  or  one  that  is  still  struggling  for  recognition,  are 
not  regarded  as  acting  in  the  public  interest,  but  in  that  of  their  own  clientele.  To 
that  extent  they  are  anti-social.  Where  civilisation  has  sufficiently  far  advanced  to 
distinguish  between  religion  and  magic  the  term  religion  becomes  a  term  of  approval, 
and  the  term  magic  one  of  disapproval.  Religion  is  regarded  as  social,  magic  as  anti- 
social. Hence  in  mediaeval  Europe  magic  was  nearly  always  one  of  the  charges 
against  pagans  and  heretics.  In  the  witch-trials  of  the  sixteenth  and  seventeenth 
centuries  it  is  usually  anti-social  charges,  such  as  murder  committed  or  attempted,  or 
malicious  injury  to  person  or  property,  that  form  the  chief  counts  of  the  indictment. 
So  in  the  tropical  forests  of  the  Congo,  or  on  the  spacious  veldt,  the  Nganga  pursues 
with  cunning  and  persistence  the  wizard  who  withholds  the  rain  or  causes  a  death, 
though  they  are  both  adherents  of  the  same  religion,  practise  the  same  rites,  and 
mutter  the  same  spells.  The  innuendo  which  underlies  the  imputation  of  witchcraft, 
in  short,  is  its  anti-social  character.  Probably,  as  Dr.  Frazer  suggests,  professional 
jealousy  sharpens  the  priest's  hostility,  and  compels  him  to  a  prominent  part  in  the 
persecution  of  wizards  ;  but  the  persecution  itself  is  to  be  ascribed  neither  to  that  nor 
to  any  "radical  conflict  of  principle  between  magic  and  religion." 

[     14    ] 


1912.]  MAN.  [No.  5. 

Further,  the  hypothesis  has  led  the  author  to  a  gloomier  view  than,  I  think,  the 
facts  warrant  of  the  bona  fides  of  the  magician.  No  doubt  there  are  cases  of 
conscious  knavery.  But  these  cases,  though  numerous  arithmetically,  are  rare  in 
comparison  with  the  total  sum.  No  doubt  the  magician  often  brings  to  his  aid  an 
astuteness  above  that  of  many  of  his  fellows.  His  cunning  is  exercised,  for  instance, 
in  postponing  ceremonies  for  rain  until  he  sees  some  chance  of  a  change  of  weather, 
in  discovering  the  direction  in  which  suspicions  point  to  the  cause  of  a  death,  in 
accounting  for  the  failure  of  his  treatment  of  disease,  and  so  forth.  But  is  it  in- 
compatible with  a  general  belief  in  the  reality  of  his  supernormal  powers  ?  It  is 
inconceivable  that  one  who  is  to  play  the  part,  as  Dr.  Frazer  will  show  in  succeeding 
volumes,  of  a  king  or  a  god  will  run  the  horrible  risks — nay,  incur  certain  death 
often  in  dreadful  form — unless  he  really  believe  in  the  powers  and  personality  to 
which  he  makes  pretence.  We  must  not  forget  that  the  magician  is  a  product  of 
his  environment.  He  may  be  in  some  respects  head  and  shoulders  above  his  people  ; 
but  he  does  not  stand  on  a  pinnacle.  He  is  not  one  of  the  enlightened  spirits  who 
sees  that  he  has  been  pulling  at  strings  to  which  nothing  was  attached.  He  is  of 
his  time,  of  his  people.  He  stands  among  them,  as  one  of  them.  He  is  affected  by 
their  prejudices,  moved  by  their  passions.  The  collective  beliefs,  impulses,  hopes  and 
fears  are  reflected  in  him  and  add  unquestionable  force  to  his  own.  He  is  stirred 
with  the  common  emotions  of  the  crowd.  Because  they  believe  in  him  he  believes  in 
himself  all  the  more  strongly.  The  testimony  of  travellers,  explorers,  and  missionaries 
all  over  the  world  is  emphatic  as  to  the  general  honesty  in  this  respect  of  the 
medicine-man,  the  shaman,  the  wizard,  under  whatever  name  or  form  he  may  be 
found.  And  the  testimony  is  in  accord  with  our  ordinary  experience  of  human 
nature. 

I  have  dwelt,  however,  on  the  author's  hypothesis  of  the  origin  and  early  relations 
of  magic  and  religion  longer  than  either  the  space  devoted  to  it  in  these  volumes,  or 
its  practical  importance  in  relation  to  their  theme,  altogether  warrants.  For  the  rest 
of  this  instalment  of  the  new  edition  of  The  Golden  Bough  I  have  little  but  pro- 
found admiration  and  gratitude.  It  is  not  necessary  to  accept  the  solution  offered  of 
every  problem  raised  in  the  course  of  so  comprehensive  a  review  of  archaic  rite  and 
story.  Many  of  such  solutions  will  probably  remain  subject  to  discussion  for  a  long 
time  yet.  But  there  can  be  only  one  opinion  about  the  conduct  of  the  argument  and 
the  masterly  presentation  of  the  evidence,  old  and  new.  In  any  case  it  is  a  greater 
contribution  than  even  the  second  edition  to  our  anthropological  knowledge. 

The  important  section  on  the  sacred  fire  that  fills  so  large  a  part  of  the  second 
volume  is  entirely  new.  It  starts  from  the  sacred  marriage,  the  account  of  which  is  an 
expansion  of  a  few  pages  in  the  second  edition,  and  proceeds  to  consider  the  parallel 
cases  in  which  the  divine  bridegroom  is  the  fire  and  his  bride  a  human  virgin.  The 
Vestal  Virgins,  it  is  argued  with  much  force,  were  the  brides  of  the  fire,  and  the 
theory  derives  support  from  the  legends  of  the  births  of  Servius  Tullius  and  other 
heroes  of  ancient  Latiuni,  as  well  as  from  a  variety  of  traditional  practices  at  Rome 
and  elsewhere.  The  fire-drill,  marriage  customs  connected  with  the  hearth,  perpetual 
fires,  come  successively  under  review.  Thence  we  revert  to  the  question  of  the  mode 
of  succession  to  the  kingdom  in  Latium.  It  is  suggested  that  the  succession  was 
through  women,  marriage  with  whom  transmitted  the  crown  to  the  husband,  and  that 
husband,  a  man  of  another  clan,  or  even  of  another  race.  There  is  much  to  be  said 
on  behalf  of  the  suggestion.  It  is,  of  course,  justified  by  similar  cases  in  other  parts 
of  the  world  ;  but  the  evidence  points  still  further  to  the  possibility  that  the  bride  was 
won  in  a  contest  which  might  include  the  slaughter  of  the  previous  king.  Hence 
bride-contests  are  discussed,  and  the  argument  leads  back  to  the  conjecture  advance^ 
in  the  opening  chapter  of  the  first  volume  that  the  Priest  of  Nemi,  the  King  of  the 

[  15  1 


Nos.  5-7.]  MAN.  [1912. 

Wood,  was  nothing  less  than  a  personation  of  the  oak-god  Jupiter,  and  the  mate  of  the 
goddess  Diana. 

It  is  needless  to  say  that  the  argument  is  of  extraordinary  interest,  and  that  the 
presentation  of  both  argument  and  evidence  is  conducted  with  great  skill.  Though 
there  may  be  weak  links  here  and  there,  on  the  whole  the  chain  is  continuous,  and 
the  case  assumes  the  aspect  of  probability.  I  am  not  one  of  those  who  complain 
because  a  scientific  writer  sometimes  ekes  out  his  argument  by  conjecture.  It  is  a 
legitimate  proceeding.  Imagination  has  a  recognised  office  and  employment  in  scien- 
tific enquiry.  If  Professor  Frazer  here  or  elsewhere  has  indulged  in  conjecture,  he 
has  never,  to  my  knowledge,  abused  his  freedom  by  stating  his  conjectures  as  facts. 

The  conjecture  that  the  practice  of  ceremonially  bringing  infants  to  the  domestic 
hearth  is  a  mode  of  presenting  them  to  the  ancestral  spirits,  there  can  be  little  doubt, 
is  correct.  But  we  may,  perhaps,  be  allowed  to  question  whether  there  is  sufficient 
evidence  of  a  deeper  reason  than  this  for  the  ancient  Aryan  custom  of  leading  the 
bride  around  the  hearth  of  her  new  home.  The  evidence,  too,  that  Thor  was  the 
oak-tree-god  is  very  slender. 

But  such  matters  as  these  are  trivial.  They  are  merely  mentioned  here  as 
samples  (not  all  new)  of  the  debatable  points  occurring  here  and  there.  As  compared 
with  the  total  mass  and  value  of  The  Golden  Bough,  they  are  tiny  furrows  in  its 
precious  bark,  and  they  leave  the  substance  unimpaired.  It  remains  a  talisman  of 
power.  By  its  means  the  student  will  long  be  able  to  find  his  way  into  dark  and 
subterranean  regions  of  the  past,  and  will  obtain  access  to  many  secrets  that  can 
only  be  won  by  adventuring  along  the  devious  tracks  haunted  by  dead  and  dying 
religions.  E.  SIDNEY  HARTLAND. 


America,  North:  Ethnology.  Speek. 

Ceremonial  Songs  of  the  Creek  and  Yuchi  Indians.  By  Frank  G.  Speek.  O 
With  music  transcribed  by  Jacob  D.  ISapir.  University  of  Penns3'lvania  :  The  U 
Museum  Anthropological  Publications,  Vol.  I,  No.  2,  pp.  157-245. 

In  his  second  volume  of  Yuchi  Ethnology,  Dr.  Speek  gives  twenty-two  Creek 
dance  songs,  seven  Yuchi  dance  songs,  twenty  Creek  medicine  songs  and  formulas, 
and  two  Shawnee  love  songs.  There  is  given,  also,  in  a  convenient  table,  a  list  of 
the  plants  used  for  various  diseases,  together  with  the  scientific  names,  the  native 
names,  a  literal  translation,  of  the  latter,  and  the  cause  of  the  disease. 

The  author's  object  is  "  merely  to  assemble  the  material  for  someone  else  to 
';  study,"  and  he  professes  "  no  attempt  ...  to  discuss  the  external  qualities  or 
"  characteristics  of  the  music  itself."  The  songs  were  recorded  on  the  phonograph, 
and  the  accompanying  words  and  syllables  were  taken  down  in  phonetic  script. 

The  collection  is  especially  interesting,  aside  from  its  musical  contribution,  for 
the  intimate  connection  which  the  people  believe  to  exist  between  themselves  and 
the  animal  world,  and  the  efficacy  of  the  compelling  song  formulas. 

W.  D.  WALLIS. 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL    NOTE. 

Eighteenth  International  Congress  of  Americanists,  1912.  "7 

The  International  Congress  of  Americanists  have  accepted  the  invitation,  t 
issued  by  the  Koval  Anthropological  Institute,  to  hold  their  eighteenth  session  in 
London  in  1912,  at  the  Imperial  Institute.  Full  particulars  will  appear  in  the 
next  number  of  MAN.  Meanwhile  donations  to  the  general  fund  and  members' 
subscriptions  (£1)  should  be  sent  to  J.  Gray,  Esq.,  50,  Great  Russell  Street. 

Printed  by  EYRE  AND  SPOTTISWOODE,  LTD.,  His  Majesty's  Printers,  Bast  Harding  Street,  B.C. 

fi 


PLATE   B. 


MAN,  1912. 


A    CRETINOUS    SKULL    OF    THE    EIGHTEENTH    DYNASTY. 


1912.]  MAN.  [No.  8. 

ORIGINAL    ARTICLES. 
Anthropology.     With  Plate  B.  Seligrmann. 

A  Cretinous   Skull  of  the   Eighteenth    Dynasty.       /•'.//    C.     G.     Si-lit/-     Q 
maun,  M.D.  U 

The  skull,  two  views  of  which  are  reproduced  in  Plate  B,  is  one  of  a  number 
discovered  by  Professor  Flinders  Petrie  while  exploring  a  temple  of  Thotmes  IV 
at  Thebes.  It  will  be  seen  that  this  skull  (now  in  the  museum  of  the  Royal 
College  of  Surgeons)  is  of  most  unusual  shape,  but  before  describing  and  discussing 
this  it  will  be  well  to  quote  Professor  Petrie's  account  of  the  chamber  in  which  it 
was  found.  "  In  the  8.W.  chamber  of  ...  (the  temple)  the  floor  was  found 
"  to  rest  upon  made  earth,  and  not  on  rock.  On  digging  down  here  a  rock  scarp  was 
"  found  facing  the  east.  .  .  .  Below  this  scarp  an  entrance  was  found  leading 
"  into  a  passage  running  west  ;  at  the  end  of  this  passage  a  doorway  admits  to  a 
"  chamber  cut  in  the  rock,  in  which  is  a  pit  descending  to  a  lower  level,  and 
*'  giving  access  to  another  passage  running  east,  with  a  tomb  chamber  at  the  end 
"  of  it.  .  .  ."  When  Professor  Petrie  opened  this  there  was  no  trace  of  the 
original  interment,  "  but  the  upper  passage  and  chamber  was  closely  filled  with  at 
"  least  two  layers  of  bodies,  over  eighty  being  packed  into  it.  ...  These  bodies 
"  were  scarcely  to  be  called  mummies,  as  they  seemed  to  have  been  buried  in 
"  wrappings  without  any  attempt  at  preserving  the  flesh  by  resin,  oil,  or  salts. 
"  Hence  there  was  only  a  confused  mass  of  bones  amid  a  deep  soft  heap  of  brown 
*'  dust."*  The  condition  and  position  of  these  bones  led  Professor  Petrie  to  consider 
that  the  chamber  in  which  they  were  found  was  an  old  and  plundered  tomb,  used  as 
a  common  burying  place,  perhaps  for  workmen,  during  the  reign  of  Thotmes  IV 
or  possibly  Amenhotep  II.  Further,  the  great  diversity  in  the  form  of  the  skulls  led 
him  to  suggest  that  these  were  not  the  bones  of  natives,  but  rather  those  of  foreign 
captives  employed  on  public  works. 

The  skull  itself  appears  to  be  that  of  a  cretin  and  exhibits  the  characteristic 
lack  of  development  (hypoplasia)  of  the  bones  laid  down  in  cartilage.  The  following 
particulars  are  taken  from  Dr.  Keith's  description  in  the  College  catalogue: — "The 
"  arrest  of  growth  concerns  the  floor  of  the  posterior  fossa  ;  the  foramen  magnum, 
"  basioccipital  and  basisphenoid,  and  the  occipital  squama  hardly  exceeding  the  size 
"  of  the  parts  at  the  time  of  birth.  .  .  .  The  internal  auditory  meatuses,  the 
"  internal  ears,  and  the  carotid  canals  are  no  further  apart  than  at  birth.  .  .  . 
"•  The  several  sutures  between  the  occipital  and  neighbouring  bones  are  closed,  and 
i4  were  evidently  obliterated  at  an  early  date.  ...  In  consequence  of  the  short- 
"  ness  of  the  base,  the  growth  of  the  cranium  has  been  largely  directed  upwards  in 
u  compensation  ;  the  forehead  being,  moreover,  particularly  prominent. 
"  There  is,  moreover,  an  arrest  in  the  development  of  the  nasal  bones  and  nasal 
"  processes  of  the  superior  maxilla?,  formed  over  the  anterior  prolongation  of  the 
*'  trabeculas  cranii." 

Particular  stress  must  be  laid  on  the  condition  of  the  nasal  bones,  since  I  believe 
this  makes  it  possible  to  say  fairly  definitely  that  the  skull  is  that  of  a  cretin  and 
not  the  skull  of  an  achondroplasiac,  such  as  we  know  existed  in  ancient  Egypt.f 

*  Six  Temples  at  Thebes,  pp.  7, 8. 

f  There  is  in  the  Cairo  Museum  the  statuette  of  an  achondroplastic  dwarf  Khnumhotep  found  at 
Saqqarah  and  dating  from  the  old  empire.  A  reproduction  of  this  statuette  is  given  by  Breasted 
(//ixfuri/  of  Egypt,  Fig.  75,  p.  140),  who,  in  spite  of  the  absence  of  all  Negrito  characteristics,  speaks 
of  this  man  as  coming  from  "  one  of  the  pigmy  tribes  of  inner  Africa."  It  seems  certain  that  Khnum- 
hotep was  an  achondroplasiac  ;  indeed,  I  have  been  unable  to  satisfy  myself  that  any  representation 
of  a  pigmy  is  to  be  found  on  Egyptian  monuments. 

[     17    ] 


Nos.  8-9.]  MAN.  [1912. 

Although  the  general  appearance  of  the  specimen  immediately  suggests  that  it  is 
the  skull  of  a  cretin,  considerable  care  must  be  exercised  in  order  to  exclude  achon- 
droplasia.  Achondroplastic  skulls,  like  those  of  cretins,  may  be  high  and  broad  though 
deficient  in  length,  and  may  have  an  unduly  prominent  forehead.  In  the  living,  this 
latter  character  may  give  a  sunken  appearance  to  the  root  of  the  nose,  and  if  the 
latter  be  short  the  whole  physiognomy  may  suggest  defective  development  of  the 
nasal  bones. 

In  the  skull  under  consideration,  the  arrest  of  the  development  of  the  nasal  bones 
is  very  marked,  and  this  also  occurs  in  the  skulls  of  undoubtedly  cretinous  calves  in 
whose  thyroid  glands  colloid  is  completely  absent.  In  achondroplastic  skulls,  on  the 
other  hand,  the  nasal  bones  and  the  nasal  processes  of  the  maxilla?  develop  normally, 
though  owing  to  the  shortness  of  the  base  the  angle  made  with  the  frontal  may  be 
abnormal.  This  statement  is  based  on  the  examination  of  the  skull  of  an  achondro- 
plastic infant  in  the  museum  of  the  College  of  Surgeons  kindly  placed  at  my  disposal 
by  Mr.  Shattock,  whom  I  take  this  opportunity  of  thanking  for  the  assistance  he 
so  readily  gave  me.  In  this  skull  the  nasal  bones  and  the  nasal  processes  of  the 
superior  maxillae  are  normal,  but  the  nasal  bones  are  set  at  right  angles  with  the 
frontal,  i.e.,  at  an  acuter  angle  than  in  the  normal  subject.  Thus  the  condition 
presented  by  this  achondroplastic  skull  differs  in  an  important  particular  from  that 
of  the  eighteenth  dynasty  Egyptian  skull  under  discussion,  while  the  latter  agrees  in 
this  particular  with  undoubtedly  cretinous  skulls,  so  that  there  is  every  justification  for 
regarding  the  skull,  which  forms  the  subject  of  this  note,  as  that  of  an  eighteenth 
dynasty  cretin.  C.  G.  SELIGMANN. 


Africa,  East.  Hobley. 

The  Wa-Langulu   or  Ariangulu   of   the    Taru    Desert.       By    C.     W.     Q 
Hobley,  C.M.G.  U 

There  is  a  small  but  interesting  hunter  tribe  which  inhabits  the  thorn-bush 
country  or  Nyika,  known  as  the  Taru  desert  and  their  habitat  extends  from  the 
Sabaki  valley  to  some  distance  south  of  the  Uganda  Railway,  almost  as  far  as 
Mount  Kilibasi.  They  originally  lived  entirely  by  the  chase,  killing  their  game  by 
poisoned  arrows  ;  their  bows  are  the  longest  seen  in  East  Africa,  and  often  measure 
,5  feet  by  6  inches.  They  are  believed  to  be  allied  to  the  nomad  tribe  known  as 
Wa-Sania.  They  were  formerly  serfs  of  the  Galla,  and  if  they  killed  an  elephant 
they  had  to  present  one  tusk  to  the  Galla  chief.  They  say  that  they  moved  south- 
wards from  the  direction  of  the  Sabaki  to  avoid  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Galla,  and 
this  is  probably  the  case.  There  is  a  great  scarcity  of  water  in  the  part  of  the 
country  they  inhabit,  and  they  depend  entirely  on  a  very  doubtful  supply  obtained 
from  a  peculiar  series  of  holes  found  in  the  carboniferous  Taru  sandstones  in  which 
rain  water  is  naturally  stored.  Like  the  true  Okiek  Dorobo  they  are  probably  sin 
aboriginal  people  who  became  affiliated  to  the  tribe  which  was  once  the  dominant 
f-dctor  in  this  region,  viz.,  the  Galla,  and  in  the  same  way  that  so  many  of  the 
Okiek  have  adopted  Masai  and  Kikuyu  language,  they  have  adopted  the  language 
of  their  over-lords,  the  Galla.  A  small  vocabulary  has,  however,  been  collected  in 
the  hopes  that  it  may  contain  some  traces  of  the  aboriginal  tongue. 

Europeans  have  never  interested  themselves  very  much  in  these  people,  mainly 
because  they  inhabit  such  inhospitable  country,  and  Mr.  Hollis  is,  it  is  believed,  the 
only  other  person  who  has  ever  made  any  notes  of  their  customs  or  speech.  They 
are  very  suspicious  of  strangers,  and  as  they  only  usually  know  their  own  language 
and  Ki-Duruma,  it  is  not  easy  to  communicate  with  them.  The  writer  recently  had  an 

[     18    J 


1912.]  MAN.  [No.  9, 

opportunity  of  meeting  a  few  members  of  the  tribe  for  a  short  period,  and  collected 
a  few  notes. 

Two  elders  were  interviewed,  named  Barisa  wa  Abashora  and  Dida  wa  Bonaya. 
These  men  live  near  the  Tarn  Hills  and  belong  to  the  Okoli  clan  of  the  Ariangulu. 
Ariangulu  is  their  own  name  for  the  tribe  and  they  sometimes  call  themselves 
Wata  ;  Wa-Langulu  is  what  they  are  called  by  the  Duruma  people. 

The   tribe  is  said  to  be  divided  into  four  clans,  viz.  : — 

CLAN.  SUB-CHIEF. 

(1)  Karara  •     Ziru. 

(2)  Okoli  -     Bashora. 

(3)  Beretuma  -  -     Ocha. 

(4)  Wayu  -     Wario. 

The  principal  chief  of  the  tribe  is  said  to  be  one  Dukata,  who  lives  on  the 
north  bank  of  the  Sabaki  River  near  Rogi  Hill.  They  worship  a  Supreme  Being 
they  know  by  the  name  of  Wak,  and  worship  him  by  sacrificing  goats  under  certain 
big  trees.  They  say  they  have  no  medicine  men. 

Both  sexes  are  circumcised. 

Two  incisors  are  extracted  from  the  lower  jaw,  and  a  V-shaped  gap  is  cut 
between  the  two  middle  upper  incisor  teeth. 

No  person  can  marry  within  his  clan.  The  bridegroom  has  to  pay  a  marriage  fee 
of  a  tusk  of  male  ivory  weighing  about  two  frasilas  (about  70  Ibs.)  to  his  father-in-law, 
and  a  cow  tusk  to  his  mother-in-law. 

They  bury  their  dead,  .and  lay  a  male  in  the  grave  on  his  right  side  and  a 
woman  on  her  left  side. 

They  do  not  forge  iron  but  purchase  it  from  the  Giriama  ;  they  manufacture  their 
own  arrow  poison. 

They  now  cultivate  maize  to  a  limited  extent,  and  this  it  is  believed  is  due  to 
their  intermarriage  in  recent  years  with  Duruma  and  Taita  women  ;  in  fact,  the  majority 
of  their  huts  are  now  built  according  to  the  Duruma  fashion,  that  is  to  say,  oblong 
in  shape,  tapering  towards  the  top,  and  thatched  right  down  to  the  ground. 

The  domestic  animals  seen  consisted  of  fowls  and  goats  ;  no  traces  of  cattle 
were  observed. 

Over  the  door  of  the  huts  various  charms  are  tucked  into  the  thatch,  and  it  was 
stated  that  the  object  of  these  was  to  prevent  the  entrance  of  thieves  while  the 
owners  were  absent.  One  of  their  charms  consisted  of  a  rude  carving  of  a  head 
which  was  said  to  represent  that  of  a  baboon. 

A  leopard  trap  was  seen  in  one  village  ;  it  consisted  of  two  parallel  series  of 
posts  about  three  feet  in  height,  with  a  heavy  beam  balanced  between  them,  but  secured 
at  one  end,  there  was  a  cage  partitioned  off  at  one  end  in  which  a  live  bait  consisting 
of  a  fowl  was  placed  ;  over  the  other  end,  which  was  the  mouth  of  the  trap,  the 
beam  was  suspended,  and  when  the  leopard  entered  he  was  supposed  to  trip  against 
a  fine  cord  which  released  a  trigger  catch  and  allowed  the  beam  to  fall.  He 
would  receive  a  severe  blow  on  his  hindquarters  and  would  be  crushed  into  a 
crouching  position.  Next  morning  the  villagers  would  despatch  him  with  a  poisoned 
arrow. 

Most  of  the  people  now  wear  a  certain  amount  of  cloth,  so  one  cannot  say  what 
their  original  dress  consisted  of. 

Physically  they  appear  to  be  fairly  tall  and  spare,  the  Galla  type  of  face  is 
frequently  seen,  but  it  is  not  predominant  ;  unless  a  representative  gathering  of  elders 
could  be  observed  it  would  be  unsafe  to  generalise  on  this  point. 


No.  9.1 


MAN. 


[1912. 


It  is  hoped  that  someone  who  has  opportunities  will  make  a  detailed  study  of 
these  people  before  they  become  entirely  merged  with  the  Duruma,  who  have  spread 
westward  many  miles  in  recent  years. 

A  SHORT  ARIANGULU  VOCABULARY. 


Arrow 

Chuguruba. 

VTA.li  I/  A. 

Hand  - 

ARIANGULU. 

Arrk  - 

UALLA. 
Harka. 

Arrow  poison  • 

Ada. 

Hill    - 

Dakacha 

Borgi,  also  hadare. 

Back  - 

Dir. 

Honey 

Dcim  - 

Dagma. 

Beard 

Aried  - 

Areta. 

House 

Mina  - 

Gee,  also  Mana. 

Bee     - 

Kineso 

Kane. 

Head  - 

Mata  - 

Mata. 

Bear  (bring 

Naduu  Indet  - 

Dala. 

Hippopotamus  Kuobi 

Robi. 

forth) 

Horse 

Farrdc 

Farta. 

Bird    - 

Shiruhii 

Zimbira. 

Iron    - 

Sirila  - 

Zibili. 

Beer    - 

Dadi    - 

Dyalali,  also  dadi. 

Knife  - 

Bilo    - 

Zenti,  also  harutu 

Bow    - 

Bune. 

Kamba  tribe  - 

Kambicha. 

Bring 

Kwier. 

Leopard 

Kerans. 

Bury  - 

Awalan 

Awala. 

Lizard 

Chure 

Locho. 

Buffalo 

Gedess 

Qafarza. 

Lion   - 

Neika 

Neuja  or  Ncutcha. 

Brass  - 

Atio. 

Lightning 

Angasu 

Bakaka. 

Carry 

Badi    - 

Gura. 

Leaves 

Kola   - 

Bala. 

Chest  - 

Enduraf. 

Maize 

Majawo 

Bokolo. 

Children 

Luku  - 

Djudji,  also  Koko. 

Man    - 

Dira   - 

Dira  (plural). 

Cloth  - 

Weya 

Waya. 

Mother 

Aya     - 

Ayo. 

Clouds 

Duruass. 

Mtama 

Misinga 

Mizinga. 

Come  - 

Kwi   - 

Ga,  also  diefa. 

Masai  tribe     - 

Kore. 

Cooking  pot    - 

Okoti  - 

Okote. 

Nails  - 

Kenda. 

Cow    - 

La1  von 

Ton  (plural). 

No      - 

Efet  or  Efedo 

Wau. 

Crocodile 

Niaclia 

Nadja. 

Nose  - 

Funan 

Funan. 

Child  (male)  - 

Enjoni 

Gurba. 

Partridge 

Gorori. 

Child  (female) 

Nadie 

Indalla. 

(francolin) 

Die      - 

Adu    - 

Dua. 

Penis  - 

Shudu 

Luba,  also  zala. 

Dig     - 

Lafkot 

Kota. 

Pool    - 

Kono  - 

Gibe,  also  tekafe. 

Donkey 

Harrc 

Harre. 

Rain  - 

Boke  - 

Boka. 

Drink  (f.) 

Kugi    - 

D'uga. 

Rhinoceros 

Warsess 

Worabo. 

Duruma   tribe 

Rushor. 

River  - 

Laga  - 

Aba-abofni,      also 

Ear     - 

Gur     - 

Gurra. 

galana,  also  laga. 

Elephant 

Arabc 

Arba. 

Road  - 

Dirbu 

Kara. 

Eyes  - 

Ila      - 

Idya. 

Saliva 

Anchof 

Gorora.  also  hand- 

Eyebrows 

Nyara 

Nara. 

jufa. 

Excrement 

Udan 

Udan. 

Sand,  soil 

Bie      - 

Bio. 

Fat     - 

Dada 

Cabadu. 

Sheep 

Cla      - 

Hola. 

Fish    - 

Kurtumi. 

Sandals 

Kobari 

Kobe. 

Fly  (*.) 

Titis    - 

Titiza. 

Snake 

Buf  or  Bof      - 

Bofa. 

Foot   - 

Fan     - 

Fana,  also  Mila. 

Strike 

Dani  - 

Dana. 

Father 

Aba    - 

Aba. 

Sweet  potato  - 

Chamari 

Dinitaha. 

Feathers 

Bali     - 

Bali. 

Swahili  tribe  - 

Amar. 

Giraffe 

Sutowo. 

Teeth  - 

11  kan  - 

Ilkan. 

Go      - 

Sur     - 

Ba. 

Thunder 

Bakaka 

Mandia. 

Goat  - 

Rer     - 

Ree. 

Tongue 

Arawa 

Araba. 

Guinea-fowl   - 

Solola 

Zololia. 

Tree    - 

Muka  - 

Zombo. 

God     - 

Waka 

Wakayo. 

Testicles 

Chindan 

Dyidan,      also 

Grass  - 

Buyo  - 

Marga. 

zeru. 

Gourd 

Buchum. 

Taita  tribe      - 

Digiri. 

Ground  (earth) 

Lafa   - 

Lafa. 

Urine 

Fichan 

Findja. 

Gal  la  tribe 

Oruma 

Oromo  is  the  name 

Vagina 

Fadur 

Fudji. 

by  which  the  Gal- 

Water 

Bisani 

Bizan. 

las      call      them- 

Wind - 

Damoch 

Bube. 

selves. 

Woman 

Nadien 

Naden  (plural). 

Hair    - 

Sifas 

Rifenza. 

Yes 

Ruguma 

Ee. 

[     20    ] 

1912.]  MAN.  [Nos.  9-10. 

NCMKKALS. 


ARIANGULU.  GALLA. 


1  -  -  Tana  -  -  Toko,  or  Taka. 

2  -  -  Lam  -  -  Lama. 

3  -  -  Sedi  -  -  Zadi. 

4  -  Arfur  -  -  Afur. 

5  -  -  Shen  -  -  Zan. 

6  -  -  Ja  -   Dya. 

7  -  -  Toib  -  Torba. 


A  in  A.NGULU.          GALLA. 


9  -  -  Sagal     -  -  Zagal. 

10  -  Kudrn  -  -  Kutlan. 

20  -  -  Kurlam. 

30  -  -  Kusedi  -  -  Zodoma. 

40  -  -  Avuri     -  -  Aportam. 

50  -  -  Kurshcn  -  Zantama. 

100  -  -  Sodoma  -  Diba 


8         -  -  Sad  let    -  -  Zadeta. 

NOTE. — The  only  Galla  vocabulary  available  was  one  compiled  some  forty  years 
back  by  a  German  missionary  in  the  south  of  Abyssinia,  so  considerable  dialectic 
differences  may  be  expected.  C.  W.  HOBLEY. 

Solomon  Islands  :  Linguistics.  Wheeler. 

Two   Tales    in    Mono   Speech    (Bougainville  Straits).      By     G.     C.     4  A 

Wheeler,  B.A.Lond.  (Roy.  Soc.  Gov.  Grant}.  lU 

The  following  are  from  a  collection  of  tales  (lagalagala)  made  in  Shortland  and 
Treasury  Islands.  Dudueri  has  a  place  in  the  religion  of  the  people  ;  here  the  text 
is  treated  only  philologically. 

No.  1. — DUDUERI. 

(A.)  An  sana1  iua  "  emiagagana  fauna  tapoina.  emiaelima2  aia.  emiagaloama  "3 
iua  Dudueri.  iua.  Irigagana.  irifose  kiniua4.  iriala  Magusaiai5.  iriala.  irieli  an 
leana6  fasala.  irieli  ga  aia.  irieli.  irifagafuli7.  iripipisi.  irigaloama.  lama  irifa- 
safili8  kenoa.  iriena  ga  kiniu.  renuasi. 

(B.)  irifosema1.  irifoseina.  eang  Dudueri  darami  tapoina2  ihamako3.  "  soa 
"  lama  dreaaang  fanua.  sagu  beampeu  irigaloma4.  an  andreagaloama5  lama  reaaang 
"  darami"  iua  ga  Dudueri.  iua.  fanua  irifosema.  irisoku  Piogai.  igumo  kiniu. 
dehautupi6.  iutupu  sana  au.  ikafuru  ga. 

(C.)  Dudueri.  irisoku  fanua  famataang1.  kiniu  itataposa2.  "  iafaua3  ga  sagu 
"  au  amfautupi  ?4  haipaiteang5.  sagu  au  iutupu.  haikahuruuta  "6  iua  ga7  Dudueri. 
iua.  i'nkoti  ga  darami.  itaupong8.  isuala.  isale  aloaga9.  isale.  ea10  tiong 
Dudueri  igagana  kenoa.  iau  kenoa.  Piogai11  iau.  iua.  isoma12.  somanana13. 

Told  by  Baoi  of  Faleta. 

English  Translation. 

(A*.)  Once  upon  a  time  he  said,  "  All  you  men  go  and  dig  up  an  aia,  and  bring 
"  it  here,"  quoth  Dudueri.  He  spoke.  They  went,  and  paddled  in  their  canoe,  and 
crossed  over  to  Magusaiai.  They  crossed  over  ;  they  dug  up  a  tree  of  the  kind 
called  fasala  ;  so  they  dug  up  an  aia.  They  dug  ;  they  finished  digging  ;  they  tied 
it  to  a  log  to  carry  on  their  shoulders,  and  carried  it.  Then  they  brought  it  down 
to  the  sea.  They  lifted  their  canoe  and  launched  it  ;  they  put  it  in  the  canoe  and 
(B*)  paddled  back.  They  paddled  back.  Dudueri  had  a  lot  of  food  cooked.  "Yes, 
"  then  the  men  shall  eat  ;  they  have  brought  me  the  thing  I  wanted  ;  those  who 
"  bring  the  tree  shall  have  food  afterwards,"  quoth  Dudueri.  He  said.  The  men 
paddled  home  ;  they  came  to  Piogai  ;  the  canoe  capsized  ;  they  sank  it,  and  his 
tree  sank  (C*).  Dudueri  was  wrath.  The  men  got  home,  but  the  canoe  was  broken 
up.  "Why  have  you  sunk  my  tree?  I  am  angry  with  you.  My  tree  has  sunk. 
"  I  am  angry,"  said  Dudueri.  He  said.  He  took  hold  of  the  food  and  upset  it.  It 
grew  up  of  itself  ;  the  aloaga  kept  alive  ;  it  kept  alive.  The  man  Dudueri  went 
into  the  sea  ;  he  stayed  in  the  sea  ;  he  stayed  at  Piogai.  It  has  been  said  :  it  is 
ended.  It  is  the  end. 

*  These  letters  are  to  show  the  correspondencies  with  the  Mono  text. 

[     21     ] 


No.  10.]  MAN.  [1912. 

?• 

NOTES. 

(Only  philological  notes  are  given  bere  ;  see  elsewhere  for  sociological  and  geographical  notes.) 
(A.)  '  Au  sana:  verbal  subst.=  'his  staying,  stopping."  A  common  expression  in  the  tales. 
Here  can  be  translated  by  "once  upon  a  time."  *  EmiaeUmasstmia  (verb,  prefix,  2  plur.  fut.)  +  eli 
(dig)  -j-  mo.  *  Emiagaloama  ;  gala  (to  bring)  -f-  -a ma  (another  form  of  -ma).  *  Kiniua  :  kiniu  +  -a  : 
the  suffix  -a  denotes  place  where  or  whither  ;  also  nearness.  After  final  a  it  is  -ang.  (See  C.1 
below.)  5  Magusalai :  after  proper  names  of  places  the  suffix  -a  is  not  used  to  denote  place  where 
or  whither  ;  the  place-name  standing  by  itself  gives  this  meaning.  (See  note  C."  below.)  6  Leana  : 
lea-  (name)  takes  always  a  possessive  suffix.  '  Fagafuli :  fa  -\-  gafulu  (to  come  to  an  end)  :  fa-  is 
the  causative  prefix,  which  may  be  used  with  a  great  many  verbs  (gafulu ;  the  simple  verb  is  perhaps 
not  used  in  the  form  gufuli).  Fa-  may  also  be  written  ha-.  *  Fasajitl  =fa-  (causative  prefix) 
-j-  sajili  =  to  come,  arrive. 

(B.)  '  lrifosema:fose  =  to  paddle  a  canoe;  -ma  =  hither.  2  Tapoina  =  much,  many,  several,  all. 
Tapoi=to  be  plentiful;  -tta  is  an  adjectival  ending.  *  Ihamalto  =fa-  +  mako  (to  be  boiled,  be 
cooked).  4  Irigaloma •  :  notice  the  suffix  in  the  form  -ma  ;  whereas  above  it  was  -ama.  5  Andreaga- 
loama  =  an  -+•  area  (verbal  pref.  3  pi.  fut.)  +  galoama.  The  prefix  an-  (ang-~)  is  used  to  give  a  relative 
meaning  to  verbg  and  other  words  ;  tiong  angiroro =  "  the  man  who  saw  it"  ;  Hong  ansana  saiga  = 
the  man  whose  garden  it  is  (sana=  his).  •  Defiautupi:  utupu  =  to  sink  (intrans.)  :  fautupi  =  lo 
make  to  sink. 

(C.)  '  Famataang  =  famata  (village)  +  -ang  (hither ;  denotes  place  whither :  see  A.4  above). 
2  Itataposa  :  was  broken  up.  The  usual  prefix  denoting  a  passive  state  is  ta- :  here  the  reduplication 
probably  has  a  reference  to  the  canoe  being  in  many  bits.  Reduplication,  in  general,  denotes  plurality 
or  frequency.  3  lafaua  =  why  ?  "  Why  ? "  is  translated  by  -afaua  with  verbal  prefixes,  which  may 
either  agree  with  the  verb  or  be  in  the  3  pers.  sing.  past.  Here  we  might  have  angafaua,  the  2 
pers.  plur.  past  prefix.  4  Amfautupl :  am-  (or  ang-)  is  the  verbal  prefix,  2  pers.  plur.  past.  5  Haipai- 
teang  :  hal  (verb.  pref.  1  pers,  sing,  past)  +  paite  (to  be  angry)  +  -ang  (prcnoun,  2  pers.  plur. ; 
object).  6  Halkakuruutu  :  =  Juii  -f-  ka/iuru  (to  be  angry)  +  uta-  The  suffix  -uta  (-#ta,  -ita,  -ota, 
according  to  the  preceding  vowel)  may  be  added  to  verbs,  or  not  ;  apparently  it  does  not  affect  the 
meaning,  but  merely  is  analogous  to  a  cognate  accusative.  7  lua  ga.  The  enclitic  ga  is  constantly 
found  after  the  first  word  of  a  sentence  and  is  often  hardly  to  be  translated  :  it  is  analogous  to  the 
Greek  <J«  and  yap.  Standing  as  the  first  word  in  a  sentence  it  =  "  therefore."  8  Itaupong :  the  -ng 
here  is  probably  the  often-found  suffix  to  verbs,  denoting  "  there,  thither,"  or  not  to  be  translated. 
"  Isale  aloaga :  "the  aloaga  kept  alive":  the  other  food  died.  10  Ea  :  "the,  this,  that";  another 
form  is  eang  (eang  JDudueri,  above,  B).  "  Piogai :  note  the  proper  name  does  not  take  the  suffix  -a 
to  denote  the  place  where.  (See  Note  A.3  above.)  • 12  lua.  Isoma :  the  standard  ending  for  a  lag  ala  gala 
(tale)  :  ua  =  to  say.  Here  lua  perhaps  =  "he  (the  teller)  has  spoken,"  or  is  it  a  passive  ?  isoma  = 
"it  (the  tale)  has  ended,"  or  "he  (the  teller)  has  finished."  I3  Somanana:  this  and  the  two  pre- 
ceding words  invariably  end  the  tales.  Somanana  is  a  much-used  expression  to  denote  "  that  is  all," 
'•that  is  the  end,"  "  that  is  over."  Smna  =  end  :  -nana  either  (1)  =  "  it  is  "  :  or  (2)  is  a  reduplicated 
-na  (of  it)  :  or  (3)  is  -na  (of  it)  +  -n&  —  "  it  is." 

(The  above  notes  were  got  with  the  help  of  the  natives  Segimeti,  Mule,  Bitiai.) 

No.  2. — ULINA  ANGOOSI  SANA1. 

(A.)  eriasae2  loana  natuna.  magota  enaau  Sana.  enalafilafi  enagaloma  kore 
enaosi  ga  ulina.  enaselo  korea.  "  kokong  selo.  ulina  selo "  enaua.  enabui3  asu. 
enaisang  ga  apasa4.  enaamisu.  puai  enaisang  petaang.  enahamako.  enaoleole. 
eaaboi.  dreafotuma  ga  natuna  sana  kanegaua5.  "  maang  egutaimia,  boo  gaina6 
lamanaimia7 

(B.)  andregaloama " J  enandi2.  dreapapasu.  dreadarami.  dreagolu  ga  ulina 
magota.  euaboi.  dreasuele.  ilale3.  dresae  natuna  loana.  deeeva.  ea  magota 
ilafilafi  igaloama  ga  kore.  iosi  ga  uliiia.  iselo.  kokong  iselo.  ii'amako.  ifakoro 
kabaikaang.  ioleole.  ibui  asu.  iisang  ga  apasa.  iainisu  petaang.  ifalulusu  puai. 
ifamanunu. 

(C.)  au  sana1  irisokuma  ga  natuna  sana  kanegaua.  iindi  "  emiararami  ga  ena. 
emia2  boo  "iindi.  "a'uta3  ingalonama4 "  iiudi.  iridarami.  iboi  irisuele.  ilale.  "  i  afaua 
ga  magota5  ?  boi  tapoina  taragaganaata  saigaang  enaporo  ga  boo.  taraau  saraata6 
ape  enaporo  ? "  reua.  irisae.  irilefemalema".  reofong.  "  tararoro "  reua.  iosi  ga 
ulina. 

[    22     ] 


1912.]  MAN.  [No.  10. 

(D.)  iselo  korea.  iselo  darami.  "  oge-,  raagota  ea  inaita  boi  tapoiua  ulina  ga 
gogolua1  saraata "  reua.  "  hamanunu.  enaboi  tarafotuma  tiga  saiga  lama  fanalapu  " 
iua  ga  natuna.  irilefe  saigaang.  irieeva.  ilafilafi.  refotu.  resoku  numaang. 
"  maang  sang  kanegaua  enaa  emia  boo"  iindi,  "  samia  tala2  irigaloama"  iiudi. 
"  fealau3  boo  gai  ?  maito  fang4  tiling  ga  ena  (or  gaina).  teteleami  sang  ga  "  boo  "5 
inami6  sang "  iing.  ilapu  natuna.  imate.  iua.  isoma.  somanana. 
(By  blind  Bitiai.  An  Alu,  Mono,  and  Fauru  tale.) 

English   Translation. 

ULINA  ANGOOSI  SANA.  (The  woman  who  used  to  cut  up  her  body.) 
(A.)  Her  son-in-law  and  her  daughter  would  go  inland.  The  old  woman  would 
stay  behind.  When  the  afternoon  came  she  would  bring  a  cooking-pot  and  cut  up 
her  body  :  she  would  boil  it  in  the  pot.  "Cook  taro  ;  cook  her  body,"  she  would 
say.  She  would  prepare  betel-nut  lime  and  pepper :  she  would  throw  away  the 
betel-skin  ;  she  would  spit ;  and  throw  lime  on  the  ground.  She  would  cook  (the 
flesh),  and  hang  it  up.  When  night  came  on  her  daughter  and  daughter's  husband 
would  come  back.  "  Ah  !  my  dears,  here  is  pig  (B)  which  your  manai  ("  uncles  ") 
brought  here,"  she  would  tell  them.  They  would  take  it  down,  and  partake  ;  they 
would  eat  the  old  woman's  body.  Night  would  come  on  and  they  would  sleep.  Day 
dawned  :  her  daughter  and  son-in-law  went  up  inland.  They  worked.  When  after- 
noon came  on  this  old  woman  brought  a  pot  :  she  cut  up  her  body  :  she  boiled  it  : 
she  boiled  taro  :  she  cooked  all  properly.  She  put  it  into  a  basket  ;  and  hung  it  up. 
She  made  a  chewing-mixture ;  and  threw  away  the  betel-skin.  She  spat  on  the 
ground  ;  she  sprinkled  lime  011  the  ground.  She  kept  quiet.  (C)  Presently,  her 
daughter  and  her  daughter's  husband  arrived.  Said  she  to  them  :  "  Eat  this  ;  it  is 
"  pig  for  you,"  said  she  to  them.  "  It  is  what  they  brought  here,"  quoth  she.  They 
eat.  Night  came  on  and  they  slept.  Day  dawned  :  "  What  does  the  old  woman  do  ? 
"  Every  day  when  we  go  to  the  garden  there  is  pig.  If  we  stay,  there  is  no  pig," 
said  they  (d.  and  h.).  They  went  out  :  and  came  back  again.  They  kept  quiet. 
"  Let  us  see,"  said  they.  She  cut  up  her  body ;  (D)  and  cooked  it  in  the  pot. 
She  cooked  vegetable-food.  "  Hullo  !  We  have  been  eating  this  old  woman's  body 
"  every  day,"  said  they.  "  Keep  quiet  ;  when  night  comes  on  we  will  go  back  from 
"  the  garden,  and  then  I  will  kill  her,"  said  her  daughter.  They  went  away  to  the 
garden  ;  and  worked.  Afternoon  came  on  and  they  went  back  to  the  village.  They 
came  to  the  house.  "  Oh  !  you,  here  is  pig  for  you  and  your  husband,"  said  she  to 
them.  "  Your  men  brought  it,"  said  she.  "  What  kind  of  pig  is  this  ?  It  is  your 
"  own  body.  When  you  give  it  to  us,  '  it  is  pig '  you  tell  us,"  said  she  to  her 
(the  m.).  Her  daughter  killed  her.  She  died.  It  is  said  :  it  is  ended. 
It  is  the  end. 

NOTES. 

1  Angooti  tana :  is  the  verbal  substantive,  denoting  frequentative  action ;  with  the  relative  prefix, 
ang-  "  the  woman  who  used  to  cut  up  her  body." 

(A.)  2  Eriasae :  note  the  future  prefixes  used,  down  to  Hale  [B.,  n.  3].  Here  they  seem  to  denote 
habitual  past  action.  *  Enabui  asu :  bui  =  to  prepare  the  ingredients  for  betel-chewing  (?)  4  Apasa :  the 
remains,  refuse  of  anything.  Here  the  outer  skin  of  the  betel-nut.  The  actions  of  chewing,  spitting, 
and  scattering  lime  are,  it  would  seem,  to  make  believe  that  several  men  had  been  to  the  house. 
s  Kanegaua  =  kanega  (husband)  +  ua  (together  with,  and).  6  Gaina  =  ga-\-ena,  this  (emphatic). 
7  Lamanaimia ;  manai,  plur.  lamanai  =  the  men  of  the  preceding  generation  in  a  totem-clan  ;  or  as 
blood-kinship,  a  mother's  brother. 

(B.)  '  Andregaloama :  an-  is  the  relative  prefix,  here  as  object.  2  Enandi  :  ena  +  i  (to  say)  -J-  di 
(to  them).  *  Hale :  note  the  change  to  past  prefixes ;  single  actions  are  now  spoken  of. 

(C.)  *  Au  sana:  here  seems  =  " bye  and  bye."  2  Emia  boo:  egn,  eng,  &c.,  is  the  possessive  used 
with  anything  that  is  to  be  consumed  by  a  person.  *  A'nta :  perhaps  is  a  form  of  the  relative  prefix 
an-,  ang-.  4  Ingalonama  :  the  less  common  prefix  in- ;  perhaps  is  of  passive  meaning.  Note  the 

[  23  ] 


Nos.  10-11.]  MAN.  [1912. 

unusual  n  after  the  o  of  galo.  5  Iafaua  ga  magota :  here  iafaua  is  taken  as  an  independent  verb. 
Another  reading  might  be  that  it="why"  ?  and  that  iafaua  down  to  ape  enaporo  is  one  sentence. 
In  this  latter  case  we  should  have,  "Why,  when  we  go  daily  to  the  garden,  does  pig  come  for  the 
old  woman,  but  if  we  stay  it  does  not  come  ?  "  magota  being  taken  as  in  the  objective  case  of  advan- 
tage (ethic  dative).  6  Taraau  saraata  :  the  verbal  substantive  with  a  verbal  prefix,  and  the  ending 
-ata.  J  Irilffemaleina  :  here  -male-  is  infix  =  "  again." 

(D.)  '  Gogolua  saraata':  note  the  suffix  -a  in  gogolua,  which  seems  to  be  of  the  same  nature  as 
the -ata .  (-ita,  -ota,  -uta,--eta~)  used  after  the  verb,  and  verbal  substantive  (as  here).  Golu  =  to  eat 
fish  or  flesh,  aang  to  eat  vegetable  food.  2  Tala :  tala  =  (1)  war ;  (2)  a  chief's  men,  as  here.  The 
man  was  a  chief,  or  his  wife  a  chiefess.  3  Fealau  =  which  ?  or  what  kind  of  ?  4  Fang  :  exact 
meaning  uncertain.  Perhaps  it  is  the  same  word  as  the  reciprocal  particle  /#«-,  "  one  another," 
and  is  here  used  to  stress  the  possessive  suffix  -ng  =  thy  (as  is  maito).  5  Boo:  is  here  the  object 
of  inami  sang,  "  You  tell  us  '  pig.' "  •  Inami  gang  :  verbal  substantive  of  /',  to  say,  with  the  objective 
pronoun  of  the  1st  pers.  plur.  exclus. 

G.  C.  WHEELER. 


Religion.  Hornblower. 

A  Note    on    the    Secretary    to    whom    the    Prophet    Mohammed     41 

is  traditionally  supposed  to  have  dictated  the  Koran.       By   J.    D.     II 

Hornblower. 

The  Christians  of  the  Near  East  firmly  believe  that  Mohammed's  secretary  was 
a  Copt,  although  this  view  is  not  generally  shared  by  Mohammedans. 

In  support  of  the  theory,  a  well-educated  Syrian  has  produced  an  ingenious 
interpretation  of  certain  mystic  letters  found  in  the  Koran.  At  the  beginning  of  the 
19th  chapter,  "Miriam,"  which  gives  Mohammed's  account  of  the  Virgin  Mary  are 
found  the  letters  ^a*.^  (K,  H,  Y,  Aiu,  S).  Similar  mystic  letter-combinations  are 
found  at  the  beginning  of  other  chapters — for  example,  Ta-ha  and  Ya-sin  (which, 
being  of  holy  import,  have  been  adopted  as  men's  names  by  Mohammedans) — and 
volumes  of  learned  conjectures  have  been  produced  to  elucidate  their  meaning. 

Now  the  chapter  "  Miriam  "  is  naturally  of  special  interest  to  Christians,  and  it 
has  been  conjectured  by  some  that  the  letter-combinations  at  the  head  of  it  would 
give  a  clue  to  the  religion  of  the  secretary.  The  clue  desired  has  been  arrived  at  by 
my  correspondent  in  the  following  manner  : — The  letters  of  the  Arabic  alphabet, 
arranged  in  their  primitive  order  (known  as  the  Abjedieh  from  the  order  of  the  first 
four  letters  A,  B,  G,  D)  are  used  as  in  Greek  to  denote  the  numerals.  A  common 
form  of  anagram  in  Arabic  is  to  take  the  total  number  resulting  from  adding  up 
the  numerals  represented  by  the  letters  of  a  certain  word  or  combination  of  words, 
and  then  resolve  this  total  into  other  numerals  represented  by  other  letters,  which 
will  give  the  real  meaning  of  the  anagram.  This  is  the  process  supposed  to  have 
been  followed  by  Mohammed's  scribe  in  putting  the  letters  above  mentioned  at  the 
head  of  the  chapter  "  Miriam,"  with  the  following  result  : — 

^  =  10  ;   ^  =  5  ;  d  =  20  ;   c  =  70  ;  ^  —  90.     Total,  195. 

This  total  may  be  also  made  up  as  follows  :  1,  30,  40,  60,  10,  8,  1,  30,  5,  10. 
The  Arabic  letters  corresponding  to  these  numerals  are  IJ*jj-ijf1J/«*(^, 
which  put  together  give  the  words  ^.Jl  ^a-—*)!  (El-Mesih  Alahi),  the  meaning  of 
which  is  "  Christ  is  my  God." 

This  constitutes,  in  the  fervent  Oriental  mind,  an  absolute  proof  of  the 
Christianity  of  Mohammed's  secretary,  though  to  others  it  may  be  less  convincing, 
especially  as  the  details  given  of  the  Virgin  Mary  in  this  chapter  are  often  far 
different  from  those  that  would  be  in  a  Christian's  mind,  even  supposing  him  to  be 
well  versed  in  the  apocryphal  Gospels,  both  existing  and  lost,  which  give  many 
accounts  of  the  Virgin  of  a  very  different  nature  from  those  now  received. 

J.  D.  HORNBLOWER. 

[    24     ] 


1912.]  MAN.  [tfo.  12. 

Africa :  Sociology.  Hartland. 

Dinka  Laws  and  Customs:  a  Parallel.  /•'//  F.  S.  Hartland.  4  A 

In  an  introductory  note  to  the  collection  of  Dinka  laws  and  customs,  made  Ifc 
by  Captain  Hugh  O'Sullivan  and  printed  in  the  Journal  of  the  Royal  Anthropo- 
logical Institute,  Vol.  XL,  I  drew  attention  to  the  arrangements  for  "raising  up  seed  " 
to  a  man  who  dies  childless.  When  such  a  man,  it  will  be  remembered,  dies  childless, 
or  at  least  sonleas  without  near  relatives,  and  leaving  only  widows  beyond  the  age 
of  child-bearing,  it  is  incumbent  on  his  widow  (or  daughter,  if  he  leave  one)  to 
contract  marriage  in  his  name  with  a  woman,  who  by  the  act  of  marriage  becomes  in 
law  his  widow  and  is  charged  with  the  responsibility  of  bearing  his  heir.  For  this 
purpose  the  widow  who  marries  her  provides  her  with  another  man  with  whom  to 
cohabit  ;  and  all  the  offspring  of  this  union  are  regarded  as  the  children  of  the  deceased. 
I  then  observed  (and  repeated  the  observation  in  Primitive  Paternity,  Vol.  I,  p.  315) 
that  the  Dinkas  probably  carried  the  practice  of  procuring,  artificially,  a  son  for  a 
childless  man  further  than  aay  other  people. 

In  this,  however,  I  was  wrong.  I  have  been  reminded  by  an  article  by  Dr.  Kohler 
in  the  Zeitschrift  fur  vergleichende  Rechtswissenschaft,  Vol.  XXV,  p.  434,  that  the 
ancient  Persians  practised  a  similar  custom.  West,  in  a  note  to  his  translation  of 
the  Bundahish  {Sacred  Rooks  of  the  East,  Vol.  V,  p.  142-3),  enumerates  from  the 
Rivayats  five  kinds  of  marriages,  or  rather  five  kinds  of  wives,  known  to  the  ancient 
Persians.  Among  these  five  is  the  Satar  (adopted)  wife.  When  a  man  over  fifteen 
years  of  age  dies  childless  and  unmarried,  his  relatives  provide  a  maiden  with  a  dowry 
and  marry  her  to  another  man.  Half  of  her  children  belong  to  the  dead  man,  and  the 
other  half  to  the  living  ;  while  she  herself  in  the  next  world  will  be  the  dead  man's 
wife.  The  analogy  between  the  two  cases  is  obvious.  But  it  is  to  be  noted  that  in 
the  Persian  case  the  girl  is  married  at  the  expense  of  the  deceased  man's  relatives 
to  a  living  man,  upon  condition  that  she  is  to  be  the  wife  of  the  deceased  in  the  other 
world,  and  that  of  the  children  she  bears  to  her  earthly  husband  one  half  are  to  be 
reckoned  to  the  deceased.  Moreover,  the  proceeding  is  only  adopted  where  the 
deceased  has  died  not  merely  childless,  but  unmarried.  In  the  Dinka  case,  on  the 
other  hand,  the  deceased  must  have  been  married,  for  it  is  only  the  widow  or  an 
unmarried  daughter,  if  Captain  O'Sullivan's  collection  be  complete  on  this  point,  who 
can  marry  the  new  wife.  This  new  wife,  too,  is  married  not  to  another  man  but  to 
the  deceased  ;  she  becomes  in  law  his  widow  ;  and  all  the  children  she  bears  are 
reckoned  as  his.  Among  the  Dinkas  a  widow  cannot  marry  again,  though  she  may 
bear  children — such  children,  by  whomsoever  begotten,  being  reckoned  to  the  deceased 
husband.  Among  the  Persians,  however,  a  widow  could  marry  again,  though  if  her 
husband  had  died  childless  she  was  in  exactly  the  same  position  as  a  Satar  wife  : 
half  her  children  belonged  to  her  first  husband  ;  and  in  any  case  she  herself  would 
belong  to  him  in  the  next  world. 

In  both  cases  the  reason  for  this  curious  arrangement  is  the  value  of  offspring, 
even  to  a  dead  man.  The  Dinkas  are  ancestor- worshippers  ;  and  ancestor- worship  is 
carried  on  for  the  advantage  not  merely  of  the  descendants,  but  also  of  the  ancestors 
themselves,  who  benefit  by  the  offerings  made  to  them.  The  Persians  probably 
indulged  at  one  time  in  the  direct  cult  of  the  dead  ;  but  they  had  passed  beyond  it  to 
the  higher  religion  of  Zoroaster.  Yet  something  more  than  a  relic  of  it  is  to  be 
traced  in  the  teaching  of  the  high  priests  "  that  the  duty  and  good  works  which  a  son 
"  performs  are  as  much  the  father's  as  though  they  had  been  done  by  his  own  hand." 
Wherefore  the  faithful  are  enjoined  in  the  Shayast  La-Shayast  "to  persevere  much 
"  in  the  begetting  of  offspring,  since  it  is  for  the  acquisition  of  many  good  works  at 
once"  (Sacred  Books,  Vol.  V,  p.  345).  E.  SIDNEY  HARTLAND. 

[     23     ] 


No.  13.]  MAN.  [1912. 

Obituary :  Mortimer.  Wright. 

J.  R.  Mortimer,  Esq.     By  W.  Wright,  M.B.,  D.Sc.  4H 

It  must  have  been  with  the  deepest  regret  that  many  members  of  the  lU 
Anthropological  Institute  heard  of  the  death  of  Mr.  J.  R.  Mortimer.  While  it  is 
probable  that  but  few  members  of  the  present  generation  had  the  privilege  of  knowing 
him  personally,  all  must  have  been  familiar  with  his  work  and  writings.  Born  at 
Fimber  in  1825,  Mr.  Mortimer  devoted  the  last  fifty  years  of  his  long  life  to 
archaeological  investigations  into  the  manner  of  life,  the  customs,  and  physical  appear- 
ance of  the  prehistoric  inhabitants  of  his  beloved  Yorkshire  Wolds.  It  is  no  slight 
cause  for  satisfaction  that  he  lived  long  enough  to  incorporate  his  results  and 
conclusions  in  book  form.  Forty  Years'1  Researches  in  British  and  Saxon  Burial 
Mounds  of  East  Yorkshire  is  a  book  which  must  for  ever  be  the  final  authority,  so 
far  as  Yorkshire  is  concerned,  on  these  most  interesting  questions,  for  the  work  of  the 
archaeologist  once  done  can  never  be  repeated.  It  is  this  which  adds  so  enormously 
to  the  heaviness  of  his  task,  for  the  archaeologist  can  only  escape  censure  by  the 
most  rigorous  attention  to  the  most  elaborate  and  oftentimes  the  most  tedious  pre- 
cautions. Fortunately  the  two  important  qualities  of  thoroughness  and  patience  were 
present  in  Mr.  Mortimer's  character  to  a  quite  unusual  degree,  and  it  is  due  to  this 
that  his  work  has  the  high  and  permanent  value  which  it  is  universally  admitted 
to  possess. 

Having  had  the  privilege  on  several  occasions  of  participating  with  Mr.  Mortimer 
in  his  "diggings,"  I  can  personally  testify  to  the  meticulous  care  with  which  all 
the  operations  were  performed.  More  than  this,  Mr.  Mortimer  alone  among  his 
contemporaries  (with  the  notable  exception  of  General  Pitt  Rivers)  had  the  notion 
to  collect  in  one  building  all  the  bones  and  relics  obtained  from  the  barrows  which 
he  had  opened,  so  that  at  Driffield,  as  at  Farnharn,  are  museums  in  which  all  the 
evidence  is  present  and  in  order,  not  one  link  being  absent.  By  this  Mr.  Mortimer 
has  placed  all  students  of  prehistoric  problems  under  an  incalculable  debt  of  gratitude. 
It  is  devoutly  to  be  hoped  that  the  dispersion  will  not  be  allowed  to  take  place  now 
that  the  collection  has  passed  from  his  charge,  but  that  it  will  remain  a  lasting 
memorial  to  the  industry,  enthusiasm,  and  far-sighted  intelligence  of  a  man  who  in 
his  later  years  lived  with  ithe  almost  single  purpose  of  adding  to  our  knowledge  of 
those  people  who  moved  to  and  fro  over  the  face  of  our  country  so  many  centuries 
ago. 

No  obituary  notice  could  be  anything  but  incomplete  which  made  no  reference  to 
some  of  Mr.  Mortimer's  personal  qualities.  He  was  already  advanced  in  years  when 
I  first  had  the  pleasure  of  meeting  him  :  his  tall  figure  was  already  beginning  to 
bend,  but  the  energy  and  enthusiasm  of  youth  were  still  there,  and  there  they 
remained  until  the  end.  He  was  of  a  peculiarly  kind  and  simple  disposition,  with  a 
genius  for  friendship.  He  was  a  man  of  few  words,  with  whom,  however,  it  was 
possible  to  spend  periods  of  quiet  conversation  or  of  almost  unbroken  silence  with 
complete  satisfaction  and  pleasure.  To  me  he  always  seemed  to  personify  the  wide, 
warm,  and  generous  spirit  of  the  wolds.  He  lived  much  during  late  years  in  the 
Past,  from  which  he  had  gleaned  an  inexhaustible  store  of  reminiscences. 

He  has  left  a  great  gap  in  the  ranks  of  English  archaeologists,  but  his  work  has 
been  accomplished,  and  it  will  remain  as  a  memorial  so  long  as  Englishmen  continue 
to  take  an  interest  in  the  prehistoric  inhabitants  of  their  country.  To  his  friends  he 
has  left  many  happy  and  tender  memories,  only  to  be  effaced  by  the  all-prevailing 
hand  of  Death.  WILLIAM  WRIGHT. 


[     26     1 


1912.]  MAN.  [Nos.  14-15, 

REVIEWS. 
Statistics.  Yule. 

An    Introduction     to     the     Theori/    of    Statistics.        By     G.      Udny     Yule.     II 
I .Ion  :  Charles  Griffin  &  Co.,    Ltd.,    1911.     Price  10*.  6rf.  net.  I1* 

Anthropologists  will  be  glad  to  learn  that  a  text- book  dealing  in  a  comprehensive 
milliner  with  the  new  statistical  methods,  and  intelligible  to  persons  having  only  a 
limited  knowledge  of  mathematics,  has  at  last  made  its  appearance.  No  more 
capable  an  author  for  such  a  text-book  could  have  been  found  than  Mr.  Udny 
Yule,  whose  name  will  always  be  associated  with  those  of  Gallon  and  Pearson  as 
one  of  the  founders  of  the  new  science.  The  work  is  based  on  the  Newmarch 
Lectures  delivered  by  the  author  at  University  College,  London,  and  the  whole 
subject  is  expounded  in  a  clear,  logical,  and  original  style. 

Mr.  Yule  divides  his  subject  into  three  main  divisions  :  I.  The  Theory  of 
Attributes  ;  II.  The  Theory  of  Variables  ;  and  III.  The  Theory  of  Sampling. 

In  Part  I.  the  theory  of  classification  by  dichotomy  and  of  manifold  classifica- 
tion, is  explained.  This  section  also  deals  with  the  very  important  subject  of  the 
association  of  attributes,  the  degree  of  which  is  so  simply  expressed  by  the  author's 
well-known  coefficient  of  association,  here  clearly  distinguished  from  the  coefficient 
of  correlation  with  which  some  undecerning  critics  have  recently  confounded  it.  A 
simple  explanation  of  Pearson's  contingency  coefficient  and  its  limitations  is  given  in 
this  section. 

In  Part  II. — dealing  with  the  theory  of  variables — we  have  valuable  chapters 
on  frequency  of  distribution,  averages,  measures  of  dispersion,  and  correlation.  These 
chapters  are  characterised  by  the  great  breadth  with  which  the  subject  is  treated  ; 
not  only  do  we  find  discussions  of  the  properties  of  arithmetical  means,  and  medians, 
but  also  of  the  less  commonly  employed  geometric  and  harmonic  means.  Similarly  the 
student  is  not  left  with  the  impression  that  the  standard  deviation  is  the  only  known 
measure  of  dispersion,  due  attention  being  directed  to  the  calculation  and  properties 
of  the  mean  deviation. 

The  chapter  on  partial  correlation  will  be  of  special  interest  and  value  to  the 
student  with  only  a  limited  knowledge  of  the  higher  mathematics.  The  theory  of 
partial  correlation  promises  to  be  a  most  powerful  instrument  of  investigation — not 
only  in  physical  anthropology  but  more  especially  in  psychological  anthropology. 
This  theory  as  originally  propounded  could  be  understood  only  by  persons  trained  in 
the  use  of  determinants  till  Yule  devised  his  marvellously  simple  proof  in  which 
the  use  of  determinants  is  entirely  dispensed  with.  This  method  is  here  explained 
for  the  first  time  in  a  text-book.  In  his  discussion  of  the  theory  of  sampling, 
Mr.  Yule  has  introduced  several  innovations  ;  he  has,  for  example,  got  rid  of  that 
confusing  terminological  survival  "  probable  error "  and  substituted  for  it  the  easily 
intelligible  "  standard  deviation  of  simple  sampling." 

At  the  end  of  each  chapter  is  a  bibliography  for  the  use  of  students  who  desire 
a  more  advanced  knowledge  of  the  subject,  and  numerous  exercises  are  given  for 
practice  in  statistical  calculations. 

We  have  no  hesitation  in  saying  that  the  publication  of  this  volume  will  give 
a  great  impetus  to  the  diffusion  of  exact  methods  of  dealing  with  anthropological 
data,  and  thereby  lead  to  important  advances  in  the  Science  of  Man.  J.  G. 


Burma.  Milne. 

Shans  at  Home.     By  Mrs.  Leslie  Milne.      Pp.   xxiv  -+-  289.      London  :    John 
Murray,  Albenwrle  Street,  W.,   1910. 

The  Shan  among    whom  Mrs.  Milne  has  lived  are  those    of    the  Northern  Shan 
States  and   form   l>nt   a  fraction  of  the   widely-spread   Tai   race.       From    Assam  on  the 

[     27*   ] 


No.  15.]  MAN.  [1912. 

west  to  Cambodia  and  Annam  on    the  east]  the  Tai  are    still  numerous    and  offer    to 
the  student  of  ethnology  and  of  linguistics  many  difficult  but  interesting  problems. 

Mrs.  Milne's  picture  of  Shan  life  is  clear  and  very  complete.  She  describes  in 
simple  straightforward  language  the  life-history,  from  the  cradle  to  the  grave,  of  a 
people  of  remarkable  gentleness  and  kindly  ways.  Obviously  her  task  has  been  one 
of  affectionate  regard,  a  pleasure  as  well  as  a  pious  duty.  Birth,  marriage  and  death 
customs,  games,  food,  the  arts  and  industries,  the  folklore  and  the  religious  beliefs  of 
the  Northern  Shan  are  pictured  for  us  finely  with  insight,  respect  and  sympathy, 
qualities  which  give  an  additional  value  to  the  book.  The  numerous  beautiful  photo- 
graphs by  the  author  illustrate  and  amplify  the  text  and  adorn  a  very  handsomely 
presented  work. 

In  her  preface  (p.  xix)  Mrs.  Milne  deals  rather  scornfully  with  the  expression* 
"  worship  of  the  implements  of  trade  such  as  plough  or  a  razor,"  and  quotes  a 
Kashmiri  informant  to  the  effect  that  the  prayer  is  invariably  addressed  to  an  unseen 
deity.  The  actual  state  of  affairs  is  made  quite  clear  by  Mr.  Crooke  in  the  locus 
classicus  on  Tool  fetishism  (Folklore  of  Northern  India,  II,  p.  183  ct  seq.).  The 
attention  (I  avoid  the  term  worship  deliberately)  and  the  respectful  regard  which  are 
paid  by  Hindus  to  the  implements  of  their  industry  seem  to  be  based  on  reverence 
for  the  power  in  the  tool  or  instrument,  be  it  the  pen  of  the  ready  writer  or  the 
sword  of  the  soldier,  the  quality  in  virtue  of  which  they  work.  Hindu  religious  theory 
shows  very  markedly  the  dependence  of  the  personal  on  the  impersonal  phase  of 
religious  respect  and  awe.  The  explanation  given  to  me  by  a  Bengali  clerk  of  the 
Sri  pauchami  festival,  was  that  they  worshipped  the  power  of  the  pen,  the  implement 
of  the  writer  caste. 

The  belief  in  a  dual  spirit  guardianship  is  interesting.  Lushai  belief  explains 
the  instability  of  human  character  as  typified  by  Lushai,  varium  et  mutabile  semper, 
as  due  to  the  conflict  of  two  spirits,  thlarao  (Ethnography  of  India,  p.  226). 

The  bean  game,  known  among  the  Shans  as  maknim,  is  widely  diffused  in  this 
area.  It  is  played  in  Manipur,  the  Naga  Hills,  and  the  Lushai  Hills,  according  to 
rules  almost  identical  in  every  detail  with  those  given  by  Mrs.  Milne  (p.  61). 

The  device  of  marking  grades  of  social  maturity  by  differences  of  coiffure  is 
common  and  is  well  marked  among  the  Tibeto-Burman  races.  The  separation  of  the 
sexes  at  the  fast  days  is  a  feature  of  some  sociological  importance  and  is  found  among 
the  Naga  as  a  part  of  the  genna  system. 

At  a  time  when  the  conceptional  theory  of  the  origin  of  totemism  is  to  the  front, 
beliefs  such  as  these  of  the  Shan  (p.  181),  however  faint  the  light  they  throw  upon 
this  difficult  problem,  should  be  carefully  analysed  and  their  provenance  and  history 
ascertained.  "  The  soul  of  a  child  is  believed  to  enter  into  the  mother  from  20  to 
'*  30  days  after  conception.  It  is  brought  to  earth  by  an  attendant  spirit.  It  alights 
"  on  fruit  or  vegetable  food,  but  not  on  meat,  when  the  woman  is  eating,  and  is 
"  swallowed  by  her."  Here,  then,  a  child  is  a  revenant,  a  reincarnation  of  a  previously 
existing  soul,  here,  as  among  the  Tibeto-Burman  races,  often  the  embodiment  of 
deceased  tribesman  (p.  111). 

The  chapter  on  medicine  and  charms  is  deserving  of  careful  study  and  attention 
and  is  of  especial  interest  to  the  folklorist.  It  shows  the  effect  of  the  mixture  of 
ideas  and  practices  which  inevitably  results  from  the  conflict  of  various  stages  of 
mental  culture. 

Mrs.  Milne  hazards  the  suggestion  that  the  thunder  legend  (p.  207)  may  have 
come  in  someway  from  Manipur.  It  is  a  curious  and  perhaps  a  relevant  fact  that 
polo  started  in  Manipur  in  the  reign  of  Khagenba,  circa  A.D.  1600,  a  monarch  whose 
intimacy  with  the  Shan  kings  of  his  day  was  the  feature  of  his  foreign  policy,  which 
pushed  him  over  his  western  border  into  Cachar,  where  he  captured  many  ponies. 

[    28    ] 


1912,]  MAN.  [Nos,  15-16. 

Polo  in  Msuiipiir  originated  spontaneously,  as  I  hold,  as  a  development  from  the 
national  game  of  hockey.  Its  name  in  Manipuri,  sagol  ku/if/jci,  means  pony  hockey, 
(Sa  =  animal,  gol  =  foreign,  kang  =  bean  (the  bean  used  in  the  game  which  Shan 
call  -Hiaknim),  and  jei  =  to  strike).  It  v;ould  be  well  within  the  bounds  of  possibility 
that  the  Shan  legend  had  its  origin  in  the  days,  centuries  ago,  of  the  entente  cordiale 
between  the  Shan  and  the  Manipuri  kings. 

At  a  time  when  the  Council  of  the  Royal  Anthropological  Institute  are  pressing 
upon  Government  the  importance  from  a  commercial  point  of  view,  of  a  sound  systematic 
knowledge  of  the  social  ideas  of  the  dependent  races  within  the  Empire,  evidence  such 
as  that  which  Mrs.  Milne  gives  on  pp.  137  et  seq.  of  the  failure  of  British  traders 
to  grasp  the  markets  which  soldiers  and  civilians  have  won  for  him  is  singularly 
valuable  and  apposite. 

Of  the  sidelights  into  the  character  and  habits  of  this  very  charming  and 
interesting  people  I  will  cite  but  two,  the  splendid  tolerance  of  Buddhism  and  the 
difficulty  which  Shan  like  others  have  found  in  some  of  the  essential  doctrines  of 
Buddhism,  parts  of  which  read  very  much  like  anticipations  of  the  new  philosophy 
which  all  London  has  flocked  to  hear  from  the  eloquent  lips  of  M.  Bergson. 

I  have  said  enough  to  show  that  Mrs.  Milne's  book  is  full  of  personal  charm  and 
of  interest  for  the  serious  student  of  the  anthropology  of  Further  India. 

The  Rev.  W.  W.  Cochrane,  a  missionary  among  this  gentle  tolerant,  industrious 
people,  contributes  two  chapters  to  the  book,  one  on  the  history  of  the  Shan  and  the 
other  on  the  language,  but  no  bibliographical  list  is  given. 

I  do  not  think  the  map  on  p.  4  at  all  worthy  of  the  book.  In  conclusion  let  me 
express  the  sincere  hope  that  Mrs.  Milne  will  give  us  an  account  of  the  Palaung, 
whom  philologists  place  in  a  linguistic  group,  Mon  Khmer,  which  is  of  the  greatest 
interest  to  all  concerned  in  tracing  out  the  relationships  of  the  congeries  of  tribes 
in  this  part  of  Asia  with  the  wild  tribes  of  the  Malay  Peninsula,  and,  possibly,  even 
with  the  Australian  savages.  T.  C.  HODSON. 


Religion.  Frai^ais. 

L'figlise    et    la   Sorcellerie.       Par  J.  Fran^ais.       Paris  :    Librairie   Critique,     1C 
Emile  Nourry.  10 

The  practice  of  sorcery  or  witchcraft  belongs  to  all  races  and  to  all  ages.  It 
was  co-existent  with  the  earliest-known  records  of  the  human  species  ;  it  exists  now 
more  or  less  among  civilised  as  well  as  amongst  primitive  peoples.  "  Sorcellerie "  in 
its  broadest  terms  does  not  necessarily  imply  dealings  with  evil  spirits,  but  is  better 
defined  by  the  African  phrase,  "  making  magic,"  i.e.,  the  endeavour  to  alter  the 
normal  course  of  nature  by  an  appeal  to,  or  the  exercise  of,  some  superior  control- 
ling influence.  Nor  is  it  necessary  that  "Sorcellerie"  should  be  practised  exclusively 
for  an  evil  purpose.  The  rainmakers  and  witch  doctors,  who  play  so  important  a 
part  amongst  all  primitive  peoples,  are  as  much  revered  for  their  supposed  power  to 
break  up  a  drought  or  to  heal  the  sick  as  they  are  feared  for  their  ability  to  destroy 
an  enemy  or  to  cast  .a  spell  on  an  obnoxious  individual  or  his  belongings.  Thus, 
even  in  the  twelfth  century  the  clergy  were  occasionally  wont  to  claim  magical 
powers,  and  M.  J.  Francais,  in  the  interesting  book  before  us,  tells  us  that  one 
priest  celebrated  for  his  necromancy — Gerbert  D'Aurillac — became  Pope,  while  an 
Archbishop  of  Besancon  employed  ecclesiastical  wizards  to  hunt  out  heretics.  At  the 
same  time  priests  were  directed  to  teach  their  flock  that  demonological  mysteries, 
and  especially  the  witches'  sabbath,  were  mere  creations  of  the  imagination,  and  that 
whoever  believed  the  contrary  was  a  heretic  and  a  pagan.  Indeed,  the  people, 
and  not  the  Church,  first  took  measures  to  punish  suspected  wizards  and  witches  by 
lynch  law,  but  in  the  thirteenth  century  the  popular  feeling  had  become  so  strong 

[     29     ] 


No.  16.]  MAN.  [1912. 

that  the  Church  felt  bound  to  take  cognisance  of  the  alleged  evil.  In  the  fourteenth 
century,  thanks  to  a  Papal  bull  of  John  XXIT,  began  a  series  of  the  most  atrocious 
cruelties,  which  lasted  throughout  Europe  for  more  than  200  years,  and,  indeed,  only 
ended  in  1782  when,  for  the  last  time,  a  woman  was  beheaded  for  witchcraft  in  the 
Canton  of  Glaris,  a  doctor  having  accused  her  of  having  bewitched  his  daughter. 

During  the  fourteenth  and  fifteenth  centuries  what  may  be  called  the  sorcery 
mania  raged  in  every  European  country,  the  epidemic  not  only  affecting  ecclesiastical 
officials,  eager  to  punish  those  suspected  of  diabolical  practices,  but  the  people  them- 
selves, who  denounced  their  neighbours  upon  the  slightest  pretext,  such,  for  instance, 
as  wilfully  crushing  a  snail  shell.  Moreover,  this  extraordinary  spirit  infected  the 
accused  themselves,  who  frequently  gave  minute  details  of  their  amorous  adventures 
with  the  archfiend,  and  the  obscene  and  degrading  debaucheries  of  the  witches' 
sabbath.  In  their  turn  they  would  denounce  many  of  their  acquaintances  as  having 
taken  part  in  these  orgies,  and,  as  witchcraft  was  pronounced  an  "exceptional 
"  crime  "  and  required  only  one  witness,  the  number  of  persons  condemned  can  easily 
be  imagined.  In  1676  there  was  a  fashion  for  sorcery  in  high  circles,  and  we  find 
ladies  of  the  Court,  and,  it  is  said,  even  Madame  de  Montespan  herself,  taking  part  in 
the  "  Black  Mass,"  the  leading  features  of  which  are  described  by  M.  Fran^ais,  who 
states  that  a  well-known  Parisian  abbe  Avas  credited  with  having  officiated  at  these 
orgies. 

With  regard  to  the  actual  spells  and  charms  described,  these  differ  but  little  from 
those  exercised  all  over  the  world.  Waxen  images  of  the  person  to  be  afflicted  pierced 
with  pins,  love  philtres,  ointments,  by  which  those  anointed  could  become  a  wild 
animal  such  as  the  legendary  Loup-Garou,  spells  cast  over  obnoxious  personages  for 
private  or  political  purposes,  cattle  bewitched,  were  the  most  frequent ;  while  witches 
were  accredited  with  a  power  of  transporting  their  spiritual  forms  to  the  Sabbath, 
leaving  their  human  bodies  quietly  reposing  and  apparently  asleep,  even  within  prison 
walls.  Though  many  of  the  avowals  were  wrung  from  the  accused  by  the  most 
horrible  tortures,  many  victims  held  to  their  confessions  at  the  very  stake,  and  the 
force  of  auto-suggestion  has  never  been  more  strikingly  illustrated  than  in  these 
instances.  Of  course,  the  mark  with  which  the  Devil  stamps  his  own  and  which  was 
invariably  sought  for  and  as  invariably  found,  was  some  spot  on  the  body,  perfectly 
insensible  to  pain,  and  from  which  the  torturer's  needle  would  not  draw  blood. 
M.  Franpais  gives  the  official  statistics  of  those  executed  in  many  of  the  affected 
regions,  and  these,  only  to  quote  a  few,  will  give  some  idea  of  the  number  of  persons 
who  actually  suffered.  For  instance,  in  three  years  one  judge  alone,  M.  Boguet,  claimed 
to  have  burned,  between  1658  and  1660,  1,500  persons,  while  at  Strasbourg,  in  four 
days,  130  perished  at  the  stake,  the  numbers  in  the  years  1615  to  1635  amounting  to 
more  than  6.000.  Protestant  Germany  was  no  more  merciful  than  her  Roman  Catholic 
neighbours,  while  the  epidemic  raged  fiercely  in  Austria  and  Germany,  spreading 
in  a  lesser  degree  to  Holland,  Switzerland,  England,  and,  in  later  years,  to 
America. 

The  book  is  especially  interesting  as  showing  how  widely  witchcraft  of  mediaeval 
Europe  differed  from  that  of  primitive  peoples,  the  former  being  considered  productive 
mainly  of  evil  and  debauchery,  while  the  latter  was  regarded  in  a  great  measure  as 
tending  to  the  general  benefit.  Another  point  is  the  intense  personality  of  the  Devil 
as  shown  by  his  amorous  tendencies  and  his  general  behaviour  towards  his  devotees. 
It  was  this,  doubtless,  which  brought  about  the  terrible  crusade  which  M.  Francais 
so  vividly  sets  forth,  and  for  which  he  so  scathingly  condemns  the  ecclesiastical 
authorities  as  having,  in  the  first  instance,  given  way  to  popular  outcry  and  then 
out-Heroding  Herod  with  what  he  terms  their  "  demoniacal  theology."  T.  H.  J. 

[     30     1 


1912.]  MAN.  [No.  17. 

Physical  Anthropology.  Weissenberg:. 

Das  Wachstntn  ilex  Menschcn,  nach  Alter,  Geschlechl  und  Rasse.  Von  Dr.  d"I 
S.  Weissenberg.  220  pp.,  2  plates,  and  22  "graphic  charts.  Stuttgart  :  Strecker  •• 
iiinl  Scliroeder,  1911. 

This  is  the  most  important  work  on  the  growth  and  proportions  of  the  human 
body  which  has  appeared  since  the  publication  of  Quetelet's  Anthropo metric  in  1870. 
The  author  has  won  already  a  high  place  among  European  anthropologists  on  account 
of  his  researches  into  the  growth  and  physical  structure  of  the  Jews  of  South 
Russia.  The  data  of  his  published  papers  form  the  basis  of  the  present  book.  His 
aim  has  been  to  measure  one  hundred  individuals  (fifty  male  and  fifty  female)  for 
each  year  of  life  from  birth  onwards  until  the  twentieth  year  is  reached,  when  larger 
groups  were  taken.  The  larger  groups,  six  in  number,  represent  (1)  individuals 
between  21-25  ;  (2)  26-30  :  (3)  31-40  ;  (4)  41-50  ;  (5)  51-60  ;  (6)  over  61.  Fifteen 
measurements  were  taken  of  each  individual,  including  the  statue,  span,  sitting  height, 
length  of  trunk,  arm,  hand,  leg,  and  foot  lengths,  shoulder  and  hip  breadths,  head 
an  I  chest  circumferences,  head  and  neck  length,  body  weight,  and  two  measurements 
of  muscle  strength.  The  data  yielded  by  these  measurements,  tabulated  and 
systematised,  form  the  basis  of  Dr.  Weissenberg's  book.  The  facts  are  new  and 
particularly  valuable  because  they  relate  to  a  race  of  which  very  little  was-  known  from 
an  anthropological  point  of  view. 

It  is  impossible  to  summarise  Dr.  Weissenberg's  statistics,  and  it  is  almost  equally 
difficult  to  indicate  briefly  the  conclusions  he  draws  from  them.  The  growth  changes 
are  grouped  under  seven  periods  :  The  first,  from  birth  to  the  close  of  the  third  year, 
is  the  one  of  most  rapid  growth  ;  in  the  second,  ending  with  the  sixth  year,  growth 
has  slackened  ;  in  the  third,  which  ends  in  boys  at  the  eleventh  and  in  girls  at  the 
ninth  year,  a  further  diminution  in  the  rate  of  growth  occurs  ;  the  fourth  period  is 
the  one  of  sexual  ripening,  growth  is  accelerated  and  secondary  characters  appear. 
In  boys  the  fourth  period  extends  from  twelfth  to  the  end  of  the  seventeenth  years, 
in  girls  from  tenth  to  the  end  of  the  fourteenth  year.  The  fifth  period  is  one  of 
maturation,  it  extends  from  the  eighteenth  to  the  twenty-fifth  in  men,  and  from  the 
fifteenth  to  the  eighteenth  in  women.  Then  follows  a  comparatively  stable  period — 
the  sixth — which  ends  for  both  sexes  at  the  fiftieth  year,  when  the  seventh  or 
retrograde  period  sets  in.  The  stages  are  convenient,  but  Dr.  Weissenberg  is  too 
accurate  an  observer  to  regard  them  as  more  than  approximations  to  the  truth. 
The  difference  between  one  individual  and  another  is  often  very  great,  and  each  part 
of  the  body  has  its  own  growth  history,  that  of  the  head,  for  instance,  being  very 
different  to  that  of  the  leg,  and  the  foot  from  that  of  the  trunk.  The  manner 
in  which  Dr.  Weissenberg  has  worked  out  the  growth  history  of  the  various  parts  of 
the  body  constitutes  a  real  service  to  anthropology. 

Soon  after  the  publication  of  Dr.  Weissenberg's  work  there  appeared  in  the 
British  Medical  Journal  (July  17th,  1911,  p.  1423)  a  table  of  the  average  height 
and  weight  of  English  school  children,  hy  Drs.  Tuxford  and  Glegg.  The  English 
boy  of  five  is  1'  030  mm.  high  and  17 '54  kilos,  in  weight;  the  Jewish  boys  of  South 
Russia  aged  five  measured  by  Dr.  Weissenberg  were  23  mm.  less .  in  height  and 
1  -36  kilos,  less  in  weight.  In  the  fourteenth  year,  the  English  boys  were  1*471  mm. 
high  and  38*15  kilos,  in  weight,  while  the  Russian  Jews  were  only  18  mm.  less  in 
height  and  '26  kilos,  less  in  weight.  The  Jewish  girls  had  overtaken  and  outstripped 
the  English  girls  by  the  fourteenth  year  both  in  height  and  weight.  From  a  com- 
parison of  Dr.  Roberts's  statistics  and  his  own  Dr.  Weissenberg  had  inferred  that  in 
relatively  tall  races,  such  as  the  English,  the  growth  changes  at  puberty  are  later  in 
appearing,  are  more  intense,  and  last  over  a  longer  period  than  in  races  of  a  relatively 
low  stature,  such  as  the  Russian  Jews  and  Japanese.  The  comparison  just  made 

[    31     ] 


Nos.  17-18.]  MAN.  [1912. 

between  the  modern  statistics  for  English  school  children  and  Russian  Jews  bear  out 
Dr.  Weissenberg's  conclusions,  for  it  is  not  until  the  period  of  puberty  is  reached  that 
the  Russian  girls  overtake  the  English  girls  in  height  and  weight. 

The  laws  of  growth  form  one  of  the  true  foundation  stones  on  which  our 
knowledge  of  racial  anatomy  must  be  based  ;  Dr.  Weissenberg  has  helped  to  lay  this 
stone  securely  and  truly.  A.  KEITH. 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL    NOTE. 

Eighteenth  International  Congress  of  Americanists,  1912.  4Q 

The  International  Congress  of  Americanists  have  accepted  the  invitation,  10 
issued  by  the  Royal  Anthropological  Institute,  to  hold  their  eighteenth  session  in 
London  in  1912,  at  the  Imperial  Institute.  This  Congress  which  meets  every  two 
years,  is  devoted  to  the  historical  and  scientific  study  of  the  two  Americas  and  their 
inhabitants,  and  the  papers  read  and  the  questions  discussed  during  the  session  relate 
to  the  following  subjects  : — 

(a)  Native  American  races,  their  origin,  their  geographical  distribution,  their 
history,  their  physical  characteristics,  languages,  civilisation,  mythology, 
religion,  habits,  and  customs. 

(6)  Native  monuments  and  the  archaeology  of  the  Americas, 
(c)  History  of  the  discovery  and  European  occupation  of  the  new  world. 

The  Congress  has  already  met  at  Nancy,  Paris,  Berlin,  Stuttgart,  Vienna,  Madrid, 
Huelva,  Turin,  Brussels,  Lvixemburg,  Copenhagen,  Stockholm,  Mexico,  New  York, 
Quebec,  and  in  1910  at  Buenos  Ayres  and  Mexico,  at  the  special  invitation  of  the 
Governments  of  those  countries,  in  celebration  of  the  hundredth  anniversary  of  Argentine 
and  Mexican  independence. 

The  members  of  the  Congress  have  more  than  once  informally  expressed  the  hope 
that  an  invitation  from  this  country  might  be  forthcoming,  and  the  opportunity  has 
now  been  taken  of  removing  what  has  become  little  less  than  a  national  reproach. 
The  desire  to  meet  in  England  is  no  doubt  increased  by  the  importance  of  the  collec- 
tions illustrating  the  archaeology  and  ethnography  of  America  preserved  in  the  museums 
of  this  country,  and  in  private  hands.  The  British  Museum  possesses  the  largest 
collection  in  the  world  of  ancient  Mexican  mosaics,  a  splendid  series  of  Peruvian 
pottery  and  textiles,  as  well  as  the  earliest  objects  collected  in  New  England  and 
the  north-west  coast  of  America;  the  latter  including  many  specimens  of  the 'highest 
value  and  scientific  importance  secured  during  the  voyages  of  Captain  Cook  and  of 
Vancouver.  Oxford  possesses  an  unrivalled  collection  of  ancient  Mexican  picture- 
writings,  most  of  them  from  the  library  of  Archbishop  Laud,  which  are  only  in  part 
known  to  the  public  through  the  publications  of  Lord  Kingsborough  and  Prescott's 
History  of  the  Conquest  of  Mexico.  Cambridge  owns  an  extremely  important  collec- 
tion of  casts  of  American  sculptures  ;  Liverpool,  a  fine  series  of  pottery  and  wonderful 
stone  implements  from  British  Honduras  ;  and  Salisbury,  an  unique  collection  of 
objects  illustrating  the  craftsmanship  of  the  North  American  Indians.  Besides  these 
many  most  valuable  and  interesting  specimens,  now  in  private  hands,  could  be  collected 
together  and  exhibited. 

The  expenses  involved  in  the  entertainment  of  such  a  Congress  are  naturally 
considerable  ;  the  cities  which  have  previously  acted  as  hosts  have  taken  a  liberal 
view  of  their  obligation  in  this  direction,  and  it  would  ill  become  this  country  to  fall 
short  of  the  standard  set  by  them. 

Donations  to  the  general  fund  and  members'  subscriptions  should  be  sent  to 
J.  Gray,  Esq.,  50,  Great  Russell  Street. 

Printed  by  EYRE  ATSD  SPOTTISWOODE,  LTD.,  His  Majesty's  Printers,  last  Harding  Street,  E.C. 


PLATE   C. 


MAN,  1912. 


PAUL    TOPINARD. 


1912.]  MAN.  [No.  19. 

ORIGINAL    ARTICLES. 

Obituary :  Topinard.  With  Plate  C.  Chervin. 

Dr.  Paul  Topinard.    Born  November  4,  183O ;  Died  December  2O,     IQ 

1911.      By  Arthur  Chervin,  M.D.  ••* 

Le  Docteur  Paul  Topinard,  dont  le  nom  fut  constamment  associe  a  celui  de  Broca 
dans  1'histoire  de  rAnthropologie  francaise,  est   mort    a  Paris  le  20  decembre,  1911. 
II    etait    membre    associe    de    1'Institut    Royal   d'Anthropologie    de    la    Grande 
Bretagne  et  de  1'Irlande  depuis  de  longues  annees  (1878). 

Sa  vie,  entitlement  consacree  a  1'etude,  merite  d'etre  rappelee. 
Ne  a  I'lsle  Adam  (Seine-et-Oise)  le  4  novembre  1830,  le  jeune  Paul  commence 
ses  etudes  au  College  Ste-Barbe,  de  Paris.  II  fut  bientot  oblige  de  les  interrompre 
pour  suivre  son  pere  qui,  possesseur  d'un  immense  domaiue  de  20,000  arpents  dans 
1'Etat  de  New  York,  venait  de  se  decider  a  y  aller  mener  la  rude  vie  de  pionnier* 
Le  jeune  Paul  passait  son  temps  a  parcourir  les  montagnes  couvertes  de  forets  ou 
la  Delaware  prend  sa  source,  sans  autre  ambition  que  la  chasse  ou  la  peche.  If 
mena,  pendant  une  dizaine  d'annees,  une  existence  de  liberte  absolue  oii  il  acquit 
cette  independance  d'esprit  qui  etait  le  trait  particulier  de  son  caractere. 

On  se  decida,  cependant,  un  jour,  a  1'envoyer  au  College  de  la  petite  ville  de 
Delhi,  voisine  des  fermes  de  son  pere.  Puis,  il  passa  a  Philadelphie  oii  il  suivit 
tantot  les  cours  de  1'ecole  publique,  tant6t  ceux  du  college  des  Augustins.  La  guerre 
civile  que,  se  faisaient  entre  eux,  les  protestants  anglais  et  les  catholiques  Irlandais 
fut  suivie  de  1'incendie  de  son  college,  et  il  fut  encore  oblige  de  changer  d'ecole. 
Cette  fois,  c'est  a  Xew  York  qu'il  alia.  II  y  resta  deux  annees  dans  une  ecole 
commerciale. 

Mais  le  negoce  n'etait  pas  son  fait.  Et,  a  son  retour  a  Paris,  en  1848,  Paul 
Topinard  se  mit  enfin  a  des  etudes  serieuses,  avec  ardeur  et  perseverance.  Quelques 
annees  apres,  en  1853,  il  etait  nomme  interne  des  Hopitaux  de  Paris,  apres  un 
brillant  concours. 

II  fut  re^u  Docteur  en  medecine,  en  1860,  avec  une  these  intitulee  :  Quelques 
aperqus  sur  la  chirurgie  anglaise  qui  cut  un  grand  retentissement.  Ce  succes 
encourageait  le  jeune  docteur,  qui  faisait  paraitre,  1'annee  suivante,  un  ouvraga 
remarkquable  sur  Y  Ataxie  locomotrice  progressive  qui  eut  les  honneurs  d'une  traductiom 
en  anglais  et  1'obtention  du  prix  Civrieux,  a  1' Academic  de  Medecine. 

Paul  Topinard  semblait  done  destine  a  se  consacrer  entitlement  a  la  pratique 
medicale.  Deja,  une  nombreuse  clientele  reclamait  ses  soins  et  il  se  preparait  aux 
concours  des  Hopitaux. 

La  guerre  de  1870  arriva,  bientot  suivie  de  la  Commune,  et  la  maison  que  Topinard 
habitait  rue  Royale  fut  incendiee.  II  eprouva  alors,  comme  beaucoup  d'entre  nous,  um 
decouragement  profond  au  contact  des  terribles  evenements  qui  s'etaient  deroules; 
sous  nos  yeux.  II  semblait  que  tout  fut  a  jamais  perdu. 

Broca,  qui  avait  enrole  Topinard  dans  la  Societe  d'Anthropologie,  des  1860,  profita 
de  ce  moment  de  decouragement  pour  lui  persuader  de  renoncer  a  la  pratique  medicale. 
II  le  pressa  vivement  de  se  vouer,  avec  lui,  aux  etudes  nouvelles  et  particulierement 
captivantes  de  1'histoire  naturelle  de  1'Homme.  II  fit  entrevoir,  a  son  esprit  curieux 
de  science,  les  problemes  a  elucider,  les  verites  a  decouvrir.  Broca  fut  si  persuasif  que 
Topinard  abaudonna  la  medecine  et  suivit  Broca,  dont  il  devint  1'eleve  de  predilection 
et  le  bras  droit. 

Broca  venait  de  faire  decider  la  creation  d'un  laboratoire  d'anthropologie  a  1'Ecole 
des  Hantes-Etudes,  Topinard  en  fut  le  Directeur-adjoiut. 

II  s'agissait  de  prendre  soin  des  collections  anatomiques  qui,  deja,  commen9aient 
a  s'accumuler  dans  le  Musee  de  la  Societe,  Topinard  fut  nomme  Conservateur  des. 
Collections. 

[    33    ] 


No.  19.]  MAN.  [1912. 

Broca  venait  de  fonder  la  Revue  d"1  Anthropjlogie,  Tv>piuirl  en  devint  la  cheville 
ouvriere. 

L'Ecole  d'Aiithropologie  veriait  de  s'ouvrir  sous  la  direction  de  Broca,  Topiuard 
en  fut  nomine  Professeur  avec  les  Bertillon,  les  Hovelacque,  les  de  Mortillet,  les  Bordier, 
les  Dally,  tons  aujourd'hui  disparus. 

Topinard  etait,  comme  son  Maitre,  d'une  activite  devorante,  il  suffisait  a  toutes 
les  besognes  :  au  laboratoire,  au  musee,  a  la  Revue,  a  1'Ecole,  on  trouvait  toujours 
Broca  et  Topinard  a  la  tache.  Ce  fut  1'epoque  hero'ique  ! 

Le  ler  Janvier  1876,  Topinard  publiait  dans  la  "  Bibliotheque  des  sciences 
contemporaines,"  editee  par  Reiuwald,  un  volume  intitule  IS Anthropologie.  Ce 
livre  eut  un  succes  extraordinaire.  La  premiere  edition  fut  enlevee  en  quelques 
mois.  C'etait,  a  propremeut  parler,  un  manuel  qui  mettait  au  point  toutes  les  questions 
d'Anthropologie.  II  avail  le  grand  merite  de  venir  a  son  beure  et  de  n'avoir  pas  de 
sirnilaire  dans  aucune  litterature.  Ce  volume  fut  traduit  dans  toutes  les  langues  et 
eut  un  grand  nombre  d'cditions  francaises.  II  est  devenu  classique  aupres  des 
iiaturalistes  et  des  explorateurs  scientifiques  des  Deux  Mondes.  11  fit  davantage 
pour  la  vulgarisation  et  pour  le  developpement  de  1'Anthropologie  que  quarante  memoires 
plus  savants,  plus  originaux,  qui  viurent  apres. 

La  mort  de  Broca  qui  surviut  brusquement,  en  1880,  laissait  la  Societe 
d'Anthropologie  desemparee.  II  n'y  eut  qu'une  voix  pour  confier  a  Topinard  le 
drapeau  de  1'Anthropologie  francaise  et  il  fut  nomme,  a  1'unanimite,  secretaire-general 
de  la  Societe,  fonction  que  Broca  avait  exercee  pendant  vingt  ans. 

Penetre  de  la  responsabilite  qui  lui  incombait,  Topinard  redoubla  d'ardeur  et 
maintint  la  Societe  dans  1'etat  de  prosperite  ou  1'avait  laissee  son  Maitre. 

II  continuait  sa  collaboration  aux  Revues,  son  enseiguement  a  1'Ecole,  ses  travaux 
de  laboratoire.  II  faisait  face  a  toutes  les  taches.  II  eut  la  joie  de  voir  ses  efforts 
couronues  de  succes  et  les  etudes  anthropologiques  continuer  a  passionner  les  plus 
nobles  esprits.  C'est  a  ses  lemons  que  se  sont  formes  tous  ceux  qui  en  France  se 
sont  faits,  depuis,  un  uom  dans  1'Anthropologie  anatomique. 

Je  ne  rappelerai  pas  ici  les  multiples  travaux  scientifiques  qui  ont  rendu  celebre 
le  nom  de  Paul  Topinard.  Je  ne  parlerai  ni  de  ses  instructions  pour  les  voyageurs, 
ni  de  ses  memoires  sur  les  questions  si  imporiantes  de  methode,  sur  la  technique 
craniologique,  ranthropometrie,  la  morphologic  ou  1'ethuologie.  Je  citerai  seulement 
son  beau  traite  (Tanthropologie  generate,  paru  en  1885,  qui  est  son  oauvre  magistrale 
et  le  couronnement  de  sou  long  labeur. 

A  la  suite  de  quelques  injustices  dont  sou  caractere  droit  et  loyal  eut  fort  a 
souffrir,  Topinard  se  demit  de  toutes  ses  fonctions  et  se  retira.  Des  lors,  il  continua 
de  travailler  ;  mais  il  cessa  de  publier.  Son  silence  fut  vivement  ressenti  dans  le 
monde  scientifique. 

Jusque  daus  ses  dernieres  anuees,  Paul  Topinard  avait  garde,  une  activite  de 
corps  et  d'esprit  qui  faisait  ['admiration  de  ses  amis. 

Aujourd'hui,  devant  cette  tombe,  nous  pouvons  declarer,  sans  risquer  uu  seul 
dementi,  que  Paul  Topinard  laisse  un  nom  respecte  parmi  les  Anthropologistes 
fran^ais  et  etrangers.  II  laisse  parmi  ses  collegues  et  ses  amis  de  la  Societe 
,  d'Anthropologie  le  souvenir  d'un  homme  bon,  bienveillaut,  accueillant  aux  jeunes  et 
toujours  pret  a  se  depenser  pour  tous  ceux — et  ils  etaient  nouibreux — qui  faisaient 
appel  a  son  experience  et  a  son  erudition. 

On  me  permettra  d'ajouter  le  temoignage  personnel  de  plus  de  treiite  anuees,  qu'il 
fut  toujours  un  ami  serviable.  devouje,  sur  et  fidele. 

Puisse  ce  souvenir  emu,  garde  par  les  temoins  de  son  activite  scientifique  apporter 
quelque  reconfort  dans  le  coaur  brisj  de  la  tres  devoiii.'e  compagne  de  sa  vie. 

ARTHUR    CHERVIN,  M.D. 

[     34     ] 


1912.]  MAN.  [No.  20. 

Nyasaland.  Garbutt. 

Native  Customs  in  Nyasa  (Manganja)  Yao  (Ajawa).  By  All 
H.  W.  Garbutt.  fcU 

Witchcraft. — When  anyone  wishes  to  learn  how  to  bewitch  they  go  to  a  person 
who  is  suspected  of  being  a  wizard  and  ask  him  if  he  can  make  them  famous  (kuchuka), 
as  it  is  impossible  to  go  and  ask  to  be  made  a  wizard. 

The  profession  is  not  confined  to  men. 

The  wizard  first  asks  the  applicant  if  he  (or  she)  has  a  relative,  or  a  sister, 
mother,  or  aunt  of  a  relative,  who  is  expecting  to  become  a  mother.  No  one  can 
be  taught  the  profession  unless  they  can  comply  with  this  condition.  If  he  can  the 
wizard  tells  him  to  go  home  and  wait  until  the  child  is  born.  Should  it  be  born  dead 
the  applicant  learns  where  it  is  going  to  be  buried  and  reports  it  to  the  wizard. 
After  the  burial  the  teacher  and  pupil  go  to  the  grave  and  dig  out  the  body.  The 
wizard  cuts  open  the  body  and  takes  out  the  liver  and  heart,  these  he  mixes  with 
some  ground  nuts  (mitsitsi),  roasts  and  gives  to  the  pupil  to  eat. 

It  would  be  interesting  to  know  what  procedure  is  followed  if  the  child  is  born 
alive. 

The  wizard  also  gets  some  roots  out  of  the  bush,  mixes  them  with  the  nostrils, 
hair  off  the  forehead,  and  the  wrist  bone  of  a  hyena,  burns  them  and  mixes  the  ashes 
with  castor  oil  (ntsatsi).  This  mixture  he  puts  into  the  tail  of  a  hyena.  He  also 
makes  a  necklace  of  human  teeth,  thumbs,  dried  eyes,  ears,  nose,  &c.,  and  gives  it 
to  his  pupil. 

All  wizards  are  said  to  possess  tame  hyenas  and  owls,  which  they  keep  in  a 
cave  and  feed  with  human  flesh. 

When  the  pupil  has  finished  his  course  of  instruction  the  teacher  supplies  him 
with  a  hyena  and  an  owl. 

Wizards  are  said  to  be  able  to  get  into  huts  at  night  without  disturbing  the 
sleeping  inmates.  They  are  said  to  do  this  by  means  of  the  above-mentioned  hyena 
tail.  When  they  come  to  the  front  of  the  hut  they  tie  the  tail  into  a  knot  and  push 
the  door  open,  enter  and  find  everyone  fast  asleep. 

The  hyena  tail  in  Nyasaland  is  a  very  serious  thing  to  the  natives  and  an 
important  part  of  a  thief's  outfit.  These  thieves  are  called  "  chitaka,"  and  are  said 
to  be  able  to  kill  a  goat  without  letting  it  cry  out,  or  to  steal  from  the  hut  of  any 
•wizard  except  the  mabisalila. 

The  following  are  five  classes  of  witch  doctors  : — 

1.  Waula  -     the  bone  thrower. 

2.  Mapondela  -     the  ordeal  poison  pounder. 

3.  Mabisalila  -  -     the  witch  hider. 

4.  Mabvumbula  -     the  shewer  or  pointer. 

5.  Namlondola  -  -     the  theft  doctor. 

1.  Waula. — When    a   person    is    sick    the     relatives    go    to    the    bone    thrower 
{Waula  kukavmbiza)  to  find  out  who  is  bewitching  the  sick  one.     The  bone  thrower 
asks  for  the  names  of  the  people  living  at  the  kraal.      This  information  having  been 
given,  he  says  to  his  bones,  "  Tamvatu  muvanawe  tandinza  usaukwe  weka"   ("Just 
listen,  my  boy,  tell  me  and  choose  amongst  these  names  by  yourself").     He  goes  on, 
"  E'  E'  E',''  and  then  mentions  the  name  of  the  person  who  is  suspected  of  bewitching 
the  sick  person. 

2.  Mapondela. — The  relatives  return  home  and  send  for  the  ordeal  poison  pounder 
{mwabvi — ordeal,  mapondela — the  one  who  pounds).     This  man  gets  the  poison,  called 
by  the  natives  "  mwabvi,"  from  the    bark  of    a  tree  of  that  name.      When  he  gets 
this  bark  he  takes  only  the  pieces  which  fall  open,   not  those  which  fall  flat.     That 
which  falls  flat  is  called   "  mpelanjilu."     Mapondela  keeps  this  ordeal  poison  in  a  ha<; 

[    35    ] 


No.  20.]  MAN.  [1912, 

made  out  of  baboon  skin.  When  he  arrives  at  the  kraal  of  the  sick  person  the  relatives 
hide  him.  Early  in  the  morning  the  headman  of  the  kraal  shouts  with  a  loud  voice,, 
"  Musadie  nsima  musadie  kanthu"  ("  Do  not  eat  porridge  or  anything  else  "),  and  orders 
a  young  man  to  call  all  the  people  in  the  kraal  to  come  together.  The  people  then 
go  with  the  headman  to  the  fields  (panthando).  There  the  mapondela  appears  in  full 
dress,  leaping  and  singing,  "  Dzanja  lamanzele  lilipanyama  "  ("  The  left  hand  is  at  the 
meat).*'  Whilst  singing  he  pounds  the  mwabvi,  mixes  it  with  the  excrement  of  hyenas,, 
owls,  &c.,  and  calling  the  people  one  by  one  he  gives  them  it  to  drink.  He  tells  the 
relatives  of  the  people,  some  of  whom  presently  die  and  some  vomit,  that  those  who- 
die  are  guilty,  and  those  who  vomit  are  innocent  but  have  to  pay  the  pounder. 

The  dead  bodies  are  left  at  the  drinking  place  (nthando)  and  are  eaten  by  birds; 
and  wild  beasts. 

3.  Mabisalila. — When  a  person  dies,  a  brother  or  son  of  the  deceased  goes  to- 
"  Mabisalila  "  and  asks  him  to  go  to  the  kraal  where  he  died.  He  goes  with  the  relative,, 
and  reaches  the  kraal  secretly  at  night  so  that  he  is  not  seen.  Having  found  out 
the  time  arranged  for  the  funeral,  they  go  to  the  place  of  burial  and  measure  a  place 
where  the  body  has  'to  be  buried.  Mabisalila  with  two  men  are  left  hidden  herey 
whilst  the  relative  returns  to  the  kraal  to  join  the  others  in  carrying  the  body  to  the 
grave.  They  dig  a  pit  in  a  place  pointed  out  by  the  relative,  the  same  place  as 
Mabisalila  measured.  When  they  have  dug  about  eight  feet  deep  they  make  a  room 
in  the  side  of  the  pit  and  put  the  body  in.  They  then  put  sticks  and  a  mat  to- 
separate  the  body  from  the  soil  with  which  they  fill  in  the  pit.  Having  filled  it  in 
they  return  to  their  kraal.  Before  going  to  the  kraal,  however,  they  go  to  a  river  or 
brook  and  wash  ;  the  women  bathe  down  the  stream  and  the  men  up  the  stream.. 
When  the  mourners  reach  the  kraal  they  find  a  goat  killed  and  cooked,  but  before 
eating  it  they  burn  the  hut  of  the  deceased.  The  relative  then  slips  away  and  rejoins 
Mabisalila,  who  has  previously  provided  himself  with  poisoned  skewers  and  a  koodoos 
horn.  Wizards  or  witches  are  supposed  to  visit  the  grave  at  sundown,  as  they  are- 
afraid  to  go  later.  They  come  in  a  whirlwind  with  their  baskets  of  human  bones, 
Mabisalila  blows  his  horn,  the  wizards  then  fall  and  become  blind,  and  he  stabs  them 
with  the  poisoned  skewers,  which  he  breaks  off,  leaving  a  portion  in  their  bodies- 
When  he  has  finished  doing  this  he  sends  his  two  men  home,  and,  stooping,  he  blows 
his  horn  to  wake  up  the  wizards.  The  wizards  scatter  away,  but  return  to  the  grave 
for  revenge.  They  find  no  one,  however,  as  the  Mabisalila  ran  away  with  them,  but,, 
instead  of  returning  to  the  grave  when  they  did,  he  went  home.  The  next  morning 
all  the  victims  are  unable  to  sit  down  owing  to  the  broken  skewers,  and  in  a  few  days 
some  of  them  die,  and  the  broken  skewer  points  are  found  in  them. 

4.  Mabvumbula. — When  natives  are  always  sick  in  their  kraal  the  headman  and 
his  people  agree  to  send  for  the  witch  pointer.  A  man  is  then  sent  to  Mabvumbula's 
kraal  with  a  pair  of  fowls.  On  arriving  he  claps  his  hands  in  front  of  the  Mab- 
vumbula and  says,  "  I  have  been  sent  by  my  headman  to  disturb  you  and  to  ask 
"  you  to  come  and  dance  in  front  of  your  slaves  to-morrow  morning."  In  reply  he 
simply  nods  his  head.  The  messenger  returns  home  and  tells  the  headman  that  the 
fowls  have  been  accepted.  Early  the  next  morning  the  witch  pointer  comes,  bringing 
with  him  a  koodoo  horn,  small  buck's  horn,  zebra's  tail,  and  a  pot  of  castor  oil.  He 
is  dressed  iq  full  dress  of  wild  animal  skins,  and  brings  boys  with  him.  On  arriving, 
he  finds  the  headman  and  all  his  people  waiting  to  receive  him.  Mabvumbula's  boys 
beat  drums  and  he,  putting  the  castor  oil  (ntsatsi)  on  the  ground,  holding  the  koodoo 
horn  in  the  left  hand  and  the  zebra  tail  in  the  right,  dances  with  the  people  in  a 
circle  round  him.  The  small  buck  horn  hangs  from  his  neck  by  a  piece  of  hyena 
skin.  Mabvumbula  sings,  "  Monsemu  ndatsenda  ndaona  lelo  sindinaziwona  "  ("I  have 
"  been  travelling  to-day  through  country  which  I  never  saw  before").  He  then  dips- 

[    36    ] 


1912.]  MAN.  [No.  20. 

the  tail  in  the  castor  oil  and  swings  it  round  so  as  to  spray  the  people  whilst  he 
whistles  with  the  small  buck's  horn.  He  tells  all  the  people  to  look  at  him  and 
he  points  the  koodoo  horn  at  each  one.  Soon  he  leaps  and  hits  with  the  tail  the 
one  suspected  of  being  a  wizard.  The  Mabvumbula's  boys  immediately  bind  the 
suspected  person  or  persons  and  take  them  off  to  be  burned  or  stoned. 

A  good  headman  did  not  allow  this  practice  unless  he  had  previously  sent  for 
the  ordeal  poison  pounder  to  make  an  examination  by  the  ordeal. 

5.  Namlondola. — Whenever  goods  or  sheep  are  stolen  by  the  magic  thieves 
(chitakd)  the  owner  gets  permission  from  the  headman  of  the  kraal  to  engage  the 
services  of  the  "  theft  doctor."  He  goes  to  the  doctor  and  makes  him  a  present, 
saying,  "  Master,  I  am  your  servant,  who  has  lost  all  his  goods  and  have  nothing 
left ;  please  accept  this  present  and  follow  me  to-morrow.  The  doctor  answers, 
"  Yes,  my  son." 

On  his  return,  the  owner  of  the  stolen  goods  does  not  tell  the  people  at  his  kraal 
that  he  has  engaged  the  doctor.  Early  the  next  day  Namlondola  arrives,  bringing 
with  him  the  horn  of  an  eland  or  of  a  koodoo.  His  face  is  covered  with  red  paint 
(ochre)  and  he  goes  to  the  headman  and  tells  him  that  he  has  been  invited  to  come 
to  the  kraal  by  one  of  the  inhabitants.  The  headman  calls  the  man  who  has  lost 
the  goods  and  tells  him  to  get  four  strong  men.  When  these  men  are  found  they  all 
go  to  the  place  where  the  stolen  goods  used  to  be,  and  Namlondola  orders  two  of  the 
men  to  lift  up  the  horn  and  two  to  press  it  down.  The  horn  starts  moving  forward 
and  follows  the  thieves'  tracks  to  the  place  where  the  goods  are  hidden ;  here  the  horn 
slips  from  the  four  men's  grasp  and  drops  to  the  ground.  The  four  men  dig,  and  the 
goods  are  found.  If  the  goods  are  found  in  a  hut  the  owner  of  the  hut  is  considered 
the  thief  and  is  tied  up.  If  he  is  well  known  he  is  fined  a  slave  and  some  goats, 
but  if  he  is  a  "  nobody "  he  is  burnt. 

When  the  goods  are  found  in  the  bush,  Namlondola  says  to  his  horn,  "Now, 
"  friend,  show  me  where  the  thieves  are."  The  four  men  then  grasp  the  horn  as 
before  and  it  seems  to  pull  all  four  men  until  it  arrives  at  the  thieves'  kraal  and 
stops  before  the  hut  of  the  head  thief.  The  owner  of  this  hut  is  tied  up  until  he 
discloses  the  names  of  his  accomplices.  If  common  people  they  were  burnt  and  the 
doctor  was  allowed  to  take  away  from  their  huts  all  he  could  carry  and  was  also 
paid  a  fee  of  two  goats  by  the  owner  of  the  stolen  property. 

When  a  boy  of  about  ten  years  steals  fowls,  eggs,  &c.,  his  parents  may  decide 
to  punish  him.  To  do  so  the  mother  takes  hold  of  his  left  hand  and  shoves  it  into 
some  hot  ashes  and  pours  cold  water  on  to  them,  though  the  youth  cries  the  mother 
does  not  let  his  hand  go  until  the  vice  is  scaled  out.  This  is  to  teach  the  boy  that 
when  he  grows  to  manhood  his  whole  body  will  be  burnt  if  he  steals. 

Litpanda. — Every  year  the  boys  who  are  about  twelve  years  old  have  to  be 
circumcised.  Parents  who  have  sons  of  that  age  make  arrangements  by  laying  in 
a  stock  of  fowls,  beans,  bananas,  and  by  grinding  much  native  flour. 

The  chief  of  the  district  gives  the  order  and  fixes  the  day  on  which  the  boys 
are  to  be  sent  to  a  place  appointed.  The  chief  also  orders  the  father  or  brother 
of  each  boy  to  build  a  hut  for  the  boys  to  sleep  in.  These  huts  are  always  built 
near  a  running  stream.  When  these  camp  huts  are  finished  the  place  is  called 
"  Ndagala."  Before  leaving  their  homes  for  this  camp  the  boya  are  provided  with  a 
farewell  meal  by  their  parents. 

Each  boy  has  his  own  guard,  or  teacher,  called  "  Pungu."  The  Pungu,  singing, 
leads  his  scholar  to  the  camp.  The  chief  teacher  (Mmichila)  is  the  most  skilful,  and 
is  called  "  the  one  with  a  tail,"  because  he  carries  a  zebra  tail.  When  the  boys  arrive 
at  the  camp  their  clothes  are  taken  away  from  them  and  they  are  clothed  in  stuff 
called  "  nkweude,"  made  from  the  bark  of  a  tree.  This  is  done  to  disguise  them,  so 

[    37    ] 


No.  20.]  MAN.  [1912. 

that  people  passing  near  the  camp  may  not  recognise  them.     To-day,  instead  of  this 
bark  cloth,  they  use  sacks. 

Mmichila  arrives  the  morning  after  the  boys,  and  each  Pungu  prepares  his  boy 
(Namwali — the  one  to  be  circumcised)  and  takes  him  to  a  secret  place  where  they 
are  kept  waiting  for  the  Mmichila's  orders,  he  being  in  another  place  with  other  men. 
Presently  he  orders  the  Namwali  to  be  brought  to  him  one  at  a  time.  As  each  arrives 
he  is  circumcised,  and  his  cries,  if  any,  are  not  heard  by  the  other  boys  as  the  men 
with  the  Mmichila  shout  so  as  to  drown  the  cries.  When  the  boys  are  all  finished 
the  Fungus  dress  the  wounds  with  the  leaves  of  the  mpoza  tree.  The  boys  are  told 
not  to  tell  the  younger  boys  because,  if  they  do,  their  mothers  will  die.  They  are 
also  told  to  honour  their  parents,  to  help  their  fathers  in  their  work,  to  be  polite  to 
grown-up  people,  and  to  go  to  the  burials  to  help  the  people  digging. 

The  Namwali  are  kept  in  camp  for  two  months,  until  the  wounds  are  healed,  and 
are  told  to  keep  those  parts  hidden,  especially  when  bathing. 

The  mothers  never  go  to  the  camp  but  send  food  there. 

Should  one  of  the  boys  die  it  is  not  mentioned  until  the  camp  is  broken  up. 
When  that  day  comes  there  is  much  beer  drinking,  and  the  boys  are  supplied  with 
new  clothes  and  a  face  cap.  Their  parents  bring  them  lots  of  nice  things  to  eat  but 
do  not  yet  see  their  sons,  who  are  kept  in  a  hut.  Then  each  Namwali  has  a  woman 
to  carry  him  to  bathe,  the  woman  washes  him  and  is  afterwards  called  his  sister.  They 
then  return  to  the  hut,  dress  and  cover  their  heads  so  that  their  parents  will  not 
recognise  them. 

The  parents  give  Mmichila  fowls  in  payment  of  his  services,  and  are  then 
allowed  to  see  their  sons.  They  also  make  a  present  to  their  chief.  Mmichila 
dances,  holding  his  zebra  tail,  and  sings,  "  Chakulia  mandanda  mchile  chele  papa " 
("Stop  all  the  egg  eating  on  this  very  spot").  The  dancing  is  called  "kuchimula." 
The  Namwali  are  given  new  names  by  their  Fungus,  and  it  is  considered  a  very  great 
insult  to  call  anyone  by  his  former  name. 

When  the  beer  drinking  is  finished  the  Namwali  go  to  the  head  kraal  and  salute 
their  chief.  When  they  arrive,  and  before  entering  the  surrounding  fence  they  sing, 
"  Kuchikomo  angele  !  kuchikomo  angele  !  kusowa  kwalupita  "  ("  They  have  closed  the 
gate  !  they  have  closed  the  gate  !  there  is  no  entrance  ")  whilst  walking  round  and 
round  the  chief's  fence  with  the  Mmichila  in  front.  After  the  second  round  they  go 
into  another  hut,  which  is  pointed  out  to  them  by  someone  in  the  chief's  quarters. 
The  next  morning  after  saluting  their  chief  they  return  home,  but,  on  the  instruc- 
tions of  the  Fungus,  do  not  enter  the  kraals  until  beer  has  been  prepared  for  their 
teachers  and  they  receive  half  their  pay. 

The  Namwali  never  answer  people  when  talking  unless  a  present  is  given  to 
him,  this  he  does  for  a  month  or  two,  talking  only  to  those  who  have  given  him 
something.  All  these  presents,  beads,  bangles,  &c.,  he  takes  and  gives  to  his  Pungu. 
If  he  does  not  do  so  his  Pungu  is  not  pleased  with  him. 

The  Pungu  and  other  men,  singing,  take  the  Namwali  into  his  parents'  hut, 
and  tell  him  to  sit  near  the  doorway  and  not  to  sit  elsewhere  or  to  go  into  his 
mother's  hut,  nor  to  sit  on  the  place  where  his  parents  sleep,  or  to  look  for  food 
amongst  the  pots.  If  food  is  kept  for  him  it  will  be  put  where  he  was  told  to 
sit  near  the  doorway. 

The  woman  who  washed  the  boy  gives  him  some  flour  and  a  fowl,  for  which  he 
makes  her  a  present.  Some  time  later  the  woman  makes  some  beer  and  sends  for 
the  boy,  he  goes  taking  with  him  his  Pungu  and  other  men.  She  gives  them  food 
and  beer,  the  boy  and  his  Pungu  drink  their  beer  in  her  hut  whilst  the  others  have 
their's  outside.  After  giving  the  woman  a.  present  they  return  home. 

Marriage. — When  a  boy  is  about  twenty  years  old  he  gets  married  ;  this  is  the 

[    38    J 


1912.]  MAN.  [No.  20. 

present  custom.     Before  the  white  men  came  into  Nyasaland  boys  of  that  age  were 
not  allowed  to  marry,  they  had  to  be  older  and  to  get  their  parents'  consent. 

A  man  who  proposed  to  get  married  would  privately  see  the  girl  he  wished  to 
marry,  and  ask  her  if  she  was  willing  ;  if  she  was  he  would  go  and  tell  his  uncle. 
It  was  impossible  for  anyone  to  get  married  without  his  uncle's  permission,  but  if 
he  had  no  uncle  he  would  go  to  his  father  and  say,  "  I  wish  you — uncle  or  father 
"  — to  go  to  yonder  kraal  and  apply  for  a  girl  for  me"  (mentioning  the  girl's  name). 
The  uncle  or  father  agrees,  but  does  not  ask  the  girl  herself  but  her  parents.  The 
parents  do  not  at  once  consent,  but  tell  the  man  to  come  again  in  the  morning  after 
they  have  asked  the  girl.  In  the  morning  if  the  girl  consents  they  tell  him.  After 
he  has  left  they  send  and  inform  the  girl's  uncle.  The  messenger  returns  and  tells 
the  boy  and  his  parents  that  the  girl  consents,  and  the  boy  is  told  to  go  and  sleep 
with  the  girl  that  day.  If  there  is  no  room  for  him  at  the  girl's  kraal  he  builds 
his  own  hut  there,  and  some  days  later  the  girl  comes  and  spends  a  few  days  at  the 
boy's  kraal.  A  man  is  not  allowed  to  take  away  his  wife  and  build  her  a  hut  at 
his  own  kraal,  but  must  live  with  her  amongst  her  family. 

When  the  man  has  remained  with  his  wife  a  year  or  two  his  mother-in-law 
makes  him  beer  so  that  he  can  invite  his  friend,  who  will  stand  surety  for  him  in 
any  future  circumstances  which  may  arise  between  he  and  his  wife,  or  if  death 
happens  in  his  family.  The  uncle  of  the  girl  is  also  invited  to  come.  If  the  married 
man  is  behaving  well  they  kill  a  hen,  that  means  they  have  given  away  their 
daughter  to  the  man,  and  the  man's  uncle  gives  them  a  cock,  which  signifies  that 
they  have  given  the  man  into  the  girl's  care.  But  if  the  man  has  not  behaved  well 
the  girl's  parents  kill  a  cock,  which  means  "  take  away  your  young  man."  In  the 
former  case  both  fowls  are  cooked  with  their  heads  on  so  that  they  can  be  recog- 
nised by  their  combs.  So  the  marriage  is  over. 

Every  native  is  dependent  on  his  uncle.  Before  Europeans  were  in  the  country 
a  boy  with  no  uncle  was  thought  as  little  of  as  a  dog  or  a  girl,  it  was  nobody's 
business  to  look  after  him  even  though  he  had  a  father,  unless  the  father  happened 
to  be  of  a  well-known  family  or  of  good  repute  in  war. 

Fathers  sometimes  ill-treated  their  own  families,  and  by  calling  their  wives 
"  slaves "  they  could  do  what  they  liked  with  the  family.  If  a  son,  mother,  or 
daughter  did  anything  wrong,  the  father  could  do  as  he  liked  to  them.  If  the 
father  was  accused  and  was  sentenced  to  pay  a  fine  of  a  slave,  he  could  hand  over 
one  of  his  family  in  payment.  Should  the  family,  however,  have  an  uncle,  the 
father  dare  not  do  this,  and  the  uncle  had  to  pay  the  fine.  If  the  uncle  lost  a  case 
against  himself  and  had  to  pay  a  slave,  he  could  take  one  of  his  nephews  or  nieces 
— usually  the  latter — to  pay  with,  and  the  father  could  make  no  objection.  If  a 
nephew  or  niece  was  accused,  the  uncle  was  the  proper  person  to  appear  in  the 
case,  and  if  a  fine  of  a  slave  had  to  be  paid,  the  uncle  must  find  it.  If  he  had  no 
slave,  he  could  let  the  accused  be  taken,  but  boys  were  not  usually  made  slaves  for 
their  own  offences,  and  the  uncle  would  probably  hand  over  one  of  the  sisters  to  be 
taken  instead  of  the  boy.  This  was  done  because  the  boy  might  become  the  head 
of  the  uncle's  family  on  his  death,  as  he  is  the  heir.  On  the  death  of  his  uncle 
the  nephew  becomes  husband  to  all  the  wives;  this  they  call  "  manyumba."  If  the 
nephew  has  married  one  of  his  uncle's  daughters,  he  does  not  "manyumba,"  but  only 
inherits  the  property,  and  the  brother  of  the  uncle  takes  the  wives.  If  there  is  no 
brother,  the  nephew  would  appoint  someone  to  marry  them. 

When  a  nephew  was  of  marriageable  age,  the  uncle  gives  him  the  choice  of  his 
daughters  for  a  wife.  By  this  arrangement  the  uncle  is  saved  the  trouble  entailed 
in  arranging  for  a  wife  from  another  family  (see  Marriage  Customs),  and  ensures  his 
daughter  reaping  some  benefit  from  his  estate. 

[    39    ] 


20-21.]  MAN.  [1912. 

With  regard  to  cousins,  supposing  a  man  has  two  daughters  and  each  has  a 
family,  the  children  do  not  call  each  other  cousins,  but  brothers  and  sisters.  If, 
however,  a  man  has  a  son  and  a  daughter,  and  they  have  families,  they  call  each 
•other  cousin. 

If  a  woman  is  enceinte  the  old  women  gather  together  with  the  woman  in  the 
middle.  The  old  women  dance  and  tell  her  she  must  be  faithful  to  her  husband  or 
she  will  die  when  the  baby  is  born.  They  also  instruct  her  in  what  she  must  eat. 
She  must  not  eat  : — (1)  hippopotamus,  or  the  child  will  have  teeth  like  that  animal  ; 
(2)  pig,  or  the  baby  will  be  diseased  ;  (3)  eggs,  or  the  baby  will  have  no  hair  i 
(5)  certain  fruits,  or  the  baby  will  have  wounds  on  its  thighs. 

The  husband  receives  similar  instructions  from  his  uncle  and  friends,  to  be 
faithful  to  his  wife  or  she  will  die,  &c. 

When  the  birth  is  expected  the  old  women  again  gather  round  the  bride  and 
tell  her  to  disclose  the  names  of  men  she  has  been  with  or  she  will  die.  If  the 
girl  has  been  unfaithful  she  will  usually  give  the  names,  but  if  she  does  not  she 
dies.  This  the  natives  considered  always  happened. 

The  man  is  also  persuaded  to  give  the  names  of  women,  if  he  does  not,  his 
wife  dies. 

When  one  of  them  confesses,  the  child  is  born. 

But  if  both  refuse,  recourse  is  had  to  the  bone-thrower  to  find  out  which  is 
guilty.  If  he  cannot  find  out  he  asks  if  the  parents  of  the  husband  or  wife  ever 
had  any  quarrel  concerning  the  marriage,  whether  the  couple  themselves  ever 
quarrelled,  or  whether  the  parents  of  one  quarrelled  with  the  parents  of  the  other. 
If  either  of  these  cases  is  admitted  the  guilty  ones  are  ordered  by  the  bone-thrower 
to  go  and  make  offerings  to  the  spirits  of  their  grandmother.  If  after  this  the  baby 
still  remains  unborn  both  parents  consult  another  bone-thrower.  Sometimes  one 
bone-thrower  recommends  one  thing  and  the  other  recommends  something  else,  and 
the  parents  do  not  know  what  to  do  and  can  only  wait  until  the  baby  is  born  or 
the  mother  dies.  If  the  baby  is  born  and  the  mother  lives  the  husband  and"  parents 
sing,  and  the  husband  with  his  weapon  leaps  and  imitates  fighting.  Should  the 
woman  die  the  husband  is  blamed  and  has  to  pay.  H.  W.  GARBUTT. 


England :  Archaeology.  Lewis. 

Megalithic  Monuments  in  Gloucestershire.  />'//  .  I.  /..  Lewis.  Q 4 

The  Longstone  at  Minchinhampton,  Gloucestershire,  is  1\  feet  high,  5  to  fc  I 
6  feet  wide,  and  15  inches  thick,  and  has  several  natural  holes  in  it,  through  one  of 
which  children  were  formerly  passed  to  cure  them  of  measles  or  whooping  cough. 
(This,  I  may  say,  was  also  done  at  the  dolmen  of  Trie  Chateau  in  the  Oise.)  This 
stone  was  said  by  Rudder,  in  his  Gloucestershire  (1799),  to  have  stood  on  the  top  of 
a  tumulus  or  barrow,  but  I  do  not  think  that  it  could  have  done  so  ;  the  ground  round 
it  is  now  level,  and  the  stone  would  have  been  upset  in  removing  the  barrow,  if  any 
liad  existed,  and  would  not  have  been  set  up  again.  Dr.  Thurnam  said  the  barrow 
was  "  scarcely  visible  "  when  he  visited  the  spot  in  1860.  It  probably  required  the 
«ye  of  faith  to  discern  any  traces  of  it  at  all.  Twelve  yards  slightly  south  of  west 
from  the  standing  stone  is  a  fallen  one  (4^  feet  by  2^  by  1),  built  into  a  dry  stone 
wall,  which  may  also  contain  the  fragments  of  other  stones,  possible  even  of  a  whole 
circle.  Within  a  mile  to  the  south  of  these  there  is,  however,  a  stone  5  or  6  feet 
high  called  the  "  Tingle  Stone,"  which  does  stand  on  a  barrow. 

About  three  miles  south-east  from  this  stone  is  the  Rodmarton  chambered  tumulus, 
and  five  or  six  miles  west  is  the  chambered  barrow  at  Uley,  both  of  which  are  treated 
•of  at  considerable  length  in  Dr.  Thurnam's  great  paper  on  "Long  Barrows  "  (Archceo- 
logia,  Vol.  42).  Concerning  the  Uley  barrow  he  says  it  was  explored  in  1821,  when 

[  40  ] 


1912.]  MAN.  [Nos,  21-22. 

two  dolichocephalic  skulls  were  found  and  preserved  in  the  museum  of  Guy's  Hospital 
with  a  memorandum,  unpublished,  but  it  had  been  ransacked  before  that  time.  The 
cephalic  index  of  these  skulls  was  71,  74 — mean  72^.  Dr.  Thurnam  himself  explored 
the  barrow  in  1854  and  published  an  illustrated  report  in  the  Archceological  Journal, 
XI,  315  (1854).  He  found  at  that  time  the  remains  of  fifteen  skeletons,  and  eight  or 
nine  skulls,  none  of  which  had  been  burnt.  Some  of  the  skulls  appeared  to  have 
been  cleft  in  a  manner  suggestive  of  a  violent  death;;  three  or  four  of  them  were 
sufficiently  perfect  to  show  great  length  and  thickness.  Flint  flakes  were  found, 
which  must  have  been  brought  from  some  site  many  miles  away  ;  and  two  axes,  one 
of  flint  and  one  of  hard  green  stone,  wore  found  close  to  the  tumulus,  and  are  preserved 
with  the  two  skulls  in  the  museum  of  Guy's  Hospital.  "  Above  one  of  the  side  chambers 
"  and  within  a  foot  of  the  surface  of  the  mound  was  a  skeleton,  lying  north-east 
"  and  south-west,  which,  from  three  third  brass  coins  of  the  three  sons  of  Constantine 
"  the  Great  deposited  with  it,  appeared  to  belong  to  the  Roman  period"  (Dr.  Thur- 
nam in  Archceologia,  XLII,  235).  W.  C.  Borlase  (Dolmens  of  Ireland,  p.  974)  says  : 
*'  Roman  remains  were  found  in  one  of  the  side  chambers,  and.  since  among  them 
"  was  a  lachrymatory,  the  idea  presents  itself  that  the  cultus  of  the  dead  and  the 
*'  devotions  paid  to  them  at  this  sepulchre  had  not  died  out  in  the  age  to  which 
*'  such  relics  belong."  That  was  a  favourite  idea  with  Borlase,  and  one  to  which  I 
see  no  great  reason  to  object,  but  in  the  case  of  Uley  it  may  well  have  happened 
that  if  any  Roman  objects  were  really  found  in  the  side  chamber  they  had  dropped 
into  it  from  the  secondary  interment  above  it.  Thurnam,  moreover,  speaks  only  of  a 
*'  small  vessel  described  as  resembling  a  Roman  lachrymatory "  (Archceological 
Journal,  XI,  321). 

The  barrow  itself,  locally  called  "  Hetty  Pegler's  Tump,"  is  120  feet  long,  85  feet 
broad,  and  10  feet  high  ;  the  gallery  is  23  feet  long,  divided  into  three  compartments, 
10  feet,  9  feet,  and  4  feet  long  respectively  ;  near  the  entrance  it  is  5  feet  wide,  but 
only  3  feet  at  the  inner  end,  and  it  is  nowhere  more  than  5  feet  high.  At  each  side 
of  the  gallery  are  two  small  chambers  about  6  feet  by  4  feet  ;  two  of  these  have 
either  fallen  in  or  were  destroyed  when  the  tumulus  was  accidentally  broken  into  in 
1820,  or  perhaps  even  before  that  date.  The  walls  of  the  gallery  and  chambers  are 
partly  of  slabs  and  partly  of  small  dry  masonry,  and  the  roof  is  formed  of  slabs. 
There  appears  to  have  been  a  peculiar  arrangement  of  dry  stone  walling  in  the  body 
of  the  tumulus.  The  figure  of  the  stone  axe  which  is  carved  on  some  of  the 
French  dolmens  does  not  appear  at  Uley,  but  the  barrow  itself  is  very  much  in  the 
shape  of  an  axe  ;  that,  however,  is  probably  only  an  accidental  coincidence. 

A.  L.  LEWIS. 


Africa,  East.  Barrett. 

A'Kikuyu   Fairy  Tales  (Rogano).     By   Captain    W.  E.  H.  Barrett.  HO 

THE  Six  WARRIORS  WHO  TRAVELLED  TO  THE  HOME  OF  THE  SUN. 

In  a  certain  tribe  of  the  A'Kikuyu  there  were  six  warriors,  all  renowned  far  and 
wide  for  their  power  of  endurance  and  their  bravery.  These  men  were  continually 
competing  against  one  another,  and  each  thought  that  he  was  superior  to  the  rest. 
One  day  they  arranged  among  themselves  to  make  a  journey  to  where  the  sun  lived, 
and  to  see  him  in  his  own  abode.  Accordingly,  having  said  good-bye  to  their  rela- 
tions they  started  off,  each  taking  with  him  a  bullock  for  food.  The  first  day  they 
travelled  a  long  distance,  and  in  the  evening  they  camped,  lit  large  fires,  and  killed 
one  bullock,  which  they  ate. 

They  travelled  in  the  direction  of  the  sun  for  five  days,  and  each  evening  they 
ate  one  of  their  bullocks.  Towards  the  evening  of  the  sixth  day  they  came  to  a 
vast  expanse  of  water,  lying  in  front  of  them,  and  were  unable  to  proceed  any 

[  41  ] 


Nos.  22  23.]  MAJ<.  [1912. 

further.  This  stretch  of  water  was  so  large  that  thej  could  see  no  land  beyond  it, 
and  knew  that  they  were  close  to  the  spot  where  the  sun  lived.  That  night  they 
camped  near  the  water,  and  killed  and  ate  their  last  bullock.  The  next  morning 
all  rose  early,  and  one  of  the  warriors  said  to  the  others,  "  It  is  nearly  time  for  the 
"  sun  to  rise,  when  he  rises  we  must  all  keep  silent,  or  else  if  he  hears  us  talking 
"  he  may  be  angry  at  finding  us  spying  on  him,  and  evil  may  befall  us."  Just 
before  dawn  they  saw  the  water  turn  red  and  became  frightened,  as  they  knew  the 
sun  was  about  to  appear.  Presently  the  sun  rose  and  looked  about  him  ;  on  which 
five  of  the  warriors  exclaimed,  "  What  is  it  ?  "  and  at  once  fell  dead.  The  sun  then 
came  up  to  the  one  remaining  warrior  and  asked  him  where  he  came  from.  He  told 
him  the  whole  story  of  how  they  had  left  their  villages  in  the  Kikuyu  country  and 
come  to  find  out  the  place  from  which  the  sun  rose,  and  how  he  had  warned  his 
companions  to  remain  silent  when  they  saw  him  come  up.  When  the  sun  had 
listened  to  what  the  warrior  had  to  say,  he  told  him  to  go  back  to  his  village  and 
to  tell  no  one  that  he  had  seen  the  sun  rising  from  his  resting  place,  or  to  tell 
anyone  where  that  place  was  ;  he  also  said,  "  I  am  angry  because  your  people,  the 
"  A'Kikuyu,  call  me  Riua.  In  future  you  must  always  call  me  Kigango,  if  ever 
"  you  call  me  Riua  again  you  will  drop  dead."  When  the  sun  had  finished  speaking 
the  warrior  suddenly  found  himself  transferred  to  his  own  hut ;  he  came  out,  and 
when  his  relations  saw  him  they  were  overjoyed,  as  they  had  long  since  thought  him 
dead.  All  endeavoured  to  make  him  tell  them  his  adventures,  but  he  refused.  Every 
morning  when  he  saw  the  tun  he  said  to  those  near  him,  "  I  see  that  Kigango  has 
"  risen,"  and  gradually  all  his  tribe  called  the  sun  Kigaugo  and  not  Riua  as  formerly. 

After  many  years  had  passed,  the  warrior,  who  had  become  an  old  man,  got  tired 
of  living,  and  calling  all  his  children  together  divided  his  possessions  up  among  them, 
as  he  told  them  that  he  intended  to  die  the  following  day.  The  next  day  he  got  up 
early  and  said  to  his  children,  "Look,  Riua  has  risen."  No  sooner  had  these  words 
passed  his  lips  than  he  fell  down  dead.  W.  E.  H.  BARRETT. 


REVIEWS. 
Physical  Anthropology.  Gilford. 

The  Disorders  of  Post- Natal  Growth  and  Development.  By  Hastings  OQ 
Gilford,  F.R.C.S.  London:  Adlard  and  Son,  1911.  Pp.  727,  with  65  illus-  £U 
trations.  Price  15$.  net. 

Amongst  the  books  which  have  fallen  to  me  for  review,  none  has  given  so  much 
trouble  as  this,  to  place  in  its  proper  position  in  the  literature  dealing  with  the 
body  of  man.  Indeed,  it  is  a  great  book,  wide  in  its  scope,  great  in  its  aim,  and 
excellent  in  its  execution,  and  yet  on  every  page  there  is  something  which  upsets 
one's  preconceived  notions  regarding  the  interpretation  of  facts  with  which  medical 
men  are  familiar.  The  author's  aim  is  no  less  than  to  formulate  a  new  system  or 
philosophy  of  disease.  All  the  diseases  to  which  the  human  body  is  liable,  excepting 
those  which  are  directly  due  to  micro-organisms,  are,  in  Mr.  Gilford's  opinion,  really 
disturbances  of  growth.  Constitutional  diseases  are  purely  biological  problems,  and 
therefore  of  the  greatest  interest,  not  only  to  medical  men,  but  to  all  who  study  the 
human  body  from  an  anthropological  point  of  view. 

If  this  book  had  been  produced  by  the  leisured  occupant  of  a  medical  chair 
in  a  university  or  by  the  experienced  member  of  the  staff  of  a  great  hospital  it 
would  have  been  remarkable  enough,  but,  when  it  is  remembered  that  its  author  is 
a  busy  surgeon  in  a  country  town,  both  the  book  and  the  writer  command  our 
whole-hearted  admiration.  To  those  familiar  with  the  progress  of  modern  medicine 
Mr.  Gilford's  name  is  already  well  known.  He  was  the  first  to  recognise  a  very 
remarkable  disease  to  which  he  gave  the  name  of  Progeria.  The  subjects  of  this 

[    42    ] 


1912.]  MAN.  [Nos.  23-24. 

disease  are  young  people  on  whom  old  age  falls  like  a  blight  while  they  are  still  in 
their  youth  :  they  are  hurried  on  to  the  age  of  seventy  while  they  are  still  in  their 
"  teens."  It  was  he  also  who  first  defined  the  opposite  condition  or  disease — 
Ateleiosis — in  which  the  condition  of  infantilism  persists.  The  subject  of  the  disease 
remains  an  infant  in  size,  and  yet  tends  to  assume  the  proportions  and  some  of  the 
characters  of  the  adult.  Very  slow  growth  goes  on  until  the  thirtieth  year  or  later. 
It  was  the  study  of  these  two  conditions,  with  continual  enquiry  and  observation  on 
all  forms  of  constitutional  disease,  which  probably  led  Mr.  Gilford  to  formulate  his 
philosophy  of  disease  and  to  expound  it  in  the  book  now  under  review. 

The  two  examples  which  have  been  cited  —  progeria  and  ateleiosis— --belong  to 
Mr.  Gilford's  third  class  of  diseases — those  which  affect  the  whole  body.  In  one  of 
these — ateleiosis — the  rate  of  growth  and  of  development  are  retarded  ;  in  progeria 
they  are  accelerated,  senility  coming  on  apace.  To  this  third  class,  which  includes 
all  those  disturbances  affecting  the  whole  body,  Mr.  Gilford  assigns  the  various  forms 
of  dwarfs,  of  giants,  of  excessively  fat  people,  of  sexual  acceleration  and  retardation  ? 
of  cretinism,  acromegaly,  &c.  All  of  these  represent  in  their  essential  features 
disturbances  of  growth  and  development. 

A  disturbance  of  growth  may  affect  not  the  whole  of  the  body  but  only  one  of  the 
organs,  the  liver,  the  kidney,  the  blood,  or  the  skeleton.  Diseases  which  affect 
only  an  organ  or  a  system  of  the  body  constitute  Mr.  Gilford's  second  class.  He 
interprets  certain  diseases  of  those  organs  which  have  hitherto  been  regarded  as  specific 
pathological  conditions,  as  disturbances  in  the  normal  growth  of  the  cells  of  that  organ. 
For  instance,  the  disease  known  as  pernicious  anaemia,  nearly  always  fatal,  he  regards, 
if  I  may  use  a  more  familiar  terminology,  as  due  to  a  sudden  reversion  to  the  nucleated 
condition  of  the  very  lowest  vertebrates.  The  actual  term  Mr.  Gilford  applies  is  that  of 
"  senility,"  but  .when  he  uses  the  term  thus  I  understand  him  not  to  mean  that  these 
blood  cells  are  suffering  from  "  old  age,"  but  from  a  relapse  to  an  ancestral  condition. 

Mr.  Gilford's  first  class  includes  those  diseases  in  which  the  disturbance  of  growth 
affect  only  the  cells.  To  this  class  belong  all  forms  of  tumour,  benign  and  malig- 
nant. Tumour  cells  are  normal  cells  which  have  broken  away  from  the  traditions 
normally  regulating  their  growth  and  decay. 

In  a  brief  review  such  as  this  must  necessarily  be  it  is  impossible  to  do  justice  to- 
twenty  years  of  accurate  observation  and  of  close  study.  The  importance  of  the  book 
lies  in  Mr.  Gilford's  discovery  that  one  may,  through  the  study  of  our  diseases,  gain  an 
insight  into  those  laws  which  regulate  the  growth,  the  maturation,  the  decay  of  our 
bodies,  and  thus  establish  those  broad  principles  which  must  form  the  foundation  of  a 
rational  anthropology.  As  already  said,  every  page  of  this  book  rouses  antagonism, 
and  yet  every  one  of  them  is  worth  reading  and  makes  one  think.  All  through  we 
feel  that  the  facts  do  not  naturally  fit  the  pigeon-holes  Mr.  Gilford  has  assigned 
them  in  his  system,  and  yet  one  must  confess  that  we  have  no  better  places  to 
suggest  for  them.  There  is  another  comfort  in  such  a  book.  Medicine  in  England 
must  be  in  a  healthy  and  progressive  condition  when  it  is  possible  to  produce  such  a 
work  as  this.  A.  KEITH. 


Religion.  Frazer. 

Taboo  and  the  Perils  of  the  Soul.     By  J.  G.  Frazer,  D.C.L.,  LL.D.,  Litt.D.     fll 
London  :  Macmillan  &  Co.,  1911.     Price  105.  net.  fc  • 

The  second  volume  of  the  new  edition  of  The  Golden  Bough  is  an  expansion 
of  the  latter  half  of  the  first  volume  of  the  second  edition.  To  the  chapter  on  the 
"  Perils  of  the  Soul "  Dr.  Frazer's  untiring  research  has  not  been  able  to  add  so  much 
as  to  that  on  the  King  of  the  Wood.  Archaeological  discoveries  have  not  availed 
him  here  ;  and  recent  anthropological  explorations  and  discussions  have  been  able  to 

[    43    ] 


No.  24.]  MAN.  [1912. 

suggest  but  little  in  modification  or  extension  of  interpretations  of  savage  custom 
already  well  settled.  In  the  preface  he  emphasises  the  limitation  of  the  subject. 
It  is  not  taboo  in  general,  but  "  the  principles  of  taboo  in  their  application  to  sacred 
*'  personages,  such  as  kings  and  priests,  who  are  the  proper  theme "  of  the  entire 
work.  On  the  scale  of  the  present  volume  the  subject  of  taboo  at  large  would  fill 
a  library. 

Within  its  limits,  however,  the  treatment  of  the  subject  is  exhaustive.  Every 
phase  of  belief,  every  variation  of  practice,  is  considered,  accounted  for,  explained. 
The  interweaving  of  the  new  portions  with  the  old  is  done  with  consummate  skill  ; 
and  everywhere  the  exposition  is  marked  by  the  incisive  comment  and  dry  humour 
that  the  author  has  taught  us  to  expect. 

Everyone  who  is  acquainted  with  the  earlier  editions  knows  how  much  anthro- 
pological science  is  indebted  to  Professor  Frazer  for  a  correct  appreciation  of  the 
reasons  underlying  what  seem  to  us  practices  absurd  and  even  injurious.  To  his 
exposition  of  these  reasons  he  has  little  to  add,  save  here  and  there,  in  their  application 
to  his  new  examples,  and  the  most  critical  reviewer  will  find  little  to  object.  The 
utmost  that  can  be  done  is  to  express  a  doubt,  which  sometimes  arises,  whether 
sufficient  allowance  has  always  been  made  for  the  vagueness  that  is  so  characteristic 
of  the  thought  of  the  lower  culture.  The  "  definite  course  of  reasoning  "  on  the  part 
of  the  savage,  rightly  insisted  on  in  the  two  quotations  from  experienced  missionaries 
in  a  footnote  to  page  420,  is  not  inconsistent  with  this.  We  must  admit  the  evolution 
of  the  reasoning  power  of  the  human  mind.  Ultimately  savage  reasoning,  like  that 
of  civilised  man,  is  based  on  observation  ;  and  both  are,  at  all  events  in  their  earlier 
stages,  liable  to  be  controlled,  or  at  least  largely  influenced  on  the  subjects  here 
discussed,  by  emotion.  Man  did  not  start  with  a  complete  theory  of  the  soul,  still 
less  of  the  universe  at  large.  The  process  of  forming  such  a  theory  was  inductive, 
though  it  may  well  have  been  that  the  induction  was  often  more  or  less  unconscious. 
The  phenomena  with  which  it  dealt  were  at  first  observed  casually  ;  attention  was 
only  gradually  concentrated  on  them  ;  and  when  in  the  slow  revolution  of  the 
centuries  something  like  definiteness  was  attained,  there  would  still  remain  a 
considerable  body  of  the  undetermined,  the  mysterious,  and  the  uncanny  not  yet 
reduced  into  conformity  with  the  hypothesis,  not  yet  fitted  into  its  place  in  the 
system  of  the  savage  universe.  That  residuum  even  yet  persists  in  savage  mentality, 
nay,  in  the  mentality  of  races  who  have  long  since  left  the  stage  of  savagery.  It 
is  vague,  but  its  very  vagueness  is  the  basis  of  its  power.  It  penetrates  thought  with 
unknown  possibilities,  it  charges  the  emotions  with  energy  that  issues  at  unexpected 
moments  in  explosions  altogether  disproportioned  to  the  apparent  triviality  of  their 
cause.  Its  traces  are  to  be  found  in  languages  the  most  diverse.  The  Wakan  of 
the  Dacotahs,  the  Kami  of  the  Japanese,  the  Mana  of  the  Melanesians,  are  attempts 
at  its  expression. 

To  take  a  familiar  instance,  that  of  the  Australian  who  nearly  died  of  fright 
because  the  shadow  of  his  mother-in-law  fell  on  his  legs  as  he  lay  asleep  under  a 
tree,  or  the  native  of  the  Banks  Islands  who  would  not  so  much  as  follow  his 
mother-in-law  along  the  beach  until  the  rising  tide  had  effaced  her  footprints  in  the 
sand.  She  was,  as  Professor  Frazer  says,  a  source  of  dangerous  influence  upon  him. 
But  was  the  nature  of  that  influence,  or  of  its  sanction,  ever  defined  ?  I  venture  to 
think  it  would  be  as  dark  to  the  Australian  or  Melanesian,  if  he  thought  about  it  at 
all,  as  it  is  to  us,  and  it  never  was  otherwise.  The  taboos  imposed  on  the  heir  to  the 
throne  of  Loango  and  many  another  native  of  West  Africa  rest  upon  terrors  equally 
vague  and  unexplained.  On  the  other  hand,  there  are  numerous  taboos,  such  as  those 
of  hunters  and  manslayers,  which  do  rest  upon  specific  fears  traceable  to  the  savage 
theory  of  souls.  I  submit  that  there  is  a  very  real  distinction  to  be  drawn  here,  and 

[    44     ] 


1912.]  MAN.  [Nos.  24-25. 

that  we  cannot  reach  the  true  meaning  of  the  widespread  practice  of  taboo  unless 
we  take  into  account  the  possibility — nay,  the  certainty — of  its  origin  at  a  period 
when  the  ideas  of  the  savage  had  not  yet  crystallized  (so  far  as  they  may  be  said  to- 
have  now  crystallised)  in  definite  theories  and  a  definite  course  of  reasoning.  Not 
all  of  the  taboos  that  we  meet  with  originated  in  this  far-off  period  ;  but  the  mystic 
terror  of  mystic  dangers  having  once  seized  the  human  soul,  the  practice  of  measures 
to  avoid  them  grew  and  was  adapted  and  applied  to  the  dangers  gradually  defined  by 
developing  theories. 

The  power  of  sacred  personages  is  a  particular  case  of  the  orenda  or  wakan, 
which  many  men  have  in  a  greater  or  less  degree,  but  which  is  specially  manifested 
in  some  men,  and  is  inherent  in  a  king  or  an  incarnate  god.  It  is  guarded  by  certain 
taboos.  Probably  for  many  of  these  taboos  no  definite  reason  could  at  any  time  be 
assigned.  The  theory  of  the  soul  may  help  us  to  understand  some  of  them  :  but  it 
will  not  explain  all.  Nor  is  this  to  be  wondered  at,  for  there  is  good  ground  for 
thinking  that  the  belief  in  orenda  or  wakan  goes  back  to  a  more  archaic  stage 
of  human  thought  than  that  in  the  soul  or  double.  But  however  the  various  taboos 
have  originated,  once  they  become  current  the  practice  of  the  fathers  descends  un- 
questioned to  the  children,  despite  a  certain  measure  of  advance  in  civilisation  and 
in  thought. 

The  preface  contains  a  few  weighty  words  on  the  bearing  of  the  investigation 
upon  ethical  science.  The  moral  code  of  a  people  is  the  product,  like  its  material 
civilisation,  of  its  environment,  of  its  knowledge,  and  of  its  general  advance.  It  must 
change — it  must  even  in  many  details  be  reversed — with  the  change  of  environment 
and  the  raising  of  the  standard  of  culture.  "  The  old  view  that  the  principles  of 
"  right  and  wrong  are  immutable  and  eternal  is  no  longer  tenable.  The  moral  world 
"  is  as  little  exempt  as  the  physical  world  from  the  law  of  ceaseless  change,  of 
44  perpetual  flux."  The  power  of  a  community  to  adapt  and  develop  its  moral  code 
is  one  of  the  most  important  factors  in  the  struggle  for  continued  existence.  To 
stereotype  the  moral  code  is  to  arrest  the  evolution  of  society,  a  course  that  has 
resulted  once  and  again  in  its  extinction.  These  considerations  must  profoundly  affect 
ethical  thought  in  the  near  future.  E.  SIDNEY  HARTLAND. 


Africa :  Congo.  Torday  :  Joyce. 

The    Bushongo.        By  E.    Torday  and    T.  A  Joyce,    with   Illustrations    by     OC 
Norman  H.  Hardy.     Brussels,  1910.  Lu 

The  expedition  to  the  Belgian  Congo  organised  and  led  by  Mr.  Emil  Torday, 
the  well-known  African  traveller,  which  started  from  England  in  October  1907  and 
returned  in  September  1909,  has  undoubtedly  been  one  of  the  most  productive  of  recent 
years  in  new  and  important  ethnological  results.  Mr.  Torday,  who,  having  travelled 
widely  and  observantly,  already  possessed  an  extended  knowledge  of  many  of  the 
native  tribes  of  the  Belgian  Congo,  was  accompanied  on  the  present  expedition  by 
Mr.  M.  W.  Hilton  Simpson,  and  during  part  of  the  time  by  Mr.  Norman  H.  Hardy. 
The  former,  a  keen  sportsman,  had  already  gained  experience  in  travel  mainly  during 
expeditions  in  the  Algerian  Sahara.  To  him  chiefly  is  due  the  addition  of  sundry 
new  species  to  the  list  of  the  mammalian  fauna  of  the  region.  Mr.  Norman  Hardy  had 
travelled  extensively  in  the  South  Pacific  and  elsewhere,  and  is  unrivalled  as  au 
ethnographic  artist  in  whom  technical  skill  and  painstaking  accuracy  are  happily 
combined.  If  the  scientific  results  of  the  expedition  have  been  fruitful  and  striking, 
much  is  due  to  the  personel,  the  well-assorted  trio  having  worked  together  in  perfect 
harmony  and  with  real  enthusiasm,  enduring  hardships  and  meeting  the  inevitable 
difficulties  with  cheerfulness  and  discretion.  The  leader  himself  possesses  qualities 
which  make  the  ideal  field  ethnographer.  In  addition  to  a  sublime  intrepidity  and 

L        45 


No.  25.]  MAN.  [1912. 

keen  observational  powers,  he  possesses  a  natural  gift  for  picking  up  languages,  and  is 
endowed  with  an  exceptional  capacity  for  treating  the  so-called  "  savage "  peoples 
with  firmness  combined  with  sympathy,  which  goes  far  towards  enabling  him  to  gain 
their  confidence  and  respect,  a  most  necessary  thing  where  the  object  aimed  at  is  to 
acquire  reliable  information  regarding  the  habits,  customs,  and  beliefs  of  a  shy  and 
usually  suspicious  people. 

The  present  volume,  which  is  the  first  of  a  series,  is  published  in  French  under  the 
auspices  of  the  Belgian  Minister  of  Colonies,  as  one  of  the  Annales  du  Musee  du 
Congo  Beige,  and  is  admirably  produced  under  the  joint  authorship  of  Mr.  Torday  and 
Mr.  T.  A.  Joyce  of  the  British  Museum.  (Here,  again,  Mr.  Torday  has  been  singularly 
fortunate  in  his  choice  of  a  coadjutor.)  The  volume  is  written  with  great  clearness  in 
simple  and  straightforward  language,  and  is  very  fully  illustrated.  A  great  feature  of 
this  monograph  is  supplied  by  the  numerous  and  most  valuable  drawings  both  in  colour 
and  monochrome  by  Mr.  Norman  Hardy,  which  cannot  be  too  highly  praised.  The 
photographs  are  for  the  most  part  good,  andja  large  number  of  excellent  line  drawings 
illustrating  details  of  structure  and  ornamentation  add  clearness  and  point  to  the 
descriptions. 

The  expedition  journeyed  up  the  Kasai  River  and  its  tributary  the  Sankuru, 
as  far  as  the  Basonge  people.  Next,  a  visit  to  the  cannibal  Southern  Batetela  was 
made,  and  later  visits  were  paid  to  the  easterly  offshoots  of  the  Bushongo,  the  Northern 
Batetela,  Basongo  Meno,  Akela  and  Bankutu.  A  considerable  stay  was  then  made  in 
the  capital  of  the  Western  Bushongo.  In  order  to  study  comparatively  the  culture 
affinities  of  this  very  important  people,  it  was  deemed  advisable  to  investigate  the 
tribes  further  to  the  west,  and  a  wide  detour  was  made  down  the  Kasai  to  the  mouth 
of  the  Kwilu  River,  which  was  ascended,  and  thence  an  easterly  traverse  was  made  to 
the  Loange  River,  from  which  point  a  country  hitherto  unvisited  by  white  men  was 
entered  and  crossed  until  the  Kasai  was  again  reached  in  latitude  5  degrees  S.  This 
latter  part  of  the  journey  was  beset  with  difficulties  owing  to  the  opposition  offered  by 
the  hostile  and  truculent  Bakongo  and  Bashilele  ;  but  the  traverse  was  safely  accom- 
plished, a  result  of  skilful  and  tactful  handling  of  the  obstructive  natives  coupled  with 
occasional  appeals  to  their  superstitious  credulity.  Such  in  brief  was  the  itinerary  of 
the  expedition. 

The  volume  is  devoted  in  the  main  to  a  detailed  study  of  the  Bushongo,  with 
added  notes  upon  the  allied  Bakongo  and  Bashilele  for  comparative  purpos.es.  A 
separate  chapter  is  appended  on  the  neighbouring  Basongo  Meno  of  the  Sankuru, 
whose  long  contact  with  the  Bushongo  rendered  their  ethnology  of  importance. 

The  authors'  investigations  lead  to  the  conclusion  that  the  Bushongo  entered 
their  present  territory  from  the  N.N.W.,  the  migration  having  probably  originated  in 
the  neighbourhood  of  the  Shari  basin.  The  Bashilele  and  Bakongo  are  believed  to 
have  formed  an  advance-guard  in  the  southerly  movement,  and  to  have  been  followed 
later  by  their  kinsfolk,  the  Bushongo,  who,  having  become  settled  in  the  angle  formed 
by  the  junction  of  the  Kasai  and  Sankuru,  developed  their  culture  to  a  remarkable 
extent.  The  book,  indeed,  reveals  an  amazing  condition  of  culture-progress  among 
an  indigenous  Negro  population.  It  is  true  that  some  evidence  of  high  attainments 
had  previously  been  obtained,  but  this  was  barely  sufficient  to  prepare  ethnologists 
for  the  full  revelation  of  the  great  capabilities  of  this  Central  African  people. 

The  Bushongo  are  justly  described  as  exhibiting  a  high  intelligence  and  great 
powers  of  application,  coupled  with  considerable  receptivity  and  a  retentive  memory, 
qualities  wlrch  should,  under  tactful  administration,  enable  them  to  rise  in  the  scale 
of  civilisation  and  conform  to  its  dictates  more  readily  than  is  likely  to  prove  the  case 
with  the  majority  of  native  African  peoples.  Their  opposition  to  European  encroach- 
ments arises  naturally  from  their  successful  development  of  commercial  enterprise 

[46     ] 


1912.]  MAN.  [No.  25. 

amongst  the  neighbouring  populations,  which  would  be  seriously  impaired  and  curtailed 
through  a  breakdown  of  their  established  monopolies.  One  cannot  blame  them  for 
looking  after  their  own  interests,  and  resenting  antagonistic  intrusions  of  a  more 
powerful  exotic  people. 

A  very  remarkable  feature  of  their  culture  is  the  extended  historical  record  which 
they  have  preserved.  A  continuous  list  of  no  less  than  121  successive  paramount 
chiefs  and  chieftainesses  is  kept  by  special  official  record-keepers,  who  act  as  reciters 
of  historical  facts  and  mythological  traditions.  If  these  two  items  in  the  repertoire 
of  these  officials  become  at  times  confused,  it  must  be  admitted  that  the  same  mingling 
of  fact  acd  myth  characterises  the  "  history  "  of  the  most  cultured  peoples. 

The  position  of  women  is  on  the  whole  a  dignified  one.  Monogamy  prevails  and 
the  bride's  consent  to  marriage  is  necessary  at  any  rate  among  the  Bambala,  the 
principal  sub-tribe.  Women  are  represented  upon  the  council,  and  their  advice  is  often 
sought  and  valued  even  in  important  political  affairs.  Descent  is  in  the  female  line, 
and  the  most  important  personage  in  the  kingdom  is  the  Mana  Nyimi,  the  mother  of 
the  paramount  chief.  Although  the  chief  himself,  the  Nyimi,  is  in  theory  an  absolute 
monarch,  enjoying  a  divine  right  as  a  lineal  descendant  from  Chembe  (god),  actually, 
his  powers  are  limited  by  democratic  representatives,  who  exert  a  controlling  force. 
The  government  is  highly  perfected  on  an  hierarchical  basis.  Morality  and  justice 
have  reached  a  high  standard.  The  law  is  drafted  and  administered  in  a  very  practical 
and  sensible  manner,,  though  touches  of  the  old  order  prevail  and  the  poison  ordeal 
is  still,  on  occasion,  resorted  to  and  its  efficacy  believed  in.  Magical  divination  is 
extensively  practised  and  natural  death  is  not  admitted,  the  cause  being  sought  in  the 
malign  machinations  of  some  individual  possessed  by  an  evil  spirit.  The  initiation 
ceremonies  are  of  a  searching  description,  calculated  to  test  the  nerve  of  the  candidates 
to  the  utmost,  but  combined  with  the  ordeals  of  courage  is  a  course  of  moral  teaching 
inculcating  the  observance  of  respect  towards  parents,  chiefs,  and  elders,  and  the 
development  of  feelings  of  delicacy,  morality  and  sportsmanship. 

But  it  is  in  the  arts  more  especially  that  the  evidence  of  advanced  culture  among 
the  Bushongo  is  chiefly  apparent.  If  the  punitive  expedition  to  Benin  astonished 
the  ethnological  world  by  the  revelation  of  the  marvellous  cire  perdu  bronze-work 
and  the  ivory  carving  of  that  Nigerian  district,  Mr.  Torday's  expedition  to  the 
Bushongo  reveals  a  yet  more  wonderful  art-culture,  the  more  to  be  admired  since  it 
•  is  strictly  indigenous  and  uninfluenced  by  contact  with  Europeans.  The  wood-carving 
of  the  Bushongo,  Bakongo,  and  Bashilele  is  very  remarkable  both  as  regards  technique 
and  decorative  qualities.  The  small  portrait  statue  of  Shamba  Bolongongo,  now  in 
the  British  Museum,  dating  from  the  beginning  of  the  seventeenth  century,  is  wonder- 
fully executed  and  altogether  admirable  as  a  skilful  piece  of  carving,  while  the 
decorative  carving  upon  wooden  cups,  boxes,  drums,  and  other  objects  of  use,  exhibits 
a  technical  skill  of  a  very  high  order,  combined  with  an  aesthetic  sense  of  proportion 
and  of  balance  in  the  adaptation  of  embellishment  to  the  necessary  form  of  the  objects. 
A  similar  skill  is  exhibited  in  the  working  of  iron  and  copper.  The  details  of  orna- 
mentation and  the  origin  and  evolution  of  designs  are  dealt  with  at  length  by  the 
authors,  and  instances  of  "  hybridisation "  of  patterns,  or  the  influence  of  one  design 
upon  another,  are  noted.  In  the  textile  arts  the  Bushongo  excel.  The  prevailing 
textile  is  of  raphia  fibre  and  is  woven  by  the  men,  but  the  women  embroider  the  cloth 
in  a  variety  of  ways,  and  produce  the  remarkable  "plush-work"  designs,  which  form 
a  highly  specialised  branch  of  the  industry.  Double  and  multiple-dyeing  by  a 
"  stopping-out "  process  is  well  understood  by  them  and  recalls  the  methods  of  some 
Oriental  peoples. 

The  zenith  of  culture-development  and  prestige  was  reached  under  the  far-seeing 
and  enlightened  King  Shambu  Bolongongo  (c.  1600-1620).  He  travelled  widely  among 

[  47  ] 


Nos.  25-26.]  MAN.  [1912, 

the  adjacent  tribes,  observing  their  characteristics  and  studying  their  arts,  and  he 
introduced  many  important  ideas  among  his  own  people.  The  present  chief-paramount, 
Kwete  Peshanga  Kena,  is  highly  intellectual  and  well-disposed  ;  but  signs  of  decadence 
in  art  and  culture  are  becoming  apparent.  A  transitional  state  has  been  reached,  and 
in  the  face  of  encroachments  by  civilised  aliens,  it  is,  perhaps,  too  much  to  expect  that 
the  Bushongo  will  be  able  to  maintain  their  national  characteristics  and  their  inde- 
pendence as  a  dominant  indigenous  people,  though  due  recognition  of  their  potentialities 
may  possibly  save  them  from  the  usual  fate  of  the  comparatively  "  unrisen  "  native 
races  which  come  under  the  white  man's  influence.  They  deserve  something  better 
than  the  common  lot  of  those  who  are  absorbed  by  the  higher  civilisation. 

The  publication  of  further  results  of  this  admirably  arranged  expedition  will  be 
welcomed  by  all  who  have  studied  the  present  volume.  All  concerned  in  its  production 
are  heartily  to  be  congratulated.  HENRY  BALFOUR, 


Sociology.  Thomas. 

Source   Book   for    Social    Origins :     Ethnological   Materials,    Psychological 
Standpoint,  Classified  and  Annotated  Bibliographies  for  the  Interpretation  of 
Savage  Society.     By  William  J.  Thomas.     Chicago  and  London,  1909.     Pp.  (including 
indices)  932. 

This  is,  so  far  as  we  know,  the  first  attempt  in  anthropology  to  embody  in  one 
volume  extracts  from  various  periodicals  and  books  that  will  bring  before  the  reader 
the  sections  deemed  best  on  the  topics  which  the  Editor  wishes  to  present.  At  the 
end  of  each  of  these  sections  a  brief  discussion  follows,  summarising  the  section  or 
criticising  the  procedure  of  the  various  writers  represented.  In  the  main,  the  selec- 
tions seem  to  us  the  best  that  could  be  made,  and  the  appended  bibliographies  are 
excellent.  A  most  commendable  thing  about  these  latter  is  that  they  are  more  than 
a  mere  list  of  books  and  articles  treating  of  the  topic  in  question.  The  more 
important  have  been  indicated  by  a  star,  and  there  are  further  guides,  such  as 
"admirable  paper,"  "  excellent,"  &c.  At  the  end  of  one  bibliography  (p.  331),  how- 
ever, is  the  bracketed  statement  in  small  print  "  [Hall's  Adolescence  is  omitted  by 
"  no  oversight]."  We  are  glad  to  know  this.  There  is  an  ailment  known  as  short- 
sightedness, and  some  suffer  from  a  peripheral  blindness  that  limits  their  field  of 
vision.  Not  to  mention  the  work  lay  within  the  discretion  of  the  author,  but  to 
call  attention  to  its  absence  in  this  way,  whatever  the  theories  of  the  editor  may 
be,  seems  inexcusable  to  say  the  least.  Discrimination  and  criticism  we  would  have, 
and  more  of  it,  but  not  gratuitous  insult.  Suffice  it  to  say  that  the  monumental  work 
on  Adolescence  by  President  Hall  will  probably  not  sink  into  innocuous  desuetude 
because  of  a  "  no  oversight "  on  the  part  of  the  editor. 

Dr.  Thomas's  attitude  is  throughout  safe  and  sane,  and  his  own  contribution 
to  the  volume  is  valuable.  His  studies,  published  in  Sex  and  Society,  have  already 
made  him  known  to  anthropologists  as  a  lucid  and  cautious  thinker,  and  he  has 
undoubtedly  made  a  further  contribution  to  the  science  of  anthropology  by  placing 
before  those  students  who  have  not  access  to  a  good  anthropological  library  excellent 
selections  from  the  sources  not  accessible  to  them. 

The  scope  of  the  volume  may  be  best  indicated  by  giving  the  titles  of  the 
various  parts  : — Part  I,  The  Relation  of  Society  to  Geographic  and  Economic 
Environment ;  Part  II,  Mental  Life  and  Education  ;  Part  III,  Invention  and  Tech- 
nology ;  Part  IV,  Sex  and  Marriage  ;  Part  V,  Art,  Ornament,  and  Decoration  ; 
Part  VI,  Magic,  Religion,  Myth  ;  Part  VII,  Social  Organisation,  Morals,  the  State  ; 
Supplementary  Bibliographies.  N.  D.  W. 

Printed  by  EYRE  AMD  SPOTTISWOODE,  LTD.,  His  Majesty's  Printers,  East  Harding  Street,  E.C, 


PLATE   D. 


MAN,  1912. 


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1912.]  MAN.  [No.  27. 

ORIGINAL    ARTICLES. 
China.  "With.  Plate  D.  Hopkins :  Hobson. 

A  Royal   Relic  of  Ancient  China.     By  L.  C.  Hopkins,  I.S.O.,  and  R.  L. 
Hobson,  B.A. 

This  remarkable  relic  of  the  Chou  dynasty  (1122-256  B.C.)  is  the  centrepiece  of  a 
large  collection  of  ancient  Chinese  inscribed  bones  and  amulets  formed  by  the  Revs. 
Samuel  Couling  and  F.  H.  Chalfant,  and  purchased  by  the  British  Museum.  The 
Couling  collection  was  part  of  a  large  find  of  inscribed  tortoise-shells  and  bones  of 
sacrificial  animals  stated  to  have  been  made  by  Chinese  in  1899  while  digging  in  or 
near  the  ancient  city  of  Chao  Kuo  Cheng,  now  Wei-Hui  Fu,  in  Honan  Province.* 
Mr.  Hopkins,  who  has  already  published  examples  of  these  bones  and  amulets  in  the 
Journal  of  the  Royal  Asiatic  Society,}  has  kindly  consented  to  explain  the  highly 
interesting  inscription  carved  on  the  shaft  of  this  relic.  In  the  above-mentioned 
paper  he  gave  cogent  reasons  for  dating  the  bones  to  the  sixth  century  B.C.  But 
it  is  to  be  noted  that  the  only  two  Chinese  authors  who  have  discussed  this  matter 
are  confident  for  reasons  which  they  give,  and  which  are  serious,  that  the  relics  date 
back  to  the  previous  or  Shang  dynasty,  and  that  they  were  deposited  in  a  mound 
representing  one  of  the  capitals  of  that  dynasty,  that  one  to  which  the  Emperor 
Wu  I  (1198-1194  B.C.)  had  removed.  In  any  case,  there  is  no  reason  to  doubt  that 
the  curious  object  illustrated  on  the  accompanying  plate  belongs  to  the  same  period. 
It  is  formed  of  a  portion  of  a  stag's  antler,  the  upper  part  of  which  has  been  facetted 
to  make  suitable  surfaces  for  the  engraved  characters.  The  conformation  of  the  lower 
part  has  been  utilised  in  characteristic  Chinese  fashion,  being  deeply  carved  with 
designs  which  will  be  familiar  to  every  student  of  Chinese  bronzes.  The  principal 
motive,  no  doubt  suggested  by  the  material  itself,  is  the  formidable  horned  head  of 
the  Vao-Pieh,  or  "greedy  glutton"  monster  with  large  protruding  eyes  and  a  lozenge- 
shaped  excrescence  between  them.  The  rest  of  the  head  is  carved  with  conventional 
ornament,  chiefly  small  kuei  dragon  forms,  in  low  relief,  the  background  as  usual 
tooled  over  with  meander,  or  key,  fret  which  the  Chinese  rail  the  "  cloud  and  thunder 
pattern."  Similar  ornament  occurs  on  the  neck,  but  here  it  is  subordinated  to  two 
sinuous,  snake-like  forms  on  the  sides,  carved  with  large  conventional  scales,  and  to 
a  series  of  "  cicada  "  designs  underneath.  A  band  of  four  stiff"  leaf-shaped  ornaments 
completes  the  decoration. 

The  Shin  sho  sei,  an  illustrated  book  on  ancient  Chinese  bronzes,  &c.  (published 
in  Japan  in  1891,  but  evidently  based  on  the  Chinese  classic  of  antiquities,  the  Po 
ku  <'M),  shows  on  the  first  page  of  illustrations  a  bronze  tripod  of  the  Shang  dynasty 
{1766-1123  B.C.),  on  which  the  motives  of  the  tfao-tieh,  kuei  dragon,  key  fret  and 
stiff  leaves  appear  fully  developed.  On  the  fifth  page  (verso)  of  the  same  volume  is 
a  tripod  of  the  Chou  dynasty  (1122-256  B.C.),  which  illustrates  the  cicada  motive. 

It  is  clear,  then,  that  the  dating  of  this  object  is  in  no  way  inconsistent  with 
the  style  of  the  ornament.  The  significance  of  the  latter  was  explained  by  Dr.  W.  P. 
Yetts  in  a  paper  on  Symbolism  in  Chinese  Art,  read  before  the  China  Society  in 
January  1912.  In  his  researches  in  the  Po  ku  t'u  Dr.  Yetts  had  found  that  the 
ancient  Chinese  regarded  the  presence  of  the  kuei  dragon  as  "  a  restraining  influence 
•"  against  the  sin  of  greed,"  while  the  cicada  "suggested  restraint  of  cupidity  and 

*  See  Memoirs  of  the  Carnegie  Museum,  Vol.  IV.,  No.  1,  p.  6,  Pittsburg,  1906.  Early  Chinese 
Writing,  by  Frank  H.  Chalfant,  through  whose  hands  all  the  inscribed  bones  have  passed.  Mr. 
Hopkins,  however  (op.  cit.  infra,  p.  1026),  explains  that  there  is  a  slight  discrepancy  in  the  various 
accounts  of  the  locality  of  the  find,  and  that  the  Chinese  author,  Lo  Chen-yii,  asserts  that  the  true 
position  of  the  find  is  a  little  hamlet  two  miles  west  of  the  city  of  Chang  T§  Fu  in  North  Honan. 
and  that  seems  to  be  correct. 

f  Chinese  Writing  in  the  Chou  Dynasty  in  the  Light  of  Recent  Discoveries,  by  L.  C.  Hopkins, 
I.S.O.,  Journal  of  the  Royal  Asiatic  Society,  October,  1911. 

[    49    ] 


No.  27.]  MAN.  [1912. 

"  vice,"  and  the  "  cloud  and  thunder  pattern "  symbolised  the  fertilising  rain.  The 
ta^o-fiefi,  or  "  greedy  glutton,"  is  no  doubt  explained  on  the  homoeopathic  principle  as 
a  preventative  of  excess. 

All  these  motives,  which  are  perennial  on  Chinese  bronzes,  are  still  frequently- 
found  in  other  forms  of  Chinese  art,  such  as  the  pottery  and  porcelain  vessels  whose 
shapes  are  based  on  bronze  models.  The  skill  with  which  the  old  bronzes  have 
been  reproduced  hi  China  without  intermission  for  at  least  a  thousand  years  makes 
the  identification  of  original  examples  of  the  earliest  periods,  if  indeed  we  possess-- 
any at  all,  a  matter  of  the  utmost  difficulty.  In  view  of  this  the  presence  of  a 
genuine  example  of  the  archaic  "  bronze  "  ornament  in  its  first  freshness  is  particu- 
larly welcome.  And  when  we  see  how  the  decorative  motives  on  this  remarkable 
antler  have  already  at  this  distant  date  crystallised  in  the  conventional  forms  which 
they  still  retain,  we  are  able  to  realise  at  once  the  antiquity  and  the  conservatism- 
of  Chinese  art. 

The  precise  intention  of  this  carved  antler  can  only  be  a  matter  of  conjecture.. 
In  appearance,  at  any  rate,  it  has  analogies  with  the  ju-i  sceptre  (usually  of  carved 
wood,  jade,  or  porcelain),  which  is  often  given  as  an  emblematic  present  among  the 
Chinese.  The  name  ju-i  (as  you  wish)  suggests  that  the  sceptre  conveys  a  wish  for 
the  fulfilment  of  the  heart's  desire  of  the  recipient,  and  the  constant  form  of  it  is 
a  carved  shaft  with  a  head  closely  resembling  the  top  of  a  ling  chih  fungus,  one  of 
the  emblems  of  longevity.  Hence  the  ju-i  also  delicately  hints  that  the  wish  for 
longevity  (ever  present  in  the  Chinese  heart)  may  be  fulfilled.  The  origin  of  the 
ju-i  sceptre  is  a  much-discussed  subject  which  cannot  be  treated  here,  but  the  earliest 
references  to  it  seem  to  suggest  that  it  merely  served  in  the  first  instance  as  a  stafF 
or  pointer  held  by  a  princely  personage.  The  decoration  of  the  carved  antler  seems 
to  indicate  that  it  was  something  more  than  a  mere  vehicle  for  the  inscription  on 
the  shaft  ;  and  its  form  being  well  adapted  for  carrying  in  the  hand,  we  may  venture 
to  suggest  in  default  of  definite  evidence  of  its  use  that  it  served  in  the  manner  of 
the  original  ju-i  as  a  sceptre  for  the  princely  owner  of  the  genealogy. 

ENGLISH  TRANSLATION  OF  THE  INSCRIPTION. 

(The  letters  of  the  alphabet  from  0  to  Z  have  been  used  to  correspond  to  the 
characters  whose  modern  forms  are  unknown.  They  are,  it  will  be  seen,  in  all  cases 
the  names  of  individuals,  apparently  successive  occupiers  of  the  throne..  In  two 
cases,  Cheng  and  Sang,  I  have  been  able  to  identify  the  modern  forms.) 

"The  king  was  named  Cheng  (Steadfast).  [?His]  first  ancestor  was  named  0  ; 
O's  son  was  named  P  ;  P's  son  was  named  Q  ;  Q's  son  was  named  R  ;  R's  son  was 
named  S  ;  S's  younger  brother  was  named  T  ;  S's  son  was  named  Sang  (mulberry 
tree);  Sang's  son  was  named  U;  U's  son  was  named  V;  V's  son  was  named  W  ; 
Ws  younger  brother  was  named  X  ;  W's  son  was  named  Y  ;  Y's  son  was  named  Z." 
,  The  above  inscription  is  of  high  interest  both  from  the  historical  and  the 
epigraphic  points  of  view.  As  a  short  historical  document,  it  appears  to  be  a  royal 
genealogy  of  one  of  the  sovereigns  either  of  the  Chou  dynasty  or  possibly  of  their 
predecessors  the  line  of  Shang  or  Yin,  as  it  was  latterly  called.  Those  characters 
which,  being  at  present  impossible  to  identify  with  any  modern  forms,  I  have 
.rendered  in  the  translation  by  letters  of  the  alphabet  are  apparently  the  personal 
names  of  successive  rulers.  Epigraphically  regarded,  the  text  is  most  valuable, 
exhibiting  as  it  does  a  group  of  characters  of  the  most  archaic,  because  most  trans- 
parehtly  pictographic,  type  yet  discovered  with  the  exception  of  a  similar  genealogy 
'oh  a  bone  fragment  in  my  collection,  as  yet  unpublished. 

;:;  In  two  instances  of,the  names  occurring  on  the  antler -decipherment,  is  possible. 
The  first  of  these  is  Cheng  the  .third  character  of  the'  text.  This  represents  a. 

• [  -60  J 


1912.] 


MAN. 


[No.  27, 


INSCRIPTION  IN  FACSIMILE,  IN  MODERN  CHARACTERS  WHERE  KNOWN,  AND  IN 

ROMANISED  SOUNDS. 
COL.  2. 


COL.  3. 


Cot.  l. 


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tzu 


[    51 


yueh 


No.  27.]  MAN.  [1912. 

conventionalised  version  of  an  outline  of  a  ting  or  tripod  cauldron,  with  its  two 
opposite  erect  handles,  round  belly,  and  triangular  feet,  two  only  visible  to  the 
spectator,  as  is  usually  the  case  with  a  tripod  viewed  in  profile. 

This  use  of  the  character  representing  the  word  ting,  a  cauldron,  to  write  a 
word  pronounced  cheng  and  meaning  "  steadfast,"  "  firm,"  is  explained  by  the  fact 
that  these  two  now  differing  syllables  were  probably  homophones  in  ancient  Chinese 
(as  they  still  are  in  certain  dialects),  and  the  borrowing  of  homophonous  characters 
already  existing,  for  hitherto  unwritten  words  was  a  common  and  very  convenient 
device  in  the  early  days  of  Chinese  writing. 

The  second  instance  is  the  word  Sang.  The  form  in  our  text  occurs  fairly  often 
on  the  Honan  bones,  of  which  the  British  Museum  has  a  fine  collection.  It  consists 
of  a  linearised  sketch  of  a  tree  with  branches  and  roots,  and  what  appears  to  be  the 
character  k'ou,  mouth,  thrice  repeated,  but  probably  a  corruption,  as  occasionally 
elsewhere,  of  three  circles,  here  representing,  as  I  suppose,  the  mulberry  fruit.  The 
character  in  its  later  development  was  again  corrupted,  the  element  ^C  yu,  right  hand, 
replacing  the  older  p,  k'ou,  mouth,  and  thus  acquired  its  present  shape  ^. 

The  other  signs  have  not  yet  yielded  up  their  secrets.  But  we  can,  at  any  rate, 
detect  in  most  cases  component  elements  known  to  us.  Thus  the  character  marked  P 
in  the  transcription  appears  to  consist  of  a  combination  of  a  human  figure  viewed 
frontally  which  may  be  ^,  fu,  a  man,  and  a  profile  outline  of  a  halberd,  or  battle-axe, 
which  may  be  either  jrj£,  mou,  or  J$£  hsii,  now  only  used  as  time-cycle  characters.  But 
when  we  come  to  combine  the  modern  versions  of  these  two  elements  into  one  unit, 
we  find  that  no  such  combination  exists  in  the  dictionaries.  So,  too,  the  character 
marked  R  may  possibly  be  ;jf|,  ts^io,  small  bird,  and  at  any  rate,  the  lower  part  is  the 
old  form  of  the  lower  part  of  the  modern  character. 

Again,  with  S,  this  is  seen  at  once  to  consist  of  the  old  shape  of  ^,  hu,  vase, 
with  a  contained  element,  rather  resembling  an  old  variant  of  ^,  yd,  fish.  If  we 
knew  what  this  element  really  was  we  could  easily  "  reconstruct "  the  compound, 
such  as  as  it  ought  to  have  become,  but  has  not.  The  form  marked  U,  if  it  had 
not  the  additional  element  at  the  right-hand  lower  corner,  would  be  the  character 
shan,  ^  yang,  sheep,  thrice  repeated,  given  in  the  dictionaries  as  meaning  strong 
smelling,  rank. 

In  the  signs  marked  X  and  Y,  the  right  half  shows  in  varying  degrees  of 
decomposition,  so  to  speak,  a  human  figure  in  profile  holding  some  object  with 
extended  arm.  But  in  neither  case  can  a  modern  equation  be  provided.  The  last 
form,  Z,  is  perhaps  a  figure  of  a  sacrificial  vessel  and  possibly  a  variant  of  cheng, 
steadfast. 

It  should  be  added  that  most  of  these  unknown  forms  occur  here  and  there  on 
the  Honan  bones. 

As  is  observable  in  many  other  of  the  oldest  inscriptions,  the  writing  exhibits 
a  certain  freedom  and  nonchalance  on  the  engraver's  part.  The  repeated  characters 
are  often  not  exact  copies  of  the  foregoing,  but  vary  considerably  in  detail.  Thus 
O  on  its  first  occurrence  faces  to  the  right,  when  repeated,  to  the  left.  W,  which 
occurs  three  times,  has  three  continuous  ovals  on  the  left  side  in  the  first  example, 
only  two  in  the  second  and  third.  Other  variations  will  easily  be  noticed.  All  these 
illustrate  the  truth  of  a  remark  by  a  recent  Chinese  author,  who  says  in  effect,  that 
the  Chinese  characters  in  their  earlier  stages  were  in  a  more  plastic  state  than  was 
afterwards  permitted.  Provided  that  the  form  expressed  unmistakably  the  graphic 
intention,  small  details  of  position  and  composition  were  neglected.  It  is  a  very  just 
observation.  L.  C.  HOPKINS. 

R.  L.  HOBSON. 

C    52    ] 


1912,]  MAN.  [Nos.  28-29. 

A    Obituary  :  Keane.  Brabrook. 

t/  A.  H.  Keane,  B.A.,  LL.D.    Born   1st  June,  1833  ;  died   3rd  February,     OQ 

1912.     By  Sir  Edward  Brabrook,   C.B.  i.0 

The  science  of  ethnology  has  lost  a  devoted  student  by  the  death  of  Dr.  Keane. 
For  it  he  made  great  sacrifices  in  early  life,  to  it  he  devoted  high  intellectual 
qualities,  a  rare  linguistic  faculty,  and  untiring  industry.  He  began  to  take  part  in 
the  meetings  of  the  Anthropological  Institute  in  1879,  in  which  year  he  contributed  a 
monograph  on  the  relations  of  the  Indo-Chinese  and  inter-Oceanic  races  and  languages 
and  discussed  a  paper  on  a  similar  subject  by  Colonel  Yule.  He  was  an  eloquent 
speaker,  and  joined  in  our  discussions  with  much  effect.  At  the  anniversary  meeting  in 
January  1880  he  was  elected  a  member  of  the  council.  In  1883  he  prepared  at  the 
invitation  of  that  body  and  read  to  a  special  meeting  of  the  Institute  a  paper  on  the 
Botocudos,  two  males  and  three  females  of  that  people  being  present.  In  the  same 
year  be  was  appointed  Professor  of  Hindustani  at  University  College.  In  1884  he 
read  to  the  Institute  a  paper  on  the  ethnology  of  the  Egyptian  Sudan,  and  in  1885 
one  on  the  Lapps,  a  group  of  whom  were  exhibited  on  the  occasion.  At  the  anni- 
versary in  January  18B6  he  was  elected  a  vice-president  of  the  Institute,  a  distinction 
which  he  highly  valued,  though  the  vice-presidents  were  not  frequently  called  upon 
for  their  services  while  Sir  Francis  Galton  was  president.  Professor  Keane's  term 
of  office  expired  at  the  anniversary  of  January  1890.  After  that  time  he  frequently 
contributed  to  the  journal  of  the  Institute  and  to  MAN  critical  reviews  of  new  anthro- 
pological works.  In  1896  the  second  edition  of  his  standard  treatise  on  ethnology 
was  issued  from  the  Cambridge  University  Press.  In  it  he  discussed  separately  the 
fundamental  ethnical  problems  and  the  primary  ethnical  groups.  Under  the  first  head 
were  included  the  physical  and  mental  evolution  of  man,  the  antiquity  of  man,  and 
the  specific  unity  and  varietal  diversity  of  man.  Under  the  second  head  he  laid 
down  a  division  of  man  into  four  primary  groups,  which  he  designated  Homo  JEth'io- 
picus,  Mongolicus,  Americanus,  and  Caucasicus.  This  was  followed  in  1899  by  Man, 
Past  and  Present,  in  which  the  origin  and  inter-relation  of  those  groups  are  discussed 
in  further  detail.  In  1900  he  published  a  timely  and  enlightening  work  on  The 
Boer  States :  Land  and  People.  His  contributions  to  encyclopaedias  and  guides  and 
other  geographical  works  are  too  numerous  to  mention.  His  eminent  services  to 
science  and  literature  procured  for  him  the  corresponding  membership  of  the  Anthro- 
pological Societies  of  Italy  and  of  Washington,  the  degree  of  LL.D.,  and  the  grant 
of  a  pension  on  the  civil  list.  E.  W.  BRABROOK. 


America,  North.  A.  Lang. 

The  Clan  Names  of  the  Tlingit.  By  Andrew  Lang.  OQ 

There  seems  to  be  much  confusion  of  evidence  and  opinion  as  to  the  ™U 
totemism  of  the  Tlingit  of  Southern  Alaska.  Mr.  Frazer,  in  Totemism  and  Exogamy 
(Vol.  Ill,  pp.  265,  266),  assigns  to  them  two  phratries,  Wolf  and  Raven,  while  in 
each  phratry  are  "  clans  named  after  various  animals,"  and  as  no  clan  has  representa- 
tives in  both  phratries,  these  animal-named  clans  "are  no  doubt  exogamous." 

A  table  is  given  ;  each  phratry  has  its  animal-named  clans,  nine  in  each  ;  "  the 

table    does  not  claim    to  be   complete."      The  authorities  cited  are,  to  choose  the 

earliest  and  the  latest,  Holmberg,   Ueber  die    Vdlker  der  Russischen  America  (1856)  ; 

and  John  R.  Swanton,  Social    Condition,  Beliefs,  $c.,  of  the   Tlingit  Indians,  XXVI, 

Ann.  Rep.  of  Bureau  of  American  Ethnology  (1908,  pp.  398-423,  sq.). 

Holmberg's  work,  In  Acta  Societatis  Scientiarum  Finnicce  (1856),  pp.  292,  sq., 
338-342,  is  not  accessible  to  me.  That  of  Mr.  Swanton  lies  before  me,  and  it  does 
not  agree  with  Holmberg  as  to  the  animal  names  of  the  Tlingit  clans,  for  these, 
says  Mr.  Swanton,  are  mainly  not  animal  but  local.  But  his  statements  are,  to  me, 

[  53  ] 


No.  29.]  MAN.  [1912. 

so  perplexing,  and  the  point  is  so  important,  that  I  examine  his  account.  The 
Tlingit  have  descent  in  the  female  line,  so  that  their  totemism,  as  described  by 
Holmberg,  is  (except  for  confusions  caused  by  the  heraldry  of  their  animal  "  crests  " 
or  "  badges  ")  precisely  that  of  such  an  Australian  tribe  as  the  Dieri. 

Mr.  Swan  ton  says  (op.  cit.,  p.  395)  that  there  are  fourteen  "  geographical 
groups,"  which  he  also  (p.  397)  calls  "divisions  or  tribes,"  with  many  "clans" 
bearing  descriptive  names.  The  divisions,  so  far  (whether  they  be  "  tribes  "  or  not), 
are  merely  "  geographical."  But  (p.  398)  "  each  phratry  was  divided  into  clans  or 
"  consanguineal  bands,  the  members  of  which  were  more  closely  related  to  one 
"  another  than  to  other  members  of  the  phratry  ;  and  each  of  these  bands  "  (also 
styled  "  clans  ")  "  usually  derived  its  origin  from  some  town  or  camp  it  had  once 
"  occupied  ....  they  were  therefore  in  a  way  local  groups.  .  .  .  Thirdly, 
"  the  clans  were  subdivided  into  house  groups,  the  members  of  which  might  occupy 
"  one  or  several  houses."  We  then  receive  a  list  of  the  names  of  the  "  clans " 
(pp.  398-400),  and  it  is  clear  that,  if  these  "  bands  "  be  "  clans,"  the  "  clans  "  of  the 
Tlingit  do  not  usually  bear  animal  but  mainly  local  names. 

On  the  other  hand,  Mr.  Frazer  says  (Totemism  and  Exogamy,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  265), 
"  The  Raven  class  and  the  Wolf  class  are  subdivided  into  a  number  of  clans  which 
"  are  named  after  various  animals  .  .  .  while  "  (p.  266)  "  the  clans  are  divided 
"  into  families  or  households,  which  may  occupy  one  or  more  houses."  So,  too, 
Mr.  Swanton  says,  "  finally  the  clans  were  subdivided  into  house  groups,  the  members 
"  of  which  might  occupy  one  or  several  houses." 

Now,  curious  to  say,  while  Mr.  Frazer  assigns  animal  names  to  the  "  clans," 
Mr.  Swanton  gives  them  local  names  ;  and  while  Mr.  Frazer  gives  place  names  to 
the  "houses,"  Mr.  Swanton  says  that  they  bear  (usually)  animal  names,  the  animals 
often  appearing  in  Mr.  Frazer's  list  of  Tlingit  totems  are  totem-kins.  This  is  very 
mysterious  and  perplexing. 

Here  I  must  make  a  brief  personal  explanation.  In  Journal-  of  American 
Folklore  (April-June,  1910)  Mr.  A.  A.  Goldenweiser  published  Totemism  :  An 
Analytic  Study.  He  had  a  good  deal  of  criticism  to  bestow  on  me,  to  which  I 
replied  in  a  paper  called  "  Method  in  the  Study  of  Totemism."  This  was  given, 
with  other  tracts,  to  the  guests  of  the  University  of  St.  Andrews,  at  the  celebra- 
tion of  her  demi-centenary  (1911).  No  copies  were  for  sale.  Mr.  Goldenweiser 
points  out  to  me  that  a  letter  of  his  to  me  on  the  Tlingit  (pp.  23,  24)  has 
been  so  confused  in  printing,  in  my  tract,  that  I  warn  students  off  my  essay  if 
they  meet  with  copies.  In  a  copy  of  a  reply  to  me,  which  he  kindly  sent  to  me, 
typed,  Mr.  Goldenweiser  says  that  "  the  Tlingit  clans  are  also  local  groups,"  that  is, 
definite  localities  or  groups  of  houses,  are  associated  with  individual  clans.  A  "  clan  " 
may  have  as  many  as  four  or  eight  houses,  in  one  region,  and  only  one  house  in 
another  region.  The  people  in  these  houses  being  of  the  same  "  clan "  have  the 
same  clan-name,  usually  that  of  a  town  or  locality  from  which  they  suppose  that  they 
originally  came.  As  Mr.  Swanton  puts  it,  "  The  clans  were  divided  into  house  groups, 
"  the  members  of  which  might  occupy  one  or  several  houses." 

But,  one  asks,  if  the  "  clans  "  inherit  through  women  clan-names  derived  from 
localities,  why  are  the  names  of  the  "  house  groups "  usually  those  animal  names 
which  Mr.  Frazer,  following  Holmberg,  assigns  to  the  "clans" — Killer  Whale,  Eagle, 
Raven,  Frog,  Shark,  and  so  on  ?  Names  of  Holmberg's  totems  constantly  occur 
as  names  of  Mr.  Swanton's  house  groups  (Bureau  of  Ethnology,  ut  supra, 
pp.  400-404). 

Matters  are  not  more  translucent  when  we  find  Mr.  Swanton  (p.  411)  using 
"  clans "  and  "  families "  as  synonyms.  "  Among  the  Wolf  families "  (those  of 
phratry  Wolf)  "  at  a  given  place,"  were  the  Nanvaa,  'yi  a  clan,  "  All  these  clans 

[    54     ] 


1912.]  MAN.  [Nos.  29-30. 

are  said,"  and  so  on.     A  "  house  group  "  is,  probably  or  may  be  a  "  family,"  but  a 
"family"  is  not  a  "clan." 

It  presently  appears  that  it  is  the  "  clans "  who  possess  badges  representing 
animals,  and  that,  "  theoretically,  the  emblems  used  on  the  Raven  side "  (phratry) 
"were  different  from  those  on  the  Wolf  side  "  (phratry)  (p.  415).  Thus,  the  totem  kins 
of  the  Dieri  (or  any  other  such  Australian  tribe)  have  animals  arranged — one  set  in 
one  phratry,  the  other  in  the  other — while  the  Tlingit  "  clans "  have  badges 
representing  their  animals  similarly  arranged  theoretically.  But  now,  in  practice,  a 
love  of  heraldic  distinctions  has  led  men  to  seize  "  crests  "  not  originally  those  of 
their  own  clans.  Now,  in  precisely  the  same  way,  the  house  names  used  by  each 
phratry  were  generally  distinct,  each  phratry  having  distinct  animal  names  for  the 
houses  of  its  clans,  "  and  even  the  separate  clans  often  had  names  of  this  sort  not 
"  employed  by  others"  (p.  421). 

That  is,  in  the  past,  "  each  separate  '  clan '  "  had  its  "  name  of  this  sort,"  and 
names  "of  this  sort"  (house  names)  are  usually  animal  names  (p.  421).  Now  clans 
assert  claims  to  the  animal  badges  of  other  clans,  through  the  grandfather,  for 
example,  though  Tlingit  descent  is  in  the  female  line.  From  all  this  it  appears  to 
be  certain  that  the  state  of  things  described  by  Mr.  Frazer  had  been  an  actual  state, 
that  the  Tlingit  "  clans "  had  totems  and  totemic  names,  perhaps,  as  lately  as  when 
Holmberg  wrote  (1856).  But  Mr.  Swajiton  shows  us  the  present  habit  of  grasping 
at  as  many  crests  as  possible — a  very  rich  "  clan  "  (or  "  family  ")  "  were  so  rich  that 
"  they  could  use  anything."  Manifestly  the  Tlingit  have  passed  partly  away  from 
the  Dieri  totemic  organisation  under  the  influences  of  rank,  wealth,  heraldry,  and 
settled  homes  in  towns,  a  conclusion  which  Mr.  Goldenweiser  appears  to  reject. 

But  how,  with  female  descent  of  the  clan  names,  a  clan  can  be  "  a  local  group," 
I  know  not,  unless  the  men  go  to  the  women's  homes — I  do  not  gather  that  this  is 
the  case.  Why  the  "  house-groups  "  of  this  or  that  "  clan "  retain  the  animal  names 
which  the  clans  have  dropped  in  favour  of  local  names  I  do  not  venture  to  guess. 

A.  LANG. 


Anthropology.  Peake. 

Suggestions  for  an  Anthropological  Survey  of  the  British  Isles     QA 

(a  paper  read  at  the  Portsmouth  meeting  of  the  British  Association  for  the  UU 
Advancement  of  Science,  4th  September  1911).  By  Harold  Peake. 

In  offering  suggestions  for  an  anthropological  survey  of  the  British  Isles  it  may 
be  well  at  the  outset  to  define  the  scope  and  purpose  of  such  a  survey  before  pro- 
ceeding to  discuss  how  it  may  best  be  carried  out.  The  term  "  anthropological "  is 
very  comprehensive,  and  will  suggest  to  some  the  measurement  of  skulls,  while  others 
will  think  of  the  customs  and  folklore  of  savages.  I  need  not  remind  you  that 
anthropology  includes  this,  and  much  more  ;  in  fact,  that  nothing  of  human  interest 
is  foreign  to  it.  It  is  in  this  broad  sense  that  I  am  using  the  term,  and  the  survey 
that  I  propose  is  one  that  may  include  within  its  scope  every  kind  of  human  activity, 
both  in  the  past  and  at  the  present  day. 

It  is  no  doubt  due  to  the  influence  of  anthropology  that  the  great  problems  of 
history  are  now  being  approached,  less  with  a  view  to  determining  the  motives  which 
have. led  men  to  perform  certain  deeds  than  with  the  object  of  ascertaining  what 
cosmic  forces  have  from  time  to  time  controlled  human  activities.  Historical  vision 
is  penetrating  beyond  the  limits  of  documentary  evidence  into  periods  in  which  persons 
disappear  to  be  replaced  by  nations  and  races,  and  we  are  forced  to  consider  the  rise 
and  fall  of  states  in  the  light  of  climate,  trade,  and  food  supply. 

There  are  those  who  deprecate  the  change,  and  would  deny  to  such  inquiries  the 
title  of  history.  But  whether  we  call  these  studies  history  or  anthropology,  sociology 

[  55  ] 


No.  30.]  MAN.  [1912. 

or  human  geography,  we  cannot  deny  that  they  are  of  vital  interest  in  the  study  of 
the  past  of  the  human  race.  They  may  also  be  of  the  utmost  importance  hy  enabling 
us  to  appreciate  the  phenomena  of  the  present  day  at  their  true  value,  nor  are  they 
altogether  useless  as  guides  when  we  attempt  to  shape  the  future.  Let  us  call  such 
studies  human  geography,  if  you  will  ;  yet  this  is  limiting  their  scope  to  one  aspect 
alone,  while  we  are  thereby  striving  to  measure  the  whole  range  of  human  activities 
in  two  dimensions — those  of  Time  and  Space. 

For  such  a  line  of  inquiry  the  study  of  geography  is  indispensable,  and  it  can 
scarcely  be  a  coincidence  that  this  subject  has  of  late  years  received  an  exceptional 
impetus.  If  we  are  to  study  man  in  relation  to  his  surroundings  we  must  have  maps 
to  illustrate  his  environment,  and  if  our  study  is  further  to  trace  the  effects  of  that 
environment  in  succeeding  ages  a  long  series  of  such  maps  will  be  required. 

Let  us  take  as  an  example  the  suggestive  idea  that  great  and  rich  centres  of 
population  have  always  arisen  at  those  points  where  the  greatest  number  of  trade 
routes  converge,  and  that  the  possession  or  loss  of  such  centres  has  caused  the  rise 
and  fall  of  states.  This  theory  is  attractive,  but  to  what  extent  is  it  true  ?  This 
can  be  proved  or  disproved  only  by  the  study  of  a  series  of  maps  on  which  are 
shown  the  principal  lines  that  trade  has  followed  during  succeeding  ages.  To  restore 
such  trade  routes  in  early  times  we  must  also  have  maps  showing  the  distribution 
of  discoveries  of  articles  traded — bronze  celts,  amber,  pigs  of  lead  and  the  like  — as 
well  as  the  position  of  the  gold,  copper,  and  tin  mines  of  antiquity. 

But  our  inquiries  must  not  be  limited  to  the  past,  we  have  also  to  survey  the 
present  conditions  of  the  population.  There  are  many  sociological  problems,  the 
solution  of  which  depends  in  a  great  measure  upon  realising  the  exact  distribution 
*f  certain  phenomena,  and  accurate  maps  showing  such  distribution  cannot  fail  to  be 
of  assistance  to  the  students  of  social  science.  Further,  I  am  inclined  to  think  that 
a  comparison  of  such  modern  maps  with  those  showing  more  ancient  conditions  will 
not  be  without  its  value,  for  modern  social  and  economic  conditions  have  often  their 
roots  set  in  the  remote  past,  and  such  a  comparison  of  ancient  and  modern  conditions 
may  bring  out  resemblances,  by  no  means  fortuitous,  which  may  help  to  explain  the 
causes  of  many  modern  conditions. 

Thanks  to  the  energies  of  the  new  geographers  the  supply  of  good  maps  has 
been  rapidly  increasing  of  late,  yet  these  do  not  give  us  all  the  information  that  we 
need  ;  nor  can  the  geographer  provide  us  with  what  we  desire  until  we  on  our  side 
furnish  him  with  the  necessary  material.  Before  maps  can  be  made  to  illustrate  our 
anthropological  problems  with  sufficient  accuracy  and  detail  a  series  of  surveys  must 
be  undertaken,  and  it  is  to  advocate  such  surveys  for  the  British  Isles  that  this 
paper  has  been  written. 

Under  the  auspices  of  the  Geological  Survey  we  have  been  provided  with  maps 
showing  the  distribution  of  the  various  formations  and  the  drift  which  in  some  places 
overlies  them.  Our  young  geographers  are  busily  engaged  in  the  production  of  sheets 
showing  climate,  landforms,  and  other  geographical  features,  while  some  of  them  have 
extended  the  scope  of  their  researches  in  our  direction  and  have  dealt  with  the  dis- 
tribution of  the  population  at  different  periods  showing  sometimes  how  this  has  been 
controlled  by  such  natural  conditions  as  the  extent  of  forest  and  swamp.  What  these 
pioneers  have  done  in  part  I  would  see  more  fully  and  systematically  carried  out 
throughout  the  kingdom,  leaving  out  no  aspect  of  human  activity  which  can  be 
mapped,  and  no  natural  features  which  can  have  affected  men's  progress  or  welfare. 

This  may  be  thought  to  be  too  ambitious  a  project,  but  much  may  be  done  by 
organised  research.  If  the  scheme  be  launched  under  competent  guidance  I  feel 
little  doubt  but  that  many  willing  workers  will  be  found.  The  survey  will  have  to  be 
a  labour  of  love,  at  any  rate  at  first,  for  the  British  public  has  not  yet  learned  to  be 

[    56    ] 


1912.]  MAN.  [No.  30. 

generous  in  its -support  of  anthropological  research.  Nevertheless,  many  voluntary 
workers  can  be  found  if  we  utilise  the  great  mass  of  amateur  students  which  exists 
throughout  the  country.  Such  amateurs  are  numerous,  and  it  is  too  often  thought 
that  they  are  useless  because  their  output  is  small  and  of  little  value.  I  venture  to 
think,  however,  that  under  expert  guidance  their  assistance  will  be  well  worth  having, 
and  many  are  anxious  to  embark  on  original  research  but  do  not  know  how  to  begin. 
Such  a  survey  as  I  am  advocating  will  give  them  scope  for  their  energies. 

So  far  I  have  been  dealing  with  generalities,  but  now  to  more  precise  details.  To 
carry  out  this  scheme  we  shall  need  to  make  maps  on  the  one-inch  scale,  accompanied 
by  monographs  illustrating  our  country  in  a  number  of  aspects.  We  shall  need  maps 
of  soils  and  vegetation,  especially  woodlands  and  marsh  ;  maps  showing  the  occurrence 
of  certain  minerals,  more  particularly  flint,  copper,  tin,  gold,  and  coal  ;  maps,  again, 
showing  the  distribution  of  the  population  in  neolithic  times,  and  how  bronze  imple- 
ments of  different  types  and  periods  have  been  scattered  throughout  the  country.  Such 
a  series  of  maps  will  assist  the  solution  of  many  problems  ;  how  and  whence  metal 
was  introduced  to  these  isles,  the  situation  of  early  metallurgical  centres,  and  the 
direction  whence  conquering  tribes  descended  upon  our  shores. 

The  early  Iron  Age  and  the  Roman  period  will  require  their  maps,  the  distribution 
of  Pagan  Saxon  remains  may  elucidate  many  problems  connected  with  the  conquest  of 
England,  while  maps  showing  the  bounds  of  the  townships  mentioned  in  Anglo-Saxon 
charters  will  be  of  great  value  for  more  purposes  than  one.  The  Domesday  survey 
will  require  a  whole  series  of  maps  for  its  explanation,  and  maps  illustrating  the  Testa 
de  Neville,  the  Hundred  Rolls,  and  other  similar  documents  may  not  be  without  their 
value.  Forest  perambulations  require  plotting,  while  the  distribution  of  common  fields 
at  different  periods  will  prove  of  interest  to  others. 

Maps  showing  the  conditions  at  the  present  day  will  be  required  in  great  numbers, 
for  students  of  economics  are  ever  in  need  of  these.  We  shall  require  surveys 
showing  the  density  of  the  population,  the  economic  conditions  of  the  people  and  maps 
illustrating  lunacy,  poverty,  and  crime. 

These  are  only  a  few  of  the  subjects  that  might  be  dealt  with,  and  fresh  points 
will  readily  occur  to  those  present.  The  scheme  should  be  elastic  enough  to  embrace 
all  these  and  more.  The  chief  lines  of  communication  at  different  epochs  would  be 
a  profitable  subject  for  research,  leading  to  many  unexpected  results.  Nor  must 
we  forget  an  anthropometric  survey,  with  maps  illustrating  head  form,  stature, 
and  colour,  as  well  as  a  series  showing  the  distribution  of  various  customs  and 
institutions. 

These  will  be  some  of  our  objects,  and  we  must  now  consider  how  they  are  to 
be  carried  out.  The  memoirs  of  the  Geological  Survey  deal  each  with  a  one-inch 
sheet,  and  the  geographical  memoirs  have  followed  the  same  course.  But  in  this 
case  I  would  suggest  a  different  geographical  unit.  So  long  as  we  are  dealing  solely 
with  natural  features  the  arbitrary  division  of  the  Ordnance  sheet  may  suffice,  but 
on  the  introduction  of  the  human  element,  the  bounds  that  men  have  set  to  their 
territories  cannot  altogether  be  ignored.  Most  records  of  arclneological  discoveries 
are  calendared  under  counties,  and  this  system  becomes  more  marked  as  we  deal 
with  legal  records  and  modern  statistics.  A  worker  with  a  sheet  as  a  unit  would 
often  be  compelled  to  study  the  literature  of  three  or  more  counties,  while  he  would 
have  to  deal  with  fragments  of  many  parishes  and  vills.  The  more  his  information 
was  drawn  from  statistics,  the  more  complicated  would  this  process  become,  so  that 
it  may  be  well  to  realise  at  the  outset  that  a  unit  should  never  be,  except  for  some 
very  good  reason,  in  more  than  one  county,  while  a  parish,  or  at  any  rate  a  township, 
should  never  be  divided.  It  is  not  beyond  the  limits  of  ingenuity  to  divide  our 
counties  into  a  number  of  such  units,  each  about  equal  in  size  to  what  is  shown  on 

[     57     ] 


No.  30.]  MAN.  [1912. 

a  one-inch  sheet  ;  it  will  then  be  found  that  convenient  districts  have  been  formed, 
.generally  with  a  market  town  near  the  centre. 

So  much  for  the  division  of  the  land,  now  for  the  apportionment  of  the  work. 
I  would  suggest  that  for  each  unit  there  be  a  local  secretary,  recorder,  or  registrar, 
whose  business  it  should  be  to  co-ordinate  all  the  work  in  his  unit.  He  should  be, 
where  possible,  someone  living  in  the  area,  thoroughly  familiar  with  it  from  all  points 
of  view,  and,  though  no  specialist,  yet  an  intelligent  dabbler  in  many  of  the  subjects 
concerned.  There  are  few  neighbourhoods  that  cannot  produce  such  a  man,  the  person 
to  whom  everyone  turns  for  local  information,  and  who  has  in  his  time  come  in 
contact  with  many  specialists.  His  duties  will  be  to  help  the  workers  from  his 
stores  of  local  knowledge,  to  act  as  their  guide,  introducing  them  to  local  people  who 
can  help  them,  and  to  bring  them  into  touch  with  other  workers  on  the  same  unit 
whose  subjects  are  allied  to  theirs.  He  will  act,  in  fact,  as  the  consul  for  his  district 
The  selection  of  these  local  secretaries  must  be  made  with  care,  for  they  will  form 
an  important  part  of  the  machinery,  and  carelessness  or  lack  of  tact  on  their  part 
might  easily  wreck  the  scheme  so  far  as  their  unit  is  concerned. 

Often  the  local  secretary  will  be  able  himself  to  prepare  some  of  the  maps  and 
monographs  of  his  unit,  especially  if  he  can  have  the  help  and  advice  of  experts  ; 
often,  too,  he  will  be  able  to  engage  the  services  of  friends  and  neighbours,  and 
interest  others  in  the  scheme.  Our  experts,  too,  will  have  their  pupils  and  disciples, 
who  will  perhaps  undertake  the  maps  and  memoirs  relating  to  one  subject  in  a  number 
of  contiguous  units.  Then  there  are  the  many  archaeologists  and  sociologists  scattered 
throughout  the  country,  so  that  workers  could  be  found  in  numbers  ;  organisation  is 
what  is  required. 

Lastly,  We  must  have  what  I  may  describe  as  the  headquarters  staff,  a  body  of 
experts  in  every  department  that  we  touch,  who  will  guide  the  machine,  direct  the 
workers,  and  be  ready  to  help  and  advise  the  beginnner,  yet  prepared  to  look  upon 
the  work  with  critical  eyes.  Some  kind  of  an  office  and  library,  with  perhaps  a  per- 
manent secretary  or  librarian  will  be  necessary,  where  meetings  can  be  held,  manu- 
scripts and  maps  kept  for  reference,  and  the  business  of  the  survey  transacted. 

The  methods  pursued  by  the  workers  will,  I  anticipate  be  somewhat  of  this 
kind.  They  will  first  communicate  with  the  local  secretary  of  the  unit  which  they 
propose  to  investigate,  and  having  obtained  from  him  such  information  as  they 
require,  they  will  set  to  work  to  prepare  the  map  and  memoir  on  their  subject.  It 
may  frequently  happen  that  they  may  be  making  one  map  only,  but  of  several  con- 
tiguous units,  or  they  may  be  making  a  series  of  maps  of  one  unit  ;  but  when  the 
maps  and  memoirs  are  finished,  which  may  take  a  few  months  or  as  many  years  to 
complete,  they  will  submit  them  to  the  local  secretaries  concerned  for  their  remarks, 
as  the  local  knowledge  of  the  secretary  may  often  enable  him  to  detect  slips  and 
errors,  often  of  quite  a  trivial  nature,  which  if  left  unconnected  would  detract  from 
the  value  of  the  work.  The  maps  with  the  monographs  would  then  be  submitted  to 
one  or  more  experts  for  criticism,  before  being  filed  m  the  library  at  headquarters. 

Whether  each  map  and  memoir  will  be  published  separately,  or  only  deposited 
in  the  library  for  the  use  of  other  workers,  must  be  left  for  the  future  to  decide  ; 
but  in  any  case,  when  a  large  number  of  contiguous  maps  on  any  given  subject  have 
been  completed,  it  will  be  possible  for  a  regional  monograph  compiled  from  this  raw 
material,  to  be  issued  to  the  public.  It  may  be  advisable  in  the  first  instance  to 
divide  the  British  Isles  into  a  number  of  regions,  fairly  homogeneous  as  to  natural 
features,  population,  and  history,  with  a  view  to  the  issue  of  such  monographs,  but 
it  is  perhaps  well  to  leave  this  point  open  at  present.  If  the  monographs  could  be 
written  by  the  experts  themselves  they  would,  of  course,  have  the  greater  value, 
but  failing  that  they  might  be  placed  in  the  hands  of  promising  young  men,  the 

.[   -58    I] 


1912.]  MAN.  [Nos.  30-31. 

experts  of  the  future.  In  any  case  all  contributors  of  maps  and  memoirs  should  have 
their  work  fully  acknowledged. 

Such  in  brief  outline  is  the  scheme — ambitious,  no  doubt,  but  I  venture  to  think 
by  no  means  impracticable.  We  shall  require  time,  money,  and  many  willing  helpers 
to  bring  it  to  perfection,  but  these  should  be  attainable.  We  shall  need  the  support 
of  learned  societies  —  geological,  biological,  anthropological,  and  archaeological,  geo- 
graphical, and  sociological.  We  want  to  interest  students  of  statistics  and  econo- 
mics. We  require  the  assistance  of  universities  and  colleges,  not  only  to  provide  us 
with  experts  in  every  department,  but  to  supply  also  men  to  do  the  rough  but  neces- 
sary spade  work.  Nor  need  we,  I  think,  leave  out  of  consideration  our  public  schools, 
and  those  secondary  schools,  whose  resuscitation  has  been  such  a  feature  of  our  time, 
for  there  is  work,  too,  that  boys  can  do,  and  research  cannot  be  begun  too  young. 

We  need,  too,  the  support  of  those  connected  with  our  great  museums,  not  only 
the  keepers  of  our  national  collections,  but  the  curators  in  the  great  provincial  towns, 
for  museums  are  the  repositories  of  much  of  the  material  that  we  wish  to  record 
on  our  maps.  All  these  must  be  included  among  our  supporters  if  we  are  to  achieve 
our  object,  as  also  the  members  of  many  a  small  local  archasological  society  or  field 
club,  and  those  who  have  charge  of  the  museums  in  our  little  country  towns. 

These  two  last  require  a  further  word  before  I  conclude.  The  little  local  field 
club  was  a  great  institution  in  its  day,  and  many  of  them  have  done  good  work  in 
the  past,  as  the  back  volumes  of  their  transactions  testify.  With  the  decline  of  the 
interest  taken  in  field  natural  history  as  laboratory  work  absorbed  more  and  more 
the  attention  of  the  younger  students,  these  societies  fell  on  evil  days,  and  many  are 
dead  or  moribund.  The  few  remaining  members  of  such  clubs  meet  once  or  twice 
in  the  summer  to  visit  some  cathedral  or  ancient  mansion  where  they  receive  from 
some  expert  a  mass  of  predigested  information  which  they  absorb,  but  do  not 
assimilate.  Could  not  our  scheme,  involving  as  it  does  plenty  of  work,  much  of  it 
within  the  compass  of  the  beginner,  galvanise  these  decrepit  societies  and  restore 
them  to  their  old-time  vigour  ?  Such  a  task  is  in  itself  worth  attempting,  for  the 
work  done  by  these  societies  thirty  or  forty  years  ago  is  not  to  be  despised. 

The  little  country  town  museum,  too,  has  great  possibilities,  especially  if  worked 
in  connection  with  a  rejuvenated  field  club.  Not  only  may  it  become  a  storehouse 
of  records  for  its  neighbourhood  and  a  centre  of  local  research  in  the  domain  of 
archaeology  and  natural  history,  but  it  should  prove,  if  well  arranged,  a  useful 
educational  institution,  valuable  alike  to  the  pupils  of  both  secondary  and  elementary 
schools. 

There  remains  for  me  only  to  hope  that  the  scheme  that  I  have  laid  before  you 
may  appeal  to  you  as  both  profitable  and  practicable,  in  which  case  you  will  doubtless 
take  steps  to  see  that  these  suggestions  materialise.  H.  PEAKE. 


Rhodesia,  North- Western.  Garbutt. 

Natives   from    North  -  Western    Rhodesia   on    Congo  Border.      />'//     Q4 

H.    W.   Garbutt.  01 

No  ceremonies  are  performed  on  boys  when  they  reach  manhood,  but  as  regards 
the  girls  their  mothers  make  beer  (munkoyo),  and  other  women  dance  near  the  girl's 
hut.  No  medicine  is  given  to  the  girl. 

When  boys  can  walk  and  talk  their  teeth  are  filed,  chipped,  or  knocked  out. 
Extracted  teeth  are  thrown  on  to  the  roof  of  a  hut.  When  the  children,  male  or 
female,  can  bear  pain  they  are  tattooed  with  incised  marks.  If  the  boy  wishes  it 
he  is  burnt  on  the  arm.  These  tattoo  marks  are  made  on  the  forehead,  cheeks,  arms, 
chest,  stomach,  ribs,  below  the  navel,  &c.  No  particular  ceremonies  accompany  the 
tattooing,  and  the  tattooers  may  be  either  male  or  female.  It  is  done  for  personal 

[    59    ] 


Ncs.  31-32.]  MAN.  [1912. 

adorument  principally,  but  they  also  think  that  by  tattooing  all  over  the  body  they 
reduce  the  bad  blood,  in  the  same  way  as  sucking  bad  blood  out  in  sickness. 
There  is  no  idea  of  benefiting  in  a  future  life  by  being  tattooed.  Both  men  and 
women  are  tattooed,  and  there  is  no  difference  in  the  patterns.  In  some  instances 
the  marks  distinguish  tribes  :  for  instance,  the  Bakaonde  (Congo  Free  State)  Mwanda 

on  the  forehead      .  i  .    ,  and  any  pattern  on  other  parts  of  the  body  ;  Walamba  have 

all  their  marks  on  the  face,  and  this  on  the  forehead,  /'  ^  ,  ^  \  ;  Wawemba  on  the 
forehead  and  on  the  back  of  the  neck.  ^ 

Heaps  of  stones,  sticks,  &c.,  to  which  every  passer-by  adds  a  stone,  stick  or 
leaf  are  not  found  in  Kaondes  country.  If,  however,  a  dead  man  is  being  carried 
and  is  put  down  to  rest  the  bearers,  some  leaves,  or  grass,  are  put  there,  but  no 
heap  is  made,  and  the  spot  is  soon  forgotten.  They  sometimes  tie  a  rag  to  a  tree 
to  honour  a  dead  chief's  grave,  and  in  the  hope  that  his  spirit  will  bless  them.  It 
is  also  done  to  a  father,  mother,  or  uncle's  grave,  as  a  prayer  for  good  luck. 

Four  trees  are  sacred  : — 

Chikole  is  supposed  to  make  food  abundant. 

Mulende  is  medicine  for  the  teeth.  Kaonde  people  do  not  burn  it ;  they  say 
they  would  get  toothache  if  they  did. 

Kaivalaicala  is  not  burnt  for  firewood.  It  is  planted  about  six  yards  from  a 
hut  door,  and  under  it  a  man  and  his  wife  offer  sacrifices  for  themselves  and  their 
children. 

Mubumbu,  or  Muumbu,  is  planted  the  same  as  the  Kawalawala  tree,  except 
that  two  trees  are  placed  near  together,  and  offerings  of  meal  or  white  clay  are 
made  under  or  between  the  trees.*  GARBUTT. 


REVIEWS. 
Egyptology.  Gardiner. 

Egyptian  Hieratic  Texts,  Transcribed,  Translated,  and  Annotated.  By  QO 
Alan  H.  Gardiner,  D.Litt.,  Laycock  student  of  Egyptology  at  Worcester  College,  Ufc 
Oxford.  Series  I,  u  Literary  Texts  of  the  New  Kingdom,"  Part  I.  The  Papyrus 
Anastasi  I  and  the  Papyrus  Koller,  together  with  the  parallel  texts.  Leipzig  :  J.  C. 
Heinrich'sche  Buchhandlung,  1911. 

The  title  of  this  work  promises  a  corpus  of  the  literary  texts  of  the  New 
Kingdom  as  the  first  section  of  a  wider  undertaking.  It  is  high  time  that  a  collec- 
tive edition  of  the  New  Kingdom  Papyri  was  begun.  The  original  papyri  of  the 
period  are  limited  in  number.  Most  were  found  in  the  early  days  of  widespread 
plunderings  by  the  natives  in  the  cemeteries  of  Thebes  and  Memphis  ;  many  were 
published  before  the  middle  of  the  last  century  ;  and  it  is  seldom  that  any  new 
examples  are  announced.  The  hieratic  texts  were  actively  discussed,  and  to  a  large 
extent  deciphered  between  1850  and  1880.  Subsequent  students  have  done  much 
to  remove  the  endless  difficulties  due  to  their  fragmentary  condition,  rare  words,  and 
corrupt  readings.  The  work  of  previous  commentators,  too  often  neglected  by 
modern  editors,  has  been  fully  considered  by  Dr.  Gardiner,  and  his  own  ingenuity 
and  accurate  learning  put  large  sections  of  the  texts  in  an  entirely  new  light.  The 
method  of  publication  is  excellent  ;  a  transcription  from  the  hieratic  into  hieroglyphs, 
made  after  collation  with  the  originals,  is  given,  with  notes  on  the  readings  con- 
veniently placed  on  the  opposite  page.  Where  several  texts  are  to  be  found,  on 

*  "  The  spirits  take  up  their  abode  in  the  shade  (not  the  substance)  of  certain  trees.  Each 
"  family  has  its  own  grove  of  trees  which  is  sacred  for  spirits."  {Manners  and.  Custom-s  of  the 
Winamwango  and  Wiwa,  by  Dr.  James  A.  Chisholm,  in  the  Journal  of  the.  African  Society, 
p.  362,  No.  XXXVI,  Vol.  IX,  June,  1910.) 

[     60     ] 


1912.]  MAN.  [Nos.  32-33. 

papyri  or  ostraca,  the  subordinate  texts  are  fully  transcribed  in  lines  parallel  to  the 
main  text.  This  part  of  the  work  is  necessarily  in  autograph  (well  executed)  ;  the 
rest,  consisting  of  the  introductions  and  the  translations  with  their  explanatory 
footnotes,  is  in  type. 

The  present  instalment  contains  first  a  long  papyrus  in  the  British  Museum 
collection,  composed  in,  or  soon  after,  the  reign  of  Rameses  II,  and  in  part  well 
known  to  scholars  under  the  title  of  "  The  Voyage  of  an  Egyptian  in  Syria." 
According  to  Dr.  Gardiner  the  whole  work  is  to  be  viewed  as  a  satirical  letter 
addressed  by  one  more  or  less  distinguished  scribe  to  another,  also  high  placed  but 
incompetent.  It  is  a  very  curious  document  still  unfortunately  full  of  difficulties, 
and  touches  on  a  great  variety  of  topics,  amongst  others  the  construction  of  a  brick 
ramp,  the  transport  of  an  obelisk,  and  the  erection  of  a  colossus,  as  well  as  the 
merits  and  demerits  of  scribes  and  the  topography  of  Syria. 

The  other  document  is  a  collection  of  model  letters  from  a  Berlin  Papyrus  ;  the 
first  letter  gives  orders  for  the  preparation  of  chariotry  for  Syria  ;  the  second  is  a 
warning  to  a  truant  student  of  writing,  the  third  gives  instructions  for  the  payment 
of  tribute  from  Nubia,  the  fourth  details  the  preparations  to  be  made  for  a  royal 
visit.  Apart  from  their  great  philological  interest,  it  is  from  such  materials  that 
the  life  of  the  ancient  Egyptians  can  best  be  realised,  and  we  may  all  look  forward 
with  interest  to  the  continuation  of  the  work  by  Dr.  Gardiner,  whose  unrivalled 
competence  as  an  editor  of  hieratic  texts  is  admitted  on  all  sides. 

On  p.  41  a  small  point  seems  to  have  been  missed  that  is  of  anthropological 
interest.  The  substance  didi  is  amongst  the  tribute  of  Gush  ;  Dr.  Gardiner,  following 
Brugsch,  renders  the  name  by  "  didy-berries  "  as  meaning  the  fruit  of  the  mandrake. 
In  the  legend  of  the  Destruction  of  Mankind  it  is  a  substance  obtained  from 
Elephantine  which,  mixed  with  beer,  deluded  the  goddess  Sakhmet  into  the  idea 
that  she  was  drinking  human  blood,  and  so  saved  mankind  through  the  intoxication 
of  the  goddess.  Loret  has  shown  that  it  was  in  reality  a  red  or  ochreous  earth 
which  is  still  to  be  found  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Elephantine.  F.  LL.  G. 


Arabia.  Bury. 

The  Land  of    Uz.      By  Abdullah  Mansur  (G.  Wyman  Bury).       Macmillan     QQ 
&  Co.,   1911.  UU 

The  precise  situation  of  the  land  of  the  Uz,  the  birthplace  of  Job,  is  among 
those  problems  of  biblical  geography,  the  solution  of  which  must  always  remain 
rather  vague  and  uncertain.  Assuming  that  there  was  not  more  than  one  country 
of  this  name,  the  balance  of  evidence  appears  to  point  to  a  district  to  the  south- 
east of  Palestine,  north  of  Arabia,  and  not  far  from  Edom.  Arab  tradition,  however, 
places  the  country  in  the  extreme  south-west  corner  of  the  Arabian  peninsula, 
between  the  districts  of  Oman  and  Yaman,  where  the  ruins  of  palaces  still  to  be 
seen  on  the  borders  of  the  Great  Red  Desert  are  locally  ascribed  to  the  early  King 
Shedad,  whose  land  is  believed  to  have  been  overwhelmed  by  a  sandstorm  in  conse- 
quence of  its  idolatry.  The  Arab  tradition  suggested  to  Mr.  Bury  the  title  of  his 
book,  which  deals  with  this  portion  of  Arabia  and  gives  a  description  of  his  explora- 
tions carried  out  for  some  years  among  a  number  of  tribes  and  districts  he  has  had 
opportunities  of  visiting.  The  book  is  divided  into  two  parts.  The  first  describes 
the  Sultanates  of  the  Aden  Protectorate,  under  which  Mr.  Bury  was  for  a  long  time 
employed  as  a  political  agent ;  it  recounts  the  causes  which  led  up  to  the  Anglo- 
Turkish  Boundary  Commission,  and  gives  a  lively  account  of  the  operations  under- 
taken to  suppress  a  series  of  tribal  risings  in  1903.  The  second  part  deals  with  other 
tribes  of  the  Aden  hinterland,  beyond  the  limits  of  the  Aden  Protectorate.  The 
rather  exciting  adventures  and  the  new  information  which  are  here  placed  before  the 

[     61     ] 


No.  33.]  MAN.  [1912. 

reader  are  the  outcome  of  a  number  of  journeys  in  these  districts,  when  the  author 
travelled  in  the  guise  of  a  down-country  chief,  as  he  is  represented  in  the  frontispiece 
to  the  volume.  In  accordance  with  his  character  he  adopted  the  name  of  Abdullah 
Mansur,  which  appears  on  the  title-page. 

One  interesting  point  which  Mr.  Bury  brings  out  in  his  book  is  the  compara- 
tively fertile  character  of  the  interior  of  southern  Arabia  between  the  flat  coastal 
regions  and  the  Kaur,  the  steep  mountain  range  which  forms  the  southern  boundary 
of  the  Great  Red  Desert.  On  the  coast  there  is  practically  no  rainfall,  and  even  on 
the  higher  plateaux  away  from  the  coast  it  is  very  scanty.  Here  Mr.  Bury  notes 
that  the  herds,  which  consist  almost  entirely  of  goats,  frequently  go  without  water 
for  many  weeks  ;  but  they  have  learnt  to  pull  up  and  chew  the  fleshy  roots  of  a  species 
of  cactus  to  quench  their  thirst.  Mr.  Bury  compares  the  similar  adaptation  to  cir- 
cumstances displayed  by  the  fat  camels  of  the  Somali,  which  are  kept  for  meat, 
not  as  beasts  of  burden,  and  are  only  brought  to  the  wells  once  in  six  months  or 
so  :  they  thrive  in  their  waterless  region  by  feeding  on  the  fresh  green  mimosa, 
whose  roots  strike  moisture  deep  below  the  surface.  But  further  still  inland  there 
is  a  broad  belt  of  country,  both  north  and  south  of  the  Kaur,  which  is  marvellously 
fertile  and  in  a  high  state  of  cultivation.  Here  the  rainfall  is  regular  in  summer, 
while  in  winter  moisture  is  supplied  by  a  dense  fog  which  comes  up  at  dusk.  The 
country  is  heavily  timbered,  and  the  main  mountain-range,  though  possessing  no 
towns  of  any  size,  is  thickly  dotted  with  strong  fighting  towers,  which  dominate 
well-farmed  land  and  flourishing  villages.  To  the  north  of  the  Kaur,  beyond  the 
cultivation,  is  a  belt  roamed  over  by  the  desert  nomads  with  their  typical  black  tents 
of  woven  goat-hair  ;  and  then  comes  the  desert,  which  Mr.  Bury  describes  as  "  a 
nightmare  region  of  rolling  sand."  But  here  and  there  the  ruins  of  palaces  and  temples 
may  still  be  seen  rising  from  the  sand,  or  built  on  some  slight  eminence  above  its 
level.  We  thus  have  distinct  proof  that  in  past  ages  the  country  was  more  fertile 
than  it  is  at  the  present  day.  The  shifting  sand,  under  the  driving  pressure  of  the 
simoom,  doubtless  played  its  part  in  overwhelming  cultivated  tracts  of  country. 
But  that  cannot  entirely  account  for  the  changed  conditions.  We  may  undoubtedly 
trace  them  in  part  to  climatic  change. 

The  researches  of  Stein,  Pumpelly,  Huntington,  and  others  in  Central  Asia 
have  shown  the  results  of  desiccation  in  Central  Asia,  and  have  proved  the  existence 
of  former  cities,  both  in  Russian  and  Chinese  Turkestan,  near  Askhabad,  in  the  Merv 
Oasis,  and  more  especially  in  the  region  of  Khotan.  A  similar  diminution-  of  the 
rainfall  has  certainly  taken  place  in  the  interior  of  southern  Arabia.  An  interesting 
confirmation  of  this,  so  far  as  concerns  the  coast,  is  mentioned  by  General  Maitland 
in  the  preface  he  contributes  to  the  book.  He  points  out  that  the  great  tanks  at 
Aden,  which  were  hewn  out  of  the  solid  rock  in  early  Himyarite,  if  not  in  Sabean, 
times,  are  at  the  present  day  absolutely  dry  for  four  years  out  of  five,  and  that  the 
heaviest  rainfalls  since  they  were  discovered  and  cleared  out  have  not  filled  them  to 
an  eighth  part  of  their  capacity.  To  such  climatic  changes,  which,  according  to 
the  latest  theories,  occur  in  recurrent  cycles,  we  may  possibly  connect  the  racial 
migrations  from  Arabia  in  times  earlier  than  the  Sabean  Kingdom. 

We  have  not  space  to  deal  in  detail  with  the  tribes  among  whom  Mr.  Bury 
travelled,  but  will  merely  note  that  the  Arabs  of  southern  Arabia  are  nearly  beard- 
less, and  are  smaller,  darker,  and  coarser-featured  than  the  northern  Arabs  of  Syria 
and  Palestine,  or  even  than  the  nomads  of  Irak.  In  spite  of  the  fact  that  they 
have  been  subjected  to  a  slight  admixture  of  Negro  blood,  they  undoubtedly  represent 
more  closely  than  their  northern  kindred  the  original  Semitic  type.  Several  of  the 
photographs  in  the  volume  are  interesting  from  an  ethnographical  point  of  view. 

.  LEONARD  W.  KING. 

[    62    ] 


1912.]  MAN.  [No.  34. 

Africa  :  Northern  Rhodesia.  Gouldesbury  :  Sheane. 

The  Great  Plateau  of  Northern  Rhodesia.  Being  some  Impressions  of  Q 1 
the  Tanganyika  Plateau.  By  Cullen  Gouldesbury  and  Hubert  Sheane  :  with  UT 
an  Introduction  by  Sir  Alfred  Sharpe.  Edwin  Arnold,  1911. 

This  is  a  most  satisfactory  work,  I  arn  glad  to  be  able  to  remark.  It  is  one 
of  those  books  which  will  be  really  necessary  to  all  persons  studying  Africa,  and 
more  especially  that  part  of  Africa — the  southern  third  of  the  Continent — which  is 
associated  with  the  Bantu  peoples.  The  region  described  by  the  two  authors  (the 
work  is  most  beautifully  and  aptly  illustrated  by  photographs,  the  most  noteworthy 
being  by  Messrs.  F.  H.  Melland,  Bernard  Turner,  and  G.  Stokes)  is  practically 
limited  to  the  Tanganyika  Plateau,  a  district  bounded  by  the  abrupt  edge  of  this 
Plateau  on  the  north-east  (German  East  Africa),  by  the  vicinity  of  Lake  Nyasa  on 
the  south-east,  and  by  the  low  country  of  the  Luaugwa  and  the  basin  of  Bangweulu 
on  the  south  and  west.  And  the  principal  native  race  which  is  described  is  the 
Awemba. 

The  authors,  though  they  have  recorded  many  original  observations  of  their 
own,  have  wisely  commenced  their  work  of  studying  Northern  Rhodesia  by  absorb- 
ing nearly  all  the  available  other  literature  published  about  this  part  of  Central 
Africa,  and  all  other  parts  of  Africa  connected  with  the  Bantu  people.  Conse- 
quently, they  are  able  to  confirm  many  a  theory  adumbrated  elsewhere,  to  prove 
points  that  have  been  raised  or  disputed,  and  have  thus  made  a  contribution  to 
the  literature  of  African  students  which  is  of  great  value  and  is  likely  to  be  in  con- 
siderable request  in  Germany  and  France,  as  well  as  in  our  own  country.  I  have 
been  through  the  book  critically  and  have  noticed  very  few  mistakes,  such  slight 
errors,  or  approach  to  error,  being  rather  in  the  direction  of  zoology  than  anthro- 
pology, and,  therefore,  not  necessary  to  be  referred  to  here.  Some  of  the  chapters, 
while  never  departing  from  accuracy  of  observation,  almost  verge  on  true  poetry  in 
their  description  of  native  life  and  the  fascinations  of  the  jungle.  There  is  no 
attempt  at  fine  writing,  no  gush,  and,  except,  perhaps,  for  the  somewhat  needless 
chapter  on  outfit,  no  padding.  This  chapter,  indeed,  can  only  be  described  as  need- 
less from  the  point  of  view  of  an  anthropologist  who  may  not  be  interested  in  other 
and  more  practical  issues. 

The  Awemba  (a  name  which  would  seem  to  be  a  contraction  of  Awa-  or 
Aba-embd)  are  a  very  interesting  Bantu  people.  Their  main  stock  certainly 
originated  700  years  ago  in  the  south-eastern  part  of  the  Congo  Basin.  The  Bemba 
or  Emba  language  (the  root  Emba  has  some  connection  with  "lake";  Li-emba  was 
an  old  name  for  the  south  end  of  Tanganyika — Livingstone's  Lake  Liemba)  would 
seem  to  be  spoken  in  more  archaic  form  and  greater  purity  just  outside  British 
limits  on  Belgian  territory  and  close  to  Tanganyika.  Here  the  people  are  known 
as  Itawa.  The  authors  render  this  as  Taba,  and  may  perhaps  be  in  the  right.  It 
is  interesting  to  note  that  there  is  an  important  Bantu  language,  known  as  Ki-taba 
farther  up  the  west  coast  of  Tanganyika,  which  is  even  more  archaic  than  that  of 
the  Awemba.  The  Bemba  group  of  Bantu  tongues  is,  in  fact,  of  .divided  affinities, 
showing  many  points  of  resemblance  with  the  Congolese  groups — especially  Luba — 
and  many  with  East  African  Bantu  ;  while  some  features  suggest  a  distant  relationship 
with  the  Uganda  languages.  The  conquering  impulse  which  drew  the  Awemba  down 
into  South-Central  Africa  and  the  culture  which  they  brought  with  them,  all  seem 
to  go  back  to  one  of  those  great  waves  of  human  migration  which  was  started  in 
Bantu  Africa  about  fifteen  or  sixteen  hundred  years  ago  -^waves  which  resulted  in  the 
advance  into  South  Africa  of  the  Kafir-Zulu  peoples,  the  Bautu-ising  of  nearly  all 
the  Congo  Basin,  and  many  race  movements  in  East  Africa.  In  the  case  of  Congo- 
land  these  events  were  probably  connected  with  the  invasion  of  the  Congo  forests 

[      63     1    ; 


Nos.  34-35.]  MAN.  [1912. 

by  that  celebrated  race  which  Mr.  Emil  Torday  calls  Bushongo,  and  thel- .Bushongo 
seem  to  have  brought  their  culture  from  the  basin  of  the  Shari,  which  in  its  turn 
received  it  from  ancient  Egypt.  The  doings  of  the  Bushongo  apparently  started 
the  ancestors  of  the  Awemba  on  a  southward  migration  which  resulted  finally  in 
their  establishment  on  the  Tanganyika  Plateau.  The  work  under  review  deals 
specially  and  in  a  most  interesting  manner  with  totemism,  with  the  arts  and 
industries  of  the  Awemba  and  neighbouring  tribes,  with  initiation  ceremonies, 
marriage,  divorce,  birth  and  funeral  customs,  with  animism  and  witchcraft,  with  the 
former  history  of  South-Central  Africa  and  the  effect  produced  on  the  natives  by 
Christian  missionaries  and  European  officials.  We  learn  a  great  deal  from  it  that  is 
new  about  native  husbandry  and  the  social  life  of  the  Central-African  Bantu.  The 
book  seems  to  me  to  have  exactly  the  right  tone.  It  renders  due  justice  to  the 
missionaries  and  yet  points  out  the  weakness  of  some  of  their  work  and  methods. 
It  gives  us  down  to  minute  details  all  that  is  bad,  immoral,  cruel,  and  inimical  to 
progress  in  native  laws,  customs  and  superstitions,  and  yet  reveals  a  sympathy  with 
these  not-unattractive  people  of  Central  Africa  worthy  of  Mary  Kingsley  or  Morel. 
It  is  written  throughout  in  the  most  interesting  style  and  is  cordially  recommended 
by  the  reviewer  to  all  persons,  apart  from  anthropologists,  who  desire  to  get  a  clear 
conception  of  the  present  state  of  native  life  in  South-Central  Africa. 

H.  H.  JOHNSTON. 


Africa,  East.  Sutton. 

Man  and  Beast  in  Eastern  Ethiopia.  By  J.  Bland  Sutton.  Macmillan  QC 
&  Co.  Pp.  419.  UU 

An  amusing  book  to  read  for  those  who  have  visited  these  or  similar  regions, 
for  every  page  recalls  familiar  features  of  Imman,  animal,  or  vegetable  life.  In  a 
curious  jotty  way,  things  that  have  no  connection  whatever  among  themselves, 
appear  and  disappear.  Thus  within  four  pages,  a  great  part  of  which  is  taken  up 
by  two  illustrations,  judgment  is  given  upon  the  respective  merits  of  the  pawpaw 
and  the  mango,  the  baobab  is  described,  and  the  (inexact)  statement  is  made  that 
the  natives  eat  its  fruit ;  there  then  follows  a  description  of  the  harbour  of  Mombasa 
and  the  constitution  of  the  coast;  navigation  is  discussed,  followed  by  a  description 
of  the  castor-oil  plant,  the  abundance  of  butterflies,  birds,  and  Cape-gooseberries ; 
the  modes  of  locomotion  are  narrated,  and  the  zodiacal  light  explained.  At  the  end 
of  every  few  lines  the  reader  meets  with  a  surprising  and  unexpected  change.  The 
student  will  find  very  little,  if  any,  new  material  in  the  book,  and  the  editing  of 
it  might  have  been  more  carefully  performed. 

Mr.  Bland  Sutton  leaves  the  reader's  mind  unsatisfied  as  to  the  means  by 
which  the  poor  African  can  be  preserved ;  for  he  tells  us  that  the  native  who, 
like  the  Masai,  has  stuck  to  his  ancestral  organisation,  is  doomed  to  extinction. 
The  Baganda,  on  the  other  hand,  who  are  now  almost  completely  converted  to 
Christianity,  have  decreased  from  4,000,000  in  1884,  to  1,000,000  in  1901,  and  the 
word  Baganda  "  is  almost  synonymous  with  sensuality,  debauchery,  and  drunkenness. 
"...  When  Speke  entered  Uganda  his  donkey  was  regarded  as  indecent 
"  without  trousers.  It  is  noteworthy  that  a  negro  people  so  punctilious  in  outward 
"  decency,  especially  in  regard  to  clothes  .  .  .  should  be  considered  among  the 
**  most  immoral  of  the  African  races."  The  "moral  handkerchief"  does  not  seem 
to  have  been  a  success  in  Uganda. 

The  excellent  woodcuts  are  the  redeeming  feature  of  the  book  ;  they  are  a 
pleasant  change  after  the  eternal  photographs,  and  for  their  sake  alone  the  book  is 
worth  having.  E.  T. 

Printed  by  EYRE  AND  SPOTTISWOODE,  LTD.,  His  Majesty's  Printers,  East  Harding  Street,  B.C. 


PLATE   E. 


MAN,  1912. 


SOME    STONE-WALLED     KRAALS     IN     SOUTH     AFRICA. 


912.] 


MAN. 


[No.  36. 


ORIGINAL    ARTICLES. 
Transvaal.    With  Plate  E. 

Stone-walled    Kraals   in    South    Africa. 


Johnson. 
By  J.  P. 


Africa,  South 
Note  on    some 

Johnson. 

The  Masibi  reservation  is  an  extensive  tract  of  country  occupied  by  a  section 
of  the  Bantu  people  and  situated  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Magalakwin  river, 
north-west  of  Potgietersrust.  The  whole  area  was  formerly  under  one  chief  of  that 
name,  but  on  his  death  it  was  divided  into  a  northern  and  southern  portion  under 
his  sons  Hendrick  and  Hans  respectively. 

In  passing  through  this  area  in  1910  I  came  across  the  remains  of  a  group  of 
old  kraals  that  had  a  special  interest  in  that  they  possessed  many  of  the  characteristic 
features  of  the  better  ruins  north  of  the  Limpopo.  I  learnt  that  these  were 
inhabited  up  to  about  1897,  Avhen  they  were  set  on  fire  during  a  fight  between 
Hendrick  and  Hans.  I  also  saw  a  number  of  inhabited  kraals  of  the  same  kind. 
Since  the  old  kraals, 
now  represented  by  little 
more  than  the  stone 
walls,  afforded,  in  their 
ruined  condition,  a  better 
comparison,  I  devoted 
most  of  the  little  time 
at  my  disposal  to  making 
plans  of  as  many  as  I 
could.  I  also  secured  a 
number  of  photographs 
of  both  the  ruined  and 
the  inhabited  kraals. 

These  old  kraals 
are  ranged  along  the 
western  foot  of  Ramoo 
Kop,  which  is  situated 
on  the  boundary  between 
the  northern  and  south- 
ern divisions  of  the 
reservation,  and  number 
eleven  in  all.  Of  these 
I  surveyed  the  first 
four,  counting  from  north 
to  south. 

All   four   ruins,  though   differing 
plan,  that    is,    they  each    consist   of   an 


to 


SO  METRES 


2O 
RUIN   No.   I. 

much    in    form,  are  built  on  the  same  general 
inner   enclosure,    containing    a    shallow    pit 
surrounded  by  a  mound,  and  an  outer  enclosure  containing  the  remains  of  huts. 

The  wall  of  the  inner  enclosure  is,  in  each  case,  higher  and  more  neatly  built 
than  that  of  the  outer,  and  was  once  completely  plastered  over  with  mud.*  The 
former  is  mainly  built  of  split,  though  not  trimmed,  slabs  of  gabbrodiorite,  and  the 
latter  is  largely  made  up  of  rounded  and  irregular  pieces,  but  both  exhibit  consider- 
able variation  in  quality  of  construction  from  point  to  point.  They  similarly  vary 

*  Mr.  Franklin  White  (Proe.  Rhodesia  Scientific  Assoc.,  Vol.  IV,  p.  15)  in  describing  the  Khami 
ruins,  mentions  the  presence  on  some  walls  of  a  coating  of  cement  or  plaster,  and  remarks  that 
•'  this  probably  covered  the  whole  of  the  interior  walls  .  .  .  and  also  formed  the  floor."  The 
outer  enclosure  of  the  inhabited  kraal,  referred  to  later,  has  a  cement  floor. 

[    65    ] 


No.  36.] 


MAN. 


[1912. 


in  height,  which  ranges  from  one-half  to  one-and-a-half  metres,  and,  as  will  be  seen 
from  the  plans,  in  width. 

The  plaster  is  largely  preserved  at  No.  II  ruin,  and  also  at  No.  IV  ruin,  but 
only  traces  remain  at  the  other  two.  One  small  patch  still  retains  the  red  and  white 
geometric  decoration.  At  the  No.  II  ruin,  the  high  door-posts  of  the  same  material 
are  preserved  at  two  entrances. 


o  to  20 

RUIN  No.  II. 

The  entrances  are  mostly  rectangular,  but  in  ruin  No.  IV  there  are  two  rounded 
examples.  In  the  one,  the  main  entrance,  the  rounding  is  due  to  its  being  built  of 
boulders  ;  in  the  other,  squared  slabs  are  used,  and  the  rounding  intentionally  produced, 
but  curiously  enough,  one  of  the  four  corners  is  rectangular. 

The  two  stone-built  hut  walls  are  interesting.  They  are  both  very  neatly  con- 
structed, and  differ  from  the  other  walls  in  that  the  slabs  of  stone,  some  of  which  are 
distinctly  trimmed,  are  laid  in  a  mortar  of  mud.  That  in  No.  Ill  ruin  is  the  better 

[  66  ] 


1912.] 


MAN. 


[No,  36, 


preserved,  and  still  retains  two  patches  of  decorated  plaster  on  the  inside.     The  inner 

arc  of  the  other  seems  to  be  a  later  addition,  and  is  a  low  wall,  very  roughly  built 

without  mortar,  but  the  whole  is  much  fallen  in. 

The  outer  enclosure  was  originally  split  up  into  compartments  by  means  of  radial 

mud    walls,     and     each     compartment 

possessed     an    entrance   to    the    inner 

enclosure,  and  contained  a  hut.      Por- 
tions of  these   dividing  walls    are  still 

standing  in  No.  II  ruin,  which  is  both 

the    largest  and  the  best   preserved  of 

the  group.     The   circular    cement    hut 

foundations,  .from    which    the    bottoms 

of  the  posts  that    supported  the  roofs 

still  project,  though    now  largely  con 

cealed    by    soil,    can    still    be    traced, 

while,    in    some  cases,  portions  of  the 

mud  walls    shown    on    the    plans,    are 

still  standing.      In  No.  II  ruin  no  less 

than   eleven  of  these    hut   foundations 

are  shown,  and  the  reader  will  readily 

perceive  the  probable  position  of  four 

more.      With   a   little   excavation   one 

could   restore    all    the  interior  features 

of  these  ruins. 

The    hut    sites    are    strewn    with  o  to  20  30  METRES 

broken     hand-made    pottery,    some    of  RUIN  No.  III. 

which  is  plain,  some  incised  with  cord, 

herring-bone,  and  similar  patterns,  and    some  polished   with  both  incised   and  painted 

geometric  decoration. 

In  the  plan  of  ruin  No.  IV  I  have  shown  a  small  heap  of  stones.     In  the  outer 

enclosure  of  ruin  No.  II  there  are  a  number 
of  these  small  heaps.  I  do  not  know  their 
purpose.  They  remind  me  of  the  heaps  of 
stones  that  the  Kafirs  sort  out  of  the  soil 
during  their  agricultural  operations. 

There  are  many  similar  kraals  still 
inhabited  in  the  neighbourhood,  and  they 
show  that  the  outer  wall  was  capped  by  a 
fence  of  cut  bushes  and  that  the  inner  wall 
was  capped  by  grass-matting. 

In  Plate  E  are  reproduced  two  photo- 
graphs of  the  inner  walls  of  inhabited  kraals  ; 
Fig,  1  in  which  the  plaster  covering  is  not 
yet  completely  added,  and  Fig.  2  in 
which  the  plaster  covering  is  finished  and 
decorated. 

These  kraals  also  show  the  purpose  of 
the  inner  enclosure.  Its  primary  object  was 
to  stable  the  animals  at  night,  these  being 
herded  in  one  or  more  lesser  enclosures  of 

cut  bushes.       It  was  also  used  as  a  place  of  assembly.       Under  its  floor  was  buried 

the  store  of  grain,  the  rifling  of  which   has    given    rise  to  the    mound -encircled    pits. 

r  e?  j 


10 


20 

RUIN  No.  IV. 


30  METRES 


Nos,  36-37.]  MAN.  [1912. 

The  smaller  circular  depressions  were    fire-places  where    pots    and  other  things  were 
cooked. 

The  wall  decoration  is  in  red  and  white,  which  colours  were  obtained  by- 
powdering  ochre  and  limestone  ;  lately,  blue,  obtained  from  traders,  has  been  added 
in  some  cases. 

In  other  kraals  in  the  neighbourhood  stone  walls  have  been  discarded. 

Pottery  with  patterns  similar  to,  but  not  always  quite  identical  with,  those  from 
the  ruins,  is  made  and  is  in  general  use  in  the  kraals  visited  by  me,  but  as  I  only 
went  into  a  few  out  of  the  many,  no  importance  must  be  attached  to  the  difference. 
It  is  noteworthy  that  the  polychrome  ware  is  reserved  neither  for  special  persons  nor 
for  special  occasions  but  is  as  much  an  article  of  daily  use  as  the  plain,  the  degree 
and  style  of  decoration  going  with  the  class  of  utensil.  The  colouring  materials  are 
wood  ash  for  white,  ochre  for  red,  and  graphite  for  black.  The  pottery,  it  may  be 
remarked,  is  made  by  the  women. 

Another  common  household  article  is  a  conical  dish  of  marula  wood,  round  the 
rim  of  which  is  carved  the  chevron  pattern,  sometimes  single  and  sometimes  double, 
as  on  the  main  building  at  Zimbabwe. 

In  and  around  these  ruins,  large  pebbles,  worn  down  on  both  sides  to  a  flat  disc 
by  rubbing,  abound,  as  also  do  the  polished  slabs  of  gabbrodiorite  with  which  they 
were  used,  and  the  pounding  stones  and  hollowed  out  blocks  of  the  same  rock  that 
served  the  purpose  of  pestles  and  mortars. 

On  the  other  side  of  the  Magalakwin,  on  the  road  from  Potgietersrust  to  the 
tin  mines  and  not  far  from  the  latter,  are  the  remains  of  a  kraal  that  was  inhabited 
until  recently,  when  the  inhabitants  burnt  it  down  and  removed  to  another  spot 
nearer  the  river.  In  what  was  the  inner  enclosure  of  this  kraal,  recognisable,  though 
it  had  no  stone  wall  but  merely  a  fence  of  cut  bushes,  because  it  contains  a  dumb-bell- 
shaped  grain-pit,  without,  however,  any  surrounding  mound,  and  the  smaller  circular 
fire-place,  stands  a  stout  tapering  pole  about  five  metres  in  height.  This  is  decorated 
with  alternate  plain  black  and  red  bands  and  has  the  head  of  what  appears  to  be  a 
hornless  ox  carved  on  the  top.  In  the  inner  enclosure  of  the  new  kraal,  which  likewise 
has  a  fence  of  cut  bushes  only,  but  shows  no  pit,  a  similar  pole  painted  with  alternate 
bands  of  black  and  white,  and  surmounted  by  a  rag  model  of  what  appears  to  be  the 
head  of  a  hare,  has  been  erected.  Owing  to  my  ignorance  of  the  language  I  was 
unfortunately  unable  to  obtain  any  satisfactory  information  regarding  these  poles, 
but  gathered  that  they  were  connected  with  initiation  ceremonies.  Can  these  be 
homologous  with  the  birds-on-posts  or  the  conical  tower  at  Zimbabwe  ? 

J.  P.  JOHNSON. 


India  :  Manipur.  Shakespear. 

Kabui   Notes.    By  Lieutenant- Colonel  J.    Shakespear,  C.I.E.,   D.S.O.  OTI 

Village,  Ireng,  close    to    Kangjupkhul.     In    their    own  language  they  call     Uf 
themselves  Ha-me.     In  the  village  are  found  the  following  u  Sageis  "  : — 
KABUI  NAME.  MEITHEI  NAME. 

Matang-me.  Ningthauja. 

Heng-me.  Luang. 

Bon-me.  Kabon-ngamba.* 

Marem-me.  Kumul. 

Pui-me  is  the  name  they  apply  to    the  people    of  Ngatokpa,  who    are  called  by 
the  Manipuris  Kabui  anoba.f 

Marong-me  is  applied    to    the    people    of    Konga-khul    and    most    of    the    plains 
Kabuis,  and  appears  equivalent  to  ISongpu. 

*  or  Khabanganba.  f  i.e.,  New  Kabuis. 

[    68      ] 


1912.]  MAN.  [No.  37. 

Marriage  endogamous  as  regards  clan,  but  exogamous  as  regards  Sagei. 

In  Ireng  there  are  the  following  Lais  : — 

Chara-wong  (Chara  =  Lai  and  Wong  =  chief).  At  commencement  of  jhuminy 
season  a  fowl  is  sacrificed  outside  the  village  gate,  and  the  village  is  nu-bo^  i.e., 
genna  for  one  day.  The  sacrifice  is  called  "  Tarakhaibo." 

After  harvest  a  small  pig  is  sacrificed  and  zu  drunk,  but  no  nautch  ;  one  day's 
nu-bo  called  "  Talingkhuri." 

At  ripening  of  rice  a  fowl  is  killed  in  the  house  and  eaten  in  the  jhum.  This 
is  called  "  Shekbo." 

When  threshing  begins  each  household  kills  a  fowl  and  eats  it  on  the  threshing 
floor. 

The  above  are  village  sacrifices  to  Charawong ;  the  dates  are  fixed  by  the 
Yaisuba*  called  by  Hame  "  Chak-ko-poh,"  who  also  diagnoses  illness  by  feeling  the 
pulse.  If  he  decides  that  the  illness  is  due  to  Kashabera,  demons  of  the  forest,  a 
pig  is  killed.  This  is  called  "  haipu."  If  the  illness  is  sent  by  Thakhiyak  demon, 
a  fowl  is  killed  outside  the  village,  if  Khathianpoh,  the  water  demons,  are  respon- 
sible, a  goat  has  to  be  killed.  The  portions  reserved  for  the  demon  called  sherh  in 
Lushai  are  known  as  Chara-thatiek. 

Tamtira,  household  god,  gets  a  pig,  when  one  is  available  ;  if  this  sacrifice  is 
too  long  deferred  someone  in  the  house  will  get  ill.  The  pig  is  killed  inside  the 
house  ;  all  the  elders  of  the  village  share  in  the  feast.  The  liver  with  some  rice 
is  offered  to  the  god.  The  householder  is  nu-bo  for  five  days,  during  which  time 
he  may  only  drink  zu  out  of  a  leaf,  and  may  only  eat  the  flesh  of  animals  killed 
by  men. 

On  death  of  wife,  her  nearest  relative  claims  Rs.  2  to  Rs.  5. 

Divorce  can  be  obtained  by  giving  the  other  party  a  hoe. 

Marriage  is  arranged  by  go-betweens  with  zu.  They  settle  price.  If  girl's  family 
agree  the  young  man  may  visit  her  and  sleep  with  her  for  three  years  ;  during  this 
time  he  helps  her  father  ;  at  the  end  of  the  time  the  girl's  parents  kill  a  pig,  and 
take  her  to  her  husband's  house,  and  there  is  a  feast,  and  the  girls  and  boys  dance. 
The  price  is  about  one  or  two  cows.  If  the  boy  cries  off  before  the  actual  mar- 
riage he  has  to  give  a  pig  for  a  village  feast,  and  girl's  parents  get  Rs.  5  or  Rs.  6. 
If  there  are  any  children  the  father  takes  them.  Should  the  girl  cry  off,  whatever 
part  of  the  price  has  been  paid  has  to  be  returned. 

During  the  time  that  the  rice  is  growing  no  dancing  or  singing  is  allowed. 

Spirits  of  the  dead  go  to  Nongmaijing  hill. 

The  spirits  of  those  who  die  by  accident,  &c.,  are  called  "  Tashikasabo,"  and  go 
nowhere.  The  classes  of  death  which  constitute  Tashikasabo  are  the  same  as  in  all 
other  hill  tribes. 

There  is  only  one  heaven,  but  certain  spirits,  those  of  warriors  and  hunters, 
seem  to  be  favoured  in  some  way.  Thieves  are  said  to  be  troubled  iu  the  land  of 
the  dead. 

Ngatok. — Village  a  little  to  south  of  Kangjupkhul. 

The  people  are  called  "  New  Kabuis  "  by  the  Manipuris.  They  speak  a  dialect 
which  is  unintelligible  to  the  people  of  Ireng.  They  call  themselves  Pui-ruong. 
They  say  the  clan  is  divided  into  three  sageis  : — 

Babang-ruong,  called  by  Manipuris  Ningthauja. 
Mariam-ruong,  „  „  Kumal. 

Phungang-ruong,       „  „  Luang. 

The  chief  god  is  Rikarong,  who  gets  a  fowl  at  the  beginning  of  the  jhuming, 
when  there  is  a  three  days'  genna  call  "  Lakosangko." 

*  Yai-su-ba  =.-  causer  of  fortune, 
t     69    ] 


No.  37]  MAN.  [1912. 

Tashuong  is  a  lesser  god,  he  receives  a  cock  when  the  harvest  is  over.  It  is 
killed  in  the  village  council-house.  This  sacrifice  is  called  "  Tope." 

When  the  dhan  is  ripe  each  household  takes  a  fowl,  and,  gathering  some  heads 
of  rice  in  thejhum,  makes  the  tour  of  thejhum  with  the  rice  and  the  fowl,  and  then 
returns  to  the  house  and  eats  the, fowl  there.     This  is  called  "Lodinbu." 
The  Yaisuba,  or  priest,  is  called  "Thak-ko-po"  (Ireng  Chak-ko-poh). 
In  case  of  illness  sacrifices  are  made  to  the  above  gods,  but  if  no  good  results, 
then  sacrifices  are  made  to  the  Kararaba,  who  are  demons  of  the  hills,  streams,  and 
forests,  the   term   seems  equivalent  to  the  Lushai  "  Huai."     If  fowls  do  not  appease 
the  Kararaba,  pigs  are  tried,  and  if  the  man   does  not  get  well  a  dog  is    sacrificed 
to  the  Kobru  Lai. 

The  household  god  is  "  Ingkarao,"  to  whom  a  pig  or  dog  is  sacrificed  when  one 
is  available.  All  the  village  may  join  in  the  feast,  eating  ginger  with  the  flesh. 
There  are  no  special  sacred  portions  reserved  for  Ingkarao,  but  eight  portions  are 
placed  on  one  leaf  for  the  remote  ancestors,  and  seven  on  another  leaf  for  less  remote 
ancestors.  I  was  unable  to  find  out  the  reason  of  these  divisions. 

Marriage  customs  as  among  Ireng.     In  neither  clan  can  wives  be  sold. 

Kongo,  Khul. — Ten  miles  south  of  Kangjupkhul.  Information  collected  on  8th 
October  1905,  from  Rankhingai,  Khunpu  of  the  village. 

No  tradition  of  origin  could  be  obtained.  There  are  three  sageis,  called  by  the 
Manipuris,  Ningthauja,  Kumul,  and  Luang.  Angom  is  said  to  have  died  out.  I  did  not 
find  out  the  Kabui  names  for  the  sageis  as  at  that  time  I  did  not  know  there  were 
different  names. 

The  dead  are  buried  in  front  of  the  houses,  each  in  u  separate  grave.  A  pig  is 
killed  and  the  sacred  portions  are  hung  over  the  grave  with  some  herbs. 

Accidental  deaths  and  deaths  of  first-born  children  within  a  short  time  of  birth, 
the  customs  seem  very  like  those  of  the  Lushais.  The  marriage  price  is  only  a  pig 
and  some  small  articles.  They  inter-marry  with  the  Pui-mai  clan  only. 

FESTIVALS. — Chhakang-ngai. — After  harvest  young  men  and  maidens  dance,  the 
men  for  five  days  then  the  girls  for  five  days,  provided  funds  allow  so  prolonged  a 
dissipation.  During  this  time  outsiders  may  enter,  but  villagers  may  not  leave. 

Ring-ngai. — A  month  later,  a  feast  in  honour  of  the  dead,  the  graves  are  sprinkled 
with  ZM,  and  portions  of  the  flesh  of  the  animals  killed  are  placed  on  the  graves. 
It  lasts  five  days. 

McCulloch's  javelin  throwing  and  feasting  separately  of  the  men  and  'women 
were  not  known. 

Thung-ngai. — One  month  after  completion  of  sowing,  five  days  feasting  on  all 
sorts  of  flesh. 

Chang-ngai. — A  feast  to  celebrate  the  clearing  of  the  paths  after  the  rains  in 
November.  Much  eating  and  drinking. 

Feasts  of  Merit. — Corresponding  to  the  Lushai  Thang-chhuah. 

First,  the  killing  of  a  buffalo  and  a  pig,  and  feasting  the  village,  qualify  a  man 
for  the  title  of  Banrumei ;  this  may  be  followed  by  a  feast  of  two  buffaloes,  which 
entitles  the  giver  to  the  title  of  Kaishumei. 

It  is  also  meritorious  to  build  a  platform  of  stones  in  the  village  avenue  for 
people  to  rest  on  ;  the  building  is  followed  by  a  feast.  These  good  deeds  find  their 
reward  in  the  land  beyond  the  grave. 

The  single  upright  stones  which  are  found  in  the  village  were  put  up  by  some 
previous  inhabitants. 

The  young  men  sleep  in  the  houses  of  well-to-do  persons,  six  or  eight  in  each. 

The  young  women  also  have  their  dormitories. 

The  village  was  evidently  well  fortified  ;    the  approach  from  the  valley  is  up  a 

[    70    ] 


1912.] 


MAN. 


[No.  37. 


in  a  line,  one  of  the  enemy  can 


first  wins. 


long    narrow  cutting    12  to  15  feet    deep,    which  they  say  was    roofed    over    in    the 

troublous  times. 

Shongparam    Village. — To  the  north,  just  beyond  the  village,  is  a  sacred  grove 

in  which  is  a  curiously-shaped   boulder  mounted  on  a  rough    stone  platform.      There 

are  several  other  platforms  under  the  trees,  but  they  are  more  or  less  in  ruins.  The 
stone  is  the  god  Ashong.  Two  cocks  are  sacrificed  to  him 
after  harvest,  and  there  is  a  nautch  in  his  honour.  Deputa- 
tions from  other  villages  come  to  sacrifice  to  Ashong. 

Kabul  Nautch,  at  Shongparam. — The  orchestra  consisted 
of  two  big  drums  made  out  of  hollow  tree  trunks,  about  2  feet 
6  inches  in  diameter ;  these  were  slung  from  poles  carried 
each  by  two  men  who  sang  vigorously  and  took  turns  to  beat 
the  drum.  The  dancers,  some  twenty-five  in  number  of  both 

sexes,  stood  in  a  semi-circle,  the  girls  being  altogether  at  one 
FIG.  l.— TA  Ko  KA  LAIBA  = 
TO  drive  animals,  when  either    end  or  the  line,  with  a  stalwart  youth  at  the  end. 

Costumes:  Boys'  Headdress.— A  thin  band  of  bamboo 
is  tied  tight  round  the  head  across  the  forehead.  Round  the 
hair,  which  is  worn  in  a  knot  behind,  a  long  band  of  bamboo 
is  wound  several  times,  the  ends  being  brought  round,  the  band  passing  round  the 
head  and  standing  up  like  horns.  In  the  hair-knot  a  tail  feather  of  a  hornbill  was 
fixed  upright. 

Above  the  hair  knot  was  a  cluster  of  marigolds,  and  the  same  flowers  were  worn 
in  the  ears.  Round  the  neck  were  many  necklaces,  and  some  wore  the  big  shell  on 
the  nape  of  the  neck  as  the  Angamis  do.  The  necklaces  were  of  all  sorts,  beads, 
coloured  grass,  and  shells. 

The  body  to  the  waist  was  bare.  The  only  garments  were  a  kilt  held  up  by  a 
sash  tied  behind  with  the  two  ends  hanging  down  like  tails.  Dark  blue  with  a  red 
and  yellow  fringe  seemed  the  proper  colour  for  the  kilt,  and  plain  dark  blue  for  the 
sash.  The  Angami  black  cane  garter  was  generally  worn, 
the  leg  below  as  far  as  the  ankle  being  painted  white. 

The  girls'  costumes  were  elaborate.  On  the  head 
was  a  tinsel  crown  some  two  inches  high  with  numerous 
small  lappets  of  gold  paper  ;  in  the  ears  were  marigolds 
and  pendants  of  green  beetle-wing  covers,  a  profusion  of 
necklaces  almost  covered  the  bosom.  A  blue  cloth,  wound 
tightly  round  the  body  under  the  armpits,  reached  a  little 
below  the  waist  ;  the  petticoat  was  of  dark  blue  with 
white  stripes,  each  stripe  being  embroidered  with  arrow- 
head pattern  in  red  and  black  ;  round  the  lower  edge  was 
a  broad  red  band.  A  small  blue  shawl  was  wound  loosely 
round  the  shoulders.  Brass  bracelets  of  many  patterns 
were  worn. 

The  Dance. — In  the  first  figure  all  the  lads  had 
spears.  The  two  biggest  boys  and  two  biggest  girls 
took  up  positions  in  the  centre  of  the  semi-circle,  a  boy 
and  a  girl  side  by  side,  facing  the  other  couple,  boy  opposite  boy  and  girl  opposite 
girl.  The  whole  party  chanted  a  monotonous  refrain,  the  spears  were  raised  and 
twirled  in  time  with  the  beats  of  the  drums.  The  two  couples  in  the  centre  danced 
vigorously  an  indescribable  sort  of  jig,  advancing  towards  each  other  with  arms 
bent,  hands  raised  to  the  level  of  the  head.  From  lime  to  time  they  would  meet 
and  clasp  hands,  boy  with  boy  and  girl  with  girl,  and  twist  round  ;  the  semi-circle  of 
dancers  all  the  while  dancing  a  step  similar  to  that  of  the  two  central  couples.  After 


FIG  2,-CHARi  PAMBOK.  slack  and 

wait«  move  alternately  in  any  direc- 
tion  and  take  the  enemy  by  jumping 

over  as  in  draughts. 


Nos.  37-39.]  MAN.  [1912. 

a  time  the  left  half  of  the  serai-circle  began  moving  to  the  right,  passing  in  front  of 
the  right  half  which  moved  in  an  opposite  direction  till  the  two  sections  had  changed 
places. 

The  second  and  third  figures  were  very  similar  to  the  first,  only  the  spears  were 
laid  aside.  In  the  second  figure  three  younger  girls  danced  in  the  centre,  and  after 
a  short  time  were  joined  by  three  lads.  In  the  third  figure  two  very  small  girls  danced 
in  the  centre,  being  joined  later  by  two  small  boys. 

The  last  figure  was  a  repetition  of  the  first  except  that  the  spears  were  only 
handled  by  the  two  youths  in  the  centre.  J.  SHAKESPEAR. 


New  Guinea.  Seligmann. 

Stone  Adze  Blades  from  Suloga  (British  New  Guinea)  as  Chinese     QQ 
Antiquities.     By   C.   G.   Seligmann,  M.D.  00 

Among  a  number  of  ancient  Chinese  adze  blades  acquired  by  the  Toronto 
Museum  are  two  fine  specimens  of  the  usual  New  Guinea  type  made  from  the 
banded  volcanic  Suloga  rock.  There  is  not  the  faintest  doubt  as  to  the  bona  fides 
of  the  firm  that  imported  these  specimens,  which,  according  to  their  information, 
were  to  be  regarded  as  genuine  Chinese  stone  implements  from  Shansi.  This  raises 
the  interesting  question,  "  How  did  these  blades  reach  China  ?  "  Are  they  recent 
importations  of  Chinese  sailors  or  curiosity-loving  Chinese,  which  have  been  diverted 
into  a  new  and  profitable  channel,  or  have  they  really  been  in  the  country  for  many 
years  and  come  to  be  regarded  as  early  Chinese  axe  blades  ? 

___ C.  G.  SELIGMANN. 

Australia :  Anthropology.  Frazer. 

Anthropological  Research  in  Northern  Australia.    By  J.  G.  Frazer,     QQ 

D.C.L.,  LL.D.,  Litt.D.  UU 

All  friends  of  anthropology  will  rejoice  to  learn  that  after  an  interval  of  some 
years  Professor  Baldwin  Spencer  has  resumed  his  researches  among  the  aborigines  of 
Australia.  The  following  particulars  as  to  his  work  and  his  plans  are  extracted  from 
a  letter  which  he  wrote  to  me  from  Melbourne  on  the  13th  of  September,  1911. 

The  Commonwealth  Government  of  Australia  is  about  to  undertake  measures  for 
the  settlement  of  the  Northern  Territory,  and  during  the  year  1911  it  sent  a  small 
party  to  make  preliminary  investigations  in  that  region.  The  leadership  of  the  party 
was  entrusted  to  Professor  Baldwin  Spencer.  They  went  to  Port  Darwin,,  and 
thence  across  to  Melville  Island  ;  then  they  returned  to  Port  Darwin  and  travelled  south 
about  200  miles,  after  which  they  crossed  the  continent  to  the  Gulf  of  Carpentaria. 
Amongst  all  the  tribes  examined  by  the  expedition  the  belief  in  the  reincarnation  of 
the  dead  is  universal ;  and  the  same  is  true  of  the  notion  that  sexual  intercourse  has 
nothing,  of  necessity,  to  do  with  the  procreation  of  children.  "  The  latter  fact,"  says 
Professor  Spencer,  "  is  interesting  because  we  now  know  that  this  belief  exists  amongst 
"  all  the  tribes  extending  from  south  to  north  across  the  centre  of  Australia."  On 
the  other  hand,  Professor  Spencer  found  among  these  northern  tribes  none  of  the 
intichiuma  or  magical  ceremonies  for  the  multiplication  of  the  totems  which  form  so 
important  a  feature  in  the  totemism  of  the  central  tribes  ;  nor  could  he  discover  any 
restrictions  observed  by  the  natives  in  regard  to  eating  their  totemic  animals  and 
plants.  "  The  absence  of  intichiuma  ceremonies,"  he  adds,  "  is  doubtless  to  be  asso- 
"  ciated  with  the  fact  that  the  tribes  in  the  far  north  live  under  conditions  very 
"  different  from  those  of  the  central  area.  They  never  suffer  from  drought  or  lack  of 
*'  food  supply.  This  seems  to  show  that  the  intichiuma  ceremonies  are  a  special 
"  development  of  tribes  that  live  in  parts  such  as  Central  Australia,  where  the  food 
''  supply  in  precarious."  In  one  or  two  tribes  along  the  Eoper  River  a  very  curious 
totemic  system  was  discovered.  Among  these  people  a  man  must  marry  a  woman  of  a 

[     72     ] 


1912.1  MAN.  [Nos.  39-40. 

particular  totem,  but  the  children  take  a  totem  different  rom  both  that  of  their  father 
and  that  of  their  mother.  For  example,  a  man  of  the  rain  totem  must  marry  a  woman 
of  the  paddy-melon  (a  species  of  small  kangaroo)  totem,  and  their  children  are  of  the 
euro  (a  species  of  kangaroo)  totem.  Again,  a  porcupine  man  marries  a  lizard  woman 
and  their  children  are  bats.  In  these  tribes  each  exogamous  class  has  certain  totems 
associated  with  it.  Again,  in  these  tribes  the  natives  are  convinced  that  the  spirit 
children  know  into  what  woman  they  must  enter,  so  that  the  offspring  shall  have  the 
proper  totem.  Everywhere,  too,  among  the  tribes  traversed  by  the  expedition  the 
women  and  children  believe  that  the  sound  of  the  bull-roarer  is  the  voice  of  a  great 
spirit  who  comes  to  take  away  the  boys  when  they  are  initiated  ;  but  during  the 
initiatory  ceremony,  when  the  boys  are  shown  the  churinga  for  the  first  time,  they  are 
informed  that  the  noise  in  question  is  not  made  by  a  spirit,  but  by  the  churinga,  or 
bull-roarer,  which  was  used  in  the  past  by  one  of  the  mythical  ancestors  of  the  tribe. 
Lastly,  Professor  Spencer  could  detect  among  these  tribes  no  trace  of  anything  like  a 
belief  in  a  supreme  being.  On  the  whole,  he  considers  that,  with  minor  variations, 
the  beliefs  of  these  northern  tribes  are  closely  similar  to  those  of  the  central  tribes. 

Professor  Spencer  hoped  to  start  about  November  1st,  1911,  for  another  expedition 
to  Melville  Island,  the  inhabitants  of  which  he  is  particularly  anxious  to  study,  as  they 
are  hitherto  practically  uncontaminated  by  European  influence.  His  intention  was  to 
reside  among  them  till  February,  1912.  All  anthropologists  will  look  forward  with 
keen  interest  to  the  publication  of  Professor  Spencer's  fresh  enquiries  in  this 
promising  region.  It  is  much  to  be  regretted  that  his  former  colleague  in  research, 
Mr.  F.  J.  Gillen,  has  been  prevented  by  the  state  of  his  health  from  taking  any 
part  in  these  new  investigations.  J.  G.  FRAZEK. 


REVIEWS. 
Egyptology.  Griffith  :  Mileham  :  Randall-Mad ver  :  Woolley. 

Karanog :  The  Romano-Nubian  Cemetery.  By  C.  Leonard  Woolley  and  J  A 
D.  Randall-Maclver.  Text  and  Plates.  2  vols.  University  Museum,  Phila-  Til 
delphia,  1910. 

Karanog :  The  Town.  By  C.  Leonard  Woolley.  University  Museum,  Philadelphia, 
1911. 

Karanog :  The  Meroltic  Inscriptions.  By  F.  LI.  Griffith.  University  Museum, 
Philadelphia,  1911. 

Churches  in  Lower  Nubia.  By  G.  S.  Mileham,  University  Museum,  Philadelphia, 
1910. 

Buhen.  By  D.  Randall-Maclver  and  C.  Leonard  Woolley.  Text  and  Plates. 
2  vols.  University  Museum,  Philadelphia,  1911. 

The  Egyptian  Department  of  the  Museum  of  the  University  of  Pennsylvania 
has  continued  the  publication  of  the  results  of  the  Eckley  B.  Coxe,  Junior,  Expedition 
to  Nubia  in  the  seven  volumes  now  reviewed.  The  series  was  begun  in  1909  with  the 
publication  of  the  excavation  of  Messrs.  Randall-Maclver  and  Woolley  at  Areika, 
which  gave  us  so  much  new  knowledge  of  the  ancient  culture  of  Nubia,  and  the 
present  volumes  are  equal,  if  not  superior,  to  them  in  interest  and  importance.  Like 
their  predecessors,  the  new  books  are  good  examples  of  what  archaeological  pub- 
lications should  be,  and  we  must  at  the  outset  express  our  thanks  to  Mr.  Eckley  B. 
Coxe,  Junior,  for  the  munificence  which  has  made  such  good  work  possible,  and  has 
published  it  in  so  complete  and  satisfactory  a  form.  Messrs.  Randall-Maclver 
and  Woolley  must  be  thanked  for  having  done  their  work  so  well  both  in  excavation 
and  publication,  and  Mr.  Griffith  for  having  effected  nothing  less  than  the  decipherment 
of  the  Mero'itic  script.  All  the  volumes  were  printed  in  America  with  the  exception 
of  Mr.  Griffith's,  which  was  produced  at  Oxford. 

[     73    ] 


No.  40.]  MAN.  [1912. 

The  tourist  on  his  comfortable  steamboat  journey  from  Shellal  to  Haifa  is  hardly 
likely  to  notice  with  much  interest  what  looks  like  a  burnt-out  factory  on  the  western 
bank  of  the  Nile  just  before  reaching  Anibah.  If  he  notices  it  at  all,  he  may  hazard 
the  conjecture  that  it  is  "  Coptic,"  or,  with  a  hazy  idea  of  the  possibilities,  suggest 
that  it  was  "  destroyed  by  Dervishes."  That  it  is  a  castle  of  the  ancient  Blemmyes, 
"  the  Bleminges  which  caried  bows,  and  arrowes  made  of  dragons  bones,"  as  the 
Elizabethan  translator  of  Heliodorus  has  it,  the  redoubtable  foes  of  the  Romans 
who  maintained  the  banner  of  paganism  here  long  after  the  Empire  had  accepted 
Christianity,  he  is  hardly  likely  to  know  unless  he  is  an  archaeologist  and  has  read 
Karanog,  For  it  is  to  this  important  conclusion  that  the  excavators  have  been  led 
by  their  work  in  this  remarkable  building,  which  bears  the  name  of  "  Karanog  "  (or 
"Garnuk"  as  it  sometimes  seems  to  sound  in  the  mouths  of  the  Nubians).  The 
natives  explain  the  name  as  meaning  "  House  of  Kara,"  and  the  excavators  accept 
this  explanation,  comparing  the  name  "Kara"  with  that  of  Chiris,  a  place  of  the 
Blemmyes  mentioned  by  Olympiodorus,  and  with  the  element  "  Khara  "  which  occurs 
in  the  Blemmyan  proper  names  "  Kharazieu,"  Kharakhein,"  and  "  Kharapatkhour," 
which  are  known  from  an  ancient  document  now  in  the  Cairo  Museum. 

The  forms  of  these  names  which  I  have  given  above  are  those  which  seem  to 
me  to  be  the  correct  transliterations  of  them  as  they  stand  in  the  Cairo  document,  which 
is  written  in  Greek.  The  late  Professor  Krall,  who  published  this  important  relic  of 
the  Blemmyan  rule  in  Upper  Egypt,  read  them  as  "  Charahiet,"  "  Charachen,"  and 
"  Charapatchour."  The  last  is  certainly  correct,  but  to  rne  the  Coptic  £  (h)  in  a 
Greek  document  of  the  fourth  or  fifth  century  (and  occurring  only  once  in  it)  is  improb- 
able, and  I  read  the  name  "  Kharazieu,"  while  "  Kharakhein "  seems  to  me  more 
correct  than  "  Kharakhen "  (see  my  note  on  the  point  in  the  Proceedings  of  the 
Society  of  Biblical  Archceology,  XXX  (1908),  p.  10  ;  the  German  ch  of  course  equals 
the  English  kK).  But  the  elemeut  Xapa  is  certain.  This  may  well,  as  the  explorers 
think,  be  the  "  Kara  "  whose  u  house  "  Karanog  was.  I  would,  however,  put  forward 
another  suggestion.  In  the  early  years  of  the  sixteenth  century  this  part  of  Nubia 
was  colonised  by  a  body  of  Bosnian  soldiers  sent  here  by  Sultan  Selim  after  his 
conquest  of  Egypt  in  1517.  These  Bosniak  Turks  introduced  some  Turkish  place- 
names  into  the  neighbourhood  of  Anibah  and  Derr,  specially  notable  being  that  of 
"  Bostan,"  on  the  eastern  bank  a  few  miles  below  Karanog.  May  not  the  element 
kara  be  the  Turkish  word  "  black,"  compounded  with  the  Nubian  nog,  "  house,"  the 
castle  being  the  "  black  house "  ?  Such  combinations  of  two  tongues  occur  every- 
where. Since  the  ancient  name  Karanog  seems  to  have  been  Shimale,  which  is 
nothing  like  "  Chiris,"  I  give  this  suggestion  for  what  it  may  be  worth  ;  a  word, 
meaningless  in  their  tongue,  would  naturally  be  explained  by  the  Nubians  as  a  name. 
However  this  may  be,  the  place  itself  was  certainly  the  "  house  "  of  a  very  important 
chieftain,  and  Messrs.  Woolley  and  Maclver  have  shown  pretty  conclusively  that  he, 
whether  he  was  named  Kara  or  not,  and  his  successors  were  Blemmyes.  This  being 
so,  the  culture  revealed  by  the  excavations  at  Karanog  is  of  the  highest  interest, 
since  this  is  the  first  real  archaeological  hold  that  we  have  got  of  this  elusive  people, 
the  document  at  Cairo  merely  confirming  political  and  religious  facts  concerning  them 
which  we  knew  already  from  Olympiodorus  and  Vopiscus.  Mr.  Woolley  has  recon- 
structed for  us  an  imaginative  picture  of  what  Karanog  looked  like  when  the  pagan 
philosopher  Olympiodorus  visited  the  land  of  the  Blemmyes  in  the  early  years  of  the 
fifth  century  A.D.,  his  materials  for  the  reconstruction  being  derived  from  the  results 
of  the  excavations. 

The  two  most  important  points  shown  by  these  results  are,  first,  that  the 
Blemmyes,  as  was  to  be  expected  from  the  fact  that  they  were  invaders  who  had  not 
long  before  occupied  this  part  of  the  valley,  were  an  aristocracy  ruling  over  a  subject 

[     74     ] 


1912.]  MAN.  [No.  40. 

population  of  Nubians  and  negroes  ;  and,  secondly,  that  they  were  strongly  influenced 
by  the  contemporary  Ethiopian  civilization  of  Meroe.  The  most  northerly  temple  of 
the  Mero'itic  style  known  is  that  of  Amara,  not  far  south  of  Wadi  Haifa.  But  here 
at  Karanog  we  have  indubitable  evidence,  in  the  shape  of  Mero'itic  inscriptions  and 
the  extraordinary  "  soul  statues "  found  in  the  tombs  near  the  castle,  of  a  direct 
connection  of  Blemmyan  with  Mero'itic  culture.  We  may  well  wonder  whether  the 
Blemmyes,  whether  they  were  an  eastern  desert-tribe  of  Beja  origin  or  not,  had  not 
long  been  "  fethiopized "  before  they  settled  in  the  district  of  Anibah.  Were  they 
really  Ethiopians  and  not  "Beja"  at  all? 

While  they  retained  their  own  peculiar  ideas  with  a  tenacity  which  for  two 
centuries  resisted  the  christianizing  efforts  of  the  Emperors,  the  people  of  Karanog 
were,  however,  by  no  means  averse  to  the  adoption  and  use  of  many  of  the  externals 
of  Roman  civilization,  especially  the  ordinary  Roman  blown  glass  vessels,  gems,  and 
so  forth.  Even  Gaulish  pottery  was  imported  into  Nubia  and  used  by  them  ;  but 
most  of  their  ware  was  of  their  own  make,  and  of  a  peculiar  style  of  ceramic  art 
already  known  from  Nubia  and  represented  for  years  in  our  museums,  but  first 
discovered  en  masse  at  Shablul  and  properly  studied  iu  Messrs.  Maclver  and 
Woolley's  former  publication.  In  Karanog,  as  in  Aretha,  this  painted  pottery  is 
splendidly  published  in  coloured  plates,  which  are  among  the  most  accurate  in  their 
representation  of  colour-values  of  auy  we  know.  They  deserve  very  special  praise. 

This  pottery  (which  has  since  also  since  been  found  at  Farras,  further  south,  by 
Mr.  Griffith's  Oxford  Expedition)  was,  of  course,  chiefly  recovered  from  the  tombs  of 
the  inhabitants  of  Karanog,  which  have  also  yielded  the  remarkable  6a-statues  or 
figures  of  the  soul  (bd)  in  the  shape  of  a  human-headed  bird,  already  mentioned. 
The  importance  of  this  discovery  has  already  been  emphasised  by  Sir  G.  Maspero  as 
throwing  new  light  on  Ethiopian  or  Blemmyan  religion.  The  conception  of  the  soul 
as  a  human-headed  bird  is,  of  course,  old-Egyptian  enough.  But  it  is  evident  from 
the  prominence  of  these  figures  on  the  Karanog  graves  that  the  Ethiopians  or 
Blemmyes  regarded  the  ba  with  peculiar  reverence,  and  assigned  to  it  in  the  tomb 
the  position  which  in  the  pure  Egyptian  religion  belonged  to  the  ka,  or  "  double." 
In  fact,  the  Ethiopians  in  their  garbled  form  of  the  religion  which  they  had  adopted 
from  Egypt  probably  had  confused  the  two,  with  the  result  that  the  ka  was  elimi- 
nated from  their  conception  •  of  the  soul.  The  remarkable  figures  of  the  soul-bird 
from  Karanog  are  strongly  Ethiopian  or  Mero'itic  iu  feeling,  and  certainly  testify  to 
the  Ethiopian  character  of  the  Blemmyan  religion.  A  good  restoration  in  colour  of 
one  of  the  best  is  given  in  the  frontispiece  of  the  first  volume  under  review. 

The  inscriptions  of  Karanog  and  Shablul  (see  Areika)  are  published  by  Mr. 
F.  LI.  Griffith  in  the  sixth  volume  of  the  series.  They  are  all  funerary  texts  in 
the  peculiar  Mero'itic  script,  and  are  entirely  Ethiopian  (Mero'itic)  in  character.  The 
splendid  work  which  has  been  done  by  Mr.  Griffith  in  the  interpretation  of  these 
texts  can  be  but  mentioned  here.  I  have  not  the  space  in  which  to  describe  it  at 
length,  suffice  it  to  say  that  Mr.  Griffith  has  brilliantly  deciphered  the  Mero'itic 
inscriptions,  and  has  laid  in  this  book  the  foundations  of  a  new  branch  of  Egyptology. 
The  last  volume  of  Karavog  is  both  a  grammar  and  a  corpus  of  Mero'itic.  If  the 
people  of  Karauog  were  Blemmyes,  the  Blemmyes  spoke  and  wrote  in  Meroi'tic. 

In  the  first  volume  appears  a  most  useful  corpus  of  all  the  references  to  the 
Blemmyes  made  by  ancient  authorities.  We  welcome  this  compilation,  but  a  few 
critical  notes  would  have  made  it  even  more  useful.  Do  the  authors  really  believe 
the  statement  of  Procopius  that  the  Nobatse  were  "planted"  by  Diocletian  between 
Egypt  and  the  Blemmyes,  having  originally  lived  "  about  the  city  Oasis,"  i.e.,  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  Khargah  ?  I  do  not.  The  Nobataj  were  presumably  the  ancestors 
of  the  modern  Nubians,  who  cannot  be  conceived  as  having  lived  up  to  the  time  of 

L  75  ] 


No.  40.] 


MAN. 


[1912. 


Diocletian  in  the  oasis  of  el-Khargah.  The  inhabitants  of  the  oases  were,  as  they 
are,  if  not  Libyans,  at  any  rate  closely  akin  to  Libyans.  The  Nubians  are  totally 
different,  an  essentially  Nilotic  riverain  race  :  what  should  they  do  in  the  western 
desert  ?  We  can  see  that  the  Nubians  were  always  in  Nubia  from  the  beginning  : 
to  them  belongs  the  black  pottery  which  from  prehistoric  times  almost  till  now  has 
preserved  the  tradition  of  the  oldest  Nilote  ceramic.  If  Silko's  Nobatse  were  the 
Nubians,  and  we  cannot  doubt  it,  Procopius  simply  made  an  absurd  mis-statement. 
All  Diocletian  did  was  to  create  a  Nubian  buffer  state  between  Egypt  and  the 
Blemmyes,  which,  when  it  accepted  Christianity,  overthrew  the  pagan  tyrants  from 
the  south,  and  Karanog  was  laid  waste. 

The  architecture  of  the  Blemmyan  castle  is  of  the  type  usual  among  late-Roman 
brick  constructions  in  the  East,  and  with  it  may  be  compared — magnos  componere 
parvis — such  a  castle  as  Ukheidhar  in  Irak,  which  has  lately  been  described  by 
Miss  Gertrude  Bell.  It  has,  of  course,  typically  Nubian  characteristics,  which  are 
retained  in  Nubian  buildings  to  this  day.  These  are  very  apparent  in  the  Nubian 
Christian  churches  of  the  centuries  that  lay  between  Silko's  destruction  of  Paganism 
and  the  belated  establishment  of  Islam  in  Nubia  by  the  Cromwellian-named  Seif-ed- 

_        din      'Abdallah     en-Nasir 

("  Sword-of-the-Faith  Ab- 
dallah the  Victorious ") 
in  the  fourteenth  century. 
We  see  in  these  the  same 
simple  method  of  making 
a  brick  vault  that  is  fol- 
lowed still  by  Nubian 
builders.  These  Coptic 
churches  are  well  des- 
cribed by  Mr.  Mileham, 
and  they  have  yielded 
interesting  objects,  nota- 
bly a  wall-painting  of  a 
saint  or  prophet,  which  is 
reproduced  in  colour. 

In     the      district     of 
Anibeh     is    included    the 

rock-fortress  of  Kasr  Ibrim,  the  ancient  Primis,  Avhich  contains  one  of  the  most 
interesting  and  ancient  of  these  churches,  the  "  garrison-church "  of  the  fortress. 
It  is  now  a  chaos,  with  its  two  rows  of  pillars  standing  up  amid  the  wreck  of 
the  basilica.  Ibrim  is  one  of  the  finest  points  on  the  splendidly  picturesque  Nubian 
Nile,  which  at  many  points  of  its  course  bears  an  odd  resemblance  to  the  Rhine 
(Fig.  1).  And  Ibrim  is  the  Nubian  Ehrenbreitstein,  standing  up  boldly  on  its  high 
cliff,  which  overhangs  the  river  and  dominates  it  completely  (Figs.  2  and  3). 
No  wonder  that  Petronius  selected  it,  after  his  defeat  of  Candace  and  sack  of 
Napata,  as  the  settlement  limit  of  the  Roman  Empire.  And  why  it  was  so  soon 
abandoned  for  the  traditional  frontier  further  north  at  Hierasykaminos  (Maharraka) 
remains  a  mystery.  The  eagles  were  never  advanced  permanently  south  of  Maharraka  ; 
we  cannot  suppose  that  if  Roman  buildings  have  been  found  at  Meroe  they  mean  a 
Roman  garrison  so  far  south  in  view  of  the  silence  of  all  the  ancient  authorities. 
Had  the  Romans  ever  reached  Meroe  and  established  a  post  there  (within  120  miles  of 
Khartum  !)  we  should  have  known  it  from  Strabo  and  the  rest.  The  Romans  raided 
Napata  once  :  and  Napata  is  far  north  of  Meroe.  They  never  thought  of  estab- 
lishing their  frontier  even  at  the  second  cataract,  as  Sesostris  did.  Their  general 

[     76     1 


FIG.   1.— THE  NUBIAN  NILE. 


11.  11. 


1912.] 


MAN. 


[No.  40. 


H.  H. 


FlG.  2.— KASE   IBEiM. 


selected  the  splendid  position  of  Primis  for  his  frontier-post,  but  this  was  only  a 
short  way  south  of  Hierasykaminos,  the  Ptolemaic  frontier,  to  which  the  Romans 
returned  within  a  year.  And  Hierasykaminos  remained  the  frontier  till  Diocletian 
invented  the  buffer-state  of  the  Nobatae  and  retired  the  legions  to  the  border  of 
Egypt  proper  at  Syene.  Mr.  G.  L.  Cheesman,  of  New  College,  Oxford,  contributes 
a  very  complete  and  interesting  description  of  the  Roman  garrison  of  Egypt,  from 

the  time  of  Augustus  to 
that  of  Diocletian.  An 
ala  of  British  cavalry  was 
stationed  at  Iseum,  in 
Upper  Egypt,  a  few  miles 
south  of  Asyut. 

Messrs.  Maclver  and 
Woolley  publish  interest- 
ing photographs  of  Ibrim, 
and  theirs  *  is  the  most 
complete  description  of  the 
fortress  that  has  yet  ap- 
peared. So  well  adapted 
is  it  still  for  its  purpose 
that  just  a  century  ago, 
in  1811,  it  was  held  for  long  against  the  retreating  Mamelukes  by  the  descendants 
of  Sultan  Selim's  Turks,  and  relics  of  their  defence  still  lie  amid  the  ruins. 

Finally,  we  came  to  Buhen,  the  publication  of  the  excavations  at  Wadi  Haifa. 
Just  as  in  modern  days  so  in  ancient  times  the  southern  end  of  the  Nubian  Nile 
valley,  immediately  north  of  the  second  cataract,  proved  the  most  convenient  position 
for  a  centre  of  population.  But  the  old  Egyptian  Haifa  lay  on  the  west,  not  the  east 
bank  of  the  river.  Here  at  the  beginning  of  the  XII  Dynasty  Senusert  (Sesostris)  I 
founded  the  settlement  of  Buhen,  which  in  later  times  became  the  administrative 
centre  of  Nubia.  He  built  a  temple  here,  which  has  disappeared,  having  been 
probably  where  that  of 
Hatshepsu  now  is.  Later 
on,  the  Pharaohs  Aahmes 
and  Amenhetep  I  of  the 
XVIII  Dynasty  built,  as 
Mr.  Maclver  shows,  the 
northern  Haifa  temple  on 
the  remains  of  the  old 
XII  Dynasty  civil  govern- 
ment building.  Then  the 
great  queen  Hatshepsu, 
glorying  in  her  "  years  of 
peace,"  erected  the  larger 
southern  shrine  which  for 
some  inscrutable  reason  is 
known  to  dragomans  and 
tourists  as  the  "  Temple  of  Ben-Hur  "  (Fig.  4).  These  two  buildings  have  always 
been  known.  They  were  visited  by  Champollion.  During  the  eighties  and  nineties 
Colonel  Rolled  Smith  and  Captain  F.  G.  Lyons  investigated  them  further,  and 
recovered  various  antiquities  from  them,  which  are  now  in  our  museums.  In  1905 
the  late  Mr.  P.  D.  Scott-Moncrieff,  of  the  British  Museum,  was  commissioned  by  the 
Sudan  Government,  in  conjunction  with  Mr.  J.  S.  Crowfoot  of  the  Sudan  Civil  Service, 

[     77     ] 


FlG.    3. — THE   NILE   FROM    KASR    IBRIM. 


H.  H. 


No.  40.] 


MAN. 


[1912. 


to  carry  out  works  of  conservation  at  the  Northern  Temple.  Then  Professor  Breasted, 
of  Chicago,  showed  that  this  temple  owed  its  origin,  not  to  Thothmes  III,  as  had 
previously  been  supposed,  but  to  Hatshepsu,  as  the  alterations  in  the  reliefs,  analogous 
to  those  at  Deir  el-Bahari,  clearly  prove  (Temples  of  Lower  Nubia,  Am.  Journ. 
Semit.  Lang.,  Oct.  1906,  p.  14).  Finally,  Mr.  Randal  1-MacIver  has  now  thoroughly 
studied  the  whole  building  and  completely  published  it.  The  only  new  fact  that  has 
transpired  with  regard  to  it  is  the  discovery  of  a  relief,  probably  of  Tirhakah,  showing 
that  this  king  built  one  of  his  uSual  little  additional  chapels  here  as  elsewhere. 

Mr.  Maclver's  new  discoveries  relate  chiefly  to  the  northern  temple,  which  he 
shows  to  be  chiefly  the  work  of  Amenhetep  II,  and  to  the  fortifications,  town-ruins, 
and  tombs  of  the  XII  and  XVIII-XX  Dynasties,  which  he  has  thoroughly  explored. 
The  results  are  of  high  interest.  The  XVIII  Dynasty  fortifications  are  remarkably 
modern  in  trace,  being  quite  a  good  example  of  the  bastioned  style  in  use  in  Europe 
from  about  1600  to  1800  !  They  might  almost  have  been  designed  by  Vauban  or 
Coehorn,  but  that  we  miss  caponiers  and  ravelins  !  The  advance  which  they  show  on 
the  simple  castellated  walls  of  the  XII  Dynasty  (as  we  see  them  in  the  great  fortress 

of  Mirgisse  (Fig.  6)  twelve 
miles  to  the  southward),  is 
remarkable,  and  is  exactly 
parallel  to  the  advance 
made  by  the  Italian  mili- 
tary engineers  of  the  six-' 
teenth  century  on  the  ideas 
of  our  Middle  Ages. 

The  tombs  have  yielded 
various  important  results, 
the  most  important  being 
an  iron  spearhead  from  a 
XII  Dynasty  grave  (about 
2000  B.C.).  This  connects 
the  earlier  sporadic  occur- 
rences of  worked  iron 
already  known  from  Gizeh 
(IV  Dynasty),  and  Abydos 
(VI  Dynasty,  see  MAN, 
1905,  40),  with  the  begin- 
ning of  the  common  use 
a  discovery  of  the  highest  historical  and 
that  of  a  large  quantity 


FlG.   4. — THE  SOTTTHEBN   TEMPLE   OF   BUHEN. 


H.  H. 


of  iron  under  the  XX  Dynasty.  This  is 
anthropological  interest.  Another  considerable  find  is 
of  the  black  or  red  "  base-ring "  pottery,  often  "  punctated "  with  spot,  zigzag,  or 
spiral  designs  in  white,  already  known  from  Tel-el- Yahudiyah.  Khata'anah,  Kahun, 
and  Abydos,  and  dated  to  the  XII-XIII  Dynasty.  It  is  often  found  with  Cretan 
"  Kamares  "  ware  (Middle  Minoan  II),  and  is  certainly  not  Egyptian.  Mr.  Maclver 
seems  doubtfully  to  suggest  a  Nubian  origin  for  it,  but  to  this  conclusion  we  demur  ; 
a  Mediterranean  or  Syrian  source  seems  far  more  probable.  Actual  JEgean  importa- 
tions in  the  shape  of  the  common  Bugelkannen  of  "  late  Minoan  III "  style  have 
been  found  by  Mr.  Maclver  in  the  XVIII-XX  Dynasty  graves  at  Buhen. 

Several  funerary  statues  of  the  XII  and  XVIII  Dynasties  and  a  large  number 
of  funerary  inscriptions  were  found.  The  inscriptions  of  these  are  given  in  full  in 
hieroglyphic  type,  which  seems,  by  the  way,  rather  badly  printed  at  times,  in  great 
contrast  to  the  beautiful  impressions  of  the  Meroitic  type  in  the  Oxford-printed 
volume  of  Mr.  Griffith.  The  translation  of  these  inscriptions  has  been  contributed 

[     78     ] 


1912.] 


MAN. 


[Nos,  40-41. 


H.  H. 

FIG.  5. — THE  EXPLORER'S  HOUSE  AT  BUHEN,  WITH  TOMB-HILL 
IN  BACKGROUND. 


by  Mr.  A.  M.  Blaekman,  who  helped  considerably  in  Mr.  Maclver's  work.  Mr. 
Blackman  should,  by  the  way,  not  translate  the  foreign  ethnic  name  "  Fenkhu," 
mentioned  in  the  long  inscription  of  Thothmes  III  in  the  northern  temple,  as 
"  Phoenicians."  No  proof  has  ever  been  adduced  of  the  identity  of  the  Egyp- 
tian "  Fenkhu "  with  the  Greek  *o/j>i£,  an  idea  which  has  lately  been  revived  by 
Professor  Sethe.  The  Greek  $  was  originally  p-/i,  not  /,  and  [such  an  old  word 

as     Fenkhu,    which    first 

appears  under  the  V 
Dynasty,  and  is  pro- 
bably much  older,  can- 
not possibly  be  identified 
with  a  Greek  word  which 
as  late  as  the  fifth  cen- 
tury B.C.  was  pronounced 
p'hoinix,  as  the  Latin 
form  Pcenus  shows  clearly 
enough.  Were  the  Egyptian  word  phnhu  the  case  would  be  different  (see  Rec. 
Trav.,  XXXIV,  p.  35). 

The  neighbourhood  of  Haifa  is  not  yet  completely  explored.  When  on  a  visit 
to  Mr.  Maclver  there  in  the  early  part  of  1910,  the  present  writer  discussed  -with 
him  the  probable  date  and  character  of  an  interesting  building,  the  remains  of  which 
he  had  found  on  the  west  bank  a  mile  or  two  south  of  the  Buhen  temples.  It 
seemed  to  me  to  be  very  possibly  a  civil  building  of  the  XVIII  Dynasty,  and  since 
it  resembles  somewhat  the  remains  of  the  palace  of  Amenhetep  III  at  Medinet 
Habu  (Thebes),  it  may  be  the  palace  of  the  Prince  of  Rush,  the  Egyptian  Governor- 
General  of  Nubia  and  the  Sudau.  This  building  is  mentioned  by  Mr.  Maclver,  and 
would  probably  repay  excavation.  Captain  Lyons  has  also  pointed  out  the  relics  of 
a  building  on  the  oppo- 
site bank  of  the  river, 
with  a  stairway  going 
down  to  the  water.  So 
there  is  something  yet  to 
be  gleaned  at  Haifa,  in 
spite  of  Mr.  Maclver's 
very  thorough  excavation. 
The  tombs  of  the  conical 
hill  behind  the  explorer's 

house    (r  ig.     5)     consti-  YIQ,  6. — THE  FORTRESS  OF  MIRGISSE. 

tuted    a    discovery  which 

it  is  surprising  was  not  made  by  others  before.  The  plates  of  Buken,  with  photo- 
graphs and  plans,  are  of  the  greatest  value,  and  one  has  rarely  seen  better  publications 
of  archaeological  results.  H.  R.  HALL. 


H.  H. 


America,  North.  Hodge. 

Handbook  of  American  Indians  North  of  Mexico.  Edited  by  F.  W.  Hodge. 
Washington.  Part  I,  1907  ;  Part  II,  1910.  (Bureau  of  American  Ethnology, 
Bulletin  30.)  Pp.  972  and  1221.  Price  $1.50  and  $1.75. 

These  volumes  make  a  much-needed  encyclopaedia  of  the  North  American  Indians 
and  are  indeed  "  a  handbook  of  the  tribes,  embodying,  in  condensed  form,  the  accumu- 
"  lated  information  of  many  years"  (I,  173).  There  is  scarcely  a  phase  of  American 
ethnology  which  is  not  treated  under  a  separate  title,  whether  the  subject  be  a  tribe, 

[     79.-] 


Nos.  41-43.]  MAN.  [1912. 

linguistic  stock,  physical  characteristic,  type  of  material  culture  or  of  social  organisa- 
tion, an  ethnographical  area  or  a  place  name  of  Indian  derivation.  The  volumes 
abound  with  excellent  illustrations  and  with  references  and  bibliographies. 

W.  D.  W. 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL    NOTES. 

Eighteenth  International  Congress  of  Americanists. 

This  congress  will  be  held  at  the  Imperial  Institute,  May  27  to  June  1,  under 
the  auspices  of  the  Royal  Anthropological  Institute,  and  it  is  hoped  that  Fellows 
of  the  latter  will  do  their  best  to  welcome  the  distinguished  foreign  delegates  and 
members.  The  principal  Governments,  Universities,  and  Societies  have  appointed 
delegates,  and  amongst  these  are  Sir  W.  Osier,  Sir  Everard  Im  Thurn,  Prof.  J.  L. 
Myres,  Mr.  H.  Balfour,  Dr.  A.  C.  Haddon,  Prof.  A.  Macalister,  H.I.H.  Prince  Roland 
Bonaparte,  Baron  de  Borchgrave,  Comte  M.  de  Perigny,  and  Drs.  H.  Cordier,  F. 
Heger,  G.  Seler,  S.  Lafone  Quevedo,  F.  Boas,  and  A.  Hrdlicka.  In  addition  to  the 
meetings  for  the  reading  and  discussion  of  papers  there  will  be  an  evening  reception 
at  the  Natural  History  Museum  and  visits  to  Oxford  and  Cambridge.  Other  enter-, 
tainments  and  excursions  are  in  contemplation. 

Of  the  seventy  papers  which  had  been  notified  on  April  10,  some  of  the  most 
interesting  will  be  the  following  : — 'Section  I,  Palceo- Anthropology — Dr.  C.  Peabody, 
"  Archaeological  importance  of  T.  Volk's  work  in  the  Gravels  at  Trenton,  N.  Jersey  "  ; 
Dr.  G.  MacCurdy,  "  Human  Bones  in  Pleistocene  Deposits  near  Cuzco,  Peru  "  ;  Prof. 
G.  Courty,  "  Considerations  generales  sur  le  prehistorique  sud-americain "  ;  Dr. 
Capitan,  "  Le  Paleolithique  en  Amerique  "  ;  Dr.  J.  B.  Ambrosetti,  "  A  Fossil  Skull, 
from  Argentina."  Discussion.  Section  II,  Physical  Anthropology — Dr.  A.  Hrdlicka. 
"  Ethnic  Nature  and  probable  Origin  of  the  American  Aborigines "  ;  Dr.  Chervin, 
"  L'Anthropologie  Bolivienne."  Section  IV,  Ethnology  and  Archaeology — Prof.  M. 
Saville  will  describe  his  latest  discoveries  of  ancient  sites  in  Ecuador,  with  lantern 
slides,  and  there  will  be  fine  illustrations  to  Dr.  E.  Seler's  "  Ruins  of  Uxmal 
Yucatan "  and  its  sculptured  buildings.  Section  V,  General  Ethnology — Waldemar 
Jochelson's  "  Scientific  results  of  the  Ethnological  Section  of  the  Riabouschinsky 
Expedition  of  the  Imperial  Russian  Geographical  Society,"  and  the  "  Ethnographic 
results  of  the  Rondon  Commission  in  Central  Brazil "  are  important  contributions.  The 
sections  of  colonial  history  and  of  linguistics  also  contain  interesting  subjects'.  The 
full  list  can  be  obtained  on  application  to  the  Assistant  Secretary,  50,  Great  Russell 
Street,  London,  W.C.,  and  tickets  for  members  (£1)  and  associates  (10s.)  up  to  May  11. 
There  will  be  an  exhibition  during  the  congress,  at  the  Imperial  Institute,  of  ethno- 
logical and  archaeological  objects,  photographs  of  Central  American  buildings  and 
sculptures,  copies  of  ancient  frescoes  and  coloured  reliefs  from  Yucatan,  and  Herr  A. 
Fric's  latest  collection  from  Southern  Brazil. 


Fourteenth  International  Congress  of  Prehistoric  Anthropology     fl  Q 
and  Archaeology.  T'O 

Owing  to  a  variety  of  circumstances  the  Congress  will  meet  at  Geneva,  instead 
of  at  Dublin  as  originally  arranged,  during  the  first  week  of  September,  1912. 

Professor  Eugene  Pittard  is  making  the  necessary  arrangements  for  the  Congress, 
which  will  include  papers,  scientific  discussions  and  excursions  to  the  sites  of  the 
principal  Swiss  prehistoric  discoveries. 

Full  particulars  about  the  Congress  may  be  obtained  either  from  the  president, 
Professor  E.  Pittard,  72,  Florissant,  Geneva,  or  from  the  general  secretary,  M.  W. 
Deonna,  16,  Boulevard  des  Franchees,  Geneva. 

Printed  by  EYRE  AMD  SPOTTISWOODE,  LTD.,  His  Majesty's  Printers,  East  Harding  Street,  B.C. 

80 


PLATE   F. 


MAN,  1912. 


JOHN    GRAY 


1912.]  MAN.  [No.  44. 

ORIGINAL    ARTICLES. 

Obituary :  Gray.  With  Plate  F.  Yule. 

John   Gray,  B.Sc.    Born  January  9,  1854;  died  April   28,  1912.      />'// 

G.    Udny    Yule. 

The  Institute  has  suffered  a  very  heavy  loss  by  the  death  of  its  treasurer,  John 
Gray.  Elected  a  Fellow  in  1894,  he  took  up  the  burden  of  the  treasurership  in  1904 
at  a  critical  period  in  the  history  of  the  Institute,  and  the  success  which  has  attended 
his  unwearied  efforts  to  place  the  finances  on  a  sound  basis  is  known  to  every 
Fellow  who  has  studied  the  balance  sheets  of  successive  years.  But  only  those  who 
were  intimately  associated  with  his  work  can  know  how  greatly  he  had  the  interests 
of  the  Institute  at  heart,  how  anxiously  he  watched,  and  with  what  pleasure  he 
noted,  its  progress,  and  how  continually  his  thoughts  were  given  to  winning  increased 
scope  for  its  activities  and  recognition  of  its  standing.  He  had  been  for  some  months 
in  poor  health,  and  had  taken  a  short  holiday  abroad  in  the  hopes  of  recruiting  his 
strength.  Not  long  after  his  return,  he  had  been  looking  forward  to  hearing  the 
paper  by  Mr.  Moir  and  Dr.  Keith  on  April  23rd,  but,  feeling  unwell,  returned  home 
in  the  afternoon.  The  illness  proved  to  be  pneumonia,  and  he  passed  away  on 
the  28th. 

John  Gray  was  born  in  1854  at  Strichen,  Aberdeenshire.  His  early  education 
was  received  at  the  Parish  School,  Strichen,  and  subsequently  at  the  Grammar 
School,  Aberdeen.  He  attended  during  the  Winter  Sessions,  1871-2  and  1872-3, 
at  the  University  of  Edinburgh,  studying  under  Fleemiug  Jenkin,  Tait,  Kelland, 
and  Crum  Brown.  His  bent  for  mechanical  subjects  was  then  marked  ;  in  his  first 
session  he  obtained  the  third  prize,  and  in  the  second  the  second  prize,  in  Fleeming 
Jenkin's  class  in  engineering.  In  the  meantime  he  had  been  apprenticed  at  the 
engineering  works  of  Messrs.  McKinnon  &  Co.,  Aberdeen,  a  firm  of  which  his  uncle, 
Mr.  John  Gray,  the  founder  of  the  Aberdeen  School  of  Art,  was  chief  partner,  and 
while  there  he  also  took  up  the  appointment  of  Arnott  Lecturer  in  Physics  at  the 
Mechanics  Institution.  His  passion  for  scientific  work  was  now  too  strong  to  be 
suppressed.  At  the  sacrifice  of  considerable  personal  prospects,  he  decided  to  relinquish 
the  idea  of  making  engineering  his  career,  and  to  endeavour  further  to  pursue  his 
studies.  Entering  the  competition  for  Whitworth  Scholarships  in  1875  he  obtained 
the  first  place  in  the  theoretical  examination  and  the  eighth  in  the  final  competition, 
and  was  awarded  a  Royal  Exhibition  for  study  at  the  Royal  School  of  Mines.  There 
he  studied  for  three  years  under  Judd,  Frankland,  Goodeve,  and  Guthrie,  and  obtained 
the  associateship  of  the  school  in  Metallurgy  in  1878.  During  the  Session  1877-8  he 
appears  also  to  have  attended  again  for  a  time  at  Edinburgh,  and  in  1879  obtained 
the  degree  of  B.Sc.  (Engineering). 

In  1878  he  entered  for  a  Civil  Service  examination  "for  six  clerkships  in  the 
"  Patent  Office,"  came  out  second  in  order  of  merit,  and  entered  the  Office  as  an 
indexing  and  abridging  clerk.  At  the  time  of  his  death  he  held  a  responsible  position 
as  Examiner,  specialising  largely  in  patents  relating  to  electrical  matters.  While  in 
the  latter  years  of  his  life  anthropology  became  the  chief  pursuit  of  his  leisure  hours, 
Gray  never  lost  his  interest  in  matters  electrical.  He  was  a  Fellow  of  the  Physical 
Society  from  1879  to  1905,  and  an  Associate  of  the  Institution  of  Electrical  Engineers 
from  1887  to  1902,  and,  till  Section  H  of  the  British  Association  claimed  his  presence, 
he  was  an  almost  equally  regular  attendant  at  Section  A  (Mathematics  and  Physics). 
For  something  like  twenty  years,  even  up  to  last  year,  he  was  a  regular  and  valued 
contributor  to  the  pages  of  the  Electrical  Review,  and  his  name  is  known  to  many 
students  of  physics  by  his  book  on  Electrical  Influence  Machines,  which,  first  published 
in  1890,  reached  a  second  edition  in  1903. 

[    81     ] 


No.  44.]  MAN,  [1912. 

Gray's  interest  in  anthropology  appears  to  have  been  first  aroused  by  his  love 
for  and  interest  in  his  birthplace  and  his  native  country.  He  published  in  1893  a 
contribution  to  the  Transactions  of  the  Buchan  Field  Club  (Vol.  Ill)  under  the  title 
"Historical  Notes  on  Strichen,"  and  this  was  followed  in  1894  by  a  paper  on  "The 
"  Personal  and  Place  Names  in  the  Book  of  Deer."  In  1895  he  submitted  to  the 
club  a  scheme  for  anthropometric  work,  and  subsequently,  in  association  with  Mr.  J. 
F.  Tocher,  the  secretary  of  the  club,  and  with  the  co-operation  of  other  members, 
carried  out  a  series  of  observations  on  the  inhabitants  of  East  and  West  Aberdeenshire  ; 
the  work  included  a  pigmentation  survey  of  some  14,000  school  children,  while 
pigmentation  data  as  to  several  thousand  adults  and  measurements  of  several  hundreds 
were  also  obtained.  The  results  were  published  in  the  Transactions  of  the  Buchan 
Field  Club  (III,  Aug.  1895  ;  VI,  Jan.  and  Dec.  1901)  and  in  a  joint  memoir  by  Gray 
and  Tocher  in  the  Journal  of  the  Institute  (III  [N.S.],  1900,  p.  104).  In  1899  Gray 
was  elected  president  of  the  club  and  gave  as  his  address  a  paper  on  "  The  Origin  of 
"  the  Picts  and  Scots"  (Transactions,  V,  Dec.  1899).  These  Aberdeenshire  surveys 
led  to  a  wider  scheme.  In  1901  a  proposition  was  made  at  the  British  Association 
for  a  pigmentation  survey  of  the  whole  of  the  school  children  of  Scotland,  but, 
failing  financial  support  from  the  Association,  a  committee  was  formed  consisting  of 
Sir  William  Turner,  Professor  R.  W.  Reid,  Mr.  Gray,  and  Mr.  Tocher,  and  assistance 
obtained  from  the  Royal  Society  Government  Grant  Committee.  Mr.  Tocher  and 
Gray  organised  the  survey,  and  with  the  hearty  co-operation  of  the  school  teachers 
it  proved  a  complete  success.  Gray's  memoir  on  the  results,  illustrated  by  numerous 
maps  showing  the  distribution  of  colours  by  the  method  of  contour  lines,  was  published 
in  the  Journal  of  the  Institute  (XXXVIII,  1907,  p.  375).  He  also  utilised  in  that 
memoir  a  method  devised  by  Professor  Karl  Pearson  for  measuring  the  divergence,  in 
respect  of  hair  colour  or  eye  colour  of  each  district,  from  the  mean — an  immediate 
utilisation  of  a  novel  method  which  was  characteristic  of  the  man. 

The  appointment,  in  1902,  of  the  Committee  of  the  British  Association  on 
Anthropometric  Investigation  in  the  British  Isles  was  mainly  due  to  Gray's  efforts, 
and  he  acted  as  secretary  since  its  appointment ;  the  Final  Report  on  Anthropometric 
Method  was  issued  in  1908,  and  many  of  its  recommendations  have  found  acceptance  not 
only  in  this  country,  but  also  to  a  large  extent  abroad.  A  scheme  for  an  anthropo- 
metric survey  of  the  United  Kingdom  was  laid  before  the  Inter-Departmental  Com- 
mittee of  1903  on  Physical  Deterioration  by  Professor  D.  J.  Cunningham  and  Gray  and 
will  be  found  reprinted  in  the  report  of  that  Committee  (Cd.  2175,  1904,  pp.  102-3), 
who  regarded  it  "  of  the  highest  importance  towards  the  collection  of  authoritative 
"  information  .  .  .  that  the  survey  should  be  undertaken  at  the  earliest  pos- 
"  sible  moment."  (Report,  p.  10.)  For  the  carrying  out  of  such  a  scheme  he 
always  hoped  ;  the  deputation  to  the  late  Sir  Henry  Campbell-Bannerman  from  the 
Anthropological  Institute  and  other  societies,  on  which  he  served,  in  1907  led  to 
promises  of  "  earnest  and  careful  consideration,"  and  the  inclusion  of  anthropometric 
work  in  connection  with  the  medical  inspection  of  school  children  may  have  been 
effected  in  consequence,  but  such  work  is  at  present  almost  wholly  lacking  in 
the  co-ordination  and  direction  which  he  desired. 

Gray's  mechanical  abilities  were  frequently  evidenced  in  his  designs  for  new 
instruments  for  anthropometric  work.  Reference  may  be  made  to  his  paper  on 
"  Cephalometric  Instruments  and  Cephalograms  "  (Journal,  IV  [N.S.],  1901,  p.  41),  to 
his  "Portable  Stature  Meter,"  based  on  the  principle  of  the  lazy-tongs  (MAN,  1900,  90), 
and  to  the  callipers  and  radiometer  mentioned  in  the  report  of  the  British  Associa- 
tion Committee.  The  last  paper  that  he  read  before  the  Institute,  in  December, 
was  descriptive  of  a  new  perigraph,  or  instrument  for  drawing  contour-lines  of  skulls 
or  bones.  His  adaptation  of  the  Lovibond  tintometer  to  the  measurement  of  the 

[  82  ] 


1912.]  MAN.  [Nos.  44-45. 

colour  of  hair,  skin  or  eyes  (MAN,  1908,  27)  deserves  a  wider  recognition  than  it 
has  yet  obtained. 

During  the  last  few  years  he  had  been  greatly  interested  in  developing  a  machine 
for  measuring  the  speed  at  which  an  observer  ceased  to  see  flicker  in  a  revolving  disc 
coloured  in  black-and-white  segments,  or,  in  the  later  and  improved  form,  in  a  revolving 
mirror  reflecting  alternately  white  and  coloured  light.  The  critical  speed  seemed  to 
show  only  slight  variations  for  the  same  observer  at  different  times  (if  care  were  taken 
to  keep  the  illumination  constant)  but  a  great  variation  between  different  individuals, 
and  Gray  concluded  from  his  observations  that  the  critical  speed  in  question  was 
closely  related  to  the  mental  characters  of  the  observer.  He  was  working  on  this 
machine — the  "  intelligence  machine  " — up  to  the  time  of  his  death. 

Of  his  other  papers  during  recent  years  may  be  mentioned  those  which  he  read 
at  British  Association  meetings  on  "  England,  before  the  English"  (MAN,  1906,  93), 
"Who  Built  the  British  Stone  Circles?"  (MAN,  1908,  96),  "An  Imperial  Bureau 
"  of  Anthropology"  (MAN,  1911,  95),  and  the  paper  read  before  the  Institute  on 
"  The  Differences  and  Affinities  of  Palaeolithic  Man  and  the  Anthropoid  Apes " 
(MAN,  1911,  74). 

Gray  was  elected  in  1909  a  Foreign  Associate  of  the  Anthropological  Society 
of  Paris.  He  acted  as  treasurer  of  the  Universal  Races  Congress,  held  last  year, 
and  at  the  time  of  his  death  was  serving  as  assistant  treasurer  of  the  forthcoming 
Congress  of  Americanists. 

He  will  be  greatly  missed  not  only  as  the  untiring  worker  for  the  Institute,  as 
the  protagonist  for  physical  anthropology,  but  also  by  many  of  us  as  one  of  the  best 
of  friends.  He  was  a  man  whom  it  always  cheered  one  to  see,  and  to  argue  with 
him  was  a  delight,  as  his  simple  and  upright  character  left  no  room  for  bitterness. 
The  deepest  sympathy  will  be  felt  by  all  his  friends  for  the  widow  and  daughter 
who  survive  him.  G.  UDNY  YULE. 


America,  North- West.  Barbeau. 

The  Bearing  of  the  Heraldry  of  the  Indians  of  the  North-West  J  (J 
Coast  of  America  upon  their  Social  Organisation.  Read  at  the  Hd 
Meeting  of  the  British  Association,  September  6th,  1911.  By  C.  M.  Barbeau^  of  the 
Canadian  Geological  Survey. 

The  plastic  and  pictorial  art  of  the  Indians  of  the  north-west  coast  being  well 
known,  it  may  prove  interesting  to  give  an  outline  of  the  relations  between  the  social 
organisation  of  these  aborigines  and  a  characteristic  class  of  carvings  and  paintings 
meant  to  represent  mythical  animals,  human  beings,  and  monsters. 

I  shall  refrain  from  referring  to  the  facts  as  actually  described  by  the  ethno- 
graphers, and  shall  confine  myself  to  a  summary  description — first,  of  a  few  typical 
kinds  of  social  groupings  to  be  found  among  these  Indians  ;  second,  of  the  right 
claimed  by  these  social  units  to  the  exclusive  use  of  distinctive  crests,  emblems,  or 
armorial  bearings  handed  down  in  a  traditional  way  from  generation  to  generation  ; 
third,  of  the  peculiar  devices  adopted  by  the  privileged  owners  of  these  emblems 
and  names  connected  therewith  in  order  to  bring  about  the  normal  working  of  a  well- 
established  and  consistent  system  of  social  organization,  based  upon  the  requirements 
of  a  semi-nomadic  mode  of  life. 

As  a  preliminary  remark,  it  may  be  added  that  though  the  culture  of  the  north- 
west coast  presents  some  features  to  be  found  in  the  many  ethnic  groups  of  the 
region,  it  is  by  no  means  uniform.  The  Tlingit,  the  Haida  and  Kaigani,  the  Tsim- 
shian,  the  Heiltsuq,  and  the  northern  Kwakiutl,  on  the  one  hand,  may  be  taken  as 
forming  a  fairly  homogeneous  group.  On  the  other  hand,  the  southern  Kwakiutl,  the 

[  83  J 


No.  45.]  MAN.  [1912. 

Nootka,   and    the  coast    and  interior  Salish  constitute   another  group,  representing  a 
slightly  different  cultural  type. 

I  shall  call  attention  almost  exclusively  to  the  first  of  these  two  groups  of 
people,  that  is,  the  one  consisting  of  the  Tlingit,  the  Haida,  the  Tsimshian,  and  the 
northern  Kwakiutl,  indulging  only  in  a  few  passing  references  to  the  southern  group. 

A  FEW  TYPICAL  KINDS  OP  SOCIAL  UNIT  OBTAINING  AMONG  THE  INDIANS 

OF  THE  PACIFIC  COAST. 

The  social  organisation  of  the  tribes  of  the  Pacific  coast  may  be  considered  under 
two  different  aspects,  one  of  which  is  that  relating  to  the  ethnology  of  the  natives 
— that  is,  to  the  geographical  distribution  of  groups  of  tribes  respectively  characterised 
by  different  physical  types,  cultures,  and  languages. 

The  other  point  of  view,  which  I  intend  to  adopt  presently,  confines  itself 
exclusively  to  the  analysis  of  the  internal  structure  of  their  social  units  or  groupings, 
as  based  upon  a  recognised  form  of  kinship  or  of  selection,  irrespective  of  any 
geographical,  linguistic,  and  ethnic  considerations. 

The  social  units  of  by  far  the  greatest  importance  among  the  northern  tribes  of 
the  coast  are  characterised  by  the  linear  inheritance  of  their  membership,  and  the  ties 
uniting  together  the  members  of  a  single  grouping  or  unit  are,  roughly  speaking,  of 
the  nature  of  a  conventional  kinship.  The  many  varieties  of  these  rather  numerous 
kin-groups  may  be  classified  according  to  their  antiquity,  the  extent  of  their  member- 
ship, and  their  influence. 

A  most  remarkable  variety  of  social  units,  owing  to  its  all-pervading  importance 
in  matters  of  domestic  and  political  life,  may  be  found  only  among  the  northern  tribes, 
that  is  among  the  Tlingit,  the  Haida,  the  Tsimshian,  the  Heiltsuq,  and  the  northern 
Kwakiutl.  To  this  variety  of  social  unit  has  been  applied  the  name  of  phratry. 

The  phratries  are  rather  few  in  number.  The  Tlingit  people  are  divided  into  two 
main  phratries,  the  more  important  of  which  is  that  of  the  Raven,  while  the  other  is 
that  of  the  Wolf  ;  another  Tlingit  phratry  of  lesser  importance  and  obtaining  only 
among  their  southern  tribes  is  that  of  the  Eagle. 

The  Haida  have  two  phratries — the  Gyi'tina  and  the  Koa'la.  The  significance  of 
these  two  terms  has  not  been  quite  satisfactorily  determined  so  far,  although  many 
ethnographers  hold  that  the  Gyi'tina  phratry  is  that  of  the  Eagle,  and  that  the 
Koa'la  is  that  of  the  Raven. 

The  Tsimshian  have  four  phratries,  named  after  the  Raven,  the  Eagle,  the  Wolf, 
and  the  Bear.  The  Heiltsuq  have  three  phratries,  those  of  the  Raven,  of  the  Eagle, 
and  of  the  Killer-whale  (Delphinus  orca). 

These  are  the  main  phratries  of  the  north-west  coast.  It  is  worth  noticing  that 
the  Raven  phratry,  the  largest  and  probably  the  most  ancient,  obtains  among  the 
Tlingit,  the  Tsimshian,  the  Haida,  and  the  Heiltsuq.  While  being  the  principal 
and  most  powerful  phratry  among  the  Tlingit,  it  is  only  secondary  in  importance 
among  the  Haida.  In  the  same  manner,  while  the  Eagle  phratry  (Gyi'tina)  is  the 
most  important  among  the  Haida,  it  comes  only  third  among  the  Tlingit. 

Although  space  forbids  any  attempt  at  a  thorough  description  of  the  nature  of 
the  phratries,  it  may  be  stated  briefly  that  they  are  very  numerous  aggregates  of 
peoples  scattered  over  a  wide  area,  bound  together  by  a  tie  of  semi-artificial  kinship, 
and  using  in  common  the  same  distinctive  emblem,  crest,  or  armorial  bearings. 

The  members  of  the  phratries  as  such  are,  on  the  one  hand,  held  responsible 
in  common  for  the  fulfilment  of  certain  obligations  towards  the  members  of  one  or 
more  than  one  phratry  ;  and,  on  the  other  hand,  are  expected  to  claim  together  the 
fulfilment  of  analogous  duties  and  obligations  on  the  part  of  those  outstanding 

[  84  ] 


1912.]  MAN.  [No.  45. 

phratries  ;  both  parties  having  previously  made  an  arrangement  whereby  it  was  under- 
stood that  henceforward  they  should  respectively  carry  out  the  mutually  beneficent 
results  of  their  initial  compact. 

The  obligations  and  correlative  advantages  following  such  a  mutual  under- 
standing are  quite  numerous  and  complex.  The  member  of  a  phratry,  as  such,  is 
compelled  to  depend  upon  the  members  of  another  allied  phratry  in  connection  with 
many  important  circumstances  and  transactions,  namely  : — 

(a)  Certain  transactions  of  economic  concern,  as  exchanges  of  movable  property, 
loans,  with  interest,  gifts,  &c.,  may  be  entered  upon  only  with  the  members  of  the 
other  opposite  phratry  ; 

(6)  In  many  circumstances  of  great  moment  in  the  social  life  of  the  natives,  such 
as  birth,  initiation,  marriage,  the  erection  of  a  house,  and  burial,  the  assistance  of  the 
allied  phratry  has  to  be  solicited  and  paid  for  ; 

(c)  One  of  the  noted  consequences  of  the  alliance  between  two  or  many  phratries 
is  that  one  may  never  marry  inside  of  one's  own  phratry  ;  that,  in  other  words,  the 
phratry  is  exogamous. 

When  one  of  the  parties  turns  out  not  to  fulfil  its  duties  towards  another,  war 
generally  follows  (that  is  before  the  whites  interfered)  ;  and  the  members  of  the  same 
phratry  stand  together,  either  being  held  responsible  in  common  for  a  wrong  done, 
or  vindicating  the  same  transgressed  right.  This  solidarity  between  all  the  members 
of  the  same  phratry,  even  though  they  may  be  living  in  far  distant  regions,  asserts 
itself  very  markedly,  especially  in  the  case  of  war  between  two  phratries  ;  so  much 
so  that  the  marital  tie  itself  may  temporarily  be  dissolved,  the  wife  joining  the 
people  of  her  own  phratry  with  her  children,  while  the  husband  stands  by  the  people 
of  his  own  phratry. 

It  is  all-important  for  a  native  to  be  a  member  of  a  phratry,  as  it  is  the  only 
means  of  sharing  in  the  communal  rights,  and  in  the  public  and  domestic  life  of  the 
aborigines. 

Another  variety  of  kin-group,  only  next  to  the  phratries  in  importance,  consists 
in  the  subdivision  of  the  phratries  into  smaller  units  of  the  same  nature.  To  the 
kin-group  of  this  variety  is  properly  applied  the  term  clan. 

The  clan,  as  a  subdivision  of  a  phratry,  is  an  aggregate  of  individuals  who, 
besides  sharing  in  the  communal  phratric  emblem  and  rights  with  the  other  clans  of 
the  same  phratry,  claims  the  exclusive  use  of  a  special  and  distinctive  emblem  and 
rights  connected  therewith. 

The  individuals  of  a  clan,  while  bound  to  those  of  the  other  clans  of  the  same 
phratry  by  ties  of  special  affinity,  consider  themselves  as  still  more  closely  associated 
together. 

The  number  of  clans  inside  of  the  Tlingit  and  Haida  phratries  ranges  from  ten  to 
twenty  or  thereabouts.  The  Koa'la  phratry  of  the  Haida,  for  instance,  is  divided  into 
about  nineteen  clans,  having  as  many  distinctive  crests  or  emblems.  The  Gyi'tina 
(or  Eagle)  phratry  of  the  same  tribes  includes  no  less  than  fifteen  clans. 

It  should  be  remembered  that  the  size  and  the  importance  of  all  the  clans,  as 
well  as  of  the  phratries,  are  by  no  means  even.  This  point  may  be  illustrated  in  the 
course  of  a  short  analysis  of  the  Gyi'tina  phratry  of  the  Haida,  in  which  about 
fifteen  distinct  social  groups  are  to  be  found.  The  fifteen  social  units  enjoy  in  common 
the  use  of  the  Eagle  crest,  the  Eagle  being  the  emblem  of  the  phratry.  Twelve  of 
these  groups  use  the  Beaver  as  an  emblem,  nine  the  Frog,  seven  the  Whale,  five  the 
Raven,  three  the  Humming  Bird,  three  the  Cormorant,  two  the  Dog  Fish,  three  the 
Monster  Wasp,  two  the  Heron,  two  the  Dragon  Fly,  three  Copper,  three  the  Weasel, 
one  the  Blue  Hawk.  In  other  words,  the  phratry  is  split  up  into  many  smaller  kin 
units  of  different  sizes,  called  clans.  The  clans  in  their  turn  are  subdivided  into  families, 

[  83  ] 


No.  45.]  MAN.  [1912. 

and  the  families  into  house-groups,  each  one  of  these  separate  units  claiming  crests 
for  their  own  exclusive  use. 

The  only  sources  of  the  right  of  securing  membership  in  a  phratry,  a  clan,  and 
a  family,  are  birth  and  linear  inheritance,  and  also  occasionally  adoption  of  a  non- 
kinsman  into  the  kin-group  as  a  substitute  for  a  real  kinsman. 

The  right  of  membership  in  any  of  these  social  units  is  inherited  in  the  maternal 
line,  which  is  to  say  that  the  children  belong  to  the  mother's  phratry,  clan,  and  family. 
In  other  words,  the  children,  being  considered  as  mere  strangers  by  their  real  fathers, 
may  never  inherit  a  phratry,  clan,  and  family  designation  and  rights  from  them  :  a 
natural  consequence  of  which  is  that  early  in  life  the  children  are  sent  out  to  reside 
and  be  educated  by  the  maternal  uncles,  their  real  fathers  attending  to  the  training  of 
their  own  sister's  children.  This  form  of  inheritance  obtains  almost  exclusively  among 
the  Haida,  the  Tlingit,  the  Tsimshian,  and,  apparently,  the  Heiltsuq. 

The  customs  of  the  Kwakiutl  relating  to  the  inheritance  of  the  right  of  becoming 
member  of  a  kin-group  are  much  more  complex.  The  matrilinear  and  patrilinear 
systems,  co-exist,  but  only  inasmuch  as  certain  rights  are  inherited  through  the  mother, 
while  certain  others  devolve  through  the  father. 

The  right  of  using  certain  crests,  moreover,  may  be  secured  among  the  Kwakiutl 
through  the  slaying  of  their  legitimate  owners  in  war,  or  through  the  lawful  murder  of 
one's  own  tribesman  in  a  very  few  special  circumstances. 

This  complex  system  of  inheritance  obtaining  among  the  Kwakiutl  and  a  few 
other  southern  tribes  is  found  co-existing  with  a  social  organisation  somewhat  different 
from  that  of  the  northern  tribes. 

The  existence  of  the  phratries  and  clans,  however,  being  dependent  upon  the  law 
of  inheritance  through  the  mother,  as  soon  as  the  matrilinear  system  of  inheritance 
is  dropped,  it  is  all  over  with  the  phratries  and  the  clans.  It  is  worth  noting  in 
this  connection  that  the  Southern  Kwakiutl,  the  Nootka,  and  most  of  the  Salish  tribes, 
while  resorting  to  the  more  complex  inheritance  of  the  kin-group  designations  through 
the  mother  or  through  the  father,  show  at  best  but  faint  and  sporadic  vestiges  of  a 
real  clan-organisation. 

The  most  conspicuous  feature  of  the  social  morphology  of  the  Kwakiutl,  and  also 
of  that  of  the  Nootka  and  the  Coast  Salish,  consists  in  the  abnornal  development  of 
the  fraternities,  generally  termed  secret  societies  by  the  ethnographers. 

The  Kwakiutl  social  morphology  is  worth  a  special  mention  here  in  this  con- 
nection. The  Kwakiutl  proper  have  two  different  ways  of  grouping  themselves,  one  of 
which  prevails  during  the  summer  time  aud  the  other  during  the  winter  ceremonials. 
In  the  summer  time  all  the  people  are  arranged  into  clans,  but  these  groupings  are 
broken  up  in  the  winter,  when  the  people  arrange  themselves  quite  differently  under 
two  large  fraternities,  the  first  of  which  is  called  Me'emqoat  (the  Seals),  and  the 
second  Quequtsa.  The  Me'emqoat  and  the  Quequtsa  fraternities  are  subdivided  into 
many  smaller  fraternities,  known  by  various  names. 

This  double  social  morphology,  the  one  obtaining  during  the  summer  and  the 
other  during  the  winter,  is  characteristic  among  all  the  Kwakiutl  tribes,  and,  to  a 
lesser  extent,  among  the  Kwakiutl  and  the  Salish  tribes.  It  is  also  found  that  the 
individuals  that  are  grouped  together  into  one  single  clan  during  the  summer  gene- 
rally turn  out  to  belong  to  various  fraternities  during  the  winter,  quite  regardless  of 
their  clan  connection.  This  is  due  to  the  fact  that,  while  among  these  Indians  the 
child  may  belong  either  to  the  clan  of  his  mother  or  of  his  father,  his  right  of 
admission  into  a  fraternity  may  not  only  be  inherited  from  his  parents,  but  is  often 
secured  by  a  payment,  or  by  many  other  legitimate  means. 

The  numerous  fraternities  of  southern  British  Columbia  are  far  from  being 
homogeneous  in  character  and  purpose.  A  few  are  mainly  concerned  with  ritual  dances, 

[  86  ] 


1912.]  MAN.  [No.  45. 

dramatic  performances,  and  potlatches  :  others  are  societies  into  which  medicine-men 
initiate  their  patients  with  a  view  to  healing  their  maladies  ;  others  seem  to  be  guilds 
of  sorcerers,  addicted  to  the  practice  of  certain  arts. 

It  is  evident  that,  in  the  case  of  all  such  fraternities,  the  bond  uniting  together 
their  members  must  be  relatively  loose  and  artificial. 

Now  that  an  outline  of  the  various  kinds  of  social  units  has  been  traced,  we 
may  proceed  to  a  short  explanation  of  their  heraldry,  that  is,  of  the  specific  crests, 
emblems,  or  armorial  bearings  and  masks,  to  the  exclusive  use  of  which  they  claim 
a  well-established  right. 

All  the  social  units  above  described,  namely,  the  phratries,  the  clans,  the  families, 
and  the  fraternities,  consider  themselves  as  closely  related  to  certain  mythical  animals 
aud  monsters,  after  which  they  are  named. 

The  nature  of  this  relation  between  a  group  of  men  and  a  species  of  animal — 
a  monster  or  an  object — although  of  momentous  importance  on  account  of  its  great 
influence  over  the  social  psychology  of  these  Indians,  and  of  the  close  attention  paid 
to  it  by  many  leading  anthropologists,  cannot  satisfactorily  be  discussed  here,  owing 
to  lack  of  space. 

It  may  be  pointed  out,  however,  that  the  connection  between  a  social  unit  and 
a  species  of  animal  resembles  that  relation  between  a  noble  lineage  and  a  domain 
which,  after  the  mediaeval  European  notions,  was  considered  as  essential.  In  Western 
Europe  no  noble  could  •  be  found  without  an  untransferable  domain  after  which  he 
was  named.  This  connection  between  a  lineage,  endowed  with  armorial  bearings,  and 
the  land  was  partly  of  economic  import,  as  the  lord  had  a  privilege  over  the  pastoral 
and  agricultural  resources  of  his  land. 

The  north-west  coast  Indian,  who  is  endowed  with  the  privilege  of  using  a  crest 
is  considered  as  closely  related  to  the  object  represented  by  his  crest. 

The  main  difference  between  these  two  systems  is  that  while,  in  the  former,  the 
lineage  is  attached  to  the  land,  the  mode  of  life  being  of  an  agricultural  type  ;  in  the 
latter,  it  is  connected  mostly  with  animals,  as  the  north-west  coast  Indians  are  semi- 
nomadic  hunters,  engaged  in  fishing  during  the  summer  and  hunting  during  the  winter. 
Taking  it  for  granted  that  a  close  relation  exists,  in  the  mind  of  the  natives,  between 
the  animal  or  the  object  represented  by  the  crest  and  the  people  using  this  as  their 
distinctive  badge,  we  may  proceed  briefly  to  examine  the  nature  of  the  crest  and 
its  use. 

The  crest  of  the  north-west  coast  Indians  is  a  plastic  aud  pictorial  representation 
of  the  animal  or  object  after  which  they  are  named,  and  through  which  they  are 
connected  together  by  ties  of  special  affinity. 

Among  the  northern  tribes  the  best-known  crests  are  those  of  the  phratries  and 
of  the  largest  clans. 

As  all  the  families  of  standing,  that  belong  to  the  same  phratry  and  are  dis- 
seminated over  a  vast  territory,  make  use  of  the  same  phratric  crest,  it  is  self-evident 
that  such  a  crest  must  be  well  known  to  all,  and  often  met.  This  is  also  true, 
but  to  a  lesser  extent,  of  the  clan  and  family  crests.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  the 
explorer  of  the  north-west  coast  soon  becomes  familiar  with  the  Raven,  the  Wolf, 
the  Eagle,  the  Bear,  the  Killer-whale,  the  Thunder-bird,  and  other  social  groups 
and  crests. 

The  use  of  a  crest  is  manifold.  The  noblest  and  wealthiest  families  in  a  phratry 
or  in  a  clan  make  a  most  frequent  use  of  it,  alike  in  the  form  of  masks,  sculptures, 
high  or  low  relief  carvings,  tattooing,  and  decorative  paintings.  A  chief  himself,  in 
some  cases,  wears  on  his  head,  or  over  his  face,  the  mask  representing  his  phratric, 
clan,  or  family  crest.  This  is  done  mostly  in  the  course  of  ceremonies  intended  to 
represent,  ritually  or  theatrically,  the  myth  explaining  the  adventures  of  a  remote 

[     87     ] 


No.  45.]  MAN.  [1912. 

ancestor  who  was  the  first  to  use  it.  In  some  other  cases  an  expert  is  hired  to  wear 
the  mask  in  the  stead  of  its  real  owner.  These  masks  are  considered  as  sacred 
possessions,  and  may  never  be  worn  or  shown  outside  of  the  ritualistic  performances. 
In  old  days  an  intruder  would  have  encountered  a  speedy  death  for  having  violated 
this  taboo. 

The  heraldic  emblems  of  the  phratry,  clan,  or  family  are  often  painted  on  the 
houses  and  objects  of  their  owners.  For  instance,  the  posts  erected  in  front  of  the 
houses,  the  xiprights  and  the  walls  of  the  houses,  the  chests  and  boxes,  the  coffins, 
the  many  objects  used  in  the  course  of  ceremonial  rituals,  are  carved  and  painted 
with  the  distinctive  heraldic  bearings  of  their  owner.  The  Haida  and  the  Tsimshian, 
more  especially,  paint  and  tattoo  them  on  their  bodies. 

One  is  not  far  from  the  truth  in  saying  that  almost  all  the  plastic  and  pictorial 
art  of  the  Tlingit,  the  Haida,  and  Tsimshian  is  utilitarian,  in  the  sense  that  it  is 
intended  to  refer  to  the  heraldry  of  the  people.  Any  other  purpose  or  result  is  only 
secondary. 

It  is  also  to  be  remembered  that,  as  they  are  illustrative  o.f  a  myth  and  of 
social  group -affinities,  these  representations  of  animals  or  of  objects  must  be  con- 
ventional and  stylised,  and  that  very  rigid  rules  crush  down  the  originality  of  the 
individual  artists. 

Nobody  outside  of  the  kin  is  allowed  to  use  its  armorial  bearings.  This  rule 
is  universal  and  without  exception  among  the  northern  tribes.  In  old  days  war  was 
waged  against  anyone  who  had  appropriated  to  himself  such  sacred  possessions. 

The  crests  generally  held  in  the  highest  esteem  are  the  most  ancient.  It  is, 
nevertheless,  deemed  necessary  that  their  credit  should  be  maintained  at  the  cost 
of  feasts  given  by  their  owners  to  the  people  of  the  other  phratries  or  clans,  who 
are  thus  assembled  and  rewarded  for  proclaiming  the  munificence  of  their  hosts. 

The  esteem  granted  to  a  crest  seems  also  to  be  proportionate  to  the  number 
and  wealth  of  the  people  who  own  it,  which  implies  that  general  recognition  and 
respect  may  be  won  for  a  crest  only  in  the  course  of  a  long  historical  evolution. 
New  crests,  however,  may  originate  in  feasts  (called  potlatches)  and  be  appropriated 
by  a  group  of  people.  Such  crests  must  not  refer  to  animals  or  objects  already 
represented  in  the  crests  of  other  people,  and  they  are  generally  held  in  but 
little  consideration. 

The  crests  of  the  fraternities  of  Southern  British  Columbia  are  somewhat 
different  in  character  from  those  of  the  phratries,  clans,  and  families.  As  they 
generally  reveal  themselves  under  the  form  of  masks  and  ornamental  paraphernalia, 
to  be  used  only  in  the  course  of  the  fraternity  gatherings  and  ceremonials,  they 
are  tabooed  and  kept  in  strict  secrecy  apart  from  these  occasions. 

I  regret  that,  since  the  description  of  the  social  units  and  their  armorial  bearings 
has  disposed  of  most  of  my  space,  I  shall  not  be  able  here  to  deal  satisfactorily 
with  some  of  the  peculiar  devices  adopted  by  the  owners  of  crests  in  order  to  secure 
the  maintenance  of  their  own  privileges. 

The  phratries,  the  clans,  and  the  families  should  not  be  considered  as  amorphous 
aggregates  of  individuals.  On  the  contrary,  they  are  highly  differentiated. 

A  phratry  consists  of  a  certain  number  of  clans  of  different  social  standing,  a 
few  of  which  are  considered  .of  high  standing,  while  some  others  are  awarded  a 
lower  rank.  In  the  sa,me  manner  a  clan  is  subdivided  into  families,  only  a  few  of 
which  are  considered  as  noble.  A  family  itself  is  arranged  in  a  similar  hierarchy, 
a  few  of  the  house-groups  of  the  family  being  those  of  the  chiefs  and  dignitaries. 

As  a  rule  the  largest  and  wealthiest  social  units  are  likely  to  be  the  most 
ancient.  The  rank  and  the  dignity  of  these  groups,  however,  are  not  exclusively 
dependent  upon  these  considerations,  and  are  hence  subject  to  certain  fluctuations. 

[    88    ] 


1912,]  MAN.  [No.  45. 

The  consideration  and  esteem  of  the  public  may  be  won  by  a  large  and  wealthy 
body  of  kinsmen,  who  can  afford  repeatedly  to  give  feasts  to  numerous  guests,  both 
from  inside  and  outside  of  the  kin.  The  guests,  as  they  are  assembled  to  witness 
the  munificence  and  power  of  display  of  their  hosts,  are  expected  to  return  the 
compliment  in  the  same  proportion  at  some  later  time. 

The  keen  desire  to  improve  the  rank  and  standing  of  one's  own  social  grouping 
is  the  main  feature  of  the  festivals  and  potlatches  of  the  natives  along  the  Pacific 
coast.  An  intense  rivalry  between  corresponding  classes  follows,  a  result  of  which 
is  that  those  families  most  skilful  in  the  pursuit  of  wealth  and  in  the  exhibition 
of  lavish  liberality  are  likely  to  ascend  more  rapidly  than  others  in  the  scale  of 
social  eminence. 

While  striving  for  advancement,  these  families  have  developed  quite  remarkable 
means  of  acquiring  wealth  and  of  making  skilful  displays  of  ability,  in  the  course  of 
theatrical  performances  and  dances,  intended  publicly  to  proclaim  their  own  powere 
and  glory. 

Their  power  of  gathering  wealth  depends  largely  upon  the  co-operation  of  certain 
privileged  folk,  who  monopolise  the  hunt  of  certain  animals  for  their  own  benefit, 
while  the  liberty  of  the  lower  classes,  in  this  respect,  is  restricted  by  rigid  and 
traditional  taboos,  the  importance  of  which  is  enhanced  by  superstitious  fears,  skilfully 
maintained  by  the  privileged  classes. 

The  privileges  of  the  noble  classes,  in  the  phratries,  clans,  and  families,  are 
handed  down  from  one  generation  to  another  along  the  above  -  described  lines  of 
matrilineal  or  patrilineal  inheritance.  A  consequence  of  this  is  that  the  youngei 
people,  called  to  take  up  this  patrimony  of  their  elders,  are  submitted  to  a  long  and 
arduous  training,  in  the  course  of  which  they  become  accomplished  in  many  utilitarian 
arts  and  practices.  During  many  successive  initiations  their  elders  teach  them  the 
secret  arts  and  devices  by  means  of  which  their  prestige  over  the  outsiders  and 
the  lower  classes  will  be  maintained. 

I  may  conveniently  end  my  remarks  on  the  North-west  Coast  Indians  by 
mentioning  a  few  of  the  devices  through  which  the  chiefs,  for  their  own  advantage, 
inculcate  in  their  subordinates  weird  beliefs  and  superstitious  fears. 

In  a  winter  feast  and  ceremonial  numerous  guests,  both  from  inside  and  outside 
of  the  family,  are  gathered  in  the  ceremonial  house  of  the  chief  of  a  group  of  people. 
The  guests  are  entertained  and  fed  for  days  and  weeks  with  as  lavish  munificence  as 
can  be  afforded.  Most  of  the  time  during  such  a  feast  is  taken  up  by  dances,  songs, 
and  dramatic  performances  attesting  the  glory  of  the  ancestors  of  the  host.  Theatrical 
performances,  with  elaborate  features,  are  often  introduced.  Some  of  these  theatricals 
are  meant  to  show  in  a  vivid  manner  how  the  ancestor  secured  his  crest,  and  the 
powers  connected  therewith,  from  a  mythical  being. 

During  other  ceremonials  a  chief's  sons  are  initiated.  Monsters,  that  is  the  chief 
and  his  assistants  ceremonially  dressed  and  masked  with  the  evident  purpose  of 
imitating  the  mythical  being  represented  by  his  crest,  appear  before  the  people,  are 
supposed  to  kill  the  novices,  and  bring  them  away  into  the  woods.  The  novices 
are  kept  in  strict  seclusion  for  many  days  while  the  secrets  of  their  elders  are  revealed 
to  them.  When,  later,  they  reappear  before  the  public  they  are  said  to  have  learned 
wonderful  secrets  and  to  have  acquired  magical  powers.  They  are,  thereafter, 
considered  as  enjoying  a  higher  standing. 

It  is  interesting  to  note  that  the  origin  of  all  the  crests  representing  animals  or 
objects  is  explained  nearly  in  the  same  way  all  along  the  coast.  It  generally 
consists  in  relating  that  the  ancestor  met  a  mythical  being,  or  monster,  by  whom  he 
was  given  magical  secrets,  powers,  and  sacred  objects,  which  thereafter  remained  in 
his  own  or  in  his  successor's  possession. 

[     89     ] 


Nos.  45-46.]  MAN.  [1912. 

I  may  cite  here  two  typical  instances  of  theatrical  displays  connected  with  myths 
and  initiations. 

A.  P.  Niblack  relates  {Report  of  the  National  Museum  of  U.S.,  1888,  p.  377,  and 
plate  Ixiii)  that  Shake,  a  Tlingit  chief  of  Fort  Wrangell,  Alaska,  traced  his  descent 
from  the  Bear,  and  used  the  Bear  as  a  crest.  Niblack,  having  witnessed  the  dramatic 
performances  intended  to  represent  this  myth  of  descent,  describes  it  in  the  following 
terms  :  "  The  figure  of  the  Bear  (plate  Ixiii)  is  a  manikin  of  a  grizzly  (bear)  with 
"  a  man  inside  it.  The  skin  was  obtained  up  the  Stikine  River  .  .  .  and  has 
"  been  an  inheritance  in  Shake's  family  for  several  generations.  The  eyes,  lips,  ear 
"  lining,  and  paws  are  of  copper,  and  the  jaws  are  capable  of  being  worked.  A 
"  certain  screen  in  one  corner  being  dropped,  the  singing  of  a  chorus  suddenly  ceased, 
"  and  the  principal  man,  dressed  as  shown,  with  baton  in  his  hand,  narrated  in  a  set 
"  speech  the  story  of  how  an  ancestor  of  Shake  rescued  the  bear  from  drowning  in 
"  the  great  floods  of  years  ago,  and  how  ever  since  there  had  been  an  alliance 
"  between  Shake's  descendants  and  the  bear.  This  narration,  lasting  some  ten 
"  minutes,  was  interrupted  by  frequent  nods  of  approval  by  the  bear  when  appealed 
"  to,  and  by  the  murmurs  and  applause  of  the  audience."  Niblack  adds  :  "  In  these 
"  various  representations  all  sorts  of  tricks  are  practised  to  impose  on  the  credulous, 
"  and  to  lend  solemnity  and  reality  to  the  narration  of  the  totemic  legends." 

Another  remarkable  instance  has  been  recorded  by  J.  R.  Swanton  (Jesup  North 
Pacific  Expedition,  Vol.  V,  p.  160).  It  relates  the  story  of  a  Black  Whale  which 
was  made  of  wood  by  two  Haida  carpenters  of  Queen  Charlotte  Islands.  When 
completed  the  wooden  whale  was  taken  to  the  sea. 

I  will  now  quote  fragments  taken  out  of  Swanton's  text :  "  It  was  a  big  thing." 
"  Then  the  ten  novices  entered  it."  "  Animal  skins  were  put  around  the  outside." 
"  It  jumped  about  very  well."  As  they  were  very  much  pleased  with  it  "  they  made 
"  it  go  back  towards  the  town."  A  man  was  put  on  its  back.  "  When  the  whale 
"  came  out  blowing  the  man  sat  on  top."  "  Then  all  the  town  people  came  out  and 
"  looked  at  it.  They  thought  it  was  a  supernatural  being.  They  exclaimed  that  it 
"  was  the  Sea  Whale "  (that  is  the  whale  that  belongs  to  the  Ocean  People). 
Unfortunately  it  was  wrecked  and  the  novices  were  drowned.  C.  M.  BARBEAU. 


Africa:  Congo.  Maes. 

Xylophone  des  Bakuba.  Par  Dr.  J.  Maes.  if* 

Dans  le  courant  de  1'annee  1910  M.  Gustin,  mort  recemment  a  Pania-  «U 
Mutombo,  recu  d'llonga  Kitenge,  chef  des  Bakuba  etablis,  au  nord-ouest  de  Lusambo, 
une  serie  d'objets  ethnographiques  dont  il  fit  don  au  Musee  de  Congo  Beige,  Tervueren. 

Parmi  les  pieces  les  plus  interessantes  de  cette  belle  collection  nous  remarquons 
specialement  un  xylophone.  Nom  indigene  madimba.  (R.G.  No.  4728.  R.  JI.  D. 
a  No.  10.) 

Celui-ci  se  compose  d'une  forte  tige  de  rotang,  longue  de  1'60  m.  et  recourbee 
en  forme  de  demi  rectangle  aux  coins  arrondis.  Deux  sections  d'un  gros  petiole  d'une 
feuille  de  bambou,  sont  fixees  transversalement  au  moyen  d'une  laniere  de  rotang  sur 
les  branches  laterales  de  la  tige  de  rotaug.  Deux  lattes  en  bois  rougeatre  genre 
takuba,  placees  perpendiculairement  au  dessus  des  petioles,  sont  reliees  aux  branches 
de  la  tige  de  rotang  a  Faide  d'un  lacis  en  lauieres  de  rotang.  Deux  longues  baguettes 
d'un  bois  rouge-brun,  placees  a  17  cm.  1'une  de  1'autre  et  courant  parallelement  aux 
deux  sections  du  petiole,  de  1'une  extremite  du  xylophone  a  1'autre,  sont  fixees  de 
part  et  d'autre  dans  ce  lacis.  La  surface  superieure  des  petioles  est  recouverte  sur 
toute  la  longueur  d'un  bourrelet  isolateur  forme  d'une  touflfe  de  fibres  de  bananier 
tordue,  prise  dans  une  gaine  de  peau  d'antilope.  Treize  baguettes,  longues  de  40  a 
45  cm.,  placees  de  12  a  12  cm.,  s'engagent  entre  la  surface  superieure  du  petiole  et 

I  90  ] 


1912.] 


MAN. 


[No.  46. 


SCHlSMATIQUE    DU    D^VELOPPEMENT    DBS    XYLOPHONES    DU    CONGO    BELOE 

D'APRES  LES  DOCUMENTS  DU  MUSE'E  DU  CONGO,  TERVUEKEN. 

A. —  Types  dc  Xylophones  Appartenant  a  la  1"   Categoric. 

Instruments  vus  de  face. 


FIG.  l. 


FIG.  2.  PIG.  3. 

Instruments  vus  de  profil. 


FIG.  1. 


FIG.  2. 


FIG.  3. 


3  FIG. 


B. —  Types  de  Xylophones  Appartenant  a  la  2"   Categoric. 
Instruments  vus  de  face. 


V 

FIG.  4.  FIG.  5.  FIG.  6. 

Instruments  vus  de  profil. 


FIG.  7. 


FIG.  l— 

A  Planches  sonores. 

B  Ligatures. 

C  Pointes  en  bois. 

D  Troncs  de  bauanier. 
FIG.  2— 

A  Planches  sonores. 

B  Ligatures. 

0  Ooussiuet  isolateur. 

D  Oaisse  de  resonnance. 
FIG.  3— 

A  Planches  sonores. 

B  Ligatures. 

C  Ooussmet  isolateur. 

D  Caisse  de  resonnance. 


FIG 


FIG.  4— 

A  Tige  de  rotang. 
B  Planche  en  bois  servant 

a  y  fixer  les  calebasses. 
0  Oorde  de  suspension  des 

lames  sonores. 
D  Taquet. 
E  Oaisse  de  risen  nance. 


FIG.  5— 
A,  B,  C,   D,  E    idem  que 

Fig.  4. 

P  Celat  de  bambou  flxant 
lacaisse  de  resounance. 


FIG.  11. 


FIG.  6— 

A  Tige  de  rotang, 

B  Coussinet  isolateur. 

C  Tige  en  bois  erabrochant 
la  caisse  de  resonnance. 

D  Ligature  en  rotang  re- 
liant les  calebasses. 
FIG.  7- 

A,  B,  C  idem  que  Fig.  6. 

D  Tige  en  bois  maintenant 

les  calebasses. 
FIG.  8— 

A  Lame  sonore. 

B  Oaisse  de  resonnance. 

c  Empatement  de  resiue. 

91     ] 


FIG.  9— 

A.  B  idem  que  Fig.  8  j 
C  Eclat   de    bambou    em- 

brochaut  la  caisse  de 

resounance. 

FIG.  10  ET  11— 
A,  B,  C  idem  que  Fig.  9. 
D  Coussinet  isolateur. 

FIG.  12— 

A  Section  de  bambou. 
B  Coussinet  isolateur. 
C  Ligature  du  cousginet  et 

des  lames  sonores. 
D  Lame  sonore. 


No.  46.]  MAN.  [1912. 

la  coussinet  isolateur,  embrochant  a  2  cm.  du  bord  les  parois  d'une  section  de  calebasse 
de  forme  allongee  et  se  fixent  solidement  entre  le  bourrelet  isolateur  et  le  second  petiole. 
Ces  calebasses  sont  munies  a  extremite  d'une  petite  ouverture  circulaire  ayant  1^  cm. 
de  diametre.  Celle-ci  est  fermee  par  un  diaphragme  fait  de  la  pellieule  provenant  d'une 
coqne  ovigere  d'une  araignee.  Ce  diaphragme,  simplement  tendu  au  dessus  de  1'ouverture 
est  fixe  a  la  parois  exterieure  de  la  calebasse  a  1'aide  d'un  empatement  de  resine  de 
Bulungu.  Une  lame  en  bois  tres  dur  d'un  grain  rouge-brun  fonce  est  placee  au  dessus 
de  chaque  calebasse.  Ces  lames  souores  ont  une  forme  rectangulaire  allongee,  legere- 
ment  elargie  vers  le  milieu  et  amincie  au  meme  point  a  la  surface  inferieure.  La 
surface  superieure  est  ornee  de  dessins  graves,  simples  lignes  tracees  tres  irreguliere- 
ment.  Une  fine  laniere  d'attache,  faite  en  fibres  de  raphia  tordues,  en  piassava  ou 
en  cuir  d'antilope,  passe  par  deux  petits  trous  perces  a  1'une  des  extremites  de  chaque 
planche  sonore  et  est  fixee  d'autre  part  autour  de  la  baguette  embrochant  la  calebasse 
servant  de  caisse  de  resonnance  a  la  susdite  lame  sonore.  L'autre  extremite  de  celle-ci 
est  maintenue  en  place  par  des  lanieres  de  bambou  espacees  de  6  a  9  cm.  Ces  lanieres 
servent  a  la  fois  a  fixer  le  coussinet  isolateur  au  petiole  de  bambou  formant  chevalet 
et  a  maintenir  en  place  un  large  eclat  de  bambou  garni  d'une  gaine  d'eclats  plus  fins, 
tendu  parallelement  au  coussinet  isolateur  au  dessus  des  lames  sonores.  Une  ligature 
analogue  relie  le  deuxieme  coussinet  au  petiole  correspondant  et  empeche  le  glissement 
des  lames  sonores.  Les  extremites  de  ces  lames  sont  ainsi  prises  dans  un  ceillet  de 
forme  rectangulaire  forme  par  le  coussinet  isolateur  a  la  surface  inferieure  et  1'encadre- 
ment  d'eclats  de  rotang  sur  des  trois  autres  cotes.  Les  caisses  de  resonnance  sont 
comme  nous  1'avons  dit  plus  haut,  toutes  d'une  forme  allongee  ;  deux  d'entre  elles 
sont  composees  de  deux  calebasses,  s'emboitant  1'une  dans  1'autre  et  reliees  par  une 
fibre  de  piassava.  La  jointure  est  en  outre  consolidee  exterieurement  par  un  empate- 
ment de  resine  de  Bulungu.  Uue  troisieme  caisse  de  resonnauce  est  formee  de  trois 
calebasses  fixees  1'une  a  1'autre  par  une  ligature  en  fibres  de  piassava  couverte  de 
resine  de  Bulungu.  Une  longue  laniere  large  de  2  cm.  faite  en  fibres  de  raphia  tressees 
est  attachee  anx  deux  extremites  de  la  forte  tige  de  rotang.  Tel  est  le  xylophone 
recolte  par  Gustin. 

Chacun  de  ces  elements  a  sa  raison  d'etre. 

La  laniere  sert  au  transport  et  se  passe  autour  du  cou  pour  jouer  du  xylophone. 
La  tige  de  rotang  forme  le  cadre  de  rinstrument  et  sert  a  le  maintenir  horizontale- 
ment  ou  tres  legerement  incline,  a  distance  voulu,  du  corpse  pendant  que  1'indigene  joue 
du  xylophone. 

Les  petioles  de  raphia  forment  chevalet ;  le  bourrelet  de  fibres  et  de  peau  d'antilope 
sert  de  coussinet  isolateur  ;  les  lames  sonores  maintenues  en  place  par  la  technique 
speciale  decrite  plus  haut  conservent  le  maximum  de  leur  sonorite  ;  les  calebasses 
entitlement  libres  ne  peuvent  cependant  se  deplacer,  rallongement  artificiel  augmente 
le  rendement  de  leur  fonction,  la  membrane  produit  un  bourdonnement  analogue  au 
myrliton,  enfin  1'indigene  a  cherche  dans  chacun  des  details  du  xylophone  k  augmenter 
le  plus  possible  la  sensibilite  et  la  sonorite  de  1'instrument. 

Pour  jouer  du  xylophone  1'indigene  se  sert  de  deux  baguettes  en  bois  dur  et 
resistant,  terminees  par  une  boule  de  caoutchouc  melange  de  resine  de  Bulungu. 
Compare  aux  autres  specimens  de  la  collection  du  Musee  du  Congo  Beige,  ce  xylophone 
se  distingue — 

1.  par  1'absence  du  cone  diaphrame  ; 

2.  par  la  construction  speciale  de  certaines  des  caisses  de  resonnance  ; 

3.  par  le  mode  de  fixation  des  calebasses  et  des  lames  sonores  ; 

4.  par  la  construction  speciale  du  coussinet  isolateur. 

C'est  le  plus  perfectioune  des  xylophones  actuellement  connus  et  il  marque  le 
dernier  stade  de  1'evolution  et  du  developpement  de  ces  instruments  pour  autant  que 

[    92     J 


1912.]  MAN.  [Nos.  46-47. 

nous  nous  rapportons  aux    specimens    de    la    collection  ethnographique    de  Musee  du 
Congo  Beige. 

Le  croquis  schematique  que  nous  avons  ajoute  a  cette  note  nous  montre  que  les 
xylophones  du  Congo  Beige  peuvent  se  diviser  en  deux  grandes  categories. 

1.  Instruments  formes  de  lames  sonores  montees  sur  simple  chevalet. 

2.  Instruments    formes    de    lames    sonores    montees    sur    chevalet    et   munies    de 
caisses  de  resonnance  formees  de  coqnes  de  cucurbitacees. 

Chacune  de  ces  deux  categories  comprend  un  certain  nombre  de  types  differents 
les  uns  des  autres  par  des  details  de  construction,  marquant  les  diverses  etapes  du 
developpement  et  de  revolution  de  ces  instruments.  Nous  comptons  pouvoir  en 
donner  bientot  i'histoire  complete.  DR.  J.  MAES. 


Australia,  North.  Mathews. 

Matrilineal   Descent  in   the    Arranda  and  Chingalee  Tribes.     /•'//     k~i 

R.    H.    Mat/iews,    /,.£.,    Local  Correspondent    of   the    Royal    Anthropological      •• 
Institute. 

In  MAN,  1910,  32,  Mr.  A.  R.  Brown  has  written  an  article  dealing  with  the 
rules  of  marriage  and  descent  in  the  Arranda  and  Chingalee  tribes  in  North  Australia, 
in  which  some  of  his  conclusions  differ  from  mine.  In  order  that  the  readers  of 
MAN  may  have  an  opportunity  of  comparing  my  views  with  Mr.  Brown's  I  solicit 
the  publication  of  this  paper. 

For  the  purpose  of  making  my  meaning  quite  clear,  it  will  be  necessary  to 
reproduce  my  tables  of  marriage  and  descent  among  the  Kamilaroi,  Arranda,  and 
Chingalee.  There  are  "  irregular  "  marriages  in  all  these  tribes,  but  as  they  have  been 
fully  explained  by  me  elsewhere,  they  need  not  be  gone  into  here.  As  the  women 
constitute  the  phratry  in  every  case,  the  "  wife "  is  placed  in  the  first  column  in  all 
the  tables.  We  will  commence  with  the  Karailaroi. 

TABLE  A. 

PHRATRY.  WIFE.  HCSBAND.  OFFSPRING. 

IT         ,,  .  (      Ippai.  Kubbi.  Kumbo. 

Knppathm       -  \       /r 

(      Kumbo.  Murn.  Ippai. 

Tv,  .,,    .  (      Kubbi.  Ippai.  Murri. 

Dhilbai  -  \  .  i?      v  T^  vu- 

(      Mum.  Kumbo.  Kubbi. 

This  is  the  Kamilaroi  system  in  which  a  phratry,  Kuppathin,  for  example,  has 
eternal  succession  through  its  women.  By  the  table  Ippai  is  the  mother  of  Kumbo, 
and  in  the  next  generation  Kumbo  is  the  mother  of  Ippai,  and  so  on  for  ever.  It 
is  well  known  that  the  totems  are  also  handed  down  by  the  mother  and  remain  in 
her  phratry. 

It  also  appears  that  Kubbi  is  the  father  of  Kumbo  in  the  type  of  marriages  given 
in  the  table.  These  men  are  father  and  son  alternately  and  camp  close  to  one 
another,  because  the  son  inherits  his  father's  hunting  grounds.  Instead  of  one  family, 
as  in  our  example,  if  a  number  of  people  were  assembled  at  a  place,  there  might  be 
several  families  of  Kubbis  and  Kumbos  on  one  camping  ground.  In  a  similar  manner 
Murri  and  Ippai  are  father  and  son,  and  likewise  camp  together.  These  little  knots 
of  people  could  be  called  collectively  family  groups  or  local  divisions.  A  stranger, 
unacquainted  with  their  laws  of  descent,  would  probably  conclude  that  Kubbi  and 
Kumbo  constituted  one  phratry,  and  that  Murri  and  Ippai  formed  the  other.  In 
my  opinion  such  a  misapprehension  has  actually  been  made  by  Spencer  and  Gillen, 
and  by  C.  Strehlow,  regarding  the  Arranda  tribe. 

To  deal  with  the  Arranda  sociology,  it  will  be  convenient  to  introduce  a  table 

[  93  ] 


No.  47.]  MAN.  [1912. 

published  by  me   in  1899.*     The    four    classes    forming   a  phratry  will  be  left  as  in 
that  table,  but  they  will  now  be  bracketed   in  pairs  : — 

TABLE  B. 

PHRATRY.  WIFE.  HUSBAND.  OFFSPRING. 

*  (  Purula  +  Ngala.  Pananka  +  Knuraia.      Bangata  +  Paltara. 

(  Bangata  +  Paltara.        Mbitjana  +  Kamara.       Ngala  +  Purula. 
Pananka  +  Knuraia.       Purula  +  Ngala.  Kamara  +  Mbitjana. 

Kamara  +  Mbijtana.  Paltara  +  Baugata.  Knuraia  +  Pananka. 
We  see  that  in  phratry  A  the  women  of  a  pair  of  classes,  Purula  +  Ngala,  are 
the  mothers  of  the  women  of  the  pair  Bangata  -f  Paltara  ;  and  in  the  next  genera- 
tion Bangata  +  Paltara  are  the  mothers  of  Purula  +  Ngala,  and  this  series  recurs  in 
perpetual  alternation.  We  likewise  observe  that  the  men  of  the  pair  of  classes, 
Pananka  +  Knuraia,  are  the  fathers  of  the  pair  Bangata  +  Paltara.  These  pairs  are 
father  and  son  alternately,  and  camp  near  one  another  for  the  same  reason  as  the 
Kamilaroi  folk. 

We  will  next  take  the  Chingalee  organisation  and  use  a  table  of  marriage  and 
descent  I  published  in  1900f  : — 

TABLE  C. 
PHRATRY.  WIFE.  HUSBAND.  OFFSPRING. 

.         |  Chula  +  Chungalee.         Chuna  +  Chimitcha.          Tungaree  +  Taralee. 
(  Tungaree  +  Taralee.        Champina  -1-  Chemara.      Chungalee  +  Chula. 
B        |  Chuna  -f-  Chimitcha.         Chuna  +  Chungalee.         Chemara  +  Champina. 

(  Chemara  +  Champina.  Taralee  +  Tungaree.  Chuna  +  Chimitcha. 
In  normal  alliances,  the  women  of  the  pair  of  classes  Chula.  +  Chuugalee,  marry 
the  men  of  the  pair  Chuna  +  Chimitcha,  and  the  sons  and  daughters  belong  to  the 
pair  of  classes  Tungaree  +  Taralee.  In  the  next  generation  the  daughters  of  the 
last-named  pair  are  the  mothers  of  the  Chungalee  +  Chula  women.  Again,  the  men 
of  the  pair  of  classes  Chuna  +  Chimitcha  are  the  fathers  of  the  pair  Tungaree  + 
Taralee.  These  pairs  change  places  as  father  and  son  in  alternate  generations  and 
camp  in  proximity  to  each  other,  the  same  as  the  Kamilaroi  and  every  other  tribe 
with  which  I  am  acquainted. 

We  have  now  the  three  tribes  before  us  with  their  tables  of  marriage  and  descent. 
In  the  Kamilaroi  it  is  universally  admitted  that  descent  is  counted  through  the  mother. 
In  the  Chingalee  Mr.  Brown  agrees  with  me  that  the  class  of  the  child  is  deter- 
mined by  its  mother  (p.  59).  But  in  the  Arranda  tribe  he  accepts  Spencer  and 
Gillen's  conclusions  that  descent  is  counted  through  the  father. 

In  June,  1898,  the  year  before  Spencer  and  Gillen  had  issued  their  Native 
Tribes  of  Central  Australia,  I  published  a  table  of  the  eight  classes  of  the  Arranda, 
arranged  in  pairs  somewhat  similar  to  Table  B.  of  this  treatise,  so  that  each  phratry 
comprised  the  same  four  classes  that  Table  B.  does.J  That  table  was  based  upon 
one  published  in  1891  by  Rev.  L.  Schulze,  a  missionary  at  Hermannsburg,  which  was 
given  by  me  to  Mr.  Jackson,  a  friend  who  visited  various  parts  of  that  district  in 
1895  in  connection  with  mining.  From  further  details  gathered  by  him  under  my 
directions  I  was  led  to  conclude  that  descent  was  reckoned  through  the  women  and 
not  through  the  men,  as  was  supposed  by  Mr.  Schulze. 

I   have    read  the   work    of    Mr.  C.   Strehlow,§    another    and  later    missionary    at 

*  Proc.  Amer.  Philos.  Soc.,  Vol.  XXXVIII,  p.  76  ;  Journ.  Roy.  Soc.  N.S.  Wales,  Vol.  XXXIII, 
p.  113  ;  Folklore  (London),  Vol.  XIX,  p.  101. 

f  American  Anthropologist,  Vol.  II,  N.S.,  p.  495. 
f  Journ.  Roy.  Soc.  X.S.   Wales,  Vol.  XXXII,  p.  72. 

§  Die  Arranda  und  Loritja  Stdmme  in  Zentral  Australien,  Part  I,  pp.  3  and  6. 

,[     94     3 


1912,]  MAN.  [No.  47. 

Hermannsburg,  hi  which  he  follows  the  opinion  of  ihis  predecessor,  Mr.  Schul/o, 
respecting  the  line  of  descent.  lie  further  states  that  he  has  found  the  naim--  <>! 
two  phratries,  between  which  the  eight  classes  are  equally  hiseeted.  The  phratry 
Pmaljanuka  comprises  the  classes  Kainara,  Mbitjana,  Purula,  Ngala.  The  phratry 
Lakakia  contains  the  classes  Pananka.  Knuraia,  Paltara,  Barigata.  Mr.  Sti-eh low  also 
reports  that  the  people  of  the  Pmaljanuka  phratry  camp  in  one  place  and  that  the 
Lakakia  phratry  occupy  a  different  camping  ground. 

It  seems  to  me  that  the  four  classes  of  each  of  these  so-called  "  phratries,"  who 
are  fathers  and  sons  from  generation  to  generation,  arrange  their  camps  in  the  manner 
described,  just  in  the  same  way  that  the  fathers  and  sons  in  the  Kamilaroi  and  other 
tribes  locate  themselves.  Or  it  may  be  that  the  divisions  Pmaljanuka  and  Lakakia 
mentioned  by  Mr.  Strehlow  resemble  in  principle  the  names  of  the  "  Blood  and  Shade 
divisions"  discovered  by  me  in  the  Ngeumba  and  adjacent  tribes  in  New  South  Wales* 
by  means  of  which  the  camping  of  the  people  is  regulated.* 

Spencer  and  Gillen  also  found  distinguishing  names  for  each  of  their  bisections 
of  the  Arranda  which  they  report  as  Mulyanuka  and  Nakrakia  (Strehlow's  Lakakia).f 
These  authors  say  they  are  not  phratry  names  but  are  used  reciprocally  by  one  rnoiety 
to  the  other.  That  is,  the  four  classes  Pananka,  Paltara,  Knuraia,  Bangata,  speak 
of  themselves  as  Nakrakia,  and  call  the  Purula,  Kamara,  Ngala,  Mbitjana  classes 
Mulyanuka.  But  the  Purula,  Kamara,  &c.,  speak  of  themselves  as  Nakrakia,  and  of 
the  Pauanka,  Paltara,  &c.,  as  Mulyanuka.  Spencer  and  Gillen,  however,  report  that 
they  observed  what  they  supposed  to  be  phratry  names  among  the  Warramunga, 
Chingalee,  Wombaia,  and  other  tribes.  I  have  elsewhere  endeavoured  to  show  that 
the  names  referred  to  cannot  be  those  of  phratries.J  If  ig  probable  that  the  supposed 
phratry  names  of  Spencer  and  Gillen  and  of  Mr.  Strehlow  are  all  of  the  same  character, 
and  need  further  inquiry  amongst  the  natives. 

Mr.  A.  R.  Brown,  while  admitting  that  in  the  Chingalee  tribe,  in  marriages  of 
the  Types  I  and  II,  the  descent  of  the  class  is  through  the  mother,  states  that  in 
marriages  of  Types  III  and  IV  the  children  belong  to  the  phratry  which  is  not  that 
of  their  parents.  He  is,  of  course,  following  the  classification  of  Spencer  and  Gillen, 
which  I  have  elsewhere  spoken  of  as  a  "melange  confus  et  heteroclite."§  According 
to  my  classification  the  children  of  the  last  two  types,  as  well  as  of  the  first  two, 
inevitably  fall  into  their  mother's  phratry. 

Again,  Mr.  Brown  says  that  "  in  tribes  of  the  Chiiigalee  type  it  would  seem  that 
"  the  totem  of  a  child  is  generally  inherited  'from  its  father,  but  there  are  numbers  of 
"  exceptions "  (p.  59).  As  he  has  apparently  based  his  conclusion  on  my  papers  on 
that  tribe  I  would  like  to  put  the  case  a  little  more  fully  before  the  reader.  Spencer 
and  Gillen  state  that  in  the  Warramunga,  Chingalee,  Binbingha,  &c.,  "  descent  of  the 
"  totem  is  strictly  paternal.  The  totems  are  divided  between  the  two  moieties,  with 
"  the  result  that  a  man  must  marry  a  woman  of  some  other  totem  than  his  own."||  As 
the  information  gathered  by  me  from  reliable  sources  was  irreconcilably  contradictory 
to  these  statements,  I  published  a  list  of  eight  married  pairs  in  the  Chingalee  tribe, 
embracing  marriages  of  all  the  types  I,  II,  III,  and  IV,  and  the  totems  of  the 
offspring.^  From  these  cases  it  was  shown  that  some  of  the  children  had  the 
totem  of  the  father,  some  of  the  mother,  and  some  of  them  differed  from  both  father 

*    Ethnological  Notes  on  the  Aboriginal  Tribes  N.8.   Wales  and   Victoria  (Sydney),  pp.  7,  8. 

f  Native  Tribex  of  Central  Australia,  p.  70  ;  Northern  Tribes  of  Central  Australia,  p.  96. 

%  American  Anthropologist,  Vol.  X,  N.S.,  pp.  283-285  ;  Jotirx.  Roy.  Sac.  N.S.  Wales,  Vol.  XLI, 
pp.  161,  162  ;  Mitteil.  der  Anthrop.   Geselhch.  in  Wien,  Vol.  XXXVIII,  pp.  6,  7. 

§  Hull.  Soc.  d?  Anthrop.  de  Paris,  Vol.  VII,  Series  5,  p.  174. 

||  Northern  Tribes  of  Central  Australia,  pp.  170  and  175. 

^  American  Anthropologist,   Vol.   VII,   N.S.,   pp.  303,  304  ;    Queensland    Geographical  Journal, 
Vol.  XVI,  pp.  85,  86. 

C     95     J 


Nos.  47-48.]  MAN.  [1912. 

and  mother.  It  happened,  however,  that  most  of  the  children  in  that  table  had  the 
father's  totem,  and  this  appears  to  be  to  what  Mr.  Brown  is  alluding. 

In  1907  I  published  a  further  list  of  marriages  in  the  Chingalee  tribe,  including 
some  from  my  former  list.  In  this  table,  two  of  the  persons  have  the  totem  of  the 
father,  two  of  the  mother,  two  of  neither  parent,  and  two  of  them  have  the  totem 
of  both  parents.*  I  also  stated  that  the  totems  are  scattered  up  and  down  in  both 
moieties,  instead  of  being  divided  between  the  two  moieties  ;  and  that  a  man  can 
occasionally  marry  a  woman  of  his  own  totem,  in  refutation  of  Spencer  and  Gillen's 
assertion  that  "  a  man  must  marry  a  woman  of  some  other  totem  than  his  own."  There 
is  no  such  thing  in  either  the  Chingalee  or  Arranda  tribes  as  the  regular  descent  of 
the  totems  through  either  parent.  As  regards  the  actual  procedure  in  allotting  the 
totem  to  any  child,  I  had  previously  fully  explained  this  in  1906.| 

I  have  stated  elsewhere  that  my  information  respecting  the  Arranda,  Chingalee, 
and  other  tribes  in  that  part  of  Australia  has  been  supplied  under  my  direction  by 
men  who  went  out  to  the  mineral  fields,  by  managers  of  cattle  and  horse  stations, 
by  men  in  charge  of  the  overland  telegraph  line,  by  the  police  and  others,  all  of 
whom  have  resided  in  that  district  for  longer  or  shorter  periods.^  To  avoid 
encroaching  upon  the  scanty  space  available  in  this  magazine  I  shall  not  now  enter 
further  upon  my  reasons  for  arriving  at  the  conclusion  that  descent  among  the 
Arranda  and  Chiugalee  is  through  the  females,  but  will  ask  the  reader  to  peruse 
the  various  articles  already  published  by  me,  referred  to  in  the  footnotes  to  this 
monograph.  R.  H.  MATHEWS. 

France  :  Archaeology.  Lewis. 

Further    Notes    on    French    Dolmens.        By  A.    L.    Lewis  (Officier 
cT  Academic). 

The  distinguishing  features  of  the  dolmens  of  the  department  of  the  Oise  are, 
firstly,  the  porch  or  shrine  in  front  of  the  long  allee  couverte,  separated  from  it  by 
a  large  stone  ;  and,  secondly,  arid  more  particularly,  the  round  hole,  from  15  to 
18  inches  in  diameter,  carefully  wrought  through  that  stone  and  forming  a  com- 
munication between  the  porch  and  the  tomb. 

Two  others,  at  Hys  and  at  Paulmy,  in  the  department  of  the  Indre;  de  Loire, 
are  of  quite  another  type  ;  that,  namely,  of  a  number  of  uprights  placed  so  as  to 
form  a  more  or  less  circular  chamber,  from  10  to  15  feet  in  diameter,  covered  by  a 
single  stone,  and  having  an  opening  without  any  outside  porch  or  shrine.  This  type 
is  found  in  other  parts  of  France,  and,  indeed,  in  other  countries  also. 

There  are,  however,  other  dolmens  of  the  long  allee  couverte  form  which  appear 
to  have  possessed  a  porch  but  with  a  larger  entrance  than  that  afforded  by  the  round 
hole  at  the  dolmens  of  the  Oise.  The  largest  of  these  is  at  Bagneux  near  Saumur, 
and  I  will  describe  it  more  fully  presently,  but  there  is  one  of  a  similar  type  on  a 
hill  above  it,  which,  though  small  by  comparison,  is  yet  of  a  considerable  size,  one 
side  being  formed  by  a  single  stone,  19  feet  long,  8  feet  high,  and  1^  feet  thick, 
and  the  single  capstone  being  about  25  feet  long  and  15  feet  wide.  It  has  one 
small  fallen  stone,  which  may,  perhaps,  be  the  last  remains  of  a  porch  or  shrine.  Its 
orientation  is  very  slightly  north  of  east ;  there  is  now  no  trace  of  any  covering 
mound. 

At  Mettray,  near  Tours,  there  is  another  dolmen  of  this  type,  consisting  of 
three  large  stones  at  each  side  and  one  at  the  west  end,  covered  by  only  three  great 

*  Journ.  Roy.  Soc.  N.S.  Wales,  Vol.  XLI,  pp.  84,  85  ;  Bull.  Soc.  d'Anthrop.  de  Paris,  Vol.  VIII, 
Series  5,  pp.  529-534,  Table  IV. 

f  Journ.  Roy.  Soc.   N.S.  Wales,  Vol.  XL,    pp.  110,  111  ;  American  Antiquarian,  Vol.  XXVIII, 
pp.  143-145  ;  Folklore  (London),  Vol.  XIX,  pp.  102,  103. 

J  Journ,  Roy.  Soc.  N.S.  Wales,  Vol.  XLI,  p.  67. 

[     96     ] 


1912.]  MAN.  [No.  48. 

capstones  ;  the  opening  is  about  9  degrees  south  of  east,  the  stone  forming  the  west 
end  is  18  feet  long,  1  foot  thick,  and  6  feet  high,  inside  ;  outside  the  walls  are  only 
4^  feet  above  ground,  and  there  are  other  traces  of  a  covering  mound.  Inside,  the 
chamber  is  10  feet  wide  and  24  feet  long,  to  a  stone  which  divides  it  from  a  pro- 
longation of  another  8  feet,  in  the  nature  of  a  porch.  There  is  a  smaller  single  stone 
outside,  the  object  of  which  is  not  very  obvious.  The  central  capstone  is  about 
5  feet  thick,  and  stands  up  above  the  other  two. 

As  I  have  already  said,  the  largest  dolmen  of  this  kind  in  France  is  at  Bag- 
neux,  near  Saumur ;  it  is  a  magnificent  erection,  in  splendid  preservation  ;  the 
inside  measurements  of  the  chamber  are  55  feet,  by  14  to  16,  by  9  feet  high  ;  the 
north-west  end  is  composed  of  one  stone,  24^  feet  long,  and  the  sides  are  each 
formed  of  four  stones.  There  are  two  smaller  stones  at  the  south-east  end,  one  on 
each  side  of  the  entrance  and  two  larger  ones  lying  flat,  which  appear  to  have  been 
part  of  the  porch  or  shrine.  The  line  of  the  axis  of  the  dolmen  to  the  entrance  is 
about  30  degrees  south  of  east.  Four  huge  stones  completely  cover  the  structure, 
the  largest  of  which  is  23^  by  22  feet  by  3  feet  thick.  There  is  also  a  single 
pillar-stone  inside  the  chamber,  which  assists  to  support  two  of  the  capstones.  There 
is  now  no  trace  of  any  covering  mound.  Richard  (La  France  Monumentale),  writing 
apparently  about  sixty  years  ago,  described  another  dolmen  of  this  kind  near  Saumur 
as  being  1^  metres  high,  6  metres  long,  and  3  metres  wide,  the  interior  being  divided 
into  two  parts  by  a  standing  stone.  Two  large  stones  formed  the  south  side,  one 
the  north,  and  one  the  west  ;  a  pyramidal  stone,  one  metre  high,  stood  in  the  middle 
of  the  east  end,  on  the  top  of  which  a  horizontal  stone  was  placed,  like  a  capital, 
which  helped  to  support  one  of  the  two  large  capstones  ;  this  is  an  unusual  feature, 
and  has  induced  me  to  quote  the  description  of  this  dolmen  in  full ;  the  soil  of  the 
field  in  which  it  stood  was  higher  than  that  of  those  which  adjoined  it,  and  this 
seems  to  suggest  that  a  covering  tumulus  had  been  levelled  and  spread  about  in  it. 

Another  dolmen  of  this  class,  nearly  as  large  as  that  at  Bagneux,  is  the  "  Pierre 
Turquaise,"  near  Presles,  department  Seine  et  Oise,  which  I  described  with  illustrations 
in  MAN,  1907,  74. 

W.  C.  Borlase  also  gives  a  figure  of  another — the  Grotte  d'Esse,  in  the  depart- 
ment of  Ille  et  Vilaine — the  total  length  of  which  is  61  feet,  and  the  width  of  the 
chamber  12  to  14  feet,  with  a  large  porch  14  feet  by  10  feet.  But  the  largest 
dolmen  of  this  kind  known  to  exist  is  not  in  France,  but  at  Antequera  in  Andalusia, 
and  is  described  and  illustrated  by  W.  C.  Borlase,  following  Cartailhac.  He  says  it  is 
86^  Spanish  feet  in  length,  and  22  feet  wide  at  its  greatest  breadth.  Unlike  the 
French  dolmens,  the  sides  of  the  chamber  curve  outwards  like  those  of  a  ship,  but 
those  of  the  porch,  which  is  narrower,  are  straight ;  there  is  no  division  between  the 
porch  and  the  chamber,  but  there  are  three  pillar  stones  inside  the  latter  which  help 
to  support  the  flat  roof  of  five  stones  ;  the  chamber  is  11  feet  high  inside  and  is 
covered  by  a  mound.  The  great  stone  forming  the  east  end  has  a  large  hole  pierced 
through,  which,  however,  seems  to  go  only  into  the  enclosing  mound,  and  may  have 
been  made  by  early  explorers  to  see  if  there  were  anything  behind  it.  This  dolmen, 
which  is  called  the  Cueva  de  Menga,  is  the  only  one  of  this  type  in  Spain  or 
Portugal,  so  far  as  is  at  present  made  known,  and  between  it  and  those  most  like  it 
in  France  there  is  an  immense  tract  of  country  abounding  in  dolmens  of  other  types, 
and  also  in  great  mountains,  rivers,  and  other  obstacles  to  communication,  so  that  it 
seems  more  difficult  to  attribute  the  resemblance  to  a  common  racial  or  tribal  origin 
than  to  an  independent  development  under  similar  circumstances,  or  to  the  influence 
of  some  much-travelled  individual. 

Dr.  Duncan  Mackenzie  is,  I  understand,  of  opinion  that  the  "  Giants'  graves  " 
peculiar  to  Sardinia,  and  associated  with  the  Nuraghi,  were  evolved  there  from  dolmens 

[    97    J 


Nos.  48-49.]  MAN.  [1912. 

of  a  more  ordinary  kind  ;  but  the  latter  do  not  appear  to  have  been  associated  with 
the  Nuraghi,  and  are  also  found  in  the  adjoining  island  of  Corsica,  where  neither 
Nuraghi  nor  "  Giants'  graves "  are  known  to  have  existed,  but  where  the  dolmens 
seem  to  have  been  contemporaneous  with  those  in  Sardinia,  so  that  we  seem  to  have 
in  these  closely  connected  islands  another  instance  of  diverse  local  development  of 
the  megalithic  phase  of  culture. 

In  Great  Britain  the  only  dolmen  with  a  porch  communicating  with  the  inside  is, 
perhaps,  the  "  Trethevy  Stone,"  near  Liskeard  in  Cornwall,  and  that  is  possibly  a 
doubtful  example,  and  certainly  much  smaller  than  those  in  France  and  Spain.  In 
Ireland  there  are  many  varieties,  but  nothing  quite  like  any  of  those  we  mentioned 
above,  and  all  these  differences  tend,  I  think,  to  confirm  the  view  that  dolmens  are 
not  to  be  attributed  to  one  race  only,  but  were  a  part  of  a  phase  of  culture 
common  to  many  races. 

Amongst  the  other  things  visited  by  the  Congres  Prehistorique  de  France  (Tours 
Meeting)  were  some  collections  of  stones  rather  resembling  the  stone  rows  and 
prehistoric  enclosures  on  Dartmoor ;  and  a  single  standing  stone,  the  Menhir  des 
Arabes,  at  St.  Maure.  This  is  13  feet  high  above  ground,  with  only  one  foot  under 
the  surface,  5  to  6  feet  wide,  and  1  to  3  feet  thick  ;  its  broad  sides  face  to  about 
E.  of  S.  and  W.  of  N.  ;  there  is  a  hole  through  it  about  a  foot  high  and  9  inches 
10  degrees  wide,  which  is  said  to  be  natural,  but  to  my  mind  has  a  very  artificial 
appearance  ;  it  is  8  or  9  feet  from  the  ground,  but  on  the  N.W.  side  of  the  stone 
there  are  irregularities  of  surface  which  might  enable  anyone  to  climb  up  to  it. 

A.  L.  LEWIS. 


REVIEWS. 
America,  South  :  Archaeology.  Joyce. 

South  American  Archceology :  An  Introduction  to  the  Archaeology  of  the  M  Q 
South  American  Continent,  with  special  reference  to  the  Early  History  of  nfU 
Peru.  By  Thomas  A.  Joyce,  M.A.  (Macmillan,  1912.) 

A  work  dealing  with  the  archaeology  of  South  America  by  a  thoroughly  well- 
informed  student  of  the  subject,  with  a  scientific  training,  has  long  been  needed. 
Hitherto  we  have  only  had  accounts  of  objects  over  limited  areas,  while  the  collections 
that  have  been  made  have  not  been  sufficiently  classified  with  reference  to  the  exact 
locality  where  each  object  has  been  found.  "  Peruvian  pottery,"  for  instance,  may 
include  the  work  of  very  distinct  races  and  of  far  distant  periods  ;  yet  their  classification, 
if  attempted  at  all,  is  generally  very  inadequate. 

Mr.  Joyce  has  made  a  successful  attempt  to  supply  such  a  work  to  students  of 
South  American  archaeology.  It  was  a  difficult  task  that  he  set  himself,  but  he 
brought  to  bear  upon  it  a  very  complete  knowledge  of  the  extensive  literature,  and 
an  excellent  archaeological  training.  He  has  thus  been  able  to  give  the  student  a 
clear  idea  of  the  general  subject,  while  he  is  successful  in  classifying  and  explaining 
the  complicated  details.  Above  all,  and  this  has  hitherto  been  a  rare  qualification, 
he  is  remarkably  free  from  theories  about  the  origin  of  the  American  races,  upon 
which  so  much  time  and  printers1  ink  have  been  wasted.  Mr.  Joyce  takes  a  scientific 
and  therefore  a  common  sense  view  of  all  such  questions,  and  deals  only  with 
ascertained  facts. 

In  his  introductory  chapter  Mr.  Joyce  describes  the  condition  of  South  America 
in  later  geological  times,  and  shows  that  the  earliest  traces  of  man  are  found  in 
Patagonia,  and  may  date  back  to  quaternary  times  ;  but  he  recognises  two  types 
of  man,  the  long-headed  and  round-headed  types.  There  is,  at  present,  no  evidence 
pointing  to  their  origin.  Investigations  near  Cuzco,  by  the  Yale  Expedition,  may 
throw  further  light  on  this  interesting  question. 

[    98    ] 


1912.]  MAN.  [No.  49. 

The  work  commences  with  the  region  of  Colombia,  which  include  the  gold  workers 
<>!'  Zenu,  and  the  civilisation  of  Cundinamarca.  The  religious  beliefs  and  customs  of 
a  race  should  be  familiar  to  those  who  stu,dy  their  arts  and  crafts,  and  there  is  a  rather 
full  and  interesting  account  of  the  civilisation  of  the  Chibchas,  and  of  the  Quimbayas, 
previous  to  a  description  of  their  pottery  and  metal  work.  This  entailed  a  careful 
study  of  such  works  as  Castellanos,  Simon,  Piedrahita,  and  Cieza  de  Leon. 

About  the  kingdom  of  Quito  and  its  advances  in  civilisation  there  must  be  some 
doubt.  For  the  only  evidence  is  from  Velasco,  an  enthusiast  on  the  subject  who 
lived  in  the  eighteenth  century,  while  the  works  of  the  authorities  he  refers  to,  who 
were  contemporaneous  or  lived  nearer  the  time,  are  not  known  to  exist.  The  story 
about  giants  at  Point  Santa  Elena  gave  rise  to  Mr.  Ranking's  theory  that  Mongols 
arrived  in  Peru,  accompanied  by  elephants.  But  it  really  originated  in  the  fact  that 
fossils  of  large  animals  (not  elephants)  were  found  in  the  neighbourhood.  The  story 
of  the  arrival  of  a  fleet  of  boats  at  Lambayeque  on  the  Peruvian  coast,  only  told  by 
Cavello  Balboa,  probably  has  some  foundation.  Mr.  Joyce  gives  the  first  accessible 
account  of  the  results  of  Mr.  Saville's  researches  on  the  coast  of  Ecuador,  in  Manabi 
and  Esmeraldas. 

The  bulk  of  this  interesting  work  (140  pages)  is  devoted  to  the  growth  of  the 
Inca  Empire,  the  religion  and  government,  and  the  daily  life  and  occupations  of  the 
people.  The  subject  is  very  ably  treated  after  a  diligent  study  of  all  available 
authorities.  It  is  quite  a  necessary  introduction  to  the  culture  of  the  various  races 
which  composed  the  Peruvian  Empire.  An  acquaintance  with  the  architecture  is 
requisite  for  an  intelligent  appreciation  of  the  working  in  metals,  the  pottery,  and  the 
other  arts  and  crafts  of  a  people  well  advanced  in  civilisation.  Mr.  Joyce  gives  his 
readers  the  first  clear  account  of  the  results  of  the  researches  of  Dr.  Max  Uhle.  That 
distinguished  archaeologist  considers  that  he  has  discovered,  in  patterns  on  ancient 
pottery,  the  means  of  forming  a  system  of  comparative  chronology,  but  his  conclusions 
must  be  received  with  caution.  Differences  in  the  forms  and  designs  of  pottery,  in 
separate  layers  or  burial  places,  do  not  necessarily  represent  different  periods.  Figures 
on  pottery,  resembling  the  figure  on  the  great  monolithic  doorway  at  Tiahuanaco,  are 
not  uncommon  in  several  parts  of  Peru,  and,  though  probably  originally  derived  from 
the  Tiahuanaco  figure,  by  no  means  indicate  any  particular  age  or  locality.  Designs 
on  pottery,  like  arguments  from  etymology,  when  used  alone,  become  unsafe  and 
delusive  guides.  Such  evidence  can  only  be  auxiliary,  and  not  a  basis  on  which  to 
rest  an  entire  racial  or  chronological  argument. 

At  the  same  time  it  would  not  be  easy  to  exaggerate  the  value  of  Dr.  Max 
Uhle's  indefatigable  researches,  almost  for  the  first  time  in  Peru,  carried  out  on 
scientific  principles,  and  Mr.  Joyce  has  done  very  important  service  in  making  them 
generally  known  to  students  in  this  country.  The  fancied  resemblance,  seen  by 
Mr.  Joyce  himself,  between  the  curious  paintings  on  the  pottery  from  the  valley  of 
Chicama,  recently  acquired  by  the  British  Museum,  and  carvings  on  the  Tiahuanaco 
and  Chavin  stones  are  very  interesting.  But  all  the  arguments  based  on  pottery  can 
only  be  a  help  or  make-weight  in  the  consideration  of  more  convincing  arguments 
resting  on  general  considerations  of  an  historical  character.  The  whole  chapter 
on  the  Peruvian  art  culture  and  handicrafts  shows  a  clear  grasp  of  the  subject,  and 
is  a  masterly  exposition  of  a  difficult  subject. 

The  chapters  on  the  archaeology  of  the  regions  to  the  south  of  the  Peruvian 
empire  in  Argentina  and  Chile,  and  in  Brazil,  complete  the  story  of  South  American 
archaeology,  and  the  work  fitly  concludes  with  an  appendix  on  the  localities  where 
further  research  is  most  urgently  needed.  Such  a  work  requires  copious  illustration, 
and  this  has  been  well  and  profusely  supplied. 

The  South  American  Archaeology  was    a   much-needed    work,  and    all  who  are 

[    99    ] 


Nos.  49-50.]  MAN.  [1912. 

interested  in  the  subject  are  to  be  congratulated  that  it  has  found  in  Mr.  Joyce  so 
able  a  writer,  and  one  who  is  most  competent  through  diligent  and  exhaustive 
reading,  combined  with  archaeological  training  and  knowledge. 

CLEMENTS  R.  MARKHAM. 


Religion.  .  Frazer. 

The  Dying  God.  By  J.  G.  Frazer,  D.C.L.,  LL.D.,  Litt.D.,  London :  CA 
Macmillan  &  Co.,  Ltd.,  1911.  OU 

This  volume  of  300  pages  is  an  expansion  and  in  part  a  re-arrangement  of  the 
first  115  pages  of  the  second  volume  of  the  previous  edition  of  The  Golden  Bough. 
The  third  volume  of  the  present  edition,  on  Taboo  and  the  Perils  of  the  Soul,  was 
in  the  nature  of  a  digression,  though  a  digression  which  may  be  amply  justified  as 
necessary  for  a  full  understanding  of  the  main  theme.  To  that  theme — the  killing 
of  the  King — the  present  volume  returns.  Its  purpose  is  to  show  that  at  one  period 
of  religious  evolution  kings  were  put  to  death,  either  when  their  bodily  and  mental 
powers  failed,  or  at  the  end  of  a  fixed  term,  a  custom  subsequently  in  many  cases 
commuted  in  a  variety  of  ways  ;  that  in  like  manner  the  spirit  of  vegetation,  repre- 
sented either  by  a  person  or  a  puppet,  was  periodically  put  to  death  ;  and  that  the 
object  was  in  both  cases — that  of  the  king  and  that  of  the  spirit  of  vegetation — to 
ensure  revival  in  a  more  vigorous  form. 

The  necessity  of  this  procedure,  Professor  Frazer  tells  us,  is  based  upon  reasoning 
which  convinced  the  savage,  after  long  disbelief,  that  man  must  die  ;  and  if  man  must 
die,  he  reasoned,  the  gods  must  die  also ;  consequently  incarnate  divinities  were 
subject  to  the  same  inevitable  end — a  fate  which  apparently  extended  to  nature  itself 
if  not  assisted  by  the  magical  processes  invented  by  mankind.  But  the  belief  in  the 
soul  provided  a  way  of  escape  from  the  results  of  death.  If  the  person  in  whom 
the  divinity  was  incarnate  were  slain  before  the  natural  decay  of  age  or  disease  set 
in,  his  soul  in  all  its  pristine  vigour  would  take  possession  of  a  new  body,  would 
become  re-incarnate  with  renovated  powers,  and  thus  the  frame  of  nature  would 
continue  to  be  supported  for  the  advantage  of  humanity. 

The  disbelief  in  the  natural  necessity  of  death  is  so  widespread  among  savage 
nations  and  nations  in  the  lower  stages  of  barbarism,  and  is  so  well  authenticated, 
that,  except  in  the  few  cases  in  which  we  are  expressly  told  to  the  contrary,  it 
may  be  always  presumed.  What  is  needed  to  found  the  theory  that  the  killing 
of  the  incarnate  god  is  a  prophylactic  against  the  results  of  inevitable  death  in 
old  age  or  from  sickness,  is  proof  that  the  disbelief  in  natural  death  had  been 
abandoned  by  the  peoples  who  adopted  this  remarkable  method  of  warding  off  the 
effects  of  mortality  upon  the  divine  being.  But  this  is  a  link  in  the  chain  of 
proof  which  the  author  has  dropped.  Indeed,  I  venture  to  think  it  is  a  link  which 
cannot  be  forged,  because  the  materials  do  not  exist.  Take  the  great  continent  of 
Africa,  from  which  some  of  his  most  striking  and  recent  evidence  is  derived.  The 
disbelief  of  natural  death  is  found  everywhere,  from  north  to  south,  from  east  to 
west.  It  is  true  that  it  is  modified  in  some  instances  so  far  as  to  admit  that 
persons  may  die  naturally  of  old  age.  But  these  cases  are  too  rare  to  rebut  the 
presumption  that  instances  of  killing  the  incarnate  divinity  do  not  arise  in  con- 
sequence of  "  the  sad  truth  of  human  mortality "  having  been  "  borne  in  upon  our 
"  primitive  philosopher  with  a  force  of  demonstration  which  no  prejudice  could 
resist  and  no  sophistry  dissemble."  In  particular  (and  this  is  important  for  the 
argument)  when  a  chief  dies  or  falls  sick,  the  death  or  sickness  is  put  down  to 
witchcraft,  and  never,  or  hardly  ever,  to  natural  causes.  Professor  Frazer  cites 
the  anxiety  of  Chaka,  the  famous  Zulu  monarch,  to  avoid  the  appearance  of  age  ; 
and  though  with  his  usual  candour  he  draws  attention  to  the  fact  that  the  writer 

[  100  ] 


1912.]  MAN.  [No.  50. 

"  whom  ho  quotes  does  not  "  specify  the  mode  in  which  a  grey-haired  and  wrinkled 
"  Zulu  chief  used  to  make  his  exit  from  this  sublunary  world,"  he  conjectures  on 
analogy  that  it  was  by  a  violent  death  at  the  hands  of  his  subjects.  But.  if  we 
are  to  assume  that  this  was  because  death  was  believed  to  be  inevitable,  it  is  an 
inference  that  the  evidence  will  not  support.  On  the  contrary,  one  of  our  best 
authorities  on  the  Zulus  tells  us  expressly  (and  his  evidence  is  abundantly  con- 
firmed by  others),  that  "  no  person  is  ever  believed  to  have  died  a  natural  death 
'•  unless  in  battle  or  in  a  row,  and  not  always  even  then,  but  must  have  been  done 
"  to  death  by  witchcraft"  (Leslie,  Among  the  Zulus  and  Amatongas,  48). 

Another  case  cited  is  that  of  the  Matiamvo  of  Angola,  who  was  compelled  to 
die  in  war,  or  in  any  case  by  a  violent  death.  But  here  again  we  know  that  tbs 
disbelief  in  natural  death  has  not  been  given  up.  A  German  explorer  of  Angola 
reports  emphatically  that  the  Negro  (by  which  expression  he  means  the  Bantu 
population  of  that  part  of  the  continent)  "  notoriously  never  believes  in  the  natural 
"  occurrence  of  sickness  or  of  death,  even  from  extreme  old  age "  (Schiitt,  in 
Mittheilungen  der  Afrikanischen  Gesellschaft  in  Deutschland,  I,  204. 

These  two  examples  are  sufficient  for  my  present  purpose,  though  others  are  not 
wanting  ;  but  in  neither  of  them  is  there  any  assertion  that  the  course  of  nature 
would  suffer  from  the  king  being  allowed  to  die  a  natural  death.  The  practice  of 
killing  the  king  may  therefore  be  a  survival  from  a  time  when  the  belief  in  such  a 
catastrophe  was  operative,  and  the  belief  itself  may  have  been  given  up.  If  so, 
and  if  the  belief  were  founded  on  the  conviction  of  human  mortality,  it  is  curious 
that,  that  conviction  should  have  been  abandoned,  and  that  in  both  cases  the  people 
should  have  fallen  back  upon  the  more  archaic  disbelief  in  the  inevitable  necessity 
of  death. 

But  by  far  the  most  interesting  example  of  the  killing  of  the  divine  king  is 
that  discovered  by  Dr.  Seligmann  among  the  Shilluk  on  the  White  Nile.  It  is  in 
effect  a  very  close  parallel  to  that  of  the  priest  of  Nemi,  and  its  discovery  affords 
a  strong  testimony  to  Professor  Frazer's  scientific  acumen  and  the  general  accuracy 
of  his  interpretation  of  the  custom.  "  The  king,"  says  Dr.  Seligmann  as  quoted  from 
manuscript  by  Professor  Frazer,  "  must  not  be  allowed  to  become  ill  or  senile,  lest 
"  with  his  diminishing  vigour  the  cattle  should  sicken  and  fail  to  bear  their  increase, 
"  the  crops  should  rot  in  the  fields,  and  man,  stricken  with  disease,  should  die  in 
"  ever-increasing  numbers."  To  prevent  these  calamities  it  used  to  be  the  regular 
custom  to  put  the  king  to  death  whenever  he  showed  signs  of  ill-health  or  failing 
strength.  So  far  as  I  am  aware,  however,  there  is  no  evidence  that  the  Shilluk 
have  abandoned  the  belief  they  presumably  held,  in  common  with  other  peoples  of  the 
lower  culture,  in  the  natural  immortality  of  man.  They  are  ancestor-worshippers  ; 
and  they  seem  to  ascribe  the  cause  of  death  to  vengeance  on  the  part  of  the  spirits 
of  the  dead  for  neglect  or  for  violation  of  the  customs  of  the  tribe,  or  else  to  nature 
spirits  evoked  by  witchcraft  (Father  Hofmayr,  in  Anthropos,  VI,  127). 

The  evidence  here  and  elsewhere  rather  suggests  that  Professor  Frazer  has 
weakened  his  theory  by  importing  into  it  the  conviction  of  natural  mortality.  No 
doubt  the  more  advanced  nations  practising  the  rites  of  which  the  distinguished  author 
has  made  so  vast  and  so  instructive  a  collection  have  long  ago  arrived  at  that  sad 
conviction.  But  the  rites  themselves  must  have  originated  at  an  earlier  stage  in 
the  evolution  of  human  civilisation.  Even  now  they  are  practised  by  nations  in 
regard  to  which  proof  of  that  sad  conviction  is  wanting.  At  the  stage  at  which 
they  originated  it  must  have  been  well  recognised  that  growing  age  was  accompanied 
by  failing  powers  ;  and  in  the  case  of  the  incarnate  divinity  it  was  apprehended 
that  those  failing  powers  might  be  accompanied  by  a  disaster  to  vegetation,  to 
mankind,  and  to  the  flocks  and  herds.  That  age,  however,  was  necessarily  followed 

[   101   ] 


No.  50.]  MAN.  [1912. 

by  dissolution  was  a  conclusion  that,  so  far  as  the  evidence  goes,  was  not  yet  drawn. 
It  is  a  conclusion  that  seems  incapable  of  proof.  Nor  is  it  necessary  to  a  satisfactory 
theory  of  the  meaning  of  the  rites  of  the  killing  of  the  divine  king.  T  submit, 
therefore,  that  it  might  with  advantage  be  dropped. 

One  of  the  most  valuable  chapters  in  the  present  volume  is  that  in  which  Dr. 
Frazer  replies  to  his  critics  who  have  discredited  the  position  that  a  king  was  ever  put 
to  death  at  the  end  of  a  definite  period.  No  one,  these  critics  insisted,  would  accept 
the  kingship  on  such  terms.  But,  as  is  here  shown,  the  high  value  which  we  put  on 
human  life  is  very  different  from  the  value  put  upon  it  by  other  races.  A  savage 
assesses  even  his  own  life  at  a  much  lower  rate  than  we  do.  The  instances  of  willing- 
ness to  sacrifice  it  for  what  seems  to  us  an  altogether  insufficient  motive  might  be 
multiplied  ad  libitum.  It  is  not  at  all  incredible  that  men  could  be  found  willing  to 
purchase  the  glory  of  a  short  lease  of  kingship  at  the  price  of  its  surrender  together 
with  life  itself,  after  a  delay  that  seems  to  us  utterly  inadequate  to  compensate  them. 
This  willingness,  as  the  author  suggests,  may  have  been  connected  with  an  intensity 
of  belief  in  the  future  life  which  we  cannot  feel.  It  is  also,  as  he  also  suggests,  to 
be  referred  to  the  far  greater  risks,  discomfort,  and  uncertainty  of  the  present  life, 
than  those  to  which  we,  in  the  comfort  and  comparative  safety  of  a  high  civilisation, 
are  exposed.  In  any  case,  we  are  not  justified  in  arguing  from  our  own  sophisticated 
feelings  to  those  of  peoples  in  very  different  circumstances  and  with  very  different 
prejudices  and  education.  At  the  same  time  I  am  inclined  to  draw  the  line  at  the 
tenure  of  the  kingship  for  so  short  a  period  as  a  single  day.  The  evidence  in  favour 
of  any  such  practice  leaves  much  to  be  desired.  So  far  as  it  is  based  on  legend,  it 
is  obvious  that  the  stories  present  a  version  of  ancient  custom  highly  embellished  by 
the  imagination  of  ages  after  the  custom  itself  had  been  abandoned  or  greatly  modified. 
In  the  case  of  Ujjain,  where  the  daily  monarch  was  said  to  have  been  eaten  by  a 
monster,  and  where  the  yearly  offering  of  seven  girls  and  five  buffaloes  to  the  two  sisters 
of  the  insatiable  goddess  Kali  was,  by  one  account,  connected  with  the  legend,  the 
practice  does  not  confirm  the  truth  of  the  story.  There  is  all  the  difference  in  the 
world  between  the  daily  killing  of  the  king  and  the  yearly  sacrifice  of  seven  girls. 
Professor  Frazer,  indeed,  seems  to  have  lurking  doubts  when  he  concludes  that 
"  the  persistence  of  these  bloody  rites  at  Ujjain  down  to  recent  times  raises  a  pre- 
"  sumption  that  the  tradition  of  the  daily  sacrifice  of  a  king  in  the  same  city  was  not 
"  purely  mythical."  (The  italics  are  mine.) 

The  only  case  in  which  there  is  any  approach  to  evidence  of  the  custom  of  a 
diurnal  tenure  of  the  kingship  followed  by  slaughter  is  that  of  Ngoio,  a  province  of 
the  ancient  kingdom  of  Congo,  in  West  Africa.  It  rests  on  a  single  short  statement 
made  to  Mr.  Dennett  by  Neanlan,  who  claimed  to  be  entitled  to  "  the  cap  " — that  is 
to  say,  the  crown.  Of  this  statement  Mr.  Dennett  has  given  in  the  Folklore  of 
the  Fjord,  p.  xxxii,  and  At  the  Back  of  the  Black  Man's  Mind,  p.  120,  versions  which 
are  not  quite  consistent.  Whether  the  chieftain  of  Ngoio  was  said  to  have  been  killed 
by  day  or  by  night  may  seem  of  little  importance.  Yet  the  one  may  point  to  a  ritual 
slaughter,  the  other  merely  to  fear  of  successful  conspiracy  on  the  part  of  jealous 
rivals.  Mr.  Dennett  appears  to  have  made  no  further  enquiry,  or  if  he  did  he  has  not 
yet,  to  my  knowledge,  published  the  information  he  obtained.  The  custom,  if  it  ever 
existed,  has  long  been  in  abeyance.  It  is  hard  to  reconcile  with  Dr.  Frazer's  general 
theory,  though  the  statement  reported  by  Mr.  Dennett  was  well  worth  drawing  atten- 
tion to.  But  as  the  evidence  at  present  stands  we  are  not  warranted  in  believing 
that  the  rite  of  slaying  a  one-day  king  was  ever  practised. 

Passing  over  many  interesting  points  raised  in  the  course  of  the  volume,  it  may 
be  worth  while  to  pause  upon  the  Hebrew  tradition  of  the  slaughter  of  the  first-born. 
Of  this  tradition,  the  author's  ingenious  explanation,  and  his  argument  that  the 

[  102  ] 


1912,]  MA.N.  [No.  50. 

sacrifice  of  the  first-born  son  was  a  very  ancient  Semitic  institution  shared  by  the 
Hebrews  with  cognate  peoples,  were  included  in  the  previous  edition.  But  he  has 
here  greatly  enlarged  the  list  of  cases  of  infanticide  among  other  peoples,  cited  in 
support  of  the  argument  or  by  way  of  illustration.  I  am  inclined  to  think  that  they 
do  not  all  bear  out  the  reasons  assigned  for  them.  The  Kaffir  custom  (also  mentioned 
in  the  previous  edition)  of  putting  to  death  the  first  child  born  after  a  widow's  second 
marriage  is  not  a  parallel  case.  It  seems  to  result  from  the  pollution  a  woman  suffers 
by  the  death  of  her  husband,  or  from  the  belief  (which  is,  perhaps,  only  a  different 
way  of  putting  the  same  thing)  in  his  posthumous  jealousy.  Dr.  Frazer  would  explain 
some  of  the  other  examples  by  the  doctrine  that  the  father  is  born  again  in  his  son, 
and  consequently  that  the  son  must  be  put  to  death  that  the  father  may  continue 
to  live.  In  this  connection  he  repudiates  for  savages  "  the  purely  prudential  con- 
"  sideration  of  adjusting  the  numbers  of  the  tribe  to  the  amount  of  the  food-supply"; 
and  in  a  note  he  quotes  the  opinion  of  Messrs.  Spencer  and  Gillen.  The  Australian 
natives  practise  infanticide,  but  not  of  the  first-born  only.  The  reason  for  killing 
the  first-born  among  the  Dieri  is  said  by  Mr.  Gason  to  be  that  "  many  of  them 
"  marrying  very  young,  their  first-born  is  considered  immature  and  not  worth  pre- 
"  serving  "  (Curr,  Australian  Race,  II,  46).  This  was  probably  the  reason,  or  one 
of  the  reasons,  in  the  instances  cited  by  Professor  Frazer.  In  certain  "  parts  of  New 
"  South  Wales,  such  as  Bathurst,  Goulburn.  the  Lachlan  or  Macquarrie,"  it  is  said 
indeed  that  "it  was  customary  long  ago  for  the  first-born  of  every  lubra  to  be  eaten 
44  by  the  tribe  as  part  of  a  religious  ceremony "  (John  Moore  Davis,  in  Brough 
Smyth,  Aborigines  of  Victoria,  II,  311).  But  the  statement  is  so  exceptional  that 
it  is  perhaps  worth  further  enquiry.  If  anything  may  be  inferred  from  Mr.  Howitt's 
silence  he  did  not  credit  it.  The  evidence  that  the  blackfellows  hold  the  doctrine 
of  Manu,  that  the  husband  is  born  again  of  his  wife,  is  of  the  most  meagre  and 
unsatisfactory  description.  It  rests,  I  think,  partly  on  a  vague  expression  by  a 
Kulin  father  when  under  the  influence  of  rage,  and  partly  on  a  philological  conjecture 
of  Mr.  Howitt  as  to  the  exact  meaning  of  a  Dieri  word  applying  equally  to  any 
of  a  man's  own  sons  and  his  brother's  sons.  The  reasons  usually  assigned  for 
Australian  infanticide  are  that  the  child  impedes  its  mother's  activities  or  those  of 
the  camp,  or  that  it  is  weakly  or  deformed.  It  seems  clear  that  the  author  has 
dismissed  economic  reasons  too  summarily.  Savages,  it  is  true,  are  not  greatly  given 
to  taking  thought  for  the  morrow.  Yet  the  quotation  from  Spencer  and  Gillen  proves 
that  they  do  take  some  thought  for  the  morrow,  for  these  writers  allege  that  what 
affects  the  father  in  deciding  whether  a  child  is  to  die  "  is  simply  the  question  of 
"  how  it  will  interfere  with  the  work  of  his  wife  so  far  as  their  own  camp  is  con- 
44  cerned."  But  this  certainly  means  the  food-supply.  The  Australian  woman  has 
important  functions  to  fulfil  in  gathering  vegetable  food  and  the  smaller  animals  ;  and 
her  contributions  to  the  victualling  of  the  camp  are  by  no  means  to  be  despised. 
The  burden  of  small  children  reduces  her  power  of  collecting  food,  and  must  be 
limited  if  the  family  is  to  maintain  itself.  Notoriously,  too,  the  Polynesian  peoples 
would  have  outgrown  the  food-supply  on  their  little  islands  in  the  Pacific,  if  the 
population  had  not  been  rigorously  kept  down  by  infanticide  and  abortion.  This,  it  is 
true,  is  not  the  reason  put  in  the  forefront  by  Ellis  ;  but  he  does  mention  it,  and  it 
is  undeniable.  Nor  is  the  motive  suggested  by  Dr.  Frazer  (namely,  that  the  father 
had  to  relinquish  his  honours  and  position  to  his  infant  son)  included  in  his  list  at 
all.  On  the  contrary,  that  motive  would  in  any  case  only  have  applied  to  the  chiefs, 
and  from  what  Ellis  says  it  is  to  be  inferred  that  most  of  the  infants  destroyed 
were  girls — an  inference  further  supported  by  the  existence  of  the  institution  of  the 
Areoi. 

But  whatever  exceptions  we    may    take  to  the  various  explanations  proposed    in 

[     103     ] 


Nos.  50-52.]  MAN.  [1912. 

these  pages,  the  fact  remains  that  infanticide  has  been  very  widespread.  It  is  probable 
that  the  Hebrews,  in  common  with  other  Semites,  were  given  to  the  practice  in  their 
earlier  and  more  barbarous  days,  and  that  it  frequently  took  the  terrible  form  of  sacri- 
ficing the  helpless-  children  to  the  gods  by  "  passing  through  the  fire,"  testified  to  in 
the  Bible  itself  at  a  time  when  the  conscience  of  the  people  was  beginning  to  revolt 
against  it.  In  this  opinion  Dr.  Frazer  has  the  support  of  eminent  authorities  on 
Semitic  antiquity. 

I  have  already  occupied  more  space  than  I  intended,  though  not  more  than  this 
third  instalment  of  the  new  edition  of  Dr.  Frazer's  opus  magnum  deserves.  But 
there  is  one  other  matter  of  detail  to  which  I  want  to  call  attention.  The  Esthonian 
custom  of  making  a  straw  figure  called  the  Metsik,  or  Forest-man,  referred  to  on 
pp.  233  and  252,  is  not  quite  parallel  with  the  other  rites  of  "  Burying  the  Carnival," 
with  which  it  is  here  connected.  It  is  rather  the  consecration  of  a  new  idol  (or  fetish, 
if  I  may  use  that  much-abused  word)  intended  to  last  and  be  effective  for  the 
protection  of  the  crops  and  the  cattle  throughout  the  year.  The  figure  is  carried 
round  the  village,  taken  to  the  boundary,  and  there  set  up  on  the  nearest  tree  with 
dancing  and  a  bacchanalian  rout  in  which  indescribable  scenes  are  enacted.  For  the 
rest  of  the  year  it  is  prayed  to  with  offerings  to  protect  the  cattle.  By  the  time 
the  year  has  expired  the  atmospheric  influences  have  doubtless  reduced  it  to  a  few 
shapeless  remnants,  and  accordingly  a  new  figure  is  prepared  and  consecrated  with 
similar  rites.  But  there  does  not  appear  to  be  any  ceremonial  destruction,  such  &s 
is  involved  in  the  burial,  burning,  or  drowning  of  the  Carnival  ;  there  is  here  no 
"  Killing  of  the  Tree-spirit." 

The  criticisms  I  have  ventured  on,  not  without  deference  to  the  high  authority 
and  profound  research  of  the  author,  relate  merely  to  matters  of  detail  in  this  new 
volume  of  the  third  edition  of  The  Golden  Bough.  I  need  not  say  that  it  is 
hardly  inferior  to  its  predecessors  in  interest,  while  its  place  in  the  general  thesis  is 
indispensable.  E.  SIDNEY  HARTLAND. 


Linguistics.  Boas. 

The  Handbook  of  American- Indian  Languages.  (Bulletin  40)  Part  I.  of  £4 
the  Bureau  oj  American  Ethnology.  Edited  by  Franz  Boas.  Washington  :  Ul 
Government  Printing  Office,  1910.  Pp.  1069. 

Vol.  I  of  this  edition  contains  sketches  of  several  of  the  linguistic  stocks  of 
northern  North  America,  viz.,  Athapascan  (Hufa),  by  Goddard  ;  Tlingit,  by  Swanton  ; 
Haida,  by  Swanton  ;  Tsimshiau,  by  Boas  ;  Kwakuitl,  by  Boas  ;  Chinook,  by  Boas  ; 
Maidu,  by  Dixon  ;  Algonquian,  by  Jones  ;  Siouan  (Dakota  of  the  Setou  and  Sautee 
dialects),  by  Boas  and  Swanton  ;  and  Eskimo,  by  Thalbitzer.  Each  of  these  is  pub- 
lished in  separate  pamphlet  form,  as  also  the  introduction  (pp.  1-83)  by  F.  Boas. 

The  grammars  have  been  worked  out  with  extreme  care  by  men  who  are 
authorities  in  their  several  fields.  To  most  students  of  anthropology,  however,  the 
introduction  is  at  once  the  most  interesting  and  most  valuable  part  of  the  work. 
The  discussion  of  the  internal  structure  of  "primitive"  languages,  the  grouping  of 
concepts,  and  the  ethnological  value  of  a  study  of  language,  give  it  a  unique  place 
in  the  literature  on,. this  subject.  There  is  also  a  good  exposition  of  other  linguistic 
and  of  phonetic  phases  of  the  languages  of  the  American-Indian.  N.  D.  W. 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  NOTE. 

MB.  A.  M.  HOCART  has  been  appointed  to  a  Senior  Studentship  at  Exeter  CO 
College,  Oxford,  tenable  for  two  years,  in  order  that  he  may  undertake  vt* 
anthropological  research  in  Fiji  and  its  immediate  neighbourhood. 

Printed  by  EYRE  AND  SPOTTISWOODE,  LTD.,  His  Majesty's  Printers,  East  Harding  Street,  B.C. 


PLATE   G. 


MAN,  1912 


1912.]  MAN.  [Nos.  53-54. 

ORIGINAL    ARTICLES. 

Africa  :  West.  With  Plate  F.  Tremearne. 

The    Hammock    Dance    in    Sierra    Leone.       By    Major    A.    J.    N.     CO 

Tremearne,  B.A.  UU 

Though  I  have  often  heard  of  the  "  hammock  dance,"  as  it  is  called,  I  have 
never  been  fortunate  enough  to  see  it,  and  I  am  indebted  to  Lieutenant  F.  W.  H. 
Denton  of  "  The  Queen's,"  lately  attached  to  the  West  African  regiment,  for  the 
following  notes  and  photographs  of  the  performances  which  he  saw  at  Daru  and  Port 
Lokkoh,  in  Sierra  Leone,  in  1909. 

Two  uprights  were  erected,  some  20  to  30  feet  high,  and  when  these  had  been 
strutted  in  a  rather  primitive  fashion,  an  ordinary  grass  hammock*  was  stretched 
across  the  top  of  the  poles. 

The  orchestra  and  chorus,  consisting  of  a  number  of  male  and  female  performers, 
then  commenced  playing  a  series  of  weird  tunes,  and  singing  songs  extolling  the 
virtues  and  wonderful  powers  of  the  person  about  to  dance.  As  the  music  continued 
the  crowd  grew  larger  and  larger,  the  newcomers  joining  in  the  chorus  and  increasing 
the  din  and  consequent  excitement.  The  principal  performer,  a  Mendi  named  Moham- 
madu,  at  first  walked  round  and  round,  gesticulating  and  shouting  to  his  admiring 
audience,  and  arousing  himself  and  them  to  a  high  state  of  excitement,  but  suddenly 
he  rushed  with  frantic  haste  towards  one  of  the  poles,  swarmed  up  it,  and  took  up 
his  position  in  the  hammock. 

The  first  feat  consisted  in  balancing  himself  while  standing  erect  (No.  1).  He 
then  fell  straight  down,  saving  himself,  however,  by  catching  the  hammock  under 
his  arms  (No.  2).  He  then  looped  the  loop,  sitting  or  lying  in  his  hammock  (Nos. 
3  and  4).  These  were  the  main  lines  of  the  performance,  but  sometimes  the  feats 
were  varied  slightly,  as,  for  instance,  he  would  drop  from  the  erect  position  and 
hang  on  by  one  leg  and  one  arm,  or  by  both  legs,  instead  of  by  both  arms.  Again, 
instead  of  swinging  the  hammock  round  and  round  through  a  large  perimeter,  he 
would  make  it  revolve  almost  on  its  own  axis,  and  so  wind  himself  up,  and  then 
unwind  himself  again.  Between  each  feat  there  was  an  interval  for  breath,  during 
which  the  orchestra  and  chorus  broke  out  afresh,  doubtless  Avith  the  object  of  inciting 
the  performer  to  even  more  daring  tricks,  and  the  admiring  audience  to  even  larger 
offerings. 

On  both  of  these  occasions  the  dance  lasted  only  for  about  an  hour,  it  having 
been  arranged  principally  for  the  edification  of  the  Europeans,  who  cannot  stand 
more  than  a  certain  amount  of  noise.  But  usually  it  continues  for  hours,  until,  in 
fact,  the  performers  and  the  audience  are  exhausted  or  overcome  with  drink. 

A.  J.  N.  TREMEARNE. 


India :  Manipur.  Shakespear. 

Southern    Tangkhul    Notes.       By  Lieut.- Colonel  J.  Shakespear,  C.I.E.,     C 1 
D.S.O.  U*r 

Sacrifices. — When  sowing  is  completed  the  Khul-lakpa  sacrifices  a  pig  on  one 
of  the  main  roads  close  to  the  village,  and  zu  is  drunk.  The  skull  of  the  pig  ia 
placed  on  a  short  post  with  a  small  piece  of  cane  matting  over  it  ;  a  few  feet  away 
are  placed  two  uprights  with  a  cross-bar,  from  which  are  hung  a  small  basket  and  a 
pot,  in  which  are  placed  the  god's  portion  of  the  pig.  A  piece  of  twisted  cane  is 
placed  in  the  ground  between  the  skull  posts  and  the  uprights.  The  village  is  closed 
for  two  days,  no  one  going  in  or  out.  The  sacrifice  is  said  to  ensure  a  good  crop. 

*  Light  grass  hammocks  are  used  mostly  for  visiting,  etc.,  in  cantonments ;  travelling  in  the  bush 
is  performed  in  much  stronger  and  larger  hammocks  made  of  canvas. 

[    105    ] 


No.  54.]  MAN.  [1912. 

At  harvest  time  a  number  of  stones  are  piled  at  the  foot  of  a  tree  and  a  very 
small  chicken  is  sacrificed,  and  zu  drunk  and  offered  to  the  god.  Round  the  tree 
sticks  are  stuck  in  the  ground,  the  upper  ends  being  split  crosswise  and  pieces  of 
wood  being  inserted  into  the  splits.  The  village  is  closed  till  evening.  This  sacrifice 
is  called  Reshi. 

Bumpa  Khuno. — Near  the  village  are  two  pits,  in  each  are  planted  two  forked 
posts  similar  to  the  Lushai  "  She-lu-pun,"  a  branch  of  a  tree  and  a  bamboo  with  its 
upper  end  split  and  extended  into  a  conical  basket.  On  one  of  the  She-lu-pun  is 
the  skull  and  lower  jaw  of  a  mithan,  which  was  sacrificed.  This  sacrifice  is  per- 
formed when  the  crops  have  been  bad  for  some  years  ;  the  sacred  portions  of  the 
mil/tan  are  placed  in  the  basket.  The  pits  are  to  keep  dogs,  pigs,  &c.,  away.  The 
sacrifice  is  followed  by  a  six-days  genna,  at  the  end  of  which  a  white  cloth  is  hung 
from  a  long  bamboo  in  the  village  ;  this  ensures  a  good  crop. 

Sebunglawng. — Just  inside  the  village  gate  is  a  shallow  excavation  about  20  feet 
in  diameter,  in  which  are  planted  three  forked  posts  and  two  branches.  Between  two 
of  the  posts  is  a  mound  of  earth  some  three  feet  high  and  two  in  diameter,  enclosed 
in  bamboo  matting  ;  on  the  top  is  a  piece  of  spar,  a  similar  but  rather  smaller  mound 
also  with  a  piece  of  spar  on  it,  is  a  little  to  one  side.  This  is  the  residence  of  a 
god.  A  pig  and  a  fowl  are  sacrificed  before  jhum  cutting,  before  sowing,  and  at 
harvest.  The  sacred  portions — heart,  skull,  liver,  are  placed  on  the  mounds.  The 
stone  represents  the  god  ;  four  days  genna  at  each  sacrifice.  Whenever  any  wild 
animal  is  killed  the  pole  on  which  it  is  carried  in  is  laid  across  the  forks  of  the 
posts  planted  in  the  pit.  When  a  tiger  is  killed  a  forked  stick  with  small  pieces 
or  battens  tied  across  the  fork  is  erected,  and  this  also  after  a  time  is  placed  across 
the  forked  poles.  On  the  top  of  a  hill  some  little  distance  off  resides  another  and 
more  powerful  god,  who  is  appeased  with  a  sacrifice  every  five  or  six  years.  Before 
the  sacrifice  six  pointed  struts  made  of  twelve  bamboos  are  fastened  to  a  tree  every 
few  paces  along  the  road  to  the  hill.  The  head  of  the  animal  and  sacred  portions 
are  placed  on  the  hill-top  for  the  night,  and  cooked  and  eaten  in  the  morning. 

In  case  of  sickness  a  fowl  is  sacrificed,  and  such  a  pole  erected,  and  the 
house  is  closed  for  the  day,  as  is  shown  by  hanging  a  green  bough  in  front  of  the 
door.  The  Lushai  notify  the  closure  of  house  in  the  same  way. 

Hair. — There  are  three  villages  in  which  the  Tangkhul  men  wear  their  hair 
like  the  Hairing.  It  is  said  that  this  was  the  original  custom,  the  more  common 
coiffure  being  introduced  from  sheer  laziness. 

Origin. — Ukhrul  Tangkhul  say  they  came  from  the  Military  Police  parade 
ground  in  Imphal.  Some  southern  villages  claim  to  have  come  from  a  hill  far  away 
to  the  N.E.  The  people  of  Khongjan  say  their  forefathers  came  from  Kubaw 
valley,  and  settled  first  on  Kumbi  hill  to  the  south  of  Khongjan.  The  people  of 
Bumpa  (Mungba)  say  they  come  from  the  Manipur  plain,  they  and  those  of 
Khongjan  are  both  of  "  Chi-thum "  sagei  They  hazard  a  guess  that  both  lived 
near  to  each  other  originally,  but  were  driven  out  ;  one  party  fled  to  Burma,  and  the 
other  to  Manipur,  but  after  a  short  time  returned  to  the  hills. 

The  people  of  Grihang  claim  to  be  Chi-thum,  who  came  from  Manipur. 

The  people  of  Mairing  claim  to  have  come  from  the  Kubaw  valley,  and  first 
settled  at  Nungpha  on  top  of  the  Kumbiching,  thence  they  scattered  to  Kasom, 
Lemakhum,  Irong,  Karan,  and  Sata,  Lokmang,  Gnampru,  and  Pambung.  They  speak 
a  different  dialect  to  their  neighbours.  There  are  different  sagei  in  different  villages  ; 
in  Mairing  are  Hawnzawriawh  and  Vawmpuiriah.  These  can  intermarry.  In  dress 
both  sexes  resemble  their  neighbours. 

Houses. — Mairing  and  Khongjan  have  raised  houses  with  big  front  verandah 

[  106  ] 


1912.]  MAN.  [Nos.  54-55. 

and  overhauging  roof,  and  many  have  platforms  for  sitting  on    and  drying  things  in 
front,  but  to  one  side  of  the  house. 

Grihang  houses  have  front  verandah,  but  are  on  the  ground,  except  a  few  which 
are  slightly  raised.  Mungba  or  Bumpa  has  no  front  verandah.  The  front  wall  of 
planks  is  quite  straight.  Two  adjoining  planks  each  have  a  semi-oval  cut  out  to 
make  a  doorway. 

Dress,  fyc. — The  only  difference  I  noticed  was  the  women's  earrings.  The  upper 
rim  of  the  ear  is  pierced,  and  in  this  is  inserted  a  coil  of  wire,  which  is  so  heavy 
that  it  has  to  be  supported  by  two  strings  passing  over  the  head,  one  slightly 
behind  the  other.  (Cf.  The  Garos,  Playfair,  p.  29.) 

Resting  Places. — On  main  roads  such  resting  places  as  below  described  are 
common,  and  are  marked  by  some  prominent  design  so  as  to  be  seen  from  a  distance. 
On  each  side  of  the  main  road  was  a  levelled  space,  along  the  end  further  from  the 
village  was  a  paling,  with  a  bench  in  front  of  it  ;  from  the  crossbar  of  the  paling 
hung  close  together  many  strands  of  bark,  which  was  ornamental  and  also  of  use  as 
a  cushion  for  the  sitters  on  the  bench  to  lean  against.  Overhead  a  cane  or  creeper 
is  stretched  from  tree  to  tree  across  the  road,  supporting  a  circle  of  cane  from  which 
depended  wooden  hornbills  coloured  black  and  white.  I  was  assured  that  this  was 
purely  ornamental. 

Grihang. — I  noticed  a  post  put  up  to  celebrate  the  killing  of  a  tiger.  A  pig 
was  killed  when  the  post  was  erected.  This  is  like  the  Lushai  custom. 

J.  SHAKESPEAR. 


Sociology.  Long. 

Notes  on  Dr.  J.  G.  Frazer's  "Totem ism  and  Exogamy."       /,',/   //.  C.     CC 

E.  Long.  UO 

The  following  notes  on  Dr.  Frazer's  great  book  were  sent  by  me  to  him  with 
the  idea  that  some  of  them  might  perhaps  be  of  use  to  him  in  a  second  edition.  I 
received  a  very  courteous  reply  from  him  in  which  he  did  me  the  honour  of  saying 
he  considered  them  to  be  valuable  and  "  all  very  much  to  the  point,"  and  suggested 
that  I  should  send  them  for  publication  in  MAN,  as  he  did  not  at  present  intend  to 
publish  a  second  edition.  In  consequence  of  his  suggestion  I  therefore  send  them 
for  publication,  but,  of  course,  do  not  intend  to  convey  that  Dr.  Frazer  necessarily 
agrees  with  all  the  points  raised.  The  references  at  the  commencement  of  each 
paragraph  are  to  his  Totemism  and  Exogamy. 

Vol.  I,  p.  178. — After  giving  tables  of  the  Urabunna  rules  it  is  said  that  this 
sharp  distinction  in  respect  of  marriageability  between  the  children  of  elder  and 
younger  brothers  and  sisters  occurs  not  only  in  tribes  like  the  Urabunna,  but  also  in 
the  Arunta,  and  reference  is  made  to  Spencer  and  Gillen,  Native  Tribes,  p.  65. 

Now  the  authors  do  not  use  the  words  "  in  respect  of  marriageability,"  and  there  is 
not  in  either  their  Native  Tribes  or  Northern  Tribes  any  instance  where  a  distinction  in 
point  of  marriageability  exists  between  the  children  of  elder  and  younger  brothers  and 
sisters  except  the  Urabunna.  They  do  show  among  the  Arunta  customs  of  avoidance 
between  brother  and  sister,  differing  according  as  they  are  elder  or  younger,  and  that 
the  levirate  is  affected  by  the  seniority  of  the  brothers  {Northern  Tribes,  p.  510). 
Further,  there  does  not  seem  to  be  any  other  instance  in  Australia  similar  to  what 
they  state  to  be  the  Urabunna  rule,  namely,  that  a  man  may  only  marry  the  daughter 
of  his  mother's  elder  brother  or  father's  elder  sister.  Mr.  N.  W.  Thomas  {Kinship 
and  Marriage  in  Australia,,  p.  98)  has  shown  the  difficulties  in  working  out  such  a 
system,  and  as  Messrs.  Spencer  and  Gillen  say  {Native  Tribes,  p.  60)  that  they  have 
not  been  able  to  obtain  such  detailed  information  as  in  the  case  of  the  Arunta,  it 

[     107     ] 


No.  55.]  MAN  £1912. 

seems  allowable  to  make  a  suggestion  which  perhaps  may  be  tested  by  some  one  in 
the  field  before  the  tribe  is  extinct. 

The  following  explanation  has  not  so  far  as  I  know  been  previously  suggested 
by  anyone,  namely,  that  by  "  mother's  elder  brother  "  is  really  meant  the  mother's 
mother's  mother's  brother.  His  daughter  then,  whom  according  to  the  rule  given  I 
can  marry,  would  be  of  the  same  class  and  generation  as  my  mother's  father.  Now 
in  the  Dieri  system  (Howitt,  Native  Tribes  of  South-East  Australia,  p.  165)  mother's 
father  is  Nadada,  and  persons  in  this  relationship  to  each  other  can  marry.  So 
again,  if  the  Urabunna  "  father's  elder  sister  "  is  really  father's  mother's  mother,  then 
her  daughter  whom  I  may  marry  is  of  the  same  class  and  generation  as  my  father's 
mother,  that  is  (in  a  two-class  system  like  the  Urabunna)  the  same  class  and  genera- 
tion as  my  mother's  father,  so  it  is  similar  to  the  other  case.  The  assumption  made 
in  this  explanation,  namely,  that  "  elder  brother "  and  "  elder  sister  "  are  really  the 
maternal  grandmother  and  her  brother,  is  exactly  the  Dieri  Kanini  arrangement 
(Howitt,  loc.  cit.),  the  maternal  grandmother  being  the  Kanini  elder  sister,  and  her 
brother  the  Kanini  elder  brother.  This  explanation  brings  the  Urabunna  system  into 
exact  agreement  with  the  Dieri,  as  might  be  expected  from  the  resemblance  in  their 
class  and  totemic  systems,  and  makes  the  Urabunna  like  the  Dieri  (Howitt,  Ibid., 
p.  240),  in  reality  an  eight-class  system,  though  there  are  only  two  class  names.  It 
further  explains  how  the  Arunta  old  men  are  able  (Spencer  and  Gillen,  Native  Tribes, 
p.  68)  to  decide  to  which  of  their  eight  (nominally  four)  classes  an  Urabunna  belongs. 

Vol.  I,  p.  346,  and  Vol.  JV,  p.  271. — It  is  stated  that  with  the  Urabunna  a  man's 
proper  wife  is  his  first  cousin,  the  daughter  of  his  mother's  brother  or  of  his  father's 
sister. 

Leaving  aside  the  explanation  proposed  above,  it  may  be  pointed  out  that  all 
that  the  evidence  given  by  Spencer  and  Gillen  shows  is  that  such  cross  cousin 
marriages  are  permitted  by  the  rules,  and  that  there  is  nothing  to  show  that  actual 
first  cousins,  according  to  our  reckoning,  are  expected  to  marry  as,  e.g.,  among  the 
Toda  or  Fijians.  There  may  be,  as  among  the  Banks  Islanders  (Totemism  and 
Exogamy,  Vol.  II,  p.  75,  and  other  Melanesian  cases,  pp.  122  and  130),  an  inner 
regulation  forbidding  the  marriage  of  first  cousins,  even  when  lawful  by  the  class 
rules.  So  Dr.  W.  E.  Roth  (Ethnological  Studies  among  the  North- West  Central 
Queensland  Aborigines,  p.  182)  states  that  all  the  tribes  dealt  with  in  his  book  forbid 
the  marriage  of  true  blood  cousins,  although  according  to  the  four-class  systems  which 
they  have,  the  cross  cousin  marriage  would  be  lawful. 

This  question  of  an  inner  regulation  should  be  borne  in  mind  also  in  regard 
to  the  alleged  father-daughter  unions  in  Buka  and  Bougainville  (Totemism  and 
Exogamy,  Vol.  II,  p.  118).  The  observer  may  have  been  misled  by  ignorance  of  the 
classificatory  system. 

Vol.  II,  p.  40. — The  instance  of  such  unions  given  from  Kiwan  is  directly 
contrary  to  the  rule  of  exogamy  there  given  on  p.  36.  The  latter  agrees  with  the 
rule  of  the  neighbouring  tribes,  and  the  evidence  of  such  unions  seems  hardly  strong 
enough  to  justify  referring  to  it  on  page  118  as  an  accepted  fact. 

Vol.  II,  p.  14. — It  is  stated  that  there  is  a  difference  between  the  ceremonies 
of  the  dugong  and  turtle  clans  of  Mabuiag,  in  that  the  latter  is  intended  to  breed 
turtles. 

Now  Surlal,  the  name  of  the  clan,  does  not  mean  green  turtle  in  general,  but 
only  when,  in  jargon  English,  "  he  fast "  (Report  Cambridge  Anthropological 
Expedition  to  Torres  Straits,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  122),  in  which  condition  it  floats  on  the 
surface,  and  there  is  a  special  mode  of  catching  it  (A.  C.  Haddon,  in  Journal 
Anthropological  Institute,  Vol.  XIX),  therefore  the  ceremony  performed  on  the  dead 
turtle  might  only  be  intended  to  put  the  turtles  into  the  condition  in  which  they 

[    108    ] 


1912.]  MAN.  [No.  55. 

were  caught,  and  so  be  parallel  to  the  dugong  ceremony.  As  far  as  the  evidence 
goes,  apparently  the  Mabuiag  natives  might  be  as  ignorant  on  the  subject  as  the 
Arunta. 

Vol.  II,  p.  85. — It  is  stated  that  in  Fate  a  trace  of  totemism  may  perhaps  be 
detected. 

In  The  Oceanic  Languages,  by  Rev.  D.  MacDonald  (London,  1907),  p.  xii 
(introduction),  a  short  account  is  given  showing  that  the  Efatese,  as  he  calls  them, 
have  totemism,  exogamy,  and  female  descent.  It  does  not  appear  that  it  is  a  dual 
system.  Apparently  exogamy  exists  in  Tanna,  another  of  the  southern  New  Hebrides, 
from  the  note  in  Kamilaroi  and  Kurnai  (London,  1880),  p.  65. 

Vol.  II,  p.  167. — The  natives  of  Rotuma  included  among  cases  of  exogamy  in 
Polynesia  are  not  Polynesian  speakers,  though  apparently  Polynesian  in  physical 
appearance.  Their  language  is  considered  by  Dr.  Codrington  in  his  Melanesian 
Languages  (Oxford  University  Press,  1885,  p.  401)  to  be  Melanesian,  and  he  gives 
a  grammar  of  it. 

Vol.  II,  p.  332. — In  dealing  with  the  Tamil  system  of  relationship  Dr.  Frazer 
says,  "  In  the  generation  below  his  own  a  man  calls  the  son  and  daughter  of  his  male 
"  first  cousin  (the  son  either  of  his  father's  sister  or  of  his  mother's  brother),  not  as 
"  we  should  expect  '  my  son  '  and  '  my  daughter,'  but  '  my  nephew '  and  '  my  niece ' ; 
"  and  contrariwise  he  calls  the  children  of  his  female  first  cousin  (the  daughter  either 
"  of  his  father's  sister  or  of  his  mother's  brother),  not  as  we  should  expect  'my 
"  nephew'  and  'my  niece,'  but  'my  son'  and  my  daughter.'" 

Dr.  Frazer  goes  on  to  say  that  this  variation  from  the  normal  pattern  of  the 
classificatory  system  is  difficult  to  explain,  and  that  in  this  the  Seneca-Iroquois 
system  is  truer  to  the  logical  principles  of  the  classificatory  system. 

Now  it  will  be  found  on  working  this  out  that  it  is  the  Tamil  system  which  is  logical 
and  the  Seneca-Iroquois  which  is  illogical,  for  my  female  first  cousin  (the  daughter 
of  my  father's  sister  or  of  my  mother's  brother)  is  under  the  system  of  cross  cousin 
marriage  my  potential  "  wife,"  and  it  logically  follows  that  her  children,  the  children 
of  my  wife,  are  my  children,  and  conversely  my  male  cousin  (the  child  of  my  father's 
sister  or  of  my  mother's  brother)  under  the  same  system  is  potential  husband  of  my 
sister,  therefore  his  children  are  my  sister's  children,  and  (I  being  male)  are  my 
"  nephews "  and  "  nieces."  This  was  pointed  out  long  ago  by  Rev.  L.  Fison  in 
Kamilaroi  and  Karnai,  pp.  81  and  89,  where  he  truly  says  the  Tamil  and  Fijian 
systems  are  more  logical  than  the  Seneca-Iroquois,  but  as  Dr.  Frazer's  book  is  so 
great  a  contribution  to  the  subject,  and  must  influence  all  future  inquirers,  it  seems 
well  to  point  it  out  now.  No  doubt  the  statement  was  made  by  Dr.  Frazer  owing 
to  Morgan  taking  the  Seneca-Iroquois  system,  with  which  he  was  best  acquainted, 
as  the  standard. 

Vol.  II,  p.  400. — In  discussing  the  Nyanja-speaking  tribes,  Dr.  Frazer  says  they 
appear  to  have  the  classificatory  system  of  relationship. 

This  is  fully  confirmed  by  a  very  lucid  and  interesting  account  under  the  word 
Mbale  in  Nyanja-English  Vocabulary,  by  Rev.  Herbert  Barnes  (London,  S.P.C.K., 
1902). 

Vol.  IV,  p.  151. — As  to  Aryan  exogamy  it  should  be  pointed  out  that  the 
Ossetes  of  the  Caucasus  are  an  Aryan-speaking  people.  Dr.  Frazer  states  on  p.  302 
that  they  are  exogamous,  but  not  that  their  language  is  Aryan,  and  in  a  letter  to 
me  of  29th  June,  1911,  he  has  informed  me  that  he  considered  this  point  of 
importance. 

On  same  subject,  as  the  Siah  Posh  Kafir  language  is  stated  to  be  Aryan, 
(Encyclopedia  Britannica,  eleventh  edition,  Art.  Kafiristan),  though  apparently  two 
other  languages  are  also  spoken  in  Kafiristan,  it  may  be  mentioned  that  in  an  article 

[  109  ] 


Nos.  55-56.]  MAN.  [1912. 

by  Sir  G.  C.  Robertson  in  Journal  Anthropological  Institute,  1898,  p.  75,  it  is  stated 
a  Kafir  cannot  marry  in  the  clan  of  his  father  or  his  father's  mother.  The  rule  of 
descent  is  not  given,  but  as  a  son  takes  his  father's  personal  name  prefixed  to  his 
own  it  may  be  supposed  to  be  in  the  male  line.  This  seems  to  refer  to  the  Kam 
tribe  of  Kafirs,  who  speak  the  Siah  Posh  language  according  to  Encyclopedia 
Britannica. 

In  conclusion,  and  referring  to  same  page,  it  may  be  said  that  the  Chinese  are 
an  instance  of  a  highly  civilised  race  in  addition  to  the  Hindus,  who  are  exogamous 
though  non- Aryan.  See  Westermarck,  History  of  Human  Marriage  (London,  1894), 
p.  305. 

I  cannot  close  these  notes  without  expressing  my  admiration  of  the  wealth  of 
knowledge  and  scientific  insight  displayed  in  Dr.  Frazer's  great  book,  which  would 
make  the  present  writer  diffident  of  offering  any  criticisms  on  it  except  for  the 
encouragement  received  from  him.  RICHARD  C.  E.  LONG. 


Rhodesia.  Garbutt :  Johnson. 

Hut   at    Khami    Ruins,    Rhodesia.       By    H.    JV.    Garbutt   and  J.   P.     Cg 

Johnson.  uO 

In  No.  XXVI  (January  1908)  of  the  Journal  of  the  African  Society,  Mr.  J.  H. 
Venniug,  writing  on  Rhodesian  Mines,  gives  various  reasons  for  concluding  that  the 
ruins  were  built  by  the  "  Varoswe." 

From  his  article  we  take  the  following  : — "  Huts  have  been  built  and  walls 
"  built  round  to  protect  them  ;  more  huts  added  and  more  walls  built  to  protect 
"  them  again,  and  so  on.  .  .  ." 

"  Personally,  in  every  case  where  I  have  asked  the  natives  from  near  Zimbabwe 
"  to  the  Sabi  River,  they  have  one  and  all  declared  them  to  be  the  work  of  the 
."  'Varoswe."  "They  call  them  'the  heaps  of  the  Varoswe.'" 

"  Mambo,  so  far  as  one  can  calculate,  must  have  lived  about  600  years  ago." 

A  plan  of  the  N'Natali  ruins,  surveyed  by  Mr.  J.  L.  Popham  and  reproduced  in 
Professor  Randall-Maclver's  Mediaeval  Rhodesia  and  in  Mr.  J.  P.  Johnson's  The  Pre- 
historic Period  in  South  Africa,  shows  in  the  centre  of  the  ruins  a  hut  with  four 
compartments  opening  out  of  a  central  compartment,  whilst  an  ordinary  round  hut  is 
shown  on  the  edge  of  the  ruin.  Mr.  Hall  claims  these  chambered  huts  as  typical 
"  Barosie  "  huts  and  evidence  of  the  presence  of  subsequent  squatters  of  that  tribe. 
The  accompanying  illustration  is  an  accurate  plan  of  the  remains  of  a  similar  five- 
compartment  hut  at  Khami  Ruins,  but  ordinary  round  huts  also  occur  there.  The 
latter  style  of  hut  is  considered  by  some  to  be  of  more  recent  erection  than  the 
walls  of  the  ruins  surrounding  them,  but  in  our  opinion  they  are  contemporary. 
Mr.  Franklin  White,  writing  of  the  Khami  Ruins  in  1903,  stated: — "The  remains 
"  of  two  large  circular  dwellings  referred  to  by  the  writer  in  a  paper  read  before 
"  this  Association  (Rhodesia  Scientific  Association)  in  May,  1900,  are  made  of  the 
"  same  class  of  cement,  so  it  may  be  inferred  that  they  are  of  the  same  age  as  the 
"•  stonework  of  the  ruins  and  not  of  more  recent  date  as  was  then  imagined." 
Mr.  Venning  also  mentions  "cement,"  and  says: — "Carefully  looking  into  it  we  find 
"  it  to  be  nothing  but  a  decomposed  red  granite  soil  .  .  .  which,  when  thoroughly 
"  beaten  down,  forms  a  very  hard  crust.  I  have  frequently  seen  in  old  abandoned 
"  kraals  the  floors  every  bit  as  hard  as  the  so-called  'cement'  of  Zimbabwe,  and 
"  these  floors  have  in  some  instances  been  exposed  to  all  kinds  of  weather." 

Mr.  Venning's  arguments  regarding  the  original  builders  of  the  ruins  are 
strengthened  by  the  following  conversation  between  the  Rev.  S.  S.  Dornan,  M.A., 
of  Bulawayo,  and  Chwapa,  who  was  Chamberlain  to  Lobengula. 

Rev.  S.  S.  Dornan  has  kindly  given  his    permission   to    insert  this  conversation. 


1912.] 


MAN. 


[No.  56. 


«  \ 


The  questions    are    not   given,  but    they  can    be    gathered    from   the    answers.      The 
words  in  brackets  are  only  added  for  explanation. 

CHWAPA,  Chamberlain  of  Lobengula  : — "  When  the  Amaswazi  arrived  in  Rhodesia 
(the  first  wave  of  Zulu  emigration)  the  Mambo  was  living  in  his  castle  at  Thaba's  ka 
Mambo.  Thus  we  were  not  the  first  to  destroy  those  fortifications.  They  were  ruins 
before  we  arrived  (Amaswazi  destroyed  them). 

"  (The  Amaswazi  came  here  and  remained  about  two  years.)  They  were  here  to 
eat  one  corn  and  to  see  another  corn  in  the  gardens.  They  came  immediately  before 
us  about  two  or  three  years.  That  is  why  we  got  such  an  easy  conquest,  because 
Amaswazi  had  killed  the  Mambo's  people.  The  Mambo  went  up  our  river — the 
Inkwezi — where  he  built  another  fort,  which  still  exists  about  eight  miles  from  here 
(Inyati).  They  hadn't  the  trimmed  stones  up  there  ;  they  had  to  take  the  stones 
as  they  found  them,  as  they  had  no  time  to  trim  them.  The  son  of  this  Mambo 
went  over  to 
Chibi  to  the 
Zimbabwe 
there.  Mngan- 
ingwe  is  the 
name  of  the 
mountain  near 
the  ruins.  In- 
hamohamo  was 
the  name  of  the 
chief.  He  was 
son  of  Mambo. 
"  The  same 
Mambo  (of 
Thaba's  ka 
Mambo)  who 
built  Dhlo- 
Dhlo,  when 
the  Amaswazi 
drove  him  out 
of  Dhlo-Dhlo 
came  over  to 
Thaba's  ka 
Mamba  and 
built  it.  After- 
wards drove 
him  out  of 
that. 

''  The  stones  (Zimbabwe)  were  only  for  the  foot ;  the  houses  were  ordinary  huts 
inside.  In  the  circular  towers  (at  Zimbabwe)  they  were  hiding  during  the  fighting. 
When  he  went  to  Zimbabwe  he  had  taken  his  first  wife  (that  is.  he  was  about 
eighteen  or  twenty  years  of  age).  When  we  went  to  raid  at  the  ruins  we  found 
young  trees  growing  in  them.  They  (Abalozi)  built  then,  as  we  do  now,  with  dagga, 
as  we  formerly  built  with  sticks  stuck  in  the  ground  and  tied  together  at  the  top, 
and  thatched  down  to  the  ground.  We  learnt  this  from  them.  When  we  went  to 
Zimbabwe  he  was  grown  up,  and  the  walls  did  not  look  new.  I  have  lived  with 
the  old  slaves  (Abalozi),  as  a  boy,  who  actually  saw  with  their  own  eyes  the  Abaga- 
mambo  build  these  ruins  (Thaba's  ka  Mambo,  Dhlo-Dhlo,  &c.).  The  Abalozi  built 
here  (Insiza).  Abalozi,  the  name  of  the  tribe  ;  Mamba,  the  name  of  the  chief. 


M   t  T  HE  S. 


10 


Nos.  56-57,]  MAN.  [1912. 

"  About  the  old  mines  I  can  tell  nothing  ;  we  took  no  care  of  these  things. 
The  white  people,  from  whom  the  Abalozi  bought  many  things,  were  the  Portuguese  ; 
for  instance,  the  two  old  cannons  to  resist  us  were  bought  from  the  Portuguese. 
The  walls  of  Insizi  still  stand."  H.  W.  GARBUTT. 

J.  P.  JOHNSON. 

NOTE. — The  Kev.  S.  S.  Dornan  has  since  written  as  follows: — "I  have  read  the 
enclosed,  and  note  what  Johnson  says  about  the  inconsistency  between  the  Amazwazi 
destroying  the  Thaba's  ka  Mambo  place,  and  then  the  Amandebele  doing  the  same. 
I  noticed  this  myself  afterwards,  and  the  mistake  may  be  mine  ;  but  on  one  thing 
Chwapo  was  most  positive,  the  Mambo  was  living  at  Thaba's  ka  Mambo,  and  they 
(the  Amandebele)  drove  him  out  of  that.  I  am  quite  clear  upon  that.  What  I 
think  the  old  man  really  meant  was  that  the  Amazwazi  drove  him  (Mambo)  out 
of  Dhlo-Dhlo,  and  he  then  came  over  to  Thaba's  ka  Mambo.  This  was  how  I 
understood  the  matter." 


Africa,  East.  Barrett. 

A'Kikuyu  Fairy  Tales.    (Rogano.)     By  Captain   W.  E.  H.  Barrett.  M 

THE  THREE  WARRIORS  AND  THE  MASAI  WOMAN'S  HEAD. 

One  day  many  years  ago  three  A'Kikuyu  warriors  (anake)  went  off  to  steal 
some  cattle  from  a  hostile  tribe,  and  with  them  they  took  a  bullock  for  food,  as  the 
villages  of  the  enemy  were  many  days  away.  After  travelling  for  a  long  distance 
they  came  to  an  open  space,  and  while  they  were  crossing  it  they  heard  a  voice 
calling  out  to  them  to  stop.  They  turned  round,  but  the  only  thing  they  could  see 
anywhere  near  them  was  the  head  of  a  Masai  woman,  with  large  ornaments  fixed 
in  her  ears,  lying  on  the  ground  close  by.  At  first  they  were  afraid,  and  said  : 
"  Is  it  a  god  or  what  is  it  ?  "  One  of  them,  however,  laughed,  and  the  others  joined 
in,  saying,  "  It  is  impossible  for  this  object  to  have  called  us,"  and  then  all  three 
proceeded  to  go  on  their  way.  The  head,  however,  immediately  said  "  Stop  !  I  am 
"  speaking  to  you,  but  you  leave  me."  Hearing  this  the  warriors  became  terrified 
and  ran  off,  taking  the  bullock  with  them.  The  head,  however,  outstripped  them, 
and,  standing  in  front  of  the  animal,  stopped  it.  On  seeing  this  the  warriors  fled, 
leaving  the  bullock  where  it  was,  but  the  head  called  out  to  them  to  be  afraid  of 
nothing,  and  to  stop  running,  for  she  wished  them  no  harm,  and  all  that  she  wanted 
was  a  little  blood  from  their  animal,  as  she  was  hungry.  Recovering  somewhat  from 
their  fright,  the  warriors  stopped  at  a  little  distance  and  told  her  to  kill  the  animal 
and  drink  its  blood,  as  they  had  no  bowl  into  which  to  put  the  blood.  She,  however, 
said,  "  I  do  not  want  to  kill  the  beast,"  and  taking  off  a  belt  she  was  wearing  tied 
it  round  the  bullock's  neck,  after  which  she  produced  a  small  knife  and  made  a  slit 
in  the  animal's  neck,  so  that  blood  flowed  ;  sitting  underneath  she  opened  her  mouth, 
caught  the  blood  as  it  fell,  and  drank  until  she  was  satisfied.  She  then  told  the 
warriors,  who  were  standing  a  short  way  off,  to  go  home  and  take  their  property 
with  them,  but  that  on  no  account  were  they  to  mention  what  they  had  seen  to 
anyone  else.  Before  they  left  she  warned  them  that  she  would  follow  them,  and  hear 
if  any  of  them  disobeyed  her.  The  warriors  went  towards  their  home,  and  on  the 
journey  remained  silent.  On  the  evening  of  the  day  on  which  they  arrived  at  their 
village  they  all  sat  round  the  fire  in  one  of  their  huts  and  ate  food  with  several  of 
their  sweethearts  (airetu)  and  some  other  warriors.  Their  friends  pressed  them  to 
tell  their  adventures  on  their  recent  journey,  but  two  refused.  The  third,  however, 
thinking  it  was  quite  safe  to  do  so,  in  spite  of  the  entreaties  of  his  two  companions, 
related  the  whole  story.  He  little  knew  that  the  head,  who  had  followed  them  up, 
was  hiding  in  the  bush,  and  heard  every  word  he  said.  That  night,  as  he  slept, 


1912.]  MAN.  [No.  57. 

the  head  crept  softly  up  to  his  hut,  pushed  the  door  open,  and  having  entered  killed 
him,  and  cutting  out  his  liver  and  kidneys  took  them  off  with  her  into  the  forest 
close  by,  where  she  lit  a  fire  and  cooked  them  over  it.  When  they  were  well  done 
she  took  them  to  the  hut  of  his  mother,  and  leaving  them  lying  inside  near  the 
fire  stones,  betook  herself  oiF  to  her  hiding  place. 

The  next  morning  the  old  woman  woke  early,  and  seeing  some  well-cooked  liver 
and  kidneys  lying  in  the  hut  she  ate  them  ;  thinking  that  her  son,  during  the  night, 
had  placed  them  there  as  a  present  for  her. 

Shortly  afterwards  she  heard  shrieks  proceeding  from  her  son's  hut,  and  pro- 
ceeding there  found  her  son's  sweetheart  (muiretu)  wringing  her  hands  with  grief, 
and  several  other  people  assembled  outside,  Entering,  she  found  her  son's  dead  body 
lying  on  his  bed.  Everyone  discussed  this  strange  occurrence,  but  none  could  say 
how  it  had  happened.  Some  said  God  had  killed  him  ;  and  others,  that  a  man  had 
done  the  deed.  As  the  warrior  was  dead,  his  body  was  taken  out  and  thrown  into 
the  bush.  That  night  the  head,  who  had  been  hiding  in  the  forest,  took  the  corpse, 
and  carrying  it  back  to  the  hut  laid  it  on  the  bed.  The  next  morning  some  men 
passing  by,  noticing  that  the  door  of  this  hut  was  open,  looked  in,  and  to  their 
astonishment  they  saw  the  body  of  the  dead  warrior  lying  inside.  Everyone  in  the 
village  tried  to  solve  the  problem  as  to  how  the  corpse  had  come  to  be  laid  in 
the  hut  from  which  they  had  carried  it  the  previous  day,  but  no  one  was  able  to  say 
how  it  had  returned.  They  again  took  it  and  threw  it  into  the  forest.  That  night 
several  warriors  kept  watch  near  the  hut,  determined  to  find  out  what  was  happening. 
Towards  midnight  they  heard  a  voice  singing  the  following  song  in  the  Masai 
tongue  : — 

"  I  am    tired    of    carrying    this    dead    man.     He  has    not   given   me  water,  food, 

blood,  or  milk. 

I  killed  him  and  left  him  on  his  bed. 
His  mother  and  father  have  thrown  him  away. 
Why  do  I  not  leave  him  to  be  eaten  by  the  hyenas  ? 
Never  mind,  I  will  take  him  and  leave  him  in  his  hut." 

They  then  saw  the  head  of  a  Masai  woman  come  out  of  the  forest  and  enter  the 
hut,  carrying  the  dead  warrior's  corpse  with  her.  The  warriors  silently  approached 
the  hut,  and  looking  through  the  door  saw  her  place  the  corpse  on  the  bed  ;  when 
she  had  done  this  she  came  out  and  was  at  once  seized  by  them.  They  cried  out 
to  her,  "  Now  you  shall  die,"  and  started  pulling  at  her  ear  ornaments.  On  this  she 
became  very  angry,  and  told  them  to  kill  her  if  they  wished  to  do  so,  but  that  she 
would  not  tolerate  them  pulling  her  ornaments  about.  Just  at  this  moment  the 
deceased  warrior's  mother  arrived  on  the  scene  and  commenced  weeping  bitterly. 
Seeing  her,  the  head  laughed  at  her  and  said,  "  Why  do  you  weep,  you  who  have 
"  eaten  your  son's  liver  and  kidneys  ? "  Hearing  this  the  wretched  woman  wept 
more  than  ever,  but  some  of  those  standing  near  laughed.  The  head  then  said  to 
them,  "  Bring  me  a  present  of  cattle  and  all  will  be  well."  Two  warriors  at  once 
went  and  brought  her  a  number  of  cattle  as  a  present ;  on  the  receipt  of  which  she 
entered  the  dead  man's  hut,  applied  medicine  to  his  wounds,  and  then  sewed  them 
up.  In  a  short  time  her  medicine  had  the  desired  effect,  and  the  warrior  came  to  life. 
The  pair  of  them  then  came  out,  the  latter  as  strong  and  healthy  as  he  had 
ever  been. 

The  head  then  asked  his  father  and  mother  why  they  had  taken  him  out  into 
the  forest  and  then  wept.  She  said,  it  was  evident  that  as  they  had  left  him  as 
food  for  the  hyaenas,  they  had  not  much  affection  for  him.  She  added,  "  I  have 
"  hrought  your  son  to  life,  and  if  you  or  any  of  the  others  mention  a  word  of  what 
"  has  happened  to  a  single  soul  I  will  punish  you  all,  and  in  future  when  you  are 

[     113    ]    ' 


Nos.  57-58.]  MAN.  [1912. 

"  told  not  to  mention  a  certain  thing  to  anyone  take  care  that  you  do  not  do  so." 
Having  said  these  words,  she  herded  up  her  cattle  and  drove  them  off.  She  has  not 
again  made  her  appearance  amongst  the  A'Kikuyu.  W.  E.  H.  BARRETT. 


REVIEWS. 
Ireland :  Archaeology.  Coffey. 

New  Grange  (Brugh  na  Boinne)  and  other  Incised  Tumuli  in  Ireland.  CO 
By  George  Coffey,  M.R.I.A.,  Keeper  of  Irish  Antiquities,  National  Museum,  UU 
Dublin.  Published  by  Hodges,  Figgis,  &  Co.,  Dublin,  and  Williams  and  Norgate, 
London.  Royal  8vo,  pp.  xii  +  118  with  9  plates  and  95  illustrations.  Price, 
bound  in  cloth,  6s.  net. 

This  work  should  prove  most  welcome  and  useful  to  all  students  of  Irish  archaeology. 
It  will  greatly  assist  in  arriving  at  an  understanding  of  the  Bronze  Age  culture  in 
Ireland  and  the  various  ornamental  motives  which  radiated  to  Ireland  from  the  Continent 
and  vice  versa.  There  has  been  no  authoritative  work  dealing  with  New  Grange 
available  of  recent  years,  as  this  author's  original  Memoir,  published  nearly  twenty 
years  ago,  has  long  been  out  of  print.  Very  considerable  additions  to  our  knowledge  of 
the  archaeology  of  the  Mediterranean  lands  and  the  cultural  waves  which  extended 
from  them  to  the  west  have  been  made  during  the  last  decade,  and  the  author  has 
been  led  to  adopt  a  much  earlier  date  as  the  probable  time  when  New  Grange  was 
erected  than  was  suggested  in  his  previous  stndy.  Owing  to  the  early  plundering  of 
the  Boyne  tumuli  and  the  consequent  absence  of  any  finds  that  would  help  in  dating 
them  (it  is  not  even  certain  what  the  method  of  interment  was,  though  it  was  probably 
by  incineration),  the  incised  ornament  and  the  style  of  the  building  are  the  only 
guides  to  arriving  at  the  ages  of  the  tombs.  After  giving  a  most  detailed  architectural 
account  of  New  Grange  and  Dowth  with  full  descriptions  of  all  the  inscribed  stones, 
Mr.  Coffey  concentrates  his  attention  on  this  point.  The  most  vital  matter  in  this 
connection  is,  of  course,  the  spiral  ornament  so  frequent  at  New  Grange,  and  in  a 
chapter  'entitled  "  Probable  Source  and  Origin  of  the  Markings  "  the  association  of  the 
spiral  and  the  lozenge  and  the  degradation  of  the  former  to  concentric  circles  are 
dealt  with.  Of  recent  years  the  discovery  of  well-developed  spiral  ornament  of 
neolithic  date  in  the  Balkan  States  has  caused  archaeologists  to  discard  the  view 
formerly  so  widely  held,  that  the  spiral  originated  in  Egypt  and  to  substitute 
Europe  as  the  starting  point  of  this  decoration.  Mr.  Coffey  is,  however,  .not  quite 
prepared  to  go  as  far  as  this.  However,  where  the  exact  starting  place  of  the  spiral 
ornament  is  to  be  eventually  placed  is  not  of  vital  importance  in  the  present  connection, 
as  it  is  generally  admitted  that  the  New  Grange  spirals  are  derived  from  the  Medi- 
terranean, and  the  important  question  as  far  as  Ireland  is  concerned  is  the  route  by 
which  they  travelled.  While  admitting  that  the  spiral  may  have  reached  the  north 
by  the  sea  route  round  Spain,  the  author,  pointing  out  that  the  Irish  spiral  forms 
incline  to  the  Scandinavian  (and  in  this  connection  the  ship  markings  at  New 
Grange  and  Dowth  are  of  great  interest),  considers  the  spiral  followed  the  Elbe 
route,  reaching  Scandinavia  first  and  then  coming  to  Ireland.  The  spirals  at  Gavr'inis 
are  later  than  the  Irish  examples.  Mr.  Coffey,  however,  says  he  does  not  wish  to 
insist  on  this  point,  which  would  not  make  any  very  considerable  difference  in  date. 

The  chapter  on  Loughcrew  contains  several  new  illustrations  and  some  very 
suggestive  observations  with  regard  to  the  probable  religious  significance  of  many 
of  the  markings.  The  incised  markings  on  the  smaller  tumuli  in  counties  Tyrone 
and  Sligo  are  treated,  and  a  warning  note  is  sounded  against  trying  to  connect  the 
New  Grange  spirals  with  those  of  the  La  Tene  period. 

The  numerous  illustrations  are  a  feature  of  the  book,  those  of  the  inscribed  stones 
being  made  in  most  cases  from  photographs  taken  from  casts  of  the  stones.  The 

[     H4    ] 


1912.]  MAN.  [Nos.  58-59. 

second  plate,  showing  the  roof  over  the  chamber  in  New  Grange,  has  not  been 
published  before ;  the  others  are  reproduced  from  the  much  admired  photographs 
used  in  the  original  Memoir.  E.  C.  R.  ARMSTRONG. 


Africa,  West :  Linguistics.  Mig-eod. 

The  Languages  of  West  Africa.  By  B.  F.  W.  H.  Migeod,  Transport  Officer,  CQ 
Gold  Coast  Colony.  Vol.  I.  London:  Kegan  Paul,  1911.  Pp.  viii  +  373,  UU 
with  one  map.  Price  12s.  6d. 

If  all  West  African  officials  tackled  West  African  problems  in  the  spirit  in  which 
Mr.  Migeod  has  studied  the  linguistics  of  the  West  Coast  we  should  know  vastly 
more  about  the  negro  than  we  do  at  present,  or  are  likely  to  do  for  a  very  long  time. 
In  his  first  volume,  apart  from  the  introduction  and  general  remarks  on  language  he 
deals  with  the  phonology  and  numerals  of  200  languages,  and  with  the  grammatical 
rules,  plural  formation  and  verb  of  50  languages,  many  of  them  from  data  collected 
by  himself.  If  in  the  following  remarks  I  criticise  rather  than  praise  his  work,  it  is 
not  for  any  lack  of  material  for  commendation,  but  because  praise  is  more  gratifying 
to  an  author  than  useful. 

Mr.  Migeod  tells  us  in  his  preface  that  his  book  was  written  with  two  classes 
of  readers  in  view — philologists  at  home  and  Europeans  proceeding  to  West  Africa. 
My  impression  is  that  his  own  familiarity  with  Soudanese  languages  has  led  him  to 
underestimate  the  amount  of  explanation  required  by  the  average  reader,  who  has  not 
the  experience  necessary  to  digest,  for  example,  the  information  of  the  synoptic  tables 
of  grammatical  rules.  It  is  probably  as  a  concession  to  the  ordinary  reader  that  the 
author  has  included  in  the  languages  with  which  he  deals  Hausa,  Fulfulde  (Fula)  and 
Bubi,  of  which  the  two  former  are  Hamitic  and  the  latter  Bantu,  and  thus  belong  to 
entirely  different  linguistic  systems.  Though  it  is  a  useful  and  necessary  work  to 
trace  the  influence  and  history  of  these  groups,  it  is  a  task  which  cannot  profitably 
be  undertaken  in  connection  with  a  survey  of  the  Soudanese  languages,  estimated 
by  our  author  to  number  400,  but  probably,  if  mutually  unintelligible  dialects  are 
reckoned  as  languages,  far  more  numerous.  On  the  map,  e.g.,  Kukuruku  is  shown 
in  small  print,  but  there  are  in  reality  at  least  ten  dialects  ;  in  the  Ibo  country,  too, 
the  language  changes  so  much  inhabitants  of  towns  only  ten  or  a  dozen  miles  apart 
cannot  understand  each  other,  and  minor  dialectical  differences  are  found  in  the  speech 
of  every  town. 

Before  I  leave  the  subject  of  the  map  I  may  point  out  that  the  lettering  is 
somewhat  confusing  ;  Ishan,  Bini,  Ika,  and  Ifon  appear  to  be  grouped  together, 
though  Ishan  and  Biui  belong  to  the  Edo  group,  Ika  to  the  Ibo,  and  Ifon  to  the 
Yoruba.  There  are  some  positive  inaccuracies ;  thus  Igara  is  shown  on  both  banks 
of  the  Niger,  though  it  is  found  on  the  east  side  only. 

To  the  ordinary  reader  diacritical  marks  are  abhorrent,  and  in  his  interest  Mr. 
Migeod  has  omitted  them  ;  but  our  author  has  in  view  the  philologist  also.  I  cannot 
but  regard  it  as  unfortunate,  therefore,  that  he  has  rejected  the  Lepsius  alphabet, 
which  he  knows,  in  favour  of  a  modified  R.G.S.  system.  It  is  far  from  being  true 
that  Lepsius  provides  a  sign  for  every  sound  in  negro  languages,  but  with  the  R.G.S. 
system  it  is  virtually  impossible  to  spell  many  words  intelligibly.  There  is  no 
provision  for  the  indication  of  musical  tones,  for  such  sounds  as  ch  (German  tcA),  g 
(N.G.  Tag\  unless  kh  and  gh  are  appropriated  for  this  purpose,  in  which  case  we 
have  no  symbol  for  the  aspirated  k  and  g.  Again  in  Ewe,  three  dialects  of  which 
figure  in  the  examples,  though  this  does  not  appear  in  the  Index  under  Ewe,  it  is 
essential  to  distinguish  bilabial  and  dentilabial  f  and  v.  There  are  various  sorts  of 
t  and  rf,  /  and  r,  h  and  b  ;  m  may  be  as  in  English  or  inspired,  as  in  some  Kukuruku 
words.  If  the  general  reader  is  going  to  be  frightened  away  by  diacritical  marks, 


No.  59.]  MAN.  [1912. 

which  he  can  disregard  till  he  comes  to  understand  them,  it  is  improbable  that  he 
will  ever  get  very  far  with  a  native  language.  On  this  point  I  may  add  that  in 
some  Kukuruku  dialects  it  is  essential  to  distinguish  long  from  short  vowels,  as  the 
elision  or  otherwise  of  terminal  vowels  depends  on  this  ;  it  was  for  this  reason,  among 
others,  that  I  have  adopted  a  single  sign  to  mark  both  quality  and  quantity  of  vowels 
in  my  "Report  on  the  Edo-speaking  Peoples."  A  second  reason  is  that  musical 
tones,  dynamic  stress,  and  possibly  nasalisation  have  to  be  indicated,  at  least  occa- 
sionally. If  to  these  three  we  add  a  quantity  mark,  the  result  does  not  make 
for  clearness.  It  appears  to  me  better  therefore  to  adopt  one  sign  to  indicate 
the  length  of  open  vowels,  and  another,  if  necessary,  to  show  the  length  of  closed 
vowels. 

Our  author  gives  on  p.  57  a  conspectus  of  consonantal  sounds  found  in  West 
Africa,  and  also  the  letters  into  which  linguistic  changes  convert  them.  I  have  already 
indicated  some  consonants  which  do  not  figure  here  owing  to  Mr.  Migeod's  avoidance 
of  diacritical  marks.  I  will  therefore  only  refer  to  his  assertion  that  th  is  not  found 
in  West  Africa  ;  so  far  from  this  being  true  it  is  found  in  at  least  two  Kukuruku 
dialects — Otua  and  Wano — as  a  derivative,  due,  perhaps,  in  the  first  instance  to  tooth 
deformation. 

The  list  of  possible  variations  errs  equally  on  the  side  of  inadequacy  and  hasty 
generalisation  ;  for  k  are  given  hw,  ky,  kh ;  in  point  of  fact  we  find  as  forms  of  k  the 
following:  x  (velar  fricative),  c,  2,  ts,  *,  S,  /),  f*  h,  and  w;  and  this  list  is  not  neces- 
sarily exhaustive.  One  of  the  strangest  mutations  in  Ibo  is  that  from  f  to  j,  as  in 
Ifite,  Ijite. 

In  the  conspectus  of  grammatical  rules  we  find  the  same  tendency  to  hasty 
generalisation.  In  Ibo  the  negative  is  said  to  be  expressed  by  gi  at  the  end  of  a 
sentence.  Now  as  Mr.  Migeod's  own  examples  show,  in  Unwana,  the  dialect  which 
he  has  in  mind,  the  negative  gi  is  at  the  end  of  the  verb,  not  of  the  sentence,  and 
probably  if  we  had  a  sentence  with  a  pronominal  object  we  should  find  that  the 
pronoun  followed  gi.  In  Onica  Ibo  we  find  oku  advriya  (=  adqrq  ya\  palaver  is 
not  (ro)  in  it  (ya).  Not  only  so,  but  his  own  examples  provide  a  second  form  of  the 
negative,  na,  with  the  imperative.  In  Onica  and  Awka  there  is  a  third  form — ma 
or  da. 

Again  Fula  is  said  to  have  no  gender  and  no  neuter,  though  precisely  here 
we  find  the  very  important  distinction  of  personal  and  •  non-personal  classes  of 
nouns,  mentioned  in  connection  with  Bullom  and  Twi,  with  their  remarkable 
consonantal  changes  to  mark  the  plural  :  ko'do,  pi.  ho^be,  stranger  ;  hirke,  pi.  kirke, 
saddle. 

In  Fulfulde  again  we  find  another  important  feature  in  the  plural  of  nouns,  which 
brings  it  and  certain  of  the  Soudanese  languages  which  share  the  pecnliarity,  very 
near  the  Bantu  languages — the  existence  of  class  prefixes  (also  found  in  the  form  of 
class  suffixes  with  or  without  change  of  the  initial  consonant  ;  in  other  languages 
again  prefixes  and  suffixes  are  both  used).  This  form  of  plural  formation  is  confused 
by  Mr.  Migeod  with  the  form  in  which  a  pronoun  (awon  in  Yoruba)  is  prefixed  to 
a  noun,  though  the  distinction  of  the  class-prefix  languages  is  of  first  importance 
for  the  classification  of  the  Soudanese  languages. 

In  the  conspectus  of  grammatical  forms  it  is  only  too  easy  to  point  out  omissions  ; 
for  Twi  the  plural  forms  are  said  to  be  m  («)  or  a  as  a  prefix  ;  in  point  of  fact 
nom,  fo,  or  wa  may  also  be  affixed  ;  reduplication  combined  with  a  prefix  are  also 
found.  Again  in  Ibo  there  is  said  to  be  no  plural  ;  but  the  ordinary  plural  of 
okporo,  woman,  is  ikporo — a  form  also  used  in  the  Edo  languages,  and  Schon  gives 
ga  as  a  plural  prefix,  though  it  is  seldom  heard  at  the  present  day. 

Again,  let  us  take  the  verb ;  the  past  is  said  to  be  distinguished  from  the 

[  U6  ] 


1912.]  MAN.  [Nos.  59-60. 

present  in  Twi  by  the  tone,  but  in  fact  it  is  the  habitual  which  is  so  distinguished, 
though  this  form  is  not  mentioned  by  our  author  ;  we  have  Ufa,  he  takes  ; 
orefd,  he  is  taking ;  oaf  a  (wdfa),  he  has  taken  ;  whereas  the  habitual  takes  the 
form  nfa. 

Mr.  Migeod  has  done  excellent  work  in  compiling  his  tables  of  numerals,  and 
this  is  probably  the  most  useful  part  of  the  book.  So  far  as  I  can  see  the  tables 
are  very  accurate,  with  one  possible  exception,  though  here  as  elsewhere  more  definite 
localisation  would  have  been  an  advantage  in  view  of  the  number  of  dialectical 
forms,  of  which  I  have  given  some  examples  in  my  reports.  The  exception  to 
which  I  allude  is  Sobo,  the  numerals  given  being  :  ovo,  eve,  era,  ena,  enyonri,  ewure+ 
ekue,  eren,  esa,  esisd  ;  as  far  as  four  these  are  correct  ;  from  there  onwards  they 
should  be  in  the  Sapele  dialect  iyuli,  esa,  iwule,  qlele,  irili,  ixwe  ;  esa  and  esisa,  given 
for  9  and  10,  are  Kukuruku  forms  of  6,  and  esa  is  also  found  in  Sobo  with  this 
meaning.  As  Mr.  Migeod  is  himself  the  authority  for  the  Sobo  numerals  I  hesitate 
to  say  that  they  are  wrong  ;  if  in  his  second  volume  he  will  give  the  exact  localities 
of  all  vocabularies  he  will  make  it  much  easier  to  compare  and  test  lists  from  the 
same  tribe. 

I  have  left  myself  no  space  for  remarks  on  the  introductory  portion  of  the  book, 
but  I  may  remark  that  it  is  not  a  fact  that  stone  implements  are  confined  to  the 
Gold  Coast ;  they  are  very  common  in  Benin  City  and  generally  among  the  Edo- 
speaking  peoples.  East  of  the  Niger,  however,  they  seem  to  be  very  rare. 

Useful  as  Mr.  Migeod's  work  is,  it  would,  I  think,  have  been  still  more  useful 
if  he  had  aimed  at  a  higher  standard  of  accuracy  in  transcription  and  a  more 
exhaustive  study  of  the  grammar  of  a  smaller  number  of  languages.  It  is  not  as  if 
his  survey  embraced  all  the  Soudanese  languages — for  Dinka,  Nuba,  and  Kunama 
there  are  ample  data — and  he  has  not  even  exhausted  the  materials  for  the  languages 
close  at  hand,  for  in  the  list  of  authorities  quoted  Westermann  does  not  appear,  though 
his  Ewe  dictionaries  and  grammar  have  been  out  five  years. 

All  students  of  African  languages,  however,  will  be  grateful  to  our  author  for 
the  positive  additions  which  he  makes  to  our  knowledge,  and  hope  that  his  second 
volume  will  more  than  fulfil  the  promise  of  his  first.  N.  W.  T. 


Linguistics.  Sapir. 

Wishram  Texts.  By  Edward  Sapir.  Together  with  Wases  Tales  and  Oft 
Myths,  collected  by  Jeremiah  Curtin  and  edited  by  Edward  Sapir.  ("  Publica-  UU 
cations  of  the  American  Ethnological  Society,"  Vol.  II.)  Pp.  314.  Leyden,  1909. 

Takelma  Texts.  By  Edward  Sapir,  University  of  Pennsylvania.  ("  Anthro- 
pological Publications  of  the  University  Museum,"  Vol.  II,  No.  1.)  Pp.  263. 
Philadelphia,  1909. 

Yava  Texts.  By  Edward  Sapir.  Together  with  Yava  Myths.  Collected  by 
Roland  B.  Dixon,  University  of  California.  ("  Publications  in  American  Archaeology 
and  Ethnology,"  Vol.  IX,  No.  1.)  Pp.  235.  Berkeley,  California,  1910. 

The  History  and  Varieties  of  Human  Speech.  By  Dr.  Edward  Sapir.  "  Popular 
Science  Monthly."  July,  1911. 

Those  who  take  an  especial  interest  in  some  one  or  more  particular  phases  of 
ethnography  or  linguistics  will  agree  that  we  must  place  an  increasing  emphasis  not 
only  upon  what  is  to  be  done,  but  perhaps  even  more  upon  how  this  is  to  be  done. 
If  there  is  any  one  thing  which  we  should  learn  from  the  virtues  and  vices  of  our 
predecessors  in  field  work — or,  for  that  matter,  in  any  branch  of  science — it  is  that 
not  the  extent  of  the  undertaking,  but  the  care  and  thoroughness  with  which  the 
work  has  been  carried  on  makes  the  contribution  of  real  and  lasting  value.  In  a 


Nos.  60-61.]  MAN.  [1912. 

word,  if  those  who  are  contributing  the  source-materials  on  which  later  anthropological 
studies  must  be  based,  would  realise  that  where  quantity  counts  for  one,  quality  or 
method  counts  for  ten,  or  for  ten  times  ten.  we  could  be  content  to  know  that  we 
were  really  progressing  not  merely  amassing.  "  Ein  Steinchen  der  Wahrheit  hat 
mehr  Werth  als  ein  grosser  Schivindelbau." 

If  one  who  has  not  been  initiated  into  linguistic  mysteries  may  pronounce  an 
opinion  upon  these  volumes  of  Dr.  Sapir,  it  is  that  they  are  above  criticism.  One 
need  not  be  a  learned  linguist  to  appreciate  the  lasting  and  inestimable  value  of  the 
extreme  painstaking  care  with  which  these  texts  have  been  recorded  and  edited — a 
care  which  is  evident  on  every  page  and  which  neglects  no  details.  They  are,  perhaps, 
the  best  guide  and  standard  for  anyone  about  to  record  or  publish  texts,  and  no 
one  can  sufficiently  appreciate  their  value  without  an  examination  of  them  at  first 
hand. 

It  is  matter  of  regret  that  Dr.  Sapir's  lecture  on  The  History  and  Varieties  of 
Human  Speech  (delivered  at  the  University  of  Pennsylvania  and  published  in  "  Popular 
Science  Monthly,"  July,  1911)  has  not  appeared  in  some  form  more  accessible  to 
anthropologists.  It  is  an  admirable  survey  of  a  limited  portion  of  the  linguistic  field 
and  forms  a  valuable  supplement  to  the  exposition  by  Boas  in  the  Introduction  to 
The  Handbook  of  American  Indian  Languages.  W.  D.  W. 


Egypt :  Religion.  Budge. 

Osiris  and  the  Egyptian  Resurrection.     By  E.  A.  Wallis  Budge,  M.A.,  Litt.D.     O4 

London:  Lee  Warner,  1911.  Ul 

The  value  of  the  "anthropological  point  of  view"  in  the  elucidation  of  the 
problems  of  classical  archaeology  has  been  clearly  demonstrated  in  the  writings  of 
Professor  Ridgeway.  In  the  two  handsome  volumes  under  discussion  Dr.  Wallis  Budge 
deals  with  the  difficult  question  of  Egyptian  religion  from  the  same  standpoint.  It 
is  true  that  the  author  confines  himself  more  or  less  to  the  beliefs  and  ritual  connected 
with  the  worship  of  Osiris,  but  with  the  Osiris  cult,  he  holds,  "  was  bound  up  all  that 
"  was  best  in  the  civilisation  of  Egypt  during  the  dynastic  period."  Dr.  Budge  quotes 
evidence  to  show  that  the  Egyptians  believed  in  one  supreme  god,  but,  like  many 
other  African  peoples,  regarded  him  as  too  remote  to  be  troubled  with  ordinary  human 
affairs,  and  preferred  to  deal  with  the  other  lesser  divinities  created  by  him.  Yet  the 
worship  of  these  incorporeal  beings  failed  to  satisfy  all  their  spiritual  needs  ;  the  bond 
of  sympathy  was  lacking,  and  this  bond  they  found  in  the  cult  of  Osiris,  who  had 
himself  been  incarnate  and  had  suffered  and  triumphed  over  most  of  the  ills  which 
fall  to  the  lot  of  humanity,  including  the  supreme  ill,  death.  Thus  Osiris  became 
"  the  symbol  of  the  African  conception  of  resurrection  and  immortality,"  and  his 
worshippers  believed  that  by  his  aid  they  themselves  might  find  a  life  beyond  the 
grave.  "  Little  by  little  the  Egyptians  seem  to  have  dropped  the  active  cults  of  the 
"  other  gods,  Osiris  and  Isis,  or  Hathor,  being,  in  the  eyes  of  the  purely  indigenous 
"  section  of  the  population,  of  more  importance  than  all  the  other  gods  put  together, 
"  for  they  gave  resurrection  and  immortality  to  those  who  were  dead,  and  protected 
the  lives,  fortunes,  and  property  of  those  who  were  living."  The  origin  of  this 
worship,  Dr.  Budge  finds  in  Africa  ;  "  It  is  wrong  to  class  the  religion  of  Ancient 
"  Egypt  with  the  elaborate  theological  systems  of  peoples  of  Asiatic  or  European 
"  origin  ....  Their  religion,  which  was  their  entire  sociology  and  existence  is 
"  nothing  from  beginning  to  end  but  a  long  chain  of  ancestral  precedents  .... 
"  it  is  an  African  product,  and  can  only  be  rightly  appreciated  and  understood  when 
"  considered  with  what  we  know  of  modern  African  religion  ....  all  the 
"  evidence  available  suggests  that  Sudani  beliefs  are  identical  with  those  of  the 


1912.]  MAN.  [Nos.  61-62. 

'"  Egyptians,  because  the  people  who  held  them  in  Egypt  were  Africans  and  those 
"  who  hold  them  now  in  the  Sudan  are  Africans."  These  sentences,  taken  from  widely 
separated  pages  in  the  book,  define  the  attitude  with  the  author's  researches  have  led 
him  to  adopt,  and  it  may  be  added  that  he  sees  in  Osiris  a  deified  ancestor,  who  ruled 
in  the  underworld  "  after  the  manner  of  an  African  king."  To  substantiate  his  con- 
tentions with  regard  to  Egyptian  religion  as  a  whole,  and  the  cult  of  Osiris  in  particular, 
Dr.  Budge  has  amassed  a  tremendous  amount  of  evidence  from  the  Pyramid  texts,  to 
books  and  papers  on  modern  Africa  published  but  a  few  mouths  before  his  own  work. 
The  various  aspects  of  Osiris,  the  details,  as  far  as  known,  of  the  elaborate  ritual  which 
accompanied  his  worship,  and  the  parallel  cults  of  Isis,  Horus,  and  Nephthys  are 
minutely  described  ;  and  corresponding  practices  and  beliefs  current  among  modern 
Africans  are  cited,  and  often  quoted  in  full,  from  the  works  of  recent  and  contemporary 
authors.  For  the  anthropologist  the  extensive  quotations  from  Egyptian  texts  will 
be  of  the  greatest  interest,  constituting  as  they  do  a  very  full  selection  of  passages 
(often  accompanied  by  the  original  hieroglyphic  text)  relating  to  the  magic  and 
ceremonial  of  the  early  Egyptians. 

It  is  impossible  to  enter  in  detail  into  the  correspondences  cited  by  the  author 
between  the  Egyptians  and  the  modern  Africans,  and  one  instance  may  perhaps 
suffice.  He  quotes  passages  to  show  the  importance  attached  to  the  umbilical  cord, 
as  among  the  Baganda  of  recent  times,  and  proceeds  further  to  suggest  that,  just  as 
the  jawbone  and  genital  organs  of  Kibuka,  the  war-god,  were  kept  in  the  stool 
dedicated  to  his  service,  so  those  portions  of  Osiris  may  have  been  kept  in  his 
throne,  which  is  invariably  represented  with  doors.  Following  up  the  idea  that 
certain  parts  of  the  divine  body  were  regarded  as  especially  holy,  he  goes  on  to 

explain  the  forms  of  certain  well-known  amulets    as  conventional    representations    of 

g 
anatomical  details.     Thus    he    suggests  that  TT  represents  the  sacrum    of  Osiris,  and 


the  uterus  with  its  ligatures  and  the  vagina  of  Isis,  symbolising  "  the  vital  power 
"  of  Osiris  and  Isis,  procreation,  new  birth,  fecundity,  and  resurrection."  In  the 
same  way,  he  thinks  that  the  life  symbol  •¥•  may  be  the  placenta  with  the  umbilical 

•cord.  The  volumes  are  admirably  printed  and  illustrated  with  two  folding  coloured 
plates  and  a  host  of  illustrations  in  collotype  and  line  ;  and  the  point  of  view  from 
which  they  are  written  must  be  taken  as  marking  a  distinct  advance  in  Egyptological 
studies.  T.  H.  J. 


India :  Assam.  Endle. 

The  Kacharis.      By  the   Rev.  Sidney  Endle.       London :  Macmillan    &    Co., 
Ltd.,   1911. 

When  Sir  Bampfylde  Fuller  addressed  the  Government  of  India  with  regard  to 
the  ethnographic  survey  of  Assam  he  had  Mr.  Endle,  the  author  of  this  work, 
distinctly  in  mind,  and  there  is  surely  some  gain  to  science  from  the  fact  that  it  is 
written  from  so  distinctive  a  standpoint.  Hitherto  the  authors  of  the  Assam  volumes 
have  all  been  officers  of  Government,  and  their  work  is  therefore  "  synoptic."  They 
share  with  Mr.  Endle  the  disability  of  not  being  "  trained  anthropologists."  No 
doubt  their  daily  round,  their  common  task,  offer  ample  opportunities  of  intimate 
acquaintance  with  certain  phases  of  native  life.  A  missionary  encounters  other 
phases,  and  if  the  officer  of  Government  is  never  free  from  carking  care  as  to  returns 
and  reports,  wherein  all  the  follies  and  the  foibles  of  human  nature  in  his  district 
have  to  find  a  place,  the  labours  of  the  one  supplement  and  aid  the  investigations 
of  the  other. 


No.  62.]  MAN.  [1912. 

The  Kacharis,  linguistically,  belong  to  a  group  which  has  affinities  with  Naga 
dialects,  such  as  Kabui,  as  well  as  with  the  people  of  Hill  Tippera.  In  this  volume 
we  have  a  sympathetic  account  of  the  main  division  in  Darrang,  with  useful  notes 
on  kindred  tribes  in  Appendix  I.  The  Kachari,  like  nearly  all  Tibeto-Burman 
speaking  races,  are  patrilineal.  The  Garo,  who  belong  to  the  same  linguistic  group, 
are  matrilineal,  and  seem  to  be  finding  in  something  like  cousin  marriage  a  way  out 
of  the  difficulties  to  which  matrilineal  organisation  gives  rise.  The  question  is  one 
which  needs  fuller  and  further  attention  than  is  now  possible. 

Mr.  Endle  leaves  us  in  no  doubt  as  to  the  existence  of  a  totemistic  basis  in 
Kachari  society.  Totemism  was,  he  tells  us,  coupled  with  endogamy,  a  remarkable 
statement  upon  which  Colonel  Gurdon  feels  himself  constrained  to  throw  grave 
doubts.  The  existence  of  totemism  among  a  Tibeto-Burman-speaking  race  is  in 
itself  a  phenomenon  worth  recording,  which  is  further  complicated  by  the  division 
of  the  clans  among  kindred  groups — the  Dimasa  of  the  North  Cachar  Hills  and  the 
Hojais  of  Nowgong — into  men's  clans  and  women's  clans.  The  names  of  these 
totemistic  clans  are  of  various  import.  Some  are  very  distinctly  of  Hindu  origin, 
others  again  are  totemistic  in  that  they  are  the  name  of  a  group  of  human  kindred, 
actual  or  supposed,  between  the  members  of  which  and  some  natural  species  there 
is  believed  to  exist  a  "mystic  rapport"  involving  peculiar  possibilities  and  duties. 
Some  of  the  names,  again,  are  merely  descriptive  of  the  occupation  of  the  members 
of  the  clan.  There  are  instances  where  the  name  indicates  the  habitation  of 
the  clan.  But  we  shall  look  in  vain  to  the  Kachari  and  kindred  groups  for 
evidence  of  "  origins,"  because  they  have  for  long  been  exposed  to  many  and  various 
external  influences,  to  Hinduism,  and  to  contact  with  Shans.  Whether  the  name- 
giving  function  is  of  the  essence  of  true  totemism  or  is  a  casual  development,  there 
can  be  no  more  fruitful  occasion  for  inventing  names  than  a  moment  of  conflict  and 
contact  with  an  external  group.  That  "  group  tabus "  exist  among  the  Mongoloid 
peoples  of  Assam  is  well  known,  but  in  those  areas  where  in  comparatively  recent 
years  there  has  been  little  external  contact  the  group  tabus  are  not  used  as  factors 
in  the  group  names. 

Mr.  Endle  gives  a  full  account  of  the  special  puja  performed  in  times  of  special 
emergency,  when  the  services  of  the  Deodani,  the  "  possessed  woman,"  are  called 
into  action.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  investigation  of  the  phenomena  of 
possession  as  they  are  to  be  witnessed  in  India  is  eminently  worth  the  time  and 
trouble  which  it  would  involve.  The  Meithei,  the  Lushei,  the  Oraon,  the  Santal, 
to  name  but  a  few  cases  which  occur  readily  to  mind,  are  all  known  to  believe  in 
the  reality  and  value  of  this  supranormal  sensibility.  It  is  easy,  but  it  is  not  scientific, 
to  dismiss  these  beliefs  as  mere  impostures.  If  some  cold-blooded  person  armed  with 
a  stethoscope  and  a  sphygmograph  would  take  the  trouble  to  observe  all  the  stages 
of  "  divine  possession "  and  collect  the  family  history  of  the  patients,  we  should  learn 
something  perhaps  more  definite  than  we  now  know  ;  and  if  the  jungles  of  Assam 
be  difficult  and  remote  there  are,  as  every  Hindu  knows,  in  every  holy  place  men 
who  practise  joga,  and  thereby  induce  extraordinary  mental  states. 

Mr.  Anderson  has  done  loyal  and  good  service  to  his  author,  both  by  his  in- 
teresting preface  and  by  the  folk-tales  which  he  has  added  in  a  form  which  enables 
us  clearly  to  trace  the  influence  which  Indo-Aryan  vernaculars,  such  as  Bengali  and 
Assamese,  have  had  on  the  structure  and  vocabulary  of  Kachari. 

Our  congratulations  are  due  to  Colonel  Gurdon,  editor  of  this  series  of  ethno- 
graphical works  and  Director  of  Ethnology  to  the  GoArernment  of  Eastern  Bengal 
and  Assam,  upon  the  distinction — the  Companionship  of  the  Star  of  India — which 
His  Majesty  the  King-Emperor  has  been  graciously  pleased  to  bestow  upon  him, 
sans  doute  in  part  recognition  of  his  services  to  science.  T.  C.  H. 

Printed  by  EYRE  AND  SPOTTISWOODE,  LTD.,  His  Majesty's  Printers,  East  Harding  Street,  E.C, 


PLATE    H. 


MAN,  1912, 


KABYLE     POTTERY,     WHITE    WARE. 


1912.]  MAN.  [No.  63. 

ORIGINAL    ARTICLES. 

Algeria :  Ethnology.  With  Plate  H.  Van  Gennep. 

On   R.   Maclver's    and    J.    L.    My  res'    "Toudja   Series"    of   Kabyle    00 

Pottery.      By  A.  van    (ic/uicp.  "W 

Grace  a  1111  article  de  Randall  Maclver,*  et  a  1111  memoire  de  J.  L.  Myrc-.t 
1'habitude  s'est  repandue  parmi  les  archoologues  classiques  et  les  6gyptolognefl  anglais 
de  denommer  brievement  "  Toudja  series "  une  categorie  particuliere  de  poteries  ka- 
byles  caracterisees  :  1°  par  un  engobe  blanc  brillant  ;  2°  par  un  decor  geometrique 
rectilineaire  noir  ou  rouge.  Voici  1'origine  de  cette  denomination.  Dans  Lihi/nn 
Notes,^.  Maclver  et  Wilkin  avaient  utilise,  pour  les  comparer  avec  des  poteries  a  fond 
rouge  egalement  kabyles  mais  fabriquees  dans  la  region  de  Fort  National,  un  certain 
nombre  de  poteries  a  fond  blanc  rapportees  d'Algerie  par  Me  Eustace  Smitb.  En  exa- 
minant  de  plus  pres  cette  collection  de  poteries  a  fond  blanc  poli  et  en  leur  comparant 
d'autres  poteries,  elles  aussi  a  fond  blanc  et  de  provenance  egalement  algerienne, 
conservees  a  Cambridge  et  a  Londres,  Maclver  etait  arrive  a  leur  reconnaitre  un  facies 
commun  qui,  a  son  avis,  les  differenciait  nettement  des  poteries  kabyles  a  fond  rouge. 

"  Unfortunately,"  ajoute-t-il  en  parlant  de  son  voyage  avec  Wilkin,  "  we  did  not 
"  in  our  travels  come  upon  the  seat  of  the  manufacture "  (de  ces  poteries  blanches) 
"  which  is  said  to  be  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Toudja,  on.  the  north-eastern  borders 
"  of  Algeria."  Dans  la  suite  de  son  article,  Maclver  parle  simplement  de  "  Toudja 
series "  pour  abreger  ;  et  Myres  a  adopte  le  terme. 

En  juin  et  juillet  derniers,  j'ai  passe  six  semaines  en  Algerie  afin  d'y  entreprendre 
des  recherches  ethnographiques  qui  m'ont  conduit  depuis  Tlemcen  et  la  frontiere 
marocaine  jusqu'a  Bougie,  ou  1'intolerable  chaleur  m'a  force  a  m'embarquer.  Mes 
enquetes  out  porte  principalement  sur  1'art  ornemental  dans  1'Afrique  du  Nord,  et  par 
suite  aussi,  tout  specialement,  sur  les  poteries  peintes.  Les  resultats  ont  ete  publies 
dans  la  Revue  d1  Ethnographic. \  Mais  il  m'a  seinble  que  MAN  etait  mieux  designe 
pour  publier  les  rectifications  et  complements  relatifs  a  la  soi-disant  "  Toudja  series." 

Toudja  n'est  pas  situe  sur  la  frontiere  nord-est  de  1'Algerie,  mais  a  vingt-cinq 
kilometres  de  Bougie  :  c'est  une  localite  celebre  par  ses  ruines  romaines  et  par  ses 
sources,  qui  ont  alimente  I'ancienne  Saldae  et  alimentent  la  moderne  Bougie.  II  y  a 
plusieurs  petits  villages  kabyles  a  Toudja,  eparpilles  sur  le  flanc  de  la  rnontagne,  et 
ce  ne  fut  pas  de  suite  ni  sans  marches  penibles  que  je  reussis  a  decouvrir  les  deux 
femmes  qui  font  a  Toudja  de  la  poterie  peinte.  J'ai  pu  acquerir  sept  pieces,  la 
plupart  defectueuses,  car  les  potieres,  la  comrne  dans  le  reste  de  1'Algerie,  ue  travaillent 
que  sur  commandes  des  femmes  des  villages  environnaiits  (PI.  H,  figs.  A,  B  et  C). 

A  peine  avais-je  vu  ces  vraies  poteries  de  Toudja,  que  je  fus  stupefait  de  les 
trouver  tres  differentes  de  la  "  Toudja  series "  de  Maclver.  Quelques  jours  apres, 
je  me  rendis  a  Sidi  Aich,  centre  de  la  tribu  des  Beni  Ourliss,  qui  compte  vingt  mille 
membres.  Dans  la  plupart  des  villages  de  cette  tribu  on  fait  de  la  poterie  nou 
peinte  ni  ornementee  ;  une  seule  femme  fait  de  la  poterie  blanche  a  decor  noir,  qu'elle 
agremente  de  taches  de  resine  ;  j'eus  la  chance  de  trouver  cette  feinme,  encore  jeune, 
en  train  de  peindre  ses  poteries,  et  d'en  pouvoir  acquerir  une  dizaine  de  pieces  qu'on 

*  D.  Kandall  Maclver,  On  a  Rare  Fabric  of  Kabyle  Pottery,  Journ.  Anthr.  Inst.,  1901, 
pp.  245-247,  et  PL  XVIII.  et  XIX. 

f  John  L.  Myres,  Notes  on  the  History  of  the  Kabyle  Pottery,  Journ.  Anthr.  Inst.,  1902, 
pp.  248-262,  et  PI.  XX  ;  du  meme :  The  Early  Pot  Fabrics  of  Asia  Minor,  Journ.  Anthr.  In*f.} 
1903,  pp.  367-400,  et  PI.  XXXIX-XLII. 

J  Libyan  Notes,  Macmillan,  1901  ;  voir  PI.  XIII,  Fig.  16  et  21,  et  PI.  XIV,  Fig.  1  a  4  et  6  a  9. 
Les  7  et  8  me  semblent  provenir  de  Bouira,  Palestro,  ou  Dra-el-Mizan ;  dans  ce  cas  le  rouge,  doit 
&re  sur  les  originaux  un  rouge  cramoisi,  rendu  brillant  par  un  vernis  re"sineux  translucide. 

§  Revue  d'Ethnographie  et  de  Sociologie,  1911,  pp.  265-346;  pour  la  "  S^rie  de  Toudja," 
pp.  311-313,  PI.  XIX  et  XXI. 


No.  63.]  MAN.  [1912. 

m'apporta  le  lendemain,  aussit(A)t  apres  la  cuisson  (PI.  H,  fig.  D  et  E).  Sidi  Aich  est 
dans  la  vallee  de  la  Soummam  ;  c'est  un  centre  commercial  considerable  ;  je  restai 
jusqu'au  jour  de  marche  et  pus  acquerir  d'un  marchand  de  boissons  un  pot  sale  et 
abime,  mais  dont  Fengobe  blanc  et  le  decor  noir  etaient  encort  bien  visibles.  Mal- 
heureusement  ce  pot  a  ete  oublie  par  mon  emballeur  a  Sidi  A'ich  ;  mais  M.  Suberbielle, 
1'administrateur  de  la  commune  mixte,  me  le  fera  parvenir.  Le  decor  est  en  damier 
et  serait  caracteristique  de  la  poterie  peinte  de  la  tribu  des  Fena'ia,  voisine  des  Beni 
Ourliss.  Je  donne  ce  renseignement  pour  ce  qu'il  vaut.  Enfin  a  Bougie,  j'acquis 
deux  plats,  fabriques  dans  la  region  de  Philippeville  ;  et  au  musee  d'Alger,  bien  que 
les  etiquettes  ne  doivent  etre  consultees  que  sous  benefice  de  controle,  j'ai  examine 
une  serie  de  poteries  a  fond  blanc  provenant  d'El  Milia,  entre  Bougie  et  Constantine. 

En  comparant  toutes  ces  poteries  kabyles  a  engobe  blanc  a  celles  de  Maclver, 
on  arrive  a  ce  resultat  inattendu  qu'une  seule  des  poteries  de  Maclver  est  originaire 
de  Toudja.  Les  poteries  A  B  et  C  de  la  planche  ci-joint  ont  ete  recueillies  par 
moi  dans  un  village  de  Toudja  meme  ;  on  pent  voir  que  ce  qui  caracterise  leur 
ornemeutation,  c'est  le  bandeau,  soit  libre,  soit  en  zigzag,  soit  en  triangle,  soit  en 
losange,  ou  enfin  comme  remplissage  de  figures  geometriques  determinees.  La  seule 
piece  qui  me  parait  repondre  au  vrai  type  de  Toudja,  c'est  le  No.  12  de  la  PI.  XVIII 
de  Journ.  Anthr.  Inst.,  1902.  Sur  aucune  de  mes  poteries  de  Toudja  il  n'y  a  les 
chapelets  de  triangles  qui  caracterisent  la  plupait  des  poteries  des  PI.  XVIII  et  XIX 
de  Maclver. 

Les  Nos.  9  et  10  de  Maclver  sont  manifestement  du  meme  type  que  mes  poteries 
D  et  E,  c'est-a-dire  qu'elle  sont  originaires  de  la  tribu  des  Beni  Ourliss,  region  de 
Sidi  Aich,  a  un  quarantaine  de  kilometres  de  Toudja.  Le  No.  8  de  MacTver  porte 
le  decor  en  damier  que  j'ai  vu  sur  le  pot  achete  au  marche  de  Sidi  Aich  et  qu'on  m'a 
dit  provenir  des  Fenaia.  Toutes  les  autres  poteries  de  Maclver  appartiennent  a  des 
types  qu'on  rencontre  au  dela  de  Bougie,  et  meme  du  cote  de  Philippeville,  avec  le 
decor  en  dents  le  loup,  de  losanges  alternes,  de  prolongements,  de  lignes  ondulees,  etc. 

J'ajouterai  que  la  qualite  brillante  de  1'engobe  blanc  est  obtenu  par  un  frottage 
aux  galets,  dont  j'ai  rapporte  plusieurs  specimens.  Les  poteries  de  Sidi  Aich  ne 
sont  pas  frottees  ainsi,  et  par  suite  restent  mates,  ainsi  que  la  plupart  des  poteries 
a  fond  blanc  d'El  Milia.  Cependant  les  potieres  interrogees  m'ont  repondu — tout 
comme  celles  des  Beni  Yenni.  qui  fabriquent  une  red  ware  admirable,  dont  Wilkin  et 
Maclver  n'ont  pas  eu  connaissance — que  le  polissage  au  galet  se  fait  avec  plus  ou 
moins  de  soin  selon  que  la  potiere  a  plus  ou  moins  de  temps,  ou  a  affaire  a  une 
cliente  plus  ou  moins  exigeante. 

Je  n'ai  pu  visiter  qu'une  dizaine  d'ateliers  de  poteries  kabyles,  et  par  suite  je 
suis  incapable  de  determiner  1'origine  exacte  de  la  plupart  des  poteries  de  M*  Eustace 
Smith,  qui  a  du  les  acquerir  a  Bougie,  ou  un  peu  au  hasard,  en  voyageant  dans 
1'Algerie  orientale.  Ce  qu'il  y  a  de  certain,  c'est  que  les  poteries  peintes  de  Bouira, 
de  Palestro,  des  environs  de  Cherchell,  etc.,  sont  d'un  tout  autre  caractere,  mais  que 
certaines  des  poteries  reproduites  par  Maclver  se  rattachent  aux  types  d'El  Milia,  et 
meme  d'Ain  Beida  et  de  Kroumirie. 

La  conclusion  de  mon  etude  des  poteries  kabyles  viendrait  d'ailleurs  donner  raison 
aux  •  rapprochements  de  Myres.  Etant  donnees  les  difficultes  techniques  de  leur 
ornementation,  je  ue  puis  qu'admettre  un  emprunt  ou  un  apport.  Le  decor  rectilineaire 
est  special,  tres  different  du  decor  rectilineaire  sur  broderies,  sur  bois,  sur  bijoux, 
sur  tellis,  etc.  Et  comme  le  decor  mycenien  est  introuvable  dans  1'Afrique  du  Nord, 
il  faut  admettre  que  1'importation  du  decor  special  dont  il  s'agit,  ainsi  que  des  poteries 
peintes,  n'a  pu  se  produire  qu'aux  environs  de  1'an  2,000  av.  J.C.  C'est  du  moins  ce 
que  je  crois  avoir  inontre  dans  mon  memoire  de  la  Revue  d"1  Ethnographic. 

A.  VAN    GENNEP. 

[     122     ] 


1912.]  MAN.  [No.  64, 

Australia.  Brown. 

Marriage  and  Descent  in     North    and    Central    Australia.        /;//      Ol 
A.  R.  Brown.  04 

In  MAN  for  June,  1912  (47),  Mr.  R.  H.  Mathews  writes  with  reference  to  a 
note  of  mine  in  MAX,  1910,  32.  As  Mr.  Mathews  has  quite  missed  the  point  that 
I  tried  to  make  in  the  note  referred  to,  I  fear  that  perhaps  other  readers  may  have 
done  the  same.  Where  a  tribe  is  divided  into  four  classes  or  into  eight  sub-classes, 
then  as  long  as  we  consider  only  the  classes  or  sub-classes,  and  take  note  only  of 
regular  marriages  (that  is,  those  which  conform  to  the  law  of  the  classes),  there  can 
be  no  question  as  to  whether  descent  is  through  the  father  or  through  the  mother. 
In  every  case  it  is  through  both.  An  Ippai  man  marries  a  Kubbitha  woman  and 
the  children  are  Murri.  Children  of  a  Kubbitha  woman  are  Murri,  but  children  of 
an  Ippai  man  are  equally  Murri.  To  talk  of  either  maternal  or  paternal  descent  in 
connection  with  the  classes  alone  is  therefore  meaningless. 

If  in  any  tribe,  in  addition  to  the  classes  or  sub-classes,  other  divisions  exist  such 
as  those  often  called  phratries,  then  the  question  of  descent  arises  in  connection  with 
these.  Thus  in  the  Kamilaroi  tribe  the  two  classes  Ippai  and  Kumbo  together  form 
a  division  (phratry)  named  Kuppathin,  and  the  other  two  classes  form  another  division. 
It  is  at  once  obvious,  that  in  the  cases  of  these  divisions  descent  is  through  the 
mother.  According  to  Messrs.  Spencer  and  Gillen  there  exist,  in  certain  tribes  with 
eight  sub- classes,  divisions  each  consisting  of  four  sub-classes.  These  divisions  are 
often  spoken  of  as  phratries.  The  arrangement  of  the  sub-classes  into  two  divisions 
is  such  that  the  sub-class  of  a  man  and  that  of  his  child  are  included  in  the  same 
division,  while  the  sub-class  of  a  woman  and  that  of  her  child  belong  to  different 
divisions.  It  is  therefore  obvious  that  as  regards  these  divisions  (phratries)  descent 
in  these  tribes  is  through  the  father.  It  would  seem  from  the  writings  of  Mr.  R.  H. 
Mathews  that  he  wishes  to  deny  that  any  such  named  divisions  exist  in  the  tribes 
in  question  (Warramunga,  Tjingilli.  &c.).  There  is,  however,  no  reason  to  suppose 
that  such  careful  observers  as  Messrs.  Spencer  and  Gillen  have  made  such  a  gross 
error  as  Mr.  Mathews  attributes  to  them.  If  the  divisions  reported  by  Messrs. 
Spencer  and  Gillen  exist,  then  in  these  divisions,  whether  they  be  called  phratries 
or  what  not,  descent  is  through  the  father  in  all  cases  of  regular  marriages,  that  is 
marriages  in  accordance  with  the  general  law  of  the  tribe. 

In  many  tribes  of  Australia  irregular  marriages  take  place,  that  is  to  say,  a  man, 
instead  of  marrying  a  woman  of  the  class  into  which  he  is  required  to  marry  by 
the  tribal  law,  takes  a  wife  from  one  of  the  other  classes,  and  does  so  with  the 
consent  of  his  fellow  tribesmen.  These  irregular  marriages  are  a  sort  of  condoned 
illegality.  They  are  of  great  importance  in  the  study  of  Australian  sociology,  and 
Mr.  Mathews  has  done  very  good  service  in  calling  attention  to  them  and  pointing 
out  their  existence  in  many  tribes. 

Where  an  irregular  marriage  takes  place  the  members  of  the  tribe  have  to  decide 
whether  the  descent  of  the  child  shall  be  reckoned  through  the  father  or  through 
the  mother.  In  the  tribes  of  New  South  Wales,  according  to  Mr.  Mathews,  in  all 
cases  of  irregular  marriage  the  descent  of  the  child  as  regards  its  class  is  reckoned 
through  the  mother.  This  is  what  we  should  naturally  expect  in  tribes  with  maternal 
descent  of  the  totem.  I  myself  found  that  in  some  tribes  of  Western  Australia 
irregular  marriages  take  place,  and  did  take  place  before  the  country  was  occupied 
by  the  white  men.  In  these  tribes  also,  in  the  case  of  an  irregular  marriage  the  class 
of  the  child  is  determined  by  the  class  of  its  mother  and  not  by  that  of  its  father. 
In  the  tribes  of  Western  Australia  the  descent  of  the  totem  is  through  the  father. 
Messrs.  Spencer  and  Gillen  reported  similar  irregular  marriages  amongst  tribes  of 
Northern  Australia  such  as  the  Warramunga,  where  the  tribe  is  divided  into  eight 

[    123    ] 


Nos.  64  65.]  MAN.  [1912. 

sub-classes,  and  stated  that  the  sub-class  of  the  child  is  determined  through  the 
mother  and  not  through  the  father  (Northern  Tribes,  p.  107).  We  have,  therefore, 
the  interesting  fact  that  in  Western,  Eastern  and  Northern  Australia  irregular 
marriages  are  found,  and  the  class  of  the  child  in  all  such  cases  is  determined  by  the 
class  of  its  mother  and  not  by  that  of  its  father,  and  this  whether  the  totems  are 
inherited  in  the  male  line  or  in  the  female  line. 

We  may  now  turn  to  the  case  of  the  Arunta  tribe.  As  regards  this  tribe 
Messrs.  Spencer  and  Gillen  do  not  report  the  existence  of  irregular  marriages. 
Therefore,  in  the  note  in  MAN  already  quoted  (1910,  32)  I  had  to  rely  on  informa- 
tion provided  by  Mr.  R.  H.  Mathews.  In  the  Journal  of  the  Royal  Society  of 
New  South  Wales,  Vol.  XLI,  p.  151,  Mr.  Mathews  gives  a  list  of  eight  irregular 
marriages  from  the  Arunta  tribe.  He  also  gives  a  similar  list  in  the  American 
Anthropologist,  Vol.  10,  p.  90.  An  examination  of  these  two  lists  reveals  two 
interesting  points.  One  is  that  in  the  Arunta  tribe  irregular  marriages  are  limited 
to  one  sub-class  only.  Thus  a  Panunga  man  should  properly  marry  a  Purula  woman. 
He  is  permitted  in  certain  cases  to  marry  an  Ungalla  woman  instead,  this  being 
an  irregular  marriage,  but  he  is  not  permitted,  if  we  are  to  judge  from  the  informar 
tion  of  Mr.  Mathews,  to  marry  a  woman  of  any  other  sub-class.  In  this  respect, 
therefore,  the  Arunta  tribe  differs  from  the  Warramunga  and  Chingalee  (Tjingilli) 
and  other  tribes.  In  the  second  place  the  table  of  descent  in  irregular  marriages  in 
the  Arunta  tribe  as  given  by  Mr.  Mathews  reveals  the  very  interesting  feature  that 
in  this  tribe  the  sub-class  of  the  child  of  an  irregular  marriage  is  determined  by  the 
sub-class  of  its  father  and  not  by  that  of  its  mother.  In  this  respect,  therefore,  the 
Arunta  tribe  differs  not  only  from  the  Warramunga  and  other  tribes  to  the  north, 
but  also  from  the  tribes  of  Eastern  and  Western  Australia.  It  is  this  point  that  I 
tried  to  make  clear  in  my  note  in  MAN,  and  it  is  this  point  that  Mr.  Mathews  seems 
to  have  missed.  The  data  on  which  I  relied  as  the  basis  of  my  statement  are  sup- 
plied by  Mr.  Mathews  himself.  It  now  appears  that  he  does  not  wish  to  admit 
the  truth  of  a  conclusion  that  is  inevitable  if  his  own  statements  of  fact  are  correct. 
Either  the  facts  as  recorded  by  Mr.  Mathews  and  quoted  by  me  are  wrong,  in  which 
case  my  conclusions  based  on  them  are  valueless,  or  else  Mr.  Mathews  is  wrong 
when  he  says  that  the  Arunta  and  the  Warramunga  tribes  do  not  differ  in  this 
respect.  Mr.  Mathews  says  of  me  :  "  In  the  Arranda  tribe  he  accepts  Spencer  and 
"  Gillen's  conclusions  that  descent  is  counted  through  the  father."  My  argument 
concerning  the  Arunta  was  based  not  on  any  statements  of  Messrs.  Spencer  and 
Gillen  but  on  the  facts  recorded  by  Mr.  Mathews  himself,  and  I  thought  that  I 
had  made  this  clear.  The  facts  may  be  wrongly  reported  by  Mr.  Mathews,  in 
which  case  my  argument  is  valueless,  but  on  the  whole  it  seems  probable  that  the 
facts  are  correct.  A.  R.  BROWN. 


Egypt.  Whittemore. 

Stone  Vases  of  the  Bisharin.  By  T.  Whittemore.  IJT 

The  bowls  shown  in  the  photograph  accompanying  this  note  were  bought  UU 
early  in  February,  1912,  of  the  Bisharin,  a  group  of  whom  live  in  wretched  tents, 
covered  with  woven  wattle,  in  an  ancient  Arab  cemetery  about  three-quarters  of  a 
mile  east  of  the  town  of  Assuan  in  Upper  Egypt. 

I  was  drawn  thither  by  the  report  of  stone  bowls  brought  from  there  by 
Dr.  Sarasin  of  the  Museum  of  Bale,  and  described  by  Professor  Rutinger  in  the 
Ethnological  Revieiv  of  Leyden.  In  the  several  visits  which  I  myself  made  to  the 
camp  I  saw  between  forty  and  fifty  of  these  bowls  all  in  daily  use  for  cooking.  Some 
of  them,  the  young  chief  told  me,  were  made  there,  but  most  of  them,  he  said,  came 
from  camps  of  his  tribe  several  days'  camel  journey  away  in  the  desert,  further  east 

[  124  ] 


1912.] 


MAN. 


[Nos.  65-66. 


nt  Hamash,  and  south-east  at  Sayalu.  Although  I  saw  an  old  man  slowly  finishing 
a  bowl  in  the  most  primitive  fashion  with  wet  sand  and  a  reed,  I  unfortunately  had 
not  the  opportunity  to  see  one  begun,  but  I  believe  the  preliminary  work  to  be  done 
by  scratching  with  some  hard  material.  None  of  the  bowls  are  polished  and  no 
trouble  is  taken  to  eradicate  the  coarse  scratches.  They  are  all  of  moderately  soft 
whitish  stone,  probably  limestone,  rough,  and  irregular.  The  shape  is  clearly 
determined  by  that  of  the  boulder  or  pebble  selected  for  use,  nor  is  there  even  any 
attempt  to  make  the  bowls  exactly  circular  or  oval.  The  position  of  the  lugs  or 
handles  is  in  most  cases  determined  by  roughnesses  on  the  stones. 

In  the  middle  bowl  of  the  lower  row  in  the  plate  the  right-hand  lug  is  pierced 
to  form  a  spout,  and  in  the  small  bowl  to  the  left  in  the  upper  row  there  is  a  tiny 
hole  pierced  beneath  the  lug.  The  rims  are  without  turning  or  bevelling  of  any  sort 
and  the  walls  are  thick.  The  largest  bowl  has  a  major  diameter  of  18  cm.  They 
are  all  more  or  less  incrusted  with  carbon  and  saturated  with  grease.  The  largest  is 
mended  in  the  bottom  with  a  plug  7  mm.  in  diameter  of  the  same  stone  as  the  bowl, 
projecting  slightly  on  the  inner  side. 

The  bowls  in  the  museum  of  Bale,  which  I  have  not  myself  seen,  are  said  to 
be  of  finer  forms,  and  it  is  not  inconceivable  that  among  the  settlements  of  this 


FlG.   1. — STONE   VASES  OF  THE   BISHARfN.  • 

tribe,  which  possesses  some  of  the  finest  physical  types  in  Egypt,  there  are  more 
skilful  workmen.  But  the  bowls'!  show  here  and  all  those  I  saw  are  most  elementary. 
Shapes  have  here  not  become  traditional  but  represent  the  most  obvious  and  primitive 
method  at  any  time  and  among  any  people  of  hollowing  out  stones  to  form  vases. 

So  complete  is  the  difference  between  these  rude  vases  and  the  finished  ultimate 
forms  of  predynastic  and  protodynastic  Egypt  that  few  will  be  so  bold  as  to  institute 
any  comparison  between  them  or  to  base  any  ethnological  deductions  on  such  a 
comparison. 

For  a  nomadic  tribe  like  the  Bisharin  such  stone  bowls  are  stronger  and  more 
durable  than  those  of  pottery  ;  hence  their  continuous  use.  T.  WHITTEMORE. 


Madagascar  :  Folklore.  Jones. 

The  Story   of  Ifaramalemy   and    Ikotobekibo.       By  Neville  Jones. 

Once  upon  a  time  there  lived  iu  a  little  cottage  near  the  great   forest  two 

orphans.     They    Avere   brother    and    sister,   and    their    names    were   Ikotobekibo    and 

Ifaramalemy  ;  there  was  no  one  to  look  after  them,  so  they  had  to  do  the  best  they 

[    125    ] 


No.  66.]  MAN.  [1912. 

could  for  themselves.  So  poor  were  they  that  they  were  practically  dependent  on  the 
charity  of  other  people  ;  yet  notwithstanding  this,  Ikotobekibo  was  as  plump  and  fat 
as  anybody  in  Imemia,  while  his  sister  was  thin  and  weakly,  for,  sad  to  relate,  though 
Ifaramalemy  was  her  brother's  devoted  slave,  yet  he  always  ate  up  all  the  good  food 
he  could  get  and  never  gave  any  to  his  poor  sister.  He  even  went  still  further  and 
tried  to  coax  his"  sister  to  give  him  any  little  tit-bits  that  occasionally  came  her  way. 
One  day,  when  dinner  time  came  along,  Ikotobekibo  entered  the  cottage  and 
found  his  sister  had  also  just  returned.  "  What  have  you  got  for  dinner,  oh  my 
brother?"  said  she,  looking  up.  "I  have  caught  a  fine  fat  eel  for  my  dinner,  but 
"  I  have  nothing  for  yours,"  said  he.  "  But  haven't  you  got  anything  this  morning?" 
he  continued.  "  I  have  a  locust  and  a  grain  of  rice,"  she  replied.  "  Quite  enough 
for  you,  too,"  said  Ikotobekibo.  And  thus  did  Ikotobekibo  wax  fatter  and  fatter 
while  Ifaramalemy  became  thinner  and  thinner  every  day.  Nevertheless,  Ifarama- 
lemy loved  her  brother  and  kept  the  house  always  clean  and  comfortable  though  she 
got  little  in  return  for  her  pains. 

This  state  of  things,  however,  could  not  last  for  ever,  and  one  fine  morning  poor 
Ifaramalemy  did  not  even  find  a  solitary  locust  or  even  a  grain  of  rice  for  her  dinner, 
and,  knowing  well  that  it  would  be  useless  to  expect  her  greedy  brother  to  give  her 
anything  to  eat,  she  sat  down  by  the  roadside  to  think  what  she  could  best  do. 

Now  it  chanced  that  close  by  there  lived  a  horrible  man-eating  monster  named 
Itrimobe,  who  was  very,  very  rich  and  had  a  most  beautiful  garden,  where  the 
bananas  .hung  down  in  tempting  clusters  from  the  trees  and  where  every  delicacy 
imaginable  grew  in  wild  profusion  ;  and  the  thought  of  all  these  goodies  within  such 
easy  reach  proved  too  much  for  poor  little  hunger-pinched  Ifaramalemy.  So  she 
peeped  in  at  the  garden  gate  and,  seeing  no  one,  stole  quietly  in,  and  before  long 
returned  with  two  beautiful  bananas  and  a  stupendous  sweet  potato. 

When  she  reached  home  Ikotobekibo,  whose  mouth  watered  at  the  sight  of  such 
lovely  food,  asked  his  sister  to  tell  him  where  she  had  obtained  it.  So  she  told  him 
how  she  had  crept  into  Intrimobe's  garden  and  had  stolen  it.  The  flavour  of  one  of 
the  bananas  which  Ifaramalemy  gave  to  her  brother  proved  so  satisfactory  that, 
without  more  ado,  he  put  on  his  lamba  and  set  out  for  Itrimobe's. 

Having  arrived  there  he  stole  softly  in  and  was  soon  busy  with  the  fruit,  quite 
oblivious  of  the  fact  that  Itrimobe  was  watching  from  the  window  of  his  hut  all  the 
time.  He  ate  and  ate  and  ate,  until,  terrible  to  relate,  he  found  himself  quite  unable 
to  move  from  where  he  was  sitting. 

Itrimobe,  seeing  that  his  uninvited  visitor  was  thus  his  prisoner,  came  out  of  his 
house  and  walked  up  to  where  Ikotobekibo  was  sitting,  and  without  more  ado,  and 
despite  Ikotobekibo's  remonstrances,  carried  him  into  his  hut  and  tied  him  up,  meaning 
to  eat  him  up  as  soon  as  he  considered  him  in  fit  condition. 

Judge  of  poor  Ifarauialemy's  grief  and  consternation  on  finding  that  her  brother 
did  not  return  home  that  evening.  She  had  not  to  think  long  to  decide  the  reason 
of  his  non-arrival  and  set  to  work  at  once  to  find  out  a  means  of  escape  for  her 
brother  from  the  terrible  clutches  of  Itrimobe.  So  she  consulted  a  wise  man  whom 
she  knew  of,  and  he  suggested  to  her  a  plan  of  escape. 

The  following  morning  she  hid  herself  at  Itrimobe's  gate,  and  had  not  been 
waiting  long  before  the  monster  came  out  with  his  spears  and  dogs  for  a  day's 
hunting.  When  he  was  safely  out  of  the  way  she  crept  in,  and  was  soon  in  the 
room  where  her  brother  lay  tied  to  a  stout  post. 

"  Oh  !  my  darling  sister,"  whined  the  unfortunate  glutton,  "  tell  me  how  I  may 
escape,  for  Itrimobe  is  going  to  eat  me." 

"  Be  comforted  my  brother,"  replied  she,  "  only  do  what  I  tell  you  and  all  will 
be  well." 

[    126    ] 


1912,]  MAN.  [Nos.  66-67, 

Then  she  told  her  brother  how  the  wise  man  had  told  her  that,  though  Itrimobe 
was  such  an  awful  being,  yet  he  had  a  terrible  fear  of  cats,  and  that  he  would  run 
miles  to  get  out  of  the  way  of  one. 

So  after  attending  to  her  brother,  Ifaramalemy  got  into  a  rat  hole  (how  she 
managed  it  I  do  not  know,  but  that  is  how  the  story  goes),  and  they  awaited 
Itrimohi''s  return.  Presently  he  arrived,  and  just  as  he  set  his  foot  on  the  threshold, 
Ikotobekibo  set  up  such  a  terrific  meowing  that  one  would  have  thought  the  houst- 
full  of  cats,  and  Itrimobe,  scared  out  of  his  life,  turned  and  flew  down  the  road  as 
hard  as  his  heels  would  carry  him. 

Now  there  was  a  steep  precipice  close  by  which  Itrimobe  in  his  haste  forgot, 
and  so  he  fell  over  it  and  was  dashed  to  pieces  on  the  rocks  at  the  bottom. 

When  Ifaramalemy  saw  that  he  was  dead  she  hastened  to  untie  Ikotobekibo, 
who  felt  very  thankful  to  his  sister  for  what  she  had  done  for  him. 

Itrimobe  being  dead,  they  possessed  themselves  of  all  his  property,  which  was 
prodigious,  and  lived  together  all  the  rest  of  their  lives  in  peace  and  happiness. 

Ikotobekibo  quite  changed,  and  became  everything  he  had  not  been  before,  and 
always  saw  that  his  sister  was  provided  for  before  he  thought  of  himself.  While 
Ifaramalemy,  who  loved  her  brother  when  he  was  selfish,  loved  him  still  more  when 
he  became  unselfish  ;  so  they  were  quite  happy  and  did  a  lot  of  good  to  all  the 
poor  people  in  the  district.  NEVILLE  JONES. 


Africa,  East.  Cayzac. 

Witchcraft  in  Kikuyu.     By  Rev.  Father  J.   Cayzac. 

It  will  be  news  to  no  one  to  hear  that  the  Akikuyu  are  great  believers  in 
"  witchcraft."  Evil  is  unnatural ;  disease,  death,  loss  of  cattle,  every  misfortune  is 
the  result  of  somebody  else's  hostile  will,  it  is  due  to  the  evil  influence  of  your  enemy, 
whether  he  be  living  or  dead. 

But,  if  danger  is  threatening  everywhere,  the  remedy  is  always  at  hand.  The 
"  rnogo,"  or  "medicine-man,"  is  always  ready  to  oblige  for  a  small  fee,  and  for  extra- 
ordinary cases  specialists  are  even  to  be  found,  as  will  appear  by  the  following  instances 
which  have  fallen  frequently  under  my  own  notice. 

1.  Ko-ikio  Sheoma,  "  To  have  glass-beads    thrown    into    one." — You  issue  from 
your  hut  some  fine  morning  in  the    best  of    health  and    spirits  and    singing  a  merry 
song  ;    you  are  going  to  your  work    or   pleasure,   when  suddenly  you  feel  a  dreadful 
pain  in  your  bowels  that  throws  you  down  writhing  on  the  ground.     You  creep  back 
to  your  hut,  and  it  is  your  friends'  and  relatives'  universal  opinion  that  one  of  your 
enemies  (for  you  have  several)  has    by  invisible    but  unerring  aim  cast  a  handful  of 
beads  into  your  stomach,  the  specialist  is  sent  for  to  get  them  out.     His  instrument 
is  a  long  native  bottle,  which  he  fills  with  water.     All  the  spectators  must  dip  their 
lips  into  it  to  "  bless  it."     This  done  the  operator  himself  "  blesses  "  it  in  the  same 
manner,  and    then  applies  strongly  the  mouth  of   the  bottle  to    the   pit    of    the  sick 
stomach,  muttering  mysterious  words.     After  a  few  minutes  the  beads  issue  from  the 
bowels,  pass  through  the  skin  and  get  into  the  bottle  ;  in  proof  of  which  the  operator 
slowly  empties  the  bottle  and  you  can  see  (as  I  have  seen)  five,  six,  or  seven  huge 
blue  beads  falling  out  one  by  one.     The  patient,  of  course,  feels  much  relieved  ;  the 
operator  receives  his  fee  and  returns  home  rejoicing. 

2.  Ko-ikio  Mahufi,  "  To    have  grass  cast    into  one." — You  are  not  having  your 
usual    health  for  some  time.       Heaviness    in    the  stomach,  headache,  no  appetite,  no 
zest  in  life  ;  even  the  girls'  dance-calls  ringing  on  the  hill-sides  leave  you  indifferent. 
Your  rival  or  rivals  have  cast  a  heap  of  grass  and  leaves  into  your  stomach  and  you 
decide  to  get  it  taken  out  (Ko-zuka).      You  call  on  the  "Mo-zukani."     He  receives 
you  with  politeness,  requests  you  to  sit  down  as  he  has  a  few  minutes'  urgent  business 

r  127  ] 


Nos.  67-68.]  MAN.  [1912. 

in  one  of  his  fields,  and  he  returns  to  attend  yon.  Grasping  one  of  your  arms  he 
applies  his  month  to  it  and  begins  to  suck  and  chew  for  all  he  is  worth.  He  ceases 
in  order  to  spit  out  the  result — a  huge  mouthful  of  grass  and  leaves  that  through 
your  arm  he  has  sucked  out  of  your  stomach.  He  renews  several  times  the  opera- 
tion, and  when  he  has  thus  sucked  out  of  you  an  incredible  heap  of  foul  rubbish  you 
pay  the  fee  and  go  home  relieved. 

3.  Ko-rinda  iti,  "Keeping  hyjenas  away." — For  several  nights  a  whole  pack 
of  hytenas  have  been  creating  an  infernal  row  around  your  compound.  You  call  on 
a  neighbour  of  the  "  Anjilo"  clan  who  possesses  mysterious  powers  over  these  animals. 
He  comes  at  dark,  throws  off  all  his  clothes  and  lights  a  few  fires,  sprinkling  various 
powders  over  the  flame.  And  then,  standing  stark-naked  in  the  blaze,  he  begins  a 
violent  mimicry,  turning  in  all  directions,  from  which  you  understand  that  hyaenas 
are  given  strict  orders  not  to  approach  your  kraal  again.  You  will  not  be  troubled 
for  a  long  time,  and  you  are  more  and  more  persuaded  that  really  and  truly  hysenas 
are  the  obedient  slaves  of  the  Anjilo  clansmen,  who  are  to  be  feared  and  respected. 

It  was  not  difficult  to  find  out  the  "tricks"  that  I  have  described;  but  it  will 
show  that  if  a  good  number  of  the  Akikuyu  are  easily  gulled,  there  is  not  wanting 
among  them  a  fair  sprinkling  of  wily  rogues  not  at  all  devoid  of  a  great  sense 
of  humour. 

The  Bead  Trick. — One  of  rny  converts  had  an  uncle  who  was  very  famous  for 
it,  all  over  the  country,  and  he  had,  formerly,  often  helped  him  in  doing  it.  The 
beads,  of  course,  were  in  his  uncle's  mouth,  all  the  time,  and  when  he  was  pre- 
tending to  "  bless  "  the  bottle  by  drinking  out  of  it,  he  was  in  reality  spitting  the 
beads  into  it. 

The  Grass  Trick. — It  was  my  own  cook  who  found  it  out  for  me,  by  bribing  a 
"  Mozukani,"  who  sold  his  secret  to  him.  When  he  had  left  his  patient  sitting  down 
the  "Mozukani"  hid  in  the  bush  and  stuffed  into  his  own  mouth  all  the  rubbish  that 
he  would  extract  from  the  patient's  stomach.  Knowing  the  secret,  my  cook  began 
to  advertise  as  a  "  Mozukani,"  and  to  his  great  amusement  and  my  own,  patients 
crowded  in  every  day  for  some  time,  especially  as  he  was  taking  no  fee. 

The  Hycena  Trick. — I  offered  ten  rupees  to  a  "monjilo"  if  on  a  certain  night 
he  would  attract  a  pack  of  hyaenas  to  come  and  howl  in  my  yard.  He  promised  to 
do  so  on  condition  that  a  certain  big  and  ferocious  dog,  whose  duty  it  was  to  scare 
away  night  trespassers,  would  be  chained  up — for  fear  he  might  be  devoured  by  the 
hysenas.  I  agreed  to  do  so  ;  but,  I  am  sorry  to  say,  I  did  not  keep  my  promise. 
The  dog  was  let  loose,  and  the  "  monjilo  "  and  his  friends,  anxious  probably  for  the 
calves  of  their  legs,  got  afraid  to  come  running  round  the  house  and  howling  like  a 
pack  of  hyaenas. 

He  lost  his  ten  rupees. 

Medicine-men,  and  others  of  such  ilk,  are  not  at  all  pleased  to  see  the  white  men 
invading  their  country.  J.  CAYZAC. 

Rhodesia.  "Wright. 

How  they  Bury  a  Chief  in  Rhodesia.     /•'//    />.    Wright. 

The  following  is    an    excerpt    from  the    official  report  of   the   Native  Com- 
missioner at  Mrewa  : — 

"  I  beg  to  report  the  death  of  the  paramount  Chief  of  the  Fungwi  Division 
of  the  District  Chinyereai.  No  successor  will  be  nominated  until  after  the  funeral 
obsequies  are  completed,  which  will  not  be  for  some  considerable  time.  As  the  rites 
are  of  a  somewhat  unusual  character  it  may  be  of  interest  if  I  give  them  in  detail. 

"The  present  chief  having  died  in  the  winter  months  the  body  will  not  be 
buried  until  after  the  first  rains  fall.  In  the  meantime  the  body  remains  in  the  hut 

r  ias  j 


1912.]  MAN.  [Nos.  68-69. 

in  which  he  died.  A  platform  is  erected  in  the  hut  and  the  body  placed  thereon. 
Friends  of  the  deceased,  not  relatives,  are  placed  in  charge  of  the  body,  and  other 
natives,  called  Matunzi,  are  engaged,  their  duties  being  to  sweep  the  floor  of  the 
hut,  to  keep  the  walls  of  the  hut  smeared  with  clay,  so  that  there  may  be  no  hole 
left  through  which  the  spirit  of  the  deceased  may  escape.  A  fire  is  kept  burning 
in  the  hut,  and  when  decomposition  sets  in  there  is  a  feast  and  offerings  are  made 
to  the  spirit  of  the  deceased. 

"  When  the  first  rains  fall  an  ox  is  killed  and  the  skin  removed  with  hoofs  and 
head  complete.  The  body  of  the  deceased  chief  is  then  sewn  into  the  hide,  a  grave 
is  dug  in  an  ant  heap,  and  the  body  placed  therein  along  with  the  pots  that  were  in 
the  hut.  The  grave  is  covered  with  poles  and  thickly  plastered  over,  all  except  a 
small  thin  hole,  which  is  given  a  very  thin  covering  of  clay.  The  hole  is  so  that 
after  a  certain  time  the  spirit  of  the  deceased  may  emerge.  Amongst  the  Fungwi 
this  spirit  takes  the  form  of  a  lion  cub.  This  cub  remains  near  the  grave  and  is  fed 
by  other  lions  that  have  the  spirits  of  other  paramount  chiefs."  D.  WRIGHT. 


REVIEWS. 
Ceylon.  Seligmann. 

The  Veddas.  By  C.  G.  Seligmann,  M.D.,  and  Brenda  Z.  Seligmann.  IJQ 
Cambridge  University  Press,  1911.  00 

An  exhaustive  and  scientific  study  of  the  Veddas  of  Ceylon  has  long  been 
a  desideratum  among  anthropologists,  and  this  has  now  been  supplied  by  Dr.  and 
Mrs.  Seligmann  in  this  excellent  work  (which  is  a  volume  of  the  Cambridge 
Archfeological  and  Ethnological  Series). 

The  Veddas  are  a  fast-disappearing  remnant  of  the  aboriginal  inhabitants  of 
Ceylon,  and  but  few  families  still  retain  any  approach  to  purity  of  blood  or  their 
primitive  social  organisation.  Their  language  has  already  disappeared,  and  they  speak 
a  form  of  Sinhalese,  except  the  coast  Veddas,  who  speak  Tamil.  It  is  clear,  therefore, 
that  an  enquiry  such  as  has  been  made  by  Dr.  and  Mrs.  Seligmann  was  urgently 
required  if  any  record  was  to  be  preserved  of  many  interesting  facts.  The  subject 
has  been  dealt  with  systematically,  the  history  of  the  Veddas  being  first  considered, 
then  their  present  distribution  and  condition,  and  their  social  organisation.  Very  full 
and  interesting  chapters  follow  dealing  with  their  family  life  and  rules  as  to  property 
and  succession,  religion  and  magic,  with  the  most  complete  account  of  the  ceremonial 
dances  and  invocations.  For  this  part  of  the  book  Mrs.  Seligmann  is  responsible, 
and  she  has  been  most  successful  in  obtaining  the  confidences  of  this  timid  and 
suspicious  race,  gaining  thereby  access  to  sources  of  information  available  to  few. 

In  addition  to  the  unmixed  forest  clans,  the  village  and  coast  Veddas,  who  show 
various  degrees  of  admixture  of  blood,  are  also  fully  dealt  with,  and  there  are  chapters 
on  the  arts,  music,  songs,  and  language  of  the  Veddas.  For  the  musical  part 
Dr.  Seligmann  has  had  the  collaboration  of  Dr.  C.  S.  Myers,  based  on  thirty-four 
phonographic  records  of  songs,  and  in  the  linguistic  part  of  the  book,  as  well  as 
in  many  other  parts,  he  has  had  the  advantage  of  the  assistance  of  Mr.  H.  Parker, 
whose  excellent  work  on  ancient  Ceylon  includes  a  historical  account  of  the  Veddas. 
Mr.  Gunasekara  has  given  the  text  and  translation  of  the  songs  and  incantations 
recorded,  and  a  linguistic  appendix.  Much  useful  information  is  also  derived  from 
the  writings  of  Mr.  Hugh  Nevill.  The  physical  anthropology  of  the  Veddas  is  not 
a  principal  subject  in  this  work,  and  has  been  very  fully  dealt  with  already  by  Drs. 
P.  and  F.  Sarasin,  but  a  very  useful  summary  of  existing  knowledge  on  this  point, 
well  illustrated  by  typical  photographs,  is  given  in  Chapter  I. 

Dr.  Seligmann  has  come  to  the  conclusion  that  only  among  the  Henebedda, 

[  129  ] 


Nos,  69-70.]  MAN.  [1912. 

Sitala  Wan  n  iy  a,  and  Godatalawa  groups  are  approximately  pure  and  unsophisticated 
representatives  of  the  true  Veddas  to  be  found.  The  photographs  of  members  of 
these  groups  are  therefore  of  the  greatest  interest,  and  it  is  much  to  be  regretted 
that  the  plates  of  the  Sitala  Wanniya  men  were  accidentally  destroyed,  only  that  of 
the  women  (PI.  xiii)  being  now  available.  The  conclusion  Dr.  Seligmann  reaches 
regarding  the  origin  of  the  Veddas  is  that  they  must  be  regarded  as  the  survivors 
of  the  original  inhabitants  of  the  island  before  the  invasion  by  the  speakers  of  an 
Aryan  language  from  the  north,  and  that  there  is  not  sufficient  ground  for  supposing 
that  they  are  identical  with  the  mass  of  the  Sinhalese  population,  or  that  they  were 
at  one  time  on  a  higher  level  of  civilisation  than  at  present.  In  these  points  he 
differs  from  Mr.  Parker,  and  on  the  whole,  as  far  as  it  is  possible  to  form  a  judgment 
at  present,  Dr.  Seligmann  must  be  held  to  have  proved  his  case.  The  arguments  on 
both  sides  will  be  read  with  great  interest.  The  organisation  into  exogamous  clans, 
which  does  not  seem  ever  to  have  existed  among  the  Sinhalese,  is  a  strong  point  in 
favour  of  Dr.  Seligmann's  theory,  as  is  also  the  cult  of  the  dead  similar  to  that 
existing  among  the  wilder  tribes  of  the  Indian  peninsular.  In  short,  the  Veddas  are 
to  be  classed  among  the  Dravidian  (or  rather  pre-Dravidian)  races  of  India.  To  many 
readers  the  most  attractive  part  of  the  book  will  be  the  detailed  descriptions  of  the 
ceremonial  dances  which  are  not  only  very  accurate  but  are  at  the  same  time  written 
in  a  natural  and  easy  style,  so  that  every  detail  can  easily  be  followed  not  only  by 
the  student  but  by  the  general  reader.  The  numerous  excellent  photographs  render 
it  still  easier  to  follow  the  descriptions  and  add  much  to  their  interest. 

The  account  in  Chapter  XV  of  the  peculiar  dialect  of  the  Veddas  and  the  points 
in  which  it  differs  from  ordinary  Sinhalese  is  of  great  interest.  It  appears  to  be  an 
archaic  dialect  modified  by  a  secret  or  cryptic  vocabulary  and  a  periphrastic  form  of 
expression  ;  although  the  latter  feature  is  by  no  means  uncommon  in  the  Prakritic 
languages  of  northern  India.  (It  may  be  noted,  by  the  way  (see  p.  382),  that  the 
correct  Hindi  for  "  bring "  is  le-ana  "  taking  come,"  and  not  le-dana.} 

Dr.  and  Mrs.  Seligmann  must  be  congratulated  on  the  completion  of  their 
important  and  difficult  task  and  on  the  attractive  form  in  which  they  have  presented 
their  results  to  the  public.  M.  LONG  WORTH  DAMES. 


America,  South.  Krause. 

In  den  Wildnissen  Brasiliens.  Von  Dr.  Fritz  Krause.  Mit  517  Textab-  Tft 
bildungen,  337  photographischen  Abbildungen  auf  69  Tafeln,  und  2  Karten.  i  0 
Leipzig:  P.  Voigtlander  Verlag,  1911. 

The  contrast  between  English  and  German  methods  in  education  is  not  flattering 
to  us.  We  are  satisfied  to  "  muddle  through  "  in  this  as  in  other  matters,  and  it  is 
our  salvation  that  we  possess  the  virtues  as  well  as  the  vices  of  the  incurable 
amateur.  Our  aims  are  ill-defined,  our  methods  are  haphazard,  and  our  results  are 
sporadically  excellent.  The  national  temperament  is  perhaps  opposed  to  an  apotheosis 
of  method,  but  we  have  much  to  learn  from  Germany,  not  least  of  all  in  matters 
relating  to  museums.  Dr.  Krause's  book  is  evidence  of  an  enlightened  municipal 
policy  in  this  direction,  and  the  famous  Museum  fur  Volkerkunde  in  Leipzig  gives 
substantial  proof  that  a  deficiency  in  colonial  possessions  does  not  lead  to  a  lack  of 
public  interest  in  native  races.  Dr.  Krause  and  his  colleagues  are  to  be  congratulated 
on  their  environment.  To  be  sent  from  Europe  to  East  Africa  or  Brazil  to  study 
ethnography  and  collect  specimens  in  the  course  of  one's  museum  duties,  is  a  fate 
such  as  we  may  vainly  hope  for.  There  is  less  risk,  it  is  true,  in  the  wilds  of 
Covent  Garden,  where  a  nod  is  as  good  as  a  gun. 

Photographs,  sketches,  phonographic  records,  and  some  1,100  ethnographical 
specimens  are  the  spoils  of  Dr.  Krause's  visit  to  certain  Indian  tribes  of  the  Araguaya. 

[  130  ] 


1912.]  MAN.  [Nos.  70-71. 

Chid'  attention  \v;is  paid  to  the  Karaya,  but  allied  tribes  were  also  studied.  Accounts 
of  the  art  and  of  the  dancing  masks  of  the  Karaya  have  already  been  published  l>y 
Dr.  Kranse,  and  the  present  work  contains  the  remainder  of  his  results,  including 
physical  anthropology,  sociology,  arts  and  crafts,  and  general  observations. 

The  first  third  of  the  book  is  a  "  Reisebericht,"  which  would  have  been  more 
appropriately  issued  us  a  separate  volume.  It  forms  a  very  interesting  account  of 
the  author's  journey  and  of  the  country  and  its  inhabitants,  but  a  large  part  of  it  is 
irrelevant  for  the  ethnologist.  It  is  written  in  an  attractive  style,  noteworthy  for  its 
simplicity  of  construction,  and  an  Englishman  may  be  permitted  to  comment  upon  the 
fact  that  the  verbs  are  not  out  of  focus. 

As  regards  the  scientific  results,  it  is  not  to  be  expected  that  a  single  observer, 
however  teutonic,  could  make  an  exhaustive  study  of  even  one  tribe  in  a  few  months. 
The  annual  cycle  in  men's  affairs,  imposed  by  nature,  calls  for  at  least  a  year  of 
investigation.  With  this  limitation  Dr.  Krause  appears  to  Have  made  a  very  thorough 
study  of  the  tribes  visited,  and  he  may  be  congratulated  both  upon  the  success  of  his 
journey  and  of  his  account  of  its  results.  The  large  number  of  illustrations  gives  a 
special  value  to  the  book,  which  is  not  likely  to  be  superseded  as  a  work  of  reference 
for  all  who  are  interested  in  backward  races  in  general  and  in  those  of  South  America 
in  particular.  H.  S.  H. 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL    NOTES. 

REPORT    OF    AN    INTERNATIONAL   CONFERENCE,     WHICHI  MET   ON   JUNE   4TH,     "M 
1912,  AT  THE  INVITATION  OF  THE  ROYAL  ANTHROPOLOGICAL   INSTITUTE     •  I 

TO     DISCUSS     THE      FOLLOWING      QUESTIONS     RELATIVE     TO     A     PROPOSED     INTER- 
NATIONAL ANTHROPOLOGICAL  CONGRESS. 

ALFRED  P.  MAUDSLAY,  PRES.  R.A.I.,  in  the  Chair, 
Present : 


Balfour,  H.,  Oxford. 

Boas,  F.,  New  York. 

Capitan,  L.,  Paris. 

Duckworth,  W.  L.  H.,  Cambridge. 

Ehrenreich,  P.,  Berlin. 

Gordon,  G.  B.,  Philadelphia. 

Haddon,  A.  C-,  Cambridge. 

Hartman,  C.  V.,  Stockholm. 

Heger,  F.,  Vienna. 

Hodson,  T.  C.,  London. 

Hrdlicka,  A.,  Washington. 

Jochelson,  W.,  St.  Petersburg. 

Joyce,  T.  A.,  London. 

Kramer,  A.,  Stuttgart. 


MacCurdy,  G.  G.,  Washington. 
Marett,  R.  R.,  Oxford. 
Panhuys,  A.  L.  van,  The  Hague. 
Read,  C.  H.,  London. 
Robinson,  A.,  Edinburgh. 
Sarg,  F.  C.  A.,  Frankfurt. 
Saville,  M.,  New  York. 
Seler,  E.,  Berlin. 
Seligmann,  C.  G.,  London. 
Sternberg,  L.,  St.  Petersburg. 
Thalbitzer,  W.,  Copenhagen. 
Waxweiler,  E.,  Brussels. 
Westermarck,  E.,  London. 
White,  J.  M.,  London. 


THE  CHAIRMAN  in  welcoming  the  members  of  the  Conference  sketched  the 
history  of  the  negotiations  which  had  led  to  an  invitation  being  sent  by  the  Council 
of  the  Royal  Anthropological  Institute,  and  explained  that  the  Conference  was  an 
entirely  independent  body,  and  in  particular  had  no  connection  with  the  Americanist 
Congress  just  then  concluded.  It  was  simply  a  meeting  of  anthropologists,  and  an 
attempt  had  been  made  to  render  it  as  representative  as  possible. 

THE  CHAIRMAN  called  on  Mr.  R.  R.  Marett  (Oxford)  to  open  the  discussion. 

R.  R.  MAUETT  urged  the  importance  of  keeping  in  touch  with  anthropological 
research  in  other  countries  from  the  point  of  view  of  the  university  student.  In 


No.  71.]  MAN.  [1912. 

proposing  the  resolution  that  an  international  anthropological  congress  was  desirable, 
he  suggested  that  the  arrangement  of  details  should  be  left  to  a  strong  international 
committee.  He  would  confine  his  remarks  to  the  first  question  on  the  agenda  paper,, 
and  would  omit  for  the  present  any  allusion  to  such  questions  as  the  name  of  the 
congress,  and  the  frequency  of  its  meetings.  In  this  connection  he  urged  the  im- 
portance of  regional  study,  and  pointed  out  the  danger  which  lies  in  the  assumption 
of  too  national  a  point  of  view.  The  chief  function  of  a  congress  was  to  obviate 
this  danger  by  bringing  students  into  personal  contact  on  a  large  scale. 

A.  KRAMER  (Stuttgart),  speaking  as  President  of  the  German  Anthropological 
Society,  remarked  that  he  did  not  regard  the  establishment  of  such  a  congress  as  an 
absolute  necessity,  but  considered  it  desirable.  From  the  German  point  of  view,  a 
congress  of  this  nature  would  enable  anthropologists  to  become  acquainted  with  the 
detailed  results  of  many  expeditions  of  which  at  present  they  heard  little  or  nothing. 
Such  a  congress  would  also  be  useful  as  a  means  of  settling  an  international  scientific 
terminology. 

F.  BOAS  (New  York)  fully  agreed  with  what  Marett  had  said.  He  felt  keenly 
that  isolation  in  the  discussion  of  ethnological  problems  was  the  cause  of  many  mis- 
understandings. He  concluded  with  a  short  review  of  past  and  present  congresses- 
dealing  with  anthropological  subjects. 

L.  CAPITAN  (Paris),  speaking  for  the  Anthropological  Society  of  Paris,  said  that 
he  regarded  a  congress  which  would  unite  all  branches  of  anthropology  as  indis- 
pensable. At  the  same  time  it  was  a  difficult  thing  to  create  an  entirely  new  and 
independent  congress,  and  he  suggested  that  it  would  be  best  to  organise  a  general 
anthropological  congress  which  would  absorb  the  functions  of  the  Congres  d'Anthro- 
pologie  et  d'Archeologie  prehistoriques. 

E.  WAXWEILER  (Brussels),  speaking  as  director  of  the  Instituts  Solvay,  cordially 
approved  of  the  establishment  of  such  a  congress.     He  made  no  suggestion  as  to  the 
name  it  should  bear,  but  threw  out  the  suggestion  that  it  should  confine  its  attention 
to  the  study  of  primitive  society  in  all  its  branches.  • 

A.  HRDLICKA  (Washington)  said  that  he  recognised  the  value  of  an  anthropo- 
logical congress  on  a  large  scale,  but  foresaw  very  great  difficulties  in  harmonising 
existing  congresses  which  dealt  with  branches  of  anthropology.  He  suggested  that 
the  organising  bodies  of  these  existing  congresses  should  be  approached  with  a  view 
to  unification. 

F.  HEGER   (Vienna),  referring    to    the    remark  made  by   Capitan,   said    that    the 
Congres    d'Anthropologie    et  d'Archeologie   prehistoriques    dealt  with   only  one  small 
branch  of  anthropology,  viz.,  prehistoric  anthropology.     He  made  the  suggestion  that 
the  Congress  of  Americanists   might   henceforward  confine   its  attention  to  American 
archaeology,  leaving  American    ethnology   to    the    proposed    anthropological    congress. 
Anthropological  studies  as  a  whole   needed  closely  interconnecting  and   co-ordinating, 
and  therefore  the  proposed  congress  had  his  whole-hearted  support. 

THE  CHAIRMAN  then  formally  put  to  the  Conference  the  resolution  that  it  is 
desirable  to  found  an  international  anthropological  congress.  The  motion,  by  a  show 
of  hands,  was  carried  unanimously. 

A.  KRAMER  suggested  that  definite  proposals  should  be  laid  before  the  Congres 
d'Anthropologie  et  d'Archeologie  prehistoriques  that  it  should  unite  with  the  proposed 
anthropological  congress  ;  but  that  as  far  as  other  congresses  were  concerned  they 
should  be  left  to  take  action  in  the  matter. 

A.  HRDLICKA  proposed  that  a  committee  should  be  instituted  to  negotiate  with 
all  other  congresses  dealing  in  part  with  anthropology  as  to  amalgamation  or  a 
modus  vivendi. 

F.  BOAS  agreed  that  such  negotiations  were  best  left  to  a  committee,  but  pointed 

[  132  J 


1912.]  MAN.  [No.  71. 

out  the  difficulty  of  electing  the  committee  ;  he  suggested  that  it  should  be  appointed 
l>y  (lie  present  chairman,  but  should  have  powers  to  add  to  its  number,  and  to  take 
action. 

C.  H.  READ  (British  Museum)  supported  Boas,  and  suggested  that,  put  more 
precisely,  the  exact  point  was  the  following  : — discussion  had  shown  that  the  Conference 
were  agreed  that  an  additional  congress  was  most  undesirable,  and  that  a  small 
committee  should  be  appointed  which  should  be  definitely  instructed  to  endeavour  to 
absorb  as  many  as  pos8ible  of  the  existing  congresses  ;  he  thought  that  most  of  those 
dealing  Avith  anthropological  subjects  might  be  so  absorbed,  including  the  Congres 
d'Anthropologie  et  d'Archeologie  prehistoriques. 

E.  SELER  (Berlin)  agreed  with  Read. 

F.  BOAS  proposed  definitely — 

That  the  Chairman,  as  president  of  the  Royal  Anthropological  Institute, 
be  asked  to  appoint  a  small  committee,  with  powers  to  add  to  its  numbers,  to 
communicate  with  other  congresses  and  existing  societies  with  a  view  to 
establishing  community  of  interest,  and  to  make  arrangements  for  a  special 
session  of  a  general  congress  of  anthropology. 

THE  CHAIRMAN  proposed  in    amendment  that    the  first   seventeen  words  of   the 
motion  be  replaced  by  the  words  "  That  a  special  international  committee  be  named." 
THE  CHAIRMAN  then  formally  put  the  amended  motion  to   the  Conference,  and 
it  was  carried  unanimously  by  a  show  of  hands. 

THE  CHAIRMAN  then  asked  suggestions  as  to  how  the  committee  should  be 
constituted. 

F.  BOAS  suggested  that  it  should  be  nominated  by  the  Chairman  himself  as 
president  of  the  Royal  Anthropological  Institute. 

A.  KRAMER  suggested  that  countries  only  should  be  named  by  the  Chairman, 
and  that  each  country  so  named  should  appoint  a  delegate. 

J.  MARTIN  WHITE  suggested  that  the  committee  should  be  appointed  then  and 
there,  since  the  Conference  was  of  a  representative  and  international  character,  and  so 
good  an  opportunity  was  not  likely  to  occur  again. 

A.  L.  VAN  PANHUYS  (The  Hague)  supported  Martin  White. 
E.  MAXWEILER  suggested  that  the  Council  of  the  Royal  Anthropological  Insti- 
tute should  be  asked  to  nominate  the  committee. 

THE  CHAIRMAN,  speaking  as  President  of  the  Royal  Anthropological  Institute, 
stated  that  he  could  not  pledge  his  Council  to  that  responsibility.  Referring  to  Boas' 
suggestion,  he  said  that  if  the  Conference  were  willing  to  adjourn  for  ten  minutes 
he  would  endeavour  to  prepare  a  list  of  members  of  such  a  committee  as  had  been 
suggested. 

The  Conference  then  adjourned  for  ten  minutes. 

Upon  the  resumption  of  the  Conference  the  CHAIRMAN  read  out  his  list   of   ten 
names   of   gentlemen   whom  he  proposed  should  form  a   committee  under  the  motion 
last  adopted.     The  names  were  : — 
F.  BOAS  (New  York). 
L.  CAPITAN  (Paris). 
W.  H.  L.  DUCKWORTH  (Cambridge). 
F.  HEGER  (Vienna). 
A.  HRDLICKA  (Washington). 
A.  KRAMER  (Stuttgart). 
S.  A.  LAFONE-QUEVEDO  (La  Plata). 
H.  H.  MARETT  (Oxford). 
A.  L.  VAN  PANHUYS  (The  Hague). 
E.  WAXWEILER  (Brussels). 

[    133    ] 


Nos.  71-72.]  MAN.  [1912. 

C.  H.  READ  proposed  that  the  name  of  the  Chairman  should  be  added  as  chair- 
man of  the  committee. 

The  motion  that  the  above  ten  gentlemen  with  the  addition  of  Dr.  A.  P. 
Maudslay  as  chairman,  should  be  asked  to  form  a  committee  under  the  previous 
motion  was  then  put  to  the  meeting,  and  adopted  unanimously  by  a  show  of  hands. 

W.  H.  L.  DUCKWORTH  suggested  that  members  of  the  committee  should  com- 
municate to  the  Chairman  the  names  of  the  congresses  which  they  individually  intended 
to  attend  during  the  year. 

A  copy  of  the  resolutions  passed  was  signed  by  the  members  of  the  Con- 
ference ;  which  then  adjourned  in  order  to  enable  the  international  committee  as 
above  constituted  to  hold  its  first  meeting. 

ALFRED  P.  MAUDSLAY,  Chairman. 
T.  A.  JOYCE,  Honorary  Secretary. 


Eighteenth  International  Congress  of  Americanists.  TO 

The  eighteenth  session  of  this  Congress,  held  at  the  University  of  London  f  fc 
from  May  27th  to  June  1st,  was  the  occasion  of  a  remarkable  gathering  from  many 
countries  of  men  distinguished  in  various  branches  of  research.  At  the  opening- 
meeting,  on  the  afternoon  of  Whit  Monday,  May  27th,  Sir  William  Osier  represented 
the  Board  of  Education,  and  the  President,  Sir  Clements  Markham,  welcomed  the 
foreign  members,  and  the  delegates  of  thirty-one  Governments  and  sixty  institutions. 
In  his  address  he  mentioned  what  had  been  done  for  Americanist  studies  and  for  the 
scientific  exploration  of  the  Americas  by  the  principal  nations.  This  was  followed  by  a 
lantern  lecture  by  Dr.  R.  Pietschmann,  director  of  the  University  Library,  Gottingen, 
on  the  MS.  Chronicle  by  Don  F.  Huaman  Pomade  Azala,  written  between  1583 
and  1613,  and  illustrated  by  pen-and-ink  drawings  by  the  author,  who  was  descended 
from  the  Inca  Tupac  Yupanqui.  The  MS.  was  recently  discovered  in  the  royal 
library  at  Copenhagen,  brought  there  by  a  former  Danish  minister  in  Madrid.  This 
important  document  of  1179  pages  contains  an  account  of  the  history  of  Peru  from 
the  earliest  times,  and  a  description  of  the  manners  and  customs  of  the  Inca  period, 
with  some  prayers  and  songs.  The  portraits  of  the  twelve  Incas  and  their  queens 
are  of  especial  interest. 

Sir  C.  H.  Read  presided  over  Section  I.,  PAL^EO-ANTHROPOLOGY,  on  the  morning 
of  May  28th.  Dr.  C.  Peabody's  paper  on  The  Archaological  Importance  of  the 
Recent  Work  of  T.  Volk  in  the  Gravels  at  Trenton,  New  Jersey,  reviewed  the 
geological  conditions,  the  artefacts  in  the  second  stratum  (the  black  soil),  and  those 
in  the  lower  archaeological  stratum  (the  yellow  soil),  with  the  glacial  gravel  below, 
its  chipped  implements  and  fragments  of  a  human  skull  and  femur.  Dr.  A.  Keith 
said  that  Dr.  Peabody's  conclusions  conformed  to  the  discoveries  made  in  England. 
Miss  A.  Breton  showed  a  slide  of  an  Implement  of  Palaeolithic  Types  from  Ancon, 
coast  of  Peru.  This  was  found  in  1910  by  Dr.  Max  Uhle  on  the  surface  of  the 
ancient  mound-settlement,  and  is  well  patinated.  No  skilled  search  for  such  things 
has  yet  been  made  in  that  region,  but  at  Magdalena,  on  the  plain  of  Lima,  in  the 
soil  on  an  ancient  mound,  there  are  occasional  scraper-flakes  of  an  early  type. 

In  Le  Paleolithique  en  Amerique  :  j£tat  de  la  Question,  Dr.  Capitan  said  that 
throughout  the  Old  World  the  careful  study  of  quaternary  implements,  and  strati- 
graphic  analysis  of  the  conditions  accompanying  the  different  types,  almost  always 
make  it  possible  to  date  a  quaternary  industry  by  the  typical  forms  contained  in  it. 
Wilson,  Abbott,  and  others  claimed  that  the  same  methods  were  applicable  to  America. 
This  is  now  denied  by  some  American  ethnographers.  The  speaker  thought  that  the 
views  of  both  parties  were  too  absolute,  and  that  the  question  merits  fresh  treatment. 

[  134  ] 


1912.]  MAN.  [No.  72. 

Dr.  Peabody  said  that  the  perfect  stratigraphy  in  Europe  is  contrasted  with  a  vague 
stratigraphy  in  America.  There  the  paleolithic  form  persists  in  later  periods  ami 
Chellean  types  are  found  on  the  surface. 

The  chairman  observed  that  although  form  alone  is  no  safe  guide  for  the  antiquity 
of  a  specimen,  and  stratigraphy  and  patination  are  the  main  tests,  yet  nothing  i.s 
more  striking  than  the  uniformity  of  prehistoric  types  from  all  parts  of  the  world. 
The  American  problem  is  more  complicated  than  the  European.  Greater  attention 
is  needed  to  the  actual  conditions  under  which  specimens  are  found.  If  records  are 
accurate,  sound  deductions  can  be  made  from  them  at  any  time.  American  investi- 
gators should  observe  the  methods  employed  in  Europe,  arid  try  to  apply  them  to 
their  own  problems.  European  methods  are  the  result  of  sixty  years'  experience, 
and  some  of  the  keenest  intellects  of  the  past  century  have  given  their  minds  to  the 
elaboration  of  these  methods.  It  is  a  grave  error  to  attempt  a  new  terminology,  and 
a  new  system  of  classification  in  a  field  where  the  existing  system  will  serve.  The 
result  is  confusion  to  the  student  and  retarded  progress  for  the  science.  But  where 
conditions  in  the  American  Continent  differ  essentially  from  those  of  Europe,  there 
should  be  an  endeavour  to  deal  with  them  on  proper  lines  of  terminology  and 
classification. 

Dr.  A.  Hrdlicka's  Report  on  Primitive  Man  in  South  America  was  based  on  his 
visits  to  several  parts  of  Argentine  in  1910,  and  gave  reasons  for  disagreeing  with 
Dr.  F.  Ameghino's  conclusions.  Dr.  S.  Lafone  Quevedo  said  that  although  personally 
inclining  to  Dr.  Hrdlicka's  view  of  the  point  under  discussion,  it  was  his  duty  to  state 
that  Dr.  Ameghino  should  be  judged  by  the  valuable  work  of  his  whole  life,  and  not 
by  some  possible  error  of  judgment.  His  heart  had  been  broken  by  seeing  his  important 
palaeontological  collections  buried  in  the  vaults  of  the  National  Museum  at  Buenos 
Aires,  perishing  in  neglect  until  a  new  museum  should  be  built. 

In  Section  II,  PHYSICAL  ANTHROPOLOGY,  Dr.  J.  C.  Tello,  of  Lima  and  Harvard, 
read  a  paper  on  his  collection  of  Trephined  Skulls  from  Peru,  now  in  the  Warren 
Museum  of  Harvard  University,  and  explained  (with  slides)  the  motives  of  the  operations, 
such  as  traumatic  or  pathologic  lesions,  also  showing  the  methods  used,  and  the  pro- 
cesses of  healing  in  the  skulls  of  survivors. 

Dr.  F.  Boas,  in  Section  IV,  ETHNOLOGY  AND  ARCHEOLOGY,  gave  a  Report  on 
the  International  School  of  American  Archeology  and  Ethnology  in  Mexico,  which 
embodied  papers  by  several  students  of  the  school  as  well  as  his  own  work  during  the 
season  1911-12.  The  school  well  deserves  further  support  from  governments  and 
universities,  especially  as  subscribers  of  a  certain  sum  have  the  right  of  nomination 
for  student  scholarships  there.  Excavations  by  M.  Gamio  at  Atzcapotzalco,  near  the 
city  of  Mexico,  proved  that  Aztec  remains  are  found  only  in  mounds  and  in  a  very  thin 
superficial  layer.  Below  is  a  sub-aerial  deposit  of  disintegrated  tufa,  six  metres  thick. 
In  the  upper  part  of  this  are  found  remains  of  pottery,  &c.,  of  S.  Juan  Teotihuacan 
type,  and  also  those  of  an  older  type  which  descends  to  the  marsh  level.  Dr.  Boas 
found  the  same  type  at  a  number  of  ancient  sites  round  the  valley  and  calls  it  the 
"  hill-type."  He  also  made  linguistic  researches  in  Jalisco,  where  Tepecano  proved  to 
be  a  dialect  of  the  Pima. 

Section  V,  GENERAL  ETHNOLOGY. — Waldemar  Jochelson  brought  from  St.  Peters- 
burg a  great  number  of  slides  and  cinema  films  to  illustrate  his  account  of  the  Results 
of  the  Ethnological  Section  of  the  Riabouschinsky  Expedition.  This  well-equipped 
expedition  was  sent  under  the  auspices  of  the  Imperial  Geographical  Russian  Society, 
and  at  the  expense  of  F.  P.  Riabouschinsky  of  Moscow,  in  1908,  and  Mr.  Jochelson 
headed  the  ethnological  section,  spending  three  years  in  the  Aleutian  Islands  and  Kams- 
chatka.  The  Aleuts  were  studied  in  their  language,  folk-lore,  and  physical  types. 

[     135    ] 


No.  72.]  MAN.  [1912, 

Ancient  village-sites,  burial-caves,  and  huge  shell  heaps  were  excavated.  In  Kams- 
chatka  the  mythology  was  found  to  be  identical  with  that  of  the  Indians  of  the 
North-west.  The  cinema  films  included  "Sacrifice  of  a  Reindeer"  and  "Tossing  on 
a  Walrus  Hide,"  a  ceremonial  game  of  the  Aleut,  Eskimo,  Chukchee,  Koryak,  and 
Kamschadal. 

Section  III*  LINGUISTICS,  could  not  be  taken  as  intended,  and  its  members  met 
subsequently  in  private,  when  good  work  was  accomplished. 

On  May  29th  a  number  of  papers  dealing  with  Mexico  and  Central  America 
were  taken,  including  Dr.  K.  T.  Preuss's  excerpt  from  his  forthcoming  work  on  the 
Religion  of  the  Cora  Indians,  Die  Magische  Denkweise  der  Cora.  Section  VI, 
COLONIAL  HISTORY,  was  especially  interesting  for  Dr.  Glanvill  Corney's  Rule  of 
D.  Manuel  Amat,  Viceroy  of  Peru,  1767-1776,  and  Mrs.  Zelia  Nuttall's  account  of 
the  important  manuscript  lately  discovered  by  her  in  the  National  Library  at  Madrid, 
The  Cronica  of  the  History  of  Mexico,  by  Dr.  Cervantes  Salazar,  written  about  1560 
in  Mexico,  and  giving  a  full  account  of  the  city  as  the  Spaniards  first  saw  it. 

In  the  afternoon  the  members  visited  the  British  Museum  and  were  received 
by  the  Duke  of  Northumberland  and  Sir  C.  H.  Read.  Mr.  T.  A.  Joyce  had  pre- 
pared a  special  illustrated  handbook  to  the  American  collections,  copies  of  which 
were  presented.  The  President  and  Committee  gave  a  soiree  at  the  Natural  History 
Museum. 

There  were  double  sittings,  both  morning  and  afternoon,  on  May  30th,  and  the 
majority  of  the  papers  had  lantern  slides.  Consul  J.  Navarro,  of  Panama,  gave  an 
interesting  description  of  The  Guaimies  of  the  isthmus,  who  still  number  12,000  or 
more,  and  have  retained  their  purity  of  descent,  of  customs,  and  language.  They 
live  chiefly  in  the  secluded  Valle  de  Miranda,  where  they  cultivate  the  soil  and 
hunt,  and  are  ruled  by  a  cacique  said  to  be  descended  from  Montezuma.  The  youths 
undergo  initiation  ceremonies  in  the  forest,  followed  by  great  festivals.  M.  A. 
Gagnon  of  Quebec  spoke  on  the  rapid  improvement  of  Les  Sauvages  du  Canada. 
Over  11,000  children  are  at  school,  and  show  great  capacity.  Dr.  J.  B.  Ambrosetti 
brought  a  Fossil  Skull  from  Argentina,  on  which  there  was  a  discussion,  and  Dr. 
Hrdlicka's  paper,  Ethnic  Nature  and  probable  origin  of  the  North  American  Indians, 
was  also  discussed  by  Dr.  Boas  and  Sir  H.  Howorth. 

Dr.  E.  Seler  described  the  plans  of  the  Ruined  Buildings  at  Uxmal  on  June  1st, 
arid  papers  by  Dr.  K.  Sapper,  Daily  Life  of  the  Ketchi  Indians,  Guatemala,  and 
Prof.  J.  Feliciano,  Os  Charentes  do  Brasil  Central,  were  also  given.  The  final 
meeting  took  place  in  the  afternoon,  when  the  next  meeting  of  the  Congress  was 
decided  to  be  held  at  Washington  in  1914,  with  an  after-session  at  La  Paz  at  the 
invitation  of  the  Bolivian  Government. 

The  excursions  to  Cambridge  on  May  31st,  and  to  Oxford  on  June  1st,  were 
well  arranged  by  members  of  the  Universities  and  greatly  enjoyed.  At  Oxford, 
Mr.  A.  P.  Maudslay,  President  of  the  Royal  Anthropological  Institute,  and  Prof.  F. 
Boas,  of  Columbia  University,  were  given  the  degree  of  Hon.  D.Sc.  The  President 
and  Committee  gave  a  dinner  to  the  delegates  on  May  38th,  and  evening  receptions 
were  most  kindly  held  for  members  on  May  28th  by  Sir  Richard  and  Lady  Martin, 
and  on  June  4th  by  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Whitelaw  Reid  at  Dorchester  House. 

Ninety-four  papers  were  presented  (some  only  by  title)  and  several  books  and 
pamphlets  were  given  for  distribution  to  members. 


ERRATUM. 
In  MAN,   1912,  53,  for  "With  Plate  F"  read  "With  Plate  G." 

Printed  by  EYRE  AND  SPOTTISWOODE,  LTD.,  His  Majesty's  Printers,  East  Harding  Street,  B.C. 


PLATE   I-J. 


MAN,  1912. 


A     CEMETERY     OF    THE     EARLIEST     DYNASTIES. 


1912.] 


MAN. 


[No.  73. 


ORIGINAL    ARTICLES. 

Egypt :  Archaeology.  (With  Plate  I-J.)  Petrie. 

A  Cemetery  of  the   Earliest  Dynasties.     By  W.  M.  Flinders  Petrie,     TfQ 

F.R.S.,  Edwards  Professor,  London   University.  I  U 

During  tbe  past  winter  a  cemetery  has  been  excavated  by  the  British  School 
in  Egypt,  about  thirty-five  miles  south  of  Cairo,  at  Tarkhan  near  Kafr  Ammar. 
It  extends  for  a  mile  along  the  desert,  and  comprises  over  500  graves.  The  age  of 
it  is  from  Dynasty  O  to  Dynasty  I  in  full  use,  less  frequently  in  II-V  Dynasties, 
rarely  on  to  the  XI  Dynasty.  Then  it  was  again  used  in  the  XXIII  Dynasty 
and  Ptolemaic  times.  From  the  entire  absence  of  anything  earlier  than  a  few  reigns 
before  Mena,  this  does  not  seem  to  have  belonged  to  a  prehistoric  site,  but  rather 
to  have  been  the  cemetery  of  the  dynastic  capital  which  preceded  the  founding 
of  Memphis. 

The  principal  interest  lay  in  the  extraordinary  preservation  of  the  wood, 
basketwork,  and  clothing.  The  wooden  coffins  and  domestic  trays  and  bedsteads  are 
often  as  sound  and  heavy  as  when  new  ;  the  basket  coffins  are  elastic  and  retain  the 
leaf  buds  and  details  of  the  twigs  (see  Plate)  ;  the  rather  later  cloth  of  the  IV 
Dynasty  is  as  clean  and  strong  as  when  it  was  buried.  Among  the  woodwork 
hitherto  unknown  are  the  trays  for  carrying  sandals,  with  a  crossbar  handle  cut  in 
the  outline  of  a  foot,  to  serve  as  a  support  when  strapping  on  the  sandals.  The  bed 
frames  are  of  stout  poles,  usually  with  a  swell  in  the  middle  to  give  stiffness,  and 
a  knob  carved  at  the  ends.  The  webbing  was  of  rush-work  or  palm  and  turned 
over  the  poles  in  the  commoner  beds,  like  the  modern  Nubian  angareb  ;  in  the 
better  beds  there  were  slots  cut  in  the  inner  and  lower  sides  of  the  poles,  meeting 
in  the  axis,  so  that  straps  of  leather  could  be  stretched  across  without  covering  any 
visible  part  of  the  pole.  Many  head  rests  of  various  types  were  found,  two  of  the 
less  usual  forms  are  shown  on  the  plate,  and  another  with  the  basket  coffin. 

The  most  important  discovery  was  that  of  the  system  of  portable  wooden  houses. 
From  a  study  of  the  panelled  pattern  in  stone  and  the  wooden  coffins  modelled  on 
the  form  of  the  house  (see  Plate),  it  appeared  that  it  was  copied  from  timber  work. 
Now  the  actual  house  timbers  have  been  found,  re-used  for  making  coffins  or  roofing 
over  graves  in  this  cemetery.  One  complete  plank  is  6  feet  7  inches  high,  and 
varies  from  15  to  18  inches  in  width,  of  which  12  to  14  was  the  exposed  surface, 
the  rest  being  overlapped  by  the  next  plank.  The  system  will  be  understood  by  the 
following  diagram  showing  the  plans  of  two  different  forms  of  panelled  work  : — 


Each  of  the  different  kinds  of  holes  for  lashing  here  represented  have  been 
found  in  different  pieces  of  the  planking.  The  lashing  was  of  palm-fibre  cord,  shown 
by  some  scraps  left  in  the  holes.  On  several  of  the  planks  the  different  surface  can 
be  seen  where  they  were  protected  by  the  overlapping ;  and  one  plank  is  deeply 
weathered  outside,  and  burnt  inside  by  the  conflagration  of  the  house.  We  have  thus 

[    137    ] 


Nos.  73-74.]  MAN.  [1912. 

recovered  the  timber  prototype  of  the  early  stone  decoration.  The  purpose  of  such 
movable  houses  was  doubtless  to  shift  them  up  on  to  the  desert  at  the  inundation, 
and  then  to  return  to  the  green  plain  when  the  crops  grew,  so  as  to  get  coolness  and 
absence  of  dust.  Such  a  portable  house  of  vertical  planks  is  obviously  the  prototype 
of  the  Israelite  Tabernacle. 

Large  quantities  of  pottery  and  stone  vases  were  found,  and  the  complete  record 
of  the  grave  groups  will  enable  us  to  place  the  produce  of  the  earliest  dynasties  in 
exact  historical  order,  by  comparison  with  the  dated  objects  from  the  royal  tombs. 
The  whole  results  will  be  published  in  Tarkhan. 

Other  work  was  done  at  Memphis,  resulting  in  the  discovery  of  an  alabaster 
sphinx  of  26  feet  long,  weighing  about  80  tons,  another  sphinx  of  granite  of  about 
11  tons,  a  pair  of  figures  of  Rameses  II  and  Ptah,  10  feet  high,  and  a  lintel  of 
Amenemhat  III  confirming  the  date  given  by  Herodotos  to  the  gate  in  question. 

At  Heliopolis  a  fortress  has  been  found  around  the  early  temple  exactly  like 
the  Hyksos  fort  at  Yehudiyeh,  and  apparently  made  by  the  same  people.  Work 
will  be  continued  here  and  at  Memphis  in  future  years. 

W.  M.  FLINDERS  PETRIE. 


Africa,  West.  Tremearne. 

Extracts  from  Diary  of  the  late  Rev.  John  Martin,  Wesleyan 
Missionary  in  West  Africa,  1843-48.  By  Major  A.  J.  N.  Tremearne, 
B.A.,  .Dip.  Anth. 

Sacrifice.  Cape  Coast  Castle.  25.6.44. — To-day  I  saw  a  letter  from  Bro. 
Chapman  at  Coomassie,  stating  that  on  the  return  of  the  king's  warriors  from 
fighting  with  a  neighbouring  nation,  not  less  than  one  hundred  human  sacrifices 
were  offered  in  a  week,  forty  being  offered  in  one  day. 

Religion,  Fetish,  <fyc.  Cape  Coast  Castle.  1.9.44. — The  heathens  in  the  town 
were  making  one  of  their  annual  fetish  "  customs."  They  were  generally  in  a  state 
of  intoxication  and  frenzy.  The  fetish-man  walked  before,  sprinkling  water  on  the 
people,  some  of  whom  were  firing  muskets,  others  Avere  beating  drums  or  blowing 
horns.  Many  were  covered  with  the  skins  of  beasts.  Many  wore  caps  of  the  most 
fantastic  shapes  ;  all  appeared  to  be  concerned  to  make  the  greatest  possible  noise. 
Next  came  a  troop  of  females  moving  in  their  dancing  order,  and  muttering  as  they 
went. 

8.9.44. — There  was  a  degrading  "  custom  "  made  by  the  natives  on  Friday  and 
Saturday ;  a  festive  occasion  on  the  finishing  of  the  harvest  and  the  beginning  of 
their  new  year.  The  first  day  was  appointed  to  eating  ;  the  second,  the  great  day, 
to  drinking,  and  sad  were  their  effects.  .  .  .  With  but  few  exceptions,  all,  old  and 
young,  male  and  female,  were  in  a  state  of  intoxication.  Some,  whose  friends  had 
died  during  the  past  year,  were  walking  about  the  streets  and  visiting  the  houses  of 
their  friends,  making  bitter  lamentations.  I  saw  one  old  woman,  after  acknowledging 
the  departed  one's  kindness  to  her,  turn  herself  round  and,  with  outstretched  arms, 
address  the  spirit  and  implore  him  to  come  back  again.  Others  were  dancing  ;  some 
had  painted  their  faces  ;  many  carried  branches  of  evergreen  in  their  hands  ;  many 
wore  a  strip  of  yellow  ribbon  about  their  heads  or  waists  ;  many  were  reeling  about 
in  the  maddest  enthusiasm  at  the  sound  of  the  drum. 

9.10.44. — To-night  the  annual  custom  of  driving  the  evil  spirit,  "  Abonsam," 
out  of  the  town  has  taken  place.  As  soon  as  the  eight  o'clock  gun  fired  in  the 
fort  the  people  began  firing  muskets  in  their  houses,  turning  all  their  furniture  out 
of  doors,  beating  about  in  every  corner  of  the  rooms  with  sticks,  &c.,  and  screaming 
as  loudly  as  possible,  in  order  to  frighten  the  devil.  Being  driven  out  of  the  houses 
as  they  imagine,  they  sallied  forth  into  the  streets,  throwing  lighted  torches  about, 

[    138    ] 


1912.]  MAN.  [No.  74. 

shouting,  screaming,  beating  sticks  together,  rattling  old  pans,  making  the  most 
horrid  noise,  in  order  to  drive  him  out  of  the  town  into  the  sea.  The  custom  is 
preceded  by  four  weeks'  dead  silence  ;  no  gun  is  allowed  to  be  fired,  no  drum  to 
be  beaten,  no  palaver  to  be  made  between  man  and  man.  If,  during  these  weeks, 
two  natives  should  disagree  and  make  a  noise  in  the  town  they  are  immediately 
taken  before  the  king  and  fined  heavily.  If  a  dog  or  pig,  sheep  or  goat  be  found 
at  large  in  the  street  it  may  be  killed,  or  taken  by  anyone,  the  former  owner  not 
being  allowed  to  demand  any  compensation.  This  silence  is  designed  to  deceive 
Abonsam,  that,  being  off  his  guard,  he  may  be  taken  by  surprise,  and  frightened 
out  of  the  place.  If  anyone  die  during  the  silence  his  relatives  are  not  allowed  to 
weep  until  the  four  weeks  have  been  completed. 

15.2.45. — A  native,  alluding  to  a  fetish  object,  a  stone  with  some  cordage 
entwined  around  it,  said  :  "  What  is  that  ?  A  stone.  Who  made  it  ?  God.  "  Who 
"  gave  me  kanki  this  morning  ?  Fetish  ?  No,  God.  Who  gave  me  mouth,  who 
"  made  my  hands,  my  feet  ?  God.  Did  fetish  give  me  cloth  ?  No,  God.  I  don't 
"  know  fetish."  These  are  the  sentiments  held  by  multitudes  of  the  people.  They 
have  no  faith  in  the  religion  of  their  fathers,  yet  are  borne  along  by  the  force  of 
habit.  They  believe  in  the  existence  of  the  Supreme  but  regard  him  with  the 
feelings  of  a  deist.  They  are  deists. 

Akrn.  12.5.45. — Regarding  a  controversy  between  himself  and  a  fetish  priest, 
I  then  called  on  him  to  perform  a  miracle  before  all  the  people,  offering  a  dollar 
should  one  be  satisfactorily  wrought.  He  made  many  excuses,  [but]  at  length  he 
began.  After  he  had  poured  some  offering  to  fetish,  he  stripped  himself  naked  ; 
then,  taking  a  rude  handbell  in  one  hand  and  a  tuft  of  long  horsehair  in  the  other,  he 
held  them  up  and  shook  them  for  some  time,  evidently  calling  fetish  ;  then  dropping 
them,  he  plied  his  hands  like  a  sailor  hauling  a  rope  ;  then  turning  around  he 
produced  a  stone  of  chalk,  which  he  said  had  come  down  from  fetish. 

Badagry.  22.6.46. — I  shot  a  large  kingfisher,  which  is  regarded  by  the  Fantis 
as  a  fetish  bird.  One  of  the  canoemen  who  was  with  me  is  a  [Fanti]  fetish  priest. 
I  ridiculed  the  object  of  their  worship  as  being  unable  to  protect  his  sacred  things  ; 
but,  because  the  bird  lived  a  short  time  after  it  was  shot,  the  man  assured  me  that 
fetish  kept  it  alive.  He  watched  it  narrowly,  and  frequently  said,  "  It  can't  die." 
At  length  the  poor  bird  died  and  the  priest  was  confused. 

9.8.46. — The  chief  [Mobi]  was  sitting  on  a  raised  seat  of  earth,  preparing 
soup  for  the  next  meal.  Before  him  Avas  seated  h\s  priest  consulting  his  idols, 
which  consisted  of  two  small  earthenware  pots  containing  the  kernel  of  the  palm 
nut,  a  few  fish  shells,  a  lump  of  mud,  bedaubed  with  palm  oil  and  eggs,  and  a  few 
cowries.  On  asking  them  what  it  meant,  I  was  told  it  was  the  Son  of  God. 

8.10.46. — Two  shrubs  were  standing  by  the  wayside  daubed  with  oil  and  the 
feathers  of  a  fowl ;  a  young  man  told  me  that  it  was  the  tutelary  god  of  the  house 
adjoining,  and  that  it  saved  the  worshippers  from  death.  I  exhorted  them  all  to 
seek  the  favour  of  the  great  God,  "  but,"  they  said,  "  he  is  so  far  away  that  before 
"  he  could  come  to  help  us  it  might  be  too  late." 

21.10.46. — I  saw  an  old  man  about  to  present  an  offering  to  his  god.  He  gathered 
together  the  sand  of  the  street  into  three  small  heaps  ;  then  taking  in  a  calabash  a 
little  palm  oil,  ground  corn,  and  water,  he  presented  them  to  the  devil — (he  was  a 
Avorshipper  of  the  devil) — saying,  "  Devil,  I  beg  you  to  keep  me  from  trouble  ;  I  have 
"  no  cowries,  no  plates,  no  calabash  ;  I  pray  you  to  give  me  some  that  I  may 
"  worship  you  properly."  He  then  poured  his  offering,  a  little  on  each  mound  of 
sand  and  retired. 

20.12.46. — The  devotees  of  the  different  idols  in  the  town  have  been  wandering 
about  all  the  day  dancing,  singing,  and  screaming.  There  are  some  hundreds  of 

[     139    ] 


No.  74.]  MAN.  [1912. 

people,  chiefly  females,  in  this  town  who  are  consecrated  in  an  especial  manner  to  their 
gods.  After  having  spent  some  months  of  confinement  in  houses  connected  with  the 
idol  temple,  during  which  time  they  are  initiated  into  all  the  mysteries,  and  are  taught 
to  speak  a  language  peculiar  to  themselves,  they  are  regarded  as  sacred  persons,  and 
their  names  are  changed.  Their  heads  are  in  a  peculiar  manner  sacred,  I  think  they 
worship  them  but  have  not  been  able  to  ascertain  correctly.  Should  anyone  strike 
them  on  the  head  the  offence  is  great,  and  generally  unpardonable.  A  case  of  this 
kind  occurred  yesterday.  A  man  and  his  wife  were  quarrelling  (the  woman  is  one 
of  those  sacred  persons),  when  the  man  struck  her  on  the  head.  She  immediately 
fell  down,  as  is  their  practice,  and  uttered  their  peculiar  scream  which  quickly 
gathered  a  number  of  her  own  class  around  her,  who  repeated  the  cry  till  it  had 
gone  around  the  town  and  set  them  all  in  motion.  They  continued  all  last  night 
dancing  and  screaming  ;  this  evening  the  poor  man  was  taken,  bound,  and  placed  in 
the  midst  of  them,  around  whom  they  danced  in  fiendish  triumph.  Nothing  will 
satisfy  them  now  but  money,  if  that  is  not  forthcoming  they  will  destroy  the  man's 
house  and  everything  he  has  and  ruin  his  family.  Such  is  their  influence  that  no 
one,  not  even  a  chief,  dares  to  oppose  them  ;  all  the  people  stand  in  fear  of  them 
so  much  that  though  to-day  is  the  great  market  day  none  has  been  held.  These 
people  frequently  endeavour  to  raise  quarrels  in  the  town  that  they  may  possess 
themselves  of  the  property  of  others.  The  females,  though  married,  are  generally 
abandoned  prostitutes,  their  husbands  not  daring  to  punish  them  lest  they  should 
be  involved  in  trouble. 

22.12 .46. — The  priests  and  priestesses  are  still  parading  the  streets,  behaving  in 
the  most  insolent  manner  to  all  other  people.  All  business  is  stopped,  no  one  dares 
to  sit  down  in  the  market  to  sell,  a  dread  is  come  over  the  town,  and  scarce  a 
sound  is  heard  but  the  screams  and  insolent  taunts  of  these  wretches.  Every 
person,  on  meeting  them,  must  fall  on  his  knees,  extend  his  hands,  and  bow  his  head 
in  reverence,  or  he  will  experience  the  weight  of  their  vengeance.  One  poor  man 
to-day  who  was  not  sufficiently  active  in  moving  out  of  the  way,  they  struck  on  the 
head  with  a  club  and  severely  wounded  him.  Yet  no  one  dares  to  open  his  mouth 
to  oppose  them,  so  completely  is  Badagry  under  the  influence  of  priestcraft.  The 
unfortunate  man  who  struck  his  wife  has  escaped  to  a  neighbouring  village,  but  he 
will  be  brought  back  again.  His  house  and  canoe  they  have  destroyed.  Two  of 
the  principal  chiefs  offered  them  five  dollars  to  make  up  the  matter,  but  they  refuse 
to  take  less  than  ten. 

24.12.46. — The  priests  with  then*  attendants  are  still  making  a  noise  through 
the  town.  The  principal  chief  issued  this  morning  a  proclamation  that  the  market 
should  be  held,  that  the  people  should  not  be  disturbed,  and  that  should  any  molest 
them  liberty  was  granted  to  them  to  retaliate.  But  little  did  the  heathen  priests 
care  for  the  proclamation  or  retaliation ;  the  market  was  broken  up  while  they 
danced  insolently  through  the  streets  singing  that  no  chief  in  the  town  was  able  to 
compel  them  to  cease.  The  poor  man  who  escaped  was  captured,  and  brought  back 
to-day  in  chains. 

13.1.47. — To-day  has  been  a  great  idol  festival,  the  newly  initiated  were  brought 
out  this  morning  among  a  vast  concourse  of  people.  There  was  nothing  new  to  be 
seen,  numberless  pieces  of  cloth  of  various  colours  hung  up  (which  reminded  one  of 
the  veil  of  the  "  holy  of  holies  "),  and  a  few  patches  of  mud  bedaubed  with  palm-oil 
were  all  that  was  visible.  The  people  would  not  allow  us  to  enter  the  most  sacred 
places  ;  at  the  same  time  we  were  assured  that  not  even  the  greatest  chief  in  the 
town  could  be  permitted  to  go  further.  The  noise  of  the  drums  was  such  as  to 
render  it  impossible  to  be  heard  by  many. 

26.3.47. — Akitoi  [who  was  going  to  attack  Kosoko,  the  usurper,  at  Lagos]  was 


1912.]  MAN.  [No.  74. 

surrounded  with  idols.  In  the  market-place,  under  a  shed,  we  saw  as  we  passed 
all  the  insignia  of  Shango  the  Thunderer — cowries  strung,  grotesque  images,  a  few 
stones,  professedly  meteorites,  &c.,  &c.,  a  motley  difficult  to  describe — surrounded  with 
priests  and  priestesses. 

Animals.  Badagry.  4.5.46. — I  found  that  the  serpent  [Dagwe  or  Dagbi], 
which  is  worshipped  in  a  house  immediately  behind  our  premises,  had  been  in  the 
yard  and  killed  a  turkey  and  a  fowl.  In  a  short  time  the  priest  arrived  with  a 
basket  to  take  him,  which  he  succeeded  in  doing  after  an  hour  or  two.  The  fear 
which  he  displayed  when  the  serpent  moved  called  forth  the  ridicule  of  some  of  our 
people. 

18.5.46. — We  visited  a  town  called  Iwurra,  half  a  mile  east  of  Ajido,  similarly 
situated.  The  inhabitants  are  extremely  superstitious  and  suspicious.  We  saw  seve- 
ral monkeys,  but  were  charged  not  to  kill  them  as  they  were  sacred  to  their  gods. 

19.3.47. — The  priest  of  Dagbi.  the  serpent,  informed  me  that  he  had  heard  a 
fowl  crowing  on  my  premises  in  the  dead  of  night,  and  he  advised  me  as  a  friend  to 
kill  it,  because  it  is  an  omen  of  evil. 

21.3.47  (p.  4). — At  another  house  I  found  a  woman  about  to  sacrifice  a  fowl 
to  her  own  head  (an  object  of  worship  in  this  country),  as  a  thankoffering  for 
prospering  her  in  a  journey  which  she  had  lately  taken. 

Creation.  Cape  Coast.  10.12.44. — The  people  [of  Isudu]  said  God  made 
everything,  and  he  ought  to  be  served,  but  when  he  made  the  world  he  made  two 
men,  one  black,  the  other  white  ;  he  then  laid  before  them  a  book  and  a  calabash, 
and  gave  the  black  man  the  first  opportunity  of  choosing  which  he  thought  proper. 
He  took  the  calabash,  and  found  in  it  gold,  ivory,  &c.  With  his  choice  God  was 
displeased,  and  appointed  Fetish  to  rule  over  him  ;  while  the  white  man  who  took 
the  book  became  possessed  of  wisdom,  and  was  allowed  to  draw  nigh  unto  God. 

Cape  Coast.  23.9.45. — The  natives  have  some  idea  of  a  trinity  of  divine 
persons,  though  it  is  very  indistinct.  Yankumpon  Kwamin  (Saturday)  is  the  greatest 
Being  ;  his  abode  is  the  sky.  His  sacred  day  is  Saturday — according  to  his  name. 
(Is  this  a  notion  derived  from  the  fact  of  his  resting  on  that  day  from  the  work  of 
creation  ?)  The  second  in  dignity  is  Asasi  Epua  (Friday),  who  is  supposed  to  be 
a  female  like  the  Friga  of  the  ancient  Saxons.  Her  dwelling  is  the  earth,  and  her 
sacred  day  Friday.  The  third  is  Busum  pu  (Epi,  the  sea),  Kobina  Mensa  (Tuesday, 
the  third  man).  Tuesday  is  sacred  to  him,  and  his  dwelling  is  the  sea.  The 
fishermen  do  not  fish  on  the  sea  on  that  day,  though  they  pursue  their  avocation  in 
rivers  or  ponds.  It  is  remarkable  that  these  three  are  never  worshipped,  except  in 
cases  of  great  distress.  Sometimes  before  the  commencement  of  a  battle  the  general 
will  stand  on  his  stool  in  the  presence  of  his  army,  lift  his  sword,  and  call  on 
Yankumpon  to  give  victory  to  them  who  have  justice  on  their  side.  He  then  puts 
the  point  of  his  sword  on  the  earth  and  implores  Epia  to  assist  them.  Sometimes 
a  sheep  is  offered  in  sacrifice  to  Yankumpon,  though  this  very  seldom  takes  place. 
Their  objects  of  worship  are  the  public  and  domestic  Busum,  and  the  private 
Suman. 

After  State.  Akra. — The  people  of  this  country  have  some  confused  ideas  of 
metempsychosis  ;  mixed  with  these  are  other  notions  of  the  separate  state  of  spirits, 
but  still  concerned  in  the  affairs  of  this  life.  These  are  generally  objects  intensely 
feared,  because  supposed  capable  of  inflicting  terrible  evils  on  the  living.  They  have 
daily  offerings  given  them  by  their  respective  families.  When  a  child  is  carried  off 
by  a  wild  beast,  which  sometimes  happens,  it  is  supposed  that  the  spirit  of  some  one 
of  the  family  departed  entered  the  beast  in  revenge  for  some  neglect  on  the  part  of 
the  living.  This  notion  prevents  them  from  killing  the  animal. 

Badagry.     4.2.47. — I  asked  Balla  [a  Badagry  headman]  what  the  people  of  this 


No.  74.]  MAN.  [1912. 

country  thought  of  a  future  state.  He  said,  "You  came  from  England,  soon  you  will 
"  return  ;  so  we,  when  we  die,  return  to  whence  we  came."  Where  that  place 
was  he  did  not  know,  but  supposed  it  to  be  a  world  similar  to  the  present,  where  the 
men  would  have  wives  and  abundance  to  eat  and  drink,  the  chief  good  in  the  estimation 
of  these  people.  He  said  that  those  who  acted  unkindly  in  this  world  "  were  deprived 
"  of  good  things  in  that  state."  What  became  of  those  who  are  executed  for  their 
crimes  he  did  not  know  ;  many  think  they  are  annihilated,  having  no  idea  of  a 
punishment  which  can  be  considered  adequate  to  their  offences. 

Customs,  Sfc.  Eadagry.  25.3.46. — An  execution  in  the  market-place.  The 
murderer  was  insane.  The  chief  and  people  assembled  and  sat  in  silence.  The 
criminal  bound  with  a  rope  was  made  to  kneel  before  a  fetish  house.  After  receiving 
stupefying  draughts,  the  executioner  came  behind  him  and  gave  him  three  blows  on 
the  head  with  a  heavy  club.  Here  was  a  prompt  execution  of  a  murderer,  according 
to  the  principles  of  justice  ;  here,  too,  was  kindness  in  the  attempts  to  render  the 
criminal  insensible  of  his  fate. 

Cape  Coast.  9.12.44. — Several  Ashantis,  messengers  from  the  King,  called 
to-day.  Some  time  since  an  Ashanti  woman  was  murdered  by  an  Asin  man,  a 
British  subject.  The  murderer  was  seized,  and  is  now  confined  in  the  fort.  But 
from  punishment  being  so  long  delayed  the  Ashantis  are  growing  impatient,  and 
talking  of  war.  [The  murderer  was  sentenced  to  death  on  the  17th.]  It  is  to  be 
hoped  this  decision  will  secure  peace  between  Ashanti  and  this  colony. 

Akra.  28.5.45. — I  saw  this  morning  a  great  number  of  women  and  children 
carrying  a  child  about  the  streets  in  a  basket,  shouting  as  loudly  as  they  could. 
On  enquiry  I  learned  that  the  mother  had  lost  two  or  three  children  previously, 
who  had  died  when  about  the  age  of  this.  When  such  is  the  case  they  believe 
that  the  same  soul  which  was  in  the  first  child  returns,  and  enters  the  next,  and 
that  the  child,  of  its  own  will  through  mere  spite,  dies.  Hence  these  steps  are 
taken.  The  child  while  alive  is  besmutted  with  charcoal,  put  into  a  basket, 
and  carried  round  the  town,  when  the  people  take  care  to  abuse  it  for  its  wicked- 
ness, and  to  threaten  it,  should  it  die.  Every  ill-usage  that  can  be  offered,  short 
of  murder,  is  shown  it.  Should  it  afterwards  die,  its  head  is  sometimes  crushed 
with  stones,  the  body  refused  a  burial,  is  thrown  either  into  the  sea,  or  in  the  bush. 
These  things  are  done  to  prevent  its  coming  again  in  another  child.  Some  of  the 
people  have  a  notion  that  such  children  belong  to  the  orang-outangs,  that  when  they 
die  this  animal  come  to  claim  them.  These  make  images  and  place  them  in  the  road 
that  the  beast  may  take  the  image  and  spare  the  child. 

Akra.  29.5.45. — I  saw  an  open  box  (placed  on  four  upright  posts  at  a  little 
distance  from  the  path)  containing  a  human  skeleton,  bleaching  in  the  sun.  The 
flesh  had  almost  all  disappeared,  being  carried  away,  I  suppose,  by  the  birds.  It 
was  the  body  -of  a  u  pawn,"  or  debtor.  He,  dying  in  debt,  the  body,  according  to 
the  law  of  the  country,  was  refused  burial  until  some  friends  should  make  satisfaction 
to  the  creditor.  This  pawn  system  is  most  destructive  to  the  independence  and 
advancement  ia  civilisation  of  these  people.  It  is  not  an  uncommon  thing  for  a 
parent  to  pawn  his  child,  or  a  man  to  pawn  himself  to  a  rich  neighbour  in  order  to 
obtain  a  sum  of  money  to  gratify  himself  for  a  moment.  The  creditor  puts  on  an 
enormous  interest,  which  requires  the  services  of  the  pawn  to  pay,  while  the  principal 
remains  undiminished.  If  he  have  no  friends  to  pay  the  debt  for  him  he  dies  a 
pawn,  and  his  children  take  his  place  of  bondage.  Should  he  be  destitute  of  both 
friends  and  children,  his  body  is  denied  a  grave,  and  is  exposed  in  the  way  mentioned. 
In  consequence  of  this  law  the  number  of  free  persons  is  small. 

13.6.45. — Okanita,  one  of  the  headmen,  appeared  to  be  fully  alive  to  the  ruinous 
character  (of  the  customs  for  the  dead)  and  to  be  very  desirous  that  they  should  be 

r  142  i 


1912.]  MAN.  [Nos.  74-75. 

abolished.  They  are  the  cause  of  more  than  one  half  of  the  domestic  slavery  and 
pawns  in  the  country.  A  man  who  unfortunately  loses  any  member  of  his  family 
must  make  an  expensive  "custom,"  which  consists  chiefly  in  drinking  rurn  and  firing 
muskets.  If  he  is  a  poor  man  there  is  seldom  any  other  resource  but  to  pawn  himself 
or  a  child. 

Badagry.  18.5.46. — In  the  evening  we  crossed  the  lagoon  [from  Ajido]  to 
visit  the  extensive  salt  manufactory.  Scattered  over  the  beach,  about  a  mile  in 
length,  are  a  great  number  of  wicker  baskets  of  circular  form,  about  three  feet  in 
diameter  and  the  same  in  height,  having  in  the  bottom  a  pipe  leading  into  a  large 
earthenware  pot  sunk  into  the  ground  near  the  wickerwork.  The  baskets  are  all 
filled  with  sand,  salt  water  is  taken  from  the  ocean  and  poured  on  the  sand,  through 
which  it  soaks  and  finds  its  way  to  the  pipe,  and  through  that  into  the  pot.  It  is 
then  taken  up  and  thrown  into  large  reservoirs  sunk  in  the  ground  and  plastered 
with  clay,  whence  it  is  taken  and  boiled  in  pots  till  the  whole  is  evaporated.  The 
pots  are  heated  by  a  large  stove  formed  of  the  same  kind  of  clay. 

4.6.47. — In  this  country,  where  the  art  of  writing  is  unknown,  when  a  chief 
sends  a  messenger  he  gives  him  some  token,  generally  a  superior  stick,  to  authenti- 
cate his  message,  without  which  no  attention  will  be  paid  to  him. 

Customs  of  the  Fantis  bearing  some  resemblance  to  those  of  the  Jews  and 
other  Eastern  nations  of  antiquity. — On  the  eighth  day  after  the  birth  of  a  child  the 
family  assemble  and  give  it  a  name  (Luke  i.  59,  ii.  21).  The  name  is  frequently 
expressive  of  some  quality  which  the  friends  wish  the  child  may  possess,  or  is  a 
memorial  of  some  circumstance  connected  with  his  birth  (Genesis  xxxv.  16-18).  It 
is  not  uncommon  to  give  the  child  the  name  of  God,  connected  with  some  other 
word,  similar  to  the  Hebrew  practice. 

N.B. — The  foregoing  extracts  have  been  taken  from  the  diary  of  a  late  great 
uncle  of  mine  without  any  alteration  or  comment,  although  many  of  the  facts  are 
now  well  known,  for  any  anthropological  value  these  notes  may  possess  will  consist 
in  showing  the  conditions  as  they  existed  nearly  seventy  years  ago. 

A.  J.  N.  TREMEARXE. 


Australia.  Brown. 

The  Distribution  of  Native  Tribes   in  Part  of  Western  Australia.     TC 

By  A.  K.  Brown.  /  0 

The  accompanying  map  shows  the  distribution  of  a  number  of  native  tribes  of 
Western  Australia.  The  information  on  which  the  map  is  based  was  obtained  by 
myself  during  a  trip  through  this  part  of  Australia  in  1911,  as  Anthony  Wilkin 
Student  in  Ethnology.  The  exact  position  of  the  more  inland  tribes  is  open  to 
some  doubt  as  I  Avas  unable  to  penetrate  so  far  into  the  interior  owing  to  the 
drought  from  which  the  country  was  suffering  at  the  time  of  my  expedition.  The 
broken  line  on  the  map  marks  the  division  between  the  tribes  practising  circumcision 
and  subincision  to  the  east,  and  those  to  the  west  which  do  not  practise  these  rites. 

Bibliography. — Some  of  the  tribes  in  this  part  of  Australia  have  been  referred 
to  in  the  following  works  : — 

(1)  Clement  (E.),  Ethnographical  Notes  on  the   Western  Australian  Aborigines ; 
irilh  (i  descriptive  catalogue  of  Ethnographical    Objects    from  Western  Australia,  1>\ 
.1.   1).  E.  Schmelz  ;    Internationales   Arc/i/r   f'/ir   Ethnographic,   Band   XVI,  Heft  I 
&  II,  1903  ;  pp.   1   to  29,   with  plates  II  to  V. 

The  information  in,  the  article  of  Dr.  Clement  is  quite  unreliable  and  contains 
numerous  examples  of  carelessness  and  inaccuracy. 

(2)  Curr  (E.   M.),    Tin-   Australian    Race.     Melbourne,   1886,   Vol.  I.  ;    pp.  288 
et  seq. 

[     143     ] 


No.  75.]  MAN.  [1912. 

(3)  Withnell   (J.   G.),    The   Customs  and  Traditions  of  the  Aboriginal  Natives 
of  North- Western  Australia.     Roebourne,  1901;  pp.  37. 

A  small  pamphlet  dealing  chiefly  with  the  Kariera  and  Injibandi  tribes.  The 
information  given  is  accurate  but  unfortunately  scanty. 

(4)  "  Yabaroo,"  Aborigines  of  North-  West  Australia.     A  Vocabulary,  &c.     Perth, 
1899;  pp.  15. 

LIST  OF  THE  TRIBES. 

BAILGU. — Occupies  part  of  the  Fortescue  River.  The  name  is  spelled  Balgu 
by  Clement,  Pulgoe  by  Withnell,  and  Balgoo  by  "Yabaroo." 

BAIONG. — On  the  lower  portion  of  the  Minilya  and  Lyndon  Rivers.  Biong  in 
"  Yabaroo." 

BINIGDKA. — On  the  north  side  of  the  Ashburton  River  about  Duck  Creek. 
Binnigora  in  "  Yabaroo." 

BUDUNA  or  BURDUNA. — On  the  Henry  River  (a  tributary  of  the  Ashburton) 
and  the  upper  portion  of  the  Lyndon  River.  Poordoona  in  "  Yabaroo." 

CHTJRORO. — On  the  Hardey  River,  a  tributary  of  the  Ashburton.  Chooraroo  in 
"  Yabaroo." 

IBARGA. — On  the  Oakover  River. 

INA-WONGA. — On  the  Ashburton  River  above  the  Churoro. 

INGARDA. — On  the  coast  between  the  Gascoyne  and  the  Wooramel  Rivers.  Curr, 
page  306,  gives  the  name  as  Inparra,  the  "  p  "  being  probably  a  misprint  for  "  g." 
The  name  is  pronounced  Ingarda  or  Ingara  by  the  natives  themselves.  On 
pages  302  to  305  Curr  speaks  of  a  tribe  which  he  calls  Kakarakala,  and  describes 
it  as  extending  "from  North-west  Cape  to  thirty  miles  south  of  the  Gascoyne 
River."  I  was  myself  unable  to  find  any  meaning  for  the  word  Kakarakala.  The 
territory  mentioned  actually  contains  four  tribes,  the  Talainji,  Baiong,  Maia,  and 
Ingarda.  The  vocabulary  given  by  Curr  is  from  the  Ingarda  language. 

INJIBANDI. — Occupies  what  is  known  as  the  Tableland  and  part  of  the  Fortescue 
valley.  The  name  is  spelled  Ingibandi  by  Clement  and  Yingiebandie  by  Withnell. 
The  more  easterly  part  of  the  Injibandi  tribe  call  themselves  Karama  or  Korama 
and  are  so  spoken  of  by  the  Binigura  who  adjoin  them.  They  say,  however,  that 
they  are  also  Injibandi  and  they  are  so  called  by  the  Ngaluma  tribe.  I  am 
uncertain  whether  the  Injibandi  should  be  regarded  as  one  tribe  divided  into  two 
parts  or  as  two  tribes.  The  dialect  of  the  Eastern  Injibandi  differs  from  that  of 
the  Karama  in  the  west,  but  there  are  often  differences  of  dialect  in  the  same  tribe. 

JIWALI. — To  the  east  of  the  Buduna. 

KARIERA. — On  the  coast  at  the  mouths  of  the  Yule  and  Turner  Rivers. 
Clement  gives  Kaierra,  Withnell  Kyreara,  and  "  Yabaroo "  Karriarra. 

MAIA. — Between  the  Gascoyne  River  and  the  Minilya  River.  Given  by 
"  Yabaroo  "  as  Miah. 

MALGANA. — On  the  shores  of  Shark's  Bay.  The  name  given  is  that  applied  to 
the  tribe  by  the  Ingarda.  Curr,  Vol.  1,  p.  306,  mentions  the  tribe  and  gives  the 
name  as  Majanna. 

MARDDDHUNERA. — At  the  mouth  of  the  Fortescue  River  and  the  Robe  River. 
Maratunia  in  Clement.  Mardathoni  in  "  Yabaroo." 

NAMAL  or  NYAMAL. — On  the  Shaw  and  Coongan  Rivers.  Gnamo  in  Clement 
and  Namel  in  Withnell. 

NANDA. — On  the  coast  near  Northampton. 
NANGAMADA. — At  the  south  end  of  the  Ninety-mile  beach. 

NOALA. — At  the  mouth  of  the  Ashburton  River.  They  are  called  Noanamaronga 
by  the  Mardudhunera  tribe.  Given  by  "  Yabaroo "  as  two  tribes  Nooella  and 
Nooanamaronga. 

[     144    ] 


1912.] 


MAN, 


[No.  75. 


NGADARI. — Near  the  head  of  the  Fortescue  River. 

NGALA-WONGA. — Near  the  head  of  the  Ashburton  River. 

NGALUMA. — On  the  coast  around  Roebourne.  The  tribe  is  described  as  the 
Nickol  Huy  tribe  by  Curr,  Vol.  1,  pp.  296  to  303,  the  brief  account  there  given 
being  by  Mr.  A.  K.  Richardson.  The  name  is  spelled  Cnnlhimfi  by  Clement,  Gna- 
louma  by  Withnell  and  Gnalooma  by  "  Yabaroo." 


WESTERN    AUSTRALIA. 


NG4RLA. — At  the  mouth  of  the  De  Grey  River.  In  Curr,  Vol.  I,  pp.  287  to 
293,  the  tribe  is  described  by  Mr.  Charles  Harper,  who  spells  the  name  Ngurla  or 
Ngirla.  The  name  is  given  as  Gnalla  by  "  Yabaroo." 

PANJIMA. — On  the  south  of  the  Fortescue  River. 

[     145    ] 


Nos.  75-76.]  MAN.  [1912. 

TALAINJI. — On  the  coast  at  north-west  cape  and  inland  on  to  the  Ashburton 
River.  "  Yabaroo  "  gives  Talanjec. 

TARGARI. — On  the  lower  portion  of  the  Lyons   River  and  on   the   upper  portion 
of  the  Minilya  River.     "  Yabaroo  "  gives    Tarkarri. 
TARGUDI. — At  the  head  of  the  Oakover  River. 
TENMA. — On  the  Frederick  River,  a  tributary  of  the  Lyons. 
WAJERI. — Near  the  head  of  the  Murchison  River.     In  the  language  of  the  tribe 
"  JVaji "  means  "  No." 

WARIENGA  or  WARI-WONGA. — On  the  Lyons  River.  The  name  is  given 
Warriwonga  by  "  Yabaroo." 

WIDAGARI. — On  the  De  Grey  River.  Curr,  Vol.  I,  p.  294,  refers  to  this  tribe 
by  the  name  Wecdookarry  and  gives  a  vocabulary. 

WIRDINYA. — In  the  country  where  the  Fortescue  and  Ashburton  Rivers  take 
their  rise. 

Notes. — The  word  "  wonga  "  means  "  speech  "  or  "  language."  The  "  a  "  in 
Ngarla  resembles  most  nearly  the  vowel  in  English  "fur."  The  "i"  of  Baitgu 
resembles  the  Italian  "  gl."  Ng  is  the  nasalised  "g"  heard  in  English  "ring." 
The  vowels  have  the  following  values  : — 

A  as  in  English  father. 
A       „          „         aside. 
E       ,,          „         obey. 
I        „           „         in. 
O       „           „         no. 
U       „           „         crude. 
A.  R.  BROWN. 

REVIEWS. 
Australia.  Spencer  :  Gillen . 

Across  Australia.     By  Baldwin  Spencer  and  F.  J.  Gillen.     2  Vols.     London  :     "JO 
Macmillan  &  Co.,  1912.     21*.  net.  1 0 

The  names  of  Spencer  and  Gillen  are  familiar  to  every  ethnologist  in  the  world, 
and  probably  no  books  on  ethnology  have  been  so  widely  noticed  and  criticised  as  have 
The  Native  Tribes  of  Central  Australia  (1899)  and  The  Northern  Tribes  of  Central 
Australia  (1904).  A  new  work  by  these  authors  naturally  arouses  considerable 
interest  and  an  expectation  of  new  material  for  study  ;  but  for  this  ethnologists  must 
await  the  publication  of  the  results  of  a  recent  expedition  by  Professor  Baldwin 
Spencer  to  Northern  Australia.  These  two  volumes  are  not  intended  for  serious 
students  of  ethnology  but  for  a  larger  public.  The  writers'  aim  is  to  give  an  account 
of  the  physical  conditions  of  Central  Australia  from  south  to  north,  its  flora,  fauna, 
and  human  inhabitants.  They  have  incorporated  the  results  obtained  during  several 
expeditions  and  varied  journeyings,  beginning  with  the  Horn  Expedition,  the  account  of 
which  was  published  in  1896.  We  have  thus  for  a  considerable  portion  of  the  traverse 
a  sort  of  composite  image  which,  as  it  combines  the  experiences  of  different  occasions 
and  seasons,  gives  a  more  faithful  picture  than  could  be  accomplished  by  the  descrip- 
tion of  a  single  journey.  Most  ethnologists  recognise  that  it  is  impossible  to  understand 
a  people's  mental  outlook  and  their  activities  without  a  thorough  knowledge  of  their 
geographical  and  biological  conditions.  Our  authors  have  not  neglected  this  in  their 
earlier  books,  but  the  present  work  brings  out  these  conditions  in  greater  vividness 
and  in  fuller  detail.  The  student  will  not  find  anything  concerning  the  sociology, 
customs,  and  beliefs  of  the  tribes  here  described  that  was  not  dealt  with  in  greater 
detail  previously,  but  he  will  find  scattered  here  and  there  odd  notes  about  the  utilisa- 
tion of  plants  and  the  catching  of  animals  which  will  probably  be  new  to  him  ;  such, 

[     146     ] 


1912.]  MAN.  [Nos.  76-77. 

for  example,  M  the  method  of  digging  out  the  honey  ants  which  store  honey  in  their 
crop  until  they  become  so  enormously  distended  that  the  abdomen  has  the  form  of 
;i  spherical  bag,  or  the  finding  of  activating  frogs  who  have  puffed  themselves  out  with 
water  which  is  so  pure  and  fresh  that  the  natives  take  advantage  of  this  supply  when 
they  cannot  otherwise  secure  any.  It  will  be  noticed  that  a  more  definite  and  emphatic 
assertion  is  made  that  the  whole  affair  respecting  the  Kurdaitcha  is  a  perfect  myth, 
but  yet  the  natives  implicitly  believe  in  it;  the  feather  shoes  "are  certainly  never 
"  used  for  walking  purposes,  and  the  only  use  to  which  they  are  apparently  put  is 
k'  that  of  carrying  small  objects  .  .  .  which  objects  must  themselves  be  carefully 
"  concealed  from  sight."  There  are  365  figures,  seven  coloured  plates,  and  two  maps, 
all  of  these,  except  ten  figures  and  three  plates,  which  are  borrowed  from  the  publications 
of  the  Horn  Expedition  and  a  few  figures  of  scenery,  &c.,  and  one  map,  are  reprinted 
from  the  two  earlier  volumes.  As  this  is  a  narrative  of  travel  and  a  record  of 
information  that  has  been  gathered  at  first  hand  our  authors  have  not  entered  into 
discussions  or  attempted  to  reconcile  their  observations  with  those  of  other  workers. 

A.  C.  HADDON. 


Biology.  Rig-nano. 

The  Inheritance  of  Acquired  Characters.  Eugenic  Rignano.  The  Open  TT 
Court  Publishing  Company,  Chicago.  *  • 

The  author,  who  has  had  the  training  of  an  engineer,  approaches  biological 
problems  from  the  standpoint  of  the  physicist,  pointing  out  that  an  understanding  of 
the  nature  of  life  must  be  reduced  to  a  comparison  of  vital  phenomena  with  some 
physico-chemical  model  already  known.  He  considers  that  the  fundamental  biogenetic 
law  of  Haeckel,  that  the  development  of  the  individual  is  a  rapid  resume  of  the 
development  of  the  species,  suggests  the  idea  of  a  continuous  action  exerted  by  the 
germ  substance  upon  the  soma  throughout  the  whole  of  development.  The  various 
hypotheses  concerning  the  nature  of  the  germinal  substance*  and  the  developmental 
process  are  considered  and  classified.  The  germinal  substance  may  consist  of  homo- 
geneous or  heterogeneous  material,  a  special  case  under  the  latter  being  the  view  that 
it  is  composed  of  preformistic  germs.  The  developmental  process  may  be  regarded  as 
epigenetic  with  or  without  preformistic  germs,  or  evolution  with  preformistic  germs, 
i.e.,  preformation  proper. 

The  author  considers  that  the  actual  independence  in  variation  and  inheritance 
of  the  various  and  particular  characters  of  all  the  rest  of  the  organism  can  be  explained 
neither  by  a  homogeneous  germinal  substance  nor  by  a  heterogeneous  germ  substance 
of  which  all  the  various  constituents  would  become  active  from  the  first  moment  of 
development.  The  theory  of  preformistic  germs  is  rejected,  and  the  explanation  of 
particular  inheritance  is  sought  in  a  heterogeneous  germ  substance  whose  constituent 
parts,  instead  of  entering  into  action  from  the  first  moment  of  development,  become 
active  successively  from  the  commencement  to  the  end  of  that  period.  E.  Rignano 
affirms  that  although  no  fact  or  argument  is  capable  by  itself  alone  of  affording  an 
irrefutable  and  unconditional  proof,  either  direct  or  indirect,  of  the  inheritance  of 
acquired  characters,  the  sum  total  of  the  facts  and  arguments  which  are  favourable 
to  it  is  so  weighty  that  one  is  justified  in  believing  the  Lamarckian  principle  is 
correct.  A  critical  summary  of  the  theories  of  development  leads  him  to  conclude 
that  there  are  three  fundamental  conditions  :  (1)  All  the  manifold  variations  in  the 
most  different  parts  of  the  organism  are  to  be  ascribed  to  specific  alterations  of  a 
single  form  of  energy.  (2)  The  determinative  influence  which  the  germ  substance  in 
its  totality  exerts  upon  the  soma  must  persist  throughout  the  whole  of  ontogeny  up 
to  the  adult  condition,  the  germinal  substance  remaining  in  a  continual  state  of  recip- 
rocal action  and  reaction  with  the  soma.  (3)  The  influence  thus  exerted  by  the 

[  147  ] 


Nos.  77-78.]  MAN.  [1912. 

soma  must  be  reversible,  that  is,  the  germ  substance  must  be  influenced  in  such  a 
way  that  it  can  call  forth  again  at  the  different  points  of  the  soma  of  the  new 
organism  the  same  somatic  conditions  by  which  the  germ  substance  itself  was 
influenced  in  the  parent  organism. 

He  uses  the  analogy  of  the  electric  accumulator,  and  puts  forward  the  hypothesis 
that  the  formative  agent  is  nervous  activity.  Every  nervous  current  flowing  through 
a  nucleus  deposits  in  it  a  very  small  mass  of  substance,  and  so  constitutes  an  elemen- 
tary nervous  accumulator.  This  at  a  later  stage,  when  again  in  similar  conditions  of 
environment,  can  reproduce  the  same  specific  current  by  which  it  was  produced. 
The  nuclei  in  the  germinal  substance  thus  are  conceived  in  playing  the  parts  of  a 
complex  accumulator.  The  result  of  a  series  of  complex  dynamic  systems  is  laid 
down,  and  later  once  again  converted  in  due  order  from  a  static  to  a  dynamic  form. 
In  a  chapter  dealing  with  analogies  from  the  phonograph  and  telephone,  the  author 
shows  how  such  a  conception  of  a  nervous  accumulator,  formed  and  deposited  by 
the  same  specific  current  it  can  afterwards  restore,  meets  two  of  the  foregoing 
postulates,  while  the  third  is  met  by  assuming  a  continuous  action  of  the  germ 
plasm  throughout  ontogeny  by  the  steady  activation  of  successive  specific  potential 
elements. 

In  a  final  chapter  the  same  hypothesis  is  applied  to  explain  the  phenomena  of 
memory  and  affective  tendencies.  The  hypothesis  is  attractive,  and  will  well  repay 
serious  consideration,  and  perhaps  elaboration,  by  those  biologists  with  the  requisite 
experience  of  electric  phenomena.  F.  S. 


Greek  Epic.  Murray. 

The  Rise  of  the  Greek  Epic :  -being  a  Course  of  Lectures  delivered  at  Tfl 
Harvard  University,  by  Gilbert  Murray.  Second  edition,  revised  and  enlarged.  *  O 
Oxford  :  The  Clarendon  Press,  1911.  Pp.  368.  22  x  14  cm.  Price  7*.  6d. 

A  book  dealing  with  the  origin  of  the  Greek  Epic  does  not  ordinarily  come 
within  the  scope  of  anthropological  studies.  The  present  work,  however,  deserves 
notice  as  a  good  example  of  the  new  spirit  which  animates  classical  studies  at  our 
Universities,  in  which  the  evidence  from  race  and  its  environment  forms  the  basis 
on  which  a  literary  problem  is  investigated.  We  have  here  an  admirable  account 
of  the  prehistoric  migrations  in  the  Eastern  Mediterranean,  and  of  the  complications 
of  races  resulting  from  the  intrusion  of  the  Northern  peoples  upon  the  Pelasgic 
culture.  This  resulted  in  the  wreck  of  the  old  tribal  organisation,  and  in  the 
displacement  of  ancient  forms  of  belief,  such  as  those  connected  with  the  Korai  or 
Earth  Maidens,  who  represent  the  matrilinear  stage.  The  chapters  dealing  with  the 
growth  of  the  Saga  literature,  where  the  Homeric  Epic  is  contrasted  with  the 
Hebrew  Pentateuch,  the  account  of  human  sacrifice,  of  the  arms  and  tactics  of 
the  Trojan  war,  of  the  laws  of  marriage,  including  the  bride-price  and  the  dowry, 
and  the  arrangement  of  the  Homeric  house,  are  all  excellent,  and  throw  much  new 
light  on  early  Greek  culture.  Professor  Murray  upholds  the  view  that  the  transition 
from  burial  to  cremation  was  the  result  of  the  migrations  of  northern  races  from  a 
region  where  the  abundance  of  wood  led  to  the  custom  of  burning  the  corpse,  while 
the  impossibility  of  protecting  the  graves  of  the  honoured  dead  in  the  country  which 
they  had  abandoned  contributed  to  establish  the  practice.  The  book  is  admirably 
written,  is  full  of  new  views  on  a  well-worn  subject,  and  may  be  warmly  commended 
as  an  admirable  account  of  primitive  culture  in  the  Mediterranean  region. 

W.  CROOKE. 


148    ] 


1912.]  MAN.  [Nos.  79-80. 

Hausa  Folklore.  Edgar. 

Litnfi  na  "I'dlsiinii/iii/i  mi  Hausa.  By  Major  F.  Edgar,  B.L..  F.R.G.S.,  TO 
Political  Service,  Northern  Nigeria.  Belfast:  W.  Erskine  Mayne,  1911.  Two  fu 
vols.  Price  10*.  6d.  each  net. 

This  book  is  the  work  of  au  official  who  has  made  a  very  careful  study  of 
Hausa,  which,  being  the  H/K/IKI  franca  of  West  Africa,  is  <>!'  great  importance  to  all 
officials  there.  It  consists  of  two  volumes  of  fables  and  writings  (those  in  the  first 
having  been  collected  by  Major  Burdon)  which  will  be  of  great  value  to  students  of 
the  language.  The  tales,  &e.,  in  the  first  volume  are  annotated  (and  we  could  wish 
that  the  notes  were  twice  as  numerous),  but  those  in  the  second  are  not,  and  this, 
we  think,  is  a  great  mistake,  for  much  valuable  information  concerning  the  customs 
and  superstitions  of  the  people  could  have  been  imparted.  The  second  volume,  there- 
fore, will  be  of  use  only  to  more  advanced  students  of  Hausa,  and  even  they  will 
not  derive  as  much  benefit  from  it  as  they  will  from  the  first.  It  is  to  be  hoped 
that  Major  Edgar  will  give  us  one  day  a  translation  of  the  material  in  both  volumes, 
and  that  he  will  supply  full  ethnological  as  well  as  linguistic  notes. 

Still,  one  will  readily  admit  that  even  as  they  stand  the  volumes  must  have  cost 
the  author  an  immense  amount  of  time  and  patience,  and,  considering  that  most  of 
the  work  was  done  in  West  Africa,  he  is  entitled  to  great  praise  for  his  perseverance. 
Major  Edgar  has  his  own  system  of  spelling,  and  it  is  somewhat  difficult  to  recognise 
in  Barno  the  name  of  the  country  of  Bornu,  but  no  satisfactory  method  has  been 
decided  as  yet,  and,  at  any  rate,  he  shows  that  the  peculiar  renderings  were  not 
adopted  without  consideration  on  his  part. 

Most  of  the  stories  are  interesting,  many  are  very  clever,  for  the  Hausa  always 
appreciates  a  quick  wit.  In'  some  a  similarity  to  English  tales  can  be  traced.  As 
an  instance  of  this  we  may  quote  the  account  of  the  jackal  (or  man  in  a  variant) 
who  owed  money  to  the  hen,  wild  cat,  dog,  hyena,  and  lion,  and  asked  the  creditors 
to  come  one  morning  and  receive  payment.  The  hen  came  first,  and  while  she  was 
there  the  wild  cat  arrived,  and  the  jackal  said  "  There  is  your  payment  "  (for  pay- 
ment is  often  made  in  kind  in  Northern  Nigeria).  But  the  wild  cat  was  caught  in 
turn  by  the  dog,  and  so  the  game  went  on,  the  jackal  himself  killing  the  lion  in 
the  end,  and  so  avoiding  payment  altogether. 

Some  tales,  again,  resemble  the  folklore  of  other  countries,  and  as  an  example 
of  these  may  be  mentioned  the  account  of  the  girl  who  was  fleeing  from  a  creeping 
gourd.  Although  several  champions  offered  to  protect  her,  all  retracted  the  offer  at 
the  critical  moment  ;  but  at  last  the  hedgehog  was  brave  enough  to  fight  the  gourd 
and  conquer. 

There  are  many  proverbs  and  riddles  given,  as  well  as  fables  and  scraps  of 
history,  but  space  will  not  permit  to  mention  them  further.  We  can  heartily  recom- 
mend the  work  to  all  Hausa  students,  and  we  say  again  that  we  hope  that  Major 
Edgar  will  give  us  some  day  fully  annotated  translations,  a  task  for  which  he  is 
well  qualified.  A.  J.  N.  T. 


Africa,  West.  Orr. 

The  Making  of  Northern  Nigeria.     By  Captain  C.  W.  J.  Orr,  R.A.     London  : 
Macmillan  &  Co.,   1911.     Pp.  306  +  x,  and  four  maps. 

This  book  has  been  written  by  an  officer  well  qualified  for  his  task,  and  it  should 
be  very  useful  to  those  who  require  an  accurate  account  of  the  administration  of  the 
country.  The  stories  of  the  early  exploration  contain  nothing  new,  and  the  ethnological 
element  is  almost  negligible — in  fact  no  claim  is  made  to  any  value  in  that  respect — 
but  the  chapters  on  courts,  administration,  and  religion  and  education  are  well  worth 
the  serious  notice  of  the  student  of  anthropology. 

[     149     ] 


Nos.  80-81.]  MAN.  [1912. 

Captain  Orr  thinks  that  "it  is  time  the  fallacy  as  regards  the  laziness  of  the 
"  African  native  were  definitely  abandoned."  He  totally  disagrees  with  those  writers 
who  state  that  the  native  will  not  work  except  under  compulsion  ;  he  tells  us  that 
incentive  is  all  that  is  required.  But  is  it  ?  It  was  found  that  the  higher  wages 
under  British  administration  made  labour  more  scarce  instead  of  more  plentiful,  for 
the  worker  could  earn  his  holiday  sooner,  and  stay  longer  away. 

His  views  on  the  question  of  slavery  are,  as  we  should  expect,  very  sound,  and 
he  gives  good  reasons  for  Sir  Frederick  Lugard's  policy,  that  of  giving  all  slaves  the 
opportunity  of  going  free  (but  not  compelling  them  to  do  so),  and  the  immediate 
suppression  of  slave-dealing. 

In  fact  a  great  part  of  the  book  is  occupied  with  praise  of  the  wonderful  energy 
of  the  first  High  Commissioner,  and  certainly  no  one  who  has  served  under  him  will 
disagree  with  the  author.  The  appointment  of  Sir  Frederick  Lugard  to  the  governor- 
ship of  the  whole  of  the  Nigerias  gives  us  great  hopes  for  the  encouragement  of 
anthropology  there,  for  he  takes  a  great  interest  in  the  subject,  especially  in  the  native 
languages.  "  Probably  nowhere  in  Africa  —  possibly  nowhere  in  the  world  —  can  be 
"  found  such  a  variety  of  tribes,  or  such  diversity  of  languages,"  so  it  is  evident  that  a 
new  civil  department  devoted  entirely  to  the  different  branches  of  anthropology  would 
be  of  great  use  to  the  officials.  As  the  author  says,  "  The  more  knowledge  that  can 
"  be  gained  of  the  people,  of  their  language,  their  habits,  their  thoughts,  and  their 
"  ideals  before  introducing  new  methods  the  better  will  it  be  for  the  country." 

A.  J.  N.  T. 


Morocco:  Religion.  Mauchamp. 

La  Sorcellerie  au  Maroc.  Par  Emile  Mauchamp.  CEuvre  Posthume,  pre-  04 
cedee  d'une  Etude  documentaire  sur  1'auteur  et  1'oeuvre  par  Jules  Bois.  Paris  :  01 
Dorbon  Aine,  N.D.  [1911]. 

The  author  of  this  book  was  a  young  medical  man  engaged  in  the  double  work 
of  the  practice  of  his  profession  and  anthropological  investigations  in  Morocco.  He 
was  unfortunate  enough  to  incur  the  hate  of  powerful  opponents,  foreign  (it  is  said) 
as  well  as  native.  The  result  was  a  riot,  in  the  course  of  which  he  was  murdered 
on  the  19th  March,  1907.  After  the  riot  was  over  his  papers,  torn  to  pieces  and 
scattered  about,  were  gathered  and  sent  home  to  his  sorrowing  parents.  His  father 
with  pious  care  examined  them,  pieced  them  together,  copied  them  ;  and  the  result 
is  a  valuable,  although  fragmentary,  contribution  to  our  knowledge  of  the  beliefs  and 
customs  of  a  country  which,  after  long  resistance,  has  at  length  passed  under  the  civiliz- 
ing influence  of  Europe.  It  supplements  in  important  respects  M.  Doutte's  admirable 
book  on  Magie  et  Religion  de  VAfrique  du  Nord. 

In  the  introduction  the  author  draws  a  terrible  picture  of  the  condition  of  the 
people  and  their  debasing  superstitions.  He  suggests  involution  rather  than  evolution 
of  their  mentality.  The  nominal  religion  is  Islam.  The  real  belief,  we  are  told, 
becomes  ever  more  and  more  idolatry,  paganism,  unconscious  polytheism,  fetishism. 
The  dead  are  worshipped  as  gods  ;  the  devils  who  swarm  about  humanity  are  invoked  ; 
confidence  in  the  miraculous  powers  of  certain  springs  abounds  ;  sorcery  in  all  its 
forms  is  elevated  to  the  rank  of  science  ;  and  all  are  made  to  subserve  the  lowest, 
most  sensual,  and  most  degrading  ends.  Looked  at  coldly  through  the  glasses  of  the 
student  of  human  superstitions  this  condition  of  society  is  interesting,  even  attractive. 
But  from  one  whose  desire  is  to  elevate  rather  than  simply  to  observe  humanity,  it 
evokes  a  missionary  fervour  of  denunciation,  like  that  to  which  we  are  accustomed  in 
the  writings  and  speeches  of  the  pioneers  of  the  Gospel  among  the  South  Sea  Islanders 
or  the  Zulus. 

[     150     ] 


1912,]  MAN.  [Nos.  81-82. 


The  body  of  the  work  consists  of  the  author's  notes  on  a  great  variety  of  sii 
evincing  an  intimate  acquaintance  with  many  sides  of  the  life  of  the  people.  Special 
sections  are  devoted  to  the  demonology  and  magical  practices,  a  large  number  of 
magical  recipes  are  given.  Sorcery  is  regarded  as  a  distinct  and  rival  religion.  In 
practice  it  is  either  defensive  or  aggressive,  and  much  use  is  made  of  poison.  The 
details  amply  justify  the  general  description  of  the  introduction.  They  show  the 
population  sunk  in  a  condition  of  barbarism,  compared  with  which  many  savages  may 
fairly  be  described  as  civilised. 

The  author  did  not  live  to  put  his  notes  into  shape,  or  to  give  them  a  philoso- 
phical framework  that  would  enable  his  work  to  compete  with  M.  Doutte's  more 
important  investigations.  But  he  has  related  many  particulars  that  will  be  of  use  to 
students.  The  repulsive  nature  of  a  number  of  them  will  not  deter  those  who  are 
anxious  to  probe  to  the  causes  and  to  follow  the  ramifications  of  the  influence  of 
witchcraft.  They  will  find  its  essential  characteristics  the  same  as  elsewhere,  and 
its  manifestations  are  only  subject  to  variations  due  chiefly  to  the  difference  of  environ- 
ment. The  materials  for  the  work  seem  to  have  been  gathered  chiefly  at  Marrakesh. 
But  what  is  true  of  Marrakesh  is  doubtless  true  of  the  more  sedentary  part  of  the 
population  of  the  whole  country.  The  influence  of  many  races  is  traceable  in  the 
beliefs  and  especially  in  the  practices  here  recorded  —  not  the  least  that  of  the  Negro 
slaves.  The  book  ought  to  have  a  special  value  for  European  administrators  among 
all  the  populations  of  North  and  West  Africa.  E.  SIDNEY  HARTLAND. 


Central  America  :  Archaeology.  MacCurdy. 

A   Study  of  Chiriqui  Antiquities.     By  Dr.  G.  Grant  MacCurdy.  QQ 

The  region  known  by  the  name  of  the  great  volcano  of  Chiriqui  has  been  Ufa 
fortunate  in  attracting  students  of  its  art  and  archaeology  so  patient  and  painstaking 
as  Dr.  W.  H.  Holmes,  Mr.  C.  V.  Hartman,  and  Dr.  G.  G.  MacCurdy.  The  present 
volume  is  an  intensive  study  which  supplements  in  the  most  valuable  way  Mr. 
Hartman's  two  works  on  the  archaeology  of  Costa  Rica.  The  first  of  the  latter 
(Stockholm,  1901)  described  a  long  series  of  graves  excavated  with  great  care  by 
the  author,  and  the  finds  from  each,  profusely  illustrated  with  plates,  many  of  them 
in  colours.  The  second  (Pittsburg,  1907)  is  devoted  to'  the  Nicoya  district,  with  fine 
illustrations  of  the  sculptured  metates,  celts,  and  amulets,  chiefly  from  the  Velasco 
collections  which  he  obtained  there  for  the  Carnegie  Institute.  Dr.  MacCurdy  now 
gives  us  400  figures  in  the  text,  and  forty-nine  plates,  most  of  them  with  from  six 
to  ten  figures,  and  some  in  colours  (including  the  splendid  vase  represented  in  the 
frontispiece),  from  the  collection  made  by  the  late  Professor  Marsh,  in  the  Ethnological 
Museum  of  Yale  University.  The  remarkable  nature  of  this  ancient  culture  can, 
therefore,  be  fully  appreciated. 

Dr.  MacCurdy's  work  is  very  thorough,  beginning  with  a  sketch  of  the  history 
of  the  country  and  people,  followed  by  an  account  of  the  various  objects  of  stone,  such 
as  arrow  and  spear  points,  celts,  metates,  stools,  &c.  The  main  portion  of  the  book 
is  occupied  by  a  careful  description  of  the  different  kinds  of  pottery,  each  type  being 
fully  illustrated,  and  analysed  as  to  methods  of  technique  and  meanings  of  decoration. 
This  must  have  needed  a  vast  amount  of  research  and  comparison,  and  is  carried 
into  minutiae  which  add  much  to  the  value.  Dr.  Holmes's  nomenclature  is  followed 
in  classifying  different  types  with  one  or  two  additions.  Some  of  the  vases  of  the 
Chocolate  Incised  group,  and  the  Scarified  group  resemble  in  shape  and  appearance 
a  type  of  ancient  Chinese  bronzes.  The  former  group  is  well  represented  in  the 
Museum  at  S.  Jose,  Costa  Rica. 


Nos.  82-84.]  MAN.  [1912. 

The  Lost  Colour  and  Alligator  groups  hay.e  especial  artistic  merit.  The  discovery 
of  the  real  process  of  the  former  is  due  to  Mr.  C.  V.  Hartman,  although  Dr.  Holmes's 
guess  was  not  far  from  it.  In  Salvador,  at  the  Aztec  village  of  Izalco,  he  observed 
in  1896  a  method  of  ornamenting  calabashes.  The  design  was  traced  with  a  paint 
brush  dipped  in  fluid  beeswax.  The  vessel  was  then  covered  with  a  black  adhesive 
solution  consisting  of  sugar  or  honey,  powdered  charcoal,  and  the  pod  of  a  leguminous 
plant.  Finally  it  was  immersed  in  hot  water  which  melted  the  wax  of  the  design  so 
that  the  original  ground  showed  light  on  the  black  coating.  The  designs  on  the 
Alligator  group  belong  to  the  same  order  as  those  found  in  connexion  with  the 
dragon  or  serpent,  up  and  down  the  Americas,  in  Japan,  and  Eastern  Asia.  The 
Polychrome  group  represents  the  highest  achievements  of  the  artists.  The  ancient 
Chiriquian  proved  himself  master  of  the  brush  in  three  distinct  methods  : — (1)  The 
production  of  the  figures  by  direct  application  of  delineating  colours  ;  (2)  the  lost 
colour  process  ;  and  (3)  by  "  sparing  "  the  figure  out  of  the  ground. 

Nearly  fifty  illustrations  of  bird  and  animal  pottery  whistles  are  given,  each  with 
the  notes  produced  by  it,  usually  three.  The  gold  objects  are  fully  treated,  especially 
the  figures  of  the  alligator-god,  and  the  whole  work  will  be  most  valuable  as  a  book 
of  reference.  The  question  of  the  relative  age  of  the  types  of  pottery  is  not  treated. 

A.  C.  B. 


Folklore.  Wentz. 

The  Fairy  Faith  in  Celtic  Countries.  By  W.  Y.  Evans  Wentz,  M.A.,  QQ 
Stanford  University,  California,  U.S.A.  ;  Docteur-es-Lettres,  University  of  llU 
Rennes,  Brittany  ;  B.Sc.,  Jesus  College,  Oxon. 

An  attempt  to  prove  scientifically  the  objective  existence  of  the  Celtic  Fairies. 
This  is  "  a  large  order."  It  involves,  as  the  author  sees,  "  the  existence  of  such 
"  invisible  intelligences  as  gods,  genii,  daemons,  all  kinds  of  true  fairies  [including 
"  brownies,  Robin  Goodfellows,  leprechauns,  and  the  rest],  and  disembodied  men,"  as 
well  as  the  reality  of  demoniacal  possession.  The  weak,  hesitating,  and  tentative 
conclusions  of  a  few  of  the  distinguished  scientific  men  who  have  indulged  in  psychical 
research  are  invoked  as  adequate  to  sustain  the  weight  of  his  argument,  with  all  its 
consequences.  He  has  travelled  through  Scotland,  Ireland,  Wales,  Cornwall,  Brittany 
and  the  Isle  of  Man  in  search  of  stories  of  fairies.  For  this  he  is  to  be  commended  ; 
but  he  has  added  very  little  to  our  previous  stock.  He  has  added  nothing  whatever 
to  our  knowledge  that  the  belief  in  fairies  continues  to  obsess  communities  of  peasants 
and  a  few,  but  very  few,  better  educated  persons.  He  hopes  "  that  this  book  will 
"  help  to  lessen  the  marked  deficiency  of  recorded  testimony  concerning  fairy  beings 
u  and  fairy  phenomena  observed  by  reliable  percipients."  It  is  a  pious  hope.  Not 
one  of  these  percipients  has  been  submitted  to  any  critical  tests  ;  and  the  state- 
ments so  pompously  headed,  "  Testimony "  of  so-and-so  are  either  general  reports 
of  belief  current  in  various  districts,  or  tales  of  what  happened  to  someone  else. 
In  a  few  cases  where  the  witness  claimed  to  have  seen  or  heard  anything  it  was 
at  a  distance  of  years,  and  it  does  not  appear  that  any  attempt  was  made  to  sift 
the  evidence. 

The  author  is  enthusiastic — and  he  is  young.  E.  SIDNEY  HARTLAND. 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  NOTE. 

IT  is  with  great  regret  that  we  have  to  announce  the  death  of  Andrew 
Lang,  so  often  a  contributor  to  this  journal.  An  obituary  notice  will  appear 
shortly. 

Printed  by  ETBE  AND  SPOTTISWOODE,  LTD.,  His  Majesty's  Printers,  East  Harding  Street,  B.C. 


PLATE   K. 


MAN,  1912 


ANDREW     LANG. 


1912.]  MAN.  [No.  85. 

ORIGINAL    ARTICLES. 

Obituary :  Lang.  With  Plate  K.  Marett. 

Andrew  Lane,    M.A.,   D.Litt.,  F.B.A.      Born   31st   March   1844;  died     OC 

20th   July  1912.      Ky   R.   R.  Marrlt.  03 

If  anyone  were  called  upon  to  mention  a  round  half-a-dozen  of  the  great 
anthropologists  of  this  country,  he  would  surely  place  the  name  of  Andrew  Lang 
somewhere  in  his  list.  Yet  he  might  well  at  the  same  time  harbour  an  uneasy  feeling 
that  there  was  something  wrong  with  the  classification — that  the  greatness  of  Lang 
did  not  lie  precisely  here,  since  in  essence  he  was  rather  a  great  writer  ;  and  hence 
a  great  anthropologist  as  it  were  by  accident.  But  such  a  view  of  his  status  as  an 
anthropologist  will  hardly  bear  examination.  It  is  true  that  Andrew  Lang's  career 
was  that  of  the  detached,  unofficial,  unendowed  man  of  letters,  a  knight-errant  of  the 
pen.  It  is  true  that  in  this  capacity  he  dealt  with  all  sorts  of  subjects,  touching  no 
one  of  them  without  striking  fire  from  it.  But  it  is  also  true  that,  when  he  wrote 
about  anthropology,  he  put  his  whole  heart  into  the  business.  He  was  not  merely 
versatile  in  the  sense  that  he  could  get  up  a  case  in  a  hurry,  as  a  barrister  has  to 
do,  so  as  to  score  a  momentary  success.  He  was  rather  many-souled.  He  had  an 
extraordinary  gift  for  identifying  himself  with  this  and  that  interest  in  turn  ;  so  that 
for  the  time  being  he  was  master  of  the  matter  in  hand,  because  so  completely  master 
of  himself,  of  his  mobilised  and  concentrated  powers.  His  air  of  carelessness  was  a 
harmless  pose.  He  put  the  best  of  himself  into  whatever  he  was  about,  a  clear  proof 
being  that  he  experienced  that  joy  in  his  work  which  is  the  supreme  reward  of 
sincerity. 

How  he  came  first  to  develop  a  passion  for  anthropology  is  an  obscure  point 
which  his  biographer  must  one  day  seek  to  make  clear.  Robertson  Smith,  as  editor  of 
the  famous  ninth  edition  of  the  Encyclopedia  Britannica,  had  an  unerring  eye  for  the 
right  man,  and  doubtless  of  his  personal  experience — had  the  two  of  them,  I  wonder, 
foregathered  at  the  house  of  J.  F.  McLennan  ? — knew  Lang  to  be  well  enough 
equipped  to  stand  up  against  the  "philological"  school  of  comparative  mythologists, 
led  by  Max  Miiller,  and  smash  it.  This  Lang  duly  did.  His  article  "  Mythology  " 
— which  has  been  separately  published  in  a  French  translation — won  him  great  fame. 
In  a  way  there  was  nothing  very  original  about  it.  Tylor's  views  on  the  subject, 
which  Lang  merely  drives  home,  had  been  before  the  public  for  more  than  a  decade. 
It  is  plain,  however — and  was  a  condition  of  the  complete  success  of  his  article,  or 
rather  pamphlet — that  the  author  moves  quite  freely  within  his  subject,  and  has 
complete  command  over  the  available  evidence.  Thus,  on  the  strength  of  those  solid 
studies  which  we  may  discover  at  the  back  of  this  piece  of  work,  it  was  easy  for 
him  to  go  on  to  publish  Custom  and  Myth  in  the  same  year  (1884),  and,  three  years 
later,  Myth,  Ritual,  and  Religion.  The  former,  if  slight  and  occasional  in  form, 
contains  some  of  his  best  work,  and  will  always  rank  as  a  literary  masterpiece.  The 
latter  is  an  elaborate  and  important  contribution  to  science.  Whilst  adhering  broadly 
to  the  Tylorian  tradition,  Lang  pushes  further  into  the  field  of  folklore  than  ever  ditf 
his  master.  Indeed,  it  is  on  this  side  of  anthropology  that  perhaps  his  chief  strength 
lies,  his  classical  scholarship  helping  him  greatly  here.  He  likewise  makes  more  than 
ever  Tylor  did  of  the  part  played  by  magic  in  primitive  life  ;  and  we  may  note  that 
he  avoids  that  rigid  distinction  between  magic  and  religion  beloved  of  the  theorists 
against  which  all  the  facts  cry  aloud,  even  permitting  himself  to  say  that  the  savage 
"  prays  chiefly  by  dint  of  magic." 

Now,  this  was  a  work  that  deserved  to  be  crowned  by  all  the  academies  of 
Europe.  At  the  moment  of  its  publication  Lang  was  a  little  past  forty  and  aln-adv 
in  the  fulness  of  his  powers.  This  was  the  time,  then,  had  it  been  possible,  for 

[     153    ] 


Nos.  85-86.]  MAN.  [1912. 

society  to  catch  aud  bridle  him  and  turn  him  into  an  anthropologist  by  profession. 
But  the  endowment  of  anthropology  had  hardly  begun  in  those  days,  if  indeed  it 
.can  be  said  to  have  begun  now.  Besides,  a  man  so  witty  as  Lang  was  not  likely 
to  be  regarded  by  the  British  public  as  a  serious  person. 

As  it  was,  this  first  period  of  Lang's  anthropological  activity  came  to  an  end 
without  any  reward,  save  the  respect  of  the  few  who  knew  and  cared  about  anthro- 
pology, and  without  any  change  in  his  rather  punishing  and  precarious  mode  of 
earning  a  living. 

For  the  next  ten  years,  it  would  seem,  he  was  too  busy  with  other  things  to 
pay  much  attention  to  scientific  theory.  When  at  length  his  second  period  of  activity 
opens,  it  is  with  The  Making  of  Religion  —  a  book  which  up  to  the  present  time 
occupies  a  most  ambiguous  position  in  anthropological  literature.  Falling  into  some- 
what disconnected  halves,  it  made  two  points,  each  of  which  involved  a  certain 
measure  of  scepticism  in  regard  to  the  all-sufficiency  of  the  reigning  doctrine  of  the 
day,  the  Tylorian  animism.  On  the  one  hand,  savages  have  their  share  of  the 
experiences  which  psychical  research  records  ;  on  the  other  hand,  they  may  believe 
in  high  gods  even  if  their  culture  be  otherwise  low.  Both  points  were  made  in  his 
earlier  work,  but  they  had  passed  unnoticed.  He  now  emphasised  them  to  the  point 
of  exaggeration.  Scientific  orthodoxy  was  shocked,  and  babbled  of  spiritualists  and 
missionaries.  Lang,  however,  was  within  his  rights  as  a  disinterested  critic  of 
received  opinions.  He  certainly  was  not  writing  in  the  interest  of  some  other 
orthodoxy,  and  cannot  be  held  responsible  for  the  turn  which  some  of  his  disciples 
would  give  to  this  idea  of  a  primitive  enlightenment. 

Afterwards  in  quick  succession  came  other  books,  Magic  and  Religion,  Social 
Origins,  and  The  Secret  of  the  Totem.  All  betray  in  style  and  logic  a  certain  hurry  ; 
though  the  last  work,  an  ambitious  attempt  at  synthesis,  was  founded  on  a  careful 
digest  of  the  evidence  relating  to  that  thorny  subject,  the  social  organisation  of  the 
Australians  ;  a  digest,  however,  which,  it  would  seem,  was  in  part  prepared  for  him  by 
other  hands.  Be  this  as  it  may,  and  however  pressed  for  time  he  may  have  been, 
there  can  be  no  doubt  that  Lang  had  somehow  managed  to  make  himself  thoroughly 
conversant  with  this  group  of  problems  which  have  the  first  claim  on  the  attention  of 
the  student  of  social  anthropology.  Up  to  the  time  of  his  death,  as  his  vigorous  dis- 
cussion with  Mr.  Goldenweiser  recently  showed,  he  managed  to  keep  the  complicated 
facts  in  all  their  detail  before  his  mind.  How  he  did  so,  amid  all  the  bustle  and 
stress  of  his  literary  life,  must  always  remain  a  mystery  to  lesser  men. 

In  this  short  sketch  it  has  been  impossible  to  do  more  than  glance  at  some  of  his 
major  writings.  Yet,  in  order  to  appreciate  his  work  at  its  full  value,  his  innumerable 
contributions  to  periodical  literature  must  likewise  be  taken  into  account.  Indeed,  his 
unique  gift  lay  in  his  power  of  treating  anthropology  as  an  everyday  topic  belonging  to 
general  culture.  He  was  clever  in  constructive  theory,  brilliant  in  dialectics  ;  but 
perhaps  his  chief  title  to  fame  is  that  he  taught  the  world  that  the  humanities  are  not 
alien  to  the  science  of  man,  nay,  that  it  is  the  common  root  and  parent  of  them  all. 

R.  B.  MARETT. 


Madagascar :  Folklore.  Jones. 

Ifaralahy  and  the  Biby  Kotra-Kotra.     By  Neville  Jones. 

Once  upon  a  time  there  was  a  king  named  Randriambohaka,  who  lived  in 
the^middle  of  the  world,  and  he  had  seven  sons,  the  youngest  of  whom  was  called 
Ifaralahy.  These  sons  were  not  very  industrious  young  men  aud  spent  most  of  their 
time  in  idling  about  their  father's  court  and  in  making  themselves  a  general  nuisance 
to  everybody,  especially  to  their  old  father,  who,  though  a  very  patient  man,  at  last 
became  quite  exasperated,  so  he  said  to  them  : — 

[  .154    ] 


1912.]  MAN.  [No.  86. 

"Go  out  into  the  world  and  bring  me  back  cattle  and  wealth,  or  I  will  no  longer 
own  you  as  my  sons.  Prove  yourselves  men  of  valour  or  I  will  disoxvn  you." 

So  the  seven  young  men  set  out,  and,  as  six  of  them  didn't  want  to  be  bothered 
with  having  to  carry  out  their  father's  behests,  they  hit  upon  a  plan  of  deceiving 
him  and  so  ensuring  for  themselves  a  continuation  of  their  idle  way  of  living.  They 
took  Ifaralahy  to  a  lonely  desert  place  where  he  could  get  no  food  and  left  him  there 
to  die,  and  then  returned  home  to  their  father,  whom  they  addressed  thus  : — 

"  Behold,  oh  our  father,  the  result  of  sending  us,  your  sons,  out  into  the  world — 
Ifaralahy,  our  brother,  is  dead  of  the  hardships  of  the  road  but  a  few  days'  journey 
from  here.  Consider,  how  that  if  we  had  gone  on,  we  should  probably  all  have  died, 
and  you  would  have  had  no  son  to  succeed  you." 

Thereupon  the  king  wept  bitterly,  ordered  the  court  into  mourning,  and  said  that 
his  six  surviving  sons  had  done  quite  right  in  returning. 

Ifaralahy,  however,  was  not  by  any  means  dead.  In  fact  he  was  racking  his 
brain  how  best  to  carry  out  his  father's  instructions.  He  subsisted  upon  wild  plants 
and  altogether  showed  such  a  disposition  to  remain  alive,  that  before  he  had  been 
many  weeks  alone,  he  had  become  bigger  and  stronger  and  still  more  anxious  to 
achieve  his  purpose. 

Now  it  chanced  one  day  that  a  strange  man-eating  animal  called  the  Biby 
Kotra-Kotra  found  him  and  made  an  early  resolution  to  make  a  meal  off  Ifaralahy, 
who,  from  the  aspect  of  his  visitor,  was  shrewdly  conscious  that  he  had  evil  designs 
on  him. 

"  Ifaralahy,"  said  the  Biby,  "  come  home  with  me  and  I  will  make  you  a  rich 
man  and  give  you  all  you  desire." 

"  Ha,  ha,"  said  Ifaralahy  to  himself,  "  here's  my  chance,  perhaps,"  so  he  readily 
consented  to  go  to  the  Biby  Kotra-Kotra's  home  with  him. 

Off  they  went,  Ifaralahy  in  front  and  the  Biby  Kotra-Kotra  behind,  licking  his 
chops  at  the  thought  of  the  meal  before  him,  until  they  came  to  a  broad  rice  marsh, 
on  the  other  side  of  which  was  the  Biby  Kotra-Kotra's  house. 

"  Go  along,"  said  the  Biby. 

"No,"  said  Ifaralahy,  "you  go  first  because  you  alone  know  the  dry  places 
in  the  marsh  and  I  will  follow  yon." 

"  What  if  I  slip,"  said  the  Biby,  "  will  you  pull  me  out  ?  " 

"  Of  course,  most  certainly  and  unquestionably,"  replied  his  companion,  and  so 
the  Biby  Kotra-Kotra,  being  thus  assured,  walked  on  ahead. 

They  had  not,  however,  gone  very  far  before  he  slipped  and  began  to  sink  into 
the  mud  until  nothing  but  his  head  was  visible. 

"  Oh  dear  !  Oh  dear  !  Whatever  shall  I  do  ? "  said  the  poor  Biby.  And 
Ifaralahy,  instead  of  pulling  him  out  as  he  had  promised,  just  gave  him  a  push  and 
sent  him  right  under.  So  the  Biby  Kotra-Kotra  died. 

Ifaralahy  still  went  on,  picking  his  steps  carefully  across  the  swamp  until  at  last 
he  arrived  at  the  Biby  Kotra-Kotra's  house. 

"  Does  anyone  live  here  ?  "  said  he  to  a  little  slave  he  saw  there. 

"  Yes,"  she  replied  ;  "  the  Biby  Kotra-Kotra's  mother." 

So  Ifaralahy,  having  told  the  slave  that  he  would  assuredly  kill  her  if  she 
betrayed  him,  went  inside. 

"  Good  evening,  mother,"  said  he. 

"  Who  is  there  ? "  she  replied,  for  she  was  quite  blind  and  somewhat  hard  of 
hearing. 

"  It  is  I,  your  son,  the  Biby  Kotra-Kotra,"  said  Ifaralahy. 

"  Are  you  really  the  Biby  Kotra-Kotra  ?  " 

"  Of  course  I  am.     Who  else  should  I  be  ?  " 

[    155    ] 


Nos,  86-87.]  MAN.  [1912. 

"Nothing,"  quoth  she  ;  "only  I  thought  I  smelt  human  blood,  that's  all." 

"  Oh  !     There's  no  one  here  besides  me,"  said  Ifaralahy. 

Presently  they  had  their  food,  and  all  the  time  the  old  thing  kept  on  imagining 
she  smelt  blood  ;  but  Ifaralahy  at  last  quieted  all  her  fears  by  assuring  her  that  she 
must  be  dreaming. 

When  they  had  finished,  Ifaralahy  said,  "  By  the  way,  oh  mother  mine,  wherever 
did  I  put  that  money  of  ours  ?  " 

"  What  do  you  want  with  the  money,  my  son  ?  " 

"  Only  to  see  that  it  is  quite  safe,  darling  mother." 

"  Well,"  she  replied,  "  if  you  look  under  the  bed  you  will  find  it  there." 

So  Ifaralahy  looked,  and  lo  and  behold,  there  was  the  money-basket  full  of  it 
under  the  bedstead. 

Presently  Ifaralahy  again  broke  the  silence  by  saying  : — 

"  Oh,  mother  dear  !  I  was  wondering  to-day  where  all  our  oxen  were  grazing 
just  now." 

"In  the  same  place  as  usual,"  she  replied.  "On  the  little  tanhety*  west  of 
the  house." 

"  Oh  !  That's  all  right  then,"  said  Ifaralahy.  Then  he  waited  patiently  until 
his  adopted  mother  was  fast  asleep,  and  then  he  began  operations. 

Having  removed  all  the  money  from  the  house  he  carried  it  safely  over  to  the 
marsh  and  then  turned  his  attention  to  the  oxen,  and  before  very  long  was  on  his 
way  back  to  Randriambohaka,  his  father. 

When  he  arrived  near  the  middle  of  the  earth  and  people  began  to  recognise  his 
features  they  thought  it  could  not  be  Ifaralahy  but  his  ghost.  Ifaralahy,  however, 
had  no  difficulty  in  proving  that  he  was  alive  and  caused  great  joy  in  the  heart  of 
Randriambohaka,  who  punished  his  other  sons  for  their  wickedness  and  made  Ifaralahy 
his  heir.  Ifaralahy  in  time  became  king  and,  of  course,  "  lived  happy  ever  after." 

N.  JONES. 

Africa,  "West.  Dayrell. 

Notes  on  "  Nyam   Tunerra,"  or  Cat's  Cradle.     By  E.  Dayrell.  A"V 

A  short  time  ago  whilst  reading  Dr.  Mausf eld's  most  interesting  book,  Of 
Unvald-Dokumente,  1908,  I  noticed  on  page  118  (Fig.  101,  A  and  B)  two  examples 
of  a  sort  of  "  cat's  cradle."  On  showing  this  illustration  to  some  natives  here  they 
immediately  informed  me  that  the  game  was  well  known  and  quite  common  in  the 
country,  and  upon  giving  one  of  the  boys  a  long  piece  of  string  he  at  once -proceeded 
to  tie  a  series  of  these  knots  and  explained  their  meanings.  Shortly  afterwards  I 
came  across  a  number  of  illustrations  of  "  cat's  cradle  "  in  the  January  number,  Vol.  VI, 
1911,  of  Anthropos,  in  an  article  entitled  "Die  Faden  und  Abnehmespiele  auf  Palan," 
by  Von  P.  Raymund  0.  Cap.  Palan  (Siidsee).  When  these  illustrations  were  shown 
to  some  natives  of  the  Injor  country  they  tied  eighteen  of  the  figures  and  gave  me 
their  names  and  meanings.  Unfortunately  having  no  camera  this  tour  I  have  been 
unable  to  reproduce  the  various  figures,  but  in  order  to  ascertain  whether  a  collection 
of  these  knots  with  their  local  meanings  is  of  sufficient  interest  to  the  anthropologist 
to  warrant,  at  a  future  date,  a  further  investigation,  I  have  cut  out  the  figures  which 
have  been  actually  tied  in  my  presence  and  have  given  their  native  names  with  the 
translations  against  each. 


1.  "Nyam  innerra  fut,"  Meat  finger  one.  2.    "Assu,"  A  man  with  a  bag. 


Tanhety  =  the  dry  ground  between  rice  fields. 
[    156    ] 


1912.] 


MAN. 


[No.  87. 


3.  "  Ochang  ekpc,"  Den  leopard. 


4.  "  Abor  ntc,"  band  turning. 


5.  "  Mon,"  A  child. 


6.  "  Egurr  essa,"  Parrots  three. 


8.  "Hyara  nganz,    Meat  Urea 


7.  '"Mbok  'Nki,"  Monkey  tail. 


1".  "'Xyor  ayip,"  Snake  water 


12.  "JLni  Kkpi,"  Child  canoe  (a  small  canoe). 


11.  Eyuni  "Ngung,"  Hoe,  wooden  (a  large 
wooden  hoe  used  by  the  Bokis). 


Nos.  87-88.] 


MAN. 


[1912, 


13.  "  Okperre,     A  calabash  for  foofoo. 


15.  "Nyam  innerre  ekpat  'Mbunge,"  Meat  finger 
sitting  stick  breast  (a  man  who  had  the  'Nsibidi 
sign  for  the  ekpat  stick  tattoed  on  his  breast). 


16.  '"Mbakobi,"  Chain  for  canoe. 


17.  "Mon  Mukai,"  Young  girl. 

18.  "  Etta  shu,"  A  toucan  (long  hornbill). 
14.  "Nyam  anne  eoai,"  Meat  man  two  This   is  identical  with  No.  72.  c.  Anthropos, 

(a  game  played  by  two  people).  Vol.  VI.,  p.  57. 

[The  illustrations  to  this  article  have  been  kindly  lent  by  Pater  P.  W.-  Schmidt, 
editor  of  Anthropos,  to  whom  grateful  acknowledgments  are  due.]  E.  DAYRELL. 

Jersey  :  Archseology.  Nicolle  :  Sinel. 

Report  on  the   Resumed  Exploration  of  "  La  Cotte,"  St.  Brelade, 
by  the  Societe  Jersiaise.     By  E.    Toulmin  Nicolle  and  J.   Sinel. 

The  exploration  of  this  cave-dwelling  which,  at  the  end  of  September  1910, 
was  suspended  owing  to  the  threatening  condition  of  the  roof  and  sides,  was 
resumed  on  the  14th  of  August  of  last  year.  Methods  having  been  arrived  at  in 
the  interval  for  reducing  the  attendant  danger. 

The  same  workmen  were  employed  as  on  the  former  occasion,  and  they  had 
previously  constructed  a  path  leading  from  the  top  of  the  cliff  to  the  level  of  the 
cave,  rendering  access  easier  than  by  the  sea-shore  path,  which  was  only  available 
at  low  tide,  and  hazardous  at  that. 

The  portion  of  floor,  11  feet  square,  which  had  been  laid  bare  and  explored 
last  year,  had  been  left  covered  by  granite  blocks  and  clay,  and  stone  rubble 
brought  down  from  the  talus  which  forms  the  rear  of  the  cave,  and  the  men  had 
been  occupied  for  several  days  in  bringing  the  condition  of  things  to  the  stage  at 
which  they  were  when  the  work  was  suspended. 

[    158    ] 


1912.]  MAN.  [No.  88. 

It  will  be  remembered  that  the  main  hearth  was  on  the  left-hand  side  of  the 
entrance,  at  some  eight  feet  from  the  opening,  and  that  it  was  just  beyond  this 
large  hearth,  and  at  a  slightly  higher  elevation,  that  the  most  important  organic 
relics  were  discovered,  the  bones  being  in  a  more  coherent  condition  at  this  part 
than  elsewhere.  Also,  that  the  now  classical  human  remains  which  it  was  our  good 
fortune  to  unearth,  were  found  in  that  spot. 

We  had,  at  the  suspension  of  the  work,  advanced  11  feet  along  the  left  wall, 
and  it  was  on  this  side,  in  continuation  of  the  excavation  thus  made,  that  the  work 
\v;i-  again  commenced. 

In  the  centre  of  the  cave — or  at  least  1 1  feet  from  the  opening,  and  about 
7  feet  from  the  left-hand  wall,  was  a  block  of  granite,  8  feet  in  length  and  5  feet 
in  each  other  direction,  and  of  a  calculated  weight  of  between  14  and  15  tons 
which,  at  first,  it  was  considered  unnecessary  to  remove,  and  so  the  excavation  was 
carried  on  between  this  and  the  left-hand  wall,  and  pushed  back  to  a  distance  of 
26  feet  from  the  opening. 

Just  beyond  this  block  the  wall  rock  receded  into  a  hollow,  and  into  this  the 
hearth  was  clearly  traceable,  but  here  it  sloped  to  a  slightly  higher  level. 

In  this  hollow,  again  in  proximity  to  the  hearth,  were  found  the  most  solid 
portions  of  bone. 

During  a  re-examination  of  the  main  floor  level  we  were  rather  surprised  to 
find  that  the  lower  level  of  the  hearth  did  not  terminate  at  the  large  block  just 
mentioned,  but  that  it  continued  beneath  it  ;  whilst,  on  the  flat  top  of  the  block 
and  on  the  clay  and  stone  rubble  at  its  rear,  ashes,  bones,  flint  implements  and  flint 
chippings  again  occurred,  indicating  that  this  great  stone  had  fallen  from  the  roof 
during  the  period  of  occupation,  and  that  occupation  was  resumed  at  the  higher  level. 

As  the  use  of  explosives,  with  some  hundreds  of  tons  of  granite  blocks  in 
a  state  of  very  questionable  adhesion,  30  feet  overhead,  was  not  by  any  means 
desirable,  this  block  was  drilled  and  split  up  by  wedges,  and  so  removed  piecemeal. 

The  removal  of  this  block  greatly  facilitated  the  subsequent  work,  and  enabled  the 
rubble  at  the  rear  to  be  removed  with  little  difficulty,  until  the  portion  of  level  floor 
then  exposed  measured  25  feet  from  front  to  back,  and  18  feet  from  side  to  side. 

The  same  method  of  search  was  maintained  throughout,  viz.  : — As  vertical 
sections  of  clay  and  stone  rubble  were  exposed  by  pick  and  shovel,  each  new 
exposure  was  carefully  examined  by  several  of  our  party,  and  as  the  fallen  material 
was  placed  in  barrows  for  tipping  down  the  cliff,  each  shovelful  was  carefully 
searched,  so  that  no  relic  of  importance  was  passed  over. 

On  examining  some  small  portions  of  clay  that  had  adhered  to  the  rock  on  the 
left  of  the  cave,  at  the  spot  where  human  teeth  had  been  found  during  the  previous 
exploration,  four  more  of  these  teeth  were  discovered,  bringing  the  total  up  to  13. 

The  one  great  cause  for  regret  in  connection  with  the  whole  of  this  explora- 
tion is  the  decalcifying  nature  of  the  clay.  Bone  was  abundant  on  every  side,  but 
it  chiefly  showed  as  white,  unctuous,  clayey  matter,  adhering  to  stones,  and  in  many 
parts  merely  as  white  marbling  in  the  surrounding  elay.  The  wonder  is,  not  that 
we  obtained  so  few  coherent  bones,  but  that  we  obtained  so  many. 

In  places  where  ashes  had  become  mingled  with  the  clay  as  near  the  hearth, 
and  had  thus  reduced  its  chemical  action,  a  few  determinable  bones  were  obtained. 

The  discovery  of  bone,  of  flint  chippings,  and  flint  implements,  at  different 
elevations,  ranging  up  to  about  10  feet  above  the  main  hearth,  was  at  first  puzzling, 
but  it  would  seem  clear  that  repeated  falls  of  stone  from  the  roof,  and  of  clay  from 
a  fissure  therein,  took  place  while  the  cave  was  occupied  and  that  the  new  deposits, 
terrace-like,  were  occupied  in  turn. 

The  organic  remains,  other  than  the  human  teeth,  brought   to    light  during  this 

[     159    ] 


No.  88.]  MAN.  [1912. 

exploration  consist,  like  the  last,  of  the  remains  of  animals  that  the  cave-dweller 
had  brought  in  for  food. 

These  bones  and  teeth  were,  as  on  the  previous  occasion,  forwarded  by  the 
Committee  to  the  British  Museum  (Natural  History  Department),  and  were  kindly 
identified  by  Drs.  Woodward  and  Andrews. 

They  represent,  for  the  most  part,  as  in  the  previous  exploration,  the  woolly 
rhinoceros,  two  species  of  horse,  some  huge  ox,  probably  the  urus,  sheep  or  goat, 
various  small  deer,  and  the  reindeer,  but  comprise  one  new  form,  viz.,  portions  of 
skull  and  bases  of  antlers  of  a  very  large  deer,  probably  red  deer.  These  last  may 
strike  an  ordinary  observer  as  very  large  for  this  species,  but  it  must  be  remembered 
that  the  red  deer  of  pleistocene  times  was  of  much  greater  proportions  than  its 
modern  representative.  (Lydekker  on  Fossil  Cervidce^) 

The  human  teeth  were  examined  by  Dr.  Keith,  Curator  of  the  Museum  of  the 
Royal  College  of  Surgeons,  and  pronounced  by  him  as  forming  part  of  the  same  set 
discovered  last  year,  that  is,  as  belonging  to  the  same  individual. 

It  is  remarkable  that  whilst  the  great  mass  of  bones  and  a  large  proportion  of 
Ihe  teeth  (notably  the  molars  of  Bos)  are  much  decomposed,  some  are  in  perfect 
preservation.  Amongst  the  well-preserved  ones  are  fortunately  those  of  homo  ; 
whilst  a  huge  molar  of  woolly  rhinoceros,  the  molars  of  reindeer,  the  incisors  and 
canine  of  a  large  horse,  the  incisors  of  Bos,  and  all  the  teeth  of  the  small  bovids, 
are  quite  sound. 

The  relics  of  human  industry  discovered  in  this  second  exploration  consist  of 
about  sixty  well-finished  flint  implements  (discarding  such  flints  as  may  possibly  be 
implements,  but  bear  no  marks  of  secondary  chipping),  and  a  considerable  number 
of  round  and  oval  pebbles,  probably  used  as  hammers  or  triturators. 

Of  the  flint  implements  secured,  some  are  are  probably  fine  specimens.  They 
are  all  of  one  type,  the  "  Pouite-Mousterienne "  of  Mortillet.  It  is  worthy  of  note 
that  whilst  flint  instruments  and  chippings  were  very  plentiful  near  the  cave 
entrance,  they  became  more  scarce  as  we  proceeded  inwards,  and  at  20  feet  or  so 
from  the  opening,  they  practically  ceased. 

This  raises  a  very  interesting  point  with  regard  to  the  previous  extension  of  the 
cave  outwards,  and  across  the  gorge,  the  exigencies  of  sufficient  light  for  the  work 
of  implement  making  being  implied. 

This,  and  some  associated  problems  connected  with  the  geology  of  the  district 
in  pleistocene  times,  would  form  an  interesting  subject  for  future  consideration. 

When  the  exploration  of  the  hearth  and  of  its  upward  extension  had  been 
completed  to  the  limits  already  mentioned,  it  was  deemed  expedient  owing  to  the 
condition  of  the  nearly  vertical  talus,  to  stop  any  further  work  in  that  direction,  and 
to  devote  attention  to  an  examination  of  the  strata  underlying  the  floor  in  order  to 
ascertain  if  the  cave  bore  evidences  of  occupation  at  a  still  earlier  period. 

A  trench  five  feet  wide  and  five  feet  deep  was  therefore  opened  against  the  left- 
Land  wall,  beneath  the  site  of  the  hearth,  and  this  was  continued  to  a  distance  of 
25  feet  from  the  opening. 

This  trench  revealed  the  following  strata,  viz.  : — 

(1)  Immediately   below  the   floor,   and  for  about  a  foot  in  thickness,  a   layer  of 
stone  and  clay  rubble  identical  with  that  which  had  filled  the  cave. 

(2)  Below    this     a     layer,    about     18    inches    thick,    of  gravel-like,  disintegrated 
granite,  with  very  little  intermingling  of  clay. 

(3)  Next  a  bed,    about  a  foot  or  16  inches  thick,   of  black  gritty  material,  tun- 
nelled in   many  places  by  holes   an  inch  to  an  inch  and  a  half  in  diameter  and  round 
in  section.     Closer  examination  showed   that  these  holes  were    the  negative  casts  of 
branches,  which  had  completely  disappeared  but  had  left   their  impress,  even  to  such 

[     160     ] 


1912.]  MAN.  [No.  88. 

detail  :is  the  structure  of  their  l>;irk,  and  in  sonic  places  lines,  showing  that  ivv,  or  some 
oilier  clinging  plant  h:ul  once  adliered  to  tliem. 

A  east,  obtained  bj  running  Hue  plaster  of  Paris  into  one  of  these  holes,  gives  a 
fair  facsimile  of  the  branch  which  formed  it.  The  wood  was  apparently  oak  or  elm, 
and  the  investing  creeper  ivy.  If  this  is  correct,  it  denotes  a  period  during  which 
the  climate  was  more  generous  than  when  the  cave  was  occupied  by  Mousterian  man. 

Chemical  analysis  of  this  bed  by  Mr.  F.  W.  Toms  (Official  Analyst)  shows  that 
this  layer  consists  of  decomposed  animal  and  vegetable  matter,  and  the  presence  of 
nitrogen  shows  that  it  was  not  a  hearth. 

Fragments  of  bone  in  this  layer  are  not  soft  and  clayey  as  in  the  upper  layers, 
but  are  fossilized,  and  their  analysis  is  identical  with  that  of  fossil  bone  from  some 
caves  in  England. 

(4)  Beneath  this  black  layer  was  rubble,  composed  of  whitish  clay  and  granite 
fragments,  and  this  was  continuous  downwards  to  the  extent  excavated. 

A  second  trench  was  then  opened  near  the  centre  of  the  cave,  and  joining  the 
first  one  at  its  side.  This  revealed  the  same  succession  of  strata. 

No  flint  chippings,  nor  any  indication  whatever  of  man's  presence,  occur  in  these 
layers,  showing  that  what  has  been  termed  the  "  main  floor "  marks  the  original  and 
only  occupation  of  the  cave  by  Homo  Breladensis, — Man  of  the  Neanderthal  race. 

Among  minor  points  of  interest  connected  with  this  exploration  is  one  that, 
contrary  to  usually  received  opinion,  suggests  that  Mousterian  man  was  acquainted 
with  the  bow  and  arrow,  or  at  least  with  the  arrow. 

We  found  embedded  in  the  clay  a  little  implement,  an  inch  in  length  and 
three-quarters  of  an  inch  in  width  at  the  base,  and,  like  Mousterian  implements  in 
general,  with  one  side  smooth  and  the  other  carefully  worked,  but  bearing  a  barb 
and  shank,  with  indications  of  a  corresponding  barb  having  been  broken  off. 

The  question  naturally  arises,  is  it  an  arrow  head  or  just  the  tip  of  an  ordinary, 
but  delicately -fashioned  "  pointe  Mousterienne "  which  has  been  broken  off,  and  in 
which  the  fracture  has  resulted  in  this  remarkable  arrow-like  barb  and  shank  ?  That 
is,  is  this  peculiar  form  accidental  ? 

It  is  to  be  remarked  that  no  corresponding  type  of  implement  amongst  Mous- 
terian relics  is  on  record  :  nor  did  we  find  any  similar  type  during  our  excavations. 
The  form  of  the  implement  is  probably  accidental. 

An  assumption  arrived  at  in  the  early  stages  of  excavation  must  now  be  cor- 
rected. It  was  then  thought  that  the  rubble  of  clay  and  stone  by  which  the  cave 
had  been  completely  filled  was  due  to  lateral  extension  of  the  talus  which  forms  the 
inner  extension  of  the  gorge,  in  one  of  the  side  walls  of  which  the  cave  is  situated  ; 
but  as  the  clearing  out  of  the  rubble  was  proceeded  with,  it  became  evident  that  the 
clay  and  rubble  extended  inside  the  cave  for  many  feet  above  the  level  of  the  opening, 
so  that  its  removal  revealed  a  domed  roof,  with  clay  and  rubble  forming  the  top  at 
a  spot  some  eight  or  ten  feet  across. 

The  wall  of  rock  into  which  the  cave  opens  is  quite  flat  and  vertical  for  some 
80  or  90  feet  above  the  opening,  but  on  the  other  side  of  the  cliff,  that  is  on  the  side 
towards  the  backward  extension  of  the  cave,  the  cliff  slopes  downward,  and  on  that 
slope  there  is  a  grass-covered  depression,  or  "sag,"  which,  like  the  filled-up  mouth 
of  a  huge  funnel,  exactly  corresponds  with  the  position  of  the  rubble-filled  area  in  the 
roof.  It  is  therefore  plain  that  it  is  there  that  the  chief  mass  of  rubble  which  filled 
the  cave  had  ingress. 

The  occurrence  of  so  much  clay  within  the  cave,  and  in  the  talus  within  the  gorge 
raises  an  interesting  question.  The  clay  is  riot  of  feolian  origin,  nor  is  it  the  result 
of  rock  decomposed  in  situ.  Its  coarse  grittiness,  and  its  intermingling  of  gfanite 
fragments  and  even  some  small  pebbles,  show  that  it  is  fluviatile,  that  is,  that  it 


Nos.  88-89.]  MAN.  [1912. 

constitutes  the  "  head  "  of  geologists,  a  wash  of  material,  by  glacial  floods.  And  the 
question  arises,  whence  was  it  derived  ?  The  moorland  above,  and  for  a  mile  or  more 
around  is  clayless,  being  clothed  at  best  with  a  thin  layer  of  blackish  soil  formed  of 
decomposed  heather  and  gritty  particles  of  the  Hat  granite  base  on  which  it  lies. 
Moreover,  between  the  level  moorland  and  the  spur  of  cliff  in  which  are  situated  the 
gorge  and  the  cave  there  is  a  neck,  or  depression,  of  quite  30  feet  in  depth. 

This  denotes  a  considerable  difference  in  the  configuration  of  the  land  between  the 
present  and  the  period  when  tha  cave  was  occupied  by  Mousterian  man,  and  opens  an 
interesting  field  for  survey  and  consideration. 

One  more,  although  a  minor  point,  in  connection  with  the  exploration  of  this 
cave  deserves  notice.  In  the  lists  given  of  the  flora  and  fauna  of  Mousterian  times 
no  mention  is  made  of  the  insecta,  such  delicate  structures  being  no  doubt  rarely 
preserved. 

In  a  vertical  section  of  the  clay,  deep  within  the  mass  of  rubble  and  under  such 
conditions  as  to  preclude  the  possibility  of  adventitious  origin,  was  a  large  beetle.  The 
insect  itself  was  in  the  form  of  powder,  but  its  impress,  thoracic  segment,  elytra  and 
legs,  were  clearly  and  minutely  delineated  in  the  clay.  It  was  a  large  species,  about  the 
size  of  our  Hydrophilus,  but  much  stouter  dorso-ventrally.  Unfortunately,  neither  the 
specimen  nor  its  impress  could  be  preserved,  but  it  is  perhaps  well  to  place  this  on 
record  towards  a  possible  extension  of  the  fauna  of  Mousterian  times  from  other 
districts. 

This  stage  of  the  exploration  was  completed  on  the  21st  August. 

In  superintending  the  work  we  were  assisted  from  first  to  last  by  Mr.  J.  W.  Sinel. 
Mr.  R.  R.  Marett  joined  us  on  the  17th  August.  The  President  (Colonel  E.  C.  Malet 
de  Carteret),  Drs.  Dunlop,  Chappuis  and  Nicholls,  and  several  other  members  of  the 
Society  paid  visits.  Mr.  A.  H.  Barreau  and  Mr.  Emile  Guiton  were  good  enough  to 
assist  us  by  taking  photographs. 

Tribute  should  here  be  paid  to  the  workmen  employed,  Mr.  Ernest  Daghorn  and 
his  two  assistants.  Not  only  did  these  men  work  assiduously  and  energetically,  but 
they  took  an  enthusiastic  interest  in  the  researches,  and  never  failed  to  note  the 
slightest  indication  of  what  might  be  a  relic,  or  a  trace  of  the  objects  of  which  we 
were  in  search.  ED.  TOULMIN  NICOLLE. 

J.  SINEL. 


REVIEWS. 
Turkestan  :  Archaeology.  Stein. 

Ruins  of  Desert  Cathay :  Personal  Narrative  of  Explorations  in  Central 
Asia  and  Westernmost  China.  By  M.  Aurel  Stein.  Two  vols.  Macmillan, 
1912.  42*.  net. 

This  personal  narrative  by  a  well-known  explorer  has  been  expected  with  interest 
by  all  who  knew  the  scope  of  Stein's  second  expedition,  or  had  been  privileged  to 
see  some  of  the  remarkable  antiquities  and  works  of  art  brought  safely  to  Europe  in 
the  face  of  so  many  difficulties.  Ancient  Khotan  was  published  five  years  ago,  but 
even  yet  we  hardly  realise  our  debt  to  Stein  for  his  leading  part  in  making  known 
the  civilisation  of  inner  Asia  during  the  first  millennium  of  our  era.  His  second 
journey  has  supplemented  the  first  with  a  fulness  of  material  which  has  surpassed  the 
most  sanguine  expectations.  He  has  indicated  the  paths  followed  by  Hellenistic 
influences  from  Syria,  and  Buddhist  influences  from  India,  as  they  streamed  eastward 
from  the  Pamir ;  we  now  realise  what  happened  when  they  blended  in  Eastern 
Turkestan  with  that  vigorous  early  art  of  China  which  Europe  is  at  last  beginning 
to  understand. 

Stein's    second    journey  began    in    1906,    and    occupied    two    years,   the    winters 

[     162     ] 


1912.]  MAN.  [No.  89. 

being  devoted  to  archaeological  research.  Starting  from  the  Indo-Afghan  frontier,  he 
crossed  the  Hindu  Kush  with  tlie  Tarim  basin,  where  his  work  of  1900-1  had  given 
such  remai  kalile  results.  Excavation  at  Niya  yielded  fresh  Kharostlii  tablets  of  the 
style  now  familiar  to  us,  but  it  was  further  east,  towards  Lop  Nor,  at  Tim-huang  and 
-Mii-aii,  that  lie  discovered  frescoes  of  extraordinary  interest  and  obtained  the  great  series 
of  manuscripts  and  painted  silk  banners  which  lend  so  signal  an  importance  to  the 
present  expedition.  The  recovery  of  the  manuscripts  and  paintings  is  a  part  of  the 
romance  of  archeology,  and  the  reader  can  only  be  referred  to  the  account  in  the  second 
volume.  We  need  not  anticipate  results  which  cannot  be  estimated  at  their  full 
worth  until  the  publication  of  the  final  report.  The  new  material  clearly  confirms  tin- 
theory  that  late  Hellenistic  and  Persian  art,  in  alliance  with  the  doctrines  of  Indian 
Buddhism,  penetrated  to  the  very  frontiers  of  China  long  before  the  year  1000  ;  and 
that,  although  the  Chinese  successfully  opposed  the  invasion,  its  effects  are  even  now 
apparent  in  the  iconography  or  Buddhism  in  the  Far  East.  The  ground  on  which  the 
opposing  cultures  met  was  conquered  by  the  sand  towards  the  end  of  the  first  millen- 
nium, and  the  battle  of  man  and  nature  has  seldom  been  so  vividly  presented  to  the 
imagination  as  in  the  pictures  here  given  of  a  civilisation  in  retreat  over  a  region  of 
encroaching  dunes  and  slowly  dying  rivers.  More  than  once  Stein  has  himself 
known  anxious  hours  in  crossing  the  Taklarnakan,  and  experience  seems  to  lend  reality 
to  his  words  as  he  describes  the  desolation  of  these  wind-eroded  wastes  and  forbidding 
deserts  where  an  advanced  civilisation  once  flourished. 

The  intervals  between  the  seasons  fit  for  excavation  were  utilised  for  geographical 
discovery.  The  observations  taken  at  great  altitudes  in  the  Nan  Shan  and  Kun-lun 
ranges,  when  archaeological  work  in  the  lower  country  was  impossible,  are  of  high 
geographical  importance,  and  the  account  of  them  brings  before  us  in  a  striking 
manner  the  physical  grandeur  of  Central  Asia,  and  the  abrupt  contrasts  in  its 
scenery.  The  photographs  of  barren  sands  and  snowy  mountains  are  of  unsurpassed 
interest.  Rarely  has  a  single  book  contained  so  many  landscapes  which  fascinate  at 
first  sight  by  their  suggestion  of  grandeur  of  isolation.  On  the  one  side  we  have 
peaks  and  glaciers,  dark  gorges,  stupendous  walls  of  ice-crowned  rock,  panoramas  over 
vast  ranges  that  lose  themselves  in  the  distance  ;  on  the  other  the  leagues  of  the 
ribbed  sand,  the  wastes  eroded  by  wind,  the  desiccated  stems  of  poplars  marking  the 
sites  once  inhabited  by  large  communities.  Whether  the  point  of  view  is  in  the  snows 
at  an  elevation  of  20,000  feet,  or  in  the  desert  far  below  them,  there  is  the  same 
austere,  impressive  loneliness. 

The  men  who  to-day  live  on  the  borders  of  these  vast  solitudes  are  not  forgotten 
in  Stein's  pages  ;  many  of  his  photos  showing  groups  of  Taghlik,  Khirgiz,  and 
Chinese  are  very  successful ;  but  an  important  contribution  to  the  ethnology  of  the 
region  may  be  expected  when  the  measurements  entrusted  to  Mr.  Joyce  have  been 
tabulated  and  the  conclusions  published  in  the  final  report.  They  will  include  data  with 
regard  to  the  Loplik,  an  interesting  nomad  and  fishing  people  of  the  region  of  Lop 
Nor.  There  are  many  points  of  general  ethnographical  interest  scattered  through 
these  volumes  ;  we  have  only  space  to  mention  the  use  of  smoke-signalling  between 
station  and  station  along  the  ancient  Chinese  frontier  wall. 

Stein  is  generous  in  recording  the  aid  of  everyone,  whether  official  abroad,  or 
savant  at  home,  who  has  in  any  way  furthered  his  enterprise  or  enhanced  the 
scientific  value  of  his  results  ;  he  has  expressed  in  the  fullest  terms  his  gratitude  for 
their  assistance  and  their  learning.  But  when  one  thinks  of  what  he  himself  has 
done,  one  wonders  what  cumulation  of  epithets  could  do  justice  to  his  achievement. 
Not  only  once  but  twice  he  has  carried  to  a  successful  end  an  expedition  demanding 
for  its  happy  issue  the  qualities  of  many  men,  and  he  has  done  it  with  an  unprece- 
dented economy.  He  has  been  equal  to  every  task,  from  triangulating  peaks  to 

(  163  ]  ' 


Nos.  89-90.]  MAN.  [1912. 

packing  fragile  antiquities  for  caniel  transit,  from  the  deciphering  of  an  ancient  script 
to  the  management  of  unruly  or  despondent  Asiatics.  He  has  kept  alive  the  scholar's 
enthusiasm  through  months  of  solitude  and  hardship  ;  by  sympathetic  knowledge  of 
oriental  ways  he  has  commanded  the  confidence  of  amban  and  general,  priest  and 
interpreter,  and  all  the  very  various  personalities  with  which  the  traveller  in  the  heart 
of  Asia  must  come  ih  contact.  We  can  only  say  that  work  at  once  so  versatile  and 

•/  •/ 

thorough,  so  wide  in  scope,  so  rich  in  results  to  art  and  science,  must  rank  with  the 
most  distinguished  exploration  of  our  time. 

The  one  criticism  which  may  suggest  itself  to  many  is  that  in  these  volumes  there 
is  such  profusion  of  detail  that  their  thousand  pages  may  somewhat  trench  upon  the 
rights  of  the  more  extensive  work  which  is  to  follow.  It  may  be  that  proportion 
would  have  gained  by  the  reduction  to  lower  terms  of  what  we  may  call  the  minutiae 
of  experience,  but  if  there  be  excess,  it  will  but  slightly  trouble  the  reader  who  has 
once  fairly  set  out  on  his  own  voyage  through  these  ninety-seven  chapters.  The 
infectious  zeal  of  the  author  will  carry  him  lightly  over  the  arid  facts,  and,  here  and 
there,  he  will  find  human  touches  which  in  a  personal  narrative  are  distinctly  in  their 
place.  The  tale  of  the  bay  Badakshi  pony  which  went  through  such  long  and  varied 
privations  only  to  die  at  the  very  end  of  the  journey  on  a  grim  Tibetan  plateau,  will 
appeal  to  every  lover  of  a  horse ;  and  all  will  rejoice  at  the  safe  home-coming 
of  the  fox-terrier  Dash  (Kar-dash  Beg  =  Sir  Snow-friend),  well  named  in  two 
languages  for  his  impetuous  ways  and  his  delight  iu  the  mountain  snows. 

The  publication  of  the  Ruins  of  Desert  Cathay  increases  the  eagerness  with 
which  we  await  the  authoritative  report  which  Stein  and  his  collaborators  have  now 
in  preparation.  0.  M.  D. 


Physical  Anthropology.  Duckworth. 

Prehistoric  Man.  By  W.  L.  H.  Duckworth,  M. A.,  M.D.,  Sc.D.  Cambridge  QA 
Manuals  of  Science  and  Literature  Series.  Cambridge  University  Press,  1912.  UU 

This  little  book  is,  we  think,  the  most  valuable  of  all  the  recent  publications  on 
prehistoric  man  because  it  is  the  work  of  one  who,  while  he  has  spared  no  pains  to 
master  his  subject,  has  no  particular  theory  of  his  own  to  advance. 

As  long  as  a  writer  is  responsible  for  a  theory  he  unconsciously  or  subconsciously 
disposes  his  facts  in  such  a  way  that,  although  no  accusation  of  untruthfulness  should 
be  brought  against  him,  the  reader  comes  away  with  the  impression  that  the  theory  is 
very  true  or  very  false,  and  the  book  becomes  a  more  or  less  brilliant  piece  of  special 
pleading. 

In  this  particular  work  Dr.  Duckworth  sums  up  in  an  unprejudiced  way  all  the 
evidence  which  has  come  before  him  of  prehistoric  man,  and  the  result  is  disheartening 
but  very  wholesome.  He  thinks  that,  on  the  whole,  there  is  some  evidence  of  an 
evolutionary  process  from  a  Simian  ancestor,  though  even  here  there  is  much  to  be  said 
on  the  other  side,  and  he  shows  us  how  wonderfully  little  the  geologists  and  anatomists 
have  been  able  to  help  us  to  form  a  definite  opinion. 

Taking  the  Neanderthal  race  as  an  example,  we  are  introduced  to  the  following 
hypotheses  : — 

1.  That  this  race  was  a  stage  in  the  evolution  of  modern  man  from  an  anthropoid 

ancestor. 

2.  That  it  was  a  retrogressive  race  undergoing  elimination  owing  to  its  unfitness 

to  survive,  and  that  it  ultimately  disappeared. 

3.  That  the  Australian  aborigines  still  represent  this  race. 

4.  That  it  was  a  race  owing  some  of  its  cranial  characteristics  to  the  physiological 

effects  of  great  cold. 

[     164     ] 


1912.]  MAN.  [Nos.  90-91 

5.  That  it   was  a  race    suffering  from  a   modified  attack  of   a  disease,   allied   to 

acrornegaly,  due  to  over-activity  of  the  pituitary  gland,  and  that  this  activity 
might  have  been  stimulated  by  heat. 

6.  That  it,  like  the  rest  of  mankind,  showed  no  sign  of  being  derived  from  either 

a  gorilla-like  or  an  oraug-like  ancestor. 

7.  That  it  was  derived  from  a  gorilla-like,   while  some  other   races  of    mankind 

were  derived  from  an  orang-like  ancestor. 

We  are  also  at  liberty,  of  course,  to  work  out  any  combinations  of  these  various 
hypotheses  as  long  as  they  are  not  mutually  destructive. 

The  activity  of  the  last  ten  years  in  discovering  fresh  evidence  of  prehistoric  man 
is  well  described  as  far  as  a  small  manual  will  allow,  and  the  author  thinks  that  the 
future  has  much  more  in  store  for  us. 

A  study  of  this  book  will,  we  think,  convince  most  people  that  our  leaders  have 
generalised  rather  more  freely  than  the  facts  warrant,  and  that,  for  a  time,  we  should 
do  well  to  search  for  and  record  carefully  fresh  details  and  realise  that  at  present  we 
know  hardly  anything  of  the  story  of  prehistoric  man.  F.  G.  PARSONS. 


PROCEEDINGS    OF    SOCIETIES. 
Anthropology.  British  Association. 

Anthropology  at  the  British  Association  for  the  Advancement  of  Science,  A4 
Dundee  Meeting,  September  kth  to  llth,  1912.  Report  of  Proceedings  in  Ul 
Section  H.  (Anthropology}, 

The  Anthropological  Section  met  under  the  presidency  of  Professor  G.  Elliot 
Smith,  F.R.S.,  who  in  his  presidential  address  dealt  with  the  development  of  the 
brain  with  special  reference  to  the  Anthropoid  Apes  and  Man.  The  address  is  published 
in  full  in  Nature,  Vol.  XC.,  p.  118. 

PHYSICAL    ANTHROPOLOGY. 

PROFESSOR  R.  ANTHONY. —  The  Brain  of  the  La,  Quina  Fossil  Man. — The  brain 
of  the  fossil  man  from  La  Quina,  whose  remains  were  discovered  by  Dr.  Henri  Martin 
on  September  18th,  1911,  closely  resembles  those  of  Neanderthal,  Gibraltar,  and  La 
Chapelle  aux  Saints.  The  measurements  furnished  figures  practically  identical  with 
those  obtained  from  the  Chapelle  brain.  The  frontal  lobe  in  particular  presents  in 
relation  to  the  other  lobes  a  development  intermediate  to  that  found  among  the  anthro- 
poid apes  (simiidas)  on  the  one  hand  and  modern  men  on  the  other  (frontal  index  ; 
simiidffi  =  32-20  ;  La  Quina  =  35'70  ;  La  Chapelle  =  35-75.  Modern  men  =  43-30). 
The  neopallial  topography  appears  to  have  been  equally  similar  to  that  of  the  man 
of  La  Chapelle.  The  brains  of  the  fossil  human  beings  of  La  Quina  and  La  Chapelle 
appear  to  come  nearer  to  the  brains  of  the  anthropoid  apes  than  any  other  known 
human  brains. 

PROFESSOR  ARTHUR  KEITH. —  The  Brain  of  Gibraltar  Man. 

PROFESSOR  R.  ANTHONY  and  DR.  A.  S.  DE  SANTA  MARIA. —  The  Suprasylvian 
Operculum  in  the  Brains  of  Primates,  ivith  Special  Reference  to  its  Condition  in 
Man. — The  suprasylvian  operculum  of  the  primates  is  essentially  a  part  of  the 
cortical  territory  which  we  have  called  "  peripheral."  From  the  morphological  point  of 
view  it  can  be  considered  as  the  result  of  an  expansion  of  the  cortex  at  the  place 
where  the  change  of  thickness  in  the  wall  of  the  cerebral  hemisphere  occurs  us  the 
result  of  the  presence  of  the  central  grey  nuclei  (corpus  striatuni). 

Consisting  in  the  human  brain  of  arcuate  convolutions,  each  possessing  an  axial 
sulcus  and  separated  the  one  from  the  other  by  more  or  less  definite  incisions,  it  presents 

I  165  1 


No.  91.]  MAN.  [1912. 

for  our  consideration  the  following  essential  parts,  some  of  which  do  not  exist  at  all 
and  others  are  merely  outlined  in  the  other  primates  : — 

1.  Suprasylvian   Operculum. — Present  iu  all  primates  with  definitely  convoluted 
brains   with  the  solitary  exception  of  Chiromys.      It  is  due   to  an    expansion  of  the 
cortex  situated  above  the  suprasylvian  sulcus  which  made  its  appearance  long  before 
any  opercular  formation  began. 

2.  Opercula  of  the  gyrus  reuniens. — The  gyrus  reuniens  in  the  Lemurs,  as  it  is 
iu  the  Dog  family,  is  altogether  superficial.     In  the  anthropoid  apes  its  posterior  part 
(the  middle  insula  of  Holl)  alone  is  operculated.     In  man  only  is  its  anterior  part  (the 
anterior  insula  of  Marchand)  operculated,  although  in  certain  very  precious  individual 
specimens  of  gorilla  and  chimpanzee  brains  we  have  been  able  to  find  the  commencement 
of  similar  operculation. 

3.  Holoperipheral  Operculum. — Situated  altogether  behind,  this  operculum  repre- 
sents the  operculation  of  a  part  of  the  peripheral  territory  itself. 

PROFESSOR  R.  ANTHONY  and  PROFESSOR  G.  ELLIOT  SMITH,  F.R.S. — Discussion 
on  Paleolithic  Man. — This  discussion  afforded  Professor  Anthony  an  opportunity  of 
laying  before  the  Section  a  further  account  of  his  researches  on  the  development  of 
the  brain  as  exemplified  by  the  earliest  human  remains. 

W.  L.  H.  DUCKWORTH,  M.D.,  Sc.D. — Description  of  a  Human  Jaw  of  Palceolithic 
Antiquity  from  Kent's  Cavern,  Torquay. — The  third  report  of  the  Committee 
appointed  to  supervise  the  exploration  of  Kent's  Cavern,  Torquay,  presented  to  the 
Association  at  the  Dundee  meeting  in  1867,  announced  the  discovery  (on  January  3rd, 
1867)  of  a  fragmentary  human  upper  jaw,  embedded  in  the  granular  stalagmite  floor, 
20  inches  thick.  Its  associations  indicated  an  antiquity  corresponding  to  that  of  the 
extinct  cave  animals.  The  fragment  includes  the  alveolar  margin  and  palatine  process 
as  well  as  the  four  teeth — the  first  premolar  and  the  three  molar  (of  the  right  side). 

In  regard  to  the  transverse  width  at  the  level  of  the  premolar  teeth  and  the 
dimensions  of  the  molar  crowns,  the  Kent's  Cavern  specimen  comes  fairly  into  line 
with  the  human  jaws  and  teeth  to  which  palaeolithic  antiquity  is  definitely  assigned. 
The  resemblances  to  the  fragmentary  upper  jaw  of  the  Spy  specimen  (No.  1)  are  the 
closest.  But  the  Kent's  Cavern  teeth  have  distinctly  larger  crowns  than  the  Spy 
teeth.  The  curious  fusion  of  the  molar  roots,  which  characterises  the  molar  teeth 
from  Jersey  (St.  Brelade's  Bay),  and  also  from  Krapina,  is  not  present.  Neither  is 
it  found  in  the  teeth  of  the  jaw  from  Spy.  \_Proc.  Nat.  Hist.  Soc.,  Torquay."] 

PROFESSOR  A.  KEITH  and  DR.  E.  EWART. — An  Account  of  the  Discovery  of 
Human  Skeletons  in  a  raised  beach  near  Gullane.  —  The  skeletal  remains  in  the 
earliest  strata  were  associated  with  neolithic  implements  of  an  early  type,  and  in  the 
discussion  which  followed  the  paper,  Professor  Bryce  expressed  the  belief  that  they 
represented  an  earlier  type  than  any  yet  found  in  Scotland,  antedating  the  human 
remains  found  in  cairns. 

PROFESSOR  G.  ELLIOT  SMITH,  M.A.,  M.D.,  F.R.S. —  On  the  Physical  Characters 
of  the  Human  Remains  found  by  Mr.  Quibell  in  Mastabas  of  the  Ilnd  and  Illrd 
Dynasties  at  Sakhara. — The  problem  that  specially  called  for  solution  in  the  exami- 
nation of  this  series  of  skulls  was  whether  there  was  any  evidence  of  foreign  admixture 
in  the  population  of  the  Ilnd  and  Illrd  Dynastic  period  in  Lower  Egypt,  such  as  is 
known  to  have  occurred  by  the  time  of  the  IVth  Dynasty.  The  people  buried  in 
these  earliest  Sakkara  mastabas  showed  numerous  unmistakable  alien  traits  ;  but  at 
the  same  time  they  exhibit  such  a  series  of  gradations,  passing  into  the  commoner 
type  of  Egyptian,  as  to  raise  for  discussion  the  interesting  problem  whether  real 
blending  of  characters  occurs  in  human  mixtures  ? 

Report  of  the   Committee  on  the  Physical  Characters  of  the  Ancient  Egyptians. 

FREDERIC  WOOD-JONES,  D.Sc.,  M.B.  —  Nubas  Ancient  and  Modern.  —  The 

[166  ] 


1912.]  MAN.  [No,  91. 

archa'ological  survey  of  Nubia  has  yielded  an  enormous  amount  of  material  for  the 
anthropological  study  of  the  inhabitants  of  Nubia  and  of  the  race-movements  from 
)>K  -dynastic  times  until  the  Christian  period.  As  breaks  in  this  connected  story  we 
ha\e  sonic  groups  of  burials  which  do  not  find  a  natural  place  in  the  sequence  of 
types.  One  such  group  was  designated  the  "X  group."  These  "X  group"  people 
are  dated  to  200-500  A.D.  ;  they  did  not  adopt  the  characteristic  Christian  type  of 
burial,  hut  were  interred  in  "side-chamber"  graves;  and  their  pottery  forms  were 
for  the  most  part  foreign  to  the  culture  of  the  surrounding  peoples.  Since  the  first 
annual  report  of  the  survey  AVHS  published  (1907-8)  a  good  series  of  intact  bodies  has 
been  found  in  the  later  field  work  of  the  expedition  ;  and  Captain  R.  G.  Anderson, 
of  the  Egyptian  Medical  Corps,  has  discovered  beyond  the  southern  confines  of  Nubia 
graves  of  true  •'  X  group"  types  containing  bodies  showing  mutilations  and  physical 
characters  similar  to  those  of  the  "  X  group  "  people.  Further,  recent  skulls  have 
been  obtained  both  by  Captain  Anderson  and  by  Dr.  Seligmann  which  throw  a  great 
deal  of  new  light  upon  the  racial  affinities  of  these  intruders  in  early  Christian  times 
in  Nubia. 

FREDERIC  WOOD-JONES,  D.Sc.,  M.B. —  The  Lesions  caused  by  Judicial  Hanging  : 
An  Anthropological  Study. — During  the  first  season's  field  work  of  the  Egyptian 
Government  Survey  of  Nnbia  there  was  unearthed  a  series  of  bodies,  showing  the- 
effects  of  various  forms  of  violent  death.  Their  place  of  burial  was  within  the  walls 
of  what  had  been  a  Roman  frontier  fort,  and  there  was  every  indication  that  they 
had  been  executed  in  Roman  times.  One  man  actually  had  the  hangman's  rope  in 
situ  round  his  neck,  and  a  very  large  number  showed  a  curious  lesion  of  the  base  of 
the  skull,  which  was  diagnosed  as  being  caused  by  hanging.  However,  when  skulls 
of  criminals  were  examined  in  museums  it  was  found  that  this  lesion  did  not  exist  in 
men  known  to  have  been  "  hanged." 

Methods  of  hanging  have  changed  from  time  to  time,  and  the  lesions  produced 
have  been  studied  by  many  people  ;  but  there  is  still  a  great  want  of  agreement  in 
the  ideas  as  to  the  actual  injury  inflicted. 

In  the  history  of  English  judicial  hanging  the  variation  in  method  easily  accounts 
for  the  variety  of  lesions  which  have  been  found  and  claimed  as  the  cause  of  death, 
and  the  absence  of  lesion  in  many  museum  specimens. 

DOUGLAS  E.  DERRY,  M.B.,  Cn.B. — An  Egyptian  Macroccphalic  Skull,  with 
the  Bones  of  the  Skeleton. — A  skeleton  illustrating  the  above  condition  was  found  at 
Shurafa,  near  Heluan,  on  the  east  bank  of  the  Nile. 

W.  L.  H.  DUCKWORTH,  M.D.,  Sc.D. — Contributions  to  Sudanese  Anthropometry. — 
The  measurements  and  other  observations  were  made  by  Oliver  Atkey,  Esq.,  F.R.C.S., 
medical  inspector  for  the  Dongola  Province,  Anglo-Egyptian  Sudan  ;  136  men  were 
observed  grouped  as  follows  : — 

Group.  Group. 

A.  Jemeni  -  -     Thirty  men.  D.  Kababish  -     Ten  men. 

B.  Amarcr  -     Sixty  men.  E.   Somali   -  -     Three  men. 

C.  Hadcndoira        -     Twelve  men.  F.  Miscellaneous     -     Twenty-one  men. 
The    two    groups,  Jemeni    and  Arnarer,  selected    for    comparison,  confront    each 

other    on    opposite    shores    of  the  Red    Sea  in  its  more  southern  part.     Five  of  the 

measurements  are  tabulated  as  follows  : — 

Character.  Jemeni.  Amarer. 

1.  Stature  -     1650  1710 

2.  Nasal  index  -  -         69  73 

3.  Cephalic  index  77'47  76'89 

4.  Upper  facial  index  -  52'3  52'3 

5.  Interocular  width  -  -       106  106 


No.  91.]  MAN.  [1912. 

The  examination  of  two  characters,  viz.,  stature  and  cephalic  index,  shows  that 
the  differences  observed  are  such  as  suggest  an  approach  of  the  Amarer  men  to  a 
type  which  may  be  described  as  "  Nilotic." 

An  examination  of  the  descriptive  characters  leads  to  the  statements  following  : — 

Character.  Jemeni.  Amarer. 

6.  Eye   colour. — Position  of  the  mean  value  in  the  scale  of  eye 

colours  as  measured  the  lightest  up  to  the  darkest  (100)  -         55  60 

7.  Skin  colour  (of  unexposed  skin). — Position  of  the  mean  value 

in  the  scale  of  skin  colours  as  measured  from  the  lightest  to 

the  darkest  (100)  18'45  47'75 

8.  Hair    of    head. — Position    in    the    scale,    measured    from     the 

straightest  to  the  most  closely  curled  (100)  49'3  70' 13 

In  two  characters  (6  and  7),  the  Amarer  stand  nearer  the  more  deeply  pigmented 
end  of  the  scale.  In  the  third  character  (8),  they  show  a  markedly  greater  tendency 
to  a  frizzly  type  of  hair  on  the  head.  The  inference  drawn  above  from  the  stature 
and  the  nasal  index  is  confirmed  hereby. 

9.  The  individual  cephalic  indices  show  a  distinction  between  the  two  groups 
not  indicated  by  the  mean  cephalic  index. 

Out  of  the  thirty  Jemerii,  no  less  than  ten  have  a  cephalic  index  of  eighty  or 
upwards,  and  one  individual  provides  an  index  of  eighty-seven. 

The  proportion  of  brachy cephalic  heads  among  the  Amarer  is  just  half  of  its 
value  among  the  Jemeni,  for  out  of  sixty  Amarer  men  again  ten  provide  an  index  of 
eighty  or  upwards.  Moreover,  the  highest  individual  value  is  eighty-five,  though 
there  are  two  instances  of  eighty-four. 

L.  F.  TAYLOR,  B.A. — An  Account  of  some  Bontoc  Igorots. — Measurements  of 
fifty-four  Bontoc  Igorots  exhibited  at  Earl's  Court  were  made  by  the  author  with 
assistance  from  Dr.  Duckworth. 

The  Igorots  of  Bontoc  are  supposed  to  represent  a  comparatively  unmixed 
subdivision  Indonesian  stock. 

The  men  are  short  (the  mean  stature  being  only  155  cm.),  but  of  almost  ideal 
muscular  development.  The  skin  is  of  a  dark  bronze-brown  shade  ;  the  hair  is  black, 
or  of  the  darkest  brown  ;  while  plentiful  and  coarse  on  the  scalp,  it  is  scanty  else- 
Avliere,  The  women  are  much  shorter  than  the  men,  and  in  appearance  recall  the 
Chinese  or  Indo-Chinese.  The  measurements  provide  indications  of  two  groups.  One 
suggests  the  Indonesians  of  Borneo  and  the  allied  types  of  Assam,  while  the  other 
is  Indo-Chinese. 

ETHNOGRAPHY  AND  ETHNOLOGY. 

DR.  GEORGE  BRYCE. — The  Establishment  and  First  Year-and-a-half  s  Work  of  the 
Anthropological  Division  of  the  Geological  Survey  of  Canada. — The  Anthropological 
Division  of  the  Geological  Survey  was  organised  on  September  Jst,  1910,  under  the 
direction  of  a  regularly  appointed  Government  staff  consisting  of  Dr.  E.  Sapir,  Mr. 
C.  M.  Barbeau,  and  Mr.  Harlan  I.  Smith.  The  department  was  divided  into  three 
branches  ;  ethnology  and  philology,  archaeology,  and  physical  anthropology.  As  a  rule 
the  special  expeditions  and  local  surveys  have  been  entrusted  to  paid  agents  not  on 
the  permanent  staff. 

The  following  is  a  brief  sketch  of  the   work  which  has  already  been  done  : — 

Dr.  Sapir  has    been  engaged    in    the  investigation  of    the  Nootka  of  Vancouver 

Island,  and  in  a  number  of  preliminary  surveys  of  the  Indians  of  Ontario  and  Quebec. 

Mr.  Barbeau  was  sent  to  work  among  the  Hurons  and  Wyandots.     Mr.  H.  I.  Smith 

has  been  assisted  in  the  collection  and  arrangement  of  specimens  from  British  Columbia 

[     168    ] 


1912.]  MAN.  [No.  91. 

bv   Dr.   \Viiiteiiibcrg.     Mr.  V.  Stefanssou  is  engaged  in  Arctic  exploration.     In  1910 
be  discovered  a  hitherto  undescribed  people  near  Cape  Bixley. 

Collections  of  folklore  and  legends  of  the  Micmacs  of  eastern  Canada  have  been 
made  by  Dr.  C.  MacMillan.  Dr.  A.  Goldenweiser  spent  two  mouths  on  the  Iroquois 
Reserve  at  Tuscarora,  Brant  Co.,  Ontario.  Mr.  F.  W.  Waugh  and  Mr.  F.  II.  S. 
Knowles  are  also  working  among  the  Iroquois  oil  the  Six  Nations  Reserve  near 
Brantwood.  Linguistic  work  among  the  Ojibway  is  being  carried  on  by  Dr.  P.  Radin. 
Dr.  W.  H.  Mechlin  has  obtained  much  valuable  information  as  to  the  sociology, 
religion,  and  linguistics  of  the  Malecite  and  Micmac  tribes  of  New  Brunswick  and 
Quebec.  Mr.  J.  A.  Teit  will  begin  work  on  the  distribution  and  classification  of 
the  Athabascan  tribes  during  the  coming  year.  It  is  hoped  that  at  the  end  of  another 
year,  when  the  arrangement  of  the  collections  already  made  has  been  completed, 
Canada  will  be  fully  in  line  with  other  countries. 

P.  AMAURY  TALBOT,  B.A. —  Tribes  of  the   West  and  Central  Sudan. 
C.  S.  MYERS,  M.A.,  M.D. — Sarawak  Music. 

DR.  ALES  HRDLICKA. — Note  on  the  Living  Representatives  of  the  Old  North- 
eastern Asiatic  Races  which  gave  America  its  Indians. 

W.  H.  R.  RIVERS,  M.D.,  F.R.S. — "  Conventionalisation  "  in  Primitive  Art. — In 
Polynesia  and  Melanesia  the  general  direction  of  change  in  art  motives  is  from 
naturalistic  representations  to  geometrical  patterns.  Nevertheless,  the  various  psycho- 
logical factors  implied  by  the  term  "  conventionalisation "  do  not  furnish  a  complete 
explanation  of  this.  They  cannot  account  for  the  coming  into  being  of  definite 
geometrical  patterns,  sometimes  even  more  complicated  than  the  objects  from  which 
they  have  been  derived.  They  are  insufficient  to  explain  why  the  human  figure 
should  become  in  one  place  a  lozenge  and  in  another  a  set  of  concentric  circles  or 
even  a  spiral.  In  many  cases  at  least  the  motive  must  be  sought  in  the  interaction 
of  peoples  possessing  different  forms  of  artistic  expression. 

Thus,  the  art  of  the  Banks  Islands  in  Melanesia  is  most  naturally  to  be  explained 
as  the  result  of  the  interaction  between  two  peoples  ;  one  coming  from  elsewhere  whose 
art  was  devoted  to  the  expression  of  human  and  animal  forms  ;  the  other  an  aboriginal 
population,  whose  designs  consisted  chiefly  of  simple  rectilinear  patterns.  The  transi- 
tion from  the  representation  of  a  man  to  such  a  figure  as  the  lozenge  is  to  be  explained 
by  the  greater  persistence  of  the  aboriginal  form  of  expression  as  the  art  introduced  by 
the  immigrants  was  transmitted  from  person  to  person,  and  from  generation  to  genera- 
tion. Similarly,  the  transition  from  the  frigate-bird  to  the  scroll  pattern  of  the  Massim 
is  to  be  explained  by  the  mixture  of  a  people  to  whom  the  frigate-bird  was  a  pre- 
dominant object  of  interest  with  one  whose  geometrical  art  had  taken  the  spiral  and 
other  curvilinear  forms. 

W.  H.  R.  RIVERS,  M.D.,  F.R.S. —  The  Disappearance  of  Useful  Arts. — In 
many  parts  of  Oceania  there  is  evidence  that  objects  so  useful  as  the  canoe,  pottery, 
and  the  bow  and  arrow  have  once  been  present  in  places  where  they  are  now 
unknown  or  exist  only  in  degenerate  form.  It  is  often  impossible  to  find  adequate 
motives  for  this  loss  in  such  obvious  factors  as  lack  of  raw  material  or  unsuitability 
to  a  new  environment.  Social  factors  not  at  once  obvious  and  even  magical  or 
religious  beliefs  and  practices  have  to  be  brought  in  to  explain  the  loss.  The 
limitation  of  the  manufacture  of  useful  objects  to  small  bodies  of  craftsmen  liable  to 
be  destroyed  through  disease  or  war  has  probably  been  an  important  factor,  but  this 
alone  would  not  have  been  sufficient  if  the  religious  character  of  the  craft  had  not 
prevented  other  members  of  the  community  from  following  it  when  the  craftsmen 
disappeared. 

[     169    ] 


No.  91.]  MAN.  [1912. 

Some  of  the  widely  accepted  theories  of  anthropology  depend  on  the  assumption 
that  useful  arts  would  never  be  allowed  to  lapse.  This  assumption,  which  rests  on 
the  application  of  our  utilitarian  standards  of  conduct  to  cultures  widely  different 
from  our  own,  has  been  shown  to  be  without  justification.  If  islanders  can  lose  the 
canoe,  of  what  elements  of  culture  can  we  say  that  they  could  never  be  lost  ? 

B.  LINDSAY. —  On  a  Totem  Pole  from  the  Queen  Charlotte  Islands. — The  pole 
is  a  small  one  carved  in  stone,  the  material  being  a  hard  black  shale.  The  back  of 
the  pole  is  slightly  hollowed.  Five  sculptured  figures  of  beautiful  workmanship  repre- 
sent the  Bear  Totem  ;  the  Raven  Totem,  a  frog-like  animal,  with  a  curious  tail  marked 
with  diagonal  lines,  perhaps  representing  scales ;  a  human  with  no  legs,  but  two 
paw-like  hands  squeezed  under  the  chin  ;  and  the  Beaver  Totem.  The  measurements 
are  approximately  as  follows  : — Height  17^  inches  ;  width  at  base,  3  inches,  at  top 
2  inches  ;  projection,  of  lowest  figure  3  inches,  of  top  figure  nearly  2  inches. 

Discussion  on  Scottish  Folklore. 

(a)  W.  CROOKE,  B.A. —  The  Study  of  Customs  connected  with  the  Calendar  in 
Scotland. — Attention  was  called  to  the  importance  of  the  study  of  calendar  customs 
in  Scotland,  many  of  which  seem  to  be  survivals  of  the  primitive  method  of  reckon- 
ing time  by  seasons,  not  by  solar  or.  lunar  changes.  It  is  suggested  that  traces  of  this 
primitive  mode  of  reckoning  may  be  found  in  the  dates  of  hiring  fairs  for  domestic 
and  agricultural  servants. 

(6)  E.  S.  HARTLAND. — Folklore  as  an  Element  of  History. — The  formal  history, 
whether  of  a  country  at  large  or  of  a  county,  tells  us  little  or  nothing  of  the  life  of 
the  bulk  of  the  people.  Folklore,  on  the  other  hand,  investigates  the  sayings  and 
doings  of  the  people  as  distinguished  from  the  ruling  classes.  The  north-eastern 
countries  of  Scotland  were  for  ages  the  battle-ground  of  races  whose  descendants 
form  the  present  population.  A  collection  of  its  folklore  should  therefore  present 
many  interesting  features  having  an  important  bearing  on  the  history  of  the  country. 

(c)  CANON  J.  A.  MACCULLOCH,  D.D. — Fairy  and  other  Folk-beliefs  in  the 
Highlands  and  Lowlands. — There  is  great  ultimate  similarity  of  folklore  everywhere. 
Examples  of  this  from  Scotland  are  :  —  (a)  Charms  (Highland,  Etruscan,  Babylonian)  ; 
(V)  water  monsters  (Highland,  Lowland,  Teutonic,  Australian)  ;  (c)  beliefs  of  fisher- 
folk  (Hebrides,  east  coast  of  Scotland). 

Any  attempt  to  prove  particular  ethnic  influences  is  a  matter  of  difficulty, 
especially  in  Scotland,  yet  there  is  a  possibility  of  arriving  at  some  definite  results 
by  a  careful  comparison  of  folk-beliefs  with  earlier  race  traditions,  and  older  Pagan 
beliefs  where  these  are  available,  and  with  the  characteristics  of  the  folk  themselves. 
Illustrations  of  this  may  be  drawn  from  the  fairy-belief  as  found  in  three  districts 
of  Scotland — the  West  Highlands,  the  Lowlands,  and  the  northern  districts  and 
islands,  representing  respectively  and  in  the  main  Celtic,  Teutonic,  and  Scandinavian 
cultures  : — 

1.  Highland   Fairies. — Connection  with  Irish    fairies    and  with  earlier  divinities  ; 

the  Tuatha  De  Danaan  ;  greater  romanticism  and  imagination. 

2.  Lowland     Fairies.  —  Homely,    rough,    boisterous     humour ;     connection    with 

Teutonic  elves. 

3.  Northern. — Names  and  certain  characteristics  show  connection  with  the  fairy- 

folk  of  Scandinavia. 

While  in  both  Highland  and  Lowland  groups  there  is  a  similarity  of  occupation 
ascribed  to  fairies.  In  the  Highlands  the  belief  is  much  more  animistic  than  in  the 
Lowlands.  In  the  Lowlands  the  belief  is  mixed  up  with  witchcraft.  Greater  vitality 
and  complexity  of  folk-belief  is  shown  in  the  Highland  regions  than  in  the  Lowlands. 

[    170    ] 


1912.]  MAN.  [No.  91. 

As  examples  of  beliefs  still  active  there  may  be  cited  : — The  evil  eye,  second  sight, 
and  shape-shifting. 

(rf)  J.  W.  BUODIE-INNES. — Ethnological  Traces  in  Scottish  Folklore. — Of  the 
original  inhabitants  of  Scotland  before  the  first  coming  of  the  Celts  practically  nothing 
is  known.  Picts,  Fomors,  Cave  men,  River  drift  men,  all  is  obscure.  It  may  be 
possible  to  analyse  the  blend  of  the  old  Celtic  folk-tales,  which  are  much  the  same 
in  Ireland  and  in  the  Western  Hebrides.  On  to  these  was  grafted  the  Scandinavian 
cycle  of  legends  brought  by  the  Norse  invaders  and  conquerors.  These  may  be  some- 
times distinguished  by  comparing  the  folk-tales  of  the  west  of  Ireland  with  the  same 
stories  as  told  in  the  Highlands.  Both  are  to  be  met  in  the  Isle  of  Skye,  and  some- 
times a  blend  of  the  two.  Extraneous  stories  sometimes  crop  up  in  a  Celtic  dress, 
as  that  of  the  fairy  flag  of  Dunvegan.  Akin  to  this  part  of  the  subject  are  the 
folk-music  and  also  the  folk-dances.  There  seems  little  doubt  that  the  reel  was 
originally  a  war-dance,  the  Skye  eightsome  a  religions  dance  ;  and  both  have  Eastern 
analogies. 

The  Saxon  or  Teutonic  colonists,  usually  called  Lowland  Scots,  have  an  entirely 
different  group  and  character  of  folk-tales.  Here  we  find  mostly  stories  of  ghosts 
and  hauntings.  Also  here  we  get  the  witch  legends  and  compacts  with  the  Devil. 
These  are  very  little  to  be  met  with  among  the  Celts  of  the  west.  A  witch  there 
is  a  creature  of  the  mist,  but  among  the  Lowland  Scots  a  witch  is  a  perfectly  human 
woman  who  has  made  a  compact  with  the  Devil. 

DAVID  MACRITCHIE. — Notes  on  the  Magic  Drum  of  the  Northern  Races. — In 
the  shamanistic  ceremonies  of  the  races  occupying  the  northern  parts  of  the  Eurasian 
continent  and  of  the  Japan  Islands  the  sacred  drum  has  long  been  used  as  a  medium 
enabling  the  priest  to  place  himself  en  rapport  with  the  spirit  world,  to  divine  the 
future,  and  to  ascertain  synchronous  events  occurring  in  foreign  countries.  He  can 
forecast  the  success  of  the  day's  hunting  or  other  business,  heal  the  sick,  afflict 
healthy  people  with  disease,  and  cause  death.  The  magic  drum  of  the  Samoyeds  is 
still  in  use.  The  North  American  and  Greenland  Eskimos  give  a  prominent  place  to 
the  drum,  but  it  seems  to  be  chiefly  used  by  them  as  a  musical  instrument. 

ARCHAEOLOGY. 

PROFESSOR  W.  M.  FLINDERS  PETRIE,  D.C.L.,  F.R.S.  —  An  Early  Dynastic 
Cemetery  in  Egypt. — An  extensive  cemetery,  known  as  Tarkhan,  from  the  name  of  the 
adjacent  village,  was  found  by  the  British  School  only  thirty-five  miles  south  of  Cairo, 
dating  from  the  earliest  historic  age  down  to  the  pyramid  period  during  the  five 
dynasties  O  to  IV,  which  will  be  one  of  the  standard  sources  for  our  knowledge  of  the 
early  historic  civilisation.  The  precise  period  was  ascertained  by  a  tomb  with  pottery 
of  a  pre-Menite  king  and  another  very  large  tomb  with  pottery  of  Narmer-Mena.  The 
town  to  which  the  cemetery  belonged  appears  to  have  been  started  as  the  northern 
capital  of  the  dynastic  race  before  Memphis,  and  gradually  fell  out  of  use  under  the 
early  Pyramid  kings. 

The  special  feature  of  the  cemetery  is  the  extraordinary  preservation  of  both 
woodwork  and  clothing.  \_British  School  of  Archceology  in  Egypt.~\ 

J.  E.  QUIBELL. — Recent  Excavations  at  Sakkara,  with  Special  Reference  to  the 
tomb  of  Hesy. — About  400  tombs  of  the  Hnd  and  Illrd  Dynasties  have  been  examined 
during  the  last  two  winters.  They  are  mastabas  of  crude  brick,  with  stairway  shafts,  of 
small  burial  chambers  in  which  the  body  lay  in  a  contracted  position.  In  one  only, 
that  of  Hesy,  were  paintings  found.  The  wooden  panels  of  Hesy  were  placed  in  the 
Boulac  Museum  by  Mariette  more  than  forty  years  ago,  but  no  description  of  the  tomb 
was  published  and  its  site  has  been  lost.  This  year  it  was  refound,  and  an  hitherto 

[     171     ] 


No.  91.]  MAN.  [1912. 

unobserved  wall  forming  a  part  of  it  has  been  disclosed.  The  wall  is  covered  with 
paintings  of  a  markedly  different  design  from  any  hitherto  known.  The  deceased 
is  represented  seated  under  a  tent,  while  before  him  on  a  large  mat  are  laid  trays 
of  wood  containing  his  funeral  furniture.  There  are  in  this  scene  no  hieroglyphs, 
no  human  figures,  nothing  resembling  the  other  old  kingdom  tombs.  A  clay  sealing 
dates  the  monument  to  the  reign  of  Neter-Kha,  the  builder  of  the  Step  Pyramid 
(Illrd  Dynasty). 

PROFESSOR  G.  ELLIOT  SMITH,  M.A.,  M.D.,  F.R.S. —  The  Earliest  Evidence  of 
Attempts  at  Mummification  in  Egypt. — Previously  the  earliest  evidence  of  mummifi- 
cation in  Egypt  that  I  was  prepared  to  admit  was  the  mummy  of  Ra-nefer,  said  to 
belong  to  the  beginning  of  the  IVth  Dynasty,  although  I  believe  there  are  reasons  for 
thinking  it  may  belong  to  the  Vth  Dynasty,  in  the  burial  chambers  of  one  of  the 
mastabas  at  Sakkara  belonging  to  the  end  of  the  Ilnd  and  the  beginning  of  the 
Illrd  Dynasties  was  found  by  Mr.  Quibell  the  skeleton  of  a  woman  completely  invested 
in  a  large  series  of  bandages — broad  sheets  of  linen  rather  than  the  usual  narrow 
bandages.  The  body  was  flexed  as  was  usual  at  this  period.  In  the  wide  interval 
between  the  bandages  and  the  bones  there  was  a  large  mass  of  extremely  corroded  linen, 
whereas  the  intermediate  and  superficial  layers  of  cloth  were  quite  well  preserved  and 
free  from  corrosion.  The  corrosion  is  presumptive  evidence  that  some  material  (pro- 
bably crude  natron)  was  applied  to  the  surface  of  the  body  with  a  view  to  its 
preservation.  If  so,  this  is  the  earliest  body  with  unequivocal  evidence  of  an  attempt 
artificially  to  preserve  or  prevent  decomposition  in  the  soft  tissues. 

HENRY  S.  WELLCOME. — Remains  of  Primitive  Ethiopian  Races  discovered  in 
Southern  Sudan. — In  1910  after  extended  exploration  I  discovered  the  site  of  an 
ancient  settlement  at  Grebel  Moya,  Sennar  Province.  The  site  is  located  in  a  basin 
of  about  200,000  square  metres,  high  up  in  the  hills,  within  a  natural  fortress  of  great 
strength.  In  the  course  of  the  excavations  many  objects  were  discovered,  including 
an  extensive  series  of  stone  implements ;  pottery  in  great  variety,  potters'  implements, 
and  a  variety  of  pigments ;  rock  pictographs ;  numerous  figurines  of  clay  representing 
human  and  animal  forms ;  an  extensive  variety  of  beads,  amulets,  and  other  ornaments ; 
lip,  ear,  and  other  ornaments  in  infinite  variety  ;  remains  of  workshops,  containing 
various  implements,  beads,  and  other  ornaments  in  all  stages  of  manufacture  ;  scarabs 
and  small  plaques  bearing  Ethiopian  cartouches  ranging  from  about  700  B.C.  ; 
numerous  Ethiopian  and  Egyptian  objects  still  under  investigation.  During  the 
second  season  two  cemeteries  were  excavated  and  a  large  number  of  graves  'opened, 
human  remains  being  found  in  various  postures,  and  many  objects  of  interest  obtained 
in  situ.  Also  animal  burials,  including  cows.  No  objects  from  this  site  have  been 
identified  as  of  a  date  later  than  the  Ptolemaic  period.  Thus  far  everything  of  a 
datable  nature  has  been  found  within  50  centimetres  of  the  surface. 

DOUGLAS  E.  DERRY,  M.B.,  Ch.B. — Red  Colouration  on  Ancient  Bones  from 
Nubia. — Dr.  F.  Wood  Jones  and  Mr.  A.  M.  Blackman  while  attached  to  the  Archaso- 
logical  Survey  of  Nubia  found  bodies  upon  whose  bones  a  red  pigment  was  deposited. 
In  some  cases  the  remains  of  a  body-wrapping  which  had  been  impregnated  with  a 
red  pigment  were  found.  In  the  following  year  I  found  in  a  grave  of  the  Middle 
Nubian  period,  circa  2000  B.C.,  a  body  of  which  the  bones  were  coloured  a  deep 
brick-red.  The  colour  was  evidently  derived  from  a  garment  placed  round  the  body 
after  it  had  been  flexed  for  burial.  Professor  Elliot  Smith  has  pointed  out  that 
during  the  XXIst  Dynasty  in  Egypt  mummies  were  painted  with  a  mixture  of  red 
ochre  and  gum. 

Thus  all  Egyptian  and  Nubian  cases  afford  no  evidence  that  red  staining  of  bones 
points  to  mutilation  before  burial,  but  prove  that  ochre  was  used  as  a  pigment  to 
colour  grave-clothes  or  the  matting  in  which  the  bodies  were  wrapped. 

[     172    J 


1912.]  MAN.  [No.  91. 

PROFESSOR  G.  ELLIOT  SMITH. —  Professor  Reis»cr's  Excavations  in  Egypt  on 
behalf  of  the  Boston  Museum  and  Harvard  Uirircrsiti/. 

MR.  F.  F.  OGILVY. —  The  Temple  of  Philce  and  the  Archaeological  Survey  of 
Nubia. 

MR.  ROBERT  MOXD. — Coloured  Photographs  of  Theban    Tombs. 

A.  J.  B.  WACE,  M.A.,  and  M.  S.  THOMPSON,  M.A.— Excavations  at  Halos  in 
Achaea  Phthiotis. — Excavations  were  carried  on  just  outside  the  city  wall,  where  a 
group  of  tombs  was  discovered,  and  at  a  tumulus  about  fifteen  minutes  away.  The 
tombs  close  to  the  wall  were  with  one  exception,  which  was  circular  in  plan,  all 
rectangular  cist  tombs  built  of  slabs.  The  vases  found  in  them  all  belong  to  an 
early  phase  of  the  "  geometric "  style  in  which  the  designs,  though  geometric,  recall 
the  decoration  of  the  preceding  period.  The  only  metal  object  found  was  a  bronze 
pin  with  twisted  top. 

The  tumulus,  one  of  a  group,  was  composed  of  large  river-worn  stones  with  only 
a  small  admixture  of  soil,  and  concealed  sixteen  separate  pyres,  each  covered  by  a 
cairn  of  larger  stones.  Beneath  these  were  a  heap  of  pottery,  fragments  of  bone, 
iron  weapons,  or  bronze  fibulae.  Six  pyres  contained  bronze  fibulae  and  only  small 
iron  knives ;  the  remaining  ten  pyres  contained  no  fibulae  but  swords,  spears,  and 
knives  of  larger  size.  The  pottery  is  distinctly  later  in  style  than  that  from  the 
tombs  by  the  city  wall.  [British  School  at  Athens.] 

PROFESSOR  W.  RIDGEWAY,  F.B.A. — On  a  "  Find"  of  Bronze  and  Iron  Javelins 
in  Caria. — The  tombs  of  East  Crete  have  already  given  evidence  for  the  overlap  of 
bronze  and  iron  swords.  The  "  find  "  now  described  was  discovered  at  Cnidus,  in  Caria 
in  1911.  It  consists  of  six  bronze  javelin  heads,  five  iron  javelin  heads,  of  exactly 
the  same  type,  a  small  iron  knife,  and  one  or  two  iron  fragments,  and  a  small 
whetstone  perforated  for  suspension.  This  association  of  javelins  of  both  metals  puts 
it  beyond  doubt  that  weapons  of  both  metals  were  in  use  at  the  same  time,  as  is 
represented  in  Homer. 

Report  of  the  Committee  on  Archaeological  and  Ethnological  Investigations  in 
Crete. 

PROFESSOR  G.  ELLIOT  SMITH,  M.A.,  M.D.,  F.R.S. — Discussion  on  Megalithic 
Monuments  and  their  Builders. — No  adequate  explanation  of  the  significance  of 
dolmens,  cromlechs,  alignments,  &c.,  can  be  found  unless  due  recognition  is  given 
to  (a)  the  identity  of  the  underlying  ideas  ;  (6)  their  geographical  distribution  ; 
(c]  the  chronological  sequence  of  their  construction  ;  (d)  the  coincidence  of  their 
first  appearance  in  most  lands  with  the  last  phase  of  the  Stone  Age  or  the  com- 
mencement of  the  Age  of  Metals  ;  and  (e)  the  improbability  of  theories  of  inde- 
pendent evolution.  In  the  Mediterranean  and  Western  European  areas  the  erection 
of  megalithic  monuments  did  not  begin  until  the  latter  part  (^neolithic)  of  the  Age 
of  Stone,  or  the  commencement  of  the  Age  of  Metals.  The  most  ancient  copper 
tools  so  far  discovered  and  accurately  dated  come  from  Egypt.  It  follows  that  the 
Age  of  Stone  came  to  a  close  first  in  Egypt,  and  in  other  countries  only  at  some 
later  time.  There  is  definite  evidence  of  intercourse  with  neighbouring  peoples  at  the 
time  megalithic  structures  were  erected.  These  monuments  are  the  material  witnesses 
to  the  spread  of  one  definite  idea  which  was  handed  on  from  people  to  people. 

la  the  Neolithic  Age  the  grave  was  looked  upon  as  a  dwelling  in  which  the 
corpse  continued  some  sort  of  existence.  When  metal  tools  were  invented  in  Egypt, 
one  of  the  first  uses  to  which  the  new  craft  was  put  was  in  cutting  extensive 
chambers  in  the  rock  as  dwelling-houses  for  the  dead,  and  later  of  building  temples 
(of  great  masses  of  stone)  to  which  the  relatives  and  friends  of  the  deceased  could 
bring  their  offerings  of  food. 

C     173    ] 


No.  91.]  MAN.  [1912. 

If  one  considers  the  details  of  the  history  of  Egypt,  and  bears  in  mind  the 
chronological  order  of  appearance  and  the  geographical  distribution  of  megalithic 
monuments  and  their  general  plan,  it  seems  inconceivable  that  any  other  conclusion 
can  be  reached  but  that  the  idea  of  tomb  building  evolved  in  Egypt  during  the 
fourth  and  third  millenia  B.C.,  was  handed  on  from  people  to  people.  No  doubt  in 
each  place  the  common  idea  was  worked  out  in  more  or  less  independent  detail. 
Such  an  idea  would  necessarily  outstrip  the  culture  which  gave  birth  to  it  in  Egypt. 
The  cult  of  building  funerary  monuments  of  great  blocks  of  stone  would  be  carried 
by  these  early  missionaries  to  foreign  lands  more  readily  and  more  quickly  than  the 
skill  to  make  and  use  metal  tools.  Hence  the  megalithic  culture  made  its  appearance 
in  other  lands  just  before  the  dawn  of  the  Age  of  Metals. 

T.  ERIC  PEET,  B.A. — Are  we  justified  in  speaking  of  a  Megalithic  Race  ? — It 
is  a  priori  unlikely  that  the  use  of  huge  blocks  of  stone,  where  much  smaller  ones 
would  have  served  the  purpose  equally  well,  should  have  arisen  in  many  centres 
independently.  Moreover,  megalithic  architecture  follows  certain  definite  rules.  It 
is  improbable  that  these  principles  should  have  arisen  in  so  many  places  indepen- 
dently. Buildings  exactly  similar  in  type,  corresponding  even  in  small  details,  are 
found  in  places  far  apart  from  each  other.  Further  similarities  of  detail  are  to  be 
found  in  the  pierced  blocks  so  often  found  in  megalithic  tombs,  and  in  the  so-called 
"  cup-markings."  Most  megalithic  monuments  date  from  much  the  same  period,  and 
their  geographical  position,  mainly  along  the  edges  of  a  vast  sea  route,  points  to 
connection  rather  than  independence.  Montelius  supposes  the  custom  to  have  been 
carried  from  one  country  to  another  by  the  influence  of  trade,  &c.  This  involves 
the  assumption  of  great  trade-routes  in  the  neolithic  age — an  assumption  which  there 
is  little  evidence  to  justify.  Further,  the  theory  demands  that  the  inhabitants  of 
certain  countries — e.g.,  Spain — abandoned  the  method  of  burying  the  dead  in  the 
bare  earth  for  burial  in  dolmens  and  other  megalithic  tombs,  solely  because  certain 
other  peoples  with  whom  they  had  trade  relations  disposed  of  their  dead  in  this  way. 
There  remains  the  explanation  that  megalithic  architecture  was  practised  by  some 
great,  race  which  at  the  end  of  the  neolithic  age  spread  over  parts  of  Europe,  Asia, 
and  Africa,  carrying  this  method  of  building  with  it.  As  to  the  direction  of  this 
movement  we  have  no  evidence,  but  it  is  possible  that  Mackenzie  is  right  in  placing 
its  starting  point  somewhere  in  North  Africa. 

The  following  spoke  in  the  discussion  : — Professor  Boyd  Dawkins,  Professor 
Ridgeway,  Professor  J.  L.  Myres,  Professor  Bosanquet,  Professor  Bryce, 'and  Mr. 
Acland. 

THOMAS  ASHBY,  D.Litt. —  The  Prehistoric  Monuments  of  Malta  and  Sardinia. 
— The  results  of  the  work  of  the  British  School  at  Rome  during  three  seasons  in 
co-operation  with  the  Government  of  Malta,  in  the  excavation  of  several  megalithic 
monuments  on  the  islands  of  Malta  and  Gozo,  show  that  these  monuments  undoubtedly 
belong  to  the  neolithic  period,  or  at  latest  to  the  very  dawn  of  the  age  of  metals. 
The  pottery  is  characteristic,  and  has  affinities  with  wares  discovered  in  Western 
Mediterranean  lands  where  the  megalithic  civilisation  flourished.  Not  a  trace  of 
metal  was  found  in  the  whole  course  of  these  explorations,  nor  in  the  excavation 
of  the  hypogeum  of  Halsaflieni.  Many  burials  of  the  neolithic  period  have  recently 
been  found  by  Professor  Tagliaferro  in  a  cave  at  Bur-meghez,  near  Mkabba ;  while 
a  well-tomb  came  to  light  in  November  1910  near  Attard  ;  and  further  researches 
in  the  caves  of  the  island  will  no  doubt  be  fruitful.  In  Sardinia  the  school  has 
confined  itself  to  surface  exploration,  the  excavations  being  in  the  hands  of  the  Italian 
authorities.  Dr.  Duncan  Mackenzie,  in  the  course  of  three  campaigns,  has  discovered 
a  number  of  Dolmens,  some  of  which  form  the  transition  to  the  "  tombs  of  the  giants  " 

[     174     ] 


1912.]  MAN.  [No.  91. 

— long  tombs  used  for  a  number  of  inhumation  burials  like  the  barrows  and  cairns  of 
our  own  islands,  and  found  almost  without  exception  in  close  connection  with  the 
mmighe.  The  structure  and  plan  of  many  nunighi  were  also  studied,  and  their  strategic 
disposition  carefully  observed.  It  is  clear  that  they  were  fortified  haliitaiions,  and 
not  tombs. 

WILLOUGHBY  GARDNER. —  Excavations  in  the  Ancient  Hill  Fort  in  Parc-y-Meirch 
Wood,  Kinmel  Park,  Abergele,  North  Wales. — This  hill  fort,  Dinas  or  Din,  is  situated 
on  the  crown  of  a  rocky  spur,  550  feet  above  sea-level  ;  it  has  an  interior  of  about 
five  acres.  It  is,  roughly,  pear-shaped,  with  the  broad  end  to  the  south.  Its  natural 
defences  were  at  some  unknown  date  supplemented  by  strong  fortifications.  Across 
the  u  neck,"  to  the  south  these  consist  of  a  huge  main  rampart  and  ditch,  a  second 
small  rampart  and  ditch,  and  a  third  rampart  and  ditch.  There  were  less  strong 
fortifications  across  a  spur  at  the  north  end  and  a  rampart  along  the  east  side.  The 
main  entrance  was  unearthed  to  the  south-east,  and  another  has  been  located  near 
the  north. 

Excavations  occupying  a  month  were  directed  to  the  ramparts  and  ditches,  the 
south-east  entrance,  and  a  few  points  in  the  interior.  The  entrance  was  found  to  be 
a  passage  through  the  ramparts,  with  side  walls  of  rude  dry  masonry  with  a  roughly 
cobbled  roadway.  Among  the  relics  found  were  large  quantities  of  broken  bones  of 
various  domestic  animals  ;  broken  pottery  (much  visibly  of  Roman  manufacture),  in 
common  red,  black,  grey,  and  white  wares,  with  some  fragments  of  the  finer  "  Sarnian  "  ; 
broken  objects  of  household  use  in  stone,  such  as  pot-boilers,  mealers,  whetstones,  and 
spindle-whorls.  Ancient  hearths  were  found  and  slag  from  the  smelting  of  iron  and 
of  lead.  Sling-stones  and  corroded  iron  spear-heads  were  the  only  weapons  found. 
The  ornaments  found  were  some  beads  and  a  small  bronze  ox-head.  A  number  of 
Roman  coins  were  found,  the  majority  having  been  minted  A.D.  335  to  A.D.  353,  and 
the  latest  about  A.D.  380. 

The  excavations  revealed  an  earlier  origin  for  the  hill  fort.  For  (a)  the  main 
rampart  was  found  to  cover  a  smaller  and  earlier  one  ;  (b)  the  third  rampart  was 
shown  to  have  been  added  to  the  original  defences,  as  it  was  thrown  up  across  a  road 
leading  from  the  entrance  ;  (c)  further  excavation  in  the  entrance  itself  revealed  another 
road  below  the  fourth-century  thoroughfare  ;  and  (d)  just  before  the  explorations  came 
to  an  end  yet  a  third  road  was  brought  to  light.  The  ditches  also  afforded  evidence 
that  at  some  period  the  fortifications  were  destroyed. 

The  ancient  name  of  this  Dinas  was  Dinorben.  "  Orben  "  is  a  word  of  Goidelic 
origin,  so  this  native  hill  fort  apparently  obtained  its  title  before  the  advent  of  the 
Brythonic  tribes  into  this  district. 

Miss  H.  LESLIE  PATERSON. — Pigmy  Flints  in  the  Dee  Valley.  [To  be  published 
in  MAN.] 

A.  IRVING,  D.Sc.,  B.A. — Prehistoric  Remains  in  the  Upper  Stort  Valley. — During 
the  year  1912  remains  have  turned  up  in.  excavations  in  three  new  localities  : — 

(i)  At  Maple  Avenue  (not  far  from  the  spot  where  the  horse  skeleton  was  found), 
including  the  remains  of  (1)  horse  ;  (2)  ox  ;  (3)  sheep  ;  (4)  five  or  six  worked  flints, 
two  fragments  of  coarse  neolithic  pottery.  They  were  found  on  the  hill  slope  under 
1^  to  2  feet  of  "rubble  drift"  (clay  and  humus  soil),  the  excavation  being  carried 
down  into  the  solid  London  clay. 

(ii)  Site  of  new  Post  Office  in  South  Street. — Excavation  (some  8  feet  deep)  in 
"rubble  drift"  material,  mostly  remanie  stuff  from  the  boulder  clay  which  caps 
the  hill  above.  Several  broken  antlers  of  Cervus  elaphus  (perforated  and  otherwise 
worked)  were  found  in  it. 

(iii)  Henham  (see  Nature,  May  2,  1912). 

[     175    ] 


Nos.  91-92.]  MAN.  [1912. 

R.  R.  MARETT,  M.A. — On  the  Discovery  of  a  Neolithic  Cemetery  at  La  Motte, 
Jersey. — In  the  course  of  last  year,  small  landslips  on  the  south  side  of  the  western 
portion  had  revealed  cist-like  structures  at  the  border  line  between  the  loess  and  the 
upper  stratum  of  sandy  soil.  Excavations  soon  made  it  clear  that  the  cist-like 
structures  belonged  to  graves  built  of  largish  unhewn  blocks  of  the  local  diorite,  with 
their  flattest  sides  inwards,  and  covered  with  broad  cap-stones.  Eleven  of  these 
graves  were  from  5  feet  6  inches  to  6  feet  long.  Four  others  were  much  shorter, 
one  being  a  mere  casket  constructed  of  four  blocks  covered  by  a  capstone  a  foot 
long.  The  function  of  the  longer  graves  was  apparent  from  one  in  which  enough 
of  the  skeleton  remained  to  show  it  to  be  a  crouched  burial.  In  the  smaller  ones, 
unfortunately,  the  bone  was  in  the  last  stage  of  disintegration,  so  that  it  was  impossible 
to  say  whether  these  were  the  graves  of  children  or  cists  designed  to  contain  a 
packet  of  bones,  the  result  of  pre-sepulchral  decarnation.  Three  skulls  in  all  proved 
more  or  less  measurable,  one  only  being  well  preserved.  Their  cranial  indices  were 
respectively  69'6,  72-6,  and  73'9,  thus  displaying  uniform  dolichocephaly.  The  artefacts 
found  in  the  graves  were  of  poor  quality,  consisting  of  celts  that  were  merely  pebbles 
of  shale  with  a  ground  edge,  and  sherds  of  coarse  pottery,  mostly  without  pattern. 

The  presence  of  a  neolithic  cemetery  on  the  upper  surface  of  the  loess  makes  it 
probable  that  the  skull  found  in  1861  deeply  embedded  in  it  (the  cranial  index  of 
which  is  approximately  75*6)  is  not  coeval  with  the  loess,  and  hence  pleistocene,  as 
was  hitherto  thought,  but  has  somehow  slipped  down  from  above.  [  To  be  published 
in  Archceologia.~\ 

Report  of  the  Committee  on  the  Age  of  Stone  Circles. — The  work  was  confined 
to  making  a  careful  survey  plan  of  the  earthwork  and  stones  forming  the  Avebury 
Stone  Circle. 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL    NOTES. 

A  COURSE  of  fifteen  lectures  on  Indian  Sociology  will  be  delivered  by  Mr.  T.  C.  QA 
Hodson,  F. R.A.I,  (late  of  the  Indian  Civil  Service),  on  Wednesdays,  at  5.30  p.m.  Ufc 
at  the  East  London  College  (University  of  London),  Mile  End  Road,  E.  The 
lectures  will  deal  with  India  as  a  Field  for  Sociological  Study,  Distribution  of 
Races  in  India  by  Physical  Characteristics,  Distribution  of  Languages  in  India, 
Structure  of  Social  Groups,  Birth  Ceremonies — Initiation  and  Name-giving  Rites, 
Marriage  Rites,  Funeral  Rites,  Theories  of  Caste,  Magic  and  Folklore,  and  Develop- 
ment of  Organised  Worship.  These  lectures,  which  are  open  to  the  public  without 
fee,  will  be  held  on  the  following  dates  : — October  23rd,  30th  ;  November  6th.  loth 
20th,  27th;  December  4th,  llth;  January  loth,  22nd,  29th,  and  February  5th,  12th, 
19th,  and  26th. 

COUNT  ERIC  VON  ROSEN,  the  Swedish  explorer  and  ethnologist,  returned  in  April 
from  a  successful  journey  of  one  year's  duration  from  the  Cape  to  Cairo.  The 
purpose  of  the  Expedition  was  both  ethnographical  and  botanical,  and  the  chief 
localities  studied  were  Eastern  Rhodesia  and  the  neighbouring  Belgian  Congo.  The 
ethnographical  results  obtained  by  Count  von  Rosen  are  important,  since  the  expedition 
came  into  touch  with  several  little-known  tribes,  notably  the  more  or  less  amphibious 
Batwa  of  Lake  Bangweolo,  among  whom  a  stay  of  several  months  was  made.  Many 
photographs  and  extensive  ethnographical  collections  were  secured  from  this  people, 
as  well  as  Bushmen,  Babisa,  Balenge,  Bauche,  and  others,  all  of  which  have  been 
presented  to  the  Royal  Ethnographic  Museum  of  Stockholm.  Count  von  Rosen  was 
assisted  by  Dr.  R.  Fries,  of  Upsala,  who  accompanied  him  in  the  capacity  of  botanist. 

Printed  by  EYRE  AND  SPOTTISWOODE,  LTD.,  His  Majesty's  Printers,  East  Harding  Street,  E.G. 


PLATE  L. 


MAN,  1912. 


FlG.  I.  —  MOUSTER1AN  IMPLEMENTS  FROM  LA  COTTE  DE  ST.  BRELADE,  JERSEY. 


FlG.  2. — LA  COTTE  DE  ST.  BRELADE,  JERSEY.   NEW  CAVE  ON  SOUTH  OF  RAVINE. 

CAVE    CONTAINING     MOUSTERIAN     IMPLEMENTS     NEAR 
LA    COTTE     DE     ST.     BRELADE,     JERSEY. 


1912.]  MAN.  [No.  93. 

ORIGINAL    ARTICLES. 

Jersey  :  Archaeology.  With  Plate  L.  Marett :  de  Gruchy. 

Excavation  of  a  Oave  containing;  Mousterian  Implements  QO 
near  La  Cotte  de  St.  Brelade,  Jersey.  %  /*'•  It-  Marett,  M.A.,  and  UW 
G.  F.  H.  ftr  Gnicltij. 

The  cave  known  as  La  Cotte  de  St.  Hrelade  was  partially  excavated  by  the  Societe 
•lersiaise  iu  1910  and  1911.  (For  descriptions  of  the  human  teeth  and  implements 
found  here,  in  conjunction  with  the  remains  of  a  pleistocene  fauna,  see  E.  T.  Nieolle 
and  J.  Sinel  in  MAX,  1910,  102,  and  1912,  88;  R.  R.  Marett  in  Archaolngia,  LXU, 
449  f.,  and  LXIII,  203  f.  ;  A.  Keith  and  F.  H.  S.  Knowles  iu  Journal  of  Anatomy 
a nd  I'hysioloyi/i  October  1911  ;  and  Bulletins  de  la  Societe  Jersiaisc,  Nos.  36  and  37.) 
It  penetrates  the  northern  side  of  a  ravine  or  cleft  in  the  granite  cliff,  some  200  feet 
in  height,  that  forms  the  eastern  horn  of  St.  Brelade's  bay.  The  ravine  in  question, 
which  is  about  40  feet  across,  has  completely  vertical  walls  to  the  north  and  south, 
whilst  to  the  west  it  opens  out  towards  the  sea.  To  the  east,  however,  the  wall  of 
live  rock,  which  one  may  suspect  to  be  nearly  perpendicular,  is  masked  by  a  steep 
talus  of  rubble  and  clay  interspersed  with  blocks  of  granite,  some  of  them  of  great 
size.  This  fall  of  "  head "  is  much  thicker  on  the  southern  than  on  the  northern 
side  of  the  ravine  ;  and  here  the  suspended  blocks  are  especially  insecure,  so  that 
whoever  attacks  the  slope  below  stands  in  perpetual  danger  of  sudden  extinction. 

When  work  was  in  progress  at  La  Cotte  de  St.  Brelade  in  1910,  it  was  noticed 
that  there  were  slight  indications  of  a  buried  cave  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  ravine. 
In  1911,  on  the  last  day  of  excavation,  a  small  portion  of  the  talus  was  removed  at 
this  point,  and  there  was  exposed  what  appeared  to  be  the  top  or  lintel  of  a  cave- 
cHtrance.  At  Easter,  1912,  the  present  writers,  one  of  whom  is  owner  of  the  property, 
devoted  several  days  of  personal  labour  to  the  exploration  of  this  cavity,  and  succeeded 
in  clearing  out  a  space  about  8  feet  in  penetration,  12  feet  in  breadth,  and 'from 
4  to  6  feet  high.  Hereupon  it  was  found  necessary  to  put  off  further  operations 
until  the  summer  ;  but  already  two  pieces  of  encouraging  information  had  been 
acquired.  In  the  first  place,  a  solitary  flake  of  flint  was  discovered  some  five  feet  down 
in  the  debris.  Secondly,  this  cave,  which  faces  north  and  is  filled  with  a  rock-rubbish 
almost  free  of  any  intermixture  of  clay,  appeared,  up  to  the  limit  of  excavation,  to 
be  far  drier  than  La  Cotte  de  St.  Brelade  ;  so  that  it  seemed  probable  that  any  bone 
found  here  would  prove  to  be  in  better  condition  than  the  sadly  decalcified  remains 
yielded  by  the  other  site. 

On  August  14th  excavation  was  renewed,  this  time  with  the  help  of  skilled 
quarrymen.  Several  days  were  spent  in .  clearing  away  the  more  insecure  portions  of 
overhanging  "  head  "  so  as  to  minimise  the  risk  of  sudden  falls.  We  then  drove  a 
trench  inwards  at  a  level  slightly  lower  than  that  of  the  floor  of  occupation  dis- 
covered at  La  Cotte  de  St.  Brelade,  our  expectation  being  that  in  this  respect  the 
two  caves  would  be  found  to  correspond.  This  operation,  however,  which  lasted 
until  about  the  end  of  the  month,  was  of  no  avail.  The  cave-filling  remained 
uniformly  sterile  throughout.  It  then  became  necessary  to  make  a  second  trench  at 
a  level  seven  feet  lower,  a  tedious  business  since  it  involved  cutting  through  the 
rubbish  resulting  from  our  previous  working.  On  September  4  the  month  of  the 
cave  was  reached,  and  on  the  following  day  fortune  at  length  rewarded  our  efforts. 
About  two  feet  above  the  bottom  of  our  trench  were  found  twenty-two  Hint  implements 
and  Hakes  lying  together  just  inside  the  western  angle  of  the  cave,  where  the  rock 
forms  a  sort  of  pillar.  They  were  embedded  in  a  mass  of  darkish  clay,  the  colour 
of  which  was  possibly  due  to  an  intermixture  of  ashes  :  but  nothing  that  could  be 
deserihed  as  a  regular  hearth  came  to  light.  Next  dav  thirteen  more  Hakes,  none  of 

[     177    ] 


ISTos,  93-M.]  MAN.  [1912. 

them    deserving  the  title  of  implements,  were  discovered  scattered  about  the  sides  of 
this  same  pillar  at  various  levels,  all  somewhat  higher  than  that  of  the  previous  find. 

Some  65  square  feet  of  surface  were  laid  bare  within  .the  cave  at  this  level,  but 
itio  further  traces  of  man  occurred  save  two  water^worn  pebbles  of  granite  about 
ithree  inches  in  diameter  that  might  prove  suitable  as  hammer  stones,  but  bore  no  marks 
of  use  ;  some  very  small  pebbles  of  flint  ;  and  a  few  minute  and  indeterminable 
fragments  of  bone.  Evidently  we  have  not  yet  reached  the  hearth-floor,  if  such  there 
ibe,  but  must  seek  still  lower  for  it.  We  had,  however,  excavated  to  the  utmost 
limits  of  safety,  having  removed  some  250  tons  of  rubble,  and  reached  a  depth  of 
27  feet  as  measured  from  the  arch  or  lintel  first  uncovered. 

The  talus  was  now  so  steep  that  without  considerable  demolition  of  its  higher 
portions  we  .could  not  venture  to  remove  certain  large  blocks  that  barred  our  down 
ward  progress  within  the  cave.  Work  was  therefore  suspended  on  September  9th. 
We  could  congratulate  ourselves  on  the  fact  that  at  any  rate  we  had  done  enough  to 
verify  our  hypothesis  of  a  human  occupation.  Further,  there  could  be  no  doubt  as  to 
the  identity  of  the  human  occupants  concerned.  The  implements  bear  a  well-marked 
Mousterian  facies,  as  Messrs.  Breuil,  Boule,  Sollas,  and  Henry  Balfour,  to  whom  they 
have  been  shown,  agree  with  us  in  holding.  Of  the  specimens  figured  in  the  plate, 
one  is  a  good  and  the  other  a  moderate  *'  point,"  several  have  the  characteristic 
trimmed  .base,  and  the  rest  show  either  secondary  chipping  or  marks  of  utilisation. 

.  It  remains  to  add  that  the  discovery  of  a  Mousterian  occupation  on  both  sides  of 
the  ravine  raises  the  question  whether  the  whole  rearward  portion  of  it  now  buried 
iunder  masses  of  rubbish  was  not  formerly  one  vast  cave,  of  which  the  roof  has  since 
•collapsed.  A  confirmatory  fact  is  that  on  the  northern  side  wall,  as  the  plate  shows, 
*he  rock  is  markedly  less  weathered  as  it  approaches  the  talus.  If  so,  there  is  all 
the  more  reason  why,  despite  the  great  trouble  and  expense  involved,  our  efforts 
should  not  cease  until  the  whole  site  has  been  cleared  out. 

The  new  cave  had  better  be  known  for  the  present  as  La  Cotte  de  St.  Brelade  II, 
sdnce  it  may  turn  out  to  be  but  an  annexe  of  the  other,  connected  by  a  cavity  that 
iwins  right  round  the  back  of  the  ravine. 

We  have  much  pleasure  in  putting  on  record  our  appreciation  of  the  services  of 
the  contractor,  Mr.  Ernest  Daghorn,  and  his  men,  thanks  to  whose  skill  and  courage 
we  were  able  to  carry  out  this  dangerous  excavation  successfully  and  without  accident. 

R.  R.  MARETT.. 
G.  F.  B.  DE  GRUCHY. 


Balkans :  Head-Hunting.  Durham. 

Extract    -from    a    Letter    from    Miss    M.    E.    Durham.      Written   at     Qi 
Andrijevitza,  Montenegro,  in   September   1912.  WT 

.  .  .  The  Anthropological  Institute;  I  remember,  when  I  was  last  in  London, 
liad  a  lecture  on  head-hunters  (in  Borneo,  I  think  it  was),  but  at  any  rate  the 
lecturer  said  it  was  now  an  extinct  custom.  Would  you  put  a  paragraph  in  MAN 
stating  that  in  Europe,  in  the  20th  century,  under  "constitutional"  Turkey,  the 
habit  is  not  extinct ;  and  that  on  the  night  of  August  14-15  the  Nizams,  under  an 
officer,  fell  on  the  Serb  village  of  Lower  Urghanitza  near  Berani,  cut  off  three  heads 
amd  carried  all  some  distance.  Two  they  dropped  by  the  wayside  and  one  was 
•taken  right  away.  Four  heads  were  taken  in  the  week's  fighting  that  followed,  and 
stwo  wretched  babies  of  four  and  seven  months  were  castrated  ;  both  died  subse- 
quently. I  have  "  raided "  Turkish  territory,  and  visited  the  scene  of  this  affair 
and  had  the  details  from  the  survivors.  The  brother  of  one  of  the  beheaded  men 
told  of  finding  the  head  and  burying  it  with  the  body.  One  of  the  miserable 
-children  I  saw  myself  ;  the  military  doctor  sent  for  me  to  bear  witness  to  its  state. 

r  J78  j 


1912.] 


MAN. 


[Nos.  94-95. 


The  Serb  tribe  thus  attacked  is  part  of  a  tribe  divided  in  half ;  one  half  is  Monte- 
negrin, and  was  wild  to  go  to  the  rescue  of  its  kindred.  But  the  Powers  put  -m-l> 
pressure  on  King  Nikola  that  he  dare  not.  So  over  a  dozen  villages  were  burnt 
and  160  in  all  killed  and  wounded  ...  I  hope  that  yon  will  put  the  "  head- 
hunting" in  MAN,  not  only  because  it  is  a  "custom"  to  record,  because  it  is  a  fact 
that  ought  to  be  widely  known.  ...  M.  E.  DURHAM. 


Hobley. 

95 


Africa,  East. 
Kamba    Game.     By  C.   W.  Hobley,  C.M.G. 

A  rather  novel  children's  game  was  recently  observed  among  the  A-Kauiba 
near  Ikutha,  which  is  at  south  end  of  Kitui  district,  British  East  Africa  ;  it  is  called 
Kwatha  ngu. 

About  December  in  every  year  a  lovely  mauve  crocus-like  plant  springs  up  In 
this  area,  and  it  is  also  very  common  around  Kibwezi  and  Msongoleni  ;  the  leaves  are 
very  like  those  of  a  miniature  canna,  and  the  plant  has  a  soft,  fleshy  stalk. 

A  collection  of  some  thirty  or  forty  stalks  of  this  plant,  which  is  called  Kisuti*, 
and  a  little  wooden  dagger  about  eight  inches  long  called  a  muku,  are  the  implements 
required  for  the  game,  and  it  is  played  by  two  or  three  persons.  It  has  a  great  vogue 


FIG.  1. 


FIG.  2. 


with  the  herd  boys,  and  it  is  said  that  they  become  so  engrossed  that  they  sometimes 
lose  in  the  bush  the  cattle  they  are  sent  to  herd. 

The  Kisuti  stalks  are  all  cut  to  a  length  of  about  nine  inches,  and  are  placed  in 
a  common  heap  and,  sitting  down,  each  player  takes  an  equal  number  from  the  heap, 
say  five  or  six,  or  even  ten  at  a  time,  and,  holding  the  muku  in  his  right  hand,  the 
player  flicks  it  with  considerable  force  at  one  of  the  Kisuti  stalks  which  lie  on  the 
ground  in  front  of  him  about  twelve  to  eighteen  inches  away.  Tfcere  are  two 
methods  of  holding  the  muku  : — 

(1)  The  muku  is  held  between  the  thumb  and    the    third    finger;  the    thumb  is 

suddenly  withdrawn,  and  the  muku  is  projected  point  first  in  the  required 
direction  (Fig.  1). 

(2)  The  m iik n  is  supported  on  one    side    by  the  first    and    second  finger,  and  is 

held  in  position  by  the  thumb  on  the  opposite  side  ;  the  first  finger  is 
suddenly  withdrawn,  and  the  muku  is  projected  forward  in  the  desired 
direction  (Kig.  2). 

The  object  is    to    transfix     tho  kisiiti  with    the    muku,  and    the  players  do    this 

179 


Nos.  95-96.]  MAN.  [1912. 

time  after  time  with  extraordinary  precision.  Before  the  player  flicks  the  muku  he 
scratches  a  mark  on  the  kisuti  to  help  him  to  aim.  Player  No.  1  flicks  at  stalk  after 
stalk,  and  those  he  hits  he  wins  and  places  on  one  side  ;  when  he  misses  the  next 
player  has  his  turn,  and  when  he  breaks  down  the  third  player  begins  ;  the  player 
who  impales  the  last  stalk  in  the  common  heap  is  the  winner  of  the  game.  The 
accompanying  sketches  will  show  the  method  of  holding  the  muku  previous  to  its 
discharge  at  the  kisuti. 

The  weapons  of  the  A-kamba  are  the  bow  and  arrow,  and  it  may  be  that  the 
arrow  prompted  the  idea  of  the  missile  muku,  and  that  the  kisuti  originally  represented 
enemies  which  were  picked  off  by  arrows  in  war.  C.  W.  HOBLEY. 


Australia.  Brown. 

Beliefs   concerning   Childbirth  in  some  Australian  Tribes.      By     QO 

A.  R.  Brown,  M.A.  UU 

The  following  information  was  collected  amongst  tribes  of  Western  Australia 
during  my  work  as  Anthony  Wilkin  Student  in  Ethnology,  in  the  year  1911.  The 
tribes  quoted  all  have  totemism  with  inheritance  in  the  male  line.  Each  totemic 
clan  or  group  possesses  not  one,  but  several  totems,  that  are  all  equally  the  totems 
of  every  member  of  the  group.  A  man  may  eat  or  kill  his  totem.  The  members 
of  a  totemic  group,  men  and  women  alike,  take  part  in  certain  localised  ceremonies 
(here  called  talu,  tauara,  or  nuka),  which  are  supposed  to  produce  an  abundant 
supply  of  the  particular  totemic  animal,  plant,  or  other  object  with  which  each 
ceremony  is  connected.  These  ceremonies  are  similar  in  many  respects  to  those  of 
Central  Australia  called  by  Messrs.  Spencer  and  Gillen,  intichiuma.  Only  men  and 
women  whose  totem  it  is  can  take  any  active  part  in  the  ceremony  for  any  particular 
totem.  In  almost  all  the  tribes  quoted  it  is  usual  to  give  a  child  a  personal 
name  that  refers  in  some  way,  often  very  obscure,  to  one  or  other  of  his  or  her 
totems.  There  is  no  trace  of  any  belief  in  the  reincarnation  of  the  dead  or  of  totemic 
ancestors. 

In  the  Ingarda  tribe  at  the  mouth  of  the  Gascoyne  River,  I  found  a  belief  that 
a  child  is  the  product  of  some  food  of  which  the  mother  has  partaken  just  before 
her  first  sickness  in  pregnancy.  My  principal  informant  on  this  subject  told  me  that 
his  father  had  speared  a  small  animal  called  bandaru,  probably  a  bandicoot,  but  now 
extinct  in  this  neighbourhood.  His  mother  ate  the  animal,  with  the  result  that  she 
gave  birth  to  ray  informant.  He  showed  me  the  mark  in  his  side  where,  as  he 
said,  he  had  been  speared  by  his  father  before  being  eaten  by  his  mother.  A  little 
girl  was  pointed  out  to  me  as  being  the  result  of  her  mother  eating  a  domestic  cat, 
and  her  brother  was  said  to  have  been  produced  from  a  bustard.  It  may  be  noted 
that  the  girl  (the  elder  of  the  two)  was  a  half-caste,  probably,  from  appearance,  of 
a  Chinese  father,  and  had  a  hare-lip.  The  younger  brother  was  a  typical  black- 
fellow  boy.  The  bustard  was  one  of  the  totems  of  the  father  of  these  two  children 
and,  therefore,  of  the  children  themselves.  This,  however,  seems  to  have  been  purely 
accidental.  In  most  cases  the  animal  to  which  conception  is  due  is  not  one  of  the 
father's  totems.  The  species  that  is  thus  connected  with  an  individual  by  birth  is 
not  in  any  way  sacred  to  him.  He  may  kill  or  eat  it ;  he  may  marry  a  woman 
whose  conceptional  animal  is  of  the  same  species,  and  he  is  not  by  the  accident  of 
his  birth  entitled  to  take  part  in  the  totemic  ceremonies  connected  with  it. 

I  found  traces  of  this  same  belief  in  a  number  of  the  tribes  north  of  the  Ingarda, 
but  everywhere  the  belief  seemed  to  be  sporadic  ;  that  is  to  say,  some  persons 
believed  in  it  and  others  did  not.  Some  individuals  could  tell  me  the  animal  or  plant 
from  which  they  or  others  were  descended,  while  others  did  not  know  or  in  some 
cases  denied  that  conception  was  so  caused.  There  were  to  be  met  with,  however, 

[  180  ] 


1912.]  MAN.  [No.  96. 

some  beliefs  of  the  same  character.  A  woman  of  the  Buduna  tribe  said  that  native 
women  nowadays  bear  half-caste  children  because  they  eat  bread  made  of  white  flour. 
Many  of  the  men  believed  that  conception  is  due  to  sexual  intercourse,  but  as  these 
natives  have  been  for  many  years  in  contact  with  the  whiten  this  canuot  he  regarded 
as  satisfactory  evidence  of  the  nature  of  their  original  belief*. 

In  some  tribes  further  to  the  north  I  found  a  more  interesting  and  better 
organised  system  of  beliefs.  In  the  Kariera,  Namal,  and  Injibandi  tribes  the  con- 
ception of  a  child  is  believed  to  be  due  to  the  agency  of  a  particular  man,  who  is 
not  the  father.  This  man  is  the  wororu  of  the  child  when  it  is  born.  There  were 
three  different  accounts  of  how  the  wororu  produces  conception,  each  of  them  given 
to  me  on  several  different  occasions.  According  to  the  first,  the  man  gives  some 
food,  either  animal  or  vegetable,  to  the  woman,  and  she  eats  this  and  becomes  pregnant. 
According  to  the  second,  the  man  when  he  is  out  hunting  kills  an  animal,  preferably 
a  kangaroo  or  an  emu,  and  as  it  is  dying  he  tells  its  spirit  or  ghost  to  go  to  a 
particular  woman.  The  spirit  of  the  dead  animal  goes  into  the  woman  and  is  born 
as  a  child.  The  third  account  is  very  similar  to  the  last.  A  hunter,  when  he  has 
killed  a  kangaroo  or  an  emu,  takes  a  portion  of  the  fat  of  the  dead  animal  which 
he  places  on  one  side.  This  fat  turns  into  what  we  may  speak  of  as  a  spirit-baby, 
and  follows  the  man  to  his  camp.  When  the  man  is  asleep  at  night  the  spirit-baby 
comes  to  him  and  he  directs  it  to  enter  a  certain  woman  who  thus  becomes  pregnant. 
When  the  child  is  born  the  man  acknowledges  that  he  sent  it,  and  becomes  its 
wororu.  In  practically  every  case  that  I  examined,  some  40  in  all,  the  wororu  of  a 
man  or  woman  was  a  person  standing  to  him  or  her  in  the  relation  of  father's  brother 
own  or  tribal.  In  one  case  a  man  had  a  wororu  who  was  his  father's  sister. 

The  duties  of  a  man  to  his  wororu  are  very  vaguely  defined.  I  was  only  told 
that  a  man  "  looks  after  "  his  wororu,  that  is,  performs  small  services  for  him,  and, 
perhaps,  gives  him  food.  The  conceptional  animal  or  plant  is  not  the  totem  of 
either  the  child  or  the  wororu.  The  child  has  no  particular  magical  connection  with 
the  animal  from  which  he  is  derived.  In  a  very  large  number  of  cases  that  animal 
is  either  the  kangaroo  or  the  emu. 

In  one  part  of  the  Injibandi  tribe  I  came  across  another  interesting  custom. 
When  a  woman  is  in  labour  the  woman  who  is  attending  to  her  mentions  one  after 
another  and  at  intervals  the  names  of  the  pregnant  woman's  brothers.  The  name 
that  is  mentioned  as  the  child  is  brought  forth  is  that  of  the  child's  kajadu.  I 
unfortunately  only  discovered  this  custom  just  as  I  was  concluding  the  season's  work, 
and  was  unable  to  make  further  enquiries.  The  custom  exists  side  by  side  with  the 
wororu  relationship. 

In  several  tribes  I  found  totemic  groups  that  claimed  babies  as  their  totem,  and 
performed  totemic  ceremonies,  the  avowed  object  of  which  was  to  provide  a  plentiful 
supply  of  children.  I  found  one  such  totemic  group  in  each  of  the  following 
tribes  : — Baiong,  Targari,  Ngaluma,  Kariera,  Namal,  and  two  in  the  Injibandi  tribe. 
One  such  group  in  the  Injibandi  tribe  performs  its  ceremony  at  a  spot  near  the 
Fortescue  River,  where  there  is  a  sort  of  small  cave.  According  to  a  legend,  in  the 
times  long  ago,  the  men  and  women  once  left  the  camp  to  go  hunting,  and  left  all 
the  babies  in  the  camp  in  the  charge  of  one  man.  After  the  others  had  been  gone 
some  time  the  babies  began  to  cry.  This  made  the  man  in  charge  of  them  very 
angry,  so  he  took  them  all  to  the  cave  and  put  them  inside  and  lit  a  big  fire  of 
spinifex  grass  at  the  entrance,  and  so  smothered  them  all.  An  essential  part  of  the 
totemic  ceremony  consists  in  lighting  a  fire  at  the  entrance  of  the  cave. 

There  is  a  very  interesting  totemic  group  in  the  Kariera  tribe.  The  group  has 
a  number  of  edible  objects  for  totems,  and  also  wanangura,  whirlwind,  kambuda, 
baby,  and  puna,  sexual  desire.  A  man  who  belonged  to  this  group  told  me  that 

[  181  ] 


Nos.  96-97.]  MAN.  [1912. 

when  it  was  decided  to  attempt  to  produce  an  increase  of  children,  the  men  and 
women  of  the  totemic  group  first  proceeded  to  Kalbaria  and  performed  the  cere- 
mony for  the  increase  of  sexual  desire,  which  seems  to  have  consisted  of  setting 
fire  to  the  bark  of  a  tree.  After  this,  but  only  after  it,  they  moved  on  to  Pilgun 
and  performed  the  ceremony  of  the  baby  totem.*  There  is  thus  perfectly  clear 
evidence,  dating  back  to  a  time  before  the  coming  of  the  white  man,  that  there  was 
a  distinct  association  in  the  native  mind  between  sexual  desire  and  the  birth  of 
children,  amongst  people  who,  at  the  same  time,  by  their  wororu  custom,  associate 
pregnancy  with  the  eating  of  food.  Those  who  believe  that  the  beliefs  of  savages 
are  strictly  logical  will,  of  course,  be  shocked  at  such  inconsistency.  Those  of  us,, 
however,  who,  by  actual  contact  with  savages,  have  learnt  that  even  if  they  do  not 
heed  logical  consistency  less  than  uneducated  Europeans  (or  even  the  educated  when 
their  religious  beliefs  are  in  question),  yet  certainly  do  not  heed  it  more,  find  in  such 
an  inconsistency  nothing  to  surprise  us.  Finally,  it  may  be  noted  that  there  are 
traces  of  a  belief  that  the  small  whirlwinds  so  common  in  these  parts  of  Australia 
may  cause  a  woman  to  become  pregnant.  This  would  explain  why  the  whirlwind, 
sexual  desire,  and  babies  are  all  associated  by  being  the  totems  of  a  single  clan. 

I  may  add,  to  complete  the  account,  two  other  answers  that  T  received  to  the 
question  "  Where  do  babies  come  from  ?  "  One  was  "  From  the  moon,"  and  another 
"  The  magicians  make  them  and  send  them  into  women."  One  old  man,  a  magician, 
and  a  member  of  a  baby-totem  clan,  nearly  got  killed  a  few  years  ago  because  a 
young  woman  of  the  same  tribe  died  in  child-birth.  A.  R.  BROWN. 


Nubia :  Folklore.  Murray. 

The  Fox  who  Lost  his  Tail— a  Nubian  Version.       />'//  (',.  II.  Murray. 

Told  by  Mohamed  Bedda  of  Shellal  in  the  Matokki  dialect.  Similar 
stories  of  the  fox  and  his  cunning  may  be  found  in  Reinische's  Die  Nuba  Sprache 
or  the  Marquis  de  Rochemonteix's  Quelques  contes  Nubiens.  I  give  the  story  just 
as  it  came  from  his  lips,  with  the  exception  that  many  final  consonants,  which  the 
people  of  Shellal  omit  in  talking  colloquially,  have  been  added  in  brackets.  The 
asterisks  denote  Arabic  loanwords. 

(J  as  in  jug  ;  ch  as  in  cherry  ;  n  =  ny  in  canyon.) 

1  *Eblise(n)-tod  (w)er  dako(n),  dan-go(n)  essigi  nirian  shugur-jusu(m).  2  Giilud 
weki  injedirgi  essi-ged  inkkirian,  gulut-kon  ere-kon,  essi-gon  doringai  gulut  joressu(m). 
Jeleg  we-ko(n)  taichargi  *eblisengi  jakin-go(n)  bodessu(m). 

*Eblisen-go(n)  sarke-ged  bo(d)-jurgi  *sheggi  wer-ro  bokkosu(m).  Jelek-ko(n) 
3  torar-ki  marosirgi  noksu(m).  *Eblisen-go(n)  tennan  gulud  inekkir-kagin,  erenga 
essi-gon  doringa  *sheggit-tu(r)  ajore  gulud. 

*Eblisen-g6(n)  jelek  ter  man  4agi(n),  bokki-bu(l)  *iiahar  dimingi  tegsu(m). 
sheggit-tu-r.  *Ahar-ro-g6(n)  nore  tennan  ur-toki  *sheggit  tu-rton  osarigi  jelek  tebkin 
*wala  nokokin  a-nali.  Naledir-go(n)  jelek  da-meningi  oiredirgi  gulutki  issiksu(m). 
"  Er  terre  aigi  a-sarki-kidessi  ?  "  An  *amana  !  Ekki  essis  selle-r  ojjurgi 5  kidirosmekiri. 

Ojjurgi  tennan  ew-ir  gulutki  digredirgi  essit-tu-r  tub-torosu(m),  gulutki  kidirian. 
Gulut-kS(n)  inessiw  *wattigi  ewgi  noddedirgi  kidosu(m). 

*Eblisen-go(n)  geugi  surin-go(n)  bod-kuj-bu(m). 

Jelegi-go(n)  *ebliseni-go(n)  tekki  nalosirgi  ag-usura(n).  Tekko(n).  "  Ir  minnai 
"  5  an  dogo-r  ag-usuru  ?  Ai  ambab-nan  *batihki  a-kalingo(n)  ew  mersu(ra)  *batih-nan 
"  digrikane-ged.  Tai-we  !  Ir-go(n)  *  kalarki  a-berikiru,  beru  moko  kalkidiru."  Tir- 
go(n)  wesa(n).  "  Sere-m,  tain  jurgi  *amidechir  !  "  Tek-ko(n)  "  Sere-m,  tai  we  ki-ed- 
"  bi-da-irsu  !  " 

*  The  man  was  unfortunately  too  old  to  take  me  to  visit  the  ceremonial  grounds,  aiid  he  was 
the  last  male  survivor  of  the  clan. 

[     182    ] 


1912.]  MAN.  [No  s.97-98, 

*Batih-iian  sdlf'-r  agidosir  *l>atTh  doro  wf-rigi  tijirsu(m).  "Gorki  iiniiucto,  kal 
"  \vr  !  "  Tir-gd(n).  "  Serf'-m  !  "  Esa(n).  Tek-kr>(n)  ger-ked  targi  f-\v  niallf-ndigi 
*l>atih-nau  slialiih-ir  digdigosir,  wf'tijir8ii(m)  "Ai  jurgi  dogo-getto(n)  bi-tfiri,  kaligi 
"  her  wc~  !  "  Ikkc  wrrosijir  bddill*gd(n)  jurgi  kulu  wtr  dogd-r  tebosirgi.  "Wo! 
"  *batlh-nan  tirliclii  !  "  Gan  iiwcnga.  Mangu-gd(n )  tinna  ewigi  noddijunduros 
bddossa(n)  s!irki-g«-(d ).  Trk-kd(n  )  ahdogd-rtr»(n)  shilgurigi  tin  dogo-r  usiirgi  wetijirsu(m) 
"  Ar  ma  I  If*  werf-  galgMlOStt."  6  Ai-gd(n)  tinnai  yerin-gd(n)  jurgi  tasi. 

NOTES. 
1  Eblisen,  for  Arabic  Abul  Hussein,  the  fox. 

•  Giilud,  an  earthenware  jar,  Arabic  qullah. 

*  Torar-ki  marosirgi,  "  unable  to  enter,"  and  below  kalar-ki  a-berikirn,  "  ye  want  to  eat."     Note  the 
use  of  the  verbal  noun  in  -ar  as  an   infinitive. 

1  Jelek  ter  man  agin,  "  thought  it  was  the  wolf."  Cf.  ai  jelek  er  man  agsi,  "  I  thought  you  were 
the  wolf." 

*An  dogo-r  ag-usuru,  "ye  laugh  at  me,"  lit.  "over  me."  Construction  imitated  from  the  Arabic, 
dahhaz  aleh,  "  he  laughed  at  him."i 

6  The  last  sentence  concludes  nearly  every  Nubian  narrative. 

TRANSLATION. 

There  was  a  little  fox,  and  he  went  down  to  the  water  to  drink.  Taking  a 
pitcher  to  fill  with  water,  and  the  pitcher  being  new,  and  the  water  reaching  it,  the 
pitcher  made  a  noise  (lit.  wept).  A  wolf  came,  ran  to  seize  the  fox.  The  fox  came 
running  from  fear  and  hid  in  a  cave.  And  the  wolf  being  unable  to  enter,  went  away. 
The  fox  (had)  filled  and  carried  his  pitcher,  and  being  new  and  the  water  reaching 
it,  the  pitcher  wept  in  the  cave.  The  fox  thought  it  was  the  wolf  and  remained 
hidden  ten  days  in  the  cave.  And  then  he  put  his  little  head  carefully  out  of  the  cave 
to  see  if  the  wolf  was  there  or  had  gone.  And  seeing  and  knowing  the  wolf  was  not 
(there)  he  asked  the  pitcher,  "  Who  are  you  that  has  frightened  me  ?  My  faith,  I 
"  will  bring  you  into  the  middle  of  the  water  and  drown  you." 

Taking  and  fastening  the  pitcher  to  his  tail,  he  went  right  into  the  water  (lit., 
entered  fording  into  the  belly  of  the  water)  to  drown  the  pitcher.  And  when  the 
pitcher  was  filled  with  water,  it  broke  his  tail  and  sank.  And  the  fox  dripping  blood 
came  running  up  out.  And  the  wolves  and  foxes  saw  him  and  laughed.  He  said,  "  Why 
"  do  ye  langh  at  me  ?  I  was  eating  my  father's  melons,  arid  my  tail  broke  from  the 
"  size  of  the  melons.  Come  !  ye  want  to  eat,  eat  till  you  are  full !  "  And  they  said, 
"  It  is  good  !  come  show  us  !  "  And  he  said,  "  It  is  good,  come,  be  present !  "  And 
when  they  were  come  in  the  midst  of  the  melons  he  gave  them  plump  melons.  "  Do 
"  not  look  behind  you,  eat."  And  they  said  "  It  is  good  !  "  And  he  coming  from 
behind  fastened  everyone's  tail  to  the  stem  of  a  melon,  and  said  to  them,  "  I  will  go 
"  and  come  from  above,  eat,  fill  yourselves  ! "  Saying  thus  he  ran,  went  and  stood  on 
a  hill.  "  O  !  owners  of  melons." 

And  they  breaking  their  tails  ran  from  fear.  And  he  descended  from  above  and 
laughed  at  them  and  said,  "  We  are  all  become  like  each  other."  And  I  was  with 
them  and  went  and  came. 

Another  piece  of  folklore  which  has  its  parallel  in  Kurope  is  the  belief  that  the 
month  of  Tuba  (January)  borrowed  from  the  mouth  Jbihir  (February)  (Coptic  Amshir) 
ten  days  of  heat,  giving  in  return  ten  days  cold.  One  is  reminded  of  "  March  said  tu 
"  Averill,  &c.,  &c."  G.  W.  MURRAY. 

Africa,  East.  Barrett. 

A'Kikuyu  Fairy  Tales  (Rogano).      By  Captain    W.  E.  H.  Barrett. 

TMK  OLD  WOMAN,  HER  SONS,  AND  THE  PYTHON. 

A  girl  namril    Kasoni,  on  her  way  to  get    water  for  her   father  to    drink,    saw  a- 

large  python    basking  in   the  sun  near  the  path.       The  pvthon    had  two  mouths  and 

[    183    ] 


No.  98.]  MAN.  [1912. 

its  hair  was  beautifully  arranged  like  that  of  a  warrior.  Kasoni  stood  and  admired 
it  for  some  moments.  The  python,  seeing  the  girl  looking  at  him,  said,  ktl  am 
"  hungry  ;  will  you  give  me  enough  food  to  satisfy  my  hunger  ? "  She  replied, 
"Certainly  I  will;  follow  me  to  my  village  and  I  will  give  you  as  much  as  you  can 
"  eat."  She  then  took  up  her  water-gourd  and  proceeded  in  the  direction  of  her 
home,  followed  by  the  python.  Reaching  the  village  she  took  it  to  a  grain  hut  and 
invited  it  to  eat.  The  monster  put  its  head  inside  the  hut  and  in  a  few  minutes 
devoured  all  the  contents.  She  then  took  it  to  another  store,  which  it  soon  finished. 
Gradually  it  ate  up  all  the  grain  in  the  village,  but  still  was  not  satisfied.  Kasoni 
then  took  it  to  the  goat  huts,  and  told  it  to  eat  them  if  it  wished.  One  by  one  the 
goats  were  eaten,  until  none  were  left.  The  python  then  started  eating  the  men, 
women,  and  children  of  the  village,  until  Kasoni  was  the  only  one  left.  The  monster 
asked  her  for  more  food,  saying  his  hunger  was  not  nearly  satisfied.  She  replied 
that  the  only  people  of  her  village  still  left  alive  in  addition  to  herself  were  a  bad- 
tempered  old  woman,  the  wife  of  the  Chief,  and  her  two  infant  sons  who  lived  in  the 
forest,  because  the  Chief  would  not  allow  his  wife  near  him.  "  Well,"  said  the 
python,  "I  will  go  and  look  for  them,  but  will  first  eat  you,"  saying  which  it  opened 
one  of  its  huge  mouths  and  swallowed  her  at  a  gulp.  It  then  went  to  search  for  the 
old  woman  and  her  children  in  the  forest. 

The  woman,  who  was  sitting  near  her  hut,  hearing  a  noise,  looked  up,  and  saw 
the  monster  approaching.  Seizing  both  her  children  in  her  arms  she  fled  and  hid 
herself.  The  python  searched  for  her  for  a  long  time,  but  not  finding  her  went  back 
to  its  abode.  The  old  woman  and  her  sons  lived  in  the  forest  for  many  years,  until 
the  latter  had  grown  into  men.  They  one  day  asked  their  mother  why  it  was  that 
they  were  alone  in  the  world  and  had  no  relations.  She  then  told  them  the  story 
of  how  the  python  had  eaten  up  everybody  in  her  village,  but  they  laughed  at  her 
and  said  such  a  thing  was  impossible. 

A  few  years  after  she  had  told  them  this  story,  she  said  to  them  one  morning, 
44  The  time  has  now  come  for  you  to  avenge  the  death  of  your  father."  She  then 
told  them  to  bring  their  swords,  and  taking  them  to  a  path  near  their  hut,  hid  them 
in  the  bush  close  to  the  path,  placing  each  about  100  yards  from  the  other.  Having 
done  this  she  told  them  that  she  was  going  to  call  the  monster  who  had  destroyed 
their  village,  and  instructed  the  younger  that  when  he  saAV  the  monster  come  along 
he  was  to  allow  it  to  pass  and  not  to  strike  until  he  saw  his  brother  jump  from  his 
hiding  place  and  strike  it.  She  told  the  elder  brother  that  as  soon  as  the  monsters 
head  came  near  to  him  he  was  to  rise  at  once  and  cut  it  off  with  his  sword.  She 
then  went  to  the  river  and  sang  : — 

"  Evil  one  ;  you  Avho  ate  Tip  my  people,  and  still  were  not  satisfied, 
Come  out  of  your  resting  place  and  I  will  give  you  a  feast, 
So  plentiful  is  the  food  I  have  prepared  that  even  you  will  hunger  no  more." 
Hearing  her  voice  the  python  raised  itself  from  the  water  and  followed  her.  In  a 
short  time  they  passed  the  hiding  place  of  the  younger  brother  and  soon  came  to 
that  of  the  elder.  The  latter  at  once  jumped  up  and  cut  the  monster's  head  off 
with  one  blow  of  his  sword,  the  former  at  the  same  time  rose  and  cut  off  its  tail. 
As  soon  as  they  had  done  this  they  heard  a  babel  of  voices  calling  out  to  them  to 
strike  no  more,  and  to  their  amazement  saw  a  large  number  of  men,  women,  children, 
and  goats  emerge  from  the  body  of  the  dead  python.  One  old  man  on  seeing  their 
mother,  called  her  by  name  and  asked  her  who  these  two  bold  warriors  were  who 
had  rescued  them  from  their  enemy.  She  told  him  that  they  were  his  two  sons 
who  were  small  children  on  the  day  that  he  had  been  eaten  by  the  monster. 

Great  rejoicings  took  place,  and  the  chief  at  once  set  the  people  to  work  to 
re'build  their  village  and  to  make  a  large  house  for  his  wife,  and  one  for  each  of 


1912.] 


MAN. 


[Nos.  98-99. 


lii>  M>II>.  All  sot  to  work  with  a  right  good  will,  and  in  a  short  period  the  village 
u;i>  ;is  nourishing  as  it  had  ever  heen,  and  the  old  woman  and  her  *on>  were  eVer 
afterwards  treated  with  great  respect.  W.  E.  H.  BARRETT. 


Polynesia  :  Stewart's  Island. 

Description  and  Names  of  various  parts  of  A  Oanoe 
or  Stewart's  Island.  To  accompany  illustration.  By  Charles 
C.M.G. 

1.  The  outrider 

2.  The  three  main  bearers  of  outrigger  platform 

3.  The  squared  plank  on  outrigger  platform  - 

4.  The  five  inner    cross-pieces  on  platform 

5.  The  two  outer  cross-  pieees  on  platform     - 

6.  The  three  forked  pieces    fixing  the  outrigger   to  the  three 

bearers  and  to  the  two  outer  cross-pieces 

7.  The  two   single  pieces  fixing   the    outrigger    to  the  central 

bearer  and  to  the  two  outer  cross-pieces 
S.  The  main  canoe,  hull,  dug  out  of  solid  tree 
9.   Forward 

10.  Aft 

11.  Amidships  - 

12.  The  stem  and  stern  ..... 


Woodford. 
of  Sikaiana     QQ 
UU 


main 


-  £ 

=^= 

7T~; 

"  Of* 

<  j 

r 

A 

\; 

f"          ' 

3 

13. 

14. 
15. 

16. 
17. 
18. 
19. 
20. 
21. 
22. 
23. 
24. 
25. 
26. 
27. 
28. 

29. 
30. 


The  after  combing  - 

The  washboard  -  - 

The  chafing  piece  along  top  of  washboard  to  protect  it  from  the 

friction  of  the  paddles  -  - 

The  paddles  -  -  - 

The  paddle  blade  -  - 

The  paddle  handle  - 

The  lashing  twine,  of  cocoa-nut  fibre  - 

The  oakum,  for  caulking  seams  -  - 

The  baler  -  - 

The  portside  ;  away  from  the  outrigger  -  - 

The  starboard  side  ;  outrigger  side  - 

The  steersman  -  - 

The  paddlers,  including  the  bow  man  when  using  the  paddle  - 
The  bow  man,  when  poling  in  shallow  water  -  - 

The  tree,  growing  in  bush,  from  which  the  hull  is  cut  -  - 

The  tree,  growing  in  bush,  from  which  the  bearers  of  platform 

(see  No.  2)  are  made  -  - 

The  tree,  growing  in  bush,  from  which  the  cross-pieces  of  platform 

(gee  Nos.  4  and  5)  are  made  -  - 

The  tree,  growing  on  beach,  from  which  the  forked  and  straight 

sticks  (see  Nos.  6  and  7)  are  made  -  - 

C.  M. 


Te  ama. 
Te  giato. 
Te  pama. 
Te  kauwiuwi. 
Te  halo. 

Hagatu. 


-  Te  tugi. 

-  Te  waka. 
Amua. 
Amuri. 
Aloto. 

-  Tarapusi. 


Te  pani. 
Te  homo. 

Balama. 

Te  hoi. 

Te  lolo. 

Te  kau. 

Wosana. 

Esula. 

Eduta  teriu. 

Gadea. 

Tama. 

Elula. 

Ealu. 

Etoko. 

Te  pinipini. 

Te  salahalu. 
Te  hau. 

Tatiraura. 
WOODFORD. 


C    185    ] 


No.  100.]  MAN. 

REVIEWS. 
Egypt.  Elliot  Smith. 

The  Ancient  Egyptians  and  their  Influence  upon  the  Civilisation  of  4 A II 
Europe.  By  G.  Elliot  Smith,  M.A.,  M.D.,  F.R.S.,  Professor  of  Anatomy  in  IUU 
the  University  of  Manchester.  London  and  New  York  :  Harper,  1911.  (Harper'& 
Library  of  Living  Thought.)  2*.  Qd.  net. 

This  little  book  offers  at  the  same  time  more,  and  less,  than  its  title  suggests. 
It  is  in  the  first  place  a  popular  summary  of  the  author's  conclusions  as  to  the 
composition  of  the  Egyptian  breed  of  man,  formed  on  intimate  acquaintance  with  a 
very  large  mass  of  material  in  Cairo  and  elsewhere.  The  point  on  which  chief 
stress  is  laid  is  this  :  that  about  the  time  of  the  Pyramid-builders  a  definitely  alien 
element  appears  in  the  population  of  the  Nile  Valley.  This  conclusion  itself  is,  of 
course,  not  new  ;  but  the  fresh  sources  of  evidence  which  Professor  Elliot  Smith 
brings  iu  broaden  and  secure  its  foundation.  The  "  alien  traits  "  on  which  he  lays 
most  stress  are  the  broader  and  larger  head,  square  face,  longer  and  narrower  nose,, 
oblique  orbits,  characteristic  jaw,  and  copious  face-hair.  The  last-named  character 
is  not  so  easy  as  the  others  to  demonstrate  summarily,  and  much  weight  is  allowed 
to  the  argument  that  national  modes  of  dressing  the  hair  and  beard  either  tend  to- 
enhance  natural  characteristics,  or  (when  they  do  not  clearly  do  this)  are  influenced 
by  the  desire  for  contrast  with  some  other  national  type.  The  latter  motive,  though 
it  clearly  operates  sometimes,  is  precarious  and  needs  rather  fuller  proof  than  is  given 
here.  Moreover,  the  rare  examples  of  moustache  without  beard,  among  "aliens"  in 
early  Egypt,  fall  just  as  well  under  the  other  category  ;  for  this  fashion,  especially 
in  the  young  (for  the  moustache  appears  earlier  in  life  than  the  beard)  has  the- 
optical  effect  of  increasing  the  apparent  breadth  of  the  face,  and  so  enhances  a 
marked  character  of  these  "  alien "  people.  The  same  may  be  watched  in  our  own. 
day  throughout  Central  Europe,  and  the  practice  is  commended  by  barbers  on  this 
very  ground.  The  chin-beard,  conversely,  "  gives  length  "  to  a  long  face,  and  caa 
be  used  on  occasion  to  simulate  this. 

Secondly,  search  is  made  for  the  origin  of  this  "  alien  "  type,  outside  Egypt ;. 
and  the  suggestion  is  that  it  comes  in  from  Syria,  and  is  essentially  "  Alpine  "  or 
"  Armenoid."  Armenoid,  as  Professor  Elliot  Smith  sees,  is  not  necessarily  the  same 
thing  as  Semitic  ;  and  it  would  have  made  this  part  of  his  essay  clearer  if  he  had 
given  rather  fuller  explanation  of  the  sense  in  which  he  uses  his  terms,  and  of  the 
distribution  of  the  various  types,  as  he  understands  it.  Unfortunately,  -his  book 
came  out  just  too  early  to  take  account  of  von  Luschan's  Huxley  Lecture  on  the 
population  of  this  region,  or  of  the  fuller  publication  (this  year)  of  human  remains 
from  Gezer  in  South  Palestine,  showing  that  there  has  been  a  markedly  "Armenoid"" 
population  through  the  whole  length  of  Syria  since  neolithic  times,  while  something 
(climatic,  we  may  guess)  has  prevented  the  desert-bred  Arab,  with  whom  the  whole 
Syrian  coast  land  has  been  drenched  since  history  began,  from  establishing  his  breed 
here  at  all.  Since  then  Armenoid  man  reached  the  neighbourhood  of  Egypt  so 
early  at  this  point,  and  has  reached  it  nowhere  else,  the  conclusion  seems  well 
founded,  that  evidence  as  to  Armenoid  intrusion  into  Egypt,  is  an  approximate 
indication  of  the  date  when  movements  of  such  Syrian  people  began  to  affect  the 
Nile  Valley.  This,  however,  obviously  proves  nothing  in  itself  as  to  the  date  at 
which  Armenoid  people  first  occupied  Syria  ;  the  human  stresses  which  brought  them 
from  their  northern  highlands  into  Palestine  were  not  necessarily  the  same  as  brought 
them  from  Palestine  into  Egypt. 

The  third  point,  therefore,  which  Professor  Elliot  Smith  puts  forward — that  the 
entry  of  the  "  alien  "  Armenoid  type  into  Egypt  is  to  be  connected  with  the  first 
coming  of  "  Semitic "  folk  into  Sumerian  Babylonia — does  not  seem  to  be  so  clear. 

[     186    ] 


1912.]  MAN.  [No.  100. 

It  is,  in  fact,  full  early  still  to  curry  authropographic  speculation  into  this  region  ; 
since  early  remains  of  man  himself — apart  from  liis  works— are  as  rare  l»y  the 
Euphrates  as  they  are  common  by  the  Nile.  Unsupported  by  such  osteological 
evidence,  moreover.  sculpture  is  rather  a  perilous  guide.  When  personages,  certainly 
"Semitic"  so  far  as  language  goes,  are  represented  with  u  Armenoid  "  beards,  an 
archaeologist  inclines  to  infer,  not  "Armenoid"  physique  among  Semites,  but  con- 
servatism among  Sumerian  sculptors.  Egyptian  art  itself,  once  conventionalized, 
retains  the  scanty  chin-beard,  which  is  only  appropriate,  on  Professor  Elliot  Smith's 
view,  to  pre-alieu  Egyptian  men. 

Westward,  the  converse  difficulty  meets  us.  In  Sicily  and  the  Canary  Islands, 
it  is  the  pictorial  evidence  which  fails,  and  without  it  the  identification  of  a  similar 
"  alien  "  type  (resulting  from  the  same  intrusion  of  people  who  should  be  ultimately 
of  Syrian  or  Armenoid  origin,  and  transmitted  to  the  west  by  way  of  Egypt)  rests 
only  on  the  evidence  of  bones.  The  reality  of  this  human  variation  is  admitted  ;  the 
causes  of  its  geographic  distribution  are  obscure,  and  may  be  numerous.  One  such 
cause  Professor  Elliot  Smith  tries  to  isolate  and  explain,  in  what  to  many  people 
will  be  the  most  suggestive  chapters  of  his  book.  Readers  of  Dr.  Reisner's  reports 
of  excavations  on  early  sites  at  Naga-ed-Der  (University  of  California  Publications, 
1908)  and  of  the  Report  of  the  Archaeological  Survey  of  Nubia  for  1907-8,  are  familiar 
with  his  ingenious  view  that  the  origin  of  copper- work  ing  is  to  be  sought  on  the 
Upper  Nile.  But  not  everyone  accepts  this  conclusion  ;  and  it  is  a  pity  that  room 
was  not  found,  even  in  so  small  a  volume  as  this,  for  a  fuller  discussion  of  the 
evidence  for  it.  The  weak  point  in  Reisner's  argument  is  that  the  process  of  making 
copper  from  malachite  is,  in  fact,  so  simple  that  the  same  discovery  seems  equally  likely 
to  have  been  made  sooner  or  later  in  all  regions  where  malachite  is  found :  the 
argument,  in  fact,  proves  rather  too  much.  Certainly  copper  was  used  very  early  in 
Egypt,  but  the  differences  between  the  earliest  Egyptian  forms  of  copper  axes  and 
daggers,  and  the  earliest  in  adjacent  areas,  such  as  Syria,  Cyprus,  and  Asia  Minor,  is 
so  slight  that  it  is  not  easy  to  conclude  which  way  the  discovery  passed.  Also, 
while  Egypt  has  a  few  forms  which  are  wanting  elsewhere,  Cyprus  and  Syria,  even 
in  the  earliest  stages,  have  some  which  are  wanting  in  Egypt. 

Taking  Reisner's  theory,  however,  for  granted,  as  basis  for  further  argument, 
Professor  Elliot  Smith  sees  in  this  Egyptian  discovery  of  copper,  achieved  somewhere 
about  the  time  of  an  Armenoid  immigration  into  Egypt,  the  occasion  for  widespread 
ethnic  ferment  :  once  equipped  with  metal  weapons,  the  Egyptians  first  unified  their 
own  country,  then  exploited  Sinai  and  other  neighbouring  regions,  and  soon  spread 
the  knowledge  of  their  discovery  in  Northern  Syria,  whence  it  spread,  he  thinks, 
eastward  into  Mesopotamia  and  northward  into  Asia  Minor.  Here  there  are  further 
difficulties,  which  can  only  be  noted  shortly.  Knowledge  of  the  malachite  process, 
easy  though  this  process  is  held  to  be  by  Reisuer,  is  frankly  of  very  little  use  to 
anyone  who  has  to  deal  not  with  malachite,  which  is  a  carbonate,  but  with  the 
copper  sulphides  (pyrites,  glance,  and  the  like)  which  are  the  principal  source  of 
copper  in  Cyprus,  and  in  most  other  ancient  copper  fields.  A  second  discovery,  there- 
fore, seems  inevitable  at  this  point,  far  more  widely  useful,  hardly  less  original,  and 
least  likely  to  have  been  made  by  people  who  had  access  to  plenty  of  malachite, 
which  is  what  Reisner  has  shown  about  the  Egyptians. 

Again,  was  the  invasion  of  Egypt  by  Syrian  Armenoids  the  cause  or  the  effect 
of  the  spread  of  the  new  discovery  ?  On  the  archaeological  evidence  the  first  copper 
implements  and  the  first  alien  skeletons  stand  very  nearly  abreast  chronologically. 
If  the  Egyptian  discovery  of  copper  came  first,  how  did  the  Armenoids  enter  Egypt 
in  face  of  copper-armed  Egyptians  ?  If  it  came  later,  then  the  spread  of  the  Arme- 
noids began  without  it,  and  the  argument  seems  to  fail,  unless  the  Armenoids  had 

[     187     ] 


No.  100.]  MAN.  [1912. 

•earlier  copper  of  their  own.  Again,  Professor  Elliot  Smith  underestimates  the  anti- 
quity of  copper  implements  in  Babylonia.  To  synchronise  such  early  events,  in 
regions  so  far  apart  as  Babylonia  and  Egypt,  would  be  perilous  ;  but  apart  from 
•this  it  seems  probable  that  copper  was  in  use  among  the  Sumerian  population  before 
the  first  recorded  conquest  of  Babylonia  by  Semitic-speaking  people  ;  and  if  so,  how 
is  this  Sumerian  copper  to  be  affiliated  to  the  Egyptian  or  to  the  North  Syrian 
sources  ?  The  suggestion  that  it  came  direct  from  Egypt  is  a  little  difficult  to 
reconcile  with  the  strong  line  adopted  elsewhere  in  the  book  as  to  the  freedom  of 
primitive  Egyptian  culture  from  Sumerian  taints.  What  did  Egyptians  take  back 
from  Sumer  in  return  for  this  priceless  product  ? 

Incidentally  it  is  not  quite  easy  to  gather  the  author's  real  view  as  to  the 
physique  of  the  first  Sumerian s  ;  on  p.  138  they  seem  to  be  Armenoids,  though  they 
disguise,  instead  of  enhancing,  their  natural  hairiness  by  clean  shaving,  apparently 
to  prevent  confusion  with  "unshaven  Arabs";  on  pp.  146,  147,  they  are  an  eastern 
wing  of  "  the  brown  race  whose  western  flank  was  in  Britain,"  and  akin,  therefore, 
to  pre-Armenoid  Egypt.  The  hair-criterion,  in  fact,  seems  to  break  down  here  ;  and 
as  there  are  as  yet  almost  no  early  bones  from  this  region,  it  is  not  easy  to  come 
to  a  decision.  The  same  ambiguity  besets  the  Arabs,  who  on  p.  139  are  "  unshaven," 
and  should,  therefore,  have  Armenoid  blood  in  them  like  the  "  Babylonian  Semites  " 
on  p.  148  ;  yet  on  p.  147  "  Egyptians,  Arabs,  and  Sumerians  may  have  been  kins- 
"  men  of  the  Brown  Race."  All  this  part  of  the  argument,  in  fact,  will  need  re- 
statement presently  ;  and  inevitably  conveys  the  impression  that  the  basis  of  observed 
fact  is  still  precarious.  But  this  is  no  shame  to  anyone  but  the  Turk,  who  retards 
inquiries  which  he  is  powerless  to  prevent. 

Finally,  what  of  the  influence  of  Egypt  upon  the  civilisation  of  Europe  ?  The 
author  finds  this  influence  in  two  main  fields.  Armed  with  the  "Egyptian"  inven- 
tion of  copper,  Armenoid- Alpine  man  pushed  westward  overland,  in  a  broad  homo- 
geneous flood  ;  and  oversea,  from  Egypt  itself,  by  way  of  Crete  and  Greece,  spread 
the  dilute  "  alien "  or  "  Giza "  type  of  man,  with  the  same  copper-culture  as  in 
Egypt.  Here,  again,  the  data  are  for  the  most  part  familiar  and  undisputed  ;  the 
novelty  is  in  Professor  Elliot  Smith's  treatment  of  them  ;  the  chief  difficulty  in 
following  him  is  the  cursory  treatment  of  so  large  a  matter,  which  was  inevitable  in 
so  short  an  essay.  With  copper  tools,  much  more  elaborate  forms  and  constructions 
may  be  essayed,  both  in  wood  and  in  masonry,  than  with  stone  implements  only. 
It  is  accordingly  suggested  that  the  reason  both  for  the  abrupt  appearance  of  mega- 
lithic monuments,  and  for  their  peculiar  geographical  distribution,  may  be  that  they 
represent  the  new  skill  of  a  copper-using  people,  mainly  Egyptian  in  origin  and 
culture,  and  mainly  of  "Giza"  physique,  dispersed  by  means  of  sea  transport,  which 
(a  friendly  critic  may  add)  is  itself  greatly  facilitated  by  the  new  copper  tools  of 
Egyptian  shipwrights,  employed  upon  cedars  of  Lebanon,  and  such-like  reasons  for 
intercourse  with  Armenoid  Syria.  Something  of  this  kind  has  been  foreshadowed 
recently  by  Newberry,  and  is  supported  by  what  we  know  at  present  about  the 
earliest  boats  of  the  Nile  and  the  Greek  islands,  and  about  the  methods  of  ship 
construction  which  have  prevailed  until  recent  times  in  all  Mediterranean  lands  ; 
see,  for  instance,  E.  Hahn,  Die  Entwicklung  des  Schijfs  in  Z.  Verband  D.  Diplom- 
Ingenieure,  Heft  22,  1911  (Berlin  :  Krayn). 

What  is  new  here,  too,  in  Professor  Elliot  Smith's  treatment  of  the  matter  is 
the  connection  on  one  hand  between  megalithic  architecture  and  copper  working, 
and  on  another  between  chamber-burial  (whether  megalithic,  as  in  Tunis,  Malta, 
and  Sardinia,  or  cavernous  as  in  Sicily,  Sardinia,  and  the  Canary  Islands),  and  the 
change  from  contracted  to  extended  burial,  which  appears  on  many  Mediterranean 
coasts  at  about  the  same  me  as  chamber-tombs.  To  connect  all  this  with  the  spread 

[  188  ] 


1912.]  MAN.  [Nos.  100-101. 

of  the  "Giza"  type  of  skull  is  a  further  combination,  very  tempting,  but  en  lain  to 
arouse  controversy,  and  itself  susceptible  of  more  than  one  interpretation  ;  particularly 
in  view  of  the  widespread  early  use  of  cavern-burial  in  Asia  Minor,  Cyprus,  and,1 
Syria,  and  of  the  strong  probability  that  the  "  alien  "  types  of  skull  which  intrude 
into  Crete  in  the  late  Minoan  Age  come  directly  from  Anatolia  and  from  the  Balkan 
promontory.  The  arrival  of  these  types  in  Crete  is,  moreover,  approximately  dateable, 
but  it  coincides  far  more  closely  with  the  eighteenth  dynasty  than  with  the  pyramid- 
building  fourth,  whereas  Professor  Elliot  Smith's  essay  deals  almost  exclusively  with- 
a  far  earlier  period.  It  is  in  this  respect,  indeed,  that  (as  hinted  above)  this  book 
falls  a  little  short  of  its  title ;  Egyptian  influence  on  European  civilisation  is  but 
incompletely  surveyed  if  we  stop  at  ^neolithic  Sicily. 

The  upshot  of  the  whole  argument  is,  then,  a  restatement  of  important  sections 
of  Sergi's  Mediterranean  hypothesis,  with  much  fresh  detail,  both  archaeological  and 
anthropometric,  and  a  very  tempting  hypothesis  as  to  the  source  of  those  broader- 
headed  varieties  which  Sergi  himself,  like  all  recent  observers,  detects  as  a  widespread 
ingredient  in  the  Mediterranean  complex  of  human  breeds.  Weak  points  in  a  long 
and  complete  argument  of  this  kind  are  easy  enough  to  detect,  especially  where  they 
do  not  affect  a  main  issue,  but  not  at  all  so  easy  for  a  critic  to  amend  ;  and  ques- 
tions are  easy  to  put,  which  are  as  likely  to  be  "posers"  for  the  questioner  as  for 
Professor  Elliot  Smith.  What  is  not  so  easy  to  do  is  to  carry  through  a  vast 
quantity  of  minute  routine  work,  such  as  lies  behind  his  brief  descriptive  paragraphs, 
and  yet  at  the  same  time  to  draw  in  any  kind  of  perspective  the  main  outlines  of 
the  picture,  and  to  keep  touch  with  so  large  a  part  of  the  current  work  in  depart- 
ments which  are  not  his  own.  Not  everyone  will  agree  with  all  the  positions 
which  are  here  maintained  ;  but  few  will  read  this  essay  without  finding  in  it  many 
of  those  "provocative  questions"  which  breed  fresh  work,  and  criticism  no  less- 
stimulating. 

In  two  passages  a  slip  of  the  pen  seems  to  pervert  the  sense  ;  on  p.  140, 
line  14,  the  clause  "was  left  unoccupied"  has  surely  lost  a  negative;  on  p.  150,. 
line  2,  bottom,  "westward"  should  be  "eastward."  And  on  pp.  167-8  the  presence 
of  "  alien "  types  in  seneolithic  Sicily  seems  to  be  first  denied  (as  on  p.  37)  then, 
asserted.  JOHN  L.  MYRES. 


New  Guinea.  Williamson. 

The    Mafulu    Mountain    People    of   British    New     Guinea.      By    R.    W.     fflf 
Williamson.  l"l 

The  elucidation  of  the  complex  ethnological  problems  in  British  New  Guinea 
is  proceeding  apace,  and  the  anthropologist  is  rapidly  acquiring  reliable  data  whereby 
he  may  hope  to  determine  with  some  accuracy  the  physical  and  cultural  characteristics 
of  the  several  ethnic  stocks  which  are  traceable  among  the  native  inhabitants  of 
the  region,  and  to  diagnose  those  inter-relationships  which  have  often  bred  confusion, 
owing  to  the  resultant  intermediate  types,  both  physical  and  cultural.  The  general 
information  supplied  by  the  earlier  observers  has  been  succeeded  by  more  detailed 
and  accurate  data,  tending  to  differentiate  more  surely  between  the  Negritic,  Papuan, 
and  Papuo-Melanesian  stocks.  The  generalisations  contained  in  Dr.  Seligmianu's 
admirable  book  on  The  Melanesians  of  British  New  Guinea  are  based  upon  recent 
careful  investigations  by  Dr.  Haddon,  Dr.  Seligmann  himself,  and  others,  but  there 
still  remains  to  be  done  a  vast  amount  of  detailed  descriptive  work,  before  it  will 
be  possible  to  treat  exhaustively  of  the  geographical  distribution  of  the  several 
stocks  and  intermediate  varieties.  Nor  is  there  time  for  delay,  since  the  country 
is  rapidly  being  "  opened  up,"  and  the  ever-changing  conditions  tend  to  confuse  the 
ethnological  material.  A  hearty  welcome  should,  therefore,  be  given  to  Mr. 

[     189    ] 


No.  101.]  MAN.  [1912. 

Williamson's  monograph  upon  the  Mafulu  people,  which  fills  an  important  gap  in 
our  knowledge  of  the  inland  tribes. 

The  work  is  none  the  less  welcome  for  being  for  the  most  part  purely  descriptive, 
since  it  is  the  result  of  personal  research  among  the  natives  of  the  Mafulu  (Mambule) 
hill  district,  reinforced  by  information  derived  from  the  fathers  of  the  Mission  of 
the  Sacred  Heart,  established  in  the  district,  who  readily  gave  their  valuable  help. 

The  description  of  the  Mafulu  proper  would  appear  to  be  applicable  practically 
to  the  whole  of  the  north-westerly  portion  of  the  Fuyuge-speaking  area. 

Although  the  book  is  chiefly  descriptive  of  one  people,  valuable  comparisons 
are  made  between  the  culture  of  the  Mafulu  and  that  of  the  neighbouring  tribes — 
the  Ambo,  Kuni,  &c. — and  also  that  of  the  Mekeo  district,  nearer  to  the  coast. 

The  probable  origin  of  the  Mafulu  is  discussed  by  the  author,  who  regards  them 
as  a  people  of  mixed  ancestry,  combining  Papuan  and  Melanesian  characteristics, 
together  with  a  distinct  infusion  of  Negrito  blood.  This  Negritic  affinity  is  a  very 
interesting  feature,  since  it  is  likely  that  many,  if  not  all,  of  the  inland  mountain 
tribes  may  be  found  to  show,  to  a  varying  extent,  traces  of  the  Negrito  element, 
differentiating  them  more  or  less  sharply  from  the  peoples  of  the  plains  and  coast. 
The  recent  discovery  by  the  expedition  organised  by  the  British  Ornithologists'  Union, 
of  a  "pigmy"  people  in  southern  Dutch  New  Guinea,  lends  support  to  the  theory. 
Dr.  Keith,  who  examined  Mr.  Williamson's  material,  finds  evidence  of  a  very  strong 
Negrito  element  among  the  Mafulu.  A  comparative  table  is  given  at  the  end  of  the 
book,  showing  the  main  physical  characters  of  the  Andarnanese,  Semang,  Aetas,  and 
the  Tapiro  pigmies  of  Dutch  New  Guinea,  as  compared  with  those  of  the  Mafulu, 
and  a  strong  case  is  made  out.  Resemblances  are  noted,  moreover,  between  certain 
cultural  peculiarities  of  the  Mafulu  and  of  some  peoples  of  true  Negrito  stock,  e.g., 
the  Andamanese  and  the  Semang. 

The  greater  part  of  the  book  deals  with  the  culture  of  the  Mafulu,  which  is 
very  thoroughly  treated.  The  material  arts  are  described  in  detail,  though  here  and 
there  the  descriptions  of  particular  objects  are  somewhat  meagre.  It  is  not,  for 
instance,  a  sufficient  description  of  a  musical  instrument  to  say  that  "  the  flute  is 
"  merely  a  small  simple  instrument  made  out  of  a  small  bamboo  stem,  with  one  or1 
"  two  holes  bored  in  it."  There  are  many  distinct  kinds  of  "flutes"  answering  this 
sketchy  description,  which  conveys  very  little  and  does  not  admit  of  the  classification 
of  the  Mafulu  instrument.  Similarly  the  description  of  the  process  of  fire-making  is 
not  adequate.  In  general,  however,  the  accounts  are  very  good,  and  are  given  often 
with  ingenious  clearness,  as,  for  example,  in  the  account  of  the  native  string- work, 
the  processes  of  which  are  admirably  described. 

The  most  interesting  portion  of  the  book  is  perhaps  that  dealing  with  social 
structure,  customs,  and  institutions,  starting  with  the  division  of  the  people  into  com- 
munities, each  of  which  comprises  two  or  more  villages.  This  grouping  is  combined 
with  a  clan  system,  and  there  is  usually  more  than  one  clan  within  a  community, 
There  is  no  general  organisation  of  the  Mafulu  people,  the  numerous  communities 
looking  upon  one  another  as  "  outsiders,"  quite  distinct  from  and  unrelated  to  each 
other;  and,  whereas  a  given  community,  as  a  unit  composed  of  so  many  villages,  each 
comprising  one  or  more  clans,  will  act  when  necessary  as  one  composite  whole,  yet 
it  is  only  under  very  exceptional  circumstances  that  two  or  more  communities  will  act 
together,  even  for  purposes  of  defence.  Chieftainship  and  administration  are  some- 
what vaguely  developed.  There  is  at  the  head  of  each  clan  a  principal  chief,  the 
amidi,  whose  position  is  one  of  respect  and  who  plays  a  leading  part  in  ceremonials, 
but  whose  disciplinary  powers  are  practically  nil.  His  cmone,  or  clubhouse,  is  the 
important  centre  of  the  village  or  group  of  villages  within  the  clan.  Next  to  the 
amidi  there  are  sub-chiefs,  eni'ubabe,  at  the  head  of  each  village,  having  similar 

[  190  ] 


1912.]  MAN.  [No.  101. 

though  more  localised  powers,  each  being  allowed  an  emone  of  his  own.  Next  in 
rank  come  certain  notables,  a  kind  of  aristocracy,  occupying  a  position  of  dignity,  but 
having  no  special  power,  though  each  entitled  to  an  emonc.  Both  chieftainship  and 
aristocracy  are  attained  only  by  heredity  in  the  male  line,  except  in  rare  instances. 
In  regard  to  property,  it  is  interesting  to  note  that  whereas  the  bush-land  with  its 
timber  and  the  cultivated  plot  occupied  by  a  man  are  his  own  property,  the  game 
and  fish  found  upon  his  property  or  estate  are  owned  by  the  community. 

A  very  interesting  section  of  the  book  deals  with  the  Big  Feast  and  other  lesser 
ceremonials.  The  former  is  an  important  affair,  apparently  concerned  to  a  great 
extent  with  the  ceremonial  "laying"  of  the  ghost  of  a  dead  chief.  Preparations 
extend  over  a  long  period,  say,  a  year  or  two,  the  accumulation  of  a  huge  supply 
of  food  and  tobacco  being  an  essential  feature.  The  major  chiefs  emone  is  often 
entirely  rebuilt,  and  is  destined  to  be  the  central  point  upon  which  the  whole  cere- 
monial is  focussed.  Platforms  are  erected  for  spectators.  The  invitation  to  other 
communities  is  issued  in  a  formal  manner,  though  the  actual  date  of  the  ceremony 
cannot  be  fixed  exactly,  since  it  depends  upon  the  arrival  of  the  guests,  the  timing  of 
which  is  a  matter  of  considerable  uncertainty.  Mr.  Williamson  describes  in  elaborate 
detail  the  whole  course  of  the  ceremony,  which  includes  processional  and  dramatic 
dancing  and  pig  killing.  Upwards  of  a  hundred  pigs  may  be  killed  for  the  feast,  and 
the  bones  of  chiefs  are  dipped  in  their  blood.  There  appears,  in  fact,  to  be  some 
deep  significance  in  this  process.  The  pigs  are  killed  on  the  site  of  the  burial 
platform  upon  which  were  laid  the  skulls  and  bones  of  chiefs,  and  which  is  cut 
down  during  the  ceremony.  After  the  conclusion  of  the  ceremony,  the  bones,  which 
have  been  anointed  with  the  pigs'  blood,  are  usually  discarded  and  will  not  again  be 
employed  ceremonially.  One  would  like  to  know  what  is  the  true  symbolic  status 
of  the  pig — why,  for  instance,  a  child  at  initiation  is  made  to  stand  upon  the  body 
of  a  pig  ;  why  a  newly-elected  chief  is  placed  upon  one  ;  and  why  those  who  are 
appointed  to  keep  vigil  over  the  body  of  a  dead  chief,  are  said  to  be  "  watching 
"  over  the  blood  of  the  killed  pigs  ?  "  What  is  the  nature  of  the  intimate  connection 
existing  between  the  animals'  blood  and  the  dead  or  living  people  ? 

Mr.  Williamson  is  cautious  and  does  not  speculate.  Throughout  the  book,  indeed, 
there  runs  a  pleasing  tone  of  caution,  and  while  we  long  to  learn  "  true  inward- 
nesses," we  may  feel  grateful  to  the  author  for  his  reserve  and  for  not  making  rash 
pronouncements  upon  insufficient  data.  As  a  lawyer,  he  knows  the  value  of  evidence 
and  also  how  not  to  abuse  it.  He  just  states  the  facts  as  he  has  found  them  or 
learnt  them  from  other  observer's,  and  he  indulges  in  diagnosis  only  when  he  feels 
reasonably  sure  of  his  ground.  As  far  as  possible,  he  has  set  out  the  whole  life  of 
the  Mafulu  people  from  birth  to  death,  the  life  industrial  and  the  life  social  and 
ceremonial,  and  his  account  is  straightforward,  concise,  and  convincing.  One  would 
have  welcomed  some  account  of  his  own  personal  experiences,  of  how  he  reached  the 
Mafulu  country,  and  of  his  life  among  the  natives.  Above  all,  one's  curiosity  prompts 
one  to  ask,  what  was  the  call  which  lured  a  successful  solicitor,  not  specially  trained 
in  anthropology,  to  go  out  into  the  field  and  make  himself  a  successful  ethnographer  ? 
May  we  hope  that  the  personal  narrative  will  be  forthcoming ;  it  certainly  should 
prove  interesting.  At  least  we  recognise  from  his  book  that  a  legal  training  and  a 
well-developed  capacity  for  sifting  evidence,  are  valuable  assets  to  one  who  wishes 
to  observe  facts  and  to  record  them  faithfully. 

The  linguistic  material  has  been  dealt  with  by  Mr.  S.  H.  Ray  with  his  usual 
skill  and  discernment,  and  his  appendices  form  a  valuable  addition  to  the  volume. 
Dr.  A.  C.  Haddon  has  furnished  an  interesting  introduction. 

One  slight  piece  of  criticism  of  the  publishers  suggests  itself  to  one  who  has 
done  more  than  merely  skim  the  book  through.  Why  are  the  plates,  which,  by  the 

[  191  ] 


Nos.  101-103.]  MAN.  [1912. 

way,  are  excellent,  scattered  promiscuously  through  the  volume,  instead  of  being  so 
placed  as  to  be  adjacent  to  the  passages  in  the  text  which  they  illustrate  ?  It  is 
distinctly  annoying  to  be  compelled  to  hunt  through  the  volume  for  a  plate  referred 
to  in  the  text,  and,  while  such  arrangement  may  be  attractive  as  "  ground  bait "  to 
the  prospective  purchaser,  who  sees  illustrations  at  frequent  and  regular  intervals,  as 
he  casts  a  hasty  eye  over  the  volume,  it  is  very  trying,  to  the  serious  reader  and  by 
no  means  welcome  to  those  who  will  make  most  use  of  the  book.  A  review  without 
a  growl  in  it  is  apt  to  savour  of  insincerity,  but  this  is  our  chief,  almost  our  only 
growl,  and  even  this  is  well  intentioned.  HENRY  BALFOUR, 


Africa,  West.  Benton. 

Note's  on  Some  Languages  of  the  Western  Sudan.  By  P.  Askell  4110 
Benton,  B.A.,  F.R.G.S.  Henry  Frowde,  Oxford  University  Press,  1912.  lUfc 
Pp.  304.  Price  7*.  Qd.  net. 

Kanuri  Readings.  By  the  same  author.  Henry  Frowde,  Oxford  University 
Press.  Price  6d.  net. 

These  little  books  show  great  application  and  hard  work  on  the  part  of  the 
author,  and  the  material  collected  will  be  most  useful  to  officials  in  the  Bornu 
Province  of  Northern  Nigeria — even  to  those  in  other  parts  of  the  Protectorate — and 
also,  as  he  hopes,  "to  those  who  are  able  to  use  it  for  purposes  of  comparative 
philology." 

The  first  includes  notes  on  Bolanchi  and  the  Budduma  language,  24  unpublished 
vocabularies  of  Barth,  extracts  from  correspondence  regarding  Richardson's  and 
Earth's  expeditions,  and  a  few  Hausa  riddles  and  proverbs,  all  of  which  are  valuable 
and  interesting. 

The  other  book,  as  its  title  indicates,  contains  a  few  stories,  with  facsimiles  of 
the  Kanuri  writing  (Arabic  characters),  interlinear  translation,  and  notes,  also  an 
English-Kanuri  vocabulary.  The  notes  are  very  numerous,  and  they  and  the 
vocabulary  will  be  a  great  help  to  students  of  the  language.  A.  J.  N.  T. 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  NOTE. 

ON  Saturday,  September  14th,  1912,  at  the  concluding  session  of  the  Fourteenth  4110 
Congres  International  d'Anthropologie  et  d'Archeologie  prehistoriques,  the  lUU 
following  proposition  was  submitted  by  the  Council  and  passed  nem.  con: : — 

Ayant  ete  informe  officiellement  de  la  prochaiue  fondation  d'un  nouveau 
congres  devant  s'occuper  particulierement  d'ethnographie  et  d'anthropologie 
somatique,  le  conseil  et  le  bureau  de  la  XIV  Session  du  Congres  d'Anthro- 
pologie et  d'Archeologie  prehistoriques,  reunie  a  Geneve,  propose  aux  membres 
du  congres  d'emettre  le  voeu  que  des  relations  amicales  s'etablissent  des  a  pre- 
sent entre  les  deux  congres,  afin  d'eviter  tout  ce  qui  pourrait  nuire  a  1'un  on  a 
1'autre,  et  qu'au  contraire  tout  soit  mis  en  oeuvre  pour  favoriser  leurs  interets 
reciproques. 

The  organising  committee  of  the  new  Congress  was  represented  at  Geneva  by 
Messrs.  Capitan,  Duckworth,  Hrdlicka,  and  myself.  We  were  received  with  the 
greatest  courtesy  by  the  members  of  the  Council  and  Bureau  of  the  Geneva  Congress, 
who  one  and  all  showed  themselves  perfectly  ready  to  welcome  the  idea  of  a  con- 
gress interesting  itself  primarily  in  the  various  aspects  of  the  nature  and  life  of  the 
primitive  man  of  to-day.  Their  expressed  desire  that  the  two  Congresses  should  not 
stand  in  each  other's  light  can  be  met  to  a  large  extent  by  arranging  that  if,  as  is 
probable,  their  Congress  next  assembles  in  1915,  the  new  Congress  be  held  in  the 
following  year.  R.  R.  MARETT,  Organising  Secretary. 

Printed  by  EYRE  AND  SPOTTISWOODE,  LTD.,  His  Majesty's  Printers,  East  Harding  Street,  B.C. 


PLATE  M. 


MAN,  1912. 


FIG.  i. 


FIG.  2. 


CEREMONIAL    OBJECTS     FROM     RAROTONGA 


1912.]  MAN.  [Nos.  104-105, 

ORIGINAL    ARTICLES. 
Pacific,  Eastern.  With  Plate  M.  Partington. 

Ceremonial  Objects  from  Rarotonga.     By  J.  Edge-Partington.  4f|i 

The  British  Museum  has  recently  acquired  two  very  interesting  speei-  IUT 
mens  from  Karotonga,  in  the  Eastern  Pacific.  The  carving  of  the  small  figures,  with 
their  pointed  oval  eyes,  is  typical  of  Rarotonga.  Both  pieces  are  evidently  of  con- 
siderable age. 

No.  1  of  Plate  M  is  a  staff  of  hard  wood,  oval  in  section,  both  sides  being  alike  ; 
the  human  figures  are  carved  back  to  back,  there  being  three  pairs  on  each  half,  the 
double  pair  in  the  middle  is  represented  feet  to  feet,  and  the  rest  correspond  in  position 
to  them.  The  intervening  spaces  are  neatly  wrapped  with  sinnet,  the  two  outer  ones 
in  a  rectangular  pattern,  and  the  two  inner  ones  with  ordinary  wrapping.  There  can 
be  little  doubt,  I  think,  that  this  staff  was  put  to  some  religious  or  ceremonial  use, 
being  probably  an  idol. 

No.  2.  The  appearance  is  axe-shaped,  and  the  whole  surface  is  deeply  grooved 
in  a  herring-bone  pattern,  both  sides  being  similarly  treated.  The  butt-end  is  carved 
with  the  little  figures  feet  to  feet,  and  is  pierced  with  three  holes  for  a  wrist  cord. 
From  the  two  holes  pierced  at  the  lower  end,  it  is  evident  that  this  object  was  used 
at  dances,  and  probably  had  a  plume  of  feathers  attached. 

J.  EDGE-PARTINGTON. 


Africa,  East.  Werner. 

Note  on  Bantu  Star-Names.  By  Miss  A.  Werner.  IOC 

My  impression,  so  far,  has  been  that  nearly,  if  not  quite  all,  the  people  with  lOu 
whom  I  have  been  brought  in  contact  have  lost  much  of  the  star  knowledge  which 
they  once  possessed.  This  is  shown  (i)  by  the  small  number  of  stars  known  by 
name  ;  (ii)  by  the  same  name  being  applied  to  different  stars  or  groups  of  stars. 

Some  Nyasaland  names  were  collected  by  Captain  Stigand  and  appear  in  his 
paper  published  in  the  Journal  of  the  Royal  Anthropological  Society,  and  there  is 
much  valuable  information  in  a  paper  communicated  some  years  ago  to  the  South 
African  Association  for  the  Advancement  of  Science  by  the  Rev.  Father  Norton. 
This  is  full  of  interest,  and  throws  light  on  some  points  previously  obscure.  Neither 
of  their  papers  is  now  within  reach  ;  but  I  thin-k  that  Captain  Stigand  gives  more 
additional  names  beyond  those  I  was  able  to  obtain  in  Nyasaland  ;  also  (if  I  can 
trust  my  memory)  that  the  names  for  the  same  star  were  sometimes,  but  not  always, 
the  same  in  both  lists.  The  stars  for  which  I  have  heard  names  are  : — 

(1)  THE  PLEIADES. — These  are  the  most  widely  known,  from  their  association 
with  agriculture.  The  name,  I  think  (I  cannot  just  now  recall  it  for  any  of  the 
Congo  languages)  is  always  derived  from  the  "  applied "  form  of  the  verb  lima  = 
"  cultivate."  Thus  :  Zulu  isi-limela,  Swahili  Ki-limia,  Giryama  kirimira,  &c.  In 
Yao  and  in  Pokomo,  the  plural  is  used  :  i-rimira*  (from  chi-limila)  and  vimia  (pi.  of 
Kimia)  respectively.  In  connection  with  this  fact  it  may  be  noticed  (1)  that  my 
Yao  informant  gave  me  the  name  as  that  of  the  three  stars  in  Orion's  belt  ;  (2)  that 
the  Pokamo  seem  to  apply  the  name  to  two  different  groups  of  stars,  known  as 
"  male  "  and  "  female "  vimia  (vimia  viume  and  vimia  vike  respectively),  but  I  have 
not  yet  been  able  to  ascertain  what  the  second  is.  The  Rev.  W.  E.  Taylor,  in  his 
valuable  Giryama  Vocabulary  and  Collections,  has  the  following  note  (s,v.  "  Pleiades," 
p.  73)  :  "  The  two  stars  to  the  east  of  the  Pleiades,  Kfliww/a."  This,  like  some  other 
astronomical  references  in  the  same  work,  is  unfortunately  vague.  Possibly  the  stars 
meant  are  the  Hyades,  or,  if  "  east  "  is  to  be  taken  strictly,  ft  and  Tauri.  I  hope 

*  So  heard  at  Blantyre.     The  1  and  r  sounds  are  interchangeable  in  Yao. 

[     193     1 


No.  105.]  MAN.  [1912. 

to  settle  this  point  later  on.  The  word  uniivula  is  evidently  connected  with  vula 
(wula)  =  "  rain,"  which  suggests  the  Hyades.  I  would  hardly  venture  to  make 
this  suggestion  but  that  Taurus  is  above  the  horizon  during  the  »time  of  the  "  lesser 
rains  "  (vuli)  in  October  and  November  and  also  during  the  beginning  of  the  Mivaka 
rains  (usually  in  March).  The  Swahili  proverb  "  Kilimia  kikizama  kwa  jua  huzuka 
kwa  mvua,  kikizama  kwa  jua  huzuka  kwa  jua"  (Taylor,  African  Aphorisms,  section 
150  :  "  When  the  Pleiades  set  in  sun  they  rise  in  rain,"  and  vice  versa)  has 
certainly  been  fulfilled  this  year,  when  there  were  heavy  showers  at  the  beginning  of 
November  ;  but  May  has  been  exceptionally  dry.  (Mr.  Taylor's  comment,  "  Taurus, 
in  the  Southern  Hemisphere,  rises  in  May  and  sets  in  November,"  is — at  any  rate 
as  regards  this  latitude — surely  a  mistake.)  I  have  the  name  Machinga  usiku  noted 
for  the  Pleiades  in  Nyasalaud.  It  might  mean  "fence"  or  "rampant  of  the  night," 
but  I  am  not  sure  that  it  really  belongs  to  them. 

(ii)  ORION'S  BELT. — These  three  stars  seem  everywhere  to  have  been  noticed 
and  are  often  known  by  some  name  connected  with  hunting.  On  the  Lower  Congo 
they  are  known  as  "the  Leopard,  the  Dog,  and  the  Hunter,"  which  names  are 
embodied  in  a  little  song  quoted  in  Beritley's  Kongo  Dictionary,  s.v. 

On  the  Lower  Shire  (and  I  think  elsewhere,  but  have  no  definite  note  on  the 
subject),  it  is  Mauta,  "  the  Bows  " — or  rather  "  the  Bow  and  Arrows,"  for  I  think 
the  plural  has  this  collective  force.  At  Mombasa,  and  apparently  also  at  Zanzibar, 
they  are  called  Tamaa  (£*k)  na  Mwanadamu  na  Mauti  (^y*) — the  names,  as  well 
as  the  explanation  (viz.,  that,  as  the  son  of  Adam  follows  after  Desire,  so  Death 
in  turn  follows  him)  being  obviously  Arabic).  Dzangwe  is  another  name  for  these 
stars  in  Nyasaland,  of  which  I  can  give  no  explanation  ;  it  is  sometimes  said  to 
mean  the  Pleiades  and  may  be  given  to  any  bright  group  of  stars.  In  "  Chisochiri  " 
(a  language  at  the  north  end  of  Lake  Nyasa  of  whose  identity  I  am  uncertain) 
they  are  called  Ahadzera.  I  should  be  glad  of  some  further  light  on  this  name. 
The  Giryama  name  is  Kifunguchore  (given  by  Rebmann*  as  Kifungudzore,  "  the 
name  of  a  constellation "),  of  which  I  am  unable  as  yet  to  explain  the  meaning. 

(iii)  THE  PLANET  VENUS. — Usually  associated  with  the  Moon  as  "  his  wife." 
In  Barnes'  Nyanja  Vocabulary,  s.v.  Mwezi,  will  be  found  the  myth  (as  told  at 
Likoma)  of  the  moon's  two  wives,  Chekechani  and  Puikani,  which  (supposing  the 
morning  and  evening  star  to  be  two  separate  bodies)  connects  them  with  the  waxing 
and  waning  of  the  moon.  This  story,  without  the  names  and  in  less  detail,  I  have 
also  heard  at  Blantyre.  It  seems  to  have  a  fairly  wide  range.  In  Giryama  the 
name  Mukazamwezi,  "  the  moon's  wife,"  is  used.  Taylor  says  ( Foe.,  p.  97),  if  a 
"  planet  seen  near  the  moon."  It  does  not  seem  to  be  known  in  Pokomo. 

In  Nyasaland  the  name  Ntanda  (Mtanda  ?)  is  used,  which  means  "  the  central 
"•  post  of  the  hut,"  and  perhaps  suggests  the  idea  of  a  fixed  point  round  which 
the  other  stars  revolve.  But  this  suits  Jupiter  rather  than  Venus,  and  I  noticed, 
more  than  once  in  Nyasaland,  that  names  seemed  to  be  attributed  to  any  bright 
star  indiscriminately.  Most  of  my  information  comes  from  children,  who  would  be 
quite  likely  to  make  mistakes;  but  a  note  from  Livingstone  (probably  *  Zambesi 
Expedition,  first  edition,  p.  176)  shows  that  I  am  not  alone  in  this  error.  The  names 
there  given  for  Venus  are  Ntanda  and  Manjika — concerning  the  latter  I  have  no 
other  information. 

The  Yao  name  for  Venus  is  Tekuteku  and  the  Chisochiri  Bwivi.  I  should  be 
glad  of  any  information  tending  to  throw  light  on  these.  I  have  heard  of  no  Swahili 
names  for  this  planet,  except  the  Arabic  Zohara.  In  fact,  my  teacher  at  Mombasa 
disclaimed  all  knowledge  of  the  stars  on  his  own  account,  apparently  thinking  there 

*  Nika  Dictionary,  p.  164.     Dzore   is   evidently  plural   of   chore.     The  word  (which   is   not   in 
Taylor)  was  given  to  me  by  a  Giryama  at  Kaloleni. 

[     194     ] 


19J  2.1  MAN.  [No.  105. 

w;is  something  unholy  about  it;  it  was  kazi  ya  winjmnjn  he  said.  Taylor  gives 
/iff  d/a  ("a  walking  stick")  as  a  Giryama  name  for  the  "evening  star  and  morning 
star")* — which,  perhaps,  refers  not  to  Venus  hut  to  Jupiter,  as  lieing,  to  quote 
Father  Norton  from  memory,  "the  peg  or  pin  on  which  the  night  hangs."  (If  I 
am  not  mistaken  this  is  the  name  given  by  the  Basuto  to  Jupiter.)  One  native 
informant,  however,  says  that  ndnta  is  the  same  as  mkazamwezi  and  I  have  failed, 
as  yet,  to  get  any  explanation  of  the  name.  My  Pokomo  informant  tells  me  of  a 
iiyoha  ya  magura  "  morning  star,"  but  as  it  evidently  cannot  be  Venus,  it  will  In- 
better  to  place  this  under  the  next  heading. 

I  may  add  here  the  Zulu  name  for  the  morning  star,  u(lu}-kicezi,  evidently 
from  kweza,  causative  of  kwela,  "to  ascend" — the  one  who  "brings  up"  the  dawn, 
as  though  drawing  it  after  her  from  below  the  horizon.  Livingstone  (Joe.  cit.)  gives 
kueiva  usiku  =  "drawer  of  night,"  as  the  Nyanja  name  for  Sirius;  but  this  may  be 
a  mistake. f 

IV.  JUPITEK. — This  planet  seems  to  have  attracted  attention  everywhere  owing 
to  its  brilliancy  and  its  variable  position  in  relation  to  other  stars.  The  Chinyanja 
name  is  ng'andu,  and  the  "  Chisochiri  "  Cheze,  of  which  I  have  no  explanation.  It  is, 
I  suspect,  the  star  called  by  the  Pokomo  nyoha  ya  magura,  of  which  my  informant  says 
that  hunting  expeditions  are  regulated  by  it  ;  the  old  men  (without  whose  permission 
the  hunters  cannot  start)  watch  this  star  night  after  night,  till  they  find  that  it  is 
overhead  just  before  dawn.  This  is  considered  to  be  the  propitious  time.  The  fact 
of  its  being  overhead  at  this  time  (ingana  na  kits  ira)  seems  decisive  against  its 
being  Venus. 

Father  Norton,  if  I  remember  rightly,  gives  as  the  Suto  name  for  Jupiter  a  word 
meaning,  as  already  stated,  the  "peg"  or  "pin"  of  the  night — probably  with  tho 
idea  that,  being  a  conspicuous  and,  as  it  were,  a  central  object  in  the  sky,  it  draws 
the  night  up  after  it  as  it  ascends. 

I  have  only  once  found  the  constellation  Ursa  Major  recognised,  and  that  not  as 
a  whole.  My  house-boy,  a  Zanzibar  Swahili,  tells  me  that  the  three  stars  (c,  £,  r/), 
usually  known  as  the  "  horses  "  of  Charles's  Wain,  are  called  Hoinankuhome,  which 
he  explains  as  "  pigankupige "  =  "  Hit  (him)  and  I'll  hit  you" — the  third  being 
supposed  thus  to  address  the  second,  who  is  pursuing  the  first.  This  verb  ku  honia 
is  not  either  in  Knapf's  Swahili  Dictionary  or  Steere's  Handbook. 

He  also  pointed  out  a  star — Sirius,  if  I  am  not  mistaken — which  he  called  Nyofa 
jau,  and  said  that  people  found  their  way  by  it  if  lost  at  night.  Probably  the  name 
is  equivalent  to  "the  north  star,"  as  Steere  gives  Shika  majira  ya  jaa  =  "  steer 
"  northwards." 

The  Giryama  word  for  "  star  "  is  the  same  as  that  used  in  Chiuyanja,  nyenyc:L 
In  Swahili  and  several  neighbouring  languages  the  word  is  nyota,  Avhich  Meinhof 
takes  to  be  an  original  Bantu  root,  tota.  In  Yao  the  word  is  ndondwa,  which 
seems  to  be  identical  with  Maka  etotwa.  In  Pokomo  it  is  interesting  to  find  that 
nyenyezi  means  the  fixed  stars,  "  those  that  keep  on  winking  "  and  "follow  the  whole 
"  sky "  (Hufuata  mbingu  yote),  i.e.,  move  round  in  a  body  and  not  independently  ; 
while  nyoha  (=  nyota)  are  the  plants.  Probably  the  distinction  exists  in  other 
languages,  but  has  not  been  noticed.  I  find  in  one  dialect  of  Makuan  i-tcndcri, 
which  may  be  the  same  word  as  nyenyezi. 

*  I  am  told  that  is  the  name  of  the  three-sided  club  used  by  the  Giryama  for  killing  snakes, 
which  is  not,  strictly  speaking,  a  walking-stick.  But  a  variety  of  forms  appear  to  be  in  use,  some 
of  which  serve  both  purposes. 

f  Possibly  the  name  injiilui-txiliu  (txiftu  =  day),  which  I  have  noted  from  Nyasaland  has  the 
same  meaning,  though  I  cannot  recall  to  what  star  it  was  applied.  The  usual  meaning  of  />ilta 
is  "  to  cook,"  but  it  may  have  others. 

[     195    ] 


Nos.  105-106.] 


MAN. 


[1912. 


Judging  from  Father  Norton's  paper  the  Basuto  would  seem  to  know  more  about 
the  stars — or  pay  more  attention  to  them — than  many  other  Bantu.  Was  this  due  to 
contact  with  the  Bushmen,  who  were  well  versed  in  star-lore  ? 

The  Zulus,  I  believe,  have  a  good  many  star-names,  but,  at  a  distance  from  books 
or  informants  regarding  that  language,  I  am  compelled  to  leave  them  out  of  account. 

A.  WERNER. 


Smith. 


FIG.  1. — NATURAL  SCRAPER-LIKK  FLINT  OF  TERTIARY  AGE.      (ACTUAL  SIZE.) 


Archaeology. 
Flint  Flakes  of  Tertiary   and  Secondary  Age.     By     Worthmgton    4  AC 

G.  Smith.  IUD 

Naturally -formed  flint  flakes  with  bulbs  and  conchoidal  curves  are  not  uncommonly 

found  in  post-Pliocene  Boulder-Clay,  but  the  clear  demonstration  of  the  natural  pro- 
duction of  bulbed 
and  faceted  flakes 
in  the  very 
much  older  lower 
E  ocene  sands 
(Thanetien)  of 
Belle  Assize, 
Clermont  (Oise) 
by  the  Abbe 
Breuil*  is  most 
instructive.  The 
separate  flakes 
and  cores  would 

have   possessed  much  less   value    had  they    been  merely   found   distributed   in  Eocene 

sand,   but  examples  were   met    with  lying  opposed  to  the  mother  block  of  flint  from 

which  they  had  become  naturally  detached. 

In  connection  with  naturally-formed  pseudo-implements  of  Tertiary  age  the  two 

following    cases    support   the    facts  published    by  the  Abbe  Breuil.     The  scraper-like 

uuabraded  example,  illustrated  actual  size  in  Fig.   1,  was   found  by  me   in  situ  in  the 

Lower  Tertiary  deposit   which  covers  the  chalk    of    Dunstable    Downs.     The  deposit 

includes  black  flint  pebbles,  irregular  blocks  of  flint,  Hertfordshire  conglomerate,  sand, 

grey  wethers,  ironstone,  and  other  materials,  accompanied  by  a  ferruginous  clay. 

The  flint  illustrated,  with   its  numerous  artificial-looking  facets  and  its  naturally 

trimmed    edge    owes    its 

origin     entirely    to     the 

pressure  of  small  Eocene 

pebbles.      The    face    of 

the  stone  illustrated   on 

the  right  clearly   shows 

the  effect  of  the  squeez- 
ing of  pebbles  against  it. 

The    example    is    black 

and  new  looking,  but  it 

is  really  very   old,  as  is 

proved    by    the    ferruginous    concretions    on    its    facets,    derived    from    ironstone    and 

ferruginous  clay. 

The   second  example  (Fig.  2  illustrates  actual   size)  is  part  of  a  Lower  Tertiary 

pebble  of  scraper-like  appearance,  found   and  sent  to  me   by   a  friend,  together  with 

other  broken  flint  fragments  from  Knock  Mill,  Kingsdown,  not  far  from  the  Portobello 

*  Anthropology,  1910,  xxi  ;  W.  J.  Sollas,  Ancient  Hunters,  pp.  68,  69. 

[     196     J 


FlG.   2. — NATURAL   SCRAPER-LIKE  FLINT   OF  TERTIARY  AGE. 
(ACTUAL   SIZE.) 


1912.] 


MAN. 


[No,  106. 


Tower.  It  belongs  to  Tertiary  gravel  of  Oldhaven  and  Black  heath  age.  Every 
fracture  is  due  to  the  natural  pressure  of  pebbles.  The  crust  is  liver-brown,  the 
fractured  parts  liver-yellow-brown. 

On  the  higher  grounds  of  the  Lower  Chalk  district  of  Dunstahle  the  well-known 
deposit  of  Chalk-with-flints  occurs  in  an  undulating  line  at  from  .530  to  700  feet  O.D. 
Very  little  Upper  Chalk  remains,  but  the  hard  cream-coloured  chalk,  known  as  Chalk 
Rock,  occurs.  The  chalk  is  overlain  by  Tertiary  beds  associated  with  ferruginous 

brick-earth.  The  flints  in 
the  chalk  are,  of  course,  of 
Secondary  or  Cretaceous  age. 
They  are  all  white-crusted 
except  where  stained  from 
above  by  the  adjacent  Ter- 
tiary deposits,  they  then 
become  clouded  with  irou 
oxide.  Sometimes  pipes  of 
Tertiary  clay  and  stones 
pierce  the  stratum  of  Chalk- 
with-flints.  The  most  useful 

FIG     3— NATURAL   FLINT  OF  SECONDARY   AGE  WITH   FLAKE  .  , 

sections    for    observation    are 

FOUND   /.V  SITU.     (ONE   HALF  ACTUAL  SIZE.) 

those    seen   where   roads    and 

lanes  cut  through  the  flint  stratum,  and  it  is  from  a  little-used  lane  by  Caddington, 
near  Dunstable,  that  the  two  next  examples  originated. 

Fig.  3  is  a  small  block  of  flint  derived  from  red  Clay-with-flints  (arg'de  a  silex). 
The  lane  in  which  the  section  is  exposed  from  which  this  and  the  next  were  derived 
had  been  cleared  and  made  tidy  by  a  hedger.  In  clearing  up  the  lane,  the  bank  had 
been  slightly  disturbed,  and  this  stone  with  a  few  others  had  tumbled  out  of  the 
stratum  of  red  Clay-with-flints.  When  picked  up  by  me  the  flake  A  was  still  slightly 
adherent  to  the  mother  block  ;  its  original  position  is  shown  by  the  dotted  line  on  the 
core  on  the  left.  Three  views  of  the  flake,  when  free,  are  given.  It  will  be  observed 
that  the  flake  ^- 

does  not  en- 
tirely cover  the 
naked  places 
seen  on  the 
core,  this  is 
because  other 
flakes,  which 
I  could  not 
find,  formerly 
covered  the 
naked  surface 
shown  at  B. 
The  upper 
part  of  the 

block  or  core  shows  convincing    evidence    of    natural  pressure. 
faintly  tinted  greyish  ;  the  crust  is  bun0. 

The  example  illustrated  in  Fig.  4  is  of  the  same  class  as  the  last.  It  came 
from  the  same  stratum  of  Chalk-with-ilints.  It  is  white  in  colour,  but  in  parts  very 
slightly  stained  ferruginous  from  adjacent  red  clay.  Like  the  last,  when  I  found 
it  twenty-one  years  ago,  it  had  recently  fallen  out  of  its  original  chalky  home  into 
a  little  dry  drain  below.  When  I  picked  it  up  the  flake  A  was  still  slightly  adherent, 

[    1^7    ] 


FIG.   4.— NATURAL   FLINT   OF  SECONDARY  AGE.   WITH   FLAKE   FOUND   /.V  SITf. 
(ONB   HALF  ACTUAL   SIZE.) 

The  flint    is   white, 


Nos.  106-107,]  MAN.  [1912. 

its  original  position  is  shown  by  the  dotted  line  on  the  mother  block,  where,  as  in 
the  last,  the  hollow  is  not  completely  filled.  This  appearance  is  caused  by  the  very 
thin,  weak  edges  of  the  flake  being  broken  away  by  age  and  pressure  whilst  still 
in  situ.  Both  sides  of  the  flake  are  white  as  well  as  that  portion  of  the  matrix  on 
which  it  was  originally  fixed.  It  is,  without  doubt,  of  Secondary  age.  It  quite 
likely  owes  its  origin  to  the  far-off  time  when  the  chalk  of  this  district  originally 
emerged  from  the  sea.  The  incised  side  of  the  flake  is  not  quite  smooth,  but  slightly 
crape-like  to  the  touch,  with  age.  The  block  weighs  1  Ib.  2^  oz.  but  so  very  old 
and  absorbent  of  water  is  it,  that  after  immersion  for  a  few  hours  it  weighs  1  Ib.  4  oz. 

WORTHINGTON  G.  SMITH. 


France :  Archaeology.  Lewis. 

On   some    Prehistoric    Monuments    in  the    departments    Card 
and  Bouches  du  Rhone,  France.     /;//   . /.    /,.  Lewis. 

The  prehistoric  remains  in  the  country  round  Nimes  and  Aries  have  been  so 
completely  overshadowed  by  the  great  Roman  buildings  which  have  been  so  well 
preserved  there,  that  it  Avas  thought  by  some  that  the  Congres  prehistorique  de 
France  was  making  rather  a  mistake  in  going  to  Nimes  as  the  centre  for  its  annual 
meeting  in  1911  ;  but,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  that  part  of  France  is  almost  as  full  of 
prehistoric  objects  as  any  other.  At  Nimes  itself  the  Tour  Magne  would  seem  to 
have  been  au  ancient  Gaulish  citadel  strengthened  and  faced  by  the  Romans.  The 
department  of  the  Gard,  in  which  Nimes  is  situated,  stood  sixth,  with  a  total  of 
185  in  a  departmental  list  of  megalithic  monuments  compiled  in  1880;  in  1893 
this  total  had  been  increased  by  further  discoveries  to  260,  putting  the  department 
of  the  Gard  third  on  the  list  instead  of  sixth,  provided  other  departments  had  not 
meanwhile  also  increased  their  totals  by  fresh  discoveries — a  very  unlikely  assump- 
tion.* Of  these  260  megalithic  monuments  nearly  all  are  in  the  arrondissement 
of  Alais,  in  a  difficult  country  at  the  farthest  end  of  the  department  from  Nimes, 
and  were  not  visited  by  the  Congress,  which  nevertheless  found  plenty  of  things  to 
occupy  its  attention  in  the  country  (also  trying  enough  in  the  great  heat  which 
prevailed)  between  and  around  Nimes  and  Aries. 

There  are  especially  numerous  caverns  in  which  neolithic  pottery  and  flints,  relics 
of  the  bronze  age,  bracelets  of  the  Hallstattien  epoch,  and  pottery  of  the  early  iron 
age  have  been  found,  many  specimens  of  which  are  preserved  in  the  museum  of  the 
"  Groupe  Speleo-archeologique  "  at  Uzes. 

On  the  hill  of  La  Liquiere,  near  the  village  of  Cinsens,  about  eighteen  kilo- 
metres from  Nimes,  there  are  considerable  remains  of  huts  and  enclosures  of  dry 
masonry.  Those  on  the  north  side  of  the  hill  were  mostly  bee-hive  huts,  but  have 
collapsed  into  shapeless  heaps  ;  on  the  south  side  of  the  hill  there  are,  however, 
remains  of  walls  of  considerable  size,  the  two  sides  of  which  are  often  supported  at 
the  base  by  upright  slabs.  Flints  and  neolithic  pottery  are  said  to  be  rare,  but  early 
iron  age  and  Gaulish  pottery  very  abundant  here. 

About  four  kilometres  further  south,  on  the  hill  of  Canteperdrix,  there  is  a 
curious  necropolis  of  a  circular  shape,  formed  of  a  group  of  tombs  dug  in  the  ground, 
each  one  having  a  small  passage  of  dry  masonry  terminated  by  a  beehive  chamber, 
a  type  which  is  called  by  some  archaeologists  "  ^geo-Iberic,"  and  connected  by 
them  with  some  found  in  Spain  and  Portugal,  and  derived,  as  they  say,  from  Greece. 
Burial  and  burning  were  both  practised  at  this  place.  The  objects  found  appear  to 
have  belonged  to  the  end  of  the  neolithic  period,  or  to  the  beginning  of  the  copper 
or  eneolithic  epoch. 

Two    kilometres    further    south,    beyond    the    village    of    Congenies,    is    a    small 

*  A.  Lombard  Dumas,  Catalogue  Descrijttif  <lp  Monuments  megalithiques  du  Gard,  1894. 

[    198    ] 


1912.]  MAN.  [No.  107. 

menhir,  called  7V//w  I'lnntada,  7^  feet  high,  4  feet  wide  from  east  to  west  by  compass, 
and   l£  foot  thick  ;   this  has  some  crosses  and  other  markings  upon   it. 

About  four  kilometres  from  Aries  is  an  interesting  spot  called  La  Montague  de 
Cordes  ;  it  is  :ui  islet  of  soft,  shelly,  miocene  stone,  formerly  surrounded  by  ponds 
and  pools,  and  appears  to  have  been  a  place  of  refuge  at  various  times ;  many 
sling  stones  and  fragments  of  pottery  are  found  upon  it.  It  is  ascended  by  an 
ancienl  .*tair\vav  between  rocks,  amongst  which  dry  masonry  and  other  artificial 
works  are  to  be  found.  On  the  summit  is  a  tomb,  called  the  Trou  des  Fees,  Trail 
da  Fado,  or  Kpre  de  Roland,  and  officially  described  to  the  Congress  as  an  immense 
and  splendid  hypogee,  of  a  type  unique  in  France,  dug  in  the  mass  of  soft  miocene 
as  an  open  trench,  and  then  covered  by  enormous  slabs  of  stone,  worked  to  shape  ; 
there  are  also  a  flight  of  steps  by  which  to  descend  to  it  cut  in  the  rock,  and  two 
lateral  chambers  forming  a  sort  of  vestibule  to  an  immense  sepulchral  gallery,  24 
metres  long,  nearly  4  metres  wide,  and  3|  metres  high,  the  length  of  the  whole  work 
being  more  than  42  metres  in  an  east  and  west  line,  with  the  entrance  at  the  west. 
On  a  mound  at  the  east  side  are  two  large  slabs,  concerning  which  there  was  some 
discussion,  Dr.  Baudouin  maintaining  that  one  was  a  fallen  "  menhir  indicatif,"  and 
others  suggesting  that  both  were  slabs  for  roofing  in  some  other  hypogee  which  had 
been  abandoned  on  the  way  to  it. 

At  a  short  distance  from  this  tomb  and  mound  is  the  Dolmen  de  Coutignargues, 
the  side  walls  of  which  are  of  dry  masonry,  while  the  end  is  a  large  single  unshaped 
stone,  and  the  allee  was  covered  by  similar  stones  ;  it  was  enclosed  in  a  tumulus, 
on  which  a  menhir  formerly  stood  ;  the  axis  is  east  and  west,  the  entry  being  at 
the  west ;  the  whole  length  of  the  structure  was  about  25  feet,  and  its  breadth 
•l.j  feet,  the  stone  at  the  east  end  is  6  feet  high.  It  was  described  to  the  Congress 
a>  a  transition  monument,  intermediate  between  the  allee  couverte  and  vaulted  types, 
but  oriented  like  the  hypogees  in  the  neighbourhood. 

Quite  near  to  this  dolmen  is  the  Grotte  Bounias,  a  hypogee  like  that  already 
described,  but  smaller,  being  only  19  metres  in  length  ;  it  has  an  arched  entry  but 
no  side  chambers. 

Further  on  is  another  hypogee,  called  the  Grotte  de  la  Source ;  it  also  is  a 
trench  cut  in  the  soft  stone,  and  roofed  with  large  slabs  shaped  to  some  extent,' 
some  of  which  have  cup  marks.  The  chamber  thus  formed  is  about  36  feet  long, 
9  feet  high  ;  and  7  feet  wide  ;  it  had  stairs  cut  down  to  it,  and  a  low  arched  entry. 
The  whole  length  of  the  structure  is  given  as  16*60  metres. 

At  a  short  distance  further  is  the  Grotte  du  Castellet,  another  hypogee  of  similar 
construction,  18-10  metres  long  in  all.  In  this  were  found  the  remains  of  more 
than  one  hundred  bodies,  two  gold  objects,  a  great  number  of  stone  beads,  more 
than  thirty  arrow  or  javelin  heads,  one  of  which  was  fixed  in  a  human  vertebra, 
and  some  pottery  and  other  objects,  including  a  cup  and  a  goblet  of  the  kind  called 
"  caliciform,"  which  in  the  south  of  France,  as  in  Portugal  and  Sicily,  belongs  to 
the  earliest  bronze  period.  These  valuable  discoveries  were  made  in  1876  by  Messrs. 
Cartailhac,  Cazalis  de  Fondouce,  and  Iluart.  Altogether  five  of  these  hypogee  tombs 
ha  ye.  been  found,  all  of  which  have  their  entrances  at  the  west,  in  regard  to  which 
Dr.  Marcel  Baudouin  has  said  :  "  As  these  hypogees  are  oriented  to  the  west — that  is 
"  to  say,  in  a  direction  contrary  to  the  dolmens  and  true  alle'es  couvertes — they  cannot 
"  be  of  the  same  period,  nor  belong  to  the  same  civilisation.  Moreover,  their  contents 
"  are  of  the  copper  age  of  the  Mediterranean  centre  :  we  have  nothing  like  them  in  the 
"  west  of  France.  It  is  difficult  to  say  positively  that  they  are  a  little  later  than  the 
"  megalithic  structures  ;  but  everything  points  in  that  direction  [contents  not  exclu- 
neolithic,  megaliths  in  transition  (Coutignargues,  &c.),  orientation  different."]* 
*  Bulletin  de  la  Societe  2>rehistorique  Fran  false,  1911,  p.  309. 
[  199  ] 


Nos.  107-108.]  MAN,  [1912. 

Whether  later  than  other  megalithic  structures  in  France  or  not,  these  hypogee 
tombs  are  another  and  very  distinct  variety  to  be  added  to  those  which  I  have  spoken 
of  here  on  former  occasions,  and  yet  not  so  different  as  to  be  altogether  out  of  the 
class  of  megalithic  monuments,  for,  though  it  is  easy  enough  to  distinguish  between 
a  hypogee  tomb  and  an  ordinary  dolmen,  it  is  difficult  to  draw  a  line  between  the 
dolmen  of  Coutignargues  and  most  other  dolmens  on  the  one  hand,  and  between  it 
and  the  hypogee  tombs  on  the  other.  It  may,  indeed,  in  some  points  be  difficult  to 
draw  a  hard-and-fast  line  between  any  sort  of  megalithic  structure  and  any  other, 
because  of  the  connecting  links  of  purpose  and  construction  between  them.  The 
Inverness  and  Aberdeen  circles,  though  widely  differing  from  each  other  and  from 
all  others,  were  both  primarily  sepulchral,  and  in  their  respective  localities  take  the 
place  of  dolmens,  which  are  not  found  there,  though  they  are,  on  the  other  hand, 
plentiful  in  other  places  where  circles  are  scarce.  In  many  other  circles  in  Britain, 
however,  there  is  no  evidence  of  burial  as  a  primary  object,  and  very  strong 
presumption  in  favour  of  their  having  been  set  up  for  other  purposes.  Again,  the 
resemblance  between  the  New  Grange  monument  in  Ireland  (and  I  may  add  the 
Inverness  circles,  which  are  very  like  it  on  a  small  scale)  and  some  prehistoric 
buildings  in  Greece  has  often  been  remarked.  In  consequence  of  the  great  variety 
and  intermixture  of  forms  it  seems  impossible  to  select  any  one  type  of  monument 
and  to  say  that  wherever  it  is  found  it  has  been  the  work  of  some  one  migrating  or 
invading  race,  though  the  influence  of  one  race  upon  another  by  individual  travellers 
may  have  been  considerable.  It  seems,  on  the  contrary,  necessary  to  regard  megalithic 
construction  as  a  whole,  and  as  the  product  of  a  phase  of  civilization  common  to  many 
though  not  to  all  races  ;  not  to  all,  for  there  are  places  where  megalithic  monuments 
are  not  known  to  exist,  and  perhaps,  for  some  reason  or  other,  never  did  exist ;  but 
these  places  are,  possibly,  neither  so  numerous  nor  so  extensive  as  has  been  supposed  ; 
the  south-east  of  Europe,  for  instance,  has  been  mentioned  as  one  of  them,  but 
W.  C.  Borlase  (Dolmens  of  Ireland,  pp.  508-511)  gives  an  account,  with  illustra- 
tions, of  some  in  Bulgaria,  on  the  authority  of  V.  Radimsky,*  who  says  that  in  the 
Sakar  Planina,  in  the  district  of  Gerdeme,  north  of  Adrianople,  there  are  remains 
of  no  less  than  sixty  dolmens,  together  with  a  stone  circle,  and  some  other  objects. 
Borlase,  I  may  add,  remarks  on  the  resemblance  between  the  ancient  camps  and 
"  certain  bronze  implements,  ornaments,  and  fictilia,"  in  Ireland  and  Bosnia  and 
Herzegovina.  A.  L.  LEWIS. 

England :  Archaeology.  Cunning-ton. 

The  Discovery  of  a  Skeleton  and   "Drinking  Cup"  at  Avebury.     4 HO 

By  Mrs.  M.  E.   Cunning t on.  lUO 

It  will,  perhaps,  be  remembered  that  one  of  the  standing  stones  at  Avebury 
fell  on  December  2nd,  1911.  The  stone  is  one  of  the  two  remaining  of  the  three 
stones  that  are  believed  to  have  once  formed  a  cell,  or  cove,  at  the  site  of  the 
Beckhampton,  or  western  avemie,  that  issued  from  the  great  circle  of  Avebury.  The 
third  stone  fell  and  was  broken  up  many  years  ago.  The  group  is  known  as 
Longstone  Cove,  or  the  Longstones,  but  the  two  remaining  stones  are  now  sometimes 
spoken  of  locally  as  "  Adam  and  Eve,"  the  larger  one,  Adam,  being  the  one  that 
fell  in  1911.  The  Wiltshire  Archaeological  Society  decided  to  re-erect  the  stone,  with 
the  object  of  averting  from  it,  as  far  as  may  be,  a  fate  similar  to  that  which  befell 
the  third  member  of  the  group,  on  the  principle  that  a  stone  standing  is  more  likely 
to  be  respected  than  one  fallen. 

Preparatory  to  re-erection  it  was  necessary  to  clear  out  the  hole  in  which  the 
stone  had  stood,  as  it  was  encumbered  with  sarsen  boulders  that  had  been 

*  Die  prahistorischen  Fundstatten auf  Bosnwn  und  die  Hercego-vina,  1891,  pp.  130, 131,  145. 

[   '200     ] 


1912.] 


MAN. 


[No.  108. 


originally  used  as  packing  to  help  support  the  great  stone  and  loose  soil,  that  had 
1'omid  its  way  into  the  cavity  when  the  stone  fell.  Mr.  and  Mrs.  B.  H.  Cunnington 
wore  entrusted  by  the  committee  of  the  Wiltshire  Archaeological  Society  with  the 
superintendence  of  this  work,  which  was  done  with  the  aid  of  two  labourers  on 
Mav  24th  and  26th  of  this  year 


When  cleared  the  hole  was 
I  on  ml  to  measure  13^  feet  in 
length,  in  a  direction  from  east- 
south-east  to  west-north-west  ; 
the  hole  widened  out  somewhat 
at  its  easterly  end,  its  greatest 
width  being  6Jr  feet,  while  it  was 
6  feet  wide  in  the  middle,  and 
only  4^  feet  wide  at  the  westerly 
end  :  the  hole  was  3  feet  8  inches 


.-•/- 

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(    (  v  '  J  '  (    v  I    f 

FIG.   I.— SECTION   ACROSS  THE  MIDDLE    OF    THE    HOLE    IN 
WHICH   THE  STONE  STOOD,   SHOWING   THE  RELATIVE  POSI- 
TION OF  THE  BURIAL.      A— A,   THE   AREA   OF  THE  BURIAL  ; 
B,   TOP  OF  CHALK  ;  C,   SOIL. 


deep  measured  to  the  surface  level,  thus  the  soil  being  15  inches  in  depth,  the  stone 
had  stood  only  2  feet  5  inches  in  the  solid  chalk.  The  stone  had  been  packed  round 
with  150  sarsen  boulders  of  various  sizes,  some  of  them  weighing  by  computation 
more  than  a  hundredweight,  It  is  remarkable  that  some  of  these  natter  boulders 

had  been  laid  on  the  floor  of  the 
hole  prepared  to  receive  the  stone. 
A  large  piece  had  split  off  the  stone 
and  was  found  resting  against  the 
southern  wall  of  the  hole  with 
packing  boulders  behind  it  ;  this 
piece  of  stone  was  itself  broken 
across,  and  fell  into  two  pieces  on 
being  moved. 

It  is  difficult  to  see  why  the 
stone  should  have  cracked  after  its 
burial  in  the  ground,  and  it  is 
possible  that  it  was  actually  cracked 
before  ;  if,  on  the  other  hand,  the 
stone  could  have  broken  in  the 
ground  comparatively  recently,  it 
may  have  caused  the  final  collapse 
of  the  stone.  Most  of  the  packing 
boulders  were  found  at  the  eastern 
and  wider  end  of  the  hole,  the 
natural  irregularity  in  the  shape  of 
the  stone'  requiring  a  greater  amount 
of  packing  on  that  side,  to  give  it 
a  firm  support,  than  at  the  other 
angle  of  the  stone. 

A  discovery  that  has  an  im- 
portant bearing  on  the  date  of  the 
erection  of  the  stone,  and  therefore 
presumably  on  the  date  of  the  monument  of  Avebury  as  a  whole,  was  made  in 
removing  the  soil  in  front  of  the  hole  preparatory  to  clearing  it  out.  The  discovery 
was  that  of  the  remains  of  a  human  skeleton  and  fragments  of  a  "  drinking  cup  "  or 
"beaker,"  close  to,  and  immediately  in  front  of,  the  hole  in  which  the  stone  had  stood. 

r  201  ] 


FIG.   2.— "DRINKING-CUP"   OR  "BEAKER"   FOUND 

WITH   SKELETON  AT    FOOT   OF  STONE  AT    AVEBURY. 

(ONE   HALF  NATURAL   SIZE.) 


No.  1C  8.]  MAN.  [1912. 

The  section  here  given  is  drawn  across  the  middle  of  the  hole,  and  shows  how 
very  near  the  burial  must  have  been  to  the  side  of  the  stone  when  standing  ;  this 
section,  drawn  through  the  centre  of  the  hole  at  right  angles  to  its  length,  cuts,  as 
nearly  as  it  was  possible  to  ascertain,  through  the  middle  of  the  burial,  showing 
that  it  was  placed  exactly  in  the  centre  on  the  northern  side  of  the  stone.  (Pre- 
suming that  the  three  stones  of  the  Cove  originally  formed  a  sort  of  triangular 
enclosure,  this  face  of  the  stone  would  have  been  the  inner  one.)  The  burial  had 
been  laid  on  the  level  surface  of  the  undisturbed  chalk,  without  the  slightest  de- 
pression or  hollow  having  been  made  to  receive  it.  The  bones  were  found  to  have 
been  disturbed  and  broken  in  the  ground  so  that  it  was  not  possible  to  ascertain 
accurately  the  original  position  of  the  skeleton,  but  it  Avas  crouched  and  with  the 
head  to  the  east.  With  the  exception  of  a  few  fragments  found  scattered  in  the 
soil  over  a  rather  larger  area,  the  bones  and  pottery  lay  in  a  small  space  of  some 
3  feet  by  2  feet. 

The  soil  at  this  spot  is  at  the  present  time  15  inches  deep,  so  that  the  burial 
must  have  been  a  very  shallow  one,  unless,  as  is  not  impossible,  there  was  originally 
a  slight  mound  banked  up  against  the  stone  that  has  been  levelled  down  by  culti- 
vation. It  appears  that  cultivation  is  quite  enough  to  account  for  the  broken  and 
disturbed  state  in  which  the  burial  was  found  ;  labourers  on  the  spot  stated  that  as 
it  is  not  possible  to  plough  quite  close  to  the  side  of  the  standing  stones  the 
ground  immediately  round  them  is  sometimes  dug  over  by  hand,  and  this  would 
account  for  disturbance  of  the  soil  at  a  rather  greater  depth  than  that  of  ordinary 
ploughing. 

It  is  now  generally  recognised  that  the  "drinking  cup "  type  of  pottery  belongs 
to  the  transition  from  the  neolithic,  or  to  the  earliest  bronze  age  in  Britain,  and 
as  it  seems  clear  that  the  burial  must  have  been  made  at  the  foot  of  the  stone 
after  its  erection,  the  importance  of  the  discovery  with  regard  to  the  date  of  the 
monument  is  considerable.  It  appears  to  be  good  evidence  that  this  stone,  and 
therefore  presumably  the  whole  of  Avebury,  must  have  been  standing  at  least  as 
early  as  the  beginning  of  the  bronze  age  in  England. 

,  The  "drinking  cup"  or  "beaker"  of  which  fragments  were  found  with  the 
bones,  is  a  well-decorated  and  well-made  example  of  the  ovoid  cup  with  re-curved 
rim,  and  must  have  stood  not  less  than  eight  inches  in  height.  The  ware  is  thin 
and  baked  to  a  bright  red  both  on  the  inside  and  outside  of  the  vessel,  showing  the 
grey  paste  in  the  middle  ;  the  paste  is  fine  and  sparingly  mixed  with  sand.  The 
cup  was  decorated  from  rim  to  base  with  a  series  of  horizontal  lines,  alternating 
with  rows  of  herring-bone  pattern,  and  bands  of  the  plain  polished  surface.  The 
horizontal  lines,  and  the  lines  forming  the  herring-bone  pattern,  are  notched,  as  if 
impressed  by  a  notched  or  serrated  tool,  as  is  so  often  the  case  on  this  type  of 
vessel. 

When  the  stone  fell  a  considerable  quantity  of  loose  soil  slipped  into  the  cavity 
among  the  packing  stones  that  were  loosened  at  the  same  time.  A  piece  of  the 
rim  of  the  cup,  together  with  a  small  fragment  of  Samian  ware,  and  pieces  of  a 
modern  glass  bottle,  were  found  in  this  loose  earth.  A  fragment  of  another  decorated 
;*  drinking  cup  "  was  found  two  feet  deep  among  undisturbed  packing  boulders  against 
the  wall  of  the  hole  on  the  opposite  side  to  the  burial.  A  bone  splinter  and  the 
phalange  of  a  sheep  or  goat  were  found  under  a  flattish  boulder  lying  undisturbed 
on  the  floor  of  the  hole.  Several  fragments  of  pottery  that  may  be  Romano-British 
(the  small  piece  of  Samian  ware  found  makes  this  the  more  likely)  were  found  in 
the  soil  round  the  hole. 

The  bones  of  the  skeleton  are  unfortunately  too  incomplete  to  permit  of 
measurement,  but  they  seem  to  have  belonged  to  an  individual  of  medium  size,  and 

[    202    ] 


1912.]  MAN.  [Nos.  108-109. 

of  middle  age.  A  fragment  of  collar  hone  is  stained  green,  apparently  from  contact 
with  some  small  liron/c  object,  Imt  no  fragment  of  the  metal  could  l>e  found.  The 
fragment-  of  pottery  and  the  bones  of  the  skeleton  will  l>e  placed  in  the  Museum 
of  the  Wiitsi.irr  Aivhii'.ilogi.-Hl  Society  at  Devizes.  M.  E.  CUNNINGTON. 


REVIEWS. 
Palaeolithic  Man  and  his  Art.  Sollas. 

AiH'iiiit  Ilinili'i-s  iiii(l  their  Modem  liipresentatives.  By  W.  J.  Sollas, 
D.S.-..  LL.I).,  F.K.S.,  &c.  London  :  Macmillan  &  Co.,  191 1."  Pp.  xvi  +  416. 
Figs.  2.V).  1'rice  12*.  net. 

English  anthropologists  owe  a  debt  of  gratitude  to  Professor  Sollas  for  the  labour 
that  has  been  expended  on  the  production  of  this  book.  For  the  first  time  we  have 
brought  together  in  a  book  written  in  the  English  language  a  reliable  summary  of 
the  evidences  relating  to  the  history  of  palaeolithic  man  that  recent  continental 
investigations  have  brought  to  light. 

From  the  point  of  view  of  the  general  reader  it  is  perhaps  unfortunate  that  more 
is  not  made  of  the  discoveries  that  have  been  recorded  in  this  country.  Although 
bur  own  English  palaeolithic  discoveries  are  less  important  than  those  that  have  been 
made  on  the  continent  of  Europe,  where  material  is  so  much  more  abundant,  yet  much 
good  work  has  been  done  by  men  like  Mr.  Worthington  G.  Smith  and  many  others. 
Still,  although  this  may  fte  a  disadvantage  to  the  general  reader,  who  might  well  be 
instructed  more  fully  in  the  work  of  his  own  countrymen,  it  certainly  has  its  com- 
pensating advantages  to  that  considerable  band  of  amateur  workers  in  "  prehistorics " 
who  already  have  a  more  intimate  knowledge  of  English  discoveries  than  of  those 
that  have  been  made  abroad. 

It  is  particularly  gratifying  at  the  present  juncture  to  find  such  caution  expressed 
upon  many  controverted  questions,  particularly  with  regard  to  the  eolithic  problem 
and  to  the  time-scale  of  the  palaeolithic  epochs.  Upon  the  latter  subject,  namely  that 
of  chronology,  the  author  suggests  an  antiquity  of  12,000  years  for  the  Magdalenian 
epoch  and  apparently  one  of  about  30,000  years  for  the  Acheuleen.  As  Professor 
Sollas  very  wisely  says  :  "  I  think  this  fairly  represents  the  conclusions  which  follow 
"  from  an  impartial  review  of  the  evidence,  but  I  am  by  no  means  so  sure  of  its 
"  truth."  No  suggested  time-scale  can  be  anything  more  than  temporary,  but  such 
moderation  is  certainly  a  Avelcome  corrective  to  the  extravagant  claims  of  antiquity 
that  are  frequently  made.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  geological  processes  of 
river  erosion  and  the  like  went  on  during  the  Pleistocene  Age  at  a  rapid  pace. 
Existing  conditions  in  this  country  give  no  parallel  to  the  formation  of  the  river- 
drifts  ;  existing  conditions  must  therefore  give  a  very  misleading  measure  to  the 
paheolithie  time-scale. 

Professor  Sollas  draws  close  analogies  between  both  the  skull  form  and  the 
culture  of  certain  modern  savages  and  those  of  the  palaeolithic  races.  He  compares 
the  Tasmaniaiis  with  the  earliest  paheoliths  ;  the  Australian  aborigines  with  the 
Moiisterians  :  the  Bushmen  with  the  Aurignacians  ;  and  the  Eskimo  with  the  -Magda- 
lenians.  There  is  much  that  is  illuminating  in  such  comparisons.  Indeed,  it  is  only 
by  the  study  of  the  artefacts  of  modern  savages,  and  by  endeavouring  to  understand 
the  part  that  these  productions  play  in  their  daily  lives,  that  we  can  hope  to  obtain 
a  real  grasp  of  the  meaning  of  those  relics  of  prehistoric  man  which  we  treasure  in 
our  cabinet ~.  At  the  same  time,  there  is  so  much  that  we  do  not  yet  know,  parti- 
cularly with  regard  to  the  racial  types  which  inhabited  Europe  during  the  various 
phases  of  palaeolithic  culture,  that  detailed  comparison  between  any  one  particular 
modern  race  and  any  one  particular  ancient  epoch  in  Europe  is  a  matter  of  very 
great  difficulty. 

[     203     ] 


No.  109.]  MAN.  [1912. 

The  application  of  the  term  "  paleolithic  "  to  the  Australian  aborigines  leads  at 
once  to  difficulties,  as  these  people,  although  palaeolithic  in  the  sense  of  being  hunters 
and  not  agriculturists,  use  axes  of  polished  stone.  It  is  surely  better,  for  the  sake 
of  clearness  and  precision  of  thought,  to  confine  the  use  of  the  term  palaeolithic  to 
those  races  of  men  which  are  associated  with  a  fauna  which  can  be  grouped  as 
pleistocene  for.  the  country  in  which  their  remains  are  found.  "  Palaeolithic "  has 
always  been  understood  to  imply  a  period  of  time,  as  well  as  a  state  of  culture. 
Its  wider  application  to  modern  races  must  be  somewhat  confusing.  This  is  parti- 
cularly the  case  when  the  lithic  culture  of  this  modern  race  is  in  direct  contradiction 
to  the  primary  definition  of  the  term  ;  namely,  that  palaeolithic  implements  are  never 
polished. 

We  are  all — black  men  and  white  men  alike — of  necessity  the  descendants  of  the 
palaeolithic  races  which  formerly  inhabited  various  parts  of  the  world.  Some  races 
have  undoubtedly  remained  more  nearly  in  the  "  palaeolithic  "  stage  than  other  races. 
Or  it  may  be  that,  having  advanced,  they  have  again  fallen  back  ;  time  must  have 
wrought  its  changes.  We  owe  a  debt  of  gratitude  to  Professor  Sollas  for  bringing 
together  the  comparative  evidences  of  similarity  between  modern  races  and  palaeo- 
lithic man.  But  how  far  we  may  be  justified  in  construing  comparison  into  identifi- 
cation is  a  subject  that  may  long  remain  a  matter  of  controversy. 

The  strongest  evidence  for  identification  is  found  between  the  painters  of  the 
cave  frescoes  and  the  Bushmen.  Here  there  are  certairrly  many  points  that  are 
very  suggestive.  Professor  Sollas  argues  that  the  ancestors  of  the  Bushmen  occupied 
the  country  north  of  the  Pyrenees  during  the  Aurignacian  epoch,  and  that  they 
gradually  migrated  to  South  Africa,  leaving  behind  them  the  rock  drawings  of 
Northern  Africa  as  evidence  of  their  former  presence  in  that  area.  Some  rock 
paintings  from  Cognl,  near  Lerida,  on  the  southern  side  of  the  Pyrenees,  are  repro- 
duced. In  the  artistic  treatment  of  the  oxen,  and  of  the  human  beings,  these 
paintings  resemble  Bushmen  work  to  an  extraordinary  degree.  Since  the  publication 
of  Ancient  Hunters,  further  discoveries  on  the  southern  side  of  the  Pyrenees  have 
been  described  by  the  Abbe  H.  Breuil  and  M.  J.  C.  Aguilo  in  L'Anthropologie 
(Vol.  XXII,  1911,  p.  641).  These  consist  of  paintings  on  two  rock-shelters  near 
the  town  of  Albarracin,  and  they  maintain  the  same  style  as  those  previously  described 
from  Cogul  in  Lerida,  and  Calapata  in  Aragon.  This  additional  evidence  that  has 
now  accumulated  concerning  the  rock  frescoes  south  of  the  Pyrenees  may  have  an 
important  bearing  on  Professor  Sollas'  argument. 

The  rock  frescoes  north  of  the  Pyrenees  are  found  in  the  dark  recesses  of  the 
caves,  and  human  beings  are  rarely  represented  and  then  only  in  grotesque  form. 
Those  to  which  allusion  is  now  made  are  found  on  the  back  of  rock-shelters  in  open 
daylight,  and  the  human  beings  are  abundantly  represented.  In  both  of  these 
characters  they  resemble  Bushman  work.  But,  what  is  much  more  important,  the 
general  feeling  and  artistic  style  of  these  more  southern  works  is  absolutely  Bushman 
and  contrasts  strongly  with  the  style  of  the  French  paintings.  The  importance  of 
the  difference  in  the  style  of  art  north  and  south  of  the  Pyrenees  seems  to  have 
escaped  observation,  but  no  one  who  carefully  compares  them  with  each  .other,  and 
with  Bushman  work,  can  doubt  the  fact.  Does  this  represent — to  follow  up  the 
suggestion  of  our  author — the  change  in  the  style  of  art  in  the  same  people  as  they 
migrated  across  the  chain  of  the  Pyrenees  ?  If  so,  it  is  not  a  little  remarkable 
that  their  art  should  change  so  much  in  so  short  a  part  of  their  migration,  and 
should  have  continued  practically  fixed  from  that  time  to  the  present  day  during 
their  long  sojourn  from  Spain  to  South  Africa.  Unfortunately  there  is  as  yet  no 
direct  evidence  to  indicate  the  age  of  the  Spanish  frescoes  of  Cogul,  Calapata, 
Gretas,  and  Albarracin. 

[     204     ] 


1912.]  MAN.  [No.  109. 

It  is  significant  that  Altamira,  on  the  extreme  northern  coast  of  Spain,  should 
group  itself  with  the  French  work,  and  should  show  no  nearer  resemblance  to  that 
of  the  Bushman.  A  certain  amount  of  resemblance  there  is  between  the  art  of  the 
Irishman  and  that  of  the  French  caves,  as  indeed  there  is  between  rock  drawings 
and  frescoes  all  the  world  over.  But  when  one  compares  the  Spanish  works  beside 
the  Bushman,  the  resemblance  is  so  extraordinary  that  one  can  only  ask,  "  What  are 
they  ?"  and  "What  do  they  mean?"  without  as  yet  rinding  a  satisfactory  answer. 
First  and  foremost  we  want  to  know  their  age  ;  but  upon  this  most  important  point 
there  is  as  yet  no  evidence. 

With  regard  to  the  age  of  the  French  cave  drawings,  a  considerable  change  of 
opinion  has  recently  taken  place.  It  was  Originally  believed  that  the  cave  drawings 
were  Magdalenian.  This  view  is  supported  by  their  artistic  style,  which  is  the  same 
as  that  found  in  the  Magdalenian  relic  beds.  It  is  further  supported  by  the  special 
case  of  the  sandstone  lamp  from  the  cave  of  La  Mouthe  described  by  M.  Riviere. 
This  was  found  in  an  undoubted  Magdalenian  deposit  ;  it  had  upon  its  underside  a 
replica  of  a  drawing  of  an  ibex  shown  upon  a  larger  scale  upon  the  walls  of  the 
cave  ;  and  it  apparently  served  to  give  the  necessary  artificial  light  by  which  the 
mural  drawings  could  alone  be  executed  in  the  dark  recesses  of  the  cave.  All  this 
seems  strong  evidence.  On  the  other  hand,  in  the  cave  of  Le  Pair-non-Pair  (Gironde) 
the  paintings  are  partially  buried  under  an  Aurignacian  deposit.  It  has  accordingly 
now  been  concluded  that  all  the  rock  drawings  belong  to  this  earlier  stage.  One 
may  perhaps  be  forgiven  for  still  entertaining  a  suspicion  that  perhaps  the  earlier 
interpretation  is  after  all  the  right  one,  in  spite  of  the  appearances  of  things  at 
Pair-non-Pair.  The  newer  view  certainly  leads  us  into  very  puzzling  complications 
concerning  the  course  of  evolution  of  palaeolithic  art. 

For  my  own  part,  I  cannot  help  thinking  that  there  may  be  something  wrong 
about  the  interpretation  of  the  section  at  Pair-non-Pair.  I  do  not  feel  prepared  to 
abandon  the  theory  of  the  Magdalenian  age  of  the  cave  drawings  in  general,  as  it 
is  supported  by  such  wide  and  varied  evidence,  until  some  fuller  confirmation  of  the 
Pair-non-Pair  evidence  has  been  discovered.  The  recent  revival  of  interest  in  the 
peculiar  Aurignac  style  of  flint  working  is  undoubtedly  justified,  but  there  is  always 
a  tendency  for  the  swing  of  the  pendulum  to  overshoot  the  mark  ;  one  feels  that 
the  Aurignacian  period  is  threatening  to  absorb  much  that  may  not  belong  to  it. 

A  great  deal  of  valuable  information  is  given  upon  the  development  of  the  art 
of  the  palaeolithic  flint  worker.  But,  from  the  point  of  view  of  the  general  reader, 
who  is  not  a  specialist  in  this  study,  the  importance  of  the  difference  between  the 
Levallois  flake  and  the  trimmed  flake  of  true  Le  Moustier  form  is,  perhaps,  not  made 
sufficiently  clear.  In  the  Levallois  flake  the  lateral  facets  on  the  outer  face  were 
made  as  primary  working  on  the  core,  before  the  detachment  of  the  flake,  while  in 
the  true  Le  Moustier  type  the  lateral  facets  represent  secondary  chipping  executed 
after  the  detachment  of  the  flake  from  the  core. 

The  greatest  development  of  the  Levallois  industry,  during  palaeolithic  times,  is 
found  in  the  Upper  Acheulean,  or  Lower  Mousterian,  if  we  prefer  to  draw  the  boundary 
at  a  lower  horizon.  The  present  writer  has,  however,  numerous  Levallois  flakes  in 
his  possession  which  are  earlier  than  this  stage.  In  the  neolithic  age  the  same 
technique  was  sometimes  adopted,  notably  in  the  celebrated  factory  of  Pressigny-le- 
Grande.  The  present  writer  also  has  a  Levallois,  or  "  turtle-back  "  core,  which  he 
found  in  the  Lea  Valley  in  1896.  This  was  probably  the  first  example  to  be  found  in 
this  country  ;  in  fact,  with  the  exception  of  the  magnificent  series  more  recently 
discovered  at  Northfleet,  very  few  have  been  found  elsewhere.* 

*••*  Professor    Sollas'  work    is  divided    into  fourteen    chapters.      It    is  confined   to  a 
*  I  have,  however,  some  diminutive  examples,  2J  .to  3  inches  in  diameter,  from  the  Isle  of  Wight. 

[     205     ] 


Nos,  109-110.]  MAN.  [1912. 

consideration  of  the  palaeolithic  culture-stages,  and  of  the  modern  savage  races  which 
show  the  nearest  analogy  with  them.  The  later  prehistoric  times  are  purposely 
excluded. 

In  the  first  chapter  we  have  a  discussion  of  the  Ice  Age,  with  an  admirably  lucid 
account  of  Professor  Penck's  theory  of  glacial  and  inter-glacial  periods.  This  i.^  a 
necessary  foundation  to  much  that  follows  in  the  book,  particularly  of  the  relation  of 
early  man  to  the  glacial  period,  and  also  to  the  problems  of  chronology  that  are 
discussed  in  the  final  chapter  of  the  book. 

In  the  next  chapter  the  characters  of  Pithecanthropus  erectus  and  of  the  jaw 
of  Homo  heidclbergensis  are  ably  and  clearly  set  forth.  Following  this  is  a  short 
critical  history  of  the  eolithic  controversy  :  the  views  of  the  present  writer  being  fairly 
well  known  upon  this  stormy  subject,  he  will  refrain  from  entering  more  fully  upon 
it  here.  The  fourth  chapter  is  devoted  to  an  account  of  the  Tasmanians,  and  to  the 
affinities  of  their  lithic  industry,  which  is  so  frequently  claimed  to  be  "eolithic." 

In  this  chapter  Professor  Sollas  proposes  a  new  name  for  the  characteristic 
implement  of  palaeolithic  times.  In  French  this  was  formerly  called  a  "  hache,"  and 
is  now  usually  spoken  of  by  the  somewhat  clumsy  name  of  a  "  coup  de  poing."  In 
honour  to  the  memory  of  Boucher  de  Perthes,  our  author  proposes  that  this  implement 
should  be  called  a  "  boucher."  We  might  well  adopt  this  suggestion  if  it  be  not 
a  slight  to  our  own  countrymen,  Conyers  and  John  Frere. 

The  fifth  chapter,  after  opening  with  a  discussion  on  palaeolithic  stratigraphy,  intro- 
duces us  into  the  heart  of  our  subject,  into  which  we  need  not  further  enter  here. 

In  a  subject  of  this  nature  where  science  is  pushing  her  way  from  the  known 
into  the  unknown,  there  are,  as  there  must  be,  numerous  points  upon  which  there 
may  be  differences  of  opinion. 

In  conclusion  one  would  like  to  say  that  there  is  one  point  upon  which  no 
difference  of  opinion  is  permissible  ;  and  this  is  upon  the  value  of  the  book  that  is 
before  us,  with  its  profuse  and  well-chosen  illustrations.  It  is  indispensable  to  every 
student  of  prehistoric  man,  while  the  ease  and  fluency  of  its  style  enable  it  to  appeal 
to  a  wider  public.  S.  HAZZLEDINE  WARREN. 


Bismarck  Archipelago :  Ethnology  &  Linguistics.  Friederici. 

fVissenschaftliche  Ergebnisse  einer  amtlichen  Forschungsreise  nach  dem  4 4  A 
Bismarck- Archipel  im  Jahre,  1908.  Beitrage  zur  Vdlker-und  Sprachenkunde  IIU 
von  Deutsch  Neuguinea.  Von  Dr.  Georg  Friederici,  Hauptmann,  A.  D.  mit  33 
Abbildungen  auf  4  Tabeln  and  1  Karte.  Wissenschaftliche  Beiheft  zum  Deutschen 
Kolonial  Blatte.  Mitteilungeu  aus  den  Deutschen  Schutzgebieten.  Erganzungheft. 
Nr.  5,  Berlin,  1912. 

This  is  the  second  volume  of  the  reports  of  an  expedition  undertaken  by 
Dr.  Friederici  and  Dr.  Sapper  under  the  auspices  of  the  "  Hanseatic  South  Sea 
Syndicat,"  chiefly  in  New  Mecklenburg.  It  was  written  by  Dr.  Friederici,  and  is 
not  confined  to  New  Mecklenburg  alone,  but  forms  a  valuable  contribution  to  the 
ethnology,  not  only  of  the  Bismarck  Archipelago,  but  in  some  aspects  also  of 
the  Oceanic  people  in  general.  It  will,  doubtless,  become  the  standard  authority 
on  this  part  of  the  Pacific.  The  aiitbor  makes  an  extensive  use  of  linguistics 
throughout  his  volume,  for,  as  he  remarks  towards  the  end,  it  is  impossible  lo 
gain  reliable  results  in  ethnography  and  cultural  history  and  neglect  the  languages. 
He  opens  with  an  account  of  the  history  of  discovery  in  German  New  Guinea, 
in  which  he  takes  occasion  to  prove  that  the  earliest  vocabularies  from  this  part 
of  the  world,  collected  by  Le  Maire,  and  said  to  have  come  from  New  Guinea, 
really  came  from  New  Mecklenburg  (New  Ireland).  This  had  only  been  suggested 

[    206    ] 


1912.]  MAN.  [No.  110. 

I iy  I  IK-  present  writer,  but  Dr.  Fricderici,  with  his  fuller  information,  -hows  that 
Lemaire's  so-called  New  Guinea  vocabulary  is  almost  identical  with  that  of  Nokon 
in  South  New  Mecklenburg.  He  also  shows  that  the  Moyse  Island  vocabulary  <of 
Le  Maire  represents  mainly  the  dialect  of  Kowamerara  in  the  Tabar  I>lands.  on"  the 
middle  east  coast  of  New  Mecklenburg. 

The  ethnographical  account  deals  mainly  with  the  people  of  West  New  Pommcrn 
(the  Kilenge,  Barriai,  Talasea,  and  Kobe),  and  chiefly  relates  to  the  Barriai.  All 
these  coast  people  appear  from  a  linguistic  point  of  view  to  be  Melanesian.  The, 
descriptions  of  houses,  implements,  and  weapons  are  treated  throughout  in  a  com- 
parative method  with  reference  to  the  names  in  Indonesia  and  Melanesia,  and  this 
part  is  illustrated  by  numerous  woodcuts  in  the  text.  One  misses,  however,  the 
discussion  of  kinship  with  its  attendant  duties  and  privileges,  and  in  the  account  of 
string  figures,  the  method  of  forming  them  is  not  indicated.  The  comparison  of 
names  is  of  much  interest,  and  shows  in  the  case  of  several  Instrumental  very  remark- 
able uniformity.  Thus  one  name  for  "bow"  (busur,  usu,  &c.)  is  shown  to  extend 
in  an  unbroken  line  from  the  Malay  Peninsula  to  the  borders  of  Polynesia.  The 
shield  has  the  same  name  in  Northern  Celebes  and  the  Bismarck  Archipelago,  and  the 
spear  of  New  Mecklenburg  is  indicated  there  by  the  same  word  as  in  New  Guinea 
and  the  New  Hebrides. 

At  pages  167-185  Dr.  Friederici  gives  a  sketch  of  the  grammar  of  the  Barriai 
language,  followed  by  a  Barriai-German  vocabulary  and  a  close  examination  of  the 
word  store  as  compared  with  other  languages.  This  is  a  valuable  treasury  of 
Oceanic  words  containing  examples  from  the  whole  Oceanic  region,  including  Indonesia, 
Polynesia,  New  Guinea,  and  the  Melanesian  Islands.  From  the  results  of  these 
comparisons,  and  from  the  correspondences  in  implements,  Dr.  Friederici  reaches 
the  important  conclusion  that  the  Barriai  and  related  people  of  the  Bismarck 
Archipelago  in  a  not  far  distant  past  ethnological  period  reached  their  present  settle- 
ments from  a  region  which  may  be  indicated  by  a  line  drawn  from  the  Southern 
Philippines  through  north-east  Celebes  and  the  Moluccas.  The  language  appears 
more  especially  near  to  that  of  the  (so-called)  Alfurs  of  Minahasa.  Also  whilst  the 
Barriai  and  their  relations  were  settling  on  the  west  coast  of  New  Pomuiern,  about 
Vitiaz  Strait,  a  portion  of  the  people  passed  onward  and  established  themselves  in 
the  south-east  peninsula  of  New  Guinea,  whilst  another  branch  seems  to  have  gone 
on' to  the  Solomon  and  New  Hebrides  groups. 

Dr.  Friederici's  conclusion,  it  will  be  seen,  differs  both  from  that  of  Father 
Schmidt,  who  regards  the  Louisiades  as  the  separation  point  of  the  New  Guinea 
and  Island  Melanesians,  and  also  from  Mr.  Churchill,  who  postulates  two  streams  of 
immigration,  one  north  and  the  other  south  of  New  Guinea.  The  chief  difficulty 
appears  when  the  grammar  is  investigated.  The  actual  forms  of  the  Barriai  pronouns 
of  the  singular  number,  for  example,  are  not  common  in  New  Guinea,  though  there  is 
a  good  deal  more  likeness  in  the  plural.  The  genitive  construction  compared  with  that 
in  New  Guinea  shows  the  important  difference  that  the  third  person  singular  posse 
(unlike  the  other  persons)  is  a  prefix  :  abei  i  loarwar,  tree  its  root,  where,  e.g.,  Motu 
would  have  au  badi-na,  tree  root-its,  in  Bugotu  (Ysabel)  na  oga-gna  na  gai,  the  root- 
its  the  tree.  Yet  some  Barriai  genitive  constructions  approach  the  Bugotu,  as,  e.g., 
ai-m  i  temia,  ifoot-thy  its  nail,  and  bag-em  temia,  hand-thy  nail,  in  Bugotu  na 
guugugu  i  kaukaumu,  the  nail  of  finger-thy.  There  is  also  in  Barriai  a  variation 
in  the  possessive  form  as  in  New  Guinea,  according  to  the  kind  of  thing  possessed 
— legn,  lem,  ele,  &c.  (my,  thy,  his),  for  ordinary  possessions,  agii,  am,  (tia,  &c.,  for 
food,  and  the  suffixes  -gn,  -m  (my,  thy),  and  prefix  i  (his)  for  names  of  parts  of  the 
body  and  relationships.  All  the  Barriai  verbal  particles  are  found  in  New  Guinea,  but 
no  language  has  the  set  exactly  the  same  ;  the  second  person  singular  does  not  appear. 

[    207    ] 


Nos.  110-112,]  MAN.  [1912. 

Other  languages  illustrated  by  notes  and  vocabularies  in  this  section  of  Dr. 
Friederici's  work  are  those  of  Kobe,  Nakanai,  Kilenge,  and  Lona  (North  New 
Pommern),  Liebliche  and  Roos  Islands  (on  the  south  side  of  New  Pommern),  Vitu  or 
Franzosische  Islands,  and  various  dialects  of  Paluan,  Lou,  Pak,  Mouk  (Admiralty 
Islands)  and  Graget  (in  Astrolabe  Bay).  Some  of  these  are  Papuan. 

A  further  important  section  of  Dr.  Friederici's  book  is  an  extended  account  of 
Malayo-Polynesian  navigation,  with  especial  reference  to  that  within  the  German 
Protectorate.  This  is  fully  illustrated  by  means  of  136  diagrammatic  woodcuts,  and  by 
a  careful  comparison  in  great  detail  of  the  construction  and  names  of  boats  and  parts 
of  boats  in  the  Pacific,  from  Bali  to  Polynesia. 

Dr.  Friederici  has  produced  a  volume  of  great  value  to  students  of  the  ethnography 
and  philology  of  the  Pacific  races.  SIDNEY  H.  RAY. 


Hinduism  and  Caste.  Sridhar  V.  Ketkar. 

Vol.  I.  The  History  of  Caste  in  India:  Evidence  of  the  Laws  of  Manu  on  \\\ 
the  Social  Conditions  in  India  during  the  Third  Century  A. D.  interpreted  and  III 
examined ;  ivith  an  Appendix  on  Radical  Defects  of  Ethnology.  By  Sridhar  V. 
Ketkar,  A.M.  Ithica,  N.Y.  :  Taylor  and  Carpenter,  1909.  19  X  13  cm. 

Vol.  II.  An  Essay  on  Hinduism,  its  Formation  and  Future.  London  :  Luzac 
and  Co.,  1911. 

It  is  satisfactory  to  find  a  native  scholar  devoting  his  attention  to  the  problems 
of  caste  in  India  and  its  relation  to  Hinduism.  The  author  possesses  considerable 
acquaintance  with  the  native  literature  of  the  subject,  and  he  knows  something  of 
the  work  done  by  European  writers.  Though  his  book  bears  obvious  evidence  of 
defects  of  style  and  want  of  precise  arrangement,  it  contains  some  information  which 
no  student  can  safely  ignore.  Caste  he  defines  to  be  "  a  social  group,  membership 
"  in  which  is  confined  to  those  born  of  members,  and  including  all  persons  so  born, 
"  the  members  being  forbidden  by  an  inexorable  social  law  to  marry  outside  the 
"group" — a  definition  which  might  be  easily  improved  by  the  use  of  the  terms 
current  among  anthropologists.  He  points  out  the  difficulty  of  selecting  any  infallible 
test  of  race,  and,  accepting  with  some  reservations  Sir  H.  Risley's  division  of  India 
into  seven  racial  zones,  he  denies  that  the  evidence  at  present  available  is  sufficient 
to  decide  the  origin  of  these  races.  He  regards  the  whole  population  of  India, 
including  the  Dravidians,  as  members  of  the  Caucasian  race,  the  people  of  the  south 
not  differing  essentially  from  the  Caucasians  of  Europe  save  in  complexion  He  thus 
apparently  tries  to  approach  the  question  of  the  relation  of  the  higher  castes  to  the 
"  untouchable "  outcastes  in  a  more  liberal  spirit  than  that  usually  adopted  by  the 
high-caste  Hindu  ;  but  his  position  on  this  question  is,  perhaps  judiciously,  left  some- 
what vague.  We  cannot,  he  believes,  easily  distinguish  the  descendants  of  the 
Aryan-speaking  invaders  from  the  indigenous  races,  and  he  questions  the  identity  of 
caste  and  race.  In  all  this  there  is  much  which  is  not  so  novel  as  the  writer  seems 
to  believe,  much  which  will  not  meet  with  the  general  concurrence  of  anthropologists. 
The  second  volume  is  in  every  way  more  valuable,  and  the  discussion  of  the  close 
relations  between  religion  and  the  social  structure  are  much  to  the  point.  If  he 
would  condense  and  rearrange  his  material  he  might  produce  a  short  book  which 
would  be  useful  to  students  of  caste  and  Hinduism.  W.  CROOKE. 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  NOTE. 

ON  November  19th  the  Huxley  Memorial  Medal  of  the  Royal  Anthropological  140 
Institute  was  presented  to  Professor  W.  Gowland,  F.R.S.,  who  delivered  a  llfc 
lecture  on  "  The  Metals  in  Antiquity." 

Printed  by  EYBE  AND  SPOTTISWOODE,  LTD.,  His  Majesty's  Printers,  East  Harding  Street,  B.C. 


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